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Collected Materials
for the Study of the War

COMPILED BY
ALBERT E. McKINLEY

PHILADELPHIA

McKINLEY PUBLISHING COMPANY
1918

Introduction

The World War has led to an intense sharpening
of interest among Americans in international rela-
tions and world history. Races, countries, and poli-
cies hitherto almost unknown to the great body of
American citizens, have in a moment become of vital
importance to all. And with this new importance
has come a truly American desire to understand the
significance of the new world movements. Hence,
from the public generally, from students in schools
and colleges, from teachers, lecturers, and conductors
of classes in clubs and camps, has come the demand
for information and interpretation. The aim of the
compiler of the following pages has been to present
in brief compass such materials as will best meet this
demand.

President Wilson's principal addresses in war-
time have been included not only because they pre-
sent the official statements upon the entrance of the
United States into the war and upon the war aims of
America, but also because of their incomparable style
and diction. No condensations or omissions have
been undertaken in any of the addresses. .

In Part II is presented what is by far the best
analysis of the immediate antecedents and principal
events of the war which has yet been prepared. Pro-
fessor Harding has adopted a topical form for his
study of the war, but he has so woven together the
evidence, and accompanied it with such telling quota-
tions that he has made a most interesting narrative.
This outline has already been made the basis of study
in hundreds of classes throughout the country, and it
will soon, doubtless, be adopted on a still wider scale.

Mr. Hoskins. in his Syllabus, in Part III, goes
back to an earlier date in order to get an adequate
background for the present conflict. Beginning with
the Middle Ages he analyzes the steps by which
modern Kurope has come into existence and the man-
ner in which its institutions have developed. Particu-
lar attention is called to the "' problem questions "
given under each topic. These thought-provoking
questions will stimulate any intelligent person into a
new attitude toward historical events and personages.

Next to a demand for information concerning the
historical origins of the war has come that for an
understanding of world geography. Places and dis-
tricts hitherto unnoticed by even well-informed per-
sons have in a day become of world-wide im-
portance. German colonies in distant parts of the
world have been seized by the Allies; battle-lines in
Europe have shifted back and forth; and German
armies have occupied great districts whose very
names previously were hidden within the large bulk
of the Russian state. Geography has helped in an
understanding of the. war by showing racial bound-
aries as well as political ; it lias brought us to realize
the value of physical land and water features in
the conduct of military campaigns; and of the
economic background which has exercised such a
deep influence upon German annexationists. Pro-
fessors Harding and Lingelbach, in Part IV. have

prepared and described a series of maps bearing
upon the military, economic, racial, and political
aspects of the war. To these have been added a
number of outline maps which may be used in depict-
ing further military and political changes.

Professor Butcher, in Part V, has prepared an ex-
tensive critical bibliography of the war. While the
list of seven hundred titles may seem formidable to
some, yet it is so closely sub-divided that the stu-
dent can readily gain an appraisal of the books upon
any phase of the war.

Part VI contains statutes and joint-resolutions
of the Congress of the United States from April,
1917, to May, 1918. The aim has been to include
those laws and parts of laws which show the manner
in which the country has been legally reorganized to
meet war conditions. It cannot be hoped that the
selection of statutes will be satisfactory to all, but
the list has been made as inclusive as space limita-
tions would permit. No attempt has been made to
include all the laws on a given subject, but rather to
pick out typical statutes, from which the reader or
student can gain an idea of the vastly important leg-
islation of the Sixty-fifth Congress. It has been im-
possible, too, to print the full text of the longer
statutes, some of which, like the Revenue Act of
1917, would occupy fifty of the large pages of the
present work. The parts omitted have been indi-
cated in the usual manner (. . .). The sections in-
cluded are those which contain general principles of
legislation; qualifying clauses and sections have in
some cases been cut out. Persons desiring to con-
sult the statutes for legal reasons rather than for
general information or historical facts should read
the official text published in the " Statutes at Large "
or the " slip-laws " of the United States.

What has been said above concerning the laws,
holds true also of the Executive Proclamations in
Part VII. To save space the parts of proclama-
tions which recite a statute or part of a statute have
been omitted, as well as the usual form of subscription
and seal by the President and Secretary.

The material in Parts II, IV, and V of this col-
lection was prepared in co-operation with the Na-
tional Board for Historical Service of Washington,
D. C. It was first published in THE HISTORY
TEACHER'S MAGAZINE for January, March, and
April, 1918, and later reprinted in pamphlet form.
Acknowledgment is cheerfully made of assistance in
the preparation of Part IV received from Professor
G. B. Roorbaeh, Mr. Randolph G. Adams, Messrs.
Henry Holt and Co., the C. S. Hammond Co., and
the Atlantic Monthly Press.

The several parts of this collection have been is-
sued by the publishers in separate pamphlet form
(except that Parts VI and VII are included in one
pamphlet), and these separates may be obtained in
single copies or in quantities for class use where the
adoption of the entire collection is impracticable.

Suggestions for the Use of the Materials

The President's addresses should, in the case of
each, be studied in their entirety. Each should be
comprehended as a complete work of art. But in ad-
dition to this they should be studied in a series with
the purpose to discover (1) the immediate reasons for
the entrance of the United States into the war; (2)
the ultimate purpose of our intervention; (3) the
change from our old policy of isolation (Monroe
Doctrine) ; (4) our wishes concerning the Allies ;
(5) a plan for a better organization .of the world than
i xisted before the war. The text of the addresses
may also be studied in connection with the study-
outlines given in Part II and Part III.

The syllabus prepared by Professor Harding is
designed as the basis for a connected study of the war
and its immediate causes. The successive sections
should be assigned for study and discussion. Mem-
bers of the class or group should look up additional
information in the references accompanying the sev-
eral chapters.

The outline prepared by Mr. Hoskins lends itself
to a more extensive study of the conditions leading up
to the war. It is designed particularly for high
school and college classes in which time is available
to study more in detail the historic development of
the modern world. The outline should be assigned
in brief sections, and pupils should be required to pre-
pare for the exercise by reading in the textbooks and
general works. Their reading may be carried on with
a view to obtaining answers to the " problem-ques-
tions " which the author has inserted under each sub-
topic.

The geography- section should be made the basis
of careful study. Too often students and teachers
are content to use a map simply as a means of refer-
ence to locate a specified place. In addition to such
use, maps should, in class instruction, be made the
basis for propounding and answering definite prob-
lems. Such problems may deal with simple facts of
locations and distances; or they may take up more
subtle questions of the relation of geography to mili-
tary, political, and economical activities. Thus the
map showing the Pangermanist plan of 1895 (page
93) may be contrasted with the races (on colored map
opposite page 92) to be subjugated, or with the map
of the recent territorial redistribution in Russia (page
98). The map of the German drive of March, 1918,
shows the alternate attack upon the center and the
flanks of the Allied position ; it shows also the grad-
ual slowing down of the German advance. A num-
ber of excellent geographical problems are presented
by Professor Lingelbach on page 85.

The bibliography of war literature is inserted in
this volume because it is believed that it will prove
useful not only in designating books fo library pur-
( h.'ise, but also because it gives an impartial valuation
of each volume. Professor Dutcher's bibliography is
the most complete work of this character which has
nppoarrd. With its careful subdivision into topics,
it should be a continual help to the historical scholar.

The United States statutes and proclamations
show the means by which a peaceful nation reorgan-
ized its military system, its trade and industries, and

its finance in order to devote all its energies to win-
ning the war. Such material is somewhat difficult to
use in school and college classes unless the assign-
ments of topics and questions are most carefully made
by the instructor. Occasionally the briefer statutes
may be assigned entire for close study and analysis;
but for the longer documents a more intensive method
should be used. The following suggestions will illus-
trate how these and the other statutes may be so as-
signed to the class that the essential parts of the laws
will not be overlooked by the careless reader.

From the text of the Selective Draft Act (page
137) answer the following questions:

What kinds of organizations and what numbers of each
is the President authorized to raise by paragraphs 1-7 of
Section It Which of these are to be raised by voluntary
enlistment and which by selective draft?

What persons are liable to the draft? Hew are the
drafted persons apportioned among the States ? May a for-
eigner be drafted?

Contrast the bounty provision in Section 3 with the pol-
icy pursued in the Civil War. Which is the more demo-
cratic? Why?

Can you give satisfactory reasons why each of the classes
of persons mentioned in Section 4 should be exempt?

Sketch the organization by which persons are registered
for the draft, and the method by which exemptions are de-
termined.

What official persons may the President call upon for as-
sistance in the draft? What penalties are imposed for re-
fusal or neglect to perform such duty ?

What powers are given to the President to safeguard the
morals of the army?

Compare the text of this Act with the proclamation of
the President for the registration on June 5, 1917 (page
171).

The following topics and problems are based upon
the Act of August 10, 1917 (page 145), giving the
President power to control food and fuel:
Give in brief the purposes of the Act.
What agencies may the President use to enforce the Act?
What limitations concerning contracts are imposed upon
these persons and agencies? Why are these imposed?
What acts are made unlawful by Section 4?
For what classes of acts may licenses be required under
Section 5? What is the advantage of a license system?
Who are exempt from the license system? Why so exempt?
What punishment may be inflicted upon hoarders? What
becomes of the articles hoarded?

What powers does the President possess to seize and to
sell necessaries?

What control does he possess over the prices of neces-
saries, especially wheat?

What restriction does the Act impose upon the manufac-
ture of dicUltal liquors? Does this affect breweries?

When shall the provisions of this Act cease to have
effect ?

Outline the powers of the President over the fuel supply.
State from your own knowledge or other sources how the
food and fuel control has been exercised in your locality.

A similar treatment of the other statutes and of
the Executive Proclamations will bring out the sig-
nificant parts of each document. Only by such means
can a class be led to use with profit legal documents
of this character.

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

CONTENTS

PART I. A SELECTION FROM PRESIDENT WILSON'S ADDRESSES

PAGE PAGE

Address to Senate Upon Terms of Peace in Europe,

January 22, 1917 9

Address to Congress Upon Germany's Renewal of Sub- Address to Congress Upon War Aims and Peace Terms,

marine War Against Merchant Ships, February

3, 1917 11

Address to Congress Advising that War Be Declared
Against Germany, April 2, 1917 13

Proclamation Calling Upon All to Speak, Act, and
Serve Together, April 16, 1917 16

Flag Day Address, June 14, 1917 18

idress to Congress Upon War Aims and Peace Terms,
January 8, 1918 20

Address to Congress Upon German and Austrian Peace
Utterances, February 11, 1918 22

Address Delivered at Opening of the Third Liberty
Loan Campaign, April 6, 1918 26

PART II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR

BY PROFESSOR SAMUEL B. HARDING

PAQ«

I. FUNDAMENTAL CAUSES OF THE WAB 27

I. General Factors; II. Militarism and Arma-
ments; III. Failure of the Hague Conferences;

IV. Special Subjects of International Conflict;

V. Summary and Conclusion.

HISTOIMCAL BACKGBOUND OF THE WAB 30

I. Foundation and Character of the German Em-
pire; II. The Triple Alliance and the Triple En-
tente; III. Three Diplomatic Crises; IV. Bagdad
Railroad and Mittel-Europa ; V. Tripolitan and
Balkan Wars.

III. INDICATIONS THAT GERMANY AND AUSTRIA
PLANNED AN AGGRESSIVE STROKE 32

I. Austria Proposes an Attack on Serbia; II.
Secret Military Report on German Army; III.
Changed Attitude of the Kaiser; IV. German Pub-
lic Opinion; V. Extraordinary Military Measures
of Germany; VI. Conclusion.

IV. THE AUSTRO-SERBIAN CONTROVERSY 36

I. Prior Relations of Serbia, Austria and Rus-
sia; II. The Serajevo Assassination; III. Austrian
Note to Serbia; IV. Serbian Reply; V. Austria
Declares War on Serbia; VI. Conclusions.

V. FAILUHE OF DIPLOMACY TO AVERT WAB 38

I. Outline of Events, July 21 to August 5, 1914;
II. Proposals for Preserving Peace; III. German
Ul*:n™tums and Declarations of War Against
Russia and France; IV. German Responsibility
for the War.

i VI. VIOLATION OF BELGIUM'S NEUTRALITY BRINGS IN
GREAT BRITAIN 40

I. Why Great Britain Was Expected to Stay
Out; II. British Diplomacy and the War; III.
Neutrality of Luxembuij and of Belgium Vio-
lated; IV. Great Britain Enters the War.

VII. THE WAR SPREADS — CHABACTEB OF TH* WAR . . 44

I. Other States Enter the War; II. World-wide
Character of the War; III. Innovations in War-
fare; IV. Examples of German Ruthlessncss and
Violations of International Law; V. Summary and
Expl nation of German Policy.

VIII. THE UNITED STATES ENTERS THE WAR 49

I. Struggle to Maintain Neutrality; II. From

Neutrality to War; III. Summary of Reasons for
Entering the War.

IX. COURSE OF THE WAR 63

I. Campaign of 1914; II. Campaign of 1915;
III. Campaign of 1916; IV. Campaign of 1917.

X. PROPOSALS FOB PEACE; WILL THIS BE THE LAST
WABT 67

I. Summary of States at War in 1917; II.
American Aims in the War; III. Various Peace
Proposals; IV. Will This Be the Last Great Wart

XI. READING REFERENCES . n

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

PART III. A SYLLABUS FOR A COURSE OF STUDY UPON THE
PRELIMINARIES OF THE PRESENT CONFLICT

BY HALFORD L. HOSK.INS

PAGE PAGE

B. DEVELOPMENT OF WORLD PROBLEMS.

BRIEF OUTLINE or SYLLABUS 65

I. Phases of Territorial Expansion 71

A. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND. H- Events Leading to the War 73

I. Origin of the European States 66 Q THE WAR.

II. National Consolidation and Expansion 67 I. Opening Events 76

III. Revolutionary Period in Europe 68 IL The Cour8e of the War 78

III. Prospectus 80

IV. Constitutional Development of the Western

Powers 69 U. BRIEF BIBLIOGRAPHY 81

PART IV. SOME GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR

BY PROFESSOR SAMUEL B. HARDING AND PROFESSOR W. E. LINGELBACH

PAGE PAGE

Bibliography of War Geography 82 The Pangermanist Plan of 1895 93

European Geography and the War 83 The Countries at War 94

Suggestions for Map Study 85 Dates of Declarations of War 94

Topographical Map of Western Theatre of War 86 Eastern and Western Battle Lines, January 1, 1918 . . 96

Topographical Map of Eastern Theatre of War 87 German Drive of March and April, 1918 96

Other War Areas, January 1, 1918 . . 97

Topographical Map of Balkan Region 88

Russian Peace Settlements 98

Topographical Map of Italian Frontier 89

Outline Map of the Western Front 99

Map Showing Areas Producing Coal, Iron and Wheat . 90

Outline Map of Russia 100

Chart Showing Wealth, Population and Armaments .. 91

Outline Map of the Balkan Region 101

Growth of Prussia 92

Outline Map of the Austro-Italian Frontier 102

Subject Nationalities of the German Alliance. .Opposite 92 „ .

Outline Maj/ of Turkey, Egypt and Mesopotamia 103

The Berlin-Bagdad Plan Opposite 93 Outline Map of the North Sea, etc. . . 104

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

PART V. A SELECTED CRITICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PUBLICATIONS
IN ENGLISH RELATING TO THE WORLD WAR

BY PROFESSOR GEORGE M. DUTCH ER

PAGE

1. Bibliography 106 41.

2. Handbooks 106 42.

3. History of the War 106 43.

4. Forecasts of the War 106 44.

5. The Background of the War 107 45.

6. The Diplomatic Rupture 108 46.

7. Polemics, England vs. Germany 109 47.

8. The Warring Nations 109 48.

9. Views of the War by European Neutrals 110 49.

10. Great Britain, Description, History, Policy 110 50.

11. Great Britain, Army and Navy, Preparedness 111 51.

12. Great Britain's Part in the War Ill 52.

13. Ireland Ill 53.

14. British Empire, Future Problems and Policies 112

16. Belgium, History, Description 112 54.

16. Bel ium, German Invasion and Rule 112 55.

17. Belgium, Neutrality and International Law, Dis- 5fl.

cussions 113

18. France 114 57.

19. Italy 114

20. Portugal 114 58.

21. Alsace-Lorraine 114 59.

22. Germany, History 115 60.

23. Germany, Kaiser and Court 116 61.

24. Germany, Government and Conditions 115 62.

25. Germany, Political Thought 116 63.

26. Germany, Political Thought, Criticisms 117 64.

27. Germany, Anthologies of Opinion 117 65.

28. Germany, Weltpolitik 117 66.

29. War-time German Discussions of National Policy . 118 67.

30. Germany, Army, Navy, Secret Service 118 68.

31. Germany, Descriptions in War-time 118 69.

32. Austria-Hungary 119 70.

33. Austria-Hungary, Slavic Peoples 119 71.

34. Balkan 1'eninsula, History Conditions, Problems . 119 72.

35. Balkan Wars, 1912-13 120 73.

36. SerMa, Montenegro, Southern Slavs 120 74.

37. Albania 120 75.

38. Greece 120 73.

39. Ottoman Empire, The Turks 121 77.

40. Bulgaria 121 78.

PAGE

Roumania 121

Poland 121

Russia, History 121

Russia, Ante-Bellum Descriptions 122

Russia, Conditions in War-time 123

Rucsia, Revolution of 1917 123

Africa 123

Jews, Zionism, Palestine 123

The Armenians 123

Persia and the Middle East 124

Far East, China, Japan ' 124

Japanese-American Relations 124

United States, History, Ideals, International Re-
lations 125

United States Preparedness 125

United States, German Intrigue 126

German-Americans, Pro-German Views, and Pro-
paganda 127

United States, Relations and Attitude to War,

1914-17 127

United States, Participant in the War 128

Latin-America, Pan-Americanism 128

The War on the Sea 128

International Law, Neutral Rights 129

Nationality and Its Problems 129

The War and Democracy 130

The R suits of the War, Problems of Peace 130

The War Against War 131

League to Enforce Peace, League of Nations 132

Economic Aspects of the War 133

Women and the War 134

Socialism and the War 134

Interpretations of the War : Philosophical 134

Interpretations of the War: Sociological 134

Interpretations of the War : Political 135

Interpretations of the War: Psychological 135

Interpretations of the War: Ethical and Religious 135
Interpretations of the War: By Men of Letters .. 136

Atlases 136

Pamphlet Series 136

Committee on Public Information : Publications . 136

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

PART VI. STATUTES OF THE UNITED STATES RELATING TO THE

STATE OF WAR

APRIL 6, 1917, TO MAY 20, 1918

PAGE PAG*

Declaration of War with Germany, April 6, 1917 137 War Risk Insurance Act, October 6, 1917 168

Authorization of Taking Over of Enemy Vessels, May Trading with the Enemy Act, October 6, 1917 160

12, 1917 137 Declaration of War with Austria-Hungary, Decem-

Selective Draft Act, May 18, 1917 137 ber 7, 1917 162

Espionage Act, June 15, 1917 141 Act to Provide Housing for Fleet Workers, March

Act to Punish Obstructing Transportation, and Estab- 1, 1918 162

lishing Priorities, August 10, 1917 145 Act to Protect the Civil Rights of Persons in the Mili-

Act Authorizing Control of Food and Fuel, August tary and Naval Establishments, March 8, 1918 163

10, 1917 145 Daylight Saving Law, March 19, 1918 164

Second Liberty Loan Act, September 24, 1917 150 Act to Authorize Control of Transportation Systems,

Act Creating an Aircraft Board, October 1, 1917 151 March 21, 1918 164

War Revenue Act, October 3, 1917 151 War Finance Corporation Act, April 5, 1918 166

Act Permitting Foreign Vessels in Coastwise Trade, Resolution Changing Apportionment of Draft, May

October 6, 1917 158 16, 1918 167

Act to Prevent the Publication of Certain Inventions, Resolution Extending Draft Provisions, May 20, 1918 . 168

October 6, 1917 158 Overman Bill, May 20, 1918 . 168

PART VII. EXECUTIVE PROCLAMATIONS AND ORDERS

APRIL 6, 1917, TO APRIL 10, 1918

PAGE PAQB

Proclamation of State of War and of Alien Enemy Proclamation Announcing the Taking Over of Rail-
Regulations, April 6, 1917 169 roads, December 26, 1917 174

Proclamation Concerning Treason, April 16, 1917 170 Proclamation Calling for Reduction of Consumption of

Proclamation Calling for Registration Under the Draft Wheat and Meat> January 18, 1918 176

171 Proclamation Concerning Exports, February 14, 1918. 176

Proclamation Concerning the Panama Canal, May 23,

Proclamation Directing the Taking Over of Dutch Ves-
sels, March 20, 1918 178

Proclamation Restricting Exports of Coin, September

Explanatory Statement Concerning the Same . 177

7, 1917 172

, Proclamation Concerning the National War Labor

Proclamation Concerning Food Licenses October 8, 1917 173

Proclamation Relating to Second Liberty Loan, Octo- B°ard' AprU 8> 1918 177

174 Priorities List for Supply of Fuel, April 10, 1918 178

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

List of New Materials to be found in the
APPENDIX

PAGE

PRESIDENT WILSON'S PROCLAMATIONS AND' PEACE
NOTES —

Registration Day Proclamation, August 31, 1918 .... 179

Labor Day Proclamation, September 2, 1918 181

Fourth Liberty Loan Address, September 27, 1918 .... 182

Austria's Peace Note, September 15, 1918 184

President Wilson's Reply, .September 16, 1918 186

German Peace Proposal, October (!, 1918 180

President Wilson's Reply, October 8, 1918 186

German Note of October 12, 1918 186

President Wilson's Reply, October 14, 1918 186

PAGE

Austrian Proposal of October 7, 1918 187

President Wilson's Reply, October 19, 1918 187

German Note of October 20, 1918 188

President Wilson's Reply, October 23, 1918 188

SELECTED SOURCE MATERIAL DEALING WITH THE
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE WAR. By Professor

William E. Lingelbach 189-198

EFFECT OF THE WAB ON THE SUPPLY OF LABOR A.ND

CAPITAL. By Professor Ernest L. Bogart 199-201

TERM> OF ARMISTICE, NOVEMBER 11, 1918 202

CHRONOLOGY or THE WAR, 1914-1918 206

I. PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGES.

PART I

A Selection from President Wilson's Addresses

ADDRESS TO THE SENATE, UPON TERMS OF PEACE IN
EUROPE, JANUARY 22, 1917.

Gentlemen of the Senate:

On the eighteenth of December last I addressed
an identic note to the governments of the nations now
at war requesting them to state, more definitely than
they had yet been stated by either group of bel-
ligerents, the terms upon which they would deem it
possible to make peace. I spoke on behalf of hu-
manity and of the rights of all neutral nations like
our own, many of whose most vital interests the war
puts in constant jeopardy. The Central Powers
united in a reply which stated merely that they were
ready to meet their antagonists in conference to dis-
cuss terms of peace. The Entente Powers have re-
plied much more definitely and have stated, in gen-
eral terms, indeed, but with sufficient definiteness to
imply details, the arrangements, guarantees, and acts
of reparation which they deem to be the indispen-
sable conditions of a satisfactory settlement. We
are that much nearer a definite discussion of the
peace which shall end the present war. We are that
much nearer the discussion of the international con-
cert which must thereafter hold the world at peace.
In every discussion of the peace that must end this
war it is taken for granted that that peace must be
followed by some definite concert of power which will
make it virtually impossible that any such catastro-
phe should ever overwhelm us again. Every lover of
mankind, every sane and thoughtful man must take
that for granted.

I have sought this opportunity to address you be-
cause I thought that I owed it to you, as the council
associated with me in the final determination of our
international obligations, to disclose to you without
reserve the thought and purpose that have been tak-
ing form in my mind in regard to the duty of our
Government in the days to come when it will be
necessary to lay afresh and upon a new plan the
foundations of peace among the nations.

It is inconceivable that the people of the United
States should play no part in that great enterprise.
To take part in such a service will be the opportu-
nity for which they have sought to prepare them-
selves by the very principles and purposes of their
polity and the approved practices of their Govern-
ment ever since the days when they set up a new
nation in the high and honorable hope that it might
in all that it was and did show mankind the way to
liberty. They cannot in honor withhold the service
to which they are now about to be challenged. They
do not wish to withhold it. But they owe it to them-
selves and to the other nations of the world to state
the conditions under which they will feel free to ren-
der it.

That service is nothing less than this, to add their
authority and their power to the authority and force
of other nations to guarantee peace and justice
throughout the world. Such a settlement cannot now
be long postponed. It is right that before it comes
this Government should frankly formulate the condi-
tions upon which it would feel justified in asking our
people to approve its formal and solemn adherence
to a League for Peace. I am here to attempt to state
those conditions.

The present war must first be ended; but we owe
it to candor and to a just regard for the opinion of
mankind to say that, so far as our participation in
guarantees of future peace is concerned, it makes a
great deal of difference in what way and upon what
terms it is ended. The treaties and agreements
which bring it to an end must embody terms which
will create a peace that is worth guaranteeing and
preserving, a peace that will win the approval of
mankind, not merely a peace that will serve the sev-
eral interests and immediate aims of the nations en-
gaged. We shall have no voice in determining what
those terms shall be, but we shall, I feel sure, have
a voice in determining whether they shall be made
lasting or not by the guarantees of a universal cove-
nant, and our judgment upon what is fundamental
and essential as a condition precedent to permanency
should be spoken now, not afterwards when it may be
too late.

No covenant of co-operative peace that does not
include the peoples of the New World can suffice to
keep the future safe against war; and yet there is
only one sort of peace that the peoples of America
could join in guaranteeing. The elements of that
peace must be elements that engage the confidence
and satisfy the principles of the American govern-
ments, elements consistent with their political faith
and with the practical convictions which the peoples
of America have once for all embraced and under-
taken to defend.

I do not mean to say that any American govern-
ment would throw any obstacle in the way of any
terms of peace the governments now at war might
agree upon, or seek to upset them when made, what-
ever they might be. I only take it for granted that
mere terms of peace between the belligerents will
not satisfy even the belligerents themselves. Mere
agreements may not make peace secure. It will be
absolutely necessary that a force be created as a
guarantor of the permanency of the settlement so
much greater than the force of any nation now en-
rj.iijed or any alliance hitherto formed or projected
that no nation, no probable combination of nations
could face or withstand it. If the peace presently to
be made is to endure, it must be a peace made secure
by the organized major force of mankind.

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

The terms of the immediate peace agreed upon will
determine whether it is a peace for which such a
guarantee can be secured. The question upon which
the whole future peace and policy of the world de-
pends is this: Is the present war a struggle for a
just and secure peace, or only for a new balance of
power? If it be only a struggle for a new balance
of power, who will guarantee, who can guarantee,
the stable equilibrium of the new arrangement? Only
a. tranquil Europe can be a stable Europe. There
must be, not a balance of power, but a community
of power; not organized rivalries, but an organized
common peace.

Fortunately we have received very explicit assur-
ances on this point. The statesmen of both of the
groups of nations now arrayed against one another
have said, in terms that could not be misinterpreted,
that it was no part of the purpose they had in mind
to crush their antagonists. But the implications of
these assurances may not be equally clear to all —
may not be the same on both sides of the water. I
think it will be serviceable if I attempt to set forth
what we understand them to be.

They imply, first of all, that it must be a peace
without victory. It is not pleasant to say this. I
beg that I may be permitted to put my own inter-
pretation upon it and that it may be understood that
no other interpretation was in my thought. I am
seeking only to face realities and to face them with-
out soft concealments. Victory would mean peace
forced upon the loser, a victor's terms imposed upon
the vanquished. It would' be accepted in humilia-
tion, under duress, at an intolerable sacrifice, and
would leave a sting, a resentment, a bitter memory
upon which terms -of peace would rest, not per-
manently, but only as upon quicksand. Only a
peace between equals can last. Only a peace the
very principle of which is equality and a common
participation in a common benefit. The right state
of mind, the right feeling between nations, is as
necessary for a lasting peace as is the just settle-
ment of vexed questions of territory or of racial and
national allegiance.

The equality of nations upon which peace must be
founded if it is to last must be an equality of rights ;
the guarantees exchanged must neither recognize nor
imply a difference between big nations and small,
between those that are powerful and those that are
weak. Right must be based upon the common
strength, not upon the individual strength, of the
nations upon whose concert peace will depend.
Equality of territory or of resources there of course
cannot be; nor any other sort of equality not gained
in the ordinary peaceful and legitimate development
of the peoples themselves. But no one asks or ex-
pects anything more than an equality of rights. Man-
kind is looking now for freedom of life, not for
equipoises of power.

And there is a deeper thing involved than even
equality of right among organized nations. No
peace can last, or ought to last, which does not recog-

nize and accept the principle that governments de-
rive all their just powers from the consent of the
governed, and that no right anywhere exists to hand
peoples about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if
they were property. I take it for granted, for in-
stance, if I may venture upon a single example, that
statesmen everywhere are agreed that there should be
a united, independent, and autonomous Poland, and
that henceforth inviolable security of life, of wor-
ship, and of industrial and social development should
be guaranteed to all peoples who have lived hitherto
under the power of governments devoted to a faith
and purpose hostile to their own.

I speak of this, not because of any desire to exalt
and abstract political principle which has always been
held very dear by those who have sought to build up
liberty in America, but for the same reason that I
have spoken of the other conditions of peace which
seem to me clearly indispensable — because I wish
frankly to uncover realities. Any peace which does
not recognize and accept this principle will inevitably
be upset. " It will not rest upon the affections or the
convictions of mankind. The ferment of spirit of
whole populations will fight subtly and constantly
against it, and all the world will sympathize. The
world can be at peace only if its life is stable, and
there can be no stability where the will is in rebel-
lion, where there is not tranquillity of spirit and a
sense of justice, of freedom, and of right.

So far as practicable, moreover, every great people
now struggling towards a full development of its re-
sources and of its powers should be assured a direct
outlet to the great highways of the sea. Where this
cannot be done by the cession of territory, it can no
doubt be done by the neutralization of direct rights
of way under the general guarantee which will as-
sure the peace itself. With a right comity of ar-
rangement no nation need be shut away from free
access to the open paths of the world's commerce.

And the paths of the sea must alike in law and in
fact be free. The freedom of the seas is the sine qua
non of peace, equality, and co-operation. No doubt
a somewhat radical reconsideration of many of the
rules of international practice hitherto thought to be
established may be necessary in order to make the
seas indeed free and common in practically all cir-
cumstances for the use of mankind, but the motive
for such changes is convincing and compelling.
There can be no trust or intimacy between the peo-
ples of the world without them. The free, constant,
unthreatened intercourse of nations is an essential
part of the process of peace and of development. It
need not be difficult either to define or to secure the
freedom of the seas if the governments of the world
sincerely desire to come to an agreement concern-
ing it.

It is a problem closely connected with the limita-
tion of naval armaments and the co-operation of the
navies of the world in keeping the seas at once free
and safe. And the question of limiting naval arma-
ments opens the wider and perhaps more difficult

I. PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGES.

question of the limitation of armies and of all pro-
grams of military preparation. Difficult and deli-
cate as these questions are, they must be faced with
the utmost candor and decided in a spirit of real
accommodation if peace is to come with healing in its
wings, and come to stay. Peace cannot be had with-
out concession and sacrifice. There can be no sense
of safety and equality among the nations if great
preponderating armaments are henceforth to con-
tinue here and there to be built up and maintained.
The statesmen of the world must plan for peace and
nations must adjust and accommodate their policy to
it as they have planned for war and made ready for
pitiless contest and rivalry. The question of arma-
ments, whether on land or sea, is the most imme-
diately and intensely practical question connected
with the future fortunes of nations and of mankind.

I have spoken upon these great matters without re-
serve and with the utmost explicitness because it has
seemed to me to be necessary if the world's yearning
desire for peace was anywhere to find free voice and
utterance. Perhaps I am the only person -in high au-
thority amongst all the peoples of the world who is
at liberty to speak and hold nothing back. I am
speaking as an individual, and yet I am speaking
also, of course, as the responsible head of a great
government, and I feel confident that I have said
what the people of the United States would wish me
to say. May I not add that I hope and believe that
I am in effect speaking for liberals and friends of
humanity in every nation and of every program of
liberty? I would fain believe that I am speaking
for the silent mass of mankind everywhere who have
as yet had no place or opportunity to speak their
real hearts out concerning the death and ruin they
see to have come already upon the persons and the
homes they hold most dear.

And in holding out the expectation that the peo-
ple and Government of the United States will join
the other civilized nations of the world in guarantee-
ing the permanence of peace upon such terms as I
have named I speak with the greater boldness and
confidence because it is clear to every man who can
think that there is in this promise no breach in either
our traditions or our policy as a nation, but a fulfil-
ment, rather, of all that we have professed or striven
for.

I am proposing, as it were, that the nations should
with one accord adopt the doctrine of President
Monroe as the doctrine of the world: that no nation
should seek to extend its polity over any other na-
tion or people, but that every people should be left
free to determine its own polity, its own way of de-
velopment, unhindered, unthreatened, unafraid, the
little along with the great and powerful.

I am proposing that all nations henceforth avoid
entangling alliances which would draw them into
competitions of power ; catch them in a net of in-
trigue and selfish rivalry, and disturb their own
affairs with influences intruded from without. There
is no entangling alliance in a concert of power. When

all unite to act in the same sense and with the same
purpose all act in the common interest and are free
to live their own lives under a common protection.

I am proposing government by the consent of the
governed; that freedom of the seas which in inter-
national conference after conference representatives
of the United States have urged with the eloquence
of those who are the convinced disciples of liberty;
and that moderation of armaments which makes of
armies and navies a power for order merely, not an
instrument of aggression or of selfish violence.

These are American principles, American policies.
We could stand for no others. And they are also the
principles and policies of forward looking men and
women everywhere, of every modern nation, of every
enlightened community. They are the principles of
mankind and must prevail.

ADDRESS TO CONGRESS UPON GERMANY'S RENEWAL OF

SUBMARINE WAR AGAINST MERCHANT SHIPS

FEBRUARY 8, 1917.

Gentlemen of the Congress:

The Imperial German Government on the thirty-
first of January announced to this Government and
to the governments of the other neutral nations that
en and after the first day of February, the present
month, it would adopt a policy with regard to the use
of submarines against all shipping seeking to pass
through certain designated areas of the high seas to
which it is clearly my duty to call your attention.

Let me remind the Congress that on the eighteenth
of April last, in view of the sinking on the twenty-
fourth of March of the cross-channel passenger
steamer Sussex by a German submarine, without sum-
mons or warning, and the consequent loss of the lives
of several citizens of the United States who were pas-
sengers aboard her, this Government addressed a note
to the Imperial German Government in which it made
the following declaration:

If it is still the purpose of the Imperial Government to
prosecute relentless and indiscriminate warfare against ves-
sels of commerce by the use of submarines without regard
to what the Government of the United States must consider
the sacred and indisputable rules of international law and
the universally recognized dictates of humanity, the Gov-
ernment of the United States is at last forced to the con-
clusion that there is but one course it can pursue. Unless
the Imperial Government should now immediately declare
and effect an abandonment of its present methods of sub-
marine warfare against passenger and freight-carrying ves-
sels, the Government of the United States can have no
choice but to sever diplomatic relations with the German
Empire altogether.

In reply to this declaration the Imperial German
Government gave this Government the following as-
surance:

The German Government is prepared to do its utmost to
confine the operations of war for the rest of its duration
to the fighting forces of the belligerents, thereby also in-
suring the freedom of the seas, a principle upon which the
German Government believes, now as before, to be in agree-
ment with the Goveuiment of the United States.

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

The German Government, guided by this idea, notifies the
Government of the United States that the German naval
forces have received the following orders: In accordance
with the general principles of visit and search and destruc-
tion of merchant vessels recognized by international law,
such vessels, both within and without the area declared as
naval war zone, shall not be sunk without warning and
without saving human lives, unless these ships attempt to
escape or offer resistance.

" But," it added, " neutrals cannot expect that
Germany, forced to fight for her existence, shall, for
the sake of neutral interest, restrict the use of an
effective weapon if her enemy is permitted to continue
to apply at will methods of warfare violating the rules
of international law. Such a demand would be incom-
patible with the character of neutrality, and the Ger-
man Government is convinced that the Government of
the United States does not think of making such a
demand, knowing that the Government of the United
States has repeatedly declared that it is determined
to restore the principle of the freedom of the seas,
from whatever quarter it has been violated."

To this the Government of the United States re-
plied on the eighth of May, accepting, of course, the
assurances given, but adding,

The Government of the United States feels it necessary
to state that it takes it for granted that the Imperial Ger-
man Government does not intend to imply that the main-
tenance of its newly announced policy is in any way con-
tingent upon the course or result of diplomatic negotiations
between the Government of the United States and any
other belligerent Government, notwithstanding the fact that
certain passages in the Imperial Government's note of the
4th instant might appear to be susceptible of that construc-
tion. In order, however, to avoid any possible misunder-
standing, the Government of the United States notifies the
Imperial Government that it cannot for a moment enter-
tain, much less discuss, a suggestion that respect by German
naval authorities for the rights of citizens of the United
States upon the high seas should in any way or in the
slightest degree be made contingent upon the conduct of
any other Government affecting the rights of neutrals and
noncombatants. Responsibility in such matters is single,
not joint; absolute, not relative.

To this note of the eighth of May, the Imperial
German Government made no reply.

On the thirty-first of January, the Wednesday of
the present week, the German Ambassador handed to
the Secretary of State, along with a formal note, a
memorandum which contains the following statement:

The Imperial Government, therefore, does not doubt that
the Government of the United States will understand the
situation thus forced upon Germany by the Entente- Allies'
brutal methods of war and by their determination to
destroy the Central Powers, and that the Government of
the United States will further realize that the now openly
disclosed intentions of the Entente-Allies give back to Ger-
many the freedom of action which she reserved in her note
addressed to the Government of the United States on May
4, 1916.

Under these circumstances Germany will meet the illegal
measures of her enemies by forcibly preventing after Febru-
ary 1, 1917, in a zone around Great Britain, France, Italy,
and in the Eastern Mediterranean all navigation, that of
neutrals included, from and to England and from and to

France, etc., etc. All ships met within the zone will be-
sunk.

I think that you will agree with me that, in view
of this declaration, which suddenly and without prior
intimation of any kind deliberately withdraws the sol-
emn assurance given in the Imperial Government's
note of the fourth of May, 1916, this Government has
no alternative consistent with the dignity and honor
of the United States but to take the course which, in
its note of the eighteenth of April, 1916, it announced
that it would take in the event that the German Gov-
ernment did not declare and effect an abandonment of
the methods of submarine warfare which it was then
employing and to which it now purposes again to re-
sort.

I have, therefore, directed the Secretary of State to
announce to His Excellency the German Ambassador
that all diplomatic relations between the United States
and the German Empire are severed, and that the
American Ambassador at Berlin will immediately be
withdrawn ; and, in accordance with this decision, to
hand to His Excellency his passports.

Notwithstanding this unexpected action of the Ger-
man Government, this sudden and deeply deplorable
renunciation of its assurances, given this Government
at one of the most critical moments of tension in the
relations of the two governments, I refuse to believe
that it is the intention of the German authorities to do
in fact what they have warned us they will feel at
liberty to do. I cannot bring myself to believe that
they will indeed pay no regard to the ancient friend-
ship between their people and our own or to the sol-
emn obligations which have been exchanged between
them and destroy American ships and take the lives
of American citizens in the wilful prosecution of the
ruthless naval program they have announced their
intention to adopt. Only actual overt acts on their
part can make me believe it even now.

If this inveterate confidence on my part in the so-
briety and prudent foresight of their purpose should
unhappily prove unfounded; if American ships and
American lives should in fact be sacrificed by their
naval commanders in heedless contravention of the
just and reasonable understandings of international
law and the obvious dictates of humanity, I shall take
the liberty of coming again before the Congress, to
ask that authority be given me to use any means that
may be necessary for the protection of our seamen
and our people in the prosecution of their peaceful
and legitimate errands on the high seas. I can do
nothing less. I take it for granted that all neutral
governments will take the same course.

We do not desire any hostile conflict with the Im-
perial German Government. We are the sincere
friends of the German people and earnestly desire to
remain at peace with the Government which speaks
for them. We shall not believe that they are hostile
to us unless and until we are obliged to believe it ; and
we purpose nothing more than the reasonable defense
of the undoubted rights of our people. We wish to
serve no selfish ends. We seek merely to stand true

I. PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGES.

alike in thought and in action to the immemorial prin-
ciples of our people which I sought to express in my
address to the Senate only two weeks ago — seek
merely to vindicate our right to liberty and justice
and an unmolested life. These are the bases of peace,
not war. God grant we may not be challenged to de-
fend them by acts of wilful injustice on the part of
the Government of Germany!

ADDRESS TO CONGRESS ADVISING THAT WAR BE
DECLARED AOAINST GERMANY, APRIL 2, 1917.

Gentlemen of the Congrets:

I have called the Congress into extraordinary ses-
sion because there are serious, very serious, choices of
policy to be made, and made immediately, which it
was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that
I should assume the responsibility of making.

On the third of February last I officially laid
before you the extraordinary announcement of the
Imperial German Government that on and after the
first day of February it was its purpose to put aside
all restraints of law or of humanity and -use its sub-
marines to sink every vessel that sought to approach
either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the
western coasts of Europe or any of the ports con-
trolled by the enemies of Germany within the Medi-
terranean. That had seemed to be the object of the
German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but
since April of last year the Imperial Government had
somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea
craft in conformity with its promise then given to us
that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due
warning would be given to all other vessels which its
submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance
was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that
their crews were given at least a fair chance to save
their lives in their open boats. The precautions taken
were meagre and haphazard enough, as was proved in
distressing instance after instance in the progress of
the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree
of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept
every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, what-
ever their flag, their character, their cargo, their des-
tination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the
bottom without warning and without thought of help
or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendly
neutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hos-
pital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely be-
reaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the
latter were provided with safe conduct through the
proscribed areas by the German Government itself
and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of
identity, have been sunk with the same reckless lack
of compassion or of principle.

I was for a little while unable to believe that such
things would in fact be done by any government that
had hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of
civilized nations. International law had its origin
in the attempt to set up some law which would be re-
spected nnd observed upon the seas, where no nation
had right of dominion and where lay the free high-

ways of the world. By painful stage after stage has
that law been built up, with meagre enough results,
indeed, after all was accomplished that could be ac-
complished, but always with a clear view, at least,
of what the heart and conscience of mankind de-
manded. This minimum of right the German Govern-
ment has swept aside under the plea of retaliation
and necessity and because it had no weapons which
it could use at sea except these which it is impossible
to employ as it is employing them without throwing
to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect
for the understandings that were supposed to underlie
the intercourse of the world. I am not now thinking
of the loss of property involved, immense and serious
as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale de-
struction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women,
and children, engaged in pursuits which have always,
even in the darkest periods of modern history, been
deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be
paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people
cannot be. The present German submarine warfare
against commerce is a warfare against mankind.

It is a war against all nations. American ships
have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which
it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships
and people of other neutral and friendly nations have
been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same
way. There has been no discrimination. The chal-
lenge is to all mankind. Each nation must decide for
itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for
ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel
and a temperateness of judgment befitting our char-
acter and our motives as a nation. We must put ex-
cited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge
or the victorious assertion of the physical might of
the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human
right, of which we are only a single champion.

When I addressed the Congress on the twenty-sixth
of February last I thought that it would suffice to
assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use
the seas against unlawful interference, our right to
keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But
armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable.
Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used
as the German submarines have been used against
merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships
against their attacks as the law of nations has as-
sumed that merchantmen would defend themselves
against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving
chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence in
such circumstances, grim necessity, indeed, to en-
deavor to destroy them before they have shown their
own intention. They must be dealt with upon sight,
if dealt with at all. The German Government denies
the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the
areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the
defense of rights which no modern publicist has ever
before questioned their right to defend. The intima-
tion is conveyed that the armed guards which we have
placed on our merchant ships will be treated as be-
yond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as
pirates would be. Armed neutrality is ineffectual

1-1

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face
of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual; it is
likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent;
it is practically certain to draw us into the war with-
out either the rights or the effectiveness of belliger-
ents. There is one choice we cannot make, we are in-
capable of making: we will not choose the path of
submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our
nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The
wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no
common wrongs: they cut to the very roots of human
life.

With a profound sense of the solemn and even
tragical character of the step I am taking and of the
grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesi-
tating obedience to what I deem my constitutional
duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent
course of the Imperial German Government to be in
fact nothing less than war against the government and
people of the United States; that it formally accept
the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust
upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to
put the country in a more thorough state of defense
but also to exert all its power and employ all its re-
sources to bring the Government of the German Em-
pire to terms and end the war.

What this will involve is clear. It will involve the
utmost practicable co-operation in counsel and action
with the governments now at war with Germany, and,
as incident to that, the extension to those governments
of the most liberal financial credits, in order that our
resources may so far as possible be added to theirs.
It will involve the organization and mobilization of all
the material resources of the country to supply the
materials of war and serve the incidental needs of
the nation in the most abundant and yet the most
•economical and efficient way possible. It will involve
the immediate full equipment of the navy in all re-
spects but particularly in supplying it with the best
means of dealing with the enemy's submarines. It
will involve the immediate addition to the armed
forces of the United States already provided for by
law in case of war at least five hundred thousand men,
who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the princi-
ple of universal liability to service, and also the au-
thorization of subsequent additional increments of
equal force so soon as they may be needed and can
be handled in training. It will involve also, of course,
the granting of adequate credits to the Government,
sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be
sustained by the present generation, by well conceived
taxation.

I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxa-
tion because it seems to me that it would be most un-
wise to base the credits which will now be necessary
entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, I most
respectfully urge, to protect our people so far as we
may against the very serious hardships and evils
which would be likely to arise out of the inflation
which would be produced by vast loans.

In carrying out the measures by which these things
are to be accomplished we should keep constantly in

mind the wisdom of interfering as little as possible in
our own preparation and in the equipment of our own
military forces with the duty — -for it will be a very
practical duty- — of supplying the nations already at
war with Germany with the materials which they can
obtain only from us or by our assistance. They are
in the field and we should help them in every way to
be effective there.

I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the
several executive departments of the Government, for
the consideration of your committees, measures for
the accomplishment of the several objects I have men-
tioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal
with them as having been framed after very careful
thought by the branch of the Government upon which
the responsibility of conducting the war and safe-
guarding the nation will most directly fall.

While we do these things, these deeply momentous
things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all
the world what our motives and our objects are. My
own thought has not been driven from its habitual
and normal course by the unhappy events of the last
two months, and I do not believe that the thought of
the nation has been altered or clouded by them. I
have exactly the same things in mind now that I had
in mind when I addressed the Senate on the twenty-
second of January last; the same that I had in mind
when I addressed the Congress on the third of Feb-
ruary and on the twenty-sixth of February. Our ob-
ject now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of
peace and justice in the life of the world as against
selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst
the really free and self-governed peoples of the world
such a concert of purpose and of action as will hence-
forth ensure the observance of those principles. Neu-
trality is no longer feasible or desirable where the
peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its
peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom
lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed
by organized force which is controlled wholly by their
will, not by the will of their people. We have seen
the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are
at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted
that the same standards of conduct and responsibility
for wrong done shall be observed among nations and
their governments that are observed among the indi-
vidual citizens of civilized states.

We have no quarrel with the German people. We
have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy
and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that
their government acted in entering this war. It was
not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was
a war determined upon as wars used to be determined
upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were
nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were pro-
voked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of
little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed
to use their fellow men as pawns and tools. Self-
governed nations do not fill their neighbor states
with spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about
some critical posture of affairs which will give them
an opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such

I. PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGES.

designs can be successfully worked out only under
cover and where no one has the right to ask ques-
tions. Cunningly contrived plans of deception or
aggression, carried, it may be, from generation to gen-
t-ration, can be worked out and kept from the light
only within the privacy of courts or behind the care-
fully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged
class. They are happily impossible where public
opinion commands and insists upon full information
concerning all the nation's affairs.

A steadfast concert for peace can never be main-
tained except by a partnership of democratic nations.
No autocratic government could be trusted to keep
faith within it or observe its covenants. It must be
a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue
would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner cir-
cles who could plan what they would and render ac-
count to no one would be a corruption seated at its
very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose
and their honor steady to a common end and prefer
the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of
their own.

Does not every American feel that assurance has
been added to our hope for the future peace of the
world by the wonderful and heartening things that
have been happening within the last few weeks in
Russia ? Russia was known by those who knew it
best to have been always in fact democratic at heart,
in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the inti-
mate relationships of her people that spoke their nat-
ural instinct, their habitual attitude towards life. The
autocracy that crowned the summit of her political
structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the
reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin,
character, or purpose ; and now it has been shaken off
and the great, generous Russian people have been
added in all their native majesty and might to the
forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for
justice, and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a
League of Honor.

One of the things that has served to convince ns
that the Prussian autocracy was not and could never
be our friend is that from the very outset of the pres-
ent war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and
even our offices of government with spies and set
criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our na-
tional unity of counsel, our peace within and without,
our industries and our commerce. Indeed, it is now
evident that its spies were here even before the war
began; and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture
but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the
intrigues which have more than once come perilously
near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the in-
dustries of the country have been carried on at the
instigation, with the support, and even under the per-
sonal direction of official agents of the Imperial Gov-
ernment accredited to the Government of the United
States. Even in checking these things and trying to
extirpate them we have sought to put the most gener-
ous interpretation possible upon them because we
knew that their source lay, not in any hostile feeling
or purpose of the German people towards us (who

were, no doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves
were), but only in the selfish designs of a Govern-
ment that did what it pleased and told its people noth-
ing. But they have played their part in serving to
convince us at last that that Government entertains
no real friendship for us and means to act against our
peace and security at its convenience. That it means
to stir up enemies against us at our very doors the in-
tercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City
is eloquent evidence.

We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose
because we know that in such a government, follow-
ing such methods, we can never have a friend; and
that in the presence of its organized power, always
lying in wait to accomplish we know not what pur-
pose, there can be no assured security for the demo-
cratic governments of the world. We are now about
to accept gauge of battle with this natural foe to lib-
erty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of
the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its
power. We are glad, now that we see the facts with
no veil of false pretence about them, to fight thus for
the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation
of its peoples, the German peoples included; for the
rights of nations great and small and the privilege of
men everywhere to choose their way of life and of
obedience. The world must be made safe for democ-
racy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested
foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish
ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion.
We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material
compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make.
We are but one of the champions of the rights of man-
kind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have
been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of
nations can make them.

Just because we fight without rancor and without
selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what
we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall,
I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents
without passion and ourselves observe with proud
punctilio the principles of right and of fair play we
profess to be fighting for.

I have said nothing of the governments allied with
the Imperial Government of Germany because they
have not made war upon us or challenged us to de-
fend our right and our honor. The Austro-Hun-
garian Government has, indeed, avowed its unquali-
fied endorsement and acceptance of the reckless and
lawless submarine warfare adopted now without dis-
guise by the Imperial German Government, and it
has therefore not been possible for this Government
to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recently
accredited to this Government by the Imperial and
Royal Government of Austria-Hungary; but that
Government has not actually engaged in warfare
against citizens of the United States on the seas, and
I take the liberty, for the present at least, of post-
poning a discussion of our relations with the authori-
ties at Vienna. We enter this war only where we are
clearly forced into it because there are no other means
of defending our rights.

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves
as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness
because we act without animus, not in enmity towards
a people or with the desire to bring any injury or dis-
advantage upon them, but only in armed opposition
to an irresponsible government which has thrown
aside all considerations of humanity and of right and
is running amuck. We are, let me say again, the sin-
cere friends of the German people, and shall desire
nothing so much as the early re-establishment of inti-
mate relations of mutual advantage between us — how-
ever hard it may be for them, for the time being, to
believe that this is spoken from our hearts. We have
borne with their present government through all these
bitter months because of that friendship — exercising
a patience and forbearance which would otherwise
have been impossible. We shall, happily, still have
an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily
attitude and actions towards the millions of men and
women of German birth and native sympathy who
live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be
proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to
their neighbors and to the Government in the hour of
test. They are, most of them, as true and loyal
Americans as if they had never known any other
fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand
with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may
be of a different mind and purpose. If there should
be disloyalty, it will be dealt with with a firm hand
of stern repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it
will lift it only here and there and without coun-
tenance except from a lawless and malignant few.

It is a distressing and oppressive duty, gentlemen
of the Congress, which I have performed in thus ad-
dressing you. There are, it may be, many months of
fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful
thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into
the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civiliza-
tion itself seeming to be in the balance. But the right
is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for
the things which we have always carried nearest our
hearts, for democracy, for the right of those who sub-
mit to authority to have a voice in their own govern-
ments, for the rights and liberties of small nations,
for a universal dominion of right by such a concert
of free people as shall bring peace and safety to all
nations and make the world itself at last free. To
such a task we can dedicate our lives and our for-
tunes, everything that we are and everything that we
have, with the pride of those who know that the day
has come when America is privileged to spend her
blood and her might for the principles that gave her
birth and happiness and the peace which she has
treasured. God helping her, she can do no other.

PROCLAMATION CALLING UPON ALL TO SPEAK, ACT
AND SERVE TOGETHER.

APRIL 16, 1917.
My Fellow-Country men:

The entrance of our own beloved country into the
grim and terrible war for democracy and human
rights which has shaken the world creates so many

problems of national life and action which call for im-
mediate consideration and settlement that I hope you
will permit me to address to you a few words of
earnest counsel and appeal with regard to them.

We are rapidly putting our navy upon an efficient
war footing, and are about to create and equip a
great army, but these are the simplest parts of the
great task to which we have addressed ourselves.
There is not a single selfish element, so far as I can
see, in the cause we are fighting for. We are fight-
ing for what we believe and wish to be the rights of
mankind and for the future peace and security of the
world. To do this great thing worthily and success-
fully we must devote ourselves to the service without
regard to profit or material advantage and with an
energy and intelligence that will rise to the level of
the enterprise itself. We must realize to the full how
great the task is and how many things, how many
kinds and elements of capacity and service and self-
sacrifice, it involves.

These, then, are the things we must do, and do well,
besides fighting — the things without which mere fight-
ing would be fruitless :

We must supply abundant food for ourselves and
for our armies and our seamen not only, but also for
a large part of the nations with whom we have now
made common cause, in whose support and by whose
sides we shall be fighting;

We must supply ships by the hundreds out of our
shipyards to carry to the other side of the sea, sub-
marines or no submarines, what will every day be
needed there, and abundant materials out of our fields
and our mines and our factories with which not only
to clothe and equip our own forces on land and sea, but
also to clothe and support our people for whom the
gallant fellows under arms can no longer work, to help
clothe and equip the armies with which we are co-oper-
ating in Europe, and to keep the looms and manufac-
tories there in raw material ; coal to keep the fires going
in ships at sea and in the furnaces of hundreds of fac-
tories across the sea; steel out of which to make arms
and ammunition both here and there; rails for worn-
out railways back of the fighting fronts; locomotives
and rolling stock to take the place of those every day
going to pieces ; mules, horses, cattle for labor and for
military service ; everything with which the people of
England and France and Italy and Russia have
usually supplied themselves but cannot now afford the
men,"the materials, or the machinery to make.

It is evident to every thinking man that our indus-
tries, on the farms, in the shipyards, in the mines, in
the factories, must be made more prolific and more
efficient than ever, and that they must be more
economically managed and better adapted to the par-
ticular requirements of our task than they have been;
and what I want to say is that the men and the women
who devote their thought and their energy to these
things will be serving the country and conducting the
fight for peace and freedom just as truly and just as,
effectively as the men on the battlefield or in the
trenches. The industrial forces of the country, men
and women alike, will be a great national, a great

I. PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGES.

international, Service Army — a notable and honored
host engaged in the service of the nation tnd the
world, the efficient friends and saviors of free men
everywhere. Thousands, nay, hundreds of thousands,
of men otherwise liable to military service will of
right and of necessity be excused from that service
and assigned to the fundamental, sustaining work of
the fields and factories and mines, and they will be as
mucli part of the great patriotic forces of the nation
as the men under fire.

I take the liberty, therefore, of addressing this
word to the fanners of the country and to all who
work on the farms: The supreme need of our own
nation and of the nations with which we are co-
operating is an abundance of supplies, and especially
of food stuffs. The importance of an adequate food
supply, especially for the present year, is superlative.
Without abundant food, alike for the armies and the
peoples now at war, the whole great enterprise upon
which we have embarked will break down and fail.
The world's food reserves are low. Not only during
the present emergency but for some time after peace
shall have come both our own people and a large pro-
portion of the people of Europe must rely upon the
harvests in America. Upon the farmers of this coun-
try, therefore, in large measure, rests the fate of the
war and the fate of the nations. May the nation not
count upon them to omit no step that will increase the
production of their land or that will bring about the
most effectual co-operation in the sale and distribution
of their products ? The time is short. It is of the
most imperative importance that everything possible
be done and done immediately to make sure of large
harvests. I call upon young men . nd old alike and
upon the able-bodied boys of the land to accept and
act upon this duty — to turn in hosts to the farms and
make certain that no pains and no labor is Tacking in
this great matter.

I particularly appeal to the farmers of the South
to plant abundant food stuffs as well as cotton. They
can show their patriotism in no better or more con-
vincing way than by resisting the great temptation of
the present price of cotton and helping, helping upon
a great scale, to feed the nation and the peoples
everywhere who are fighting for their liberties and for
our own. The variety of their crops will be the visi-
ble measure of their comprehension of their national
duty.

The Government of the United States and the'gov-
ernments of the several States stand ready to co-
operate. They will do everything possible to assist
farmers in securing an adequate, supply of seed, an
adequate force of laborers when they are most needed,
at harvest time, and the means of expediting ship-
ments of fertilizers and farm machinery, as well as of
the crops themselves when harvested. The course of
trade shall be as unhampered as it is possible to make
it, and there shall be no unwarranted manipulation
of the nation's food supply by those who handle it on
its way to the consumer. This is our opportunity to
demonstrate the efficiency of a great Democracy and
we shall not fall short of it!

This let me say to the middlemen of every sort,
whether they are handling our food stuffs or our raw
materials of manufacture or the products of our mills
and factories: The eyes of the country will be espe-
cially upon you. This is your opportunity for signal
service, efficient and disinterested. The country ex-
pects you, as it expects all others, to forego unusual
profits, to organize and expedite shipments of supplies
of every kind, but especially of food, with an eye to
the service you are rendering and in the spirit of those
who enlist in the ranks for their people, not for them-
selves. I shall confidently expect you to deserve and
win the confidence of people of every sort and sta-
tion.

To the men who run the railways of the country,
whether they be managers or operative employees, let
me say that the railways are the arteries of the na-
tion's life and that upon them rests the immense re-
sponsibility of seeing to it that those arteries suffer no
obstruction of any kind, no inefficiency or slackened
power. To the merchant let me suggest the motto,
" Small profits and quick service;" and to the ship-
builder the thought that the life of the war depends
upon him. The food and the war supplies must be
carried across the seas no matter how many ships are
sent to the bottom. The places of those that go down
must be supplied and supplied at once. To the miner
let me say that he stands where the farmer does: the
work of the world waits on him. If he slackens or
fails, armies and statesmen are helpless. He also is
enlisted in the great Service Army. The manufac-
turer does not need to be told, I hope, that the nation
looks to him to speed and perfect every process; and
I want only to remind his employees that their ser-
vice is absolutely indispensable and is counted on by
every man who loves the country and its liberties.

Let me suggest, also, that everyone who creates or
cultivates a garden helps, and helps greatly, to solve
the problem of the feeding of the nations ; and that
every housewife who practices strict economy puts
herself in the ranks of those who serve the nation.
This is the time for America to correct her unpardon-
able fault of wastefulness and extravagance. Let
every man and every woman assume the duty of care-
ful, provident use and expenditure as a public duty,
as a dictate of patriotism which no one can now ex-
pect ever to be excused or forgiven for ignoring.

In the hope that this statement of the needs of the
nation and of the world in this hour of supreme crisis
may stimulate those to whom it comes and remind all
who need reminder of the solemn duties of a time such
as the world has never seen before, I beg that all
editors and publishers everywhere will give as promi-
nent publication and as wide circulation as possible to
this appeal. I venture to suggest, also, to all adver-
tising agencies that they would perhaps render a very
substantial and timely service to the country if they
would give it widespread repetition. And I hope
that clergymen will not think the theme of it an un-
worthy or inappropriate subject of comment and
homily from their pulpits.

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

The supreme test of the nation has come. We must
all speak, act, and serve together !

WOODROW WILSON.

FLAG DAY ADDRESS, WASHINGTON, D. C.

JUNE 14, 1917.
My Fellow Citizens;

We meet to celebrate Flag Day because this flag
which we honor and under which we serve is the
emblem of our unity, our power, our thought and pur-
pose as a nation. It has no other character than that
which we give it from generation to generation. The
choices are ours. It floats in majestic silence above
the hosts that execute those choices, whether in peace
or in war. And yet, though silent, it speaks to us —
speaks to us of the past, of the men and women who
went before us and of the records they wrote upon it.
We celebrate the day of its birth; and from its birth
until now it has witnessed a great history, has floated
on high the symbol of great events, of a great plan
of life worked out by a great people. We are about
to carry it into battle, to lift it where it will draw
the fire of our enemies. We are about to bid
thousands, hundreds of thousands, it may be millions,
of our men, the young, the strong, the capable men of
the nation, to go forth and die beneath it on fields of
blood far away — for what? For some unaccustomed
thing? For something for which it has never sought
the fire before? American armies were never before
sent across the seas. Why are they sent now? For
some new purpose, for which this great flag has never
been carried before, or for some old, familiar, heroic
purpose for which it has seen men, its own men, die
on every battlefield upon which Americans have borne
arms since the Revolution?

These are questions which must be answered. We
are Americans. We in our turn serve America, and can
serve her with no private purpose. We must use her
flag as she has always used it. We are accountable
at the bar of history and must plead in utter frank-
ness what purpose it is we seek to serve.

It is plain enough how we were forced into the war.
The extraordinary insults and aggressions of the Im-
perial German Government left us no self-respecting
choice but to take up arms in defense of our rights
. as a free people and of our honor as a sovereign gov-
ernment. The military masters of Germany denied
us the right to be neutral. They filled our unsuspect-
ing communities with vicious spies and conspirators
and sought to corrupt the opinion of our people in
their own behalf. When they found that they could
not do that, their agents diligently spread sedition
amongst us and sought to draw our own citizens from
their allegiance — and some of those agents were men
connected with the official Embassy of the German
Government itself here in our own capital. They
sought by violence to destroy our industries and arrest
our commerce. They tried to incite Mexico to take
up arms against us and to draw Japan into a hostile
alliance with her — and that, not by indirection, but
by direct suggestion from the Foreign Office in Ber-
lin. They impudently denied us the use of the high

seas and repeatedly executed their threat that they
would send to their death any of our people who ven-
tured to approach the coasts of Europe. And many
of our own people were corrupted. Men began to
look upon their own neighbors with suspicion and to
wonder in their hot resentment and surprise whether
there was any community in which hostile intrigue
did not lurk. What great nation in such circum-
stances would not have taken up arms? Much as we
had desired peace, it was denied us, and not of our
own choice. This flag under which we serve would
have been dishonored had we withheld our hand.

But that is only part of the story. We know now
as clearly as we knew before we were ourselves en-
gaged that we are not the enemies of the German peo-
ple, and that they are not our enemies. They did not
originate or desire this hideous war or wish that we
should be drawn into it; and we are vaguely conscious
that we are fighting their cause, as they will some day
see it, as well as our own. They are themselves in
the grip of the same sinister power that has now at
last stretched its ugly talons out and drawn blood
from us. The whole world is at war because the
whole world is in the grip of that power and is trying
out the great battle which shall determine whether it
is to be brought under its mastery or fling itself free.

The war was begun by the military masters of Ger-
many, who proved to be also the masters of Austria-
Hungary. These men have never regarded nations
as peoples, men, women, and children of like blood
and frame as themselves, for whom governments ex-
isted and in whom governments had their life. They
Lave regarded them merely as serviceable organiza-
tions which they could by force or intrigue bend or
corrupt to their own purpose. They have regarded
the smaller states, in particular, and the peoples who
could be overwhelmed by force, as their natural tools
and instruments of domination. Their purpose has
long been avowed. The statesmen of other nations,
to whom that purpose was incredible, paid little at-
tention ; regarded what German professors expounded
in their classrooms and German writers set forth to
the world as the goal of German policy as rather the
dream of minds detached from practical affairs, as
preposterous private conceptions of German destiny,
than as the actual plans of responsible rulers ; but the
rulers of Germany themselves knew all the while what
concrete plans, what well advanced intrigues lay back
of what the professors and the writers were saying,
and were glad to go forward unmolested, filling the
thrones of Balkan states with German princes, put-
ting German officers at the service of Turkey to drill
her armies and make interest with her government,
developing plans of sedition and rebellion in India and
Egypt, setting their fires in Persia. The demands
made by Austria upon Servia were a mere single step
in a plan which compassed Europe and Asia, from
Berlin to Bagdad. They hoped those demands might
not arouse Europe, but they meant to press them
whether they did or not, for they thought themselves
ready for the final issue of arms.

Their plan was to throw a broad belt of German

I. PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGES.

military power and political control across the very
center of Europe and beyond the Mediterranean into
the heart of Asia ; and Austria-Hungary was to be as
much their tool and pawn as Servia or Bulgaria or
Turkey or the ponderous states of the East. Austria-
Hungary, indeed, was to become part of the central
German Empire, absorbed and dominated by the same
forces and influences that had originally cemented the
German states themselves. The dream had its heart
at Berlin. It could have had a heart nowhere else!
It rejected the idea of solidarity of race entirely.
The choice of peoples played no part in it at all. It
contemplated binding together racial and political
units which could be kept together only by force —
Czechs, Magyars, Croats, Serbs, Roumanians, Turks,
Armenians— the proud states of Bohemia and Hun-
gary, the stout little commonwealths of the Balkans,
the indomitable Turks, the subtle peoples of the East.
These peoples did not wish to be united. They
ardently desired to direct their own affairs, would be
satisfied only by undisputed independence. They
could be kept quiet only by the presence or the con-
stant threat of armed men. They would live under a
common power only by sheer compulsion and await
the day of revolution. But the German military
statesmen had reckoned with all that and were ready
to deal with it in their own way.

And they have actually carried the greater part of
that amazing plan into execution ! Look how things
stand. Austria is at their mercy. It has acted, not
upon its own initiative or upon the choice of its own
people, but at Berlin's dictation ever since the war
began. Its people now desire peace, but cannot have
it until leave is granted from Berlin. The so-called
Central Powers are in fact but a single Power. Ser-
via is at its mercy, should its hands be but for a mo-
ment freed. Bulgaria has consented to its will, and
Roumania is overrun. The Turkish armies, which
Germans trained, are serving Germany, certainly not
themselves, and the guns of German warships lying
in the harbor of Constantinople remind Turkish
statesmen every day that they have no choice but to
take their orders from Berlin. From Hamburg to
the Persian Gulf the net is spread.

Is it not easy to understand the eagerness for peace
that has been manifested from Berlin ever since the
snare was set and sprung? Peace, peace, peace has
been the talk of her Foreign Office for now a year
and more ; not peace upon her own initiative, but upon
the initiative of the nations over which she now deems
herself to hold the advantage. A little of the talk
has been public, but most of it has been private.
Through all sorts of channels it has come to me, and
in all sorts of guises, but never with the terms dis-
closed which the German Government would be will-
ing to accept. That government has other valuable
pawns in its hands besides those I have mentioned.
It still holds a valuable part of France, though with
slowly relaxing grasp, and practically the whole of
Belgium. Its armies press close upon Russia and
overrun Poland at their will. It cannot go further;
it dare not go back. It wishes to close its bargain

before it is too late and it has little left to offer for
the pound of flesh it will demand.

The military masters under whom Germany it
bleeding see very clearly to what point Fate has
brought them. If they fall back or are forced back
an inch, their power both abroad and at home will
fall to pieces like a house of cards. It is their power
at home they are thinking about now more than their
power abroad. It is that power which is trembling
under their very feet ; and deep fear has entered their
hearts. They have but one chance to perpetuate their
military power or even their controlling political influ-
ence. If they can secure peace now with the im-
mense advantages still in their hands which they have
up to this point apparently gained, they will have jus-
tified themselves before the German people ; they will
have gained by force what they promised to gain by
it: an immense expansion of German power, an im-
mense enlargement of German industrial and commer-
cial opportunities. Their prestige will be secure, and
with their prestige their political power. If they fail,
their people will thrust them aside ; a government ac-
countable to the people themselves will be set up in
Germany as it has been in England, in the United
States, in France, and in all the great countries of the
modern time except Germany. If they succeed they
are safe and Germany and the world are undone; if
they fail Germany is saved and the world will be at
peace. If they succeed, America will fall within the
menace. We and all the rest of the world must re-
main armed, as they will remain, and must make
ready for the next step in their aggression; if they
fail, the world may unite for peace and Germany may
be of the union.

Do you not now understand the new intrigue, the
intrigue for peace, and why the masters of Germany
do not hesitate to use any agency that promises to
effect their purpose, the deceit of the nations ? Their
present particular aim is to deceive all those who
throughout the world stand for the rights of peoples
and the self-government of nations ; for they see what
immense strength the forces of justice and of liberal-
ism are gathering out of this war. They are employ-
ing liberals in their enterprise. They are using men,
in Germany and without, as their spokesmen whom
they have hitherto despised and oppressed, using them
for their own destruction — socialists, the leaders of
labor, the thinkers they have hitherto sought to
silence. Let them once succeed and these men, now
their tools, will be ground to power beneath the weight
of the great military empire they will have set up;
the revolutionists in Russia will be cut off from all
succor or co-operation in western Europe and a coun-
ter revolution fostered and supported; Germany her-
self will lose her chance of freedom; and all Europe
will arm for the next, the final struggle.

The sinister intrigue is being no less actively con-
ducted in this country than in Russia and in every
country in Europe to which the agents and dupes of
the Imperial German Government can get access.
That government has many spokesmen here, in places
high and low. They have learned discretion. They

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

keep within the law. It is opinion they utter now,
not sedition. They proclaim the liberal purposes of
their masters; declare this a foreign war which can
touch America with no danger to either her lands or
her institutions; set England at the centre of the
stage and talk of her ambition to assert economic
dominion throughout the world ; appeal to our ancient
tradition of isolation in the politics of the nations;
and seek to undermine the government with false pro-
fessions of loyalty to its principles.

But they will make no headway. The false betray
themselves always in every accent. It is only friends
and partisans of the German Government whom we
have already identified who utter these thinly dis-
guised loyalties. The facts are patent to all the
world, and nowhere are they more plainly seen than
in the United States, where we are accustomed to deal
with facts and not with sophistries; and the great
fact that stands out above all the rest is that this is a
People's War, a war for freedom and justice and self-
government amongst all the nations of the world, a
war to make the world safe for the peoples who live
upon it and have made it their own, the German peo-
ples themselves included; and that with us rests the
choice to break through all these hypocricies and
patent cheats and masks of brute force and help set
the world free, or else stand aside and let it be domi-
nated a long age through by sheer weight of arms and
the arbitrary choices of self-constituted masters, by
the nation which can maintain the biggest armies and
the most irresistible armaments — a power to which
the world has afforded no parallel and in the face of
which political freedom must wither and perish.

For us there is but one choice. We have made it.
Woe be to the man or group of men that seeks to stand
in our way in this day of high resolution when every
principle we hold dearest is to be vindicated and made
secure for the salvation of the nations. We are ready
to plead at the bar of history, and our flag shall wear
a new lustre. Once more we shall make good with
our lives and fortunes the great faith to which we
were born, and a new glory shall shine in the face
of our people.

ADDRESS TO CONGRESS UPON THE WAR AIMS AND
PEACE TERMS OF THE UNITED STATES

JANUARY 8, 1918.
Gentlemen of the Congress:

Once more, as repeatedly before, the spokesmen of
the Central Empires have indicated their desire to
discuss the objects of the war and the possible basis
of a general peace. Parleys have been in progress at
Brest-Litovsk between Russian representatives and
represenatives of the Central Powers to which the
attention of all the belligerents has been invited for
the purpose of ascertaining whether it may be possible
to extend these parleys into a general conference with
regard to terms of peace and settlement.

The Russian representatives presented not only a
perfectly definite statement of the principles upon
which they would be willing to conclude peace, but

also an equally definite program of the concrete appli-
cation of those principles. The representatives of
the Central Powers, on their part, presented an out-
line of settlement which, if much less definite, seemed
susceptible of liberal interpretation until their specific
program of practical terms was added. That pro-
gram proposed no concessions at all either to the
sovereignty of Russia or to the preferences of the
populations with whose fortunes it dealt, but meant,
in a word, that the Central Empires were to keep
every foot of territory their armed forces had occu-
pied— every province, every city, every point of van-
tage—as a permanent addition to their territories and
their power.

It is a reasonable conjecture that the general prin-
ciples of settlement which they at first suggested
originated with the more liberal statesmen of Germany
and Austria, the men who have begun to feel the force
of their own people's thought and purpose, while the
concrete terms of actual settlement came from the
military leaders who have no thought but to keep what
they have got. The negotiations have been broken
off. The Russian representatives were sincere and in
earnest. They cannot entertain such proposals of
conquest and domination.

The whole incident is full of significance. It is
also full of perplexity. With whom are the Russian
representatives dealing? For whom are the repre-
sentatives of the Central Empires speaking? Are
they speaking for the majorities of their respective
parliaments or for the minority parties, that military
and imperialistc minority which has so far dominated
their whole policy and controlled the affairs of Tur-
key and of the Balkan states which have felt obliged
to become their associates in this war?

The Russian representatives have insisted, very
justly, very wisely, and in the true spirit of modern
democracy, that the conferences they have been hold-
ing with the Teutonic and Turkish statesmen should
be held within open, not closed, doors, and all the
world has been audience, as was desired. To whom
have we been listening, then? To those who speak
the spirit and intention of the resolutions of the Ger-
man Reichstag of the 9th of July last, the spirit and
intention of the Liberal leaders and parties of Ger-
many, or to those who resist and defy that spirit and
intention and insist upon conquest and subjugation?
Or are we listening, in fact, to both, unreconciled and
in open and hopeless contradiction? These are very
serious and pregnant questions. Upon the answer to
them depends the peace of the world.

But, whatever the results of the parleys at Brest-
Litovsk, whatever the confusions of counsel and of
purpose in the utterances of the spokesmen of the
Central Empires, they have again attempted to ac-
quaint the world with their objects in the war and
have again challenged their adversaries to say what
their objects are and what sort of settlement they
would deem just and satisfactory. There is no good
reason why that challenge should not be responded to,
and responded to with the utmost candor. We did not
wait for it. Not once, but again and again, we have

I. PKKSIDKNT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGKS.

iaiil our whole thought and purpose before the world,
uot in general terms only, but each time with suffi-
cient definition to make it elear what sort of definite
terms of settlement must necessarily spring out of
them. Within the last week Mr. Lloyd George has
spoken with admirable candor and in admirable spirit
for the people and Government of Great Britain.

There is no confusion of counsel among the adver-
saries of the Central Powers, no uncertainty of prin-
ciple, no vagueness of detail. The only secrecy of
counsel, the only lack of fearless frankness, the only
failure to make definite statement of the objects of
tin- war, lies with Germany and her allies. The issues
of life and death hang upon these definitions. No
statesman who has the least conception of his respon-
sibility ought for a moment to permit himself to con-
tinue this tragical and appalling outpouring of blood
and treasure unless he is sure beyond a peradventure
that the objects of the vital sacrifice are part and par-
cel of the very life of Society and that the people for
whom he speaks think them right and imperative as
he does.

There is, moreover, a voice calling for these defini-
tions of principle and of purpose which is, it seems
to me, more thrilling and more compelling than any
of the many moving voices with which the troubled air
of the world is filled. It is the voice of the Russian
people. They are prostrate and all but helpless, it
would seem, before the grim power of Germany, which
has hitherto known no relenting and no pity. Their
power, apparently, is shattered. And yet their soul
is not subservient. They will not yield either in
principle or in action. Their conception of what is
right, of what is humane and honorable for them to
accept, has been stated with a frankness, a largeness
of view, a generosity of spirit, and a universal human
sympathy which must challenge the admiration of
every friend of mankind ; and they have refused to
compound their ideals or desert others that they them-
selves may be safe.

They call to us to say what it is that we desire, in
what, if in anything, our purpose and our spirit differ
from theirs ; and I believe that the people of the
United States would wish me to respond, with utter
simplicity and frankness. Whether their present
leaders believe it or not, it is our heartfelt desire and
hope that some way may be opened whereby we may
be privileged to assist the people of Russia to attain
their utmost hope of liberty and ordered peace.

It will be our wish and purpose that the processes
of peace, when they are begun, shall be absolutely
open and that they shall involve and permit hence-
forth no secret understandings of any kind. The day
of conquest and aggrandisement is gone by; so is also
the day of secret covenants entered into in the interest
of particular governments and likely at some unlooked-
for moment to upset the peace of the world. It is
this happy fact, now clear to the view of every public
man whose thoughts do not still l.nger in an age that
is dead and gone, which makes it possible for every
nation whose purposes are consistent with justice and
the peace of the world to avow now or at any other
time the objects it has in view.

We entered this war because violations of right had
occurred which touched us to the quick and made the
life of our own people impossible unless they were
corrected and the world secure once for all against
their recurrence.

What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing
peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit
and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made
safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our
own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own in-
stitutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by
the other peoples of the world as against force and
selfish aggression.

All the peoples of the world are in effect partners
in this interest, and for our own part we see very
clearly that unless justice be done to others it will
not be done to us. The program of the world's peace,
therefore, is our program; and that program, the only
possible program, as we see it, is this:

1. Open covenants of peace, openly ar-
rived at, after which there shall be no pri-
vate international understandings of any
kind, but diplomacy shall proceed always
frankly and in the public view.

2. Absolute freedom of navigation upon
the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in
peace and in war, except as the seas may be
closed in whole or in part by international
action for the enforcement of international
covenants.

3. The removal, so far as possible, of all
economic barriers and the establishment of
an equality of trade conditions among all the
nations consenting to the peace «nd associat-
ing themselves for its maintenance.

4. Adequate guarantees given and taken
that national armaments will be reduced to
the lowest points consistent with domestic
safety.

5. A free, open-minded, and absolutely
impartial adjustment of all colonial claims,
based upon a strict observance of the princi-
ple that in determining all such questions
of sovereignty the interests of the popula-
tions concerned must have equal weight with
the equitable claims of the government
whose title is to be determined.

6. The evacuation of all Russian territory
and such a settlement of all questions affect-
ing Russia as will secure the b~st and freest
co-operation of the other nations of the
world in obtaining for her an unhampered
and unembarrassed opportunity for the inde-
pendent determination of her own political
development and national policy and assure
her of a sincere welcome into the society of
free nations under institutions of her own
choosing; and, more than a welcome, assist-
ance also of every kind that she may need
and may herself desire. The treatment ac-
corded Russia by her sister nations in the
months to come will be the acid test of their
good will, of their comprehension of her

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

needs as distinguished from their own in-
terests, and of their intelligent and un-
selfish sympathy.

7. Belgium, the whole world will agree,
must be evacuated and restored, without any
attempt to limit the sovereignty which she
enj oys in common with all other free nations.
No other single act will serve as this will
serve to restore confidence among the nations
in the laws which they have themselves set
and determined for the government of their
relations with one another. Without this
healing act the whole structure and validity
of international law is forever impaired.

8. All French territory should be freed
and the invaded portions restored, and the
wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in
the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has
unsettled the peace of the world for nearly
fifty years, should be righted, in order that
peace may once more be made Lecure in the
interest of all.

9. A readjustment of the frontiers of
Italy should be effected along clearly recog-
nizable lines of nationality.

10. The peoples of Austria-Hungary,
whose place among the nations we wish to
see safeguarded and assured, should be ac-
corded the freest opportunity of autonomous
development.

11. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro
should be evacuated; occupied territories
restored; Serbia accorded free and secure
access to the sea; and the relations of the
several Balkan states to one another deter-
mined by friendly counsel along historically
established lines of allegiance and national-
ity ; and international guarantees of the po-
litical and economic independence and ter-
ritorial integrity of the several Balkan
states should be entered into.

12. The Turkish portions of the present
Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure
sovereignty, but the other nationalities
which are now under Turkish rule should be
assured an undoubted security of life and an
absolutely unmolested opportunity of au-
tonomous development, and the Dardanelles
should be permanently opened as a free
passage to the ships and commerce of all na-
tions under international guarantees.

13. An independent Polish state should
be erected which should include the terri-
tories inhabited by indisputably Polish
populations, which should be assured a free
and secure access to the sea, and whose
political and economic independence and ter-
ritorial integrity should be guaranteed by
international covenant.

14. A general association of nations must
be formed under specific covenants for the

f n

political independence and territorial in-
tegrity to great and small states alike.
In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong
and assertions of right we feel ourselves to be inti-
mate partners of all the governments and peoples as-
sociated together against the imperialists. We can-
not be separated in interest or divided in purpose.
We stand together until the end.

For such arrangements and covenants we are will-
ing to fight and to continue to fight until they are
achieved; but only because we wish the right to pre-
vail and desire a just and stable peace such as can be
secured only by removing the chief provocations to
war, which this program does remove.

We have no jealousy of German greatness, and
there is nothing in this program that impairs it. We
grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning
or of pacific enterprise such as have made her record
very bright and very enviable. We do not wish to in-
jure her or to block in any way her legitimate influ-
ence or power. We do not wish to fight her either
with arms or with hostile arrangements of trade if she
is willing to associate herself with us and the other
peace-loving nations of the world in covenants of jus-
tice and law and fair dealing.

We wish her only to accept a place of equality
among the peoples of the world — the new world in
which we now live — instead of a place of mastery.

Neither do we presume to suggest to her any alter-
ation or modification of her institutions. But it is
necessary, we must frankly say, and necessary as a
preliminary to any intelligent dealings with her on
our part, that we should know whom her spokesmen
speak for when they speak to us, whether for the
Reichstag majority or for the military party and the
men whose creed is imperial domination.

We have spoken now, surely, in terms too concrete
to admit of any further doubt or question. An evi-
dent principle runs through the whole program I have
outlined. It is the principle of justice to all peo-
ples and nationalities, and their right to live on equal
terms of liberty and safety with one another, whether
they be strong or weak.

Unless this principle be made its foundation no part
of the structure of international justice can stand.
The people of the United States could act upon no
other principle; and to the vindication of this princi-
ple they are ready to devote their lives, their honor,
and everything that they possess. The moral climax
of this the culminating and final war for human lib-
erty has come, and they are ready to put their own
strength, their own highest purpose, their own integ-
rity and devotion to the test.

ADDRESS TO CONGRESS UPON THE GERMAN AND

AUSTRIAN PEACE UTTERANCES

FEBRUARY 11, 1918.

Gentlemen of the Congress:

On the eighth of January I had the honor of ad-
dressing you on the objects of the war as our people
conceive them. The Prime Minister of Great Britain

linn" <mo.VpTi in «!milnr ffr"is on tVi° fiftli of .To

I. PUF.SinKV," WIT-SON'S WAR MKSSAM.S.

To these addresses the German Chancellor replied on
the twenty-fourth and Count Czernin, for Austria, on
the sainti day. It is gratifying to have our desire so
promptly realized that all exchanges of view on this
great matter should be made in the hearing of all the
world.

Count Czernin's reply, which is directed chiefly to
my own address of the eighth of January, is uttered
in a very friendly tone. He finds in my statement a
sufficiently encouraging approach to the views of his
own Government to justify fiim in believing that it
furnishes a basis for a more detailed discussion of
purposes by the two Governments. He is represented
to have intimated that the views he was expressing
had been communicated to me beforehand and that I
was aware of them at the time he was uttering them ;
but in this I am sure he was misunderstood. I had
received no intimation of what he intended to say.
There was, of course, no reason why he should com-
municate privately with me. I am quite content to be
one of his public audience.

Count von Hertling's reply is, I must say, very
vague and very confusing. It is full of equivocal
phrases and leads it is not clear where. But it is cer-
tainly in a very different tone from that of Count
Czernin, and apparently of an opposite purpose. It
confirms, I am sorry to say, rather than removes, the
unfortunate impression made by what we had learned
of the conferences at Brest-Litovsk. His discussion
and acceptance of our general principles lead him to
no practical conclusions. He refuses to apply them
to the substantive items which must constitute the
body of any final settlement. He is jealous of inter-
national action and of international counsel. He ac-
cepts, he says, the principle of public diplomacy, but
he appears to insist that it be confined, at any rate
in this case, to generalities and that the several par-
ticular questions of territory and sovereignty, the
several questions upon whose settlement must depend
the acceptance of peace by the twenty-three states
now engaged in the war, must be discussed and set-
tled, not in general council, but severally by the na-
tions most immediately concerned by interest or neigh-
borhood. He agrees that the seas should be free, but
looks askance at any limitation to that freedom by
International action in the interest of the common
order. He would without reserve be glad to see eco-
nomic barriers removed between nation and nation,
for that could in no way impede the ambitions of the
military party with whom he seems constrained to
keep on terms. Neither does he raise objection to a
limitation of armaments. That matter will be settled
of itself, he thinks, by the economic conditions which
must follow the war. But the German colonies, he
demands, must be returned without debate. He will
discuss with no one but the representatives of Russia
what disposition shall be made of the people and the
lands of the Baltic provinces ; with no one but the
Government of France the " conditions " under which
French territory shall be evacuated ; and only with
Austria what shall be done with Poland. In the de-

termination of all questions affecting the Balkan
states he defers, as I understand him, to Austria and
Turkey ; and with regard to the agreements to be en-
tered into concerning the non-Turkish peoples of the
present Ottoman Empire, to the Turkish authorities
themselves. After a settlement all around, effected
in this fashion, by individual barter and concession, he
would have no objection, if I correctly interpret his
statement, to a league of nations which would under-
take to hold the new balance of power steady against
external disturbance.

It must be evident to everyone who understands
what this war has wrought in the opinion and tempir
of the world that no general peace, no peace worth the
infinite sacrifices of these years of tragical suffering,
can possibly be arrived at in any such fashion. The
method the German Chancellor proposes is the method
of the Congress of Vienna. We cannot and will not
return to that. What is at stake now is the peace of
the world. What we are striving for is a new inter-
national order based upon broad and universal prin-
ciples of right and justice — no mere peace of shreds
and patches. Is it possible that Count von Hertling
does not see that, does not grasp it, is in fact living
in his thought in a world dead and gone? Has he
utterly forgotten the Reichstag Resolutions of the
nineteenth of July, or does he deliberately ignore
them ? They spoke of the conditions of a general
peace, not of national aggrandizement or of arrange-
ments between state and state. The peace of the
world depends upon the just settlement of each of the
several problems to which I adverted in my recent
address to the Congress. I, of course, do not mean
that the peace of the world depends upon the accept-
ance of any particular set of suggestions as to the
way in which those problems are to be dealt with. I
mean only that those problems each and all affect the
whole world ; that unless they are dealt with in a
spirit of unselfish and unbiased justice, with a view
to the wishes, the natural connections, the racial as-
pirations, the security, and the peace of mind of the
peoples involved, no permanent peace will have been
attained. They cannot be discussed separately or in
corners. None of them constitutes a private or
separate interest from which the opinion of the world
may be shut out. Whatever affects the peace affects
mankind, and nothing settled by military force, if
settled wrong, is settled at all. It will presently
have to be reopened.

Is Count von Hertling not aware that he is speak-
ing in the court of mankind, that all the awakened na-
tions of the world now sit in judgment on what every
public man, of whatever nation, may say on the issues
of a conflict which has spread to every region of the
world? The Reichstag Resolutions of July them-
selves frankly accepted the decisions of that court.
There shall be no annexations, no contributions, no
punitive damages. Peoples are not to be handed
about from one sovereignty to another by an inter-
national conference or an understanding between
rivals and antagonists. Vational aspirations must be

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR

respected; peoples may now be dominated and gov-
erned only by their own consent. " Self-determina-
tion " is not a mere phrase. It is an imperative prin-
ciple of action, which statesmen will henceforth ignore
at their peril. We cannot have general peace for the
asking, or by the mere arrangements of a peace con-
ference. It cannot be pieced together out of indi-
vidual understandings between powerful states. All
the parties to this war must join in the settlement of
every issue anywhere involved in it; because what we
are seeking is a peace that we can all unite to guar-
antee and maintain and every item of it must be sub-
mitted to the common judgment whether it be right
and fair, an act of justice, rather than a bargain be-
tween sovereigns.

The United States has no desire to interfere in Eu-
ropean affairs or to act as arbiter in European terri-
torial disputes. She would disdain to take advantage
of any internal weakness or disorder to impose her
own will upon another people. She is quite ready to
be shown that the settlements she has suggested are
not the best or the most enduring. They are only her
own provisional sketch of principles and of the way
in which they should be applied. But she entered
this war because she was made a partner, whether she
would or not, in the sufferings and indignities in-
flicted by the military masters of Germany, against
the peace and security of mankind ; and the condi-
tions of peace will touch her as nearly as they will
touch any other nation to which is entrusted a leading
part in the maintenance of civilization. She cannot
see her way to peace until the causes of this war are
removed, its renewal rendered as nearly as may be im-
possible.

This war had its roots in the disregard of the rights
of small nations and of nationalities which lacked
the union and the force to make good their claim to
determine their own allegiances and their own forms
of political life. Covenants must now be entered into
which will render such things impossible for the
future; and those covenants must be backed by the
united force of all the nations that love justice and
are willing to maintain it at any cost. If territorial
settlements and the political relations of great popu-
lations which have not the organized power to resist
are to be determined by the contracts of the powerful
governments which consider themselves most directly
affected, as Count von Hertling proposes, why may
not economic questions also? It has come about in
the altered world in which we now find ourselves that
justice and the rights of peoples affect the whole field
of international dealing as much as access to raw
materials and fair and equal conditions of trade.
Count von Hertling wants the essential bases of com-
mercial and industrial life to be safeguarded by com-
mon agreement and guarantee, but he cannot expect
that to be conceded him if the other matters to be
determined by the articles on peace are not handled
in the same way as items in the final accounting. He
cannot ask the benefit of common agreement in the
one field without according it in the other. I take it
for granted that he sees that separate and selfish

compacts with regard to trade and the essential mate-
rials of manufacture would afford no foundation for
peace. Neither, he may rest assured, will separate
and selfish compacts with regard to provinces and
peoples.

Count Czernin seems to see the fundamental ele-
ments of peace with clear eyes and does not seek to
obscure them. He sees that an independent Poland,
made up of all the indisputably Polish peoples who
lie contiguous to one another, is a matter of European
concern and must of course be conceded ; that Bel-
gium must be evacuated and restored, no matter what
sacrifices and concessions that may involve; and that
national aspirations must be satisfied, even within his
own Empire, in the common interest of Europe and
mankind. If he is silent about questions which touch
the interest and purpose of his allies more nearly
than they touch those of Austria only, it must of
course be because he feels constrained, I suppose, to
defer to Germany and Turkey in the circumstances.
Seeing and conceding, as he does, the essential prin-
ciples involved and the necessity of candidly applying
them, he naturally feels that Austria can respond to
the purpose of peace as expressed by the United
States with less embarrassment than could Germany.
He would probably have gone much farther had it
not been for the embarrassments of Austria's alliances
and of her dependence upon Germany.

After all, the test of whether it is possible for either
government to go any further in this comparison of
views is simple and obvious. The principles to be
applied are these:

First, that each part of the final settlement must
be based upon the essential justice of that particular
case and upon such adjustments as are most likely to
bring a peace that will be permanent;

Second, that people and provinces are not to be
bartered about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if
they were mere chattels and pawns in a game, even
the great game, now forever discredited, of the bal-
ance of power ; but that

Third, every territorial settlement involved in this
war must be made in the interest and for the benefit
of the populations concerned, and not as a part of any
mere adjustment or compromise of claims amongst
rival states ; and

Fourth, that all well defined national aspirations
shall be accorded the utmost satisfaction that can be
accorded them without introducing new or perpetuat-
ing old elements of discord and antagonism that would
be likely in time to break the peace of Europe and
consequently of the world.

A general peace erected upon such foundations can
be discussed. Until such a peace can be secured we
have no choice but to go on. So far as we can judge,
these principles that we regard as fundamental are
already everywhere accepted as imperative except
among the spokesmen of the military and annesation-
ist party in Germany. If they have anywhere else
been rejected, the objectors have not been sufficiently
numerous or influential to make their voices audible.

I. PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGES.

The tragical circumstance is that this one party in
Germany is apparently willing and able to send mil-
lions of men to their death to prevent what all the
world now sees to be just.

I would not be a true spokesman of the people of
the United States if I did not say once more that we
entered this war upon no small occasion, and that we
can never turn back from a course chosen upon princi-
ple. Our resources are in part mobilized now, and
we shall not pause until they are mobilized in their
entirety. Our armies are rapidly going to the fight-
ing front, and will go more and more rapidly. Our
whole strength will be put into this war of emancipa-
tion—emancipation from the threat and attempted
mastery of selfish groups of autocratic rulers — what-
ever the difficulties and present partial delays. We
are indomitable in our power of independent action
and can in no circumstances consent to live in a world
governed by intrigue and force. We believe that our
own desire for a new international order under which
reason and justice and the common interests of man-
kind shall prevail is the desire of enlightened men
everywhere. Without that new order the world
will be without peace and human life will lack tolera-
ble conditions of existence and development. Having
set our hand to the task of achieving it, we shall not
turn back.

I hope that it is not necessary for me to add that
no word of what I have said is intended as a threat.
That is not the temper of our people. I have spoken
thus only that the whole world may know the true
spirit of America — that men everywhere may know
that our passion for justice and for self-government
is no mere passion of words, but a passion which, once
set in aetion, must be satisfied. The power of the
United States is a menace to no nation or people.
It will never be used in aggression or for the aggrand-
izement of any selfish interest of our own. It springs
out of freedom and is for the service of freedom.

ADDRESS DELIVERED AT BALTIMORE ON THE OPENING

OF THE THIRD LIBERTY LOAN CAMPAIGN

APRIL 6, 1918.

Fellow-Citizens :

This is the anniversary of our acceptance of Ger-
many's challenge to fight for our right to live and be
free, and for the sacred rights of free men every-
where. The nation is awake. There is no need to
call to it. We know what the war must cost, our ut-
most sacrifice, the lives of our fittest men, and, if need
be, all that we possess.

The loan we are met to discuss is one of the least
parts of what we are called upon to give and to do,
though in itself imperative. The people of the whole
country are alive to the necessity of it, and are ready
to lend to the utmost, even where it involves a sharp
skimping and daily sacrifice to lend out of meagre
earnings. They will look with reprobation and con-
tempt upon those who can and will not, upon those
who demand a higher rate of interest, upon those who
think of it as a mere commercial transaction.

I have not come, therefore, to urge the loan. I
have come only to give you, if I can, a more vivid con-
ception of what it is for.

The reasons for this great war, the reason why it
had to come, the need to fight it through, and the is-
sues that hang upon its outcome are more clearly dis-
closed now than ever before. It is easy to see just
what this particular loan means because the cause we
are fighting for stands more sharply revealed than at
any previous crisis of the momentous struggle. The
man who knows least can now see plainly how the
cause of justice stands and what the imperishable
thing is he is asked to invest in. Men in America
may be more sure than they ever were before that the
cause is their own, and that if it should be lost, their
own great nation's place and mission in the world
would be lost with it.

I call you to witness, my fellow countrymen, that
at no stage of this terrible business have I judged the
purpose of Germany intemperately. I should be
ashamed in the presence of affairs so grave, so fraught
with the destinies of mankind throughout all the
world, to speak with truculence, to use the weak lan-
guage of hatred or vindicative purpose.

We must judge as we would be judged. I have
sought to learn the objects Germany has in this war
from the mouths of her own spokesmen and to deal as
frankly with them as I wished them to deal with me.
I have laid bare our own ideals, our own purposes,
without reserve or doubtful phrase, and have asked
them to say as plainly what it is that they seek.

We have ourselves proposed no injustice, no ag-
gression. We are ready, whenever the final reckon-
ing is made, to be just to the Geruan people, deal
fairly with the German power as with others. There
can be no difference between peoples in the final judg-
ment if it is indeed to be a righteous judgment. To
propose anything but justice, even-handed and dispas-
sionate justice, to Germany at any time, whatever the
outcome of the war, would be to renounce and dishonor
our own cause. For we ask nothing that we are not
willing to accord.

It has been with this thought that I have sought
to learn from those who spoke for Germany whether
it was justice or dominion and the execution of their
own will upon the other nations of the world that the
German leaders were seeking. They have answered,
answered in unmistakable terms. They have avowed
that it was not justice, but dominion, and the unhin-
dered execution of their own will.

The avowal has not come from Germany's states-
men. It has come from her military leaders, who are
her real rulers. Her statesmen have said that they
wished peace, and were ready to discuss its terms
whenever their opponents were willing to sit down at
the conference table with them. Her present chan-
cellor has said — in indefinite and uncertain terms, in-
deed, and in phrases that often seem to deny their
own meaning, but with as much plainness as he
thought prudent — that he believed that peace should
be based upon the principles which we should declare
will be our own in the final settlement.

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

At Brest-Litovsk her civilian delegates spoke in
similar tones, professed their desire to conclude a fair
peace and accord to the peoples with whose fortunes
they were dealing the right to choose their own alle-
giance.

But action accompanied and followed the profes-
sion.

Their military masters, the men who act for Ger-
many and exhibit her purpose in execution, pro-
claimed a very different conclusion. We cannot mis-
take what they have done — in Russia, in Finland, in
the Ukraine, in Rumania. The real test of their jus-
tice and fair play has come. From this we may judge
the rest.

They are enjoying in Russia a cheap triumph in
which no brave or gallant nation can long take pride.
A great people, helpless by their own act, lies for the
time at their mercy. Their fair professions are for-
gotten. They do not here set up justice, but every-
where impose their power and exploit everything for
their own use and aggrandizement; and the peoples
of conquered provinces are invited to be freed under
their dominion.

Are we not justified in believing that they would do
the same things at their western front, if they were
not there face to face with armies whom even their
countless divisions cannot overcome? If, when they
have felt their check to be final, they should propose
favorable and equitable terms to Belgium and France
and Italy, could they blame us if we concluded that
they did so only to assure themselves of a free hand
in Russia and the east?

Their purpose is undoubtedly to make all the Slavic
peoples, all the free and ambitious nations of the Bal-
tic peninsula, all the lands that Turkey has domi-
nated and misruled, subject to their will and ambi-
tion, and build upon that dominion an empire of force,
upon which they fancy that they can then erect an
empire of gain and commercial supremacy; an empire
as hostile to the Americas as to the Europe which it
will overawe; an empire which will ultimately master
Persia, India and the peoples of the far east.

In such a program our ideals, the ideals of justice
and humanity and liberty, the principle of the free
self-determination of nations upon which all the mod-
ern world insists, can play no part. They are re-
jected for the ideals of power, for the principle that
the strong must rule the weak, that trade must follow
the flag, whether those to whom it is taken welcome
it or not ; that the peoples of the world are to be made
subject to the patronage and over lordship of those
who have the power to enforce it

That program once carried out, America and all
who care or dare to stand with her must arm and
prepare themselves to contest the mastery of the
world, a mastery in which the rights of common men,
the rights of women and of all who are weak, must for
the time being be trodden under foot and disregarded,
and the old age-long struggle for freedom and right
begin again at its beginning.

Everything that America has lived for and loved
and grown great to vindicate and bring to a glorious
realization will have fallen in utter ruin and the gates
of mercy once more pitilessly shut upon mankind.

The thing is preposterous and impossible ; and yet
is not that the whole course and action the German
armies have meant wherever they have moved? I do
not wish, even in this moment of utter disillusion-
ment, to judge harshly or unrighteously. I judge
only what the German arms have accomplished with
unpitying thoroughness throughout every fair region
they have touched.

What, then, are we to do? For myself, I am ready,
ready still, ready even now, to discuss a fair and just
and honest peace at any time that is sincerely pur-
posed ; a peace in which the strong and the weak shall
fare alike. But the answer, when I proposed such a
peace, came from the German commanders in Russia,
and I cannot mistake the meaning of the answer.

I accept the challenge. I know that you will ac-
cept it. All the world shall know that you accept it.
It shall appear in the utter sacrifice and self-forget-
fulness with which we shall give all that we love and
all that we have to redeem the world and make it fit
for free men like ourselves to live in.

This now is the meaning of all that we do. Let
everything we say, my fellow-countrymen, every-
thing that we henceforth plan and accomplish, ring
true to this response till the majesty and might of
our power shall fill the thought, and utterly defeat the
force of those who flout and misprize what we honor
and hold dear.

Germany has once more said that force, and force
alone, shall decide whether justice and peace shall
reign in the affairs of men ; whether right, as America
conceives it, or dominion, as she conceives it, shall
determine the destinies of mankind.

There is, therefore, but one response possible from
us: Force, force to the utmost, force without stint or
limit; the righteous and triumphant force which shall
make right the law of the world, and cast every selfish
dominion down in the dust.

II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR.

PART II.

Topical Outline of the War

BY SAMUEL B HARDING. PROFESSOR OF EUROPEAN HISTORY IN INDIANA UNIVERSITY.

mEPARKD IN CO OPERATION WITH THE NATIONAL BOARD FOR HISTORICAL SERVICE AND THE COMMITTEE

ON PUBLIC INFORMATION.'

1. FUNDAMENTAL CAUSES OF THE WAR
I. GENERAL FACTORS.

1 The constitution of the German Empire permits its for-
Mfjn policy to be determined by the Emperor alone, who
it at the name time, by " divine right," King of Prus-
>ia — the State which possesses an overwhelming terri-
torial, political, and military predominance in the
Empire.

" The Emperor declares war with the consent of
the Bundesrat, the assent of the Reichstag not being
required. Not even the Bundesrat need be consulted
if the war is defensive, and as the Hohenzollerna
have always claimed to make defensive warfare it is
not surprising that even the unrepresentative
Bundesrat was officially informed about the present
war three days after the Emperor declared it."
(Charles D. Hazen, The Government of Germany;
Committee on Public Information publication.) (See
War Cyclopedia, under "Autocracy," " Kaiaerism,"
" William II.")

t frulit derived from war in the past by Prussia (Ger-
many).

(a) Through increase of territory (ci. maps).

(b) Through indemnities (e. g., from tiauce, 1821).

(c) Through increased prestige and influence. Hence
justification of the " blood and iron " policy of
Bismarck, and his predecessors. War as " the
national industry " of Prussia.

" The Great Elector laid the foundations of Prus-
(ia'i power by successful and deliberately incurred
wars. Frederick the Great followed in the footsteps
of his glorious ancestor. . . . None of the wars which
h» fought had been forced upon him; none of them
did he postpone as long as possible. . . . The lessons
of history thus confirm the view that wart which
have been deliberately provoked by far-seeing t-tates
men have had the happiest results." (Bernhardi,
Germany and the Next War, 1911.)
». Germany's demand for " a place in the sun."

(a) Meaning of the Kaiser's phrase ("a place in th*
sun") not clear. It covers vaguely colouiew, com-
merce, and influence in international affairs in
proportion to Germany's population, industrial
importance, and military power.
Obstacles. The German Empire was a late
comer in the family of nations; the best regions
for colonization and exploitation, especially in
th* temperate zones, were already occupied by
other Powers.

Examples of the demand. (See Conquest and
Kultur, sees. 0, 10; War Cyclopedia, under
" Place in the Sun," " Pan-Germanism," etc.)
" We need colonies, and more colonies, than we have

• Thia outline wu prepared with the active aid of the Committee o«
r«bli* Information (Department of Civic and Educational Co-opera-
U»»). 10 Jackaon Place, Washington, D. C. Frequent reference i§
made herein to the publication! of this committee, which witb a lew
•j-»rtii>nj are distributed free upon application.

(b)

(e)

already, to give vent to our surplus energies without
losing them and to make the motherland economi-
cally independent." (Manifesto of the Colonial
League. )

" We need a fleet strong enough not only to protect
the colonies we now have, but to bring about the ac-
quisition of others." (Manifesto of th« N«TJ
League.)

"A progressive nation like ours needs territory,
and if this cannot be obtained by peaceful means, it
must be obtained by war. It is the object of the De-
fense Association [Wehrverein] to create this senti-
ment." ( Lieut. -General Wrocliem in speech to th*
Wehrverein in March, 1913.)

" Without doubt this acquisition of new lands will
not take place without war. What world power tcxu
ever established without bloody strugglest" (M-
brecht Winh, Valkxtum und Wvltmui-ht in Aer
Oeschichte, 1904. Quoted by Andler, Le Pangemntn
i&me continental, 1015, p. 308.)

" It in only by relying oit our good German sicord
that we can hope to conquer that place in the lun
which rightly belongs to us, and which no one will
yield to us voluntarily. . . . Till the world com** to
an end, the ultimate decision must rest with th*
sword." (German Crown Prince, in Introduction to
Germany in Arum, 1913.)

4. Biological argument for war.

(a) Darwin's theory of the "struggle for existence *
, as a chief factor in the evolution of specie*.

(b) Development in Germany of the theory that
States are of necessity engaged in such a " strug-
gle for existence."

(c) Hence war is an " ordinance of God for the weed-
ing out of weak and incompetent individuals and
States." Corollary: "Might makes right."

(d) Examples of such arguments from Treitschk*,
Bernhardi, etc. (See Conquvxt and Kultur, MO.
1, 2, 4; War Cyclopedia, under " Bernhardi,"
" Treitachke," " War, German View ; " V*rnoa
Kellogg, " Headquarters' Nights," in Atlantic
Monthly for August, 1917.)

" War t« a biitlugical necessity of the first im-
portance, a regulative element in the life of mankind
which cannot be dispensed with, since without it an
unhealthy development will follow, which exclude*
every advancement of the race, and therefor* all real
civilization. . . . ' To supplant or be supplanted is
the essence of life,' says Goethe, and the strong lif«
gains the upper hand. The law of the stronger holds
good everywhere. Those forms survive which ar*
able to procure themselves the most favorable con-
ditions of life, and to assert themselves in th* uni-
versal economy of Nature. Th* weaker suc-
cumb. . . .

" Might gives the right to occupy or to
Might is at once th* supreme right, and th*

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

as to what Is right is decided by the arbitrament of
war." (Bernhardi, Germany and the Next War, 1911,
pp. 18, 23.)

" They fight, not simply because they are forced to,
but because, curiously enough, they believe much of
their talk. That is one of the dangers of the Ger-
mans to which the world is exposed; they really be-
lieve much of what they say." (Vernon Kellogg, in
Atlantic Monthly, August, 1917.)

5. idea of the German mission in the world, and the Ger-
man demand for world influence and prestige (Pan-
G*nnanism).

(a) Ardent belief in the superiority of the German
race and German " Kultur " over all other races
and civilizations.

(b) Hence the duty to promote the Germanization
of the world, and to oppose the absorption of
Germans by other nationalities.

(e) Examples of these ideas in writings of Treit-
schke, Rohrbach, Bernhardi, etc. (See Conquest
and Kultur, sees. 1, 2; War Cyclopedia, under'
" Bernhardi," " Hegemony, German Ambition,"
" Kultur," " Pan - Germanism," " Treltschke,"
" William H."

"I hope that it will be granted to our German
Fatherland to become in the future as closely united,
as powerful, and as authoritative as once the Roman
Empire was, and that just as in old times they said
Civis Romanus sum, one may in the future need only
to say, ' I am a German citizen.' "

" God has called us to civilize the world; we are the
missionaries of human progress."

"The ocean is indispensable for Germany's great-
ness, but the ocean also reminds us that neither on it
nor across it in the distance can any great decision
be again consummated without Germany and the
German Emperor." (Speeches of Emperor William

n.)

" The German race is called to bind the earth un-
der its control, to exploit the natural resources and
physical powers of man, to use the passive races in
subordinate capacity for the development of it»
Kultur." (Ludwig Woltmann, Politische Anthropologie,
1913.)

" If people should ask us whether we intend to be-
come a world power that overtops the world powers
•o greatly that Germany would be the only real World
Power, the reply must be that the will to world
power has no limit." (Adolph Grabowsky, in Dot
neue Deutschland, Oct. 28, 1914.)

" By German culture the world shall be healed, and
from their experience those who have only heard lies
about German culture will perceive, will feel in their
own bodies what German means and how a nation
must be made up, if it wishes to rule the world."
(Benedikt Haag, Deutschland und der Weltkrieg,
1914.)

" With the help of Turkey, India and China may be
conquered. Having conquered these Germany should
civilize and Germanize the world, and the German
language would become the world language." (Theo-
dor Springman, Deutschland und der Orient, 1915.)

" Our next war will be fought for the highest in-
terests of our country and of mankind. This will
Invest it with importance in the world's history.
' World power or downfall!' will be our rallying
erv." (Bernhardi, Germany and the Next War, 1911,
p. U4.)

n. MruTABisM AITO ARMAMENTS.

1. Definition of militarism. It Is a state of mind; not the

having of an army, no matter how large, but the ex-
altation of it to the chief place in the state, the sub-
ordination to it of the civil authorities. Joined to thU
is the reliance upon military force in every dispute.
(See War Cyclopedia, under " Militarism," " Prussian-
Ism," etc.)

2. Militarism and the military class dominant in Germany.

(a) Historical reasons for this: lack of defensible
frontiers; hostile neighbors, etc. Relation also
to topics under heading I.

) The Zabern Incident (1913) as a practical ex-
ample of military domination. (See War Cyclo-
pedia, under " Zabern," " Luxemburg, Rosa."
!c) Quotations showing German exaltation of war
and army, etc. (See Conquest and Kultur, sea.

5.)

" Bee use only in war all the virtues which mili-
tarism regards highly are given a chance to unfold,
because only in war the truly heroic comes into play,
for tjie realization of which on earth militarism it
above all concerned; therefore it seems to us who are
filled with the spirit of militarism that war is a holy
thing, the holiest thing on earth; and this high esti-
mate of war in its turn makes an essential ingredient
of the military spirit. There is nothing that trades-
people complain of so much as that we regard it as
holy." (Werner Sombart, Handler und Helden,
1915.)

" War is the noblest and holiest expression of hu-
man activity. For us, too, the glad, great hour of
battle will strike. Still and deep in the German
heart must live the joy of battle and the longing for
it. Let us ridicule to the utmost the old women in
breeches who fear war and deplore it a» cruel and
revolting. No; war is beautiful, lit august sublim-
ity elevates the human heart beyond the earthly and
the common." (Jung- Deutschland, official organ of
Young Germany, October, 1913.)

" War is for us only a means, the state of prepara-
tion for war is more than a means, it is an end. If
we were not beset with the danger of war, it would
be necessary to create it artificially, in order to
strengthen our softened and weakened Germanism, to
make bones and sinews." (Ernst Hasse, Die Zukunft
des deutschen Volkstums, 1908.)

" It is the soldier and the army, not parliamentary
majorities and votes, that have welded the German
Empire together. My confidence rests with the army."
(Emperor William II.)

Otfried Nippold, a University professor and jurist,
was shocked to observe, on his return to Europe from
a residence of several years in Japan, the extra-
ordinary growth in Germany of militarism and the
" jingo " spirit. At the end of a book which he com-
piled, made up of statements by prominent German!
in 1912-13 advocating war and conquest, he said:
" The evidence submitted in this book amounts to an
irrefutable proof that a systematic stimulation of
the war spirit is going on, based on the one hand on
the wishes of the Pan-German League and on the
other on the agitation of the Defense Association
[Wehrverein]. . . . War is represented not merely at
a possibility that might arise, but as a necessity that
must come about, and the sooner the better. In the
opinion of these instigators, the German nation nrndl
a war; a long-continued peace seems regrettable to

II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OI< Till; WAR.

them just because it is a peace, no matter whether
there is any reason for war or not, and therefore, in
case of need, one must simply strive to bring it
about. . . The desire of the political visionaries in
the Pan-German camp for the conquest of colonies
suits the purpose of our warlike generals very well;
but to tin-in this is not an end, but only a means.
War as such is what really matters to them. For if
their theory holds good, Germany, even if she con-
quered ever so many colonies, would again be in need
of war after a few decades, since otherwise the Ger-
man nation would again be in danger of moral de-
generation. The truth is that, to them, war Is a quite
normal institution <if international intercourse, and
not in any way a means of settling great Interna-
tional conflicts — not a means to be resorted to only
in case of great necessity." (Der devtsche Chtnt-
rinixniux, 1913, pp. 113-117; quoted in Conquest and
Kultur, 137-139.)

I The competition in armaments. Europe an " armed
camp" following 1871, with universal military service;
and constantly increasing military forces and expend!
tures. The trained forces at the beginning of the war
were estimated approximately as follows: Russia
4,100,000; Germany, 4,250,000; Austria, 3,600,000;
France, 4,000,000; Great Britain (including its "Terri
torials" or trained militia), 707,000.

4 Germany, already the first of military powers, planned a
Navy to rival that of England. Her first Naval Bill
was introduced in 1898; Great Britain's reverses in the
Boer War (1899-1902) greatly stimulated German
naval activities.

in. FAILURE or THE HAGUE PEACE CONFERENCES OF 1899

AND 1907, AND OF THE NAVAL CONFERENCE OF

LONDON (1908-9).

1. History of the Hague conferences. Agency of Russia
and the United States in calling them. Their positive
results in formulating international law and establish-
ing a tribunal at the Hague. (See War Cyclopedia,
under " Hague Conferences," " Hague Conventions,"
" Hague Regulations," " Hague Tribunal."

Z. Plans therein for disarmament and compulsory arbitra-
tion defeated by Germany and Austria.

3. General policy of Germany with reference to arbitration.

Refusal to enter into an arbitration treaty with the
United States. (See Coiu/urst and Kultur, sees. 4, 5;
War Cyclopedia, under " Arbitration, German Atti-
tude," " Peace Treaties.")

4. British vs. German views of the " freedom of the seas,"

as revealed at the Hague Conferences and the Naval
Conference of London. (See War Cyclopedia, under
" Freedom of the Seas," " Declaration of London," etc. )
" The German view of freedom of the seas in time
of war was that a belligerent should have the right
to make the seas dangerous to neutrals and enemies
alike by the use of iinliseriminating mines; and that
neutral vessels should be liable to destruction or
seizure without appeal to any judicial tribunal if In
the opinion of the commander of a belligerent war-
vessel any part of their cargo consisted of contra-
band. On the other hand, <!erinany was ever ready
to place the belligerent n the same footing

as neutral vessels, and to forbid their seizure or de-
struction except when they were carrying contraband
or endeavoring to force a blockade. In this way she
hoped to deprive the stronger naval power of Its
principal weapon of offense — the attack upon enemy
commerce — while preserving for the weaker power

every possible means of doing harm alike to enemy
or neutral ships. At the same time she was anxioui
to secure to belligerent merchant-ships the right of
transforming themselves into warships on the high
seas." (Ramsey Muir, hi are Liber urn: The Freedom
of the Seas, pp. 8-13.)

IV. SOME SPECIAL SUBJECTS OF INTERNATIONAL CONTLIOT.
1. French desire to recover Alsace-Lorraine, taken by Ger-

many in 1871. (See War Cyclopedia, under " t
Lorraine," "Franco-German Rivalry.")

2. Desire of Italy to reclaim its " unredeemed " lands held

by Austria. (See Ibid., " Italia Irredenta.") <£—

3. Colonial and commercial rivalry among the Great Pow-

ers over Central and Northern Africa (Morocco espe-
cially) ; Asia Minor. Mesopotamia, and Persia; China
and the Far East; South America, etc. (See Ibid., un-
der "Morocco Question," "Franco-German Rivalry."*

4. Increased gravity of questions concerning the Balkan

Peninsula after the Turkish Revolution of 1908. Plaai
for Austrian and German domination in these region,.
(Drang nach Oaten) conflicted with Russia's desire to *
/ secure Constantinople and an outlet to the Mediter
V/ ranean, and threatened the security of Great Britain's
communications with India. (See Ibid., " Balkan Prob-
lem," "Drang nach Osten," etc.)

6. Grouping of the Great Powers into the Triple Alliance
(1882) and the Triple Entente. Germany's fear of
being "hemmed in" (alleged policy of "encircle-^""
ment"). (See Ibid., "Encirclement, Policy of,"
"Triple Alliance," "Triple Entente.")

6. The Anglo-German Problem. (See Sarolea, The Anglo
German Problem, 1911; Cnnqucxt and Kultur, sec
16.) Due to—

(a) Menace to Great Britain's industrial and mari-
time supremacy through Germany's rapid indus-
trial development since 1870.

(b) Colonial and trade rivalry in Africa, Asia Minor, .
Mesopotamia, etc.

(c) Hostility to Great Britain taught by Treitschke
and others. Doctrine that England was decrepit
— " a colossus with feet of clay " — and that her
empire would fall at the first hostile touch.
Toasts of German officers to " the Day "—when
war with Great Britain should come. (See War
Cyclopedia, under " Der Tag," " Treitschke," ete. )

" If our Empire has the courage to follow an Inde-
pendent colonial policy with determination, a col-
lision of our interests with those of England is in-
evitable. It was natural and logical that the nei
Great Power in Central Europe should be compelled
to settle affairs with all Great Powers. We have set-
tled our accounts with Austria-Hungary, with Franc*,
with Russia. The last settlement, the settlement
with England, will probably be the lengthiest and the
most difficult." (Heinrich von Treitschke.)

(d) Attitude of Great Britain on the whole one of
conciliation.

(e) Failure of the two Powers to arrive at an agree-
ment as to naval armaments and mutual rela-
tions. Great Britain proposed (In 1912) to sign
the following declaration:

"The two Powers being naturally desirous of se-
curing peace and friendship between them, England
declares that she will neither make, nor join In, any
unprovoked attack upon Germany. Aggressions npo*
Germany Is not the subject, and forms no part, el
any treaty, understanding, or combination to which

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

England is now a party, ner will she become a party
to anything that has such an object."
/ Germany refused to sign a similar declaration un-
; less Great Britain would agree to stand aside and
^ be neutral in any war which might break out on the
Continent, i. e., to abandon her new friends, Franc*
and Russia, and allow Germany to attack them un-
hampered by fear of British interference.

hands of a ministry, headed by the Imperial
Chancellor. Unlike the ministers of true parlia-
mentary governments, the German ministers are
responsible to the Emperor, and not to the legis-
lative chamber. They do not need, therefore, to
resign their offices when defeated in the Reichs-
tag.

II. THE TBIPLE ALLIANCE AND THE TBIPLE ENTENTE.

V. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION. j The Triple Alliance formed by Germany, Austria, and
For forty years political and economic theories and gov- ^ Italy (1882). Germany's main object was to safeguard
•rnmeutal policies, especially in Germany, had been bring- _X herself against an attempt by France to recover

" "Bundes-
"Reichs-

ing a great European war ever nearer. Forces making for
peace were also in operation, and at times it seemed that
these would continue to control the situation. But in 1914
the influences making for war definitely triumphed in Ger-
many and Austria, and precipitated the Great World War.

For reading references on Chapter I, see page 62.

H. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE WAR
(1870-1914).

L FOUNDATION AND CHABACTBS OF THE PKESENT GEBMAN
EMPIBC.

1. Franco-German War (1870-71), and the Treaty of
Frankfort. France to pay an indemnity of one bil-
lion dollars and to cede Alsace-Lorraine.

Z. Formation of the German Empire; its undemocratic
character. (See C. D. Hazen, The Government of Ger-
many; War Cyclopedia, under "Autocracy,
rat," "German Constitution," " Kaiserism,"
tag.")

(a) The number of States in the Empire is twenty-
five, with one imperial territory (Alsace-Lor-
raine). The list includes four kingdoms, six
grand duchies, five duchies, seven principalities,
and three free cities. Each of these States has
its separate State government, subordinate to
that of the Empire.

(b) The king of Prussia is hereditary " German Em-
peror," with full direction of military and for-
eign affairs.

(e) The Federal Council (ISundexrat) is a council of
ambassadors appointed by the rulers of the sepa-
rate States, and responsible to them. It over-
sees the administration and initiates most legis-
lation, and is the most powerful body in the Em-
pire. The States are represented unequally in it.
Prussia, which contains two-thirds of the popu-
lation of Germany, has 17 votes out of a total of
61. (If we include the three votes allotted to
Alsace-Lorraine in 1911, which are "instructed"
by the Emperor, Prussia has 20 votes in the
Bundesrat. ) Bavaria has sis votes, Saxony and
Wtlrttemberg four each, and the other States
fewer.

(d) The Reichstag is the representative chamber of
the legislature. It is composed of 397 members,
of whom Prussia elects 230. Representative dis-
tricts arc very unequal in population. "A Berlin
deputy represents on the average 125,000 votes;
a deputy of East Prussia, home of the far-famed
Junkers, an average of 24,000." The members
are elected by manhood suffrage for a term of
five years; but the Emperor may (with the con-
sent of the Rundcxrat) dissolve the Reichstag at
any time and order new elections

(e) The administration of the Empire Is In the

Alsace-Lorraine. As France recovered strength Ger-
many plotted new aggressive designs against her.
2. Germany attempted in 1904-05 to form a secret alliance
with Russia and France against Great Britain. Failure
of the attempt owing to France's unwillingness to give
up hope of recovering Alsace-Lorraine. The evidence
of this attempt was published in 1917, in a series of
letters signed " Willy " and " Nicky " which passed be-
tween the Kaiser and the Tsar, and which were discor-
ered in the Tsar's palace after his deposition. (See
War Cyclopedia, under " Willy and Nicky Correspond-
ence.'^
\3. Formation of the Triple Entente.

(a) Dual Alliance of France and Russia formed
(1891-94) as a counterpoise to the Triple Al-
liance.

(b) Settlement of England's disputes with Franc*
over certain African questions, etc. (1904), and
with Russia over Persia, etc. (1907), estab-
lished the Triple Entente ("good understand-
ing") between those powers.

" France and England were face to face like birds
In a cockpit, while Europe under German leadership
was fastening their spurs and impatient to see them
fight to the death. Then suddenly they both raised
their heads and moved back to the fence. They bad
decided not to fight, and the face of European thing*
was changed." (Fullerton, Problems of Power, p. 67.)

EQ. THREE DIPLOMATIC CBISES: 1905, 1908, 1911.

1. First Morocco crisis, 1905-06. (See Conquest and Ktiltur,
120-126; War Cyclopedia, under "Morocco Question,"
etc.)

(a) French interests in Morocco; slight interests of
Germany.

(b) The Tangier incident. The Kaiser, landing from
his yacht in Tangier, challenged France's policy
in Morocco.

(c) Delcassg, French Minister of Foreign Affairs, dis-
missed on Germany's demand. " We are not con-
cerned with M. Delcassfi's person, but his policy
is a menace to Germany, and you may rest as-
sured we shall not wait for it to be realized."
(German ambassador to France, in published in-
terview. )

(d) France brought to the bar of Europe in an inter-
national conference at Algeciras — which, in the
main, sanctioned her Moroccan policy.

(e) The purpose of Germany in this crisis, as to
those which follow, was to humiliate France and

to test the strength of the Triple Entente. Thes»
were struggles to increase German prestige.
4. Crisis over Austria's annexation of Bosnia and Herze-
govina in 1908. See War Cyclopedia, under " Bosnla-
t Herzegovina," " Congress of Berlin." " Pan-Slavism,"'
* Slavs," etc. )

II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR.

i. a i These provinces freed from direct rule of the
Turks by Serbia and Russia, but banded over by
the Congress of llerliu to Austria to administer
(1878).

(b) Austria seized the occasion offered by the
" Young Turk " Revolution of 1908 to annex Bos-
nia and Herzegovina, and refused to refer the
question to a Kuropean congress for settlement.

(o) Russia (as yet unrecovered from the Russo-
Japanese War) was forced to acquiesce when the
Kaiser " took his stand in shining armor by the
side of his ally." Humiliating submission im-
posed on Serbia. (See below, ch. iv, I 2 a.)
I Second Morocco crisis, in 1911. (See Conquest and
Kultur, 120-126; War Cyclopedia, under "Morocco
Question.")

(a) Agadir Affair: German cruiser "Panther" sent
to Agadir as a protest against alleged French in-
fractions of the Algeciras agreement, and " to
show the world that Germany was firmly re-
solved not to be pushed to one side." (Speech
of tlie German Chancellor to the Reichstag.)

(b) Great Britain, in spite of political difficulties at
home, warned Germany that in case of war she
would help France.

(c) Adjustment of the Moroccan question. Germany
accepted compensation from France elsewhere in
return for recognition of French protectorate over
Morocco. (Treaty of November 4, 1911.)

(d) Furious resentment of the German military
party at this outcome. " The humiliation of the
Empire is so much the greater, since it is the
Emperor himself who had engaged the honor of
the German people in Morocco." (Rheini*ch-
Westfalische Zeltung.)

4. Hardening of the German resolve not to accept another
diplomatic defeat. " It is not by concessions that we
shall secure peace, but by the German sword." (Speech :
in Reichstag, applauded by the German Crown Prince.)

IV. BAGDAD RAILWAY AND THE " MIDDLE EUBOPE " PROJECT
CONSTITUTE OTHEB GROUNDS OF CONFLICT.

1. Germany supplants England as the protector of Turkey
against Russia. Speech of the Kaiser at Damascus,
1898: "The three hundred million Mohammedans who
live scattered over the globe may be assured of this,
that the German Emperor will be their friend at all
times."

I. The Bagdad Railway. Designed to connect Bagdad with
Constantinople and the Central European railways.
Germany obtains concession from Turkey for its con-
struction in 1902-03. Political as well as economic
motives involved. Threat to British rule in India by
proposed extension to the Persian Gulf. (See the
President's Flag Day Address with Evidence of Ger-
many's Plans, note 15; Conquest and Kultur, sec. 8; *
War Cyclopedia, under " Berlin to Bagdad," " Corridor,"
etc.)

I. The " Middle Europe " Project. This may be denned ]
briefly as a plan for " a loosely federal combination for
purposes of offense and defense, military and economic,
consisting primarily of the German Empire and the
Dual Monarchy [Austria-Hungary], but also including
the Balkan States and Turkey, together with all the^
neutral States — Roumania, Greece, the Scandinavian
kingdoms, and Holland — that can be drawn within Its
embrace." (W. J. Ashley, In Introduction to F. Nau- *•
mann's Central Europe, translated by Christabel M.
Meridith. 1016.)

The plan include* the domination of this group
State by Germany through (a) its control of the
common financial and economic policy, and (b) iti
control of the military forces, based on universal
military service. (Compare Prussia's control within
the German Empire.) (See Conquest and Kultur,
sec. 8; War Cyclopedia, under " Mittel-Europa," eta.;
The President's Flag Day Addre**, notes 15-17.)

Union of the Middle Europe project and the Bagdad
Railway project in a Iierlin-to-Bagdad plan.

" Their plan was to throw a broad belt of German
military power and political control across the very
center of Europe and beyond the Mediterranean into
the heart of Asia; and Austria- Hungary was to be
as much their tool and pawn as Serbia or Bulgaria or
Turkey or the ponderous States of the East. Aus-
tria-Hungary, indeed, was to become part of the cen-
tral German Empire, absorbed and dominated by th«
same forces and influences that had originally
cemented the German States themselves. The dream
had its heart at Berlin. It could have had a heart
nowhere else! It rejected the idea of solidarity ol
race entirely. The choice of peoples played no part
in it at all. It contemplated binding together racial
and political units which could be kept together only
by force — Czechs, Magyars, Croats, Serbs, Rou-
manians, Turks, Armenians — the proud States of
Bohemia and Hungary, the stout little common-
wealths of the Balkans, the indomitable Turks, the
subtile peoples of the East. These peoples did not
wish to be united. They ardently desired to direct
their own affairs, would be satisfied only by undis-
puted independence. They could be kept quiet only
by the presence or the constant threat of armed men
They would live under a common power only by sheer
compulsion and await the day of revolution. But the
German military statesmen had reckoned with all
that and were ready to deal with it in their own
way." (President Wilson, Flag Day Address, June
14, 1917.)

" Across the path of this railway to Bagdad lay
Serbia — an independent country whose sovereign
alone among those of southeastern Europe had no
marriage connection with Berlin, a Serbia that looked
toward Russia. That is why Europe was nearly
driven into war in 1913; that is why Germany stood]
so determinedly behind Austria's demands in 1014
and forced war. She must have her ' corridor ' to
the southeast; she must have political domination all
along the route of the great economic empire she
planned. She was unwilling to await the process of
'peaceful penetration.'" (The President's Flag Day
Address, with Evidence of Germany's Plan*, note 15.)

TMTOUTAN AWD BALKAN WABS, 1911-13. (See War
Cyclopedia, under " Balkan Wars," " Constantinople,'
" Drang nach Osten," " Young Turks.")

War of Italy with Turkey over Tripoli (1911-12).
Claims of Italy on Tripoli; weakness of Turkey follow-
ing Young Turk revolution of 1908; unfavorable atti
tudo of Italy's allies (Germany and Austria) to the
war as endangering their relations with Turkey.
Treaty of Lausanne (Oct. 15, 1912) transfers Tripoli
from Turkish to Italian rule.

War of Balkan Allies against Turkey (1912-13).""

(a) Secret league of Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria, and
Montenegro to expel Turkey from Europe an*

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

liberate their fellow Christiana from Turkish
misrule. War declared Oct. 16, 1912.

(b) Inability of the Great Powers, because of their
own divergent aims, to restrain the Balkan allies.

(c) Success of the allies. By the Treaty of London
(May 30, 1913) Turkey was to surrender all
territories in Europe except Constantinople and a
•mall strip of adjacent territory (Enos-Midia
line).

I. War among the Balkan Allies (June 30 to July 21, 1913).

(a) Bulgaria (with Austria's support) attacked her
allies as a result of disputes over division of con-
quered territory.

(b) Roumania joined Serbia, Greece, and Montene-
gro in defeating Bulgaria. Turkey recovered
Adrianople.

r bia, and Montenegro, though Serbia was denied
(through Austrian, German, and Italian pres-
, sure) an outlet to the Adriatic. A smaller share
was given Bulgaria. Roumania secured a slice
of Bulgarian territory. Albania was made a
principality under a German ruler.
4. Some wider features of these conflicts:

(a) A general European war was prevented (though
with difficulty) by statesmen of the different
countries working through the agency of ( 1 )
diplomatic notes, and (2) diplomatic conferences
held especially at London. Sir Edward Grey,
British Minister of Foreign Affairs, the chief
agent in maintaining peace. (See War Cyclo-
pedia, under "Grey, Viscount.")

(b) Austrian and German influence was seriously
impaired, for they " had guessed badly and sup-
ported the losing side — first Turkey and tben
Bulgaria." Their Balkan domination and Mid-
dle Europe project alike were threatened by the
events of 1912-13. Corresponding increase of
Russian and Serbian power.

(o) A new assertion of power on the part of Ger-
many and Austria, principally against Russia
and Serbia, to recover the ground lost through
the Balkan Wars and the Treaty of Bucharest
was made practically certain.
For'reading references on Chapter II, see page 63.

IIL) INDICATIONS THAT GERMANY AND AUSTRIA
PLANNED AN AGGRESSIVE STROKE BEFORE

JUNE 28, 1914.
I. AUSTRIA PROPOSED AN ATTACK ON SERBIA IN 1913. See

War Cyclopedia, under "Austria and Serbia, 1913.")
1. Austria's Proposal to Italy (Aug. 9, 1913— the day be-
fore the Peace of Bucharest.)

" Austria has communicated to us and to Germany
her intention of taking action against Serbia, and
defines such action as defensive, hoping to bring into
operation the causiis foederig of the Triple Alliance.
..." (Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs, In dis-
patch of Aug. 9, 1913. Revealed by ex-Prime Minis-
ter Giolitti in speech of Dec. 5, 1914. See Collected
Diplomatic Documents, p. 401.)

Z. Italy declined the proposal, as (apparently) did Ger-
many also. The declination of the latter was probably
due to the fact that German military preparations were
not yet completed. (See below, VI.)

" If Austria Intervenes against Serbia, It is clear
that a cautna foederit cannot be established. It U •

step which she is taking on her own account, sine*
there is no question of defense, inasmuch as no one
is thinking of attacking her. It is necessary that a
declaration to this effect should be made to Austria
in the most formal manner, and we must hope for
action on the part of Germany to dissuade from this
most perilous adventure." (Reply of Prime Minister
Giolitti to above dispatch, Inid.)

n. SECRET MILITASY REPORT ON STRENGTHENING THE
GERMAN ABMT (MARCH 19, 1913).

This report came into the possession of the French Min-
ister of War in some unexplained way soon after it wa»
drawn up; it is published in French Yellow Book, No. 2;
Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 130-133.

The following extracts occur in the part headed " Aim
and Obligations of Our National Policy, of Our Army, and
of the Special Organizations for Army Purposes":

1. Minds of the people must be prepared. (See Conquest

and Kultur, sees. 15-16; War Cyclopedia, under " Pan-
Germanism," "Pan-Germans Urge War in 1913," etc.)

" Tfe must allow the idea to gink into the mind* of
our people that our armaments are an answer to the
armaments and policy of the French. We must ac-
custom them to think that an offensive war on our
part is a necessity in order to combat the provoca-
tions of our adversaries. . . . We must so manage
matters that under the heavy weight of powerful
armaments, considerable sacrifices, and strained po- •
litical relations, an outbreak [of war] should be con-
sidered as a relief, because after it would come de-
cades of peace and prosperity, as after 1810. We
must prepare for war from the financial point of
view; there is much to be done in this direction."
(Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 131.) 1

2. " Stir up trouble in the North of Africa and in Russia."

" We must not be anxious about the fate of our
colonies. The final result in Europe will settle their
position. On the other hand, we must stir up trouble
in the north of Africa and in Russia. It is a means of
keeping the forces of the enemy engaged. It is,
therefore, absolutely necessary that we should open
up relations, by means of well-chosen agents, with
influential people in Egypt, Tunis, Algeria, and
Morocco, in order to prepare the measures which
would be necessary in the case of a European war.
. . . The first attempt which was made some years
ago opened up for us the desired relations. Unfor-
tunately these relations were not sufficiently consoli-
dated." (Ibid., p. 132.)

3. Small states to be coerced. (See War Cyclopedia, under

"Neutralized State," "Netherlands, German View."

etc.)

" In the next European war it will also be necessary
that the small States should be forced to follow us
or be subdued. In certain conditions their armies
and their fortified places can be rapidly conquered or
neutralized; this would probably be the case with
Belgium and Holland; so as to prevent our enemy in
the west from gaining territory which they could use
as a base of operations against our flank. In the
north we have nothing to fear from Denmark and
Scandinavia. ... In the south, Switzerland forms an
extremely solid bulwark, and we can rely on her
energetically defending her neutrality against France,
and thus protecting our flank." (Ibid., p. 132.)

4. No guarantee to Belgium for security of her neutrality

II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR.

(See Conquest and Kultur, sec. 11; War Cyclopedia, un-
der " Belgium, Neutralization of.")

" Uur aim must be to take the offensive with a
large superiority from the first days. ... If we
could induce these States [on our northwestern
frontier] to organize their By stem of fortification In
such a manner as to constitute an effective protection
for our flank we could abandon the proposed inva-
sion. ... If, on the contrary, their defensive organi-
zation was established against us, thus giving definite
advantage to our adversary in the west, ice could in
no circumntances offer Belgium a guarantee for the
nerurity of her neutrality." (Ibid., p. 133.)

ft. Short-term ultimatum to be issued. (See War Cyclope-
diti, under " Serbia, Austrian Ultimatum.")

" The arrangements made with this end in view
allow us to hope that it will be possible to take the
offensive immediately after the complete concentra-
tion of the army of the Lower Rhine. An ultimatum
with a short time-limit, to be followed immediately
by invasion, would allow a suflicient justification for
our action in international law." (Ibid., p. 133.)

4. Prizes of the war. (See Conquest and Kultur, sec. 17.)

" We will . . . remember that the provinces of the
ancient German Empire, the County of Burgundy
[Kranche Comte, acquired by Louis XIV] and a large
part of Lorraine, are still in the hands of the French;
that thousands of brother Germans in the Baltic
provinces [of Russia] are groaning under the Slav
yoke. It is a national question that Germany's for-
mer possessions should be restored to her." (Ibid.,
p. 133.)

tSL] CHANGED ATTITUDE OF THB KAISEB: INTEBVHW WTTH
KING ALBEKT OF BELGIUM (NOVEMBER, 1913).

1. Circumstances of the interview; held in the presence of
General von Moltke (chief of the German General
Staff) and reported to Jules Cambon, the French Am-
bassador at Berlin, " from an absolutely reliable
iource." Published in French fellow Book, No. «;
Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 142-3. (See War
Cyclopedia, under " Albert I," " William II," etc.)
ft. War with France regarded by the Kaiser as inevitable.
(See \Var Cyclopedia, under " William II, Ambitions.")
" This conversation, it appears, has made a pro-
found Impression on King Albert. I [Cambon] am in
no way surprised at the impression he gathered,
which corresponds with what I have myself felt for
some time. Enmity against us is increasing, and the
Emperor has ceased to be the friend of peace.

" The person addressed by the Emperor had
thought up till then, as did all the world, that
William II, whose personal influence had been exerted
ou many critical occasions in support of peace, waa
still in the same state of mind. He found him this
time completely changed. The German Emperor
it no longer in his eyes the champion of peace
against the warlike tendencies of certain parties in
Germany. U'f/fi'iw // Jtas come to think that tear
with France it inevitable, and that it must come
tooner or Inter. . . .

"General von Moltke spoke exactly in the same
strain as his sovereign. He, too, declared war to be
necessary and inevitable, but he showed himself still
more assured of success, 'for,' he said to the King
[Albert], 'this time the matter must be settled, and
your Majesty can have no conception of the irresisti-

ble entlui-ia.Mii with which the whole German peopU
will be carried away when that day cornea.'" (Col-
lected Diplomatic Documents, p. 142.)
3. Cambou's comment on the interview.

" As William II advances in years, family tradi-
tions, the reactionary tendencies of the court, and
especially the impatience of the soldiers, obtain a
greater empire over his mind. Perhaps be feels torn*
slight jealousy of the popularity acquired by bis son.
who natters the passions of the Pan-Germans, and
who does not regard the position occupied by thr
Empire in the world as commensurate with its power
Perhaps the reply of France to the last increaM ot
the German Army [German array law of 1913, ciUj
below; France met this by increasing her military
service from two years to three years], the object of
which was to establish the incontestable supremacy
of Germany is, to a certain extent, responsible for U*
bitterness, for, whatever may be said, it is realized
that Germany cannot go much further.

" One may well pondor over the significance of this
conversation. The Emperor and his Chief of the
General Staff may have wished to impress the King
of the Belgians and induce him not to make any op-
position in the event of a conflict between us "
(Ibid., p. 143.)

IV. QEBMAN PUBLIC OPINION AS REPORTED BY FBEROM
DIPLOMATIC AND CONSULAR AGENTS (JULY 30, 1913)
(In French Yellow Book, No. 5; Collected Diplo-
matic Documents, pp. 136-142.)

1. The Moroccan settlement considered a diplomatic de-

feat. (See Conquest and Kultur, sec. 16.)

"... Here is a synthesis of all these opinion*:
The Treaty of the 4th November is a diplomatic de-
feat, a proof of the incapacity of German diplomacy
and the carelessness of the Government (so often
denounced ) , a proof that the future of the Empire It
not safe without a new Bismarck; it is a national
humiliation, a lowering in the eyes of Europe, a blow
to German prestige, all the more serious because up
to 1911 the military supremacy of Germany was un-
challenged, and French anarchy and the powerle**-
ness of the Republic were a sort of German dogma "
(Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 136.)

2. Forces making for peace.

" There are in the country forces making for pea«w,
but they are unorganized and have no popular lead-
ers. They consider that war would be a social mis-
fortune for Germany, and that caste pride, Prussian
domination, and the manufacturers of guns and
armor plate would get the greatest benefit, but above
all that war would profit Great Britain." ThnM
favoring peace included " the bulk of the workmen,
artisans, and peasants, who are peace-loving by In-
stinct," etc. But the classes which prefer peace to
war "are only a sort of make-weight in political
matters, with limited influence on public opinion, or
they are silent social forces, passive and defenseleM
against the infection of a wave of warlike feelinp "
(Ibid., p. 137-138.)

3. Forces making for war. (See TTar Cyclopedia, and*r

"Arbitration, German Attitude," " Disarmament, GOT
man Attitude," "German Military Autocracy, Prop»
panda for War," " Militarism or Disarmament," " P»»
Germans Urge War In 1913," " War. German Vl»» *
ete.)

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

" There is a war party, with leaders, and follow- i

era, a press either convinced or subsidized for the
purpose of creating public opinion ; it has means both
varied and formidable for the intimidation of the
Government. It goes to work in the country with
clear ideas, burning aspirations, a determination that
IB at once thrilling and fixed." (Collected Diplomatic
Documents, p. 139.) It included the following:

(a) Those who regard war as inevitable, and hence -*\
" the sooner the better."

(b) Those influenced by economic reasons — " over- __ )

population, over-production, the need lor market. , 5 Mugt war be considered inevitable?
and outlets," etc.

. . . German diplomatists are now in very bad
odor in public opinion. The most bitter «re
those who since 1905 have been engaged in tbe
negotiations between France and Germany; they
are heaping together and reckoning up their
grievances against us, and one day they will pre-
sent their accounts in the war press. It ueeiu*
as if they were looking for grievances chiefly IB
Morocco, though an incident is always possi-
ble in any part of the globe where France and
Germany are in contact." (laid., p. 141.)

(c) Those influenced by " Bismarckism." "They
feel themselves humiliated at having to enter
into discussions with France, at being obliged to
talk in terms of law and right in negotiation)
and conferences where they have not always1
found it easy to get right on their side, even
when they have a preponderating force."

(d) Those influenced by "a mystic hatred of revolu-
tionary France," and others who acted from " a
feeling of rancor."

•. Social classes included in the war party. (See Conquest
and Kultur, sec. 16; War Cyclopedia, under "Coal and
Iron as Cause of War," "German Diplomacy,"
" Junker," " Peace Terms, German Industrialists on,"
" Peace Terms, German Opinion as to," " Peace Terms,
Serman Professors on," " Treitschke," etc. )

(a) The country squires (junkers), who wish to
escape the imposition of inheritance taxes
("death duties") "which are bound to come if
peace continues. . . . This aristocracy is military
in character, and it is instructive to compare the
Army List with the year book of the nobility.
War alone can prolong its prestige and support
its family interest. . . . This social class, which
forms a hierarchy with the King of Prussia as
its supreme head, realizes with dread the demo-
cratization of Germany and the increasing power
of the Socialist party, and considers its own days
numbered." (Collected Diplomatic Documents,
p. 140.)

(b) The capitalist class ("higher bourgeoisie"), in-
cluding the manufacturers of guns and armor
plate, big merchants who demand bigger
markets, and all who " regard war as good busi-
ness." Among these are " doctrinaire manufac-
turers " who " declare that the difficulties be-
tween themselves and their workmen originate in
France, the home of revolutionary ideas of free-
dom— without France industrial unrest would be
unknown." (Ibid., p. 140.)

(c) University professors, etc. " The universities,
if we except a few distinguished spirits, develop
a warlike philosophy. Economists demonstrate
by statistics Germany's need for a colonial and
commercial empire commensurate with the indus-
trial output of the Empire. There are sociologi-
cal fanatics who go even further. . . . BMnr-
ians, philosophers, political pamphleteers and
other apologists of German Kultur wish to Impose
uj>nn tlie world a way of thinking and feeling
specifically German. They wish to wrest from
France that intellectual supremacy which accord-
ing to the clearest thinkers is still her posses-
sion." (IMd., p. 140-1.)

(d) Diplomatists and others " whose support of the
war policy is inspired by rancor and resentment.

" The opinion is fairly widely spread even in P»«-
German circles, that Germany will not declare war
in view of the system of defensive alliances and the
tendencies of the Emperor. But when the moment
comes, she will have to try in every possible way to
force France to attack her. Offense Kill be given if
necessary. That is the Prussian tradition.

"Must war then be considered as. inevitable? It
is hardly likely that Germany will take the risk, if
France can make it clear to the world that the En-
tente .Cordiale and the Russian alliance are not mere
diplomatic fictions but realities which exist and will
make themselves felt. The British fleet inspires a
wholesome terror. It is well known, however, that

Ian'

r >

vicLery on sea will leave everything in suspense. O»
'•"" " ' r

alone can a decisive issue be obtained."
141-143.)

(IMA..

XTBAORDINABY MlIJTABT MEASURES OF GERMANY TAKE*

BEFOBE JUNE 28, 1914. (See Conquest and Kultur ,
sec. 16; War Cyclopedia, under "Egypt," "Germa*
Army Act, 1913," "German Intrigue Against America*
Peace," "Kiel Canal," "Sinn Fein," "South Africa,"
etc.)

1. Laws of 1911, 1912, and especially 1913, increased the

German army in time of peace from 515,000 to 866,000
men. Great increase of machine-gun corps, aviators,
etc. Enormous stocks of munitions prepared. Excep-
tional war tax levied of $225,000,000. Special war
fund (for expense of mobilization, etc.) increased from
$30,000,000 to $90,000,000.

2. Reconstruction of Kiel canal (connecting Baltic and

North Sea) hastened so as to be ready in early summer
of 1914. Fortifications of Helgoland, etc., improved.

3. Strategic railways constructed leading to lielgia*.

French, and Russian frontiers.

" Germany had made ready, at heavy outlay, u>
take the offensive at a moment's notice, and to throw
enormous forces across the territories of two un-
offending and pacific neighbors [Belgium and Luxem>
burg] in her fixed resolve to break through the north
em defenses of France, and thus to turn the formid-
able fortifications of the Vosges. She has prepared
for the day by bringing fully-equipped and admirably
constructed railways up to her neighbors' frontiers,
and in some places across them. . . . An immense
sum of money has been sunk in these railways, . .
and there is not the least prospect of an adequate
return on them as commercial ventures. They ar»
purely military and strategical preparations for war
with France." (See Fortnightly Review for February,
101 0, and February, 1914, and New fork Tlmei Ottr-
rent History, I, 1000-1004.)

4. Exportation of chemicals used in making explosive*

greatly reduced in 1913-14, and Importation of horse*
foodstuffs, and fats (used in nltroglycerin) greatly te-

II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR.

creaned to provide war stocks. Great purchases ui bed*
and hospital supplies in May, 1914; embargo on stock*
of foreign pneumatic tires in (iermany; hasty collec-
tion of accounts by German merchants; transfer of
bank balances, etc., from beginning of July, etc. (bee
Lf Uenxoni/e du 3 Anut, 1914, pp. 11-10.)

I. Recall of reservists from South America, etc., in May and
June, 1014.

t. Exceptional grand manoeuvres of 1914. Ordered in May,
the«e massed " 500.000 men in Cologne, the Grand
Duchy of Baden, and Alsace-Lorraine for the month
of August." (Lf Mensonge du 3 An fit, 1914, p. 9.)

'. Preparations for stirring up revolt in the British Empire.

(a) In South Africa. Reply of the Kaiser (in 1913}
to a communication from the future rebel leader,
Colonel Maritz : " I will not only acknowledge the
independence of South Africa, but I will even
guarantee it, provided the rebellion is started
immediately." (Speech of General Botha at
Cape Town, July 25, 1015. See Rose, Develop-
ment of the European \utiunx, 5th ed., II, p.
379.)

(b) In British India. On July 8, 1915, indictments
were brought in the Federal Court at San Fran-
cisco against 08 persons, including German con-
suls, at which time the Federal District Attorney
said : " For more than a year prior to the out-
break of the European war certain Hindus in
San Francisco and certain German* were prepar-
ing openly for war with England. At the out-
break of the war Hindu leaders, members of the
German consulate here, and attaches of the Ger-
man Government, began to form plans to foment
revolution in India for the purpose of freeing
India and aiding Germans in their military
operations." The leaders of these defendants
plead guilty to the charges against them in De-
cember, 1917. (See War Cyclopedia, under
"German Intrigue Against American Peace.")

" Consideration of all testimony leads to the con-
viction that the India plot now before the Federal
Court here [in Chicago] is but a very small part of
the whole conspiracy. . . . The defendants appear to
have traveled far and wide in promotion of their al-
leged work. And always, testimony indicates, Ger-
man consuls were aware of what was going on and
ready to give things a push. Pro-Germanism all over
the United States, Canada, Mexico, Brazil, Hawaii,
Manila, China, Indo-China, Siam, Java, and various
parts of Africa has been brought into the case. No
part, according to the testimony, seems to have been
detached. All blended into the whole scheme, which
U alleged to have had its inspiration and propulsion
in Berlin." (Christian Science Monitor, October 19,
1917.)

•l Dealing arrangements made for German naval vessels
(June 14, 1914).

" A German cruiser, the Kber, was in dock at Cape
Town a few days before the outbreak of war, and
got away just in time. An intercepted letter ad-
dressed to the commander contained certain Instruc-
tions from Berlin, which were dated June 14, 1914.
These instructions revealed a complete system for
coaling the German navy on the outbreak of war
through secret service agents in Cape Town, New
York and Chicago.

" The commander ot tlie t^lxr was giveu the
of shippers and bankers with whom he could deal oo»-
fidentially, the essence of the plan being that a eol-
lier would leave Table Bay [Cape Colony] ostensibly
bound for England, but icall} to meet a German war-
ship at an agreed rendezvous. Naturally, so far M
Cape Town is concerned, the arrangements have beeo
u[>-et owing to the discovery, and this, perhaps, ex-
plains why German cruisers have been more in *rl-
dence in North Atlantic waters than in the southern
ocean." (Cape Town correspondent of London Tin***,
issue of October 8, 1914.)

CONCLUSION. Before June $8, 1914, Germany willed, if
not war, at least another trial of diplomatic strength
in which the threat of war should enter as a deettim/
factor.

44 There is a whole category of facts to which we
do not, temporarily, attach a decisive importance, for
the spirit of mathematics can invoke in ita favor the
benefit of coincidence. ... It is a question of various
measures taken by Germany (the state or individ-
uals) long before the menace of war was appre-
ciable. . . . Certain persons would see in those meas-
ures, of which the war has demonstrated the utility,
the proof that Germany had, months before, taken tt*
resolve to launch the European war in 1914. When
one has seen the German Government at work, this
hypothesis is not extravagant." (Le Mensonge du t
Aout, 1914, P- 9-10.)

"Not as weak-willed blunderers have we under-
taken the fearful risk of this tear. We wanted U.
Because we had to wish it and could wish it. May
the Teuton devil throttle those winners whose plea*
for excuses make us ludicrous in these hours of lofty
experience! We do not stand, and shall not place
ourselves, before the court of Europe. Our power
shall create new law in Europe. Germany strike*.
If it conquers new realms for its genius, the priest-
hood of all the gods will sing songs of praise to the
good war. . . . We are waging this war not in order
to punish those who have sinned, nor in order to free
enslaved peoples and thereafter to comfort ourseNm
with the nn«elfish and useless consciousness of our
own righteousness. We wage it from the lofty nolnt
of view, and with the conviction, that Germany, a*
a result of her achievements, and in proportion to
them, is justified in asking, and must obtain, wider
room on earth for development and for working out
the possibilities that are in her. The Powers fmm
whom she forced her ascendancy, in spite of them-
selves, still live, and some of them have recoverMl
from the weakening she gave them. . . . Jiow strikru
the hour for Germany's rising power." (Maximilian
Harden, editor of Die Zuktinft; see New York Tinu»
Current History, HI, p. 130.)

" It note appears beyond the possibility of doubt »A«*
this war was made by Germany pursuing a long and
settled purpose. For many years she had been pr»-
paring to do exactly what she has done, with a thor-
oughness, a perfection of plans, and a vaatnem of
provision in men, munitions and supplies never bef<w«
equaled or approached in human history. She 1mvi»t
the war on when she chose, because she those, in i»«
belief that she could conquer the earth nation »»
nation." (Senator Elihu Root, speech in Chirm«-.,
September 14, 1917.)

For reading references on ChapterJTII.Fsee page'63k

COLLECTED .MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

IV. THE AUSTRO-SERBIAN CONTROVERSY.
L IHTEOUUOTION : PBIOB RELATIONS or SERBIA, AUSTMA,

AHD RUSSIA.

1. Previous history of Serbia: Its fleeting greatness under
Stephen Duahan (died 1355); conquered by Turks,
1458; self-governing principality from 1830; inde-
pendent of Turkey, 1878; territory greatly increased
/'through war with Turkey, 1912-13. Revival in recent
I years of "Greater Serbia" movement, directed largely 2
against Austria-Hungary, which held Croatia, Bosnia,
and Herzegovina, lands which by nationality and
speech were Serbian. Compare Piedmont's unification
of Italy, against Austrian resistance. (See War ^
Cyclopedia, under " Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and
Slovenes.")

Serbia's relations with Austria-Hungary.

(a) Political estrangement due to Austria's high-
handed annexation of Bosnia in 1908, and the
thwarting by Austria and Italy, in 1913, of Ser-
bia's desire for an outlet to the Adriatic. De-
claration exacted of Serbia in 1909 (March 31) :

"Serbia recognizes that the fait accompli regard-
Ing Bosnia has not affected her rights. ... In defer-
ence to the advice of the Great Powers, Serbia un-
dertakes to renounce from now onwards the attitude
of protest and opposition which she has adopted with
regard to the annexation since last autumn. She
undertakes, moreover, to modify the direction of her 2.
policy with regard to Austria-Hungary, and to live
in future on good neighborly terms with the latter."
(British Blue Book, No. 4; Collected Diplomatic
Documents, p. 4.)

(b) Tariff disputes over importation of Serbian pigs
into Austria-Hungary. A prohibitive tariff was
imposed in 1906. 3

(c) Continued agitation of Serbian revolutionary
societies (especially the Narodna Odbrana)
against tlie "dangerous, heartless, grasping,
odious and greedy enemy in the north," who

" robs millions of Serbian brothers of their lib- \
erty and rights, and holds them in bondage and j
chains." ( A utitro-Hungarian Red Book, No. 18;
Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 465.)
(d) German plans for Berlin- Bagdad railway re-
quired that Serbia should be controlled by Aus-
tria. (See above, ch. ii, IV 4.)

> Russia's interest in Serbia— founded upon kinship in
blood language and religion, and on Russian aid in the
past against Turkey (in 1806-12, 1829-30, 1877-"'
This interest was well known, and Austria and
many recognized that their policy toward Serbia
lead to war with Russia. (See War Cyclopedia,
"Pan-Slavism.")

" During the Balkan crisis he [the Russian Minister
for Foreign Affairs] had made it clear to the Aus- i
trian Government that war with Russia must In- 1
evitably follow an Austrian attack on Serbia." (Re-'
port of British Ambassador to Russia. British Blue
Book, No. 139; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p.
101.)

•' We were perfectly aware that a possible warlike
attitude of Austria-Hungary against Serbia might
bring Russia upon the field, and that it might there-
fore involve us in a war, in accordance with our duty
M allies." (German White Book; Collected Diplo-
matic Documents, p. 406.)

11. THE SEBAJKVO ASSASSINATION (JUNK 28, 1914).

Assassination of the Austrian Crown Prince Franz Fer-
dinand and his wife, while on an official visit to Sera-
jevo, the capital of the Austrian province of Bosnia.
Failure of first attempt at assassination by explosiom
of a bomb; success of second attempt, some hours later,
by revolver shots. The assassins were Austrian sub-
jects of Serbian nationality. (See War Cyi-lopedt*
under " Serajevo.")

Opportuneness of the crime for Austria. (See Ramsay
Muir, Britain's Case Against Germany, p. 152.)

HI. AUSTRIAN Nora TO SKBBIA (JrjtT 23, 1914.)
Preliminaries: Secret investigation of the crime by the
Austrian court at Serajevo. (Reports of the alleged
results in Collected -Diplomatic Documents, pp. 490-4;
Austrian Red Book, Appendix 8, and German Whitt
Book, Appendix ; summary, pp. 416-7. ) Quieting report*
as to its intentions issued by Austrian Government,
but preparations made in secret for rigorous measure*
against Serbia.

/ " A reckoning with Serbia, a war for the position

/of the Austro- Hungarian Monarchy as a Great Power,

[ even .for its existence as such, cannot be permanently

, \ avoided." (Austrian Minister at Belgrade to Au»-

\ trian Government, July 21, 1914. In Austrian Re*

Book, No. 6', Collected Diplomatic Documents, p

45? )

Conference at Potsdam (July 5, 1914), at which the
terms of the Note were practically settled. The hold-
ing of such a conference has been denied by Gennaa
newspapers, but the denial is not convincing. (See
War Cyclopedia, under " Potsdam Conference; " He*
York Times, Current History, September, 1917, pp
469-471.)

General character of the Note. In effect an ultimatum
to which ui unditional acceptance must be given withia
forty-eight hours. Humiliating character of ite de-
mands. ( See War Cyclopedia, under ' Serbia, Austria*
Ultimatum.")

" I had never before seen one State address to
another independent State a document of so formld
able a character." (Sir Edward Grey, British Secre
tary for Foreign Affairs, in British Blue Book, No,
6; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 13.)

" The demands of that [the Austrian] Government
are more brutal than any ever made upon any civil
ized State in the history of the world, and they can
be regarded only as intended to provoke war." (Ger-
man Socialist newspaper Vorwiirts, July 25, 1914.)
Some specific demands. The numbers attached are thoM
of the Note itself. (See British Blue Book, No. 4; Col
lected Diiilnintitic Documents, pp. 3-12.)

" 2. To dissolve immediately the society called
Narodna Odbrana [the chief society for Serbian pro-
paganda], to confiscate all its means of propaganda,
and to proceed in the same manner against other so-
cieties and their branches in Serbia which engage IB
propaganda against the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy.
The Royal [Serbian] Government shall take tlie
necessary measures to prevent the societies dissolved
from continuing their activity under another name
and form."

" 3. To eliminate without delay from public Instruc-
tion in Serbia, both as regards the teaching body and
also as regards the methods of instruction, every-
thing that serves, or might serve, to foment the pro-
paganda against Austria-Hungary."

II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR.

"6. Tu accept the oillubnratinn in Serbia of repre-
icntativrit Of the A ustro- Hungarian (Internment lor
the suppression of the subversive movement directed
against the territorial integrity of the Monarchy."

" ti. To take judicial proceedings against accessories
to the plot of the 28th June who are on Serbian ter-
ritory; delegate* of theAuxtxi- Hungarian Government
will take part in the investigation relating thereto."

t. Denial by Germany that she was consulted by Austria
before sending the Note.

" We, therefore, permitted Austria a completely
free hand in her action towards Serbia, but have not
participated in her preparations." (German White
Book; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p 406.)

This denial was, and is, generally disbelieved. (See
Ramsay Muir, Britain's Case Against Germany, p. 8,
and the evidence concerning the Potsdam Conference.)
Germany's claim that she was ignorant of the Aus-
trian Ultimatum was from the outset preposterous
and against all reason. Intimately allied with Aus-
tria-Hungary and for a decade the dominating power
in the diplomacy of the Centra) Powers in the Bal-
kans and the Near East, is it possible to believe that
she did not examine into and even give direction, in
broad outline at least, to the policy of her ally at this
critical stage in the development of her Pan-German
program? The purpose of the denial, apparently,
was to satisfy Italy (Austria's other ally), which
certainly was not consulted.

4. Circumstances making a peaceful outcome more difficult:
Absence of most of the foreign ambassadors from
Vienna for their summer vacations; immediate with-
drawal of Austrian Minister for Foreign Affairs to a
remote mountain resort, etc., etc.

7. Widespread anxiety over the situation, as threatening
the peace of Kurope. Russia, England, and France
make urgent endeavors:

(a) To induce Serbia to go as far as possible in
meeting the demands of Austria.

(b) To obtain an extension of the time limit, in or-
der ( 1 ) that the Powers might be enabled to
study the documentary material promised by
Austria embodying the findings of the court at
Serajevo; and (2) to permit them to exercise a
moderating influence on Serbia. Sharp refusal
of Austria to extend the time limit. (For later
proposals see ch. v.)

fV. SERBIAN REPLY TO THE AUSTRIAN NOTE (Jui/r 26,
1014).

(See British Blue Book, No. 39; Collected Diplomatic
Correspondence, pp. 31-37.)

1. To the gratification of Europe, Serbia —

(a) Accepted eight of the ten Austrian demands.

(b) Returned a qualified refusal to the other two.
As to No. 5, the Serbian Government said that they

" do not clearly grasp the meaning or the scope of
the demand, . . . but they declare that they will ad-
mit such collaboration <t* agrees with the principle of
international line, irith criminal procedure, and with
good neighborly relations."

As to No. 6, they returned a temperate refusal
(founded, according to Austrian claim, upon a de-
liberate misunderstanding of the nature of the de-
mand ) : "It goes without saying that the Royal
f Serbian] Government consider it their duty to open
»n enquiry against all such persons as are, or even-

tually may be, implicated in the plot, . . . and wk»
happen to be within the territory of the kingdom
As regards the participation in this enquiry of AIM
tro-Uungarian agents or authorities appointed for
this purpose by the Imperial and Royal [Austr*-
Hungarian] Government, the Royal [Serbian] Qor-
ernment cannot accept such an arrangement, at it
would be a violation of the Constitution and of tin
late of criminal procedure; nevertheless, in concrete
cases communications as to the results of the investi-
gation in question might be given to the Aiutr*-
Uungarlan agents."

(c) In conclusion, Serbia suggested reference to the
Hague Tribunal or to the Great Powers, in ea*»
its reply was not considered satisfactory.

2. Austria (to Europe's amazement) found this reply die-
honest and eva-ive. (See Austro- Hungarian Bed
Book, No. 34; Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 608-
514.)

In less than an hour after receiving it the Aus-
trian Minister left Belgrade with all his stnT. Grave
apprehensions were felt that this break of diplomatic
relations would be followed by European war.

The Austrian Foreign Minister declared to th*
Russian Ambassador (July 28) that his Government
could " no longer recede, nor enter into any discus-
sion about the terms of the Austro- Hungarian Note."
(British Blue Book, No. 03; Collected Diplomat*
Documents, p. 70.)

V. AUSTRIA DECLARES WAR ON SERBIA (JULY 28, 1914)

1. In spite of the efforts at mediation of Great Brltaim,

Russia, and France, Austria declared war on Serbia,
July 28, 1914.

2. Demand of Germany that the war be " localized " — L •.,

that no other Power interfere with Austria's chastte*
ment of Serbia.

3. Belgrade bombarded, July 29-30, and the war begun.

VI. CONCLUSIONS.

1. Austria and Germany wanted war with Serbia, and their /
chief fear was lest something might, against their will»y
force them to a peaceful settlement; hence the him
and secrecy which attended their measures.

"The impression left on my mind IB that M«
Austro- Hungarian Note was so drawn up at to mato
war inevitable; that the Austro-Hungarian Govern-
ment are fully resolved to have war with Serbia; /'
that they consider their position as a Great Power to /
be at stake; and that until punishment has been ad--
ministered to Serbia it is unlikely that they wfll
listen to proposals of mediation. This country
[Austria-Hungary] has gone tcild irith lot/ at tto
prospect of war with Serbia, and its postponement or
prevention would undoubtedly be a great disappoint-
ment." (British Ambassador at Vienna, July 27,
1914. In British Blue Book, No. 41; Collected Diplo-
matic Documents, p. 38.)

"He [the German Secretary of State] admitted
quite freely that Austro-Hungarian Government
wished to give the Serbians a les.-on, and that they
meant to take military action. He also admitted
that Serbian Government could not sicallnte certat*
of the Austro-Hungarian demands. . . . Secretary ti
State confessed privately that he thought the Note
left much to be desired as a diplomatic document-"
(British Charge at Berlin to Sir Edward Grey, J«ly

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

26, 1914. British Blue Hook, No. 18; Collected
Diplomatic Documents, p. 22.)

" In the Viennese note to Serbia, whose brazen
arrogance has no precedent in history, each phrase
Hears witness that Austria- Hungary desired the war.
. . Only a war, for which the best minds of the
army were thirsting, . . . could cure the fundamen-
tal ills of the two halves of the Austrian Empire, and
of the monarchy. Only the refusal and not the ac-
ceptance of the claims put forward in the note could
have profited Vienna.

"The question has been asked: Where was the
plan of campaign elaborated — in Vienna or Berlin T
And some hasten to reply: In Vienna. Why do peo-
pli tolerate the propagation of such dangerous
fables? Why not say the thing that is (because It
must be), namely, that a complete understanding in
all matters existed between Berlin and Vienna."
(Maximilian Harden, in Die Zukunft for August 1,
/1914; quoted in G. Alexinsky, Russia and the Great
/War, 129-130.)

ft Austria's object was to reduce Serbia to a state of vas-

/ talage, as a step to Austrian hegemony in the Balkan

J Peninsula. Her promises not to destroy Serbia's

sovereignty, or to annex her territory, therefore, failed

to satisfy Serbia's friends.

" Austria demanded conditions which would have
placed Serbia under her permanent control." (Prof.
Hans Delbrtick, a noted professor and statesman of
Germany, in Atlantic Monthly, for February, 1915,
p. 234.)
I •ermany's objects were:

(a) To recover her prestige, lost in the Agadir affair
(1911) and over the Balkan ware (1912-13).

(b) To strengthen her ally Austria, and so increase
her own power.

(d) To promote the Central European — " Berlin to
Bagdad" — project, and open a trade route to
Saloniki, the most favorably situated seaport for
the commerce of Central Europe with the East.

4. T« advance these ends Germany and Austria deliberately
incurred the grave risk of a general European war. /

For reading references on Chapter IV, see page 63.

T. FAILURE OF DIPLOMACY TO AVERT WAR: GER-
MANY AND AUSTRIA AT WAR WITH RUSSIA

AND FRANCE.
I OUTLINE OF EVENTS, JULY 21 TO AUGUST 6, 1914.

Inly 21. Secret orders preliminary to mobilization issued
in Germany. These measures, including the movement
ef troops towards the French frontier, continued up te
final mobilization. (See Le Mensonge du S Aout, 1914,
pp. 14-25; Nineteenth Century and After, issue for
June, 1917.)

July 23. Austrian Note sent to Serbia.

July 25. Reply of Serbia. Austrian Minister quit* Bel-
grade^evering diplomatic relations.

Jnly 27. Sir Edward Grfey proposed a conference at Lon-
don on the Serbian question. France, Russia, and Italy
accepted; Germany refused.

Jnly 28. Austria declared war on Serbia.

July 29 Russian mobilization on the Austro-Hungarian
frontier.

/«Iy 30 Bombardment of Belgrade. General mobilization
ia Russia begun.

July 31. " Threatening danger of war" proclaimed 1»
Germany. German sent ultimatums to Kus»ia and to
France.

Aug. 1. Orders for general mobilization in Krauce and in
Germany. Declaration of war by Germany against
Russia. Italy declared that she would remain neutral
since " the war undertaken by Austria, and the conse-
quences which might result, had, in the words of the>
German ambassador himself, an aggressive object-"
j British Blue Book, No. 152; Collected Diplomat**
v Documents, p. 107. )

Aug. 2. Occupation of Luxemburg by Germany. Demand
that Belgium also permit German troops to violate it»
neutrality.

Aug. 3. Belgium refused the German demand. Germany
declared war on France.

Aug. 4. Germany invaded Belgium. Great Britain declare*
war on Germany.

Aug. 8 Austria-Hungary declared war on Russia

II. PROPOSALS FOB PBESEBVXNG PEACE.
1. A. conference at London proposed by Sir Edward Grey
(July 27). To be composed of the German and Italia*
ambassadors to Great Britain, as friends of Austria,
and -the French ambassador and Grey himself, a*
friends of Russia. Its purpose, to discover " an issue
which would prevent complications."

" If it is borne in mind how incomparably more
difficult problems had been successfully solved by the
conference of ambassadors at London during th»
Balkan crisis, it must be admitted that a settlement
between the Austrian demands and the Serbian con-
cessions in July, 1914, was child's play compared
with the previous achievements of the London
ference." (/ Accuse, p. 155.)
,/ The proposal was accepted by Russia, France,
f Italy. It was declined by Gerinany (without corn-
Suiting Austria ) on the ground/ that she " could no*
call Austria in her dispute with/Serbia before a Euro-
's^pean tribunal." (German White Book; Collect*
Diplomatic Documents, p. 409.) Grey explained that

it " would not be an arbitration, but a private
informal discussion; " nevertheless, Austria and Ger-
many continued to decline.

Germany proposed (July 26) that France " exerciM •
moderating influence at St. Petersburg." The Frenck
Foreign Minister in reply " pointed out that Germany
on her part might well act on similar lines at Vienna,
especially in view of the conciliatory spirit displayed
by Serbia. The [German] ambassador replied that
such a course was not possible, owing to the decision
not to intervene in the Austro- Serbian dispute."
(Russian Orange Book, No. 28; Collected Diplomats
Documents, p. 276.)

Germany proposed direct negotiations between Rvsst*
and Austria over the Serbian question (July 27).
Austria declined these direct negotiations, even though
proposed by her ally. (Was this due to collusion be-
tween the two Governments T )

4. The Kaiser (who unexpectedly returned to Berlin am
July 26 from a yachting cruise) attemped to act M
"mediator" between Russia and Austria; but appar-
ently he confined himself to the effort to persuade
Russia " to remain a spectator in the Austro-Serbia*
war without drawing Europe into the most terriWe
war it has ever seen." (Kaiser to Tsar, July 29, in
German White Book, exhibit 22; Collected DiplommM*
Documents, pp. 431-2.)

" Neither over the signature of the Kaiser nor <

11. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR.

that of his Foreign Minister does the record show a
single communication addre-sed to Vienna in the in-
terests of peace." (.1. M. Heck, The Kvidence in the

Cf/Xf. p 112.1

6. The Tsar proposed, in a personal telegram to the Kaiser

(July 2!)), "to i/ii'C ni'i'i- tin- Auxtro-Hcrliiiiii problem
to the Hague Tribunal." (Collected Diplomatic /><"•«•
mmtK, p. 542.) This telegram is omitted from the
Uf.i'iian \\liiti- Hook! "The acceptance of the Tsar'*
proposal would doubtless have led to peace, and for
this reason it was declined." (/ Accuxe, p. 187, note.)
fl. Proposal by Grey (July 29) that Austria should express
herself as satisfied with tbe occupation of Belgrade and
the neighboring Serbian territory a» a pledge for a sat-
isfactory settlement of her demands and should allow
the other Powers time and opportunity to mediate be-
tween Austria and Russia.

King George of England, in a personal telegram
(July 30) to the Kaiser's brother, said: "I rely on
William applying his great influence in order to in-
duce Austria to accept this proposal. In this way he
will prove that Germany and England are working
together to prevent what would be an international
catastrophe." (Collected Diplomatic Document*, p.
639.)

G ivy's expressed opinion (July 29) was that
" mediation was ready to come into operation by any
method that Germany thought possible if only Oer-
many would ' prexs the button ' in the interests of
peace." (British Blue Book, No. 84; Collected
Diplomatic Documents, p. 64.)

7. Proposal of Russian Foreign Minister (July 30) : " If

Austria, recognizing that the Austro-Serbian question
has assumed the character of a question of European
interest, declares herself ready to eliminate from her
ultimatum pouita which violate the sovereign rights of
Serbia, Russia engages to stop her military prepara-
tions." (Kussian Orange Hook, No. 60; Collected
Diplomatic Dwumcntx, p. 288.)

Reply of German Foreign Minister that " he con-
sidered it impossible for Austria to accept our pro-
posal." (Kussian Oranyr Book, No. 63; Collected
Diplomatic Document M, p. 289.)

8. Second Proposal of Russian Foreign Minister (July 31)

" // Austria consents to stay the march of her
troops on Serbian territory; and if, recognizing that
the Austro-Serbian conflict has assumed the charac-
ter of a question of European interest, she admit*
that the (Ireat I'ou-e.rs may examine the satisfaction
which Serbia can accord to the Austro-Ilungarian
Government without injury to her rights as a sover-
eign State or her independence, Russia undertakes to
maintain her waiting attitude." ( Russian Orange
Book, No. 67; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p.
291.)

This proposal remained unanswered.

9. Austria declared (August 1) that she was then, "ready

to discuss the g roii mix nf her prieruncrs it<i<iinxt fierbia
with the other Power-*." I Kuxsian Oranije Rook, No
73; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 293.)

Sir Edward Grey comments: "Things ought not t>
be hopeless so long as Austria and Russia are read;
to converse." I Hritish Blue Rook, No. 131; dollecte: ',
Diplomatic Documents, p. 97.) From July 30 on-
wards " the tension between Russia and Germany
was much greater than between Russia and Austria.
As between the latter an arrangement seemed almost
in sight." (British Ambassador at Vienna, in

Uritixh Uluc Book, No. 161; Collected
Documents, p. 117.)

But it was then too late, as Germany had already

i I

resolved upon war, and was preparing her ultimatum*
which precipitated the conflict.

III. GERMAN ULTIMATUMS AND DECLARATIONS or
AGAINST RUSSIA AND FRANCE.

1. A council of war, held at Potsdam on the evening of July

29, apparently decided definitely to make war

France and Russia.

" Our innermost conviction is that it was on thl*
evening that the decision of war was reached.
5th of July, before his departure for a cruise on
coasts of Norway, the Kaiser had given his consent
to the launching of the Serbian venture. The 29tk
of July he decided for war." (Le Uensonge du I
Aoflt, 1914, P- 38.)

" People who are in a position to know say that
those occupying the leading military positions, «up
ported by the I'mwn Prince and his retainers, threat
en«-d the Kmperor witli their resignation en blue il
»ar ».-re not. resolved on." (/ Accuse, p. 189.)

2. General mobilization of Kussian army (.Inly 30-31)

This was grounded not merely on the measures of Aus-
tria, but also on " tbe measures for mobilization
[against Russia J taken secretly, but continuously, by
Germany for the lust six days." (French Yellow Book,
No. 118; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 223.)

The Tsar assured tbe Kaiser : " It is far from us to
want war. As long as the negotiations between Aus-
tria and Serbia continue, my troops will undertake
no provocative action. I give you my solemn word
thereon." (Gentian White Book; Collected Diplo-
matic Documents, p. 411.)

For evidence of German mobilization against
France beginning as early as July 21, see Xlneteent*
Century and After, issue for June, 1917. Consult also
/ Accuse, pp. 194-201; War Cyclopedia, under "Mo-
bilization Controversy."

3. German ultimatum to Russia (July 31, midnight) de-

manding that the Government " suspend their mil! ary
measures by midday on August 1 " (twelve hours).

Demand addressed to France (July 31, 7.00 p. m.) as
to "What the attitude of France would be In ca • of
war between Germany and Russia?" (French Yellow
Book, No. 117; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p.
223). The French Prime Minister answered (August
1, 1.05 p. m.) that " France would do that which her
interests dictated." (German White Rook, exhibit 27;
Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 434.)

4. Declaration of war against Russia at 7.10 p. m. on Au-

gust 1, following Russia's failure to demobilixs.
iHiissinn Orange Book, No. 76; Collected Diplomat*
Documents, p. 294.)

Orders for a general mobilization of the French
army were signed at 3.40 p. m. the same day.

5. Declaration of war against France on August 3 (Frenelt

Yellow Book, No. 147; Collected Diplomatic Documents

p. 240.)

This declaration contained charges that France bad
already violated German territory (e. g., by drop-
ping bombs from aeroplanes on railway track* near
Nuremburg). These charges are now shown to b»
falsehood*. (Lf \lensuniie ttu S Aofit. 191). pp 130-
230; pamphlet entitled, German Truth and a
of Fact, London, 1917.) To avoid possible

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

through hot-headedness of her troops and under-
officers, France withdrew her troops 10 kilometers
(about six miles) within her own frontiers. On the
other hand, German bands repeatedly crossed the
French frontier, and even killed a French soldier on
French soil before the declaration of war. (French
Yellow Book, No. 106.)

Similar falsehoods were inserted in the Austrian
declaration of war on Serbia, and in the German
declaration of war on Russia. Falsehood and forgery
were used with Machiavellian unscrupulousness by
Germany in the conduct of her foreign affairs.
(Compare Bismarck's changes in the "Ems dis-
patch " at beginning of Franco-German war and his
diabolical pleasure that war with France thus be-
came certain. Bismarck, Autobiography, II, p. 101.
See War Cyclopedia, under " German Government,
Moral Bankruptcy," etc.)

IV. GERMAN RESPONSIBILITY FOB THE WAB.

The testimony is overwhelming not only that
Germany planned with Austria an aggressive stroke
in 191.',, but that in the end it was she who willed the
tear. (See War Cyclopedia, under "War, Responsi-
bility for.")

" The constant attitude of Germany who, since the
beginning of the conflict, while ceaselessly protesting
to each Power her peaceful intentions, has actually,
by 'her dilatory or negative attitude, caused the fail-
ure of all attempts at agreement, and has not ceased
to encourage through her Ambassador the uncom-
promising attitude of Vienna; the German military
preparations begun since the 25th July and subse-
quently continued without cessation; the immediate
opposition of Germany to the Russian formula [of
July 29-31], declared at Berlin inacceptable for Austria
before that Power had ever been consulted; in con-
clusion, all the impressions derived from Berlin bring
conviction that Germany has sought to humiliate Bus-
tia, to disintegrate the Triple Entente, and if these
results could not be obtained, to make tear."
(Viviani, French Minister for Foreign Affairs, July
81, in French Yellow Book, No. 114; Collected Diplo-
matic Documents, p. 221.)

" Never in the history of the world has a greater
crime than this been committed. Never has a crime
after its commission been denied with greater
effrontery and hypocrisy." (/ Accuse, pp. 208-9.)

" The German Government contrived the war
jointly in concert with the Austrian Government, and
•o burdened itself with the greatest responsibility for
the immediate outbreak of the war. The German
Government brought on the war under cover of decep-
tion practised upon the common people and even upon
the Reichstag (note the suppression of the ultimatum
to Belgium, the promulgation of the German White
Book, the elimination of the Tsar's despatch of July
29, 1914, etc.)." (Dr. Karl Liebknecht, German So-
cialist, in leaflet dated May 3, 1916. See War Cyclo-
pedia, under " Liebknecht on German War Policy.")

" The object of this war [on the part of the
opponents of Germany] is to deliver the free peoples
of the world from the menace and the actual power
of a vast military establishment controlled by an
Irresponsible government which, having secretly
planned to dominate the world, proceeded to carry
the plan out without regard either to the sacred obli-
r»Hon» of treaty or the long-established practical

and long-cherished principles of international actioei
and honor; which 'chose its own time for the warj
delivered its blow fiercely and suddenly; stopped at
no barrier either of law or mercy; swept a wool*
continent within the tide of blood — not the blood at
soldiers only, but the blood of innocent women and
children also and of the helpless poor; and now
stands balked but not defeated, the enemy of four-
fifths of the world. This power is not the German
people. It is the ruthless master of the German
people. It is no business of ours how that great
people came under its control or submitted with tem-
porary zest to the domination of its purpose; but it
is our business to see to it that the history of tfc«
rest of the world is no longer left to it§ handling."
(President Wilson's reply to the Pope's peace pro-
posals, August 27, 1917.)

For reading references on Chapter V, eee page 63.

VI. VIOLATION OF BELGIUM'S NEUTRALITY BRING*

IN GREAT BRITAIN.
I. WHY GBEAT BRITAIN WAS EXPECTED TO STAY OTTT.

1. Embittered state of party relations growing out of the

Budget struggle of 1909-11, the limitation of the veto
of the House of Lords in 1911, violence of the suf-
fragettes (" the wild women "), and the passage by tk»
House of Commons of the Irish Home Rule bill (May
25, 1914).

2. Serious threat of rebellion in northern Ireland (Ulster)

against putting in force Irish Home Rule act. Organi-
zation of armed forces under Sir Edward Carson; " gum
running " from Germany.

3. Widespread labor troubles, especially among the railway

workers.

4. Unrest in India, following administrative division of the

province of Bengal; boycott movement; revolutionary
violence attending Nationalist (Hindu) agitations.

5. Un warlike character of the British people; a "nation of

shopkeepers " supposedly unready for the sacrifice* of
war. Progress of pacifist opinions (" Norman- AngtU-
ism").

A. Lack of an army adequate for use abroad. Composed of
volunteers ("mercenaries") instead of being based o»
compulsory service, it was regarded (in the Kaiser**
phrase) as "contemptible."

II. BRITISH DIPLOMACY AND THE WAS.
1. Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, labored

unremittingly for peace. (See War Cyclopedia, under

"Grey and British Policy, 1914.")

''Sir Edward Grey deserves more than any other
the name of the ' peacemaker of Europe.' . . . Hi»
efforts were in vain, but his merit in having served
the cause of peace with indefatigable zeal, with skill
and energy will remain inextinguishable in history."
(/ Accuse, pp. 247-8.)

" No man in the history of the world hat ever
labored more strenuously or more successfully than
my right honorable friend, Sir Edward Grey, for that
which is the supreme interest of the modern world —
a general and abiding peace. . . . We preserved by
every expedient that diplomacy can suggest, strain-
ing to almost the breaking point onr most cherished
friendships and obligations, even to the last muJt'ajr
effort upon effort and hoping against hope. Them,
and only then, when we were at last compelled t*
realize that the choice lay between honor and di»

II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR.

honor, between treachery and good faith, and that
we had at last rom-ln-d tin- dividing line which makes
or mars a nation worthy of the name, it was then,
and only then, that we declared for war." (Prime
Minister Asquith, at the Guildhall, London, Septem-
ber 4, 1914.)

" Shoulder to shoulder with England we labored in-
cessantly and supported every proposal," etc. (Ger-
man White ISoiik; in (.-ulln-ti'd Diplomatic Document*,
p. 410.) Similar admissions that Great Britain
strove sincerely and energetically for peace are found
in other passages in the German White Book. Later
the German Chancellor, von Bethmann Hollweg, de-
clared: "The inner responsibility [for the warj lies
on the Government of Great Britain. . . . England
saw bow things were moving, but did nothing to
spoke the wheel." (Speech in Reichstag, December
2, 1914.) This statement, however, is palpably false.
I. British fleet kept together after the summer manoeuvres
(July 27). Importance of this step.

" I pointed out [to the Austrian ambassador] that
our fleet was to have dispersed to-day, but we had
felt unable to let it disperse. We should not think of
calling up reserves at this moment, and there was no
menace in what we had done about our fleet; but,
owing to the possibility of a European conflagration,
it was impossible for us to disperse our forces at this
moment. I gave this as an illustration of the anxiety
that was felt [over the Serbian question]." (Sir
Edward Grey, in British Blue Book, No. 48; Collected
Diplomatic Documents, p. 43.)

t. Her liberty of action reserved; Great Britain was free
from engagements (July 29).

" In the present case the dispute between Austria
and Serbia was not one in which we felt called to
take a hand. Even if the question became one be-
tween Austria and Russia we should not feel called
upon to take a hand in it. It would then be a ques-
tion of the supremacy of Teuton or Slav— a strug-
gle for supremacy in the Balkans; and our idea had
always been to avoid being drawn into a war over a
Balkan question. If Germany became Involved and
France became involved, we had not made up our
minds 'what we should do; it was a case that tee
should have to consider. . . . We were free from
engagements, and we should have to decide what
British interests required us to do. I thought It
necessary to say that, because ... we were taking
all precautions with regard to our fleet, and I was
about to warn [the German ambassador] not to
count on otir standing aside, but that it would not be
fair that I should let [the French ambassador] be
misled into supposing that this meant that we had
decided what to do in a contingency that I still
hoped might not arise." (Sir Edward Grey to the
French Ambassador, in British liliie Book, No. 87;
Collected Diplomatic Dorumcntx, pp. 65-66.)

* Germany's " Infamous Proposal " of July 29 ( following
the Potsdam council of that dnte, nt which war appar-
ently was resolved upon). Fn return for British neu-
trality in case of war bitici'cn German;/ and France, the
German Chancellor promised: (a) Not to aim at "ter-
ritorial acquisitions at the expense of France " in
Europe; (6) a similar undertaking with respect to the
French colonies was refused; (r) the neutrality of
Holland would Le observed as long as it was respected
by Germany's adversaries; (d) in case Germany was
obliged to violate Belgium 'i neutrality, " when the war

was over Belgian integrity would be respected if the
bad not sided against Germany."

" lie [the German Chancellor] said that should Aus-
tria be attacked by Russia a European conflagration
might, he feared, become inevitable, owing to Ger-
many's obligations as Austria's ally, in spite of hi*
continued efforts to maintain peace. He then pro-
ceeded to make the following strong bid for British
neutrality, lie said that it was clear, so far as he
was able to judge the main principle which governed
British policy, that Great Britain would never stud
by and allow France to be crushed in any conflict
there might be. That, however, was not the object
at which Germany aimed. Provided that neutrality
of Great Britain were certain, every assurance would
be given to the British Government that the Imper-
ial Government aimed at no territorial acquisition!
at the expense of France should they prove victorious
in any war that might ensue.

" I questioned his Excellency about the French
colonies, and he said that he was unable to give a simi-
lar undertaking in that respect. As regards Holland,
however, his Excellency said that so long as Ger-
many's adversaries respected the integrity and neu-
trality of the Netherlands, Germany was ready to
give His Majesty's Government an assurance that
she would do likewise. It depended upon the action
of France what operations Germany might be forced
to enter upon in Belgium, but when the war wa*
over, Belgian integrity would be respected if she had
not sided against Germany." (British Ambassador
at Berlin, in British Blue Book, No. 85; Collect*
Diplomatic Documents, p. 64.)

6. This proposal was emphatically rejected by Great
Britain. " What he asks us in effect is to engage to
stand by while French colonies are taken and Franc*
is beaten, so long as Germany does not take French
territory as distinct from the colonies." (Sir Edward
Grey, in British Blue Book, No. 101; Collected Diplo-
matic Documents, p. 77. Compare Germany's attitudt
over Great Britain's proposal for a compact in 1912 —
see ch. i, IV 6 c.)

The proposals of July 29 may be regarded as " the
first clear sign of a general conflict; for they pre-
sumed the probability of a war with France in which
Belgium, and perhaps England, might be involved,
while Holland would be left alone." (J. H. Rose,
Development of the European Nations, 5th ed., El, p.
387.)

6. Grey holds out the prospect of a League of Peace (July
30). In his reply to the foregoing proposals, the Brit-
ish Foreign Secretary adds:

"If the peace of Europe can be preserved, and the
present crisis safely passed, my own endeavor will
be to promote some arrangement to which German?
could be a party, by ichich she could be assured that
no aggressive or hostile policy would be pursued
against her or her allies by France, Russia, and our-
selves, jointly or separately. 1 have desired this and
worked for it, as far as I could, through the last
Balkan crisis, and, Germany having a corresponding
object, our relations sensibly improved. The idea ha*
hitherto been too Utopian to form the subject of
definite proposals, but if this present crisis, so much
more acute than any that Europe has gone through
for generations, be safely passed, I am hopeful that
the relief and reaction which will follow may make
possible some more definite rapprochement bet wee*

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

the Powers than has been possible hitherto." (Brit-
ith Blue Book, No. 101; Collected Diplomatic Docu-
ments, p. 78.)

Germany made no reply to the above suggestion.
7. Would Great Britain keep out if Germany respected
Belgium's neutrality? (August 1.)

" He [the German Ambassador] asked me [Sir
Edward Grey] whether, if Germany gave a promise
not to violate Belgium's neutrality, we would engage
to remain neutral.

" I replied that I could not say that; our hands
were still free, and we were considering what our
attitude should be. All I could say was that our at-
titude would be determined largely by public opin-
ion here, and that the neutrality of Belgium would
appeal very strongly to public opinion here. I did not
think that we could give a promise of neutrality on
that condition alone.

" The Ambassador pressed m? as to whether I could
not formulate conditions on which we would remain
neutral. He even suggested that the integrity of
France and her colonies might be guaranteed.

" I said that I felt obliged to refuse definitely any
promise to remain neutral on similar terms, and I
could only say that we must keep our hands free."
(British Blue Book, No. 123; Collected Diplomatic
Documents, p. 93.)

•. Great Britain not to come in if Russia and France re-
jected reasonable peace proposals; otherwise she would
aid France (July 31).

" I said to German Ambassador this morning that
if Germany could get any reasonable proposal put
forward which made it clear that Germany and Aus-
tria were striving to preserve European peace, and
that Russia and France would be unreasonable if
they rejected it, I would support it at St. Petersburg
and Paris, and go the length of saying that if Russia
and France would, not accept it His Majesty's Gov-
ernment would have nothing more to do with the
consequences; but, otherwise, I told German Am-
bassador that if France became involved we should be
drawn in." (Sir Edward Grey, in British Blue Book,
No. Ill; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 86.)
•. Great Britain gives Naval assurance to France (August
t), following the German declaration of war on Russia
(August 1) and the invasion of Luxemburg.

" I am authorized [by the British Cabinet] to give
an assurance that, if the German fleet comes into the
Channel or through the North Sea to undertake hos-
tile operations against French coasts or shipping, the
British fleet will give all the protection in its power."
(Sir Edward Grey to the French Ambassador, in
British Blue Book, No. 148; Collected Diplomatic
Documents, p. 105.)

This assurance was given as the result of an ar-
rangement of several years' standing whereby the
French fleet was concentrated in the Mediterranean
and the British in the North Sea. " It did not bind
us to go to war with Germany unless the German
fleet took the action indicated." (Sir Edward Grey
to the British Ambassador at Paris, in British Blue
Book, No. 148; Collected Diplomatic Documents p
105. )

ED. NEUTRALITY or LUXEMBUBO AND OF BELGIUM
VIOLATED.

1. Luxemburg imvadwl by German troops (August 8).
Thin was in violation of the Treaty of London (1867),

as well as of her rights as a neutral state in general
(See Hague Convention of 1907, Articles 2-5; War
Cyclopedia, under " Luxemburg," " Neutral Duties,"
"Neutrality," "Neutralized State.")

2. Special status of Belgium aa a Neutralized State. Based
upon the Treaty of London (1839), by which Belgium
became "an independent and perpetually neutral state,
. . . bound to observe such neutrality towards all
other states," and Prussia, France, Great Britain, Aus-
tria, and Russia became the " guarantors " of her
neutrality. The German Empire was the successor t»
Prussia in this guarantee. Confirmation of Belgium's
neutrality in 1870, by treaties between Great Britain
and Prussia and Great Britain and France. (See War
Cyclopedia, under "Belgium, Neutralization.")

" Had Belgium been merely a email neutral na-
tion, the crime [of her violation] would still hay*
been one of the worst in the history of the modern
world. The fact that Belgium was an international-
ized State has made the invasion the master tragedy
of the war. For Belgium represented what progress
the world had made towards co-operation. If It
could not survive, then no internationalism was pos-
sible. That is why, through these years of horror
upon horror, the Belgian horror is the fiercest of all.
The burning, the shooting, the starving, and the rob-
bing of small and inoffensive nations is tragic enough
But the German crime in Belgium is greater than the
sum of Belgium's misery. It is a crime against the
basis of faith on which the world must build or per-
ish." (Walter Lippman, in Annals of the American
Academy of Political and Social Science, July, 1917).

3. German reassurances to Belgium in 1911 and 1914.

" Germany will not lose sight of the fact that the
neutrality of Belgium is guaranteed by international
treaty." (German Minister of War, in the Reichstag,
April 29, 1911. See Belgian Grey Book, No. 12;
Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 306.)

" The troops will not cross Belgian territory "
(German Minister to Belgium, early on August 2,
1914, to Brussels journalists. In H. Pavignon,
Belgium and Germany, p. 7.)

" Up to the present he [the Gorman Minister to
Belgium, on August 2] had not been instructed to
make us an official communication, but that we knew
his personal opinion as to the feelings of security
which we had the right to entertain towards out
eastern neighbors." (Belgian Minister for Foreign
Affairs, in Beli/ian Orey Book, No. 10; rv>7ter/«f
n i 'plum at (c Documents, p. 309.)

4. France officially assured Great Britain and Belgium of

her resolve to respect Belgium's neutrality (July 31
and August 1), in response to an inquiry addressed by
Great Britain to both France and Germany. (British
Blue Book, No. 115 and 125; Belgian Grey Book, No
15; Collected Diplomatic Ducumi-ntu, pp. 87, 94, 307.)

5. Germany declined to give such an official assurance

(July 31) — apparently on the grpund that "any reply
they might, give could not but disclose a certain amount
of their plan of campaign in the event of war ensuing."
(flritisli Blue Book, No. 122; Collected Diplomatic
D'irutnrntx, p. 92.)

6. Germany demanded (August 2 at 7.00 p. m.) permission

to pass through Belgium on the way to France, alleging
(falsely) that France intended to march into Belgium,
and offering to restore Belgium and to pay an indem-
nity at the end of the war. Should Belgium oppose the
German troops, she would be considered " as an enemy,"

II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR.

aud Germany would " undertake no obligation! "
towards her. (Belyian Grey Book, No. 20; Collected
Diplomatic Documents, pp. 309-311.)

7. Belgium refused such permission (August 3). "The
Belgian Government, if they were to accept the pro-
posals submitted to them, would sacrifice the honor of
the nation and betray their duty towards Europe."
(Belgian Grey Book, No. 22; Collected Diplomatic
Document*, p. 312.)

t. German armed forces entered Belgium on the morning
of August 4. Belgium thereupon appealed to Great
Britain, France, and Russia, as guaranteeing Powers, to
come to her assistance in repelling the invasion.

t. Germany's justification of her action.

(a) Plea of necessity. "Gentlemen, we are now in
a state of necessity, and necessity knows no law.
Our troops have occupied Luxemburg and per-
haps have already entered Belgian territory.
Gentlemen, this is a breach of international law.

. We know . . . that France stood ready for
an invasion [this statement was false]. France
could wait, we could not. . . . The wrong — I
speak openly — the wrong we thereby commit we
will try to make good as »oon as our military
aims have been attained. He who is menaced as
we are and is fighting for his highest possession
can only consider how he is to hack his way
through." (Chancellor von Bethmann Hollweg,
in the Reichstag, August 4, 1914. See War
Cyclopedia, under " Bethmann Hollweg," " Kriegs-
Raison," " Notwendigkeit."

(b) Charge that Belgium had violated her own neu-
trality by concluding military conventions with
England in 1905 and 1912 directed against Ger-
many. This claim is based on a willful mis-
interpretation of documents discovered by Ger-
many in Brussels after the taking of that city.
(Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 350-367.)

" That a wrong was done to Belgium was originally
openly confessed by the perpetrator. As an after-
thought, in order to appear whiter, Cain blackened
Abel. In my opinion it was a spiritual blunder to
rummage for documents in the pockets of the quiver-
ing victim. ... To calumniate her in addition is
really too much." (Karl Spitteler, a Swiss, quoted
In / Accuse, p. 234.)

(e) Military expediency was the real reason. This
is shown, among other Indications, by an inter-
view (August 3, 1914) between the German Min-
ister for Foreign Affairs and the Belgian Minister
to Germany.

German Minister: "It is a question of life or death
for the Empire. If the German armies do not want
to be caught between the hammer and the anvil they
must strike a decisive blow at France, in order then
to turn back against Russia."

Kfltjinn Miniitrr: " But the frontiers of Franceare
sufficiently extended to make it possible to avoid
passing through Belgium."

Foreign Minister: " They are too strongly fortl-
tfled." (II. Davignon, Belgium and Germany, p. 14.)

IV. GBEAT BRITAIN ENTERS THE WAR.
1. Appeal of King Albert of Belgium to King George
(August 3). "Remembering the numerous proofs of
your Majesty's friendship and that of your predecessor,
and the friendly attitude of England in 1870 and the
proof of friendship you have just given us again, I
make a supreme appeal to the diplomatic intervention

of your Majesty's Government to safeguard the integ-
rity of Belgium." (Brlijinn tlrey Book, No. 25; Col-
lected Diplftmatic Documents, p. 313.)

2. Great Britain's ultimatum to Germany (August 4) ask-

ing assurance by midnight that " the demand mad*
upon Belgium will not be proceeded with, and that her
neutrality will be respected by Germany." (Brltitk
Blue Book, No. 153, 159; Collected Diplomatic Docu-
ments, pp. 107-109.)

3. War declared by Great Britain (about midnight, August

4). The "scrap of paper" utterance.

The account of the last interview (about 7.00
p. m., August 4) of the British Ambassador with th*
German Chancellor is instructive: "I found the
Chancellor very agitated. His Excellency at one*
began a harangue, which lasted for about twenty
minutes. He said that the step taken by His Majesty'*
Government was terrible to a degree; just for a wort
— ' Neutrality' a word which in war time had to
often been disregarded — just for a scrap of paper
Great Britain was going to make war on a kindred
nation who desired nothing better than to be friend*
with her. All his efforts in that direction had bee»
rendered useless by this last terrible step, and the
policy to which, as I knew, he had devoted himself
since his accession to office had tumbled down like a
house of cards. What we had done was unthinkable;
it was like striking a man from behind while he wa»
fighting for his life against two assailants. He held
Great Britain responsible for all the terrible event*
that might happen. I protested strongly against that
statement, and said that, in the same way as he and
Herr von Jagow [German Foreign Minister] withed
me to understand that for strategical reasons it too*
a matter of life and death to Germany to advance
through Belgium and violate the tatter's neutrality,
so I would wish him to understand that it was, so to
speak, a matter of ' life and death ' for the honor of
Great Britain that she should keep her solemn en-
gagement to do her utmost to defend Belgium's neu-
trality if attacked. That solemn compact simply had
to he kept, or what confidence could anyone have la
engagements given by Great Britain in the future T
The Chancellor said, ' But at what price will that
compact hate been keptf Has the British Govern-
ment thought of that?' I hinted to his Excellency
as plainly as I could that fear of consequences could
hardly be regarded as an excuse for breaking solemn
engagements, but his Excellency was so excited, *o
evidently overcome by the new* of our action, and
so little disposed to bear reason that I refrained fron»
adding fuel to the flame by further argument
(British Blue Book, No. 160; Collected Diplomat*
Documents, p. 111. See War Cyclopedia, under
"Scrap of Paper.")
4. Great Britain's reasons for entering the war.

(a) Her obligations to Belgium under the treaty of
1839.

(b) Her relations to France growing out of the En-
tente Cordiale (1904). These ties were strength-
ened in subsequent years by consultations of
British and French naval experts, but no promise
of anything more than diplomatic support wa*
given until August 2, 1914.

" We have agreed that consultation between ex-
perts is not, and ought not, to be regarded as an en-
gagement that commits either Government to actioa
In any contingency that has not yet arisen and may

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

never arise. The disposition, for instance, of the
French and British fleets respectively at the present
moment is not based upon an engagement to co-
operate in war.

" You have, however, pointed out that, If either
Government had grave reason to expect an unpro-
voked attack by a third Power, it might become es-
sential to know whether it could in that event depend
upon the armed assistance of the other.

" I agree that, if either Government had grave rea-
son to expect an unprovoked attack by a third Power,
or something that threatened the general peace, it
should immediately discuss with the other whether
both Governments should act together to prevent
aggression and to preserve peace, and if so, what
measures they would be prepared to take in com-
mon." (Sir Edward Grey to the French Ambassador,
November 22, 1912; see New York Times Current
History, I, p. 283.)

" There is but one way in which the Government
could make certain at the present moment of keeping
outside this war, and that would be that it should
immediately issue a proclamation of unconditional
neutrality. We cannot do that. We have made the
commitment to France [of August 2, 1914] that I
have read to the House which prevents us doing
that." (Sir Edward Grey in the House of Commons,
August 3, 1914; New York Times Current History, I,
p. 289.)

(c) Keif- Interest — the realization that Germany's
/hostility to her was implacable, and that if
Great Britain was not to surrender her position
as a Great Power in the world, and possibly a
goodly portion of her colonial possessions, she
must ultimately fight Germany; if so, better in
alliance with France and Russia than alone at a '
later time.
6. Great Britain's declared war aims.

" We shall never sheathe the sword which we have
not lightly drawn until Belgium recovers in full
measure all and more than all that she has sacrificed,
until France is adequately secured against the
menace of aggression, until the rights of the smaller
nationalities of Europe are placed upon an unassail-
able foundation, and until the military domination of
Prussia is wholly and finally destroyed." (Prime
Minister Asquith, November 9, 1914.)

" I say nothing of what the actual conditions of
peace will be, because those are things which we
must discuss with our allies and settle in common
with them. But the great object to be attained. . . .
is that there shall not again be this sort of militar-
ism in Europe, which in time of peace causes the
whole of the continent discomfort by its continual
menace, and then, when it thinks the moment ban
come that suits itself, plunges the continent into
war." (Sir Edward Grey, House of Commons, Jan-
uary 2(5, 1016.)

" What we and our allies are fighting for is a free
Europe. We want a Europe free, not only from the
domination of one nationality -by another, but from
hectoring diplomacy and the peril of war, free from
the constant rattling of the sword in the scabbard,
from perpetual talk of shining armor and war lords.
In fart, we feel we are fighting for equal rights; for
law, justice, peace; for civilization throughout the
world as against brute force, which .knows no re-
straint and no mercy.

" Whal l'rn~-i;i fTopo^ex, as we understand her, is
Prussian supremacy. She proposes a Europe mod-

elled and ruled by Prussia. She is to dispose of tha
liberties of her neighbors and of us all. We say that
life on these terms is intolerable. And this also i*
what France and Italy and Russia say. We are
fighting the German idea of the wholesomeness, al-
most the desirability, of ever recurrent war. Ger-
many's philosophy is that a settled peace spelli
degeneracy. Such a philosophy, if it is to survive aa
a practical force, means eternal apprehension and
unrest. It means ever-increasing armaments. It
means arresting the development of mankind along
the lines of culture and humanity. . . .

" The Allies can tolerate no peace that leaves the
wrongs of this war unredressed. Peace counsels that
are purely abstract and make no attempt to discrimi-
nate between the rights and the wrongs of this war
are ineffective if not irrelevant.

" . . The Prussian authorities have apparently
but one idea of peace, an iron peace imposed on other
nations by German supremacy. They do not under-
stand that free men and free nations will rather die
than submit to that ambition, and that there can be
no end to war till it is defeated and renounced "
(Sir Edward Grey to correspondent of Chicago Daily
Nrws, in June, 1916.)
For reading references on Chapter VI, see page 64.

Vn. THE WAR SPREADS — CHARACTER OP

THE WAR
I OTHEB STATES ENTEB THE WAS.

1. Montenegro declares war (Aug. 7. 1914), as an ally of
Serbia.

2. Japan declares war (Aug. 23), because of —

(a) Alliance with Great Britain (concluded in 190J;
renewed in 1905 and 1911).

(b) Resentment at German ousting of Japan from
Port Arthur in 1895, and German seizure of Kiao-
Cb.au Bay (China) in 1897. Japanese ultimatum
to Germany in 1914 modeled on that of Germany
to Japan in 1895.

(o) Japan captures Teingtau, on Kiao-Chau Bay (NoT.
17. 1914). Thenceforth her part in the military
operations of the war was slight.

3. Unneutral acts of Turkey (sheltering of German war-
ships, bombardment of Russian Black Sea ports, Oct.
29, etc.) lead to Allied declarations of war against her
(Nov. 3-5, 1914). It is now proved that Turkey wai
in alliance with Germany from August 4, 1914. (Set
N. Y. Times Current History. Nov., 1917, p. 334-335.)

4. Italy declares war on Austria, (May 23, 1915; on Ger-
many August 27, 1916.) Due in part to —

(a) Italy's desire to complete her unification by acquir-
ing from Austria the Italian-speaking Trentino
and Trieste (Italia Irredenta).

(b) Conflicts of interests with Austria on the Eastern
shore of the Adriatic.

5. Bulgaria, encouraged by Russian and British reverses,
and assured by Germany of the much coveted shore OB
the Aogean, makes an alliance with Austria and Ger-
many and attacks Serbia (Oct. 13. 1915). Great Brit-
ain, France, Russia, and Italy thereupon declared war
on Bulgaria (Oct. 16-19.) Refusal of King Constaa-
tine of Greece to fulfill his treaty with Serbia.

II. TOI'ir.U. OUTLINE OF Till, \VAK.

S. Portugal drawn into the war (March 9. 1016) through
her long-standing alliance with Great Britain.

7. Roumania, encouraged by Allied successes early in 1916.
and treacherously pressed thereto by Russia, attacks
Austria-Hungary in order to gain Transylvania (Aug.
28. 1916.)

8. Further spread of the wan United States declares war
on Germany. April 6. 1917 (see chapter be).— Greece
deposes King Constantino and joins the Entente Allies
(June 12, 1917).— Siam, China and Brazil enter the war
against the Teutonic Allies; Bolivia, Peru. Uruguay.
Ecuador, etc.. sever diplomatic relations with Germany.
(See War Cyclopedia, under "War. Declarations of."

II. WORLD- WIDE CHABACTEB AND IMPORT A sen or THT
CONFLICT.

1. The most widespread and terrible war in history. A
•core of countries involved; compare the size of the
belligerent areas and populations with those remaining
neutral, of the States arrayed against Germany with
those on her side.

"At least 38,000,000 men are bearing arms in. the war
—27,500.000 on the side of the world Allies and 10.600-
000 on the side of the Central Powers— according to
latest War Department compilations from published
reports in various countries. These figures do not in-
clude naval personnel strength, which would raise the
total several millions. Against Germany's 7.000.000,
Austria'a 3,000,000. Turkey's 300.000 and Bulgaria's
300,000, are arrayed the following armed forces: Rus-
sia. 9,000,000; France, 6,000,000; Great Britain, 5.000-
000; Italy. 3.000.000; Japan. 1.400.000; United States,
more than 1,000.000; China. 541.000; Roumania. 320,000;
Serbia. 300.000; Belgium. 300,000; Greece. 300,000;
Portugal. 200.000; Montenegro, 40.000; Siam, 36,000;
Cuba. 11.000. and Liberia. 400." — (Associated Press
dispatch, Oct. 22. 1917.)

2. Universal disorganization of commerce and industry.
Widespread suffering even in neutral countries. Pro-
blems of food-supply, coal, and other necessaries of
life.

I. Importance of the issues involved: Government of the
world by negotiation, arbitration, and international
law, »«. reliance upon military force, and the principle
that "might makes right." — Humanity vs. "fright-
fulness." — Democracy and freedom w. autocracy and
slavery.

HI. INNOVATIONS IN WABFABE DUE TO THE PBOOBISS or
SCIENCE AND INVENTION.

1. New developments in trenches and trench fighting.
Vast and complicated systems of deep and narrow
trenches, inter-communicating; underground refuge
chambers of timber and concrete; elaborate barbed wire
entanglements; shell cratere fortified with "pill boxes"
of steel and concrete as gun emplacements. Defended
by men with magazine rifles and machine guns; use of
hand grenades, trench mortars, sapping and mining;
steel helmets and gas masks. "Camouflage," the art
of concealment. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Barbed-
wire Entanglements," "Camouflage," "Trench War-
fare," etc.)

1 Great guns (German 42-centimeter mortars, etc.) used

to smash old fashioned steel and concrete fortification*
and bombard towns twenty-two miles distant. Enor-
mous quantities of high explosive shell, fired by thou-
sands of guns, for days at a time, used to destroy wire
entanglements and trenches. "Barrage" (barrier) shell-
fire used to cover attack ; definition and use of
"creeping barrage"; excellence of French "75's" (quick-
fire cannon with calibre of 75 millimeters — about three
inches; British "tanks" (huge caterpillar motors, ar-
mored and armed with machine guns and rapid-fire
cannon); poison gas and liquid fire; etc., etc. (See
War Cyclopedia, under "Barrage," "Forbidden Method*
of Warfare." "Gas Warfare." "Shells." "Tanks." etc.)

3. Great development of aeroplanes for scouting, direct-
ing artillery fire, etc. Use of captive balloons. Zep-
pelins used mainly for dropping bombs on undefended
British and French towns; their failure to fulfill German
expectations. Devices for combating aerial attack*.
(See War Cyclopedia, under "Aviation." etc.)

4. Great development of the submarine and submarine
warfare. Use of submarines against warships perfectly
legitimate; employment against merchant shipping also
entirely proper under certain limitations. Devices for
combating submarines. (See War Cyclopedia under
"Submarine." etc.)

5. New problems of transport and communication. Great
use of motor trucks and automobiles for moving troop*
and supplies; increased difficulties of supply owing to
great numbers of soldiers engaged, and enormous quan-
tities of shells fired. Use of wireless telegraph and
telephone. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Motor Trans-
port ")

6. Mobilization of civilian population in all countries and
national control of industry, food production and eon-
sumption. Increased participation of women in war
work. In this conflict not merely armies but nation*
are engaged against one another; and the side with the
greatest man-power, the best organized production and
consumption, the largest financial resources, the staunch-
eat courage and the closest co-operation between it*
allies will win. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Civflia*
Tasks." "Food Control." "Fuel Control." etc.)

IV. EXAMPLES OF GERMAN RCTDLESSNESB AND VIOLATIONS
OF INTERNATIONAL LAW.

1. War from the standpoint of International Law.

"From the standpoint of the international jurist, war
is not merely a national struggle between public enemies,
but a condition of juridical status under which such a
conflict is carried on. It consists of certain legal rules
and generally recognized customs, most of which havt
been codified and embodied in international treaties —
the so-called Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907—
which nearly all the members of the international com-
munity, including Germany, have signed and ratified.
Now, if we were to take up the Hague Regulations ID
detail, we should find that Germany has \iolated again
and again practically all of them. A bare list or enum-
eration of the proved and well authenticated instances
of violation of international law by Germany in this
war would, in fact, fill many volumes. If thes* were
accompanied by some description or commentary, I

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

verily believe that the Encyclopaedia Britannica would
•ot contain all of them."— (Prof. A. S. Hershey. in In-
diana University Alumni Quarterly, October. 1917)

"Germany does not really wage war. She assassi-
nates, massacres, poisons, tortures, intrigues; she com-
mit* every crime in the calendar, such as arson, pillage,
murder, and rape; she is guilty of almost every possible
violation of international law and of humanity— and
calls it war."-(/Wci.)

2. The German war philosophy. Conception of "abso-
lute war"; ruthlessness and "frightfulness" advocated
•a means of shortening war, and hence justified as really
humane; doctrine that "military necessity" is paramount
over every other consideration. International law re-
garded as a selfish invention of weak states seeking to
hamper the strong. Principle of "Deutschland iiber
Alles."

"Whoever uses force, without any consideration and
without sparing blood, has sooner or later the advantage
if the enemy does not proceed in the same way. One
cannot introduce a principle of moderation into the
philosophy of war without committing an absurdity.
It is a vain and erroneous tendency to neglect the ele-
ment of brutality in war merely because we dislike it."
— (Karl von Clausewitz, Vom Kriege, I, page 4.)

"War in the present day will have to be conducted
more recklessly, less scrupulously, more violently, more
ruthlessly, than ever in the past . . . Every restric-
tion on acts of war, once military overations have begun,
tends to weaken the co-ordinated action of the bellig-
erent . . . The law of nations must beware of para-
lyzing military action by placing fetters upon it . . .
Distress and damage to the enemy are the conditions
necessary to bend and break his will . . . The com-
batant has need of passion ... it requires that the
combatant . . . shall be entirely freed from the
shackles of a restraining legality which is in all respects
oppressive." — (General von Hartmann, "Militarische
Notwendigkeit und Humanitat," in Deutsche Rundschau,
XIV. pp. 76. 119-122.)

"Since the tendency of thought of the last century
was dominated essentially by humanitarian considera-
tions, which not infrequently degenerated into senti-
mentality and flabby emotion, there have not been
wanting attempts to influence the development of the
usages of war in a way which was in fundamental con-
tradiction with the nature of war and its object. At-
tempts of this kind will also not be wanting in the future,
the more so as these agitations have found a kind of
moral recognition in some provisions of the Geneva Con-
vention and the Brussels and Hague Conferences . . .
The danger that in this way he [the officer] will arrive
•t false views about the essential character of war must
not be lost sight of . . .By steeping himself in mili-
tary history an officer will be able to guard himself
against excessive humanitarian notions; it will teach
him that certain severities are indispensable to war, nay
more, that the only true humanity very often lies in a
ruthless application of them .

"Every means of war without which the object of
the war cannot be obtained is permissible ... It
follows from these universally valid principles that wide
limitn ar*" «ot to thp miHpptivp frppHnm nnrl arhitmrv

judgment of the commanding officer." — (OfficiaJ pub-
lication edited by the General Staff. Kriegsbrauch im
Landkriege; in translation by 3. H. Morgan entitled
The German War Book, pp. 54-55, 64.)

All the foregoing extracts are quoted in E. LaviM
and C. Andler, German Theory and Practice of War,
pp. 25-29. See also. D. C. Munro. German War Prac-
tices, Introduction; War Cyclopedia, under "Fright-
fulness," "Kriegs-Raison." "Notwendigkeit," "War,
German Ruthlessness." "War, German View," etc.;
Garner and Scott, German War Code.
3. German treatment of Belgium and other occupied ter»
ritories (Northern France, Russian Poland, Serbia, etc).
Evidence found in captured letters and diaries of Ger-
man soldiers and in proclamations of German com-
manders, as well as in testimony of victims and witnesses.
The violations of international law and the laws of hu-
manity include: —

(a) Deliberate and systematic massacre of portions of
the civil population, as a means of preventing or
punishing resistance. Individual citizens murdered
(some while hostages); women abused, and chil-
dren brutally slain. Several thousand persons were
so killed, often with mutilation and torture. (See
Munro, German War Practices; War Cyclopedia,
under "Hostages," "Non-combatants," etc.)
"Outrages of this kind [against the lives and property
of the civil population] were committed during the whole
advance and retreat of the Germans through Belgium
and France, and only abated when open manoeuvring
gave place to trench warfare along all the line from
Switzerland to the sea. Similar outrages accompanied
the simultaneous advance into the western salient of
Russian Poland, and the autumn incursion of the Austro-
Hungarians into Serbia, which was turned back at
Valievo. There was a remarkable uniformity in the
crimes committed in these widely separated theiteri
of war, and an equally remarkable limit to the datei
within which they fell. They all occurred during th«
first three months of the war, while, since that period,
though outrages have continued, they have not been of
the same character or on the same scale. This has not
been due to the immobility of the fronts, for although
it is certainly true that the Germans have been unable
to overrun fresh territories on the west, they have car-
ried out greater invasions than ever in Russia and the
Balkans, which have not been marked by outrages of
the same specific kind. This seems to show that the
•ystematic warfare against the civil population in the
campaigns of 1914 was the result of policy, deliberately
tried and afterwards deliberately given up." (J. Arnold
Toynbee, The German Terror in Belgium, pp. 15-16.)
(b) Looting, burning of houses and whole villages, and
wanton destruction of property ordered and coun-
tenanced by German officers. Provision for ay*-
tematic incendiarism a part of German military
preparations. (See Munro, German War Practice*;
War Cyclopedia, under "Belgium, Estates De-
stroyed," "Belgium's Woe." "Family Honor and
Rights of Property," "Pillage," etc.)
"It is forbidden to pillage a town or locality eyem
when taken by assault . . . [In occupied territory]
pillage is forbidden."— (Hague Convention of 1907,
Article* 2« and 47 )

II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR.

(o) Excessive taxes ($12,000,000) a month, and heavy
fines on cities and provinces, laid upon Belgium.
Belgium robbed of its industrial and agricultural
machinery, together with its stocks of food stuffs
and raw materials, which were sent into Germany 01
converted to the use of the German army. This
was according to a "plan elaborated by Dr. W. Rath-
enau in 1914 at Berlin, for the systematic exploi-
tation of all the economic resources of occupied
countries in favor of the military organization of
the Empire." (See Munro, German War Practice*,
Part II; War Cyclopedia, under "Belgium, Economic
Destruction," "Contributions,1* "Requisitions.")

"[1] Coal, minerals, metals, chemical products;
wood and various building materials; wool, flax, cot-
ton and other materials for weaving; leathers, hides
and rubber, all in every possible state of industrial
transformation, from the raw material to the com-
mercial product and the waste; [2] further, all ma-
chines, fixed and movable, and machine-tools (in
particular, the American lathes which it is impossible
to replace at present); transmission belts; wires
for electric lighting and motor power;- oils and
grease products; [3) transport material, whether by
road, railway or water, and an important part of
the rolling-stock of local railway lines; all traction
power, whether animal or mechanical; thorough-
breds and stud animals, and the products of breed-
ing; [4] agricultural products, seed and harvest*,
etc., — were successively immobilized, and then
seized and removed from the country, as a result
of legislative acts on the part of the civil authorities,
following upon innumerable requisitions by the mil-
itary authorities. The value of these seizures and
requisitions amounts to billions of francs .
Moreover, many of the measures taken were in-
spired not only by the motives of military interest
denounced above, but by the underlying thought
of crushing the commercial rivalry of Belgium.
This was explicitly admitted in Germany itself by
several authorities." — (Memorandum of the Belgian
Government on the Deportations, etc.. February 1,
1917. pp. 7-8.)

The total exactions from Belgium, in money and ma-
terials, are computed to be "in excess of one billion dol-
lart, or nearly five times as much as all the world hat con-
tributed to keep the Belgian people from starving to death."
—(9. S. McClure. Obstacles to Peace, page 116.)
(d) Forcible deportation of tens of thousands of Belgian
and other civilians to Germany, the men to serve
practically as slaves in Germany's industries, and
the women reduced frequently to worse than slavery.
(See Munro, German War Practicet; War Cyclopedia,
under "Belgium, Deportations.")
"They [the Germans] have dealt a mortal blow to any
prospect they may ever have had of being tolerated by
the population of Flanders [which they were seeking
to alienate from French-speaking Belgium]; in tearing
•way from nearly every humble home in the land a
husband and a father or a son and brother, they bars
lighted a fire of hatred that will never go out; they
have brought home to every heart in the land, in a way
that will impress its horror indelibly on the memory

of three generations, a realization of what GennM
methods mean — not, as with the early atrocities, hi
the heat of passion and the first lust of war, but by on*
of those deeds that make one despair of the future of
the human race, a deed coldly planned, studious);
matured, and deliberately and systematically executed,
a deed so cruel that German soldiers are said to have
wept in its execution, and so monstrous that even
German soliders are now said to be ashamed."— (U. 8.
Minister Brand Whitlock. in January. 1917.)

(e) Fearful devastation of part of Northern France
during Hindenburg's "strategic retreat" (March,
1917), including complete destruction of village*
and homesteads, systematic destruction of vineyard*
and fruit trees, etc. (See Munro, German War
Practices; War Cyclopedia, under "Destruction."
"Frightfulness," "Hindenburg Line.")

"In the course of these last months, great stretchee
of French territory have been turned by us into a dead
country. It varieg in width from 10 to 12 or 15 kilo-
meters [6J4 to "iy-i or 8 miles], and extends along the
whole of our new position, presenting a terrible barrier
of desolation to any enemy hardy enough to advance
against our new lines. No village or farm was left
standing on this glacis, no road was left passable, no
railway track or embankment was left in being. Where
once were woods there are gaunt rows of stumps; the
wells have been blown up; wires, cables, and pipeline*
destroyed. In front of our new positions runs, like •
gigantic ribbon, an empire of death." — (Berlin Lokai-
ameiger. March 18, 1917; quoted in Frigh'fulness to
Retreat, page 5.)

"Whole towns and villages have been pillaged, burnt
and destroyed; private houses have been stripped of afl
their furniture, which the enemy has carried off; fruit
trees have been torn up or rendered useless for all fu-
ture production; springs and wells have been poisoned.
The comparatively few inhabitants who were not de-
ported to the rear were left with the smallest possible
ration of food, while the enemy took possession of the
stocks provided by the Neutral Relief Committee and
intended for the civil population . . . It is a ques-
tion not of acts aimed at hampering the operations of
the Allied armies, but of acts of devastation which have
no connection with that object, and the aim of which
is to ruin for many years to come one of the most fertile
regions of France. — (Protest of the French Government
to Neutral Powers, in Frightfulness in Retreat, pp. 6-7.)

(f) Wanton destruction of historic works of art — library
of Louvain; cathedrals of Rheims. Soissons, Ypres.
Arras, St. Quentin; castle of Coucy; town halls, eto.
of Ypres and other Belgian cities. (See War Cy-
dopedia, under "Louvain." "Rheims." "Works of
of Art." etc.)

4. Other violations of the laws of warfare on land.

(a) Use of poison gas and liquid fire (both first used
by the Germans); poisoning of wells; intentional
dissemination of disease germs (anthrax and glaa-
ders, at Bucharest, etc.); bombardment of unde-
fended towns by Zeppelins, aoroplanes, and cruie*
ers; bombardment of hospitals, etc. (See War Cy-
clopedia, under "Bombardment." "Explosives from
Aircraft," "Forbidden Weapons," "Gas Warfare."

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

"Poisons," "Roumania. German Treachery in,"
"Zeppelins," etc.)

(b) Civilians, including women and children, used as
a screen by German forces; frequent abuse of Red
Cross and white flag. (See Munro, German War
Practices, under "Hostages and Screens."

" 'We waited for the advance of the Germans,' states
• British officer; 'some civilians reported to us that
they were coming down a road in front of us. On look-
ing in that direction we saw, instead of German troops,
a crowd of civilians — men, women, and children — waving
white handkerchiefs and being pushed down the road
in front of a large number of German troops.' — 'They
came on as it were in a mass,' states a British soldier,
'with the women and children massed in front of them.
They seemed to be pushing them on, and I saw them
•hoot down women and children who refused to march.
Up to this my orders had been not to fire, but when we
saw women and children shot my sergeant said: "It
is too heartrending," and gave orders to fire, which we
did.' — 'I saw the Germans advancing on hands and
knees towards our positions.' states another; 'they were
in close formation, and had a line of women and chil-
dren in front of their front rank. Our orders at that
time were not to fire on civilians in front of the enemy.' "
— (J. Arnold Toynbee, The German Terror in France,
K>. 6-7.)

(c) Wounded and prisoners killed in many instance*.
(See Munro, German War Practices. War Cyclopedia,
under "Hun," "Prisoners of War." "Quarter," etc.)

"28th August.— They [the French] lay in heaps of
eight or ten wounded or dead on the top of one an-
•ther. Those who could still walk we made prison-
«s and brought with us. Those who were seriously
wounded, in the head or lungs, etc., and who could
not stand upright, were given one more bullet, which
put an end to their life. Indeed, that was the order
which we had received."— (Diary of a German soldier,
in Joseph B^dier, How Germany seeks to Justify her
Atrocities, p. 45.)

"By leaps and bounds we got across the clearing.
They were here, there, and everywhere hidden in the
thicket. Now it is down with the enemy I And we
will give them no quarter . . . We knock down or
bayonet the wounded, for we know that those scoundrels
fire at our backs when we have gone by. There was •
Frenchman there stretched out, full length, face down,
pretending to be dead. A kick from a strong fusilier
soon taught him that we were there. Turning round
he asked for quarter, but we answered: 'Is that the

way your tools work, you ,' and he was nailed to

the ground. Close to me I heard odd cracking sounds.
They were blows from a gun on the bald head of •
Frenchman which a private of the 154th was dealing
out vigorously; he was wisely using a French gun so ai
not to break his own. Tender-hearted souls are so
kind to the French wounded that they finkh them with
a bullet, but others give them as many thrusts and blow*
M they can."-«-(Article entitled "A Day of Honor for
our Regiment— 24th September. 1914," in the Jauret-
che, Tageblatt, 18th October, 1914; facsimile in Joseph
B£dier, German AtrocMet from German Evidence pp
32-33.)

"After today no more prisoners uritt be taken. AU
prisoners are to be killed. Wounded, vrith or without arrm,
are to be killed. Even prisoners already grouped in con-
voys are to be killed. Let not a single living enemy
remain behind us." — (Order given 26th August, 1914.
by General Stenger, of the 58th German Brigade; tes-
tified to by numerous German prisoners. See Bedier,
German Atrocities, pp. 28-29, 39-40.)

"When you meet the foe you will defeat him. No
quarter will be given, no prisoners will be taken. Let
all who fall into your hands be at your mercy. Just at
the Huns a thousand years ago, under the leadership of
Etzel [.AtttZa] , gained a reputation in virtue of which theg
still line in historical tradition, so may the name of Germany
become known in such a manner in China that no China-
man will ever again dare to look askance at a German." —
(Speech of the Kaiser to German troops embarking for
the Boxer War in 1900; reported in Bremen Wettr
Zeitung and in other German newspapers; quoted in
London Times, July 30, 1900.)

"It is forbidden ... to kill or wound an enemy
who, having laid down his arms and having no meant
of self-defense, gives himself up aff a prisoner; to declan
that no quarter will be given." — (Hague Convention
of 1907. Article 23.)

(d) Inhuman treatment of British captives in German
prison camps, at Wittenberg and elsewhere. (See
Munro.German War Practices; War Cyclopedia, under
"Prisoners of War," etc.) The British treatment
of German prisoners, on the other hand, was humane
and correct.

5. Submarine warfare waged in disregard of international
law. Sinking without warning of the Falaba, Gushing,
Gulflight, Lusitania, Arabic, Sussex, etc; ruthless de-
struction of lives of innocent men, women, and chil-
dren. Great extension of submarine warfare after Feb-
ruary 1. 1917. Policy of "sinking without leaving •
trace" (spurlos versenkt). Instructions to sink even
hospital ships. Utter disregard of the rights of neu-
trals. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Lusitania Notes,"
"Submarine Warfare," "Spurlos Versenkt," "Visit and
Search," etc., and under names of vessels.)

"The new policy has swept every restriction aside.
Vessels of every kind, whatever then- flag, their char-
acter, their cargo, their destination, their errand, hay*
been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning
and without thought of help or mercy for those on board,
the vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of bel-
ligerents."—(President Wilson, speech of April 2, 1917.)

6. Practical extermination of the Armenian nation by the
Turks, evidently with German sanction (1915-16).
(See War Cyclopedia, under "Armenian Massacres.")

"In order, I was told, to cover the extermination
of the Armenian nation with a political cloak, military
reasons were being put forward, which were said to
make it necessary to drive the Armenians out of their
native seats, which had been theirs for 2,500 years, and
to deport them to the Arabian deserts. I was also told
that individual Armenians had lent themselves to acti
of espionage.

"After I had informed myself about the facts *W
had made inquiries on all sides, I came to the ooneb-

II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THK WAR.

lion that all these accusations against the Armenians
were, in fact, based on trifling provocations, which were
taken as an excuse for slaughtering 10,000 innocents
for one guilty person, for the most savage outrages
•gainst women and children, and for a campaign of
starvation against the exiles which was intended to ex-
terminate the whole nation . . .

"Out of convoys which, when they left their homes
on the Armenian plateau, numbered from two to three
thousand men, women, and children, only two or three
hundred survivors arrive here in the south. The men
»re slaughtered on the way; the women and girls, with
the exception of the old, the ugly, and those who are
still children, have been abused by Turkish soldiers
and officers and then carried away to Turkish and
Kurdish villages, where they have to accept Islam.
They try to destroy the remnant of the convoys by
hunger and thirst. Even when they are fording rivers,
they do not allow those dying of thirst to drink. All
the nourishment they receive is a daily ration of a little
meal sprinkled over their hands, which they lick off
greedily, and its only effect is to protract their starva-
tion."— (Dr. Martin Niepage, The Horron of. Aleppo.
Seen by a German Eyewitness, pp. 3-6.)

SOMMARY AND EXPLANATION OF GERMAN PoUCT (See War

Cydopedia. under "Der Tag," "German Military Auto-
cracy," "Hegemony, German Ambition," "War, Re-
sponsibility for.")

"The German Government wages the war by methods
which, judged even by standards till now conventional,
are monstrous. Note, for example, the sudden attack
•upon Belgium and Luxemburg; poison gas, since adopted
by all the belligerents; but most outrageous of all, the
Zeppelin bombings, inspired with the purpose of anni-
hilating every living person, combatant or non-com-
batant, over large areas; the submarine war on com-
merce; the torpedoing of the Lusitania. etc.; the system
of taking hostages and levying contributions, especially
at the outset in Belgium ; the systematic exactions from
Ukrainian, Georgian, Courland, Polish, Irish, Moham-
medan, and other prisoners of war in the German prison
camps, of treasonable war-service, and of treasonable
espionage of the Central Powers; in the contract be-
tween Under-Secretary of State Zimmermann and Sir
Roger Casement in December, 1914, for the organiza-
tion, equipment, and training of the 'Irish brigade'
made up of imprisoned British soldiers in the German
prison camps; the attempts under threats by forced
internment to compel enemy alien civilians found in
Germany to perform treasonable war service against
their own country, etc. 'Necessity knows no law.' " (Dr.
Karl Liebknecht. the German Socialist leader, in leaf-
let dated May 3, 1916. See War Cydopedia. under
"Liebkneeht on German War Policy.")

"This war was begun and these crimes against hu-
manity were done because Germany was pursuing the
hereditary policy of the Hohenzollerns and following
the instincts of the arrogant military caste which rule*
Prussia, to grasp the overlordship of the civilized world
and establish an empire in which she should play the
role of ancient Rome. They were done because the
Prussian militarist still pursues the policy of power
through conquest, of aggrandizement through force and

fear, which in little more than two centuries has brought
the puny Mark of Brandenburg with its million and a
half of people to the control of a vast empire —the
greatest armed force of the modern world."— (Senator
Elihu Root, soeech in Chicago. Sept. 14, 1917).

For reading referenced on Chapter VII, see page 64.

VIII. THE UNITED STATES ENTERS THE WAR, \
I. STBUOOLE TO MAINTAIN Oui NEUTBALJTT (1914-16)

1. American opinion at the outbreak of the war confuted
as to merits and issues in the controversy; conflicting
sympathies of hyphenated groups. (See War Cydopedia
under "Hyphenated Americans," "United States, Isola-
tion." "United States, Neutrality. 1914-17.")

2. Declaration of Neutrality of the United States, issued
August 4, 1914. President Wilson's appeal for neutrality
of sentiment. (August 18, 1914.) "Every man who really
loves America will act and speak in the true spirit of
neutrality, which is the spirit of impartiality and fair-
ness and friendliness to all concerned. ... It will
be easy to excite passion and difficult to allay it." He
expressed the fear that our Nation might become
divided into camps of hostile opinion. "Such divisions
among us ... might seriously stand in the way of the
proper performance of our duty as the one great nation
at peace, the one people holding itself ready to play
a part of impartial mediation and speak counsel* of
peace and accommodation, not as a partisan, but a* a
friend." (See War Cydopedia, under "United States,
Neutrality. 1914-17.")

3. Alienation of American sentiment from Germany and
Austria. Invasion of Belgium generally condemned;
admiration for her plucky resistance and horror at
German atrocities; Cardinal Mercier's pastoral letter
of Christmas. 1914; Commission for Belgian Relief
under American direction (Mr. Herbert C. Hoover);
Germany's monstrous crime in sinking the Lusitania;
execution of Edith Cavell and Captain Fryatt. (See
War Cydopedia, under "Atrocities," "Belgium's Woe,"
"Cavell. Edith." "Fryatt. Captain," "Lusitania."
"Merrier. Cardinal." etc.)

4. Was the neutrality of our Government a real neutrality?
Lack of interest in the contest or of desire on the part
of the people for the triumph of one or the other of the
participants not necessary to neutrality of the Govern-
ment. (See War Cydopedia, under "Neutrality."
"Neutral Righta." etc.)

5. Controversies with Great Britain over questions of
blockade, contraband, and interference with our mails.
Question of the applicability to the present emergency
of the Declaration of London (drawn up in 1909 on the
initiation of Great Britain, but not ratified before the
war by any government.) Property rights alone involved
in these controversies, which could be settled after the
war by our existing arbitration treaty with Great Britain.
(See War Cydopedia. under "Blacklist," "Blockade."
"Declaration of London." "Embargo. British." "Mails,
British Interference with." "War Zone. British." etc.)

6. Controversies with Germany. Over our supplying
munitions to the Allies, and her submarine «inlrinp
(Palaba, Gushing, Ouiflight. Lwtitania, Arabic, eta.).
Intrigues and conspiracies in the United States; the

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

AuBtro-Hungarian Ambassador, and the German at-
taches Boy-Ed and von Papen, dismissed by our Govern-
ment (November 4, 1915) on clear proof of guilt, but
no apologies to us or reprimand to them issued by their
Governmente. German intrigues against us in Cuba,
Haiti, San Domingo, Mexico, etc. — For a defense of
our policy in permitting sale of munitions, etc., see letter
of Secretary of State W. J. Bryan to Senator Stone,
January 20, 1915 (in International Conciliation, No. 96).
(See War Cyclopedia, under "Der Tag— When?,"
"Dumba,'' "German Intrigue." "Igel, von. Papers of,'
"German Government, Moral Bankruptcy of," "Manfla
Bay. Dewey and Diedricha at," "Monroe Doctrine,
German Attitude." "Intrigue." "Munitions," "Papen,"
"Sabotage." "Spies." "Strict Accountability." "Sub-
marine Blockade." "Submarine Warfare," "Parole."
"War Zone, German," and under names of vessels, etc.)

7. Apparent settlement of the submarine controversy in
May, 1916. — Sinking of the channel passenger ship
Sutstx without warning on March 24, 1916, after
months of expostulation, precipitates a crisis. Our de-
mand that thenceforth Germany conduct her submarine
warfare in accordance with international law, by (a)
warning veeaela before sinking then, and (6) placing
passengers and crew in safety. Germany's conditional
agreement to comply with this demand ends the crisis.
(See War Cyclopedia, under "Submarine Warfare,
American Lives Lost," "Submarine Warfare, German
Defense," "Submarine Warfare, Illegalities," "Sub-
marine Warfare, Stages of," "Sussex." "Sussex Ultima-
tum," "Sussex Ultimatum, German Pledge," etc.)

8. Unceasing German intrigues against the United State f
A semi-official list of intrigue charges against the German
Government, based on one set only of German docu-
ments seized by our Government (the von Igel papers),
includes the following: "Violation of the laws of the
United States; destruction of lives and property in
merchant vessels on the high seas; Irish revolutionary
plots against Great Britain; fomenting ill feeling against
the United States in Mexico; subornation of American
writers and lecturers; financing of propaganda; main-
tenance of a spy system under the guise of a commercial
investigation bureau; subsidizing of a bureau for the
purpose of stirring up labor troubles in munition plant*;
the bomb industry and other related activities." Since
our entrance into the war a vast amount of evidence
u to Germany's treacherous and hostile intrigues on
our soil has come into the possession of our Government.
(See War Cyclopedia, under "German Intrigue," "Ingel.
von. Papers of," "Parole," "Passports. German Frauds,"
etc.)

"From the very outset of the present war it has filled
our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of
government with spies and set criminal intrigues every-
where afoot against our national unity of counsel, our
peace within and without, our industries and our com-
merce. Indeed it is now evident that its spies were
here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not
• matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of
Justice that the intrigues which have more than once
come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dis-
locating the industries of the country have been carried
on at the instigation, with the support, and even under

the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial
German Government accredited to the Government
of the United States."— (President Wilson. Speech of
April 2. 1917).

9. Reasons for otir long enduring patience in dealing with
Germany: (a) Hope that saner counsels might prevafl
in that country. (6) Our traditional sense of respond
bility toward all the republics of the New World, (e)
The desire, by keeping free from the conflict, more
effectively to aid in restoring peace at ita clone. (See
War Cyclopedia, under "Pan-Americanism," "Perman-
ent Peace." "Watchful Waiting." etc.)

II. FBOM NEUTRALITY TO WAB (1916-17).

1. Unsuccessful Peace overtures (Dec. 1916-Jan. 1917).
Independent overtures by Germany (Dec. 12, 1910),
and by President Wilson (Dec. 18). Answer of the
Allies based on the reasonable idea of "Reparation,
Restoration and Security." Refusal of Germany to
disclose her terms. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Peaee
Overtures, German. 1916," "Peace Terms, German
Industrialists on," "Peace Terms, German Professor*
on," etc.)

"Boasting of German conquests, 'the glorious deed*
of our armies,' the [German] note implanted in neutral
minds the belief that it was the purpose of the Imperial
German Government to insist upon such condition* a*
would leave all Central Europe under German domin-
ance and so build up an empire which would menaM
the whole liberal world. Moreover, the German pro-
posal was accompanied by a thinly veiled threat to all
neutral nations; and from a thousand sources, official and
unofficial, the word came to Washington that unlea*
the neutrals used their influence to bring the war to
an end on terms dictated from Berlin, Germany and her
allies would consider themselves henceforth free from
any obligations to respect the rights of neutrals. The
Kaiser ordered the neutrals, to exert pressure on the
Entente to bring the war to an abrupt end, or to beware
of the consequences. Clear warnings were brought
to our Government that if the German peace move
should not be successful the submarines would be un-
leashed for a more intense and ruthless war upon all
commerce." (Hov the War Came to America, pp. 10-11.
See War Cyclopedia, under "German Military Domi-
nance," "Mittel Europa," etc.)

2. President Wilson outlined such a peace as the United
States could join in guaranteeing (Jan. 22, 1917).
Favorable reception of these proposals in the Entente
countries; lack of response in Germany. (See War
Cyclopedia, under "Aim of the United States," "Ameri-
ca, Creed," "Balance of Power," "League to Enforce
Peace," "Permanent Peace, American Plan.")

"No peace can last, or ought to last, which does not
[1] recognize and accept the principle that government*
derive all their just powers from the consent of the
governed, and that no right anywhere exists to hand
people about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they
were property ....

"I am proposing, as it were, that the nations should
with one accord adopt the doctrine of President Monroe
as the doctrine of the world: that no nation should seek
to extend its policy over any other nation or people

II. TOI'ICAI. OUTLIM. 01 THK \VAll.

•but that every people should be left free to determine
its own policy, it* own way of development, unhindered,
un threatened, unafraid, the little along with the great
«nd powerful.

"I am proposing [2] that all nations henceforth avoid
entangling alliances which would draw them into com-
petitions of power, catch them in a net of intrigue and
•elfish rivalry, and disturb their own affairs with in-
fluences intruded from without. There is no entangling
alliance in a concert of power. When all unite to act in
the same sense and with the same purpose, all act in
the common interest and are free to live their own lives
•under a common protection.

"1 am proposing ... [3] that freedom of the seas
which in imernat ional conference after conference
representatives of the United States have urged with
the eloquence of those who are the convinced disciples
of liberty; and [4j that moderation of armaments which
make of armies and navies a ppwer for order merely.
Dot an instrument of aggression or of selfish violence."
[5] "Mere agreements may not make peace secure.
It will be absolutely necessary that a force be created
as a guarantor of the permanency of the settlement so
much greater than the force of any nation now engaged
or any alliance hitherto formed or projected that no
nation, no probable combination of nations, could face
or withstand it. If the peace presently to be made is
to endure, it must be a peace made secure by the or-
ganized major force of mankind." (President Wilson,
Speech to U. S. Senate. Jan. 22. 1917.)

S. The "Zimmermann note" falls into the hands of the
United States Government (dated Jan. 19. 1917; pub-
lished through the Associated Press, February 28).
In this the German Secretary for Foreign Affairs secretly
informs the German minister to Mexico of the German
intention to repudiate the Sussex pledge, and instruct*
him to offer the Mexican Government New Mexico and
Arizona if Mexico will join with Japan in attacking the
United States. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Zimmer-
inann Note.")

4. The German Government officially notifies the United
States (Jan. 31, 1917) that "from February 1. 1917, sea
traffic will be stopped with every available weapon
and without further notice." This meant the renewal
of ruthless submarine operations, in violation of the
pledge given after the sinking of the Sussex. (See War
Cyclopedia, as above under 1-7, also under "Submarine
Warfare, Unrestricted.")

"The German Chancellor . . . stated before the
Imperial Diet that the reason this ruthless policy had
not been earlier employed was simply because the
Imperial Government had not then been ready to not.
In brief, under the guise of friendship and the cloak of
false promises, it had been preparing this attack." —
(How the War Came to America, p. 13.)

I. German Ambassador to the United States dismissed
and diplomatic relations severed (Feb. 3. 1917). Thi«
act was not equivalent to a declaration of war President
Wilson in his speech to the Senate announcing it dis-
tinguished sharply between the German Government
and the German people.— Failure of the German Govern-
ment to recall its submarine order led the President to

recommend to Congress (Feb. 26) a policy of "armed
neutralityi" More than 500 out of 531 members of UM
two houses of Congress were ready and anxious to act;
but a "filibuster" of a handful of "willful men" defeated
the measure, by prolonging the debate until the expira-
tion of the congressional session, on March 4. — March
12, orders were finally issued to arm American merchant
•hips against submarines. (See War Cyclojjedia, under
"Armed Neutrality Adopted," "Diplomatic Immunity,"
"Prussian Treaties. Attempted Modification of,"
"United States. Break with Germany." "United State*.
Neutrality. 1914-17." etc.)

6. President Wilson urges the recognition of a state of war
with Germany (April 2). (See War Cyclopedia, under
"United States, Break with Germany." etc.)

"The present German submarine warfare against
commerce is a warfare against mankind. It is a warfare
against all nations. American ships have been sunk.
American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred ue
very deeply to learn of, but the ship* and people of other
neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and over-
whelmed in the waters in the same way. There hat
been no discrimination. The challenge is to all mankind.
Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it . .
There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of
making; we will not choose the path of submission and suf-
fer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to
be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now
array ourselves are no common wrongs, they rut to th*
very roots of human life.

"With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical
character of the stop 1 am taking and of the grave respon-
sibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience
to what I deem my constitutional duty. I advise that the
Congress decl:ire the recent course of the IIIIJM rinl German
Government to he in fact nothing less than war against
the Government and [teoplr of the ("nited StaU-s; that it
formally accept the status of belligerent which has thut
been thrust upon it; and thut it take immediate steps not
only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense
but also to exert all its power and employ all its resource*
to bring the Government of the German Empire to term*
and end the war ... It will involve the utmost prae-
tieahle co-oj x-rntion in counsel and action with the Gov-
ernments now at war with Germany.

"We have no quarrel with the German people. We have
no feelings towards them but one of sympathy and friend-
ship It was not upon their impulse that their Govern-
ment acted in entering this war. It was not with their
previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined
upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old un-
happy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their
rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest
of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were
aeoMtomed to use their fellow men as> pawns and took.
S,-lf-eiiverned nations do not fill their neighbor State's with
spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about somp
critical posture of affairs which will give them an oppor-
tunity to strike and make conquest. Such designs can
be successfully worked out only under cover and when
no one has the right to ask questions. Cunningly
trived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and
kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or
behind the carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and
privileged class. They are happily impossible where pub-
lic opinion commands and insists upon full information
concerning all the nation's affairs.

"A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained
except by a partnership of democratic nations. No auto-
cratic Government could be trusted to keep faith within
it or to observe its covenants. It must be a league of
honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its
vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan
what they would and render account to no one would be
a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples
can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a com-
mon end and prefer the interests of mankind to any nar-
row interest of their own . . .

"The world must be made safe for democracy. Its
peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of
political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We
desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities
for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices
we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions
of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those
rights have been made as secure as the faith and the free-
dom of nations can make them . . .

"We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove
that friendship [for the German people] in our daily atti-
tude and actions towards the millions of men and women
of German birth and native sympathy who live amongst
us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it
towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to
the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of
them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never
known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt
to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who
may be of a different mind and purpose. If there should
be disloyalty, it will be dealt with with a firm hand of stern
repression; but if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only
here and there and without countenance except from a
lawless and malignant few." — (Speech to the Senate,
April 2, 1917)

7. Declaration of a state of war with Germany. Passed
in the Senate (April 4) by a vote of 32 to 6; in the House
(April 6), 373 to 50. (See War Cyclopedia, under "War,
Declaration Against Germany.")

"Whereas, The Imperial German Government has
committed repeated acts of war against the Govern-
ment and the people of the United States of America:
Therefore be it "Resolved by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of America in Con-
gress assembled. That the state of war between the United
States and the Imperial German Government which has
thus been thrust upon the United States is hereby for-
mally declared; and that the President be, and he is
hereby, authorized and directed to employ the entire
naval and military forces of the United States and the
resources of the Government to carry on war against the
Imperial German Government; and to bring the conflict
to a successful termination all the resources of the coun-
try are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United

States." — (Joint Resolution of Congress, approved by
the President, April 6, 1917)

8. Declaration of War against Austria-Hungary (Dec 7,
1917). Passed unanimously in the Senate, and with
one opposing vote (Meyer London, Socialist, from New
York City, voting " present ") in the House. (See War
Cyclopedia, "Austria-Hungary, Break with," "Dumba,
Recall of." "War, Declaration against Austria-Hungary.")

III. SUMMARY OF ODE REASONS FOB ENTEBINO THI WAR

1. Because of the renewal by Germany of her submarine
warfare in a more violent form than ever before, con-
trary to the assurance given to our Government in the
spring of 1916. This resulted in the loss of additional
American lives and property on the high seas and pro-
duced in the minds of the President and Congress th«
conviction that national interest and national honor re-
quired us to take up the gauntlet which Germany had
thrown down. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Submarine
Warfare, American Lives Lost," etc.)

2. Because of the conviction, unwillingly reached, that
the Imperial German Government had repudiated whole*
sale the commonly accepted principles of law and hu-
manity, and was "running amuck" as an international
desperado, who could be made to respect law and right
only by forcible and violent means. The cumulative effect
of Germany's outrages should be noted in this connec-
tion. (See War Cyclopedia, under "German Diplo-
macy," "German Government, Moral Bankruptcy of."}

3. Because of the conviction that Prussian militarism and
autocracy, let loose in the world, disturbed the balance of
power and threatened to destroy the international equilib-
rium. They were a menace to all nations save those
allied with Germany; and the menace must be over-
thrown, as Napoleonism had been at the beginning of
the nineteenth century, by a coalition of the state*
whose honor, rights, and national existence were en-
dangered. The Middle Europe project should receire
attention in this connection. (See War Cyclopedia, un-
der "Autocracy," "Hegemony." "Kaiserism," "Mittel-
Europa," "Prussianism," etc.)

4. Because of the gradual shaping of the conflict into a wmr
between democratic nations on the one hand and auto-
cratic nations on the other, and because of the convic-
tion that, as our nation in Lincoln's day could not hope
to long endure "half slave and half free," so the world
community of today could not continue to exist part
autocratic and part democratic. Note the effect of the
Russian Revolution on the issues of the war. (See War
Cyclopedia, under " Russian Revolution of 1917.")

5. Because of the conviction that our traditional policy of
isolation and aloofness was outgrown and outworn, and
could no longer be maintained in the face of the growing
interdependence which is one of the leading character-
istics of this modern age. (See War Cyclopedia, "United
States, Isolation.")

6. Because of the menace to the Monroe Doctrine and to
our own independence. (See War Cyclopedia, under
"America Threatened," "Monroe Doctrine, German
Attitude."

II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF TIIF. WAR.

"The history. tne character, the avowed principles
of action, the manifest and undisguised purpose of the
German autocracy made it clear and certain that if
America stayed out of the Great War, and Germany
won. America would forthwith be required to defend
herself, and would be unable to defend herself, against
the same lust for conquest, the same will to dominate
the world which has made Europe a bloody shambles. . .

"If we had stayed out of the war and Germany had
won, we should have had to defend the Monroe Doctrine
by force or abandon it; and if we had abandoned it,
there would have been a German naval base in the
Caribbean commanding the Panama Canal, depriving
us of that strategic line which unites the eastern and
western coasts, and depriving us of the protection the
expanse of ocean once gave.

"And an America unable or unwilling to protect
herself against the establishment of a German naval
base in the Caribbean would lie at the mercy of Germany
and subject to Germany's orders.

"America's independence would be gone unless she
was ready to fight for it, and her security would thence-
forth be not a security of freedom but only "a security
purchased by submission." — (Elihu Root, speech in
Chicago. Sept. 14. 1917).

IT. DTJTT 01 ALL CITIZENS TO SDPPOBT THJS WAB WHOLE-
HKABTKDLT.

"A nation which declares war and goes on discussing
whether it ought to have declared war or not is impotent,
paralyzed, imbecile, and earns the contempt of mankind
and the certainty of humiliating defeat and subjection to
foreign control.

"A democracy which cannot accept its own decisions
made in accordance with its own laws, but must keep on
endlessly discussing the questions already decided, has
failed in the fundamental requirements of self-government;
and, if the decision is to make war, the failure to exhibit
capacity for self-government by action will inevitably
result in the loss of the right of self-government.

"Before the decision of a proposal to make war, men
may range themselves upon one side or the other of the
question ; but after the decision in favor of war the country
has ranged itself, and the only issue left for the individual
eitizen is whether he is for or against his country.

"From that time on arguments against the war in which
the country is engaged arc enemy arguments.

"Their spirit is the spirit of rebellion against the Govern-
ment and laws of the United States.

"Then- effect is to hinder and lessen that popular support
of the Government in carrying on the war which is neces-
sary to success.

"Their manifest purpose is to prevent action by continu*
ing discussion.

"They encourage the enemy. They tend to introduce
delay and irresolution into our own councils.

"The men who are speaking and writing and printing
argumenta against the war now, and against everything
which is being done to cam' on the war, are rendering
more effective service to Germany than they ever could
render in the field with arms in their hands. The purpose
and effect of what they are doing is so plain that it is
Impossible to resist the conclusion that the greater part

of them are at heart traitors to the United States and will-
fully seeking to bring about the triumph of Germany and
the humiliation and defeat of their own country.

"The same principles apply to the decision of numerous
questions which arise in carrying on the war [such as con-
scription, sending troops to France, etc.] ....

"It is beyond doubt that many of the professed pacifist*,
the opponents of the war after the war has been entered
upon, the men who are trying to stir up resistance to the
draft, the men who are inciting strikes in the particular
branches of production which are necessary for the supply
of arms and munitions of war, are intentionally seeking
to aid Germany and defeat the United States. As time
goes on and the character of these acts become* more
and more clearly manifest, all who continue to associate
with them must come under the same condemnation a*
traitors to their country." — (Elihu Root, speech at Chicago,
Sept. 14. 1917).

For reading references on Chapter VIII, see page 64

IX. COURSE OF THE WAR, 1914-17
I. CAMPAIGN or 1914.

1. Germany's general plan of action: First crush Franc*,
then Russia, then Great Britain. The German plan !B
its earlier stages was like a timetable, with eaeh step
scheduled by day and hour.

2. On the Western Front:

(a) Belgium overrun (August 4-20). Resistance of
Liege, Namur. etc., overcome by giant artillery (43-
centimeter mortars); but the delay (of ten days)
gave the French time to mobilize and threw th«
German plans out of gear. Liege occupied. Aug-
ust 7; Brussels, August 20; Namur, August 22;
Louvain burned, August 26.

"Every minute in it [the German plan] was de-
termined. From the German frontier, opposite Aix-
la-Chapclle, to the gap of the Oise, on the French
frontier . . . there are six days' march. Bat
the passage of the Germans across Belgium in arm*
halted before Liege and before Namur, halted on
the edge of the Gette. beaten on August 12 on the
edge of the forest of Haelen, victorious on August
18 and 19 at Aerschot — had lasted sixteen dayt
(August 4-20>. The splendid effort of the Belgians
had therefore made ten full days late the arrival
of the German armies on the French frontier, from
which only eight marches separated them from the
advanced forU of Paris." — (Joseph Reinach, in N. Y.
Times Current History, Sept.. 1917. p. 495)

(b) Invasion of France. Advance of Germans in five
fermiea through Belgium and Luxemburg: General
von Moltke, chief of staff; Generals von Kluck. von
Buelow, etc. Wary tactics of the French under
General Joffre; arrival of the British expeditionary
force (100,000 men) under General French (August
8-21); Battle of Mons-Charleroi (August 21-23);
dogged withdrawal of the French and British from
Hrliziiini to the line of the River Marne, while a
new French army (the Sixth) was being formed.
—Advance of the Germans to within twenty miles
of Paris; then sudden swerve to the east away from
Paris.

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

(•) Battle of the Marne (September 6-10). The oppos-
ing forces in contact from Paris to Verdun, a front
of one hundred and eighty miles. French attempt
to turn the German west flank. German armies
forced to retreat from the Marne to the River Aisne.
where they entrenched.

The battle of the Marne was "one more decisive
battle of the world, . . .for Europe conceiv-
ably the greatest in permanent meaning since Water-
loo. In that battle it has been decided that Europe
should still be European and not Prussian. At the
Marne. France had saved herself and Europe."—
(F. H. Simons, in American Review of Review, for
February, 1915, page 179.)

(d) Failure of the Allies (Sept. 12-17) to break through
the German line in the Battle of the Aisne. Exten-
sion of the trench system from Switzerland to the
North Sea (fall of Antwerp. Oct. 8). Importance
of German conquest of Belgian coast as supplying
bases for her later submarine warfare.

The battle line established after the Battle of
the Aisne remained practically stationary, with
some slight swaying backward and forward, for the
next three years. The parts of France held by the
Germans included ninety per cent of her iron ore,
eighty per cent of her iron and steel manufactures,
and fifty per cent of her coal resources.
(•) Battle of the River Yser (Oct. 16-28); Belgians cut
dykes. First battle of Ypres (Oct. 22-Nov. 15);
Prussian Guards defeated by the "contemptible
little army" of Great Britain. German losses on
Yser and at Ypres, 150.000.
X On the Eastern Front:

(a) First Russian invasion of East Prussia (Aug. 18)
following their unexpectedly rapid mobilization.
The resulting necessity of withdrawing German
troops from the West front helped to produce the
German check on the Marne. Russians disas-
trously defeated among the Mazurian lakes in the
Battle of Tannenburg (Aug. 26-Sept. 1). General
Hindenburg thenceforth the idol of Germany.

(b) Russian invasion of Galicia. Breakdown of the
Austrian resistance. Capture of Tarnapol, Halici
and Lemberg (Aug. 27-Sept. 3); Jaroslav (Nov. 5);
siege of Przemysl (surrendered March 22, 1915);
invasion of Hungary threatened.

(e) German invasion of Russian Poland fails. Three
offensives of German armies against Warsaw beat-
en off (Nov. — Dec.). Narrow escape of a German
army from disaster in the Battle of Lodz (Nov. 19-
Dec. 3),

(d) Thanks to the relaxation of Austrian pressure, due
to the foregoing events, Serbia expelled the Aus-
trian invaders from her territory (Dec. 14).
8. Loss of Germany's colonies. New Guinea, Bismarck
archipelago, etc., taken by the Australians (Sept.).
Tsungtau (Nov. 7) and various Pacific islands captured
by the Japanese. British conquest of Togoland (Aug-
ust 26); German Southwest Africa (July 15. 1915);
Kamerun (Feb. 16, 1916); British invasion of German
East Africa begun (conquest completed in December,
1917).— Failure of De Wet's German-aided rebellion in

. South Africa owing to loyalty of the Boers (Oct. — De«..
1914).— Pro-Turkish Khedive of Egypt deposed, Brit-
ish protectorate proclaimed, and a new ruler set up witk
title of Sultan (Dec. 17. 1914).

4, Turkey openly joins the Teutonic Allies (Oct. 29).
Defeat of Turks by Russians in the Caucasian regiom
(Jan. 1915). Failure of Turkish attempts to invade
Egypt (Feb. 3, 1915). Revolt of the "holy places" in
Arabia against Turkish rule and establishment of •
petty kingdom there (June 27, 1916).

5. Naval War. Great importance in the war of British
naval preponderance, aided by early concentration u
the North Sea. British naval victory in Helgoland
Bight (Aug. 28). German naval victory in the Pacifie
off coast of Chili (Nov. 1). Three British cruisers tor-
pedoed by submarines in the North Sea (Sept. 21).
German cruiser Emden caught and destroyed at Cocol
Island after sensational career (Nov. 10). British na-
val victory off Falkland islands (Dec. 8) avenges defeat
of Nov. 1. German fleets driven from the seas. Dis-
appearance of German shipping. Freedom of action
for British transport of East Indian, New Zealand,
Australian, and Canadian troops, etc., to Europe, and
of Allied commerce, except for the (as yet slight) sub-
marine danger. Error of Great Britain in failing to
declare at once a rigid blockade of Germany.

6. Situation at close of 1914: On western front, defeat
of the plan of the German General Staff; on eastern
front, Teutonic forces held in check; Germany and Aus-
tria as yet cut off from their new ally, Turkey. On the
whole the advantage was on the side of the Entente
Allies. But the Allied commanders (General Joffre,
Lord Kitchener, and Grand Duke Nicholas) failed fully
to grasp the needs of the situation. "Each of these
leaders believed that the height of military efficiency
had been reached in the past campaigns"; in the great
development of barrier fire and the excellence of the
French "75's." The Teutonic allies, on the other hand,
"were making the colossal preparations of artillery and
munitions which were destined to change the year 1911
into a tragedy for the Entente Allies."— (T. C. Froth-
ingham, in N. Y. Times Current History, Sept., 1917,
page 422.)

n. CAMPAIGN or 1915.

1. On the West Front. Failure of the Allied offensive hi
Champagne (March — April); Battle of Neuve Chapelle.
Second Battle of Ypres (April 22-26); Germans first
use poison gas; heroism of the Canadians. Inade-
quacy of Allies' preparations for carrying the formidable
German entrenchments. Desultory fighting through the
summer. Failure of the second offensive in Champagne
and Flanders (Sept.). General French superseded by
General Haig as British commander in chief. Death
of Lord Kitchener through the sinking of the warship
Hampshire (June 7. 1916).

2. The Gallipoli Expedition. Failure of Allies to forte
the Dardanelles with their fleets alone (Feb. — March).
Troops landed after long delay, in April and Auguct.
Abandonment of expedition in Dec. — Jan., after enor-
mous IOSSPH. Disastrous effects on the hesitating n*-

II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF Till. \V\lt.

WOIIB, Bulgaria and Greece. Bitter controversy in
Great Britain over the question of responsibility for
this fiasco.

8. Second Russian invasion of East Prussia crushed by
Hindenburg in Battle of Mazurian Lakes (Feb. 12).
Russians lost 150,000 killed and wounded and 100.000
prisoners.

4. Terrific drive of combined Germans and Austrians un-
der Hindenburg and Mackcnaon in Poland and Galicia
(April — Aug.). Fall of Przemysl (June 2); Lemberg
(June 22); Warsaw (Aug. 5). All Poland conquered;
Courland overrun. Russian losses. 1,200,000 killed and
wounded; 900,000 captured; 65.000 square miles of
territory. Russian line established from Riga to East-
ern Galicia. Grand Duke Nicholas removed from chief
command and sent to command in the Caucasus
(Sept. 8).

6. Bulgaria joins the Teutonic Allies (Oct. 13). Serbia
crushed by simultaneous invasions of Austro-Germans
And Bulgarians (completed Dec. 2). Montenegro con-
quered (Jan. 1916) — Landing of an Anglo-French army
at Saloniki prevents King Constantine of -Greece from
openly joining the Teutonic alliance.

6. Italy declares war on Austria (May 23) to recover the
regions about Trent (the "Trentino") and Trieste.
Lack of military results on Italian front in 1915 (failure
to capture Gorizia). War on Germany not declared
until Aug. 27, 1916.

7. Naval War. In a battle in the North Sea (Jan. 24) a
British patrolling squadron defeated a German raiding
squadron. Increasing use of submarines by Germany.
German proclamation of "a war zone" about the Brit-
ish Isles (in force Feb. 18) establishes a so-called "block-
ade" of Great Britain. — Sinking of the passenger steam-
ship Lusitania (May 7) with loss of 1198 lives (124
Americans).

8. Increase in Allies' munitions supply arranged for; ap-
pointment (May, 1915) of Lloyd George to be British
Minister of Munitions. Failure of Zeppelin raids
over England to produce expected results. (Between
Jan. 19, 1915. and Oct. 1. 1917. German aircraft, in-
cluding Zeppelins, raided England thirty four times,
killing outright 865 men, women, and children, and
wounding over 2,500.)

9. Summary: The situation at the end of 1915 was much
less favorable for the Entente than at the beginning of
the year. Little change on Western front. Great
changes on Eastern front — Russians driven from Rus-
sian Poland and Austrian Galicia; Hungary saved from
invasion; Central Powers linked to Turkey by the adhe-
sion of Bulgaria and the conquest of Serbia. "The
Teutons were no longer hemmed in; they had raised
the siege."

HL CAMPAIGN or 1916.

1. Battle of Verdun ("no longer a fortress but a series
of trenches"). Great German attack under the Crown
Prince (Feb. — July); defeated by the heroic resistance
of the French under General P6tain ("They shall not
pass.") Enormous German losses (about 500,000 men)
through attacks in close formation against French for-

tifications defended by "barrage" fire and machine
guns. Practically all ground lost was slowly regained
by the French in the autumn. "Verdun was the grave
of Germany's claim to military invincibility." — (CoL
A. M. Murray, "Fortnightly" History of the War, 1. 368).
— Hindenburg made commander-in-chicf of the German
forces, August 29.

2. Battle of the Somnie (July 1— Nov.). The strengthened
artillery of the Allies enabled them to drive back the
German front on a breadth of twenty miles, and nine
miles deep. Estimated loss of Germans 700.000 men;
German estimate of French and British loss, 800,000.
The Allies failed to break through the German lines.

3. Galician and Armenian Fronts, Great Russian offen-
sive (June — Sept.) under General Brusilov, on front
from Pripet marshes to Bukovinian border. Capture
of Czernovitz (June 18). Hundreds of thousands of
Austrians taken prisoners. — Successful offensive of
Grand Duke Nicholas in Ani.i'i:i:i ;iR:iinst the Turks;
capture of Er/erum (Feb. 16) and Trebizond (April 18).

4. Roumania enters the war and is crushed. Encouraged
by Allied successes and coerced by the disloyal Russian
Court, Roumania declared war (Aug. 27) with a view
to rescuing her kindred populations from Austrian rule.
Unsupported invasion of Transylvania; terrific counter
attacks by German-Austrian-Bulgarian armies under
Generals Mackenscn and Falkenhayn; Roumanian*
driven from Transylvania. Greater part of Uoumania
conquered (fall of Bucharest. Dec. 6). Rich wheat-
fields and oil lands gained by Teutons, and the "corri-
dor" to Constantinople widened. The "Mittel-Europa"
project approaches realization.

5. British failure in Mesopotamia. Basra, on Persian
Gulf, taken by British Nov. 31, 1914; advance of Gen-
eral Townshend's inadequate expedition from India up
the Tigris River toward Bagdad; expedition besieged
by Turks at Kut-el-Amara (Jan.— April. 1916); reliev-
ing expedition forced to turn back. Surrender of Gen-
eral Townshend (April 29) with 13,000 men. Serious
blow to. British prestige in the East. (The report of an
investigating commission, June 26, 1017. divides the
responsibility for failure between the Home Govern-
ment and the Government in India.)

6. Italian Front. Successful Austrian offensive from the
Trentino (May 16 — June 3). Brusilov's drive fa GaH-
da, however, relieved the pressure upon the Italians,
who then (Aug. 6th to Sept.) freed Italian soil of the
Austrians, and began an offensive which brought them
Gorizia on the River Isonio (Aug. 9) and carried them
to within thirteen miles of Trieste.

7. Naval War. Battle of Jutland (May 31); the Germs*
high ocas fleet engaged the British battle-cruiser fleet
until darkness enabled the German ships to escape the
on-coming British dreadnaughts. — Increased use of sub-
marines by Germans. Channel packet Sussex sunk
(March 25) without warning, in violation of Germs*
pledge.

8. Political events in Great Biitain affecting the war.
Adoption of compulsory military service (May 25) lays
the basis for a British army of 5,000.000 men.— Hina
Fein rebellion in Ireland crushed (April 25-28); Sir

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

Roger Casement executed (Aug. 2). — Lloyd George dis-
places Aaquith as head of British cabinet, to infuse new
energy into the war (Dec. 5-7).

I. Summary: The balance in 1916 inclined on the whole
. in favor of the Allies — at Verdun, on the Somme, in
Gulicia, in Italy, and on the sea. Against these victor-
ies must be set the disasters of Roumania and Mesopo-
tamia. The Central Powers continued to possess the
advantage of operating on interior lines, enabling them
while adopting a defensive attitude on certain fronts
to concentrate for a drive elsewhere; also of their su-
periority (though diminished) in strategy, tactics, and
material equipment.

IV. CAMPAIGN or 1917

1. Unrestricted submarine warfare begun by Germany
(Feb. 1). Hundreds of thousands of tons of belligerent
and neutral shipping sunk each month; (merchant ship-
ping destroyed by mines and submarines to Jan. 1, 1917,
was 5,034,000 tons; from January to June, 1917 the
total was 3,856,000 tons). Reliance upon this weapon
by Germany to starve Great Britain out; failure of the
policy to achieve the ends planned. (See War Cyclope-
dia, under "Shipping, Losses," "Spurlos Versenkt Ap-
plied," "Submarine Blockade," "Submarine Warfare,"
etc.)

8. Entrance of the United States into the War War
declared on Germany, April 6; on Austria-Hungary,
December 7. (See chapter viii.) Energetic measures
to raise and train army of one and a half million men,
and to provide food, munitions, and shipping for our-
selves and our associates. Magnitude of this task pre-
vented the full weight of the United States being felt
in 1917. Nevertheless, about 250,000 American troopi
were in France under General Pershing by December.
(See War Cyclopedia, under "Austria-Hungary, Break
With." "United States, Break with Germany," "War,
Declaration Against Austria-Hungary," "War, Decla-
ration Against Germany"; also under "Acts of Con-
gress." "Alien Enemies," "Army," "Bonds Act," "Can-
tonments," "Espionage Act," "Food and' Fuel Control
Act," "Profiteering." "Red Cross." "Selective Service,"
"Shipping Board," "War Industries Board." "Y. M. C.
A.", etc.)

». Further Spread of the War. Cuba and Panama follow
the United States in declaring war on Germany (April 7).
King Constantino of Greece deposed (June 12, 1917)
and Greece joined the Allies (June 30). Siam declared
war on Germany July 22; Liberia, August 4; China,
Aug. 14. Brazil repealed its declaration of neutrality
and Bevered diplomatic relations; war declared Oct. 26.
The following broke diplomatic relations with Germany:
Bolivia (April 14), Guatemala (April 27). Honduras
(May 17), Nicaragua (May 18) Haiti (June 17), Costa
Rica (Sept. 21), Peru (Oct. 6), Uruguay (Oct. 7). Ecua-
dor (Dec. 8). German destruction of South American
vessels and revelations of the abuse by her diplomats
of Argentine neutrality under cover of Swedish diplo-
matic immunity (the Luxburg dispatches; spurlo* tcr~
•tnkt). led to widespread agitations for war with Ger-
many and united action of all the South American
countries.

4. Western Front. Withdrawal of German forces on a
front of fifty miles to new and more defensible position*
(the "Hindenburg line") extending from Arras to Sois-
sons (March); wanton wasting of the country evacuated.
Battle of Arras (April 9 — May) brought slight gaini to
the Allies; a mine of 1,000,000 Ibs. of high explosive*
was fired at Mcssines (July 7). — Terrific British off en-
rives in Battle of Flanders (July-Dec.) won Passehen-
daele ridge and other gains. Battle of Cambrai (Nov. 20
— Dec.) begun by "tanks" without artillery preparation,
penetrated Hindenburg line and forced German retire*
ment on front of twenty miles, to depth of several miles.
Terrific German counter attacks forced partial retire*
ment of British (from Bourlon wood, etc.)

6. Italian Front. Great Italian offensive begun in ths
Isonzo area (Carso Plateau) in May. When the Rus-
sian Revolution permitted the withdrawal of Austria*
troops to the Italian front, a new Austro-German coun-
ter-drive was begun (Oct. — Dec.) which undid the work
of two years. Northeastern Italy invaded; Italian stand
on the Piave and Brenta Rivers (Asiago Plateau).
FrencE and British aid checked further enemy advanos
in 1917. Interallied War Council formed (Nov.)

6. Bagdad captured by a new British expedition (Maroh
II). Restoration of British prestige in the East. Co-
operation of Russian and British forces in Asia Minor
and Persia. British advance from Egypt into Palestine
in March; Ascalon and Jaffa taken (Nov.); Jerusalem
surrendered to British, Dec. 9, 1917.

7. Revolution in Russia. Due to pro-German policy of
certain members of the Russian court and the well
founded suspicion that a separate peace with Germany
was planned. Abdication of the Tsar, March 19, Power
seized from Constitutional Democrats by moderate so-
cialists and radicals (Council of Workmen's and Sol-
diers' Delegates); formation of a government under
Alexander Kerensky (July 22). Military power of Rus-
sia paralyzed by abolition of discipline; frequent re-
fusals of soldiers to obey orders; "fraternizing" of ths
armies encouraged by German agents. Germans sei«ed
Riga (Sept. 3), and the islands at entrance to Gulf of
Riga (Oct. 13-15), thus threatening Petrograd. Gen-
eral Kornilov failed in an attempt to seize power with
a view to restoring order and prosecuting the war (Sept.).
—Overthrow of Kerensky (Nov.) by extreme socialists
(Bolsheviki), who repudiated Russia's obligations to ths
Allies, and negotiated a separate armistice with Germany
with a view to an immediate peace, Dec. 15). Practical
withdrawal of Russia from the war, permitting transfer
of German troops to the French and Italian fronts.
(See War Cyclopedia, under "Kerensky," "Lenine."
"Russian Revolution," etc.)

8. Summary: Ruthless submarining imparts a more des-
perate character to the conflict, but brings Germany
and her allies no nearer ultimate victory. Against her
submarine successes, the Austro-German gains in Italy,
and the Russian defection, must be set the British rlo-
tories in Mesopotamia and Palestine, the Allied gain*
on the Western Front, and the entrance of the United
States with its vast potential resources into the war.
For reading references on Chapter IX, see page 64.

II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR.

X. PROPOSALS FOR PEACE: WILL THIS BE THE
LAST WART

I. SUMMARY OF STATUS AT WAB n» 1917.

1. The Teutonic Allies: Austria-Hungary, Germany,
Turkey (1914); Bulgaria (1915).

1 The Entente Allies: Serbia, Russia, France, Belgium,
Great Britain, Montenegro, Japan (1914); Italy, San
Marino (1915); Portugal, Roumania (1916); United
States, Cuba, Panama, Liberia, Siam, China, Brazil
(1917). Bolivia, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua,
Haiti, Costa Rica, Peru, Uruguay and Ecuador severed
diplomatic relations with Germany (1917) without de-
claring war.

II. AMERICAN AIMS IN THE WAR. (See War Cyclopedia, under
"Aims of the United States," "Permanent Peace,
American Plans," "United States, Isolation of," "War
Aims of the United States.")

I. Vindication of our national rights. "We enter the war
only where we are clearly forced into it, because there
is no other means of defending our rights." Hence
war not declared at first against Austria-Hungary, Tur-
key, and Bulgaria.

I. Vindication of the rights of humanity. "Our motive
will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the
physical might of the nation, but only the vindication
of right, of human right . . . Our object . . .
is to vindicate the principles of peace and Justice in
the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic
power."

I. Making the world safe for Liberty and Democracy.
"We are glad ... to fight thus for the ultimate
peace of the world and the rights of nations great and
•mall and the privilege of men everywhere to choose
their way of life and obedience. The world must be
made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted
upon the tested foundations of political liberty." (The
above quotations are from President Wilson's speech
to Congress on April 2. 1917.)

4. Creation of an improved international system including
a permanent League or Concert of Powers to preserve
International peace. (See President Wilson's speeches
of January 22, and April 2, 1917, and January 8, 1918

4. Absence of selfish designs. "We have no selfish ends to
serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek
no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation
for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but
one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We
shall be satisfied when these rights have been made
as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can
make them." — (President Wilson, speech of April 2,
1917.)

III. VARIOUS PEACE PROPOSALS. (See War Cyclopedia, under
"Lansdowne Note," ''Peace Overtures, German, 1916,"
"Peace Overtures, Papal," "Peace Terms, American."
"No Annexations, no Indemnities," etc.)
1. Offer of Germany and her allies (December 12, 1916)
to meet their enemies in a peace conference (see "Official
Documents Looking toward Peace" in International
Conciliation for January, 1917). An empty and insin-
cere proposal. They "propose to enter forthwith into

peace negotiations," but refuse to state any terms; on
the other hand much is made of the "glorious deeds of
our armies" and their "incomparable strength." Tb»
proposal evidently looked to a "German peace," witk
Germany and her allies triumphant.

Reply of the Entente Allies (December 30. 1916).
The German proposal was styled "less an offer of peace
than a war manoeuvre. It is founded on calculated
misinterpretation of the character of the struggle in
the past, the present and the future. . . . Once again
the Allies declare that no peace is possible so long M
they have not secured reparation for violated righto
and liberties, the recognition of the principle of nation*
ality and the free existence of small states, so long M
they have not brought about a settlement calculated
to end once and for all forces which have constituted
a perpetual menace to the nations, and to afford the
only effective guarantee for the future security of the
world." — (International Conciliation for January, 1917,
pp. 27-29.)

X President Wilson's effort (Dec. 20, 1916) to elicit peace
terms from the belligerents. (See his note in Inter-
national Conciliation, for February, 1917.)
(a) Germany merely repents its proposal of December
12, still refusing to go into details in advance of •
formal conference. — -(Ibid., p. 7.)

. (b) The Allies' reply (Jan. 10, 1917). Their statement
of terms included adequate compensation for
Belgium, Serbia, and Montenegro; evacuation of
invaded territories of France, Russia, and Roumania;
reorganization of Europe on the basis of nationality;
the ending of Turkish rule in Europe, etc.

"It goes without saying that if the Allies wish
to liberate Europe from the brutal covetousne*
of Prussian militarism, it never has been their
design, as has been alleged, to encompass the
extermination of the German peoples, and their
political disappearance." — (Ibid., pp. 8-10.)

3. Widespread and intense desire for peace among tb«
German people. Evidenced, among other things, by
the fall of Chancellor von Bethmann Hollweg (July 14,
1917) following this declaration of the Reichstag (July
13):

"As on August 4, 1914, so on the threshold of UM
fourth year of the war the German people stand upon the
assurance of the speech from the throne — 'We an
driven by no lust of conquest.'

"Germany took up arms in defense of its liberty and
independence and for the integrity of its territories.
The Reichstag labors for peace and a mutual under-
standing and lasting reconciliation among the nations.
Forced acquisitions of territory and political. economi*
and financial violations are incompatible with such •
peace.

"The Reichstag rejects all plans aiming at an econ-
omic blockade and the stirring up of enmity among th«
peoples after the war. The freedom of the seas must
be assured. Only an economic peace can prepare th«
ground for the friendly association of the peoples.

"The Reichstag will energetically promote UM
creation of international juridical organisations. 8*
long, however, as the enemy Goveramento do no4

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

accept such a peace, so long as they threaten Germany
and her allies with conquest and violation, the German
people will stand together as one man, hold out un-
shaken and fight until the rights of itself and its allies
to life and development are secured. The German nation
united is unconquerable.

"The Reichstag knows that in this announcement it
U »t one with the men who are defending the Father-
land. In their heroic struggles they are sure of the
undying thanks of the whole people." , V. Y. Time»
Current History. VI, p. 195.)

It should be noted that the Reichstag has no power
to conclude peace, or to initiate peace negotiation!,
or even to force the German Government to do so.

4. Pope Benedict XV attempts to promote Peace.

(a) His first appeal (Aug. 1915) lacked definite pro-
posals and was without effect.

(b) Hia second appeal (Aug. 1, 1917) recommended:
(1) "That the material force of arms shall give
way to the moral force of right"; simultaneous and
reciprocal decrease of armaments; the establishing
of compulsory arbitration "under sanctions to be
determined against any State which would decline
either to refer international questions to arbitra-
tion or to accept its awards." (2) True freedom
and community of the' seas. (3) Entire and recipro-
cal giving up of indemnities to cover the damages
and cost of the war. (4) Occupied territory to be
reciprocally given up; guarantees of Belgium's
political, military, and economic independence;
similar restitutions of the German colonies. (5)
Territorial questions between Italy and Austria,
and France and Germany, to be taken up after
the war "in a conciliatory spirit, taking into account,
as far as it is just and possible .... the aspira-
tions of the population." Questions of Armenia,
the Balkan States, and the old Kingdom of Poland
to be dealt with in the same way. — In the main
this was a proposal for the restoration of the stalut
yuo ante bettum [the conditions existing before the
war] — a drawn battle. — (N. Y. Times Current
History. September, 1917, pp. 392-293).

B. Reply of the United States to the Pope's appeal (Aug.
27, 1917). The Entente Allies practically accepted
this reply as their own.

"To deal with such a power by way of peace upon
the plan proposed by his Holiness the Pope would, so
far as we can see, involve a recuperation of its strength
and a renewal of its policy, would make it necessary
to create a permanent hostile combination of nations
against the German people, who are its instruments;
and would result in abandoning the new-born Russia
to the intrigue, the manifold subtle interference and
the certain counter-revolution, which would be at-
tempted by all the malign influences to which the
German Government has of late accustomed the world.
Can peace be based upon a restitution of its power or
upon any word of houor it could pledge in a treaty of
settlement and accomodation?

"... We believe that the intolerable wrongs done
ID this war by the furious and brutal power of the
Imperial German Government ought to be repaired,

btit not at the pvpi'nop of tlio soverrignty of any people —
rather a Vin-licatim of the sovereignty both of those
that are weak and of tht-sc tLiU are strong. Punitive
damages, the dismemberment of empires, the establish-
ment of selfish and exclusive economic leagues, we
deem inexpedient and in the end worse than futile, no
proper basis for a peace of any kind, least of all for
an enduring peace. That must be based upon justice
and fairness and the common rights of mankind.

''We cannot take the word of the present rulers of Ger-
many as a guarantee of anything that is to endure, unless
explicitly supported by such conclusive evidence of
the will and purpose of the German people themselves
as the other peoples of the world would be Justified in
accepting. Without such guarantees, treaties of settle-
ment, agreements for disarmament, covenants to set
up arbitration in the place of force, territorial adjust-
ments, reconstitutions of small nations, if made with
the German Government, no man, no nation could
now depend on."

6. Reply of Germany (September 22, 1917). This wa»
filled with the vaguest generalities. In part it consisted
of hypocritical and lying protestations that ever sine*
the Kaiser ascended the throne he had "regarded it M
his principal and most sacred task to preserve th»
blessings of peace for the German people and the world";
and that "in the crisis which led up to the present world
conflagration his Majesty's efforts were up to the last
moment directed towards settling the conflict by
peaceful means." With reference to the substituting
of "the moral power of right" for "the material power
of arms", and for the reduction of armaments and the
establishing of arbitration, indorsement was given the
Pope's proposals in such vague and general terms at
to bind the German Government to nothing.

"The Imperial Government greets with special
sympathy the leading idea of the peace appeal wherein
hia Holiness clearly expresses the conviction that in
the future the material power of arms must be super-
seded by the moral power of right. . . . From thli
would follow, according to his Holiness' view, the simut
taneous diminution of the armed forces of all state*
and the institution of obligatory arbitrations for inter-
national disputes.

"We share his Holiness' view that definite rulei
and a certain safeguard for a simultaneous and recip-
rocal limitation of armaments on land, on sea, and in
the air, as well as for the true freedom of the community
and high seas, are the things in treating which the new
spirit that in the future should prevail in international
relations should first find hopeful expression .

"The task would then of itself arise to decide inter-
national differences of opinion not by the use of armed
forces but by peaceful methods, especially by arbitra-
tion, whose high peace-producing effect we together
with his Holiness fully recognize.

"The Imperial Government will in this respect sup-
port every proposal compatible with the vital interest
of the German Empire and people."

No notice whatever was taken of the Pope's plea for tk»
giving up of occupied territory and the restoration tf
Belgium's independence. When reports were published
in the German press that nevertheless the Government

II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR.

was prepared to give up Belgium, the Chancellor denied
this, saying (September 28):

"I declare that the Imperial Government's hands are
free for eventual peace negotiations. This also refers
to Belgium."

7. Failure of the attempt to promote an international con-

ference of Socialists at Stockholm (Sweden) for peace
on the basis of the Russian revolutionary formula,
" No annexations and no indemnities," September,
1917. This failure was due to (a) suspicion that pro-
German influence was back of the proposal; and (b)
publication of proofs of pro-German and unneutral
conduct on the part of Swedish diplomatic officials.
(Sec \\'<ir Cyclopedia, under " Spurlos Versenkt,"
" Stockholm Conference," " Sweden, Neutral Prob-
lems.")

January 28 to February 3, 1918, occurred a wide-
spread strike in (Jcrmany (500,000 said to have
struck in Berlin alone) to secure (a) a general
peace " without indemnities or annexations," (b)
betterment of food and living conditions, and (c)
more democratic political institutions. The arrest
of the leaders and the firm attitude of the military
authorities speedily sent the strikers back to work.

8. President Wilson's proposals of January 8, 1918:

" What we demand in this war ... is nothing
peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made
fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be
made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like
our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its
own institutions, be assured of justice and fair deal-
ing by the other peoples of the world as against
force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the
world are, in effect, partners in this interest, and
for our own part we see very clearly that unless jus-
tice be done to others it will not be done to us. The
program of the world's peace, therefore, is our pro-
gram; and that program, the only possible program,
as we see it, is this:

" I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at,
after which there shall be no private international
understandings of any kind, but diplomacy shall pro-
ceed always frankly and in the public view.

" II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the
seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and
in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or
in part by international action for the enforcement
of international covenants.

" III. The removal, so far as possible, of all eco-
nomic barriers and the establishment of an equality
of trade conditions among all the nations consenting
to the peace and associating themselves for its main-
tenance.

" IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that
national armaments will be reduced to the lowest
point consistent with domestic safety.

" V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial
adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict

c -mince of the principle that in determining all '
such questions of sovereignty the interests of the
populations concerned mnst have equal weight with
the equitable claims of the Government whose title
is to be determined.

"VT. The evacuation of all Russian territory, nnd
such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia
ns will secure the best and freest co-operation of the
other nations of the world in obtaining for her an

unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the
independent determination of her own political de-
velopment and national policy, and assure her of a
sincere welcome into the society of free nations un-
der institutions of her own choosing; and, more than
a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she
may need and may herself desire. The treatment
accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months
to come will be the acid test of their good will, of
their comprehension of her needs as distinguished
from their own interests, and of their intelligent and
unselfish sympathy.

•• VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must
be evacuated and restored, without any attempt to
limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common
with all other free nations. No other single act will
serve as this will serve to restore confidence among
the nations in the laws which they have themselves
set and determined for the government of their rela-
tions with one another. Without this healing act
the whole structure and validity of international law
is forever impaired.

"VIII. All French territory should be freed and
the invaded portions restored; and the wrong done
to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-
Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world
for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order
that peace may once more be made secure in the In-
terest of all.

" IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy
should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of
nationality.

" X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place
among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and
assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity
of autonomous development.

"XI. Rournania, Serbia, and Montenegro should
be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia
accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the
relations of the several Balkan States to one another
determined by friendly counsel along historically es-
tablished lines of allegiance and nationality; and
international guaranties of the political and eco-
nomic independence and territorial integrity of the
several Balkan States should be entered into.

" XII. The Turkish portions of the present Otto-
man Empire should be assured a secure Fovcreignty,
but the other nationalities which are now under
Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted secur-
ity of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity
of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles
should be permanently opened as a free passage to
the ships and commerce of all nations under inter-
national guaranties.

"XIII. An independent Polish State should be
erected which should include the „ territories In-
habited by indisputably Polish populations, which
should be assured a free and secure access to the
sea, and whose political and economic independence
and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by
international covenant.

" XIV. A general association of nations must be
formed, under specific covenants for the purpose of
affording mutual guaranties of political independ-
ence and territorial integrity to great and small
States alike." (War, labor, and Peace, pp. 28-31.)

On February 11 the President made this further
statement :

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

"After all, the test of whether it is possible for
either Government [Austria or United States] to go
any further in this comparison of views is simple
and obvious. The principles to be applied are these:
" First, that each part of the final settlement must
be based upon the essential justice of that particu-
lar case tud upon such adjustments as are most
likely to bring a peace that will be permanent;

" Second, that peoples and provinces are not to be
bartered about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if
they were mere chattels and pawns in a game, even
the great game, now forever discredited, of the bal-
ance of power; but that

" Third, every territorial settlement involved in
this war must be made in the interest and for the
benefit of the populations concerned and not as a
part of any mere adjustment or compromise of claims
amongst rival States; and

" Fourth, that all well-defined national aspirations
shall In- accorded the utmost satisfaction that can be
uruordud them without introducing new or perpetuat-
,.;.' ol ' • lements of discord and antagonism that
would be likely in time to break the peace of Eu-
rope and consequently of the world." (War, Labor,
and Peace, p. 38.)

9. The proposals of Great Britain (speech of Lloyd George,
January 5, 1918, and of revolutionary Russia (Bolshe-
vik proposals at Brest-Litovsk, December 2, 1917) were
in substantial agreement with those of President Wil-
son. (See comparative synopsis in Neic York Times
Current History for February, 1918, pp. 257-9.)

An Inter-Allied Labor Conference, held in London,
February 20-23, speaking in the name of practically
all the organized working class of Great Britain,
France, Belgium, and Italy, specifically indorsed
President Wilson's proposals,- and declared that "a
victory for German imperialism would be the defeat
of democracy and liberty in Europe," and that the
Socialists whom they represented " were inflexibly
resolved to fight until victory is achieved." (Full
text of declaration in The New Republic for March
23, 1918.)

10. Replies of Germany and Austria (January 24) :

Count Czernin, the Austrian Foreign Minister, re-
plied to President Wilson's address of January 8, in
a speech of conciliatory tone, but said that Austria
would " defend the pre-war possessions of her allies
as she would her own." This attitude ignored the
Alsace-Lorraine question, but by implication con-
ceded the giving up of Belgium. (In the first tele-
graphic despatches, this passage was falsified in the
German interest by the Wolff Press Bureau.)

Chancellor con Hertling's speech in reply was
" very vague and confusing " :

" His discussion and acceptance of our general
principles lead him to no practical conclusions. He
refuses to apply them to the substantive items which
must constitute the body of any final settlement. He
is jealous of international action and of interna-
tional counsel. He accepts, he says, the principle of
public diplomacy, but he appears to insist that it be
confined, at any rate in this case, to generalities;
and that the several particular questions of territory
and sovereignty, the several questions upon whose
settlement must depend the acceptance of peace by

the twenty-three States now engaged in the war,
must be discussed and settled, not iu general council,
but severally by the nations most immediately ecu
corned by interest or neighborhood.

"He rgrees that the seas should be free, but looks
askance at any limitation to that freedom by inter-
national action in the interest of the common order.
He would without reserve be glad to see economic
barriers removed between nation and nation, for that
could in on way impede the ambitions of the military
party with whom he seems constrained to keep on
terms. Neither does he raise objection to a limita-
tion of armaments. That matter will be settled of
itself, he thinks, by the economic conditions which
must follow the war. But the German colonies, he
demands, must be returned without debate. He will
discuss with no one but the representatives of Rus-
sia what disposition shall be made of the peoples
and the lands of the Baltic Provinces; with no one
but the Government of France the " conditions " un-
der which French territory shall be evacuated; and
only with Austria what shall be done with Poland.
In the determination of all questions affecting the
Balkan States he defers, as I understand him, to
Austria and Turkey; and with regard to the agree-
ments to be entered into concerning the non-Turkish
peoples of the present Ottoman Empire, to the Turk-
ish authorities themselves. After a settlement all
around, effected in this fashion, by individual barter
and concession, he would have no objection, if I cor-
rectly interpret his statement, to a league of nations
which would undertake to hold the new balance of
power steady against external disturbance.

" It must be evident to everyone who understands
what this war has wrought in the opinion and tem-
per of the world that no general peace, no peace
worth the infinite sacrifices of these years of tragical
suffering, can possibly be arrived at in any such
fashion. The method the German Chancellor pro-
poses is the method of the Congress of Vienna. We
cannot and will not return to that. What is at stake
now is the peace of the world. What we are striving
for is a new international order based upon broad
and universal principles of right and justice — no
mere peace of shreds and patches." (President
Wilson, address of February 11, 1918, in War, Labor,
and Peace, pp. 34-5.)
11. Attitude of the Kaiser.

" The year 1917 with its great battles has proved
that the German people has in the Lord of Creation
above an unconditional and avowed ally on whom it
can absolutely rely. ... If the enemy does not want
peace, then we must bring peace to the world by bat-
tering in with the iron fist and shining sword the
.doors of those who will not have peace." (Addrest
to German Second Army on the French front, De-
cember 22, 1917.)

" We desire to live in friendship with neighboring
peoples, but the victory of German arms must first
be recojynized. Our troops under the great Hinden-
burg will continue to win it. Then peace will come."
(On conclusion of peace with Ukrainia, February 11,
1918.)

" The prize of victory must not and will not fail
us. No soft peace, but one corresponding with Ger-
many's interests." (To Schleswig-Holstein Provin-
cial Council, March 20, 1918.)

II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR.

IV. DEALINGS OF TIII-: Ci MICAL POWERS WITH RUSSIA

AND KOUMA.NIA.

1. Armistice with Russia for one month agreed to Decem-

ber 15, 1917 (subsequently extended to February 18,
1918).

2. Brest-Litovsk negotiations (December 22 to Febru-

ary 10).

(a) Count Czernin presented (December 25) what
purported to be the terms of the Central Powers
for a general peace, " without forcible annexa-
tion of territory " or indemnities. "Almost any
scheme of conquest could be perpetrated within
the literal interpretation of such a pledge."
(Lloyd George, January 5, 1918.)

(b) Failure of Russia's allies to appear at Brest-
Litovsk within ten days led the German repre-
sentatives to declare Czernin's terms withdrawn.
Negotiations with Russia for a separate peace
followed.

(c) Quarrels between the Russian and German nego-
tiators over ( 1 ) the German refusal to guaranty
an immediate removal, after the peace, of Ger-
man troops from occupied Poland," Lithuania,
Courland, Livonia, and Ksthonia; and (2) over
Bolshevik propaganda for revolution in Ger-
many. (3) Reported conflicts between the Ger-
man Foreign Minister von Kuehlmann and the
German military party; victory of the militar-
ists and determination to annex extensive por-
tions of Russian territory.

3. Peace concluded (February 9) between the Central

Powers and the anti-Bolshevik party in Ukrainia,
which had set up a weak " People's republic." Its
purpose to secure grain for the Teutonic allies from
the rich " black lands " of Ukrainia, to control its ex-
tensive coal and iron deposits, and to rule the Black
Sea. Refusal of the Bolshevik! to recognize the new
State; civil war in I'krainia, resulting in conquest by
German troops and the occupation of Odessa (March
13). Similar civil war and German occupation in
Finland ; Aaland Islands seized by Germany.

4. Abrupt withdrawal of the Bolshevik negotiators from

Bre&t-Litovsk and announcement that the war was at
an end, without signing # treaty of peace (February
10):

" Wo could not sign a peace which would bring
with it sadness, oppression and Buffering to millions
of workmen and peasants. But we also cannot, will
not, and must not continue a war begun by czars and
italists in alliance with czars and capitalists.
\Ye will not and we must not continue to be at war
with the Germans and Austrians — workmen and
peasants like ourselves. . . . Russia, for its part,
declares the present war with Germany and Austria-
Hungary, Turkey and Bulgaria at an end. Simul-
taneously, the Russian troops receive an order for
complete demobilization on all fronts." (Declara-
tion signed by Lenine and Trotzky, heads of the
Bolshevik Government of Russia.)

6. Renewal of German military operations against Russia
(February 18) with the object of adding Esthonia and
Livonia, the remaining Baltic Provinces, to other lands
wrested from Russia.

6. Announcement I'y I.enine-and Trotzky (February 19)
that " in the present circumstances " their Government

was forced " formally to declare its willingness to sign
a peace upon the conditions which had been dictated "
I iy the Central Towers at Brest-Litovsk. The German*
nevertheless advanced, with practically no resistance,
on a front of 500 miles and to within seventy mile* of
Petrograd. Great quantities of military supplies cap-
tured (over 1,300 cannon, 4,000 to 5,000 motor cars,
etc.)

7. Peace between Russia and the Central Powers signed at

Brest-Litovsk (March 3, 1918; ratified by the "All-
Russian Congress of Soviets," at Moscow, March 14).
Its principal terms were: (a) the surrender by Russia
of Courland, Poland, Lithuania, Livonia, and Esthonia.
(b) Peace to be made with Ukrainia and Finland by
which Russia recognizes their independence, (c)
Batoum and other districts in Transcaucasia to be sur-
rendered to Turkey, (d) An indemnity which is vari-
ously estimated at from $1,500,000,000 to $4,000,000,-
000.

Maxim Gorky calculated that this treaty robbed
Russia of 4 per cent, of her total area, 26 per cent,
of her population, 27 per cent, of her agricultural
land normally cultivated, 37 per cent, of her food-
stuffs production, 26 per cent, of her railways, 33 per
cent, of her manufacturing industries, 75 per cent,
of her coal, and 73 per cent, of her iron. It has also
been pointed out that the treaty strengthened Ger-
many's hold on the Mohammedan peoples, and gave
her an alternative route to India and the East via
Odessa, Batoum, Transcaucasia, and northern Persia.

8. Roumania was forced to sign a preliminary treaty with

the Central Powers ( March 0 ) , ceding the whole of the
Dobrudja and granting extensive trading and other
rights. Subsequently (March 9) Roumania broke off
negotiations owing to excessive demands. Austria
then (March 21) added to her claims the surrender of
about 3,000 square miles of territory on Roumania's
western frontier.

Control of vast petroleum fields in Roumania and
Transcaucasia as well as extensive and rich wheat
lands, was obtained by the Central Powers through
these treaties.

V. WILL THIS BE THE LAST GUEAT\VAR? (See War Cyclopedia.
under "Arbitration," "Hague Tribunal." "International
Law, Sanction of." "League to Enforce Peace." "Peace
Treaties." "Permanent Peace." etc.)

1. Conflict vs. mutual aid as factors in evolution. An
States of necessity rival and conflicting organizations?

2. William James' answer to the militarists' plea for war
aa a school to develop character and heroism; the exist-
ence of a "moral equivalent for war." (See International
Conciliation for February. 1910).

3. Amicable means of settling international difference*
These include negotiation, good offices, mediation, inter
national commissions of inquiry, and international arbi
tration. (See A. 8. Hershey, Essential* of Internationa-
Law, ch. xxi.). About 600 cases of international arbi-
tration have been listed since 1800. Importance of
developing the habit of relying on these amicable mean*
of settling differences.

4. Proposals of the League to Enforce Peace. These in-
clude the following articles, to be signed by the nations
joining the League:

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

"(1) All justiciable questions arising between the
signatory Powere. not settled by negotiation, shall, sub-
ject to the limitations of treaties, be submitted to a
Judicial Tribunal for hearing and judgment, both upon
the merits and upon any issue as to its jurisdiction of
the question.

"(2) All other questions arising between the signa-
tories, and not settled by negotiation, shall be sub-
mitted to a Council of Conciliation for hearing, consid-
eration, and recommendation.

"(3) The signatory Powers shall jointly use forth-
with both their economic and military forces against
any one of their number that goes to war, or commits
acts of hostility, against another of the signatories be-
fore any question arising shall be submitted as provided
IB the foregoing,

"The following interpretation of Article 3 has been
authorized by the Executive Committee: 'The signa-
tory Powers shall jointly use, forthwith, then- economic
forces against any of their number that refuses to submit
any question which arises to an international Judicial
Tribunal or Council of Conciliation before threatening
war. They shall follow this by the joint use of their
military forces against that nation if it actually proceeds
to make war or invades another's territory without first
submitting, or offering to submit, its grievance to tht
court or Council aforesaid and awaiting its conclusion.'

"(4) Conferences between the signatory Powers shall
be held from time to time to formulate and codify
rules of international law, which, unless some signatory
•hall signify its dissent within a stated period, shall
thereafter govern in the decisions of the Judicial Tri-
bunal mentioned in Article I." — (World Peace Foun-
dation, Pamphlet Series, August, 1916.)

6. Possibility of World Federation.

(a) Some historical antecedents — the Holy Alliance
(1815); the Quadruple, later the Quintuple, Alliane*
(1815); the Hague Peace Conferences (1899 and
1907); the Conference at Algericas (1906).

(b) Success of partial federations — the United Statet
of America; Dominion of Canada, Commonwealth
of Canada, and Union of South Africa; the British
Empire; the German Empire; etc.

(o) Lack of explicitness in current proposals. "Inter-
nationalists hold that nationalism is no longer ex-
pressive of the age, but that federation is not as yet
feasible; that the present sovereignty of states ii
detrimental, but that one cannot hope to change
the theory suddenly. Hence, they propose inter-
nationalism, that is, a sort of confederation, a co-
operative union of sovereign states, a true Concert
of Powers. The individual schemes vary greatly
and are usually not very explicit, chief emphawi
being placed on faults of the present system."—
(Edward Kriehbiel. Nationalism, War. and Society.
page 210.)

8. Indispensable elements in an effective World Federa-
tion.

(a) The triumph of democratic government. "A stead-
fast concert for peace can never be maintained
except by partnership of democratic nations. No
autocratic government could be trusted to keep
faith with it or observe its covenants . . . Only

free peoples can hold their purpose and their honoi
steady to a common end and prefer the interest*
of mankind to any narrow interest of their own." —
(President Wilson, speech of April 2, 1917.)

(b) An international legislature. We have already the
beginnings of a world legislature in the two Hague
Conferences of 1899 and 1907.

(o) An international executive authority and an inter-
national army and navy.

(d) An international court of justice. The so-called
permanent court of arbitration at the Hague (Hagat
Tribunal) not a real court.
7. The triumph of the United States and the Entente Allies

over militarist and despotic Germany, gives the best

assurance of the establishment of a League of Peace

and the practical ending of war.

For reading references for Chapter X, see page 64.

Reading References

to accompany a

Topical Outline of the War

REFEBENCES FOB CHAPTEB I.

The references at the close of chapters do not include the
publications of the Committee on Public Information
(Washington, D. C.), of which the following are most use-
ful for this study: War Cyclopedia, A Handbook for Ready
Keferenoe; W. Notestein, Conquest and Kultur; D. C.
Munro, German War Practices; C. D. Hazen, The Govern-
•>*mt of Germany.

ANON., I Accuse, by a German, 26-141.

AWQEIX, N , The Great Illusion, chs. i-viii.

ABCHEB, Gems ( t ) of German Thought.

BANG, J. P., Hurrah and Hallelujah.

BABKEB, J. E., Modern Germany, 297-317, 798-829.

BEBNHAEDI, F. VON, Germany and the Next War, 1-166,
226-259.

BOUBDON, G., The German Enigma.

CHEBADAIIE, A., The Pan-German Plot Unmasked.

CHITWOOD, O. P., The Immediate Causes of the War.

CONQUEST AND KULTUB. (Committee on Public Infor-
mation. ) .

DAVIS, W. 8., The Roots of the War, chs. xvii-xviii.

DAWSON, W. H., What is Wrong with Germany, 1-69, 8»-
101.

GEBARD, J. W., My Four Years in Germany, chs. Iv-v.

GIBBONS, H. A., New Map of Europe, 21-57, 119-130.

GBUMBACH, S., AND BAKKEB, J. E., Germany's Annexa-
tionist Aims.

HAZEN, C. D., Europe Since 1915, 728-736.

HOVELAQUE, E., The Deeper Causes of the War.

HDBD AND CASTLE, German Sea-Power, 108-286.

HULL, W. I., The Two Hague Conferences.

MACH, E. VON, What Germany Wants, ch. ix.

UUIB, R., Britain's Case Against Germany, ch. il.

I ACCUSE, by a German, 26-141.

LE BON, The Psychology of the Great War, ch. Iv.

NYSTBOM, Before, During, and After 1914, ch. ill.

Our OF THEIB OWN MOUTHS. (Introduction by W. R
Vhayer. )

ROSE, J. H., Origins of the War, chs. i, li, v. .

SABOLEA, C., The Anglo-German Problem.

SCHMITT, B. E., Germany and England, 70-115, 154-172.

USHEB, R. G., Pan-Germanism, 1-173, 230-250.

ZANOWILL, I., The War for the World, pp. 135 ff.

II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR.

PERIODICALS :

ARCHER, VV., Fighting a Philosophy, in North American
Keview, 201 : 30-44.

BAHKKR, J. £., The Armament Race and Its Luteat Devel-
opment, in Fortnightly Review, 93: 654-008.

DILI-UN, E. J., Italy and the Second Phase of the War In
Contemporary Review, 107: 715-732.

— , Coat of the Armed Peace, In Contemporary
Review, 105: 413-421.

ELTZBACHEB, <_>., The Anti-British Movement in Germany,
In Xinetwnth < Hilary, 52: 190-210.

GOOCH, G. P., German Theories of the State, in Contem-
porary Keview, 107: 743-753.

HCIDEKOPER, The Armies of Europe, in World's Work for
September, I'.tU.

KELLOGO, V. Headquarters' Nights, in Atlantic Monthly,
ISO; 146-155

JOHNSTON, II. II., German Views of an Anglo-German
Understanding, in Nineteenth Century, 68: 978-987.
REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER II.

BARKER, J. E., Modern Germany, 1-362.

BOURDON, G., The German Enigma, ch. ii.

BUELOW, PRINCE VON, Imperial Germany.

RUIJ.ARD, A., Diplomacy of the Great War, 1-160.

CHKKADAUE, A., The United States and Pangermania,
chs. i-iii.

CiurwooD, U. 1 ., The Immediate Causes of the War.

DAWSON, W. II., What is Wrong with Germany, 70-112

DILLON, E. J., A Scrap of Paper, Introduction and ch. ill

FIFE, R. H., The German Empire Between Two Wan.

FULLERTON, W. M., Problems of Power, 260-315.

GERARD, J. W., My Four Years in Germany, chs. i-li.

GIBBONS, H. A., New Map of Europe, 1-367.

HABT, A. B., The War in Europe, ch. i-vi.

HATES, C. J. H., Political and Social History of Modem
Europe, II, 397-426, 490-539, 679-719.

HAZEN, C. D., Europe Since 1815, 303, 328, 601-644.

, The Government of Germany (pamphlet).

MUIR; R., Britain's Case Against Germany, ch. iv.

Ooo, F. A., The Governments of Europe, 202-225, 251
281.

OXFORD UNIVERSITY FACULTY, Why We Are at War, el
li-lii.

PBOTHERO, G. W., German Policy Before the War, ch. 1

ROSE, J. H., Development of the European Nations, II
1-43.

, Origins of the War, ch. iii, iv, vi.

SCHMITT, B. E., England and Germany, 219-357, 366-377

RCHUBMAIT, J. G., The Balkan Wars.

SEYMOUR, C., Diplomatic Background of the War.

TARDIEU, A., France and the Alliances.

URQOHART, F. F., The Eastern Question (Oxford
Pamphlets, No. 17).

VrLLARD. O. G., Germany Embattled, 126-166.
PERIODICALS :

ANON. The Balkan League — History of Its Formation. IB
Fortnightly Hrricir, 93: 430-439.

ANON The Greater Servia Idea. In World's Work, for
September, 1914, 129-131.

ANON. Austria— Disturber of the Peace, in FnrtnigMlt
Rrrieir, <)3: 249-204, 698-602.

BARKER, J. E.. The War in the Balkans, in FortnioMl*
Review, 92: 813-825.

DILLON, E. J., Foreign Affairs, in Contemporary Reviett.
95: 619-638. 4!i2-510.

CHIROL, SIR V., Turkey in the Grip of Germany, IB
Quarterly Rrririr, 222: 231-251.

Ooi-QriioN, The Now Balance of Power, in Worth Amn*
ran Rerieto, 191 : 18-28.

JOHNSTON, IT. II., Africa and the Eastern Railway
Schemes, in \im-tn-nth Century, 72: 558-569.

MARRIOTT, J. A. R., Factors in the Problem of the Near
East, in Fortnightly Keview, 99: 943-953.

O'CONNOR, The Bagdad Railway, in l-'urtnightly Aevtow,
95: 201-216.

TRCVELYAN, G. M., Serbia and Southeastern Europe, to
Atlantic Monthly, 116: 119-127.

REFERENCES FOB CHAPTER III.

In addition to the references cited in thii chapter, see the
various indexes to periodical literature on the topic* indi-
cated.

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER IV.

The diplomatic documents published by the various Gov-
ernments ("White Book," "Blue Book," "Yellow Book,"
etc.), may most conveniently be found in the volume en-
titled Collected Diplomatic Documents Relating to the Out-
break of the European War (indexed), published in this coun-
try by George U. Do ran ft Co., New York (price, $1.00).
The two volumes edited by James Brown Scott, under the
title. Diplomatic Documents Relating to the Outbreak of tkt
European War (Oxford University Press, New York), are
of great value. The American Association for Interna-
tional Conciliation, 407 West 117th Street, New York, has
published the correspondence in a series of pamphlets which
it distributes gratis so long as its supply lasts. Discus-
sions of the correspondence may be found in: J. M. Beck,
The Evidence in the Case; A. Bullard, The Diplomacy of tht
Great War; J. W. Headlam, History of Twelve Day»; I A.e-
cuse, by a German; and The Crime, by the same author;
M. P. Price, Diplomatic History of the War; E. C. Stowell,
Diplomatic History of the War; L. H. Holt and A. N.
Chilton, History of Europe, J86S-1914, pp. 539-559; W. 8.
Davis, The Roots of the War (1918), ch. xxiii.
REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER V.

See / Accuse I and works previously cited by Bullard,
Gibbons, Hayes, Headlam, Rose, Schmitt, Seymour, etc.
The New York Times Current History contains much valu-
able material.

BECK, J. M., The Evidence in the Case, chs. vi-vil, ix

CHITWOOD, O. P., Fundamental Causes of the Great War,
chs. v-vii.

DAVIS, W. S., The Roots of the War, ch. xxiii.

Dn.LON, E. J., The Scrap of Paper, chs. vii-vlll.

GIBBONS, H. A., The New Map of Europe, ch. xx.

MCCLURE, S. S., Obstacles tp Peace, ch. iv.

OXFORD UNIVERSITY FACULTY, Why We Are at War,
ch. v.

PRICE, M. P., The Diplomatic History of the War, pp
16-84.

STOWELL, E. C., The Diplomacy of the War of 1914, chs.
iii-vii.

PERIODICAL* :

CHIROL. SIR V.. The Origins of the Present War, to
Quarterly Review (Oct., 1914).

DILLON. E J., Causes of the European War. in Cnntrm-
porary Review (Sept., 1914).

FERREBO. G., The European Tragedy . in Educational Re-
view (Nov., 1914).

HILL, D. J., Germany's Self-Revelation of Guilt, to Cen-
tury Magazine (July, 1917).

"PoLiTicus," The Causes of the Great War, to Fort-
night^ Review (Sept., 1914).

TURNER, E. J., Causes of the Great War, in America*
Political Science Review (Feb., 1915).

REFERENCES FOB CHAPTER VI.
BECK. J M.. The Evidence in the Case, ch. vlll.
CirmvooD, O. P., Immediate Causes of the Great War.

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

DC VISSCHEB, C., Belgium's Case, chs. 1-vi.
DAVIS, M. O., The Great War, chs. viii-ix.
DAVIS, W. S., The Roots of the War (1918), ch. xxiv.
DILLON, E. J., The Scrap of Paper, chs. Lx-xi.
GIBBONS, H. A., The .New Map of Europe, ch. zzl.
McCujRE, S.'S., Obstacles to Peace, ch. xiv.
MAETERLINCK, M., The Wrack of the Storm.
SABOLKA, C., How Belgium Saved Europe, chs. i-vil.
STOWELL, E. C., The Diplomacy of the War of 1914, ch«

Tiil-lx.

WAXWEILER, E., Belgium, Neutral and Loyal, chs. i-iv.
- , Belgium and the Great Powers.
WHY WE ABB AT WAB, by members of the Oxford His-
torical Faculty, ch. i.

REFERENCES FOB CHAPTEB VII.

BLAND, J. O. P. (Trans.), Germany's Violations of the
Laws of War, 1914-15. Compiled under the auspices of the
French Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

CHESTEBTON, G. K., The Barbarism of Berlin.

Chitwood, O. P., Immediate Causes of the Great War,
chs. x-xii.

CHAMBEBY, RENE, The Truth About Louvain (1910).

COBB, IBVIN S., Speaking of Prussians (1917).

THE CHIMES OF GERMANY. Special supplement issued by
the Field newspaper, London.

DILLON, .E. J., From the Triple to the Quadruple Alliance,
Why Italy Went to War.

GARDINER, J. B. W., How Germany is Preparing for the
Next War. (In World's Work, February, 1918.)

McCLURE, S. S., Obstacles to Peace, ch. viii-xi, xv, xvi,
xviii, xx.

MOKVOELD, L., The German Fury In Belgium.

JOHNSON, R., The Clash of Nations, chs. iH-vili.

MOBOAN, J. H., German Atrocities, an Official Investiga-
tion.

MUNRO. D. C.. German War Practices (Committee on
Public Information ) .

— , German Treatment of Conquered Territory.
(Committee on Public Information.)

REPOBT8 ON THE VIOLATION OF THE RlOHTS OF NATIONS
AHD OF THE LAWS AND CUSTOMS OF WAB IN BELGIUM. By

Commission appointed by the Belgian Government. 2

THEIR CRIMES. Translated from the French (by the Pre-
fect of Meurthe-et-Moselle and the mayors of Nancy and
Luneville). 1917.

TOYNBEE, A. J., The German-Terror in Belgium.

- , The German Terror in France.

- , The Destruction of Poland.
TUBCZYHOWICZ, LAURA DE, When the Prussians Came to

Poland.
WAXWDLER, E., Belgium, Neutral and Loyal, ch. T.

REFERENCES FOB CHAPTER VIII.

AMERICAN Y«AB BOOK, 1914, 1916, 1916, 1917 (under In-
ternational Relations).

BECK, J. M., The War and Humanity, chs. li-vi.

Bur.LARi), A., Mobilizing America.

CHEBADAME, A., The United States and Pangermania.

FESS, S. D., The Problems of Neutrality When the World
is at War. 64 Cong. Doc., No. 2111.

GEBARD, J. W., My Four Years in Berlin, chs. xviii-xix.

How THE WAB CAME TO AMERICA (Committee on Public
Information i .

Oco, F. A., National Progress, 1907-1917. American Na-
tion Series.

OHLINOEB, G.. Their True Faith and Allegiance

OSBOBNE, W. F., America at War.

PABXIAL RECORD OF ALIEN ENEMY ACTIVITIES, 1916-
1917. (Pamphlet reprinted from data prepared by the
Providence Journal, by the National Americanization Com-
mittee, 29 West Thirty-ninth Street, New York.)

RATUOM, J. R., Germany's Plots Exposed. (World'*
Work for February, 1918.)

ROBINSON, E. E., AND WEST, V. J., The Foreign Policy of
Woodrow Wilson.

ROOEBS, L., America's Case Against Germany.

FESS, S. D., The Problems of Neutrality When the World
is at War (64 Cong. Doc., No. 2111).

REFERENCES FOB CHAPTEB IX.

(For Maps and Map References, see HISTORY TEACHER'S

MAGAZINE for April, 1918.)

ALLEN, G. H., AND WHITEHEAD, H. C., The Great War
2 vols. issued.

ANON., A German Deserter's War Experience (1917).

BELIAHJ, H., A (ieueral bkelch of the huropeau War. S
vols. issued.

BUCHAN, J., Nelson's History of the War.

BOYD, W., With the Field Ambulance at Ypres (1910).

BBITTAIH, H. E., To Verdun from the Somme, 1910.

COBB, I. S., Paths of Glory (1916).

DOYI.E, A. COHAN, A History of the Great War. 2 rob.
Issued.

EYE- WITNESS'S NABBATIVE OF THE WAB : From the Mara*
to Neuve Chapelle (1915).

FOBTESCUE, G., At the Front with Three Armies (1914).

GIBBS, P., The Soul of the War (1915).

, The Battles of the Somme (1917).

HAY, IAN, The First Hundred Thousand.

Ki'vrcDY. .1 M.. The Campaign Around Ltfee (19141

THE (LONDON) TIMES' HISTORY OF THE WAB (serial,
weekly).

MASEFIELD, J., Gallipoli.

NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY (serial, monthly.)

OLGIN, M. J., The Soul of the Russian Revolution (1918).

PALMEB, F., My Year of the War.

, My Second Year of the War.

POWELL, E. A., Italy at War (1917).

REED, J., The War in Eastern Europe.

RUHL, A., Antwerp to Gallipoli (1916).

SAROI.EA, C., How Belgium Saved Europe, vlil-xvlll.

SIMONBS, F., History of the Great War.

VEBHAEBEN, E., Belgium's Agony.

WASHBUBN, S., The Russian Advance (1917).

WELLS, H. G., Italy, France and Great Britain at War
(1817).

REFERENCES FOB CHAPTEB X.

BABSON, R. W., The Future of World Peace.

BUXTON, C. R. (Editor), Towards a Lasting Peace
(1915).

CHERADAME, A., The Disease and Cure. (Reprinted from
Atlantic Monthly, November and December, 1917.)

"COSMOS," The Basis of a Durable Peace (1917).

GBUMBACH, S., AND BARKER, J. E., Germany's Annexa-
tionist Aims (abridgment in English of Grumbach's Annex-
ionistische Deutschland ) .

HEADLAM, J. W., The Issue (1917).

HERBON, G. D., Woodrow Wilson and the World's Peac*
(1917).

HILL, E. J., The Rebuilding of Europe.

MARCOSSON, T. L., The War After the War.

TOYNBEE. J. A.. The New Europe (1910).

WEBB, SIDNEY, When Peace Comes; the Way of Indus-
trial Reconstruction.

III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT.

PART III.

Preliminaries of the World Conflict

Syllabus of a Course of Study

BY HALFORD L. HOSKINS, HIGH SCHOOL, WICHITA, KANSAS.

PREFACE.

This study outline is the result of an attempt to supply
the need for an especially practical course in European his-
tory. It is not intended to constitute a history of the
World War, nor a plan which stresses all the phases of life
in modern Europe. It is, however, designed to secure for
the student a broad, comprehensive view of European his-
tory, particularly during modern times, noting tendencies
and motives, and attempting to interpret the significant
facts and to give their explanation in terms of every-day
life. It is primarily a history course rather than merely a
war course, but it is intended to be the means of conveying
a sane and intelligent understanding of the circumstances
In which we live.

Prepared for a one semester's course, the plan as given is
necessarily not exhaustive; it does provide a sufficiently
complete course of study for the average high school stu-
dent. The teacher must determine, of course, to what ex-
tent the outline is to be developed. Our views of the com-
parative importance of the many phases of the present sit-
uation are so varied and so changing that the relative
amount of time which should be devoted to the different
features of the course is difficult to determine. Moreover,
there are no established precedents for such a course, and,
In a sense, it is a pioneer. It is evident that in one semes-
ter the ground covered cannot be very extensive if a thor-
ough understanding of historical development is to be se-
cured. For this reason, high school courses in European
history, covering the field of history from its beginning to
about 1700, are made a • prerequisite. This furnishes a
working basis for the development of the specialized topics
of the course. The outline provides for sixty lessons, thus
giving sufficient latitude for supplementary work, reviews,
tests, or more thorough consideration of some of the topics
In the outline.

The topic for each day's work has been outlined some-
what in detail, chiefly for the purpose of serving as a guide
to reading. This outline is not intended to summarize the
chief points of the lesson, but rather to direct the investiga-
tion and to stimulate interest and curiosity on the part of
the student. Recitations in such a course are not supposed
to be devoted to the mere recitation of facts, except where
necessary to insure a proper understanding of important
points, but are intended to give opportunity for the discus-
sion of the more significant fai'ts in human development.

Neither are the problems included in each lesson in any
sense exhaustive. They are inserted chiefly for the purpose
of stimulating thought and inquiry, as well as for serving
as an indication of the more important phases of the les-
son. However, a student win. >d comprehension of
all the problems listed must needs' have a rather thorough
knowledge of the whole field.

Since there is as yet no textbook available for such a

course, it is taken for granted that a reasonably good work-
ing reference library is at hand. Also, since much of the
material needed for reference in the latter part of the
course is not yet in permanent form, the student must
necessarily have access to the recent volumes of dependable
current literature. The references cited in connection with
the study outline are those which are to be found in most
history reference libraries, and while the list is not in any
sense complete, it still provides a sufficient working basis
for the preparation of the lesson and the discussion of the
main facts involved in it. Special reports and notebook ex-
ercises may be given by the teacher. It may be said, how-
ever, that too much stress cannot be laid upon the study
of maps showing the development of modern Europe.

An additional list of references is given in the bibliogra-
phy appended to this syllabus. Only those books have been
listed which offer material from an historical point of view.
The object in preparing this bibliography has been not so
much the presentation of a complete list of authoritative
works as the listing of a comparatively few dependable vol-
umes on the main phases of the war and its foundation.

In the references given in the outline proper the titles of
reference books are given but once, and thereafter are not
included. The most important references for the prepara-
tions of lessons are starred. There seems to be no neces-
sity here for a grouping of references under the heads of
sources and secondary works. Both outlines and references
are presented more in detail as the course progresses, for
reasons which are obvious.

The success of the course depends largely on the willing-
ness of the student to do extensive reading and investigat-
ing, while constantly striving to understand the forces
which have directed the actions of men. If a sufficiently
critical, questioning spirit is consistently applied, the
course will have well served its purpose.

BRIEF OUTLINE OF PRELIMINARIES OF THE

PKICSKNT WORLD SITUATION.
A. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND.

I. Origin of the European States.

1. Heritage of the Dark Ages.

2. Outcome of the Feudal 1'eriod.

3. Development of Nationalities to the Reformation.

4. Situation at the End of the Religious Wars.

II. National Consolidation and Expansion.

• 1. The Constitutional Development of England.

2. Founding of the British Empire.

3. Louis XIV in Kuropean Affairs.

4. Rise of Russia: Sweden.

5. Rise of Prussia: Poland Partitioned.

III. Revolutionary Period in Europe.

1. The French Revolution and Napoleon.

a. The Course of the French Revolution.

b. Napoleon: His Campaign*.

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

c-. .Napoleon's Reconstruction of Europe.

d. The Congress of Vienna.

2. Later Revolutionary Activity.

a. Europe Under Metternich.

b. The French Revolution of 1848.

c. 1848 in Austria and Germany.

IV. Constitutional Development of the Western Powers.

1. The Unification of Italy.

a. Italy from 1815 to 1849.

b. Subsequent Steps in Unification.

2. The Unification of Germany.

a. Bismarck and the Austro-Prussian War.

b. The Franco-Prussian War.

c. The New German Empire.

3. France and Britain.

a. The Third French Republic.

b. The Present British Constitution.

e. The Irish Problem.

B. DEVELOPMENT OF WORLD PROBLEMS.

I. Phases of Territorial Expansion.

1. The Partition of Africa.

a. Problems of European Expansion.

b. The Resulting African Situation.

2. The Far East.

a. The Russo-Japanese War.

b. Relations of Japan and China.

3. The Balkan Situation.

a. Liberation of the Balkan States.

b. Recent Conflicting Balkan Interests.

4. The Near East.

a. Turkey and the Eastern Question.

b. The Problems of Constantinople.

II. Events Leading to the War.

1. Review of Conflicting Interests.

a. Aims of Austria.

b. Situation of Russia.

c. The Case of Germany.

d. The Case of Britain.

e. The Case of France.

f. The Circumstances of Italy.

g. Situation of the Minor Powers.

2. Late Diplomatic History.

a. Triple Alliance and Triple Entente.

b. The Hague Peace Conferences.

c. Recent Diplomatic Crises.

3. Preparation for War.

a. Objects of War.

b. Militarism and Armaments.

c. Austro-German War Preparations.

d. The German Idea of War.

C. THE WAR.

I. Opening Events.

1. The Austro-Serbian Controversy.

2. Failure of Diplomacy.

3. Violation of Belgian Neutrality.

4. Spread of the War.

II. The Course of the War.

1. Conduct of the War.

a. Events of 1914-15.

b. The War During 1918.

c. Developments in 1917-18.

2. The Russian Situation.

3. Entrance of the United States.

a. Simple to Maintain Neutrality.

b. Reasons for the Declaration of War.

c. America's Place in the Struggle.

III. Prospectus.

1. Proposals for Peace.

2. Proposed Remedies for War.

3. The Future of War.

PRELIMINARIES OF THE PRESENT WORLD
SITUATION.

A. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND.
I. ORIGIN OF THE EUROPEAN STATES.

1. Heritage from the Dark Ages.

a. Break-up of the Roman Empire.

b. Barbarian migrations and settlements.
(1) Disappearance of civilization.

c. New physical or racial basis.

( 1 ) Variety of racial proportions.

(2) Foundation for modern European peoples.

(3) Formation of new languages and institutions (a),
e. g., the Romance nations.

References:

Harding, New Medieval and Modern History, pp. 13-25.
Myers, Medieval and Modern History, chaps. 1, 2, 4.
West, Modern World, chaps. 3, 4.

Robinson and Breasted, Outlines of European History,
chap. 12.

Problems:

What are the three prime elements of modern civiliza-
tion?"

Show that the barbarian invasions of Europe were the
greatest blessings in disguise.

Where, in these dark times, were any elements of the
problems of the present?

Explain the similarities and differences of the Spanish,
French, Italian, English and German languages.

2. Outcome of the Feudal Period.

a. The Feudal System in theory and practice.

(1) Its causes and nature.

(2) Growth of common language and sentiment.

b. Gradual rise of nations.

( 1 ) Formation of the nuclei of nations.

(2) Absence of natural or racial boundaries.

(3) First attempts at centralized government.

c. Complete disintegration of the Carolingian Empire.

References :

Harding, chaps. 1-4.

Myers, chaps. 7, 8, 9.

West, chaps. 1, 2, 3, 5, 8, 9; all brief.

Robinson and Breasted, chap. 16.

Problems :

On what basis did the present nations of western Eu-
rope form? Does this in any way account for their
later conflicts?

Point out instances where some of the gravest problems
now found in Europe must be traced to the Feudal
Period for their, origin.

What is a buffer state? Its purpose?

S. Development of Nationalities to the Reformation.

a. The Holy Roman Empire.

(1) Origin of the idea.

(2) Attempts to use it as a working basis.

(3) Subsequent condition of Germany and Italy.

b. England.

( 1 ) Anglo-Saxon England.

(2) Danes and Normans.

(3) Rise of free institutions.

c. Growth of France.

( 1 ) Formation of the French Kingdom.

(2) Outcome of the Hundred Years' War.

d. Rise of Spain.

(1) Spanish Marches.

(2) Consolidation of the Christian states.

e. The Crusades.

( 1 ) Important effects on Europe.

III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT.

References:

Harding, sketch chaps. 6, 7, 8, 11, 12, 13, 14.
Myers, chaps. 11, 12, 13, 17.
West, chaps. 10, 11, I-', 16, 17.
Robinson and Breasted, chaps. 18, 19.

Problems:

Account for the lack of any kind of national govern-
ment in Germany and Italy until recent times.

Explain tlie development of free institutions in Eng-
land, and their absence everywhere else.

Note the long hostility of France and England, and its
causes.

Also note the uncertainty of territories and boundaries
when France was in process of formation. Use maps
liberally.

4. Situation at the End of the Religious H'ors.

a. Revolt of the Netherlands.

(1) The religious situation.

(2) The foundation for modern states.

b. The Thirty Years' War.

(1) Its scope.

(2) Peace of Westphalia: territorial changes.

(a) Acquisitions of Sweden.

(b) Gains of France: Alsace.

References:

Harding, chap. 19.

Myers, chaps. 23, 24, 25.

West, chap. 22.

Robinson and Breasted, chap. 26.

Problems :

Was the chief motive of these long wars religion? If
not, what?

What effect did the Thirty Years' War have on the
later development of Germany? Read descriptions
of these wars in "Gardiner, " Thirty Years' War."

Here Germany was the helpless battleground of na-
tions; might this have left some elements of hate in
the German mind?

II. NATIONAL CONSOLIDATION AND EXPANSION.
/. Constitutional Development of England.

a. Struggles of Parliament for ascendancy.

( 1 ) Effect of the Wars of the Roses.

(2) Recuperation of Parliament under the Tudors.

b. Conflicts between King and Parliament.

(1) Divine Right idea of the Stuarts.

(2) Opposition of Parliament.

(3) Civil War and the Commonwealth.

(4) The Restoration and the Revolution of 1688.

c. Later growth of constitutional government.

(1) Parliamentary growth under the Hanovers.

(2) Influence on the English people.

(3) Results on the world's progress.

References :

Harding, pp. 221-225, chap. 21.
Myers, chap. 28.
West, chaps. 23-26.
Robinson and Breasted, chap. 27.

Cheyiiey. Short History of England, summaries of
chaps. 9-17.

Problems:

What has been the importance to modern history of

British constitutional development? Cite concrete

illustrations.
In what sense has England been the laboratory of the

world?
Why should it matter particularly to other powers

whether England or Germany controls Gibraltar and

Suez in times of peace?

Note the places where, up to the present, the highest
type of citizenship has been developed.

2. Founding of the British Empire.

a. Motives.

( 1 ) Increase of the population ill England.

(2) Religion.

( 3 ) Commerce.

b. Means.

( 1 ) Peaceful explorations and settlement.

(2) Military force in cases of dispute.

c. Reasons for success.

( 1 ) Character of the colonists.

(2) The policy of colonial support.

(3) Nature of colonial government.

d. Extent.

(1) Extent of power in North America.

(2) Control of India.

References:

Harding, pp. 453-462.

Myers, chap. 31.

West, chap. 27, pp. 418-422.

Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History

II, pp. 72-79.
'Cheyney, chap. 17.

Problems:

Has British expansion always been conscious?

How can England's monopoly of so many large colonial
fields be accounted for?

Where do you find possible " bones of contention " in
this territorial growth?

Which state should be considered England's most logi-
cal rival in the colonial field up to the nineteenth
century? Why?

3. Louis XIV in European Affairs.

a. Louis' chief ambitions.

(1) To be supreme in France.

(2) To make France supreme in Europe.

b. Louis' foreign designs.

( 1 ) Attempts to conquer the Dutch.
(a) Lack of success; small gains.

(2) War of the Palatinate (King William's War).

(a) Seizure of German territory.

(b) Gains at the end of the war.

(3) War of the Spanish Succession (Queen Anne's War).

(a) New coalitions and interests involved.

(b) Peace of Utrecht.

c. Summary of his influence.

(1) On the political map.

(2) On social and religious conditions.

References:
Harding, chap. 20.
Myers, chap. 27.
West, chap. 28.
Robinson and Breasted, chap. 28.

Problems:

Were Louis' ambitions pardonable?

Summarize the territories by which France was gainer
at the end of his wars and note the nations which
were losers.

What did the people in the territories concerned have
to say about it? Would such wars and transfers
tend to develop national feeling, or not?

Note that Europe is in a constant state of unstable
equilibrium, of which now one. now another, ambi-
tious man tries to take advantage.

4. Rise of Russia: Sweden.

a. Origin of Rn-

( 1 ) Races, peoples and geography of Russia.

(2) The cominir of the Northmen: Rurik.
(31 The founding of the Romanoff dynasty.

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

b. Wars with Sweden.

( 1 ) Territorial ambitions of Peter I.

(2) Defeat of Charles XII of Sweden.

(3) Loss of territory to Russia and Prussia.

c. Internal reforms of I'eter I.

( 1 ) Opening the door westward ; Petrograd.

(2) Attempts toward -modernization of Russia.

References :

Harding, pp. 431-437.

Myers, chap. 19.

West, chap. 29.

Robinson and Beard, pp. 53-58.

Hazen, Modern European History, pp. 17-27.

Problems :
Compare the rise of Russia and France. Account for

the difference.
Was Russia " entitled " to a western seaport, aa Peter

claimed ?
Ought Russia's late entrance into European affairs be

an argument for or against rapid development?

Why?
Note that Russia came into existence as a civilized

state at the expense of other powers. How might

that affect her future?

5. Rise of Prussia: Poland Partitioned.

•a. Origin of Prussia.

( 1 ) Growth of Brandenburg.

(2) Addition of Prussia.

(3) Further gains of the early Hohenzollerns.

b. Acquisitions of Frederick II.

(1) Seizure of Silesia.

( 2 ) War on the Austrian Succession ( King George's War ) .
(a) Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle.

. (3) The Seven Years' War (French and Indian War).

(a) Treaties of Hubertsburg and Paris.

(b) Importance of the territorial changes.

(4) Constructive work of Frederick.

c. Fate of Poland.

(1) Review of independent Poland.

(2) Three partitions to Prussia, Russia and Austria.

References:

Harding, pp. 437-453, 462-465.
Myers, chap. 30.
West, pp. 415-420.
Robinson and Beard, pp. 58-72.
Hazen, pp. 10-17, 29.

Problems :

What have ever been some of the most striking traits

of the Hohenzollern family? In what rulers of the

line have these been most pronounced?
When and why was a policy of Prussian military

supremacy undertaken? Why is Frederick's statue

to be removed from Washington?
What were the objects in the partitions of Poland?
Why is Germany proposing to re-establish Poland as

an independent state? Would Poland be independent?
Note the far-reaching results of the Seven Years' War.

in. THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD IN EUBOPB.
1. The French Revolution and Napoleon.

a. Course of the French Revolution.

( 1 ) Causes of the Revolution.

(a) Causes inherent in France and Europe.

(b) Increasing enlightenment.

(2) Attempts at popular government.

(a) Failure of the monarchy.

(b) Successive national bodies.

(3) Foreign complications.

(a) French revolutionary propaganda abroad.

(li) The interference of Austria and Prussia,
(c) Effect on the course of the Revolution.

References:

Harding, chaps. 24, 25.

Myers, chap. 33.

West, chaps. 31, 32, 33, 34.

Robinson and Beard, chaps. 5, 0, 7.

Hazen, chaps. 1-8.

Problems:

What old principles led the Austrians and Prussians to
invade France without provocation in 1792?

What is the great significance of the French Revolu-
tion?

Why were the French unable to find a working form of
popular government? Cf. present Russia.

Note the feeling of the reactionary governments toward

anything like liberalism,
b. Napoleon: His campaigns. •

( 1 ) Napoleon's early career.

(a) Napoleon's characteristics and ambitions.

(b) Qualities of leadership.

(2) The Empire.

(a) Successive steps in the rise to power.

(b) The creation of the Empire.

(3) The military campaigns.

(a) Campaigns during the Directory and Consulate,
i. Italian campaign.

ii. Expedition to Egypt.

(b) Campaigns as Emperor.

i. The struggle against coalitions,
ii. Wars resulting from the Continental System,
iii. The Hundred Days.

References :

Harding, chap. 20, pp. 527-530, 534-541.

Myers, pp. 543-555, 557-568, 573-579.

West, chaps. 35, 36, pp. 489-493, 497-500.

Robinson and Beard, chap. 8, pp. 207-217.

•Hazen, pp. 179-186, 101-205, 208-212, 213-248.
Problems :

Was the French Revolution a failure?

How do you account for Napoleon? Would the same
kind of situation produce such another?

Did Napoleon discredit or create friends for the Rero-
lution ?

What feeling have his crushing victories and harsh
terms caused toward France on the part of her neigh-
bors?

Study Napoleon's military principles. How do thorn
of the present Gennan Empire compare with them?
c. Napoleon's reconstruction of Europe.

( 1 ) Napoleon's work in France.

(a) Reform of the administration.

(b) The Code Napoleon.

(2) Changes elsewhere in Europe.

(a) Creation of new governments and states.

(b) The reorganization of Germany.

(3) Summary of achievements.

(a) Napoleon's permanent works.

(b) Their effect on recent Europe.

References :

Harding, pp. 530-534.
Myers, pp. 555-557, 568-573.
. West, pp. 493-497.

Robinson and Beard, pp. 193-197.
Hazen, pp. 186-191, 205-208, 212-213.

Problems:

In what respects does Napoleon deserve to rank among
the few great men of history?

III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT.

Where did Napoleon's wisdom fail himT

Are great men chiefly the product of circumstances?

On the whole, has Napoleon had a balance of fortunate

or unfortunate influence on France? On Europe?
d. The Congress of Vienna.

( 1 ) Composition of the Congress.

(a) Leadership: Mettornich and Talleyrand.

(b) Countries and purposes represented.

(2) Its tasks.

(a) The undoing of the work of Napoleon.

(b) Reconstruction of the map of Europe.

(d) Prevention of revolutionary recurrences.
<3) Its work.

(a) Aa to rulers.

(b) As to territories and boundaries.

References :
Harding, pp. 542-548.
Myers, pp. 580-585.
Hazen, pp. 240-254.
West, pp. 504-506.
Robinson and Beard, pp. 227-236.

Problems :

Did the Congress of Vienna succeed in its work? In
what respects did it fail?

Account for the liberal terms given France:

Had the work of the French Revolution been undone?

Consider the Congress of Vienna as an example of the
settlement of European troubles by arbitration.
Why was it impossible for this arbitration to be per-
manent ?

i. Later Revolutionary Activity.

*. Europe under Metternich.

(1) Metternich and his policy.

(a) Series of congresses.

(b) Armed intervention.

(2) The "Holy" Alliance.

(a) Its nature and purpose.

(b) Its methods.

(3) Revolutionary activity in 1820-30.

(a) Rise of secret societies.

(b) Loss of Spain's colonies.

(d) Revolutionary movements elsewhere.

(4) Partial failure of reaction.

(a) Attitude of England.

(b) The Monroe Doctrine.

References:

Harding, chap. 29.

Hazen, pp. 254-288.

Myers, pp. 585-501, 614-617.

W'est, chaps. 39, 40, 41.

Robinson and Beard, pp. 236-260.

Problems :

Was Metternich's attitude toward revolution to be

wondered at?

Did the Holy Alliance and similar organizations post-
pone the liberation of Europe seriously?
Where seemed to be the hotbed of revolutionary activ-
ity? Why?

What stand did England take on interference to main-
tain absolutism? Of what importance was her atti-
tude?

b. The French Revolution of 1848.
(11 Downfall of Louis Philippe.
1:1) Unpopular ministers.
(In Rise of socialism.

i. National workshops.
(2) Second French Republic.

(a) Election of Louis Napoleon.
<3) Second French Empire,
(a) Napoleon's coup d'etat.

(b) Aggressive foreign policy.

References:

Harding, pp. 578-587.

* 1 la/.en, chaps. 15, 17.

Myers, pp. 591

West, chaps. 45, 46.

Robinson and Beard, chap. 13.

Problems:

Note the causes of the rapid growth of the socialistic

party in France. What part did this party take in

the Revolution of 1848?
Must we account for the rapid transition from republic

to empire in French psychology or in circumstance*

likely to occur anywhere?
Why, in a time of peace and prosperity, did Napoleon

III deliberately choose a policy of war? Did he at-
tain his object at any time?
Sum up the evils now being faced by the French people

for which they, as a people, are not to blame,
c. 1848 in Austria and Germany.

(1) Condition of the Austrian Empire.

(a) Agitation of Liberals.

(b) Movements of various races for autonomy.

(2) Progress of the Revolution.

(a) Revolution in Hungary: Kossuth.

(b) Agitation in Bohemia,
i. Flight of Metternich.

ii. Lack of unity among the revolutionists,
iii. Failure of the Revolution.

(3) Risings in Germany.

(a) Constitution granted in Prussia.

(b) Proposals of the Frankfort Parliament.

(d) Virtual failure of the Revolution.

References:

Harding, pp. 601-607.
•Hazen, chap. 16.
West. pp. 566-571.
•Robinson and Beard, chap. 14.

Problems:

Compare the struggles of the Hungarian states for lib-
erty with those of the English colonies in America.

In general, what caused the failure of the liberal move-
ments in Austria and Germany, just as succeec
seemed to be at hand?

What is the essential difference between German des-
potism as now practiced and the system used and
advocated by Mettemich?

IV. CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT or TBS WSSTERW
POWEBS.

/. The Unification of Italy.

a. Italy from 1815 to 1849.

( 1 ) Italy after the Congress of Vienna.

(a) A "geographical expression."

(b) Italy's tasks.

i. Elimination of foreign control,
ii. Establishment of constitutional government.

(2) The Revolution of 1830.

(a) Liberal agitation everywhere.

(b) Leadership of Sardinia-Piedmont
i. Constitution granted.

ii. War with Austria.

i. Disaffection among the allies,
ii. Defeat of the Sardinian armies.
iii. Humiliating peace with Austria.

References :

Harding, pp. 607, 610-611.

•Hazen, pp. 305-300, 325-329, chap. 23.

Myers, pp. 619-624.

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

West, pp. 571-574.

Robinson and Beard, pp. 305-307.

Problems:

What circumstances favored Italian unification in 1848

more than at any previous time?
In what respects was the Revolution of 1848 in Italy a

success '.'
The completion of this task was necessarily carried out

at whose expense?
b. Subsequent steps in unification.

(1) Policy of Cavour.

(a) Consolidation of Piedmont.

(b) Foreign aid against Austria.

(2) Unity accomplished.

(a) Important patriotic services.
i. Mazzini.

ii. Patriotic and secret organizations.

(b) The war of 1859.

i. Faithlessness of Napoleon III.
ii. Exchange of territories.

i. Winning of Naples: Garibaldi.
ii. Gaining of Venetia.
iii. Seizure of Rome.

(d) The Constitution of Italy.

References :

Harding, pp. 611-618.

Myers, pp. 624-633.

West, pp. 574-581.

Robinson and Beard, pp. 311-322.

•Hazen, pp. 329-340, 349, 360, 409-415.

Robinson and Beard, Readings in European History II,

Nos. 237-245.
Problems :

Why is the Pope called the " Prisoner of the Vatican " ?
What is his attitude toward the present Italian gov-
ernment, and why 1

Explain Italia Irredenta.

What relations should be expected between Italy and
Austria since the unification of the former?

2. The Unification of Germany.

ft. Bismarck and the Austro-Prussian War.

(1) Character of the. German Confederation.

(2) The Zollverein.

(a) Its membership.

(b) Creation of sentiment for unity.

(3) Bismarck's character and policies.

(a) Reorganization of Prussian military system.

(b) The policy of " Blood and Iron."

(4) The war with Denmark.

(a) Recovery of Sehleswig-Holstein.

(b) Provocation for the Austro-Prussian War.

(5) Seven Weeks' War with Austria.

(a) Excellent preparation of Prussia.

(b) Prompt defeat of Austria.

Harding, pp. 623-626.

*Hazen, chap. 19.

Myers, pp. 634-643.

West, pp. 582-588.

Robinson and Beard, pp. 323-330.

Readings, II, Nos. 250-257.
Problems:

What has always seemed to justify war with Prussia?

What influence has military rule had on aspirations
toward liberal government? Why?

Why does Denmark undertake to remain neutral in-
stead of trying to recover her lost provinces?

Why was Austria not included in the new plans for
German unitr ?

b. The Franco-Prussian War.

( 1 ) Napoleon's demands for " compensation."
(a) Rebuffs of Prussia.

(2) Fear of Prussia's growing strength.

(a) Dangers of German unification to France.

(b) Relative increase of populations.

(3) Diplomacy of Bismarck.

(a) Plans for the humiliation of France.

(b) Designs for further German unification.

(4) Course of the war.

(a) Question of Spanish succession.

(b) French declaration of war.

(5) Terms of peace.

(a) Humiliation of France.

(b) Creation of the German Empire.

References :

Davis, chaps. I and II. Harding, pp. 626-630.

Ilazen, chap. 20.

Myers, pp. 594-596, 643-649.

West, pp. 583-591.

Robinson and Beard, pp. 330-334.

Readings, II, Nos. 258-261.

Problems :

Why . should Bismarck have desired the war witb
France? How did it bring about German unifica-
tion? Why was all France so anxious to under-
take it?

How do you account for the severe terms of peace im-
posed upon France? Were they profitable in the*
long run?

What part of the causes of the present war lie in thl»
struggle of 1870-71?

c. The new German Empire.

( 1 ) Composition of the new Empire.

(2) The Constitution.

(a) Its origin.

(b) Nature of the Federation.

(3) The Imperial government.

(a) Provisions for Emperor.
i. Powers of the Emperor.

(b) The Federal Council (Bundesrat).

(d) The Imperial Ministry.

(4) Suffrage.

(a) Restriction of popular will.

(b) Circle voting.

References (brief accounts) :

Harding, pp. 630-632.

Hazen, pp. 303-366.

West, pp. 654-660.

Robinson and Beard, pp. 340-348.
(Longer accounts) :

Hazen, The German Government, War Information:
Series.

President's Flag Day Address, Note No. 7, War In-
formation Series.

Gerard, My Four Years in Germany, chap. VII.

Robinson and Beard. Readings, II, Nos. 267-273.

Problems :

What makes it possible for the Kaiser to control all
German affairs?

Compare the structure of the German government with
that of the United States; with England.

What are the conditions which make revolution in
Germany difficult? Under what conditions is revo-
lution deemed possible?

S. France and Britain.

a. The Third French Republic.

(1) Provisional government after the Franco-Prussian
War

III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT.

(a) Trouble with the Paris Commune
(1>) Variety of political parties.

(2) The Republican Constitution.

(a) Organic laws of 1875.

i. Method of presidential election,
ii. Composition of two legislative bodies.

(b) Recent changes and amendments.

(3) Trials of the Third Republic.

(a) The Dreyfus affair.

(b) Relations of church and state.

References:

Davis, chap. VII. Harding, pp. 692-598.

Hazen, chap. 22.

Myers, pp. 590-598.

West, chap. 57.

Robinson and Beard, pp. 356-376.

Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 281-288.

Problems:

Compare the French and British constitutions. Is
either one strictly an artificial form? Which is
more efficient, and why? Suppose they were ex-
changed ?

What lias been the importance of the Dreyfus case in
the political development of France?

Why do the Germans consider the war won if they
reach Paris?

b. The present British Constitution.

(1) Unique nature- of the British constitution.

(a) Its origin.

(b) Evolution to its present form.

(2) Present democratic character.

(a) The cabinet system.

(b) The principle of representation.

ii. Relation to the kingship.

(3) Its success.

(a) Advantages of the British form of government.

(b) Its widespread influence.

References :

Harding, pp. 655-661.
•Hazen, chaps. 25, 26.
Myers, pp. 599-609.
West, chaps. 50-55.
Robinson and Beard, pp. 381-405.
Cheyney, review of chaps. 19, 20.

•Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 290-307, es-
pecially Nos. 295, 296.

Problems:

Note the advantages and disadvantages of the British
type of constitution. When does it work more effi-
ciently, in times of peace or war? How about the
German type?

Why do the English maintain an expensive royal
household, yet take pride in their democracy?

Consider the British type of constitution as the best
evidence of the steady progressiveness of the Anglo-
Saxon peoples.

c. The Irish problem.

( 1 ) Origin of the Irish question.

(a) Race differences.

(b) Religious development.

(2) Tlic modern situation.

(a) Agitation for Home Rule.

i. The Ulster problem.

ii. Patriotic societies,
iii. Effort* of Gladstone.
(hi Irelnml in the war.

i. Sinn Fein uprisings.

ii. The present situation

References:

•Harding, pp. 351-352, 411-416, 424, 647, 648-656.

•lluzen, pp. 454-450, 466-471, 472, 483-485.

Myers, pp. 609-613.

West, chap. 55.

Robinson and Beard, pp. 405-410.

Cheyney, pp. Ki7, :i04, 427, 439, 455, 617, 637, 683,

G06-608, 637-639, 660-664.
Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 307-311.

Problems :
To what extent should England blame herself for the

present uncertainty in Ireland? Has she done all

possible to make amends for past mistakes and

abuses?

Account for the Ulster phenomenon.
What is the nature of the most recent proposal made

by England in the interests of Home Rule in Ireland!
How is the disaffection in Ireland a constant thorn !•

the side of England?

B. DEVELOPMENT OF WORLD PROBLEMS.

I. _ SPECIAL PHASES OF TKKUITUBIAL EXPANSION.

1. Partition of Africa.

a. Problems of European expansion.

(1) Desire for colonial empires.

(a) Overpopulation in Europe.

(b) Problems of food supply.

(d) Ambition for cultural expansion.

(2) The exploration of Africa.

(a) The slave traffic.

(b) Livingstone and Stanley.

(3) The scramble for territory.

(a) Means used to obtain territories.

(b) The Congress of Berlin.

References:

Harding, pp. 685-689.

Hazen, pp. 507-514.

West, pp. 720-722.

Rose,. Development of the European Nations, 1870-

1914, chaps. 4, 5, 6, 8, in Part II.

National Geographic Magazine, Vol. 26, pp. 272-274,
" Growth of Europe During Forty Years of Peace."
Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 376-379.

Problems :

Why was the partition of Africa so long delayed?
What part does Africa promise to play in future world

events?
Why are African colonies such expensive luxuries?

Why are they retained when they involve enormous

expense yearly?

b. The resulting African situation.

( 1 ) Rivalry over African possessions.

(a) Lack of natural boundaries.

(b) Necessity of extensive development..

(2) Recent incidents.

(a) The Fashoda incident and its outcome.

(b) Disputes over Morocco.

(d) Influence on the war situation.

(3) Present status of Africa.

(a) War operations in Africa.

(b) Capture of German holdings.

References :

Harding, pp. (180-600.

•Hazen, pp. 404-408. 414. 373-374, 619, 521.

Cheyney, pp. 672-676.

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

Powers, Things Men Fight For, chap. 3.
Rose, pt. II, chap. 7.

Problems:

How does it happen that such extensive seizures and
annexations in Africa failed to produce a war before
1914!

What would be the advantage of a Cape-to-Cairo rail-
way? What have been the chief difficulties to be
overcome? Do they still exist?

What is the present status of Morocco? Of Egypt?
Of the German colonies?

S. The Far East.
». The Russo-Japanese War.

(1) Russian designs in Korea.

(a) The trans-Siberian railway.

(b) Move to consolidate Russian interests.

(2) The resulting war.

(a) Japanese control of the sea.

(b) Siege of Port Arthur.

(d) Battle in the Sea of Japan.

(e) Treaty of Portsmouth.

(3) The results.

(a) Japan's unrestricted success.

(b) Japanese interest in China.

(d) Reconstruction of Russian policies.

References :

Harding, pp. 702-704 (very brief).
Hazen, pp. 580-583.
•West, pp. 709-713, 724-727.
Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 372-374.

Problems :

What was the importance to Russia of an outlet to the
far east? What changes have been made in her poli-
cies since her defeat?

On what ground did Japan interfere? Account for her
speedy success.

Estimate the results of this war on the development of
both Russia and Japan. What did it mean to Korea?
To China?
b. The relations of Japan and China.

(1) The Chino- Japanese War of 1894.

(a) Causes.

i. Japanese interests in Korea,
ii. Japan's policy of continental expansion.

(b) Japanese success.

i. Treaty of Shimonoseki.

ii. Interference of Russia and the western powers.

(2) Recent Japanese activity.

(a) "Spheres of influence" of the western nations,
i. The hostility of Japan.

(b) Japanese part in the present war.
i. Capture of Kiauchau.

ii. Demands on helpless China,
iii. Plans for Chinese development.
iv. Intervention in Russia.

References:

Ha/en, pp. 574-584.

West, pp. 723-724.

Harding, pp. 694-000.

•Powers, chap. 17.

Rose, pt. II, chap. 2.

National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, pp. 36-38
"Young Japan."

Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 364-368.
Problems:

Account for Japanese interest in China.

On what basis did Japan make her recent demands on
China? Why does China submit?

Why did Japan enter this war? Did she have suffi-
cient cause?

What appears to be the future of Japan? What of the
"Yellow Peril"?

3. The Balkan Situation.

a. Liberation of the Balkan States.

( 1 ) Turkish control of the Balkans.

(a) Centuries of misrule.

(b) The nature of Turkish government.

(2) Early wars for liberation.

(a) The Greek war for independence.
i. The aid of Russia.

ii. Treaty of Adrianople.

(b) Russo-Turkish War of 1877-8.
i. Interests of Russia.

ii. Treaty of San Stefano.
iii. Subsequent Treaty of Berlin.

(3) The Balkan Wars of 1912-13.

(a) The object.

(b) Success of the Balkan allies.

(d) The Treaty of London.

References:

Davis, chaps. XII, XIII, XX. *Hazen, chap. 33.

West, chap. 53.

Powers, chap. 9.

Harding, pp. 677-680, 682-684.

National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, map of Balkan

Europe; explanation, pp. 191-192.
Robinson, The Last Decade and the Great War, xxxi-

xxrvi.
Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 342-350.

Problems:

Why were the Balkans so long in gaining their free-
dom?

Account for Russia's interest in the freedom of the'
Balkan states.

Why have the Great Powers undone so much costly
work as regards the ending of the Turkish Empire ia
Europe ?

Should not Europe have received the treaty of San
Stefano with great satisfaction?

b. Conflicting Balkan interests.

(1) Wars among the Balkan states.

(a) Rival claims of Servia and Bulgaria.

(b) Hostility of Greece and Romania.

(d) The Treaty of Bucharest.

(2) Results of the conflicts.

(a) New alliances among the Great Powers.

(b) The changed Balkan map.

i. The crushing of " national " hopes.

ii. The ignoring of economic needs,
iii. Creation of Albania,
iv. Disposition of Bosnia and Herzegovina,

(3) Relation of the Balkans to the war.

References :

Davis, chap. XX. *Hazen, chap. 37 and map.

•Powers, p. 366, chap. 9.

West, pp. 717-719.

Harding, pp. G84-685.

Rose, pt. I, chap. 9.

National Geographic Magazine, vol. 27, articles on

Serbia and Bulgaria; vol. 28, 185-249, Rumania and

Greece, pp. 2D5-329, "Greece of To-day; " vol. 30, pp.

360-391, " Rumania, the Pivotal State."
War Cyclopedia, " Balkan Wars," " Drang nach Osten,'"

etc.

Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 351-363.
Problems:

Why is the Balkan situation so complex and persis-
tently unsatisfactory?

III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT.

What about the benefits of modern Christian govern-
ment ?

Account for the mutual jealousies among the Balkan
state;.

Exp'ain the phenomenon of Albania.

4. The Near East.

a. Turkey and the Eastern Question.

(1) The position of Turkey in Europe.

(a) Record of Turkey as an European power.

(b) Present status of Turkey.

(2) The Eastern Question.

(a) Its definition.

(b) Reasons for ending Turkish rule,
i. The Armenian situation.

ii. Failure of Turkish administration,
iii. No justification for existence.

(3) Turkish claims to consideration.

(a) Record for fairness and dependability.

(b) Frequent impositions of Christian peoples.

References :

Davis, chaps. IV, V, XIII. 'Powers, chap. 8.
•Hazen, pp. 540, 540-548, 555-557, 594-595, 613.
West, pp. 715, 736-737.
Rose, pt. I, chap. 7.
War Cyclopedia, " Young Turks," etc.
National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, map of Balkan
Europe.

Problems:

Explain Turkey's entrance into the war on the side of
the Central Powers.

Has Turkey any claim for existence as an European
power? What has preserved her existence thus fart

Have we misjudged the Turk? In what light do we
judge the American Indian?

Does the Turk give sufficient promise of eventually be-
coming a useful citizen of the world?

b. The problem of Constantinople. .

(1) The strategic position of Constantinople.

(a) Dominance of all the Near East.

(b) Its historic significance.

(d) Natural military strength.

(2) Commercial significance of the location.

(a) The gateway to the Black Sea region.

i. ^i/.e and nature of the territory dominated.

(b) Potential rival of the world's greatest cities.

(3) Its importance in the war.

(a) The Gallipoli campaign.

(b) Its relation to the final terms of peace.

References:

•Powers, chap. 5, p. 349, map p. 119.

'National .Geographic Magazine, vol. 27, " Gates to the

Black Sea."
Hiuen, pp. 172, 603.
War Cyclopedia, "Gallipoli," etc.

Problems:

What importance did Napoleon attach to Constantino-
ple, and why?

Note the territory controlled by Constantinople in agri-
cultural and commercial respects. What further
strategic value has the city?

What appears to be the inevitable future of the loca-
tion?

II. CONDITIONS RESULTING IN THB WAB.
1. Review of Conflicting Intereitt.

a. Aims of Austria.

(1) Nature of the Dual Monarchy.

(a) Historical sketch.

(b) The present constitution.

( 2 ) The question of races.

(a) The racial kaleidoscope in Hungary.

(b) National aspirations.

(3) Question of the state's continued existence.

(a) Austrian vs. Balkan government.

(b) Plans for a Balkan federation.

i. Austria's desire for a "free hand" in the Balkan*,
ii. The idea of " Pan-Slavism."

Davis, chap. XIV.

•Powers, chaps. 4, 9; maps, pp. 61, 177.

Hazen, chap. 24.

West, chap. 60.

National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, pp. 311-303,

" Hungary."

War Cyclopedia, "Austria and Serbia," etc.
Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Noa. 262-266.
Problems:

Is a union of distinct races or peoples under one arti-
ficial government justifiable?
Which are the only permanent boundaries? To what

extent should racial boundaries be considered in map

changes?
What appears to be the best solution of the problem

of races and nationalities in Austria-Hungary and

the Balkan states?
Note the instances where national aspirations have

been modified or extinguished by continued enforced

union with foreign governments.

b. The situation of Russia.

(1) Geographical conditions of Russia.

(a) Relative size.

(b) The question of outlets,
i. Problem of the Pacific.

ii. Problem of the Baltic.

iii. Problem of the Mediterranean.

(2) Conflicting foreign interests.

(a) Territorial interests.

(b) Problem of races and population.

(3) Inevitable future of Russia.

(a) Necessity for expansion.

(b) Pressure on the Central Powers.

Davis, chap. XXI.

•Powers, chap. 11; sketch, chaps. 5, 7; map, p. 191.
West, pp. 699-709.
Harding, pp. 707-711.
Rose, pt. I, chap. 11; pt. II, chap. 9.
Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Noa. 327-341.
Problems:
Why did the Germans say, as war was declared, that It

was against Russia? Was it true?
Did the Russo-Japanese WTar settle the conflict between

Russia and Japan?
What are some of the gravest problems future Russia

has to solve? Do they involve wars, or rumors of

wars?
What Russian problems depend on the war's outcome?

c. The Case of Germany.

(1) German national policies after 1871.

(a) The policy of Bismarck.

(b) Policy of peaceful commercial expansion.

(2) Obstacle to these policies.

(a) Russian growth and expansion.

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

(b) Rapid recovery of France.

terests.

(3) Failures of German plans for expansion.

(a) Checkmate in South America.

(b) Forestalling in South Africa.

(4) Changes in German policy.

(a) Preparation for the use of force.

(b) Mitteleuropa project.

References:

Davis, chaps. IX, X, XVII, XIX. 'Powers, chap. 12.
Hazen, chap. 21.
West, chap. 58.
Harding, pp. 630-636.
War Cyclopedia, "Autocracy," " Kaiserism," " William

II," " Place in the Sun," " Pan-Germanism," etc.
National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, pp. 275-311,

"The German Nation."
President's Flag Day Address, Red, White and Blue

Series.
Conquest and Kultur, sections 6, 13, 16, Red, White

and Blue Series.
Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 274-280.

d. The Case of Britain.

(1) Nature of the British Empire.

(a) Unconscious growth of the Empire.

(b) Indispensability to British life.

(2) British dependence on sea power.

(a) Necessity for constant food supply.

(b) Sole means of protection for the Empire.

(3) Conflict of British and German interests.

(a) The question of national existence.

(b) Danger of Germany's foreign policy.

ii. The coming of the submarine.

References :

Davis, chap. XVIII. 'Powers, chap. 13.

Hazen, review of chap. 27, noting maps.

West, chaps. 55, 56.

Harding, chap. 33.

National Geographic Magazine, vol. 29, pp. 217-273,
"Great Britain's Bread Upon the Waters," W. H.
Taft.

Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 312-326.
Problems:

Explain Britain's interest in Bagdad, Morocco and
Belgium.

Does every nation have a right to adopt a policy of
expansion of national interests? Is this always ex-
pedient?

In any event, how will the war affect the British Em-
pire?

e. The Case of France.

(1) Influence of geography on French history.

(a) Unique and enviable position.

(b) Sketch of French territorial history.

(2) Forces making for permanent peace.

(a) Decline in the population.

(b) Peculiar commercial and financial relations.

(3) Causes leading to conflict of interests.

(a) Desire for national expansion.

(b) Growing hostility of Germany.
<c) Nature of colonial holdings.

i. Forces producing the entente cordiale.

(4) Future position of France.
References:

•Powers, chap. 14.
Hazen, review of chap. 22.

West, chap. 57.

Harding, pp. 592-598.

National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, pp. 193-223,

" The France of To-day."
War Cyclopedia, " Alsace-Lorraine," " Franco'-German

Rivalry," etc.
Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 288, 289.

Problems :

Has France made the most of her fortunate position in

the past?
Compare the German victories in 1870-71 with the

French in the Moroccan case.
Note the advantages of an entente cordiale over an

alliance by treaty.
. f. The circumstances of Italy.

(1) Review of Italian history.

(a) Geographical position.

(b) Effect of environment on Italy's career.

(2) Reasons for joining the Entente.

(a) Lack of sympathy with Central Powers.

(b) Fear of French and British sea power.

(3) Italian prospects of gain.

(a) Italia Irredenta.

(b) Territory on Albanian coast.

(4) Prospect of the future.

(a) Present colonial possessions.

(b) Further imperial ambitions.

(d) Probable foreign conflicts.

References:

Davis, chap. VIII. 'Powers, chap. 15 and map.

Hazen, review of chap. 23.

West, chap. 59.

Harding, pp. 617-618.

War Cyclopedia, " Italia Irredenta," etc.

National Geographic Magazine, vol. 27, " The Austro-
Italian Frontier; " vol. 30, "Italy."

Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 247-249.
Problems :

Explain the phenomenal success of the new Italian

kingdom.

What will the war mean to Italy?
Are Italy's aspirations based on a sound knowledge?
g. Situation of the Minor Powers.

(1) Position of the Minor Powers.

(a) Four distinct groups.

(b) Varying racial, geographical and political condi-

tions.

(2) The Balkan States.

(a) Review of their relation to the war.

(3) Spain and Portugal.

(a) Forces for consolidation and separation.

(b) Relation to the present struggle.

(4) The Scandinavian countries.

(a) Precarious geographical positions.

(b) Reasons for their present independence.

(5) The Low Countries.

(a) Strategic positions.

(b) Basis of their guaranteed neutrality.

'Powers, chap. 16.

'Hazen, sketch of chaps. 29, 30, 31, 32.

West, chap. 61.

Reijjnobos, Europe Since 1814, pp. 238-244 257-284

550-577.
Problems :

What has long been the relation between the great and

the minor powers of Europe?
Where in Europe is the war not a vital matter, and

why ?

III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT.

Have these Minor Powers followed the wisest courses
under the circumstances? Note each case separately.

Also note that the state of political equilibrium in
Europe is largely determined by the status of these
groups of minor powers.

2. Late Diplomatic History.
a. The Triple Entente and the Triple Alliance.

(1) The Triple Alliance.

(a) Purpose of the Alliance.

(b) Reasons for the attachment of Italy.

(d) History of the Alliance.
i. Internal discords.

ii. Its dominance in European affairs.

(2) Formation of the Triple Entente.

(a) The Dual Alliance.

i. Reasons for its formation.

(b) Creation of the Triple Entente.

i. Removal of previous causes of discord,
ii. Establishment of the " entente cordiale."

(3) The alignment of the Minor Powers.

References:

Davis, chap. XV. Hazen, pp. 374-378.

West, pp. 741-743.

Harding, pp. 676-677.

Powers, preface, sketch of chap. 18.

Robinson, The Last Decade and the Great War, rxvil-

XXX.

Rose, pt. II, chap. 1.

War Cyclopedia, " Triple Alliance," " Triple Entente,"

" Willy and Nicky Correspondence," " Encirclement,"

etc.

Problems :

Note where the proposal for the Triple Alliance
originated. It was founded in the interests of what
policy? What were the definite objects of this al-
liance?

In what respects was Italy inconsistent in joining Aus-
tria and Germany?

What is the nature of the Triple Entente? Was this

alliance the result of choice or necessity?
b. The Hague Peace Conferences.

(1) History of the Hague Conferences.

(a) Agency of the United States and Russia for arbi-

tration.

(b) Positive services rendered at the Hague.

(2) Plans for arbitration and disarmament.

(a) Hostile attitude of Austria and Germany alone.

(3) Policy of Germany concerning arbitration.

(a) Negative attitude toward permanent peace.

(b) Refusal to enter into arbitration treaties.

(4) Conflicting views on the freedom of the seas,

(a) British view.

(b) Unusual German view.

(5) Failure of conciliatory movements.

(a) Final attempts to adjust international differences.

(b) Refusal of Germany to make negotiations.

References :

Davis, chap. XVI. "Hazen, pp. 591-594.
West, pp. 743-747.
•Powers, pp. 340-347.
Harding, $>p. 732-734.

War Cyclopedia, " Hague Conferences," " Hague Con-
ventions," " Hague Regulations," " Hague Tribunal,"
"Arbitration," etc.
Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 383, 384.

Problems :

What did the Hague Conferences accomplish of lasting

value? Why did they fail in their main objects?
Why did not the world become more suspicious of

Austro-German policies long ago?
Has German practice during this war been inconsistent

with previously admitted policies?

c. Recent diplomatic crises.

(1) Recent tense international feeling.

(a) Suspicion caused by conflicting interests.

(2) First Moroccan crisis, 1005-tt.

(a) French vs. German interests in Morocco.

(b) The Tangier incident.

mand

(d) Conference of Powers at Algeciras.

(e) Testing of the Triple Entente.

(3) Crisis over the annexation of Bosnia and Herzo-

govina.

(a) Status as left by the Congress of Berlin.

(b) Annexation by Austria without cause.

(4) Second Moroccan crisis.

(a) Agadir affair.

(b) Attitude of Britain.

(d) Bitter resentment of German militarists.

(5) Outcome of diplomatic clashes.

(a) Definite diplomatic defeat of Germany.

(b) German resolve to adopt new tactics.

Reference*:

Davis, chap. XIX. •Powers, p. 229, chap. 3.
Rose, pt. II, chaps. 10, 11.
War Cyclopedia, " Morroco Question," " Bosnia,"

" Congress of Berlin," " Pan-Slavism," " Slavs," etc.,

etc.
•Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 136-142.

Problems:

Note the Powers, which, by aggressive action, produced
these crises.

On what ground did Germany interfere in Moroccan
affairs? Why were the diplomatic settlements con-
sidered unsatisfactory?

What reasons were given by Austria for the annexation
of Bosnia and Herzegovina? Why should Russia be
concerned ?

S. Preparation for War.

a. Objects of War.

(1) The tangible objects of war.

(a) Defense of soil.

i. 'Different phases of this question.

(b) Protection of independence.

i. Freedom of the seas,
ii. Colonies.

(d) Comparison with the objects of the past.

(2) intangible objects.

(a) Race unity.

i. Blood relationship,
ii. Unity of language.

(b) Religion.

i. Complex elements of nationality,
ii. Cf. German " Kultur."

(d) Struggles for national existence.

i. Dangers of peaceful growth of peoples,
ii. Possibilities of biological defeat.

(3) Objects of the present struggle.

(a) Many forms of each problem.

(b) Review of chief objects of each Power.

References:

Davis, chap. XXII. 'Powers, chaps. 1, 2, p. 358.
•Conquest and Kultur, sections I, VI, X, XI, XVII.
A War of Self-Defense, \Var Information Series.
National Geographic Magazine, vol. 31, pp. 287-382,

articles by President Wilson, Asquith, Viviani, Bal-

four.
Problems:

Which causes of war are the more potent; the tangible

or the intangible?

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

How many of these objects are considered justifiable

causes of war by nations?
Note the different proportions in which the various

tangible and intangible objects concern the powers

now at war.

Note especially the German idea of the perils of peace,
b. Militarism and armaments.

( 1 ) Definition of militarism.

(2) Military dominance in Germany.

(a) History of German militarism.

(b) Practical examples.

(3) International competition in armaments; armies,
(a) Europe as an "armed camp."

i. Comparative statistics,
ii. History of universal service.

(4) Naval rivalries,
(a) Britain's policy.

i. Motives; national necessity,
ii. Shipbuilding program.
<b) German competition,
i. Reasons,
ii. Degree of success.
(6) Extraordinary military measures in Germany.

(a) Army and navy increases.

(b) Construction of strategic railways.

(d) Spread of German propaganda.

References:

Gerard, chap. 4.

Hazen, pp. 590-592.

West, pp. 661-662.

Harding, pp. 675-677.

Powers, Tilings Men Fight For.

National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, pp. 191-193,
" Statistics of Populations, Armies and Navies of
Europe;" vol. 28, pp. 503-511, "Citizen Army of
Switzerland ; " vol. 29, pp. 609-623, " Citizen Army
of Holland."

War Cyclopedia, " Militarism," " Prussianism," " Za-
bern," "Conquest," "Luxemburg, Rosa," "Propa-
ganda for War," etc.

Problems:

How do you account for the growth of militarism In
Europe in a time when peace was thought to be as-
sured?

Explain the necessity of England's naval policy.
When and why did Germany change her naval policy

and give up the attempt to overtake England?
Note that England had no army when the war began,
•e. Austro-German war preparations.

(1) Change in German plans for expansion.

(a) Announcement after the Morocco incidents.

(b) Change in the nature of German diplomacy.

(2) Indications of plans for aggression.

(a) Crises in 1912.

(b) Other incidents prior to June, 1914.
i. Austrian proposals to Italy, 1913.

ii. Strengthening of German army, 1913.
Hi. German propaganda at home and abroad,
iv. Variety of other military plans.

(3) Chanped attitude of the Kaiser.

(4) Change in German public opinion.
(a) German philosophy.

(b! Parties in Germany.

(5) Extraordinary German military measures.

(a) New inclusive military laws.

(b) Canals and railways.
(C) Increase in munitions.

(d) Recall of reservists.

(e) Intensive preparations of all kinds.

(6) Conclusions.

References :

Hazen, pp. fiOR-fiO!V
Powers, chaps. 10. 12.

Kiihn. Otto H., The Poison Growth of Prussianism.

Conquest and Kultur, sections II, III, XVI.

•Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 131, 132, 133,
32, 142-143.

•War Cyclopedia, "Kultur," "Pan-Germanism,"
" Neutralized State," " Netherlands, German View,"
" Kiel Canal," " Sinn Fein," " Egypt," " South
Africa," " German Intrigue," " Mobilization Contro-
versy," etc.

Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 381, 382, 405.
Problems:

Are there definite proofs that this war was intended
before July, 1914? Why did it not come sooner?

Explain the changed attitude of the Kaiser after 1912.

What has been the nature of German propaganda?

Why has the war been well supported by the German
people?

What is the only possible interpretation of Germany's

unusual military measures prior to 1914?
d. The German idea of war.

( 1 ) Summary of German reasons for entering the war.

(a) Profit derived from war.

i. Increase of rich territory,
ii. Indemnities,
iii. Increased prestige and influence.

(b) Need of a " place in the sun."
i. Right of national expansion.

ii. Necessity of creating room by force.

ii. War as a requirement for national health,
iii. Nature of German philosophy.

(d) Estimation of German "Kultur."

i. Belief in the superiority of the German race,
ii. Idea of German destiny in the world.

(2) German conduct of the war.

(a) Influence of war philosophy.

i. Justification of any means in war.
ii. " Necessity knows no law."

(b) Examples of German ruthlessness.
i. Violations of international law.

ii. Treatment of civilian populations,
iii. Unheard-of methods in actual warfare.

(3) Summary of German policy: conclusions.
References :

•Conquest and Kultur, Red, White and Blue Series.

•German War Practices, Red, White and Blue Series.

The Great War, from Spectator to Participant, War
Information Series.

A War of Self-Defense, War Information Series.

•War Cyclopedia, " War, German View," " Bernhardi,"
" Treitschke," " Notwendigkeit," " Kriegs-Raison,"
" War — Ruthlessness," " Frishtfulness," " Pillages,"
"Family Rights and Honor," " Hostages," "Non-
combatants," " Deportations," " Destruction," " Lou-
vain," " Rheims," " Forbidden Weapons," " Gas
Warfare." " Prisoners of War," " Spurlos versenkt,"
"Armenian Massacres," " Der Tag," " Kultur," etc.,
etc.
Problems :

What part does morality play in German plans? What

is the German standard of morals?
Have the German leaders any religioua convictions?

What is the nature of the Prussian " Gott " ?
How do the Germans explain their war atrocities?
What is the attitude of the German people on these

matters? Why?

C. THE WAR.

I. OPENING EVENTS.

t. The Austro-Serbian Controversy.

a. Review of Austro-Serbian relations.

(1) Previous history of Serbia.

(2) Russian interest in Serbia.

III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT.

b. The assaHsi nation at Scrajevo.

(1) Murder of the Austrian Crown Prince.

(2) Convenience of the crime for Austrian purposes.

c. Austrian note to Serbia.

(1) Secret investigation of the crime by Austria.

(2) CoMiVn-nre at Potsdam.

(3) Character of the note to Serbia.

(4) Continued hostile attitude of Austria.

(5) Anxiety of the other Powers.

d. Serbian reply to the Austrian note.

( 1 ) Unselfish concessions by Serbia.

(2) Rejection of the reply by Austria.

(3) Attitude of the Prussian War Party.

e. Austrian declaration of war on Serbia.

( 1 ) Efforts by the Powers for mediation.

(2) German refusal to negotiate.

(3) Conclusions.

References :

Davis, chap. XXIII. 'Powers, pp. 152-163.

Hazen, pp. 609-612.

Rose, pt. II, chap. 12.

Atlantic Monthly, February, 1915, p. 234.

•Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 4, 5-12, 31-37,
70, 406, 452, 469-471, 506-514.

Gerard, chaps. VI, VIII, XI.

War Cyclopedia, " Kingdom of the Serbs," " Serajevo,"
" Potsdam Conference," " Serbia, Austrian Ultima-
tum," etc.

Problems :

What are the conclusions as to the guilt of Serbia for

the assassination?
Explain the nature and object of Austria's ultimatum!

Why was it delayed so long after the assassination?
Where does Serbia's reply place the burden of guilt?

Why?

i. Failure of Diplomacy.

a. Attempts to adjust the Austro-Serbian situation.

(1) Diplomatic attitude of Serbia.

(2) Attempts by the Powers to adjust differences.
(a) Serbia's concessions.

(In Austria's hesitation.

b. Efforts to avoid a general conflict.

(1) Proposals by the English ministry.

(a) Suggestions for a London Conference.

(b) Second proposal for mediation.

(2) German demands.

(a) For localization of the conflict.

(b) For direct Austro-Russian negotiations.
(ct Results and logical inferences.

(3) Russian proposals.

(a) For Hague Conferences.

(b) For mutual cessation of war preparations.

(4) German ultimata.

(a) Mobilization of armies.

(b) Declarations of war.

(5) Responsibility for the war.

References :

•Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 107, 117, 223,
270, 288-291, 409, 431-434, 539, etc.

Davis, chap. XXIII. Hazen, pp. 612-613.

•Gerard, chap. VIII.

Robinson, The Last Decade and the Great War, xzxrl-
xl.

War Cyclopedia, " War, Responsibility for," " German
Diplomacy," " Mobilization Controversy," " Junk-
ers," " German Government," " Moral Bankruptcy,"
" Liebknecht," " Grey, Viscount," etc.

Problems :

On what grounds did Austria take action against Ser-
bia?
Explain Germany's attempts at pacification.

How must we explain the failure of Austria and Ger-
many to agree to mediation at the same time?

Why did Russia mobilize! Was this directed again**
Germany t

Aftec Austria's declaration of war on Serbia, why wa»
it impossible to avoid a general conflict?

3. Violation of Belgian Neutrality.

a. Circumstances favoring British neutrality.

(1) Party differences in England.

(2) Threatened rebellion in Ireland.

(3) Labor troubles.

(4) Unrest in India.

(5) Lack of military preparedness.

(6) Peaceful character of the British people.

b. British war diplomacy.

(1) Conferences between English and German statesmen.

(a) German bids for British neutrality.

(b) Clear statement of the British position.

c. Invasion of Belgium and Luxemburg.

( 1 ) Belgian appeals for support.

(2) English ultimatum to Germany.

(3) German attempts at justification of action.

(a) Plea of necssity.

(b) Military expediency.

d. Entry of Great Britain.

( 1 ) German wrath at England's declaration.

(2) Britain's announced war policies.

(3) Review of the basis of British entrance.

References :

Davis, chap. XXIV. Hazen, pp. 616-617.

•Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 43, 77, 86, 92-83,

105, 111, 309-311, 313, 350-367, 410, etc.
Gibbons, H. A., The Nw Map of Europe, chap. 20.
Beck, J. M., The Evidence in the Case.
National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, pp. 223-206,
" Belgium, the Innocent Bystander."

Problems:
Compare the strngth of " good understandings " with

" scraps of paper."
Was Britain's attitude honorable and upright? On

what grounds did the Germans denounce it?
Tabulate and compare the declared objects of Germany

and England in entering the war.
Why was the violation of Belgium's neutrality tht

worst international crime in the history of modern

times, if not in the world?

4. Spread of the War.

a. Entrance of other states into the war.

(1) Entrance of Montenegro.

(2) Reasons for the participation of Japan.

(a) Alliance with Great Britain.

(b) Resentment of German holding in the Far East.

(3) The war operations of Turkey.

(a) Actions producing allied declarations of war.

(4) Italy's action againat Austria.

(a) Italia Irredenta.

(b) The problem of the Adriatic.

(5) Entrance of Bulgaria.

(a) Alliance with Germany and Austria.

(b) Hostility to aims of Serbia and Romania.

(6) Portugal's declaration of war.

(7) The war interests of Romania.

(8) Declarations of war by other minor states.

(9) Entrance of the United States.

b. Universal character of the war.

(1) Great amount of life and wealth involved

(2) Disorganization of industry.

(3) Importance of the issues involved.

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

References :

'Powers, review of chaps. 3, 4, 15.

The War Message and Facts Behind It, War Informa-
tion Series.

How the War Came to America, Red, White' and Blue
Series.

War Cyclopedia, " Scraps of Paper," " Germany, Moral
Bankruptcy," "War, Declaration of," " Mittel-
Europa," " Kaiserism," " Italia Irredenta," " Sabo-
tage," etc.

National Geographic Magazine, vol. 28, pp. 491-503,
" The World's Debt to France."

Current Literature (especially Literary Digest, Inde-
pendent, New Republic, etc.), volumes covering the
period of the war.

Problems:

In what respects is this war different from any pre-
ceding one?

How many of these differences may serve as an index
to the future of war?

Which states are not in the war because of dire neces-
sity? Note those which are fighting merely in the
hope of gain.

Note the great variety of motives which drew the dif-
ferent states into the war.

II. COUBSE OF THE WAB.

1. Conduct of the War.
*. Events of 1014-15.
(1) The war in 1914.

(a) German military plans.

(b) The western front.
i. Belgium overrun.

ii. Invasion of France.

ii. Austro-German movements.

(d) Loss of the German colonies.

(e) Naval warfare.

(f ) Situation at the close of 1914.
<2) Campaign of 1915.

(a) The west front.

i. Allied failures in offensive warfare

(b) The east front.

i. The Gallipot! expedition.
Ii. Russian reverses.

(d) Summary of the situation.
References :

The Great War from Spectator to Participant, War
Information Series.

Robinson, The Last Decade and the Great War, xli-li.

•War Cyclopedia, "Ordnance," "Emden," " Gallipoli,"
"Przemysl," " Trentino," "Lusitania," "Boers,"
" Zeppelin," etc. etc.

•American Review of Reviews, February, 1915, "Bat-
tle of the Marne."

National Geographic Magazine, vol. 31, pp. 194-210,
" What Groat Britain is Doing."

Recent Current Literature.

Problems:

What docs the character of the German military plans

show about German preparedness?
Note the new developments in naval warfare and their

significance.
With which proup of Powers did the advantage lie in

1914? In l!Uf>?
Account for the disastrous failure of the Gallipoli

campaign.

How does the treatment of Belgium by Germany con-
tribute to the understanding of German motives t
*. The war during 1016.

(1) Operations in the west,
(a) Verdun.

(b) The Somme.

(2) The eastern theatre.

(a) Romania crushed.

(b) Successful Russian offensives.

(3) Developments in naval warfare.

(4) New political problems.

(a) Strikes in England.

(b) Agitation and revolt in Ireland.

(5) Summary of the year's course.

References :
War Cyclopedia, " Verdun," " Mesopotamia," " Sinn

Fein," " Barrage," " Dreadnought," etc.
New York Times History of the War.
Robinson, The Last Decade and the Great War, li-liii.
Wells, H. G., Italy, France and Britain at War.
Simonds, Frank, History of the Great War.
Current Literature for 1916.

Problems :

What is the proper place of the battle of Verdun in
history ?

Explain the weaknesses and many failures of the En-
tente Powers.

Note the special handicaps of Great Britain during
1916.

To whose advantage did the year end ? What were the
new or significant developments?

It was supposed by many in authority that the war

must end in 1916. Why? Why did it not?
c. Developments in 1917-18.

( 1 ) Naval warfare.

(a) Unrestricted submarine warfare.

(b) Establishment of blockade "zones."

(2) Further spread of the war.

(a) Entrance of the United States.

(b) Declarations of war by Minor Powers.

(3) War on the western front.

(a) The "retreat to victory."

(b) Invasion of Italy begun.

(4) Developments in the east.

(a) New British operations in Mesopotamia.

(b) Revolution in Russia.

(5) Great German offensive in the west.

(a) Release of troops and supplies by Russia.

(b) Concentration of German troops in the west

(6) The war up to date.

References:

Robinson, The Last Decade and the Great War, lii-lx.

War Cyclopedia, " Shipping Losses," " Spurlos ver-
senkt," " Submarine Blockade," " Submarine War-
fare," " Tanks," etc.

Current Literature for 1017-18.

How the War Came to America, Red, White and Blue
Series.

Dependable Newspapers.

Problems:

Explain the idea of " spurlos versenkt."

In what important respects did the course of the war

change during this period?

What part has Russia played in the war thus far?
What will likely be the effect of her revolution on

the war?
What developments may be anticipated in the coming

year?
The war has developed in whose favor up to the

present?

How can the war continue when the wealth of the S«T-
eral countries involved is so largely used up?

2. The Russian Situation.
a. The Russian Revolution.

( 1 ) Causes.
(2) Course of the Revolution.

[II. I'liKLIMIN AH IKS OF THE WORM) CONFLICT.

b. Ita relation to the Great War.

(1) Rise of new piij

(a) Tlieir attitude toward the war.

(2) Universal (lonianilH fur peace.

(a) Germiin propaganda and propagandists.

(b) Attempts to secure a separate peace.

c. Dismemberment of the Russian Empire.

(1) National movements.

(a) Declared independence of Finland.

(b) Estrangement of Siberia.

(2) German occupation of Russian territory.

(a) Question of the disposition of Poland".

(b) Occupation of Russian provinces.

(3) Future development of Russia.

(a) Dependence on the war's outcome.

(b) Loss of seaports and territories.

References :

War Cyclopedia, " Russian Revolution," " Kerensky "
" Lenine," " Trotzky," " Battalion of Death," etc.

Current Literature; Newspapers.

•National Geographic Magazine, vol. 31, pp. 210-240,
"Russia's Democrats;" pp. 371-382, "The Russian
Situation and Its Significance to America; " vol. 32,
pp. 24-45, "Russia's Man of the Hour; " pp. 91-120,
" Russia from Within ; " pp. 238-253, "A Few
Glimpses Into Russia."

Problems :

Explain the causes of the Revolution. Why did it come
at such a time?

What effect will the withdrawal of Russia have on the
course of the war? Was this to have been antici-
pated?

What are the greatest problems New Russia has to
face? What are perhaps her greatest dangers?

Why do the Allies offer to carry on relations with
Russia after her attempts to form a separate peace?

Consider the effects on Russia's future of the loss of
territory.

On what basis have parts of the Russian Empire de-
clared their independence? Are they good reasons?

S. Entrance of the United States.

a. The struggle to maintain neutrality.

(1) America's early attitude toward European troubles.

(a) Influence of the Monroe Doctrine.

(b) Natural feeling of isolation.

(2) Pleas for neutrality.

(a) Proclamations of the President.

(b) European bids for neutrality.

(3) Change of sentiment toward Central Powers.

(a) Feeling aroused over the invasion of Belgium.

(b) Disgust at the German conduct of war.

(4) Inevitable controversies.

(a) Differences with England.

(b) Controversies with Germany.

(d) The submarine question.

(5) Reasons for keeping the peace.

(a) Hope of a basis for international agreement.

(b) Desire to lead in restoring peace.

(d) Conception of duty in Pun-America.

References :

The President's Flag Day Address, Red, White and

Blue Series.
The Great War, from Spectator to Participant, War

Information Series.

War Cyclopedia, " United States, Isolation," " Neu-
trality," '' Hyphenated Americans," "Atrocities,"
" Belgium's Woe," " Cavell, Edith," " Fryatt, Capt.,"
"Lusitania," "Embargo," "Mails," "War Zone,
British," " Der Tag," " Dumba," " Igel, von, Papers
of," " Papen," " Manila Bay," " Monroe Doctrine,"
" Submarine Warfare," " Parole," " Sussex," " Pan-
Americanism," " \Vatc-hful Waiting," etc., etc.

National Geographic Magazine, vol. 20, pp. 205-272,
"The Foreign Born of the United States; " vol. 31,
pp. 240-254, " Republics, the Ladder to Liberty."

Problems:

Why were Americans so long in comprehending the

war?
What was the basis of our declaration of neutrality T

When and how was this basis destroyed?
Explain the gradual change in American sentiment

after the war began in Europe.
What circumstances drew us into war? Could these

have been foreseen and avoided?

b. Reasons for America's declaration of war.

( 1 ) Unrestricted submarine warfare.

(a) Violation of agreements witli the Uniled States.

(b) German violation of all international law.

(2) Evidence of Germany's faithlessness.

(a) German policy in Belgium.

(b) Treaties considered " scraps of paper."

(3) Germany considered a world menace.

(a) Her admitted foreign policy.

(b) Plots involving the United States.

(4) Principle of democracy threatened.

(a) Proposed spread of Prussian autocracy.

(b) Principles of the Entente vs. Central Powers.

(5) Threat to American independence.

(a) Idea of American isolation abandoned.

(b) Spread of German propaganda in the New World,

References:

How the War Came to America, Red, White and Blue-
Series.

A War of Self-Defense, War Information Series.

The War Message and Facts Behind It, War Informa-
tion Series.

War , Cyclopedia, " Zimmerman Note," " Submarine
Warfare," "United States, Break with Germany,"
" War, Declaration Against Germany," " War,
Declaration Against Austria-Hungary," " American
Lives Lost," "America Threatened," "German Atti-
tude," " United States, Isolation," " Monroe Doc-
trine," etc.

Problems:

In what ways has the entrance of the United States

defined the issues of the whole war?
To what extent may we " make the world safe for

democracy " ?
Are the standards held by all members of the Entente

alike?
What are the evidences that America did not desire the

war and did not enter rashly?

c. America's place in the struggle.

(1) Importance of America's entrance.

(a) Moral influence on the world.

(b) The military importance.

(2) Objects of the American offensive.

(a) To " make the world safe for democracy."

(b) To secure a just setttlemcnt of European prob-

lems.

(d) To provide a permanent peace basis.

(3) The American program of war.

(a) Co-operation with the Entente Powers.

Ob) Furnishing supplies of food and munitions.

(d) Placing of a large draft army in Europe.

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOB. THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

(4) Our war accomplishments.

(a) Raising, equipping and training of a large army.

(b) Successful transfer of troops to France.

(d) Successful financial measures.
<5) Probable war developments.

(a) The problem of the Atlantic.

(b) Great need of supplies abroad.

First Session of the War Congress, War Information
Series.

American Loyalty, War Information Series.

American Interest in Popular Government Abroad,
War Information Series.

The Great War from Spectator to Participant, War In-
formation Series.

The Nation in Arms, War Information Series.

War Cyclopedia, " Selective Service," " Acts of Con-
gress." " Alien Enemies," " Army," " Cantonments,"
" Bonds Act," " Profiteering," " Red Cross," " Y. M.
C. A.," " Food and Fuel Control Act," " Shipping
Board," " War Industries Board," etc.

Current Literature: Newspapers.
Problems:

What has been the effect of the United States aims, as
stated by the President?

What have been the noteworthy accomplishments of
the nation since the declaration pf war?

What appear to be the greatest tasks immediately
ahead ?

What will undoubtedly be some of the most important
effects of the war on America?

Note that the entrance of the United States went far
toward defining the war issues. Show how the war
appears to be not merely a national but a moral
necessity.

III. PROSPECTUS.
1. Proposals for Peace.

•*. German offer for peace conferences.

( 1 ) Evidence of insincerity.

(2) Reasons for the refusal of the Entente.
b. Efforts of the United States towards peace.

( 1 ) The proposals of President Wilson.

(2) Unsatisfactory replies of the Powers.
•c. Desire of the Austro-Germans for peace.

( 1 ) Unexpected developments of the war.

(2) Desire for peace at their height of power.

(3) Unrest of civilian populations.

d. Peace proposals of Pope Benedict XV.

(1) First and second appeals.

(2) Replies of the United States and Entente.

(3) Reply of Germany.

e. Peace platform of the Bolsheviki.

(1) No annexations — no indemnities.

(2) Attempts at separate peace.

(a) Failure to meet German demands fully.

(b) German occupation of Russian territory.

f. Review of present peace prospects.
References:

Hirst, F. W., The Lojjic of International Co-operation,
American Association for International Conciliation
Series.

Eckhardt, Prof. C. C., The Bases of Permanent Peace,
HTSTORT TEACHER'S MAGAZINE, March, 1918.

Robinson, The Last Decade and the Great War, lx-lxx!v.

Wilson, President, A League for Peace; also, The Basis
for Enduring Peace, in the Fonim of Democracy.

Benedict, Pope, A Plea for Peace, Forum of Democracy.

War Cyclopedia, "Peace Overtures." "Aim of the
United States," "America, Creed," "Peace Terms,"
"Lansdowne Note," "No Annexations, No Indemni-
ties," " Zimmerman Note," etc.

Current Literature: Newspapers.
Problems:

Note the sources of all the peace proposals since the
United States entered the war. Do you find any-
thing significant in this?

What is the American view of the German peace sug-
gestions? What is their evident purpose?

What is England's basis for peace? Does the Ameri-
can plan differ essentially?

Is there any likelihood of a compromise of demands ac-
cepted as the basis for peace?

What stand have the Russians taken in regard to
peace? What is the objection to it?

What new governmental principle is on trial In
Russia?

2. Proposed Remedies for War.

a. Past efforts to avoid war.

(1) Peace alliances and conferences.

(2) Partial success of federations.

b. The naturalness of war.

( 1 ) The character of human nature.

(2) The real services performed by war.
e. Suggested methods of war prevention.

(1) Arbitration.

(2) Diplomacy.

(3) International police system.

(4) Plebiscites.

(5) Settlements on the basis of ethnology.

(6) Federations.

d. Relative merits and demerits of these proposals.

(1) Their relation to the fundamental causes of war.

(2) Their chances for success.

References:

"Powers, chap. 19.

Carnegie, Andrew, A League of Peace, American Asso-
ciation for International Conciliation Series.

Wilson, President, The Basis for Enduring Peace,
Forum of Democracy.

Eckhardt, Prof. C. C., The Bases of Permanent Peace,
HISTORY TEACHER'S MAGAZINE, March, 1918.

War Cyclopedia, "Arbitration," "Hague Tribunal,"
" International Law," " League to Enforce Peace,"
" Peace Treaties," " Permanent Peace," etc.

Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 380, 401.

Problems:

Consider the arguments for and against each of the

proposed remedies for war. Which seems to be most

generally accepted?
Are any of these plans based on a clear, fundamental

understanding of the real causes of war? What la

the chief defect in them all?
What shall we offer, then, as the best remedy suited to

bring about permanent peace at the earliest possible

moment?
Which of the proposed plans are theoretical; that IB,

which have never been given an actual trial?

3. The Future of War.

a. Review of the fundamental causes of war.
' ( 1 ) Expansion ; commercial and cultural.

(2) Defense.

(3) Race unity.

b. The past history of war.
(l)Tts antiquity.

(2) The functional nature of war.

c. Usual failure of the proposed remedies.

(1) The conformation of the planet.

(2) The causes of war misunderstood.

d. Requirements for a lasting peace.

( 1 ) Integration or consolidation of nations.

(a) Forces tending in this direction.

(b) Probable situation after the war.

III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT.

(2) The need of coercion or substitutes.

(a) The evident nervines of war.

(b) Future substitutes.

i. Peaceful competition,
ii. Community of interest.

(3) Necessity for further evolution.

(a) Unstable nature of man's wisdom.

(b) Transformation of "human nature."
«. The outlook for the future.

( 1 ) The probability of future wars,

(2) The necessity of consistent education.

(3) Conditions eventually supplanting war.
References:

•Powers, chaps. 1, 20, 21, epilogue.

James, William, The Moral Equivalent of War, Amer-
ican Association for International Conciliation
Series.

Angell, Norman. The Great Illusion.

" Cosmos," The Basis of a Durable Peace.
Problems:

Will the outcome of the present war in any case settle
the issues at stake? Is war a necessary evil? Are
the "perils of peace" greater than those of wart

Sum up your conclusions as to the futwre of war.
When it does end, what will take its place?

BIBLIOGRAPHY.
PAKT A. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND.

Secondary Works.

Bourne, H. E., The Revolutionary Period in Europe.
Cheyney, E. P., A Short History of England.
Davis, W. S., The Roots of the War.
Harding, S. H., New Medieval and Modern History.-
Hayes, J. H., Political and Social History of Modern Eu-
rope.

flazon, C. D., Europe Since 1815.
Hazen, C. D., Modern European History.
l'\ A., The Governments of Europe.
Robinson, J. H.. and Beard, C. A., Outlines of European

History, Part II.
Robinson, J. H., and Breasted, J. H., Outlines of European

History, Part I.

Seignobos, C., Europe Since 1814.
Thorndike, L., A History of Medieval Europe.
West, W. M., The Modern World.

Source Material.

Robinson, J. H., and Beard, C. A., Readings in European
History, Vol. II.

PART B. DEVELOPMENT OP WORLD PROBLEMS.
Secondary Works.

Ackerman, C., Germany, the Next Democracy.

Angell, N.. The Great Illusion.

Bernhardi, F. von, Germany and the Next War.

Billow, Prince von, Imperial Germany.

Cheyney, E. P., A Short History of England.

Chitwood, O. P.. The Fundamental Causes of the War.

Forum of Democracy, articles by many authorities on
phases of the conflict.

Gerard. .]. W., My Four Years in Germany.

Gibbons. H. A., The New Map of Europe.

Harding. S. H.. Xew Medieval and Modern History.

Hazen. ('. 1).. Modern European History.

Hazen, C. D., The Government of Germany (War Informa-
tion Series).

Hull. W. I.. The Two Hague Conferences.

J'Accn«i>, by n German.

Mach, E. von. What Germany Wants.

National Geographic Magazine.

Notestein, W., and Stoll. E. E., Conquest and Kultur (Red,
White and Bhie Scries).

Powers, H. H.. Tilings Men Fight For.

Oxford University Faculty, Why We Are at War.

Rose. .T. H.. Development of the European Nations, 1870-
1014.

Treitschk'e, H. von, Germany, France, Russia and Islam.

Usher, R. G.( Pan-Germanism.

War Cyclopedia, issued by the Committee on Public In-
formation

Source Material.

Collected Diplomatic Documents.

Conquest and Kultur (Red, White and Blue Series).

Robinson, J. H., and Beard, C. A., Readings in Europe**
History, Vol. II.

Periodical Article*.

Archer, W., Fighting a Philosophy; North American B»-
view, 201, pp. 30-44.

Jordan, D. S., Alsace-Lorraine; Atlantic Monthly, 113, pp.
688-702.

Jordan, D. S., The Armies of Europe; World's Work, Sep-
tember, 1914.

National Geographic Magazine, volumes 20, 28, 30, 31.

O'Connor, The Bagdad Railway; Fortnightly Review, OB,
pp. 201-216.

Toujoroff, The Balkan War; North American Review, 19«,
pp. 721-730.

PAST C. THE WAB.
Secondary Works.

Beck, J. M-, The Evidence in the Case.

Belloc, H., The Great War, First Phase.

Bland, J. O. P., Germany's Violation of the Laws of War.

Bullard, A., Diplomacy of the Great War.

Burgess, J. H., The European War of 1014.

Chesterton, G. K., The Barbarism of Berlin.

Cobb, I. S., The Paths of Glory.

" Cosmos," The Basis of a Durable Peace.

Eye-Witness' Narrative of the War (1915).

Forum of Democracy, The.

Hart, A. B., The War in Europe.

Hazen, C. D., Modern European History.

Hill, E. J., The Rebuilding of Europe.

Kahn, Otto, The Poison Growth of Prussianism.

Maeterlinck, M., The Wrack of the Storm.

Powers. H. H., Things Men Fight For.

Red, White and Blue Series, Committee on Public Informa-
tion.

Robinson, J. H., The Last Decade and the Great War.

Rose, J. H., Development of the European Nations, 1870-
1914.

Ruhl, A., Antwerp to Gallipoli (1916).

Simonds, F., History of the Great War.

Stowell. E. C., Diplomacy of the War of 1914.

Wells, H. G., Italy. France and Britain at War (1917).

War Information Series, Committee on Public Information
Source Material.

Collected Diplomatic Documents Relating to the Outbreak
of the European War.

Morgan, J. H., German Atrocities: An Official Investigation.

Munro, D. C., German War Practices (Red, White and
Blue Series).

Notestein, W., and Stoll, E. E., Conquest and Kultur (Red,
White and Blue Series).

Robinson, J. H., and Beard, C. A., Readings in European
History, vol. II.

Periodical Articles.

American Association for International Conciliation pub-
lications.

American Year Book for 1914, 1915, 1916, 1917, under In-
ternational Relations.

Anon., The Greater Servia Idea; World's Work, September,
1914.

Dillon, E. J., Causes of the European War; Contemporary
Review, September, 1914.

Ferrero, C., The European Tragedy; Educational Review,
November. 1914.

Hill. D. J., Germany's Self-Revelation of Guilt; Century
Magazine, July, 1917.

National Geographic Magazine, several articles In Tola
31, 32.

Simonds, F. U.. The Battle of the Marne; Review of R»-
views, February. 1015, p. 179.

Volumes of Current Literature for the period of the war

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

PART IV.

Some Geographical Aspects of the War

BY SAMUEL B. HARDING, PROFESSOR OF EUROPEAN HISTORY IN INDIANA UNIVERSITY.
PREPARED IN CO-OPERATION WITH THE NATIONAL BOAED FOR HISTORICAL SERVICE

Despite the changed character of modern warfare,
geographical factors play a part in military opera-
tions as important now as in the past. The initial
determination of the Germans to invade France by
way of Belgium, the Battle of the Marne, the opera-
tions about Verdun, the Russian invasions of East
Prussia and Galicia, the successive German incur-
sions into Russian Poland, the operations on the Bal-
kan, Italian, and Mesopotamian fronts, in all these
the influence of terrain upon military operations is
easily discernible. How this is so may be seen by
referring to Professor D. W. Johnson's highly sug-
gestive book entitled " Topography and Strategy in
the War," reviewed elsewhere in this issue.

If we take a wider view, it is evident also that at
bottom it is geography which has enabled Great
Britain to maintain her supremacy over the surface
of the seas ; it is geography that has forced Germany
to attempt her challenge of that control by means of
submarines and air-craft; and it is geography, in the
main, which is so seriously hampering the efforts of
the United States to bring to bear in the war its
great potential resources. Indeed, we may consider
that it is geography — in the form of colonies, spheres
of trade and influence, control of lines of transporta-
tion, and considerations affecting the present and
future sufficiency of the sources of food-supply,
together with those of iron and coal so vitally im-
portant to an industrial nation — that makes up the
essence of the German demand for a larger " place
in the sun " which caused the present war. And we
may be perfectly sure that in the successive " peace
drives "of the German Government, it is the extend-
ing and securing of German " loot " in the form of
agricultural and mineral lands, of harbors and ship-
ping facilities, of industrial establishments and sub-
ject labor populations — all matters of economic
geography — which occupy the official German mind
far more than defense against other peoples' aggres-
sions, or even the triumph of the abstract " German
idea in the world."

In this supplement nothing further is attempted
than to present maps and charts showing (1) the
respective resources of the two warring groups, (2)
the development of Prussia, (3) the subject nation-
alities of Middle-Europe, and the Berlin-Bagdad
railway project as realized in January, 1918, (4) the
countries at war, (5) the various battle-fronts of the
war as they stood in the spring of 1918, and (6) the
territories lost by Russia in the peace settlement of
March, 1918.

The maps and atlases listed below are of varying
value, but all will be found useful. In The Geo-
graphical Review (New York) for July, 1917, will be
found a fuller list; also in a pamphlet published by
Edward Stanford entitled "A Selection of the Beat
War Maps " (London, 1917). The Division of Maps'
of the Library of Congress has prepared a typewrit-
ten catalogue of several hundred pages entitled "A
List of Atlases and Maps Applicable to the Present
War," but at present is without funds for its publica-
tion.

CEAM, G. F., & Co. United States at War. American
War Atlas. Eight colored maps. New York, 1917.

CRAM.-G. F., & Co. Historical War Atlas of Europe, Past
and Present. 18 pp.; 10 colored maps. Chicago, 1917.

GROSS, A. The Daily Telegraph Pocket Atlas of the War.
50 pp.-, 39 maps. London, 1917.

HAMMOND, C. S., & Co. War Atlas, the European Situa-
tion at a Glance. 8 pp.; 8 colored maps. New York, 1914.

LAEOUSSE. Atlas de poche du theatre de la guerre. 5»
pp.; 56 maps. Paris, 1916.

MATTHEWS, J. N., & Co. War Atlas of Europe. 13pp.;
10 colored maps. Buffalo, 1914.

• MAWSON, C. O. S. Doubleday, Page & Co.'s Geographical
Manual and War Atlas. New York, 1917.

POATES. War Atlas of Europe. 32 pages of colored maps
of the warring countries of Europe. McKinlev Publishing
Co., Philadelphia.

RAND, MCNALLT & Co. Atlas of the World War. 1»
pp.; 12 colored maps. Chicago, 1917.

ROBERTSON, C. G., AND BARTHOLOMEW, J. G. An Histori-
cal Atlas of Modern Europe, from 1789 to 1914. Oxford,
1915.

SHEPHERD, W. R. Historical Atlas. New York, 1911.

TIMES, THE (LONDON). The Times War Atlas. 24 map*.
London, 1914-15.

TIMES, THE (LONDON). Supplement to the Times War
Atlas. 19 maps. London, 1915.

TIMES, XEW YORK. The New York Times War Map (of
Western Front). In five sections, making map 50x58 In.
when mounted. Issued with the Sunday Times of December
30, 1917: January 6, January 13, January 20, and January
27, 1918.

WAR COU.EOE, U. S. A. Strategic map of Central
Europe, showing the international frontiers. Prepared In
the War College Division, General Staff, War Department
61x73y2 in. Washington, 1915.

WILLSDEN, S. B. The World's Greatest War 31 pp.j 19
colored maps. Chicago, 1917.

IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR.

European Geography and the War

BY PROFESSOR WILLIAM E. LINGELBACH, UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA.

It has been said that the present generation has
learned more geography in the last three years and
« half than in all the decades before. In connection
with the war, the world has been studying not only
political and historical geography, but economic
and physical geography as never before. The loca-
tion of the world's coal and iron supply, its oil and
wheat fields, its trade routes, its racial units, as well
as political and military boundaries have become ob-
jects of serious consideration and study by persons
who had never given any thought to these questions.

During the last six months, the newspapers have
been eagerly studying and mapping the resources of
Russia, in the desperate effort to forecast, if pos-
sible, the effect upon the great economic issues of the
war of the temporary disintegration of the once
formidable empire of the Tsars. A year ago Ro-
mania was the subject of particular interest, while
the topography of northeastern France, and the role
of the coal and iron deposits in Western Europe
have been of paramount importance from the begin-
ning of the war. Even the layman has become fam-
iliar with the expression " an ironless France " and
with the half-truths, that the sanguinary campaigns
about Verdun were a fight for iron, as that of Lens is
a struggle for coal. (Cp. map p. 90.) 1 In the early
days of the war, when the freedom of the seas was
still a subject of discussion, men were examining the
maps to determine the remarkable geographical basis
of England's unique commercial empire. Germany's
claim to direct access to the trade of the world by
the shortest routes raised innumerable questions as
to the geography and history of Antwerp, Trieste,
Salonica and Constantinople. With each larger
change in the military situation, the topography of
that section of Europe directly involved has attracted
particular attention.

To the majority of readers, the facts concerning
the surface conditions of the European continent
have not been readily accessible and it is therefore a
matter of especial satisfaction that we now have a
book on this subject, which is not only thoroughly
scientific, but also popular in style and presentation,
in Professor Johnson's " Topography and Strategy
in the War."2 The title sounds a little technical, but
the author interprets strategy in a broad sense. It
includes not merely the strategy of the military cam-
paigns, but to some extent also the larger problems
of this world conflict.

The western theatre of the war is introduced by

i Map references are made to the maps in this volume.
1 Douglas W. Johnson, " Topography and Strategy in the
War;" New York, 1917; Henry Holt and Co.

a remarkably lucid description of " The Paris Basin,"
with its geological strata uniformly and gradually
rising toward the east, each ending in a more or leas
steep escarpment, thus forming a succession of im-
pregnable barriers against invasion from the Rhine.
(Cp. map p. 86.) To this is due the fact that the Ger-
mans unhesitatingly invaded France along the coastal
plain, even though it was the longer route by eighty
miles; though it necessitated the violation of treaty
pledges, and the rape of Belgium; forced England
into the war, and invited the moral condemnation of
the neutral world. Following the chapter on the ter-
rain are three chapters on the campaigns of the
western area bringing out in detail the relation of
land formation to military operations.

On the east front, the topographical factor is less
dominant, though to most readers the description of
the altogether exceptional topography of the moraine
area in East Prussia, and the account of the skilful
use made of the Mazurian Lakes by Von Hindenburg
in his attack on the invading Russians in 1914 will
help to explain the terrible punishment of the Russian
forces in this region. (Cp. map p. 87.) Equally new
to many will be the author's explanation of the strong
natural defenses of the Polish salient, against which
the German frontal attacks were again and again
broken. In the meantime, the exposed area of Galicia
was overrun by the Russians. They seized the Car-
pathians and straightened out their line in that sec-
tion.

Then the unexpected happened. In the early sum-
mer of 1915, Von Mackensen drove a wedge right
through the Russian line eastward from Cracow to
Lemberg. Then swinging northward, he threatened
the Warsaw railways from Odessa and Kiev, while
Von Hindenburg attacked in the direction of the
Petrograd-Warsaw line. This did what all the
frontal attacks had failed to accomplish. It forced
the Grand Duke to give up his battle-line, the longest
in history, and retreat. In the retreat admirable use
was made of the defensive possibilities of the rivers
and marshes, a strategy to which the ultimate escape
of the Grand Duke's colossal army into the interior
of Russia is in a last analysis to be attributed.

But even though the Russian army extricated itself,
the retreat and the surrender of a territory larger
than Germany itself to the invader was a stupendous
defeat. Its effect soon appeared not only in Russia,
but in the Balkans. " For back of the Russian lines
lay the Balkan States, politically, if not geograph-
ically." The reaction upon Bulgaria of the colossal
victory was clearly foreseen by the German strate-
gists. The Russian retreat ended in August, 1915.
Early in October Bulgar armies were combining in

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

an overwhelming attack with German-Austrian
forces upon Serbia.

This at once called ir.to play, as Professor Johnson
points out, a very powerful topographical factor in
the Balkans. Up to the entrance of Bulgaria into the
war, Serbia had held an impregnable position in her
guardianship of the great Morava-Vardar trench with
its secondary trench from Nish eastward into the Bul-
garian plateau. (Cp. map p. 88.) Austria's frontal
attacks on the north end of the trench had all been
hurled back. Now the entire main valley was at one
blow, open to a flank attack by the Bulgarian army.
This, together with the powerful Austrian-German
forces attacking at the northern entrance to the
trench, crushed Serbian resistance. The extreme im-
portance of the results of this successful articulation
of strategy and topography appears in several ways.

The Central Powers gained complete control, not
only of the Morava-Vardar trench to Salonica, but
also of the " Morava-Maritza trench carrying the
Orient railway, that vital artery which alone assured
continued life to the Turkish Empire." The water
route by the Danube was also opened to the enemy
by the expulsion of Serbia from the Iron Gates.

The tremendous import of this can only be appreci-
ated when considered in its relation to the situation at
Constantinople. The memorable attack of the Allied
fleet on the Dardanelles was undertaken, it will be
recalled, before the opening of communication through
Serbia from the Central Powers to Turkey. The
Turks were desperately short in ammunition for their
coast defense guns, and it was the knowledge of this
condition that led to the attempt to force the Strait,
and the loss of the Buvette and Queen Elizabeth.

The abandonment of further efforts at that time
was dictated by the deadly work of the Turkish bat-
teries and by the rumors that supplies had reached
Constantinople through Romania. These rumors
were groundless, and another day's fighting we now
know would have exhausted the Turkish ammunition.
With the defeat of Serbia, however, and the opening
of the " vital artery " between the Central Powers
and Turkey, the opportunity to take Constantinople
by assault was lost. Nor was this the only result.
The extension of the battle line of the Central
Powers tended naturally to endanger the position of
Romania long since restive and impatient to seize the
opportunity of the war to free the Romanians of
Transylvania from Magyar domination.

Romania's position was formidable both for defen-
sive and offensive operations. As Professor Johnson
points out the Transylvanian Alps on the north and
west, and the broad Danube on the south, formed a
strong frontier. The only undefended section was the
southern boundary of the Dobrudja, a stretch of 100
miles. Here lay the vulnerable spot to be guarded
against all attack, or better still to be utilized as a
gateway for offensive operations. Co-operating with
the allied force at Salonica and the Russian from the
Black Sea, the objective of such an offensive would
have been the Orient railway, the possible elimination

of Turkey from the war, and the capture of Varna
and of Constantinople. Some of the highest stakes of
the war lay within reach. If ever there was an invita-
tion to enlighten allied strategy, it was here. But it
was not accepted. Local and political ambitions de-
termined Romania's action rather than topography,
or a military policy developed on the basis of topo-
graphy and allied strategy in general.

Romania decided to invade Transylvania. This
gave the Central Powers their opportunity. Transyl-
vania could be left to the Romanians till Von Mack-
cnsen gathered his forces in Bulgaria opposite the
defenseless Dobrudja line for a series of crushing
blows, while Von, Falkenhayn waited the opportune
moment to crush the heads of the Romanian invading
columns or cut their line of communication. " For
her part," says Professor Johnson, " Germany, the
controlling genius of the Central Powers, permitted
no political considerations to warp the plans for
dealing with the Romanian menace. She prescribed a
plan of campaign which involved deliberate sacrifice
of large areas in Transylvania to the impatient
grasp of Romania, and gathered strength for an
assault on the Dobrudja gateway which should effect-
ually close the way to any future menace to Bulgaria
from that quarter." Romania was herself invaded
and occupied, and her armies pushed north and east
to the line of the Sereth near the Russian border.

Thus by a misdirected and purely local strategy
Romania and the allies invited a defeat which, like
the Serbian disaster, brought enormous advantages to
the enemy. His battle line was shortened by 500
miles, the oil and wheat fields fell into his hands,
while the Orient railway freed from all danger on the
north " continued to carry munitions to the Turk."

In the Italian theatre of the war the problems of
strategy arising from topographical conditions, while
much more localized, are nevertheless equally sig-
nificant. (Cp. map p. 89.) When Italy entered the war
in May, 1915, there were many persons who expected
that she would quickly occupy the Trentino, and that
her armies would sweep around the head of the Adri-
atic and occupy Trieste. Months passed and only a
small portion of Italia Irredenta was redeemed. In
the meantime the rapid advance of Cadorna's troops
across the boundary and parts of ^he Isonzo to the
edge of the Carso plain also came to a halt. For
more than a year little or no apparent progress was
made. Criticism and malicious rumors of Italian policy
and Italian good faith were frequently heard. But to
anyone familiar with the terrain it was clear that the
almost impregnable positions in the mountains about
Goriza and along the edge .of the Carso must be at
least partially reduced before either of the rocky
gateways to the city of Trieste could be attempted.
Nor is it only the mountain wall that checked the
Italians; the Isonzo itself presented formidable ob-
stacles. • The work of Cadorna seemed impossible of
achievement.

Nevertheless by tunneling and driving trenches to-

IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE \VAK.

ward the Austrian positions on the heights, tactics re-
sembling those of the Japanese at Port Arthur, the
objectives were gradually approached. Finally in
August of 1916, more than a year after crossing the
Isonzo, the Italians were ready for the second offen-
sive against the Austrian positions. Success crowned
their efforts, and at the time of Professor Johnson's
writing they had by "more than two years of almost
superhuman efforts " succeeded in forcing the ap-
proaches to Trieste. Then came the counter blow
that had all along threatened the eastward advance
of the Italian armies. A powerful flank attack
launched from the highlands of the Alps along the
north, forced a general retreat. A glance at the map
on page 89 will make plain the topographical ele-
ments in the success of the enemy's counter offensive
in the late fall of 1917.

The text is illustrated by numerous photographs
and a series of excellent topographical plans and
maps. The work is done so thoroughly and the re-
lationship of inanimate nature to the military develop-
ment of the war presented in so appreciative and in-
teresting a manner, that it is safe to predict a lasting
and permanent place for the little volume in the vast
bulk of the literature of this great war. In view of
this, it is unfortunate that the author did not add sev-
eral chapters on the geography of the influence of sea
power. Since the sea power promises to become the
determining factor in this war, as in the Napoleonic
wars, there are more than the usual reasons for a study
of the geographical factors underlying England's con-
trol of ocean commerce. We need a semi-popular
study of the geography of the long distance block-
ade; of the peculiar geography of the coast of Ger-
many with its " Watten " or shallows, making it well-
nigh impregnable against attack by sea; of the great
strategic importance of Heligoland and the Kiel
Canal, and of the land-locked Baltic. For the same
reasons we hope the author will some time give us a
study of the topography of the Black Sea ard the
Straits, and of the Asia Minor and Mesopotamian
theatres of the war.

To some this close articulation of geography and
history will appear as an overemphasis of the geo-
graphic factor in human affairs. For there are still
those who, like Langlois and Seignobos, think it dif-
ficult to find that a professor of history or an
historian is much the better for a knowledge of
geology, oceanography and climatology and the
whole group of geographical sciences. The unfair-
ness as well as the unscientific nature of this attitude
must appear patent to every one who reads Professor
Johnson's book. Military history cannot be treated
without constant reference to topography; nor can
political and international relations in these days
without an understanding of the raw materials and
resources of the earth.

On the other hand there is an equal danger in going
too far in the other direction. Specialists are apt to
overemphasize their own particular subject, and
so there are men who pompously explain the whole

course of human history by general references to geo-
graphical conditions. Human progress is too* complex
to be explained by any single set of factors. Buckle'*
brilliant effort to account for the civilization of Eng-
land on purely economic grounds is familiar to all
students of history. To apply it in the present world
crisis would be to omit, for example, from among the
causes of the war the very pernicious educational
propaganda toward the creation of a war psychology
among the German people.

"An equal mind " is a first essential of the his-
torian; he must take his facts in whatever domain of
the activities of man or of nature he finds them.
Among these facts the geographical will always con-
tinue of great importance. Not that they are immu-
table, for in their relation to history they are con-
stantly changing. A topographical or climatic fact
remains the same, but its influence in this war may be
very different from its influence in the Civil War.
Man in his conquest of nature is constantly forcing
changes in the operation of geographic conditions,
causing the appearance of new factors or the operation
of the old in a new and different manner. In its out-
ward appearance the stage of the great human drama
remains the same but in reality it differs radically
with each new advance in the application of science
to man's natural needs.

SUGGESTIONS FOR THE STUDY OF THE MAPS.

The following problems are given only as suggestions of
the manner in which the maps may be used in class-work:

On map on page 86, indicate by figures what are called
the eight natural defenses of Paris. Compare the distance
from the German border to Paris via Metz and Verdun with
that via Belgium. Show how the German campaign in
France has avoided the natural defenses of Paris.

On map on page 87, point out the political boundaries in
1914 and their relation to physical features.

On map on page 88, show territory lost by Romania in
1918. Point out three geographical features important in
the war. Compare the distance from Leipzig to Suez by
way of Saloniki with that by way of Hamburg and Gibral-
tar.

On map on page 89, point out Italia Irredenta. Show
farthest advance of Italy; of Austria.

On F- p on page 90, transfer coal and iron areas to map
on page 86. Note the coal and iron regions held by Ger-
many. Show the position of the American army with
reference to these regions.

On map opposite page 93, give the main points in the his-
tory of the Bagdad Railway project.

On map on page 95, indicate coal and iron deposits.
What proportion of French industrial territory and produc-
tion is under control of Germans?

On map on page 97, give dates of the losses of German
colonies, and the countries to whom lost.

On map on page 98, point out the significance of the Rus-
sian peace settlements.

On map on page 99, locate principal towns and sea-ports.
What is the distance from Antwerp to London T

On map on page 100, trace the new routes to Constantino-
ple, Mesopotamia, and Central Asia. Contrast with the
route of the Bagdad Railway and the " Balkan Bridge."

On map on page 103, show the successive Allied advances.
Show areas regained by Central Powers.

On map on page 104, show English and German mine
areas. Show how neutral trade is controlled in this region.

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR.

o *

H S5
OQ M

IK t-

SO
•

i i

o o

!§

5j ,— •

.1 t»

3
• S

O S 60

« c -

:;i

H j a.

I*1 H

ci-l

•

«T t. 2

•r- O J*

S-- N

^M o

•s <-^

"*£ S

IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR.

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

IRON AND WHEAT

PRODUCES OVER 1000 IONS OF. WHEAT A SOUACE MILE

PRODUCTION OF COAL, IRON, AND WHEAT IN THE LEADIKS COUNTRIES OP EUROPE.
The political divisions are shown as they were before the Treaty of Bucharest In 1913.

Coal In the upper map and Iron in the lower map are shown by solid black areas; wheat Is shown on the lower

map by the shaded areas.

IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR.

ARMIES. PEACE FOOTING
JANUARY.I9I4

RUSSIA

FRANCE.

ITALY

GREAT
BRITAIN

RUMANIA •

UNITED ,
STATES

BELGIUM •
PORTUGAL •
SERBIA i

GERMANY

AUSTRIA-
HUNGARY

TURKEY
BULGARIA

WARSHIP TONNAGE

JANUAHY.19IA
(VESSELS COMPLETED AND UNDER CONSTRUCTION)

GREAT
BRITAIN

UNITED
STATES

FRANCE
JAPAN
RUSSIA
ITALY

GERMANY <
AUSTRIA- ,

HUN6ARY
TURKEY i

WEALTH

$188 000000000

85 000 000 000

SO 000 000 000

40 000 000 000

20 000 000 000

9000000000

2500000000

80000000000

25000000000

9000000000

Z 000 000 000

UNITED STATES

GREAT BRITAIN

FRANCE

RUSSIA

ITALY

BELGIUM

PORTUGAL

GERMANY
AUSTRIA- HUNGARY
TURKEY
BULGARIA

POPULATION

182000000
102000000
46000000
40000000
37000000
8000000
7 000 000
6000000
3000000

65000000
49000000
21 000000
5000000

RUMANIA —
BELGIUM —
PORTUGAL ••
SERBIA -

BULGARIA —

WEALTH, POPULATION, AND AKKAXKRTB OF TH* LKADUTO COUNTRIES.

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

PRUSSIA IN 1710

(Accession of Frederick the Great)
New Hark. 1455
Z Acquisitions. [462-1575

3. Cleves. Mark. Ravensburg. 1614

4. East Prussia. 1618

5. East Pomerania. etc. 1648

6 Magdeburg. 1680

7 Middle Pomerania. 1720

PRUSSIA IN 1786
(death of Frederick the Great)

1. Silesia, 1740

2. From Poland, 177J (First Partition)

PRUSSIA IN 1806

1. From Poland, 1793 (Second Partition)

2. From Poland, 1795 (Third Partition)

PRUSSIA IN 1815

1. Rhine Provinces and Westphalia, 1815

2. From Saxony, 1815

3. West Pomerania, 1815

PRUSSIA SINCE 1866

1. Schleswig, 1866

2. Holstein, 1866

3. Hannover. 1866

4. East Friesland. 1866

5. Hesse Cassel, 1866
6 Nassau. 1.866

PRUSSIA IN 1914
Tbe white areas are occupied by the
otoer states of the German Empire

GROWTH OF PBUSSIA.

The solid black on each map generally shows the total area at the date of the preceding map, the shaded area the
territory since added. On the first map the solid black is the area in 1450. On the map for 1806 the dotted line
separates the Polish territories lost in 1815 from those retained. The limits of the present German Empire are shown
on each map.

T&%m®%f&'4

WS^^^W^^W^YA

THE BERLIN-BAGDAD PLAN

As realized in January 1918

Middle Europe* and its Annexes
The Entente Powers
Territory occupied by Central Powers
Territory occupied by Entente Powers

GERMANY'S MAIN ROUTE TO THE EAST

(Berlin-Bagdad, Berlin-Hodeida,Berlm-Cairo-Cape) '/,////

Supplementary Routef.
Uncompleted sectors

THE BERLIN-BAGDAD RAILWAY.

NOTE.— Greece should be indicated as of the Entente Powert.

IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR.

I Germans
j Poles

^Magyars

!CzecA~

S/ovaks

^Roumanians
""I] Bu/yars

"\ltalians

\Turks

I.**1

nl*rtfl

bpen

If OT

Gu'1^ — /

OW^OM'A"','

*»*»

'"ffetrogl-ad

*•* i

i«V;

tfupeiiiia(jcn

B^1

?Af/^

W/a/j I

/" 1__J_

Panggrmanist Plan of 1895.

m*^*8otindarie} of the tjermank Confederation
to be established in Central Europe.

— — • Bouf 'Janes of the Tributary States to
t>9 established.

a German Frontier at the en J of 1317—

0 so no jooKm.

<"l

:!i i: ! • ::

•v

1'ANGEBMANIST PLAN OF 1895.

Map printed in Berlin in 1895, and distributed by the Pangeramnist League, showing the frontiers of Central I'an-
(jermany "as they should be in 1950." It will be observed that the line of the projected frontier includes Italian (or
Venetian) Friuli, which the Austro-Germans have recently taken, but stops a little short of their present front, as
shown by the line added to the map by M. C'lifradame.

This map is reprinted from Cheradame's "Pan-Germany: The Disease and the Cure: And a Plan for the Allies,"

published by the Atlantic Monthly Press, Boston

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR

IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR.

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

St.Omero

-Hazebrouck

Mervilleo

Bethune O

loLENS

ARRAS

AMIENS'

CAMBRAI

Alber

Moreuill

Montdldi<?

QUENTIN

SCALE OF MILES

IJKIVE OF MAUCII AND APRIL, 1U18.

IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR.

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

S W D E

Vitebsk SMOLENSK

AO*.XRIA- HUN GARY U

INSET -TRANSCAUCASIA

Constantza Sevastopol

Lost by Roumania

Lost by Russia

RUSSIAN PEACE SETTLEMENTS.

This map represents the peace settlements as nearly as they could be learned March 16, 1918. Necessarily the
representation is somewhat uncertain and the lines are only approximate.

IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR.

McKiNLEYs OUTLINE MAPS OF THE GREAT WAR.. LARGH SIZE No.91 b. THE WESTERN PROMT

Gtmrtatit IOI7 McKinfar Pubtishinu Co. Philadcloliia fa.

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOB THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

MCKINLEVS OUTLINE MAPS. No. 12? b. RUSSIA.

15' SO* »' 3U Lon«iia<l«U* EMt 40* from 4.%"Grrenm.-h.W 55° 60' 6&* 70*

IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR

101

s OUTI.INI MARS OF THE GREAT WAR, LARCH SIZE No.93b, THE BALKAN STATES

104

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

McKiNLErs OUTLINE MAES OF THE GREAT WAR. LAMB SIZE. No. 94b.
THE NORTH SEA, BRITISH ISLES AND ENGLISH CHANNEL

V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR.

105

PART V.

A Selected Critical Bibliography of Publications in
English Relating to the World War

BY GEORGE MATTHEW DUTCHER, PROFESSOR OF HISTORY, WESLEYAN UNIVERSITY.
PREPABED IN CO-OPERATION WITH THE NATIONAL BOARD FOB HISTORICAL SERVICE

In July, 1917, the National Board for Historical
Service projected a bibliography similar to this, but
on a somewhat more inclusive plan and with more
extended comment. On behalf of the Board, Pro-
fessor Charles H. Hull, of Cornell University, as-
sumed oversight of the project in Washington, and he
and the present compiler, with some assistance from
Professor Edward R. Turner, of the University of
Michigan, and Professor Albert H. Lybyer, of the
University of Illinois, had practically completed the
work for the press by August, when the expected
channel for publication proved unavailable.

The postponed date and the changed method of
publication have made necessary an entire change in
the organization of the work, in the extent of critical
comment, and in the content of the list which had to
be modified to permit the inclusion of later publica-
tions. Some titles have been omitted from the ear-
lier list, and many new ones added. The critical
notes on the older titles retained have in nearly every
case been rewritten in much briefer form, so that
judgments are more summary and less qualified and
critical. So little has been left of the work in its
earlier form that it is not just to place any responsi-
bility upon any one except the present compiler,
though he most heartily expresses his gratitude to the
three persons mentioned, especially to Professor Hull,
for the helpfulness of the work they did in making
possible this publication, and for their fuller notes on
some books which he has not himself had in hand.

As far as possible the compiler has made his notes
directly from the books concerned, but it has not
always been possible, especially for the more recent
publications to inspect the book at first-hand. In
such cases he has had to rely upon the consensus of
available book reviews. In nearly all cases where
the critical comment has been prepared with the book
in hand, it has been checked with several published
reviews to verify the general fairness and correctness
of the estimate.

The purpose of the list is to include books on the
causes, problems, and issues of the war, on the ques-
tion of war and peace; and on the several countries,
their conditions, problems, and relations.

The list omits, with only a few outstanding excep-
tions, periodicals and periodical articles; pamphlets,
that is, volumes of less than one hundred pages ; col-
lections of illustrations and cartoons; official publica-
tions ; technical or specialized works ; memoirs,

EDITOR'S NOTE.— Supplementary bibliographies to the
present one will be published from time to time in the
"The History Teacher's Magazine."

diaries, and accounts of campaigns; histories of the
war, unless valuable for inclusion of other than mili-
tary material; poetry, literary appreciations, and
philosophical speculations. No work is listed under
more than one classification heading, though many re-
late to several topics. Usually such a book is listed
under the heading to which its content or character
mainly relates. No attempt has been made to include
histories of the period before 1914, but a few of the
most convenient ones have been mentioned because
they furnish good brief accounts and adequate bibli-
ographical guidance to their respective fields. Only
books of unusual interest or value published earlier
than 1914 are included, and no attempt has been made
to include volumes issued since November, 1917, of
which supplementary lists may, perhaps, be published
from time to time.

The compiler will welcome, for use in a supple-
mentary list, suggestion of any volume of such char-
acter and importance as should have entitled it to
place in this list; and also corrections of any errors
of material importance. Errors of oversight or of
judgment are only too easy in such a compilation.
Some titles are retained, though better works have
appeared, because of the influence the books exercised
in moulding public opinion.

The place of publication, unless otherwise indi-
cated, is New York. Many of the publications are
English, but in such cases the American importer and
the American price are given, wherever known, in-
stead of the English publisher and price. The prices
quoted were the prices at publication. For many
books published before 1917, the price has been in-
creased from ten to twenty-five per cent. The prices
are for the cheapest bound edition, except in case of a
few pamphlets, and are in almost all cases net prices. •
All critical comments are conditioned by date of pub-
lication, the heading under which the title appears,
and by the title itself.

Space forbids an alphabetical index, but under the
several topics, the entries are alphabetically arranged,
so that the presence of a particular title should be
readily determined. An asterisk indicates a book of
more than average value, or one of the better works
available on the subject; a double asterisk indicates
one of the most useful books, usually a book to be
heartily commended. The bibliography contains
about 700 titles, of which 144 are marked with a sin-
gle asterisk and 25 with double asterisk. The latter
group is listed at $35.80, and the two selected groups
together at $8-16.75. Small libraries should possess
the double asterisked books ; good, larger libraries
should contain at least the asterisked books as well.

106

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

1. BIBLIOGRAPHY.

*Lange, Frederick William Theodore, and Berry, W. T.
Books on the Great War, an Annotated Bibliography of
Literature Issued During the European Conflict. White
Plains, N. Y., Wilson, 1915-16, vols. 1-4. $4.50. First three
volumes bound in one cover to July, 1915, the fourth to
April, 1916. Arranged topically; thorough for books and
pamphlets issued in England, with increasing attention in
later parts to American and foreign publications. Good in-
dexes, some annotations.

2. HANDBOOKS.

Davis, Muriel O. The Great War and What It Means for
Europe. Oxford Press, 1915, p. vii, 110. $.40. Designed
for English elementary schools.

Gibson, Charles R. War Inventions and How They Were
Invented. Philadelphia, Lippincott, 1917, p. 255. $1. Clear
information and explanation for general reader.

Magnus, Leonard A. Pros and Cons in the Great War, a
Record of Foreign Opinion, with a Register of Fact. Dut-
ton, 1917, p. viii, 396. $2. A cyclopedic arrangement of
quoted opinions on causes and phases of the war; con-
venient as handbook.

Scheip, Stanley S., and Bingham, Alfred, editors. Hand-
book of the European War. White Plains, N. Y., Wilson,
vols. 1 and 2, 1914-16, p. x, 334; xi, 304. Each $1. Con-
veniently arranged compilations, largely documentary.
Second volume covers November, 1914, to November, 1915,
and gives special attention to relations of United States to
the war.

White, James William. A Textbook of the War for
Americans, Written and Compiled by an American, being
the Fourth Edition of a Primer of the War for Americans,
Revised and Enlarged. Philadelphia, Winston, 1915, p. xiii,
551. $1. Much documentary material compiled and ab-
stracted in answer to twenty questions. Well indexed; use-
ful compendium for speakers.

3. HISTORY OF THE WAR.

Allen, George Henry; Whitehead, Henry C., and Chad-
wick, French Ensor. The Great War. Philadelphia, Barrie,
1915-16, vols. 1-3, p. xxx, 377; xxii, 494; xx, 500. Each $5.
First volume deals with causes; second with outbreak of
war, organization and strength of the military and naval
forces, and financial resources of the contending powers;
third with earlier campaigns. Full, clear account for gen-
eral reader.

Arnoux, Anthony. The European War. Steiger, 1915 ff.,
each $1.50. Third volume carries account to March, 1916;
professedly neutral narrative.

Belloc, Hilaire. Elements of the Great War; The First
Phase (1915, p. 374); The Second Phase (1916, p. 382).
Nelson. Each $1.50. First volume sketches causes and
outbreak of war, forces opposed, and invasion of Belgium
and France; second is devoted to battle of the Marne. Sets
forth clearly, often vividly, the movement of events; de-
scriptions of strategic movements seem convincing to all
except military experts.

Battine, Captain Cecil. A Military History of the War
from the Declaration of War to the Close of the Campaign
of August, 1914. London, Hodder, 1916, p. 307. 5s. Per-
sonal observations of Daily Telegraph correspondent supple-
mented by careful study. Account prefaced by study of
strength and equipment of contending armies.

Buchan, John. Nelson's History of the War. Nelson,
1914 ff., volumes each $.60. Annalistic method; compiled
largely from newspapers; documentary appendix in each

volume; many simple maps, chiefly of battles. Tends to
become military history, but is consequently hampered by
censorship. Volume 16 appeared in July, 1917.

Current History, A Monthly Magazine of the New York
Times. 1914 ff. $6 a year. Documents, special articles, il-
lustrations and other material compiled in useful form, not
a narrative history in proper sense. Seventh volume cur-
rent at beginning of 1918.

Dillon, Emile Joseph. England and Germany; with an
Introduction by the Hon. W. M. Hughes, M.P., Prime Min-
ister of Australia, Brentano, 1915, p. xii, 312. $3. Survey
of European situation made at end of first year of war com-
prising international politics of the year and of preceding
years as a whole under numerous topics. Indicts Germany;
indicates lessons for England.

Doyle, Sir Arthur Conan. History of the Great War.
Doran, 1916-17; vols. 1-2, p. xiii, 349; is, 257. Each $2.
Careful, accurate, detailed record devoted chiefly to British
participation and operations.

Gardiner, Alfred G. The War Lords. Dutton, 1915, p.
viii, 319. $2.50 (reprint, $.40). Editor of London Daily
News writes pleasing sketches of prominent men and their
relation to events of the war; in style of his earlier work,
Prophets, Priests, and Kings.

Illustrated War News. London, 1914 ff. Pictures re-
printed from Illustrated London News with explanatory
text. Successive volumes cover four to six months.

Mumby, Frank A., editor. The Great War. London,
Gresham, 1915 ff. Rather casual, illustrated account for
British consumption. Volumes cover about two months
each; fifteenth part issued in March, 1917.

Murray, Arthur Mordaunt. The Fortnightly History of
the War. New York, Stokes, 1917, p. 403. $3. Collec-
tion of Colonel Murray's series of monthly contributions to
Fortnightly Review from beginning of the war to July, 1916.
Good survey of military events.

Simonds, Frank Herbert. The Great War, the First
Phase; the Second Phase. Kennerley, 1914-15, 2 vols. p.
256; xi, 284. Each $1.25. They Shall Not Pass. Garden
City, Doubleday, 1916, p. viii, 142. $1. First volume cov-
ered from assassination of archduke to fall of Antwerp;
second concludes with second battle of Ypres; third de-
scribes French resistance at Verdun in 1916. First is little
more than reprint of editorials in New York Sun; second
is revised from articles in Review of Reviews, New Repub-
lic, etc.; third is reprint of five articles from New York
Tribune. Based partly on personal observations. Author
is recognized as probably foremost American critical
writer on the war.

The Times Documentary History of the War. London,
The Times, 1917 ff. Two volumes (p. 549, 583) of diplo-
matic and one (p. 534) of naval documents have been is-
sued with brief explanatory, not argumentative notes.

The Times History of the War. London, The Times,
1914 ff. Weekly parts issued since September, 1914; four-
teen volumes have appeared; a compilation of information
and pictures rather than a history.

4. FORECASTS OF THE WAR.

Chesney, Sir George Tomkyms. The Battle of Dorking,
being an Account of the German Invasion of England, with
the Occupation of London and the Fall of the British Em-
pire. London, Richards, 1914. 6d. First published, 1871.

Delaisi, Francis. The Inevitable War. Boston, Small,
1915, p. 120. $1. Translation of La Guerre Qui Vient
(Paris, 1911); interesting on social and economic matters.

V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR.

107

Ford, Edward, and Home, Gordon Cochrane. England In-
vaded. Macmillan, 1913, p. zii, 371. $2. Forecasts German
Invasion. Compare contemporary English play, An English-
man's Home.

The Great War of 189 — , a Forecast. London, Heinemann,
1893; 2d ed., 1895. 6s. Co-operative work by leading Eng-
lish military writers.

•Sarolea, Charles. The Anglo-German Problem. Ameri-
can edition with new introduction. Putnam, 1915, p. zz,
288. $1. First printed in England, December, 1912. Re-
markable discussion of Anglo-German relations and fore-
cast of the war and its issues. Author, a Belgian professor
At Edinburgh.

A Second Franco-German War and Its Consequences for
England. London, Simpkin, 1907, p. 154. Is. Includes
German invasion of Belgium.

5. THE BACKGROUND OF THE WAK.

Adkins, Frank James. Historical Backgrounds of the
Great War, the War, its Origins and Warnings. McBride,
1915, p. 227. $1. Informative lectures delivered in England
shortly after outbreak of war, on Germany, France, the
Slavs, and England and Sea Power. Clear outline of situa-
tion which produced the war. Within the comprehension of
young readers.

Barclay, Sir Thomas. Thirty Years, Anglo-French
Reminiscences, 1876-1906. Boston, Houghton, 1914, p. viii,
389. $3.50. Detached jottings of an Englishman long resi-
dent in Paris, which throw some light on Fashoda affair
and formation of Anglo-French entente in 1904.

Barry, William. The World's Debate, an Historical De-
fence of the Allies. Doran, 1917. $1.25. Hodge-podge of
facts from modern history against absolutism and favoring
democracy; hence favoring France and England against
Germany.

Bevan, Edwyn Robert. Method in the Madness, a Fresh
Consideration of the Case between Germany and Ourselves.
Longmans, 1917, p. vii, 309. $1.50. An Englishman's at-
tempt at a judicial statement of case between England and
Germany, rather England's case against Germany.

Beveridge, Albert Jeremiah. What is Back of the War.
Indianapolis, Bobbs, 1915, p. 430. $2. Journalistic obser-
vations in Germany, France, and England, chiefly important
for reports of conversations with leaders of public opinion.
Misuse of this quoted material by pro-Germans discredited
the book, which is really blissfully impartial.

••Bullard, Arthur. The Diplomacy of the Great War.
Macmillan, 1916, p. zii, 344. $1.50. American journalist
surveys events since 1878, discusses new elements in diplo-
macy, problems of the war, and relations of United States
and Europe. Style sprightly; views advanced, but not out
of touch with realities. One of best all-around books.

The Cambridge Modern History, Vol. 12, The Latest Age.
Maemillan, 1910, p. xxxiv, 1033. $4. Helpful surveys of
developments in several nations, but fails to treat
adequately international affairs. Chapters on extra-Euro-
pean matters are particularly useful. To be consulted for
information, rather than read for enlightenment.

Cook, Sir Edward Tyas. Britain and Turkey, the Causes
of the Rupture Set Out in Brief Form from the Diplomatic
Correspondence (p. 31, $.10). How Britain Strove for Peace,
a Record of Anglo-German Negotiations, 1898-1914 (p. 40,
$.20). Why Britain is at War, the Causes and the Issues
Set out in Brief Form from the Diplomatic Correspondence
and Speeches of Ministers (p. 24, $.10). Macmillan, 1914.
Three pamphlets widely circulated in early daye of the war.

•Coolidge, Archibald Cary. The Origins of th« Triple Al-
liance. Scribner, 1917, p. vi, 236. $1.25. These three lec-
tures by Professor Coolidge of Harvard are the best ac-
count of the subject; clear, scholarly, and impartial.

"Dickinson, Goldsworthy Lowes. The European Anar-
chy. Macmillan, 1916, p. 144. $1. Not a narrative but an
essay of only 30,000 words on forces which produced the
war. Blame rests not upon one nation alone, but upon the
anarchy in which European nations struggled without com-
mon law. Notable book, and by far best brief discussion of
underlying causes of the war.

Fullerton, William Morton. Problems of Power. Scrib-
ner, 1913, second, revised edition, 1915, p. zziv, 390. $2.26.
Former newspaper correspondent discusses international
problems from Sedan to Agadir with great cleverness, but
assumes such familiarity with the facts, that few reader*
will find themselves sufficiently equipped to peruse it intelli-
gently.

•'Gibbons, Herbert Adams. The New Map of Europe,
1911-1914, the Story of the Recent European Diplomatic
Crises and Wars and of Europe's Present Catastrophe. Cen-
tury, 1914, p. zi, 412. $2. Well written account of event*
of four years preceding the war, by American especially
familiar with Balkan affairs. Clear, informing, generally re-
liable and fair, though inclinations are anti-German. Minor
changes in later editions.

"Guyot, Yves. The Causes and Consequences of the
War; translated by F. A. Holt. Brentano, 1916, p. xxxvi,
359. $3. One of ablest French authorities discusses politi-
cal, economic, and historical causes of the war, and its prob-
able consequences. Original is probably best all-around
book in French.

Hart, Albert Bushnell. The War in Europe, its Cause*
and Results. Appleton, 1914, p. ix, 254. $1. Hurried com-
pilation published in October, 1914, for American general
reader; superseded by later works.

Hayes, Carlton Joseph Huntley. Political and Social His-
tory of Modern Europe. Macmillan, 1916, vol. 1, p. xvi,
582, $2; vol. 2, p. zii, 726, $2.25. First volume summarize*
three centuries ending 1815; second volume treats more
fully the century since with special attention to economic
and social factors and the antecedents of the war. Read-
able and generally reliable.

Hazen, Charles Downer. Modern European History. Holt,
1917, p. ziv, 650. $1.75. Condensed from his French Revo-
lution and Napoleon and his Europe since 1815. Admirable
brief survey since 1789.

•Holt, Lucius Hudson, and Chilton, Alexander Wheeler.
The History of Europe from 1862 to 1914, from the Acces-
sion of Bismark to the Outbreak of the Great War. Mac-
millan, 1917, p. zv, 611. $2.60. By professors of history
at West Point; deals mainly with diplomatic and military
events; with considerable quotations from primary sources;
clear, vigorous style; excellent maps.

Hovelaque, Emile. The Deeper Causes of the War, with
an Introduction by Sir Walter Raleigh. Dutton, 1916, p.
158. $1.25. Vehement and able indictment of Germany's
theories of race, the state, and war, and of her application
of them in her policy toward England.

Lip son, Ephraim. Europe in the -Nineteenth Century, an
Outline History. Macmillan, 1917, p. 298. $2. Neglects
international affairs except as leading to the war. Best
chapters on internal affairs of leading countries, especially
prior to 1870. Treatment unusual and uneven.

Morel, Edmund Deville. Ten Years of Secret Diplomacy,
an Unheeded Warning, Being a Reprint of Morocco in
Diplomacy. London, National Labour Press, 1915, p. zzir

108

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

198. 2s. Reprint of 1912 original with slight changes and
omission of appendix of documents. New prefaces are
added, especially to third edition of reprint. Bitter indict-
ment of whole Morocco affair and of Sir Edward Grey.

Morris, Charles, and Dawson, Lawrence H. Why the Na-
tions Are at War, the Causes and Issues of the Great Con-
flict. London, Harrap, 1915, p. 414. 5s. A British survey
of 19th century history as antecedent to the war.

Muir, Ramsay. Britain's Case against Germany, an Ex-
amination of the Historical Background of the German Ac-
tion in 1914. Longmans, 1914, p. ix, 196. $1. Study of
German political theories in action in last generation;
argues that Germany had long intended and prepared for
the war.

*Muir, Ramsay. The Expansion of Europe, the Culmina-
tion of Modern History. Boston, Houghton, 1917, p. xii, 243.
$2. An historical survey of modern imperialism, with an
attempt to appraise the achievements of the several colo-
nizing powers. Glorifies England. Part on last forty years
inferior.

Why We Are at War, Great Britain's Case, by Members
of the Oxford Faculty of Modern History. Oxford Press,
1914, third edition, p. 264. $.85. First effort of English
historians to explain situation; widely circulated; rather
well done, in circumstances; but now valuable as evidence
of state of mind following outbreak of war. Appendixes
contain documents.

Rose, John Holland. The Development of the European
Nations, 1870-1900. Putnam, 1905, 2 vols., p. xi, 376; v,
363; fifth edition, 1914, p. xvii, 376, 410. $2.75. Devoted
mainly to international relations of the period; with addi-
tional chapters in later editions. Gives little attention to
some forces that would now command attention in a his-
tory of the period.

Rose, John Holland. The Origins of the War, 1871-1914.
Putnam, 1915, p. 201. $1. Hastily prepared by competent
English scholar; was one of best books available in first
year of the war. Written with emphasis on Germany and
with strong convictions against Germany, but with tone of
fairness.

•S'chmitt, Bernadotte Everly. England and Germany,
1740-1914. Princeton University Press, 1916, p. ix, 524. $2.
Period prior to 1904 treated in series of topical chapters;
decade, 1904-1914, is given thorough chronological treat-
ment; outbreak of war is covered by use of colored books.
Written before the war, rewritten and enlarged after war
started. Places responsibility clearly on Germany. Well
written, one of most useful books.

"Seymour, Charles. The Diplomatic Background of the
War. New Haven, Yale Press, 1916, p. xv, 311. $2. Ad-
mirable, concise, scholarly survey of events since 1871, fur-
nishing adequate background for understanding the war and
its issues. Written clearly, without passion, but gives ver-
dict explicitly against Germany. Best book available for
background of the war. •

•Tardieu, Andr6. France and the Alliances, the Struggle
for the Balance of Power. Macmillan, 1908, p. x, 314. $1.50.
Most useful account of international situation in 1904-7,
covering Anglo-French and Anglo-Russian agreements and
first Moroccan crisis. Author is recognized authority on in-
ternational questions and is at present French High Com-
missioner in United States.

Whitman, Sidney. Things I Remember, Recollections of
a Political Writer in the Capitals of Europe. New York,
Stokes, 1917, p. viii, 268. $2.50. Reminiscences of a Euro-
pean correspondent of New York Herald covering events of
last quarter-century, especially Balkan and German affairs
and problems. Good.

6. THE DIPLOMATIC RUPTURE.

Andriulli, Giuseppe A., editor. Documents relating to
the Great War ; witli an Introduction by Guglielmo Ferrero,
translated by Thomas Okey. London, Unwin, 1915, p. 128.
Is. Brief selection supporting Ferrero'a conclusion that
Germany decided for war, July 29, 1914.

Baldwin, Elbert Francis. The World War, How It Looks
to the Nations Involved. Macmillan, 1914, p. vii, 267.
$1.25. Judicial, impartial effort soon after opening of hos-
tilities to summarize immediate causes and portray condi-
tions and states of mind in several European countries.

Beck, James Montgomery. The Evidence in the Case, in
the Supreme Court of Civilization, as to the Moral Re-
sponsibility for the War. Putnam, 1914, p. 200. $1. Re-
vised edition, 1915. The War and Humanity, a Further
Discussion of the Ethics of the World War and the Atti-
tude and Duty of the United States. Putnam, 1916, p. xl,
322. $1.50. The first is not so much a judicial statement
as a prosecutor's plea for conviction of Germany. Widely
distributed but to be used only when more thorough and
dispassionate works are not available. The second deals in
same manner with episodes such as submarine- controversy,
case of Miss Cavell, and relations of America with Allies.

**Chitwood, Oliver Perry. The Immediate Causes of the
Great War. Crowell, 1917, p. xii, 196. $1.35. By pro-
fessor in Univ£rsity of West Virginia. Impartial narrative
of events from the assassination of the Archduke to Italy's
declaration of war, based on the published official docu-
ments.

Davenport, Briggs. A History of the Great War, 1914 — ,
Vol. I. The Genesis of the War, June, 1914, to August, 1915.
Putnam, 1916, p. viii, 545. $2. Clear, simple, but uncritical;
commends itself to those for whom better books are too
complex and heavy. Also useful for account of entrance of
Italy and Bulgaria into the war.

Dillon, Emile Joseph. A Scrap of Paper, the Inner His-
tory of German Diplomacy and her Scheme of Worldwide
Conquest. Doran, 1914, third edition, p. xxvii, 220. $.50.
Summary account of the events which precipitated war, by
well-known English authority on international affairs.
Widely circulated in early months of war but now replaced
by later works.

Ferrero, Guglielmo. Who Wanted the European Wart
Translated by P. E. Matheson. Oxford Press, 1915, p. 39.
$.25. Interpretation of events of diplomatic rupture based
on the colored books by leading Italian historian.

Great Britain, Foreign Office. Collected Diplomatic Docu-
ments Relating to the Outbreak of the European War.
Doran, 1915, p. xix, 561. $1. Contains British Diplomatic
Correspondence, French Yellow Book, Russian Orange Book,
Belgian Gray Book, Serbian Blue Book, German White
Book, Austro-Hungarian Red Book, and some supplementary
documents, with explanatory introduction and index, but no
comparative chronological table. Confined mainly to last
days of July and early days of August, 1914.

•Headlam, James Wycliffe. The History of Twelve Days,
July 24th to August 4th, 1914, being an Account of the Ne-
gotiations Preceding the Outbreak of War, Based on the
Official Publications. Scribner, 1915, p. xxiv, 412. $3. The
English historical writer has based his account with
assiduous care upon official documents and utterances.
Tone restrained, dispassionate, and fair, but obviously not
absolutely impartial. Style not popular, but clear, direct,
and closely reasoned. Best account of diplomatic rupture
in English.

Headlam, James Wycliffe. The German Chancellor and
the Outbreak of War. London, Unwin, 1917, p. 127. 3s. 6d.

V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR.

109

Supplements hia History of Twelve Days by more detailed
study of events of July 29-30, 1014, baaed on further in-
formation, to refute the Chancellor's charges placing re-
sponsibility on Russia and England for German mobilization
and hence for the war.

Kennedy, John McFarland. How the War Began, with
an Introduction by W. L. Courtney. Doran, 1914, p. xxvii,
187. $.50. How the Nations Waged War. Doran, 1915, p.
190. $.50. First is hasty compilation by English publicist
on period from June 28 to August 4, 1914. Further official
documents published a few days after its appearance made
it out of date. The second volume deals with first weeks
of war.

Mach, Edmund Robert Otto von, editor. Official Diplo-
matic Documents Relating to the Outbreak of the European
War, with Photographic Reproductions of Official Editions
of the Documents Published by the Governments of Austria-
Hungary, Belgium, France, Germany, Great Britain, Russia,
and Serbia. Introduction, Daily Summaries, Cross-Refer-
ences, and Footnotes. Macmillan, 1916, p. xxii, 608. $6.
Criticism of the inaccuracies and misleading nature of edi-
torial portion of volume led publishers to withdraw it. It
is, however, a convenient compilation, and the chronological
arrangement is particularly handy.

Parker, Sir Gilbert. The World in the Crucible, an Ac-
count of the Origins and Conduct of the Great War. Dodd,

1915, p. viii, 422. $1.50. Space divided about equally be-
tween antecedents of the war, rupture of relations, and
early weeks of war. Well-written, compendious and fairly
reliable account.

*Scott, James Brown, editor. Diplomatic Documents re-
lating to the Outbreak of the European War. Oxford Press,

1916, 2 vols., p. Ixxxi, xcii, 1516. $5. Careful reprints of
official English translations of Austro-Hungarian, Belgian,
French, German, Russian, Serbian, British, and Italian
" colored " books of documents relating to outbreak of war,
with tables of contents and introduction. Most complete
collection now available.

•Stowell, Ellery Cory. The Diplomacy of the War of
1914, Vol. I. The Beginnings of the War. Boston, Hough-
ton, 1915, p. xvii, 728. $5. Opens with forty page sketch
of history of thirty years prior to the war and closes with
appendix of 130 pages of documents. Rest of book is
analytical study of documents and exposition of acts,
events, rights, and motives. Chapters are topical in charac-
ter and arranged in order of events. Author, who is as-
sistant professor of international law in Columbia Univer-
sity, concludes " Germany has clearly violated interna-
tional law." Most exhaustive American account of the
Twelve Days and ranks with Headlam.

7. POLEMICS: ENGLAND VS. GERMANY.

Angell, Norman (pseud, of Ralph Norman Angell Lane).
Prussianism and its Destruction. London, Heinemann,
1914, p. xiv, 248. $1.25. Denounces militarism in his for-
mer style, but identifies it with Prussianism which must be
fought and destroyed.

Chesterton, Gilbert Keith. The Crimes of England.
Lane, 1916, p. 173. $1. The crimes are the failures to arrest
growth of Prussian militarism and spread of German ideas,
each of which ia discussed in authors usual manner.

Harris, Frank. England or Germany? Wilmarth, 1915,
third edition, p. 187. $1. American resident in England
avows Celtic and revolutionary sympathies and indulges in
fantastic diatribe against England.

Harrison, Frederic. The German Peril: Forecasts, 1864-
1914; Realities, 1915; Hopes, 191—. London, Unwin, 1915,

p. 300. 6a. Collection of author's pronouncements against
Ucrmany. Claims to be " the oldest and most persistent "
anti-German prophet.

Powys, John Cowper. The War and Culture, a Reply to
Professor MUnsterberg. Shaw, 1914, p. 103. $.60. English
edition: The Menace of German Culture. Author was for-
merly in Education Department of city of Hamburg.
Pointed, detailed, destructive criticism; constructive criti-
cism also appears.

Sladen, Douglas Brooke Wheaton. The Real Truth
about Germany, Facts about the War, an Analysis and a
Refutation from the English Point of View of the
Pamphlet, The Truth about Germany, issued under the Au-
thority of Representative German Citizens, with an Appen-
dix on Great Britain and the War, by A. Maurice Low.
Putnam, 1914 p. xiii, 272. $1. English edition entitled
Germany's Great Lie. Answers arranged point by point
are, like the original, assertions rather than proofs.

Stilwell, Arthur Edward. To All the World (except Ger-
many). London, Allen & Unwin, 1915, p. 251. 3s. 6d. An
incongruity of belligerent pacifism and anti-Germanism
dedicated to King Albert and Henry Ford.

8. THE WARRING NATIONS.

Herrick, Robert. The World Decision. Boston, Hough-
ton, 1916, p. 253. $1.25. Six chapters on observations in Italy
in spring of 1915, six more chapters on observations in
France in ensuing summer, and three chapters on relation*
of United States to the war. Importance of volume lies in
its revelation of the morale of the several contending na-
tions and its reflections on moral issues at stake.

Jones, Jenkin Lloyd. Love for the Battle-torn Peoples.
Chicago, Unity Pub. Co., 1917, p. 166. $.75. Series of
popular sermons on the admirable traits of the conflicting
peoples and a plea for human brotherhood.

Low, Sidney James Mark, editor. The Spirit of the
Allied Nations. Macmillan, 1915, p. 214. $1. Series of
lectures by competent authorities on the several Allied na-
tions, arranged by Imperial Studies Committee of Uni-
versity of London.

McCabe, Joseph. The Soul of Europe, a Character Study
of the Militant Nations. Dodd, 1915, p. vi, 407. $3. In-
formative book to explain their Allies to English readers.

Nyrop, Christopher. Is War Civilization?, translated by
H. G. Wright. Dodd, 1917, p. 256. . $155. Not abstract
discussion but collection of articles by Copenhagen pro-
fessor on the war, especially on Belgium, Italy, languages
and war, and religion and war.

Orth, Samuel Peter. The Imperial Impulse, Background
Studies of Belgium, England, France, Germany, Russia.
Century, 1916, p. 234. $1.20. Collection of interesting
and informing magazine articles. An additional essay on
Our First Duty urges United States to uphold principle
that " every people with national instincts " be allowed to
determine its own government.

•Powers, Harry Huntington. The Things Men Fight For,
with Some Application to Present Conditions in Europe.
Macmillan, 1916, p. vii, 382. $1.50. Thoughtful candid
book based on wide travel, broad knowledge, and generous
sympathies. Seeks to present case of each contending na-
tion as manifesting the highest instincts of that nation.
Concluding chapter gives carefully weighed decision in
favor of Britain rather than Germany.

Stoddard, Theodore Lothrop. Present Day Europe, its
National States of Mind, Century, 1917, p. 322. $2. A study

110

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

of the war psychology of the various European nations,
based as far as possible upon the utterances of represent-
atives of the respective nations. Quite neutral, and uses
material down to opening of 1917.

Wells, Herbert George. Italy, France, and Britain at
War. Macmillan, 1917, p. 285. $1.50. Accounts of his visit
to Italian and western fronts in 1918, with added section
on " How People Think About the War." Chiefly interest-
ing for those who care to know what Mr. Wells thinks.

9. VIEWS OF THE WAR BY EUROPEAN NEUTRALS.

•Brandes, Georg Morris Cohen. The World at War;
translated by Catherine D. Groth. Macmillan, 1917, p. 272.
$1.50. The famous Danish-Jewish writer, without sym-
pathy for Germany, deals rigorously with Allied aims and
acts, and urges rights of small, oppressed, and neutral na-
tions. Collection of articles including some of special inter-
est written before the war.

JSrgensen, Johannes. False Witness. Doran, 1917, p.
vii, 227. $1. Translation of the Danish author's Klokke
Roland, which is an examination of the German professors'
"Appeal to the Civilized World." Evidence of the falsity
of their statements is adduced and other material on the
German character and kultur is included.

Maccas, Leon. German Barbarism, a Neutral's Indict-
ment, with preface by Paul Girard. Doran, 1916, p. xii, 228.
$1. By a Venizelist Greek.

PrUm, Emile. Pan-Germanism versus Christendom; the
Conversion of a Neutral; edited with comments by Rene
Johannet. Doran, 1917, p. xii, 184. $1. Letter of Prttm,
Catholic leader in Luxemburg to Erzberger, Catholic leader
in Germany; record of proceedings against PrUm, and an
article on the Catholic Center in Germany. Convincingly
anti-German.

10. GREAT BRITAIN: DESCRIPTION, HISTORY,
POLICY.

•Barker, J. Ellis. Great and Greater Britain, the Prob-
lems of Motherland and Empire, Political, Naval, Military,
Industrial, Financial, Social. London, Smith, Elder, 1909,
2d edition, 1910, p. 604. $3. Counterpart of his Modern Ger-
many, and supplemented by his British Socialism. An
avowed disciple of Joseph Chamberlain describes essential
matters of domestic and imperial concern in decade preced-
ing the war.

Begbie, Harold. The Vindication of Great Britain, a
Study in Diplomacy and Strategy with Reference to the Il-
lusions of her Critics and the Problems of the Future.
London, Methuen, 1916, 3d edition, p. xv, 302. 6s. Pecu-
liarly valuable for work and influence of Edward VII and
Lord Haldane. Lauds English achievement in arming
against Germany during first two years of the war. Peace
problems discussed.

•Boutmy, Emile. The English People, a Study of theii
Political Psychology, with an Introduction by J. E. C. Bod-
ley. Putnam, 1904, p. xxxvi, 332. $2.50. Author was
leading French authority in political science in last genera-
tion, and one of most eminent foreign students of English
constitution and people. French original published in 1901.
Accurate in fact, sane in judgment, keen in analysis,
bristling with illuminating ideas.

Cheyney, Edward Potts. A Short History of England.
Boston, Ginn, 1904, p. xvi, 695. $1.40. Excellent text-
book, briefer and more readable than Cross.

•Cramb, John Adam. Germany and England, with an
Introduction by the Hon. Joseph H. Choate. Dutton, 1914,

p. xiv, 152. $1. Professor Cramb's lectures were delivered
at Queen's College, London, February- March, 1913, and
after his death written up from notes and published, June,
1914. Author's study in Germany had convinced him of
German bitterness against England and inevitableness of
conflict. Book holds historic place because most widely
read book in English during first months of war. Note also
author's Origin and Destiny of Imperial Britain and Nine-
teenth Century Europe (Dutton, 1915), first published dur-
ing Boer war, for fuller statement of chauvinistic English
imperialism.

Cross, Arthur Lyon. A History of England and Greater
Britain. Macmillan, 1914, p. xiii, 1165. $2.50. Excellent
comprehensive account to spring of 1914, written as college
text.

Dunning, William Archibald. The British Empire and
the United States, a Review of their Relations during the
Century of Peace following the Treaty of Ghent. Scribner,
1914, p. xl, 381. $2. Well written narrative by able
American historical scholar.

*Egerton, Hugh Edward. Britsh Foreign Policy in
Europe to the End of the Nineteenth Century, a Rough
Outline. Macmillan, 1917, p. x, 440. $2. Not a narrative
but an effort to show the motives and purposes which have
directed British foreign policy, largely in the words of the
responsible individuals in promoting or defending their
plans and acfs. Holds that " policy of the country on the
whole has been singularly honest and straightforward;"
and such is tone of the book. By professor of colonial
history, Oxford.

Gooch, George Peabody and Masterman, John Howard
Bertram. A Century of British Foreign Policy. London,
Allen & Unwin, 1917, p. 110. Written for the Council for
the Study of International Relations; Masterman deals
with 19th century; Gooch, with 20th century. Two clear,
concise, excellent essays.

•Low, Sidney James Mark, and Sanders, Lloyd Charles.
The History of England during the Reign of Victoria, 1837-
1901. Longmans, 1907, p. xviii, 532. $2.60. Best account
of period, though little more than narrative of political
facts.

'Lowell, Abbott Lawrence. The Government of England.
Macmillan, 1908, 2 vols., p. xv, 570; viii, 563. $4. Admir-
able description of the organization and working of English
government, local, national, and imperial.

Marriott, John Arthur Ransome. England since Water-
loo. Putnam, 1913, p. xxi, 558. $3. Careful accurate ac-
count to 1885, with sketchy chapter to 1901.

Meyer, Eduard. England, its Political Organization and
Development and the War Against Germany. Translated
by Helene S. White. Boston, Ritter, 1916, p. xix, 328.
$1.50. Arraignment of England and English policy by emi-
nent Berlin professor of history, so vehement as to be con-
demned by German critics. Valuable, however, as present-
ing essentially the German view of England.

Murray, Gilbert. The Foreign Policy of Sir Edward
Grey, 1906-1915. Oxford Press, 1915, p. 128. 50 cents.
Good survey and thorough-going defence by eminent Oxford
professor whose views were less favorable before the war.

Reventlow, Ernest, Graf zu. The Vampire of the Con-
tinent; translated with a Preface by G. Chatterton Hill.
Jackson, 1916, p. xiii, 225. $1.25. Original published in
1915. Author is spokesman of extreme Junker group. De-
nounces England's desire to maintain balance of power and
destroy economic rivals as cause of present and earlier great
wars which have sucked the blood of Continental Europe.

V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR.

Ill

Author's more substantial work, Dentschlands Auswartige
Politik, 1888-1013 (1014), is not available in translation.

•Seeley, Sir John Robert. The Expansion of England,
Two Courses of Lectures. Boston, Little, p. viii, 359. $1.75.
Originally published, 1883. First course, English expansion
In 17th and 18th centuries; second, England's acquisition
and control of India. Brilliant and convincing presentation
of achievements and high aims of British imperial policy.
Seeley's position in history of English imperialism has been
compared to Treitschke's in Pan-Germanism.

TOnnies, Ferdinand. Warlike England as Seen by Her-
self. Dillingham, 1916, p. 202. $1. Account of English
foreign and colonial policy since Elizabeth, especially in
nineteenth century, by Professor in University of Kiel, com-
posed largely of quotations from English writers. Shows
existence of English imperialism, but does not prove causal
relation with the war.

11. GREAT BRITAIN: ARMY AND NAVY, PRE-
PAREDNESS.

Lea, General Homer. The Day of the Saxon. Harper,
1912, p. 249. $1.80. This and his earlier Valour of
Ignorance ( 1909 ) attracted wide attention by their extreme
Advocacy of Lord Roberts' efforts to impress the English
people with the importance of England's empire and sea
power and of their defence. Faulty in fact and logic,
though events have justified the main thesis.

MacDonald, J. Ramsay. National Defense. London,
Allen & Unwin, 1917. 2s. 6d. Denounces miltarism as a
false method of national defense; foresees that defeat of
Germany will not be likely to create a pacific German
democracy.

•Oliver, Frederick Scott. Ordeal by Battle. Macmillan,

1915, p. li, 437. $1.50. One of most notable English war
books, important for insight into English state of mind on
foreign and military questions in decade before the war.
The author belonged to the Lord Roberts school, and wrote
much of book before the war, publishing it to promote con-
•cription. After good analysis of causes of the war and
spirit of German policy, the real contribution of the book
appears in parts on spirit of British policy and democracy
and national service.

Protheroe, Ernest. The British Navy, its Making and its
Meaning. Dutton, 1915, p. xx, 694. $2.50. Comprehen-
sive historical and technical account addressed to British
youth. Includes chapter on early naval events of the war.

Roland, pseud. The Future of Militarism. London,
Unwin, 1916. 2s. Oil. Not an independent discussion but
a denunciation of Oliver's Ordeal by Battle.

12. GREAT BRITAIN'S PART IN THE WAR.

"•Chevrillon, Andre. England and the War, 1914-1915;
with a Preface by Rudyard Kipling. Garden City, N. Y.,
Doubleday, 1917, p. xxi, 250. $1.60. Translation of arti-
cles contributed to Revue de Paris from Nov., 1915, to Jan.,

1916, by nephew of Taine, who was keen observer in Eng-
land of awakening and reconstruction during the first year
and a half of the war. Traces conception and development
of England's will to war in way to enlighten Americans
when their nation is undergoing somewhat similar transi-
tion.

Cravath, Paul Drennan. Great Britain's Part, Observa-
tions of an American Visitor to the British Army in France
at the Beginning of the Third Year of the War. Appleton,

1917, p. vi, 127. $1. Convinced of greatness of England's
achievement and that it will win.

DestrCe, Jules. Britain in Arms. Lane, 1917, p. xv, 292.
$1.50. Translation by J. Lewis May of L'Effort Britannique,
with preface by M. Georges Clemenceau. Originally
written in Italian to dispel the Italian suspicion that Eng-
land was not doing its share. Explains military, naval,
industrial and financial activities. By a Belgian.

George, David Lloyd. Through Terror to Triumph,
Speeches and Pronouncements since the Beginning of the
War, arranged by F. L. Stevenson. Doran, 1915, p. xll,
187. $1. Important for speeches intended to sway public
opinion, especially in case of munition workers.

Gleason, Arthur Huntington. Inside the British Isle*.
Century, 1917, p. 434. $2. Main topics treated are labor,
Ireland, women, and social studies. Attaches great Im-
portance to changes wrought during the war. Somewhat
superficial observations and hasty generalizations of clever
American journalist.

Grew, Edwin Sharpe, and others. Field-Marshal Lord
Kitchener, his Life and Work for the Empire. London,
Gresham Publishing Co., 1916, 3 vols. 25s. 6d. Careful co-
operative biography but not a definitive study. Third vol-
ume relates to present war. Fashoda incident opens second
volume.

•Murray, Gilbert. Faith, War and Policy. Boston,
Houghton, 1917, p. xiv, 255. $1.25. Collection of articles
and addresses during the war, in exposition and defence of
England's part and policies. Able but open to criticism.

Pollard, Albert Frederick. The Commonwealth at War.
Longmans, 1917, p. vii, 256. $2.25. Collection of nineteen
occasional articles during the war by professor of history.
University College, London.

Ward, Mary Augusta (Arnold) (Mrs. Humphrey Ward).
England's Effort, Letters to an American Friend, with
Preface by Joseph H. Choate; 3d edition with epilogue to
August, 1916. Scribner, 1916, p. xv, 228. $1. The author
was given special privileges to inspect British military
forces, munition works, etc., with purpose of answering
criticism that Great Britain was not doing its share.

Ward, Mary Augusta (Arnold) (Mrs. Humphrey Ward).
Towards the Goal. Scribner, 1917, p. xvii, 231. $1.26.
Series of letters addressed to Mr. Roosevelt in March to
June, 1917, describing England's war aims and activities.
Practically a sequel to England's Effort.

13. IRELAND.

Barker, Ernest Ireland in the Last Fifty Years, 1888-

1916. Oxford Press, 1917. Is. 6d. Good account of politi-
cal, religious, educational, and agrarian problems, especially
useful for condition of peasant class.

Hamilton, Lord Ernest William. The Soul of Ulster.
Dutton, 1917, p. 188. $1.25. Able statement of the Ulster
side of the Irish question.

Harrison, Marie. Dawn in Ireland. London, Melrose,

1917, p. 222. Chapters on present conditions, the spirit
that moves in Ireland, enemies of Ireland, and the future.
Insists on English goodwill toward Ireland.

The Irish Home-Rule Convention. Macmillan, 1917, p.
183. 60 cents. Timely papers by John Quinn, G. W. Ru»-
sell, Sir Horace Plunkett and others.

Kettle, Thomas Michael. The Ways of War, with a
Memoir by his Wife, Mary S. Kettle. Scribner, 1918, p.
ix, 246. $1.50. Papers by Irish professor and member of
parliament who lias perished in the war, to show why an
Irishman went into the fight. Strong indictment of Ger-
many.

112

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

Leslie, Shane. The Celt and the World, a Study of the
Relation of Celt and Teuton in History. Scribner, 1917, p.
224. $1.25. Interesting volume which alights the main
theme of relation of Celt and Teuton to discuss Anglo-
Irish relations and the war.

Morris, Lloyd R. The Celtic Dawa, a Survey of the
Renascence in Ireland, 1889-1916. Macmillan, 1917, p.
xviii, 251. $1.50. Review of political, social, economic,
and cultural developments in Ireland in last generation to
the Sinn Fein rebellion in 1916.

Russell, George William (pseud. A. E.). National Being,
Some Thoughts on an Irish Polity. Macmillan, 1916, p.
176. $1.35. Ireland must seek political independence
through economic independence, which is to be attained by
co-operative rather than competitive methods. Admirable
In style and tone, even if not entirely convincing.

Wells, Warre B., and Marlow, N. The History of the
Irish Rebellion of 1916. New York, Stokes, 1917, p. 271.
$2.50. Comprehensive, though not friendly account, with
documents.

14. BRITISH EMPIRE: FUTURE PROBLEMS AND
POLICIES.

•• Beer, George Louis. The English-speaking Peoples,
their Future Relations and Joint International Obligations.
Macmillan, 1917, p. xi, 322. $1.50. By an able historian
of the British colonies in America. Excellent discussion of
the international problems which America faces; favors co-
operative arrangements between United States and Great
Britain. Very important and valuable. Abundant refer-
ences to authorities.

Dawson, William Harbutt, editor. After-war Problems.
Macmillan, 1917, p. 366. $2.50. Includes papers on the
topics Empire and Citizenship, National Efficiency, Social
Reform, and National Finance and Taxation by Lord
Cromer, Lord Haldane and several other leading English
thinkers, which command attention.

Duchesne, A. E. Democracy and Empire, the Applicabil-
ity of the Dictum that "a democracy cannot manage an
empire," to the Present Condition and Future Problems of
the British Empire, especially the Question of the Future of
India. Oxford Press, 1916, p. vii, 120. 2s. 6d.

•The Empire and the Future, a Series of Imperial
Studies. Macmillan, 1917, p. xvi, 110. 75 cents. Collec-
tion of lectures, including Sir Charles Lucas on Empire and
Democracy, H. A. L. Fisher on Imperial Administration,
and Philip Kerr on Commonwealth and Empire. Able dis-
cussions of problems underlying British imperial organiza-
tion; not a solution. Introduction by A. D. Steel-Maitland,
Under Secretary of State for the Colonies.

Fletcher, Charles Brunsdon. The New Pacific: British
Policy and German Aims; with a preface by Viscount
Bryce, and a foreword by the Right Hon. W. M. Hughes.
Macmillan, 1917, p. xxxiii, 325. $3. One of editors of
Sydney Morning Herald arraigns German policies and
methods in the Pacific, and sets forth Australian ideas for
future of the Pacific.

Hodge, Harold. In the Wake of the War; Parliament or
Imperial Government? Lane, 1917, p. viii, 226. $1.50.
Propounds a plan for the future administration of the Brit-
ish Empire. Disapproves of parliament.

Levi, N. Jan Smuts, being a Character Sketch of Gen.
the Hon. J. C. Smuts, K.C., M.L.A., Minister of Defence,
Union of South Africa. Longmans, 1917, p. vi, 310. $2.50.
Poorly written account of important personage in British
Empire, with much interesting information on South
African affairs.

McLaren, A. D. Peaceful Penetration. Dutton, 1917, p.
224. $1.50. Australian journalist, familiar with Germany,
writes on German colonizing methods and policies, and on
Australia's place in world politics.

Smuts, Jan Christiaan. War-time Speeches, a Compila-
tion of Public Utterances in Great Britain. Doran, 1917,
p. viii, 116. 75 cents. Chiefly important for discussion of
future of what he has named the British Commonwealth.

Worsfold, W. Basil. The Empire on the Anvil, being
Suggestions and Data for the Future Government of the
British Empire. London, Smith, Elder, 1916, p. xv, 242.

Wise, Bernhard Ringrose. The Making of the Australian
Commonwealth, 1889-1900, a Stage in the Growth of Em-
pire. Longmans, 1913, p. xiii, 365. $2.50. With special
reference to New South Wales, by a participant in the
movement. A study of growth of federation in British Em-
pire.

15. BELGIUM: HISTORY, DESCRIPTION.

Ensor, Robert Charles Kirkwood. Belgium (Home Uni-
versity Library). Holt, 1915, p. v, 256. $.50. Concise survey
of recent history and conditions before the war. Generally
accurate and fair, except, perhaps, to Catholic church.

*MacDonnell, John de Courcy. Belgium, her Kings,
Kingdom, and People. Boston, Little, 1914, p. xii, 354. $3.50.
Good historioal survey since establishment of independence
in 1830, with account of conditions under King Albert. Pub-
lished on eve of the war. Written with fairness and mod-
eration; apparently Catholic in sympathies.

Pirenne, Henri. Belgian Democracy, its Early History;
translated by J. V. Saunders. Longmans, 1915, p. xi, 250.
$1.50. Original published in 1910. Mainly account of med-
ieval city republics of the Low Countries, by leading Bel-
gian historian.

Van der Essen, Leon. Short History of Belgium. Chicago,
University Press, 1916, p. 168. $1. Good outline account by
professor of history at Louvain.

16. BELGIUM: GERMAN INVASION AND RULE.

Belgium and Germany, Texts and Documents, preceded
by a Foreword by Henri Davignon. Nelson, 1915, p. iv, 132.
$.25. Documents and illustrations, with annotations.
Preface by Belgian foreign minister.

Bryce, James Bryce, Viscount, and others. Report of
the Committee on Alleged German Outrages (p. 61. $.10).
Evidence and Documents Laid before the Committee on
Alleged German Outrages (p. 296. $.50). Macmillan, 1915.
Report is an attempt at a systematic summary of evidence.
Membership of committee also gives its conclusions the
highest standing.

Cammaerts, Emile. Through the Iron Bars (Two Years
of German Occupation in Belgium). Lane, 1917, p. 72. $.76.
Patriotic presentation of Belgium's plight.

The Case of Belgium in the Present War, an Account of
the Violation of the Neutrality of Belgium and of the Laws
of War on Belgian Territory. Macmillan, 1914, p. xvii, 120.
$.25. Officially prepared by the Belgian delegates In th»
United States, with official documents and affidavits.

Chambry, Rene. The Truth about Louvain. Doran, 1915,
p. 95. $.25. By resident of Louvain.

*Erichsen, Erich. Forced to Fight, the Tale of a Schlea-
wig Dane, translated from the Danish. McBride, 1917, p.
184. $1.25. A narrative of war service which has attracted
wide attention because of nationality of its author, who has
been invalided from wounds. Main importance 1» for
account of campaign in Belgium.

V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR.

113

Gerlache de Gomery, Commandant de. Belgium in War
Time, Translated from the French by Bernard Miall.
Doran, 1!)17, p. xii, 243. $.50. Comprehensive accounts of
events and conditions, amply illustrated.

'Gibson, Hugh S. A Journal from our Legation in
Belgium. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 1917, p. xii, 360.
$2.50. Interesting selection from daily notes of first secre-
tary of American legation from July 4 to December 31,
1914.

Grondys, L. H. The Germans in Belgium, Experiences of a
Neutral. Appleton, 1916, p. ix, 95. $.50 Journal account of
Dutch professor who was in Louvain during the destruction
and witnessed other German atrocities during the invasion.
Halasi, Odon. Belgium under the German Heel. Cassell,
1917, p. x, 257. 6s. Description of conditions observed by
an Hungarian author during a visit in 1916. The anony-
mous translator adds information derived from another
Magyar who had spent eighteen months in Belgium during
the war. Sympathetic, not sensational.

Huberich, C. H., and Nicol-Speyer, A., editors. German
Legislation for the Occupied Territories of Belgium; Official
Texts. The Hague, Nijhoff. Editions in German, Flemish,
French, and English have appeared in successive volumes
for the legislation of successive periods; fifth volume, with
index to first five, covers to Dec. 31, 1915.

Kellogg, Mrs. Charlotte. The Women of Belgium; Turn-
tag Tragedy to Triumph. Funk, 1917, p. xviii, 210. $1. By
only woman member of Hoover commission. Describes relief
work and what Belgian women have done for themselves.
Written with simplicity and restraint.

Libert de Flemalle, Gabriel de. Fighting with King
Albert. Doran, 1915, p. xi, 327. 6s. By Captain in Belgian
army; important for Belgian army before the war and
question of its preparedness, with narrative on resistance to
invasion.

•Massart, Jean. The Belgians under the German Eagle,
translated by Bernard Miall. Dutton, 1916, p. 368. $3.60.
Written from observations during first year of the war,
with full documentation from German sources. Vigorous
indictment of German rule.

Mercier, Desire Felician Francois Joseph, Cardinal.
Pastorals, Letters, Allocutions, 1914-1917, with a biograph-
ical Sketch by Rev. Joseph F. Stillemans. Kenedy, 1917.
$1.25. The Voice of Belgium, being the War Utterances of
Cardinal Mercier, with a Preface by Cardinal Bourne.
London, Burns & Oates, 1917, p. ix, 330. 2s. 6d. Similar
collections, including some items which have been published
separately.

Mokveld, L. The German Fury in Belgium ; translated by
C. Thieme. Doran, 1917, p. 247. $1. By Dutch cor-
respondent with German army from Liege to the Yser,
whose careful, candid, neutral observations constitute a
formidable indictment of German acts.

Morgan, John Hartman. German Atrocities, an Official
Investigation. Dutton, 1916, p. 192, $1. Professor Morgan
was member of Bryce commission, and this volume supple-
ments the Report with additional materials and comments.
Nothomb, Pierre. The Barbarians in Belgium; translated
by Jean E. H. Findlay. London, Jarn>ld, 1915, p. 294. 2s. 6d.
Account by Belgian, endorsed by preface by Belgian Min-
ister of Justice.

Nyrop, Kristopher. The Imprisonment of the Ghent
Professors, a Question of Might and Right, My Reply to
the German Legation in Stockholm. London, Hodder, 1917,
p. 01. Includes discussion of Flemish, question, case of
University of Ghent as well as arrests of professors Fred-
ericq and Pirenne.

Official Commission of the Belgian Government. Report*
on the Violations of the Rights of Nations and of the Laws
and Customs of War in Belgium, with Extracts from the
Pastoral Letter of Cardinal Mercier, and Preface by J. Van
den Heuvel, Minister of State. London, Unwin, 1915, p.
xxxv, 113, (id. Systematic presentation of carefully col-
lected evidence. Strong indictment of German war methods
and deeds.

Sarolea, Charles. How Belgium Saved Europe, with a
Preface by Count Goblet d'Alviella. Philadelphia, Lippin-
cott, 1915, p. ix, 227. $1. Patriotic appreciation of Bel-
gium's part in first weeks of the war. Author was in Bel-
gium during period.

Somville, Gustave. The Road to Liege, the Path of Crime,
August 1914; translated by Bernard Miall. Doran, 1910,
p. xxii, 296. $1. French writer; divides material into
narrative and critical sections. Challenges Germans to dis-
prove his statements.

"Toynbee, Arnold Joseph. The German Terror in Bel-
gium, an Historical Record. Doran, 1917, p. xiii, 160. $1.
Systematic account of German behavior in Belgium and
treatment of Belgian people, based on testimony gathered
and published by officials and commissions of varioui
governments.

'Van der Essen, Leon. The invasion and the War In
Belgium, with a Sketch of the Diplomatic Negotiation*
preceding the Conflict. London, Unwin, 1917, p. 356. 15s. By
a professor of history at Louvain. Best and fullest account
yet available, but military side is rather weak and the
critical method is not all that could be desired of a pro-
fessor of history. Discusses neutrality issue.

Yerdavaine, Georges. Pictures of Ruined Belgium, with
72 Pen and Ink Sketches Drawn on the Spot by L. Berden.
Lane, 1917. $3. Chief value in pictures. Text by art critic of
Independance Beige, translated by J. Lewis May, based on
official reports.

Verhaeren, Emile. Belgium's Agony, translated and Intro-
duced by M. T. H. Sadler. Boston, Houghton, 1915, p. xxii,
131. $1.25. Splendid literary exposition of Belgium's suf-
ferings and pride in bearing the suffering; biting criticism*
of Germany.

Williams, Albert Rhys. In the Claws of the German
Eagle. Dutton, 1917, p. ix, 273. $1.50. Good account of
observations, especially in Belgium, during early week*
of the war, by a Boston pastor of socialist proclivities.

17. BELGIUM: NEUTRALITY AND INTERNATIONAL
LAW: DISCUSSIONS.

••DeVisscher, Charles. Belgium'* Case, a Juridical
Enquiry; translated from the French by E. F. Jourdain,
with a Preface by J. van den Heuvel. Doran, 1916, p. xxiv,
164. $1. Excellent, comprehensive, concise study by pro-
fessor of law in University of Ghent; written with fairness
and moderation.

Fuehr, Karl Alexander. The Neutrality of Belgium, a
Study of the Belgian Case under its Aspects in Political
ILstory and International Law. Funk, 1915, p. xiii, 248.
$1.50. Historical and legal study to support German side.
Contains various documents, Including facsimiles of famou*
Brussels documents.

Grasshoff, Richard. The Tragedy of Belgium, an Answer
to Professor Waxweiler. Dillingham, 1916, p. 244. $1.
Claims to use official material of German government to
refute charges of German atrocities in Belgium, but gen-
erally mistakes vehemence for argument, and assertion for
proof. Emphasizes franc-tireur acts of Belgians.

114

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

Labberton, J. H. Belgium and Germany, a Dutch View,
translated by William Ellery Leonard. Chicago, Open
Court Pub. Co., 1916, p. ix, 153. $1. Somewhat philo-
sophical attempt to justify German invasion of Belgium.
Avows neutrality but accepts German unsupported state-
ments with little question, exonerates Germany and blames
England.

Langenhove, Fernand van. The Growth of a Legend, a
Study Based upon the German Accounts of Francs-Tireurs
and "Atrocities" in Belgium, with a preface by J. Mark
Baldwin. Putnam, 1916, p. xv, 321. $1.25. The author is
scientific secretary of the Solvay Institute of Brussels.
Translation by E. B. Sherlock. Moderate, restrained inves-
tigation ot evidence, but occasional over-refinement of
argument.

•Sanger, Charles Percy, and Norton, Henry Tertius
James. England's Guarantee to Belgium and Luxemburg,
with the Full Text of the Treaties. Scribner, 1915, p. viii,
155. $1.50. Historical section by Norton, international law
discussion by Sanger. Treatment, careful, technical, legal-
istic, not popular. " The obligations of Great Britain under
the treaties of 1839 and 1867 are extremely doubtful . . .
but in the circumstances of the case, Sir Edward Grey
adhered to the traditional view of English statesmen."

•Waxweiler, Emile. Belgium, Neutral and Loyal, the
War of 1914. Putnam, 1915, p. xi, 324. $1.25. Author is
Director of Solvay Institute of Sociology of Brussels.
Original appeared in Switzerland in December, 1914. Ear-
nest, dignified plea for exoneration by an advocate; sober
and moderate in tone, but vigorously insistent on facts and
views.

•Waxweiler, Emile. Belgium and the Great Powers, her
Neutrality Explained and Vindicated. Putnam, 1916, p.
xi, 186. $1. Published fifteen months after former, "it
neither corrects nor modifies it in any respect." Answers
various German charges against Belgium. Like predecessor
will remain one of most important volumes on Belgian
question.

18. FRANCE,

Bracq, Jean Charlemagne. France under the Third Re-
public. Scribner, 1910, p. x, 376. $1.50. Account of cul-
tural development, including church and education ques-
tions. Clear, accurate, fair, sympathetic to the Republic.

*Bracq, Jean Charlemagne. The Provocation of France,
Fifty Years of German Aggression. Oxford Press, 1916,
p. vii, 202. $1.25. Discriminating survey of Franco-Ger-
man relations in last half-century with careful references
to authorities, by professor in Vassar College.

Dimnet, Ernest. France Herself Again. Putnam, 1914,
p. xii, 399. $2.50. Written in English by patriotic French-
man; nearly completed before outbreak of war. Though
France had been decadent under Second Empire and Third
Republic, its health and vigor has revived since 1905.

•Gufirard, Albert L6on. French Civilization in the Nine-
teenth Century, a Historical Introduction. Century, 1914,
p. 312. $3. Good historical and descriptive account, pub-
lished before the war.

Kipling, Rudyard. France at War, On the Frontier of
Civilization. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 1915, p. 130.
50 cents. Interpretation of spirit of France in author's
best style.

•Pomcarf, Raymond. How France is Governed. Trans-
lated by Bernard Miall. McBride, 1914, p. 376. $2.25.
Written before author became president of France, for
French school use. Adult readers will find this an excel-
lent introduction to theory, form, and working of French
government.

"Sabatier, Paul. A Frenchman's Thoughts on the War.
Translated by Bernard Miall. Scribner, 1916, p. 164. $1.25.
Perhaps best effort to reveal development of French char-
acter during the war. Somewhat historical and descriptive,
but the human interest is the keynote. Compare Kipling's
France at War and Chevrillon's England.

•Wright, Charles Henry Conrad. A History of the Third
French Republic. Boston, Houghton, 1916, p. 206. $1.50.
Excellent, concise, impartial narrative. Should be supple-
mented for descriptive matter by Bracq's Third Republic

19. ITALY.

•Bainville, Jacques. Italy and the War. Translated by
Bernard Miall. Doran, 1916, p. 267. $1. The author, a
French correspondent with long service in Italy, reviews
growth of Italian national unity, describes movement of
Italy from Triple Alliance to Quadruple Entente, and con-
cludes with chapter on effect of the war on Italy's future.
Believes Italy's entrance into war was act of public will.

•Dillon, Emile John. From the Triple to the Quadruple
Alliance: Why Italy Went Into the War. Doran, 1915, p.
xii, 242. $1.50. Good account of traditions and events
which influenced Italy's entrance into the war by able Eng-
lish student of foreign affairs, who visited Italy in critical
period.

•Jamison, E. M., and others. Italy, Medieval and Mod-
ern, a History. Oxford Press, 1917, p. viii, 564. $2.90.
Four English historical scholars have furnished a con-
venient sketch of Italian history from the close of the Ro-
man Empire to 1915. The section on the nineteenth cen-
tury and the antecedents of the war is noteworthy.

Low, Sidney James Mark. Italy in the War. Longmans,

1916, p. xii, 316. $1.75. Good account of movement of
events since August, 1914, in Italy; of how Italy and Aus-
tria went to war; and of the conditions under which they
contend.

McClure, W. K. Italy in North Africa, an Account of the
Tripoli Enterprise. Philadelphia, Winston, 1914, p. xi, 328.
$2.50. Good account of Italo-Turkish war by an observer
and Italian sympathizer.

Vivian, Herbert. Italy at War. Dutton, 1917, p. ix, 370.
$2.50. Character sketches of Italian leaders and of the
Italian people rather than discussion of issues. Useful for
sympathetic understanding of Italian attitude and activity.

Wallace, William Kay. Greater Italy, 1858-1916. Scrib-
ner, 1917, p. x, 312. $2. Account of unification of Italy
and of the Triple Alliance, and good, informing discussion
of Italy's problems in connection with the war.

20. PORTUGAL.
Young, George. Portugal, Old and Young. Oxford Press,

1917. 5s. Though published in Histories of Belligerents
Series, not so much history as a collection of essays on
modern Portugal; best on cultural side. Author belonged
to British legation at Lisbon.

21. ALSACE-LORRAINE.

•Hazen, Charles Downer. Alsace-Lorraine Under German
Rule. Holt, 1917, p. 246. $1.25. Clear, convincing indict-
ment of German control of Alsace-Lorraine, by competent
American historical scholar.

Jordan, David Starr. Alsace-Lorraine, a Study in Con-
quest. Indianapolis, Bobbs, 1917. $1. Written in 1913,
after special study in the provinces, and partly published
in Atlantic Monthly, May, 1914. Alsace is the storm-cen-
ter, but war is no remedy for its problem. Quotes liberally
both French and German views.

V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR.

115

Putnam, Ruth. Alsace and Lorraine from Ciesar to
Kaiser, 68 B. C.— 1871 A. D. Putnam, 1915, p. viii, 208.
$1.25. Scholarly historical outline, with supplementary
chapter on German rule; non-committal.

22. GERMANY: HISTORY.

Germany in the Nineteenth Century. Longmans, 1915, p.
xvi, 254. $2. Two series of lectures delivered at Manchester
University in 1911 and early in 1914 by J. H. Rose and
other English scholars, descriptive of German history and
culture. Authors' views have been somewhat modified by
the war, as shown by their later writings.

Henderson, Ernest Flagg. A Short History of Germany.
Macmillan, 1916, 2 vols. $3.50. Second edition of work
published in 1902, with three chapters added for period
1871-1914. By American scholar of German sympathies;
accurate, fair, well written.

•Marriott, John Arthur Ransome, and Robertson, Charles
Grant. The Evolution of Prussia, the Making of an Empire.
Oxford Press, 1915, p. 459. $1.75. From Great Elector to
Bismarck, with bibliography and sketch maps. Of avowed
tendency and lively but not unfair criticism. More detailed
and readable than Priest.

'Priest, George Madison. Germany since 1740. Boston,
Ginn, 1915, p. xvi, 199. $1.25. Good sketch with emphasis
on Prussia; tends to neglect internal affairs. Summarizes
the views of German history prevalent in generation preced-
ing the war.

*Schevill, Ferdinand. The Making of Modern Germany,
Six Public Lectures Delivered in Chicago in 1915. Chicago,
McClurg, 1916, p. xi, 259. $1.25. A professor of modern
European history in University of Chicago surveys events
from Great Elector to the war with studied moderation of
tone and reserve of statement. Clear, pleasing style, some-
times ingratiating as in its minimizing militarism.

Smith, Munroe. Bismarck and German Unity. Columbia
University Press, 1910, p. x, 132. $1. Second edition of
sketch published on occasion of Bismarck's death In 1898.
Excellent brief survey of the man and his policies.

Treitschke, Heinrich Gotthard von. History of Germany
in the Nineteenth Century; translated by Eden and Cedar
Paul. McBride, 1915-16, vols. 1 and 2, xix, 708; xiv, 724.
Each $3.25. Less permeated with his notorious views than
his "Politics," the "History" has been more widely
popular and influential in Germany. In general, good
history; important for understanding German history of
past century and present German character. Second volume
covers to 1820.

Ward, Sir Adolphus William. Germany, 1815-1890. Cam-
bridge Historical Series. Putnam, 1916, vol. 1, p. xiv, 592. $3.
A learned accumulation of facts narrated in dry, impartial
manner. Most thorough English account. First volume
covers to 1852.

23. GERMANY: KAISER AND COURT.

Fox, Edward Lyell. Wilhelm Hohenzollern & Co.
McBride, 1917, p. xii, 237. $1.50. Sensational account of the
Kaiser and men around him by American journalist who
was three times in Germany during the war.

Graves, Armgaard Karl, pseud. The Secrets of the Hohen-
zollerns. McBride, 1915, p. 251. $1.50. English title: The
Red Secrets of the Hohenzollerns. Highly sensational;
would be interesting if true.

Hammer, Simon Christian. William the Second. Boston,
Houghton, 1917, p. 272. $1.50. Attempt at psychological
analysis of the Kaiser based on his speeches and on con-
temporary German writings.

Keen, Edith. Seven Years at the Prussian Court. Lane,
1917, p. 315, $3. Author waa in household of sister of
Empress. Reminiscences and court gossip; trivial.

Radziwill, Catherine (Rzewuska) Princess. Germany
Under Three Emperors. Funk, 1917. $4. Account of Ger-
man politics and diplomacy centered around Bismarck and
William II; by a close observer.

Topham, Anne. Memories of the Kaiser's Court. Dodd,
1914, p. vii, 308. $3. English teacher of Princess Victoria
gives intimate view of Kaiser's family and court since 1902.

24. GERMANY: GOVERNMENT AND CONDITIONS.

Barker, J. Ellis. The Foundations of Germany, a Docu-
mentary Account Revealing the Causes of her Strength,
Wealth, and Efficiency. Button, 1916, p. ix, 280. $2.50.
Topical account of German conditions and policies told
largely by quotations from Frederick the Great and other
German rulers and statesmen since Great Elector.

*Barker, J. Ellis. Modern Germany, her Political and
Economic Problems, her Foreign and Domestic Policy, her
Ambitions and the Causes of her Success; fifth revised and
enlarged edition brought to Jan. 1915. Dutton, 1915, p. xi,
852. $3. Author, native of Cologne, name changed from
Eltzbacher by act of parliament, mors moderate and reason-
able English counterpart of H. S. Chamberlain. Originally
written in connection with famous colonial election of
Reichstag in 1907, and brought to date in successive edi-
tions, has been most notable English work on Germany
through the decade. Deals with economic, colonial, and
naval bases of German imperialism which he regards as
directed against Great Britain, United States, or both.

*Beyens, Eugene, Baron. Germany before the War; trans-
lated by Paul V. Cohn. Nelson, 1916, p. 366. $1.50. Former
Belgian minister at Berlin describes country and govern-
ment and events preceding war in which he participated.
Severe especially towards the Emperor.

Bourdon, Georges. The German Enigma, being an Inquiry
among the Germans as to What They Think, What They
Want, What They Can Do, translated by Beatrice Marshall,
with Introduction by Charles Sarolea. Dutton, 1914, p. xiii.
357. $1.25. Editor of Paris Figaro toured Germany in 191S
to learn attitude toward France. Found militarism inbred
but everyone disclaiming desire for war, notably as against
France.

Collier, Price. Germany and the Germans from an Amer-
ican Point of View. Scribner, 1913, p. xii, 498. $1.50.
Popular account by shrewd observer, not unfriendly in tone.
Author published volume with similar title and character
on England in 1911.

Dawson, William Harbutt. The Evolution of Modern
Germany. Scribner, 1908, p. xvi, 503. $4. Excellent descrip-
tion of character and conditions, with mass of information,
but statistics are all of 1906 or earlier. Author has written
various other works on Germany, including Municipal Life
and Government in Germany (Longmans, 1914, $3.75).

•Dawson, William Harbutt What Is Wrong with Ger-
many. Longmans, 1915, p. xii, 227. $1. Confessedly out of
tune with his other works which he had hoped would promote
better feeling between England and Germany. Based on far
more thorough knowledge of growth of ideas and opinion in
Germany than shown in most war books. Deals with theory
of the state, militarism, imperialism, Weltpolitik, relations
of north and south Germany, questions of reform, etc.

"Fife, Robert Herndon, Jr. The German Empire between
Two Wars, a Study of the Political and Social Development
of the Nation between 1871 and 1914. Macmillan, 1910, p.

116

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

xiv, 400. $1.50. Absolutely impartial, sympathetic account
and criticism of foreign and domestic affairs, notably good
on Alsace-Lorraine, Polish question, education, the press,
municipal affairs, and parties. Based on personal obser-
vation and wide study; written, in large part, before the
war.

Holmes, Edmond Gore Alexander. The Nemesis of Doc-
ility, a Study of German Character. Dutton, 1916, p. vii,
264. $1.75. Style superior to facts and logic.

Howard, Burt Estes. The German Empire. Macmillan,

1906, p. viii, 449. $2. A careful, somewhat legalistic,
study of the imperial constitution.

Krflger, Fritz-Konrad. Government and Politics of the
German Empire. Yonkers, N. Y., World Book Co., 1915, p.
xi, 340. $1.20. Good survey, sympathetic to Germany,
•written as textbook.

Lichtenberger, Henri. Germany and its Evolution in
Modern Times, translated from the French by A. M. Lud-
ovici. Holt, 1913, p. 440. $2.50. By an Alsatian professor
at the Sorbonne, published originally in 1907, lacks trans-
lator's notes to bring it to date. Emphasizes economic
progress and expansion, not militarism as the basic Hohen-
zollera policy.

McLaren, A. D. Germanism from Within. Dutton, 1916,
p. x, 363. $3. Lived in Germany seven years preceding the
war as correspondent of an Australian paper, and eight
months in a concentration camp. Some of these attempts
to analyze German character were written before the war,
and all have unusual tone of fairness.

Perris, George Herbert. Germany and the German
Emperor. Holt, 1913, 4th edition, 1914, p. xii, 520. $3.
Account of modern Germany written to promote better
understanding between England and Germany. Chapters
on Weltpolitik and other topics are valuable for presenting
English views of 1912. Later editions show no change
except in preface.

Reich, Emil. Germany's Madness. Dodd, 1914, p. x, 224.
$1. Author Hungarian resident in England. First published

1907, also issued with title: Germany's Swelled Head. New
edition somewhat condensed and brought to date.

Schierbrand, Wolf von. Germany, the Welding of a World
Power. Garden City, Doubleday, 1902, p. vii, 307. $2.40.
Cheap reprint at later date. Superficial account by Amer-
ican journalist for American readers. Largely out of date,
but of some interest for views of the time.

Smith, Thomas F. A. The Soul of Germany, a Twelve
Years' Study of the People from Within, 1902-1914. Doran,
1915, p. xv, 354. $1.25. Author was Englishman on Erlangen
faculty. Facts usually accurate, interpretation made in war
time, under personal pique at circumstances of his hasty
exit from Germany. Unfortunate tendency to emphasize
seamy side. Chapters on Treitschke and Nietzsche.

'Veblen, Thorstein. Imperial Germany and the Industrial
Revolution. Macmillan, 1915, p. viii, 324. $1.50. Socio-
logical-historical essay, projected before the war, to study
divergent lines of German and English cultural development
in modern times, considered due to economic circumstances
rather than to national genius or manifest destiny.
Thoughtful work in difficult, often ironical, style, by Amer-
ican professor.

Villard, Oswald Garrison. Germany Embattled, an Amer-
ican Interpretation. Scribner, 1915, p. 181. $1. Mainly
reprint of articles by American editor familiar with Ger-
many, to explain Germany's case, but shows why American
opinion has developed adversely to Germany. Careful,
intelligent study.

25. GERMANY: POLITICAL THOUGHT.

Bernhardi, Friedrich Adam Julius von. Britain as Ger-
many's Vassal, translated by J. Ellis Barker. Doran, 1914,
p. 255. $1. Written year after Germany and the Next
War to show that Germany's next step toward world
domination should be subjugation of England. Appendix
contains selections from Kriegsbrauch, the German hand-
book of law and custom of war.

Bernhardi, Friedrich Adam Julius von. Germany and
England. Dillingham, 1915, p. 93. $.50. Partly reply to
Cramb's book, partly apologia addressed to American
readers. Blames England for the war and naively declares
notion of German invasion of America " belongs only to
sphere of bar-room discussion."

'Bernhardi, Friedrich Adam Julius von. Germany and
the Next War, translated by Allen H. Powles. Longmans,
1913, p. 288. $3. First published in Germany in 1911 us
author's reaction from Moroccan crisis of that year. Not
the technical, but the political and ethical chapters gave
this book its fame as the typical expression of German
militarism.

Bernhardi, Friedrich Adam Julius von. How Germany
Makes War. Doran, 1914, p. xv, 263. $1.25. Abridgment
of On War Today (Dodd, 1914, 2 vols., $5) translated and
edited by Hugh Rees. Largely technical, but reveals
author's belief in Germany as world power with cultural
mission.

'Bismarck, Otto, Ftirst von. Bismarck the Man and the
Statesman, being the Reflections and Reminiscences Written
and Dictated by Himself after his Retirement from Office,
translated from the German under the Supervision of A. J.
Butler. Harper, 1899, 2 vols., p. xx, 415; xix, 362. $7.50.
Valuable not as record of events, but as exposition of hl»
policies and acts. Second volume on events, 1862-1890, is of
great importance on both domestic and foreign affairs.

*BUlow, Bernhard Heinrich Martin Karl, Ftirst von. Im-
perial Germany; with a Foreword by J. W. Headlam; trans-
lated by Marie A. Lewenz; new and revised editon. Dodd,
1917, p. xlv, 335. $2. By former German chancellor. Original
German edition published in 1913 in volume to commemo-
rate twenty-fifth anniversary of Kaiser's accession. New
German edition published separately in 1916. English edi-
tion of original appeared in 1914. Largely rewritten with
new parts in brackets, also new chapters 011 militarism and
the Social Democrats, and a new introduction. Early
chapters devoted to foreign relations, with some comment
on almost every event since 1888. Observations on individual
topics are keen; didactic tone, strong nationalist and imper-
ialist patriotism pervade the book. Correlation of ideas
and consistency of statement are neglected virtues.

Chamberlain, Houston Stewart. The Foundations of the
Nineteenth Century, with an Introduction by Lord Redes-
dale. Lane, 1910, 2 vols., p. cii, 578; vii, 580. $10. Author
born of distinguished English family, married daughter of
Richard Wagner, and has long lived in Germany as natural-
ized citizen. Not history, but a copious conglomerate of
facts, an induction into the sacred mystery of Teutonism.
Facts not always supported by authorities and logic
untrammeled by customary rules. Regards Teutons as
great creators and custodians of culture.

Frobenius, Herman Theodor Wilhelm. The German
Empire's Hour of Destiny, with preface by Sir Valentin*
Chirol. McBride, 1914, p. 139. $1. Published early in 1914,
predicting the war, based partly on Lea's Day of th»
Saxon. Made prominent by commendation from the Crown
Prince.

V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR.

117

•Gauss, Christian. The German Emperor as Shown in
his Public Utterances. Scribner, 1915, p. xvi, 329. $1.25.

Schierbrand, Wolf von. The Kaiser's Speeches, forming
a Character Portrait of Emperor William It; Translated
and lulited with Annotations; based upon a compilation
made by A. Oscar Klaussmann. Harper, 1903, p. xxxi, 333.
$2.50. Omits part of Klaussmann collection, but adds some
other. Speeches are not printed in whole, but under topical
arrangement, material from various speeches is brought
together. Covers only first fifteen years of reign.

Treitschke, Heinrich Gotthard von. Germany, France,
Russia, and Islam, translated into English, with a Foreword
by George Haven Putnam. Putnam, 1915, p. xiv, 336. $1.50.
Eight essays written between 1871 and 1895; of no great
interest.

•Treitsehke, Heinrich Gotthard von. Politics, translated
from the German by Blanche Dugdale and Torben de Bills,
with an Introduction by Arthur James Balfour, and a
Foreword by A. Lawrence Lowell. Macmillan, 1916, 2 vols.,
p. xliv, 406; vi, 643. $7. Lectures, published posthumously
in German in 1897-8, grouped under five headings: the
nature of the state, the social foundations of the state,
varieties of political constitution, the state considered in
regard to its influence upon rulers and ruled, and the state
considered in relation to international intercourse. The
first and last sections contain the more notable pronounce-
ments. He failed to verify his facts, to weigh evidence
correctly, and to avoid contradiction, but his brilliance and
earnestness carried conviction. There is a convenient volume
of Selections, translated by Adam L. Gowans (Philadelphia,
Stokes, 1915, $.75).

26. GERMANY: POLITICAL THOUGHT: CRITICISMS.

Davis, Henry William Charles. The Political Thought of
Heinrich von Treitschke. Scribner, 1915, p. viii, 295. $2.
Attempt, by English historical scholar, to trace development
of Treitschke's ideas and to analyze them with special
reference to his Politics. Rigorous, but not harsh or unfair,
criticism.

•Dewey, John. German Philosophy and Politics. Holt,
1915, p. 134. $1.25. Able, readable survey, by American
philosopher, of philosophical origins and background, from
Kant, Fichte, and Hegel to the war, of current German
political ideas.

Figgis, John Neville. The Will to Freedom, or the Gospel
of Nietzsche and the Gospel of Christ. Scribner, 1917, p.
xviii, 320. $1.25. Excellent analysis and criticism of the
philosophy of Nietzsche and estimate of its influence on
German thought.

•Guilland, Antoine. Modern Germany and her Historians
McBride. 11)15, p. 3I>0. $2.25. Author is professor in Swiss
Polytechnic School, Zurich. Critical study of political
school of historians in Germany in nineteenth century.
Written before the war, with excellent style and wide
knowledge.

Palter, William Mnckintire. Nietzsche the Thinker, a
Study. Holt, 1917, p. x, 539. $3.50. Thorough philosoph-
ical study nearly completed before the war, with which he
does not find Nietzsche specially connected.

Santayana. George. Egotism in German Philosophy.
Scribner', HUB. $1.50. Abstract, brilliant, bitter.

Treitschke, his Doctrine of German Destiny and of Inter-
national Relations. Putnam, 11)14, p. xi. 332. $1.50. Con-
tains study of Treitschke and his works by Adolf Hausrath
and selections from his writings. Handy introduction to
Treitschke and his ideas.

27. GERMANY: ANTHOLOGIES OF OPINION.

Archer, William. Gems ( T) of German Thought. Garden
City, Doubleday, 1917, p. 'a, 264. $1.25. Extracts from
over eighty sources arranged topically, to show " the dom-
inant characteristics of German mentality."

•Bang, Jacob Peter. Hurrah and Hallelujah, the Teaching
of Germany's Poets, Prophets, Professors and Preachers, a
Documentation translated from the Danish by Jessie
BrOchner, with an introduction by Ralph Connor. Doran,
1917, p. xi, 234. $1. Author is professor in University of
Copenhagen. After introductory survey of growth of the
" new-German spirit " before the war, reviews, with abund-
ant quotations, utterances and publications during the war
both by chauvinists and moderates. Effective revelation of
obsessions of German thought.

Chapman, John Jay Deutschland Uber Alles, or Ger-
many Speaks, a Collection of Utterances of Representative
Germans: Statesmen, Military Leaders, Scholars and
Poets, in Defence of the War Policies of the Fatherland.
Putnam, 1914, p. 102. $.75.

Gowans, Adam L. A Month's German Newspapers, being
Representative Extracts from those of the Memorable
Month of December, 1914. New York, Stokes, 1915, p.
vii, 275. $1. Extracts from eight leading papers, whose
character is described, dealing especially with events on the
west front and relations with England.

Smith, Thomas F. A. What Germany Thinks; the War
as Germans See It. Doran, 1915, p. 336. $1.25. German
utterances during first year of war, topically arranged.
Seems to reveal solidarity of German opinion, though
other currents of thought may be overlooked.

28. GERMANY: WELTPOLJTIK.

•Hurd, Archibald S., and Castle, Henry. German Sea
Power, its Rise, Progress, and Economic Basis. Scribner,
1913, p. xv, 388. $3.25. Intelligent, though not friendly,
English account of German naval policy. Hurd has written
much else on naval and diplomatic questions of the war and
the years immediately preceding.

Lewin, Percy Evans. The German Road to the East, an
Account of the Drang nach Osten and of Teutonic Aims in
the Near and Middle East. Doran, 1917, p. 340. $2.50. Based
not on personal observation but on thorough study of the
literature of the subject.

Mach, Edmund Robert Otto von. Germany's Point of
View. Chicago, McClurg, 1915. $1.50. Well written attempt
to state Germany's case, especially against England, and to
give German side of Belgian and other matters. Belongs
to MUnsterberg school of German propaganda in America.

Mach, Edmund Robert Otto von. Wbat Germany Wants.
Boston, Little, 1914. $1. Clear, moderate explanation of
German ideals, problems, and policies to persuade Americans
that Germany should not be judged by Bernhardi.

•Prothero, George Walter. German Policy Before the
War. Diitton, 1916, p. viii, 111. $1. Outlines with clearness
and vigor but not entirely dispassionately, development of
German thought and policy leading to the war. By well
known English historian.

•Rohrbach, Paul. Germany's Isolation, an Exposition of
the Economic Causes of the War; translated by Paul H,
Phillipson. Chicago, McClurg, 1915, p. xvii. 186. $1. Trans-
lation of Der Krieg und die Deutsche Politik (1914). Six
chapters written before the war deal with Anglo-German
rivalry. Final chapter on outbreak of war exonerates
Germany. Chapter on Salient Ideas of German Foreign
Policy is remarkable, if printed as written before the war.

118

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

•Rohrbach, Paul. German World Policies, translated by
E. von Mach. Macmillan, 1915, p. xi, 243. $1.25. Translation
of Der Deutsche Gedanke in der Welt (1912), which trans-
lator says has "inspired more Germans than any other book
published since 1871, for everybody felt that it presented
a generally true picture of the Fatherland and indicated
the paths which the Germans had resolved to follow."
Typical of German idealism and much more moderate than
Bernhardi.

Usher, Roland Greene. Pan-Germanism from its Inception
to the Outbreak of the War, a Critical Study. Boston,
Houghton, 1914, p. vii, 422. $1.75. Widely read during first
yew of the war as clear, breezy presentation of Pan-
German movement, its ideas and their application to events
of two decades preceding the war. Though not to be relied
on for accuracy, events have given warrant to many of his
conclusions.

29. GERMANY: WAR-TIME DISCUSSIONS OF POLICY.

Fernau, Hermann. Coming Democracy. Dutton, 1917, p.
viii, 321. $2. Translation of "Durch! Zur Demokratie,"
published before Russian revolution. By a German demo-
crat and pacifist who vigorously denounces the German
government and proclaims necessity of military defeat of
Germany for its own sake, as only means of replacing mon-
archy by democracy.

•I Accuse! (J'Accuse) by a German; with Preface by
Dr. Anton Suter, translated by Alexander Gray. Doran,
1915, p. viii, 445. $1.50. German refugee, pacifist, perhaps
Social Democrat, asserts his German loyalty but with
intelligence and courage denounces Prussian militarists as
responsible for the war. To be read to offset accepted
German views of BUlow, Bernhardi, and Rohrbach. Has
since published first of three volumes entitled The Crime
(1917) to complete his proofs of Prussian militarist respon-
sibility.

"Naumann, Friedrich. Central Europe; a translation by
Christabel M. Meredith from the Original German. Knopf,
1917, p. vii, 351. $3. Painstaking argument for closer
union of Germany and Austria and ultimately for a still
greater central European combination. Economic consid-
erations are given full weight. Perhaps the most notable
German book on national and international policy produced
during the war. The author is a member of the Reichstag,
of socialist antecedents.

•Modern Germany in Relation to the Great War, by Var-
ious German Writers; translated by W. W. Whitelock..
Kennerley, 1916, p. 628. $2. Translation of Deutschland
und der Weltkrieg, edited by Professors Heintze, Meinecke,
Oncken, and Schuhmacher, in which twenty German scholars
co-operate to state Germany's case. Note especially Erich
Marck's essay on historic relations between Germany and
England.

30. GERMANY: ARMY, NAVY, SECRET SERVICE.

Edelsheim, Franz, Freiherr von. Operations upon the
Sea, a Study translated from the German. Outdoor Press,
1914. $.75. Technical study, interesting for illustrative
studies of German invasions of England and United States.

The German Spy-System from within, by an Ex-Intel-
ligence Officer. Doran, 1915, second edition, p. viii, 195. $1.
Shallow performance, possibly by British secret service
man to explain the menace to English readers.

Goltz , Colmar, Freiherr von der. A Nation in Arms,
translated by Philip A. Ashworth, edited by A. Hilliard
Atteridge. Doran, 1915, p. viii. 288. $1. Exposition of

German military system by veteran German officer, for-
merly military governor of Belgium. Condensed from first
English translation of 1906.

Goltz, Horst von der. My Adventures c,s a German Secret
Agent. McBride, 1917, p. xii, 287. $1.50. Purports to be
account of German secret service and of personal exper-
iences by one whose activities in United States and Mexico
attracted attention prior to his arrest by English. Asserts
wide ramification of German system in United States.

Graves, Armgaard Karl, pseud., and Fox, Edward Lyell.
The Secrets of the German War Office. McBride, 1914, p.
240. $1.50. Sensational narrative of doubtful authenticity
by purported German secret agent.

Henderson, Ernest Flagg. Germany's Fighting Machine,
her Army, her Navy, her Air-ships, and Why She Arrayed
Them Against the Allied Powers of Europe. Indianapolis,
Bobbs, 1914, p. 97. $1.25. Brief popular account by German
sympathizer, with wealth of excellent illustrations.

•The War Book of the German General Staff, being
" The Usages of War on Land, " Issued by the Great General
Staff of the German Army; translated by J. H. Morgan.
McBride, 1915, p. xv, 199. $1. Professor Morgan has made
careful literal translation and added a full critical intro-
duction to the Kriegsbrauch im Landkriege.

31. GERMANY: DESCRIPTIONS IN WAR-TIME.

Ackerman, Carl William. Germany, the Next Republic t
Doran, 1917, p. xiv, 292. $1.50. Author was American
correspondent in Germany from March, 1915, to the rupture
of relations. Describes rivalry of Bethmann-Hollweg and
Tirpitz factions and movement of public opinion in Ger-
many. Approves American delay in entering the war.

Beaufort, J. M. de. Behind the German Veil; a Record
of a Journalistic War Pilgrimage. Dodd, 1917, p. rix, 403.
$2. Author a native of Holland, trained as correspondent
in America, went to Germany in 1914. Wide observations,
including eastern front and the fleet. Sympathies pro-
Ally.

Bullitt, Mrs. Ernesta Drinker. An Uncensored Diary;
from the Central Empires. Garden City, Doubleday, 1917,
p. v, 205. $1.25. Diary of wife of correspondent in Ger-
many in summer of 1916. Includes visits to Belgium and
Austria-Hungary. Many interesting observations, especially
concerning women and children.

Curtin, D. Thomas. The Land of Deepening Shadow, Ger-
many-at-War. Doran, 1917, p. 337. $1.50. Description of
German methods and of conditions in Germany late in 1915
by American correspondent.

•Gerard, James Watson. My Four Years in Germany.
Doran, 1917, p. xvi, 448. $2. The former American am-
bassador to Germany gives some important information,
and records many interesting and enlightening observations.
Honest, straightforward account, intended to arouse
popular interest and give general public convincing proofs
of American case against Germany.,

McClellan, George Brinton. The Heel of War. Dilling-
ham, 1916, p. xi, 177. $1. Record of visits to Germany,
Belgium, France, and Italy during the war, by former
mayor of New York, now professor at Princeton. Profes-
sedly unbiassed, actually transparently German.

Swope, Herbert Bayard. Inside the German Empire im
the Third Year of the War. Century, 1917, p. xxi, 366. $2.
By American correspondent of New York World. Tone,
impartial; observations, hasty and inadequate; judgments,
hasty and now somewhat superannuated; style, readable.

V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR.

119

32. AUSTRIA-HUNGARY.

•Andrassy, Graf Julius. Whose Sin Is the World War!
Translated by E. J. Euphrat. New Era Publishing House,
1915, p. 154. 50 cents. Author is son of famous state chan-
cellor, and has himself been an Hungarian minister. Able,
tactful presentation of Austria's case against Serbia and
Russia; places blame squarely on Russia.

Austria-Hungary and the War. Fatherland Corporation,
1915, p. ti-l. Nine articles by prominent Austrians on
causes* of the war and Austrian interests. Official Austrian
propaganda.

Capek, Thomas, editor. Bohemia under Hapsburg Mis-
rule, a Study of the Ideals and Aspirations of the Bohemian
and Slovak Peoples as they Relate to and Are Affected by
the Great European War. Revell, 1915, p. 187. $1. Arti-
cles by leading authorities on Bohemian affairs setting forth
anti-Hapsburg feeling and opposition to Germanization.
Not to be relied on as accurate or authoritative.

Knatchbull-Hugesson, Cecil Marcus. The Political Evolu-
tion of the Hungarian Nation. London, National Review,
1908, 2 vols. Deals primarily with the Magyar element and
presents its views.

Ludwig, Ernest. Austria-Hungary and the War, with a
preface by Dr. K. T. Dumba. Ogilvie, 1915, p. 200. $1. The
Austrian case told by the former consul at Cleveland. At-
tention centered on the Serbian question, with best account
of Sarajevo trial. Chapter on Ruthenian problem, also one
on relations with United States.

•Pollak, Gustav. The House of Hohenzollern and the
Hapsburg Monarchy. Evening Post Co., 1917, p. 107. 60
cents. Reprint of seven timely articles on German and
Austrian questions from New York Evening Post by a na-
tive of Vienna.

Schierbrand, Wolf von. Austria-Hungary, the Polyglot
Empire. New York, Stokes, 1917, p. vii, 372. $3. Jour-
nalist who had spent years in Germany and Austria de-
scribes conditions, problems, and war-time situation.

•Steed, Henry Wickham. The Hapsburg Monarchy.
Scribner, 1913, p. xxxii, 304. $2.50. Author writes with
knowledge and insight due to a decade's residence in the
Dual Monarchy as London Times correspondent. Pleasing
style, but too much knowledge is presumed for easy reading.
Describes organization and administration of the monarchy
and such conditions and problems as foreign policy, Bosnia,
Yugoslavs, and Jews.

Whitman, Sidney. Austria (Story of the Nations Series).
Putnam, 1898. $1.50. Brief outline account to 1898. The
same series contains a volume on Hungary by Vambfrv
(1886).

33. AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: SLAVIC PEOPLES.

Bailey, William Frederick. The Slavs of the War Zone.
Dutton, 1916, p. xii, 266. $3.50. Descriptions of Austrian
Slavs, both northern and southern, impassioned but inform-
ing.

Seton-Watson, Robert William. Racial Problems in
Hungary, by Scotus Viator (pseud). London, Constable,
1908, p. xxvii, 540. The Southern Slav Question and the
Hapsburg Monarchy. London, Constable, 1911, p. xii, 463.
12s. 6d. Corruption and Reform in Hungary, a Study of
Electoral Practice. London, Constable, 1911, p. xvi, 197. 4s.
6d. German, Slav, and Mapryar, a Study in the Origins of
tlie Great War. London, Williams & Norgate, 1916, p. 198.
2s. 6d. Four works on various phases of the Southern Slav
question in Hungary, by a specialist on the subject, an
advocate of Jugoslavia nationality.

34. BALKAN PENINSULA: HISTORY, CONDITIONS,
PROBLEMS.

Abbott, George Frederick. Turkey, Greece, and the Great
Powers; a Study in Friendship and Hate. McBride, 1917,
p. vii, 384. $3. Part I deals with Turkey and the Great
Powers; Part II treats Greece similarly. Both historical
antecedents and relations during the war are discussed.
Author was formerly a war correspondent. Historical sec-
tions are inadequate; judgments of contemporary events to
be taken with caution. Criticises treatment of Greece by
the Allies.

Brown, Demetra (Vaka) (Mrs. Kenneth Brown). The
Heart of the Balkans. Boston, Houghton, 1917, p. 248. $1.50.
A series of sketches of travel through the Balkans in 1913
or thereabouts.

•Buxton, Noel Edward, and Buxton, Charles Roden. The
War and the Balkans. London, Allen & Unwin, 1915, p.
112. 2s. 6d. Unusually successful effort to set forth con-
cisely and impartially the views and feelings of the several
Balkan peoples.

•Courtney, Leonard Henry Courtney, 1st Baron, editor.
Nationalism and War in the Near-East, by a Diplomatist.
Oxford Press, 1916, p. xxvi, 428. $4.15. Marked by demo-
cratic and pacifist bias, but, perhaps, ablest discussion of
Balkan problems, especially of years immediately preceding
the war. Not so much narrative or descriptive as analytical
and philosophical.

•Forbes, Nevill; Toynbee, Arnold Joseph; Mitrany, D.;
and Hogarth, David George. The Balkans, a History of
Bulgaria, Serbia, Greece, Rumania, Turkey. Oxford Press,
p. 407. $1.75. Bulgaria and Serbia by Forbes, Greece by
Toynbee, Romania by Mitrany, Turkey by Hogarth; the
last being especially good. Diverse in method and value,
and with no unity except the binding; general treatment
of Balkan problem is unfortunately lacking. Better for
general reader than Miller for accounts of separate states;
Miller's account more unified and general.

Holland, Thomas Erskine. The European Concert in the
Eastern Question, a Collection of Treaties and other Public
Acts, with introductions and Notes. Oxford Press, 1885,
p. xii, 366. $3.25. Contains principal documents from
1830 to 1883.

'Marriott, John Arthur Ransome. The Eastern question,
an Historical Study in European Diplomacy. Oxford Press,
1917, p. viii, 456. $5.50. An historical account of the
Ottoman empire is the central topic for a treatment of the
Balkan problems and the international interests involved.
The present war and its immediate antecedents receive
ample attention. There is a chapter on the geography of
the Balkans. The only good systematic work in English
by well-known English historical scholar.

•Miller, William. The Ottoman Empire, 1801-1913. Put-
nam, 1913, p. xvi, 547. $2.50. History since 1801 of all
lands then part of Ottoman Empire, hence really an account
of the rise of the Balkan nationalities, and of the inter-
national relations involved. Mass of facts, which covers to
close of first Balkan war, makes the book informing but
the etyle and method are scarcely enlightening.

The Near East from Within. Funk, 1915, p. viii, 256. $3.
Author claims to have been highly placed diplomat in the
confidence of the Kaiser. Purports to unburden his mind
of intrigues of secret diplomacy in the Balkans; interesting,
but authenticity needs to be vouched.

*Xewl>i<jin, Marion Isabel, Geographical Aspects of Balkan
Problems in their Relation to the Great European. War.
Putnam, 1915, p. ix, 243. $1.75. Covers whole peninsula

120

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

and Danube valley; important on trade routes, river sys-
tems, agricultural conditions and other features connected
with racial questions and political ambitions. Written with
full recognition of the two Balkan wars and of importance
of Balkan problems in present war.

•Phillipson, Coleman, and Buxton, Noel. The Question
of the Bosphorus and Dardanelles. London, Stevens &
Haynes, 1917, p. xvi, 264. Discusses general problems of
international law involved; surveys history of question
from 1774 to 1878 with reference to successive treaties and
their application; considers future readjustment, with
special reference to Russia and to internationalization
similar to Danube Commission.

Savic, Vladislav R. South-Eastern Europe, the Main
Problem of the Present World Struggle, with Introduction
by Nicholas Murray Butler. Revell, 1918, p. 276. $1.50.
Surveys history of Southern Slavs and of their relations
with Austria-Hungary and with Bulgaria; chapters on
America and the South Slav State, Pan- Slavism, and the
Adriatic Question. By Serb correspondent of English
papers.

Seton-Watson, Robert William. The Balkans, Italy, and
the Adriatic. London, Nisbet, 1915, p. 79. Is. Brief study
of Adriatic question and of Italy's interests in the Balkans.

•Seton-Watson, Robert William. The Rise of Nationality
in the Balkans. London, Constable, 1917. 10s. 6d. Thorough
account by a leading authority.

Singleton, Esther. Turkey and the Balkan States as
Described by Great Writers. Dodd, 1908, p. xii, 336. $1.60.
Well selected compilation illustrating manners, customs,
and conditions.

Villari, Luigi, editor. The Balkan Question, the Present
Condition of the Balkans and of European Responsibilities,
by Various Writers, with Introduction by James Bryce.
Dutton, 1905, p. 362. $3. Distinguished writers of various
nationalities discuss, various aspects of problems and argue
for extension of international European control for imme^
diate relief of conditions.

Woods, Henry Charles. The Danger Zone of Europe,
Changes and Problems in the Near East. Boston, Little,
1911, p. 328. $3.50. Based on travel and research; discusses
several phases of Balkan affairs.

Woolf, Leonard Sidney. The Future of Constantinople.
Macmillan, 1917, p. 109. $1. Suggests control by inter-
national commission similar to Danube Commission of
which some account is given.

35. BALKAN WARS, 1912-13.

International Commission to Inquire into the Causes and
Conduct of the Balkan Wars. Report. Washington,
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1914, p. 413.
Report of an attempt to make thorough impartial study of
Balkan situation. Places blame on all Balkan peoples, but
finds Greeks rather more guilty of atrocities than Bul-
garians.

Rankin, Reginald. The Inner History of the Balkan War.
Dutton, 1914, p. x, 569. $5. After historical surveys of the
several countries of the Balkans, recounts causes and pro-
gress of the war with personal journalistic experiences.
Lengthy and pretentious.

•Schurman, Jacob Gould. The Balkan Wars, 1912-13.
Princeton, University Press, 1914, p. xv, 140. $1. Author
was American minister to Greece at the time. Clear con-
dse review of causes, events and results.

Sloane, William Milligan. The Balkans, a Laboratory of
History. Methodist Book Concern, 1914, p. viii, 322. $1.50.

Comprehensive but not always accurate account of the
Balkan wars and their antecedents.

Trapmann, A. H. The Greeks Triumphant. London,
Forster, Groom & Co., 1915, p. xi, 294. 7s. 6d. Accounts
of the two Balkan wars by correspondent of London Daily
Telegraph.

36. SERBIA, MONTENEGRO, SOUTHERN SLAVS.

*Jones, Fortier. With Serbia into Exile, an American's
Adventures with the Army that Can Not Die. Century,
1916, p. 447. $1.60. London Times calls it best personal
narrative of Serbian retreat. Author was student in Col-
umbia School of Journalism who engaged in Serbian relief
work.

Petrovic, Vojislav M. Serbia, her People, History, and
Aspirations. New York, Stokes, 1915, p. 280. $1.50.
Convenient, though not scrupulously accurate, outline of
Serbian history to 1914, with clear statement of national
aims; by Serbian diplomatist.

Reiss, Rodolphe Archibald. Report upon the Atrocities
Committed by the Austro-Hungarian Army during the First
Invasion of Serbia; English translation by F. S. Copeland.
London, Simpkin, 1916, p. 192. 5s. Report to Serbian gov-
ernment by Dr. Reiss of University of Lausanne on mate-
rials gathered in autumn of 1914.

Stead, Alfred, editor. Servia and the Servians. London,
Heinemann, 1909, p. 390. 12s. 6d. Useful compilation,
including economic data.

Taylor, A. H. E. The Future of the Southern Slavs.
Dodd, 1917. $3. Deals with Serbia and the Jugoslav ques-
tion; chapter on the Adriatic question takes sides with
Slavs against Italy.

"Temperley, Harold William Vazielle. History of Serbia.
Macmillan, 1917, p. x, 354. $4. Good account by competent
English historian. Unfortunately closes with 1910.

Trevor, Roy. Montenegro, a Land of Warriors. Mac-
millan, 1914, p. vii, 87. $.55. Avoids politics; describes
people and conditions.

Tucic, Srgjan PI. The Slav Nations; translated by Fanny
S. Copeland. Doran, 1915, p. viii, 192. $.50. Serbian writes
chapter on each Slav nation, descriptive of peoples. Hasty,
enthusiastic sketches.

Velimirovic, Nicolai. Serbia in Light and Darkness, with
a Preface by the Archbishop of Canterbury. Longmans, 1916,
p. xii, 147. $1.20. Based on addresses of a Serbian priest to
English audiences, voicing national spirit and portraying
national life; not a book of facts.

37. ALBANIA.

Durham, Mary Edith. The Straggle for Scutari, Turk,
Slav, and Albanian. Longmans, 1914, p. 332. $4. Also
includes discussion of international affairs in Balkans and
gives special attention to Albanians.

Peacock, Wadham. Albania, the Foundling State of
Europe. Appleton, 1914, p. 256. $2.50. Author spent some
time at Scutari in English consular service and admires
Albanians. Historical and descriptive account with some
discussion of problems.

38. GREECE.

Cassavetti, Demetrius John. Hellas and the Balkan
Wars; with an Introduction by W. Pember Reeves. Dodd,
1914, p. xv, 3HS. $3. Record of Greek history and aims for
last half century with special reference to causes and
Greek participation in Balkan wars of 1912-13. Carefully

V. SEI.KCTKI) BIHLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR.

121

done with citation of authorities. Patriotic and anti-Bul-
garian.

Garnett, Lucy Mary Jane. Greece of the Hellenes. Scrib-
ner, 1st 14, p. vii, 246. $1.50. Good descriptive work on
contemporary life and conditions.

Kerolilax, Dr. C. Eleftherio8 Venizelos, his Life and Work,
with an Introduction by M. Take Jonesco; translated by
Beatrice liarstow. Dutton, 1915, p. xvii, 1!I8. $1.25. Laud-
atory, popular account of career to early months of the
war. Introduction by former Romanian premier is best
part of book.

Price, W. H. Crawford. Venizelos and the War. London,
Simpkin, 1917. 2s. Athens correspondent of London Daily
Mail describes recent relations of Greece with the Allies
and with other Balkan states.

Venizelos, Eleutherios. Greece in her True Light, her
Position in the World-wide War as Expounded by EL K.
Veni/.elos, her Greatest Statesman, in a Series of Official
Documents, translated by S. A. Xanthaky, and N. G. Sakel-
larios. Sakellarios and Xanthaky, 1916, p. 288. $2. Sup-
plemented with an account of career of Venizelos.

39. OTTOMAN EMPIRE: THE TURKS.

Baker, B. Granville. The Passing of the Turkish Empire
In Europe. Philadelphia, Lippincott, 1913, p. 335. $3.50.
Author was in Constantinople during the first Balkan war,
but says little of it; mainly descriptive material which
throws some incidental light on political problems.

Cobb, Stanwood. The Real Turk. Boston, Pilgrim
Press, 1914, p. xv, 301. $1.50. Author lived three years in
Turkey under Young Turk rule and frankly endeavors to
present the good side of Turkish people.

Eliot, Sir Charles Norton Edgecumbe (Odysseus, pseud).
Turkey in Europe. Longmans, second edition, 1908, p. vil,
459. $2.50. Based on residence and travel especially from
1893 to 18ns, with additional chapters to 1907. Deals with
Balkan peoples in general, but with special reference to
Turks. Good historical and descriptive account. Furnishes
backfrround for understanding events of last decade. First
edition, pseudonymous, 1900.

Emin, Ahmed. The Development of Modern Turkey as
Measured by its Press. Longmans, 1914, p. 142. $1.50. A
Columbia University doctoral thesis on influence of the
press on reform movements in Turkey.

Eversley, George John Shaw-Lefevre, 1st Baron. The
Turkish Empire, its Growth and Decay. Dodd, 1917, p. 392.
$3. Earlier parts derived from familiar authorities, but
later sections record personal observations and use other
first-hand material. Good, popular account.

Jabotinsky, Vladimir. Turkey and the War. London,
Unwin, 1917. 6s. Discussion of the partition of Turkey, by
a Russian journalist.

Pears, Sir Edwin. Forty Years in Constantinople. Apple-
ton, 1915, p. xiii, 390. $5. Reminiscences of Englishman
long resident at Constantinople with special reference to
English diplomats; chapter on American Ambassador
Morpenthau and his services after outbreak of war.

'Pears, Sir Edwin. Turkey and its People. London,
Methnen, 1911; second edition, 1912, p. vi, 409. 12s. 6d.
Excellent historical and descriptive volume based on long
residence and extensive travel in Turkey.

Pears, Sir Edwin. Life of Abdul Harold. Holt, 1917, p.
x, 365. $2. Account of villainous acts and influences of
the former Sultan, by an authority of special competence
on Ottoman affairs.

Sykee, Sir Mark, Bart. The Caliph's Last Heritage, a
Short History of the Turkish Empire. Macmillan, 1916, p.
ix, 638. $6.25. Half of volume is a not very critical or
thorough historical account, but remainder of volume
records author's travels in Asiatic Turkey.

Whitman, Sidney. Turkish Memories. Scribner, 1914,
p. xi, 305. $2.25. Based on visits to European and Asiatic
Turkey between 1896 and 1908. Favorable portrayal of UM
Turk.

40. BULGARIA.

Fox, Frank. Bulgaria. London, Black, 1915, p. 216. 10s.
Historical and descriptive account by war correspondent.

Historicus, pseud. Bulgaria and her Neighbors. 1917.
By Bulgarian diplomat, presenting Bulgarian side of case;
moderate and candid.

Monroe, Will Seymour. Bulgaria and her People, with an
account of the Balkan wars, Macedonia, and the Macedonian
Bulgars. Boston, Page, 1914, p. xxi, 410. $3. Author wai
in Bulgaria during second Balkan war, but draws largely
from official reports and reference books. Considerable ac-
count of the two Balkan wars from Bulgarian point of
view.

41. ROMANIA.

Seton-Watson, Robert William. Roumania and the Great
War. London, Constable, 1915, p. 102. 2s. Sketch of peo-
ple, history, and policy, with special reference to Romanian
element in Transylvania and to reasons why Romania had
not entered the war.

42. POLAND.

Gibbons, Herbert Adams. The Reconstruction of Poland
and the Near East, Problems of Peace. Century, 1917. (1.
Written before Russian revolution. Reprinted from Cen-
tury Magazine. His formula of settlement is government
by consent of the governed. The local will and not the im-
perial interest of the great powers must be assured to safe-
guard small nations and prevent future war. Clear state-
ment of various problems with sufficient historical back-
ground.

Lewinski-Corwin, Edward Henry. Political History of
Poland. Polish Book Importing Co., 1917, p. xv, 628. $3.
Good survey of Polish history, well illustrated; most use-
ful for period since partition, including chapter on present
war. Some discussion of Poland's future.

•Orvis, Julia Swift. Brief History of Poland. Boston,
Houghton, 1916, p. xix, 359. $1.50. Good, readable account
of Polish history down to the present time; useful for the
historical background of the existing Polish problem.

Phillips, Walter Alison. Poland. Holt, 1916, p. vi, 25fl.
50 cents. Good brief sketch of Polish history and problem
by English believer in integrally restored Poland.

Poland's Case for Independence, being a Series of Essay*
Illustrating the Continuance of Her National Life. Dodd,
1916, p. 352. $3. Six papers collected by Polish Informa-
tion Committee on Polish history, culture, and problems la
strong nationalist strain.

43. RUSSIA: HISTORY.

Kornilov, Alexander. Modern Russian History, being
an Authoritative and Detailed History of Russia from the
Age of Catherine the Great to the Present; translated by
A. S. Kaun. Knopf, 1917, 2 vols., p. 310, 370. $5. Concerned
primarily with internal affairs, social and cultural develop-
ment prior to 1890. The translator adds supplementary
chapters to cover from that date to the third year of the

122

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

war. Only available account in English carrying Russian
history from the beginning of the nineteenth century into
the present war, which may be regarded as acceptable. By
Petrograd professor. Poor translation.

McCabe, Joseph. The Romance of the Romanoffs. Dodd,
1917, p. xiv, 390. $2. The seamy side of Russian autocracy
to the fall of Nicholas II, written in lively style.

•Mavor, James. An Economic History of Russia. Dut-
ton, 1914, 2 vols., p. xxxii, 614; xxii, 630. $10. Professor in
University of Toronto has written fullest and best account
In English. Second volume deals with revolutionary move-
ments and forces contributing thereto during nineteenth
century and down to 1907.

Novikova, Olga Aleksieevna. Russian Memories, with an
Introduction by Stephen Graham. Dutton, 1916, p. 310.
$3.50. Covers period from 1876 to 1916. The author played
a prominent international part in 1876-8, and was a sup-
porter of the old regime in Russia. Though including ma-
terials on recent years, the main interest attaches to the
earlier time.

Reeves, Francis Brewster. Russia Then and Now, 1892-
1917. Putnam, 1917, p. xiii, 186. $1.50. Author's personal
contribution is confined to service in 1892 on committee for
relief of famine sufferers. Material on Russia during the
war is mostly in appendix.

•Skrine, Francis Henry. The Expansion of Russia, 1815-
1900. Putnam, 1903, p. vii, 386. $1.50. Clear, well-balanced
narrative by retired Anglo-Indian civil servant; peculiarly
sympathetic for date of its writing.

Vassili, Count Paul, pseud. Behind the Veil at the Rus-
sian Court. Lane, 1914, p. 408. $4.50. Covers events from
Crimean war into reign of Nicholas II, by a member of
Russian diplomatic service. Much gossip, but rather more
historical value than usual in such books.

Wesselitsky, Gabriel de. Russia and Democracy, the
German Canker in Russia, with a Preface by Henry Oust.
Duffield, 1916, p. viii, 96. $.75. By London correspondent
of Novoe Vremya. Survey of Russian history, but with
purpose of proving Russians essentially democratic and that
autocracy is due to Germans who have controlled the gov-
ernment.

44. RUSSIA: ANTE-BELLUM DESCRIPTIONS.

•Alexinsky, Gregor. Modern Russia; translated by Ber-
nard Miall. Scribner, 1914, p. 361. $3.75. Not a revelation
of spirit and soul of Russia but mass of information on
economic and social conditions and problems since eman-
cipation of serfs, the organization of government, revolu-
tion of 1905-6, questions of nationality, religion, and liter-
ature. Lacks accurate historical scholarship and readable
style. Author former member of Duma, with liberal, per-
haps socialistic, tendencies.

Alexinsky, Gregor. Russia and Europe; translated from
the manuscript by Bernard Miall. Scribner, 1917, p. 352. $3.
Complementary to his Modern Russia. Deals with
material bonds between Russia and Europe, Russia's part
In European wars before 1914, Europeanization of the state
and other topics. Written on eve of March Revolution
which it forecasts. Wealth of facts; poor style.

•Alexinsky, Gregor. Russia and the Great War. Scribner,
1915, p. 357. $3. Survey of domestic and foreign affairs
from war with Japan to early months of present war. Im-
portant for conditions at opening of war and attitude
toward the war. Still useful if read with caution.

•Baring, Maurice. The Russian People. Doran, 1911, p.
858, $3.50. One of the best accounts for insight into con-

ditions and thoughts of the people shortly before the war.
A portion condensed and rewritten as The Mainsprings of
Russia (Nelson, 1!H5. $1).

Bechhofer, C. E. Russia at the Cross-roads, with an
Introduction by A. H. Murray. Dutton, 1916, p. viii, 201.
$2. By Anglicized Russian, with no thoroughness of knowl-
edge or depth of insight.

Bubnoff, J. V. The Co-operative Movement in Russia, its
History, Significance and Character. Fainberg, 1917, p.
162. $1.25. Good account of movement which has devel-
oped rapidly during past dozen years.

•Duff, James Duff, editor. Russian Idealities and Prob-
lems. Putnam, 1917, p. vi, 229. $2. Collection of six
lectures by Milyukov, Struve, Dmowski, Lappo-Danilevsky,
and Harold Williams. Informing and enlightening, though
written before overthrow of the Tsar.

Gorky, Maxim, pseud. (Alexei Maximovitch Pyeshkoff) ;
Andreieff, Leonid Nikolaevich; and Sologub, Feodor, pseud.
(Feodor Kuzmich Teternikov), editors. The Shield, with a
foreword by William English Walling; translated from the
Russian by A. Yarmolinsky. Knopf, 1917, p. xviii, 209. $1.25.
Collection of articles from various authors on Jewish prob-
lems in Russia. Original published by a non-Jewish Russian
society for the study of Jewish life.

Graham, Stephen. A Vagabond in the Caucasus, with
Some Notes ot his Experiences among the Russians. Lane,
1911, p. vii, 311. $1.50. Undiscovered Russia. Lane 1911,
p xvi, 337. $4. Changing Russia. Lane, 1913, p. ix, 309.
$2.50. A Tramp's Sketches. Macmillan, 1912, p. xiii, 339.
$1.60. Four volumes of which second and third are the most
important, based on walking tours in Russia, written with
insight, charm, and force. Much valuable description of con-
ditions and ideas, but not well arranged for the student.

Jarintzoff, N. Russia, the Country of Extremes. Holt,
1914, p. 372. $4. Published on eve of the war by Russian
woman resident in England. Interestingly written jumble
of facts, many of them not usually found in books on
Russia.

Raisin, Jacob Salmon. The Haskalah Movement in Russia.
Jewish Pub.. Co., 1914, p. 355. $1.50. Excellent account of
intellectual awakening of Jews in Russia in last half-
century.

Sarolea, Charles. Great Russia, her Achievement and
Promise. Knopf, 1916, p. ix, 252. $1.25. English title:
Europe's Debt to Russia. Author's chief competence for the
work is literary. First section, on geographical found-
ations of Russian politics is distinctly useful; second part
devoted to main theme reveals Russia as liberator of op-
pressed nationalities; third part, to literature; fourth part,
to typical Russian problems such as, Poland, Jews, and
revolutionary movements.

Vinogradoff, Sir Paul Gavrilovich. The Russian Problem.
Knopf, 1915, p. viii, 44. $.75. Two articles, Russia after
the War, and Russia, the Psychology of a Nation. Sanguine
views by eminent Russian historian and jurist, now pro-
fessor at Oxford. Self-Government in Russia. Dutton,
1916, p. 118. $1.25. Series of lectures giving optimistic
view of development of self-governing institutions and
capacity prior to 1916.

Walling, William English. Russia's Message; the People
against the Czar. Knopf, 1917, p. 245. $1.50. First edition,
1908. This reprint omits some material and has an intro-
duction which partly brings it up to date. By an Amer-
ican socialist who spent two years in Russia before writ-
ing the original text. Particularly interesting on economl*
matters.

V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR.

128

'Wiener, Leo. An Interpretation of 'he Russian People.
McBride, 1015, p. 248. $1.25. Author U native Russian,
now professor of Slavic at Harvard. Utilizes his scholarly
knowledge of Russia's past to judge Russia of the present.
One of most illuminating books on Russia.

•Williams, Harold \Vhitmore. Russia of the Russians.
Scribner, 1U14, p. ix, 430. $1.50. Not historical, but
descriptive on wide range of topics, best on culture, social
conditions, and political thought. By able correspondent
long resident in Russia. Best introductory account avail-
able.

Winter, Nevin Otto. The Russian Empire of Today and
Yesterday, the Country and its Peoples, together with a
Brief Review of its History, Past and Present, and a
Survey of its Social, Political and Economic Conditions.
Boston, Page, 1913, p. xvi, 487. $3. Lacks insight of Baring
or Williams, though giving wider range of facts.

45. RUSSIA: CONDITIONS IN WAR-TEME.
•Child, Richard Washburn. Potential Russia. Dutton,

1916, p. 221. $1.50. American writer visited Russia during
the war, describes conditions observed and discusses ques-
tions of Russia's part in the war. Partly reprinted mag-
azine articles. Dispassionate and illuminating.

Fraser, John Foster. Russia of Today. Funk, 1916, p.
viii, 296. $1.50. By English journalist, on conditions in war
time. Ephemeral.

Graham, Stephen. Russia and the World, a Study of the
War, and a Statement of the World-Problem that Now
Confronts Russia and Great Britain. Macmillan, 1915, p. ri,
305. $2. Attempt to interpret Russia and its conditions
immediately following outbreak of war, to English people,
as favorably as possible. Antiquated. Russia in 1916.
Macmillan, 1917, p. 191. $1.25. Similar record of Russian
tour made after two years of war.

Ruhl, Arthur Brown. White Nights and Other Russian
Impressions. Scribner, 1917, p. viii, 248. A correspon-
dent's sketches of scenes and conditions in war-time Russia.
Also description of Swedish and Norwegian attitudes
toward the war.

Russian Court Memoirs, 1914-1916, with Some Account of
Court, Social, and Political Life in Petrograd before and
since the War, by a Russian. Dutton, 1917, p. 315. $5.
Anonymous; aristocratic in sympathies; archaic since the
Revolution; light weight.

Simpson, James Young. The Self-discovery of Russia.
Doran, 1916. p, 227. $2. Seven articles by Edinburgh pro-
fessor on conditions and problems of Russia in war time.
Sympathetic; point of view, summer of 1915.

Wright, Richardson Little. The Russians, an Interpre-
tation. New York, Stokes, 1917, p. xii, 288. $1.50.
Written before the March revolution by a correspondent
of the New York World to interpret the Russians, their
tendencies and ideals to Americans. The Revolution makes
much of it a misinterpretation.

46. RUSSIA: REVOLUTION OF 1917.
Levine, Isaac Don. The Russian Revolution. Harper,

1917, p. 279. $1. By foreign news editor of New York
Tribune. Describes forces and conditions underlying the
revolutionary movement, the internal history of Russia
during the war, and the events of March, 1917.

Marcosson, Isaac Frederick. The Rebirth of Russia.
Lane, 1917, p. xvi, 208. $1.25. By American journalist who
visited Russia immediately after the March Revolution, of
which the larper part of the book is an account. Some
account of leading personages.

Souiny-Seydlitz, Leonie Ida Philipovna, Baroness. Russia
of Yesterday and Tomorrow. Century, 1917, p. 382. $2. By
wife of Russian baron. Two chapters refer to the Revo-
lution of March, 1917. Readable, trivial, lacks discriminat-
ing judgment.

47. AFRICA.

•Gibbons, Herbert Adams. The New Map of Africa, 1900-
1916, a History of European Colonial Expansion and Colo-
nial Diplomacy. Century, 1916, p. xiv, 503. $2. Contain*
sufficient preliminary matter to make clear event* since the
Boer war; includes first two years of Great War. Careful
and impartial. For earlier history best brief account i*
Sir H. H. Johnston's Colonization of Africa (Putnam).

Lewin, Percy Evans. The Germans and Africa, with an
Introduction by the Right Hon. Earl Grey. New York,
Stokes, 1915, p. 317. $3.60. Excellent account, by Librarian
of the Royal (English) Colonial Institute, of German colo-
nization, with special reference to each of their four African
colonies.

48. JEWS, ZIONISM, PALESTINE.

Goodman, Paul, and Lewis, Arthur D., editors. Zionism,
Problems and Views. Bloch, 1917, p. 286. $1.50. Twenty-
three papers by Anglo- Jewish writers. Some discussion of
capability of Jews for national life, and account of what
they have done in Palestine.

Hyamson, Albert Montefiore. Palestine, the Rebirth of
an Ancient People. Knopf, 1917, p. xiv, 299. $1.50. After
brief historical survey, describes present-day conditions,
with some notice of war-time conditions and of Zionist
movement.

Kohler, Max James, and Wolf, Simon. Jewish Disabili-
ties in the Balkan States. American Jewish Historical So-
ciety, 1917, p. 169. $1.50. Relates largely to Romania.
Careful collection of facts. Deals with American action in
diplomatic ways in behalf of Jewish rights and indicates
application and effect of the policy in settling future peace.

Sacher, Harry, editor. Zionism and the Jewish Future.
Macmillan, 1917, p. viii, 252. $1. Chapters contributed by
Zionists from many countries and arranged by an English
journalist. Good account of present status of Zionist move-
ment for propaganda purposes.

49. THE ARMENIANS.

Bryce, James Bryce, Viscount. Treatment of Armenian!
in the Ottoman Empire, 1915-1916; Documents presented
to Viscount Grey. Putnam, 1917, p. 726. $1. Sources cited
include American consuls and missionaries, German travel-
lers and missionaries, Danish Red Cross Workers, SwiM
visitors, native teachers, pastors and other religious leaden.
British Blue-book mainly compiled by A. J. Toynbee.

Buxton, Noel, and Buxton, Harold. Travel and Politic*
in Armenia, with an Introduction by Viscount Bryce, and a
Contribution on Armenian History and Culture by Aram
Raffi. Macmillan, 1914, p. xx, 274. $1.50. Because of mas-
sacres by Turks, Russia should be permitted to occupy
Armenian vilayets of Asiatic Turkey.

Gibbons, Helen Davenport (Brown) (Mrs. Herbert Adam*
Gibbons). Red Rugs of Tarsus, A Woman's Record of the
Armenian Massacre of 1909. Century, 1917, p. xiv, 194.
$1.25. Personal experiences and observations.

•Gibbons, Herbert Adams. The Blackest Page of Modern
History. Putnam, 1916, p. 71. $.75. Vigorous indictment
of Turks for Armenian massacres of 1915, for which care-
fully sifted testimony is adduced. Ultimate blame attrib-
uted to Germany.

Toynbee, Arnold Joseph. The Armenian Atrocities,
the Murder of a Nation, with a Speech Delivered by Lord

12-t

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

Bryce in the House of Lords. Doran, 1916, p. 119. $.25.
Concise but conclusive presentation of evidence for general
reader baaed on the Blue-book cited above under Bryce.

50. PERSIA AND THE MIDDLE EAST.

Chirol, Sir Valentine. The Middle Eastern Question, or
Some Political Problems of Indian Defence. Dutton, 1903,
p. xiv, 612. by London Times correspondent who traveled
through Persia in 11)02-3. Able discussion of political prob-
lems of Persia, Afghanistan, Bagdad Railway, etc., written
before Anglo- Russian agreement concerning Persia. Though
out of date, still useful in lack of later works.

Shuster, William Morgan. The Strangling of Persia,
Story of the European Diplomacy and Oriental Intrigue
that Resulted in the Denationalization of Twelve Million
Mohammedans, a Personal Narrative. Century, 1912, p.
Ixiii, 423. $2.50. American who was temporarily treasurer-
general of Persia records effects of Anglo-Russian agreement
on Persia.

Sykes, Percy Molesworth. A History of Persia. Mac-
millan, 1915, 2 vols., p. xxvi, 544; xxii, 565. $15. Second
volume covers from 641 to 1906. Excellent, scholarly, im-
partial.

Yohannan, Abraham. The Death of a Nation, or the
Ever Persecuted Nestorians or Assyrian Christians. Put-
nam, 1916, p. xx, 170. $2. First part gives history of Nes-
torian church; second part describes the tragic fate of the
Nestorians in the war.

51. FAR EAST, CHINA, JAPAN.

•Bashford, James Whitford. China, an Interpretation.
Abingdon Press, 1916, 2d ed., 1916, p. 620. $2.50. Methodist
Episcopal bishop stationed in China gives excellent account
of events of last ten years to death of Yuan Shi Kai, and
describes with accuracy and insight conditions and prob-
lems. Valuable appendixes.

•Douglas, Sir Robert Kennaway. Europe and the Far
East, 1506-1912, second edition with chapter continuing
from 1904 to 1912 by J. H. Longford. Putnam, 1913, p. vii,
487. $2. Best account of Far Eastern history in a single
volume, with special reference to nineteenth century. Em-
phasizes China rather than Japan; gives some space to
Indo-China. Belittles Americans and every other national-
ity except English.

•Hornbeck, Stanley Kuhl. Contemporary Politics in the
Far East. Appleton, 1916, p. xii, 466. $3. Only compre-
hensive volume on foreign and domestic politics of Japan
and China since 1894. Sympathy with China rather than
Japan. Special attention to American interests in Far
East, and some account of events during first two years of
the war.

Jones, Jefferson. The Fall of Tsingtau, a Study of
Japan's Ambitions in China. Boston, Houghton, 1915, p.
xvii, 215. $1.75. Account of Japan's capture of Kiao Chao
from Germans, and of Japan's consequent relations with
China, by American journalist who witnessed the siege.
Disapproves Japan's designs on China, which he regards as
unfriendly to United States.

Latourette, Kenneth Scott. The Development of China.
Boston, Houghton, 1917, p. xi, 274. $1.75. Excellent
sketch, by a young American scholar who lias lived for a
time in China, of Chinese history, with special reference to
recent events and contemporary problems.

•Millard. Thomas Franklin Fairfax. Our Eastern Ques-
tion, America's Contact with the Orient and the Trend of

Relations with China and Japan. Century, 1916. $3. For-
merly editor of China Press, now of Millard's Review
(Shanghai) ; author speaks with full knowledge on events
since 1910. Appendixes contain all important documents.
Author seems strongly prejudiced against Japan.

•Okuma, Count Shigenobu, editor. Fifty Years of New
Japan, English Version Edited by Marcus B. Huish. Dut-
ton, second edition, 1910, 2 vols. $7.50. Originally written
to cover 1854 to 1904, there was little revision to bring
matter up to date. Fifty-six chapters on wide range of
topics by many authors, translated in Japan by many
hands. Uneven in character and style, with some omis-
sions, but generally comprehensive, and quite accurate and
authoritative.

Parker, Edward Harper. China, Her History, Diplomacy,
and Commerce from the Earliest Times to the Present Day.
Dutton, 1917. $2.50. Revised and enlarged edition of work
published in 1901 by professor in University of Manchester,
who had been in consular service in China. Added chapters
on recent events. Good.

Perry-Ayscough, Henry George Charles, and Otter-Barry,
Robert Bruere. With the Russians in Mongolia, with a
Preface by Sir Claude Macdonald. Lane, 1914, p. xxii, 344.
$4.50. Captain Otter-Barry visited Mongolia shortly before
the Chinese, Revolution ended Chinese rule, and Mr. Perry-
Ayscough spent time there after Russians had taken con-
trol. Wealth of facts, many documents; complete into 1914.

Porter, Robert Percival. Japan the New World Power,
being a Detailed Account of the Progress and Rise of the
Japanese Empire. Oxford Press, 1915, p. xxiv, 789. $2.50.
First edition, The Full Recognition of Japan, 1911. Only
twelve-page introduction as evidence of revision in second
edition. Written to justify the Anglo-Japanese alliance
and to show Japan's fitness to rank as a world power. De-
scriptive parts good, historical sections scant.

*Weale, Bertram Lenox Putnam (pseud. Bertram Lenox
Simpson). The Fight for the Republic in China. Dodd,
1917, p. xiii, 490. $3.50. Excellent account of events from
1911 to 1917 by an observer long familiar with the Far
East: Appendixes contain the important documents.

52. JAPANESE-AMERICAN RELATIONS.

Abbott, James Francis. Japanese Expansion and Ameri-
can Policies. Macmillan, 1916, p. viii, 267. $1.50. The
author, for some time teacher in Japan, believes war with
America would be national suicide for Japan, but that
United States should recognize Japan's aspirations in the
Orient.

*Blakeslee, George Hubbard, editor. Japan and Japanese-
American Relations, Clark University Addresses. Stechert,
1912, p. xi, 348. $2.50. Contains addresses by twenty-one
Americans and seven Japanese in 1911. Competent authori-
ties treat every important topic.

Flowers, Montaville. The Japanese Conquest of Ameri-
can Opinion. Doran, 1917, p. xvi, 272. $1.50. Suspects
and denounces Japanese peaceful penetration of the United
States. Intended as antidote for writings of Ouliok and
others. Neither competent in content nor commendable In
tone. " Rich in fallacies."

Gulick, Sidney Lewis. The American Japanese Problem,
a Study of the Racial Relations of the East and the West.
Scribner, 1!)14, p. x. 349. $1.75. American long resident In
Japan discusses problems and suggests new American
Oriental policy to avoid discrimination against China and
Japan. Appendixes crammed with information. Good
bibliography.

V. SKi.K(TKI) BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR.

125

Kaualuiini. KiyoKhi Karl. Japan in Umld Politics.
Marniilliin. Mil". p xxvii, 230. #1 .>" Mainly reprint of
IIIHJ/M/-IIII' HI tide- discussing Japanc-e Vinerican relations
with |iiii|i<i !• ut promoting more friendly relut ions.

Mr( 'orinick. Frederick. The Menace ,.t Japan. Boston,
Little. IIM7. p. vi. 372. $2. Discussion of Cnited States and
Far Kastein relations during part (ln/en tears by a corre-
Bpondent with long service in the Kar Kast Intensely anti-
Japane-e. "A hook which no thoughtful reader could for
a moment take seriously."

Masaoka, Naoichi, editor. Japan to America, a Sym-
posium of Paper*, by Political Ix-ader- and Representative
Citi'.ni- ut .liipan on Conditions in Japan and on tlie Re-
lation* between Japan and the Unite<l States. Putnam,
1015. p xii. 235. $1.25. With companion volume of much
less value. America to Japan, issued by Japanese Society
of America to promote better iimler-tjimlint: between the
two countries. Thirty Japanese authorities treat as many
topics Betting forth Japan's development and aims.

"Xlillis, Harry Alvin. The Japanese Problem in the
United States, an Investigation for me Commission on
Relations « it h Japan Appointed by the Federal Council of
the Churches of Christ in America. Macmillan, 1915, p.
xxi, 334. $1.50. Raxed on report of commission, with other
materials and personal views. Deals with Japanese im-
migration to United States and treatment and status of
Japanese in United States. Friendly to Japan; by writer
with long experience with problem in Immigration Bureau.
Authoritative and commendable.

•Scherer, .lames Augustin Brown. The Japanese Crisis.
New York. Stokes, 1916, p. 148. 75 cents. President of
Throop Institute, California, formerly resident in Japan,
di-cusses race issue, hoping to promote " a just balance of
view." Footnotes with references to authorities.

Steiner, Jesse Frederick. The Japanese Invasion, a
Study in the Psychology of Inter-racial Contacts. Chicago,
McClurg, 1917, p. xvii, 231. $1.25. A study of Japanese-
American relations as psychological problems of race-
prejudice and of national egotism. Covers most of ques-
tions at issue. Author taught in Japan for seven years.

53. UNITED STATES: HISTORY, IDEALS, INTER-
NATIONAL RELATIONS.

Bassett, John Spencer. A Short History of the United
States. Macmillan, 1913, p. xv, 885. $2.50. Best single
volume American history which covers from the discovery
nearly up to date.

•Coolidge, Archibald Cary. The United States as a World
Power. Macmillan, 1908, p. vii, 385. $2. Prepared as
course of exchange lectures at the Sorbonne, by Harvard
professor of history. Explains problems and international
relations of United States as developed in decade following
Spanish war. Time has added new facts, but has required
surprisingly little alteration in general view, so general
reader will still find it best presentation of American inter-
national problems in single volume.

"Fish, Carl Russell. American Diplomacy. Holt, 1917,
p. 541. $2.75. Clear, comprehensive narrative complete to
beginning of 1915. Excellent maps. Scholarly; better for
average reader than fuller work by Johnson.

Fish. Carl Russell. The Development of American Na-
tionality. American Book Co., 1913, p. xxxix, 535 $2.25.
Scholarly, readable survey of American history, 1783-1912.

Foer«ter, Norman, and Pierson, William \Vhatley. editors.
American Ideals. Boston, Houghton, 1917, p. vi, 328. $1.25.
Collection mainly from writings and speeches of American

statesmen, supplemented with some other items. Arranged
by topirs

Hart, Albert Bushnell. The Monroe Doctrine, an Inter-
pretation. Boston, Little, 1916, p. xiv, 445. $1.75. Good
comprelien-ive, up to date account, though his interpre-
tation will not command universal acceptance.

Johnson. Willis Fletcher. America's Foreign Relation*.
Century, 1916, 2 vols., p. xii, 551; vii, 485. $tf. Thorough,
readable, generally accurate account for general reader, but
lacking in scholarly method and discriminating judgment.

•.Mines, Chester Lloyd. The Caribbean Interests of the
United States. Appleton, 1916, p. viii, 379. $2.50. Does
not reveal intimate acquaintance with the region or
thorough research into problems concerning it; but gen-
erally trustworthy, and commendable for directing atten-
tion to problems of vital significance to United States.

•Mahan. Alfred Thayer. The Interest of America in
International Conditions. Boston, Little, 1910, p. 212.
$1.50. Almost everything Admiral Mahan wrote has its
lessons for America in the present war, but this volume
dealt with the immediate problems and anticipated to re-
markable degree • actual developments of the war. Dis-
cusses international situation with reference to naval pre-
paredness.

Moore, John Bassett. The Principles of American Dip-
lomacy. Harper, 1918, p. 476. $2. Revision of his Amer-
ican Diplomacy. Best book on subject by ablest American
authority; for student rather than general reader.

Ogg, Frederic Austin. National Progress, 1907-1917,
(American Nation series, vol. 27). Harper, 1918. p. 430. $2
Convenient narrative of domestic and foreign affairs,
mainly internal politics and relation to the war.

*Paxson, Frederic Logan. The New Nation. Boston,
Houghton, 1915, p. 342. $1.25. Fourth volume of The
Riverside History of the United States, covering 1865-1914.
Best survey of period.

Roosevelt, Theodore. The New Nationalism, with an
Introduction by Ernest Hamlin Abbott. Outlook Co., 1910,
p. xxi, 2(18. $1.50. Collection of addresses and article*
which contain much of his political philosophy and ideal*.
Should be read with President Wilson's The New Fredom
for some comprehension of American political ideals on eve
of the war.

Weyl, Walter Edward. American World Policies. Mac-
millan. 1917, p. 307. $2.25. Discussion of whether Amer-
ican isolation shall give place to nationalistic imperialism
or to internationalism. Economic interests are given full
— perhaps too full— consideration. Marred by publication
on eve of American declaration of war; somewhat rem-
edied in second printing.

Wilson, Woodrow. Division and Reunion, 1829-1909.
Longmans. 1909. p. xx, 389. $1.25. Third volume of Epochs
of American History series. First published in 1893, has
passed through many editions. Professor Edward 8. Cor-
win has furnished the portion for the period since 1889 at
which date work originally closed.

Wilson, Woodrow. The New Freedom, a Call for the
Emancipation of the Generous Energies of a People. Gar-
den City, N. Y.. Doubleday, 1913. p. viii, 294. $1. Com-
piled oy W B. Hale from stenographic reports of cam-
paign speeches. Sets forth his interpretation of American
political life and ideals.

54. UNITED STATES: PREPAREDNESS.
Chittenden. Hiram Martin. War or Peace, a Present
Duty and a Future Hope. Chicago, McClurg, 1911, p. 273,

126

COLLECTED. MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

fl. After some discussion of evil of war and desirability
of peace, this retired brigadier general argues for larger
navy, larger standing army, and fortification of Panama
Canal as necessary policies for United States.

Dickson, Harris. Unpopular History of the United States
by Uncle Sam Himself, as Recorded in Uncle Sam's own
Words. New York, Stokes, 1917, p. xiv, 162. $.75. A
preparedness argument, largely abstracted from Upton's
" Military Policy of the United States."

'Greene, Francis Vinton. Present Military Situation of
the United States. Scribner, 1915, p. 102. $.75. Able
brief argument " to persuade the citizens, the voters, . . .
to give calm but thoughtful consideration to this question
of adequate national defense," by an American general.

Howe, Lucien. Universal Military Education and Ser-
vice; the Swiss System for the United States. Putnam,
first edition, 1916; second edition with appendix, 1917, p.
iv, 147. $1.25. Description of Swiss and Australian sys-
tems with arguments in favor of similar system for United
States.

*Huidekoper, Frederic Louis. The Military Unprepared-
ness of the United States, a History of the American Land
Forces from Colonial Times until June 1, 1915. Macmillan,
1915, p. xvi, 735. $4. To close of 1862, an avowed
abridgment of Upton, after that based on original re-
searches; carefully done with full references to authorities.
Strong argument from past experience for different pro-
cedure in future. Many of his suggestions have been fol-
lowed by present administration, notably conscription.

Johnston, Robert Matteson. Arms and the Race, the
Foundations of Army Reform. Century, 1915, p. 219. $1.
Able military historian presents arguments for reform and
enlargement of American army.

Kuenzli, Frederick Arnold. Right and Duty, or Citizen
and Soldier; Switzerland Prepared and at Peace, a Model
for the United States. Stechert, 1916, p. 225. $1. Excel-
lent account of Swiss military system, which is advocated
for American adoption, by a Swiss-American.

Marcosson, Isaac Frederick. Leonard Wood, Prophet of
Preparedness. Lane, 1917, p. 92. $.75. Laudatory sketch
of General Wood's career, reprinted from Everybody's
Magazine, March, 1917.

Maxim, Hudson. Defenceless America. Hearst, 1915, p.
xxiii, 318. $2. The inventor-author has compiled a miscel-
laneous mass of facts which he wields vigorously as argu-
ments for preparedness; best on technical matters.

Roosevelt, Theodore. America and the World War. Scrib-
ner, 1915, p. xv, 277. $.75. Fear God and take Your Own
Part. Doran, 1916, p. 414. $1.50. The Foes of Our Own
Household. Doran, 1917, p. xii, 347. $1.50. Three volumes
of collected addresses and articles of occasional character,
presenting robust, often aggressive views, of duties of
American citizenship and of United States in relation to
the war. Wholesome arguments for preparedness are
marred by statements of militaristic or chauvinistic sort
and by criticisms of President Wilson and his policies
which are not always just.

Upton, Emory. The Military Policy of the United
States. Washington, Supt. of Docs., 1904; fourth impres-
sion, 1912, p. xxiii, 495. $.65. Thorough study of national
military policy to close of 1862, which reveals weaknesses of
policy in past. Incomplete work published after author's
death, edited by J. P. Sanger. Basis on which practically
«11 preparedness books are constructed.

Van Zile, Edward Sims. The Game of Empires, *

Warning to America; with Prefatory Note by Theodore
Roosevelt. Moffat, 1915, p. 302. $1.25. After three hun-
dred pages of flippant or cynical comment on war in gen-
eral and this war in particular, writer turns suddenly to
advocate preparedness. The one Rooseveltian page states
real point of book with pith.

Wheeler, Howard Duryee. Are We Ready? With a Letter
by Major General Leonard Wood. Boston, Houghton, 1915,
p xvii, 227. $1.50. Fictitious account of attack on New
York rendered vivid actual unpreparedness of United
States. Compare the " movie " play, " The Battle Cry of
Peace."

Wise, Jennings Cropper. Empire and Armament, the
Evolution of American Imperialism and the Problem of
National Defense. Putnam, 1915, p. xii, 353. $1.50. Former
professor of political science and international law at
Virginia Military Institute discusses American imperialism
prior to Civil War, condemns more recent imperialism, and
considers defense problems.

Wise, Jennings Cropper. The Call of the Republic. Dut-
ton, 1917, p. x, 141. $1. A plea for universal military
service, with some historical considerations.

Wood, Eric Fisher. The Writing on the Wall, the Nation
on Trial. Century, 1916, p. ix, 208. $1. By author of
Note-book of an Attache, who was in Europe at outbreak
of war; clear, intelligent, vigorous argument for pre-
paredness.

"Wood, Leonard. The Military Obligation of Citizen-
ship. Princeton, University Press, 1915, p. vii, 76. $.75.
Our Military History, its Facts and Fallacies. Chicago,
Reilly, 1916, p. 240. $1. Historical portions drawn from
Upton and Huidekoper. General Wood has given best
brief presentation of historical argument for preparedness
in the second, and admirable appeal on duties of citizen-
ship in national defense in the first.

55. UNITED STATES: GERMAN INTRIGUE.

Alphaud, Gabriel. L'Action Allemande aux fitats-Unts,
de la Mission Dernburg aux Incidents Dumba, 2 Aout,
1914,— 25 Septembre, 1915; Preface de M. Ernest Lavisse.
Paris, Payot, 1915, p. xvi, 498. 5 francs. Les Etats-Unig
centre 1'Allemagne, du Rappel de Dumba ft la Declaration
de Guerre, 25 Septembre, 1915 — 4 Avril, 1917. Paris, Payot,
1917, p. 343. 5 francs. These works have unfortunately not
been translated. They cover whole field of German intrigue
in America and relations between United States and Ger-
many, with abundant documents, and form best account
yet available. By correspondent of the Matin.

Jones, John Price. America Entangled (Title, English
edition: The German Spy in America). Laut, 1917, p. xii,
224. $.50. Account of German spy system in America by
member of staff of New York Sun. Careful array of evi-
dence, generally dispassionate style.

Skaggs, William Henry. The German Conspiracies In
America, from an American Point of View, by an Amer-
ican, with an Introduction by Theodore Andrea Cook.
London, Unwin, 1915, p. xxviii, 332. 5s. Deals with first
year of war, discussing immigation, propaganda, espionage,
malicious interference in commercial and industrial affairs,
diplomatic activity, etc. Strongly anti-German compilation.

Wile, Frederic William. The German-American Plot, the
Record of a Great Failure, the Campaign to Capture the
Sympathy and Support of the United States. " London,
Pearson, 1915, p. 123. Is. Strongly anti-German English
pamphlet.

V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR.

127

56. GERMAN-AMERICANS: PRO-GERMAN VIEWS AND

PROPAGANDA.

Burgess, John William. The European War of 1914, Us
Causes, Purposes, and Probable Results. Chicago, McClurg,
1915, p. 20!). $1. America's Relations to the Great War.
Chicago, McClurg, 11)16, p. 209. $1. Author, who is emer-
itus professor at Columbia University, is eminent author-
ity on political science and foremost American to espouse
actively German cause during first two years of war.
Assumes German attitude of mind, blames Allies, espec-
ially England, and emphasizes American grievances against
England.

Cronau, Rudolf. German Achievements in America. New
York, 340 E. 198th St., 1916, p. 233. $1. Brief survey of
history of German element in America to refute " unwar-
ranted insinuations questioning the loyalty of the German-
Americans toward the land of their adoption."

Dernburg, Bernhard. Germany and the War, Not a
Defense but an Explanation (p. 24). The Case of Belgium
in the Light of Official Reports Found in the Secret
Archives of the Belgian Government after the Occupation
of Brussels, with Facsimiles of the Documents (p. 16).
Search-lights on the War, Germany and England — the Real
Issue, England's Share of Guilt— a Critical Analysis of the
English White Book, Germany and the Powers, the Ties
that Bind America and Germany, Germany's Food Supply,
When Germany Wins (p. 62). Fatherland Corporation, 1915,
each $.10. Three pamphlets by former head of German
propaganda in United States to influence American opinion.

Faust, Albert Bernbardt. The German Element in the
United States, with Special Reference to its Political,
Moral, Social, and Educational Influence. Boston, Hough-
ton, 1909, 2 vols., p. xxvi, 691; xvi, 605. $7.50. Mont
thorough and careful study of German element in United
States, showing fully its numbers, activities, and influence
in American history. A scholarly work by native Amer-
ican; reference to chapter on political influence shows free-
dom from sinister bias.

Francke, Kuno. The German Spirit. Holt, 1916, p. vt,
132. $1. In three papers of occasional origin, professor of
German at Harvard, with keen insight, discriminating judg-
ment, and genial temper, seeks to interpret German char-
acter and ideals favorably to Americans.

Hale, William Bayard. American Rights and British
Pretensions on the Seas; the Facts and the Documents,
Official and Other, Bearing upon the Present Attitude of
Great Britain toward the Commerce of the United States.
McBride, 1915, p. 172. $1.50. Compilation to turn Amer-
ican opinion against England and divert it from hostility
to Germany. Relates to detentions, seizures, interference
with maiK etc.

Mtlnsterberg, Hugo. The War and America (1914, p.
210). The Peace and America (1915, p. 276). Tomorrow,
Letters to a Friend in Germany (1916, p. 275). Appleton,
each $1. Three books made up, in part at least, of occa-
sional papers, but possessing a distinct unity in method
and purpose. The late Professor at Harvard appealed
cleverly and ingratiatingly to American opinion to win it
to more favorable attitude to Germany. Avoids incon-
venient topics and glosses over difficulties in subtle man-
ner. First two are largely out of date, but third remains
an able presentation of German views on fundamental
questions of principle and policy.

The Truth about Germany, Facts about the War. Baker,
1914, p. 86. $.25. Controversial pamphlet issued soon after
outbreak of war by influential German committee, and
widely distributed in United States and other countries.
See refutation by Sladen.

67. UNITED STATES: RELATIONS AND ATTITUDE TO

THE WAR, 1914-17.

Angell, Norman (pseud, of Ralph Norman Angell Lane).
The World's Highway, Some Notes on America's Relation
to Sea Power and Non-Military Sanctions for the Law of
Nations. Doran, 1915, p. zvi, 361. $1.50. America and the
New World-State, a Plea for American Leadership in In-
ternational Organization. Putnam, 1915, p. z, 305. $1.25.
The Danger of Half-Preparedness, a Plea for a Declaration
of American Policy. Putnam, 1916, p. 129. $.50. Native
of England, but naturalized American, author defends Eng-
land's sea power as against German militarism; urges
necessity of crushing militarism, need of modification of in-
ternational law, and that United States should lead in
forming international union. Author formerly prominent
pacifist.

Baldwin, James Mark. American Neutrality, its Cause
and Cure. Putnam, 1916, p. 138. $.75. The Super-State
and the Eternal Values. Oxford Press, 191', p. 38. $.50.
Two pamphlets by former American professor, " a loyal
American citizen," who lectured in Paris in 1915 condemn-
ing American neutrality.

'Blakeslee, George Hubbard, editor. The Problems and
Lessons of the War; Clark University Addresses, December
16, 17, and 18, 1915. Putnam, 1916, p. xlvi, 381. $2.
Lectures by competent exponents of various views on the
war and its problems, which form a useful record of diver-
gencies of American opinion at that time.

Gleason, Arthur Huntington. Our Part in the Great War.
New York, Stokes, 1917, p. 338. $1.35. Written before
United States entered wa.r Deals with American relief
work in France, with American neutrality, observations in
Belgium and France, and gives extracts from German war
diaries. Says commercialism and immigration held the
United States back from entering the war.

Gould, Benjamin Apthorp. War Thoughts of an Optimist,
a Collection of Timely Articles by an American Citizen
Residing in Canada. Dutton, 1915, p. vii, 200. $1. The
Greater Tragedy and Other Things. Putnam, 1916, p. vlil,
189. $1. Two volumes of occasional articles reflecting
pro-Ally and anti- Wilson attitude.

Johnson, Douglas Wilson. My German Correspondence,
concerning Germany's Responsibility for the War and for
the Method of its Conduct, being a Letter from a German
Professor together with a Reply and a Foreword. Doran,
1917, p. 97. $.50. The Peril of Prussianism. Putnam,
1917, p. vii, 53. $.75. The latter is the substance of an
address on mutual antagonism of American and Prussian
political ideals, by a Columbia professor.

•Johnson, Willis Fletcher. America and the Great War
for Humanity and Freedom. Philadelphia, Winston, 1917,
p 352. $1.50. Collection of good newspaper articles sum-
marizing causes and progress of the war and relation to it
of United States. Useful summary volume for American
general reader.

Lodge, Henry Cabot. War Addresses, 1915-1917. Boston,
Houghton, 1917, p. viii, 303. $2.50. Miscellaneous sena-
torial and public addresses from January, 1915, to April,
1917. Earlier addresses include questions of neutral rights
and national defence; later addresses are related to events
in four months preceding American declaration of war.
Senator Lodge is spokesman of Republican views in Senate
regarding President Wilson's policies.

Martin, Edward Sanford. The Diary of a Nation, the
War and How We Got Into It. Garden City, Doubleday,
1917, p. xii, 407. $1.50. Reprint of editorials from Life
from the outbreak of the war to the entrance of the United

128

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

States into it, forming a record, by current comment, of a
reaction to the war which was common to a considerable
section of the American people.

Okie, Howard Pitcher. America and the German Peril.
London, Heinemann, 1915, p. 198. 2s. 6d. Collection of
articles of which only last relates directly to United States.

"Rogers, Lindsay. America's Case Against Germany.
Dutton, 1917, p. xiv, 264. $1.50. Good, narrative account of
the submarine controversy in clear popular form to assure
the general public that the case of the United States In
International law, as well as in ethics, is sound.

** Scott, James Brown. A Survey of International Rela-
tions between the United States and Germany, August 1,
1914-April 6, 1917. Based on Official Documents. Oxford
Press, 1917, p. cxiv, 390. Introduction includes quotations
showing German theories of the state, of international
pclicy, and of international law, and other material. Com-
prehensive and thorough account by eminent American
authority on international law. Supplementary volumes
are announced to contain the diplomatic correspondence
between United States and Germany for the period, and
the Messages, Addresses and Papers of President Wilson
on Foreign Policy.

Sixty American Opinions on the War. London, Unwin,
1915, p. 165. Is. Collection of expressions of war views by
sixty leading Americans.

Thayer, William Roscoe. Germany vs. Civilization,
Notes on the Atrocious War. Boston, Houghton, 1916, p.
vi, 238. $1. Condemnation of German ideals and policies,
based on wide knowledge of German history and thought;
written with crusading zeal against Germany, with climax
in chapter on the Plot to Germanize America.

Van Dyke, Henry. Fighting for Peace. Scribner, 1917,
p. 247. $1.25. Personal observations and views on the war
based on service as minister at The Hague.

Whitridge, Frederick Wallingford. One American's
Opinion of the European War, an Answer to Germany's
Appeals. Dutton, 1914, p. xi, 79. $.50. Vigorous state-
ment of attitude against Germany by leading New York
business man.

68. UNITED STATES: PARTICIPANT IN THE WAR.

Beith, John Hay (peud. Ian Hay). Getting Together
(p. 91). The Oppressed English. Garden City, Doubleday,
1917, each $.50. Two pamphlets to explain England and its
problems to Americans and to promote sympathy between
the two nations.

•Bullard, Arthur. Mobilizing America. Macmillan, 1917,
p. 129. $.50. Published at the moment of the entry of the
United States into the war " to show how the experience
of other democracies can teach us the way to do it (fight)
efficiently." Based on observations in England and France
during the war, and endorsed by other competent observers.
Has chapters on mobilizing public opinion, men, and in-
dustry, and sets forth a program.

Halsey, Francis Whiting, editor. Balfour, Viviani, and
JofTre, their Speeches and other Public Utterances in
America. Funk, 1917, p. v, 369. $1.50. Also contains some
narrative material.

•Harris H. Wilson. President Wilson, his Problems and
his Policy from an English Point of View. New York,
Stokes, 1017, p. 278. $1.75. Good, dispassionate account of
tlir President's earlier life and of his first administration,
written with unusual understanding of American affairs.

Herron, George Davis. Woodrow Wilson and the World's
Peace. Kennerley, 1917, p. viii, 173. $1.25. Six articles

addressed to European readers in su[ port of President
Wilson's policy and against a premature peace, during
early months of 1917.

Marcosson, Isaac Frederick. The War after the War.
Lane, 1917, p. 272. $1.25. Exposes American unprepared-
ness for the trade rivalry that will iollow the war and
urges financial and commercial reorganization to meet the
test. Includes character sketches of Lloyd George and W.
M. Hughes, premier of Australia.

O'Brien, Charles. Food Preparedness for the United
States. Boston, Little, 1917, p. xi, 118. $.60. Based on
first-hand study of German methods in autumn of I'.ilti, but
with some account of the procedure of other countries.

Powell, E. Alexander. Brothers in Arms. Boston, Hough-
ton, 1917, p. 62. $.50. Published by an American corre-
spondent, at time of visit of Joffre-Viviani mission, to im-
part to Americans his admiration for the French soldier.

Robinson, Edgar E., and West, Victor J. The Foreign
Policy of Woodrow Wilson, 1913-1917. Maemillan, 1917, p.
428. $1.75. An introductory essay of 150 pages on the de-
velopment of policy to entrance into the war, with chrono-
logical table and 230 pages of extracts from addresses and
state papers.

Wilson, Woodrow. Why We Are at War. Harper, 1917.
$.50. Collection of addresses connected with declaration
of war by United States.

Wilson, Woodrow. President Wilson's Great Speeches
and Other History Making Documents. Chicago, Stanton,
1917. $1. Collection similar to preceding.

59. LATIN AMERICA: PAN- AMERICANISM.

Macdonald, James Alexander. The North American Idea.
Revell, 1917, p. 240. $1.25. Author is editor of Toronto
Globe Historical considerations and political analysis out-
weighed by idealistic views.

Perez Triana, S. Some Aspects of the War. London,
Unwin, 1915, p. 225. 3s. 6d. By Colombian jurist, formerly
member of Permanent Court of Arbitration at the Hague;
discusses war issues and some points in which Pan-Amer-
ican interests were involved.

Root, Elihu. Latin America and the United States.
Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1917, p. xvi, 302.
$2.50. A volume of his collected speeches edited by Robert
Bacon and James Brown Scott. Contains speeches during
his South American tour in 1906 and, of more importance,
his addresses delivered in the United States on Latin-
American questions.

Usher, Roland Greene. Pan-Americanism, a Forecast of
the Inevitable Clash between the United States and
Europe's Victor. Century, 1915, p. xix, 466. $2. The
Challenge of the Future, a Study in American Foreign
Policy. Boston, Houghton, 1916, p. xxi, 350. $1.75. Dis-
cussions of American problems in light of the war by bril-
liant American historical scholar, who deserts field of his-
tory and method of scholarship for field and method of
prophecy. Reveal assurance and conviction rather than
soundness of judgment.

60. THE WAR ON THE SEA.

Dixon, William MacNeile. The British Navy at War.
Boston, Houghton, 1917, p. 93. $.75. Brief account by a
Glasgow professor for propaganda use.

Kipling, Rudyard. Sea Warfare. Garden City, N. Y.,
Doubleday, 1917, p. 222. $1.25. Reprints The Fringes of
the Fleet, Tales of the Trade, and Destroyers at Jutland,

V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAIi.

129

and other matter. Sympathetic, vivid portrayals of part of
English sailors in the war.

Lauriat, Charles Emeliua, Jr. The Lusitania's Last Voy-
age, beiiig a Narrative of the Torpedoing and Sinking of the
K. M. S. Lusitania by a German Submarine off the Irish
Coast, May 7, 1!)15. Boston, Houghton, 11)15, p. vii, 159.
$1. Includes personal narrative of survivor, supplementary
explanatory details, reprint and translation of account in
Frankfurter Zeitung of May 9th, and text of report of Lord
Mersey's inquiry, with comments.

Mtlcke, Kapitanleutnant Hellmuth von. The Emden;
translated by Helene S. White. Boston, Ritter, 1917, p. viii,
219. $1.25. The Ayesha, being the Adventure of the Land-
Ing Sqviad of the Emden, translated by Helene S. White.
Boston, Ritter, 1917, p. vi, 225. $155. Account of last voy-
age and fight of German naval vessel in Indian Ocean, and
of remarkable exploit of part of crew under Miieke's com-
mand.

Noyes, Alfred. Open Boats. New York, Stokes, 1917,
p. 91. $.50. Based on narratives of those compelled to take
refuge in open boats after their vessel has been sunk by Bub-
marine.

61. INTERNATIONAL LAW: NEUTRAL RIGHTS.

Barclay, Sir Thomas. The Law and Usage of War, a
Practical Handbook of the Law and Usage of Land and
Naval Warfare and Prize. Boston, Houghton,' 1914, p. xv,
145. $1.50. Material arranged alphabetically, forming a
small cyclopedia of law of war.

Brewer, Daniel Chauncey. The Rights and Duties of Neu-
trals, a Discussion of Principles and Practices. Putnam,
1016, p. be, 260. $1.25. Discusses questions of neutral
rights which arose in first two years of war and argues that
America must be prepared to safeguard its neutral rights.

•Brown, Philip Marshall. International Realities. Scrib-
ner, 1917, p. xvi, 233. $1.40. Professor of International
Law at Princeton discusses apparent breakdown of interna-
tional law under strain of the war and seeks to determine
what are realities in international intercourse. Technical
problems are discussed in clear, readable style.

•Dampierre, Leon Michel Marie Jacques de, Marquis.
German Imperialism and International Law, based upon
German Authorities and the Archives of the French Gov-
ernment. Scribner, 1917, p. viii, 277. $3.50. Shows prin-
ciples and teachings underlying German imperialism are di-
rectly opposed to those at basis of international law, and
that Germany's acts in the war were inevitable outcome of
German teachings. Carefully documented, especially from
German sources.

Deportation of Women and Girls from Lille. Doran, 1917,
p. 81. $.50. Translation of French note on subject, with
abundant confirmatory evidence from both French and Ger-
man sources.

Germany's Violation of the Laws of War, 1914-15; com-
piled under the Auspices of the French Ministry of Foreign
Affairs; translated by J. O. P. Bland. Putnam, 1915. $2.
Carefully compiled evidence, much from German sources;
well translated.

"Grant, Arthur James, and others. An Introduction to
the Study of International Relations. Macmillan, 1916, p.
viii, 207. $.75. Co-operative work by British writers;
furnishes outlines for study of more obvious problems of
International relations; may be used in study classes with
Krelibiel's Nationalism and Seton-Watson's War and
Democracy. Apparently hastily prepared, but richly sug-
gestive.

Hazeltine, Harold Dexter. The Law of the Air, Three

Lectures Delivered in the University of London at the Re-
quest of its Faculty. London, Ilodder, 1911, p. 160. 5s.

*Hershey, Amos Shartle. The Essentials of International
Public Law. Macmillan, 1912, p. xlviii, 558. $3. Good, sin-
gle volume manual, published shortly before the war. Will
serve need of average reader who wishes to look up a topic.
Has full bibliographies.

Higgins, Alexander Pearce. War and the Private Citizen,
Studies in International Law. London, King, 1912, p. 218.
SB. Defensively Armed Merchant Ships and Submarine
Warfare. London, Stevens, 1917, p. 66. Two treatises OB
special topics of international law brought into prominence
by the war.

How Diplomats Make War, by a British Statesman ; with
Introduction by Albert Jay Nock. Huebsch, 1915, p. xvlii,
376. $1.50. Significant contribution to discussion of
democratization of diplomacy.

'Phillipson, Coleman. International Law and the Great
War, with an Introduction by Sir John MacDonell. Dutton,
1916, p. xxiv, 407. $6. Termination of War and Treatiea
of Peace. Dutton, 1916, p. xix, 486. $7. First is sys-
tematic effort to study causes and events of the war in light
of the law of peace, law of war, and rights of neutrals.
Written shortly after sinking of Lusitania. Will remain at
collection of cases, rather than as authoritative text. Second
is only scholarly monograph text in its field; thorough mas-
terly study in anticipation of close of the war. Has as
appendix twenty-six treaties, 1815-1913, concluding hostili-
ties. Both works ignore German treatises on international
law.

Piggott, Sir Francis Taylor. The Neutral Merchant la
Relation to the Law of War and Blockade under the Order
in Council of llth March, 1915. London, University Press,
1915, p. 128. 2s. 6d. Perhaps best defense of British re-
strictions on neutral trade.

Pyke, Harold Reason. The Law of Contraband of War.
Oxford Press, 1915, p. xl, 314. $4.15. Historical treat-
ment; includes cases in present war up to time of going to
press; important documents in appendix; bibliography.

Roxburgh, Ronald Francis. International Conventions
and Third States. Longmans, 1917, p. xvi, 119. $2.50.
Monograph on phase of international law never before
specially investigated. Deals with construing interna-
tional law with reference to municipal law.

*Satow, Sir Ernest Mason. Guide to Diplomatic Practice.
Longmans, 1917, 2 vols., p. xxi, 407; xii, 405. $9. By ex-
perienced English diplomat. Wealth of information on
diplomatic questions and procedure, particularly present
day practice. Should be considered in discussing proposal
to abolish secret diplomacy.

Smith, Sir Frederick Edwin. The Destruction of Mer-
chant Sliips under International Law. Dutton, 1917, p. 109.
$1.75. British Attorney General gives brief readable dis-
cussion of practically whole question of status of both
enemy and neutral shipping in war time. Based on Phillip-
son.

Trehern, E. C. M. British and Colonial Prize Cases; Re-
ports of Prize Cases Decided during the Present War in the
Courts of Great Britain and Over-seas Dominions. London,
Stevens, Part I, 1915, p. 135. 7s. fld.

62. NATIONALITY AND ITS PROBLEMS.

"Dominian, Leon. The frontiers of language and Nation-
ality in Europe. Holt, 1917, p. xviil, 375. $3. Discusses
relations of language and geographical features to nation-
ality and political frontiers, with application to the various

130

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

concrete problems, especially in the Balkans. Illuminating
maps. Beat work of sort in English.

Grant, Madison. The Passing of 'he Great Race, or the
Racial Basis of European History. Scribner, 1916, p. xxi,
245. $2. Much scientific and historical data marred by
dogmatic insistence on views for which proofs cannot be
adduced, concerning the Nordic peoples and their destiny.
Recalls Houston S. Chamberlain's work.

Hannah, Ian Campbell. Arms and the Map, a Study of
Nationalities and Frontiers. Shaw, 1915, p. viii, 261. $1.25.
Attempts to give simple, clear, non-partisan view of the
problems of nationality in Europe, due to difference between
national areas and state boundaries.

Holdich, Sir Thomas Hungerford. Political Frontiers and
Boundary Making. Macmillan, 1916, p. xii, 307. $3.25. The
author is an eminent English geographer with wide exper-
ience on boundary commissions. Excellent on historical and
geographical facts and interesting for personal experience,
but questionable on political considerations, for he strongly
favors strategical frontiers. Unfortunately without maps.

•Krehbiel, Edward Benjamin. Nationalism, War, and
Society, a Study of Nationalism and its Concomitant, War,
in their Relations to Civilization, and of the Fundamentals
and the "Progress of fie Opposition to War; with an Intro-
duction by Norman Angell. Macmillan, 1916, p. xxxv, 276.
$1.50. Carefully prepared syllabus of topical studies, with
good selections of references for reading.

••Muir, Ramsay. Nationalism and Internationalism, the
Culmination of Modern History. Boston, Houghton, 1917,
p. 229. $1.25. Despite its faults the general reader will
find this an illuminating survey of the development of
nationalism and of internationalism as forces in European
history, especially since 1815. Denounces the Central
Powers as the last menace to national freedom and hostile
to the international idea.

•Rose, John Holland. Nationality in .Modern History.
Macmillan, 1916, p. xi, 202. $1.25. Ten lectures by English
historian on rise of present national states in Europe,
especially in nineteenth century.

Tagore, Sir Rabindranath (Revindranahta Thakura).
Nationalism. Macmillan, 1917, p. 159. $1.25. Essays on
nationalism in the West, in Japan, and in India; disap-
proves nationalism. Chief interest for personal or Hindu
point of view.

•"Toynbee, Arnold Joseph. Nationality and the War.
Dntton, 1915, p. x, 522. $2.50. The New Europe, Some
E»«ays in Reconstruction, with an Introduction by the Earl
of Cromer. Dutton, 1916, p. 85. $1. By competent English
historian, surveying, with some detail, the several problems
of nationality in Europe, the rise of nationality and its
effects, and some suggestions of solutions for the problems.
The second volume supplements the first, and its intro-
duction by Lord Cromer is noteworthy.

•Zangwill, Israel. The Principle of Nationalities. Mac-
millan, 1917, p. 116. $.50. A lecture, scathingly criticising
the work of Rose, Muir, and Toynbee. Perhaps the ablest
analysis of nationality.

63. THE WAR AND DEMOCRACY.

Bryce, James Bryce, Viscount, and others. The War of
Deiiiocracy, the Allies' Statement, Chapters on the Funda-
mental Significance of the Struggle for a New Europe.
Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 1917, p. xxiv, 441. $2. Two
chapters by Belgian, three by French, and sixteen by Eng-
lish writers, mainly related to England's interest and
activity in the war. Contains some of best utterances of

Bryce, Grey, Lloyd George, Balfour, Haldane, Murray and
others.

Fisher, Herbert Albert Laurens. The Republican Tra-
dition in Europe. Putnam, 1911, p. xii, 363. $2.50. Chiefly
concerned with development of republicanism in France
since 1789, by English historical scholar, now President of
Board of Education of Great Britain.

"Lippmann, Walter. The Stakes of Diplomacy. Holt,
1915, p. vii, 235. $1.25. Strong argument for democrat-
ization of diplomacy; one of ablest discussions produced by
the war; addressed to earnest, thoughtful reader. So
closely argued that conclusions seem irresistible, but rests
on too implicit acceptance of an economic interpretation of
history.

Sellars, Roy Wood. The Next Step in Democracy. Mac-
millan, 1916, p. v, 275. $1.50. Discussion of socialism and
labor by assistant professor of philosophy, University of
Michigan; marked by spirit of practicality. Written before
United States entered the war, but has chapters on Re-
flections on the War, and Can We Universalize Democracy!

**Seton- Watson, Robert William; Wilson, John Dover;
Zimmern, Alfred Eckhard; and Greenwood, Arthur. The
War and Democracy. Macmillan, 1915, p. xiv, 390. $.80.
Gives historical background, ultimate causes of the war,
issues involved, probable solutions, and ideals and prin-
ciples at stake. Allowing for individual views, perhaps,
the best single book on fundamental causes and issues of
the war.

Sims, Newell Leroy. Ultimate Democracy and its Mak-
ing. Chicago, McClurg, 1917, p. 347. $1.50. An interpreta-
tion of democracy from the sociological not the political
point of view. Gives readable digest of much recent
sociological discussion.

64. RESULTS OF THE WAR: PROBLEMS OF PEACE.

Bourne, Randolph Stillman, editor. Towards an Enduring
Peace, a Symposium of Peace Proposals and Programs,
1914-1916, with an Introduction by Franklin H. Giddings.
Association for International Conciliation, 1H16, p. xv, 336.
Compilation from writings of pacifists and other publicists,
not official pronouncements.

*Buxton, Charles Roden, editor. Towards a Lasting Set-
tlement. Dodd, 1917, revised edition, p. 216. $2. Collec-
tion of essays by leading English pacifists on problems of
nationality, territorial settlement, revision of maritime law,
colonial affairs, and international co-operation to reduce
war.

**Cheradame, Andr6. The Pangerman Plot Unmasked,
Berlin's Formidable Peace-trap of The Drawn War; with
an Introduction by the Earl of Cromer. Scribner, 1917, p.
xxxi, 235. $1.25. Translation of a French work published
early in 1916, but without corrections or additions to bring
it up to date. Written without knowledge of Naumann's
Central Europe, but with full knowledge of earlier litera-
ture of the sort, and with extensive study and observation
in the countries concerned. Valuable for information on
geographical problems, and one of the ablest analyses of the
Pan-German and Central Europe schemes and their dangers.

Chfradame, Andre. The United States and Panger-
mania. Scribner, 1918, p. xii, 170. $1. Germany is re-
placed by Pangermania whose existence menaces United
States and freedom of the world; must be blocked by
liquidation of Austria-Hungary and Polish independence.
Author has spent twenty-two years studying and writing
against pan-Germanism.

Chesterton, Cecil Edward. The Perils of Peace; with In-
troduction by Hilaire Belloc. London, Laurie, 1916, p. 239.
2s. A warning against a hasty or compromise peace. Doea

V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR.

181

not spare criticism of the ministry any more than of
pacifist group in England.

Cook, Sir Theodore Andrea. The Mark of the Beast.
London, Murray, 11)17. 5s. An array of facts on German
history, kultur, and atrocities as argument against incon-
clusive peace. Largely reprint of his Kaiser, Krupp, and
Kultur.

••Cosmos, pseud. The Basis of a Durable Peace. Scrib-
ner, 1917, p. ix, 144. $.30. Reprint of articles contributed
to the New York Times in November and December, 1916,
by an eminent authority. After able analysis of the sev-
eral problems solutions are suggested which accord with
democratic conceptions of international law and of indi-
vidual and national rights.

•Fayle, Charles Ernest. The Great Settlement. Duffield,
1915, p. xix, 309. $1.75. Careful exposition of interests
concerned in the war and in prospective peace, as territor-
ial, colonial, and economic questions, and of principles in-
volved. Author belongs to English pacifist school, but is
not blind to facts.

•Hart, Albert Bushnell, editor. Problems of Readjust-
ment after the War. Appleton, 1915, p. 186. $1. Seven
essays by as many competent American writers, dealing
rather with probable effects of war upon fundamental con-
ditions of life than with technical issues of future peace.
Significance undiminished by American entrance into the
war.

lla/.cn, Charles Downer, and others. Three Peace Con-
gresses of the Nineteenth Century. Cambridge, Harvard
University Press, 1917, p. 93. $.75. Professor Hazen writes
on the Congress of Vienna; Dr. W. R. Thayer on the Con-
gress of Paris, and Professor R. H. Lord on the Congress of
Berlin. Professor A. C. Coolidge adds most illuminating ar-
ticle on Claimants to Constantinople. These scholarly
essays deal particularly with organization and procedure of
the three congresses.

•Headlam, James Wycliffe. The Issue. Boston, Hough-
ton, 1917, p. vii, 159. $1. Reprint, with long introduction,
of four articles from Nineteenth Century and After,
analyzing and answering earlier German peace pronounce-
ments. A review of Naumann's Central Europe is re-
printed from Westminster Gazette. Broader issues are
avoided, but German aims are rigorously exposed as im-
possible. Author is English, but adds to thorough informa-
tion, sanity of view which makes this one of best books on
issues of the war.

Herron, George Davis. The Menace of Peace. Kenner-
ley, 1917, p. 110. $1. Condemns an indecisive peace as a
victory for German militarism which is eloquently de-
nounced. Anti-Catholic.

•Hill, David Jayne. The Rebuilding of Europe, a Survey
of Forces and Conditions. Century, 1917, p. x, 289. $1.50.
Fitted by wide research in diplomatic history and by long
experience in American diplomatic service, author discusses
abstractly causes and issues of the war; discusses but does
not accept various schemes for internationalism. Chapter
on America's interest in the new Europe; otherwise, con-
crete problems avoided.

•McClure, Samuel Sidney. Obstacles to Peace. Boston,
Houghton, 1917, p. xxiii, 487. $2. Contains important doc-
uments and much valuable information, marred by personal
trivialities. Based on visits to warring countries. Empha-
sizes that war is a state of mind, and sets forth facts affect-
ing development of that state of mind.

Schoonmaker, Edwin Davies. The World Storm and Be-
yond. Century, 1015, p. 294. $2. Emphasizes importance
of reforms and social changes in progress in Europe in war-

time and that United States should heed them in order to
maintain its own progress. Stimulates thought even if it
fails to persuade.

•Veblen, Thorstein B. An Inquiry into the Nature of
Peace and the Terms of its Perpetuation. Macmillan, 1017,
p. xiii, 367. $2. One of the most thorough and philosophi-
cal discussions of war and peace with special reference to
the present struggle. Style incisive but not easy. Views,
socialistic or at least anti-capitalistic. Completed in Febru-
ary, 1917. Presented definite s-t of peace terms.

05. THE WAR AGAINST WAR.

•Angell, Norman (pseud, of Ralph Norman Angell Lane).
The Great Illusion, a Study of the Relation of Military
Power to National Advantage. Putnam, 1910, fourth re-
vised and enlarged edition, 1913, p. xxii, 416. $1. Arms
and Industry (English edition, Foundations of International
Polity). Putnam, 1914, p. xlv, 248. $1.25. The first had
wide currency before the war and won author his fame as
exponent of pacifism; the second is companion volume is-
sued on eve of the war, arguing against militarism and na-
tionality and for an international polity.

•Bloch, Ivan Stanislavovich. The Future of War in its
Technical, Economic, and Political Relations: Is War Now
Impossible T With a Prefatory Conversation with the Au-
thor by W. T. Stead; translated by R. C. Long. Doubleday,
1899, p. Ixxix, 380. $2. (Ginn, 1902, $.65.) Somewhat
technical array of facts and arguments based on nineteenth
century developments, with special reference to Great
Britain, Germany, France, and Russia. Said to have in-
fluenced Nicholas II to call First Hague Conference.

•Brailsford, Henry Noel. The War of Steel and Gold, a
Study of the Armed Peace. Macmillan, 1916, sixth edition,
p. 340. $.80. First published in May, 1914. Postscript
chapter and some notes appear in third and later editions.
Describes balance of power between rival alliances and
economic interests involved; proceeds to constructive
criticism, suggesting a new concert of Europe. English au-
thor professes intellectual passion for peace, but his keen
sense of facts saves him from pitfalls of sentimental
pacifists.

••Eliot, Charles William. The Road toward Peace, a Con-
tribution to the Study of the Causes of the European War
and of the Means of Preventing War in the Future. Bos-
ton, Houghton, 1915, p. xv, 228. $1. Ex-President Eliot of
Harvard has approached the problems with his accustomed
gravity and acumen. One of best American discussions of
the war as a war of ideas, but treatment is unfortunately
not systematic, for volume is only a collection of occasional
papers and addresses, of which several additional ones are
included in second edition, September, 1915.

Howe, Frederic Clemson. Why WarT Scribner, 1916, p.
366. $1.50. Attributes wars to munition makers, high
finance, and secret diplomacy; declares, "Peace is the prob-
lem of democracy."

Hugins, Roland. Germany Misjudged, an Appeal to In-
ternational Good Will in the Interest of a Lasting Peace.
Chicago, Open Court Publishing Co., 1916, p. 111. $1. The
Possible Peace, a Forecast of World Politics after the War.
Century, 1916, p. xiv, 198. $1.25. First, published before
sinking of Lusitania, is habitually neutral, but in case of
doubt inclines to German view. Second, published after
sinking of Lusitania, condemns militarism and war, criti-
cises various nations, including United States, sharply;
fears that after the war " the general problem of interna-
tional peace will not be much nearer solution; " conse-
quently advocates American preparedness.

132

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

Jordan, David Starr. War and the Breed, the Relation of
War to tlie Downfall of Nations. Boston, American Uni-
tarian Assn., 1915, p. 205. $1.35. Argument that war, by
extinguishing the strongest, weakens the race.

•Key, Ellen Karolina Sofia. War, Peace, and the Future,
* Consideration of Nationalism and Internationalism and
of the Relation of Women to War; translated by Hildegard
Norberg. Putnam, 1916, p. x, 271. $1.50. Calm, cool, com-
prehensive presentation of facts and deduction of conclu-
eions. By Swedish author and leader in woman and peace
movements.

Liebknecht, Karl Paul August Friedrich. Militarism.
Huebsch, 1917. $1. Thorough-going indictment by famous
German socialist; suppressed in Germany. Original pub-
lished in Leipzig, 1907; third German edition in Zurich, 1911.

McCormick, Howard Fowler. Via Pacis, How Terms of
Peace Can Be Automatically Prepared while the War is
Still Going On. Chicago, McClurg, 1917, p. 45. $.60. Pro
^oses novel scheme for constant interchange of desired or
acceptable terms.

Macdonald, John Archibald Murray. European Inter-
national Relations. London, Unwin, 1916, p. 144. 2s. 6d.
Argues that sovereign nations need a tribunal over them as
much as do free men; appeared in part in Contemporary
Review, April, 1915.

Mahan, Alfred Thayer. Armaments and Arbitration, or
the Place of Force in the International Relations of States.
Harper, 1912, p. 259. Argument that armament and even
war are necessary in international relations. Replies to
Angell's Great Illusion.

Quiii, Malcolm. The Problem of Human Peace Studied
from the Standpoint of a Scientific Catholicism. Dutton,
1917, p. 275. $1. Catholicism, somewhat modernized, is the
cure for war and guarantee of peace.

Russell, Bertrand Arthur William. Justice in War-time.
Chicago, Open Court Publishing Co., 1916, p. ix, 243. $1.
Non-resistance argument by able English pacifist. Review
of Entente policy in reply to Professor Gilbert Murray, and
chapter "On What Our Policy Ought to Have Been" are
noteworthy.

Russell, Bertrand Arthur William. Why Men Fight, a
Method of Abolishing the International Duel. (Title, Eng-
lish edition: Principles of Social Reconstruction.) Century,
1917, p. 272. $1.50. Places responsibility for war not so
much upon matters of national or international concern as
upon human instincts, which must be schooled against war.
The book has glaring faults along with much that is ex-
cellent.

Russell, Bertrand Arthur William. Political Ideals.
Century, 1917, p. 172. $1. Reiterates his ideas on national-
ism and internationalism, but also deals with individual
liberty and public control, capitalism and socialism. Excel-
lent style but inadequate analysis of problems.

Taylor, Charles Fremont. A Conclusive Peace, present-
Ing the Historically Logical, and a Feasible Plan of Action
for the Coming Peace Conference, Which Will Co-ordinate
and Harmonize Europe, and the World. Philadelphia,
Winston, 1916, p. 173. $.50. By editor of Equity. Util-
izes pacifist stock in trade; suggestive but not critical. Pro-
poses world congress similar to Congress of United States,
and other devices for international government.

Warden, Archibald A. Common Sense Patriotism;
Preface by Norman Angell. Dillingham, Ifllfi. p. Ixx, 129.
$1. Believes right is not all on one side, that discussion
would secure peace; relates his efforts to secure conference
at Berne.

Wells, Herbert tieorge. War That Will End WTar.
Duflield. 1!H4. p. 10J $.75. What Is Coining? A Euro-
pean Forecast. Maemillan, 1916, p. 2!I4. $ I. .">(). First i»
collection of occasional papers produced in first weeks of
the war. Both reveal the prophetic desire to play with
facts that characterizes Mr. Britling Sees It Through
(1916) and much of the author's other writing

Woods, Frederick Adams, and Baltzly, Alexander. IB
War Diminishing? A Study of the Prevalence of VVar in
Europe from 1450 to the Present Day. Uoston. Houghton,
1915, p. xi, 105. $1. Whatever may be said of their scien-
tific method, the selection of their historical premises can
scarcely meet approval.

66. LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE: LEAGUE OF
NATIONS.

Ashbee, Charles R. The American League to Enforce
Peace. An English Interpretation; with Introduction by G.
L. Dickinson. London, Allen & Unwin, 1917. p. 92. 2s. 8d.
Author was an Englishman present at inauguration of the
League, of which he approves. Discusses international
significance of United States.

*Brailsford, Henry Noel. The League of Nations. Mae-
millan, 1917, p. vii, 332. $1.75. Calm, dispaassinnate dis-
cussion of many of problems of the war and of suggestions
foi their solution, especially of the League to Enforce
Peace, by an Englishman.

Bryce, James Bryce, Viscount, and others. Proposals for
the Prevention of Future Wars. London. Allen & Unwin,
1917. Is. Scheme similar to League to Enforce Peace.

Bryce, James Bryce, Viscount. Some Historical Reflections
on War, Past and Present. Oxford Press, 1917, p 28. Is.
Two addresses as president of the British Academy in
June, 1915 and June, 1916. Includes some discussion of
international law in war time, of international public
opinion, and of a league of nations.

•Butler, Nicholas Murray. A World in Ferment, Inter-
pretations of the War for a New World. Scribner. 1917, p.
viii, 254. $1.25. Collection of addresses delivered from
September, 1914, to June, 1917, on war questions. Thought-
ful, practical, and inspired with constructive ideals

Collin, Christen Christian Dreyer. The War against War,
and the Enforcement of Peace; with Introduction by Wil-
liam Archer. Maemillan, 1917, p. xii, 163. $.80. Collection
of essays by an eminent professor in the University of
Christiania, with special reference to the league of nations
idea.

Coulton, George Gordon. The Main Illusions of Pacifism,
a Criticism of Mr. Norman Angell and the Union of Demo-
cratic Control. Maemillan, 1916, p. xv, 295, Ixii. $2. Col-
lection of anti-pacifist articles intended to promote a
British policy of national defence.

•Dickinson, Goldsworthy Lowes. The Choice Before Us.
Dodd, 1917, p. xiii, 268. $2. Denounces militarism and
economic war; sees hope only in international organization
which must include all great powers, even Germany. Pow-
erful arguments by an earnest, able advocate of world
peace.

•Fried, Alfred Hermann. The Restoration of Europe;
translated by Lewis Stiles Garnett. Maemillan, 1916, p.
xiv, 157. $1. Original published in April. 1!»15. by native
of Vienna, for fifteen years editor of the FrieoVns Warte
in Berlin, since the war in Zflrich. Author, who received
Nobel prize in lull, suggests co-operative union of Kurope,
starting like Pan-American Union, which might lead ultl-

V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR.

183

malely to political co-operation. "A European union is at
IT..-..,, i „ ,,,,,, (l(.,,irable than a world-wide one."

•Goldsmith, Kobi-rt. A League to Enforce Peace; with a
special introduction by A. Lawrence Lowell. Macmillan,
1917, p. xxvi, 3:11. $1.50. Volume for study classes on
inadequacy or failure of other means of securing peace and
on tin1 plan of the League to Enforce Peace and reasons
in favor of it. Several chapters against militarism. Con-
tains bibliography.

League to Knforce Peace. Enforced Peace, Proceedings of
the Kirst Annual National Assemblage. League to Enforce
Peace, 1!)17, p.vi, 204. $.50. Collection of papers on various
phases of subject, especially from side of United States.

Marburg, Theodore. The League of Nations, a Chapter
in the History of the Movement. Macmillan, 1917, p. 139.
$.50. History of League to Enforce Peace movement by
one of its originators.

67. ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE WAR.

Babson, Roger Ward. The Future of Nations; Prosper-
ity, Mow It Must Come; Economic Facts for Business Men
(1914, p. 123. $1). The Future of World Peace, a Book
of Charts showing Facts Which Must Be Recognized in Fu-
ture Plans for Peace; the Prospects for Peace (1915, sec-
ond edition, p. 142. $1). Wellesley Hills, Mass., Babson's
Statistical Organization. Contain much statistical matter
on economic and financial affairs, but are arguments for an
international government.

Barren, Clarence Walker. The Audacious War. Boston,
Houghton, 1915, p. xiv, 192. $1. Collected papers on busi-
ness problems underlying the war by editor of Boston News
Bureau who visited Europe in early months of war to ob-
serve financial affairs at first hand. Clear, concise, vigorous
style; keen insight.

Bowley, Arthur Lyon. The Effect of the War on the Ex-
ternal Trade of the United Kingdom, an Analysis of the
Monthly Statistics, 1906-1914. Putnam, 1915, p. viii, 56.
$.60. Professor of statistics in University of London makes
comparative study with reference to last five months of
1914. Excellent; relevant only to exact period considered.

Byers, Norman R. World Commerce in its Relation to
the British Empire. London, King, 1916, p. 104. Is.

Claea, Jules. The German Mole, a Study in the Art of
Peaceful Penetration. Macmillan, 1915, p. xiv, 143. $1.
Articles on methods of German peaceful penetration in Bel-
glum, especially Antwerp, published by editor of La Metro-
pole in his Antwerp journal in August and September, 1914.
English edition has introduction by J. Holland Rose. •

Clapp, Edwin James. The Economic Aspects of the War,
Neutral Rights, Belligerent Claims, and American Commerce
in the Years 1914-1915. New Haven, Yale Press, 1915, p.
xiv, 340. $1.50. Apparently written before sinking of
Lusitania. Mainly criticism of British policy of trade re-
striction. Deals with import and export situation with
special reference to cotton and copper.

Colvin, Ian D. The Unseen Hand in English History.
London, National Review Office, 1917. 7s. 6d. Continues
his fiermans in England, reviewing events since Tudor
times. A tract of protectionist argument, spiced with anti-
Germanism.

Dibblee, George Binney. Germany's Economic Position
and England's Commercial and Industrial Policy after the
War London, Heinemann, 1917, p 108. Is. Published by
Enjrlisli Central Committee for National Patriotic Organi-
zations. Describes German industrial and commercial
methods and outlines a revised policy for England. Mode-
rate in tone.

Eltzbacher, Paul. Germany's Food, Can It Lastt Ger-
many's Food and England's Plan to Starve Her Out, a
Study by German Experts; English Version edited by S. R.
Wells. London, Hodder, 1915, p. 264. 2s.

England's Financial Supremacy, a Translation of Die
Englische Finan/.macht; England's Fal-che Rechnung;
DeuUchland und die Erbschaft dor City from the Frank-
furter Zeitung; with Introduction and Notes by the Trans-
lators. Macmillan, 1917, p. xv, 106. $1.25. Original arti-
cles by financial authority appeared in November, 1915;
argue that Germany's (forced) reliance on home resources is
more advantageous than England's dependence on outside
financial aid. Some forecasts have already failed of fulfil-
ment.

Gill, Conrad, National Power and Prosperity, a Study of
the Economic Causes of Modern Warfare. London, Unwin,
1916, p. 208. 4s. 6d. Based on lectures to workingmen by
English college teacher. Principally concerned with past
wars but with present one in mind.

Girault, Arthur. The Colonial Tariff Policy of France;
edited by C. Gide. Oxford Press, 1916, p. viii, 305. $2.50.
A general historical and critical account, with specific ac-
counts of each colony.

Gourvitch, Paul Pensac. How Germany Does Business,
Chapters on Export and Finance Methods, with a Preface
by Dr. B. E. Shatsky. Huebsch, 1917, p. 142. $1. Shat-
sky's preface written from Russian point of view after
Revolution of March, 1917. Twenty-three short chapters,
mainly on various phases of credits and export trade. Has
special reference to Russia.

Grunzel, Josef. Economic Protectionism; edited by
Eugen von Philippovich. Oxford Press, 1916, p. xiv, 357.
$2.90. Sympathetic, comprehensive study of both import
duties and other protective measures, by an Austrian.

Harris, Winthrop & Company. American Business a*
Affected by Peace and Preparedness, the Composite Opinion
of Seventeen Hundred American Business Men. Chicago,
Harris, Winthrop & Company, 1916, p. 80.

•Hauser, Henri. Germany's Commercial Grip on the
World, her Business Methods Explained; translated by
Manfred Emanuel. Scribner, 1917, p. xv, 259. $1.«8.
Translation of Lea Methodes Allemandea d'Expansioa
Kconomique, which has passed through several editions.
Thorough, moderate, discriminating study. Urges keeping
out of Germany's economic grip in future and emulating her
systematic, hard work.

Hirst, Francis Wrigley. Political Economy of War.
Dutton, 1915, p. xii, 327. $2. Former editor of The Eco-
nomist (London) writes with special reference to England,
dealing with policy and economics of war, and war debts;
treatment is largely historical. About forty pages refer to
present war. Author's preconceptions were pacifist. Close
study of facts with wealth of detail, though not too techni-
cal for layman.

Jones, J. H. The Economics of War and Conquest, an
Examination of Mr. Norman Angell's Economic Doctrines.
London, King, 1915, p. 178. 2s. 6d. Relates specifically to
The Great Illusion, but is really a critical analysis of eco-
nomic contentions of pacifists against militarism to sift out
the false and to place the argument on sound foundation*.

Lawson, W. R. British War Finance. 1014 15. Van
Nostrand, 1915, p. vl, 367. $2. Full, rather technical study.

MacDonald, Allan John MacDonald. 'Trade. Politic*, and
Christianity in Africa and the East; with an Introduction
by Sir Harry Johnston. Longmans, 101ft. p xxi. 2!>S. $2.
Discussion of the problem of contact with and control of
backward peoples.

131

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

Millioud, Maurice. The Killing Caste and Frenzied Trade
in Germany ; translated with an Introduction by Sir Freder-
ick Pollock, boston, Houghton, Milii, p. 159. $1. Caste
section of volume is slashing attack on H. S. Chamberlain
and (ienuau chauvinists; trade part is clear, concise, vigor-
ous arraignment of German economic activities, financial
situation, and imperialistic policy. Conclusions will com-
mand less confidence than when written.

*Noyes, Alexander Dana. Financial Chapters of the War.
Scribner, 1916, p. xi, 255. $1.25. Financial editor of New
York Evening Post and The Nation studies effect of the
war on American financial conditions during first two years
of war, and American financing of Europe in same period.
Also three chapters on probable economic and financial re-
Bults.

O'Farrell, Horace Handley. The Franco-German War In-
demnity and its Economic Results. London, Harrison,
1913, p. 90. Is. Author seeks to prove that Germany's ex-
action of war indemnity was unfortunate for itself. Bib-
liography of dozen pages.

Schuster, Ernest Joseph. The Effect of War and Mora-
torium on Commercial Transactions. Bender, 1914, second
edition revised and enlarged, p. viii, 166. $1.25.

Withers, Hartley. The War and Lombard Street. But-
ton, 1915, p. viii, 171. $1.25. Clear account from London
banking point of view of extraordinary financial situation
precipitated by the war. Covers to December, 1914. Ap-
pendix of special statutes and other documents.

68. WOMEN AND THE WAR.

Addams, Jane; Balch, Emily Greene; and Hamilton, Alice.
Women at the Hague, the International Congress of Women
and its Results. Macmillan, 1915, p. vii, 171. 75 cents.
Account of notable unofficial movement for peace.

Atherton, Mrs. Gertrude Franklin (Horn). The Living
Present. New York, Stokes, 1917, p. xvi, 303. $1.50.
Observations made in 1916 of activities of French women in
war work. Discusses fully relations of the war and femin-
ism.

Gribble, Francis Henry. Women in War. Dutton, 1916.
$2.75. Series of biographical and historical sketches writ-
ten before the war, with an epilogue dealing with women
in the earlier part of the present war.

Hewes, Amy, and Walter, Henriette R. Women as Muni-
tion Makers; and Munition Workers in England and
France. Russell Sage Foundation, 1917. 75 cents. First
article by Miss Hewes reports investigations for the
Foundation made in Bridgeport, Conn., in 1916; the second,
by Miss Walter summarizes British official reports.

Repplier, Agnes. Countercurrents. Boston, Houghton,

1916, p. iii, 291. $1.25. Collection of essays includes one on
Women and War.

Stone, Gilbert, editor. Women War Workers. Crowell,

1917, p. 320. $1.65. Composed largely of accounts written
by women engaged in the several forms of war work. Al-
most entirely English.

69. SOCIALISM AND THE WAR.

•Walling, William English, editor. The Socialists and the
War, a Documentary Statement of the Position of the So-
cialists of all Countries, with Special Reference to their
Peace Policy, including a Summary of the Revolutionary
State Socialist Measures Adopted by the Governments at
War. Holt, 1915, p. xii, 512. $1.50. Well edited mass, of
information.

70. INTERPRETATIONS OF THE WAR: PHILOSOPH-

ICAL.

Bergson, Henri Louis. The Meaning of the War. Mac-
millan, 1915, p. 47. $.40. Early pronouncement by famous
French philosopher; indicts Prussian unification of Ger-
many.

Boutroux, Emile. Philosophy and War, translated by
Fred Rothwell. Dutton, 1917, p. xii, 212. $1.75. An analy-
sis of German and of French philosophical ideas in their
relation to the war, by eminent French philosopher. Style
clear and simple.

Richard, Paul. To the Nations. Pond, 1917, p. xv, 79.
$1. Translated from the French with introduction by Sir
Rabindranath Tagore. Declares purpose of the war is
destruction of old evil, root and branch, to make way for
better and truer civilization whose ideals are discussed.

71. INTERPRETATIONS OF THE WAR: SOCIOLOG-

ICAL.

Bosanquet, Bernard. Social and International Ideals.
Macmillan, 1917, p. ix, 325. $2.25. Collection of essays,
reviews, and lectures, all but one of which were published
before the war. Interesting for ideas on pacifism, patriot-
ism, and political elements in the social structure.

Burnet, John. Higher Education and the war. Macmil-
lan, 1917, p. "x, 238. $1.50. Most of material was already
published in 1913 by this professor in University at St.
Andrew's. Discusses systems of higher education in sev-
eral countries, especially interesting on Germany, in whose
system much is commended.

Ellis, Henry Havelock. Essays in War-time. Houghton,
1916, p. 247. $1.50. Author is voluminous English writer
on sociological, psychological and sexual questions. Of these
eighteen essays only first six deal directly with war ques-
tions, such as evolution and war, war and eugenics, war
and the birth-rate, and war and democracy.

*Hobhouse, Leonard Trelawney. The World in Conflict.
London, Unwin, 1915, second edition, 1916, p. 104. Is.
Questions of War and Peace. London, Unwin, 1916,
3s. 6d. Two collections of articles by eminent professor of
sociology in University of London. Simplicity of style and
sanity of thought mark his efforts to discover basal signifi-
cance of war and nationality and their interrelation in the
first, and his Platonic dialogues on the soul of civilization
and the hope of the world in the second.

Lodge, Sir Oliver. The War and After, Short Chapters
on Subjects of Serious Practical Import for the Average
Citizen in A. D., 1915, Onwards. London, Methuen, 1915,
sixth edition, p. xiii, 240. Is. Three groups of essays
dealing with past, present and future of the war. Quotes
others freely. Gives special attention to ideals and social
conditions. Records Sir Oliver's mental states rather than
contributes to elucidation of problems.

Marvin, Francis Sydney, editor. Progress and History.
Oxford Press, 1917, p. 314. $3.75. A series of essays by
distinguished English thinkers in continuation of " The
Unity of Western Civilization" (1916). The basic problem
is general, but the specific problem of the war is pervasive
in these able discussions.

Mitchell, Peter Chalmers. Evolution and the War. Dut-
ton, 1915, p. 114. $1. Secretary of Zoological Society of
London presents scientific facts to prove that German
notion that war is essential element in process of natural
selection is not in accord with Darwinian theory.

V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR.

135

72. INTERPRETATIONS OF THE WAR: POLITICAL.

Baty, Thomas, and Morgan, John Hartman. War, ita
Conduct and its Legal Results. Dutton, 1915, p. 578. $3.50.
Scholarly treatise of effects of the war upon English admin-
istration and legislation, but not too technical for popujar
reader and not without value for Americans. Chapter on
Laws of War on Land is significant for light thrown on
German theory and method of warfare.

Hobson, John Atkinson. Imperialism, a Study. Pott,
1902, second edition, 1!>15, p. viii, 331. $2.75. Towards
International Government. Macmillan, 1918. $1. First is
diagnosis of economic and cultural aspects of imperialism,
a product of liberal revolt against Boer war. Second
voices liberal revolt against high finance and secret diplo-
macy as causes of present war. Suggests international
council. Clear, well reasoned, thoughtful, optimistic.

The International Crisis, the Theory of the State. Oxford
Press, 1016, p. viii, 164. $1.80. Bedford College lectures
for 1916, by six different speakers, dealing with church and
state, state and morality, might and right, state and
society, egoism, personal and national, and idea of gen-
eral will.

Phillips, Lisle March. Europe Unbound. Scribner, 1917.
$1.75. The author, an Englishman, shows deep insight and
clear appreciation in discussing the fundamental differ-
ences in national ideals. The analysis of English political
thought is remarkable, and the essay on liberty is notable.

73. INTERPRETATIONS OF THE WAR: PSYCHO-

LOGICAL.

Conway, Sir Martin. The Crowd in Peace and War
Longman's, 1915, p. 332. $1.75. Careful general study of
crowd psychology written in clear interesting style, but
some premises and more conclusions are debatable.

Crile, George Washington. A Mechanistic View of War
and Peace, edited by Amy F. Rowland. Macmillan, 1915,
p. 104. $1.25. Interesting record of observations of cam-
paign in Belgium and France to battle of the Marne and of
" the behavior of man when under the influence of the
strongest emotional and physical stress— man at war," by
professor of surgery in Western Reserve University.
Marred by reiteration of his familiar notions which have
not received approval of philosophic thinkers.

Eastman, Max. Understanding Germany; the Only Way
to End the War, and Other Essays. Kennerley, 1916, p.
169. $1.25. Editor of The Masses reprints articles from
that and other journals; gives psychological analysis of
anti -German hate and of patriotism. Contains much that
is thoughtful and stimulating on psychology of the war
and other war topics, but author disclaims national loyalty
and fails to see wherein the Allies are better than the
Germans.

Le Bon, Gustave. The Psychology of the Great War;
translated by E. Andrews. Macmillan, 1916, p. 479. $3.
The author is well-known French authority on social psy-
chology, but his carelessness in ascertaining facts and his
lack of impartial attitude impair seriously the value of the
volume.

Machen, Author. The Bowmen and Other Legends of the
War. Putnam, 1915, p. 77. $.75. Author, a devout Cath-
olic, wrote story of St. George and the bowmen of England
saving an English army. This story and other legends are
published with introduction showing how a piece of fiction
grew to a myth of the present war.

Trotter, W. Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War.
Macmillan, 1916, p. 213. $1.25. Basis of book are two
articles published in 1908-9 by English author in Sociol-
ogical Review. These studies in social psychology have
been somewhat enriched by materials relating to the war
and comparisons of English and German character.

74. INTERPRETATIONS OF THE WAR: ETHICAL
AND RELIGIOUS.

Adler, Felix. The World Crisis and its Meaning. Apple-
ton, 1916, p. 232. $1.50. Collection of addresses, including
the world crisis and its meaning, militarism and its eulo-
gists, American ideals contrasted with German and English,
the illusion and ideal of international peace, civilization
and progress in light of present war. Popular presentation
of ethical considerations; inclined to neglect the practical
Burroughs, Edward Arthur. The Fight for the Future,
with a Foreword by the Archbishop of Canterbury. Lon-
don. Nisbet, 1917. Is. The Valley of Decision, a Plea
for Wholeness in Thought and Life. Longmans, 1916, p.
xix, 391. $1.60. Two books containing discussions of the
religious significance of the war.

Campbell, Reginald John. The War and the Soul. Dodd,
1916, p. ix, 300. $1.25. Popular newspaper articles by
Church of England clergymen to help those whose faith U
shaken by the evils of the war. Discussions cover various
timely topics and questions.

•For the Right, Essays and Addresses by Members of the
" Fight for Right Movement." Putnam, 1917. $1.50.
Addresses by Lord Bryee, Dr. L. P. Jacks, Sir Frederick
Pollock, Professor Gilbert Murray and many other able
English thinkers to explain the principles and to uphold
the ideals for which the Allies are fighting and to prevent
diversion by mercenary or retaliatory motives.

•Hankey, Donald William Alers. A Student in Arms,
with an Introduction by J. St. Loe Strachey (p. 290. $1.50).
Second Series (p. iv, 246. $1.50). Dutton, 1917. Record of
intellectual and spiritual experiences and speculations
written on firing line by Oxford man who was killed in
action in October, 1916. Second series contains a biograph-
ical article by his sister. First volume has been one of
most widely read war books.

"The International Crisis in its Ethical and Psychological
Aspects, Six Lectures Delivered in February and March,
1915, at Bedford College for Women by Eleanor M. Sedg-
wick, Gilbert Murray, A. C. Bradley, L. P. Jacks, G. F.
Stout, and Bernard Bosanquet. Oxford Press, 1915, p. 155.
$1.15. Discussions of ethics of war and patriotism by
leaders of English thought.

Loisy, Alfred Firmin. The War and Religion, translated
by Arthur Galton. Longmans, 1915, p. $.50. Keen dis-
cussion of origins of the war; criticizes Christianity and
the papal neutrality; considers patriotism the religious
power of the future. American readers unfamiliar with
French conditions and thought will find book somewhat
puzzling.

Palmer, Frederick. With our Faces in the Light Dodd,
1917, p. 123. $.50. Charming effort to impress the finer
meaning of the war for America; by well known war cor-
respondent.

War and the Spirit of Youth. Boston, Atlantic Monthly,
1917, p. 110. $1. Reprint of three spiritual interpretation*
of the war by Maurice Barrfis of French Academy, Sir
Francis Younghusband, English soldier, and Anne C. E.
Allinson, American authoress.

136

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

76. INTERPRETATIONS OF THE WAR: BY MEN OF
LETTERS.

Loti, Fierce, pseud. (Louis Marie Julien Viaud). War
translated from the French by Marjorie Laurie. Philadel-
phia, Lippincott, 1917, p. 320. $1.25. Collection of war
sketches, written between August, 1914, and April, 1916,
by members of French Academy.

•Maeterlinck, Maurice. The Wrack of the Storm, trans-
lated by A. Teixeira de Mattos. Dodd, 1916, p. 330. $1.60.
Public utterances of author in first two years of war
chronologically arranged. Chief value as record of author's
reactions to the war; much of it below his normal level of
style. Recognizes and emphasizes moral issues.

"Holland, Romain. Above the Battle, translated by C.
K. Ogden. Chicago, Open Court Publishing Company, 1916,
p. 194. $1. Collection of essays by French musical critic
and pacifist who received Nobel prize for literature in 1915,
and who has been engaged in work of International Agency
for Prisoners of War in Switzerland since outbreak of war,
and has become unpopular in France. Despite attitude of
detachment indicated by title, and lack of unity, book is
marked by deep moral earnestness and eloquent style. " No
saner counsel has yet been heard above the turmoil of the
conflict."

•Wister, Owen. The Pentecost of Calamity. Macmillan,

1915, p. 148. $.50. Fifteen admirable vignettes, by Amer-
ican author, showing with fine insight the issues of the war
and the human element in it. Emphasizes American inter-
est in moral issues of the war.

Zangwill, Israel. The War for the World. Macmillan,

1916, p. 455. $1.75. Collection of brilliant essays discussing
various questions of the war with special introductory
chapter. Shows more sympathy with his race than with
his country. Denounces fighting Germans with German
methods.

76. ATLASES.

[For brief bibliography of War Maps and Atlases, see
page 82 t/f this collection, and THE HISTORY TEACHEE'S
MAGAZINE, April, 1918.]

77. PAMPHLET SERIES.

Columbia War Papers. Columbia University, 1917.
Eleven mumbers have been issued and more are announced;
sold at nominal figures. Deal mainly with economic prob-
lems of the war. Note especially Seligman and Haig's How
to Finance the War.

The History Teacher's Magazine War Reprints. Phila-
delphia, McKinley Publishing Co., 1918. Each 10 to 25
cents, according to size. No. 1, The Study of the Great
War, by S. B. Harding; No. 2, Belgian War Curiosities, by
C. Gauss; No. 3, Selected Critical Bibliography of the War,
by G. M. Dutcher; No. 4, Geography of the War, with
many maps. Others in active preparation.

•Oxford Pamphlets, 1914-1915. Oxford Press, 1914-15, 19
vols. Each $.40. Completed series of 19 volumes contains
86 pamphlets, written by leading English authorities on
problems and events of the war. Historical numbers are
often illustrated with clear sketch maps. Many of these
pamphlets offer best brief accounts or discussions of sub-
jects easily accessible in English.

Papers for War Time, Published under the Auspices of a
Committee Drawn from Various Christian Bodies and
Political Parties, and edited by Rev. W. Temple. Oxford
Press, 1914-15, 36 numbers, each $.08. Series is completed;

devoted chiefly to moral and religious aspects of the war;
by English writers.

The University of Chicago War Papers. Chicago, Univer-
sity Press, 1917-18. Each $.05. Four issues have appeared,
including The Threat of German World-Politics, by Presi-
dent Judson; Americans and the World-Crisis, by Professor
Small; and Sixteen Causes of the War, by Professor Mo-
Laughlin.

University of North Carolina Extension Leaflets: War
Information Series. Chapel Hill, N. C., 1917-18. Eleven
issues have appeared.

78. COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC INFORMATION: PUB-
LICATIONS.

•Red, White, and Blue Series: 1. How the War Came to
America (p. 32); 2. National Service Handbook (p. 246);
3. The Battle Line of Democracy (a collection of patriotic
prose and poetry, p. 134. $.15); 4. The President's Flag
Day Address, with Evidence of Germany's Plans (p. 32) ;

5. Conquest and Kultur (quotations from German writers
revealing the plans and purposes of pan-Germany, p. 160) j

6. German War Practices, Part I. Treatment of Civilians,
p. 91); 7. War Cyclopedia, a Handbook for Ready Refer-
ence on the Great War (p. 321, $.25) ; 8. German Treat-
ment of Conquered Territory; Part II. of German War
Practices (pv-61); 9. War, Labor, and Peace, Some Recent
Addresses and Writings of the President (American Reply
to the Pope, address to the American Federation of Labor,
message to Congress, Dec. 4, 1917, addresses to Congress,
Jan. 8, and Feb. 11, 1918, p. 40).

•War Information Series: 101. The War Message and
the Facts behind It (p. 32) ; 102. The Nation in Arms (two
addresses by Secretaries Lane and Baker, p. 16; 103. The
Government of Germany, by Charles D. Hazen (p. 16) ;
104. The Great War, From Spectator to Participant, by

A. C. McLaughlin (p. 16); 105. A War of Self -Defense
(addresses by Secretary of State Lansing and Assistant
Secretary of Labor Post, p. 22) ; 106. American Loyalty (by
American citizens of German descent, p. 24) ; 107. Amer-
ikanische Biirgertreue (German translation of 106; 108.
American Interest in Popular Government Abroad, by E.

B. Greene, p. 16) ; 109. Home Reading Course for Citizen
Soldiers, Prepared by the War Department (p. 62) ; 110.
First Session of the War Congress (complete summary of
all legislation, p. 48) ; 111. The German War Code, by G.
W. Scott and J. W. Garner (p. 16) ; 112. American and
Allied Ideals, by Stuart P. Sherman (p. 24); 113. German
Militarism and its German Critics, by Charles Altschul
(p. 40) ; 114. The War for Peace, by Arthur D. Call (Views
of American peace organizations and leaders in the present
war); 115. Why America Fights Germany, by John S. P.
Tatlock (p. 13) ; 116. The Activities of the Committee on
Public Information (p. 20) ; 117. The Study of the Great
War, by Samuel B. Harding.

Loyalty Leaflets: 201. Friendly Words to the Foreign
Born, by Judge Joseph Buffington; 202. The Prussian
System, by Frederic C. Walcott; 203. Labor and the War,
President Wilson's Address to the American Federation of
Labor, Nov. 12, 1917; 204. A War Message to the Farmer,
by the President; 205. Plain Issues of the War, by Elihu
Root; 206. Ways to Serve the Nation, a Proclamation by
the President, April 16, 1917; 207. What Really Matters,
by a Well Known Newspaper Writer.

Official Bulletin. Published daily; $5 per year.

All publications of the Committee on Public Infor-
mation are distributed FREE except as price is noted.

VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS.

187

PART VI.
Statutes of the United States Relating to the State of War

April 6, 1917, to May 20, 1918

DECLARATION OF WAR wrm GERMANY, APRIL 8, 1917. '

Whereas the Imperial German Government has committed
repeated acts of war against the Government and the peo-
ple of the United States of America: Therefore be it
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled, That
the state of war between the United States and the Im-
perial German Government which has thus been thrust
upon the United States is hereby formally declared; and
that the President be, and he is hereby, authorized and
directed to employ the entire naval and military forces of
the United (states and the resources of the Government to
carry on war against the Imperial German Government;
and to bring the conflict to a successful termination all of
the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Con-
gress of the United States.
Approved, April 6, 1917.

JOINT RESOLUTION AUTHORIZING THE TAKING. OVER OF
ENEMY VESSELS, MAY 12, 1917.

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled, That
the President be, and he is hereby, authorized to take over
to the United States the immediate possession and title of
any vessel within the jurisdiction thereof, including the
Canal Zone and all territories and insular possessions of
the United States except the American Virgin Islands,
which at the time of coming into such jurisdiction was
owned in whole or in part by any corporation, citizen, or
subject of any nation with which the United States may be
at war when such vessel shall be taken, or was flying the
flag of or was under register of any such nation or any
political subdivision or municipality thereof; and, through
the United States Shipping Board, or any department or
agency of the Government, to operate, lease, charter, and
equip such vessel in any service of the United States, or in
any commerce, foreign or coastwise.

SEC. 2. That the Secretary of the Navy be, and he is
hereby, authorized and directed to appoint, subject to the
approval of the President, a board of survey, whose duty it
shall be to ascertain the actual value of the vessel, its
equipment, appurtenances, and all property contained there-
in, at the time of its taking, and to make a written report
of their findings to the Secretary of the Navy, who shall
preserve such report with the records of his department.
These findings shall be considered as competent evidence in
all proceedings on any claim for compensation.

Approved, May 12, 1917.

SELECTIVE DRAFT ACT, MAY 18, 1917.2

An Act to authorize the President to increase temporarily
the Military Establishment of the United States.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives

i For the President's proclamations concerning the state
of war, responsibilities of aliens, and treasonable acts, see

pllLTCS lti!)-171.

» For the President's proclamation setting June 5, 1917,
as rejristration day, see p. 171.

of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
That in view of the existing emergency, which demands the
raising of troops in addition to those now available, the
President be, and he is hereby, authorized —

First. Immediately to raise, organize, officer, and equip
all or such number of increments of the Regular Army pro-
vided by the national defense Act approved June third,
nineteen hundred and sixteen, or such parts thereof as he
may deem necessary ; to raise all organizations of the Regu-
lar Army, including those added by such increments, to the
maximum enlisted strength authorized by law. . . .

Second. To draft into the military service of the United
States, organize, and officer, in accordance with the provi-
sions of section one hundred and eleven of said national de-
fense Act, so far as the provisions of said section may be
applicable and not inconsistent with the terms of this Act,
any or all members of the National Guard and of the Na-
tional Guard Reserves, and said members so drafted into
the military service of the United States shall serve therein
for the period of the existing emergency unless sooner dis-
charged: Provided, That when so drafted the organizations
or units of the National Guard shall, so far as practicable,
retain the State designations of their respective organiza-
tions.

Third. To raise by draft as herein provided, organize and
equip an additional force of five hundred thousand enlisted
men, or such part or parts thereof as he may at any time
deem necessary, and to provide the necessary officers, line
and staff, for said force and for organizations of the other
forces hereby authorized, or by combining organizations of
said other forces, by ordering members of the Officers' Re-
serve Corps to temporary duty in accordance with the pro-
visions of section thirty-eight of the national defense Act
approved June third, nineteen hundred and sixteen; by ap-
pointment from the Regular Army, the Officers' Reserve
Corps, from those duly qualified and registered pursuant to
section twenty-three of the Act of Congress approved Janu-
ary twenty-first, nineteen hundred and three (Thirty-second
Statutes at Large, page seven hundred and seventy-five),
from the members of the National Guard drafted into the
service of the United States, from those who have been
graduated from educational institutions at which military
instruction is compulsory, or from those who have had hon-
orable service in the Regular Army, the National Guard, or
in the volunteer forces, or from the country at large; by
assigning retired officers of the Regular Army to active duty
with such force with their rank on the retired list and the
full pay and allowances of their grade; or by the appoint-
ment of retired officers and enlisted men, active or retired,
of the Regular Army as commissioned officers in such
forces: Provided, That the organization of said force shall
be the same as that of the corresponding organizations of
the Regular Army: Provided further, That the President is
authorized to increase or decrease the number of organiza-
tions prescribed for the typical brigades, divisions, or army
corps of the Regular Army, and to prescribe such new and
different organizations and personnel for army corps, divi-
sions, brigades, regiments, battalions, squadrons, com-
panies, troops, and batteries as the efficiency of the service
may require: Provided further, That the number of organl-

138

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

nations in a regiment shall not be increased nor sha! I the
number of regiments be decreased: Provided further, That
the President in his discretion may organize, officer, and
equip for each Infantry and Cavalry brigade three machine-
gun companies, and for each Infantry and Cavalry division
four machine-gun companies, all in addition to the machine-
gun companies comprised in organizations included in such
brigades and divisions: Provided further, That the Presi-
dent in his discretion may organize for each division one
armored motor-car machine-gun company. The machine-
gun companies organized under this section shall consist of
euch commissioned and enlisted personnel and be equipped
in such manner as the President may prescribe: And pro-
vided further, That officers with rank not above that of
colonel shall be appointed by the President alone, and offi-
cers above that grade by the President by and with the ad-
vice and consent of the Senate: Provided further, That the
President may in his discretion recommission in the Coast
Guard persons who have heretofore held commissions in the
Revenue-Cutter Service or the Coast Guard and have left
the service honorably, after ascertaining that they are
qualified for service physically, morally, and as to age and
military fitness.

Fourth. The President is further authorized, in his dis-
cretion and at such time as he may determine, to raise and
begin the training of an additional force of five hundred
thousand men organized, officered, and equipped, as pro-
vided for the force first mentioned in the preceding para-
graph of this section.

Fifth. To raise by draft, organize, equip, and officer, as
provided in the third paragraph of this section, in addition
to and for each of the above forces, such recruit training
units as he may deem necessary for the maintenance of such
forces at the maximum strength.

Sixth. To raise, organize, officer, and maintain during
the emergency such number of ammunition batteries and
battalions, depot batteries and battalions, and euch artil-
lery parks, with such numbers and grades of personnel as
he may deem necessary. Such organizations shall be offi-
cered in the manner provided in the third paragraph of this
section, and enlisted men may be assigned to said organi-
zations from any of the forces herein provided for or raised
by selective draft as by this Act provided.

Seventh. The President is further authorized to raise and
maintain by voluntary enlistment, to organize, and equip,
not to exceed four infantry divisions, the officers of which
shall be selected in the manner provided by paragraph
three of section one of this Act: Provided, That the organi-
zation of said force shall be the same as that of the corre-
sponding organization of the Regular Army: And provided
further, That there shall be no enlistments in said force of
men under twenty-five years of age at time of enlisting:
And provided further, That no such volunteer force shall be
accepted in any unit smaller than a division.

SEC. 2. That the enlisted men required to raise and
maintain the organizations of the Regular Army and to
complete and maintain the organizations embodying the
members of the National Guard drafted into the service of
the United States, at the maximum legal strength as by
this Act provided, shall be raised by voluntary enlistment,
or if and whenever the President decides that they can not
effectually be so raised or maintained, then by selective
draft; and all other forces hereby authorized, except as
provided in the seventh paragraph of section one, shall be
raised and maintained by selective draft exclusively; but
this provision shall not prevent the transfer to any force of
training cadres from other forces. Such draft as herein
provided shall be based upon liability to military service of

all male citizens, or male persons not alien enemies who
have declared their intention to become citizens, between
the ages of twenty-one and thirty years, both inclusive, and
shall take place and be maintained under such regulations
as the President may prescribe not inconsistent with the
terms of this Act. Quotas for the several States, Terri-
tories, and the District of Columbia, or subdivisions there-
of, shall be determined in proportion to the population
thereof, and credit shall be given to any State, Territory,
District, or subdivision thereof, for the number of men who
were in the military service of the United States as mem-
bers of the National Guard on April first, nineteen hundred
and seventeen, or who have since said date entered the
military service of the United States from any such State,
Territory, District, or subdivision, either as members of the
Regular Army or the National Guard. All persons drafted
into the service of the United States and all officers accept-
ing commissions in the forces herein provided for shall,
from the date of said draft or acceptance, be subject to
the laws and regulations governing the Regular Army, ex-
cept as to promotions, so far as such laws and regulations
are applicable to persons whose permanent retention in the
military service on the active or retired list is not contem-
plated by existing law, and those drafted shall be required
to serve for the period of the existing emergency unless
sooner discharged: Provided, That the President is author-
ized to raise and maintain by voluntary enlistment or
draft, as herein provided, special and technical troops as he
may deem necessary, and to embody them into organiza-
tions and to officer them as provided in the third paragraph
of section one and section nine of this Act. Organizations
of the forces herein provided for, except the Regular Army
and the divisions authorized in the seventh paragraph of
section one, shall, as far as the interests of the service per-
mit, be composed of men who come, and of officers who are
appointed from, the same State or locality.8

SEC. 3. No bounty shall be paid to induce any person to
enlist in the military service of the United States; and no
person liable to military service shall hereafter be per-
mitted or allowed to furnish a substitute for such service;
nor shall any substitute be received, enlisted, or enrolled in
the military service of the United States; and no such per-
son shall be permitted to escape such service or to be dis-
charged therefrom prior to the expiration of his term of
service by the payment of money or any other valuable
thing whatsoever as consideration for his release from mili-
tary service or liability thereto.

SEC. 4. That the Vice President of the United States, the
officers, legislative, executive, and judicial, of the United
States and of the several States, Territories, and the Dis-
trict of Columbia, regular or duly ordained ministers of
religion, students who at the time of the approval of this
Act are preparing for the ministry in recognized theological
or divirity schools,4 and all persons in the military and
naval service of the United States shall be exempt from the
selective draft herein prescribed; and nothing in this Act
contained shall be construed to require or compel any per-
son to serve in any of the forces herein provided for who is
found to be a member of any well-recognized religious sect
or organization at present organized and existing and
whose existing creed or principles forbid its members to
participate in war in any form and whose religious convic-
tions are against war or participation therein in accordance

* Note the changes made by the joint resolutions of May
16 and May 20, 1918, pp. 167-168.

< Joint resolution of May 20, 1918, extended exemption to
medical students, see p. 168.

VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS.

189

with the creed or principles of said religious organizations,
but no person so exempted shall be exempted from service
in any capacity that the President shall declare to be non-
combatant; and the President is hereby authorized to exclude
or discharge from said selective draft and from the draft un-
der the second paragraph of section one hereof, or to draft
for partial military service only from those liable to draft
as in this Act provided, persons of the following classes:
County and municipal oflicials; customhouse clerks; per-
sons employed by the United States in the transmission of
the mails; artificers and workmen employed in the armor-
ies, arsenals, and navy yards of the United States, and such
other persons employed in the service of the United States
as the President may designate; pilots; mariners actually
employed in the sea service of any citizen or merchant
within the United States; persons engaged in industries, in-
cluding agriculture, found to be necessary to the main-
tenance of the Military Establishment or the effective oper-
ation of the military forces or the maintenance of national
interest during the emergency; those in a status with re-
spect to persons dependent upon them for support which
renders their exclusion or discharge advisable; and those
found to be physically or morally deficient. No exemption
or exclusion shall continue when a cause therefor no longer
exists: Provided, That notwithstanding the exemptions
enumerated herein, each State, Territory, and the District
of Columbia shall be required to supply its quota in the
proportion that its population bears to the total population
of the United States.

The President is hereby authorized, in his discretion, to
create and establish throughout the several States and sub-
divisions thereof and in the Territories and the District of
Columbia local boards, and where, in his discretion, prac-
ticable and desirable, there shall be created and established
one such local b >ard in each county or similar subdivision
in each State, and one for approximately each thirty
thousand of population in each city of thirty thousand
population or over, according to the last census taken
or estimates furnished by the Bureau of Census of
the Department of Commerce, Such boards shall be ap-
pointed by the President, and shall consist of three or more
members, none of whom shall be connected with the Mili-
tary Establishment, to be chosen from among the local au-
thorities of such subdivisions or from other citizens resid-
ing in the subdivision or area in which the respective
boards will have jurisdiction under the rules and regula-
tions prescribed by the President. Such boards shall have
power within their respective jurisdictions to hear and de-
termine, subject to review as hereinafter provided, all
questions of exemption under this Act, and all questions of
or claims for including or discharging individuals or
classes of individuals from the selective draft, which shall
be made under rules and regulations prescribed by the
President, except any and every question or claim for in-
cluding or excluding or discharging persons or classes of
persons from the selective draft under the provisions of this
Act authorizing the President to exclude or discharge from
the selective draft " Persons engaged in industries, includ-
ing agriculture, found to be necessary to the maintenance of
the Military Establishment, or the effective operation of the
military forces, or the maintenance of national interest
during the emergency."

The President is hereby authorized to establish addi-
tional boards, one in each Federal judicial district of the
United States, consisting of such number of citizens, not
connected with the Military Establishment, as the Presi-
dent may determine, who shall be appointed by the Presi-
dent. The President is hereby authorized, in his discre-

tion, to establish more than one such board in any Federal
judicial district of the United States, or to establinh one
such board having jurisdiction of an area extending into
more than one Federal judicial district.

Such district boards shall review on appeal and affirm,
modify, or reverse any decision of any local board having
jurisdiction in the area in which any such district board
has jurisdiction under the rules and regulations prescribed
by the President. Such district boards shall have exclusive
original jurisdiction within their respective areas to hear
and determine all questions or claims for including or ex-
cluding or discharging persons or classes of persons from
the selective draft, under the provisions of this Act, not in-
cluded within the original jurisdiction of such local boards.

The decisions of such district boards shall be final except
that, in accordance with such rules and regulations as the
President may prescribe, he may affirm, modify or reverse
any such decision.

Any vacancy in any such local board or district board
shall be filled by the President, and any member of any
such local board or district board may be removed and
another appointed in his place by the President, whenever
he considers that the interest of the nation demands it.

The President shall make rules and regulations govern-
ing the organization and procedure of such local boards and
district boards, and providing for and governing appeals
from such local boards to such district boards, and reviews
of the decisions of any local board by the district board
having jurisdiction, and determining and prescribing the
several areas in which the respective local boards and dis-
trict boards shall have jurisdiction, and all other rules
and regulations necessary to carry out the terms and pro-
visions of this section, and shall provide for the issuance of
certificates of exemption, or partial or limited exemptions,
and for a system to exclude and discharge individuals from
selective draft.

SEC. 5. That all male persons between the ages of twenty-
one and thirty, both inclusive, shall be subject to registra-
tion in accordance with regulations to be prescribed by the
President; and upon proclamation by the President or other
public notice given by him or by his direction stating the
time and place of such registration it shall be the duty of
all persons of the designated ages, except officers and en-
listed men of the Regular Army, the Navy, and the Na-
tional Guard and Naval Militia while in the service of the
United States, to present themselves for and submit to reg-
istration under the provisions of this Act; and every such
person shall be deemed to have notice of the requirements
of this Act upon the publication of said proclamation or
other notice as aforesaid given by the President or by his
direction ; and any person who shall willfully fail or re-
fuse to present himself for registration or to submit thereto
as herein provided, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and
shall, upon conviction in the district court of the United
States having jurisdiction thereof, be punished by imprison-
ment for not more than one year, and shall thereupon be
duly registered: Provided, That in the call of the docket
precedence shall be given, in courts trying the same, to the
trial of criminal proceedings under this Act: Provided fur-
ther, That persons shall be subject to registration as herein
provided who shall have attained their twenty-first birth-
day and who shall not have attained their thirty-first birth-
day on or before the day set for the registration, and all
persons so registered shall be and remain subject to draft
into the forces hereby authorized, unless exempted or ex-
cused therefrom as in this Act provided: Provided further,
That in the case of temporary absence from actual place of
legal residence of any person liable to registration as pro-

1-M)

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

vided herein such registration may be made by mail under
regulations to be prescribed by the President.

SEC. 6. That the President is hereby authorized to utilize
the service of any or all departments and any or all officers
or agents of the United States and of the several States,
Territories, and the District of Columbia, and subdivisions
thereof, in the execution of this Act, and all officers and
agents of the United States and of the several States, Ter-
ritories, and subdivisions thereof, and of the District of
Columbia, and all persons designated or appointed under
regulations prescribed by the President whether such ap-
tciintments are made by the President himself or by the
/overnor or other officer of any State or Territory to per-
form any duty in the execution of this Act, are hereby re-
quired to perform such duty as the President shall order or
direct, and all such officers and agents and persons so desig-
nated or appointed shall hereby have full authority for all
acts done by them in the execution of this Act by the direc-
tion of the President. Correspondence in the execution of
this Act may be carried in penalty envelopes bearing the
frank of the War Department. Any person charged as
herein provided with the duty of carrying into effect any of
the provisions of thia Act or the regulations made or direc-
tions given thereunder who shall fail or neglect to perform
such duty; and any person charged with such duty or hav-
ing and exercising any authority under said Act, regula-
tions, or directions, who shall knowingly make or be a
party to the making of any false or incorrect registration,
physical examination, exemption, enlistment, enrollment, or
muster; and any person who shall make or be a party to
the making of any false statement or certificate as to the
fitness or liability of himself or any other person for ser-
vice under the provisions of this Act, or regulations made
by the President thereunder, or otherwise evades or aids
another to evade the requirements of this Act or of said
regulations, or who, in any manner, shall fail or neglect
fully to perform any duty required of him in the execution
of this Act, shall, if not subject to military law, be guilty
of a misdemeanor, and upon conviction in the district court
of the United States having jurisdiction thereof, be pun-
ished by imprisonment for not more than one year, or, if
subject to military law, shall be tried by court-martial and
suffer such punishment as a court-martial may direct.

SEC. 7. That the qualifications and conditions for volun-
tary enlistment as herein provided shall be the same as
those prescribed by existing law for enlistments in the
Regular Army, except that recruits must be between the
ages of eighteen and forty years, both inclusive, at the time
of their enlistment; and such enlistments shall be for the
period of the emergency unless sooner discharged. All en-
lixtments, including those in the Regular Army Reserve,
which are in force on the date of the approval of this Act
and which would terminate during the emergency shall con-
tinue in force during the emergency unless sooner dis-
charged; but nothing herein contained shall be construed to
shorten the period of any existing enlistment: Provided,
That all persons enlisted or drafted under any of the pro-
visions of this Act shall as far as practicable be grouped
into units by States and the political subdivisions of the
same: Provided further, That all persons who have en-
listed since April first, nineteen hundred and seventeen,
either in the Regular Army or in the National Guard, and
all persons who have enlisted in the National Guard since
June third, nineteen hundred and sixteen, upon their appli-
cation, shall be discharged upon the termination of the
existing emergency.

The President may provide for the discharge of any or

all enlisted men whose status with respect to dependents
renders such discharge advisable; and he may also author-
ize the employment on any active duty of retired enlisted
men of the Regular Army, either with their rank on the re-
tired list or in higher enlisted grades, and such retired en-
listed men shall receive the full pay and allowances of the
grades in which they are actively employed.

SEC. 8. That the President, by and with the advice and
consent of the Senate, is authorized to appoint for the
period of the existing emergency such general officers of ap-
propriate grades as may be necessary for duty with bri-
gades, divisions, and higher units in which the forces pro-
vided for herein may be organized by the President, and
general officers of appropriate grade for the several Coast
Artillery districts. . . .

SEC. 9. That the appointments authorized and made as
provided by the second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, and
seventh paragraphs of section one and by section eight of
this Act, and the temporary appointments in the Regular
Army authorized by the first paragraph of section one of
this Act, shall be for the period of the emergency, unless
sooner terminated by discharge or otherwise. The Presi-
dent is hereby authorized to discharge any officer from the
office held by him under such appointment for any cause
which, in the judgment of the President, would promote the
public service; and the general commanding any division
and higher, tactical organization or territorial department
is authorized to appoint from time to time military boards
of not less than three nor more than five officers of the
forces herein provided for to examine into and report upon
the capacity, qualification, conduct, and efficiency of any
commissioned officer within his command other than offi-
cers of the Regular Army holding permanent or provi-
sional commissions therein. . .

SEC. 10. That all officers and enlisted men of the forces
herein provided for other than in the Regular Army shall
be in all respects on the same footing as to pay, allow-
ances, and pensions as officers and enlisted men of corre-
sponding grades and length of service in the Regular Army;
and commencing June one, nineteen hundred and seventeen,
and continuing until the termination of the emergency, all
enlisted men of the Army of the United States in active ser-
vice whose base pay does not exceed $21 per month shall
receive an increase of $15 per month; those whose base pay
is $24, an increase of $12 per month; those whose base pay
is $30, $36, or $40, an increase of $8 per month ; and those
whose base pay is $45 or more, an increase of $6 per
month: Provided, That the increases of pay herein author-
ized shall not enter into the computation of continuous-
service pay.

SEC. 11. That all existing restrictions upon the detail,
detachment, and employment of officers and enlisted men
of the Regular Army are hereby suspended for the period
of the present emergency.

SEC. 12. That the President of the United States, aa
Commander in Chief of the Army, is authorized to make
such regulations governing the prohibition of alcoholic
liquors in or near military camps and to the officers and
enlisted men of the Army as he may from time to time
deem necessary or advisable: Provided, That no person,
corporation, partnership, or association shall sell, supply,
or have in his or its possession any intoxicating or spiritu-
ous liquors at any military station, cantonment, camp, fort,
post, officers' or enlisted men's club, which is being used at
the time for military purposes under this Act. but the Sec-
retary of War may make regulations permitting the sale
and use of intoxicating liquors for medicinal purposes. It

VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS.

ill

shall be unlawful to sell any intoxicating liquor, including
beer, ale, or wine, to any officer or member of the military
forces while in uniform, except as herein provided. Any
person, corporation, partnership, or association violating
the provision* of this section of the regulations made there-
under shall, unless otherwise punishable under the Articles
of War, be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor and be pun-
ished by a flue of not more than $1,000 or imprisonment
for not more than twelve months, or both.

SEC. 13. That the Secretary of War is hereby authorized,
empowered, and directed during the present war to do
everything by him deemed necessary to suppress and pre-
vent the keeping or setting up of houses of ill fame,
brothels, or bawdy houses within such distance as he may
deem needful of any military camp, station, fort, post, can-
tonment, training, or mobilization place. . . .

SEC. 14. That all laws and parts of laws in conflict with
the provisions of this Act are hereby suspended during the
period of this emergency.

Approved, May 18, 1917.

ACT RELATING TO ESPIONAGE, ETC., JUNE 15, 1917.

An Act To punish acts of interference with the foreign
relations, the neutrality, and the foreign commerce of the
United States, to punish espionage, and better to enforce
the criminal laws of the United States, and for other pur-
poses.

Be it enacted by the Senate and Bouse of Represntatives
of the United States of America in Congress assembled:

TITLE I.

ESPIONAGE.

SECTION 1. That (a) whoever, for the purpose of obtain-
ing information respecting the national defense with intent
or reason to believe that the information to be obtained is
to be used to the injury of the United States, or to the ad-
vantage of any foreign nation, goes upon, enters, flies over,
or otherwise obtains information concerning any vessel, air-
craft, work of defense, navy yard, naval station, submarine
base, coaling station, fort, battery, torpedo station, dock-
yard, canal, railroad, arsenal, camp, factory, mine, tele-
graph, telephone, wireless, or signal station, building, office,
or other place connected with the national defense, owned
or constructed, or in progress of construction by the United
States or under the control of the United States, or of any
of its officers or agents, or within the exclusive jurisdiction
of the United States, or any place in which any vessel, air-
craft, arms, munitions, or other materials or instruments
for use in time of war are being made, prepared, repaired,
or stored, under any contract or agreement with the United
States, or with any person on behalf of the United States,
or otherwise on behalf of the United States, or any pro-
hibited place within the meaning of section six of this
title; or (h) whoever for the purpose aforesaid, and with
like intent or reason to believe, copies, takes, makes, or ob-
tains, or attempts, or induces or aids another to copy, take,
make, or obtain, any sketch, photograph, photographic
negative, blue print, plan, map, model, instrument, appli-
ance, document, writing, or note of anything connected with
the national defense; or (c) whoever, for the purpose afore-
said, receives or obtains or agrees or attempts or induces
or aids another to receive or obtain from any person, or
from any source whatever, any document, writing, code
book, sijmal book, sketch, photograph, photographic nega-
tive, blue print, plan, map, model, instrument, appliance, or
note, of anything connected with the national defense. know-
Ing or having reason to believe, at the time he receives or

obtains, or agrees or attempts or induces or aids another
to receive or obtain it, that it has been or will lie obtained,
taken, made or disposed of by any person contrary to the
provisions of this title; or (d) whoever, lawfully or un-
lawfully having possession of, access to, control over, or be-
ing intrusted with any document, writing, code book, signal
book, sketch, photograph, photographic negative, blue print,
plan, map, model, instrument, appliance, or note relating
to the national defense, willfully communicates or trans-
mits or attempts to communicate or transmit the same to
any person not entitled to receive it, or willfully retains
the same and fails to deliver it on demand to the officer or
employee of the United States entitled to receive it; or (e)
whoever, being intrusted with or having lawful possession
or control of any document, writing, code book, signal book,
sketch, photograph, photographic negative, blue print, plan,
map, model, note, or information, relating to the national
defense, through gross negligence permits the same to be
removed from its proper place of custody or delivered to
anyone in violation of his trust, or to be lost, stolen, ab-
stracted, or destroyed, shall be punished by a fine of not
more than $10.000, or by imprisonment for not more than
two years, or both.

SEC. 2. (a) Whoever, with intent or reason to believe
that it is to be used to the injury of the United States or
to the advantage of a foreign nation, communicates, deliv-
ers, or transmits, or attempts to, or aids or induces another
to, communicate, deliver, or transmit, to any foreign gov-
ernment, or to any faction or party or military or naval
force within a foreign country, whether recogni/ed or un-
recognized by the United States, or to any representative,
officer, agent, employee, subject, or citizen thereof, either
directly or indirectly, any document, writing, code book,
signal book, sketch, photograph, photographic negative,
blue print, plan, map, model, note, instrument, appliance,
or information relating to the national defense, shall be
punished by imprisonment for not more than twenty years:
1'rovided, That whoever shall violate the provisions of sub-
section (a) of this section in time of war shall be pun-
ished by death or by imprisonment for not more than thirty
years; and (b) whoever, in time of war, with intent that
the same shall be communicated to the enemy, shall collect,
record, publish, or communicate, or attempt to elicit any
information with respect to the movement, numbers, de-
scription, condition, or disposition of any of the armed
forces, ships, aircraft, or war materials of the United
States, or with respect to the plans or conduct, or supposed
plans or conduct of any naval or military operations, or
with respect to any works or measures undertaken for or
connected with, or intended for the fortification or defense
of any place, or any other information relating to the pub-
lic defense, which might be useful to the enemy, shall be
punished by death or by imprisonment for not more than
thirty years.

SEC. 3. Whoever, when the United States is at war, shall
willfully make or convey false reports or false statements
with intent to interfere with the operation or success of
the military or naval forces of the United States or to pro-
mote the success of its enemies and whoever when the
United States is at war, shall willfully cause or attempt to
cause insubordination, disloyalty, mutiny, or refusal of
duty, in the military or naval forces of the United States,
or shall willfully obstruct the recruiting or enlistment ser-
vice of the United States, to the injury of the service or of
the United States, shall be punished by a fine of not more
than $10.000 or imprisonment for not more than twenty
years, or both.

SEC. 4. If two or more persons conspire to violate the

142

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

provisions of sections two or three of this title, and one or
more of such persons does any act to effect the object of
the conspiracy, each of the parties to such conspiracy shall
be punished as in said sections provided in the case of the
doing of the act the accomplishment of which is the object
of such conspiracy. Except as above provided conspiracies
to commit offenses under this title shall be punished as pro-
vided by section thirty-seven of the Act to codify, revise,
and amend the penal laws of the United States approved
March fourth, nineteen hundred and nine.

SEC. 6. Whoever harbors or conceals any person who he
knows, or has reasonable grounds to believe or suspect, has
committed, or is about to commit, an offense under this
title shall be punished by a fine of not more than $10,000
or by imprisonment for not more than two years, or both.

SEC. 6. The President in time of war or in case of na-
tional emergency may by proclamation designate any place
other than those set forth in subsection (a) of section one
hereof in which anything for the use of the Army or Navy
is being prepared or constructed or stored as a prohibited
place for the purposes of this title: Provided, That he shall
determine that information with respect thereto would be
prejudicial to the national defense.

SEC. 7. Nothing contained in this title shall be deemed
to limit the jurisdiction of the general courts-martial, mili-
tary commissions, or naval courts-martial under sections
thirteen hundred and forty-two, thirteen hundred and forty-
three, and sixteen hundred and twenty-four of the Revised
Statutes as amended.

SEC. 8. The provisions of this title shall extend to all
Territories, possessions, and places subject to the jurisdic-
tion of the United States, whether or not contiguous there-
to, and offenses under this title when committed upon the
high seas or elsewhere within the admiralty and maritime
jurisdiction of the United States and outside the territorial
limits thereof shall be punishable hereunder.

SEC. 9. The Act entitled "An Act to prevent the disclo-
sure of national defense secrets," approved March third,
nineteen hundred and eleven, is hereby repealed.

TITLE II.

VESSELS IN POETS OF THE UNITED STATES.

SECTION 1. Whenever the President by proclamation or
Executive order declares a national emergency to exist by
reason of actual or threatened war, insurrection, or inva-
sion, or disturbance or threatened disturbance of the inter-
national relations of the United States, the Secretary of
the Treasury may make, subject to the approval of the
President, rules and regulations governing the anchorage
and movement of any vessel, foreign or domestic, in the
territorial waters of the United States, may inspect such
vessel at any time, place guards thereon, and, if necessary
in his opinion in order to secure such vessels from damage
or injury, or to prevent damage or injury to any harbor or
waters of the United States, or to secure the observance of
the rights and obligations of the United States, may take,
by and with the consent of the President, for such purposes,
full possession and control of such vessel and remove there-
from the officers and crew thereof and all other persons
not specially authorized by him to go or remain on board
thereof.

Within the territory and waters of the Canal Zone the
Governor of the Panama Canal, with the approval of the
President, shall exercise all the powers conferred by this
section on the Secretary of the Treasury.'

" See the President's proclamation of May 23, 1917, for
action taken concerning the canal, p. 172.

SEC. 2. If any owner, agent, master, officer, or person in
charge, or any member of the crew of any such vessel fails
to comply with any regulation or rule issued or order given
by the Secretary of the Treasury or the Governor of the
Panama Canal under the provisions of this title, or ob-
structs or interferes with the exercise of any power con-
ferred by this title, the vessel, together with her tackle,
apparel, furniture, and equipment, shall be subject to seiz-
ure and forfeiture to the United States in the same manner
as merchandise is forfeited for violation of the customs
revenue laws; and the person guilty of such failure, ob-
struction, or interference shall be fined not more than
$10,000, or imprisoned not more than two years, or both.

SEC. 3. It shall be unlawful for the owner or master or
any other person in charge or command of any private ves-
sel, foreign or domestic, or for any member of the crew or
other person, within the territorial waters of the United
States, willfully to cause or permit the destruction or in-
jury of such vessel- or knowingly to permit said vessel to be
used as a place of resort for any person conspiring with
another or preparing to commit any offense against the
United States, or in violation of the treaties of the United
States or of the obligations of the United States under the
law of nations, or to defraud the United States, or know-
ingly to permit such vessels to be used in violation of the
rights and" obligations of the United States under the law
of nations; and in case such vessel shall be so used, with
the knowledge of the owner or master or other person in
charge or command thereof, the vessel, together with her
tackle, apparel, furniture, and equipment, shall be subject
to seizure and forfeiture to the United States in the same
manner as merchandise is forfeited for violation of the cus-
toms revenue laws; and whoever violates this section shall
be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than
two years, or both.

SEC. 4. The President may employ such part of the land
or naval forces of the United States as he may deem neces-
sary to carry out the purposes of this title.

TITLE III.

INJURING VESSELS ENGAGED IN FOREIGN COMMERCE.

SECTION 1. Whoever shall set fire to any vessel of for-
eign registry, or any vessel of American registry entitled to
engage in commerce with foreign nations, or to any vessel
of the United States as defined in section three hundred and
ten of the Act of March fourth, nineteen hundred and nine,
entitled "An Act to codify, revise, and amend the penal
laws of the United States," or to the cargo of the same,
or shall tamper with the motive power or instrumentali-
ties of navigation of such vessel, or shall place bombs or
explosives in or upon such vessel, or shall do any other act
to or upon such vessel while within the jurisdiction of the
United States, or, if such vessel is of American registry,
while she is on the high sea, with intent to injure or en-
danger the safety of the vessel or of her cargo, or of persons
on board, whether the injury or danger is so intended to
take place within the jurisdiction of the United States, or
after the vessel shall have departed therefrom; or whoever
shall attempt or conspire to do any such acts with such in-
tent, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned
not more than twenty years, or both.

TITLE IV.

INTERFERENCE WITH FOREIGN COMMERCE BY VIOLENT MEANS.

SECTION 1. Whoever, with intent to prevent, interfere
with, or obstruct or attempt to prevent, interfere with, or
obstruct the exportation to foreign countries of articles

VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS.

148

from the United States, shall injure or destroy, by fire or
explosives, such articles or the places where they may be
while in such foreign commerce, shall be fined not more
than $10,000, or imprisoned not more than ten years, or
both.

TITLE V.

ENFORCEMENT OF NEUTRALITY.

[This title deals with acts performed in a war in which
the United States is neutral.]

TITLE VI.

SEIZURE Or ARMS AND OTHER ARTICLES INTENDED FOR
EXPORT.

SECTION 1. Whenever an attempt is made to export or
ship from or take out of the United States, any arms or
munitions of war, or other articles, in violation of law, or
whenever there shall be known or probable cause to believe
that any such arms or munitions of war, or other articles,
are being or are intended to be exported, or shipped from,
or taken out of the United States, in violation of law, the
several collectors, naval officers, surveyors, inspectors of
customs, and marshals, and deputy marshals of the United
States, and every other person duly authorized for the pur-
pose by the President, may seize and detain any articles or
munitions of war about to be exported or shipped from, or
taken out of the United States, in violation of law, and the
vessels or vehicles containing the same, and retain posses-
sion thereof until released or disposed of as hereinafter di-
rected. If upon due inquiry as hereinafter provided, the
property seized shall appear to have been about to be so
unlawfully exported, shipped from, or taken out of the
United States, the same shall be forfeited to the United
States.

SEC. 2. It shall be the duty of the persons making any
seizure under this title to apply, with due diligence, to the
judge of the district court of the United States, or to the
judge of the United States district court of the Canal Zone,
or to the judge of a court of first instance in the Philippine
Islands, having jurisdiction over the place within which the
seizure is made, for a warrant to justify the further deten-
tion of the property so seized, which warrant shall be
granted only on oath or affirmation showing that there is
known or probable cause to believe that the property seized
Is being or is intended to be exported or shipped from or
taken out of the United States in violation of law; and if
the judge refuses to issue the warrant, or application there-
for is not made by the person making the seizure within a
reasonable time, not exceeding ten days after the seizure,
the property shall forthwith be restored to the owner or
person from whom seized. . . .

SEC. 8. The President may employ such part of the land
or naval forces of the United States as he may deem neces-
sary to carry out the purposes of this title.

TITLE VII.

CERTAIN EXPORTS IN TIME OF WAR UNLAWFUL.

SECTION 1. Whenever during the present war the Presi-
dent shall find that the public safety shall so require, and
shall make proclamation thereof, it shall be unlawful to
export from or ship from or take out of the United States
to any country named in such proclamation any article or
articles mentioned in such proclamation, except at such
time or times, and under such regulations and orders, and
subject to such limitations and exceptions as the President
shall prescribe, until otherwise ordered by the President or

by Congress: Provided, however, That no preference shall
be given to the ports of one State over those of another.*

SEC. 2. Any person who shall export, ship, or take out,
or deliver or attempt to deliver for export, shipment, or
taking out, any article in violation of this title, or of any
regulation, or order made hereunder, shall be fined not more
than $10,000, or, if a natural person, imprisoned for not
more than two years, or both; and any article so delivered
or exported, shipped, or taken out, or so attempted to be
delivered or exported, shipped, or taken out, shall be seized
and forfeited to the United States; and any officer, director,
or agent of a corporation who participates in any such vio-
lation shall be liable to like fine or imprisonment, or both.

SEC. 3. Whenever there is reasonable cause to believe
that any vessel, domestic or foreign, is about to carry out
of the United States any article or articles in violation of
the provisions of this title, the collector of customs for the
district in which such vessel is located is hereby author-
ized and empowered, subject to review by the Secretary of
Commerce, to refuse clearance to any such vessel, domestic
or foreign, for which clearance is required by law, and by
formal notice served upon the owners, master, or person or
persons in command or charge of any domestic vessel for
which clearance is not required by law, to forbid the de-
parture of such vessel from the port, and it shall thereupon
bo unlawful for such vessel to depart. Whoever, in vio-
lation of any of the provisions of this section shall take, or
attempt to take, or authorize the taking of any such vessel,
out of port or from the jurisdiction of the United States,
shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more
than two years, or both; and, in addition, such vessel, her
tackle, apparel, furniture, equipment, and her forbidden
cargo shall be forfeited to the United States.

TITLK VIII.

DISTURBANCE OF FOREIGN RELATIONS.

SECTION 1. Whoever, in relation to any dispute or con-
troversy between a foreign government and the United
States, shall willfully and knowingly make any untrue
statement, either orally or in writing, under oath before
any person authorized and empowered to administer oaths,
which the affiant has knowledge or reason to believe will,
or may be used to influence the measures or conduct of any
foreign government, or of any officer or agent of any foreign
government, to the injury of the United States, or with a
view or intent to influence any measure of or action by the
Government of the United States, or any branch thereof, to
the injury of the United States, shall be fined not more
than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than five years, or both.

SEC. 2. Wlioever within the jurisdiction of the United
States shall falsely assume or pretend to be a diplomatic or
consular, or other official of a foreign government duly ac-
credited as such to the Government of the United State*
with intent to defraud such foreign government or any per-
son, and shall take upon himself to act as such, or in such
pretended character shall demand or obtain, or attempt to
obtain from any person or from said foreign government,
or from any officer thereof, any money, paper, document, or
other thing of value, shall be fined not more than $5,000,
or imprisoned not more than five years, or both.

SEC. 3. Whoever, other than a diplomatic or consular
officer or attache, shall act in the United States as an agent
of a foreign government without prior notification to the
Secretary of State shall be fined not more than $5,000, or
imprisoned not more than five years, or both. . . .

• A number ot executive proclamations have been issued
relating to foreign trade. See pp. 172, 176-177.

144

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

SEC. 6. If two or more persons within the jurisdiction of
the United States conspire to injure or destroy specific
property situated within a foreign country and belonging
to a foreign Government or to any political subdivision
thereof with which the United States is at peace, or any
railroad, canal, bridge, or other public utility so situated,
and if one or more of such persons commits an act within
the jurisdiction of the United States to effect the object
of the conspiracy, each of the parties to the conspiracy
shall be fined not more than $5,000, or imprisoned not more
than three years, or both. Any indictment or information
under this section shall describe the specific property which
it was the object of the conspiracy to injure or destroy.

TITLE IX.

PASSPORTS.

SECTION 1. Before a passport is issued to any person by
or under authority of the United States such person shall
subscribe to and submit a written application duly verified
by his oath before a person authorized and empowered to
administer oaths, which said application shall contain a
true recital of each and every matter of fact which may be
required by law or by any rules authorized by law to be
stated as a prerequisite to the issuance of any such passport.
Clerks of United States courts, agents of the Department
of State, or other Federal officials authorized, or who may
be authorized, to take passport applications and administer
oaths thereon, shall collect, for all services in connection
therewith, a fee of $1, and no more, in lieu of all fees pre-
scribed by any statute of the United States, whether the
application is executed singly, in duplicate, or in triplicate.

SEC. 2. Whoever shall willfully and knowingly make any
false statement in an application for passport with intent
to induce or secure the issuance of a passport under the
authority of the United States, either for his own use or
the use of another. . . .

SEC. 3. Whoever shall willfully and knowingly use, or
attempt to use, any passport issued or designed for the use
of another than himself. . . .

SEC. 4. Whoever shall falsely make, forge, counterfeit,
mutilate, or alter, or cause or procure to be falsely made,
forged, counterfeited, mutilated, or altered any passport or
Instrument purporting to be a passport, with intent to use
the same, or with intent that the same may be used by
another . . . [shall in each case be fined not more than
$2,000, or imprisoned not more than five years, or both].

TITLE X.

COUNTERFEITING GOVERNMENT SEAL.

SECTION 1. Whoever shall fraudulently or wrongfully
affix or impress the seal of any executive department, or of
any bureau, commission, or office of the United States, to
or upon any certificate, instrument, commission, document,
or paper of any description ; or whoever, with knowledge of
its fraudulent character, shall with wrongful or fraudulent
intent use, buy, procure, sell, or transfer to another any
such certificate, instrument, commission, document, or
paper, to which or upon which said seal has been so fraudu-
lently affixed or impressed, shall be fined not more than
$6,000 or imprisoned not more than five years, or both. . . .

TITLE XI.

SEARCH WARRANTS.

SECTION 1. A search warrant authorized by this title
may be issued by a judge of a United States district court,
or by a judge of a State or Territorial court of record, or

by a United States commissioner for the district wherein
the property sought is located.

SEC. 2. A search warrant may be issued under this title
upon either of the following grounds:

1. When the property was stolen or embezzled in viola-
tion of a law of the United States; in which case it may be
taken on the warrant from any house or other place in
which it is concealed, or from the possession of the person
by whom it was stolen or embezzled, or from any person in
whose possession it may be.

2. When the property was used as the means of com-
mitting a felony; in which case it may be taken on the
warrant from any house or other place in which it is con-
cealed, or from the possession of the person by whom it was
used in the commission of the offense, or from any person
in whose possession it may be.

3. When the property, or any paper, is possessed, con-
trolled, or used in violation of section twenty-two of this
title; in which case it may be taken on the warrant from
the person violating said section, or from any person in
whose possession it may be, or from any house or other
place in which it is concealed.

SEC. 3. A search warrant can not be issued but upon
probable cause, supported by affidavit, naming or describing
the person and particularly describing the property and the
place to he searched.

SEC. 4. The judge or commissioner must, before issuing
the warrant, examine on oath the complainant and any
witness he may produce, and require their affidavits or take
their depositions in writing and cause them to be sub-
scribed by the parties making them.

SEC. 5. The affidavits or depositions must set forth the
facts tending to establish the grounds of the application or
probable cause for believing that they exist.

SEC. 6. If the judge or commissioner is thereupon satis-
fied of the existence of the grounds of the application or
that there is probable cause to believe their existence, he
must issue a search warrant, signed by him with his name of
office, to a civil officer of the United States duly authorized
to enforce or assist in enforcing any law thereof, or to a
person so duly authorized by the President of the United
States, stating the particular grounds or probable cause for
its issue and the names of the persons whose affidavits have
been taken in support thereof, and commanding him forth-
with to search the person or place named, for the property
specified, and to bring it before the judge or commissioner.

SEC. 7. A search warrant may in all cases be served by
any of the officers mentioned in its direction, but by no
other person, except in aid of the officer on his requiring it,
he being present and acting in its execution.

SEC. 8. The officer may break open any outer or inner
door or window of a house, or any part of a house, or any-
thing therein, to execute the warrant, if, after ndtice of
his authority and purpose, he is refused admittance.

SEC. 9. He may break open any outer or inner door or
window of a house for the purpose of liberating a person
who, having entered to aid him in the execution of the war-
rant, is detained therein, or when necessary for his own
liberation. . . .

SEC. 20. A person who maliciously and without probable
cause procures a search warrant to be issued and executed
shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more
than one year.

SEC. 21. An officer who in executing a search warrant
willfully exceeds his authority, or exercises it with unneces-

VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS.

145

•ary severity, shall be lined nut mure than $1,000 or im-
prisoned not more than one year.

Si;o. -i-i. Whoever, in aid of any foreign Government,
ahall knowingly and willfully have possession of or control
over any property or papers designed or intended for use or
which is used as the means of violating any penal statute,
or any of the rights or obligations of the United States
under any treaty or the law of nations, shall be fined not
more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than two years,
or both.

SEC. 23. Nothing contained in this title shall be held to
repeal or impair any existing provisions of law regulating
search and the issue of search warrants.

TITLE XII.

USE OF MAILS.

SECTION 1. Every letter, writing, circular, postal card,
picture, print, engraving, photograph, newspaper, pamphlet,
book, or other publication, matter, or thing, of any kind, in
violation of any of the provisions of this Act is hereby de-
clared to be nonmailable matter and shall not be conveyed
in the mails or delivered from any post office or by any let-
ter carrier: Provided, That nothing in this Act shall be so
construed as to authorize any person other than an em-
ploye of the Dead Letter Office, duly authorized thereto, or
other person upon a search warrant authorized by law, to
open any letter not addressed to himself.

SEC. 2. Every letter, writing, circular, postal card, pic-
ture, print, engraving, photograph, newspaper, pamphlet,
book, or other publication, matter or thing, of any kind,
containing any matter advocating or urging treason, insur-
rection, or forcible resistance to any law of the United
States, is hereby declared to be nonmailable.

SEC. 3. Whoever shall use or attempt to use the mails or
Postal Service of the United States for the transmission of
any matter declared by this title to be nonmailable, shall
be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than
five years, or both. Any person violating any provision of
this title may be tried and punished either in the district in
which the unlawful matter or publication was mailed, or
to which it was carried by mail for delivery according to
the direction thereon, or in which it was caused to be deliv-
ered by mail to the person to whom it was addressed. . . .

Approved, June 15, 1917.

ACT PUNISHING THE OBSTRUCTING OF TRANSPORTATION,

AND EMPOWERING THE PRESIDENT TO ESTABLISH

PRIOBITIKS IN TRANSPORTATION, AUGUST 10, 1917.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives
of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
That section one of the act entitled "An Act to regulate
commerce?' approved February fourth, eighteen hundred
and eighty-seven, as heretofore amended, be further
amended by adding thereto the following:

" That on and after the approval of this Act any person
or nersons who shall, during the war in which the United
States is nuw engaged, knowingly and willfully, by physical
force or intimidation by threats of physical force obstruct
or retard, or aid in obstructing or retarding, the orderly
conduct or movement in the United States of interstate or
foreipm eommrrce, or the orderly make-up or movement or
disposition of any train, or the movement or disposition of
any locomotive, car, or other vehicle on any railroad or
elsewhere in the United States engaged in interstate or for-
eign commerce shall he deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and
for every such offense shall be punishable by a fine of not
exceeding $100 or by imprisonment for not exceeding six

months, or by both such fine and imprisonment; and the
President of the United States is hereby authorized, when-
ever in his judgment the public interest requires, to employ
the armed forces of the United States to prevent any such
obstruction or retardation of the passage of the mail, or of
the orderly conduct or movement of interstate or foreign
commerce in any part of the United States, or of any train,
locomotive, car, or other vehicle upon any railroad or else-
where in the United States engaged in interstate or for-
eign commerce: Provided, That nothing in this section shall
be construed to repeal, modify, or affect either section six or
section twenty of an Act entitled 'An Act to supplement ex-
isting laws against unlawful restraints and monopolies, and
for other purposes,' approved October fifteenth, nineteen
hundred and fourteen.

" That during the continuance of the war in which the
United States is now engaged the President is authorized,
if he finds it necessary for the national defense and secur-
ity, to direct that such traffic or such shipments of com-
modities as, in his judgment, may be essential to the na-
tional defense and security shall have preference or priority
in transportation by any common carrier by railroad,
water, or otherwise. He may give these directions at and
for such times as he may determine, and may modify,
change, suspend, or annul them, and for any such purpose
he is hereby authorized to issue orders direct, or through
such person or persons as he may designate for the pur-
pose or through the Interstate Commerce Commission.
Officials of the United States, when so designated, shall re-
ceive no compensation for their services rendered hereun-
der. Persons not in the employ of the United States so
designated shall receive such compensation as the President
may fix. Suitable offices may be rented and all necessary
expenses, including compensation of persons so designated,
shall be paid as directed by the President out of funds
which may have been or may be provided to meet expendi-
tures for the national security and defense. The common
carriers subject to the Act to regulate commerce or as
many of them as desire so to do are hereby authorized with-
out responsibility or liability on the part of the United
States, financial or otherwise, to establish and maintain in
the city of Washington during the period of the war an
agency empowered by such carriers as join in the arrange-
ment to receive on behalf of them all notice and service of
such orders and directions as may be issued in accordance
with this Act, and service upon such agency shall be good
service as to all the carriers joining in the establishment
thereof. . . ."

Approved, August 10, 1917.

ACT AUTHORIZING THE CONTROL OF FOOD PRODUCTS AND
FUEL, AUGUST 10, 1917.

An Act To provide further for the national security and
defense by encouraging the production, conserving the sup-
ply, and controlling the distribution of food products and
fuel.

Be it enacted by the Senate and Bouse of Representative*
of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
That by reason of the existence of a state of war, it is
essential to the national security and defense, for the suc-
cessful prosecution of the war, and for the support and
maintenance of the Army and Navy, to assure an adequate
supply and equitable distribution, and to facilitate the
movement, of foods, feeds, fuel including fuel oil and nat-
ural gas, and fertilizer and fertilizer ingredients, tools,
utensils, implements, machinery, and equipment required
for the actual production of foods, feeds, and fuel, here-
after in this Act called necessaries; to prevent, locally or

146

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

generally, scarcity, monopolization, hoarding, injurious
speculation, manipulations, and private controls, alTecting
such supply, distribution, and movement; and to establish
and maintain governmental control of such necessaries dur-
ing the war. For such purposes the instrumentalities,
means, methods, powers, authorities, duties, obligations,
and prohibitions hereinafter set forth are created, estab-
lished, conferred, and prescribed. The President is author-
ized to make such regulations and to issue such orders as
are essential effectively to carry out the provisions of this
Act.

SEC. 2. That in carrying out the purposes of this Act the
President is authorized to enter into any voluntary ar-
rangements or agreements, to create and use any agency or
agencies, to accept the services of any person without com-
pensation, to cooperate with any agency or person, to util-
ize any department or agency of the Government, and to co-
ordinate their activities so as to avoid any preventable loss
or duplication of effort or funds.

SEC. 3. That no person acting either as a voluntary or
paid agent or employee of the United States in any capac-
ity, including an advisory capacity, shall solicit, induce, or
attempt to induce any person or officer authorized to exe-
cute or to direct the execution of contracts on behalf of
the United States to make any contract or give any order
for the furnishing to the United States of work, labor, or
services, or of materials, supplies, or other property of any
kind or character, if such agent or employee has any pecu-
niary interest in such contract or order, or if he or any
firm of which he is a member, or corporation, joint-stock
company, or association of which he is an officer or stock-
holder, or in the pecuniary profits of which he is directly or
indirectly interested, shall be a party thereto. Nor shall
any agent or employee make, or permit any committee or
other body of which he is a member to make, or participate
in making, any recommendation concerning such contract
or order to any council, board, or commission of the United
States, or any member or subordinate thereof, without mak-
ing to the best of his knowledge and belief a full and com-
plete disclosure in writing to such council, board, commis-
sion, or subordinate of any and every pecuniary interest
which he may have in such contract or order and of his in-
terest in any firm, corporation, company, or association be-
ing a party thereto. Nor shall he participate in the award-
ing of such contract or giving such order. Any willful vio-
lation of any of the provisions of this section shall be pun-
ishable by a fine of not more than $10,000, or by imprison-
ment of not more than five years, or both: Provided, That
the provisions of this section shall not change, alter or re-
peal section forty-one of chapter three hundred and twenty-
one, Thirty-fifth Statutes at Large.

SEC. 4. That it is hereby made unlawful for any person
willfully to destroy any necessaries for the purpose of en-
hancing the price or restricting the supply thereof; know-
ingly to commit waste or willfully to permit preventable
deterioration of any necessaries in or in connection with
their production, manufacture, or distribution; to hoard,
as defined in section six of this Act, any necessaries; to
monopolize or attempt to monopolize, either locally or gen-
erally, any necessaries; to engage in any discriminatory
and unfair, or any deceptive or wasteful practice or device,
or to make any unjust or unreasonable rate or charge, in
handling or dealing in or with any necessaries; to con-
spire, oomliine. agree, or arrange with any other person, (a)
to limit the facilities for transporting, producing, harvest-
Ing, manufacturing, supplying, storing, or dealing in any
necessaries; (b) to restrict the supply of any necessaries;
(c) to restrict distribution of any necessaries; (d) to pre-

vent, limit, or lessen the manufacture or production of any
necessaries in order to enhance the price thereof, or (e) to
exact excessive prices for any necessaries; or to aid or abet
the doing of any act made unlawful by this section.

SEC. 5. That, from time to time, whenever the President
shall find it essential to license the importation, manufac-
ture, storage, mining, or distribution of any necessaries, in
order to carry into effect any of the purposes of this Act,
and shall publicly so announce, no person shall, after a date
fixed in the announcement, engage in or carry on any such
business specified in the announcement of importation,
manufacture, storage, mining, or distribution of any neces-
saries as set forth in such announcement, unless he shall
secure and hold a license issued pursuant to this section.
The President is authorized to issue such licenses and to
prescribe regulations for the issuance of licenses and re-
quirements for systems of accounts and auditing of ac-
counts to be kept by licensees, submission of reports by
them, with or without oath or affirmation, and the entry
and inspection by the President's duly authorized agents of
the places of business of licensees. Whenever the President
shall find that any storage charge, commission, profit, or
practice of any licensee is unjust, or unreasonable, or dis-
criminatory and unfair, or wasteful, and shall order such
licensee, within a reasonable time fixed in the order, to
discontinue the same, unless such order, which shall recite
the facts found, is revoked or suspended, such licensee s_hall,
within the time prescribed in the order, discontinue such
unjust, unreasonable, discriminatory and unfair storage
charge, commission, profit, or practice. The President may,
in lieu of any such unjust, unreasonable, discriminatory,
and unfair storage charge, commission, profit, or practice,
find what is a just, reasonable, nondiscriminatory and fair
storage charge, commission, profit, or practice, and in any
proceeding brought in any court such order of the President
shall be prima facie evidence. Any person who, without a
license issued pursuant to this section, or whose license shall
have been revoked, knowingly engages in or carries on any
business for which a license is required under this section, or
willfully fails or refuses to discontinue any unjust, unrea-
sonable, discriminatory and unfair storage charge, com-
mission, profit, or practice, in accordance with the require-
ment of an order issued under this section, or any regula-
tion prescribed under this section, shall, upon conviction
thereof, be punished by a fine not exceeding $5,000, or by
imprisonment for not more than two years, or both: Pro-
vided, That this section shall not apply to any farmer,
gardener, cooperative association of farmers or gardeners,
including live-stock farmers, or other persons with respect
to the products of any farm, garden, or other land owned,
leased, or cultivated by him, nor to any retailer with re-
spect to the retail business actually conducted by him, nor
to any common carrier, nor shall anything in this section
be construed to authorize the fixing or imposition of a duty
or tax upon any article imported into or exported from the
United States or any State, Territory, or the District of
Columbia: Provided further, That for the purposes of this
Act a retailer shall be deemed to be a person, copartner-
ship, firm, corporation, or association not engaging in the
wholesale business whose gross sales do not exceed $100,-
000 per annum.'

SEC. 6. That any person who willfully hoards any neces-
saries shall upon conviction thereof be fined not exceeding
$5,000 or be imprisoned for not more than two years, or
both. Necessaries shall be deemed to be hoarded within the
meaning of this Act when either (a) held, contracted for,

i For proclamation concerning food licenses, see p. 173.

VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS.

147

or arranged for by any person in a quantity in excess of his
reasonable requirements for use or consumption by himself
and dependents for a reasonable time; (b) held, contracted
for, or arranged for by any manufacturer, wholesaler, re-
tailer, or other dealer in a quantity in excess of the reason-
able requirements of his business for use or sale by him for
a reasonable time, or reasonably required to furnish neces-
saries produced in surplus quantities seasonally throughout
the period of scant or no production; or (c) withheld,
whether by possession or under any contract or arrange-
ment, from the market by any person for the purpose of un-
reasonably increasing or diminishing the price: Provided,
That this section shall not include or relate to transac-
tions on any exchange, board of trade, or similar institu-
tion or place, of business as described in section thirteen
of this Act that may be permitted by the President under
the authority conferred upon him by said section thirteen:
Provided, however, That any accumulating or withholding
by any farmer or gardener, cooperative association of farm-
ers or gardeners, including live-stock farmers, or any other
person, of the products of any farm, garden, or other land
owned, leased, or cultivated by him shall not be deemed to
be hoarding within the meaning of this Act.

SEC. 7. That whenever any necessaries shall be hoarded
as defined in section six they shall be liable to be pro-
ceeded against in any -district court of the United States
within the district where the same are found and seized by
a process of libel for condemnation, and if such necessaries
shall be adjudged to be hoarded they shall be disposed of
by sale in such manner as to provide the most equitable dis-
tribution thereof as the court may direct, and the proceeds
thereof, less the legal costs and charges, shall be paid to the
party entitled thereto. The proceedings of such libel cases
shall conform as near as may be to the proceedings in ad-
miralty, except that either party may demand trial by jury
of any issue of fact joined in any such case, and all such
proceedings shall be at the suit of and in the name of the
United States. It shall be the duty of the United States
attorney for the proper district to institute and prosecute
any such action upon presentation to him of satisfactory
evidence to sustain the same.

SEC. 8. That any person who willfully destroys any
necessaries for the purpose of enhancing the price or re-
stricting the supply thereof shall, upon conviction thereof,
be fined not exceeding $5,000 or imprisonment for not more
than two years, or both.

SEC. 9. That any person who conspires, combines, agrees,
or arranges with any other person (a) to limit the facili-
ties for transporting, producing, manufacturing, supplying,
storing, or dealing in any necessaries; (b) to restrict the
supply of any necessaries; (c) to restrict the distribution
of any necessaries; (d) to prevent, limit, or lessen the man-
ufacture or production of any necessaries in order to en-
hance the price thereof shall, upon conviction thereof, be
fined not exceeding $10,000 or be imprisoned for not more
than two years, or both.

SEC. 10. That the President is authorized, from time to
time, to requisition foods, feeds, fuels, and other supplies
necessary to the support of the Army or the maintenance of
the Navy, or any other public use connected with the com-
mon defense, and to requisition, or otherwise provide,
storage facilities for such supplies; and he shall ascertain
and pay a just compensation therefor. If the compensation
so determined be not satisfactory to the person entitled to
receive the same, such person shall be paid seventy-five per
centum of the amount so determined by the President, and
shall be entitled to sue the United States to recover such

further sum as, added to said seventy-five per centum will
make up such amount as will be just compensation for such
necessaries or storage space, and jurisdiction is hereby con-
ferred on the United States District Courts to hear and
determine all such controversies: Provided, That nothing in
this section, or in the section that follows, shall be con-
strued to require any natural person to furnish to the Gov-
ernment any necessaries held by him and reasonably re-
quired for consumption or use by himself and dependents,
nor shall any person, firm, corporation, or association be
required to furnish to the Government any seed necessary
for the seeding of land owned, leased, or cultivated by them.

SEC. 11. That the President is authorized from time to
time to purchase, to store, to provide storage facilities for,
and to sell for cash at reasonable prices, wheat, flour, meal,
beans, and potatoes: Provided, That if any minimum price
shall have been theretofore fixed, pursuant to the provi-
sions of section fourteen of this Act, then the price paid
for any such articles so purchased shall not be less than such
minimum price. Any moneys received by the United States
from or in connection with the disposal by the United
States of necessaries under this section may, in the discre-
tion of the President, be used as a revolving fund for fur-
ther carrying out the purposes of this section. Any bal-
ance of such moneys not used as part of such revolving fund
shall be covered into the Treasury as miscellaneous receipts.

SEC. 12. That whenever the President shall find it neces-
sary to secure an adequate supply of necessaries for the
support of the Army or the maintenance of the Navy, or
for any other public use connected with the common de-
fense, he is authorized to requisition and take over, for use
or operation by the Government, any factory, packinghouse,
oil pipe line, mine, or other plant, or any part thereof, in
or through which any necessaries are or may be manufac-
tured, produced, prepared, or mined, and to operate the
same. Whenever the President shall determine that the
further use or operation by the Government of any such
factory, mine, or plant, or part thereof, is not essential for
the national security or defense, the same shall be restored
to the person entitled to the possession thereof. The
United States shall make just compensation, to be deter-
mined by the President, for the taking over, use, occup*-
tion, and operation by the Government of any such factory,
mine, or plant, or part thereof. If the compensation so de-
termined be unsatisfactory to the person entitled to receive
the same, such person shall be paid seventy-five per centum
of the amount so determined by the President, and shall be
entitled to sue the United States to recover such further
sum as, added to said seventy-five per centum, will make up
such amounts as will be just compensation, in the manner
provided by section twenty-four, paragraph twenty, and
section one hundred and forty-five of the Judicial Code.
The President is authorized to prescribe such regulations as
he may deem essential for carrying out the purposes of this
section, including the operation of any such factory, mine,
or plant, or part thereof, the purchase, sale, or other dis-
position of articles used, manufactured, produced, prepared,
or mined therein, and the employment, control, and com-
pensation of employees. Any moneys received by the
United States from or in connection with the use or opera-
tion of any such factory, mine, or plant, or part thereof,
may, in the discretion of the President, be used as a revolr-
ing fund for the purpose of the continued use or operation
of any such factory, mine, or plant, or part thereof, and
the accounts of each such factory, mine, plant, or part
thereof, shall be kept separate and distinct. Any balance
of such moneys not used as part of such revolving fund
shall be paid into the Treasury as miscellaneous receipts.

148

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

SEC. 13. That whenever the President finds it essential
in order to prevent undue enhancement, depression, or
fluctuation of prices of, or in order to prevent injurious
speculation in, or in order to prevent unjust market man-
ipulation or unfair and misleading market quotations of
the prices of necessaries, hereafter in this section called
evil practices, he is authorized to prescribe such regulations
governing, or may either wholly or partly prohibit, opera-
tions, practices, and transactions at, on, in, or under the
rules of any exchange, board of trade, or similar institution
or place of business as he may find essential in order to pre-
vent, correct, or remove such evil practices. . . .

SEC. 14. That whenever the President shall find that an
emergency exists requiring stimulation of the production
of wheat and that it is essential that the producers of
wheat, produced within the United States, shall have the
benefits of the guaranty provided for in this section, he is
authorized, from time to time, seasonably and as far in ad-
vance of seeding time as practicable, to determine and fix
and to give public notice of what, under specified condi-
tions, is a reasonable guaranteed price for wheat, in order
to assure such producers a reasonable profit. The Presi-
dent shall thereupon fix such guaranteed price for each of
the official grain standards for wheat as established under
the United States grain standards Act, approved August
eleventh, nineteen hundred and sixteen. The President
shall from time to time establish and promulgate such
regulations as he shall deem wise in connection with such
guaranteed prices, and in particular governing conditions of
delivery and payment, and differences in price for the sev-
eral standard grades in the principal primary markets of
the United States, adopting number one northern spring or
its equivalent at the principal interior primary markets as
the basis. Thereupon, the Government of the United States
hereby guarantees every producer of wheat produced within
the United States, that, upon compliance by him with the
regulations prescribed, he shall receive for any wheat pro-
duced in reliance upon this guarantee within the period,
not exceeding eighteen months, prescribed in the notice, a
price not less than the guaranteed price therefor as fixed
pursuant to this action. In such regulations the President
shall prescribe the terms and conditions upon which any
such producer shall be entitled to the benefits of such guar-
anty. The guaranteed prices for the several standard
grades of wheat for the crop of nineteen hundred and
eighteen, shall be based upon number one northern spring
or its equivalent at not less than $2 per bushel at the prin-
cipal interior primary markets. This guaranty shall not
be dependent upon the action of the President under the
first part of this section, but is hereby made absolute and
shall be binding until May first, nineteen hundred and nine-
teen. When the President finds that the importation into
the United States of any wheat produced outside of the
United States materially enhances or is likely materially
to enhance the liabilities of the United States under guar-
anties of prices therefor made pursuant to this section, and
ascertains what rate of duty, added to the then existing
rate of duty on wheat and to the value of wheat at the
time of importation, would be sufficient to bring the price
thereof at which imported up to the price fixed therefor
pursuant to the foregoing provisions of this section, he
shall proclaim such facts, and thereafter there shall be
levied, collected, and paid upon wheat when imported, in
addition to the then existing rate of duty, the rate of duty
so ascertained; but in no case shall any suoh rate of duty
be fixed at an amount which will effect a reduction of the
rate of duty upon wheat under any then existing tariff law
of the United States. For the purpose of making any

guaranteed price effective under this section, or whenever he
deems it essential in order to protect the Government of
the United States against material enhancement of its lia-
bilities arising out of any guaranty under this section, the
President is authorized also, in his discretion, to purchase
any wheat for which a guaranteed price shall be fixed un-
der this su:tion, and to hold, transport, or store it, or to
sell, dispose of, and deliver the same to any citizen of the
United States or to any Government engaged in war with
any country with which the Government of the United
States is or may be at war or to use the same as supplies
for any department or agency of the Government of the
United States. Any moneys received by the United States
from or in connection with the sale or disposal of wheat
under this section may, in the discretion of the President,
be used as a revolving fund for further carrying out the
purposes ol this section. Any balance of such moneys not
used as part of such revolving fund shall be covered into
the Treasury as miscellaneous receipts.

SEC. 15. That from and after thirty days from the date
of the approval of this Act no foods, fruits, food materials,
or feeds shall be used in the production of distilled spirits
for beverage purposes: Provided, That under such rules,
regulations, and bonds as the President may prescribe, such
materials may be used in the production of distilled spirits
exclusivelyfor other than beverage purposes, or for the for-
tification of pure sweet wines as denned by the Act en-
titled "An Act to increase the revenue, and for other pur-
poses," approved September eighth, nineteen hundred and
sixteen. Nor shall there be imported into the United
States any distilled spirits. Whenever the President shall
find that limitation, regulation, or prohibition of the use of
foods, fruits, food materials, or feeds in the production of
malt or vinous liquors for beverage purposes, or that re-
duction of the alcoholic content of any such malt or vinous
liquor, is essential, in order to assure an adequate and con-
tinuous supply of food, or that the national security and
defense will be subserved thereby, he is authorized, from
time to time, to prescribe and give public notice of the ex-
tent of the limitation, regulation, prohibition, or reduction
so necessitated. Whenever such notice shall have been
given and shall remain unrevoked no person shall, after a
reasonable time prescribed in such notice, use any foods,
fruits, food materials, or feeds in the production of malt
or vinous liquors, or import any such liquors except under
license issued by the President and in compliance with rules
and regulations determined by him governing the produc-
tion and importation of such liquors and the alcoholic con-
tent thereof. Any person who willfully violates the pro-
visions of this section, or who shall use any foods, fruits,
food materials, or feeds in the production of malt or vinous
liquors, or who shall import any such liquors, without first
obtaining a license so to do when a license is required un-
der this section, or who shall violate any rule or regulation
made under this section, shall be punished by a fine not
exceeding .$5,000, or by imprisonment for not more than
two years, or both: Provided further, That nothing in this
section shall be construed to authorize the licensing of the
manufacture of vinous or malt liquors in any State. Terri-
tory, or the District of Columbia, or any civil subdivision
thereof, where the manufacture of such vinous or malt
liquor is prohibited.

SEC. 16. That the President is authorized and directed to
commandeer any or all distilled spirits in bond or in stock
at the date of the approval of this Act for redistillation, in
so far as such redistillation may be necessary to meet the
requirements of the Government in the manufacture of mu-
nitions and other military and hospital supplies, or in so

VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS.

149

far as such redistillation would dispense with the necessity
of utili/.ing products and materials suitable for foods and
feeds in the future manufacture of distilled spirits for the
purposes herein enumerated. The President shall deter-
mine and pay a just compensation for the distilled spirits no
commandeered; and if the compensation so determined be
not satisfactory to the person entitled to receive the same,
such person shall be paid seventy-live per centum of the
amount so determined by the President and shall be en-
titled to sue the United States to recover such further sum
as, added to said seventy-five per centum, will make up such
amount as will be just compensation for such spirits, in
the manner provided by section twenty-four, paragraph
twenty, and section one hundred and forty-five of the Ju-
dicial Code.

SEC. 17. That every person who willfully assaults, re-
sists, impedes, or interferes with any officer, employee, or
agent of the United States in the execution of any duty
authorized to be performed by or pursuant to this Act shall
upon conviction thereof be fined not exceeding $1,000 or be
imprisoned for not more than one year, or both. . . .

SEC. 24. That the provisions of this Act shall cease to be
in effect when the existing state of war between the United
States and Germany shall have terminated, and the fact
and date of such termination shall be ascertained and pro-
claimed by the President; but the termination of this Act
shall not affect any act done, or any right or obligation ac-
cruing or accrued, or any suit or proceeding had or com-
menced in any civil case before the said termination pur-
suant to this Act; but all rights and liabilities under this
Act arising before its termination shall continue and may
be enforced in the same manner as if the Act had not ter-
minated. Any offense committed and all penalties, for-
feitures, or liabilities incurred prior to such termination
may be prosecuted or punished in the same manner and with
the same effect as if this Act had not been terminated.

SEC. 25. That the President of the United States shall be,
and he is hereby, authorized and empowered, whenever and
wherever in his judgment necessary for the efficient prose-
cution of the war, to fix the price of coal and coke, wher-
ever and whenever sold, either by producer or dealer, to
establish rules for the regulation of and to regulate the
method of production, sale, shipment, distribution, appor-
tionment, or storage thereof among dealers and consumers,8
domestic or foreign: said authority and power may be ex-
ercised by him in each case through the agency of the Fed-
eral Trade Commission during the war or for such part of
said time as in his judgment may be necessary.

That if, in the opinion of the President, any such pro-
ducer or dealer fails or neglects to conform to such prices
or regulations, or to conduct his business efficiently under
the regulations and control of the President as aforesaid, or
conducts it in a manner prejudicial to the public interest,
then the President is hereby authorized and empowered in
every such case to requisition and take over the plant, busi-
ness, and all appurtenances thereof belonging to such pro-
ducer or dealer as a going concern, and to operate or cause
the same to be operated in such manner and through such
agency HS he may direct during the period of the war or
for such part of said time as in his judgment may be neces-
sary.

That any producer or dealer whose plant, business, and
appurtenances shall have been requisitioned or taken over
by the President shall be paid a just compensation for the
use thereof during the period that the same may be requisi-
tioned or taken over as aforesaid, which compensation the

8 For priorities list issued in April, 1918, see p. 178.

President shall fix or cause to be fixed by the Federal Trad*
Commission.

That if the prices so fixed, or if, in the case of the taking
over or requisitioning of the mines or business of any such
producer or dealer the compensation therefor as determined
by the provisions of this Act be not satisfactory to the per-
son or persons entitled to receive the same, such person
shall be paid seventy-five per centum of the amount so de-
termined, and shall be entitled to sue the United States to
recover such further sum as, added to said seventy-five per
centum, will make up such amount as will be just compen-
sation in the manner provided by section twenty-four, para-
graph twenty, and section one hundred and forty-five of the
Judicial Code.

While operating or causing to be operated any such
plants or business, the President is authorized to prescribe-
such regulations as he may deem essential for the employ-
ment, control, and compensation of the employees* necessary
to conduct the same.

Or if the President of the United States shall be of the
opinion that he can thereby better provide for the common
defense, and whenever, in his judgment, it shall be neces-
sary for the efficient prosecution of the war, then he is
hereby authorized and empowered to require any or all pro-
ducers of coal and coke, either in any special area or in any
special coal fields, or in the entire United States, to sell
their products only to the United States through an
agency to be designated by the President, such agency to
regulate the resale of such coal and coke, and the prices
thereof, and to establish rules for the regulation of and to
regulate the methods of production, shipment, distribution,
apportionment, or storage thereof among dealers and con-
sumers, domestic or foreign, and to make payment of the
purchase price thereof to the producers thereof, or to the
person or persons legally entitled to said payment. . . .

All such products so sold to the United States shall be
sold by the United States at such uniform prices, quality
considered, as may be practicable and as may be determined
by said agency to be just and fair.

Any moneys received by the United States for the sale of
any such coal and coke may, in the discretion of the Presi-
dent, be used as a revolving fund for further carrying out
the purposes of this section. Any moneys not so used shall
be covered into the Treasury as miscellaneous receipts.

That when directed by the President, the Federal Trade
Commission is hereby required to proceed to make full in-
quiry, giving such notice as it may deem practicable, into
the cost of producing under reasonably efficient manage-
ment at the various places of production the following com-
modities, to wit, coal and coke. . . .

Whoever shall, with knowledge that the prices of any
such commodity have been fixed as herein provided, ask,
demand, or receive a higher price, or whoever shall, with
knowledge that the regulations have been prescribed as
herein provided, violate or refuse to conform to any of the
same, shall, upon conviction, be punished by fine of not
more than $5,000, or by imprisonment for not more than
two years, or both. Each independent transaction shall
constitute a separate offense.

Nothing in this section shall be construed as restricting
or modifying in any manner the right the Government of
the United States may have in its own behalf or in behalf
of any other Government at war with Germany to pur-
chase, requisition, or take over any such commodities for
the equipment, maintenance, or support of armed forces at
any price or upon any terms that may be agreed upon or
otherwise lawfully determined.

SEC. 26. That any person carrying on or employed in

150

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

commerce among the several States, or with foreign na-
tions, or with or in the Territories or other possessions of
the United States in any article suitable for human food,
fuel, or other necessaries of life, who, either in his indi-
vidual capacity or us an officer, agent, or employee of a
corporation or member of a partnership carrying on or em-
ployed in such trade, shall store, acquire, or hold, or who
shall destroy or make away with any such article for the
purpose of limiting the supply thereof to the public or
affecting the market price thereof in such commerce,
whether temporarily or otherwise, shall be deemed guilty of
a felony and, upon conviction thereof, shall be punished by
a fine of not more than $5,000 or by imprisonment for not
more than two years, or both: Provided, That any storing
or holding by any farmer, gardener, or other person of the
products of any farm, garden, or other land cultivated by
him shall not be deemed to be a storing or holding within
the meaning of this Act: Provided further, That farmers
and fruit growers, cooperative and other exchanges, or so-
cieties of a similar character shall not be included within
the provisions of this section: Provided further, That this
section shall not be construed to prohibit the holding or
accumulating of any such article by any such person in a
quantity not in excess of the reasonable requirements of his
business for a reasonable time or in a quantity reasonably
required to furnish said articles produced in surplus quan-
tities seasonably throughout the period of scant or no pro-
duction. Nothing contained in this section shall be con-
strued to repeal the Act entitled "An Act to protect trade
and commerce against unlawful restraints and monopolies,"
approved July second, eighteen hundred and ninety, com-
monly known as the Sherman Antitrust Act.

SEC. 27. That the President is authorized to procure, or
aid in procuring, such stocks of nitrate of soda as he may
determine to be necessary, and find available, for increas-
ing agricultural production during the calendar years nine-
teen hundred and seventeen and eighteen, and to dispose of
the same for cash at cost, including all expenses connected
therewith. For carrying out the purposes of this section,
there is hereby appropriated, out of any moneys in the
Treasury not otherwise appropriated, available immediately
and until expended, the sum of $10,000,000, or so much
thereof as may be necessary, and the President is author-
ized to make such regulations, and to use such means and
agencies of the Government, as, in his discretion, he may
deem best. The proceeds arising from the disposition of
the nitrate of soda shall go into the Treasury as miscel-
laneous receipts.

Approved, August 10, 1917.

ACT PBOVIDINQ FOB SECOND LIBERTY LOAN, SEPTEMBEB
24, 1917.

An Act To authorize an additional issue of bonds to meet
expenditures for the national security and defense, and, for
the purpose of assisting in the prosecution of the war, to
extend additional credit to foreign Governments, and for
other purposes.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives
of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
That the Secretary of the Treasury, with the approval of
the President, is hereby authorized to borrow, from time
to time, on the credit of the United States for the pur-
poses of this Act, and to meet expenditures authorized for
the national security and defense and other public purposes
authorized by law, not exceeding in the aggregate
$7,538,945,460, and to issue therefor bonds of the United
States, in addition to the $2,000,000,000 bonds already is-
sued or offered for subscription under authority of the Act

approved April twenty-fourth, nineteen hundred and seven-
teen. . . .

The bonds herein authorized shall be in such form or
forms and denomination or denominations and subject to
such terms and conditions of issue, conversion, redemption,
maturities, payment, and rate or rates of interest, not ex-
ceeding four per centum per annum, and time or times of
payment of interest, as the Secretary of the Treasury from
time to time at or before the issue thereof may prescribe.
The principal and interest thereof shall be payable in
United States gold coin of the present standard of value.

The bonds herein authorized shall from time to time first
be offered at not less than par as a popular loan, under
such regulations, prescribed by the Secretary of the Treas-
ury from time to time, as will in his opinion give the peo-
ple of the United States as nearly as may be an equal
opportunity to participate therein, but he may make allot-
ment in full upon applications for smaller amounts of
bonds in advance of any date which he may set for the
closing of subscriptions and may reject or reduce allot-
ments upon later applications and applications for larger
amounts, and may reject or reduce allotments upon appli-
cations from incorporated banks and trust companies for
their own account and make allotment in full or larger
allotments to others, and may establish a graduated scale
of allotments, and may from time to time adopt any or all
of said methods, should any such action be deemed by him
to be in the public interest: Provided, That such reduction
or increase of allotments of such bonds shall be made under
general rules to be prescribed by said Secretary and shall
apply to all subscribers similarly situated. And any por-
tion of the bonds so offered and not taken may be otherwise
disposed of by the Secretary of the Treasury in such man-
ner and at such price or prices, not less than par, as he
may determine. . . .

SEC. 4. That in connection with the issue of any series
of bonds under the authority of section one of this Act the
Secretary of the Treasury may determine that the bonds of
such series shall be convertible as provided in or pursuant
to this section, and, in any such case, he may make appro-
priate provision to that end in offering for subscription the
bonds of such series (hereinafter called convertible bonds).
In any case of the issue of a series of convertible bonds,
if a subsequent series of bonds (not including United
States certificates of indebtedness, war savings certificates,
and other obligations maturing not more than five years
from the issue of such obligations, respectively) bearing in-
terest at a higher rate shall, under the authority of this or
any other Act, be issued by the United States before the
termination of the war between the United States and the
Imperial German Government, then the holders of such con-
vertible bonds shall have the privilege, at the option of the
several holders, at any time within such period, after the
public offering of bonds of such subsequent series, and un-
der such rules and regulations as the Secretary of the
Treasury shall have prescribed, of converting their bonds,
at par, into bonds bearing such higher rate of interest at
such price not less than par as the Secretary of the Treas-
ury shall have prescribed. . . .

SECTION 5. That in addition to the bonds authorized by
section one of this Act the Secretary of the Treasury is au-
thorized to borrow from time to time, on the credit of the
United States, for the purposes of this Act and to meet pub-
lic expenditures authorized by law, such sum or suma as in
his judgment may be necessary, and to issue therefor certi-
ficates of indebtedness of the United States at not less than
par in such form or forms and subject to such terms and
conditions and at such rate or rates of interest as he may

VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS

151

pri'.-M •! iliu; and each ri-rtificate so issued shall be payable at
such time not exceeding one year from the date of its issue,
and may be redeemable before maturity upon such terms
and conditions, and the interest accruing thereon shall be
payable at such time or times as the Secretary of the Treas-
ury may prescribe. The sum of such certificates outstand-
ing hereunder and under section six of said Act approved
April twenty-fourth, nineteen hundred and seventeen, shall
not at any one time exceed in the aggregate $4,000,000,000.
SEC. 0. That in addition to the bonds authorized by sec-
tion one of this Act and the certificates of indebtedness au-
thorized by section five of this Act, the Secretary of the
Treasury is authorized to borrow from time to time, on the
credit of the United States, for the purposes of this Act
and to meet public expenditures authorized by law, such
sum or sums as in his judgment may be necessary, and to
issue therefor, at such price or prices and upon such terms
and conditions as he may determine, war-savings certificates
of the United States on which interest to maturity may be
discounted in advance at such rate or rates and computed
in such manner as he may prescribe. Such war-savings cer-
tificates shall be in such form or forms and subject to such
terms and conditions, and may have such provisions for
payment thereof before maturity, as the Secretary of the
Treasury may prescribe. Each war-saving certificate so is-
sued shall be payable at such time, not exceeding five years
from the date of its issue, and may be redeemable before
maturity, upon such terms and conditions as the Secretary
of the Treasury may prescribe. The sum of such war-
savings certificates outstanding shall not at any one time ex-
ceed in the aggregate $2,000,000,000. The amount of war-
savings certificates sold to any one person at any one time
shall not exceed $100, and it shall not be lawful for any one
person at any one time to hold war-savings certificates to
an aggregate amount exceeding $1,000. The Secretary of
the Treasury may, under such regulations and upon such
terms and conditions as he may prescribe, issue, or cause to
be issued, stamps to evidence payments for or on account
of such certificates.

SEC. 7. That none of the bonds authorized by section one,
nor of the certificates authorized by section five, or by sec-
tion six, of this Act, shall bear the circulation privilege.
All such bonds and certificates shall be exempt, both as to
principal and interest from all taxation now or hereafter
imposed by the United States, any State, or any of the pos-
sessions of the United States, or by any local taxing au-
thority, except (a) estate or inheritance taxes, and (b)
graduated additional income taxes, commonly known as sur-
taxes, and excess profits and war-profits taxes, now or here-
after imposed by the United States, upon the income or
profits of individuals, partnerships, associations, or cor-
porations. The interest on an amount of such bonds and
certificates the principal of which does not exceed in the
aggregate $5,000, owned by any individual, partnership, as-
sociation, or corporation, shall be exempt from the taxes
provided for in subdivision (b) of this section. . . .

SEC. 9. That in connection with the operations of adver-
tising, selling, and delivering any bonds, certificates of in-
debtedness, or war-savings certificates of the United States
provided for in this Act, the Postmaster General, under
surh regulations as he may prescribe, shall require, at the
request of the Secretary of the Treasury, the employees of
the Post Office Department and of the Postal Service to
perform such services as may be necessary, desirable, or
practicable, without extra compensation.

SEC. 13. That for the purposes of this Act the date of the
termination of the war between the United States and the

Imperial German Government shall be fixed by proclama-
tion of the President of the United States.'
Approved, September 24, 1917.

ACT CHEATING AN AIBCHAFT BOARD, OOTOBEB 1, 1917.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Kepresentativc*
of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
That for the purpose of expanding and coordinating the in-
dustrial activities relating to aircraft, or parts of aircraft,
produced for any purpose in the United States, and to facil-
itate generally the development of air service, a board is
hereby created, to be known as the Aircraft Board, herein-
after referred to as the board.

SEC. 2. That the board shall number not more than nine
in all, and shall include a civilian chairman, the Chief Sig-
nal Officer of the Army, and two other officers of the Army,
to be appointed by the Secretary of War; the Chief Con-
structor of the Navy and two other officers of the Navy, to
be appointed by the Secretary of the Navy; and two addi-
tional civilian members. The chairman and civilian mem-
bers shall be appointed by the President, by and with the
advice and consent of the Senate.

SEC. 3. That said board and tenure of office of the mem-
bers thereof shall continue during the pleasure of the Presi-
dent, but not longer than six months after the present war.
The civilian members of the board shall serve without com-
pensation.

SEC. 4. That the board is hereby empowered, under the
direction and control of and as authorized by the Secretary
of War and the Secretary of the Navy, respectively, on be-
half of the Departments of War and Navy, to supervise and
direct, in accordance with the requirements prescribed or
approved by the respective departments, the purchase, pro-
duction, and manufacture of aircraft, engines, and all
ordnance and instruments used in connection therewith, and
accessories and materials therefor, including the purchase,
lease, acquisition, or construction of plants for the manufac-
ture of aircraft, engines, and accessories: Provided, That
the board may make recommendations as to contracts and
their distribution in connection with the foregoing, hut
every contract shall be made by the already constituted au-
thorities of the respective departments.

SEC, 5. That the board is also empowered to employ,
either in the District of Columbia or elsewhere, such clerks
and other employees as may be necessary to the conduct of
its business, including such technical experts and advisers
as may be found necessary, and to fix their salaries. Such
salaries shall conform to those usually paid by the Gov-
ernment for similar service: Provided, That by unanimous
approval of the board higher compensation may be paid to
technical experts and advisers. . . .

Approved, October 1, 1917.

WAB REVENUE Acr.to OCTOBER 3, 1017.

An Act To provide revenue to defray war expenses, and
for other purposes.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representative*
of the United States of America in Congress assembled,

TITLE I. — WAB INCOME TAX.

SECTION 1. That in addition to the normal tax imposed
by subdivision (a) of section one of the Act entitled "An
Act to increase the revenue, and for other purposes," ap-
proved September eighth, nineteen hundred and sixteen,

• For proclamation concerning the loan, see p. 174.
1° It has been found impracticable to print here the entire
act. The full text would occupy over forty pages.

152

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

there shall be levied, assessed, collected, and paid a like
normal tax of two per centum upon the income of every in-
dividual, a citizen or resident of the United States, received
in the calendar year nineteen hundred and seventeen and
•very calendar year thereafter.

SEC. 2. That in addition to the additional tax imposed by
subdivision (b) of section one of such Act of September
eighth, nineteen hundred and sixteen, there shall be levied,
assessed, collected, and paid a like additional tax upon the
income of every individual received in the calendar year
nineteen hundred and seventeen and every calendar year
thereafter, as follows:

One per centum per annum upon the amount by which
the total net income exceeds $5,000 and does not exceed
$7,600;

Two per centum per annum upon the amount by which
the total net income exceeds $7,500 and does not exceed
910,000;

Three per centum per annum upon the amount by which
the total net income exceeds $10,000 and does not exceed
$12,500;

Four per centum per annum upon the amount by which
the total net income exceeds $12,500 and does not exceed
$15,000;

Five per centum per annum upon the amount by which
the total net income exceeds $15,000 and does not exceed
$20,000;

Seven per centum per annum upon the amount by which
the total net income exceeds $20,000 and does not exceed
$40,000;

Ten per centum per annum upon the amount by which
the total net income exceeds $40,000 and does not exceed
$60,000;

Fourteen per centum per annum upon the amount by
which the total net income exceeds $60,000 and does not
exceed $80,000;

Eighteen per centum per annum upon the amount by
which the total net income exceeds $80,000 and does not
exceed $100,000;

Twenty-two per centum per annum upon the amount by
which the total net income exceeds $100,000 and does not
exceed $150,000;

Twenty-five per centum per annum upon the amount by
which the total net income exceeds $150,000 and does not
exceed $200,000;

Thirty per centum per annum upon the amount by which
the total net income exceeds $200,000 and does not exceed
$250,000 ;

Thirty-four per centum per annum upon the amount by
which the total net income exceeds $250,000 and does not
exceed $300,000;

Thirty-seven per centum per annum upon the amount by
which the total net income exceeds $300,000 and does not
exceed $500,000;

Forty per centum per annum upon the amount by which
the total net income exceeds $500,000 and does not excted
$750,000.

Forty-five per centum per annum upon the amount by
which the total net income exceeds $750,000 and does not
exceed $1.000,000;

Fifty per centum per annum upon the amount by which
the total net income exceeds $1,000,000.

SEC. 3. That the taxes imposed by sections one and two
of this Act shall be computed, levied, assessed, collected,
and paid upon the same basis and in the same manner as
the similar taxes imposed by section one of such Act of
September eighth, nineteen hundred and sixteen, except that

in the case of the tax imposed by section one of this Act
(a) the exemptions of $3,000 and $4,000 provided in sec-
tion seven of such Act of September eighth, nineteen hun-
dred and sixteen, as amended by this Act, shall be, re-
spectively, $1,000 and $2,000, and (b) the returns required
under subdivisions (b) and (c) of section eight of such Act
as amended by this Act shall be required in the case of net
incomes of $1,000 or over, in the case of unmarried persons,
and $2,000 or over in the case of married persons, instead
of $3,000 or over, as therein provided, and (c) the provi-
sions of subdivision (c) of section nine of such Act, as
amended by this Act, requiring the normal tax of indi-
viduals on income derived from interest to be deducted and
withheld at the source of the income shall not apply to the
new two per centum normal tax prescribed in section one
of this Act until on and after January first, nineteen hun-
dred and eighteen, and thereafter only one two per centum
normal tax shall be deducted and withheld at the source un-
der the provisions of such subdivision (c), and any further
normal tax for which the recipient of such income is liable
under this Act or such Act of September eighth, nineteen
hundred and sixteen, as amended by this Act, shall be paid
by such recipient.

SEC. 4. That in addition to the tax imposed by sub-
division (a) of section ten of such Act of September eighth,
nineteen hundred and sixteen, as amended by this Act, there
shall be levfed, assessed, collected, and paid a like tax of
four per centum upon the income received in the calendar
year nineteen hundred and seventeen and every calendar
year thereafter, by every corporation, joint-stock company
or association, or insurance company, subject to the tax im-
posed by that subdivision of that section, except that if it
has fixed its own fiscal year, the tax imposed by this section
for the fiscal year ending during the calendar year nineteen
hundred and seventeen shall be levied, assessed, collected,
and paid only on that proportion of its income for such fis-
cal year which the period between January first, nineteen
hundred and seventeen, and the end of such fiscal year bears
to the whole of such fiscal year.

The tax imposed by this section shall be computed,
levied, assessed, collected, and paid upon the same incomes
and in the same manner as the tax imposed by subdivision
(a) of section ten of such Act of September eighth, nine-
teen hundred and sixteen, as amended by this Act, except
that for the purpose of the tax imposed by this section the
income embraced in a return of a corporation, joint-stock
company or association, or insurance company, shall be
credited with the amount received as dividends upon the
stock or from the net earnings of any other corporation,
joint-stock company or association, or insurance company,
which is taxable upon its net income as provided in this
title.

SEC. 5. That the provisions of this title shall not extend
to Porto Rico or the Philippine Islands, and the Porto
Rican or Philippine Legislature, shall have power by due
enactment to amend, alter, modify, or repeal the income
tax laws in force in Porto Rico or the Philippine Islands,
respectively.

TITLE II. — WAR EXCESS PROFITS TAX.

SEC. 200. That when used in this title—

The term " corporation " includes joint-stock companies
or associations and insurance companies;

The term " domestic " means created under the law of
the United States, or of any State. Territory, or District
thereof, and the term " foreign " means created under the
law of any other possession of the United States or of any
foreign country or government;

VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS.

153

The term " United States " means only the States, the
Territories of Alaska and Hawaii, and the District of
Columbia;

The term " taxable year " means the twelve months end-
ing December thirty-first, excepting in the case of a cor-
poration or puitnership which has fixed its own fiscal year,
in which cabe it means such fiscal year. The first taxable
year Khali be the year ending December thirty-first, nine-
teen hundred and seventeen, except that in the case of a cor-
poration or partnrship which has fixed its own fiscal year,
it shall be the fiscal year ending during the calendar year
nineteen hundred and seventeen. If a corporation or part-
nership, prior to March first, nineteen hundred and
eighteen, makes a return covering its own fiscal year, and
includes therein the income received during that part of the
fiscal year falling within the calendar year nineteen hundred
and sixteen, the tax for such taxable year shall be that pro-
portion of the tax computed upon the net income during
such full fiscal year which the time from January first,
nineteen hundred and seventeen, to the end of such fiscal
year bears to the full fiscal year; and

The term " prewar period " means the calendar years
nineteen hundred and eleven, nineteen hundred and twelve,
and nineteen hundred and thirteen, or, if a corporation or
partnership was not in existence or an individual was not
engaged in a trade or business during the whole of such
period, then as many of such years during the whole of
which the corporation or partnership was in lexistence or
the individual was engaged in the trade or business.

The terms " trade " and " business " include professions
and occupations.

The term " net income " means in the case of a foreign
corporation or partnership or a nonresident alien indi-
vidual, the net income received from sources within the
United States.

SEC. 201. That in addition to the taxes under existing
law and under this act there shall be levied, assessed, col-
lected, and paid for each taxable year upon the income of
every corporation, partnership, or individual, a tax (here-
inafter in this title referred to as the tax) equal to the
following percentages of the net income:

Twenty per centum of the amount of the net income in
excess of the deduction (determined as hereinafter pro-
vided) and not in excess of fifteen per centum of the in-
vested capital for the taxable year;

Twenty-five per centum of the amount of the net income
in excess of fifteen per centum and not in excess of twenty
per centum of such capital;

Thirty-five per centum of the amount of the net income
in excess of twenty per centum and not in excess of twenty-
five per centum of such capital;

Forty-five per centum of the amount of the net income
in excess of twenty-five per centum and not in excess of
thirty-three per centum of such capital; and

Sixty per centum of the amount of the net income in ex-
cess of thirty-three per centum of such capital.

For the purpose of this title every corporation or part-
nership not exempt under the provisions of this section
shall be deemed to be engaged in business, and nil the trades
and businesses in which it is engaged shall be treated as
a single trade or business, and all its income from whatever
source derived shall be deemed to be received from such
trade or business.

This title shall apply to all trades or businesses of what-
ever description, whether continuously carried on or not,
except —

(a) In the case of officers and employees under the
United States, or any State, Territory, or the District of

Columbia, or any local subdivision thereof, the couipeuiw-
tion or fees received by them as such officers or employees;

(b) Corporations exempt from tax under the provision!
of section eleven of Title 1 of such Act of September eighth,
nineteen hundred and sixteen, as amended by this Act, and
partnerships and individuals carrying on or doing the same
business, or coming within the same description; and

(c) Incomes derived from the business of life, health,
and accident insurance combined in one policy issued on the
weekly premium payment plan.

SEC. 202. That the tax shall not be imposed in the case
of the trade or business of a foreign corporation or partner-
ship or a nonresident alien individual, the net income of
which trade or business during the taxable year is less tluin
$3,000.

SEC. 203. That for the purposes of this title the deduc-
tion shall be as follows, except as otherwise in this title
provided —

(a) In the case of a domestic corporation, the sum of
(1) an amount equal to the same percentage of the invested
capital for the taxable year which the average amount of
the annual net income of the trade or business during the
prewar period was of the invested capital for the prewar
period (but not less than seven or more than nine per cen-
tum of the invested capital for the taxable year), and (2)
$3,000;

(b) In the case of a domestic partnership or of a citizen
or resident of the United States, the sum of ( 1 ) an amount
equal to the same percentage of the invested capital for
the taxable year which the average amount of the annual
net income of the trade or business during the prewar
period was of the invested capital for the prewar period
(but not less than seven or more than nine per centum of
the invested capital for the taxable year), and (2) $0,000;

(c) In the case of a foreign corporation or partnership
or of a nonresident alien individual, an amount ascertained
in the same manner as provided in subdivisions (a) and
(b) without any exemption of $3,000 or $0,000;

(d) If the Secretary of the Treasury is unable satisfac-
torily to determine the average amount of the annual net
income of the trade or business during the prewar period,
the deduction shall be determined in the same manner a*
provided in section two hundred and five.

SEC. ,204. That if a corporation or partnership was not
in existence, or an individual was not engaged in the trade
or business, during the whole of any one calendar year
during the prewar period, the deduction shall be an amount
equal to eight per centum of the invested capital for the
taxable year, plus in the case of a domestic corporation
$3,000, and in the case of a domestic partnership or a citi-
zen or resident of the United States $6,008.

A trade or business carried on by a corporation, partner-
ship, or individual, although formally organized or reor-
ganized on or after January second, nineteen hundred and
thirteen, which is substantially a continuation of a trade
or business carried on prior to that date, shall, for the pur-
poses of this title, be deemed to have been in existence prior
to that date, and the net income and invested capital of its
predecessor prior to that date shall be deemed to have been
its net income and invested capital. . . .

SEC. 213. That the Commissioner of Internal Revenue,
with the approval of the Secretary of the Treasury, shall
make all necessary regulations for carrying out the provi-
sions of this title, and may require any corporation, part-
nership, or individual, subject to the provisions of this title,
to furnish him with such facts, data, and information as in
his judgment are necessary to collect the tax imposed by
this title. .

15-i

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

TITLE III.— WAB TAX ON BEVERAGES.
SEC. 300. That on and after the passage of this Act there
shall be levied and collected on all distilled spirits in bond
at that time or that have been or that may be then or
thereafter produced in or imported into the United States,
except such distilled spirits aa are subject to the tax pro-
vided in section three hundred and three, in addition to the
tax now imposed by law, a tax of $1.10 (or, if withdrawn
for beverage purposes or for use in the manufacture or pro-
duction of any article used or intended for use as a bever-
age, a tax of $2.10) on each proof gallon, or wine gallon
when below proof, and a proportionate tax at a like rate
on all fractional parts of such proof or wine gallon, to be
paid by the distiller or importer when withdrawn, and col-
lected under the provisions of existing law.

That in addition to the tax under existing law there shall
be levied and collected upon all perfumes hereafter im-
ported into the United States containing distilled spirits, a
tax of $1.10 per wine gallon, and a proportionate tax at a
like rate on all fractional parts of such wine gallon. Such
a tax shall be collected by the collector of customs and de-
posited as internal-revenue collections, under such rules nnd
regulations as the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, with
the approval of the Secretary of the Treasury, may pre-
scribe.

SEC. 301. That no distilled spirits produced after the
passage of this Act shall be imported into the United
States from any foreign country, or from the West Indian
Islands recently acquired from Denmark (unless produced
from products the growth of such islands, and not then into
any State or Territory or District of the United States in
which the manufacture or sale of intoxicating liquor is pro-
hibited), or from Porto Rico, or the Philippine Islands.
Under such rules, regulations, and bonds as the Secretary
of the Treasury may prescribe, the provisions of this sec-
tion shall not apply to distilled spirits imported for other
than (1) beverage purposes or (2) use in the manufacture
or production of any article used or intended for use as a
beverage. . . .

SEC. 313. That there shall be levied, assessed, collected,
and paid —

(a) Upon all prepared sirups or extracts (intended for
use in the manufacture or production of beverages, com-
monly known as soft drinks, by soda fountains, bottling
establishments, and other similar places) sold by the man-
ufacturer, producer, or importer thereof, if so sold for not
more than $1.30 per gallon, a tax of 5 cents per gallon; if
BO sold for more than $1.30 and not more than $2 per gal-
lon, a tax of 8 cents per gallon ; if so sold for more than $2
and not more than $3 per gallon, a tax of 10 cents per
gallon; if so sold for more than $3 and not more than $4
per gallon, a tax of 15 cents per gallon; and if so sold for
more than $4 per gallon, a tax of 20 cents per gallon ; and

(b) Upon all unfermented grape juice, soft drinks or ar-
tificial mineral waters (not carbonated), and fermented
liquors containing less than one-half per centum of alco-
hol, sold by the manufacturer, producer, or importer there-
of, in bottles or other closed containers, and upon all ginger
ale, root beer, sarsaparilla, pop, and other carbonated
waters or beverages, manufactured and sold by the manu-
facturer, producer, or importer of the carbonic acid gas
used in carbonating the same, a tax of 1 cent per gallon;
and

(c) Upon all natural mineral waters or table waters,
•old by the producer, bottler, or importer thereof, in bottles
or other closed containers, at over 10 cents per gallon, a
tax of 1 cent per gallon. . . .

SEC. 315. That upon all carbonic acid gas in drums or

other containers (intended for use in the manufacture or
production of carbonated water or other drinks) sold by
the manufacturer, producer, or importer thereof, there shall
be levied, assessed, collected, and paid a tax of 5 cents per
pound. Such tax shall be paid by the purchaser to the
vendor thereof and shall be collected, returned, and paid to
the United States by such vendor in the same manner as
provided in section five hundred and three.

TITLE IV. — WAB TAX ON CIGARS, TOBACCO, AND MANU-
FACTUBES THEBEOF.

SEC. 400. That upon cigars and cigarettes, which shall
be manufactured and sold, or removed for consumption or
sale, there shall be levied and collected, in addition to the
taxes now imposed by existing law, the following taxes, to
be paid by the manufacturer or importer thereof: (a) on
cigars of all descriptions made of tobacco, or any substi-
tute therefor, and weighing not more than three pounds
per thousand, 25 cents per thousand; (b) on cigars made
of tobacco, or any substitute therefor, and weighing more
than three pounds per thousand, if manufactured or im-
ported to retail at 4 cents or more each, and not more than
7 cents each, $1 per thousand; (c) if manufactured or im-
ported to retail at more than 7 cents each and not more
than 15 cents each, $3 per thousand; (d) if manufactured
or imported to retail at more than 15 cents each and not
more than 20 cents each, $5 per thousand; (e) if manufac-
tured or ilnported to retail at more than 20 cents each, $7
per thousand: Provided, That the word " retail " as used in
this section shall mean the ordinary retail price of a single
cigar, and that the Commissioner of Internal Revenue may,
by regulation, require the manufacturer or importer to affix
to each box or container a conspicuous label indicating by
letter the clause of this section under which the cigars
therein contained have been tax-paid, which must corre-
spond with the tax-paid stamp on said box or container;
(f) on cigarettes made of tobacco, or any substitute there-
for, made in or imported into the United States, and
weighing not more than three pounds per thousand, 80
cents per thousand; weighing more than three pounds per
thousand, $1.20 per thousand. . . .

SEC. 401. That upon all tobacco and snuff hereafter man-
ufactured and sold, or removed for consumption or use,
there shall be levied and collected, in addition to the tax
now imposed by law upon such articles, a tax of 5 cents
per pound, to be levied, collected, and paid under the pro-
visions of existing law. . . .

TITLE V. — WAB TAX ON FACILITIES FURNISHED BY PUBIIC

UTILITIES, AND INSUBANCE.

SEC. 500. That from and after the first day of Novem-
ber, nineteen hundred and seventeen, there shall be levied,
assessed, collected, and paid (a) a tax equivalent to three
per centum of the amount paid for the transportation by
rail or water or by any form of mechanical motor power
when in competition with carriers by rail or water of
property by freight consigned from one point in the United
States to another; (b) a tax of 1 cent for each 20 cents, or
fraction thereof, paid to any person, corporation, partner-
ship, or association, engaged in the business of transport-
ing parcels or packages by express over regular routes be-
tween fixed terminals, for the transportation of any pack-
age, parcel, or shipment by express from one point in the
United States to another: Provided, That nothing herein
contained shall be construed to require the carrier collect-
ing such tax to list separately in any bill of lading, freight
receipt, or other similar document, the amount of the tax
herein levied, if the total amount of the freight and tax be
therein stated; (c) a tax equivalent to eight per centum of

VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS.

155

the amount paid fur the transportation of persons by rail
or water, or by any form of mechanical motor power on a
regular established line when in competition with carriers
by rail or water, from one point in the United States to
another or to any point iu Canada or Mexico, where the
ticket therefor is sold or issued in the United States, not
including the amount paid for commutation, or season
tickets for trips less than thirty miles, or for transporta-
tion the fare for which does not exceed 35 cents, and a tax
equivalent to ten per centum of the amount paid for seats,
berths, and staterooms in parlor cars, sleeping cars, or on
vessels. . . .

SEC. 502. That no tax shall be imposed under section five
hundred upon any payment received for services rendered to
the United States, or any State, Territory, or the District
of Columbia. The right to exemption under this section
shall be evidenced in such manner aa the Commissioner of
Internal Revenue, with the approval of the Secretary of the
Treasury, may by regulation prescribe. . . .

SEC. 504. That from and after the first day of November,
nineteen hundred and seventeen, there shall be levied, as-
sessed, collected, and paid the following taxes on the issu-
ance of insurance policies:

(a) Life insurance: A tax equivalent to 8 cents on each
$100 or fractional part thereof of the amount for which
any life is insured under any policy of insurance, or other
instrument, by whatever name the same is called: Provided,
That on all policies for life insurance only by which a life
is insured not in excess of $500, issued on the industrial or
weekly -payment plan of insurance, the tax shall be forty
per centum of the amount of the first weekly premium:
Provided further, That policies of reinsurance shall be ex-
empt from the tax .imposed by this subdivision;

(b) Marine, inland, and fire insurance: A tax equivalent
to 1 cent on each dollar or fractional part thereof of the
premium charged under each policy of insurance or other
instrument by whatever name the same is called whereby
insurance is made or renewed upon property of any de-
scription (including rents or profits), whether against peril
by sea or inland waters, or by fire or lightning, or other
peril: Provided, That policies of reinsurance shall be ex-
empt from the tax imposed by this subdivision;

(c) Casualty insurance: A tax equivalent to 1 cent on
each dollar or fractional part thereof of the premium
charged under each policy of insurance or obligation of the
nature of indemnity for loss, damage, or liability (except
bonds taxable under subdivision two of schedule A of Title
VIII) issued or executed or renewed by any person, cor-
poration, partnership, or association, transacting the busi-
ness of employer's liability, workmen's compensation, acci-
dent, health, tornado, plate glass, steam boiler, elevator,
burglary, automatic sprinkler, automobile, or other branch
of insurance (except life insurance, and insurance de-
scribed and taxed in the preceding subdivision ) : Provided,
That policies of reinsurance shall be exempt from the tax
imposed by this subdivision;

(d) Policies issued by any person, corporation, partner-
ship, or association, whose income is exempt from taxation
under Title I of the Act entitled "An Act to increase the
revenue, and for other purposes," approved September
eighth, nineteen hundred and sixteen, shall be exempt from
the taxes imposed by this section. . . .

TITLE VI. — WAR EXCISE TAXES.

SEC. 600. That there shall be levied, assessed, collected,
and paid —

(a) Upon all automobiles, automobile trucks, automobile
wagons, and motorcycles, sold by the manufacturer, pro-

ducer, or importer, a tax equivalent to three per centum of
the price for which so sold; and

(b) Upon ull piano players, graphophones, phonographs,
talking; nmrliinrs, and records used in connection with any
musical instruments, piano player, graphophone, phono-
graph, or talking machine, sold by the manufacturer, pro-
ducer, or importer, a tax equivalent to three per centum of
the price for which so sold; and

(c) Upon all moving-picture films (which have not been
exposed) sold by the manufacturer or importer a tax equiv-
alent to one-fourth of 1 cent per linear foot; and

(d) Upon all positive moving-picture films (containing
a picture ready for projection) sold or leased by the manu-
facturer, producer, or importer, a tax equivalent to one-half
of 1 cent per linear foot; and

(e) Upon any article commonly or commercially known
as jewelry, whether real or imitation, sold by the manufac-
turer, producer, or importer thereof, a tax equivalent to
three per centum of the price for which so sold; and

(f) Upon all tennis rackets, golf clubs, baseball bats,
lacrosse sticks, balls of all kinds, including baseballs, foot
balls, tennis, golf, lacrosse, billiard and pool balls, fishing
rods and reels, billiard and pool tables, chess and checker
boards and pieces, dice, games and parts of games, except
playing cards and children's toys and games, sold by the
manufacturer, producer, or importer, a tax equivalent to
three per centum of the price for which so sold; and

(g) Upon all perfumes, essences, extracts, toilet waters,
cosmetics, petroleum jellies, hair oils, pomades, hair dress-
ings, hair restoratives, hair dyes, tooth and mouth washes,
dentifrices, tooth pastes, aromatic cachous, toilet soaps and
powders, or any similar substance, article, or preparation
by whatsoever name known or distinguished, upon all of
the above which are used or applied or intended to be used
or applied for toilet purposes, and which are sold by the
manufacturer, importer, or producer, a tax equivalent to
two per centum of the price for which so sold; and

(h) Upon all pills, tablets, powders, tinctures, troches or
lozenges, sirups, medicinal cordials or bitters, anodynes,
tonics, plasters, liniments, salves, ointments, pastes, drops,
waters (except those taxed under section three hundred
and thirteen of this Act), essences, spirits, oils, and all
medicinal preparations, compounds, or compositions what-
soever, the manufacturer or producer of which claims to
have any private formula, secret, or occult art for making
or preparing the same, or has or claims to have any exclu-
sive right or title to the making or preparing the same, or
which are prepared, uttered, vended, or exposed for sale
under any letters patent, or trade-mark, or which, if pre-
pared by any formula, published or unpublished, are held
out or recommended to the public by the makers, venders,
or proprietors thereof as proprietary medicines or medicinal
proprietary articles or preparations, or as remedies or
specifics for any disease, diseases, or affection whatever
affecting the human or animal body, and which are sold by
the manufacturer, producer, or importer, a tax equivalent
to two per centum of the price for which BO sold; and

(i) Upon all chewing gum or substitute therefor sold
by the manufacturer, producer, or importer, a tax equiva-
lent to two per centum of the price for which so sold; and

(j) Upon all cameras sold by the manufacturer, pro-
ducer, or importer, a tax equivalent to three per centum of
the price for which so sold. . . .

SEC. 603. That on the day this Act takes effect, and
thereafter on July first in each year, and also at the time
of the original purchase of a new boat by a user, if on any
other date than July first, there shall be levied, assessed,
collected, and paid, upon the use of yachts, pleasure boats,

156

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

power boats, and sailing boats, of over five net tons, and
motor boats with fixed engines, not used exclusively for
trade or national defense, or not built according to plans
and specifications approved by the Navy Department, an
excise tux to be based on each yacht or boat, at rates as fol-
lows: Yachts, pleasure boats, power boats, motor boats with
fixed engines, and sailing boats, of over five net tons, length
not over fifty feet, 50 cents for each foot, length over fifty
feet and not over one hundred feet, $1 for each foot, length
over one hundred feet, $2 for each foot; motor boats of not
over five net tons with fixed engines, $5.

In determining the length of such yachts, pleasure boats,
power boats, motor boats with fixed engines, and sailing
boats, the measurement of over-all length shall govern.

In the case of a tax imposed at the time of the original
purchase of a new boat on any other date than July first,
the amount to be paid shall be the same number of twelfths
of the amount of the tax as the number of calendar months,
including the month of sale, remaining prior to the follow-
ing July first.

TITLE VII. — WAB TAX ON ADMISSIONS AND DUES.

SEC. 700. That from and after the first day of November,
nineteen hundred and seventeen, there shall be levied, as-
sessed, collected, and paid (a) a tax of 1 cent for. each 10
cents or fraction thereof of the amount paid for admission
to any place, including admission by season ticket or sub-
scription, to be paid by the person paying for such admis-
sion: Provided, That the tax on admission of children un-
der twelve years of age where an admission charge for such
children is made shall in every case be 1 cent; and (b) in
the \,ase of persons (except bona fide employees, municipal
officers on official business, and children under twelve years
of age) admitted free to any place at a time when and un-
der circumstances under which an admission charge is made
to other persons of the same class, a tax of 1 cent for -sach
10 cents or fraction thereof of the price so charged to such
other persons for the same or similar accommodations, to
be paid by the person so admitted; and (c) a tax of 1 cent
for each 10 cents or fraction thereof paid for admission to
any public performance for profit at any cabaret or other
similar entertainment to which the charge for admission is
wholly or in part included in the price paid for refresh-
ment, service, or merchandise; the amount paid for such
admission to be computed under rules prescribed by the
Commissioner of Internal Revenue, with the approval of
the Secretary of the Treasury, such tax to be paid by the
person paying for such refreshment, service, or merchan-
dise. . . . These taxes shall not be imposed in the case of
a place the maximum charge for admission to which is 5
cents, or in the case of shows, rides, and other amusemei'ts
(the maximum charge for admission to which is 10 cents)
within outdoor general amusement parks, or in the case of
admissions to such parks.

No tax shall be levied under this title in respect to any
admissions all the proceeds of which inure exclusively to
the benefit of religious, educational, or charitable institu-
tions, societies, or organizations, or admissions to agricul-
tural fairs none of the profits of which are distributed to
stockholders or members of the association conducting the
same.

The term " admission " as used in this title includes seats
and tables, reserved or otherwise, and other similar accom-
modations, and the charges made therefor.

SEC. 701. That from and after the first day of November,
nineteen hundred and seventeen, there shall be levied, as-
sessed, collected, and paid, a tax equivalent to ten per cen-
tum of any amount paid as dues or membership fees (in-

cluding initiation fees), to any social, athletic, or sporting
club or organization, where such dues or fees are in excess
of $12 per year; such taxes to be paid by the person pay-
ing such dues or fees: Provided, That there bhall be ex-
empted from the provisions of this section all amounts paid
as dues or fees to a fraternal beneficiary society, order, or
association, operating under the lodge system or for the ex-
clusive benefit of the members of a fraternity itself operat-
ing under the lodge system, and providing for the payment
of life, sick, accident, or other benefits to the members of
such society, order, or association or their dependents.

TITLE VIII. — WAB STAMP TAXES.

SEC. 800. That on and after the first day of December,
nineteen hundred and seventeen, there shall be levied, col-
lected, and paid, for and in respect of the several bonds,
debentures, or certificates of stock and of indebtedness, and
other documents, instruments, matters, and things men-
tioned and described in Schedule A of this title, or for or
in respect of the vellum, parchment, or paper upon which
such instruments, matters, or things, or any of them, are
written or printed, by any person, corporation, partnership,
or association who makes, signs, issues, sells, removes, con-
signs, or ships the same, or for whose use or benefit the
same are made, signed, issued, sold, removed, consigned, or
shipped, the several taxes specified in such schedule. , . .
[The stamp- taxes imposed range from one cent up.]

TITLE IX. — WAB ESTATE TAX.

SEC. 900. That in addition to the tax imposed by section
two hundred and one of the Act entitled "An Act to in-
crease the revenue, and for other purposes," approved Sep-
tember eighth, nineteen hundred and sixteen, as amended —

(a) A tax equal to the following percentages of its value
is hereby imposed upon the transfer of each net estate of
every decedent dying after the passage of this Act, the
transfer of which is taxable under such section (the value
of such net estate to be determined as provided in Title II
of such Act of September eighth, nineteen hundred and six-
teen) :

One-half of one per centum of the amount of such net
estate not in excess of $50,000;

One per centum of the amount by which such net estate
exceeds $50,000 and does not exceed $150,000;

One and one-half per centum of the amount by which
such net estate exceeds $150,000 and does not exceed
$250,000;

Two per centum of the amount by which such net estate
exceeds $250,000 and does not exceed $450,000.

Two and one-half per centum of the amount by which
such net estate exceeds $450,000 a*id does not exceed
$1,000,000;

Three per centum of the amount by which such net estate
exceeds $1,000,000 and does not exceed $2,000,000;

Three and one-half per centum of the amount by which
such net estate exceeds $2,000,000 and does not exceed
$3,000,000;

Four per centum of the amount by which such net estate
exceeds $3,000,000 and does not exceed $4,000,000;

Four and one-half per centum of the amount by which
such net estate exceeds $4,000,000 and does not exceed
$5,000,000;

Five per centum of the amount by which such net estate
exceeds $5.000,000 and does not exceed $8,000,000;

Seven per centum of the amount by which such net estate
exceeds $8.000,000 and does not exceed $10,000.000; and

Ten per centum of the amount by which such net estate
exceeds $10,000,000.

VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS.

157

SEC. 001. That the tax imposed by this title shall not
apply to the transfer of the net estate of any decedent
dying while serving in the military or naval forces of the
United States, during the continuance of the war in which
the United States is now engaged, or if death results from
injuries received or disease contracted in such service,
within one year after the termination of such war. For
the purposes of this section the termination of the war shall
be evidenced by the proclamation of the President.

TITLE X. — ADMINISTBATIVE PROVISIONS. [Omitted.]

TITLE XI. — POSTAL RATES.

SEC. 1100. That the rate of postage on all mail matter of
the first class, except postal cards, shall thirty days after
the passage of this Act be, in addition to the existing rate,

1 cent for each ounce or fraction thereof: Provided, That
the rate of postage on drop letters of the first class shall be

2 cents an ounce or fraction thereof. Postal cards, and pri-
vate mailing or post cards when complying with the re-
quirements of existing law, shall be transmitted through
the mails at 1 cent each in addition to the existing rate.

That letters written and mailed by soldiers, sailors, and
marines assigned to duty in a foreign country engaged in
the present war may be mailed free of postage, subject to
such rules and regulations as may be prescribed by the
Postmaster General.

SEC. 1101. That on and after July first, nineteen hun-
dred and eighteen, the rates of postage on publications en-
tered as second-class matter (including sample copies to the
extent of ten per centum of the weight of copies mailed to
subscribers during the calendar year) when sent by the
publisher thereof from the post office of publication or other
post office, or when sent by a news agent to actual sub-
scribers thereto, or to other news agents for the purpose of

(a) In the case of the portion of such publication de-
voted to matter other than advertisements, shall be as fol-
lows: (1) On and after July first, nineteen hundred and
eighteen, and until July first, nineteen hundred and nine-
teen, 1% cents per pound cr fraction thereof; (2) on and
after July first, nineteen hundred and nineteen, l1^ cents
per pound or fraction thereof.

(b) In the case of the portion of such publication de-
voted to advertisements the rates per pound or fraction
thereof for delivery within the several zones applicable to
fourth-class matter shall be as follows (but where the space
devoted to advertisements does not exceed five per centum
of the total space, the rate of postage shall be the same as
if the whole of such publication was devoted to matter other
than advertisements): (1) On and after July first, nine-
teen hundred and eighteen, and until July first, nineteen
hundred and nineteen, for the first and second zones, l1^
cents; for the third zone, 1% cents; for the fourth zone, 2
cents; for the fifth zone, 2% cents; for the sixth zone, 2%
cents; for the seventh zone, 3 cents; for the eighth zone,
3*4 cents; (2) on and after July first, nineteen hundred
and nineteen, and until July first, nineteen hundred and
twenty, for the first and second zones, 1% cents; for the
third zone, 2 cents; for the fourth zone, 3 cents; for the
fifth zone, 3% cents; for the sixth zone, 4 cents; for the
seventh zone, 5 cents; for the eighth zone, 5% cents; (3)
on and after July first, nineteen hundred and twenty, and
until July first, nineteen hundred and twenty-one, for the
first and second zones, 1% cen^s; for the third zone, 2%
cents; for the fourth zone, 4 cents; for the fifth zone, 4%
cents; for the sixth zone, 5% cents; for the seventh zone, 7
cents; for the eifiht zone, 7% cents; (4) on and after July
first, nineteen hundred and twenty-one, for the first and

second zones, 2 cents; for the third zone, 3 cents; for the
fourth zone, 5 cents; for the fifth zone, 6 cents; for the
sixth zone, 7 cents; for the seventh zone, 9 cents; for the
eighth zone, 10 cents;

(c) With the first mailing of each issue of each such
publication, the publisher shall file with the postmaster a
copy of such issue, together with a statement containing
such information as the Postmaster General may prescribe
for determining the postage chargeable thereon. . . .

TITLE XII. — INCOME TAX AMENDMENTS.

SEC. 1203. (1) That section seven of such Act of Sep-
tember eighth, nineteen hundred and sixteen, is hereby
amended to read as follows:

" SEC. 7. That for the purpose of the normal tax only,
there shall be allowed as an exemption in the nature of a
deduction from the amount of the net income of each citi-
zen or resident of the United States, ascertained as pro-
vided herein, the sum of $3,000, plus $1,000 additional if
the person making the return be a head of a family or a
married man with a wife living with him, or plus the sum
of $1,000 additional if the person making the return be a
married woman with a husband living with her; but in no
event shall this additional exemption of $1,000 be deducted
by both a husband and a wife: Provided, That only one de-
duction of $4,000 shall be made from the aggregate income
of both husband and wife when living together: Provided
further, That if the person making the return is the head
of a family there shall be an additional exemption of $200
for each child dependent upon such person, if under
eighteen years of age, or if incapable of self-support because
mentally or physically defective, but this provision shall
operate only in the case of one parent in the same family:
Provided further, That guardians or trustees shall be al-
lowed to make this personal exemption as to income derived
from the property of which such guardian or trustee has
charge in favor of each ward or cestui que trust: Provided
further, That in no event shall a ward or cestui que trust
be allowed a greater personal exemption than as provided
in this section, from the amount of net income received
from all sources. There shall also be allowed an exemption
from the amount of the net income of estates of deceased
citizens or residents of the United States during the period of
administration or settlement, and of trust or other estates
of citizens or residents of the United States the income of
which is not distributed annually or regularly under the
provisions of subdivision (b) of section two, the sum of
$3,000, including such deductions as are allowed under sec-
tion five." . . .

" SEC. 28. That all persons, corporations, partnerships,
associations, and insurance companies, in whatever capacity
acting, including lessees or mortgagors of real or personal
property, trustees acting in any trust capacity, executors,
administrators, receivers, conservators, and employers,
making payment to another person, corporation, partner-
ship, association, or insurance company, of interest, rent,
salaries, wages, premiums, annuities, compensation, re-
muneration, emoluments, or other fixed or determinable
gains, profits, and income (other than payments described
in sections twenty-six and twenty-seven), of $800 or more
in any taxable year, or, in the case of such payments made
by the United States, the officers or employees of the United
States having information as to such payments and re-
quired to make returns in regard thereto by the regulation*
hereinafter provided for, are hereby authorized and re-
quired to render a true and accurate return to the Com-
missioner of Internal Revenue, under such rules and regu-
lations and in such form and manner as may be prescribed

158

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

by him, with the approval of the Secretary of the Treas-
ury, setting forth the amount of such gains, profits, and
Income, and the name and address of the recipient of such
payment." . . .

Approved, October 3, 1917.

ACT PEBMITTINO FOREIGN VESSELS TO ENTEB COASTWISE
TRADE, OCTOBER 6, 1917.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives
of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
That during the present war with Germany and for a
period of one hundred and twenty days thereafter the
United States Shipping Board may, if in its judgment the
interests of the United States require, suspend the present
provisions of law and permit vessels of foreign registry, and
foreign-built vessels admitted to American registry under
the Act of August eighteenth, nineteen hundred and four-
teen, to engage in the coastwise trade of the United States :
Provided, That no such vessel shall engage in the coastwise
trade except upon a permit issued by the United States
Shipping Board, which permit shall limit or define the
scope of the trade and the time of such employment: Pro-
vided further, That in issuing permits the board shall give
preference to vessels of foreign registry owned, leased, or
chartered by citizens of the United States or corporations
thereof: And provided further, That the provisions of this
Act shall not apply to the coastwise trade with Alaska or
between Alaskan ports.

Approved, October 6, 1917.

ACT TO PREVENT THE PUHLICATION OF CERTAIN
INVENTIONS, OCTOBER 6, 1917.

Be it enacted by the Senate and Bouse of Representative's
of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
That whenever during a time when the United States is at
war the publication of an invention by the granting of a
patent might, in the opinion of the Commissioner of Pat-
ents, be detrimental to the public safety or defense or might
assist the enemy or endanger the successful prosecution of
the war he may order that the invention be kept secret and
withhold the grant of a patent until the termination of the
war: Provided, That the invention disclosed in the applica-
tion for said patent may be held abandoned upon it being
established before or by the commissioner that in violation
of said order said invention has been published or that an
application for a patent therefor has been filed in a foreign
country by the inventor or his assigns or legal representa-
tives, without the consent or approval of the Commissioner
of Patents, or under a license of the Secretary of Commerce
as provided by law.

When an applicant whose patent is withheld as herein
provided and who faithfully obeys the order of the Com-
missioner of Patents above referred to shall tender his in-
vention to the Government of the United States for its use,
he shall, if and when he ultimately received a patent, have
the right to sue for compensation in the Court of Claims,
euch right to compensation to begin from the date of the
use of the invention by the Government.

Approved, October 6, 1917.

WAB RISK INSURANCE ACT, OCTOBER 6, 1917.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives
of the United States of America in Congress asembled,
That the first section of the Act entitled "An Act to au-
thorize the establishment of a Bureau of War Risk Insur-
ance in the Treasury Department," approved September
second, nineteen hundred and fourteen, as amended, is
hereby amended to read as follows:

" ARTICLE I.

" SECTION 1. That there is established in the Treasury
Department a Bureau to be known aa the Bureau of War
Risk Insurance, the director of which shall receive a salary
at the rate of $5,000 per annum.

" That there be in such bureau a Division of Marine and
Seamen's Insurance and a Division of Military and Naval
Insurance in charge of a commissioner of Marine and Sea-
men's Insurance and a commissioner of Military and Naval
Insurance, respectively, each of whom shall receive a salary
of $4,000 per annum." . . .

ARTICLE II.

ALLOTMENTS AND FAMILY ALLOWANCES.

SEC. 200. That the provisions of this article shall apply
to all enlisted men in the military or naval forces of the
United States.

SEC. 201. That allotment of pay shall, subject to the
conditions, limitations, and exceptions hereinafter specified,
be compulsory as to wife, a former wife divorced who has
not remarried and to whom alimony has been decreed, and
a child, and voluntary as to any other person; but on the
written consent of the wife or former wife divorced, sup-
ported by evidence satisfactory to the bureau of her ability
to support herself and the children in her custody, the allot-
ment for her- and for such children may he waived; and
on the enlisted man's application or otherwise for good
cause shown, exemption from the allotment may be granted
upon such conditions as may be prescribed by regula-
tions. . . .

SEC. 202. That the enlisted man may allot any propor-
tion or proportions or any fixed amount or amounts of his
monthly pay or of the proportion thereof remaining after
the compulsory allotment, for such purposes and for the
benefit of such person or persons as he may direct, subject,
however, to such conditions and limitations as may be pre-
scribed under regulations to be made by the Secretary of
War and the Secretary of the Navy, respectively.

SEC. 203. That in case one-half of an enlisted man's
monthly pay is not allotted, regulations to be made by the
Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy, respec-
tively, may require, under such circumstances and condi-
tions as may be prescribed in such regulations, that any
proportion of such one-half pay as is not allotted shall be
deposited to his credit, to be held during such period of his
service as may be prescribed. Such deposits shall bear in-
terest at the rate of four per centum per annum, with semi-
annual rests and, when payable, shall be paid principal and
interest to the enlisted man, if living, otherwise to any
beneficiary or beneficiaries he may have designated, or if
there be no such beneficiary, then to the person or persons
who would under the laws of the State of his residence be
entitled to his personal property in case of intestacy.

SEC. 204. That a family allowance of not exceeding $50
per month shall be granted and paid by the United States
upon written application to the bureau by such enlisted
man or by or on behalf of any prospective beneficiary, in
accordance with and subject to the conditions, limitations,
and exceptions hereinafter specified.

The family allowance shall be paid from the time of en-
listment to death in or one month after discharge from the
service, but not for more than one month after the termina-
tion of the present war emergency. No family allowance
shall be made for any period preceding November first,
nineteen hundred and seventeen. The payment shall be
subject to such regulations as may be prescribed relative to
cases of desertion and imprisonment and of missing men.

VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS.

159

Subject to the conditions, limitations, and exceptions
hereinabove and hereinafter specified, the family allowance
payable per month shall be as follows:

Class A. In the case of a man, to his wife (including a
former wife divorced) and to his child or children:

(a) If there be a wife but no child, $15.

(b) If there be a wife and one child, $25.

(d) If there be no wife, but one child, $5.

(e) If there be no wife, but two children, $12.50.

(f) If there be no wife, but three children, $20.

(g) If there be no wife, but four children, $30, with $5
per month additional for each additional child.

Class B. In the case of a man or woman, to a grandchild,
a parent, brother, or sister:

(a) If there be one parent, $10.

(b) If there be two parents, $20.

In the case of a woman, to a child or children:

(d) If there be one child, $5.

(e) If there be two children, $12.50.

(f) If there be three children, $20.

(g) If there be four children, $30, with $5 per month
additional for each additional child. . . .

ARTICLE III.

COMPENSATION FOB DEATH OB DISABILITY.

SEC. 300. That for death or disability resulting from
personal injury suffered or disease contracted in the line of
duty, by any commissioned officer or enlisted man or by
any member of the Army Nurse Corps (female) or of the
Navy Nurse Corps (female) when employed in the active
service under the War Department or Navy Department,
the United States shall pay compensation as hereinafter
provided; but no compensation shall be paid if the injury
or disease has been caused by his own willful misconduct.
SEC. 301. That if death results from injury —
If the deceased leaves a widow or child, or if he leaves a
widowed mother dependent upon him for support, the
monthly compensation shall be the following amounts:

(a) For a widow alone, $25.

(b) For a widow and one child, $35.

(d) If there be no widow, then for one child, $20.

(e) For two children, $30.

(f) For three children, $40, with $5 for each additional
child up to two.

(g) For a widowed mother, $20. The amount payable
under this subdivision shall not be greater than a sum
which, when added to the total amount payable to the
widow and children, does not exceed $75. This compensa-
tion shall be payable for the death of but one child, and no
compensation for the death of a child shall be payable if
such widowed mother is in receipt of compensation under
the provisions of this article for the death of her husband.
Such compensation shall be payable whether her widow-
hood arises before or after the death of the person and
whenever her condition is such that if the person were liv-
ing the widowed mother would have been dependent upon
him for support.

If the death occur before discharge or resignation from
service, the United States shall pay for burial expenses and
the return of body to his home a sum not to exceed $100,
as may be fixed by regulations.

The payment of compensation to a widow or widowed
mother shall continue until her death or remarriage.

The payment of compensation to or for a child shall con-
tinue until such child reaches the age of eighteen years or
marries, or if such child be incapable, because of insanity,
idiocy, or being otherwise permanently helpless, then dur-
ing such incapacity.

Whenever the compensation payable to or for the benefit
of any person under the provisions of this section is ter-
minated by the happening of the contingency upon which it
is limited, the compensation thereafter for the remaining
benficiary or beneficiaries, if any, shall be the amount which
would have been payable to them if they had been the sola
original beneficiaries.

As between the widow and the children not in her cus-
tody, and as between children, the amount of the compen-
sation shall be apportioned as may be prescribed by regu-
lations. The word " widow " as used in this section shall
not include one who shall have married the deceased later
than ten years after the time of injury.

SEC. 302. That if disability results from the injury —

(1) If and while the disability is total, the monthly
compensation shall be the following amounts:

(a) If he has neither wife nor child living, (30.

(b) If he has a wife but no child living, $45.

(d) If he has a wife and two children living, $05.

(e) If he has a wife and three or more children liv-
ing, $75.

(f) If he has no wife but one child living, $40, with $10
for each additional child up to two.

(g) If he has a widowed mother dependent on him for
support, then, in addition to the above amounts, $10.

To an injured person who is totally disabled and in ad-
dition so helpless as to be in constant need of a nurse or
attendant, such additional sum shall be paid, but not ex-
ceeding $20 per month, as the director may deem reason-
able: Provided, however, That for the loss of both feet or
both hands or both eyes, or for becoming totally blind or
helplessly and permanently bedridden from causes occur-
ring in the line of duty in the service of the United States,
the rate of compensation shall be $100 per month: Provided
further, That no allowance shall be made for nurse or at-
tendant.

(2) If and while the disability is partial, the monthly
compensation shall be a percentage of the compensation
that would be payable for his total disability, equal to the
degree of the reduction in earning capacity resulting from
the disability, but no compensation shall be payable for a
reduction in earning capacity rated at less than ten per
centum. . . .

(3) In addition to the compensation above provided, the
injured person shall be furnished by the United States such
reasonable governmental medical, surgical, and hospital
services and with such supplies, including artificial limbs,
trusses, and similar appliances, as the director may deter-
mine to be useful and reasonably necessary: Provided, That
nothing in this Act shall be construed to affect the neces-
sary military control over any member of the military or
naval establishments before he shall have been discharged
from the military or naval service.

(4) The amount of each monthly payment shall be de-
termined according to the family conditions then existing.

SEC. 303. That every person applying for or in receipt of
compensation for disability under the provisions of this
article shall, as frequently and at such times and places as
may be reasonably required, submit himself to examination

160

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

by a medical officer of the United States or by a duly quali-
aed physician designated or approved by the director. He
may have a duly qualified physician designated and paid by
him present to participate in such examination. For all
examinations he shall, in the discretion of the director, be
paid his reasonable traveling and other expenses and also
loss of wages incurred in order to submit to such exami-
nation. If he refuses to submit himself for, or in any way
obstructs, any examination, his right to claim compensation
under this article shall be suspended until such refusal or
obstruction ceases. No compensation shall be payable
while such refusal or obstruction continues, and no compen-
sation shall be payable for the intervening period.

Every person in receipt of compensation for disability
shall submit to any reasonable medical or surgical treat-
ment furnished by the bureau whenever requested by the
bureau; and the consequences of unreasonable refusal to
submit to any such treatment shall not be deemed to result
from the injury compensated for.

SEC. 304. That in cases of dismemberment, of injuries
to sight or hearing, and of other injuries commonly caus-
ing permanent disability, the injured person shall follow
such course or courses of rehabilitation, reeducation, and
vocational training as the United States may provide or
procure to be provided. Should such course prevent the
injured person from following a substantially gainful occu-
pation while taking same, a form of enlistment may be re-
quired which shall bring the injured person into the mili-
tary or naval service. Such enlistment shall entitle the
person to full pay as during the last month of his active
service, and his family to family allowances and allotment
as hereinbefore provided, in lieu of all other compensation
for the time being.

In case of his willful failure properly to follow such
course or so to enlist, payment of compensation shall be
suspended until such willful failure ceases and no compen-
sation shall be payable for the intervening period.

SEC. 305. That upon its own motion or upon application
the bureau may at any time review an award, and, in ac-
cordance with the facts found upon such a review, may end,
diminish, or increase the compensation previously awarded,
or, if compensation has been refused or discontinued, may
award compensation.

SEC. 306. That no compensation shall be payable for
death or disability which does not occur prior to or within
one year after discharge or resignation from the service,
except that where, after a medical examination made pur-
suant to regulations, at the time of discharge or resignation
from the service, or within such reasonable time thereafter,
not exceeding one year, as may be allowed by regulations, a
certificate has been obtained from the director to the effect
that the injured person at the time of his discharge or resig-
nation was suffering from injury likely to result in death
or disability, compensation shall be payable for death or
disability, whenever occurring, proximately resulting from
such injury.

SEC. 307. That compensation shall not be payable for
death in the course of the service until the death be offi-
cially recorded in the department under which he may be
serving. No compensation shall be payable for a period
during which the man has been reported " missing " and a
family allowance has been paid for him under the provi-
sions of Article II.

SEC. 308. That no compensation shall be payable for
death inflicted as a lawful punishment for a crime or mili-
tary offense except when inflicted by the enemy. A dis-
missal or dishonorable or bad "onduct discharge from the

service shall bar and terminate all right to any compensa-
tion under the provisions of this article.

SEC. 309. That no compensation shall be payable unless
a claim therefor be filed, in case of disability, within five
years after discharge or resignation from the service, or,
in case of death during the service, within five years after
such death is officially recorded in the department under
which he may be serving: Provided, however, That where
compensation is payable for death or disability occurring
after discharge or resignation from the service, claim must
be made within five years after such death or the beginning
of such disability. . . .

ARTICLE IV.
INSURANCE.

SEC. 400. That in order to give to every commissioned
officer and enlisted man and to every member of the Army
Nurse Corps (female) and of the Navy Nurse Corps
(female) when employed in active service under the War
Department or Navy Department greater protection for
themselves and their dependents than is provided in Arti-
cle III, the United States, upon application to the bureau
and without medical examination, shall grant insurance
against the death or total permanent disability of any such
person in any multiple of $500, and not less than $1,000
or more than $10,000, upon the payment of the premiums
as hereinafter provided. . . .

Approved, October 6, 1917.

TRADING WITH THE ENEMY ACT, OCTOBER 6, 1917.

An Act To define, regulate, and punish trading with the
enemy, and for other purposes.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives
of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
That this Act shall be known as the " Trading with the
enemy Act." . . .

SEC. 3. That it shall be unlawful —

(a) For any person in the United States, except with
the license of the President, granted to such person, or to
the enemy, or ally of enemy, as provided in this Act, to
trade, or attempt to trade, either directly or indirectly,
with, to, or from, or for, or on account of, or on behalf
of, or for the benefit of, any other person, with knowledge
or reasonable cause to believe that such other person is
an enemy or ally of enemy, or is conducting or taking part
in such trade, directly or indirectly, for, or on account of,
or on behalf of, or for the benefit of, an enemy or ally of
enemy.

(b) For any person, except with the license of the Presi-
dent, to transport or attempt to transport into or from the
United States, or for any owner, master, or other person in
charge of a vessel of American registry to transport or at-
tempt to transport from any place to any other place, any
subject or citizen of an enemy or ally of enemy nation, with
knowledge or reasonable cause to believe that the person
transported or attempted to be transported is '-nch subject
or citizen.

(c) For any person (other than a person in the service
of the United States Government or of the Government of
any nation, except that of an enemy or ally of enemy na-
tion, and other than such persons or classes of persons as
may be exempted hereunder by the President or by such
person as he may direct), to send, or take out of, or bring
into, or attempt to send, or take out of, or bring into the
United States, any letter or other writing or tangible form
of communication, except in the regular course of the mail;
and it shall be unlawful for any person to send, take, or

VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS.

161

transmit, or attempt, tu MMH!. take, or transmit out of the
United Suites, any letter or other writing, book, map, plan,
or other paper, picture, or any telegram, cablegram, or
wireless message, or other form of communication intended
for or to be delivered, directly or indirectly, to an enemy
or ally of enemy: Provided, huweier, That any person may
send, take, or transmit out of the United States anything
herein forbidden if he shall first submit the same to the
President, or to such officer as the President may direct,
and shall obtain the license or consent of the President,
under such rules and regulations, and with such exemp-
tions, as shall be prescribed by the President.

(d) Whenever, during the present war, the President
shall deem that the public safety demands it, he may cause
to be censored under such rules and regulations as he may
from time to time establish, communications by mail, cable,
radio, or other means of transmission passing Vetween the
United States and any foreign country he may from time
to time specify, or which may be carried by any vessel or
other means of transportation touching at any port, place,
or territory of the United States and bound to or from any
foreign country. Any person who willfully evades or at-
tempts to evade the submission of any such communication
to such censorship or willfully uses or attempts to use any
code or other device for the purpose of concealing from
such censorship the intended meaning of such communica-
tion shall be punished as provided in section sixteen of
this Act.

SEC. 4. (a) Every enemy or ally of enemy insurance or
reinsurance company, and every enemy or ally of enemy,
doing business within the United States through an agency
or branch office, or otherwise, may, within thirty days after
the passage of this Act, apply to the President for a license
to continue to do business; and, within thirty days after
such application, the President may enter an order either
granting or refusing to grant such license. . . .

(b) That, during the present war, no enemy, or ally of
enemy, and no partnership of which he is a member or was
a member at the beginning of the war, shall for any pur-
pose assume or use any name other than that by which such
enemy or partnership was ordinarily known at the begin-
ning of the war, except under license from the President.

Whenever, during the present war, in the opinion of the
President the public safety or public interest requires, the
President may prohibit any or all foreign insurance com-
panies from doing business in the United -States, or the
President may license such company or companies to do
business upon such terms as he may deem proper.

SEC. 6. (a) That the President, if he shall find it com-
patible with the safety of the United States and with the
successful prosecution of the war, may, by proclamation,
suspend the provisions of this Act so far as they apply to
an ally of enemy, and he may revoke or renew such sus-
pension from time to time; and the President may grant
licenses, special or general, temporary or otherwise, and for
such period of time and containing such provisions and
conditions as he shall prescribe, to any person or class of
persons to do business as provided in subsection (a) of sec-
tion four hereof. . . .

If the President shall have reasonable cause to believe
that any act is about to be performed in violation of section
three hereof he shall have authority to order the postpone-
ment of the performance of such act for a period not ex-
ceeding ninety days, pending investigation of the facts by
him.

(b) That the President may investigate, regulate, or
prohibit, under such rules and regulations as he may pre-
scribe, by means of licenses or otherwise, any transactions

in foreign exchange, export or ear-markings of gold or sil-
ver coin or bullion or currency, transfers of credit in any
form (other than credits relating solely to transactions to
be executed wholly within the United States), and trans-
fers of evidences of indebtedness or of the ownership of
property between the United States and any foreign coun-
try, whether enemy, ally of enemy or otherwise, or between
residents of one or more foreign countries, by any person
within the United States; and he may require any such
person engaged in any such transaction to furnish, under
oath, complete information relative thereto, including the
production of any books of account, contracts, letters or
other papers, in connection therewith in the custody or con-
trol of such person, either before or after such transaction
is completed.

SEC. 0. That the President is authorized to appoint, pre-
scribe the duties of, and fix the salary (not to exceed $5,000
per annum) of an official to be known as the alien property
custodian, who shall be empowered to receive all money
and property in the United States due or belonging to an
enemy, or ally of enemy, which may be paid, conveyed,
transferred, assigned, or delivered to said custodian under
the provisions of this Act; and to hold, administer, and ac-
count for the same under the general direction of the Presi-
dent and as provided in this Act. . . .

SEC. 7. ... (e) No person shall be held liable in any
court for or in respect to anything done or omitted in pur-
suance of any order, rule, or regulation made by the Presi-
dent under the authority of this Act.

SEC. 10. ... (c) Any citizen of the United States or any
corporation organized within the Unit-Mi States desiring to
manufacture, or cause to be manufactured, a machine, man-
ufacture, composition of matter, or design, or to carry on, or
to use any trade-mark, print, label or cause to be carried on,
a process under any patent or copyrighted matter owned or
controlled by an enemy or ally of enemy at any time during
the existence of a state of war may apply to the President
for a license; and the President is hereby authorized to
grant such a license, nonexclusive or exclusive as he shall
deem best, provided he shall be of the opinion that such
grant is for the public welfare, and that the applicant is
able and intends in good faith to manufacture, or cause to
be manufactured, the machine, manufacture, composition of
matter, or design, or to carry on, or cause to be carried on,
the process or to use the trade-mark, print, label or copy-
righted matter. The President may prescribe the condi-
tions of this license, including the fixing of prices of arti-
cles and products necessary to the health of the military
and naval forces of the United States or the successful
prosecution of the war, and the rules and regulations under
which such license may be granted and the fee which shall
be charged therefor. . . .

(f) The owner of any patent, trade-mark, print, label, or
copyright under which a license is granted hereunder may,
after the end of the war and until the expiration of one
year thereafter, file a bill in equity against the licensee in
the district court of the United States for the district in
which the said licensee resides, or, if a corporation, in
which it has its principal place of business (to which suit
the Treasurer of the United States shall be made a party),
for recovery from the said licensee for all use and enjoy-
ment of the said patented invention, trade-mark, print,
label, or copyrighted matter.

SEC. 11. Whenever during the present war the President
shall find that the public safety so requires and shall make
proclamation thereof it shall be unlawful to import into
the United States from any country named in such procla-

162

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

matioii any article or articles mentioned in such procla-
mation except at such time or times, and under such regu-_
lations or orders, and subject to such limitations and excep-
tions as the President shall prescribe, until otherwise or-
dered by the President or by Congress: Provided, however,
That no preference shall be given to the ports of one State
over those of another.

SEC. 16. That whoever shall willfully violate any of the
provisions of this Act or of any license, rule, or regulation
issued thereunder, and who shall willfully violate, neglect,
or refuse to comply with any order of the President issued
in compliance with the provisions of this Act shall, upon
conviction, he fined not more than $10,000, or, if a natural
person, imprisoned for not more than ten years, or both; and
the officer, director, or agent of any corporation who know-
ingly participates in such violation shall be punished by a
like fine, imprisonment, or both, and any property, funds,
securities, papers, or other articles or documents, or any
vessel, together with her tackle, apparel, furniture, and
equipment, concerned in such violation shall be forfeited to
the United States.

SEC. 19. That ten days after the approval of this Act and
until the end of the war, it shall be unlawful for any per-
son, firm, corporation, or association, to print, publish, or
circulate, or cause to be printed, published, or circulated in
any foreign language, any news item, editorial or other
printed matter, respecting the Government of the United
States, or of any nation engaged in the present war, its
policies, international relations, the state or conduct of the
war, or any matter relating thereto: Provided, That this
section shall not apply to any print, newspaper, or publi-
cation where the publisher or distributor thereof, on or be-
fore offering the same for mailing, or in any manner dis-
tributing it to the public, has filed with the postmaster at
the place of publication, in the form of an affidavit, a true
and complete translation of the entire article containing
such matter proposed to be published in such print, news-
paper, or publication, and has caused to be printed, in plain
type in the English language, at the head of each such
item, editorial, or other matter, on each copy of such print,
newspaper, or publication, the words " True translation
filed with the postmaster at on (naming

the post office where the translation was filed, and the date
of filing thereof) as required by the Act of (here

giving the date of this Act).

Any print, newspaper, or publication in any foreign lan-
guage which does not conform to the provisions of this
section is hereby declared to be nonmailable, and it shall
be unlawful for any person, firm, corporation, or associa-
tion, to transport, carry, or otherwise publish or distribute
the same, or to transport, carry or otherwise publish or dis-
tribute any matter which as made nonmailable by the pro-
visions of the Act relating to espionage, approved June
fifteenth, nineteen hundred and seventeen: Provided fur-
ther, That upon evidence satisfactory to him that any
print, newspaper, or publication, printed in a foreign lan-
guage may be printed, published, and distributed free from
the foregoing restrictions and conditions without detriment
to the United States in the conduct of the present war,
the President may cause to be issued to the printers or pub-
lishers of such print, newspaper, or publication, a permit to
print, publish, and circulate the issue or issues of their
print, newspaper, or publication, free from such restric-
tions and requirements, such permits to be subject to revo-
cation at his discretion. And the Postmaster General shall
cause copies of all such permits and revocations of permits
to be furnished to the postmaster of the post office serving
the place from which the print, newspaper, or publication,

granted the permit is to emanate. All matter printed, pub-
lished and distributed under permits shall bear at the head
thereof in plain type in the English language, the words,
" Published and distributed under permit authorized by the
Act of (here giving date of this Act), on file at

the post office of (giving name of office)."

Approved, October 6, 1917.

JOINT RESOLUTION DECLARING A STATE OF WAR BETWEEN

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE UNITED STATES,

DECEMBER 1, 1917.

Whereas the Imperial and Royal Austro-Hungarian Gov-
ernment has committed repeated acts of war against the
Government and the people of the United States of Amer-
ica: Therefore be it

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled, That
a state of war is hereby declared to exist between the
United States of America and the Imperial and Royal
Austro-Hungarian Government; and that the President be,
and he is hereby, authorized and directed to employ the en-
tire naval and military forces of the United States and the
resources of the Government to carry on war against the
Imperial and Royal Austro-Hungarian Government; and
to bring the conflict to a successful termination all the re-
sources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress
of the Unite* States.

Approved, December 7, 1917.

ACT TO PROVIDE HOUSING FOR FLEET WORKERS,
MARCH 1, 1918.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representative
of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
That the United States Shipping Board Emergency Fleet
Corporation is hereby authorized and empowered within
the limits of the amounts herein authorized —

(a) To purchase, lease, requisition, including the requi-
sition of the temporary use of, or acquire by condemnation
or otherwise any improved or unimproved land or any in-
terest therein suitable for the construction thereon of
houses for the use of employees and the families of employ-
ees of shipyards in which ships are being constructed for
the United States.

(b) To construct on such land for the use of such em-
ployees and their families houses and all other necessary or
convenient fa'cilities, upon such conditions and at such
price as may be determined by it, and to sell, lease, or ex-
change such houses, land, and facilities upon such terma
and conditions as it may determine.

(c) To purchase, lease, requisition, including the requi-
sition of the temporary use of, or acquire by condemnation
or otherwise any houses or other buildings for the use of
such employees and their families, together with the land
on which the same are erected, or any interest therein, all
necessary and proper fixtures and furnishings therefor, and
all necessary and convenient facilities incidental thereto;
to manage, repair, sell, lease, or exchange euch lands,
houses, buildings, fixtures, furnishings, and facilities upon
such terms and conditions as it may determine to carry out
the purposes of this act.

(d) To make loans to persons, firms, or corporations In
such manner upon such terms and security, and for such
time not exceeding ten years, as it may determine to pro-
vide houses and facilities for the employees and the fami-
lies of employees of such shipyards.

Whenever said United States Shipping Board Emergency
Fleet Corporation shall acquire by requisition or condemna-
tion such property or any interest therein, it shall deter-

VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS.

163

mine and make just compensation therefor, and if the
amount thereof so determined is unsatisfactory to the per-
son entitled to receive the same, such person shall be paid
seventy-live per centum of the amount so determined, and
shall be entitled to sue the United States to recover such
further sum as added to such seventy-five per centum will
make such an amount as will be just compensation for the
property or interest therein so taken, in the manner pro-
vided by section twenty-four, paragraph twenty, and sec-
tion one hundred and forty-five of the Judicial Code.

That whenever the said United States Shipping Board
Emergency Fleet Corporation shall requisition any prop-
erly or rights, or upon the filing of a petition for con-
demnation hereunder, immediate possession may be taken
by it of such land, houses, or other property, rights, and
facilities, to the extent of the interests to be acquired
therein, and the same may be immediately occupied and
used and the provisions of section three hundred and fifty-
five of the Revised Statutes, providing that no public
money shall be expended upon such land until the written
opinion of the Attorney General shall be had in favor of
the validity of the title nor until the consent of the legis-
lature of the State in which the land is located has been
given, shall be, and the same are hereby, suspended as to all
land acquired hereunder.

The power to acquire property by purchase, lease, requi-
sition or condemnation, or to construct houses, or other
buildings, and to make loans, or otherwise extend aid as
herein granted shall cease with the termination of the
present war with Germany. The date of the conclusion of
the war shall be declared by proclamation of the Presi-
dent. . . .

That for the purpose of carrying out the provision of
this act the expenditure of $50,000,000 is hereby author i/.ed,
and in executing the authority granted by this act, the said
United States Shipping Board Emergency Fleet Corpora-
tion shall not expend more than the said sum, nor shall any
contract for construction be entered into which provides
that the compensation of the contractor shall he the cost
of construction plus a percentage thereof for profit, Unless
such contract shall also fix the reasonable cost of such con-
struction as determined by the United States Shipping
Board Emergency Fleet Corporation and provide that upon
any increase in cost above the reasonable cost eo fixed by
such board, the percentage of profit shall decrease as the
cost increases in accordance with a rate to be Pxed by said
board and expressed in the contract.

No contract shall be let without the approval of the
United States Shipping Board Emergency Fleet Corpora-
tion: Provided, however, That nothing herein contained
shall be construed to prevent said board from contracting
for the payment of premiums or bonuses for the speedy
completion of the work contracted for: Provided further,
That the United States Shipping Board Emergency Fleet
Corporation shall report to Congress on the first Monday
In December of each year the names of all persons or cor-
porations with whom it has made contracts and of such
subcontractors as may be employed in furtherance of this
act, including a statement of the purposes and amounts
thereof, together with a detailed statement of all expendi-
tures by contract or otherwise for land, buildings, material,
labor, salaries, commissions, demurrage, or other charges
In excess of $10,000.

Approved, March 1, 1918.

PROTECTION OF THE Crvn. RIGHTS OF PERSONS IN THE

MILITARY AND NAVAL ESTABLISHMENTS,

MABCH 8, 1918.

An Act to extend protection to the civil rights of mem-

bers of the Military and Naval Establishments of the
United States engaged in the present war.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representative*
of the United States of America in Congress assembled,

ARTICLE I.

GENERAL PROVISIONS.

SEC. 100. That for the purpose of enabling the United
States the more successfully to prosecute and carry on the
war in which it is at present engaged, protection is hereby
extended to persons in military service of the United States
in order to prevent prejudice or injury to their civil rights
during their term of service and to enable them to devote
their entire energy to the military needs of the Nation, and
to this end the following provisions are made for the tem-
porary suspension of legal proceedings and transactions
which may prejudice the civil rights of persons in such ser-
vice during the continuance of the present war. . . .

ARTICLE II.

GENERAL RELIEF.

SEC. 200. That in any action or proceeding commenced in
any court if there shall be a default of an appearance by
the defendant the plaintiff before entering judgment shall
file in the court an affidavit setting forth facts showing that
the defendant is not in military service. If unable to file
such affidavit plaintiff shall in lieu thereof file an affidavit
setting forth either that the defendant is in the military
service or that plaintiff is not able to determine whether
or not defendant is in such service. If an affidavit is not
filed showing that the defendant is not in the military ser-
vice, no judgment shall be entered without first securing an
order of court directing such entry, and no such order shall
be made if the defendant is in such service until after the
court shall have appointed an attorney to represent de-
fendant and protect his interest and the court shall on ap-
plication make such appointment. . . .

SEC. 201. That at any stage thereof any action or pro-
ceeding commenced in any court by or against a person in
military service during the period of such service or within
sixty days thereafter may, in the discretion of the court
in which it is pending, on its own motion, and shall, on ap-
plication to it by such person or some person on his behalf,
be stayed as provided in this act, unless, in the opinion of
the court, the ability of plaintiff to prosecute the action or
the defendant to conduct his defense is not materially
affected by reason of his military service. . . .

ARTICLE III.

RENT, INSTALLMENT CONTRACTS, MORTGAGES.

SEC. 300. ( 1 ) That no eviction or distress shall be made
during the period of military service in respect of any
premises for which the agreed rent does not exceed $50 per
month, occupied chiefly for dwelling purposes by the wife,
children or other dependents of a person in military ser-
vice, except, upon leave of court granted upon application
therefor, or granted in an action or proceeding affecting
the right of possession. . . .

SEC. 301. (1) That no person who has received, or
whose assignor has received, under a contract for the pur-
chase of real or personal property, or of lease or bailment
with a view to purchase of such property, a deposit or in-
stallment of the purchase price from a person or from the
assignor of a person who, after the date of payment of
such deposit or installment, has entered military service,
shall exercise any right or option under such contract to
rescind or terminate the contract or reserve possession of
the property for non-payment of any installment falling

164

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

.due during the period of such military service, except by
Action in a court of competent jurisdiction. . . .

ARTICLE IV.
INSURANCE.

SEC. 405. That no policy which has not lapsed for the
non-payment of premium before the commencement of the
period of military service of the insured, and which has
been brought within the benefits of this Article, shall lapse
or be forfeited for the non-payment of premium during the
period of such service or during one year after the expira-
tion of such period: Provided, That in no case shall this
prohibition extend for more than one year after the ter-
mination of the war. . . .

AETICLE V.

TAXES AND PUBLIC LANDS.

SEC. 500. (1) That the provisions of this section shall
apply when any taxes or assessments, whether general or
special, falling due during the period of military service
in respect of real property owned and occupied for dwelling
or business purposes by a person in military service or his
dependents at the commencement of his period of military
service and still so occupied by his dependents or employ-
ees are not paid.

(2) When any person in military service, or any person
In his behalf, shall file with the collector of taxes, or other
officer whose duty it is to enforce the collection of taxes
or assessments, an affidavit showing (a) that a tax or as-
sessment has been assessed upon property which is the sub-
ject of this section, (b) that such tax or assessment ia
unpaid, and (c) that by reason of such military service the
ability of such person to pay such tax or assessment is
materially lessened, no sale of such property shall be made
to enforce the collection of such tax or assessment, or any
proceeding or action for such purpose commenced, except
upon leave of court granted upon an application made
therefor by such collector or other officer. The court there-
upon may stay such proceedings or such sale, as provided in
this Act, for a period extending not more than six months
after the termination of the war. . . .

SEC. 501. That no right to any public lands initiated or
acquired prior to entering military service by any person
under the homestead laws, the desert-land laws, the mining-
land laws, or any other laws of the United States, shall be
forfeited or prejudiced by reason of his absence from such
land, or of his failure to perform any work or make any
Improvements thereon, or to do any other act required by
•ny such law during the period of such service. . . .

ARTICLE VI.

AliMI MSTKATIVE REMEDIES.

SEC. 600. That where in any proceeding to enforce a civil
right in any court it is made to appear to the satisfaction
of the court that any interest, property, or contract has
since the date of the approval of this Act been transferred
or acquired with intent to delay the just enforcement of
such right by taking advantage of this Act, the court shall
enter such judgment or make such order as might lawfully
be entered or made the provisions of this Act to the con-
trary notwithstanding. . . .

Approved, March 8, 1918.

DAYLIGHT SAVING LAW, MARCH 19, 1918.

An act to save daylight and to provide standard time for
the United States.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives
of the United States of America in Congress assembled,

That, for the purpose of establishing the standard time of
the United States, the territory of continental United
States, shall be divided into five zones in the manner here-
inafter provided. The standard time of the first zone shall
be based on the mean astronomical time of the seventy-
fifth degree of longitude west from Greenwich; that of the
second zone on the ninetieth degree; that of the third zone
on the one hundred and fifth degree; that of the fourth
zone on the one hundred and twentieth degree: and that
of the fifth zone, which shall include only Alaska, on the
one hundred and fiftieth degree. That the limits of each
zone shall be defined by an order of the Interstate Com-
merce Commission, having regard for the convenience of
commerce and the existing junction points and division
points of common carriers engaged in commerce between
the several States and with foreign nations, and such order
may be modified from time to time.

SEC. 2. That within the respective zones created under
the authority hereof the standard time of the zone shall
govern the movement of all common carriers engaged in
commerce between the several States or between a State
and any of the Territories of the United States, or between
a State or the Territory of Alaska and any of the insular
possessions of the United States or any foreign country.
In all statutes, orders, rules, and regulations relating to
the time of performance of any act by any officer or de-
partment of .the United States, whether in the legislative,
executive, or judicial branches of the Government, or relat-
ing to the time within which any rights shall accrue or de-
termine, or within which any act shall or shall not be
performed by any person subject to the jurisdiction of the
United States, it shall be understood and intended that the
time shall be the United States standard time of the zone
within which the act is to be performed.

SEC. 3. That at 2 o'clock antemeridian of the last Sun-
day in March of each year the standard time of each /one
shall be advanced one hour, and at 2 o'clock antemeridian
of the last Sunday in October in each year the standard
time of each zone shall, by the retarding of one hour, be
returned to the mean astronomical time of the degree of
longitude governing said zone, so that between the last
Sunday in March at 2 o'clock antemeridian and the last
Sunday in October at 2 o'clock antemeridian in each year
the standard time in each zone shall be one hour in advance
of the mean astronomical time of the degree of longitude
governing each zone, respectively.

SEC. 4. That the standard time of the first TOne shall be
known and designated as United States standard eastern
time; that of the second zone shall be known and desig-
nated as United States standard central time; that of the
third zone shall be known and designated as United States
standard mountain time; that of the fourth zone shall be
known and designated as United States standard Pacific
time; and that of the fifth zone shall be known and desig-
nated as United States standard Alaska time.

SEC. 6. That all acts and parts of acts in conflict here-
with are hereby repealed.
Approved, March 19, 1918.

ACT AUTHORIZING THE PRESIDENT TO TAKE CONTROL OF
TRANSPORTATION SYSTEMS, MARCH 21, 1918.

An Act to provide for the operation of transportation
systems while under Federal control, for the just compen-
sation of their owners, and for other purposes."

" For the previous action of the President in taking over
railroad control, see proclamation of December 26, 1917, p.

174.

VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS.

165

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representativet
of the United Ktates of America in Congress assembled,
That the President, having in time of war taken over the
possession, use, control, and operation (called herein car-
riers), is hereby authorized to agree with and to guaran-
tee to any such carrier making operating returns to the
Interstate Commerce Commission, that during the period
of such Federal control it shall receive as just compensa-
tion an annual sum, payable from time to time in reason-
able installments, for each year and pro rata for any frac-
tional year of such Federal control, not exceeding a sum
equivalent as nearly as may be to its average annual rail-
way operating income for the three years ended June thir-
tieth, nineteen hundred and seventeen.

That any railway operating income accruing during the
period of Federal control in excess of such just compensa-
tion shall remain the property of the United States. . . .

Every such agreement shall also contain adequate and
appropriate provisions for the maintenance, repair, renew-
als, and depreciation of the property, for the creation of
any reserves or reserve funds found necessary in connec-
tion therewith, and for such accounting and ndjustments
of charges and payments, both during and at the end of
Federal control, as may be requisite in order that the prop-
erty of each carrier may be returned to it in substantially
as good repair and in substantially as complete equipment
as it was in at the beginning of Federal control, and also
that the United States may, by deductions from the just
compensations or by other proper means and charges, be
reimbursed for the cost of any additions, repairs, renewals,
and betterments to such property not justly chargeable to
the United States; in making such accounting and adjust-
ments, due consideration shall be given to the amounts ex-
pended or reserved by each carrier for maintenance, repairs,
renewals, and depreciation during the three years ended
June thirtieth, nineteen hundred and seventeen, to the con-
dition of the property at the beginning and at the end of
Federal control and to any other pertinent facts and cir-
cumstances. . .

That every railroad not owned, controlled, or operated by
another carrier company, and which has heretofore com-
peted for traffic with a railroad or railroads of which the
President has taken the possession, use and control, or
which connects with such railroads and is engaged as a
common carrier in general transportation, shall be held and
considered as within " Federal control," as herein defined,
and necessary for the prosecution of the war, and shall be
entitled to the benefit of all the provisions of this act:
Provided, however. That nothing in this paragraph shall be
construed as including any street or interurban electric
railway which has as its principal source of operating reve-
nue urban, suburban, or interurban passenger traffic, or
sale of power, heat and light or both. . . .

SEC. 2. That if no such agreement is made, or pending
the execution of an agreement, the President may neverthe-
less pay to any carrier while under Federal control an an-
nual amount, payable in reasonable installments, not ex-
ceeding ninety per centum of the estimated annual amount
of just compensation, remitting such carrier, in case where
no agreement is made, to its legal rights for any balance
claimed to the remedies provided in section three hereof.
Any amount thereafter found due such carrier above the
amount paid shall bear interest at the rate of six per cen-
tum per annum. The acceptance of any benefits under this
section shall constitute an acceptance by the carrier of all
the provisions of this act and shall obligate the carrier to
pay to the United States, with interest at the rate of six
per centum per annum from a date or dates fixed in pro-

ceedings under section three, the amount by which the
received under this section exceed the sum found due in
such proceedings.

SEC. 3. That all claims for just compensation not ad-
justed (as provided in section one) shall, on the applica-
tion of the President or of any carrier, be submitted to
boards, each consisting of three referees to be appointed by
the Interstate Commerce Commission, members of which
and the official force thereof being eligible for service on
such boards without additional compensation. . . .

SEC. 4. That the just compensation that may be deter-
mined as hereinbefore provided by agreement or that may
be adjudicated by the Court of Claims shall be increased
by an amount reckoned at a reasonable rate per centum
to be fixed by the President upon the cost of any additions
and betterments, less retirements, and upon the cost of road
extensions to the property of such carrier made by such
carrier with the approval of or by order of the President
while such property is under Federal control.

SEC. 5. That no carrier while under Federal control
shall, without the prior approval of the President, declare
or pay any dividend in excess of its regular rate of divi-
dends during the three years ended June thirtieth, nine-
teen hundred and seventeen: Provided, however, That such
carriers as have paid no regular dividends or no dividends
during said period may, with the prior approval of the
President, pay dividends at such rate as the President may
determine.

SEC. 6. That the sum of $500,000,000 is hereby appro-
priated, out of any moneys in the Treasury not otherwise
appropriated, which, together with any funds available
from any operating income of said carriers, may be used by
the President as a revolving fund for the purpose of paying
the expenses of the Federal control, and so far as necessary
the amount of just compensation, and to provide terminals,
motive power, cars, and other necessary equipment, such
terminals, motive power, cars, and equipment to be used
and accounted for as the President may direct and to be
disposed of as Congress may hereafter by law provide.

The President may also make or order any carrier to
make any additions, betterments, or road extension, and to
provide terminals, motive power, cars and other equipment
necessary or desirable for war purposes or in the public
interest on or in connection with the property of any car-
rier. He may from said revolving fund advance to such
carrier all or any part of the expense of such additions,
betterments, or road extensions, and to provide terminals,
motive power, cars, and other necessary equipment so or-
dered and constructed by such carrier or by the President,
such advances to be charged against such carrier and to
bear interest at such rate and be payable on such terms a*
may be determined by the President, to the end that the
United States maj be fully reimbursed for any sums so ad-
vanced.

Any loss claimed by any carrier by reason of any such
additions, betterments, or road extensions, ordered and
constructed may be determined by agreement between the
President and such carrier; failing such agreement the
amount of such loss shall be ascertained as provided in sec-
tion three hereof.

From said revolving fund the President may expend such
an amount as he may deem necessary or desirable for the
utilization and operation of canals, or for the purchase, con-
struction, or utilization and operation of boats, barges,
tugs, and other transportation facilities on the inland,
canal, and coastwise waterways, and may in the operation
and use of such facilities create or employ such agencies

166

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

and enter into such contracts and agreements as he shall
deem in the public interest.

SEC. 7. That for the purpose of providing funds requisite
for maturing obligations or for other legal and proper ex-
penditures, or for reorganizing railroads in receivership,
carriers may, during the period of Federal control, issue
euch bonds, notes, equipment trust certificates, stock, and
other forms of securities, secured or unsecured by mort-
gage, as the President may first approve as consistent with
the public interest. The President may, out of the revolv-
ing fund created by this act, purchase for the United States
all or any part of such securities at prices not exceeding
par, and may sell such securities whenever in his judgment
it is desirable at prices not less than the cost thereof. Any
securities so purchased shall be held by the Secretary of
the Treasury who shall, under the direction of the Presi-
dent, represent the United States in all matters in connec-
tion therewith in the same manner as a private holder
thereof. The President shall each year as soon as prac-
ticable after January first cause a detailed report to be
submitted to the Congress of all receipts and expenditures
made under this section and section six during the preced-
ing calendar year. . . .

SEC. 10. That carriers while under Federal control shall
be subject to all laws and liabilities as common carriers,
whether arising under State or Federal laws or at common
law, except in so far as may be inconsistent with the pro-
visions of this act or any act applicable to such Federal
control or with any order of the President. . . .

That during the period of Federal control, whenever in
his opinion the public interest requires, the President may
initiate rates, fares, charges, classifications, regulations,
and practices by filing the same with the Interstate Com-
merce Commission, which said rates, fares, charges, classi-
fications, regulations, and practices shall not be suspended
by the commission pending final determination.

Said rates, fares, charges, classifications, regulations, and
practices shall be reasonable and just and shall take effect
at such time and upon such notice as he may direct, but
the Interstate Commerce Commission shall, upon com-
plaint, enter upon a hearing concerning the justness and
reasonableness of so much of any order of the President as
establishes or changes any rate, fare, charge, classification,
regulation, or practice of any carrier under Federal con-
trol, and may consider all the facts and circumstances ex-
isting at the time of the making of the same. In determin-
ing any question concerning any such rates, fares, charges,
classifications, regulations, or practices or changes therein,
the Interstate Commerce Commission shall give due consid-
eration to the fact that the transportation systems are be-
ing operated under a unified and co-ordinated national ccn-
trol and not in competition.

After full hearing the commission may make such find-
ings and orders as are authorized by the act to regulate
commerce as amended, and said findings and orders shall
be enforced as provided in said act: Provided, however,
That when the President shall find and certify to the Inter-
state Commerce Commission that in order to defray the
expenses of Federal control and operation fairly charge-
able to railway operating expenses and also to pay railway
tax accruals other than war taxes, net rents for joint facili-
ties and equipment, and compensation to the carriers, oper-
ating as a unit, it is necessary to increase the railway oper-
ating revenues, the Interstate Commerce Commission, in de-
termining the justness and reasonableness of any rate, fare,
charge, classification, regulation, or practice shall take into
consideration said finding and certificate by the President,
together with such recommendations as he may make.

SEC. 14. That the Federal control of railroads and trans-
portation systems herein and heretofore provided for shall
continue for and during the period of the war and for a
reasonable time thereafter, which shall not exceed one year
and nine months next following the date of the proclama-
tion by the President of the exchange of ratifications of the
treaty of peace: Provided, however, That the President
may, prior to July first, nineteen hundred and eighteen,
relinquish control of all or any part of any railroad or
system of transportation, further Federal control of which
the President shall deem not needful or desirable; and the
President may at any time during the period of Federal
control agree with the owners thereof to relinquish all or
any part of any railroad or system of transportation. The
President may relinquish all railroads and systems of
transportation under Federal control at any time he shall
deem such action needful or desirable. No right to com-
pensation shall accrue to such owners from and after the
date of relinquishment for the property so relinquished.

SEC. 15. That nothing in this act shall be construed to
amend, repeal, impair, or affect the existing laws or powers
of the States in relation to taxation or the lawful police
regulations of the several States, except wherein such laws,
powers, or regulations may affect the transportation of
troops, war materials, Government supplies, or the issue
of stocks and bonds.

SEC. 16. That this act is expressly declared to be emer-
gency legislation enacted to meet conditions growing out of
war; and nothing herein is to be construed as expressing
or prejudicing the future policy of the Federal Government
concerning the ownership, control, or regulation of carriers
or the method or basis of the capitalization thereof.
Approved, March 21, 1918.

WAB FINANCE COEPOKATION ACT, APRIL 5, 1918.

An Act to provide further for the national security and
defense, and, for the purpose of assisting in the prosecu-
tion of the war, to provide credits for industries and enter-
prises in the United States necessary or contributory to the
prosecution of the war, and to supervise the issuance of se-
curities, and for other purposes.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives
of the United States in Congress assembled.

TITLE I. — WAB FINANCE CORPORATION.

That the Secretary of the Treasury and four additional
persons (who shall be the directors first appointed as here-
inafter provided), are hereby created a body corporate and
politic in deed and in law by the name, style, and title of
the " War Finance Corporation " (herein called the corpora-
tion), and shall have succession for a period of ten years:
Provided, That in no event shall the Corporation exercise
any of the powers conferred by this Act, except such as are
incidental to the liquidation of its assets and the winding
up of its affairs, after six months after the termination of
the war, the date of such termination to be fixed by the
proclamation of the President of the United States.

SEC. 2. That the capital stock of the Corporation shall
be $500,000,000, all of which shall be subscribed by the
United States of America, and such subscription shall be
subject to call upon the vote of three-fifths of the board
of directors of the Corporation, with the approval of the
Secretary of the Treasury, at such time or times as may be
deemed advisable; and there is hereby appropriated, out of
any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, the
sum of $500,000,000 or so much thereof as may be neces-
sary for the purpose of making payment upon such sub-
scription when and as called. . . .

VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS.

167

SKC. :i. Th:it tin- management of the Corporation shall be
vested in a board of directors, consisting of the Secretary
of the Treasury, who shall be chairman of the board, and
four other persons, to be appointed by the President of the
United States, by and with the advice and consent of the
Senate. No director, ollicer, attorney, agent, or employee of
the Corporatioi shall in any manner, directly or indirectly,
participate in the determination of any question affecting his
personal interests, or the interests of any corporation, part-
nership, or association, in which he is directly or indirectly
interested; and each director shall devote his time, not
otherwise required by the business of the United States,
principally to the business of the Corporation. . . .

Of the four directors so appointed, the President of the
United States shall designate two to serve for two years,
and two for four years; and thereafter each director so ap-
pointed shall serve for four years. . . . Any director shall
be subject to removal by the President of the United
States. . . .

SEC. 4. That the four directors of the Corporation ap-
pointed as hereinbefore provided shall receive annual sal-
aries, payable monthly, of $12,000. . . .

SEC. 7. That the Corporation shall be empowered and au-
thorized to make advances, upon such terms, not inconsis-
tent herewith, as it may prescribe, for periods not exceed-
ing five years from the respective dates of such advances:

(1) To any bank, banker, or trust company in the
United States, which shall have made after April sixth,
nineteen hundred and seventeen, and which shall have out-
standing, any loan or loans to any person, firm, corpora-
tion, or association, conducting an established and going
business in the United States, whose operations shall be
necessary or contributory to the prosecution of the war,
and evidenced by a note or notes, but no such advance shall
exceed seventy-five per centum of the face value of such loan
or loans; . . . [under certain conditions the advance may
amount to one hundred per cent, of the loans].

SEC. 8. That the Corporation shall be empowered and au-
thorized to make advances from time to time, upon such
terms, not inconsistent herewith, as it may prescribe, for
periods not exceeding one year, to any savings bank, bank-
ing institution or trust company, in the United States,
which receives savings deposits, or to any building and loan
association in the United States, on the promissory note or
notes of the borrowing institution, whenever the Corpora-
tion shall deem such advances to be necessary or contribu-
tory to the prosecution of the war or important in the pub-
lic interest. . . .

SEC. 9. That the Corporation shall be empowered and au-
thorized in exceptional cases, to make advances directly to
any person, firm, corporation, or association, conducting an
established and going business in the United States, whose
operations shall be necessary or contributory to the prose-
cution of the war. . . .

SEC. 10. That in no case shall the aggregate amount of
the advances made under this title to any person, firm, cor-
poration, or association exceed at any one time an amount
equal to ten per centum of the authorized capital stock of
the Corporation. . . .

SEC. 12. That the Corporation shall be empowered and
authorized to issue and have outstanding at any one time
its bonds in an amount aggregating not more than six times
its paid-in capital, such bonds to mature not less than one
year nor more than five years from the respective dates of
issue, and to bear such rate or rates of interest, and may
be redeemable before maturity at the option of the Corpora-
tion, as may be determined by the board of directors, but

rate or rates of interest shall be subject to the approval
of the Secretary of the Treasury. . . .

M:C. 15. That all net earnings not required for its opera-
tions shall be accumulated as a reserve fund until such
time as the Corporation liquidates under the terms of thii
title. . . .

SEC. 17. That the United States shall not be liable for
the payment of any bond or other obligation or the interest
thereon issued or incurred by the Corporation, nor shall it
incur any liability in respect of any act or omission of the
Corporation. . . .

TITLE II. — CAPITAL ISSUES COMMITTEE.

SEC. 200. That there is hereby created a committee to be
known as the " Capital Issues Committee," hereinafter
called the Committee; and to be composed of seven mem-
bers to be appointed by the President of the United States,
by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. At least
three of the members shall be members of the Federal He-
serve Board. . . .

SEC. 203. That the Committee may, under rules and regu-
lations to be prescribed by it from time to time, investi-
gate, pass upon, and determine whether it is compatible
with the national interest that there should be sold or
offered for sale or subscription any issue, or any part of
any issue, of securities hereafter issued by any person,
firm, corporation, or association, the total or aggregate par
or face value of which issue and any other securities issued
by the same person, firm, corporation, or association since
the passage of this Act is in excess of $100,000. . . .

Nothing in this title shall be construed to authorize such
Committee to pass upon ( 1 ) any borrowing by any person,
firm, corporation, or association in the ordinary course of
business as distinguished from borrowing for capital pur-
poses, (2) the renewing or refunding of indebtedness exist-
ing at the time of the passage of this Act, (3) the resale
of any securities the sale or offering of which the Commit-
tee has determined to be compatible with the national in-
terest, (4) any securities issued by any railroad corpora-
tion the property of which may be in the possession and
control of the President of the United States, or (5) any
bonds issued by the War Finance Corporation. . . .

SEC. 206. That this title shall continue in effect until,
but not after, the expiration of six months after the ter-
mination of the war. . . .
Approved, April 5, 1918.

JOINT RESOLUTION CHANGING BASIS OF APPORTIONMENT or
THE DRAFT, MAY 16, 1918.

Joint Resolution Providing for the calling into military
service of certain classes of persons registered and liable
for military service under the terms of the Act of Con-
gress approved May eighteenth, nineteen hundred and
seventeen, entitled "An Act to authorize the President to
increase temporarily the Military Establishment of the
United States."

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled. That
if under any regulations heretofore or hereafter prescribed
by the President persons registered and liable for military
service under the terms of the Act of Congress approved
May eighteenth, nineteen hundred and seventeen, entitled
"An Act to authorize the President to increase temporarily
the Military Establishment of the United States," are
placed in classes for the purpose of determining their rela-
tive liability for military service, no provision of said Act
shall prevent the President from calling for immediate

168

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

military service under regulations heretofore or hereafter
prescribed by the President all or part of the persons in
any class or classes except those exempt from draft under
the provisions of said Act, in proportion to the total num-
ber of persons placed in such class or classes in the vari-
ous subdivisions of the States, Territories, and the District
of Columbia designated by the President under the terms
of said Act; or from calling into immediate military ser-
vice persons classed as skilled experts in industry or agri-
culture, however classified or wherever residing.
Approved, May 16, 1918.

JOINT RESOLUTION EXTENDING DRAFT PROVISIONS,
MAT 20, 1918.

Joint Resolution Providing for the registration for mili-
tary service of all male persons citizens of the United
States and all male persons residing in the United States
who have since the fifth day of June, nineteen hundred and
seventeen, and on or before the day set for the registration
by proclamation by the President, attained the age of
twenty-one years, in accordance with such rules and regula-
tions as the President may prescribe under the terms of the
Act approved May eighteenth, nineteen hundred and seven-
teen, entitled "An Act to authorize the President to increase
temporarily the Military Establishment of the United
States."

Resolved by tf>e Senate and Bouse of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled, That
during the present emergency all male persons, citizens of
the United States and all male persons residing in the
United States, who have, since the fifth day of June, nine-
teen hundred and seventeen, and on or before the day set
for the registration by proclamation by the President, at-
tained the age of twenty-one years, shall be subject to reg-
istration in accordance with regulations to be prescribed
by the President, and that upon proclamation by the Presi-
dent, stating the time and place of such registration, it
shall be the duty of all such persons, except such persons
as are exempt from registration under the Act of May
eighteenth, nineteen hundred and seventeen, and any Act
or Acts amendatory thereof, to present themselves for and
submit to registration under the provisions of said Act ap-
proved May eighteenth, nineteen hundred and seventeen,
and they shall be registered in the same manner and sub-
ject to the same requirements and liabilities as those pre-
viously registered under the terms of said Act: Provided,
That those persons registered under the provisions of this
Act shall be placed at the bottom of the list of those liable
for military service, in the several classes to which they
are assigned, under such rules and regulations as the
President may prescribe.

SEC. 2. That after the day set under section one hereof
for the registration by proclamation by the President at
such intervals as the President may from time to time pre-
scribe, the President may require that all male persons,
citizens of the United States and all male persons residing
in the United States, who have attained the age of twenty-
one years since the last preceding date of registration, and
on before the next day set for the registration by pro-
clamation by the President, except such persons as are ex-
e-ipt from registration under the Act of May eighteenth,
nineteen hundred and seventeen, and any Act or Acts
amendatory thereof, shall be registered in the same manner
and subject to the same requirements and liabilities as
those previously registered under the terms of said Act:
Provided, That students who are preparing for the ministry
in recognized theological or divinity schools, and students

who are preparing for the practice of medicine and surgery
in recognized medical schools, at the time of the approval
of this Act shall be exempt from the selective dratt pre-
scribed in the Act of May eighteenth, nineteen hundred and
seventeen.

SEC. 3. That all such persons when registered shall be
liable to military service and to draft under the terms of
said Act approved May eighteenth, nineteen hundred and
seventeen, under such regulations as the President may
prescribe not inconsistent with the terms of said Act.

SEC. 4. That all such persons shall be subject to the
terms and provisions and liabilities of said Act approved
May eighteenth, nineteen hundred and seventeen, in all re-
spects as if they had been registered under the terms of said
Act, and every such person shall be deemed to have notice
of the requirements of said Act and of this joint resolution
upon the publication of any such proclamation by the Presi-
dent.

Approved, May 20, 1918.

OVERMAN BILL, MAY 20, 1918.

An Act Authorizing the President to coordinate or con-
solidate executive bureaus, agencies, and offices, and tor
other purposes, in the interest of economy and the more
efficient concentration of the Government.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives
of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
That for the national security and defense, for the success-
ful prosecution of the war, for the support and main-
tenance of the Army and Navy, for the better utilization of
resources and industries, and for the more effective exercise
and more efficient administration by the President of his
powers as Commander in Chief of the land and naval forces
the President is hereby authorized to make such redistribu-
tion of functions among executive agencies as he may deem
necessary, including any functions, duties, and powers
hitherto by law conferred upon any executive department,
commission, bureau, agency, office, or officer, in such man-
ner as in his judgment shall seem best fitted to carry cut
the purposes of this Act, and to this end is authorized to
make such regulations and to issue such orders as he may
deem necessary, which regulations and orders shall be in
writing and shall be filed with the head of the department
affected and constitute a public record: Provided, That this
Act shall remain in force during the continuance of the
present war and for six months after the termination of
the war by the proclamation of the treaty of peace, or at
such earlier time as the President may designate: Pro-
vided further, That the termination of this Act shall not
affect any act done or any right or obligation accruing or
accrued pursuant to this Act and during the time that this
Act is in force: Provided further, That the authority by
this Act granted shall be exercised only in matters relating
to the conduct of the present war.

SEC. 2. That in carrying out the purposes of this Act the
President is authorized to utilize, coordinate, or consolidate
a^y executive or administrative commissions, bureaus,
agencies, offices, or officers now existing by law, to trans-
fer any duties or powers from one existing department,
commission, bureau, agency, office, or officer to another, to
transfer the personnel thereof or any part of it either by de-
tail or assignment, together with the whole or any part of
the records and public property belonging thereto.

SEC. 3. That the President is further authorized to es-
tablish an executive agency which may exercise such juris-
diction and control over the production of aeroplanes, areo-
plane engines, and aircraft equipment as in his judgment

VII. F.XF.( VTIVI. PROCLAMATIONS RELATING TO THE WAR.

169

may be advantageous; and, further, to transfer to such
agency, for its use, all or any moneys heretofore appro-
priated for the production of aeroplanes, aeroplane engines,
and aircraft equipment.

SEC. 4. That for the purpose of carrying out the provi-
sions of this Act, any moneys heretofore and hereafter ap-
propriated for the use of any executive department, com-
mission, bureau, agency, office, or officer shall l>e expended
only for the purposes for which it was appropriated under
the direction of such other agency as may be directed by the
President hereunder to perform and execute said function.

SEC. 5. That should the President, in redistributing the
functions s-mong the executive agencies as provided in this
Act, corclude that any bureau should be abolished and it

or their duties and functions conferred upon some other de-
partment or bureau or eliminated entirely, he shall report
his conclusions to Congress with such recommendations as
he may deem proper.

SEC. 6. That all laws or parts of laws conflicting with
the provisions of this Act are to the extent of such conflict
suspended while this Act is in force.

Upon the termination of this Act all executive or ad-
ministrative i ericies, departments, commissions, bureaus,
offices, or officers shall exercise the same functions, duties,
and powers as heretofore or as hereafter by law may be pro-
vided, any authorization of the President under this Act to
the contrary notwithstanding.

Approved, May 20, 1918.

PART VII

Executive Proclamations and Orders

April 6, 1917, to April 10, 1918

PBOCLAMATION OF STATE OF WAB AND OF ALIEN ENEMY
REGULATIONS, APBIL 6, 1917.

Whereas the Congress of the United States in the exer-
cise of the constitutional authority vested in them have re-
solved, by joint resolution of the Senate and House of
Representatives bearing date this day "That the state of
war between the United States and the Imperial German
Government which has been thrust upon the United States
is hereby formally declared " :

Whereas it is provided by Section four thousand and
sixty-seven of the Revised Statutes, as follows:

Whenever there is declared a war between the United
States and any foreign nation or government, or any inva-
sion or predatory incursion is perpetrated, attempted, or
threatened against the territory of the United States, by
any foreign nation or government, and the President makes
public proclamation of the event, all natives, citizens, deni-
zens, or subjects of the hostile nation or government, being
males of the age of fourteen years and upwards, who shall
be within the United States, and not actually naturalized,
shall be liable to be apprehended, restrained, secured, and
removed as alien enemies. The President is authorized, in
any such event, by his proclamation thereof, or other pub-
lic act, to direct the conduct to be observed, on the part of
the United States, toward the aliens who become so liable;
the manner and degree of the restraint to which they shall
be subject, and in what cases, and upon what security their
residence shall be permitted, and to provide for the removal
of those who, not being permitted to reside within the
United States, refuse or neglect to depart therefrom; and
to establish any other regulations which are found neces-
sary in the premises and for the public safety;

Whereas, by Sections four thousand and sixty-eight, four
thousand and sixty-nine, and four thousand and seventy, of
the Revised Statutes, further provision is made relative to
alien enemies;

Now, therefore, I, Woodrow Wilson, President of the
United States of America, do hereby proclaim to all whom
It may concern that a state of war exists between the
United States and the Imperial German Government; and
I do specially direct all officers, civil or military, of the
United States that they exercise vigilance and zeal in the
discharge of the duties incident to such a state of war; and

I do, moreover, earnestly appeal to all American citizens
that they, in loyal devotion to their country, dedicated
from its foundation to the principles of liberty and justice,
uphold the laws of the land, and give undivided and willing
support to those measures which may be adopted by the
constitutional authorities in prosecuting the war to a suc-
cessful issue and in obtaining a secure and just peace;

And, acting under and by virtue of the authority vested
in me by the Constitution of the United States and the
said sections of the Revised Statutes, I do hereby further
proclaim and direct that the conduct to be observed on the
part of the United States towards all natives, citizens, deni-
zens, or subjects of Germany, being males of the age of
fourteen years and upwards, who shall be within the United
States and not actually naturalized, who for the purpose
of this proclamation and under such sections of the Revised
Statutes are termed alien enemies, shall be as follows:

All alien enemies are enjoined to preserve the peace
towards the United States and to refrain from crime against
the public safety, and from violating the laws of the United
States and of the States and Territories thereof, and to re-
frain from actual hostility or giving information, aid or
comfort to the enemies of the United States, and to comply
strictly with the regulations which are hereby or which
may be from time to time promulgated by the President;
and so long as they shall conduct themselves in accordance
with law, they shall be undisturbed in the peaceful pursuit
of their lives and occupations and be accorded the consid-
eration due to all peaceful and law-abiding persons, except
so far as restrictions may be necessary for their own pro-
tection and for the safety of the United States; and
towards such alien enemies as conduct themselves in ac-
cordance with law, all citizens of the United States are en-
joined to preserve the peace and to treat them with all such
friendliness as may be compatible with loyalty and alle-
giance to the United States;

And all alien enemies who fail to conduct themselves as
so enjoined, in addition to all other penalties prescribed by
law, shall be liable to restraint, or to give security, or to
remove and depart from the United States in the manner
prescribed by Sections four thousand and sixty-nine and
four thousand and seventy of the Revised Statutes, and as
prescribed in the regulations duly promulgated by the
President ;

170

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

And pursuant to the authority vested in me, I hereby
declare and establish the following regulations, which I
find necessary in the premises and for the public safety;

( 1 ) An alien enemy shall not have in his possession, at
any time or place, any firearm, weapon, or implement of
war, or component part thereof, ammunition, maxim or
other silencer, bomb or explosive or material used in the
manufacture of explosives;

(2) An alien enemy shall not have in his possession at
any time or place or use or operate any aircraft or wire-
less apparatus, or any form of signalling device, or any
form of cipher code, or any paper, document or book writ-
ten or printed in cipher or in which there may be invisible
writing;

(3) All property found in the possession of an alien
enemy in violation of the foregoing regulations, shall be
subject to seizure by the United States;

(4) An alien enemy shall not approach or be found with-
in one-half of a mile of any Federal or State fort, camp,
arsenal, aircraft station, Government or naval vessel, navy
yard, factory, or workshop for the? manufacture of muni-
tions of war or of any products for the use of the army or
navy;

(5) An alien enemy shall not write, print, or publish
any attack or threats against the Government or Congress
of the United States, or either branch thereof, or against
the measures or policy of the United States, or against the
person or property of any person in the military, naval, or
civil service of the United States, or of the States or Ter-
ritories, or of the District of Columbia, or of the munici-
pal governments therein;

(6) An alien enemy shall not commit or abet any hostile
act against the United States, or give information, aid, or
comfort to its enemies;

(7) An alien enemy shall not reside in or continue to
reside in, to remain in, or enter any locality which the
President may from time to time designate by Executive
Order as a prohibited area in which residence by an alien
enemy shall be found by him to constitute a danger to the
public peace and safety of the United States, except by per-
mit from the President and except under such limitations
or restrictions as the President may prescribe;

(8) An alien enemy whom the President shall have rea-
sonable cause to believe to be aiding or about to aid the
enemy, or to be at large to the danger of the public peace
or safety of the United States, or to have violated or to be
about to violate any of these regulations shall remove to
any location designated by the President by Executive Or-
der, and shall not remove therefrom without a permit, or
shall depart from the United States if so required by the
President;

(9) No alien enemy shall depart from the United States
until he shall have received such permit as the President
shall prescribe, or except under order of a court, judge, or
justice, under Sections 4069 and 4070 of the Revised
Statutes;

(10) No alien enemy shall land in or enter the United
States, except under such restrictions and at such places
as the President may prescribe;

(11) If necessary to prevent violations of these regula-
tions, all alien enemies will be obliged to register;

(12) An alien enemy whom there may be reasonable
cause to believe to be aiding or about to aid the enemy, or
who may be at large to the danger of the public peace or
safety, or who v:olates or attempts to violate, or of whom
there is reasonable ground to believe that he is about to
violate, any regulation duly promulgated by the President,
or any criminal law of the United States, or of the States

or Territories thereof, will be subject to summary arrest by
the United States Marshal, or his deputy, or such other
officer as the President shall designate, and to confinement
in such penitentiary, prison, jail, military camp, or other
place of detention as may be directed by the President.

This proclamation and the regulations herein contained
shall extend and apply to all land and water, continental
or insular, in any way within the jurisdiction of the United
States.i

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, / have hereunto set my hand and
caused the seal of the United States to lie affixed.

Done at the City of Washington, this sixth day of April,
in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and
seventeen, and of the independence of the United Slates the
one hundred and forty-first.

WOODEOW WILSON.

PROCLAMATION CONCERNING TREASON, APRIL 16, 1917.

WHEREAS, all persons in the United States, citizens as
well as aliens, should be informed of the penalties which
they will incur for any failure to bear true allegiance to
the United States;

NOW, THEREFORE, I, Woodrow Wilson, President of
the United States, hereby issue this proclamation to call
especial attention to the following provisions of the Con-
stitution and, the laws of the United States:

Section 3" of Article III of the Constitution provides, in
part:

Treason against the United States, shall consist only

in levying war against them, or in adhering to their

Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort.

The Criminal Code of the United States provides:

Section 1.

Whoever, owing allegiance to the United States, levies
war against them or adheres to their enemies, giving
them aid and comfort within the United States or else-
where, is guilty of treason.

Section 2.

Whoever is convicted of treason shall suffer death; or,
at the discretion of the court, shall be imprisoned not less
than five years and fined not less than ten thousand dol-
lars, to be levied on and collected out of any or all of his
property, real and personal, of which he was the owner
at the time of committing such treason, any sale or con-
veyance to the contrary notwithstanding; and every per-
son so convicted of treason shall, moreover, be incapable
of holding any office under the United States.

Section 3.

Whoever, owing allegiance to the United States and
having knowledge of the commission of any treason
against them, conceals and does not, as soon as may be,
disclose and make known the same to the President or
to some judge ol the United States, or to the governor
or to some judge or justice of a particular State, is guilty
of misprision of treason and shall be imprisoned not more
than seven years, and fined not more than one thousand
dollars.

Section 6.

If two or more persons in any State or Territory, or in
any place subject to the jurisdiction of the United States,

i Congress by Act of April 16, 1918, extended to women
the provisions of law respecting alien enemies; accordingly
the President by proclamation of April 19, 1918, declared
females over 14 years of age amenable to certain of the
terms of this and later proclamations concerning aliens.

VII. EXECUTIVE PROCLAMATIONS RELATING TO THE WAR.

171

conspire to overthrow, put down, or to destroy by force
the Government of the United States, or to levy war
against them, or to oppose by force the authority thereof,
or by force to prevent, hinder, or delay the execution of
any law of the United States, or by force to seize, take,
or possess any property of the United States contrary to
the authority thereof, they shall each be fined not more
than five thousand dollars, or imprisoned not more than
six years, or both.

The courts of the United States have stated the following
acts to be treasonable:

The use or attempted use of any force or violence against
the Government of the United States, or its military or
naval forces;

The acquisition, use, or disposal of any property with
knowledge that it is to be, or with intent that it shall be,
of assistance to the enemy in their hostility against the
United States;

The performance of any act or the publication of state-
ments or information which will give or supply, in any way,
aid and comfort to the enemies of the United States;

The direction, aiding, counseling, or countenancing of any
of the foregoing acts.

Such acts are held to be treasonable whether committed
within the United States or elsewhere; whether committed
by a citizen of the United States or by an alien domiciled,
or residing, in the United States, inasmuch as resident
aliens, as well as citizens, owe allegiance to' the United
States and its laws.

Any such citizen or alien who has knowledge of the com-
mission of such acts and conceals and does not make known
the facts to the officials named in Section 3 of the Penal
Code is guilty of misprision of treason.

And I hereby proclaim and warn all citizens of the
United States, and all aliens, owing allegiance to the Gov-
ernment of the United States, to abstain from committing
any and all acts which would constitute a violation of any
of the laws herein set forth; and I further proclaim and
warn all persons who may commit such acts that they will
be vigorously prosecuted therefor. . . .

PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR REGISTRATION UNDER THE
DRAFT ACT, MAT 18, 1917.

WHEREAS, Congress has enacted and the President has
on the 18th day of May one thousand nine hundred and
seventeen approved a law which contains the following pro-
visions: [The President here recites the provisions of the
draft act; see p. 138.]

Now; therefore, I, Woodrow Wilson, President of the
United States, do call upon the Governor of each of the sev-
eral States and Territories, the Board of Commissioners of
the District of Columbia and all officers and agents of the
several States and territories, of the District of Columbia,
and of the counties and municipalities therein to perform
certain duties in the execution of the foregoing law, which
duties will be communicated to them directly in regulations
of even date herewith.

And I do further proclaim and give notice to all persons
subject to registration in the several States and in the Dis-
trict of Columbia in accordance with the above law that the
time and place of such registration shall be between 7 a. m.
and 9 p. m. on the 5th day of June, 1917, at the registra-
tion place in the precinct wherein they have their per-
manent homes. Those who shall have attained their
twenty-first birthday and who shall not have attained their
thirty-first birthday on or before the day here named are
required to register, excepting only officers and enlisted men
of the Regular Army, the Navy, the Marine Corps, and the

National Guard and Naval Militia while in the service of
the United States, and officers of the Officers Reserve Corps
and enlisted men in the Enlisted Reserve Corps while in
active service. In the territories of Alaska, Hawaii and
Porto Rico a day for registration will be named in a later
proclamation.

And I do charge those who through sickness shall be un-
able to present themselves for registration that they apply
on or before the day of registration to the county clerk of
the county where they may be for instructions as to how
they may be registered by agent. Those who expect to be
absent on the day named from the counties in which they
have their permanent homes may register by mail, but their
mailed registration cards must reach the places in which
they have their permanent homes by the day named herein.
They should apply as soon as practicable to the county
clerk of the county wherein they may be for instructions as
to how they may accomplish their registration by mail. In
case such persons as, through sickness or absence, may be
unable to present themselves personally for registration
shall be sojourning in cities of over thirty thousand popu-
lation, they shall apply to the city clerk of the city wherein
they may be sojourning rather than to the clerk of the
county. The clerks of counties and of cities of over thirty
thousand population in which numerous applications from
the sick and from non-residents are expected are authorized
to establish such sub-agencies and to employ and deputize
such clerical force as may be necessary to accommodate
these applications.

The power against which we are arrayed has sought to
impose its will upon the world by force. To this end it has
increased armament until it has changed the face of war.
In the sense in which we have been wont to think of armies
there are no armies in this struggle. There are entire na-
tions armed. Thus, the men who remain to till the sril
and man the factories are no less a part of the army that
is [in] France than the men beneath the battle flags. It
must be so with us. It is not an army that we must shape
and train for war; it is a nation. To this end our people
must draw close in one compact front against a common foe.
But this can not be if each man pursues a private purpose.
All must pursue one purpose. The nation needs all men ; but
it needs each man, not in the field that will most pleasure
him, but in the endeavor that will best serve the common
good. Thus, though a sharpshooter pleases to operate a
trip-hammer for the forging of great guns, and an expert
machinist desires to march with the flag, the nation is be-
ing served only when the sharpshooter marches and the ma-
chinist remains at his levers. The whole nation must be a
team in which each man shall play the part for which he
is best fitted. To this end, Congress has provided that the
nation shall be o.ganized for war by selection and that each
man shall be classified for service in the place to which it
shall best serve the general good to call him.

The significance of this can not be overstated. It is a
new thing in our history and a landmark in our progress.
It is a new manner of accepting and vitalizing our duty to
give ourselves with thoughtful devotion to the common pur-
pose of us all. It is in no sense a conscription of the un-
willing; it is rather, selection from a nation which has vol-
unteered in mass. It is no more a choosing of those who
shall march with the colors than it is a selection of those
who shiill serve an equally necessary and devoted purpose
in the industries that lie behind the battle line.

The day here named is the time upon which all shall pre-
sent themselves for assignment to their tasks. It is for
that reason destined to be remembered as one of the most
conspicuous moments in our history. It Is nothing less

172

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

than the day upon which the manhood of the country shall
step forward in one solid rank in defense of the ideals to
which this nation is consecrated. It is important to those
ideals no less than to the pride of this generation in mani-
festing its devotion to them, that there be no gaps in the
ranks.

It is essential that the day be approached in thoughtful
apprehension of its significance and that we accord to it the
honor and the meaning that it deserves. Our industrial
need prescribes that it be not made a technical holiday, but
the stern sacrifice that is before us, urges that it be carried
in all our hearts as a great day of patriotic devotion and
obligation when the duty shall lie upon every man, whether
he is himself to be registered or not, to see to it that the
name of every male person of the designated ages is writ-
ten on these lists of honor. . . .

PROCLAMATION CONCERNING THE USE OF THE PANAMA
CANAL IN WAB TIME, MAY 23, 1917.

WHEREAS the United States exercises sovereignty in
the land and waters of the Canal Zone and is responsible
for the construction, operation, maintenance, and protec-
tion of the Panama Canal:

NOW, THEREFORE, I, WOODROW WILSON, President
of the United States of America, do hereby declare and pro-
claim the following Rules and Regulations for the regula-
tion, management and protection of the Panama Canal and
the Maintenance of its Neutrality which are in addition to
the general " Rules and Regulations for the Operation and
Navigation of the Panama Canal and Approaches Thereto,
including all Waters under its jurisdiction " put into force
by Executive Order of July 9, 1914. . . .

Rule 3. A vessel of war or an auxiliary vessel of a bel-
ligerent, other than the United States, shall only be per-
mitted to pass through the Canal after her commanding
officer has given written assurance to the Authorities of the
Panama Canal that the Rules and Regulations will be faith-
fully observed.

The authorities of the Panama Canal shall take such
steps as may be requisite to insure the observance of the
Rules and Regulations by auxiliary vessels which are not
commanded by an officer of the military fleet.

Rule 4. Vessels of war or auxiliary vessels of a belliger-
ent, other than the United States, shall not revictual nor
take any stores in the Canal except so far as may be
strictly necessary; and the transit of such vessels through
the Canal shall be effected with the least possible delay in
accordance with the Canal Regulations in force, and with
only such intermission as may result from the necessities
of the service.

Prizes shall be in all respects subject to the eame Rules
as vessels of war of a belligerent.

Rule 5. No vessel of war or auxiliary vessel of a belliger-
ent, other than the United States, shall receive fuel or lu-
bricants while within the territorial waters of the Canal
Zone, except on the written authorization of the Canal Au-
thorities, specifying the amount of fuel and lubricants
which may be received.

Rule 6. Before issuing any authorization for the receipt
of fuel and lubricants by any vessel of war or auxiliary
vessel of a belligerent, other than the United States, the
Canal Authorities shall obtain a written declaration, duly
signed by the officer commanding such vessel, stating the
amount of fuel and lubricants already on board.

Rule 7. Fuel and lubricants may be taken on board ves-
sels of war or auxiliary vessels of a belligerent, other than
the United States, only upon permission of the Canal Au-
thorities, and then only in such amounts as will enable
them, with the fuel and lubricants already on board, to

reach the nearest accessible port, not an enemy port, at
which they can obtain supplies necessary for the continua-
tion of the voyage. Provisions furnished by contractors
may be supplied only upon permission of the Canal Author-
ities, and then only in amount sufficient to bring up their
supplies to the peace standard.

Rule 8. No belligerent, other than the United States,
shall embark or disembark troops, munitions of war, or
warlike materials in the Canal, except in case of necessity
due to accidental hindrance of the transit. In such cases
the Canal Authorities shall be the judge of the necessity,
and the transit shall be resumed with all possible dispatch.

Rule 9. Vessels of war or auxiliary vessels of a bel-
ligerent, other than the United States, shall not remain in
the territorial waters of the Canal Zone under Ihe jurisdic-
tion of the United States longer than twenty-four hours at
any one time, except in case of distress; and in such case,
shall depart as soon as possible.

Rule 10. In the exercise of the exclusive right of the
United States to provide for the regulation and manage-
ment of the Canal, and in order to ensure that the Canal
shall be kept free and open on terms of entire equality to
vessels of commerce and of war, there shall not be, except
by special arrangement, at any one time a greater number
of vessels of war of any one nation, other than the United
States, including those of the allies of such nation, than
three in either terminal port and its adjacent terminal
waters, or than three in transit through the Canal; nor
shall the total n"mber of such vessels, at any one time, ex-
ceed six in all the territorial waters of the Canal Zone
under the jurisdiction of the United States.

Rule 11. The repair facilities and docks belonging to the
United States and administered by the Canal Authorities
shall not be used by a vessel of war or an auxiliary vessel
of a belligerent, other than the United States, except when
necessary in case of actual distress, and then only upon the
order of the Canal Authorities, and only to the degree
necessary to render the vessel sea-worthy. Any work au-
thorized shall be done with the least possible delay.

Rule 12. The radio installation of any public or private
vessel or of any auxiliary vessel of a belligerent, other than
the United States, shall be used only in connection with
Canal business to the exclusion of all other business while
within the waters of the Canal Zone, including the waters
of Colon and Panama Harbors.

Rule 13. Air craft, public or private, of a belligerent,
other than tt>e United States, are forbidden to descend or
arise within the jurisdiction of the United States at the
Canal Zone, or to pass through the air spaces above the
lands and waters within said jurisdiction.

Rule 14. For the purpose of these rules the Canal Zone
includes the cities of Panama and Colon and the harbors
adjacent to the said cities.

Rule 15. In the interest of the protection of the Canal
while the United States is a belligerent no vessel of war,
auxiliary vessel, or private vessel of an enemy of the
United States or an ally of such enemy shall be allowed to
use the Panama Canal nor the territorial waters of the
Canal Zone for any purpose, save with the consent of the
Canal Authorities and subject to such rules and regulations
as they may prescribe. . . .

PROCLAMATION RESTRICTING EXPORTS OF COIN, SEPTEMBER
7, 1917.

WHEREAS Congress has enacted, and the President has
on the fifteenth day of June, 1017, approved a law which
contains the following provisions: [The President here re-
cites parts of the Espionage Act; see p. 143.]

VII. EXECUTIVE PROCLAMATIONS RELATING TO THE WAR.

178

AND U 11KKKAS the President haa heretofore by pro-
clamation, under date of the twenty-seventh day of August
in the year One Thousand Nine Hundred and Seventeen, de-
clared certain exports in time of war unlawful, and the
President finds that the public safety requires that such
proclamation be amended and supplemented in respect to
the articles hereinafter mentioned;

NOW, THEREFORE, I, WOODROW WILSON, PRESI-
DENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, DO
HKKKBY 1'KOCLAIM to all whom it may concern that the
public safety requires that, except at such time or times,
and under such regulations and orders, and subject to such
limitations and exceptions as the President shall prescribe,
until otherwise ordered by the President or by Congress,
the following articles, namely: coin, bullion and currency:
shall not, on and after the 10th day of September in the
year One Thousand Nine Hundred and Seventeen, be ex-
ported from or shipped from or taken out of the United
States or its territorial possessions to Albania, Austria-
Hungary, Belgium, Bulgaria, Denmark, her colonies, pos-
sessions or protectorates, Germany, her colonies, possessions
or protectorates, Greece, Leichtenstein, Luxembourg, The
Kingdom of the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, her colonies,
possessions or protectorates, Sweden, Switzerland or Turkey,
Abyssinia, Afghanistan, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, China,
Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominican Republic,
Ecuador, Egypt, France, her colonies, possessions or pro-
tectorates, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Italy, her colonies,
possessions or protectorates, Great Britain, her colonies,
possessions or protectorates, Japan, Liberia, Mexico, Mon-
aco, Montenegro, Morocco, Nepal, Nicaragua, the colonies,
possessions or protectorates of The Netherlands, Oman,
Panama, Paraguay, Persia, Peru, Portugal, her colonies,
possessions or protectorates, Roumania, Russia, Salvador,
San Marino, Serbia, Siam, Uruguay, or Venezuela.

The regulations, orders, limitations and exceptions pre-
scribed will be administered by and under the authority of
the Secretary of the Treasury, from whom licenses in con-
formity with said regulations, orders, limitations and ex-
ceptions will issue.

Except as hereby amended and supplemented, the above
mentioned proclamation under date of August 27, 1917,
shall continue in full force and effect. . . .

PROCLAMATION CONCERNING FOOD LICENSES, OCTOBER 8, 1917.

WHEREAS, Under and by virtue of an Act of Congress
entitled "An Act to provide further for the national secur-
ity and defense by encouraging the production, conserving
the supply, and controlling the distribution of food prod-
ucts and fuel," approved by the President on the 10th day
of August, 1917, it is provided among other things as fol-
lows: [The President here recites part of the Food and
Fuel Control Act; see page 146.]

AND, WHEREAS, It is essential, in order to carry into
effect the provisions of the said Act, that the powers con-
ferred upon the President by said Act be at this time exer-
cised, to the extent hereinafter set forth,

NOW, THEREFORE, I, WOODROW WILSON, Presi-
dent of the United States of America, by virtue of the pow-
ers conferred upon me by said Act of Congress, hereby find
and determine and by this proclamation do announce that
It is essential, in order to carry into effect the purposes of
said Act. to license the importation, manufacture, «torage
and distribution of necessaries, TO THE EXTENT HERE-
INAFTER SPECIFIED.

All persons, firms, corporations and associations engaged
In the business either of (1) operating cold storage ware-
houses (a cold storage warehouse, for the purposes of thi&

proclamation, being defined as any place artificially or me-
chanically cooled to or below a temperature of 45 degrees
above zero Fahrenheit, in which food products are placed
and held for thirty days or more), (2) operating elevator*,
warehouses or other places for the storage of corn, oats,
barley, beans, rice, cotton seed, cottonseed cake, cottonseed
meal or peanut meal, or (3) IMPORTING, MA.NUFACTUKINO
(including milling, mixing or packing), or DISTRIBUTING
(including buying and selling) any of the following com-
modities:

Wheat, wheat flour, rye or rye flour,

Barley or barley flour,

Oats, oatmeal or rolled oats,

Corn, corn grits, cornmeal, hominy, corn flour, starch
from corn, corn oil, corn syrup or glucose,

Rice, rice flour,

Dried beans,

Pea seed or dried peas,

Cotton seed, cottonseed oil, cottonseed cake or cotton-
seed meal,

Peanut oil or peanut meal,

Soya bean oil, soya bean meal, palm oil or copra oil,

Oleomargarine, lard, lard substitutes, oleo oil or cook-
ing fats,

Milk, butter or cheese,

Condensed, evaporated or powdered milk,

Fresh, canned or cured beef, pork, or mutton,

Poultry or eggs,

Fresh or frozen fish,

Fresh fruits or vegetables,

Canned: Peas, dried beans, tomatoes, corn, salmon or
sardines,

Dried: Prunes, apples, peaches or raisins,

Sugar, syrups or molasses,
EXCEPTING, however,

(1) Operators of elevators or warehouses handling
wheat or rye, and manufacturers of the derivative products
of wheat or rye, who have already been licensed,

(2) Importers, manufacturers and refiners of sugar, and
manufacturers of sugar syrups and molasses, who have
already been licensed,

(3) Retailers whose gross sales of food commodities do
not exceed $100,000.00 per annum,

(4) Common carriers,

(5) Farmers, gardeners, co-operative associations of
farmers or gardeners, including live stock farmers, and
other persons with respect to the products of any farm,
garden or other land owned, leased or cultivated by them,

(6) Fishermen whose business does not extend beyond
primary consignment,

(7) Those dealing in any of the above commodities on
any exchange, board of trade or similar institution as de-
fined by Section 13 of the Act of August 10th, 1H17, to the
extent of their dealings on such exchange or board of trade,

(8) Millers of corn, oats, barley, wheat, rye or rice oper-
ating only plants of a daily capacity of less than seventy-
five barrels,

(9) Canners of peas, dried beans, corn, tomatoes, salmon
or sardines whose gross production does not exceed 5,000
cases per annum,

(10) Persons slaughtering, packing and distributing
fresh, canned or cured beef, pork or mutton, whose gross
sales of such commodities do not exceed $100.000.00 per
annum,

(11) Operators of poultry or egg packing plants, whose
gross sales do not exceed $50.000.00 per annum.

(12) Manufacturers of maple syrup, maple sugar and
maple compounds,

174

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

(13) Ginners, buyers, agents, dealers or other handlers
of cotton seed who handle yearly, between September 1st
and August 31st, less than one hundred and fifty tons of
cotton seed,

are hereby required to secure on or before November 1,
1917, a license, which license will be issued under such rules
and regulations governing the conduct of the business as
may be prescribed.

Application for license must be made to the United States
Food Administration, Washington, D. C., Law Department
— License Division, on forms prepared by it for that pur-
pose, which may be secured on request.

Any person, firm, corporation or association other than
those hereinbefore excepted, who shall engage in or carry
on any business hereinbefore specified after November 1,
1917, without first securing such license will be liable to
the penalty prescribed by said Act of Congress. . . .

PROCLAMATION RELATING TO SECOND LIBERTY LOAN,
OCTOBER 12, 1917.

The Second Liberty Loan gives the people of the United
States another opportunity to lend their funds to their
Government to sustain their country at war. The might
of the United States is being mobilized and organized to
strike a mortal blow at autocracy in defense of outraged
American rights and of the cause of Liberty. Billions of
dollars are required to arm, feed and clothe the brave men
who are going forth to fight our country's battles and to
assist the nations with whom we are making common cause
against a common foe. To subscribe to the Liberty Loan is
to perform a service of patriotism.

NOW, THEREFORE, I, WOODROW WILSON, PRESI-
DENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, do ap-
point Wednesday, the twenty-fourth of October, as Liberty
Day, and urge and advise the people to assemble in their
respective communities and pledge to one another and to
the Government that represents them the fullest measure of
financial support. On the afternoon of that day I request
that patriotic meetings he held in every city, town and
hamlet throughout the land, under the general direction of
the Secretary of the Treasury and the immediate direction
of the Liberty Loan Committees which have been organized
by the Federal Reserve Banks. The people responded nobly
to the call of the First Liberty Loan with an oversubscrip-
tion of more than fifty per cent. Let the response to the
Second Loan be even greater and let the amount be so large
that it will serve as an assurance of unequalled support to
hearten the men who are to face the fire of battle for us.
Let the result be so impressive and emphatic that it will
echo throughout the Empire of our enemy as an index of
what America intends to do to bring this war to a victor-
ious conclusion.

For the purpose of participating in Liberty Day celebra-
tions, all employees of the Federal Government throughout
the country whose services can be spared, may be excused
at twelve o'clock noon, Wednesday, the twenty-fourth of
October. . . .

THE PRESIDENT'S PROCLAMATION TAKING OVER RAILROAD
LINES, DECEMBER 26, 1917.

Whereas the Congress of the United States, in the exer-
cise of the constitutional authority vested in them, by joint
resolution of the Senate and House of Representatives,
bearing date April 6, 1917, resolved:

That the state of war between the United States and the
Imperial German Government which has thus been thrust
upon the United States is hereby formally declared; and
that the President be, and he is hereby, authorized and di-

rected to employ the entire naval and military forces of the
United States and the resources of the Government to carry
on war against the Imperial German Government; and to
bring the conflict to a successful termination, all of the
resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress
of the United States:

And by joint resolution bearing date of December 7,
1917, resolved:

That a state of war is hereby declared to exist between
the United States of America and the Imperial and Royal
Austro-Hungarian Government; and that the President be,
and he is hereby, authorized and directed to employ the en-
tire naval and military forces of the United States and the
resources of the Government to carry on war against the
Imperial and Royal Austro-Hungarian Government; and to
bring the conflict to a successful termination, all the re-
sources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress
of the United States.

And whereas it is provided by section 1 of the act ap-
proved August 29, 1916, entitled "An Act making appro-
priations for the support of the Army for the fiscal year
ending June 30, 1917, and for other purposes," as follows:

The President, in time of war, is empowered, through the
Secretary of War, to take possession and assume control of
any system or systems of transportation, or any part there-
of, and to utilize the same to the exclusion, as far as may
be necessary, of all other traffic thereon for the transfer or
transportation of troops, war material, and equipment, or
for such other purposes connected with the emergency aa
may be needful or desirable.

And whereas it has now become necessary in the national
defense to take possession and assume control of certain
systems of transportation and to utilize the same to the
exclusion, as far as may be necessary, of other than war
traffic thereon for the transportation of troops, war mate-
rial, and equipment therefor, and for other needful and dex
sirable purposes connected with the prosecution of the war;

Now, therefore, I, Woodrow Wilson, President of the
United States, under and by virtue of the powers vested in
me by the foregoing resolutions and statute, and by virtue
of all other powers thereto me enabling, do hereby, through
Newton D. Baker, Secretary of War, take possession and
assume control at 12 o'clock noon on the twenty-eighth day
of December, 1917, of each and every system of transpor-
tation and the appurtenances thereof located wholly or in
part within the boundaries of the continental United States
and consisting of railroads, and owned or controlled sys-
tems of coastwise and inland transportation, engaged in
general transportation, whether operated by steam or by
electric power, including also terminals, terminal com-
panies, and terminal associations, sleeping and parlor cars,
private cars and private car lines, elevators, warehouses,
telegraph and telephone lines, and all other equipment and
appurtenances commonly used upon or operated as a part
of such rail or combined rail and water systems of trans-
portation to the end that such systems of transportation be
utilized for the transfer and transportation of troops, war
material and equipment, to the exclusion, so far as may be
necessary, of all other traffic thereon, and that so far as
such exclusive use be not necessary or desirable, such sys-
tems of transportation be operated and utilized in the per-
formance of such other services as the national interest
may require and of the usual and ordinary business and
duties of common carriers.

It is hereby directed that the possession, control, opera-
tion and utilization of such transportation systems hereby
by me undertaken shall be exercised by and through Wm.
G. McAdoo, who is hereby appointed and designated

VII. EXECUTIVE PROCLAMATIONS KKI.ATINCi TO THE WAR.

175

Director General of Railroads. Said Director may perform
the duties imposed upon him, so long and to such extent
•8 he shall determine, through the boards of directors, re-
ceivers, otlicers, and employees of said systems of transpor-
tation. Until and except as far as said Director shall
from time to time by general or special orders otherwise
provide, the boards of directors, receivers, officers, and em-
ployees of the various transportation systems shall con-
tinue the operation thereof in the usual and ordinary course
of the business of common carriers, in the names of their
respective companies.

Until and except so far as said Director shall from time
to time otherwise by general or special orders determine,
such systems of transportation shall remain subject to all
existing statutes and orders of the Interstate Commerce
Commission, and to all statutes and orders of regulating
commissions of the various States in which said systems or
any part thereof may be situated. But any orders, general
or special, hereafter made by said Director shall have para-
mount authority and be obeyed as such.

Nothing herein shall be construed as now affecting the
possession, operation, and control of street electric passen-
ger railways, including railways commonly called inter-
urbans, whether such railways be or be not owned or con-
trolled by such railroad companies or systems. By subse-
quent order and proclamation, if and when it shall be found
necessary or desirable, possession, control, or operation may
be taken of all or any part of such street railway systems,
including subways and tunnels; and by subsequent order
and proclamation possession, control, and operation in
whole or in part may also be relinquished to the owners
thereof of any part of the railroad systems or rail and
water systems, possession and control of which are hereby
assumed.

The director shall, as soon as may be after having as-
sumed such possession and control, enter upon negotiations
with the several companies looking to agreements for just
and reasonable compensation for the possession, use, and
control of their respective properties on the basis of an
annual guaranteed compensation, above accruing deprecia-
tion and the maintenance of their properties, equivalent, as
nearly as may be, to the average of the net operating in-
come thereof for the three-year period ending June 30, 1917,
the results of such negotiations to be reported to me for
such action as may be appropriate and lawful.

But nothing herein contained, expressed, or implied, or
hereafter done or suffered hereunder, shall be deemed in any
way to impair the rights of the stockholders, bondholders,
creditors, and other persons having interests in said sys-
tems of transportation or in the profits thereof to receive
just and adequate compensation for the use and control
and operation of their property hereby assumed.

Regular dividends hitherto declared, and maturing inter-
est upon bonds, debentures, and other obligations, may be
paid in due course; and such regular dividends and interest
may continue to be paid until and unless the said director
shall, from time to time, otherwise by general or special
orders determine ; and, subject to the approval of the direc-
tor, the various carriers may agree upon and arrange for
the renewal and extension of maturing obligations.

Except with the prior written assent of said Director, no
attachment by mesne process or on execution shall be levied
on or against any of the property used by any of said trans-
portation systems in the conduct of their business as com-
mon carriers; but suits may be brought by and against said
carriers and judgments rendered as hitherto until and ex-
cept so far as said Director may, by general or special or-
ders, otherwise determine.

From and after twelve o'clock on said twenty-eighth day
of December, 1917, all transportation systems included in
this order and proclamation shall conclusively be deemed
within the possession and control of said Director without
further act or notice. But for the purpose of accounting
said possession and control shall date from twelve o'clock
midnight on December 31, 1917. . . .

PROCLAMATION CALLING UPON THE PEOPLE OF THE NATION
TO REDUCE CON-SUMPTION OF WHEAT AND MEAT
PRODUCTS IN OKUKK TO FEED AMERICA'S ASSO-
CIATES IN THE WAB, JANUARY 18, 1018.

Many causes have contributed to create the necessity (or
a more intensive effort on the part of our people to save
food in order that we may supply our associates in the war
with the sustenance vitally necessary to them in these days
of privation and stress. The reduced productivity of Eu-
rope because of the large diversion of manpower to the war,
the partial failure of harvests, and the elimination of the
more distant markets for foodstuffs through the destruction
of shipping places the burden of their subsistence very
largely on our shoulders.

The Food Administration has formulated suggestions
which, if followed, will enable us to meet this great re-
sponsibility, without any real inconvenience on our part.

In order that we may reduce our consumption of wheat
and wheat products by 30 per cent. — a reduction impera-
tively necessary to provide the supply for overseas — whole-
salers, jobbers, and retailers should purchase and resell to
their customers only 70 per cent, of the amounts used in
1917. All manufacturers of alimentary pastes, biscuits,
crackers, pastry, and breakfast cereals should reduce their
purchases and consumption of wheat and wheat flour to 70
per cent, of their 1917 requirements, and all bakers of
bread and rolls to 80 per cent, of their current require-
ments. Consumers should reduce their purchases of wheat
products for home preparation to at most 70 per cent, of
those of last year, or, when buying bread, should purchase
mixed cereal breads from the bakers.

To provide sufficient cereal food, homes, public eating
places, dealers, and manufacturers should substitute pota-
toes, vegetables, corn, barley, oats, and rice products, and
the mixed cereal bread and other products of the bakers
which contain an admixture of other cereals.

In order that consumption may be restricted to this ex-
tent, Mondays and Wednesdays should be observed as
wheatless days each week, and one meal each day should be
observed as a wheatless meal.

In both homes and public eating places, in order to re-
duce the consumption of beef, pork, and sheep products,
Tuesday should be observed as meatless day in each week,
one meatless meal should be observed in each day; while,
in addition, Saturday in each week should further be ob-
served as a day upon which there should be no consumption
of pork products.

A continued economy in the use of sugar will be neces-
sary until later in the year.

It is -imperative that all waste and unnecessary consump-
tion of all sorts of foodstuffs should be rigidly eliminated.

The maintenance of the health and strength of our own
people is vitally necessary at this time, and there should be
no dangerous restriction of the food supply; but the elimi-
nation of every sort of waste and the substitution of other
commodities of which we have more abundant supplies for
those which we need to save, will in no way impair the
strength of our people and will enable us to meet one of
the most pressing obligations of the war.

I, therefore, in the national interest, take the liberty of

176

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

calling upon every loyal American to take fully to heart the
suggestions which are be.ing circulated by the Food Admin-
istration and of begging that they be followed. I am con-
fident that the great body of our women who have labored
BO loyally in co-operation with the Food Administration for
the success of food conservation will strengthen their
efforts and will take it as a part of their burden in this
period of national service to see that the above suggestions
are observed throughout the land.

WOODBOW WILSON.
The White Bouse,
January 18, 1918.

PBOCLAMATION CONCEBNING EXPORTS, FEBBUABY 14, 1918.

Whereas, Congress has enacted, and the President has on
the 15th day of June, 1917, approved a law which contains
the following provisions:

" Whenever during the present war the President shall
find that the public safety shall so require, and shall make
proclamation thereof, it shall be unlawful to export from
or ship from or take out of the United States to any coun-
try named in such proclamation any article or articles men-
tioned in such proclamation, except at such time or times,
and under such regulations and orders, and subject to such
limitations and exceptions as the President shall prescribe,
until otherwise ordered by the President or by Congress;
provided, however, that no preference shall be given to the
ports of one State over those of another."

And, whereas, the President has heretofore by proclama-
tions dated July 9, 1917, August 27, 1917, September 7,
1917, and November 28, 1917, declared certain exports in
time of war unlawful, and the President now finds that the
public safety requires that such proclamations be amended
and supplemented in respect to the articles and countries
hereinafter mentioned;

Now, therefore, I, Woodrow Wilson, President of the
United States of America, do hereby proclaim to all whom
it may concern that the public safety requires that the fol-
lowing articles, namely: All kinds of arms, guns, ammuni-
tion and explosives, machines for their manufacture or re-
pair, component parts, thereof, materials or ingredients
used in their manufacture, and all articles necessary or
convenient for their use; all contrivances for or means of
transportation on land or in the water or air, machines used
in their manufacture or repair, component parts thereof,
materials or ingredients used in their manufacture, and all
instruments, articles, and animals necessary or convenient
for their use; all means of communication, tools, imple-
ments, instruments, equipment, maps, pictures, papers, and
other articles, machines and documents necessary or con-
venient for carrying on hostile operations; all kinds of fuel,
food, food-stuffs, feed, forage, and clothing, and all articles
and materials used in their manufacture; all chemicals,
drugs, dyestuffs, and tanning materials; cotton, wool, silk,
flax, hemp, jute, sisal, and other fibers and manufactures
thereof; all earths, clay, glass, sand, stone, and their prod-
ucts; animals of every kind, their products and deriva-
tives; hides, skins, and manufactures thereof; all non-edi-
ble animal and vegetable products; all machinery, tools,
dies, plates, and apparatus, and materials necessary or
convenient for their manufacture; medical, surgical, labora-
tory, and sanitary supplies and equipment; all metals,
minerals, mineral oils, ores, and all derivatives and manu-
factures thereof; paper pulp, books, and all printed mat-
ter and material necessary or convenient for their manu-
facture; rubber, gums, rosing, tars, and waxes, their prod-
ucts, derivatives, and substitutes, and all articles contain-
ing them; wood and wood manufactures, coffee, cocoa, tea,

and spices; wines, spirits, mineral waters, and beverages;
and all other articles of any kind whatsoever shall not, on
and after the Kith day of February, in the year 1918, be
exported from, or shipped from, or taken out of the United
States or its Territorial possessions to Abyssinia, Afghan-
istan, Albania, Argentina, Austria-Hungary, Belgium, her
colonies, possessions, and protectorates, Bolivia, Brazil,
Bulgaria, China, Denmark, her colonies,, possessions, and
protectorates, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, France,
her colonies, possessions, and protectorates, Germany, her
colonies, possessions, and protectorates, Great Britain, her
colonies, possessions, and protectorates, Greece, Guatemala,
Haiti, Honduras, Italy, her colonies, possessions, and pro-
tectorates, Japan, Liechtenstein, Liberia, Luxembourg,
Mexico, Monaco, Montenegro, Morocco, Nepal, The Nether-
lands, her colonies, possessions, and protectorates, Nicara-
gua, Norway, Oman, Panama, Paraguay, Persia, Peru, Por-
tugal, her colonies, possessions, and protectorates, Rou-
mania, Russia, Salvador, San Marino, Serbia, Siam, Spain,
her colonies, possessions, and protectorates, Sweden, Swit-
zerland, Turkey, Uruguay, or Venezuela, except under li-
cense granted in accordance with regulations or orders and
subject to such limitations and exceptions as have hereto-
fore been, or shall hereafter be prescribed in pursuance of
the powers conferred by said act of June 15, 1917. The
said proclamation of July 9, 1917, August 27, 1917, Sep-
tember 7, 1917, and November 28, 1917, and paragraph 11
of the Executive Order of October 12, 1917, are hereby con-
firmed and continued and all rules and regulations hereto-
fore made in connection therewith or in pursuance thereof
are likewise hereby confirmed and continued and made ap-
plicable to this proclamation. . . .1

PBOCLAMATION DJBECTING THE TAKING OVEB OF DUTCH
VESSELS, MABCH 20, 1918.

Whereas, the law and practice of nations accords to a
belligerent power the right in times of military exigency
and for purposes essential to the prosecution of war, to
take over and utilize neutral vessels lying within its juris-
diction :

And whereas the act of Congress of June 15, 1917, en-
titled "An Act making appropriations to supply urgent
deficiencies in appropriations for the Military and Naval
Establishments on account of war expenses for the fiscal
year ending June thirtieth, nineteen hundred and seventeen,
and for the other purposes," confers upon the President
power to t tke over the possession of any vessel within the
jurisdiction of the United States for use or operation by the
United States:

Now, therefore, I, Woodrow Wilson, President of the
United States of America, in accordance with international
law and practice and by virtue of the act >>f Congress
aforesaid, and as Commander in Chief of the Army and
Navy of the United States, do hereby find and proclaim
that the imperative military needs of the United States re-
quire the immediate utilization of vessels of Netherlands
registry, now lying within the territorial waters of the
United States; and I do therefore authorize and empower
the Secretary of the Navy to take over on behalf of the
United States the possession of and to employ all such ves-
sels of Netherlands registry as may be necessary for essen-
tial purposes connected with the prosecution of the war
against the Imperial German Government. The vessels
shall be manned, equipped, and operated by the Navy De-
partment and the United States Shipping Board, as may
be deemed expedient; and the United States Shipping Board

1 An almost identical proclamation relating to imports
was issued on the same day.

VII. EXECUTIVE PROCLAMATIONS RELATING TO THE WAR.

177

nli;ill make to the owners thereof full compensation, in ac-
cordance with the principle! of international law. . . .

EXPLANATORY STATKMK.NT CONCEKM.NU TUB TAKING OVEB
w DUTCH VK.-S.SKUS, MARCH 20, 1918.

for some months the United States and the entente allies
have been conducting negotiations with the Dutch Govern-
ment with the object of concluding a general commercial
agreement.

A very clear statement of the character of these negotia-
tions was made on March 12 to the Dutch I'arliiiinent by
his excellency the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Holland.
As appears from the statement, the discussion proceeded
upon the basis of two fundamental propositions, namely,
that the United States and the allies should facilitate the
importation into Holland of foodstuffs and other commodi-
ties required to maintain her economic life, and that Hol-
land should restore her merchant marine to a normal con-
dition of activity.

It was the task of the negotiators to develop a specific
application of these propositions which would be acceptable
to the Governments concerned.

Early in January, 1918, the negotiators came to an un-
derstanding which was embodied in a tentative agreement,
which was submitted to the Governments concerned in or-
der that if acceptable it might be ratified, or if unaccept-
able a counter proposal might be made.

The negotiations becoming prolonged, the Dutch dele-
gates proposed, in order that their ships might sooner be
put into remunerative service, th'at Dutch tonnage lying
idle in American waters should, with certain exceptions, be
immediately chartered to the United States for periods not
exceeding 90 days.

This proposal was accepted by the United States Govern-
ment, and on January 25, 1018, the Dutch Minister at
Washington handed to the Secretary of State of the United
States a note expressing the terms of the temporary char-
tering agreement and his Government's acceptance thereof.
This agreement provided, among other things, that 150,000
tons of Dutch shipping should, at the discretion of the
United States, be employed partly in the service of Belgian
relief and partly for Switzerland on safe conduct to Cette,
France, and that for each ship sent to Holland in the t-tr-
vice of Belgian relief a corresponding vessel should leave
Holland for the United States. Two Dutch ships in the
United States ports with cargoes of foodstuffs were to pro-
ceed to Holland, similar tonnage being sent in exchange
from Holland to the United States for charter as in the case
of other Dutch ships lying in the United States ports.

The agreement was explicitly temporary in character,
and, being designed to meet an immediate situation, prompt
performance was of the essence. The Dutch Government at
once disclosed, however, that it was unwilling or unable to
carry out this chartering agreement which it had itself
proposed. The first desire of the United States was to se-
cure at once shipping, as contemplated by the agreement to
transport to Switzerland foodstuffs much needed by the
State. One difficulty after another was, however, raised to
postpone the chartering of Dutch ships for Swiss relief,
and, although the reason was never formally expressed, it
was generally known that the Dutch shipowners feared lest
their ships should he destroyed by German submarines, even
though on an errand of mercy, and though not traversing
any of the so-called "danger zones" proclaimed by the Ger-
man Government. That this fear was not wholly unjusti-
fied has. unhappily, been shown by the recent act of the
German Government in sinking the Spanish ship Sardinero
outside the "danger zone" when carrying a cargo of grain
for Switzerland, and after the submarine commander had
ascertained this fact by an inspection of the ship's papers.

In respect of Belgian relief, the Dutch Government ex-
pressed its present inability to comply with the agreement
on Ihe ground that the German Government had given Hol-
land to understand that it would forcibly prevent the de-
parture from Holland of the corresponding ships, which
under the agreement were to leave coincidently for the

United States. The Dutch Government even felt itself un-
able to secure the two cargoes of foodstuffs, which under
the agreement it was permitted to secure, since here again
the German Government intervened and threatened to de-
stroy the equivalent Dutch tonnage which under the agree-
ment was to leave Holland fur the United States.

Nearly two months have elapsed since the making of the
temporary chartering agreement, and the proposed general
agreement has lain even longer without reply on the part
of Holland. Meanwhile, German threats have growu more
violent, with a view to preventing any permanent agree-
ment and of forcing Holland to violate any temporary
agreement.

On March 7, through Great Britain, a final proposal, ex-
piring on the 18th, was submitted to Holland. A reply has
been received which, while in itself unacceptable, might un-
der other conditions have served as a basis for further ne-
gotiations. But the events to which I have alluded had
served to demonstrate conclusively that we have been at-
tempting to negotiate where the essential basis for an
agreement, namely, the meeting of free wills, is absent.
Even were an agreement concluded, there is lacking that
power of independent action which alone can assure per-
formance. I say this not in criticism of the Dutch Govern-
ment. 1 profoundly sympathize with the difficulty of her
position under the menace of a military power which lias
in every way demonstrated its disdain of neutral rights.
But, since coercion does in fact exist, no alternative is left
to us but to accomplish, through the exercise of our indis-
putable rights as a sovereign, that which is so reasonable
that in other circumstances we could be confident of ac-
complishing it by agreement.

Steps are accordingly being taken to put into our service
Dutch shipping lying within our territorial jurisdiction.
This action which is being taken by Governments associated
with us leaves to Holland ample tonnage for her domestic
and colonial needs. We have informed the Dutch Govern-
ment that her colonial trade will be facilitated and that she
may at once send ships from Holland to secure the bread
cereals which her people require. These ships will be
freely bunkered and will be immune from detention on our
part. The liner New Amsterdam, which came within our
jurisdiction under an agreement for her return, will, of
course, be permitted at once to return to Holland. Not
only so, but she will be authorized to carry back with her
the two cargoes of foodstuffs which Holland would have se-
cured under the temporary chartering agreement had not
Germany prevented. Ample compensation will be paid to
the Dutch owners of the ships which will be put into our
service,' and suitable provision will be made to meet the
possibility of ships being lost through enemy action.

It is our earnest desire to safeguard to the fullest extent
the interests of Holland and of her nationals. By exercis-
ing in this crisis our admitted right to control all property
within our territory, we do no wrong to Holland. The
manner in which we proposed to exercise this right and
our proposals made to Holland concurrently therewith can-
not, I believe, fail to evidence to Holland the sincerity of
our friendship toward her.

WOODBOW WILSON.

PROCLAMATION CONCERNING NATIONAL WAB LABOR BOARD,
APRIL 8, 1918.

Whereas, in January, 1918, the Secretary of Labor, upon
the nomination of the President of the American Federa-
tion of Labor and the President of the National Industrial
Conference Board, appointed a War Labor Conference
Board, for the purpose of devising for the period of the war
a method of labor adjustment which would be acceptable to
employers and employees; and

Whereas, said board has made a report recommending the
creation for the period of the war of a national war labor
board with the same number of members as, and to be se-
lected by the same agencies, that created the War Labor

178

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

Conference Board whose duty it shall be to adjust labor
disputes in the manner specified, and in accordance with
certain conditions set forth in the said report; and

Whereas, the Secretary of Labor has, in accordance with
the recommendation contained in the report of said War
Labor Conference Board dated March 29, 1918, appointed as
members of the National War Labor Board, Hon. William
Howard Taft and Hon. Frank P. Walsh, representatives of
the general public of the United States; Messrs. Loyall Z.
Osborne, L. F. Loree, W. H. Van Dervoort, C. E. Michael,
and B. L. Worden, representatives of the employers of the
United States; and Messrs. Frank J. Hayes, William L.
Hutcheson, William H. Johnston, Victor A. Olander, and
T. A. Rickert, representatives of the employees of the
United States:

Now, therefore, I, Woodrow Wilson, President of the
United States of America, do hereby approve and affirm the
said appointments and make due proclamation thereof and
of the following for the information and guidance of all
concerned :

The powers, functions, and duties of the National War
Labor Board shall be: To settle by mediation and concilia-
tion controversies arising between employers and workers
In fields of production necessary for the effective conduct
of the war, or in other fields of national activity, delays
and obstructions which might, in the opinion of the Na-
tional Board, affect detrimentally such production; to pro-
vide, by direct appointment or otherwise, for committees or
boards to sit in various parts of the country where contro-
versies arise and secure settlement by local mediation and
conciliation; and to summon the parties to controversies
for hearing and action by the National Board in event of
failure to secure settlement by mediation and conciliation.

The principles to be observed and the methods to be fol-
lowed by the National Board in exercising such powers and
functions and performing such duties shall be those speci-
fied in the said report of the War Labor Conference Board
dated March 29, 1918, a complete copy of which is hereunto
appended.

The national board shall refuse to take cognizance of a
controversy between employer and workers in any field of
industrial or other activity where there is by agreement or
Federal law a means of settlement which has not been in-
voked.

And I do hereby urge upon all employers and employees
within the United States the necessity of utilizing the
means and methods thus provided for the adjustment of all
Industrial disputes, and request that during the pendency
of mediation or arbitration through the said means and
methods there shall be no discontinuance of industrial
operations which would result in curtailment of the produc-
tion of war necessities. . . .

PRIORITIES LIST FOR SUPPLY OF FUEL, APRIL 10, 1918.

The War Industries Board of the Council of National
Defense issued the following statement:

The Priorities Board has adopted Preference List No. 1
for the guidance of all governmental agencies in the supply
and in the distribution by rail or water of coal and coke.
While the list speaks for itself, it is proper to say that the
board has not undertaken to classify any industry as non-
essential or at this time to limit the quantity of fuel which
any particular industry or plant shall receive. The board
has, however, listed certain industries whose operation is of
exceptional importance, measured by the extent of their
direct or indirect contribution either toward winning the
war or toward promoting the national welfare, and these in-
dustries will be accorded preferential treatment by the Fuel
Administration in the distribution of coal and coke, and

also in the transportation of such coal and coke by the rail-
roads.

This same plan will be followed in according preferential
treatment to war industries and plants in the transporta-
tion of raw materials and supplies required by them in
their manufacturing operations, so that they may not be
delayed or hampered in complying with priority orders is-
sued against them governing their products.

Preference List No. 1 is not complete in itself, but it will
be noted that provision is made for certifying additional
classes of industries, and also individual plants whose
operations are necessary as a war measure.

In determining what industries or plants are entitled
to be certified, two factors will control: (1) The relative
urgency of the uses or purposes for which the product of
the plant is utilized; and (2) the per cent, of the product
of the plant utilized in war work, direct or indirect, or work
of exceptional or national importance. No plant, a very
substantial per cent, of whose product is not of exceptional
importance, can be accorded preferential treatment.

PRIORITIES BOARD PREFERENCE LIST NO. 1.

In pursuance of a resolution unanimously adopted by the
Priorities Board at a meeting held April 6, 1918, the fol-
lowing preferance list of classes of industries, whose opera-
tion as a war measure is of exceptional importance, is pro-
mulgated and published for the guidance of all agencies of
the United States Government in the supply and distribu-
tion of coal and coke, and in the supply of transportation
by rail and water for the movement of coal and coke to said
industries.

The priorities commissioner shall, under the direction of
and with the approval of the Priorities Board, certify addi-
tional classes of industries, and also certify individual
plants whose operation as a war measure is of exceptional
importance, which industries and plants when so certified
shall be automatically included in this Preference List,
which shall be amended or revised from time to time by ac-
tion of the Priorities Board to meet changing conditions.

No distinction is made between any of the industries or
plants which are or may be included in this Preference
List, and no significance should attach to the order in which
the industries or plants appear in the list.

Aircraft. — Plants engaged exclusively in manufacturing
aircraft or supplies and equipment therefor.

Ammunition. — Plants engaged in the manufacture of
ammunition for the United States Government and the
allies.

Army and Navy cantonments and camps.

Arms (small). — Plants engaged in manufacturing small
arms for United States Government and for the allies.

Chemicals. — Plants engaged exclusively in manufacturing
chemicals.

Coke plants.

Domestic consumers.

Electrical equipment. — Plants manufacturing same.

Electrodes. — Plants producing electrodes.

Explosives. — Plants manufacturing explosives.

Farm implements. — Manufacturers exclusively of agri-
cultural implements and farm-operating equipment.

Feed. — Plants producing feed.

Ferroalloys. — Plants producing.

Fertilizers. — Manufacturers of fertilizers.

Fire brick. — Plants producing exclusively.

Food. — Plants manufacturing, milling, preparing, refin-
ing, preserving, and wholesaling food for human consump-
tion.

Food containers. — Manufacturers of tin and glass con-

API' KM) IX.

179

tainers and manufacturers exclusively of other food con-
tainers.

Gas. — Gas-producing plants.

Gas. — Plants manufacturing exclusively gas-producing
machinery.

Curia (large). — Plants manufacturing same.

Hemp, jute, and cotton bags. — Plants manufacturing ex-
clusively hemp, jute, and cotton bags.

Insecticides. — Manufacturers exclusively of insecticides
and fungicides.

Iron and steel. — Blast furnaces and foundries.

Laundries.

Machine tools. — Plants manufacturing machine tools.

Mines.

Mines. — Plants engaged exclusively in manufacturing
mining tools and equipment.

Newspapers and periodicals. — Plants printing and pub-
lishing exclusively newspapers and periodicals.

Oil. — Refineries of both mineral and vegetable oils.

Oil production. — Plants manufacturing exclusively oil-
well equipment.

Public institutions and buildings.

Public utilities.

Railways.

Railways. — Plants manufacturing locomotives, freight
cars, and rails, and other plants engaged exclusively la
manufacture of railway supplies.

Refrigeration. — Refrigeration for food and exclusive lc#-
producing plants.

Seeds. — Producers or wholesalers of seeds (except flow*
seeds.)

Ships ( bunker coal ) . — Not including pleasure craft.

Ships. — Plants engaged exclusively in building ships (no*
including pleasure craft) or in manufacturing exclusively
supplies and equipment therefor.

Soap. — Manufacturers of soap.

Steel. — Steel plants and rolling mills.

Tunners. — Tanning plants, pave for patent leather.

Tanning extracts — Plants manufacturing tanning ex-
tracts.

Tin plate. — Manufacturers of tin plate.

Twine (binder) and rope. — Plants producing exclusively
binder twine and rope.

Wire rope and rope wire. — Manufacturers of same.

ED WTO B. PABKER,
Chairman, Priorities Board.

APPENDIX

REGISTRATION DAY PROCLAMATION, AUGUST 31, 1918.

Whereas Congress has enacted and the President has, on
the thirty-first day of August, one thousand nine hundred
and eighteen, approved an act amending the act approved
May eighteenth, one thousand nine hundred and seventeen;

And whereas said act, as amended, contains the follow-
ing provisions:

" SEC. 5. That all male persons between the ages of
eighteen and forty-five, both inclusive, shall be subject to
registration in accordance with regulations to be prescribed
by the President, and upon proclamation by the President
or other public notice given by him or by his direction stat-
ing the time or times and place or places of any such reg-
istration, it shall be the duty of all persons of the desig-
nated ages, except officers and enlisted men of the Regular
Army; officers and enlisted men of the National Guard
while in the service of the United States; officers of the
Officers' Reserve Corps and enlisted men in the enlisted Re-
serve Corps while in the service of the United States; offi-
cers and enlisted men of the Navy and Marine Corps; offi-
cers and enlisted and enrolled men of the Naval Reserve
Force and Marine Corps Reserve while in the service of the
United States; officers commissioned in the Army of the
United States under the provisions of this act; persons
who, prior to any day set for registration by the President
hereunder, have registered under the terms of this act or
under the terms of the resolution entitled ' Joint resolution
providing for the registration for military service of all
male persons citizens of the United States and all male per-
sons residing in the United States who have, since the fifth
day of June, nineteen hundred and seventeen, and on or be-
fore the day set for the registration by proclamation by the
President, attained the age of twenty-one years, in accord-
ance with such rules and regulations as the President may
prescribe under the terms of the act approved May
eighteenth, nineteen hundred and seventeen, entitled ' An
act to authorize the President to increase temporarily the
Military Establishment of the United States,' approved
May twentieth, nineteen hundred and eighteen, whether
called for service or not. and diplomatic representatives,

technical attaches of foreign embassies and legations, con-
suls general, consuls, vice consuls, and consular agents of
foreign countries, residing in the United States, to present
themselves for and submit to registration under the pro-
visions of this act; and every such person shall be deemed
to have notice of the requirements of this act upon the pub-
lication of any such proclamation or any such other public
notice as aforesaid given by the President or by his direc-
tion; and any person who shall willfully fail or refuse to
present himself for registration or to submit thereto as
herein provided shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and shall,
upon conviction in a district court of the United States
having jurisdiction thereof, be punished by imprisonment
for not more than one year and shall thereupon be duly
registered: Provided, That in the call of the docket prece-
dence shall be given, in courts trying the same, to the trial
of criminal proceedings under this act: Provided further,
That persons shall be subject to registration as herein pro-
vided who shall have attained their eighteenth birthday and
who shall not have attained their forty-sixth birthday on
or before the day set for the registration in any such pro-
clamation by the President or any such other public notice
given by him or by his direction, and «11 persons so regis-
tered shall be and remain subject to draft into the forces
hereby authorized unless exempted or excused therefrom as
in this act provided: Provided further, That the President
may at such intervals as he may desire from time to time
require all male persons who have attained the age of
eighteen years since the last preceding date of registration
and on or before the next date set for registration by pro-
clamation by the President, except such persons as are
exempt from registration hereunder, to register in the same
manner and subject to the same requirements and liabilities
as those previously registered under the terms hereof: And
provided further, That in the case of temporary absence
from actual place of legal residence of any person liable to
registration as provided herein, such registration may be
made by mail under regulations to be prescribed by the
President. . . .

" SEC. 6. That the President is hereby authorized to util-
ize the service of any or all departments and any or all

180

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

officers or agents of the United States and of the several
States, Territories, and the District of Columbia, and sub-
divisions thereof, in. the execution of this act, and all offi-
cers and agents of the United States and of the several
States, Territories, and subdivisions thereof, and of the Dis-
trict of Columbia, and all persons designated or appointed
under regulations prescribed by the President, whether such
appointments are made by the President himself or by the
governor or other oflicer of any State or Territory, to per-
form any duty in the execution of this act are hereby re-
quired to perform such duty as the President shall order
or direct, and all such officers and agents and persons so
designated or appointed shall hereby have full authority for
all acts done by them in the execution of this act by the
direction of the President. Correspondence in the execu-
tion of this act may be carried in penalty envelopes bearing
the frank of the War Department. Any person charged as
herein provided with the duty of carrying into effect any
of the provisions of this act or the regulations made or di-
rections given thereunder who shall fail or neglect to per-
form such duty, and any person charged with such duty or
having and exercising any authority under said act, regula-
tions, or directions who shall knowingly make or be a party
to the making of any false statement or certificate as to the
fitness or liability of himself or any other person for ser-
vice under the provisions of this act, or regulations made
by the President thereunder, or otherwise evades or aids
another to evade the requirements of this act or of said
regulations, or who, in any manner, shall fail or neglect
fully to perform any duty required of him in the execution
of this act, shall, if not subject to military law, be guilty
of a misdemeanor, and upon conviction in the district court
of the United States having jurisdiction thereof, be pun-
ished by imprisonment for not more than one year, or, if
subject to military law, shall be tried by court-martial and
suffer such punishment as a court-martial may direct."

Now, therefore, I, Woodrow Wilson, President of the
United States, do call upon the governor of each of the sev-
eral States and Territories, the Board of Commissioners of
the District of Columbia, and all members of local boards
and agents thereof appointed under the provisions of said
act of Congress approved May eighteenth, one thousand
nine hundred and seventeen, and all officers and agents of
the several States and Territories, of the District of Colum-
bia, and of the counties and municipalities therein, to per-
form certain duties in the execution of the foregoing law,
which duties will be communicated to them directly in regu-
lations of even date herewith.

And I do further proclaim and give notice to every per-
son subject to registration in the several States and in the
District of Columbia, in accordance with the above law,
that the time and place of such registration shall be between
seven a. m. and nine p. m. on Thursday, the twelfth day of
September, one thousand nine hundred and eighteen, at a
registration place in the precinct wherein he then has his
permanent home, or at such other place as shall be desig-
nated by public notice by the local board having jurisdic-
tion of the area wherein he then has his permanent home.
All male persons in the United States who shall have at-
tained their eighteenth birthday and who shall not have at-
tained their forty-sixth birthday on or before Thursday, the
twelfth day of September, one thousand nine hundred and
eighteen, the day herein named for registration, are re-
quired to register: Provided, however, That the following
persons are hereby exempted from registration to wit: Per-
sons who, prior to the day herein set for registration, have
registered under the terms of the act approved May 18,
1917, or under the terms of the public resolution of Con-
gress approved May 20, 1918, whether called for service or

not; officers and enlisted men of the Regular Army; officers
commissioned in the Army of the United States, and men
of the forces drafted, under the provisions of the act, ap-
proved May 18, 1917; officers and enlisted men of the Na-
tional Guard while in the service of the United States; offi-
cers of the Officers' Reserve Corps and enlisted men in the
Enlisted Reserve Corps while in the service of the United
States; officers and enlisted men of the Navy and Marine
Corps; officers and enlisted and enrolled men of the Naval
Reserve Force and Marine Corps Reserve white in the ser-
vice of the United States; and diplomatic representatives,
technical attaches of foreign embassies and legations, con-
suls general, consuls, vice consuls, and consular agents of
foreign countries, residing in the United States, who are
not citizens of the United States.

A day or days for registration in the Territories of
Alaska, Hawaii, and Porto Rico will be named in later pro-
clamations.

As required by the regulations, every local board having
jurisdiction in a city of 30,000 population or over will
promptly cause the mayor thereof to be notified of the place
or places designated for registration; every local board
having jurisdiction in a county, parish, or similar unit will
promptly cause the clerk thereof to be notified of the place
or places designated for registration and every local board
having jurisdiction in a State or Territory the area of
which is divided into divisions for the administration of the
act approved May 18, 1917, will promptly cause the clerks
of the townships within its division to be notified of the
place or places designated for registration.

And I do call upon every mayor, county clerk, or town-
ship clerk receiving such notification to have a list of said
places of registration posted and do charge him with the
duty of having all persons making inquiry informed of the
place or places at which they may register.

Any person who, on account of sickness, will be unable to
present himself for registration may apply on or before the
day of registration at the office of any local board for in-
structions as to how he may register by agent.

Any person who expects to be absent on the day desig-
nated for registration from the jurisdiction of the board in
which he then permanently resides may register by mail,
but his registration card must reach the local board having
jurisdiction of the area wherein he then permanently re-
sides by the day herein named for registration. Any such
person should apply as soon as practicable at the office of a
local board for instructions as to how he may register by
mail.

Any person who has no permanent residence must regis-
ter at the place designated for registration by the local
board having jurisdiction of the area wherein he may be on
the day herein named for registration.

Any person who, on account of absence at sea, or on ac-
count of absence without the territorial limits of the United
States, may be unable to comply with the regulations per-
taining to absentees, shall, within five days after reaching
th3 United States, register with his proper local board or as
provided in the regulations for other absentees.

Fifteen months ago the men of the country from twenty-
one to thirty years of age were registered. Three months
ago, and again this month, those who have just reached the
age of twenty-one were added. It now remains to include
all men between the ages of eighteen and forty-five.

This is not a new policy. A century and a quarter ago It
was deliberately ordained by those who were then responsi-
ble for the safety and defense of the Nation that the duty
of military service should rest upon all able-bodied men
between the ages of eighteen and forty-five. We now ac-
cept and fulfill the obligation which they established, an ob-

APPENDIX.

ligation expressed in our national statutes from that time
until now. We solemnly purpose a decisive victory of arms
and deliberately to devote the larger part of the military
man power of the Nation to the accomplishment of that
purpose.

The younger men have from the first been ready to go.
They have furnished voluntary enlistments out of all pro-
portion to their numbers. Our military authorities regard
them as having the highest combatant qualities. Their
youthful enthusiasm, their virile eagerness, their gallant
spirit of daring make them the admiration of all who see
them in action. They covet not only the distinction of serv-
ing in this great war, but also the inspiring memories which
hundreds of thousands of them will cherish through the
years to come, of a great duty and a great service for their
country and for mankind.

By the men of the older group now called upon, the op-
portunity now opened to them will be accepted with the
calm resolution of those who realize to the full the deep and
solemn significance of what they do. Having made a place
for themselves in their respective communities, having as-
sumed at home the graver responsibilities of life in many
spheres, looking back upon honorable records in civil and
industrial life, they will realize as perhaps no others could
how entirely their own fortunes and the fortunes of all
whom they love are put at stake in this war for right, and
will know that the very records they have made render this
new duty the commanding duty of their lives. They know
how surely this is the Nation's war, how imperatively it
demands the mobilization and massing of all our resources
of every kind. They will regard this call as the supreme
call of their day and will answer it accordingly.

Only a portion of those who register will be called upon
to bear arms. Those who are not physically fit will be ex-
cused; those exempted by alien allegiance; those who
should not be relieved of their present responsibilities;
above all, those who cannot be spared from the civil and
industrial tasks at home upon which the success of our
armies depends as much as upon the fighting at the front.
But all must be registered in order that the selection for
military service may be made intelligently and with full
information. This will be our final demonstration of loy-
alty, democracy, and the will to win, our solemn notice to
all the world that we stand absolutely together in a com-
mon resolution and purpose. It is the call to duty to which
every true man in the country will respond with pride and
with the consciousness that in doing so he plays his part
in vindication of a great cause at whose summons every
true heart offers its supreme service.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and
caused the Real of the United States to be affixed.

Done in the District of Columbia this 31st day of August,
in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and
eighteen and of the independence of the United States of
America the one hundred and forty-third.

WOODBOW WILSON.
By the President:

(Seal) ROBERT LANSINO,

Secretary of State.

LABOR DAY PROCLAMATION, SEPTEMBER 2, 1918.

MY FELLOW CITIZENS: Labor Day, 1918, is not
like any Labor Day that we have known. Labor
Day was always deeply significant with us. Now it
is supremely significant. Keenly as we were aware
a year ago of the enterprise of life and death upon
which the Nation had embarked, we did not perceive

its meaning as clearly as we do now. We knew that
we were all partners and must stand and strive to-
gether, but we did not realize as we do now that we
are all enlisted men, members of a single army, of
many parts and many tasks, but commanded by a sin-
gle obligation, our faces set toward a single object
We now know that every tool in every essential indus-
try is a weapon, and a weapon wielded for the same
purpose that an army rifle is wielded — a weapon
which if we were to lay down, no rifle would be of
any use.

And a weapon for what? What is the war for?
Why are we enlisted? Why should we be ashamed
if we were not enlisted? At first it seemed hardly
more than a war of defense against the military ag-
gression of Germany. Belgium had been violated,
France invaded, and Germany was afield again, aa
in 1870 and 1866, to work out her ambitions in En-
rope; and it was necessary to meet her force with
force. But it is clear now that it is much more than
a war to alter the balance of power in Europe.
Germany, it is now plain, was striking at what free
men everywhere desire and must have — the right to
determine their own fortunes, to insist upon justice,
and to oblige governments to act for them and not
for the private and selfish interest of a governing
class. It is a war to make the nations and peoples
of the world secure against every such power as the
German autocracy repesents. It is a war of eman-
cipation. Not until it is won can men anywhere live
free from constant fear or breathe freely while they
go about their daily tasks and know that governments
are their servants, not their masters.

This is, therefore, the war of all wars which labor
should support and support with all its concentrated
power. The world cannot be safe, men's lives can-
not be secure, no man's rights can be confidently and
successfully asserted against the rule and mastery
of arbitrary groups and special interests, so long as
governments like that which, after long premedita-
tion, drew Austria and Germany into this war, are
permitted to control the destinies and the daily for-
tunes of men and nations, plotting while honest men
work, laying the fires of which innocent men, women,
and children are to be the fuel.

You know the nature of this war. It is a war
which industry must sustain. The army of laborers
at home is as important, as essential, as the army
of fighting men in the far fields of actual battle. And
the laborer is not only needed as much as the sol-
dier. It is his war. The soldier is his champion
and representative. To fail to win would be to im-
peril everything that the laborer has striven for and
held dear since freedom first had its dawn and his
struggle for justice began. The soldiers at the
front know this. It steels their muscles to think of
il. They are crusaders. They are fighting for no
selfish advantage for their own Nation. They would
despise anyone who fought for the selfish advantage
of any nation. They are giving their lives that
homes everywhere, as well as the homes they love in

182

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

America, may be kept sacred and safe, and men
everywhere be free as they insist upon being free.
They are fighting for the ideals of their own land —
great ideals, immortal ideals, ideals which shall light
the way for all men to the places where justice is
done and men live with lifted heads and emancipated
spirits. That is the reason they fight with solemn
joy and are invincible.

Let us make this, therefore, a day of fresh com-
prehension not only of what we are about, and of re-
newed and clear-eyed resolution, but a day of conse-
cration also, in which we devote ourselves without
pause or limit to the great task of setting our own
country and the whole world free to render justice
to all and of making it impossible for small groups
of political rulers anywhere to disturb our peace or
the peace of the world or in any way to make tools
and puppets of those upon whose consent and upon
whose power their own authority and their own very
existence depend.

We may count upon each other. The Nation is of
a single mind. It is taking counsel with no special
class. It is serving no private or single interest. Its
own mind has been cleared and fortified by these
days which burn the dross away. The light of a
new conviction has penetrated to every class amongst
us. We realize as we never realized before that we
are comrades, dependent on one another, irresistibk
•when united, powerless when divided. And so we
join hands to lead the world to a new and better day.

WOODROW WILBON.

ADDRESS DELIVERED IN NEW YORK, UPON THE OPEN-
ING OP THE FOURTH LIBERTY LOAN CAMPAIGN,
SEPTEMBER 27, 1918.

My FELLOW CITIZENS: I am not here to promote
the loan. That will be done — ably and enthusiastic-
ally done — by the hundreds of thousands of loyal and
tireless men and women who have undertaken to pre-
sent it to you and to our fellow-citizens throughout
the country; and I have not the least doubt of their
complete success; for I know their spirit and the
spirit of the country. My confidence is confirmed, too,
by the thoughtful and experienced co-operation of the
bankers here and everywhere who are lending their
invaluable aid and guidance. I have come, rather,
to seek an opportunity to present to you some
thoughts which I trust will serve to give you, in per-
haps fuller measure than before, a vivid sense of the
great issues involved, in order that you may appre-
ciate and accept with added enthusiasm the grave sig-
nificance of the duty of supporting the government
by your men and your means to the utmost point of
sacrifice and self-denial. No man or woman who
has really taken in what this war means can hesitate
to give to the very limit of what they have; and it is
my mission here to-night to try to make it clear once
more what the war really means. You will need no
other stimulation or reminder of your duty.

At every turn of the war we gain a fresh con-
sciousness of what we mean to accomplish by it.

When our hope and expectations are most excited we
think more definitely than before of the issues that
hang upon it and of the purposes which must be real-
ized by means of it. For it has positive and well-
defined purposes which we did not determine and
which we cannot alter. No statesman or assembly
created them ; no statesman or assembly can alter
them. They have arisen out of the very nature and
circumstances of the war. The most that statesmen
or assemblies can do is to carry them out or be false
to them. They were perhaps not clear at the outset;
but they are clear now. The war has lasted more
than four years and the whole world has been drawn
into it. The common will of mankind has been sub-
stituted for the particular purposes of individual
states. Individual statesmen may have started the
conflict, but neither they nor their opponents can
stop it as they please. It has become a people's war,
and peoples of all sorts and races, of every degree
of power and variety of fortune, are involved in its
sweeping processes of change and settlement. We
came into it when its character had become fully
defined and it was plain that no nation could stand
apart or be indifferent to its outcome. Its challenge
drove to the heart of everything we cared for and
lived for. Our brothers from many lands, as well as
our own murdered dead under the sea, were calling to
us, and we responded fiercely and of course.

The air was clear about us. We saw things in
their full, convincing proportions as they were; and
we. have seen them with steady eyes and unchanging
comprehension ever since. We accepted the issues
of the war as facts, not as any group of men either
here or elsewhere had defined them, and we can ac-
cept no outcome which does not squarely meet and set-
tle them. Those issues are these:

Shall the military power of any nation or group of
nations be suffered to determine the fortunes of peo-
ples over whom they have no right to rule except the
right of force?

Shall strong nations be free to wrong weak nations
and make them subject to their purpose and interest?

Shall peoples be ruled and dominated, even in
their own internal affairs, by arbitrary and irrespon-
sible force or by their own will and choice?

Shall there be a common standard of right and
privilege for all peoples and nations or shall the
strong do as they will and the weak suffer without
redress ?

Shall the assertion of right be haphazard and by
casual alliance or shall there be a common concert to
oblige the observance of common rights?

No man, no group of men, chose these to be the
issues of the struggle. They are the issues of it; and
they must be settled by an arrangement or comprom-
ise or adjustment of interests, but definitely and once
for all and with a full and unequivocal acceptance of
the principle that the interest of the weakest is as
sacred as the interest of the strongest.

This is what we mean when we speak of a per-
manent peace, if we speak sincerely, intelligently, and

APPENDIX.

183

with a real knowledge and comprehension of the mat-
ter we deal with.

We are all agreed that there can be no peace ob-
tained by any kind of bargain or compromise with
the governments of the Central Empires because we
have dealt with them already and have seen them
deal with other governments that were parties to this
struggle, at Brest-Litovsk, and Bucharest.

They have convinced us that they are without
honor and do not intend justice.

They observe no covenants, accept no principle but
force and their own interest.

We cannot " come to terms " with them. They
have made it impossible.

The German people must by this time be fully
aware that we cannot accept the word of those who
forced this war upon us.

We do not think the same thoughts or speak the
same language of agreement.

It is of capital importance that we should also be
explicitly agreed that no peace shall be obtained by
any kind of compromise or abatement of the princi-
ples we have avowed as the principles for which we
are fighting. There should exist no doubt about that.
I am, therefore, going to take the liberty of speaking
with the utmost frankness about the practical impli-
cations that are involved in it.

If it be in deed and in truth the common object
of the governments associated against Germany and
the nations whom they govern, as I believe it to be,
to achieve by the coming settlements a secure and
lasting peace, it will be necessary that all who sit
down at the peace table shall come ready and will-
ing to pay the price, the only price, that will procure
it; and ready and willing, also, to create in some
virile fashion the only instrumentality by which it can
be made certain that the agreements of the peace will
be honored and fulfilled.

That price is impartial justice in every item of the
settlement, no matter whose interest is crossed; and
not only impartial justice, but also the satisfaction of
the several peoples whose fortunes are dealt with.
That indispensable instrumentality is a league of na-
tions formed under covenants that will be efficacious.
Without such an instrumentality, by which the peace
of the world can be guaranteed, peace will rest in
part upon the word of outlaws and only upon that
word. For Germany will have to redeem her char-
acter, not by what happens at the peace table, but by
what follows.

And, as I see it, the constitution of that league of
nations and the clear definition of its objects must
be a part, is in a sense the most essential part, of
the peace settlement itself. It cannot be formed
now. If formed now it would be merely a new al-
liance confined to the nations associated against a
common enemy.

It is not likely that it could be formed after the
settlement. It is necessary to guarantee the peace;
and the peace cannot be guaranteed as an after-
thought. The reason, to speak in plain terms again,
why it must be guaranteed is that there will be par-

ties to the peace whose promises have proved untrust-
worthy, and means must be found in connection with
the peace settlement itself to remove that source of
insecurity. It would be folly to leave the guarantee
to the subsequent voluntary action of the governments
we have seen destroy Russia and deceive Roumania.

But these general terms do not disclose the whole
matter. Some details are needed to make them sound
less like a thesis and more like a practical program.
These, then, are some of the particulars, and I state
them with the greater confidence because I can state
them authoritatively as representing this govern-
ment's interpretation of its own duty with regard to
peace:

" First, the impartial justice meted out must in-
volve no discrimination between those to whom we
wish to be just and those to whom we do not wish to
be just. It must be a justice that plays no favorite
and knows no standard but the equal rights of the
several peoples concerned;

" Second, no special or separate interest of any
single nation or any group of nations can be made
the basis of any part of the settlement which is not
consistent with the common interest of all;

" Third, there can be no leagues or alliances or
special covenants and understandings with the gen-
eral and common family of the league of nations;

" Fourth, and more specifically, there can be no
special, selfish economic combinations within the
league and no employment of any form of economic
boycott or exclusion except as the power of economic
penalty by exclusion from the markets of the world
may be vested in the league of nations itself as a
means of discipline and control.

" Fifth, all international agreements and treaties
of every kind must be made known, in their entirety
to the rest of the world."

Special alliances and economic rivalries and hos-
tilities have been the prolific source in the modern
world of the plans and passions that produce war. It
would be an insincere as well as an insecure peace
that did not include them in definite and binding
terms.

The confidence with which I venture to speak for
our people in these matters does not spring from our
traditions merely and the well-known principles of
international action which we have always professed
and followed. In the same sentence in which I say
that the United States will enter into no special ar-
rangements or understandings with particular nations
let me say also that the United States is prepared
to assume its full share of responsibility for the
maintenance of the common covenants and under-
standings upon which peace must henceforth rest.
We still read Washington's immortal warning against
" entangling alliances " with full comprehension and
an answering purpose. But only special and limited
alliances entangle ; and we recognize and accept the
duty of a new day in which we are permitted to hope
for a general alliance which will avoid entangle-
ments and clear the air of the world for common un-
derstandings and the maintenance of common rights.

18-1

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

I have made this analysis of the international sit-
uation which the war has created, not, of course, be-
cause I doubted whether the leaders of the great na-
tions and peoples with whom we are associated were
of the same mind and entertained a like purpose, but
because the air every now and again gets darkened
by mists and groundless doubtings and mischievous
perversions of counsel and it is necessary once and
again, to sweep all the irresponsible talk about peace
intrigues and weakening morale and doubtful pur-
pose on the part of those in authority utterly, and if
need be unceremoniously, aside and say things in the
plainest words that can be found, even when it is only
to say over again what has been said before, quite as
plainly if in less unvarnished terms.

As I have said, neither I nor any other man in
governmental authority created or gave form to the
issues of this war. I have simply responded to them
with such vision as I could command. But I have
responded gladly and with a resolution that has
grown warmer and more confident as the issues have
grown clearer and clearer. It is now plain that they
are issues which no man can pervert, unless it be
wilfully. I am bound to fight for them, and happy
to fight for them as time and circumstance have re-
vealed them to me as to all the world. Our en-
thusiasm for them grows more and more irresistible
as they stand out in more and more vivid and unmis-
takable outline.

And the forces that fight for them draw into closer
and closer array, organize their millions into more
and more unconquerable might, as they become more
and more distinct to the thought and purpose of the
peoples engaged. It is the peculiarity of this great
war that while statesmen have seemed to cast about
for definitions of their purpose, and have sometimes
seemed to shift their ground and their point of view,
the thought of the mass of men, whom statesmen are
supposed to instruct and lead, has grown more and
more unclouded, more and more certain of what it is
that they are fighting for.

National purposes have fallen more and more into
the background and the common purpose of enlight-
ened mankind has taken their place. The counsels
of plain men have become on all hands more simple
and straightforward and more unified than, the coun-
sels of sophisticated men of affairs who will retain
the impression that they are playing a game of power
and playing for high stakes. That is why I have
said that this is a peoples' war, not a statesmen's.
Statesmen must follow the clarified common thought
or be broken.

I take that to be the significance of the fact that
assemblies and associations of many kinds made up
of plain workaday people have demanded, almost
every time they came together, and are still demand-
ing, that the leaders of their governments declare to
them plainly what it is, exactly what it is, that they
were seeking in this war, and what they think the
items of the final settlement should be. They are
not yet satisfied with what they have been told. They

still seem to fear that they are getting what they ask
for only in statesmen's terms — only in the terms of
territorial arrangements and divisions of power, and
not in terms of broad-visioned justice and mercy and
peace and the satisfaction of those deep-seated long-
ings of oppressed and distracted men and women
and enslaved peoples that seem to them the only
things worth fighting a war for that engulfs the
world. Perhaps statesmen have not always recog-
nized this changed aspect of the whole world of pol-
icy and action. Perhaps they have not always
spoken in direct reply to the questions asked because
they did not know how searching those questions were
and what sort of answers they demanded.

But I, for one, am glad to attempt the answer
again and again, in the hope that I may make it
clearer and clearer that my one thought is to satisfy
those who struggle in the ranks and are, perhaps
above all others, entitled to a reply whose meaning no
one can have any excuse for misunderstanding, if he
understands the language in which it is spoken or can
get some one to translate it correctly into his own.
And I believe that the leaders of the governments
with which we are associated will speak, as they have
occasion, as plainly as I have tried to speak. I hope
that they will feel free to say whether they think
that I am in any degree mistaken in my interpretation
of the issues involved or in any purpose with regard
to the means by which a satisfactory settlement of
those issues may be obtained. Unity of purpose and
of counsel are as imperatively necessary in this war
as was unity of command in the battlefield; and with
perfect unity of purpose and counsel will come as-
surance of complete victory. It can be had in no
other way.

" Peace drives " can be effectively neutralized and
silenced only by showing that every victory of the na-
tions associated against Germany brings the nations
nearer the sort of peace which will bring security
and reassurance to all peoples, and make the recur-
rence of another such struggle of pitiless force and
bloodshed forever impossible, and that nothing else
can.

Germany is constantly intimating the " terms " she
will accept; and always finds that the world does not
want terms. It wishes the final triumph of justice
and fair dealing.

AUSTRIA'S PEACE CONFERENCE NOTE TO THE POWEBS,
SEPTEMBER 15, 1918.

The peace offer which the powers of the Quadruple Al-
liance addressed to their opponents on December 12, 1916,
and the conciliatory basic ideas of which they have never
given up, signifies, despite the rejection which it experienced,
an important stage in the history of this war. In contrast
te the first two and a half war years, the question of peace
hag from that moment been the centre of European, aye, of
world, discussion, and dominates it in ever-increasing
measure.

Almost all the belligerent States have in turn again and
again expressed themselves on the question of peace, Its
prerequisites and conditions. The line of development of
this discussion, however, has not been uniform and steady

APPENDIX.

185

The basic standpoint changed under the influence of the
military and political position, and hitherto, at any rate,
it has not led to a tangible general result that could be
utilized.

It is true that, independent of all these oscillations, it
can be stated that the distance between the conceptions of
the two sides has, on the whole, grown somewhat less; that
despite the indisputable continuance of decided and hither-
to unbridged differences, a partial turning from many of
the most extreme concrete war aims is visible and a certain
agreement upon the relative general basic principles of a
world peace manifests itself. In both camps there is un-
doubtedly observable in wide classes of the population a
growth of the will to peace and understanding. Moreover,
a comparison of the reception of the peace proposal of the
powers of the Quadruple Alliance on the part of their
opponents with the later utterances of responsible states-
men of the latter, as well as of the non-responsible but, in
a political respect, nowise uninfluential personalities, con-
firms this impression.

While, for example, the reply of the Allies to President
Wilson made demands which amounted to the dismember-
ment of Austria-Hungary, to a diminution and a deep in-
ternal transformation of the German Empire, and the de-
struction of Turkish European ownership, these demands,
the realization of which was based on the supposition of
an overwhelming victory, were later modified in many
declarations from official Entente quarters, or in part were
dropped.

Thus, in a declaration made in the British House of Com-
mons a year ago, Secretary Balfour expressly recognized
that Austria-Hungary must itself solve its internal prob-
lems, and that none could impose a Constitution upon Ger-
many from the outside. Premier Lloyd George declared at
the beginning of this year that it was not one of the Allies'
war aims to partition Austria-Hungary, to rob the Otto-
man Empire of its Turkish provinces, or to reform Ger-
many internally. It may also be considered symptomatic
that in December, 1917, Mr. Balfour categorically repudiated
the assumption that British policy had ever engaged itself
for the creation of an independent State out of the territor-
ies on the left bank of the Rhine.

The Central Powers leave it in no doubt that they are
only waging a war of defense for the integrity and the se-
curity of their territories.

Far more outspoken than in the domain of concrete war
aims has the rapprochement of conceptions proceeded re-
garding those guiding lines upon the basis of which peace
shall be concluded and the future order of Europe and the
world built up. In this direction President Wilson in his
speeches of February 12 and July 4 of this year has formu-
lated principles which have not encountered contradiction
on the part of his allies, and the far-reaching application
of which is likely to meet with no objection on the part of
the powers of the Quadruple Alliance also, presupposing
that this application is general and reconcilable with the
vital interests of the States concerned.

It is true, it must be remembered, that an agreement on
general principles is insufficient, but that there remains the
further matter of reaching an accord upon their interpreta-
tion and their application to individual concrete war and
peace questions.

To an unprejudiced observer there can be no doubt that
In all the belligerent States, without exception, the desire
for a peace of understanding has been enormously strength-
ened ; that the conviction is increasingly spreading that the
further continuance of the bloody struggle must transform

Kurope into ruins and into a state of exhaustion that will
mar its development for decades to come, and this without
any guarantee of thereby bringing about that decision by
arms which has been vainly striven after by both sides in
four years filled with enormous sacrifices, sufferings, and
exertions.

In what manner, however, can the way be paved for an
understanding, and an understanding finally attained? la
there any serious prospect whatever of reaching this aim by
continuing the discussion of the peace problem in the way
hitherto followed?

We have not the courage to answer the latter question
in the affirmative. The discussion from one public tribune
to another, as has hitherto taken place between statesmen
of the various countries, was really only a series of mono-
logues. It lacked, above everything, directness. Speech
and counter-speech did not fit into each other. The speak-
ers spoke over one another's heads.

On the other hand, it was the publicity and the ground
of these discussions which robbed them of the possibility of
fruitful progress. In all public statements of this nature
a form of eloquence is used which reckons with the effect
at great distances and on the masses. Consciously or un-
consciously, however, one thereby increases the distance of
the opponents' conception, produces misunderstandings
which take root and are not removed, and makes the frank
exchange of ideas more difficult. Every pronouncement of
leading statesmen is, directly after its delivery and before
the authoritative quarters of the opposite side can reply to
it, made the subject of passionate or exaggerated discussion
of irresponsible elements.

But anxiety lest they should endanger the interests of
their arms by unfavorably influencing feeling at home, and
lest they prematurely betray their own ultimate intentions,
also causes the responsible statesmen themselves to strike
a higher tone and stubbornly to adhere to extreme stand-
points.

If, therefore, an attempt is made to see whether the basic
exists for an understanding calculated to deliver Europe
from the catastrophe of the suicidal continuation of the
struggle, then, in any case, another method should be chosen
which renders possible a direct, verbal discussion between
the representatives of the Governments, and only between
them. The opposing conceptions of individual belligerent
States would likewise have to form the subject of such a
discussion, for mutual enlightenment, as well as the gen-
eral principles that shall serve as the basis for peace and
the future relations of the States to one another, and re-
garding which, in the first place, an accord can be sought
with a prospect of success.

As soon as an agreement were reached on the fundamen-
tal principles, an attempt would have to be made in the
course of the discussions concretely to apply them to indi-
vidual peace questions, and thereby bring about their solu-
tion.

We venture to hope that there will be no objection on the
part of any belligerents to such an exchange of views. The
war activities would experience no interruption. The dis-
cussions, too, would only go so far as was considered by the
participants to offer a prospect of success. No disadvan-
tages would arise therefrom for the States represented.
Far from harming, such an exchange of views could only be
useful to the cause of peace.

What did not succeed the first time can be repeated, and
perhaps it has already at least contributed to the clarifica-
tion of views. Mountains of old misunderstandings might

186

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

be removed and many new things perceived. Streams of
pent-up human kindness would be released, in the warmth
of which everything essential would remain, and, on the
other hand, much that is antagonistic, to which excessive
importance is still attributed, would disappear.

According to our conviction, all the belligerents jointly
owe to humanity to examine whether now, after so many
years of a costly but undecided struggle, the entire course
of which points to an understanding, it is possible to make
an end to the terrible grapple.

The Royal and Imperial Government would like, there-
fore, to propose to the Government of all the belligerent
States to send delegates to a confidential and unbinding dis-
cussion on the basic principles for the conclusion of peace,
in a place in a neutral country and at a near date that
would yet have to be agreed upon — delegates who were
charged to make known to one another the conception of
their Governments regarding those principles and to re-
ceive analogous communications, as well as to request and
give frank and candid explanations on all those points
which need to be precisely denned.

PRESIDENT WILSON'S REPLY TO AUSTBIA, SEPTEMBEB
16, 1918.

The official communication from Austria-Hungary was
handed to Secretary of State Lansing in Washington at 6.20
o'clock, September 16; at 6.45 o'clock the following abbre-
viated reply of the United States Government was made
public by the Secretary of State:

I am authorized by the President to state that the follow-
ing will be the reply of this Government to the Austro-
Hungarian note proposing an unofficial conference of bel-
ligerents :

" The Government of the United States feels that
there is only one reply which it can make to the sug-
gestion of the Imperial Austro-Hungarian Govern-
ment. It has repeatedly and with entire candor stated
the terms upon which the United States would con-
sider peace and can and will entertain no proposal
for a conference upon a matter concerning which it
has made its position and purpose so plain."

GEBMANY'S PEACE PROPOSAL, OCTOBER 6, 1918.

The German Government requests the President of the
United States to take in hand the restoration of peace, ac-
quaint all the belligerent States of this request and invite
them to send plenipotentiaries for the purpose of opening
negotiations.

It accepts the program set forth by the President of the
United States in his message to Congress on January 8 and
in his later pronouncement, especially his speech of Septem-
ber 27, as a basis for peace negotiations.

With a view to avoiding further bloodshed, the German
Government requests the immediate conclusion of an armis-
tice on land and water and in the air.

PRESIDENT WILSON'S REPLY TO GERMANY, OCTOBEB 8, 1918.

I have the honor to acknowledge on behalf of the
President your note of October 6, inclosing a com-
munication from the German Government to the
President, and I am instructed by the President to
request you to make the following communication to
the Imperial German Chancellor:

Before making reply to the request of the Imper-
ial German Government, and in order that that reply

shall be as candid and straightforward as the momen-
tous interests involved require, the President- of the
United States deems it necessary to assure himself
of the exact meaning of the note of the Imperial
Chancellor. Does the Imperial Chancellor mean
that the Imperial German Government accepts the
terms laid down by the President in his address to
the Congress of the United States on the 8th of Jan-
uary last, and in subsequent addresses, and that its
object in entering into discussion would be only to
agree upon the practical details of their application?

The President feels bound to say with regard to
the suggestion of an armistice that he would not feel
at liberty to propose a cessation of arms to the Gov-
ernments with which the Government of the United
States is associated against the Central Powers so
long as the armies of those Powers are upon their
soil.

The good faith of any discussion manifestly would
depend upon the consent of the Central Powers im-
mediately to withdraw their forces everywhere from
invaded territory.

The President also feels that he is justified in ask-
ing whether the Imperial Chancellor is speaking
merely for the constituted authority of the empire
who so far conducted the war. He deems the answer
to these questions vital from every point of view.

UOBERT LANSING.

GEBMANY'S REPLY OF OCTOBER 12, 1918.

In reply to the question of the President of the United
States of America the German Government hereby declares:

The German Government has accepted the terms laid
down by President Wilson in his address of January the
8th, and in his subsequent addresses on the foundation of a
permanent peace of justice.

Consequently its object in entering into discussions would
be only to agree upon practical details of the application
of these terms.

The German Government believes that the governments
of the Powers associated with the Government of the
United States also take the position taken by President Wil-
son in his address.

The German Government in accordance with the Austro-
Hungarian Government, for the purpose of bringing about
an armistice, declares itself ready to comply with the pro-
positions of the President in regard to evacuation.

The German Government suggests that the President may
occasion the meeting of a mixed commission for making the
necessary arrangements concerning the evacuation.

The present German Government, which has undertaken
the responsibility for this step towards peace, has been
formed by conferences and in agreement with the great ma-
jority of the Reichstag.

The Chancellor, supported in all of his actions by the will
of this majority, speaks in the name of the German Gov-
ernment and of the German people. SOLF.

State Secretary of Foreign Office.
Berlin, October 12, 1918.

PBESIDENT WILSON'S NOTE OF OCTOBER 14, 1918.

Washington, October 14, 1918.
SIR: — In reply to the communication of the Ger-
man Government dated the 12th instant, which you

APPENDIX.

187

handed me to-day, I have the honor to request you to
transmit the following answer:

The unqualified acceptance by the present' German
Government and by a large majority of the Reichstag
of the terms laid down by the President of the United
States of America in his address to the Congress of
the United States on the 8th of January, 1918, and
in his subsequent addresses, justifies the President in
making a frank and direct statement of his decision
with regard to the communications of the German
Government of the 8th and 12th of October, 1918.

It must be clearly understood that the process of
evacuation and the conditions of an armistice are mat-
ters which must be left to the judgment and advice of
the military advisers of the Government of the United
States ^and the Allied Governments, and the President
feels it his duty to say that no arrangement can be
accepted by the Government of the United States
which does not provide absolutely satisfactory safe-
guards and guarantees of the maintenance of the
present military supremacy of the armies of the
United States and the Allies in the field.

He feels confident that he can safely assume that
this will also be the judgment and decision of the Al-
lied Governments.

The President feels that it is also his duty to add
that neither the Government of the United States nor,
he is quite sure, the Governments with which the Gov-
ernment of the United States is associated as a bel-
ligerent, will consent to consider an armistice so long
as the armed forces of Germany continue the illegal
and inhumane practices which they still persist in.

At the very time that the German Government ap-
proaches the Government of the United States with
proposals of peace, its submarines are engaged in
sinking passenger ships at sea, and not the ships
alone, but the very boats in which their passengers
and crews seek to make their way to safety; and in
their present enforced withdrawal from Flanders and
France the German armies are pursuing a course of
wanton destruction which has always been regarded
as in direct violation of the rules and practices of civ-
ilized warfare. Cities and villages, if not destroyed,
are being stripped of all they contain not only but
often of their very inhabitants.

The Nations associated against Germany cannot
be expected to agree to a cessation of arms while acts
of inhumanity, spoliation and desolation are being
continued, which they justly look upon with horror
and with burning hearts.

It is necessary, also, in order that there may be no
possibility of misunderstanding, that the President
should very solemnly call the attention of the Govern-
ment of Germany to the language and plain intent of
one of the terms of peace which the German Govern-
ment has now accepted. It is contained in the ad-
dress of the President delivered at Mount Vernon on
the Fourth of July last.

It is as follows: The destruction of every arbitrary
power anywhere that can separately, secretly and of
its single choice disturb the peace of the world; or,

if it cannot be presently destroyed, at least its reduc-
tion to virtual impotency.

The power which has hitherto controlled the Ger-
man nation is of the sort here described. It is within
the choice of the German nation to alter it. The
President's words just quoted naturally constitute a
condition precedent to peace, if peace is to come by
the action of the German people themselves.

The President feels bound to say that the whole
process of peace will, in his judgment, depend upon
the definiteness and the satisfactory character of the
guarantees which can be given in this fundamental
matter. It is indispensable that the Governments as-
sociated against Germany should know beyond a per-
adventure with whom they are dealing.

The President will make a separate reply to the
Royal and Imperial Government of Austria-Hungary.

Accept, sir, the renewed assurances of my high con-
sideration.

(Signed) ROBERT LANSING.
Mr. Frederick Oederlin,

Charge d'Affaires, ad interim, in charge of Ger-
man interests in the United States.

ADSTBIA'S PROPOSAL or OCTOBER 7, 1918.
The Austro-Hungary monarchy, which has waged war
always and solely as a defensive war, and repeatedly given
documentary evidence of its readiness to stop the shedding
of blood and arrive at a just and honorable peace, hereby
addresses itself to his lordship, the President of the United
States of America, and offers to conclude with him and his
Allies an armistice on every front on land, at sea and in
the air, and to enter immediately upon negotiations toward
a peace for which the fourteen points in the message of
President Wilson to Congress of January 8, 1918, and the
four points contained in President Wilson's address on Feb-
ruary 12, 1018, serve as the foundation and in which the
viewpoints declared by President Wilson in his address of
September 27, 1918, will also be taken into account.

[The expression " his lordship " In the Austrian note, referring to
the President of the United States, is apparently a faulty translation
of some Austrian courtesy title for which there may be no exact equin-
lent in English.]

PRESIDENT WILSON'S REPLY TO AUSTRIA, OCTOBER
19, 1918.

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
note of the seventh instant in which you transmit a
communication of the Imperial and Royal Govern-
ment of Austria-Hungary to the President. I am now
instructed by the President to request you to be good
enough through your government to convey to the Im-
perial and Royal Government the following reply:

The President deems it his duty to say to the
Austro-Hungarian Government that he cannot enter-
tain the present suggestions of that Government be-
cause of certain events of utmost importance which,
occurring since the delivery of his address of the 8th
of January last, have necessarily altered the attitude
and responsibility of the Government of the United
States. Among the fourteen terms of peace which
the President formulated at that time occurred the
following:

" X. The peoples of Austro-Hungary, whose place

188

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and
assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity of
autonomous development."

Since that sentence was written and uttered to the
congress of the United States the Government of the
United States has recognized that a state of bel-
ligerency exists between the Czecho-Slovaks and the
German and Austro-Hungarian Empires and that the
Czecho-Slovak national council is a de facto belliger-
ent government clothed with proper authority to di-
rect the military and political affairs of the Czecho-
slovaks.

It has also recognized in the fullest manner the
justice of the nationalistic aspirations of the Jugo-
Slavs for freedom.

The President is, therefore, no longer at liberty to
accept the mere " autonomy " of these peoples as a
basis of peace, but is obliged to insist that they, and
not he, shall be the judges of what action on the part
of the Austro-Hungarian Government will satisfy
their aspirations and their conception of their rights
and destiny as members of the family of nations.

Accept, Sir, the renewed assurances of my highest
consideration. (Signed) ROBERT LANSING.

[Sent to the Swedish minister in Washington.]

GKBMAN THIBD NOTE, OCTOBEB 20, 1918.

Translation issued by the German Government of its com-
munication dated October SO, 1918, transmitted to the
Secretary of State by the Charge d' Affaires of Switzer-
land on October 22, 1918.

In accepting the proposal for an evacuation of the
occupied territories the German Government has started
from the assumption that the procedure of this evacuation
and of the conditions of an armistice should be left to the
judgment of the military advisers and that the actual
standard of power on both sides in the field has to form the
basis for arrangements safeguarding and guaranteeing this
standard. The German Government suggests to the Presi-
dent to bring about an opportunity for fixing the details.
It trusts that the President of the United States will ap-
prove of no demand which would be irreconcilable with the
honor of the German people and with opening a way to a
peace of justice.

The German Government protests against the reproach
of illegal and inhuman actions made against the German
land and sea forces and thereby against the German peo-
ple. For the covering of a retreat, destructions will always
be necessary, and are, in so far, permitted by international'
law. The German troops are under the strictest instruc-
tions to spare private property and to exercise care for the
population to the best of their ability. Where transgres-
sions occur, in spite of these instructions, the guilty are
being punished.

The German Government further denies that the Ger-
man navy in sinking ships has ever purposely destroyed
lifeboats with their passengers. The German Government
proposes, with regard to all these charges, that the facts
be cleared up by neutral commissions. In order to avoid
anything that might hamper the work of peace, the German
Government has caused orders to be dispatched to all sub-
marine commanders precluding the torpedoing of passenger
ships, without, however, for technical reasons, being able to
guarantee that these orders will reach every single sub-
marine at sea before its return.

As the fundamental conditions for peace, the President
characterizes the destruction of every arbitrary power that
can separately, secretly and of its own single choice dis-
turb the peace of the world. To this the German Govern-
ment replies: Hitherto the representation of the people in
the German empire has not been endowed with an influence
on the formation of the Government. The constitution did
not provide for a concurrence of the representation of the
people in decision on peace and war. These conditions
have just now undergone a fundamental change. The new
Government has been formed in complete accord with the
wishes of the representation of the people, based on the
equal, universal, secret, direct franchise. The leaders of
the great parties of the Reichstag are members of this Gov-
ernment. In future no Government can take or continue
in office without possessing the confidence of the majority
of the Reichstag. The responsibility of the Chancellor of
the empire to the representation of the people ifl being
legally developed and safeguarded. The first act of the new
Government has been to lay before the Reichstag a bill to
alter the constitution of the empire so that the consent of
the representation of the people is required for decisions
on war and peace. The permanence of the new system is,
however, guaranteed not only by constitutional safeguards,
but also by -the unshakable determination of the German
people, whose vast majority stands behind these reforms
and demands their energetic continuance.

The question of the President, with whom he and the
Governments associated against Germany are dealing, is
therefore answered in a clear and unequivocal manner by
the statement that the offer of peace and an armistice has
come from a Government which, free from arbitrary and
irresponsible influence, is supported by the approval of the
overwhelming majority of the German people.

SOLF, State Secretary of Foreign Affairs.

Berlin, October 20, 1918.

PRESIDENT WILSON'S REPLY TO GERMANY, OCTOBER
28, 1918.

Department of State,

October 23, 1918.

SIR — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt
of your note of the 22d, transmitting a communication
under date of the 20th, from the German Government
and to advise you that the President has instructed me
to reply thereto as follows:

Having received the solemn and explicit assurance
of the German Government that it unreservedly ac-
cepts the terms of peace laid down in his address to
the Congress of the United States on the 8th of Jan-
uary, 1918, and the principles of settlement enun-
ciated in his subsequent addresses, particularly the
address of the 27th of September, and that it desires
to discuss the details of their application, and that
this wish and purpose emanate not from those who
have hitherto dictated German policy and conducted
the present war on Germany's behalf, but from min-
isters who speak for the majority of the Reichstag
and for an overwhelming majority of the German
people; and, having received also the explicit prom-
ise of the present German Government that the hu-
mane rules of civilized warfare will be observed both
on land and sea by the German armed forces, the
President of the United States feels that he cannot
decline to take up with the governments with which

APPENDIX.

189

the Government of the United States is associated
the question of an armistice.

He deems it his duty to say again, however, that
the only armistice he would feel justified in submit-
ting for consideration would be one which should
leave the United States and the Powers associated
with her in a position to enforce any arrangements
that may be entered into and to make a renewal of
hostilities on the part of Germany impossible. The
President has, therefore, transmitted his correspond-
ence with the present German authorities to the gov-
ernments with which the Government of the United
States is associated as a belligerent, with the sugges-
tion that, if those governments are disposed to effect
peace upon the terms and principles indicated, their
military advisers and the military advisers of the
United States be asked to submit to the governments
associated against Germany the necessary terms of
such an armistice as will fully protect the interests
of the peoples involved and insure to the associated
governments the unrestricted power to safeguard and
enforce the details of the peace to which the German
Government has agreed, provided they deem such an
armistice possible from the military point of view.
Should such terms of armistice be suggested, their ac-
ceptance by Germany will afford the best concrete
evidence of her unequivocal acceptance of the terms
and principles of peace from which the whole action
proceeds.

The President would deem himself lacking in can-
dor did he not point out in the frankest possible
terms the reason why extraordinary safeguards must
be demanded. Significant and important as the con-
stitutional changes seem to be which are spoken of
by the German Foreign Secretary in his note of the
20th of October, it does not appear that the principle
of a Government responsible to the German people
has yet been fully worked out or that any guarantees
either exist or are in contemplation that the altera-

tions of principle and of practice now partially agreed
upon will be permanent. Moreover, it does not ap-
pear that the heart of the present difficulty has been
reached. It may be that future wars have been
brought under the control of the German people, but
the present war has not been; and it is with the pres-
ent war that we are dealing. It is evident that the
German people have no means of commanding the
acquiescence of the military authorities of the Em-
pire in the popular will; that the power of the King
of Prussia to control the policy of the Empire is un-
impaired ; that the determining initiative still remains
with these who have hitherto been the masters of Ger-
many. Feeling that the whole peace of the world de-
pends now on plain speaking and straightforward
action, the President deems it his duty to say, with-
out any attempt to soften what may seem harsh words,
that the nations of the world do not and cannot trust
the word of those who have hitherto been the masters
of German policy, and to point out once more that in
concluding peace and attempting to undo the infinite
injuries and injustices of this war the Government of
the United States cannot deal with any but veritable
lepresentatives of the German people, who have been
assured of a genuine constitutional standing as the
real rulers of Germany. If it must deal with the mili-
tary masters and the monarchical autocrats of Ger-
many now, or if it is likely to have to deal with them
later in regard to the international obligations of the
German Empire, it must demand not peace negotia-
tions, but surrender. Nothing can be gained by leav-
ing this essential thing unsaid.

Accept, sir, the renewed assurances of my high
consideration.

ROBERT LANSING.

To Mr. Frederick Oederlin, Charge d'Affaires of
Switzerland, ad interim, in charge of German inter-
ests in the United States.

Selected Source Material Dealingwith the Economic

Aspects of the War

BY PROFESSOR WILLIAM E. LINGELBACH.

GERMAN INDUSTRY AND COMMERCE IN THE IMPERIAL
PLAN OF CONQUEST.

In a remarkable book on Economic Germany, Pro-
fessor Henri Hauser, of the University of Dijon,
discusses German industry as a factor making for
war. He points out how, in the opinion of the lead-
ers of German thought, Germany had definitively
passed from the type of the agricultural state to that
of the industrial state — a " tentacular " state. The
needs and problems of this new German state are
then set forth, among them the fact that twenty mil-
lions of the sixty-seven million inhabitants of the

Empire depend for their maintenance on foreign
harvests and foreign cattle, that raw materials, espe-
cially cotton from abroad, are essential, and that
both capital and markets are a necessity. It is plain
that the interests of the proletariat are in this mat-
ter identical with those of capital and its interests,
and Germany's aggressive war policy is therefore
much more deeply rooted in the minds of the German
people than those who are inclined to put all blame
on the Junkers and military leaders have been will-
ing to admit. The insidious trade methods and world
policy of the tentacular German state is graphically

190

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

described in the following extract from Mr. Hauser's

book:

Its first business ia to find means to develop its policy of
export. The first means adopted is the system of bounties.
As German industry is working less for the home market
than for foreign markets it is logical to sell cheap, some-
times even to sell at a loss beyond the frontier in order to
win new markets and to discourage all competition.
Thanks to the system by which the chief economic forces are
grouped in cartels, the process is easy enough. In 1902
the coke-syndicate compelled the German consumer to pay
15s. a ton while at the same time it agreed to sell large
quantities abroad at 11s. In the second half of 1900 the
iron-wire syndicate had sold abroad at 14s. per 100 kg.,
while the home price was 25s. It thus made a minus profit
on the foreign market, that is, a loss of £42,950, and on
the home market a profit of £58,850. This gave a balance
on the right side. But this time the trick was overdone,
for the result was that German iron was bought up abroad
to be re-exported to Germany at a profit. Next to the sys-
tem of bounties comes that of treaties of commerce, which
favor the importation of provisions and of laborers (Slavs,
for example), and which secure a moderate tariff for Ger-
man goods abroad. Such is the basis of the Russo-German
Treaty of 1904, the tendency of which was to make Russia
an economic colony of Germany.

In order to meet the want of iron, Germany had to con-
quer new supplies of iron ore. Peaceful conquest to begin
with. The expert adviser attached to the commissioners
of delimitation in- 1871 allowed the iron-ore strata of the
Woiivre to escape, from ignorance of their real importance
and also because he thought them inaccessible by reason of
their depth, unworkable because of their high percentage of
phosphorus. But the application of the Thomas process in
1878 converted the Briey basin into the most important
iron-field at present being worked in the world. That is
why Thyssen made his way into this region at Batilly,
Jouaville and Bouligny, under fictitious names. At the
same time he sent his divers to Dielette to search for ore
under the sea; he planted his agents in the mining and
metallurgical company at Calvados, started under some-
one else's name the company of mines and quarries at Fla-
manville, and then the powerful company of smelting and
steel-works at Caen. By these operations he gained the
double advantage of buying ore from us and selling coke
to us. With the iron of Lorraine and Normandy and the
coal of Westphalia, Germany would be the mistress of the
world.

To make sure of this supremacy it was of importance to
remove all competition and establish German industry in
the very heart of the country of her rivals. A description
was given before the war of the extraordinary control ac-
quired by German manufacturers over French works pro-
ducing chemical materials, electricity, etc. At Neuville-
Bur-Sa8ne it was the Badische Sodafabrik which, under a
French name, provided the madder-dye for the red trousers
of the French army, and possibly it even inspired the Press
campaign, conducted with the support of sentimental argu-
ments, in favor of a color which was dangerous from a mili-
tary point of view. The Parisian Aniline Dye Company
(Compagnie parisienne des couleurs d'aniline) was nothing
but a branch of Meister, Lucius and Bruning, of Hoechst.
We have been told how a Darmstadt company for produc-
ing pharmaceutical goods came and established a branch
at Montereau in order to destroy a French factory which
was there before, and how the Allgemeine Elektri-
zitatsgesellschaft got hold of Rouen, Nantes, Algiers, Oran
and Chateauroux.

The same conquests were won at Seville, Granada, Buenos
Aires, Montevideo, Mendoza, Santiago and Valparaiso,
while the other great electric company of Germany, the
Siemens-Schuckert, established itself at Creil. Turkey,
Russia, Italy and Switzerland shared the fate of France.
Some weeks ago a Swiss journal gave the following figures:
Socictd anonyms pour I'industrie de I'aluminium (Neu-
chfitel) : staff, 8 Germans, 1 Austrian, 6 Swiss; Banque dee
vhemins de fer orientaux (Zurich) : 8 Germans, 1 French-
man, 1 Belgian, 1 Austrian, 5 Swiss; Banque pour entre-
prises Mectriques (Zurich): 15 Germans, 9 Swiss; Societe
des valeurs de mttaux (Bale), 10 Germans, 5 Swiss. It is
to be noticed that the share-capital is held by Germans,
while the debentures, the moderate interest on which does
not attract the Germans, are placed in Switzerland. Thus,
as the Gazette de Lausanne summed it up, " The money of
the Swiss debenture-holder serves to support German un-
dertakings competing with Swiss manufacturers in our own
country."

A remarkable study of the same subject in Italy has been
made by M. Giovanni Preziosi in some articles which ap-
peared in 1914 in the Vita italiana all' estero, and were
collected in pamphlet form in 1915 under the significant
title, "Germany's Plan for the Conquest of Italy" (La
Germania alia conquista dell' Italia). It was indeed a
war of conquest, conducted with admirable organizing fac-
ulty. At its centre was a financial staff, constituted by the
"Banca commercials . . . italiana," which naturally is called
" Italian," just as the companies in France are called
" French " or " Parisian." This product of German finance
is described as a " Germanic octopus," the very image of the
" tentacular State " before described. Establishing itself
within the directing boards, and, by means of a system of
secret cards, employing a regular system of commercial
espionage to ruin all who resist it, it succeeded in gradu-
ally absorbing the economic energies of an entire people —
establishments of credit, shipping companies, manufactur-
ing firms; it was ev^n able to corrupt political life, over-
throw ministries and control elections. Here, as in Switzer-
land, the pseudo-Italian German banks "act as a pump
which pumps out of Italy and pumps into Germany."
Italy, which is considered a poor country, provides capital
for rich Germany.

To back up this policy of economic conquest the prestige
and the strength of the Empire must be put at the service
of the manufacturers. To make the State, as the Germans
understand it, the instrument of German expansion — this
is the meaning of what the Germans have well named the
policy of " business and power " Handels und Machtpolitik.
Nowhere is the confusion of the two ideas more clearly ex-
hibited than in the report forwarded to London in Febru-
ary, 1914, by Sir Edward Goschen, on "An Official German
Organization for Influencing the Press of Other Countries."
This important document is too little known in France,
perhaps because, outside the Blue Book, it has not appeared
in England except as an ordinary " White Paper." But how
instructive it is!

The Norddeutscher Lloyd, the Hamburg-Amerika, the
Deutsche Bank, the Disconto Gesellschaft, the A. E. G.
(Allgemeine Elektrizitatsgesellschaft ) , the Siemens-
Schuckert, Krupp, and Gruson Companies, etc., form a pri-
vate society, subsidized by the Imperial Office for Foreign
Affairs. The object of this company, in co-operation with
the Wolff Bureau, is to promote the manufacturing pres-
tige of Germany abroad. It will supply full information
gratuitously or at a low price to foreign journals in their
own language concerning Germany and favorable to Ger-
many. It will withhold the service from those who show
themselves deaf to instruction. "To reply to news meant

APPENDIX.

191

to influence opinion on Germany and to meet attacks upon
her, and to make the true situation of German industry
widely known " — such is the program. In a word, the
object is the organization of a spy-system for industry — I
use the phrase of Signer Preziosi — under the control of the
Empire. And, as is fitting in such a system, the work of
Germanizing the Press of the world will not be done by
publicists sent for the purpose: they would very soon be
burnt. In an article so naively transparent that its publi-
cation was thought inopportune and orders came from above
not to reproduce it or make any allusion to it, the Deutsche
Export Revue crudely remarked : " It is better to choose
men already connected with the various journals, who will
serve German interests without attracting BO much atten-
tion."

This fusion of Weltpolitik and business policy was pecu-
liarly dangerous for the peace of the world. If Imperial-
ism, if " the tentacular State " puts its strength at the dis-
posal of manufacturing interests, the temptation is strong
and constant to use this strength to break down any resist-
ance which stands in the way of the triumph of these in-
terests. If a crisis comes which causes a stoppage of work
(there are sometimes 100,000 unemployed in Berlin) the
neighboring nation which may be held responsible for the
crisis has reason to be on its guard. " Be my customer or
I will kill you " seems to be the motto of this industrial
system, continually revolving in its diabolical circle; al-
ways producing more in order to sell more, always selling
more in order to meet the necessities of a production al-
ways growing more intensive.

Russia is for Germany both a reservoir of labor and a
market. Should Russia in 1917 refuse to renew the disas-
trous treaty forced upon her in the unlucky days of the
Japanese war, should she put an end to the system of pass-
ports for agricultural laborers, what will become of Ger-
man capitalist agriculture, which has been more and more
industrialized and is more and more in the hands of the
banks: the farming of the great estates of Brandenburg,
Pomerania and Prussia?

France is for Germany a bank and a purveyor of min-
erals. What a temptation to dip deep into the jealously
guarded stocking and fill both hands! What a temptation,
too, to repair the blunder made in the delimitation of 1871!
Even in 1911 the Gazette du Rhin et de Westphalie put
forward the view that the iron ores of Lorraine and Luxem-
bourg ought to be under the same control as those of West-
phalia and the Saar. And I am told that the great jour-
nals of Paris, when informed of this campaign, refused to
take this " provincial journal " seriously, being blind to
the fact that it was the organ of the great manufacturers
of the Rhineland and of the Prussian staff. What a
temptation again to take the port of Cherbourg in the rear
from Dielette!

As for England, the direct competitor of Germany in all
the markets of the world, and manufacturing the same
goods, she is the enemy to be crushed. Has she not ac-
quired the habit, and has she not taught it to France, of
refusing to lend money to poor States except in return for
good orders? The time is beginning to go by when it was
possible to do German business in Turkey with French or
English gold. Germany's rivals have learnt from her the
lesson of Handels und MacMpolitik. But what is to become
of Essen, Gelsenkirchen, and all that immense industrial
city of which Westphalia consists, if Roumanians, Greeks,
Serbians order their guns and their ironclads, their rails or
their locomotives at Glasgow or at Le Creusot? Germany
thought war preferable to this economic encirclement, and
the velvet glove gave place to the mailed gauntlet.

Little by little the idea of war as necessary, of war as

almost a thing to wish for, laid hold on the industrial
classes. The proof is to be found as early as 1908 in a
popular book by Professor Paul Arndt, one of those small
shilling books which served to instruct the German mind.
All of us, even the best informed, must reproach ourselves
for not having studied or studied closely enough these
small books, which would have made the danger clear to us.
In this volume the author, after a psean to German great-
ness, begins a chapter " On the dangers of Germany's par-
ticipation in world-wide trade." He shows that this par-
ticipation increases Germany's dependence on the foreigner
and makes her vulnerable by sea as well as by land. If in-
ternational relations are disturbed there will be " many
workmen without food, and much depreciation of capital,"
and that from causes " in great measure beyond the control
of Germany " in countries which may seize the opportu-
nity to weaken Germany. And in a hypothesis which is
prophetic he describes the effects of the blockade.

But he accepts without hesitation these risks of the
World-Policy. " No doubt, if we wish to be and to re-
main a great people, a world power, we expose ourselves to
serious struggles. But this must not alarm us. There is
profound truth in the dictum that man degenerates in peace
times. The call to arms is often needed to rouse a world
benumbed with apathy and indolence. Those who can look
far and deeply into things see that warfare is often a bless-
ing to humanity." This German is a disciple of Joseph de
Maistre.

I have shown how the over-rapid industrialization of Ger-
many has led by a mechanical and fatal process to the Ger-
man war. If any doubt were felt on the part played by
economic causes in this war it would be enough to look at
the picture of German victory as imagined by the Germans
in their dreams during the last seven months. It is an
industrial victory, a forced marriage between German coal
and foreign iron, the reduction of nations into vassals who
are to play the part of perpetual customers of the German
workshops.

"The metalliferous strata of French Lorraine and Rus-
sian Poland," wrote Baron Zedlitz-Neukirch three weeks
ago, " supplement in some degree our own mining works."
If we ask the impetuous Max Harden what is to become
of martyred Belgium, he replies, in October, 1914, "Ant-
werp not against Hamburg and Bremen, but with them;
Liege, working side by side with the arms factories of
Hesse, Berlin and Suabia; Cockerill in alliance with
Krupp; Belgian and German iron, coal and textiles under
one control. . . . From Calais to Antwerp, Flanders, Lim-
bourg and Brabant, up to and beyond the line of fortresses
on the Mouse, all Prussian." The German dream is the
dream of a conquering man of business, a counting-house
romance founded on Freytag's Soil und //a hen ( " Debit and
Credit").

The war they thought would be the solution of colonial
questions. In the tragic days at the end of July, 1914,
Bethmann-Hollweg offered England to maintain the conti-
nental integrity of France (German industry would be con-
tent with the economic annexation of France), but refused
any pledge to respect French colonies, and especially North
Africa. In September they had the audacity to offer, as
the price of a desertion of which they thought us capable,
to divide with us the Belgian Congo, towards which the
treaty of 1911 had allowed them to put out two feelers.
A German used this candid language: "We have need of
France, because we cannot claim the government of the
whole non-English colonial world." At the same time they
attempted by stirring up revolt among the Boers and by
attacks on Portuguese colonies to build up a German Em-
pire in South Africa. The victory of Germany meant for

lit:.'

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

them security of iron-supply and enlarged markets; it
meant Briey, Ouenza, Casablanca, Bagdad.

The vision has faded and the building of their dreams
has crumbled away. But the dream has left its lessons for
us, which demand attention not only in the future but to-
day. Let us cherish no illusions. Germany, though con-
quered and curtailed, will not cease to exist. It is idle to
suppose, as some publicists write, that we are going to sup-
press a whole people. Even if we had the military power
to do it, policy and morality would forbid us! After our
victory there will once more be a Germany which will pa-
tiently and persistently resume its labors. The great war
will no sooner be ended than the other war, the economic
war, will begin again. If we do not wish to be crushed we
must to-day begin to prepare our mobilization for this new
war.i

GREAT BRITAIN'S OPEN DOOR POLICY.

That England was even more an industrial state
than Germany is well known. But at no time in her
history as an industrial state has there been any at-
tempt to establish a monopoly of coal, iron or other
raw materials. Instead she adopted a free trade pol-
icy which not' only opened her markets to all the
world, but made impossible any such insidious par-
ticipation by the British government in commerce as
that practiced by Germany. Men of all nations could
trade in her markets and harbors on the same footing
as her own subjects. There were no cartels, under-
selling and " dumping," with the backing of an Im-
perial Tariff manipulated by an upper group (" so-
ciety ") of unscrupulous financiers and imperialists
practically in control of the entire capital wealth of
the land. There was no mushroom growth of Welt-
polittk fused with big business to force economic
penetration at Antwerp, Milan, Zurich, Petrograd,
£tc.

THE WAR AND COMMERCE. GERMAN vs. BRITISH
METHODS.

It was to be expected, therefore, that the policy of
the two Powers with regard to the overseas supply of
food and raw materials would differ radically. The
German policy is illustrated in the infamous sub-
marine order of February 4, 1915. It reads:
GERMAN SUBMARINE ORDER.
Proclamation.

1. The waters of Great Britain and Ireland, including the
whole English Channel, are hereby declared to be war zone.
On and after the 18th of February, 1915, every enemy mer-
chant ship found in the said war zone will be destroyed
without its being always possible to avert the dangers
threatening crews and passengers on that account.

2. Even neutral ships are exposed to danger in the war
zone, as in view of the misuse of neutral flags ordered on
January 31 by the British Government and of the accidents
of naval war, it can not always be avoided to strike even
neutral ships in attacks that are directed at enemy ships.

3. Northward navigation around the Shetland Islands, in
the eastern waters of the North Sea, and in a strip of not
less than 30 miles width along the Netherlands coast, is in
no danger.

VON POHL,

CMef of the Admiral Staff of the Navy.
Berlin, February 4, 1915.

iM. Henri Hauser, Economic Germany. Translated by
P. E. Matheson. Bulletin, May-June, 1915.

Comment is unnecessary. The proclamation has
in it all the possibilities of the tragic sinking of the
Lusitania, the Sussex and other vessels, and should
be contrasted with the recognized rules of maritime
warfare in regard to neutral or belligerent ships sus-
pected of carrying contraband. The proclamation
should also be read in connection with President
Wilson's "Address on Germany's Renewal of Sub-
marine War against Merchant Ships " two years
later (page 11, above). For the extension of the sub-
marine area see subsequent submarine orders.

Great Britain replied in an Order in Council of
March 15, 1915, which is in strict conformity with
the Rules of Maritime Warfare. It reads in part:

Whereas, the German Government has issued certain
orders which in violation of the usages of war, purport to
declare the waters surrounding the United Kingdom a mili-
tary area, in which all British and allied merchant vessels
will be destroyed, irrespective of the safety of the lives of
passengers and crew, and in which neutral shipping will be
exposed to similar danger in view of the uncertainties of
naval warfare; . . .

His Majesty is therefore pleased, by and with the advice
of his Privy Council, to order and it is hereby ordered as
follows: '

1. No merchant vessel which sailed from her port of de-
parture after the first of March, 1915, shall be allowed to
proceed on her voyage to any German port.

Unless the vessel receives a pass . . .

2. No merchant vessel which sailed from any German
port after the first of March, 1915, shall be allowed to pro-
ceed on her voyage with any goods on board laden at such
port.

All goods laden at such port must be discharged in a
British or allied port. . . .

3. Every merchant vessel which sailed from her port of
departure after the first of March, 1915, on her way to a
port other than a German port, carrying goods with an
enemy destination, or -which are enemy property, may be
required to discharge such goods in a British or allied port.

4. Every merchant vessel which sailed from a port other
than a German port after the first of March, 1915, having
on board goods which are of enemy origin or are enemy
property may be required to discharge such goods in a Brit-
ish or allied port. . . .

Here, too, are found the seeds of much of the
allied policy of trade control developed to such a high
degree of efficiency later through the co-operation of
the United States. The matter of contraband trade
was taken up in subsequent Orders in Council, and
the list of contraband articles rapidly extended. The
question should be studied in connection with the
Declaration of London, February 26, 1909. The
most serious problems from the point of view of the
Allies, however, was not the direct enemy trade, but
trade with enemy destination through neutral terri-
tory. The faltering steps by which an effective
method of control over this was finally reached can-
not be illustrated here. In principle the program
rested on the right of search and of blockade. In
practice, it depended on a virtual blockade main-
tained across the North Sea from Scotland to Nor-
way, of the Channel and the Straits of Gibraltar
against all commerce with the enemy.

APPENDIX.

198

Neutral rights as they had been formulated since
the days of the Napoleonic wars were slightly in-
fringed, but these were minor ills by the side of the
ravages of the submarine. Besides, evidence of an
increasing trade witli the enemy through the neutral
ports of Holland, Sweden, Denmark and Italy soon
appeared, and Sir Edward Grey's stand before Par-
liament seemed well taken.

" There is here a trade which almost every kind of Ger-
man commerce can pass almost as easily as through the
ports of her own territory. ... If the blockade cnn only be-
come effective by extending it to the enemy commerce nass-
ing through neutral ports, such an extension is defensible."

In accordance with the suggestion more rigorous
plans to suppress the trade were adopted. Not only
were neutrals asked to report at alien ports for
examination of the cargo, but a plan was finally
evolved by which the neutral nations behind the lines
of allied trade control were induced to conduct all
their overseas trade through organizations in London
or under direct allied control.

But there continued to be a great many difficulties,
till the entry into the war by the United States with
the participation of this country in the control and
direction of overseas trade, practically all difficulties
were met. The Allies now had absolute control of
raw products, coal bunkers and coaling stations. The
vigor and promptness with which this new advan-
tage was brought into play appears in the steps taken
by this country not only against neutral trade, but
also towards its own.

THE UNITED STATES TAKES A HAND IN TRADE
CONTROL.

In October, 1917, President Wilson created the
War Trade Board, which, co-operating with the In-
terallied Chartering Executive, rapidly brought the
commerce of the world under control. The Board
was created and operates under the Espionage Act
(approved June 15, 1917). (Cp. p. 141, above.)

" To punish acts of interference with the foreign
relations, the neutrality, and the foreign commerce of
the United States to punish espionage, and better to
enforce the criminal law of the United States, and
for other purposes."

Title VII of Section 1 of the act reads:

Whenever during the present war the President shall find
that the public safety shall so require, and shall make pro-
clamation thereof, it shall be unlawful to export from or
ship or take out of the United States to any country named
in such proclamation any article or articles mentioned in
such proclamation, except at such time or times, and un-
der such regulations and orders, and subject to such limita-
tions and exceptions as the President shall prescribe, until
otherwise ordered by the President or by Congress. Pro-
vided, however, that no preference shall be given to the
ports of one State over those of another.

To carry out the policy, a system of licensing ex-
ports and imports was adopted. The first proclama-
tion was issued on July 9, 1917, and is entitled
" Proclamation Prohibiting Exports of Coal, Food

Grains, Meats, Steel, and other Products except by
License." (Cp. also the later proclamations of Feb-
ruary 14, 1918, page 176, above.)

In connection with these proclamations, the War
Trade Board issued the following statement:

" The purpose and etl'ect of these proclamations are to
subject to control by license the entire foreign commerce of
the United States, and from and after February 10, 11)18,
no commodities may be exported from this country or im-
ported into this country except under license.

The President has heretofore issued several proclamations
controlling certain exports under the provisions of Title
V 11- Hi the Espionage Act, and one proclamation control-
ling the importation of certain commodities under the pro-
visions of section 11 of the Trading with the Enemy Act.
The military situation and the tonnage situation have made
increasingly apparent the necessity of instituting a com-
plete and thoroughgoing control of all our exports and im-
ports.

The transportation of our armies to France and the main-
tenance of a continued flow of the supplies and munitions
needed to maintain them in fighting trim require the use
of every ton of shipping which can possibly be devoted to
these purposes. This demand must be met, and if it be-
comes necessary to curtail our exports or imports, these are
measures which are forced upon us by the critical tonnage
situation and the necessity of availing ourselves of every
possible means of maintaining our armies in France. The
limitation of exports is necessary also to conserve the prod-
ucts of this country for the use of our own people and the
peoples of the nations associated with us in the war; we
must dispose of this surplus in such a way as to aid, as
far as possible, those countries to the south which have al-
ways depended upon us; we must also dispose of our sur-
plus in such a way that Germany and her allies will derive
no benefit therefrom; and we must secure for ourselves in
return shipping and supplies urgently needed.

The promulgation of these two proclamations does not
mean an embargo on exports or a prohibition of imports,
but places in the hands of the President the power to reg-
ulate, which will exercise through the War Trade Board
and the Treasury Department. This power will be exercised
with the single purpose of winning the war, and every
effort will be made to avoid unnecessary interference with
our foreign trade and to impose upon our exporters and im-
porters no restrictions except those involved in the accom-
plishment of definite and necessary objects.

As heretofore, licenses for the export or import of coin,
bullion, currency, evidences of debt or of ownership of
property, and transfers of credit will be issued by the Treas-
ury Department; licenses for all other exports and imports,
including merchandise, bunkers, ships' supplies, etc., will be
issued by the War Trade Board.'

Minute regulations in regard to the licenses have
also been issued from time to time, and the list of
commodities subject to license was rapidly enlarged.
Authority for this was vested in the Board by the
Executive Order which brought it into existence.
Thus the first articles read:

I. 1 hereby establish ;, War Trade Board to be composed
of representatives, respectively, of the Secretary of State,
of the Treasury, of the Secretary of Agriculture, of the
Secretary of Commerce, of the Food Administrator and of
the United States Shipping Board.

= Rules and Regulations of the War Trade Board, No. 2,
p. 9.

194

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

II. I hereby vest in said Board the power and authority
to issue licenses under such terms and conditions as are not
inconsistent with law, or to withhold or refuse licenses, for
the exportation of all articles, except coin, bullion or cur-
rency ,3 the exportation or taking of which out of the United
States may be restricted by proclamations heretofore or
hereafter issued by me under said Title VII of the espionage
act.

III. I further hereby vest in said War Trade Board the
power and authority to issue, upon such terms and condi-
tions as are not inconsistent with law, or to withhold or
refuse, licenses for the importation of all articles the im-
portation of which may be restricted by any proclamation
hereafter issued by me under section 11 of the trading with
the enemy act.

That the War Trade Board, like all the other War
Boards created by the President, has exercised the
broad powers conferred upon it with extraordinary
boldness and efficiency, the following excerpts from
its General Rules show. Thus:

No vessel shall be allowed to clear from any port of the
United States, or any United States possession, without
having secured a license or licenses from the War Trade
Board, through its Bureau of Transportation, covering all
the bunker fuel aboard the vessel at the time of sailing
(including coal, coke, oil, kerosene, and gasoline), and port,
sea, and ship's stores and supplies. Stores and supplies
are for convenience hereafter included with bunker fuel
under the general designation of " bunkers." . . .

II. No application for bunkers by any vessel which has
disobeyed any order of the United States Navy or of the
United States Shipping Board, hereinafter called " Ship-
ping Board," shall be approved.

V. 1. No vessel shall proceed on any voyage or be char-
tered on trip or time charter without the previous consent
of the War Trade Board or the Interallied Chartering Ex-
ecutive.

V. o. No vessel shall be bought or sold without the pre-
vious approval of the United States Shipping Board, War
Trade Board or of the Interallied Chartering Executive.

V. p. No vessel shall be laid up in port without the ap-
proval of the War Trade Board or the Interallied Charter-
ing Executive.

Equally stringent and unprecedented are the regu-
lations governing neutral trade quite outside the
United States and the Allies. Thus General Rules
V. £.:

No vessel shall carry from a port outside the United
States to any European port cargo which has not been pre-
viously approved by the War Trade Board or the Interallied
Chartering Executive.

V. e. Every vessel which proceeds from or to the United
States, to or from Norway, Sweden, Denmark (including
Iceland and the Faroe Islands), Holland, Spain, or to or
from any neutral port in the Mediterranean Sea, shall call
for examination as may be directed by the War Trade
Board.*

CONTROL AND MOBILIZATION OF INDUSTRY.
This rigorous trade control represents one phase,
a very important phase, of the economic warfare

> On the problem of coin and bullion, see proclamation of
September 7, 1917, p. 172, above.

« War Trade Board Journal, No. V. The general policies
of the War Trade Board are set forth in its first annual
report published in its official organ, the War Trade Board
Journal, No. VII, pp. 15-16.

waged by the Allies against the Central Powers.
Quite as complete has been the control and mobiliza-
tion of industry and transportation. Immediately
upon her entry into the war Great Britain took over
the control and direction of her railroads. She en-
tered the markets of the world as a buyer of raw
sugar, grain, cotton, rubber and other necessities.
When difficulties over the beef situation developed
and the price began to soar, the government, through
the president of the Board of Trade, commandeered
the ships with refrigerating space, whereupon the
packers were obliged to negotiate on even terms.

With the example of the Allies before her, the
United States advanced with phenomenal rapidity in
matters of governmental control.

A typical phase of the process is illustrated by the
action of the government in the matter of food. This
is clearly brought out by the United States statute of
August 10, 1917, entitled an Act authorising Con-
trol of Food and Coal (cp., p. 145, above), and the
President's proclamation " Calling for a Reduction
of Consumption of Wheat and Meat," January 18,
1918 (p. -T75, above). Essential industries, like ship-
building, the railroads, express companies, the tele-
graph and telephone lines, labor employment, etc.,
were one after another taken over. On the subject of
the railroads compare the Act to Authorise Control of
Transportation (p. 164, above) and the President's
proclamation "Announcing the Taking Over of Rail-
roads," December 26, 1917 (p. 174, above).

On the mobilizing of American labor and the effort
at solving the labor problem, compare the President's
proclamation " Concerning the National War Labor
Board" (p. 177) and the following interesting let-
ter from the Secretary of Labor:

To THE THIRTY-FIVE THOUSAND FOUR MINUTE MEN :

America's man power is needed to its utmost. We can-
not afford to waste another ounce of energy.

Hence the Government's program to mobilize American
industry; to induce employers to get their help and em-
ployees to get their jobs through a central governmental
agency — the United States Employment Service of the De-
partment of Labor.

This sweeping plan is a war measure. It is necessary,
urgent. If you want America to win, then support the pro-
gram with full zeal. Co-operation of industry is to-day
necessary.

Furthermore, this step marks, in indirect ways, a stride
forward in the relations of man to man. We are laying
new foundation stones for democracy.

Feeling the vital need of explaining the plan to the
American people, I have asked and secured the services of
the Four Minute Men. I have seen the remarkable results
you have accomplished for other departments of the Gov-
ernment. I realize the effectiveness of the simultaneous
messages delivered by this great army of earnest speakers.

When you now take up the question of labor, explaining
to all men who work, whether they work with a shovel, or
at the lathe, or in the office, the need of co-operation at this
time, I feel that you are delivering a message second to
none in immediate and in permanent importance.

Cordially yours,

W. B. WILSON.

APPENDIX.

1 <->:.

PROBLEMS OF RECONSTRUCTION.

It merits attention not only because of the evi-
dence of the extension of government control, and of
at least one of the' many ways it developed to edu-
cate the American people as to its aims and policies in
the conduct of the war, but also because of the deep-
seated social problems it suggests. How significant
the latter will be in the great task of reconstruction
after the war is already apparent from many signs and
events. To the problem of the adjustment of labor has
been added the enormous question of millions of
women workers; to the questions of social or private
control and ownership, the hard facts of the sweeping
extension of the former under war conditions, while
Bolshcvikism has added itself to the phases of social
and political anarchy. In view of this, the main
points of the proposed program for the British Labor
Party, which has received wide circulation, may be
quoted in part as expressing the ideas on reconstruc-
tion of many Laborites and Socialists. It says:

What we now promulgate as our policy, whether for op-
position or for office, is not merely this or that specific re-
form, but a deliberately thought out, systematic, and com-
prehensive plan for the immediate social rebuilding which
any ministry, whether or not it desires to grapple with the
problem, will be driven to undertake. The four pillars of
the house that we propose to erect, resting upon a common
foundation of the democratic control of society in all its
activities, may be termed:

(a) The Universal Enforcement of the National Mini-
mum;

(b) The Democratic Control of Industry;

(d) The Surplus Wealth for the Common Good.

BRITISH AND AMERICAN GOVERNMENT AGENCIES FOR
ECONOMIC MOBILIZATION.

The extraordinary role played in this war by the
economic life of the belligerent nations and the de-
termined steps by all to mobilize agriculture, indus-
try, commerce, and labor (both of men and women),
not to speak of education for war ends, is graphically
illustrated by the following diagrams showing the new
departments created by Great Britain and the United
States to meet this need.

It is a matter of considerable interest to the stu-
dent of comparative government to note how differ-
ently the machinery of government has been adapted
to the great economic needs of the war. In Great
Britain the Cabinet has been expanded by the crea-
tion of new cabinet posts, the incumbents of which
become regular members of that body. With us, on
the contrary, the new posts have been established in
connection with one or other of the Cabinet secre-
taryships already in existence, and their work is car-
ried under the direction of the members of the Presi-
dent's Cabinet. In making this comparison, how-
ever, the fact that there is in Great Britain a very
powerful Inner War Cabinet, would indicate that in
England the development has gone in both direc-
tions. In both cases the willingness of democracies
to confer almost unlimited power on their great lead-
ers is altogether unprecedented, a point to be kept
in mind in the study of the Overman Bill of May 20,

1918, An Act authorising the President to co-ordi-
nate or consolidate executive bureaus, agencies, and
offices, and for other purposes, in the interest of
tconomy, and the more efficient concentration of the
yovernment (Cp., p. 168, above).

ENEMY AND UNITED STATES WAR AIMS CONTRASTED.

Finally, it is worth while to place side by side with
the utterances of the President upon War Aims and
Peace Terms in his memorable addresses on the sub-
ject (Cp., pp. 9 and 20, above) some of the expres-
sions made by the leaders of the enemy and of the
economic exactions wrested from Russia and Rou-
mania. Contrast, for example, President Wilson's
championship of the cause of small nationalities and
the eloquent plea for little Belgium with the ruthless
confession of materialism and the gospel of power
revealed in the testament of von Bissing, Governor
General at Belgium, during the first years of the war:

It is, therefore, absolutely necessary to prevent Belgian
industry from serving the armament policy of our enemies.
The advantages which we have been able during the present
war to obtain from Belgian industry, by the removal of
machinery and so on, are as important as the disadvan-
tages which our enemies have suffered through lack of this
addition to their fighting strength. . . .

No, our frontier — in the interest also of our sea power —
must be pushed to the sea.

The immediate importance of the Belgian industrial dis-
tricts for our conduct of the war by no means exhausts the
subject. The war of weapons will in the future be accom-
panied by a harder economic war than is the case to-day.
Without coal what would have become of our policy of in-
dustrial exchange, not only with Holland, but also with far
distant northern countries? The annual Belgian produc-
tion of 23,000,000 tons of coal has given us a monopoly on
the cbntinent, which has helped to maintain our vital-
ity

Just as was the case before the war, a neutral Belgium,
or an independent Belgium, based upon treaties of a differ-
ent kind, will succumb to the disastrous influence of Eng-
land and France, and to the effort of America to exploit
Belgian resources. Against all this our only weapon is the
policy of power, and this policy must see to it that the Bel-
gian population, now still hostile to us, shall adapt itself
and subordinate itself, if only gradually, to German domi-
nation. It is also necessary that, by a peace which will
secure the linking up of Belgium with Germany, we shall
be able to give the necessary protection to the Germans
who have settled in the country. This protection will be of
quite special importance to us for the future battle of the
world markets. In the same way it is only by complete
domination of Belgium that we can utilize for German in-
terests the capital created by Belgian savings and the Bel-
gian companies which already exist in large numbers in
the countries of our enemies. We must keep under our
control the considerable Belgian accumulations of capital
in Turkey, the Balkans and China. . . .

It is true that we must protect the Flemish movement,
but never must we lend a hand to make the Flemings com-
pletely independent. . . .

Belgium must be seized and held, as it now is, and as it
must be in the future. . . .

If only on account of the necessary bases for our fleet,
and in order not to cut off Antwerp from the Belgian trade
area, it is necessary to have the adjacent hinterland.

Were these the words of an isolated extremist,
they would have no place in this collection. That

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

LIBRARY Of f°
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THIS CHART INDICATES THE RELATIONS AND ORGANIZATION EXISTING WITHIN THE VARIOUS DIVISIONS OF THE

FEDERAL EXECUTIVE

COMPILED TOR THE
COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC INFORMATION
BY WALTER I. SWANTON
WASHINGTON, D C.

APPENDIX.

197

CHART SHOWING

The Administrative Organization of the British Government and
Its Development during the War

MEMBERS OF SUPREME wm COUNCIL

This Chart shows the formation of the Government during 1917, with the War Cabinet sitting as a permanent
body, the Imperial Cabinet meeting periodically, and the Ministers with Portfolio.

-Ministers with Portfolio previous to 1914
Ministers with Portfolio created since 1914

198

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

they are not can be readily ascertained by compar-
ing von Bissing's ideas with the utterances of the
Pan-German group both before the war and since,
and with the statements of her men in power from
Bethmann-Hollweg's " Scrap of Paper " to Kuehl-
inann's latest idea that " Belgium must be held as a
pawn."
ECONOMIC EXACTIONS FROM RUSSIA AND ROUMANIA.

Such, then, are the peace purposes of Germany,
both expressed and actually imposed upon those
states over which she has been temporarily victor-
ious. They cannot be too often contrasted with
those of the United States as formulated by Presi-
dent Wilson in the proclamation referred to above.

Russia and Roumania have been forced to conclude
peace on terms that leave no room for doubt as to
Germany's determination to exploit the economic
possibilities of her conquests to the utmost limit. The
main supplementary treaty of Brest-Litovsk between
the Central Powers and the Bolsheviki throws a lurid
light on this lust for conquest. Article I practically
provides for the absorption of Esthonia and Livonia,
for after establishing the eastern frontier of these
provinces, it says:

" Germany will evacuate without delay the territory oc-
cupied by her to the east of the frontier."

The evacuation of other Bolshevist territory was to
take place gradually in proportion as the Bolsheviki
paid the installments on the indemnity of 6,000,000,-
000 marks.

Article III says:

"Germany will even before the conclusion of a general
peace evacuate the territory occupied by her to the east of
the Beresina according to the measure of cash payments
which Russia has to make; the further provisions about
this, and especially the determination of the various sectors
to be evacuated, are left to the demarcation commission.
The contracting parties will make further agreements con-
cerning evacuation, before the conclusion of a general peace,
of the occupied territory to the east of the Beresina, ac-
cording to the measure of cash payments which Russia has
to make; the further povisions about this, and especially
the determination of the various sectors to be evacuated,
are left to the demarcation commission. The contracting
parties will make further agreements concerning evacua-
tion, before the conclusion of a general peace, of the occu-
pied territory to the west of the Beresina, according to
the measure of the fulfillment of the other [sic] finan-
cial [arrangements] of one billion marks in value. A
further sum of two and a half billion marks the Bolshevists
were to issue as a loan at six per cent, and secured by spe-
cial State revenues, especially by the revenue from " certain
economic concessions which are to be granted the Germans."

A further billion marks was to be wrung from the
Ukraine and Finland through the Bolsheviki, and if this
was impossible some other arrangement with the latter.

Article XIV makes a German enclave of Baku, the great
petroleum center of Russia, and provides that at least a
quarter of the production be for Germany .»

The articles dealing with economic matters in the

» These excerpts from the Brest-Litovsk Treaty are quoted
in the London Times, Saturday, September 14, IP 18, and
based, so the article says, upon the published text of the
treaties in the German press.

Roumanian treaty and the treaty with the Ukraine
show the same disposition at distraint and levy.

Among the economic problems in the establish-
ment of an enduring peace, the distribution of Eu-
rope's coal and iron and the control of raw materials
generally will be of the utmost importance. The
semi-official Vossische Zeitung and other journals in
commenting on the creation of the new ministry called
the " Imperial Department of Economics," lay great
stress on this phase of its functions. They say in
substance :

" Economic reconstruction after the war can be effected
only by the rapid acquisition by Germany of all essential
raw materials. Access to the raw materials of the world
is, therefore, the first and most determined aim of the pres-
ent reconstruction preparations. The grouping amalgama-
tion and consolidation of the greater industries under a
central control and the foundation of import and export
companies are being undertaken in order to speed up and
facilitate the buying and selling of raw materials, and ulti-
mately to provide an organization for mass — and whenever
possible — standardized production."

Does this mean that the trade methods described
by Professor Hauser are to be revived and intensi-
fied? The nationalistic economic philosophy preached
by German economists from List to Wagner that war
is a by-product of economic rivalry, not between in-
dividuals, but between sovereign social -groups, is ap-
parently still dominant in the minds of the leaders
of Germany.

In view of this it is of interest to learn from Sir
Robert Cecil that the economic conference of Paris
between eight powers has been expanded into an al-
liance of twenty-four allied nations, the great and
primary object of which is no longer some narrow
defensive alliance, but the determination and laying
down of the economic principles of the Association of
Nations which is already in existence.8

Similarly President Wilson's statement in his an-
nual address before Congress on December 4, 1917,
in which he says:

" If the German people continue to be obliged to live un-
der ambitious and intriguing masters interested in disturb-
ing the peace of the world, men or classes of men whom the
other peoples of the world could not trust, it might be im-
possible to admit them to the partnership of nations which
henceforth must guarantee the world's peace ... or to free
economic intercourse. . . . " 1

On the other hand, it should not be overlooked that
President Wilson has been consistently opposed to a
peace involving the necessity of a continuation of the
war in an economic form. Thus in the same address
he says:

" You catch with me the voices of humanity that are in
the air. . . . They insist that the war shall not end in vin-
dictive action of any kind; that no nations or peoples shall
be robbed or punished because the irresponsible rulers of a
single country have themselves done deep wrong. . . . The
wrongs, the very deep wrongs committed in this war will
have to be righted. That, of course. But they cannot be
righted by the commission of similar wrongs against Ger-
many and her allies."

• Statement by Sir Robert Cecil of July 14 as reported in
the public press.

» President Wilson's Annual Message, December 4, 1917.

APPENDIX.

199

Effect of the War on the Supply of Labor and Capital

BY PROFESSOR ERNEST L. BOGART, UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS.

Such a subject as this is of course largely one of
prediction. The problem is to determine, on the
basis of known facts, what may reasonably be ex-
pected to happen on the return of peace. But by
limiting the inquiry to the larger aspects of two
phases only of the vast problem of economic readjust-
ment after the war, it is possible to draw a few con-
clusions.

1. Population and the labor supply. During the
nineteenth century the population of Europe doubled,
the rate of growth being somewhat more rapid in
Russia and Germany, which trebled their population,
while France lagged behind the other countries with
only a thirty-five per cent, increase. The war has
now stopped this population growth, and has substi-
tuted for it the destruction of human life. If the
war lasts five years, we shall be safe in estimating the
loss of human life, on the basis of known fatalities,
at 25,000,000. This is the direct war loss. In ad-
dition we must calculate the deaths of children and
old people from ill-treatment, malnutrition, and ex-
posure. It is stated, for instance, that not a child
born in Poland since the outbreak of the war has sur-
vived; there has been a grave increase in tuberculosis
and other pulmonary diseases, and in dysentery,
typhoid, and cholera in most of the belligerent coun-
tries. Europe will emerge from the war with a seri-
ous loss of population and a shortage of the labor
supply.

Not only will there be an actual shortage in num-
bers, but a curious distortion in the existing labor
force will have taken place. There have been more
women than men in Europe for many years, owing to
emigration. In 1910-1911 the excess of females in
the seven leading belligerent countries in Europe was
S.GOOjOOO.1 Add to this the estimated war loss of
25,000,000 men, and an excess of women in Europe
by some 80,000,000 will be created.

In the United States the situation has always been
the opposite of that prevailing in Europe. It has al-
ways been the land of opportunity, to which has been
attracted a steady stream of immigrants, especially
of men in the productive ages between 15 and 45
years. During the past hundred years the net addi-
tion to our population, through immigration, has been
over 30,000,000. In 1910 there was an excess of
males in this country of 2,692,000, or about six per
cent.2 This disproportion will be reduced somewhat
by the loss of American soldiers and by the return
to their homes in Europe of many men of alien birth.
But even after these allowances have been made, there
will still be more men than women in the United
States after the war. •

1 W. S. Roasiter, in American Economic Review, March,
1917, page 107.
• Thirteenth Census of the United States (1910), I, 247.

What effect will the war have upon immigration
from Europe to the United States? Will it return
to the same channels as before the war?

There will be two sets of counteracting forces at
work. The countries of Europe will need to repair
the wastes and losses of war, and there will be a great
demand for labor. At the same time the labor force
will be smaller. Under such circumstances one
would expect wages to be high. And they undoubt-
edly will be higher than before the war, though the
disbandment of the armies may lead to their tem-
porary depression at first. On the other hand, the
debts of the belligerent countries will be enormous
and taxation will be heavy, while prices will remain
high for a long time owing to the universal inflation
of the currency. There will thus be many induce-
ments to emigration from Europe. This will be es-
pecially true of the agricultural sections of eastern
Europe, Russia, and southern Italy, where there will
be no such industrial expansion as will occur in
western Europe and where conditions will probably
be hardest.

In the United States a period of prosperity may
be expected after the war. Wages will be higher and
taxes lower than in Europe. Immigration will con-
sequently be renewed to this country. But it will
differ in some respects from the pre-war immigration.
There will probably be more women relatively than
men. The inequality in this respect between the Old
World and the New, enormously heightened by the
war, will be in part corrected. The new immigration
will, moreover, be subjected to a sifting process
which has never been applied before by virtue of
the Jaw providing for an educational qualification,
passed over the President's veto in February, 1917,
and since almost forgotten because of the changed
conditions. This will keep out some of the elements
which previously made up a large proportion of our
immigration.

How will the labor situation in the United States
be affected? One change has already occurred, and
is now working itself out. This is the great increase
in the number of women employed. These will be
exposed to a double competition after the war — of
immigrants from Europe, especially women; and of
men returning from the armies. The former will
compete most severely in lines of domestic service,
where the present shortage will probably be changed
to one of over-supply, and to a lesser extent in the
textile and clothing industries.* The struggle be-
tween the men and women will be for the positions
in the manufacturing and mechanical industries and
in trades which were formerly held by men and hare
now been invaded by women. It may be that the in-

» Cf., Statistics of Occupations. Thirteenth Census of the
United States (1910), pages 313, 421, 431.

200

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

dustrial expansion will be so great that all will be
needed to do the work of our factories and work-
shops, especially in view of the smaller immigration
and losses among our own men. In any case read-
justments are bound to occur which will influence our
whole social development. There is indeed little
likelihood that women will wish, or be able, to keep
their positions in emergency lines, as conductors on
the surface cars, but there will undoubtedly remain
as a permanent heritage of the changes introduced
by the war not only an increase in the number of
women engaged in gainful occupations, but an in-
crease in the variety of occupations opened to women.

Not only will the composition of the labor force be
affected, but the position of labor will be altered.
One of the first effects of the war has been a great
increase in the demand for labor and a rise in wages,
especially among the skilled workers in the mechani-
cal trades. The advantages thus obtained will not
easily be relinquished after the war. There has also
been a growth in the power of labor organizations,
and a larger influence in shop management. To be
sure, the government has insisted upon the open shop,
but labor will be better organized after the war than
before it, and will undoubtedly use its power to obtain
and hold gains along many lines.

Many improvements have already been made in the
conditions of labor in order to attract the necessary
workers. In order to insure an adequate supply as
well as to protect the unskilled and unorganized
laborers from exploitation, the government and pri-
vate firms have extended, on a hitherto unknown
scale, improved housing, welfare supervision, and
betterment work along many lines. More care is be-
ing taken of the health and morals of the workers by
direct administrative action and supervision. This
movement will undoubtedly persist after the war, and
probably be enlarged.

2. Capital. By capital or capital goods must be
understood the fixed forms in which capital appears
— railways, ships, factories, houses, machinery, stores
of goods, farm animals and food supplies. A good
deal of this existing capital has been destroyed dur-
ing the war, notably in the case of ships, but prob-
ably not so much as has been supposed. The actual
destruction is limited to the area of military and
naval operations, where ships have been sunk, houses
have been burned or demolished, trees cut down, land
upturned, cattle killed, and all sorts of improvements
destroyed, like roads, railways, telegraph and tele-
phone systems, etc. It is impossible to say how much
this has amounted to. About a year ago the loss of
public and private property was estimated at
$6,000,000,000.* The additional destruction since
that time would probably bring this figure up to be-
tween nine and ten billion dollars. If to this there is
added the loss of ships, amounting to not less than
$2,500,000,000, the total may be estimated at the end
of four years of war at about $12,000,000,000.

« World?! Work, April, 1017, page 588.

The losses in capital have not been confined to the
outright destruction of ships and other instruments
of production. There has also been a steady de-
terioration of the plant by means of which production
is carried on. The normal additions to the national
industrial plant, except for war purposes, have been
stopped; that is, no more houses, factories, railways,
roads, public buildings, etc., are being constructed for
usual purposes. These items have almost absolutely
disappeared from the budgets of the belligerent coun-
tries, as England, France, and Germany. England
expended on such items in 1907 about $950,000,000; §
a decade later practically nothing. Professor Alfred
Marshall has estimated that one-fifth of the existing
capital invested in plants, machines, tools, and simi-
lar things must be replaced if we are to keep even;
more if we are to progress. It is evident that during
the war the world is slipping back economically.

Not even the waste and deterioration from natural
wear and tear has been made good. Railways have
run down, obsolete machines have not been replaced,
repairs have not been made except in so far as they
have been absolutely necessary to keep things run-
ning. Thfs expenditure in England amounted a de-
cade ago to $900,000,000 a year; to-day it is a frac-
tion of that sum. In the United States the railways
had been permitted to run down physically; the pro-
duction of domestic freight cars declined from the
high-water mark during the last five years of 234,758
cars in 1912 to 79,367 in 1917, and it is estimated
that there is at present a shortage of 120,000 freight
cars. The record has undoubtedly been much worse
in England, France, Russia, Germany, and the other
belligerent countries, where moreover the roadbed
and track and bridges have probably suffered equally
with the rolling stock. In most of these countries
new corporations for non-military purposes have been
forbidden, and issues of new stock prohibited. Thus
in England the issues of industrial securities were cut
down from $468,000,000 in the first half of 1914 to
$11,000,000 in the same period of 1917. In the
United States new promotions have been placed under
the supervision of the capital issues committee, which
has been very conservative in permitting any issues
of securities which might compete with the Liberty
Loans or absorb capital needed for war industries.

The main economic waste of the war has not been
so much the outright destruction of existing goods and
commodities as it has been the diversion of labor and
capital from the production of useful things and the
replacement of wasting capital and improvements in
the material equipment and plant, to the making of
munitions and cannon and similar articles. These
are not only used up quickly, sometimes in a single
act, but they are agents of destruction to destroy
other things. And while the world is making these
it has not time or energy to produce and replace the
other things. Along some lines we have already used

"Brand, In Bankers' Magazine (New York), November,
1917, page 608.

APPENDIX.

201

up the accumulated stores of years, as in the case of
such articles as food, copper, ships, wool, etc., and
it will be years before we can catch up again with
pre-war conditions.

It was estimated about a year ago that the imme-
diate needs of the world for the first year after the
war would be about $4,200,000,000. The Federal
Trade Council estimated the needs of Belgium and
France for industrial buildings, for machinery of all
kinds, for railroad repairs, bridges, roads, and other
government property at $1,816,000,000. Germany's
needs for food supplies and raw materials were cal-
culated at $1,890,000,000, Austria-Hungary would
want $400,000,000, and Russia $600,000,000. All of
these figures would be much higher now as existing
stocks of capital have been further depleted.

But the amounts needed to provide for immediate
needs and to start the industrial machinery going
again does not begin to measure the cost of the war
or the economic burdens imposed upon future genera-
tions. The money cost of the first four years of war
may be estimated at $150,000,000,000,' of which the
entente allies have borne about two-thirds and the
central powers one-third. This is an incomprehensi-
ble figure, and it is still growing. The war is costing
over $100,000,000 a day, or about $2,000 every sec-
ond. The present cost of the war exceeds the total
wealth of the United States, which represents the
accumulations of three hundred years.

But from this sum certain deductions may be made
which reduce somewhat the actual burden. In the

« Cf., my " Direct Costs of the War." Carnegie Endow-
ment for International Peace (Washington, March, 1018).

first place not all of the war expenditures are pure
loss. Many of them would have to be made in any
case. Soldiers are fed, clothed, and housed at gov-
ernment expense, and the bill is paid out of taxes or
loans instead of appearing in the family budget.
Secondly, some expenditures represent a productive
investment, such as the building of nitrate plants or
merchant vessels. After the war is over these will
be left as an asset, which will to that extent offset
the increase in indebtedness. So munitions plants,
navy yards, additions to steel mills and other indus-
trial establishments are not all to be regarded as capi-
tal irretrievably lost in the wastes of war. Most of
them can and will be used for peaceful production
after the war is over, although they now are charged
as part of the cost of the war. The editor of the
London Statist 7 has estimated that about half of the
gross costs can be thus salvaged, so that the net money
cost would be about $75,000,000,000 for four years of
war.

Even after all allowances are made, however, there
will remain an enormous burden of indebtedness, the
interest charges on which alone will constitute a
crushing load. In Germany the interest on the new
debt now created amounts to more than double the
total imperial budget before the war; in England the
interest charge is one and one-quarter times the for-
mer budget. This will entail enormous taxes which
must continue for an indefinite time. There is here
involved, however, not a question of loss of capital,
but rather of the distribution of wealth and the trans-
fer of income from one class to another.

' The Statitt, October 23, 1015, page 181.

202

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

Terms of Armistice with Germany, November n, 1918

PRESIDENT WILSON'S ADDBESS TO CONGRESS, NOVEMBER
12, 1918.

Gentlemen of the Congress:

In these anxious times of rapid and stupendous change
it will in some degree lighten my sense of responsibility to
perform in person the duty of communicating to you some
of the larger circumstances of the situation with which it is
necessary to deal.

The German authorities, who have, at the invitation of
the Supreme War Council, been in communication with
Marshal Foch, have accepted and signed the terms of armis-
tice which he was authorized and instructed to communi-
cate to them.

I. MILITARY CLAUSES ON WESTERN FRONT.

first. Cessation of operations by land and in the air six
hours after the signature of the armistice.

Second. Immediate evacuation of invaded countries:
Belgium, France, Alsace-Lorraine, Luxemburg, so ordered
as to be completed within fourteen days from the signature
of the armistice. German troops which have not left the
above-mentioned territories within the period fixed will be-
come prisoners of war. Occupation by the Allied and
United States forces jointly will keep pace with evacuation
in these areas. All movements of evacuation and occupation
will be regulated in accordance with a note annexed to the
stated terms.

Third. Repatriation beginning at once and to be com-
pleted within fourteen days of all inhabitants of the coun-
tries above mentioned, including hostages and persons un-
der trial or convicted.

Fourth. Surrender in good condition by the German
armies of the following equipment: Five thousand guns
( 2500 heavy, 2500 field ) , 30,000 machine guns, 3000 minen-
werfer, 2000 airplanes (fighters, bombers — firstly D, 73s
and night bombing machines). The above to be delivered
in situ to the Allies and the United States troops in ac-
cordance with the detailed conditions laid down in the an-
nexed note.

Fifth. Evacuation by the German armies of the countries
on the left bank of the Rhine. These countries on the left
bank of the Rhine shall be administered by the local au-
thorities, under the control of the Allied and United States
armies of occupation. The occupation of these territories
will be determined by the Allied and United States gar-
risons holding the principal crossings of the Rhine, May-
ence, Coblenz, Cologne, together with bridgeheads at these
points in thirty-kilometer (eighteen miles) radius on the
right bank and by garrisons similarly holding the strategic
points of the regions. A neutral zone shall be reserved on
the right of the Rhine between the stream and a line drawn
parallel to it forty kilometers (twenty- five miles) to the
east from the frontier of Holland to the parallel of Gerns-
heim and as far as practicable a distance of thirty kilo-
meters (eighteen miles) from the east of stream from this
parallel upon Swiss frontier. Evacuation by the enemy of
the Rhine lands shall be so ordered as to be completed
within a further period of eleven days, in all nineteen days
after the signature of the armistice.

(Here the President interrupted his reading to remark
that there evidently had been an error in transmission, as
the arithmetic was very bad. The "further period" of

eleven days is in addition to the fourteen days allowed for
evacuation of invaded countries, making twenty-five days
given the Germans to get entirely clear of the Rhine lands. )

All movements of evacuation and occupation will be reg-
ulated according to the note annexed.

Sixth. In all territory evacuated by the enemy there
shall be no evacuation of inhabitants; no damage or harm
shall be done to the persons or property of the inhabitants.
No destruction of any kind to be committed. Military
establishments of all kinds shall be delivered intact,
as well as military stores of food, munitions, equip-
ment not removed during the periods fixed for evacuation.
Stores of food of all kinds for the civil population, cattle,
etc., shall be left in situ. Industrial establishments shall
not be impaired in any way and their personnel shall not
be moved. Roads and means of communication of every
kind, railroad, waterways, main roads, bridges, telegraphs,
telephones, shall be in no manner impaired.

ROLLING STOCK TO BE SEIZED.

Seventh. All civil and military personnel at present em-
ployed on them shall remain. Five thousand locomotives,
50,000 wagons and 10,000 motor lorries in good working or-
der, with all necessary spare parts and fittings, shall be
delivered to the associated Powers within the period fixed
for the evacuation of Belgium and Luxemburg. The rail-
ways of Alsace-Lorraine shall be handed over within the
same period, together with all pre-war personnel and mate-
rial. Further material necessary for the working of rail-
ways in the country on the left bank of the Rhine shall be
left in situ. All stores of coal and material for the upkeep
of permanent ways, signals and repair shops left entire in
situ and kept in an efficient state by Germany during the
whole period of armistice. All barges taken from the Allies
shall be restored to them. A note appended regulates the
details of these measures. ,

Eighth. The German command shall be responsible for
revealing all mines or delay acting fuses disposed on terri-
tory evacuated by the German troops and shall assist in
their discovery and destruction. The German command
shall also reveal all destructive measures that may have
been taken (such as poisoning or polluting of springs, wells,
etc.) under penalty of reprisals.

Ninth. The right of requisition shall be exercised by the
Allies and the United States armies in all occupied terri-
tory. The upkeep of the troops of occupation in the Rhine
land (excluding Alsace-Lorraine) shall be charged to the
German Government.

Tenth. An immediate repatriation without reciprocity,
according to detailed conditions which shall be fixed, of all
Allied and United States prisoners of war. The Allied Pow-
ers and the United States shall be able to dispose of these
prisoners as they wish.

Eleventh. Sick and wounded who cannot be removed
from evacuated territory will be cared for by German per-
sonnel, who will be left on the spot with the medical mate-
rial required.

II. DISPOSITION RELATIVE TO THE EASTERN FRONTIERS OF
GERMANY.

Twelfth. All German troops at present in any territory
which before the war belonged to Russia, Rumania or Tur-
key shall withdraw within the frontiers of Germany as they
existed on August 1, 1914.

APPENDIX.

208

Thirteenth. Evacuation by German troops to begin at
once and all Gorman instructors, prisoners and civilians, aa
well as military agents, now on the territory of Russia (us
defined before 1914) to be recalled.

fourteenth. German troops to cease at once all requisi-
tions and seizures and any other undertaking with a view
to obtaining supplies intended for Germany in Rumania and
Bussia (as defined on August 1, 1014).

Fifteenth. Abandonment of the treaties of Bucharest and
Brest-Litovsk and of the supplementary treaties.

Sixteenth. The Allies shall have free access to the terri-
tories evacuated by the Germans on their eastern frontier
either through Danzig or by the Vistula in order to convey
supplies to the populations of those territories or for any
other purpose.

III. CLAUSE CONCERNING EAST AFBICA.

Seventeenth. Unconditional capitulation of all German
forces operating in East Africa within one month.

IV. GENERAL CLAUSES.

Eighteenth. Repatriation, without reciprocity, within a
maximum period of one month, in accordance with detailed
conditions hereafter to be fixed, of all civilians interned
or deported who may be citizens of other Allied or asso-
ciated States than those mentioned in Clause III, Paragraph
19, with the reservation that any future claims and demands
of the Allies and the United States of America remain un-
affected.

Nineteenth. The following financial conditions are re-
quired: Reparation for damage done. While such armistice
lasts no public securities shall be removed by the enemy
which can serve as a pledge to the Allies for the recovery
or reparation for war losses. Immediate restitution of the
cash deposit in the National Bank of Belgium and in gen-
eral immediate return of all documents, specie, stocks,
shares, paper money, together with plant for the issue
thereof, touching public or private interests in the invaded
countries. Restitution of the Russian and Rumanian gold
yielded to Germany or taken by that Power. This gold to
be delivered in trust to the Allies until the signature of
peace.

V. NAVAL CONDITIONS.

Twentieth. Immediate cessation of all hostilities at sea
and definite information to be given as to the location and
movements of all German ships. Notification to be given
to neutrals that freedom of navigation in all territorial
waters is given to the naval and mercantile marines of the
Allied and associated Powers, all questions of neutrality be-
ing waived.

Twenty-first. All naval and mercantile marine prisoners
of war of the Allied and associated Powers in German
hands to be returned with reciprocity.

Twenty-second. Surrender to the Allies and the United
States of America of 160 German submarines (including all
submarine cruisers and mine-laying submarines), with their
complete armament and equipment, in ports which will be
specified by the Allies and the United States of America.
All other submarines to be paid off and completely disarmed
and placed under the supervision of the Allied Powers and
the United States of America.

Twenty-third. The following German surface warships,
which shall be designated by the Allies and the United
States of America, shall forthwith be disarmed and there-
after interned in neutral ports or, for the want of them, in
Allied ports, to be designated- by the Allies and the United
States of America and placed under the surveillances of the
Allies and the United States of America, only caretakers
bein!? left on board, namelv:

Six battle cruisers, ten battleships, eight light cruisers,
including two mine layers, fifty destroyers of the most mod-
ern type. All other surface warships (including river
craft) are to be concentrated in German naval bases to be
designated by the Allies and the United States of America,
and are to be paid off and completely disarmed and placed
under the supervision of the Allies and the United State*
of America. All vessels of the auxiliary fleet (trawler*,
motor vessels, etc.) are to be disarmed.

Twenty-fourth. The Allies and the United States of
America shall have the right to sweep up all mine fields
and obstructions laid by Germany outside German terri-
torial waters, and the positions of these are to be indi-
cated.

Twenty-fifth. Freedom of access to and from the Baltic
to be given to the naval and mercantile marines of the
Allied and associated Powers. To secure this the Allies
and the United States of America shall be empowered to
occupy all German forts, fortifications, batteries and de-
fense works of all kinds in all the entrances from the Cate-
gat into the Baltic, and to sweep up all mines and obstruc-
tions within and without German territorial waters without
any question of neutrality being raised, and the positions
of all such mines and obstructions are to be indicated.

Twenty-siath. The existing blockade conditions set up by
the Allies and associated Powers are to remain unchanged
and all German merchant ships found at sea are to remain
liable to capture.

Twenty-seventh. All naval aircraft are to be concen-
trated and immobilized in German bases to be specified by
the Allies and the United States of America.

Twenty-eighth. In evacuating the Belgian coasts and
ports Germany shall abandon all merchant ships, tugs,
lighters, cranes and all other harbor materials, all mate-
rials for inland navigation, all aircraft and all materials
and stores, all arms and armaments and all stores and ap-
paratus of all kinds.

Twenty-ninth. All Black Sea ports are to be evacuated
by Germany; all Russian war vessels of all descriptions
seized by Germany in the Black Sea are to be handed over
to the Allies and the United States of America ; all neutral
merchant vessels seized are to be released; all warlike and
other materials of all kinds seized in those ports are to be
returned and German materials as specified in Clause 28
are to be abandoned.

Thirtieth. AH merchant vessels in German hands be-
longing to the Allied and associated Powers are to be re-
stored in ports to be specified by the Allies and the United
States of America without reciprocity.

Thirty-first. No destruction of ships or of materials to
be permitted before evacuation, surrender or restoration.

Thirty-second. The German Government will notify the
neutral Governments of the world, and particularly the
Governments of Norway, Sweden, Denmark and Holland,
that all restrictions placed on the trading of their vessels
with the Allied and associated countries, whether by the
German Government or by private German interests, and
whether in return for specific concessions, such as the ex-
port of shipbuilding materials or not, are immediately can-
celed.

Thirty- third. No transfers of German merchant shipping
of any description to any neutral flag are to take place
after signature of the armistice.

VI. DURATION OF ARMISTICE.

Thirty-fourth. The duration of the armistice is to be
thirty days, with option to extend. During this period, on
failure of execution of any of the above clauses, the armis-
tice may be denounced by one of the contracting parties on
fortv-eieht hours' nrevious notipfi.

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY' OF THE WAR.

VII. TIME LIMIT FOB REPLY.

Thirty-fifth. This armistice to be accepted or refused by
Germany within seventy-two hours of notification.

The war thus comes to an end; for, having accepted
these terms of armistice, it will be impossible for the Ger-
man command to renew it.

It is not now possible to assess the consequences of
thia great consummation. We know only that this tragical
war, whose consuming flames swept from one nation to
another until all the world was on fire, is at an end and
that it was the privilege of our own people to enter it at its
most critical juncture in such fashion and in such force as
to contribute in a way of which we are all deeply proud,
to the great result.

OBJECT OP WAR ATTAINED.

\Ve know, too, that the object of the war is attained;
the object upon which all free men had set their hearts;
and attained with a sweeping completeness which even now
we do not realize. Armed imperialism such as the men con-
ceived who were but yesterday the masters of Germany is
at an end, its illicit ambitions engulfed in black disaster.
Who will now seek to revive it? The arbitrary power of
th? military caste of Germany which once could secretly and
of its own single choice disturb the peace of the world is
discredited and destroyed. And more than that — much
more than that — has been accomplished. The great nations
which associated themselves to destroy it have now defin-
itely united in the common purpose to set up such a peace
as will satisfy the longing of the whole world for disinter-
ested justice, embodied in settlements which are based upon
something much better and much more lasting than the
selfish competitive interests of powerful states. There is
no longer conjecture as to the objects the victors have in
mind. They have a mind in the matter, not only, but a
heart also. Their avowed and concerted purpose is to sat-
isfy and protect the weak as well as to accord their just
rights to the strong.

PRACTICAL HUMANITY OF VICTORS.

The humane temper and intention of the victorious
Governments has already been manifested in a very practi-
cal way. Their representatives in the Supreme War Coun-
cil at Versailles have by unanimous resolution assured the
peoples of the Central Empires that everything that is pos-
sible in the circumstances will be done to supply them with
food and relieve the distressing want that is in so many
places threatening their very lives; and steps are to be
taken immediately to organize these efforts at relief in the
same systematic manner that they were organized in the
case of Belgium.

By the use of the idle tonnage of the Central Empires
it ought presently to be possible to lift the fear of utter
misery from their oppressed populations and set their minds
and energies free for the great and hazardous task of politi-
cal reconstruction which now faces them on every hand.
Hunger does not breed reform; it breeds madness and all
the ugly distempers that make an ordered life impossible.

DUTY TO NEW GERMANY.

For with the fall of the ancient governments which
rested like an incubus upon the peoples of the central em-
pires has come political change not merely, but revolution;
and revolution which seems as yet to assume no final and
ordered form, but to run from one fluid change to another,
until thoughtful men are forced to ask themselves, with
what governments, and of what sort, are we about to deal
in the making of the covenants of peace? With what au-
thority will they meet us, and with what assurance that

their authority will abide and sustain securely the interna-
tional arrangements into which we are about to enter?
There is here matter for no small anxiety and misgiving.
\Vhen peace is made, upon whose promises and engagements
besides our own is it to rest?

Let us be perfectly frank with ourselves and admit that
these questions cannot be sufficiently answered now or at
once. But the moral is not that there is little hope of an
early answer that will suffice. It is only that we must be
patient and helpful and mindful above all of the great hope
and confidence that lie at the heart of what is taking place.
Excesses accomplish nothing. Unhappy Russia has fur-
nished abundant recent proof of that. Disorder imme-
diately defeats itself. If excesses should occur, if disorder
should for a time raise its head, a sober second thought will
follow and a day of constructive action, if we help and not
hinder.

The present and all that it holds belongs to the na-
tions and the peoples who preserve their self-control and
the orderly processes of their Governments; the future to
those who prove themselves the true friends of mankind.
To conquer with arms is to make only a temporary con-
quest; to conquer the world by earning its esteem is to
make permanent conquest. I am confident that the nations
that have learned the discipline of freedom and that have
settled with self-possession to its ordered practice are now
about to make conquest of the world by the sheer power of
example and of friendly helpfulness.

FREED TEUTONS FACE INITIAL TEST.

The peoples who have but just come out from under
the yoke of arbitrary government and who are now coming
at last into their freedom will never find the treasures of
liberty they are in search of if they look for them by the
light of the torch. They will find that every pathway that
is stained with the blood of their own brothers leads to the
wilderness, not to the seat of their hope. They are now face
to face with their initial test. We must hold the light
steady until they find themselves. And in the meantime, if
it be possible, we must establish a peace that will justly
define their place among the nations, remove all fear of
their neighbors and of their former masters, and enable
them to live in security and contentment when they have
set their own affairs in order.

I, for one, do not doubt their purpose or their capacity.
There are some happy signs that they know and will choose
the way of self-control and peaceful accommodation. If
they do, we shall put our aid at their disposal in every
way that we can. If they do not, we must await with pa-
tience and sympathy the awakening and recovery that will
assuredly come at last.

The following changes in the armistice terms were an-
nounced in the morning papers of November 13, 1918:

Following is the text of the articles of the armistice
which are different from the text published yesterday, the
important variations being indicated in italic type:

Article Four. Surrender in good condition by the German
armies of the following war material:

Five thousand guns (2500 heavy and 2500 field), 25,000
machine guns, 3000 minenwerfer, 1700 airplanes (fighters,
bombers, firstly all of the D7s and all the night bombing
machines). The above to be delivered in situ to the Allied
and United States troops in accordance with the detailed
conditions laid down in the note (annexure No. 1) drawn
up at the moment of the signing of the armistice.

Article Five. Evacuation by the German armies of the
countries on the left bank of the Rhine shall be adminis-
tered by the local troops of occupation. The occupation of

APPENDIX.

205

these territories will be carried out by Allied and United
States garriaon holding the principal crossings of the
Rhine — Mayence, Coblentz, Cologne, together with the
bridgeheads at these points of a thirty-kilometer radius on
the right bank and by garrisons similarly holding tho
strategic points of the regions. A neutral zone shall be re-
served on the right bank of the Rhine between the stream
and a line drawn parallel to the bridgeheads and to the
stream and at a distance of ten kilometers from the frontier
of Holland up to the frontier of Switzerland. The evacua-
tion by the enemy of the Rhine lands ( left and right bank )
shall be so ordered as to be completed within a further per-
iod of sixteen days, in all thirty-one days after the signing
of the armistice. All the movements of evacuation or oc-
cupation are regulated by the note (annexure No. 1) drawn
up at the moment of the signing of the armistice.

Article Seven. Roads and means of communication of
every kind, railroads, waterways, main roads, bridges, tele-
graphs, telephones, shall be in no manner impaired. All
civil and military personnel at present employed on them
shall remain; five thousand locomotives and 150,000 wagon*
in good working order, with all the necessary spare parts
and fittings, shall be delivered to the associated Powers
within the period fixed in annexure number two and the
total of which shall not exceed thirty-one days. There
shall likewise be delivered 5000 motor lorries (camione
automobiles) in good order within the period. of thirty-six
days. The railways of Alsace-Lorraine shall be handed
over within the period of thirty-one days, together with
pre-war personnel and material. Further, the material
necessary for the working of railways in the countries on
the left bank of the Rhine shall be left in situ.

Article Twelve. All German troops at present in the ter-
ritories which before belonged to Austria-Hungary, Rumania
and Turkey shall withdraw immediately within the front-
iers of Germany as they existed on August 1, 1914. All
German troops at present in the territories which before
the war belonged to Russia shall likewise withdraw within
the frontiers of Germany, defined as above, as soon as the
Allies, taking into account the internal situation of these
territories, shall decide that the time for this has come.

Article Fifteen. Renunciation of the treaties of Bucharest
and Brest-Litovsk and of the supplementary treaties.

Article Seventeen. Evacuation by all German forces oper-
ating in East Africa within a period to be fixed by the
Allies.

Article Twenty-two. Surrender to the Allies and United
States of all submarines (including submarine cruisers and
all mine-laying submarines) now existing, with their com-
plete armament and equipment, in ports which shall be
specified by the Allies and United States. Those which can-
not be taken to these ports shall be disarmed of the per-
sonnel and material and shall remain under the supervision
of the Allies and the United States. The submarines which
are ready for the sea shall be prepared to leave the German
ports as soon as orders shall be received by wireless for
their voyage to the port designed for their delivery and the
remainder at the earliest possible moment. The conditions
of this article shall be carried into effect within the period
of fourteen days after the signing of the armistice.

Article Twenty-six. The existing blockade conditions set
up by the Allies and Associated Powers are to remain un-
changed, and all German merchant ships found at sea are to
remain liable to capture. Allies and the United States
should give consideration to the provisioning of Germany
during the armistice to the extent recognized as necessary.

Article Thirty-four. The duration of the armistice is to
be thirty days, with option to* extend. During this period,
if its clauses are not carried into execution, the armistice
may be denounced by one of the contracting parties, which
must give warning forty-eight hours in advance. It is un-
derstood that the execution of articles three and eighteen
shall not warrant the denunciation of the armistice, on the
ground of insufficient execution within a period fixed, ex-
cept in the case of bad faith in carrying them into execu-
tion. In order to assure the execution of this convention
under the best conditions the principle of a permanent in-
ternational armistice commission is admitted. This commis-
sion will act under the authority of the Allied military and
naval commanders-in-chief.

206

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

Principal Events of the War, 1914-1918

(Events which primarily concern the United States are
put in italic type.)

Based upon the chronology in " War Cyclopedia," pub-
lished by the Committee on Public Information.

1914.

June 28.

July 5.

July 23.
July 28.
July 31.

Aug.
Aug.

Aug. 4.

Aug.

Aug.
Aug.
Aug.
Aug.
Aug.

10.
12.
16.
18.

Murder at Serajevo of the Archduke Francis
Ferdinand.

Conference of rulers, statesmen and diplomatic,
military and industrial leaders of the German
Empire held at Potsdam. Conference agreed
that Germany would be ready for war in a
few weeks.

Austro-Hungarian ultimatum to Serbia.

Austria-Hungary declares war on Serbia.

General mobilization in Russia. " State of war "
declared in Germany.

Germany declared war on Russia and invaded
Luxemburg.

German ultimatum to Belgium, demanding a free
passage for her troops across Belgium.

Germany declares war on France.

Great Britain's ultimatum to Germany, demand-
ing assurance that neutrality of Belgium
would be respected. War declared by Great
Britain on Germany.

President Wilson proclaimed neutrality of

United States.

4-26. Belgium overrun; Liege occupied (Aug. 0);
Brussels (Aug. 20); Namur (Aug. 24).

Austria-Hungary declares war on Russia.

France declares war on Austria-Hungary.

Great Britain declares war on Austria-Hungary.

British expeditionary force landed in France.

Russia completes mobilization and invades East

Prussia.

Aug. 21-23. Battle of Mons-Charleroi. Dogged retreat of
French and British in the face of the German
invasion.

Japan declares war on Germany.

Tsingtau bombarded by Japanese.

Russians overrun Galicia. Lemberg taken (Sept.
2); Przemysl first attacked (Sept. 16); siege
broken (Oct. 15-Nov. 12). Fall of Przemysl
(Mar. 22, 1915). Dec. 4, Russians 3% miles
from Cracow.

Germans destroy Louvain.

Allies conquer Togoland in Africa.

Russians severely defeated at Battle of Tannen-
berg in East Prussia.

British naval victory in Helgoland Bight.

Allies' line along the Seine, Marne and Meuse
Rivers.

Name St. Petersburg changed to Petrograd by
Russian decree.

French Government removed (temporarily) from
Paris to Bordeaux.

Great Britain, France and Russia sign a treaty
not to make peace separately.
Battle of the Marne. Germans reach the ex-
treme point of their advance; driven back by
the French from the Marne to the River Aisne.
The battle line then remained practically sta-
tionary for three years (front of 300 miles)

Germans take Maubeuge.

An Australian expedition captures New Guinea
and the Bismarck Archipelago Protectorate.

Russians under Gen. Rennenkampf driven from
East Prussia.

Three British armored cruisers sunk by a sub-
marine.

Aug. 23.
Aug. 23.
Aug. 25-
Dec. 15.

Aug. 25.

.Aug. 26.

Aug. 26.

Aug. 28.
Aug. 31.

Aug. 31.
Sept 3.
Sept 5.
Sept 6-12.

Sept. 7.
Sept 11.

Sept. 16.
Sept. 22.

Oct.
Oct.

Oct.

Dec. 14.

Nov. 10.

Nov. 13.

Nov. 21.

Dec. 8.

Dec. 8.
Dec.
Dec.

0.
16.

Sept. 27. Successful invasion of German Southwest Africa

by Gen. Botha.

9. Germans occupy Antwerp.
13. Belgian Government withdraws to Le Havre in

France. Germans occupy Ghent.
16-28. Battle of Yser in Flanders. Belgians and

French halt German advance.

Oct. 17- French, Belgians and British repulse German
Nov. 17. drive in first battle of Ypres, saving Channel

ports (decisive day of battle, Oct. 31).
Oct. 21. The sale of alcohol forbidden in Russia until the

end of the war.

Oct. 21-28. German armies driven back in Poland.
Oct. 28. De Wet's Rebellion in South Africa.
Nov. 1. German naval victory in the Pacific off the coast

of Chile.

Nov. 3. German naval raid into English waters.
Nov. 5. Great Britain declared war on Turkey; Cyprus

annexed.

Nov. 7. Fall of Tsingtau to the Japanese.
Nov. 10- Austrian invasion of Serbia (Belgrade taken

Dec. 2, recaptured by Serbians Dec. 14).
German cruiser " Emden " caught and destroyed

at Cocos Island.
Proclamation by the President of the United

States of neutrality of Panama Canal Zone.
Basra, on Persian Gulf, occupied by British.
British naval victory off the Falkland Islands.
South African rebellion collapses.
French Government returned to Paris.
German warships bombarded West Hartlepool,

Scarborough, and Whitby.
Dec. 17. Egypt proclaimed a British Protectorate, and a

new ruler appointed with title of sultan.
Dec. 24. First German air raid on England.

Jan. 1-
Feb. 15.
Jan. 6.

Jan. SO.
Jan. 24.

Jan. 25.

Jan. 28.

Feb. 4.
Feb. 10.

Feb. 16.

Feb. 18.

Feb. 19.
Feb. SO.

Feb. 28.
Mar. 1.

Mar. 10.

Russians attempt to cross the Carpathians.
The sale of absinthe forbidden in France for the

duration of the war.
American neutrality explained and defended by

Secretary of State Bryan.
British naval victory in North Sea off Dogger

Bank.

Second Russian invasion of East Prussia.
American merchantman "William P. Frye" sunk

by German cruiser " Prim Eitel Friedrich."
Germany's proclamation of " war zone " around

the British Isles after February 18.
United States note holding German Government

to a " strict accountability " if any merchant

vessel of the United States is destroyed or any

American citizens lose their lives.
Germany's reply stating " war-zone " act is an

act of self-defense against illegal methods em-

ployed by Great Britain in preventing com-

merce between Germany and neutral countries.
German official " blockade " of Great Britain com-

menced. German submarines begin campaign

of " piracy and pillage."

Anglo-French squadron bombards Dardanelles.
United States sends identic note to Great Britain

and Germany suggesting an agreement be-

tween these two powers respecting the conduct

of naval warfare.
Germany's reply to identic note.
Announcement of British "blockade"; "Orders

in Council" issued (Mar. 15) to prevent com-

modities of any kind from reaching or leaving

Germany.
British capture Neuve Chapelle.

APPENDIX.

207

Mar. 22. Russians captured Przemysl and strengthened
their hold on the greater part of Galicia.

Mar. 28. British steamship " Falaba " attacked by sub-
marine and sunk (111 lives lost, 1 American).

Apr. 2. Russians fighting in the Carpathians.

Apr. 8. Steamer " llarpalyce," in service of American
commission for aid of Belgium, torpedoed; 15
lives lost.

Apr. 17- Second Battle of Ypres. British captured Hill
May 17. 60 (April 10) ; (April 23) ; Germans advanced
toward Yser Canal. Asphyxiating gas em-
ployed by the Germans. Failure of Germany
to break through the British lines.

Apr. 22. German embassy sends out a warning against
embarkation on vessels belonging to Great
Britain. Warning not printed until May 1.

Apr. 25. Allied troops land on the Gallipoli Peninsula.

Apr. 28. American vessel " Gushing " attacked by German
aeroplane.

Apr. 30. Germans invade the Baltic Provinces of Russia.

May 1. American steamship " Gulflight " sunk by Ger-
man submarine; two Americans lost. Warn-
ing of German embassy published in daily
papers. " Lusitania " sails at 12.20 noon.

May 2. Russians forced by the combined Germans and
Austrians to retire from their positions in the
Carpathians (Battle of Dunajec).

• May 7. Cunard line steamship " Lusitania." sunk by
German submarine ( 1,154 lives lost, 114 being
Americans).

May 8. Germans occupy Libau, Russian port on the Bal-
tic.

May 9- June. Battle of Artois, or Festubert (near La
Bossee ) .

May 10. Message of sympathy from Germany on loss of
American lives by sinking of " Lusitania."

May 12. South African troops under Gen. Botha occupy
capital of German Southwest Africa.

May IS. American note protests against submarine pol-
icy culminating in the sinking of the " Lusi-
tania."

May 23. Italy declared war on Austria-Hungary.

May 25. Coalition cabinet formed in Great Britain; As-
quith continues to be Prime Minister.

May 25. American steamship " Nebraskan " attacked by
submarine.

May 28. Germany's answer to American note of May IS.

June 1. Supplementary note from Germany in regard to
the " Gulftight " and " Cushing."

June 3. Przemysl retaken by Germans and Austrians.

June 8. Resignation of William J. Bryan, Secretary of
State.

June 9. Monfalcone occupied by Italians, severing one of
two railway lines to Trieste.

June 9. United States sends second note on " Lusitania "
case.

June 22. The Austro-Germans recapture Lemberg.

July 2. Naval action between Russian and German war-
ships in the Baltic.

July 8. Germany sends reply to note of June 9 and
pledges safety to United States vessels in war
zone under specified conditions.

July 9. Conquest of German Southwest Africa completed.

July 15. Germany sends memorandum acknowledging sub-
marine attack on "Nebraskan" and expresses
regret.

July 21. Third American note on "Lusitania" case declares
Germany's communication of July " very un-
satisfactory."

July 12- German conquest of Russian Poland. Germans

Sept. 18. capture I.ublin (July 31), Warsaw (Aug. 6),

Ivanjrorod (Au«. 5), Kovno (Aug. 17), Novo-

peorjiiovsk (Auj;. 10), Brest-Litovsk (Aug.

25), Vilna (Sept. 18).

July 25. American steamship " Leelnnaw " sunk by sub-
marines; carrying contraband; no lives lost.

Aug. 5. Capture of Warsaw by Germans.

Aug. 16. National registration in Great Britain.

Aug. 19. White Star liner "Arabic" sunk- by submarine;
44 victims; 2 Americans.

Aug. 21. Italy declared war on Turkey.

Aug. 24. German ambassador sends note in regard to
"Arabic." Loss of American lives contrary to
intention of the German Government and it
deeply regretted.

Sept. -1. Letter from Ambassador von Bernstorff to Secre-
tary Lansing giving assurance that German
submarines will sink no more liners without
warning. Endorsed by the German Foreign
Office (Sept. 14).

Sept. 4. Allan liner "Hesperian" sunk by German sub-
marine; 26 lives lost, 1 American.

Sept. 7. German Government sends report on the sinking
of the "Arabia."

Sept. 8. United States demands recall of Auttro- Hungar-
ian ambassador, Dr. Dumba.

Sept. 14. United States sends summary of evidence in re-
gard to "Arabic."

Sept. 18. Fall of Vilna; end of Russian retreat

Sept. 25-Oct. French offensive in Champagne fails to break
through German lines.

Sept 27. British progress in the neighborhood of Loos.

Oct. 4. Russian ultimatum to Bulgaria.

Oct 5. Allied forces land at Saloniki, at the invitation
of the Greek Government.

Oct 5. German Government regrets and disavow* sink-
ing of "Arabic" and is prepared to pay in-
demnities.

Oct 6-Dec. 2. Austro-German-Bulgarian conquest of be
bia. Fall of Nish (Nov. 1), of Pnzrend (Nov.
30), of Monastir (Dec. 2).

Oct 14. Great Britain declared war against Bulgaria.

Oct. 20. German note on the evidence in the An

case. ..

Nov. 10. Russian forces advance on Teheran as a resu
of pro-German activities in Persia.

Dec. 1. British under Gen. Townshend forced to retrea
from Ctesiphon to Kut-el-Amara.

Deo. S. United States Government demands recall

Copt. Karl Boy-Ed, German naval attache, ana
Copt. Franz von Papen, military attache.

Dec. 6. Germans capture Ipek (Montenegro).

Deo. 10. Boy-Ed and von Papen recalled.

Dec. 13. British defeat Arabs on western frontier of
Egypt.

Dec. 15. Sir John French retired from command of the
army in France and Flanders, and is suc-
ceeded by Sir Douglas Haig.

Dec. 17. Russians occupied Hamadan (Persia).

Dec. 19. The British forces withdrawn from Anzac and
Sulva Bay (Gallipoli Peninsula).

Dec. 26. Russian forces in Persia occupied Kashan.

Dec. 30. British passenger steamer " Persia " sunk in
Mediterranean, presumably by submarine.

1916.

Jan. 8 . Complete evacuation of Gallipoli.

Jan. 13. Fall of Cettinje, capital of Montenegro.

Jon. 18. United States Government sets forth a declara-
tion of principles regarding submarine attacks
and asks whether the governments of the
Allies would subscribe to such an agreement.

Jan. 28. Austrians occupy San Giovanni di Medna (Al-
bania).

Feb. 10. Germany sends memorandum to neutral powers
that armed merchant ships will be treated aa
warships and will be sunk without warning.

Feb. 15. Secretary Lansing makes statement that by in-
ternational law commercial vessels have right
to carry arms in self-defense.

208

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

Feb. 16. Germany sendt note acknowledging her liability
in the " Lutitania " affair.

Feb. 16. Kamerun (Africa) conquered.

Feb. 21-July. 'Battle of Verdun. Germans take Ft. Douau-
mont (Feb. 25). Great losses of Germans
with little results. Practically all the ground
lost was slowly regained by the French in the
autumn.

Feb. 24. President Wilson in letter to Senator Stone re-
fuses to advise American citizens not to travel
on armed merchant ships.

Feb. 27. Russians captured Kermanshah (Persia).

Mar. 8. German ambassador communicates memorandum
regarding U-boat question, stating it is a new
weapon not yet regulated by international law.

Mar. 8. Germany declares war on Portugal.

Mar. 19. Russians entered Ispahan (Persia).

Mar. 24. French steamer " Sussex " is torpedoed without
warning; about 80 passengers, including
American citizens, are killed or wounded.

Mar. 25. Department of State issues memorandum in re-
gard to armed merchant vessels in neutral
ports and on the high seas.

Mar. 27-29. United States Government instructs American
ambassador in Berlin to inquire into sinking
of " Sussex " and other vessels.

Apr. 10. German Government replies to United States
notes of March 27, 28, 29, on the sinking of
" Sussex " and other vessels.

Apr. 18. Russians capture Trebizond.

Apr. 18. United States delivers what is considered an
ultimatum that unless Germany abandons
present methods of submarine warfare United
States will sever diplomatic relations.

Apr. 19. President addressed Congress on relations with
Germany.

Apr. 24-May 1. Insurrection in Ireland.

Apr. 29. Gen. Townshend surrendered to the Turks before
Kut-el-Amara.

May 4- Reply of Germany acknowledges sinking of the
" Sussex," and in the main meets demands of
the United States.

May 8. United States Government accepts German posi-
tion as outlined in note of May 4, but makes
it clear that the fulfillment of these conditions
can not depend upon the negotiations between
the United States and any other belligerent
Government.

May 14- Great Austrian attack on the Italians through
June 3. the Trentino.

May 19. Russians join British on the Tigris.

May 24. Military service (conscription) bill becomes law
in Great Britain.

May 27. President in address before League to Enforce
Peace says United States is ready to join any
practical league for preserving peace and
guaranteeing political and territorial integ-
rity of nations.

May 31. Naval battle off Jutland.

June 4-30. Russian offensive in Volhynia and Bukovina.
Czernovitz taken (June 17); all Bukovina
overrun.

June 5. Lord Kitchener drowned.

June il. United States demands apology and reparation
from " Petrolite," on American vessel.

July 1-Nov. Battle of the Somme. Comblea taken (Sept.
26). Failures of the Allies to break the Ger-
man lines.

Aug. 6-Sept. New Italian offensive drives out Austrians
and wins Gorizia (Aug. 9).

Aug. 27- Roumania enters war on the side of the Allies
Jan. 15. and is crushed. (Fall of Bucharest, Dec. 6;
Dobrudja conquered, Jan. 2; Focsani cap-
tured, Jan. 8).

Aug. 27. Italy declares war on Germany.

Sept. 7. Senate ratifies purchase of Danish West Indies.

Oct. 7. German submarine appears off American coast
and sinks British passenger steamer " Ste-
phano" (Oct. 8).

Oct. 28. British steamer " Marina " sunk without warn-
ing (6 Americans lost).

Nov. 6. British liner " Arabia " torpedoed and sunk
without warning in Mediterranean.

Nov. 29. United States protests against Belgian deporta-
tions.

Dec. 6-6. Fall of Asquith ministry; Lloyd George new
Prime Minister.

Dec. 12. German peace offer. Refused (Dec. 30) by Al-
lies as " empty and insincere."

Dec. 14. British horse-transport ship " Russian " sunk in
Mediterranean by submarine (17 Americans
lost ) .

Dec. 20. President Wilson's peace note (dated Dec. 18).
Germany replies (Dec. 26). Entente Allies'
reply (Jan. 10) demands "restoration, repara-
tion, indemnities."

1917.

Jan. 10. The Allied Governments state their terms of
peace; a separate note from Belgium included.

Jan. 11. Supplemental German note on views as to settle-
ment of war.

Jan. 13. 'Great Britain amplifies reply to President's note •
of Dec. 18. Favors co-operation to preserve
peace.

Jan. 22. President Wilson addresses the Senate, giving
his ideas of steps necessary for world peace.

Jan. 31. Germany announced unrestricted submarine war-
fare in specified zones.

Feb. S. United States severs diplomatic relations with
Germany; Bernstorff dismissed.

Feb. 12. United States replies to Swiss Minister that it
will not negotiate with Germany until sub-
marine order is withdrawn.

Feb. 22. Italians and French join in Albania, cutting off
Greece from Central Powers.

Feb. 24. Kut-el-Amara taken by British under Gen.
Maude (campaign begun Dec. 13).

Feb. 26. President Wilson asks authority to arm mer-
chant ships.

Feb. 28. " Zimmermann note " revealed.

Mar. 4. Announced that the British had taken over from
the French the entire Somme Front; British
held on west front 100 miles, French 275 miles,
Belgians 25 miles.

Mar. 11. Bagdad captured by British under Gen. Maude.

Mar. 11-15. Revolution in Russia leading to abdication of
Czar Nicholas II (Mar. 15). Provisional
Government formed by Constitutional Demo-
crats under Prince Lvov and M. Milyukov.

Mar. 12. United States announced that an armed guard
would be placed on all American merchant ves-
sels sailing through the war zone.

Mar. 17-19. Retirement of Germans to " Hindenburg
line." Evacuation of 1,300 square miles of
French territory, on front of 100 miles, from
Arras to Soissons.

Mar. 22. United States formally recognized the new gov-
ernment of Russia set up as a result of the
revolution.

Mar. 24. Minister Brand Whitlock and American Relief
Commission mthdrawn from Belgium.

Mar. 26. The United States, refused the proposal of Ger-
many to interpret and supplement the Prus-
sian Treaty of 1799.

Apr. 2. President Wilson asks Congress to declare the
existence of a state of war with Germany.

Apr. 6. United States declares war on Germany.

Apr. 8. Austria-Hungary severs diplomatic relations
with the United States.

APPENDIX.

Nov. 13.
Nov. 16.

Xov. 20-
Dec. 13.

Apr. 9- British successes in Battle of Arras (Vimy Nov. 7.
May 14. Ridge taken Apr. 9).

Apr. 16- French successes in Battle of the Aisne between
May 6. Soissons and Rheims.

Apr. tl. Turkey severs relations with United States.

Hay 4- American destroyers begin co-operation with
British navy in war zone.

May 15- Great Italian offensive on Isonzo front (Carso
Sept. 15. Plateau). Monte Santo taken Aug. 24. Mome
San Gabrielle, Sept. 14.

May 15. Gen. Petain succeeds Gen. Nivelle as commander
in chief of the French armies.

May 17. Russian Provisional Government reconstructed.
Kerensky (formerly minister of justice) be-
comes minister of war. Milyukov resigns.

May 18. President Wilson signs selective service act.

June S. American mission to Russia lands at Vladivostok
("Root Mission"). Returns to America,
Aug. S.

June 7. British blow up Messines Ridge, south of Ypres,
and capture 7,500 German prisoners.

June 10. Italian offensive on Trentino.

June 12. King Constantino of Greece forced to abdicate.

June 15. Subscriptions close for first Liberty Loan
($2,000,000,000 offered; $3,035,226,850 tub-
scribed ) .

June 26. First American troops reach France.

June 29. Greece enters war against Germany and her
allies.

July 1. Russian army led in person by Kerensky begins a
short line offensive in Galicia, ending in dis-
astrous retreat (July 19- Aug. 3).

July 14. Resignation of Bethmann-Hollweg as German
chancellor. Dr. George Michaelis, chancellor
(July 14).

July 20. Drawing at Washington of names for first army
under selective service.

July 20. Kerensky becomes premier on resignation of
Prince Lvov.

July 30. Mutiny in German fleet at Wilhelmshaven and
Kiel. Second mutiny Sept. 2.

July 31-Nov. Battle of Flanders ( Passchendaele Ridge);
British successes.

Aug. 10. Food and fuel control bill passed.

Aug. 15. Peace proposals of Pope Benedict revealed (dated
Aug. 1). United States replies Aug. 27; Ger-
many and Austria, Sept. 21; supplementary
German reply, Sept. 26.

Aug. 15. Canadians capture Hill 70, dominating Lens.

Aug. 19. New Italian drive on the Isonzo front (Carso
Plateau). Monte Santo captured (Aug. 24).

Aug. 20-24. French attacks at Verdun recapture high
ground lost in 1916.

Sept. 3. Riga captured by Germans.

Sept. 8. I/uxburg dispatches (" Spurlos versenkt") re-
vealed by United States.

Sept. 10-13. Attempted coup d'etat of Gen. Kornilov.

Sept. 15. Russia proclaimed a republic.

Oct. 12. Germans occupy Oesel and Dago Islands (Gulf of

Nor. 29.

Deo. 4-

Deo. 6.

Dec. 6.

Dec. 6-9

Deo. 7.

Dec. 9.

Dec. 10.

Dec. 15.

Dec. 23.

Deo. 16.

Dec. 29.

Overthrow of Kerenaky and Provisional Govern-

ment of Russia by the Bolsheviki.
Clemenceau succeeds Ribot as French premier.

British forces in Palestine take Jaffa. (Official

Report. )

Battle of Cambrai. Successful surprise attack
near Cambrai by British under Gen. Byng on
Nov. 22 (employs "tanks" to break down
wire entanglements in place of the usual ar-
tillery preparations). Bourlon Wood, domi-
nating Cambrai, taken Nov. 26. Surprise
counter attack by Germans, Nov. 30, compels
British to give up fourth of ground gained.
German attacks on Dec. 13 partly successful.

First plenary session of the Interallied Confer-
ence in Paris. Sixteen nations represented.
Cot. K. M. House, chairman of American dele-
gation.

President Wilson, in message to Congress, ad-
vises war on Austria.

U. 8. destroyer " Jacob Jones " sunk by sub-
marine, with loss of over 60 American men.

Explosion of munitions vessel wrecks Halifax.
Armed revolt overthrows pro-Ally administra-
tion in Portugal.

United States declares war on Austria-Hungary.

Jerusalem captured by British forces advancing
from Egypt.

Gens. Kaledines and Kornilov declared by the
Bolsheviki Government to be leading a Cossack
revolt.

Armistice signed between Germany and the Bol-
sheviki Government at Brest-Litovsk.

Peace negotiations opened at Brest-Litovsk be-
tween Bolsheviki Government and Central
Powers, under Presidency of the German For-
eign minister.

President Wilson issues proclamation taking over
railroads and appointing W. O. MoAdoo,
director-general, Proclamation taking effect at
noon, December 28.

British national labor conference approves con-
tinuation of war aims similar to those defined
by President Wilson.

1918.

Jan. 4.

Jan. 5.

Jan. 7.

Jan. 8.

Jan. 14.

Jan. 18.

Oct. 17. Russians defeated in a naval engagement in the
Gulf of Riga.

Oct. 14-Dec. Great German -Austrian counter drive into
Italy. Italian line shifted to Piave River,
Asiapo Plateau, and Brenta River.

Oct. 23-20. French drive north of the Aisne wins impor-
tant positions, including Malmaison Fort.

Oct. 2(1. Brazil declares war on Germany.

Oct. 27. Second Liberty Loan closed ($3,000,000,000 of-
fered; MJtnfSiflW subscribed).

Oct. 30. Count von Hertling succeeds Michaelis aa Ger-
man chancellor.

Nov. 2. Germans retreat from the Chemin des Dames,
north of the Aisne.

Nov. S. First clash of American with German soldiers.

British hospital ship " Rewa " torpedoed and

sunk in English Channel.

Premier Lloyd George sets forth Great Britain's
war aims in a speech before the Trades Union
Conference.
U. 8. Supreme Court declares the Selective Ser-

vice Act constitutional.
President Wilson sets forth war plans and peace

program of the United States.
French ex-premier Joseph Caillaux arrested,

charged with conspiring with the enemy.
Russian Constituent Assembly meets in Petro-

grad.

Jan. 19. The Bolsheviki dissolve' the Russian Assembly.
Jan. 20. British naval forces in the Dardanelles sink
Turkish cruiser " Breslau " and force the crui-
ser " Goeben " to run aground.

Jan. tt. Chancellor von Hertling replies to President
Wilson's War Aims Speech. Count Czernin
addresses the Austrian Reichsrath on peace.
Jan. 28-29. Big German air aid on London.
Jan. 28. Revolution bo^ins in Finland ; fighting between

" White Guards " and " Red Guards."
Jan. 30. First systematic German air raid on Paris.
Jan. SI. Announcement is made that American troops are

occupying front-line trenches.

Feb. S. American troops officially announced to be on the
Lorraine front near Toul.

210

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

Feb. 5. British transport " Tuscania " with 2,779 Ameri-
can troops on board torpedoed and sunk off
coast of Ireland, 211 American soldiers lost.

Feb. 6. Major General Peyton C. March appointed Act-
ing Chief of the General Staff.

Feb. 9. The Ukraine makes peace with Germany; the
first peace treaty of the war.

Feb. 10. The Bolshevik! declare the state of war with the
Teutonic powers at an end, and order the com-
plete demobilization of the army.

Feb. 11. President Wilson replies to Count Czemin and
Chancellor von Bertling.

Feb. 14. Bolo Pasha condemned to death for treason
against France, and executed by a firing squad,
April 16.

Feb. 17. Cossack General Kaledines commits suicide.
Collapse of Cossack revolt against the Bolshe-
viki.

Feb. 18- Russo-German armistice declared at an end by
Mar. 3. Germany ; war resumed. Further invasion of
Russia meets little opposition. Germans oc-
cupy Dvinsk, Lutsk, Minsk, Rovno, Walk, and
Reval.
19. Russian Government announces its willingness to

sign peace terms dictated by Central Powers.
21. Jericho captured by British expedition in Pales-
tine; German troops land in Finland.
£2. American troops on the Aisne sector co-operate

with French in patrolling.

23. Turkey begins an offensive in the Caucasus
against Russia. Trebizond occupied Feb. 26.

25. Chancellor von Hertling's speech to the Reichstag

agrees superficially with the four fundamental
principles of peace enunciated by President
Wilson.

26. British hospital ship " Glanart Castle " sunk by

submarine.
2.

Feb.
Feb.
Feb.
Feb.
Feb.

Feb.
Mar.
Mar.

Mar.
Mar.

liar. 10.

German and Ukrainian troops occupy Kiev after
battle with Bolsheviki.

3. Bolsheviki sign peace treaty with Germany at

Brest-Litovsk. Treaty ratified by Soviet Con-
gress at Moscow, March 15.

5. Rumania forced to sign a preliminary treaty of
peace with Germany.

7. Finland and Germany sign a treaty of peace.
American troops holding more than eight miles

of trenches on French front.

Announcement that American troops are occupy-
ing trenches at four different points on French
front.

British occupy town of Hit in Mesopotamia; en-
tire Turkish force in Hit area captured or de-
stroyed by March 28.

Secretary of War Baker arrives in France on

tour of inspection.

Mar. 11. First wholly American raid, made in sector north
of Toul, meets with success.

Great German air raid on Paris; more than 50
German planes participate.

13. German troops occupy Odessa on Black Sea.

14. Turkish troops occupy Erzerum.

American troops make their first permanent ad-
vance north of Badonvillers.

Concrete ship "Faith" launched at a Pacific port.
18. Allies denounce treaty of Brest-Litovsk and re-
fuse to accept its terms.
21-29. Great German offensive begun on 50-mile

front from Arras to La Fere.
Germans reoccupy Peronne, Chauny, and Ham
(Mar. 24); Bapaume (Mar. 25); Noyon and
Roye (Mar. 26); Albert (Mar. 27); Mont-
didier (Mar. 28).

4. Third Liberty Loan of $3,000,000,000 closed.

(Total subscription was $4,170,019,650.)

8. Rumania signs peace treaty with the Central

Powers.

Mar.
Mar.

May
May

May

17.
19.

May 9-10. British naval force attempts to seal Ostend
harbor.

May 7. Nicaragua declares war on Germany and her
Allies.

May. 10. As a result of conferences between Emperor
William and Emperor Charles, Austria-Hun-
gary concludes a new convention with Germany.

May 14. Italian naval forces torpedo and sink Austrian

battleship in Pola harbor.

Caucasia proclaims itself an independent State.
Emperor William II in a proclamation recog-
nizes the independence of Lithuania, allied
with the German Empire, and assumes that
Lithuania will participate in the war burdens
of Germany.

May 15. Aeroplane mail service inaugurated between

Washington, Philadelphia, and New York.
Arrest of Sinn Fein leaders in Ireland.

German airplanes raid British hospitals behind

the lines in France.

20. President Wilson signs the Overman Bill; and
reorganizes the air service, making it inde-
pendent of the Signal Corps.

May 21. British transport " Moldania " is sunk with losa
of 53 American soldiers.

May 24- Major General March appointed Chief of Staff
' with the rank of General.
Costa Rica declares war on the Central Powers.

May S5-June. German submarines appear off American
coast and sink 19 coastwise vessels, including
Porto Rico liner " Carolina " with loss of 16
lives.

May 27. Third phase of German offensive begins, this
time along the Aisne River. Germans capture
Chemin des Dames (May 27); cross the
Ailette River (May 27); occupy Soissons
(May 30) ; reach the Marne River (May 31) ;
capture Chateau Thierry and Verneuil
(June 1).

May 28. American forces west of Montdidier capture
village of Cantigny and hold it against numer-
ous counter-attacks.

May 81. U. 8. transport "President Lincoln" sunk by
U-boat while on her way to the United States.
23 lives lost.

June 9. Secretary of War Baker announces that there are
700,000 American troops in France.

June 9-16. Fourth phase of German offensive begins on
20-mile front between Noyon and Montdidier.
Advance 2V-> miles. Reach Aronde on west,
descend Marz in centre, and make maximum
gain of 7 miles (June 11). French counter-
attack and drive enemy back beyond Cour-
celles (June 13-14). Germans fail in effort
to cross Matz (June 16).

June 10. Italian naval forces sink one Austrian dread-
nought and damage another in the Adriatic.

June 11. U. S. Marines take Belleau Wood, with 800
prisoners.

June 14. Turkish troops occupy Tabriz, Persia.

June 15. — General March announces that there are 800,000
troops in France.

June 15- Austrian offensive against Italy begins (June
July 6. 15). Piave to II Mantello, Zeisa, and old
Piave from Capo Sile is crossed (June 16).
Italian counter-offensive forces Austrians back
across Piave with a loss of 200,000 men, in-
cluding more than 20,000 prisoners. Driven
from the coastal zone between the two Piave
deltas (June 22- July 6).

June 18. British troopship under charter by the United
States is torpedoed on return trip from Eu-
rope; 21 of crew (British) lost.

June SI. Official statement that American forces held S9
miles of French front in 6 sectors.

APPENDIX.

211

June 24. German Foreign Secretary von Kuhlmann admits
that war settlement cannot be attained by
force of arms alone.

June 27. British hospital ship " Llandovery Castle " is
torpedoed off Irish coast with loss of 234 lives.
Only 24 survived.

July 1. American transport " Covington," homeward
bound, sunk off a French port with the loss of
6 lives.

July S. General March announces that over one million
American soldiers are overseas.

July 4. President Wilson's Mount Vernon speech on
peace terms declares " The settlement must be
final." " ffo half-way decision is conceivable."

July 6-10. Italians and French begin drive against Aus-
trian Albanian front. Occupy Herat in Al-
banian front (July 10).

Count von Mirbach, German Ambassador at Mos-
cow, assassinated.

July 9. Dr. Richard von Kuhlmann, German Foreign Min-
ister, resigns, and is succeeded by Admiral von
Hintze.

July 11. American supply ship " Westover " torpedoed,

with loss of ten lives.

German Chancellor von Hertling asserts that
Belgium serves as a pawn to be used in future
negotiations.

July 13. Czecho-Slovak troops occupy Irkutsk.

July 15. Trial of Malvy, formerly French Minister of the
Interior, begins at Paris.

July 15-17. Fifth phase of German offensive begins (July
15). Germans penetrate to a depth of three
miles south of Marne, on a front between
Chateau Thierry and Oeuilly, and threatened
to envelop Kheims.

July 15-18. Anglo-American forces occupy strategic posi-
tions on the Murman Coast (N. W. Russia).

July 16. Baron Burian, Austrian Premier, says that his
country accepts President Wilson's terms and
is ready to discuss peace.

Ex-Czar Nicholas executed by the Russian revo-
lutionary government.

July 17. Duval, editor of Bonnet-Rouge, is executed in
Paris for treason.

July 18-31. Foch's counter-offensive against Soissons-
Chateau Thierry line begins July 18.

July 10. American cruiser " San Diego " sunk off coast of
United States by torpedo or mine, with a loss
of eight lives.

July 22. British transport "Justica," 32,120 tons, sunk
by submarine attack on way to Halifax.

July 22. Honduras declares war on Germany.

July SO. — British American military service convention be-
come* effective.

July SI. President Wilson takes over telegraph and tele-
phone systems.

COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR.

War Reprints

The monthly War Supplements to THE HISTORY TEACHER'S MAGAZINE are
being reprinted in inexpensive form immediately after their appearance in
the MAGAZINE.

ALREADY ISSUED

No. 1. The Study of the Great War.

By PROF. S. B. HARDING. Price, 20 cents each.

No. 2. War Curiosities and the Belgium Secret Press.
By PROF. CHRISTIAN GAUSS. Price, 10 cents each.

No. 3. A Bibliography of the Great War.

By PROF. GEORGE M. DUTCHER. Price, 25 cents each.

No. 4. War Geography, with Many Maps.

By PROF. S. B. HARDING and PROF. W. E. LINGELBACH. Price, 20 cents each.

No. 5. Syllabus of a Course of Study in the Preliminaries of the World Conflict.
By HALFORD L. HOSKINS. Price, 20 cents each.

No. 6. A Selection from the Addresses of President Wilson.
Price, 20 cents each.

No. 7. Important Statutes and Executive Proclamations Issued in the United States
from April, 1917, to May, 1918.

Price, 25 cents each.

No. 8. Economic Materials Bearing Upon the World War.

Arranged by PROF. W. E. LINGELBACH. Price, 20 cents each.

Liberal discounts when ordered in quantities.

Collected Materials for the Study of the War

Compiled by the EDITOR OF THE HISTORY TEACHER'S MAGAZINE.

Contains principal war addresses of President Wilson ; many recent statutes of Congress ; executive pro-
clamations ; outline maps ; and the material contained in War Reprints No. I, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8.

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PHILADELPHIA, PA.

BINDING SECT.

PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE
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UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY

McKinley, Albert E. [comp.]
Collected materials for
the study of the war

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