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Collected Materials 
for the Study of the War 



COMPILED BY 
ALBERT E. McKINLEY 



PHILADELPHIA 

McKINLEY PUBLISHING COMPANY 
1918 




Copyright, 1917, 1918 
McKINLEY PUBLISHING COMPANY 



Introduction 



\ 



The World War has led to an intense sharpening 
of interest among Americans in international rela- 
tions and world history. Races, countries, and poli- 
cies hitherto almost unknown to the great body of 
American citizens, have in a moment become of vital 
importance to all. And with this new importance 
has come a truly American desire to understand the 
significance of the new world movements. Hence, 
from the public generally, from students in schools 
and colleges, from teachers, lecturers, and conductors 
of classes in clubs and camps, has come the demand 
for information and interpretation. The aim of the 
compiler of the following pages has been to present 
in brief compass such materials as will best meet this 
demand. 

President Wilson's principal addresses in war- 
time have been included not only because they pre- 
sent the official statements upon the entrance of the 
United States into the war and upon the war aims of 
America, but also because of their incomparable style 
and diction. No condensations or omissions have 
been undertaken in any of the addresses. . 

In Part II is presented what is by far the best 
analysis of the immediate antecedents and principal 
events of the war which has yet been prepared. Pro- 
fessor Harding has adopted a topical form for his 
study of the war, but he has so woven together the 
evidence, and accompanied it with such telling quota- 
tions that he has made a most interesting narrative. 
This outline has already been made the basis of study 
in hundreds of classes throughout the country, and it 
will soon, doubtless, be adopted on a still wider scale. 

Mr. Hoskins. in his Syllabus, in Part III, goes 
back to an earlier date in order to get an adequate 
background for the present conflict. Beginning with 
the Middle Ages he analyzes the steps by which 
modern Kurope has come into existence and the man- 
ner in which its institutions have developed. Particu- 
lar attention is called to the "' problem questions " 
given under each topic. These thought-provoking 
questions will stimulate any intelligent person into a 
new attitude toward historical events and personages. 

Next to a demand for information concerning the 
historical origins of the war has come that for an 
understanding of world geography. Places and dis- 
tricts hitherto unnoticed by even well-informed per- 
sons have in a day become of world-wide im- 
portance. German colonies in distant parts of the 
world have been seized by the Allies; battle-lines in 
Europe have shifted back and forth; and German 
armies have occupied great districts whose very 
names previously were hidden within the large bulk 
of the Russian state. Geography has helped in an 
understanding of the. war by showing racial bound- 
aries as well as political ; it lias brought us to realize 
the value of physical land and water features in 
the conduct of military campaigns; and of the 
economic background which has exercised such a 
deep influence upon German annexationists. Pro- 
fessors Harding and Lingelbach, in Part IV. have 



prepared and described a series of maps bearing 
upon the military, economic, racial, and political 
aspects of the war. To these have been added a 
number of outline maps which may be used in depict- 
ing further military and political changes. 

Professor Butcher, in Part V, has prepared an ex- 
tensive critical bibliography of the war. While the 
list of seven hundred titles may seem formidable to 
some, yet it is so closely sub-divided that the stu- 
dent can readily gain an appraisal of the books upon 
any phase of the war. 

Part VI contains statutes and joint-resolutions 
of the Congress of the United States from April, 
1917, to May, 1918. The aim has been to include 
those laws and parts of laws which show the manner 
in which the country has been legally reorganized to 
meet war conditions. It cannot be hoped that the 
selection of statutes will be satisfactory to all, but 
the list has been made as inclusive as space limita- 
tions would permit. No attempt has been made to 
include all the laws on a given subject, but rather to 
pick out typical statutes, from which the reader or 
student can gain an idea of the vastly important leg- 
islation of the Sixty-fifth Congress. It has been im- 
possible, too, to print the full text of the longer 
statutes, some of which, like the Revenue Act of 
1917, would occupy fifty of the large pages of the 
present work. The parts omitted have been indi- 
cated in the usual manner (. . .). The sections in- 
cluded are those which contain general principles of 
legislation; qualifying clauses and sections have in 
some cases been cut out. Persons desiring to con- 
sult the statutes for legal reasons rather than for 
general information or historical facts should read 
the official text published in the " Statutes at Large " 
or the " slip-laws " of the United States. 

What has been said above concerning the laws, 
holds true also of the Executive Proclamations in 
Part VII. To save space the parts of proclama- 
tions which recite a statute or part of a statute have 
been omitted, as well as the usual form of subscription 
and seal by the President and Secretary. 

The material in Parts II, IV, and V of this col- 
lection was prepared in co-operation with the Na- 
tional Board for Historical Service of Washington, 
D. C. It was first published in THE HISTORY 
TEACHER'S MAGAZINE for January, March, and 
April, 1918, and later reprinted in pamphlet form. 
Acknowledgment is cheerfully made of assistance in 
the preparation of Part IV received from Professor 
G. B. Roorbaeh, Mr. Randolph G. Adams, Messrs. 
Henry Holt and Co., the C. S. Hammond Co., and 
the Atlantic Monthly Press. 

The several parts of this collection have been is- 
sued by the publishers in separate pamphlet form 
(except that Parts VI and VII are included in one 
pamphlet), and these separates may be obtained in 
single copies or in quantities for class use where the 
adoption of the entire collection is impracticable. 



Suggestions for the Use of the Materials 



The President's addresses should, in the case of 
each, be studied in their entirety. Each should be 
comprehended as a complete work of art. But in ad- 
dition to this they should be studied in a series with 
the purpose to discover (1) the immediate reasons for 
the entrance of the United States into the war; (2) 
the ultimate purpose of our intervention; (3) the 
change from our old policy of isolation (Monroe 
Doctrine) ; (4) our wishes concerning the Allies ; 
(5) a plan for a better organization .of the world than 
i xisted before the war. The text of the addresses 
may also be studied in connection with the study- 
outlines given in Part II and Part III. 

The syllabus prepared by Professor Harding is 
designed as the basis for a connected study of the war 
and its immediate causes. The successive sections 
should be assigned for study and discussion. Mem- 
bers of the class or group should look up additional 
information in the references accompanying the sev- 
eral chapters. 

The outline prepared by Mr. Hoskins lends itself 
to a more extensive study of the conditions leading up 
to the war. It is designed particularly for high 
school and college classes in which time is available 
to study more in detail the historic development of 
the modern world. The outline should be assigned 
in brief sections, and pupils should be required to pre- 
pare for the exercise by reading in the textbooks and 
general works. Their reading may be carried on with 
a view to obtaining answers to the " problem-ques- 
tions " which the author has inserted under each sub- 
topic. 

The geography- section should be made the basis 
of careful study. Too often students and teachers 
are content to use a map simply as a means of refer- 
ence to locate a specified place. In addition to such 
use, maps should, in class instruction, be made the 
basis for propounding and answering definite prob- 
lems. Such problems may deal with simple facts of 
locations and distances; or they may take up more 
subtle questions of the relation of geography to mili- 
tary, political, and economical activities. Thus the 
map showing the Pangermanist plan of 1895 (page 
93) may be contrasted with the races (on colored map 
opposite page 92) to be subjugated, or with the map 
of the recent territorial redistribution in Russia (page 
98). The map of the German drive of March, 1918, 
shows the alternate attack upon the center and the 
flanks of the Allied position ; it shows also the grad- 
ual slowing down of the German advance. A num- 
ber of excellent geographical problems are presented 
by Professor Lingelbach on page 85. 

The bibliography of war literature is inserted in 
this volume because it is believed that it will prove 
useful not only in designating books fo library pur- 
( h.'ise, but also because it gives an impartial valuation 
of each volume. Professor Dutcher's bibliography is 
the most complete work of this character which has 
nppoarrd. With its careful subdivision into topics, 
it should be a continual help to the historical scholar. 

The United States statutes and proclamations 
show the means by which a peaceful nation reorgan- 
ized its military system, its trade and industries, and 



its finance in order to devote all its energies to win- 
ning the war. Such material is somewhat difficult to 
use in school and college classes unless the assign- 
ments of topics and questions are most carefully made 
by the instructor. Occasionally the briefer statutes 
may be assigned entire for close study and analysis; 
but for the longer documents a more intensive method 
should be used. The following suggestions will illus- 
trate how these and the other statutes may be so as- 
signed to the class that the essential parts of the laws 
will not be overlooked by the careless reader. 

From the text of the Selective Draft Act (page 
137) answer the following questions: 

What kinds of organizations and what numbers of each 
is the President authorized to raise by paragraphs 1-7 of 
Section It Which of these are to be raised by voluntary 
enlistment and which by selective draft? 

What persons are liable to the draft? Hew are the 
drafted persons apportioned among the States ? May a for- 
eigner be drafted? 

Contrast the bounty provision in Section 3 with the pol- 
icy pursued in the Civil War. Which is the more demo- 
cratic? Why? 

Can you give satisfactory reasons why each of the classes 
of persons mentioned in Section 4 should be exempt? 

Sketch the organization by which persons are registered 
for the draft, and the method by which exemptions are de- 
termined. 

What official persons may the President call upon for as- 
sistance in the draft? What penalties are imposed for re- 
fusal or neglect to perform such duty ? 

What powers are given to the President to safeguard the 
morals of the army? 

Compare the text of this Act with the proclamation of 
the President for the registration on June 5, 1917 (page 
171). 

The following topics and problems are based upon 
the Act of August 10, 1917 (page 145), giving the 
President power to control food and fuel: 
Give in brief the purposes of the Act. 
What agencies may the President use to enforce the Act? 
What limitations concerning contracts are imposed upon 
these persons and agencies? Why are these imposed? 
What acts are made unlawful by Section 4? 
For what classes of acts may licenses be required under 
Section 5? What is the advantage of a license system? 
Who are exempt from the license system? Why so exempt? 
What punishment may be inflicted upon hoarders? What 
becomes of the articles hoarded? 

What powers does the President possess to seize and to 
sell necessaries? 

What control does he possess over the prices of neces- 
saries, especially wheat? 

What restriction does the Act impose upon the manufac- 
ture of dicUltal liquors? Does this affect breweries? 

When shall the provisions of this Act cease to have 
effect ? 

Outline the powers of the President over the fuel supply. 
State from your own knowledge or other sources how the 
food and fuel control has been exercised in your locality. 

A similar treatment of the other statutes and of 
the Executive Proclamations will bring out the sig- 
nificant parts of each document. Only by such means 
can a class be led to use with profit legal documents 
of this character. 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



CONTENTS 



PART I. A SELECTION FROM PRESIDENT WILSON'S ADDRESSES 



PAGE PAGE 

Address to Senate Upon Terms of Peace in Europe, 

January 22, 1917 9 

Address to Congress Upon Germany's Renewal of Sub- Address to Congress Upon War Aims and Peace Terms, 

marine War Against Merchant Ships, February 

3, 1917 11 

Address to Congress Advising that War Be Declared 
Against Germany, April 2, 1917 13 

Proclamation Calling Upon All to Speak, Act, and 
Serve Together, April 16, 1917 16 



Flag Day Address, June 14, 1917 18 

idress to Congress Upon War Aims and Peace Terms, 
January 8, 1918 20 

Address to Congress Upon German and Austrian Peace 
Utterances, February 11, 1918 22 

Address Delivered at Opening of the Third Liberty 
Loan Campaign, April 6, 1918 26 



PART II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR 

BY PROFESSOR SAMUEL B. HARDING 






PAQ 

I. FUNDAMENTAL CAUSES OF THE WAB 27 

I. General Factors; II. Militarism and Arma- 
ments; III. Failure of the Hague Conferences; 

IV. Special Subjects of International Conflict; 

V. Summary and Conclusion. 



HISTOIMCAL BACKGBOUND OF THE WAB 30 

I. Foundation and Character of the German Em- 
pire; II. The Triple Alliance and the Triple En- 
tente; III. Three Diplomatic Crises; IV. Bagdad 
Railroad and Mittel-Europa ; V. Tripolitan and 
Balkan Wars. 

III. INDICATIONS THAT GERMANY AND AUSTRIA 
PLANNED AN AGGRESSIVE STROKE 32 

I. Austria Proposes an Attack on Serbia; II. 
Secret Military Report on German Army; III. 
Changed Attitude of the Kaiser; IV. German Pub- 
lic Opinion; V. Extraordinary Military Measures 
of Germany; VI. Conclusion. 

IV. THE AUSTRO-SERBIAN CONTROVERSY 36 

I. Prior Relations of Serbia, Austria and Rus- 
sia; II. The Serajevo Assassination; III. Austrian 
Note to Serbia; IV. Serbian Reply; V. Austria 
Declares War on Serbia; VI. Conclusions. 

V. FAILUHE OF DIPLOMACY TO AVERT WAB 38 

I. Outline of Events, July 21 to August 5, 1914; 
II. Proposals for Preserving Peace; III. German 
Ul* : ntums and Declarations of War Against 
Russia and France; IV. German Responsibility 
for the War. 



i VI. VIOLATION OF BELGIUM'S NEUTRALITY BRINGS IN 
GREAT BRITAIN 40 

I. Why Great Britain Was Expected to Stay 
Out; II. British Diplomacy and the War; III. 
Neutrality of Luxembuij and of Belgium Vio- 
lated; IV. Great Britain Enters the War. 

VII. THE WAR SPREADS CHABACTEB OF TH* WAR . . 44 

I. Other States Enter the War; II. World-wide 
Character of the War; III. Innovations in War- 
fare; IV. Examples of German Ruthlessncss and 
Violations of International Law; V. Summary and 
Expl nation of German Policy. 

VIII. THE UNITED STATES ENTERS THE WAR 49 

I. Struggle to Maintain Neutrality; II. From 

Neutrality to War; III. Summary of Reasons for 
Entering the War. 

IX. COURSE OF THE WAR 63 

I. Campaign of 1914; II. Campaign of 1915; 
III. Campaign of 1916; IV. Campaign of 1917. 

X. PROPOSALS FOB PEACE; WILL THIS BE THE LAST 
WABT 67 

I. Summary of States at War in 1917; II. 
American Aims in the War; III. Various Peace 
Proposals; IV. Will This Be the Last Great Wart 

XI. READING REFERENCES . n 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



PART III. A SYLLABUS FOR A COURSE OF STUDY UPON THE 
PRELIMINARIES OF THE PRESENT CONFLICT 

BY HALFORD L. HOSK.INS 

PAGE PAGE 

B. DEVELOPMENT OF WORLD PROBLEMS. 

BRIEF OUTLINE or SYLLABUS 65 

I. Phases of Territorial Expansion 71 

A. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND. H- Events Leading to the War 73 

I. Origin of the European States 66 Q THE WAR. 

II. National Consolidation and Expansion 67 I. Opening Events 76 

III. Revolutionary Period in Europe 68 IL The Cour8e of the War 78 

III. Prospectus 80 

IV. Constitutional Development of the Western 

Powers 69 U. BRIEF BIBLIOGRAPHY 81 



PART IV. SOME GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR 

BY PROFESSOR SAMUEL B. HARDING AND PROFESSOR W. E. LINGELBACH 

PAGE PAGE 

Bibliography of War Geography 82 The Pangermanist Plan of 1895 93 

European Geography and the War 83 The Countries at War 94 

Suggestions for Map Study 85 Dates of Declarations of War 94 

Topographical Map of Western Theatre of War 86 Eastern and Western Battle Lines, January 1, 1918 . . 96 

Topographical Map of Eastern Theatre of War 87 German Driv e of March and April, 1918 96 

Other War Areas, January 1, 1918 . . 97 

Topographical Map of Balkan Region 88 

Russian Peace Settlements 98 

Topographical Map of Italian Frontier 89 

Outline Map of the Western Front 99 

Map Showing Areas Producing Coal, Iron and Wheat . 90 

Outline Map of Russia 100 

Chart Showing Wealth, Population and Armaments .. 91 

Outline Map of the Balkan Region 101 

Growth of Prussia 92 

Outline Map of the Austro-Italian Frontier 102 

Subject Nationalities of the German Alliance. .Opposite 92 . 

Outline Maj/ of Turkey, Egypt and Mesopotamia 103 

The Berlin-Bagdad Plan Opposite 93 Outline Map of the North Sea, etc. . . 104 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



PART V. A SELECTED CRITICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PUBLICATIONS 
IN ENGLISH RELATING TO THE WORLD WAR 



BY PROFESSOR GEORGE M. DUTCH ER 



PAGE 

1. Bibliography 106 41. 

2. Handbooks 106 42. 

3. History of the War 106 43. 

4. Forecasts of the War 106 44. 

5. The Background of the War 107 45. 

6. The Diplomatic Rupture 108 46. 

7. Polemics, England vs. Germany 109 47. 

8. The Warring Nations 109 48. 

9. Views of the War by European Neutrals 110 49. 

10. Great Britain, Description, History, Policy 110 50. 

11. Great Britain, Army and Navy, Preparedness 111 51. 

12. Great Britain's Part in the War Ill 52. 

13. Ireland Ill 53. 

14. British Empire, Future Problems and Policies 112 

16. Belgium, History, Description 112 54. 

16. Bel ium, German Invasion and Rule 112 55. 

17. Belgium, Neutrality and International Law, Dis- 5fl. 

cussions 113 

18. France 114 57. 

19. Italy 114 

20. Portugal 114 58. 

21. Alsace-Lorraine 114 59. 

22. Germany, History 115 60. 

23. Germany, Kaiser and Court 116 61. 

24. Germany, Government and Conditions 115 62. 

25. Germany, Political Thought 116 63. 

26. Germany, Political Thought, Criticisms 117 64. 

27. Germany, Anthologies of Opinion 117 65. 

28. Germany, Weltpolitik 117 66. 

29. War-time German Discussions of National Policy . 118 67. 

30. Germany, Army, Navy, Secret Service 118 68. 

31. Germany, Descriptions in War-time 118 69. 

32. Austria-Hungary 119 70. 

33. Austria-Hungary, Slavic Peoples 119 71. 

34. Balkan 1'eninsula, History Conditions, Problems . 119 72. 

35. Balkan Wars, 1912-13 120 73. 

36. SerMa, Montenegro, Southern Slavs 120 74. 

37. Albania 120 75. 

38. Greece 120 73. 

39. Ottoman Empire, The Turks 121 77. 

40. Bulgaria 121 78. 



PAGE 

Roumania 121 

Poland 121 

Russia, History 121 

Russia, Ante-Bellum Descriptions 122 

Russia, Conditions in War-time 123 

Rucsia, Revolution of 1917 123 

Africa 123 

Jews, Zionism, Palestine 123 

The Armenians 123 

Persia and the Middle East 124 

Far East, China, Japan ' 124 

Japanese-American Relations 124 

United States, History, Ideals, International Re- 
lations 125 

United States Preparedness 125 

United States, German Intrigue 126 

German-Americans, Pro-German Views, and Pro- 
paganda 127 

United States, Relations and Attitude to War, 

1914-17 127 

United States, Participant in the War 128 

Latin-America, Pan-Americanism 128 

The War on the Sea 128 

International Law, Neutral Rights 129 

Nationality and Its Problems 129 

The War and Democracy 130 

The R suits of the War, Problems of Peace 130 

The War Against War 131 

League to Enforce Peace, League of Nations 132 

Economic Aspects of the War 133 

Women and the War 134 

Socialism and the War 134 

Interpretations of the War : Philosophical 134 

Interpretations of the War: Sociological 134 

Interpretations of the War : Political 135 

Interpretations of the War: Psychological 135 

Interpretations of the War: Ethical and Religious 135 
Interpretations of the War: By Men of Letters .. 136 

Atlases 136 

Pamphlet Series 136 

Committee on Public Information : Publications . 136 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



PART VI. STATUTES OF THE UNITED STATES RELATING TO THE 

STATE OF WAR 

APRIL 6, 1917, TO MAY 20, 1918 

PAGE PAG* 

Declaration of War with Germany, April 6, 1917 137 War Risk Insurance Act, October 6, 1917 168 

Authorization of Taking Over of Enemy Vessels, May Trading with the Enemy Act, October 6, 1917 160 

12, 1917 137 Declaration of War with Austria-Hungary, Decem- 

Selective Draft Act, May 18, 1917 137 ber 7, 1917 162 

Espionage Act, June 15, 1917 141 Act to Provide Housing for Fleet Workers, March 

Act to Punish Obstructing Transportation, and Estab- 1, 1918 162 

lishing Priorities, August 10, 1917 145 Act to Protect the Civil Rights of Persons in the Mili- 

Act Authorizing Control of Food and Fuel, August tary and Naval Establishments, March 8, 1918 163 

10, 1917 145 Daylight Saving Law, March 19, 1918 164 

Second Liberty Loan Act, September 24, 1917 150 Act to Authorize Control of Transportation Systems, 

Act Creating an Aircraft Board, October 1, 1917 151 March 21, 1918 164 

War Revenue Act, October 3, 1917 151 War Finance Corporation Act, April 5, 1918 166 

Act Permitting Foreign Vessels in Coastwise Trade, Resolution Changing Apportionment of Draft, May 

October 6, 1917 158 16, 1918 167 

Act to Prevent the Publication of Certain Inventions, Resolution Extending Draft Provisions, May 20, 1918 . 168 

October 6, 1917 158 Overman Bill, May 20, 1918 . 168 



PART VII. EXECUTIVE PROCLAMATIONS AND ORDERS 

APRIL 6, 1917, TO APRIL 10, 1918 

PAGE PAQB 

Proclamation of State of War and of Alien Enemy Proclamation Announcing the Taking Over of Rail- 
Regulations, April 6, 1917 169 roads, December 26, 1917 174 

Proclamation Concerning Treason, April 16, 1917 170 Proclamation Calling for Reduction of Consumption of 

Proclamation Calling for Registration Under the Draft Wheat and Meat > January 18, 1918 176 

171 Proclamation Concerning Exports, February 14, 1918. 176 

Proclamation Concerning the Panama Canal, May 23, 

Proclamation Directing the Taking Over of Dutch Ves- 
sels, March 20, 1918 178 

Proclamation Restricting Exports of Coin, September 

Explanatory Statement Concerning the Same . 177 

7, 1917 172 

, Proclamation Concerning the National War Labor 

Proclamation Concerning Food Licenses October 8, 1917 173 

Proclamation Relating to Second Liberty Loan, Octo- B ard ' AprU 8> 1918 177 

174 Priorities List for Supply of Fuel, April 10, 1918 178 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



List of New Materials to be found in the 
APPENDIX 



PAGE 

PRESIDENT WILSON'S PROCLAMATIONS AND' PEACE 
NOTES 

Registration Day Proclamation, August 31, 1918 .... 179 

Labor Day Proclamation, September 2, 1918 181 

Fourth Liberty Loan Address, September 27, 1918 .... 182 

Austria's Peace Note, September 15, 1918 184 

President Wilson's Reply, .September 16, 1918 186 

German Peace Proposal, October (!, 1918 180 

President Wilson's Reply, October 8, 1918 186 

German Note of October 12, 1918 186 

President Wilson's Reply, October 14, 1918 186 



PAGE 

Austrian Proposal of October 7, 1918 187 

President Wilson's Reply, October 19, 1918 187 

German Note of October 20, 1918 188 

President Wilson's Reply, October 23, 1918 188 

SELECTED SOURCE MATERIAL DEALING WITH THE 
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE WAR. By Professor 

William E. Lingelbach 189-198 

EFFECT OF THE WAB ON THE SUPPLY OF LABOR A.ND 

CAPITAL. By Professor Ernest L. Bogart 199-201 

TERM> OF ARMISTICE, NOVEMBER 11, 1918 202 

CHRONOLOGY or THE WAR, 1914-1918 206 



I. PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGES. 



PART I 

A Selection from President Wilson's Addresses 



ADDRESS TO THE SENATE, UPON TERMS OF PEACE IN 
EUROPE, JANUARY 22, 1917. 

Gentlemen of the Senate: 

On the eighteenth of December last I addressed 
an identic note to the governments of the nations now 
at war requesting them to state, more definitely than 
they had yet been stated by either group of bel- 
ligerents, the terms upon which they would deem it 
possible to make peace. I spoke on behalf of hu- 
manity and of the rights of all neutral nations like 
our own, many of whose most vital interests the war 
puts in constant jeopardy. The Central Powers 
united in a reply which stated merely that they were 
ready to meet their antagonists in conference to dis- 
cuss terms of peace. The Entente Powers have re- 
plied much more definitely and have stated, in gen- 
eral terms, indeed, but with sufficient definiteness to 
imply details, the arrangements, guarantees, and acts 
of reparation which they deem to be the indispen- 
sable conditions of a satisfactory settlement. We 
are that much nearer a definite discussion of the 
peace which shall end the present war. We are that 
much nearer the discussion of the international con- 
cert which must thereafter hold the world at peace. 
In every discussion of the peace that must end this 
war it is taken for granted that that peace must be 
followed by some definite concert of power which will 
make it virtually impossible that any such catastro- 
phe should ever overwhelm us again. Every lover of 
mankind, every sane and thoughtful man must take 
that for granted. 

I have sought this opportunity to address you be- 
cause I thought that I owed it to you, as the council 
associated with me in the final determination of our 
international obligations, to disclose to you without 
reserve the thought and purpose that have been tak- 
ing form in my mind in regard to the duty of our 
Government in the days to come when it will be 
necessary to lay afresh and upon a new plan the 
foundations of peace among the nations. 

It is inconceivable that the people of the United 
States should play no part in that great enterprise. 
To take part in such a service will be the opportu- 
nity for which they have sought to prepare them- 
selves by the very principles and purposes of their 
polity and the approved practices of their Govern- 
ment ever since the days when they set up a new 
nation in the high and honorable hope that it might 
in all that it was and did show mankind the way to 
liberty. They cannot in honor withhold the service 
to which they are now about to be challenged. They 
do not wish to withhold it. But they owe it to them- 
selves and to the other nations of the world to state 
the conditions under which they will feel free to ren- 
der it. 



That service is nothing less than this, to add their 
authority and their power to the authority and force 
of other nations to guarantee peace and justice 
throughout the world. Such a settlement cannot now 
be long postponed. It is right that before it comes 
this Government should frankly formulate the condi- 
tions upon which it would feel justified in asking our 
people to approve its formal and solemn adherence 
to a League for Peace. I am here to attempt to state 
those conditions. 

The present war must first be ended; but we owe 
it to candor and to a just regard for the opinion of 
mankind to say that, so far as our participation in 
guarantees of future peace is concerned, it makes a 
great deal of difference in what way and upon what 
terms it is ended. The treaties and agreements 
which bring it to an end must embody terms which 
will create a peace that is worth guaranteeing and 
preserving, a peace that will win the approval of 
mankind, not merely a peace that will serve the sev- 
eral interests and immediate aims of the nations en- 
gaged. We shall have no voice in determining what 
those terms shall be, but we shall, I feel sure, have 
a voice in determining whether they shall be made 
lasting or not by the guarantees of a universal cove- 
nant, and our judgment upon what is fundamental 
and essential as a condition precedent to permanency 
should be spoken now, not afterwards when it may be 
too late. 

No covenant of co-operative peace that does not 
include the peoples of the New World can suffice to 
keep the future safe against war; and yet there is 
only one sort of peace that the peoples of America 
could join in guaranteeing. The elements of that 
peace must be elements that engage the confidence 
and satisfy the principles of the American govern- 
ments, elements consistent with their political faith 
and with the practical convictions which the peoples 
of America have once for all embraced and under- 
taken to defend. 

I do not mean to say that any American govern- 
ment would throw any obstacle in the way of any 
terms of peace the governments now at war might 
agree upon, or seek to upset them when made, what- 
ever they might be. I only take it for granted that 
mere terms of peace between the belligerents will 
not satisfy even the belligerents themselves. Mere 
agreements may not make peace secure. It will be 
absolutely necessary that a force be created as a 
guarantor of the permanency of the settlement so 
much greater than the force of any nation now en- 
rj.iijed or any alliance hitherto formed or projected 
that no nation, no probable combination of nations 
could face or withstand it. If the peace presently to 
be made is to endure, it must be a peace made secure 
by the organized major force of mankind. 



10 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



The terms of the immediate peace agreed upon will 
determine whether it is a peace for which such a 
guarantee can be secured. The question upon which 
the whole future peace and policy of the world de- 
pends is this: Is the present war a struggle for a 
just and secure peace, or only for a new balance of 
power? If it be only a struggle for a new balance 
of power, who will guarantee, who can guarantee, 
the stable equilibrium of the new arrangement? Only 
a. tranquil Europe can be a stable Europe. There 
must be, not a balance of power, but a community 
of power; not organized rivalries, but an organized 
common peace. 

Fortunately we have received very explicit assur- 
ances on this point. The statesmen of both of the 
groups of nations now arrayed against one another 
have said, in terms that could not be misinterpreted, 
that it was no part of the purpose they had in mind 
to crush their antagonists. But the implications of 
these assurances may not be equally clear to all 
may not be the same on both sides of the water. I 
think it will be serviceable if I attempt to set forth 
what we understand them to be. 

They imply, first of all, that it must be a peace 
without victory. It is not pleasant to say this. I 
beg that I may be permitted to put my own inter- 
pretation upon it and that it may be understood that 
no other interpretation was in my thought. I am 
seeking only to face realities and to face them with- 
out soft concealments. Victory would mean peace 
forced upon the loser, a victor's terms imposed upon 
the vanquished. It would' be accepted in humilia- 
tion, under duress, at an intolerable sacrifice, and 
would leave a sting, a resentment, a bitter memory 
upon which terms -of peace would rest, not per- 
manently, but only as upon quicksand. Only a 
peace between equals can last. Only a peace the 
very principle of which is equality and a common 
participation in a common benefit. The right state 
of mind, the right feeling between nations, is as 
necessary for a lasting peace as is the just settle- 
ment of vexed questions of territory or of racial and 
national allegiance. 

The equality of nations upon which peace must be 
founded if it is to last must be an equality of rights ; 
the guarantees exchanged must neither recognize nor 
imply a difference between big nations and small, 
between those that are powerful and those that are 
weak. Right must be based upon the common 
strength, not upon the individual strength, of the 
nations upon whose concert peace will depend. 
Equality of territory or of resources there of course 
cannot be; nor any other sort of equality not gained 
in the ordinary peaceful and legitimate development 
of the peoples themselves. But no one asks or ex- 
pects anything more than an equality of rights. Man- 
kind is looking now for freedom of life, not for 
equipoises of power. 

And there is a deeper thing involved than even 
equality of right among organized nations. No 
peace can last, or ought to last, which does not recog- 



nize and accept the principle that governments de- 
rive all their just powers from the consent of the 
governed, and that no right anywhere exists to hand 
peoples about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if 
they were property. I take it for granted, for in- 
stance, if I may venture upon a single example, that 
statesmen everywhere are agreed that there should be 
a united, independent, and autonomous Poland, and 
that henceforth inviolable security of life, of wor- 
ship, and of industrial and social development should 
be guaranteed to all peoples who have lived hitherto 
under the power of governments devoted to a faith 
and purpose hostile to their own. 

I speak of this, not because of any desire to exalt 
and abstract political principle which has always been 
held very dear by those who have sought to build up 
liberty in America, but for the same reason that I 
have spoken of the other conditions of peace which 
seem to me clearly indispensable because I wish 
frankly to uncover realities. Any peace which does 
not recognize and accept this principle will inevitably 
be upset. " It will not rest upon the affections or the 
convictions of mankind. The ferment of spirit of 
whole populations will fight subtly and constantly 
against it, and all the world will sympathize. The 
world can be at peace only if its life is stable, and 
there can be no stability where the will is in rebel- 
lion, where there is not tranquillity of spirit and a 
sense of justice, of freedom, and of right. 

So far as practicable, moreover, every great people 
now struggling towards a full development of its re- 
sources and of its powers should be assured a direct 
outlet to the great highways of the sea. Where this 
cannot be done by the cession of territory, it can no 
doubt be done by the neutralization of direct rights 
of way under the general guarantee which will as- 
sure the peace itself. With a right comity of ar- 
rangement no nation need be shut away from free 
access to the open paths of the world's commerce. 

And the paths of the sea must alike in law and in 
fact be free. The freedom of the seas is the sine qua 
non of peace, equality, and co-operation. No doubt 
a somewhat radical reconsideration of many of the 
rules of international practice hitherto thought to be 
established may be necessary in order to make the 
seas indeed free and common in practically all cir- 
cumstances for the use of mankind, but the motive 
for such changes is convincing and compelling. 
There can be no trust or intimacy between the peo- 
ples of the world without them. The free, constant, 
unthreatened intercourse of nations is an essential 
part of the process of peace and of development. It 
need not be difficult either to define or to secure the 
freedom of the seas if the governments of the world 
sincerely desire to come to an agreement concern- 
ing it. 

It is a problem closely connected with the limita- 
tion of naval armaments and the co-operation of the 
navies of the world in keeping the seas at once free 
and safe. And the question of limiting naval arma- 
ments opens the wider and perhaps more difficult 



I. PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGES. 



11 



question of the limitation of armies and of all pro- 
grams of military preparation. Difficult and deli- 
cate as these questions are, they must be faced with 
the utmost candor and decided in a spirit of real 
accommodation if peace is to come with healing in its 
wings, and come to stay. Peace cannot be had with- 
out concession and sacrifice. There can be no sense 
of safety and equality among the nations if great 
preponderating armaments are henceforth to con- 
tinue here and there to be built up and maintained. 
The statesmen of the world must plan for peace and 
nations must adjust and accommodate their policy to 
it as they have planned for war and made ready for 
pitiless contest and rivalry. The question of arma- 
ments, whether on land or sea, is the most imme- 
diately and intensely practical question connected 
with the future fortunes of nations and of mankind. 

I have spoken upon these great matters without re- 
serve and with the utmost explicitness because it has 
seemed to me to be necessary if the world's yearning 
desire for peace was anywhere to find free voice and 
utterance. Perhaps I am the only person -in high au- 
thority amongst all the peoples of the world who is 
at liberty to speak and hold nothing back. I am 
speaking as an individual, and yet I am speaking 
also, of course, as the responsible head of a great 
government, and I feel confident that I have said 
what the people of the United States would wish me 
to say. May I not add that I hope and believe that 
I am in effect speaking for liberals and friends of 
humanity in every nation and of every program of 
liberty? I would fain believe that I am speaking 
for the silent mass of mankind everywhere who have 
as yet had no place or opportunity to speak their 
real hearts out concerning the death and ruin they 
see to have come already upon the persons and the 
homes they hold most dear. 

And in holding out the expectation that the peo- 
ple and Government of the United States will join 
the other civilized nations of the world in guarantee- 
ing the permanence of peace upon such terms as I 
have named I speak with the greater boldness and 
confidence because it is clear to every man who can 
think that there is in this promise no breach in either 
our traditions or our policy as a nation, but a fulfil- 
ment, rather, of all that we have professed or striven 
for. 

I am proposing, as it were, that the nations should 
with one accord adopt the doctrine of President 
Monroe as the doctrine of the world: that no nation 
should seek to extend its polity over any other na- 
tion or people, but that every people should be left 
free to determine its own polity, its own way of de- 
velopment, unhindered, unthreatened, unafraid, the 
little along with the great and powerful. 

I am proposing that all nations henceforth avoid 
entangling alliances which would draw them into 
competitions of power ; catch them in a net of in- 
trigue and selfish rivalry, and disturb their own 
affairs with influences intruded from without. There 
is no entangling alliance in a concert of power. When 



all unite to act in the same sense and with the same 
purpose all act in the common interest and are free 
to live their own lives under a common protection. 

I am proposing government by the consent of the 
governed; that freedom of the seas which in inter- 
national conference after conference representatives 
of the United States have urged with the eloquence 
of those who are the convinced disciples of liberty; 
and that moderation of armaments which makes of 
armies and navies a power for order merely, not an 
instrument of aggression or of selfish violence. 

These are American principles, American policies. 
We could stand for no others. And they are also the 
principles and policies of forward looking men and 
women everywhere, of every modern nation, of every 
enlightened community. They are the principles of 
mankind and must prevail. 

ADDRESS TO CONGRESS UPON GERMANY'S RENEWAL OF 

SUBMARINE WAR AGAINST MERCHANT SHIPS 

FEBRUARY 8, 1917. 

Gentlemen of the Congress: 

The Imperial German Government on the thirty- 
first of January announced to this Government and 
to the governments of the other neutral nations that 
en and after the first day of February, the present 
month, it would adopt a policy with regard to the use 
of submarines against all shipping seeking to pass 
through certain designated areas of the high seas to 
which it is clearly my duty to call your attention. 

Let me remind the Congress that on the eighteenth 
of April last, in view of the sinking on the twenty- 
fourth of March of the cross-channel passenger 
steamer Sussex by a German submarine, without sum- 
mons or warning, and the consequent loss of the lives 
of several citizens of the United States who were pas- 
sengers aboard her, this Government addressed a note 
to the Imperial German Government in which it made 
the following declaration: 

If it is still the purpose of the Imperial Government to 
prosecute relentless and indiscriminate warfare against ves- 
sels of commerce by the use of submarines without regard 
to what the Government of the United States must consider 
the sacred and indisputable rules of international law and 
the universally recognized dictates of humanity, the Gov- 
ernment of the United States is at last forced to the con- 
clusion that there is but one course it can pursue. Unless 
the Imperial Government should now immediately declare 
and effect an abandonment of its present methods of sub- 
marine warfare against passenger and freight-carrying ves- 
sels, the Government of the United States can have no 
choice but to sever diplomatic relations with the German 
Empire altogether. 

In reply to this declaration the Imperial German 
Government gave this Government the following as- 
surance: 

The German Government is prepared to do its utmost to 
confine the operations of war for the rest of its duration 
to the fighting forces of the belligerents, thereby also in- 
suring the freedom of the seas, a principle upon which the 
German Government believes, now as before, to be in agree- 
ment with the Goveuiment of the United States. 



12 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



The German Government, guided by this idea, notifies the 
Government of the United States that the German naval 
forces have received the following orders: In accordance 
with the general principles of visit and search and destruc- 
tion of merchant vessels recognized by international law, 
such vessels, both within and without the area declared as 
naval war zone, shall not be sunk without warning and 
without saving human lives, unless these ships attempt to 
escape or offer resistance. 

" But," it added, " neutrals cannot expect that 
Germany, forced to fight for her existence, shall, for 
the sake of neutral interest, restrict the use of an 
effective weapon if her enemy is permitted to continue 
to apply at will methods of warfare violating the rules 
of international law. Such a demand would be incom- 
patible with the character of neutrality, and the Ger- 
man Government is convinced that the Government of 
the United States does not think of making such a 
demand, knowing that the Government of the United 
States has repeatedly declared that it is determined 
to restore the principle of the freedom of the seas, 
from whatever quarter it has been violated." 

To this the Government of the United States re- 
plied on the eighth of May, accepting, of course, the 
assurances given, but adding, 

The Government of the United States feels it necessary 
to state that it takes it for granted that the Imperial Ger- 
man Government does not intend to imply that the main- 
tenance of its newly announced policy is in any way con- 
tingent upon the course or result of diplomatic negotiations 
between the Government of the United States and any 
other belligerent Government, notwithstanding the fact that 
certain passages in the Imperial Government's note of the 
4th instant might appear to be susceptible of that construc- 
tion. In order, however, to avoid any possible misunder- 
standing, the Government of the United States notifies the 
Imperial Government that it cannot for a moment enter- 
tain, much less discuss, a suggestion that respect by German 
naval authorities for the rights of citizens of the United 
States upon the high seas should in any way or in the 
slightest degree be made contingent upon the conduct of 
any other Government affecting the rights of neutrals and 
noncombatants. Responsibility in such matters is single, 
not joint; absolute, not relative. 

To this note of the eighth of May, the Imperial 
German Government made no reply. 

On the thirty-first of January, the Wednesday of 
the present week, the German Ambassador handed to 
the Secretary of State, along with a formal note, a 
memorandum which contains the following statement: 

The Imperial Government, therefore, does not doubt that 
the Government of the United States will understand the 
situation thus forced upon Germany by the Entente- Allies' 
brutal methods of war and by their determination to 
destroy the Central Powers, and that the Government of 
the United States will further realize that the now openly 
disclosed intentions of the Entente-Allies give back to Ger- 
many the freedom of action which she reserved in her note 
addressed to the Government of the United States on May 
4, 1916. 

Under these circumstances Germany will meet the illegal 
measures of her enemies by forcibly preventing after Febru- 
ary 1, 1917, in a zone around Great Britain, France, Italy, 
and in the Eastern Mediterranean all navigation, that of 
neutrals included, from and to England and from and to 



France, etc., etc. All ships met within the zone will be- 
sunk. 

I think that you will agree with me that, in view 
of this declaration, which suddenly and without prior 
intimation of any kind deliberately withdraws the sol- 
emn assurance given in the Imperial Government's 
note of the fourth of May, 1916, this Government has 
no alternative consistent with the dignity and honor 
of the United States but to take the course which, in 
its note of the eighteenth of April, 1916, it announced 
that it would take in the event that the German Gov- 
ernment did not declare and effect an abandonment of 
the methods of submarine warfare which it was then 
employing and to which it now purposes again to re- 
sort. 

I have, therefore, directed the Secretary of State to 
announce to His Excellency the German Ambassador 
that all diplomatic relations between the United States 
and the German Empire are severed, and that the 
American Ambassador at Berlin will immediately be 
withdrawn ; and, in accordance with this decision, to 
hand to His Excellency his passports. 

Notwithstanding this unexpected action of the Ger- 
man Government, this sudden and deeply deplorable 
renunciation of its assurances, given this Government 
at one of the most critical moments of tension in the 
relations of the two governments, I refuse to believe 
that it is the intention of the German authorities to do 
in fact what they have warned us they will feel at 
liberty to do. I cannot bring myself to believe that 
they will indeed pay no regard to the ancient friend- 
ship between their people and our own or to the sol- 
emn obligations which have been exchanged between 
them and destroy American ships and take the lives 
of American citizens in the wilful prosecution of the 
ruthless naval program they have announced their 
intention to adopt. Only actual overt acts on their 
part can make me believe it even now. 

If this inveterate confidence on my part in the so- 
briety and prudent foresight of their purpose should 
unhappily prove unfounded; if American ships and 
American lives should in fact be sacrificed by their 
naval commanders in heedless contravention of the 
just and reasonable understandings of international 
law and the obvious dictates of humanity, I shall take 
the liberty of coming again before the Congress, to 
ask that authority be given me to use any means that 
may be necessary for the protection of our seamen 
and our people in the prosecution of their peaceful 
and legitimate errands on the high seas. I can do 
nothing less. I take it for granted that all neutral 
governments will take the same course. 

We do not desire any hostile conflict with the Im- 
perial German Government. We are the sincere 
friends of the German people and earnestly desire to 
remain at peace with the Government which speaks 
for them. We shall not believe that they are hostile 
to us unless and until we are obliged to believe it ; and 
we purpose nothing more than the reasonable defense 
of the undoubted rights of our people. We wish to 
serve no selfish ends. We seek merely to stand true 



I. PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGES. 



13 



alike in thought and in action to the immemorial prin- 
ciples of our people which I sought to express in my 
address to the Senate only two weeks ago seek 
merely to vindicate our right to liberty and justice 
and an unmolested life. These are the bases of peace, 
not war. God grant we may not be challenged to de- 
fend them by acts of wilful injustice on the part of 
the Government of Germany! 

ADDRESS TO CONGRESS ADVISING THAT WAR BE 
DECLARED AOAINST GERMANY, APRIL 2, 1917. 

Gentlemen of the Congrets: 

I have called the Congress into extraordinary ses- 
sion because there are serious, very serious, choices of 
policy to be made, and made immediately, which it 
was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that 
I should assume the responsibility of making. 

On the third of February last I officially laid 
before you the extraordinary announcement of the 
Imperial German Government that on and after the 
first day of February it was its purpose to put aside 
all restraints of law or of humanity and -use its sub- 
marines to sink every vessel that sought to approach 
either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the 
western coasts of Europe or any of the ports con- 
trolled by the enemies of Germany within the Medi- 
terranean. That had seemed to be the object of the 
German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but 
since April of last year the Imperial Government had 
somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea 
craft in conformity with its promise then given to us 
that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due 
warning would be given to all other vessels which its 
submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance 
was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that 
their crews were given at least a fair chance to save 
their lives in their open boats. The precautions taken 
were meagre and haphazard enough, as was proved in 
distressing instance after instance in the progress of 
the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree 
of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept 
every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, what- 
ever their flag, their character, their cargo, their des- 
tination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the 
bottom without warning and without thought of help 
or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendly 
neutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hos- 
pital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely be- 
reaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the 
latter were provided with safe conduct through the 
proscribed areas by the German Government itself 
and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of 
identity, have been sunk with the same reckless lack 
of compassion or of principle. 

I was for a little while unable to believe that such 
things would in fact be done by any government that 
had hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of 
civilized nations. International law had its origin 
in the attempt to set up some law which would be re- 
spected nnd observed upon the seas, where no nation 
had right of dominion and where lay the free high- 



ways of the world. By painful stage after stage has 
that law been built up, with meagre enough results, 
indeed, after all was accomplished that could be ac- 
complished, but always with a clear view, at least, 
of what the heart and conscience of mankind de- 
manded. This minimum of right the German Govern- 
ment has swept aside under the plea of retaliation 
and necessity and because it had no weapons which 
it could use at sea except these which it is impossible 
to employ as it is employing them without throwing 
to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect 
for the understandings that were supposed to underlie 
the intercourse of the world. I am not now thinking 
of the loss of property involved, immense and serious 
as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale de- 
struction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, 
and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, 
even in the darkest periods of modern history, been 
deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be 
paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people 
cannot be. The present German submarine warfare 
against commerce is a warfare against mankind. 

It is a war against all nations. American ships 
have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which 
it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships 
and people of other neutral and friendly nations have 
been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same 
way. There has been no discrimination. The chal- 
lenge is to all mankind. Each nation must decide for 
itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for 
ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel 
and a temperateness of judgment befitting our char- 
acter and our motives as a nation. We must put ex- 
cited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge 
or the victorious assertion of the physical might of 
the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human 
right, of which we are only a single champion. 

When I addressed the Congress on the twenty-sixth 
of February last I thought that it would suffice to 
assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use 
the seas against unlawful interference, our right to 
keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But 
armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. 
Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used 
as the German submarines have been used against 
merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships 
against their attacks as the law of nations has as- 
sumed that merchantmen would defend themselves 
against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving 
chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence in 
such circumstances, grim necessity, indeed, to en- 
deavor to destroy them before they have shown their 
own intention. They must be dealt with upon sight, 
if dealt with at all. The German Government denies 
the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the 
areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the 
defense of rights which no modern publicist has ever 
before questioned their right to defend. The intima- 
tion is conveyed that the armed guards which we have 
placed on our merchant ships will be treated as be- 
yond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as 
pirates would be. Armed neutrality is ineffectual 



1-1 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face 
of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual; it is 
likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; 
it is practically certain to draw us into the war with- 
out either the rights or the effectiveness of belliger- 
ents. There is one choice we cannot make, we are in- 
capable of making: we will not choose the path of 
submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our 
nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The 
wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no 
common wrongs: they cut to the very roots of human 
life. 

With a profound sense of the solemn and even 
tragical character of the step I am taking and of the 
grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesi- 
tating obedience to what I deem my constitutional 
duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent 
course of the Imperial German Government to be in 
fact nothing less than war against the government and 
people of the United States; that it formally accept 
the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust 
upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to 
put the country in a more thorough state of defense 
but also to exert all its power and employ all its re- 
sources to bring the Government of the German Em- 
pire to terms and end the war. 

What this will involve is clear. It will involve the 
utmost practicable co-operation in counsel and action 
with the governments now at war with Germany, and, 
as incident to that, the extension to those governments 
of the most liberal financial credits, in order that our 
resources may so far as possible be added to theirs. 
It will involve the organization and mobilization of all 
the material resources of the country to supply the 
materials of war and serve the incidental needs of 
the nation in the most abundant and yet the most 
economical and efficient way possible. It will involve 
the immediate full equipment of the navy in all re- 
spects but particularly in supplying it with the best 
means of dealing with the enemy's submarines. It 
will involve the immediate addition to the armed 
forces of the United States already provided for by 
law in case of war at least five hundred thousand men, 
who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the princi- 
ple of universal liability to service, and also the au- 
thorization of subsequent additional increments of 
equal force so soon as they may be needed and can 
be handled in training. It will involve also, of course, 
the granting of adequate credits to the Government, 
sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be 
sustained by the present generation, by well conceived 
taxation. 

I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxa- 
tion because it seems to me that it would be most un- 
wise to base the credits which will now be necessary 
entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, I most 
respectfully urge, to protect our people so far as we 
may against the very serious hardships and evils 
which would be likely to arise out of the inflation 
which would be produced by vast loans. 

In carrying out the measures by which these things 
are to be accomplished we should keep constantly in 



mind the wisdom of interfering as little as possible in 
our own preparation and in the equipment of our own 
military forces with the duty -for it will be a very 
practical duty- of supplying the nations already at 
war with Germany with the materials which they can 
obtain only from us or by our assistance. They are 
in the field and we should help them in every way to 
be effective there. 

I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the 
several executive departments of the Government, for 
the consideration of your committees, measures for 
the accomplishment of the several objects I have men- 
tioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal 
with them as having been framed after very careful 
thought by the branch of the Government upon which 
the responsibility of conducting the war and safe- 
guarding the nation will most directly fall. 

While we do these things, these deeply momentous 
things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all 
the world what our motives and our objects are. My 
own thought has not been driven from its habitual 
and normal course by the unhappy events of the last 
two months, and I do not believe that the thought of 
the nation has been altered or clouded by them. I 
have exactly the same things in mind now that I had 
in mind when I addressed the Senate on the twenty- 
second of January last; the same that I had in mind 
when I addressed the Congress on the third of Feb- 
ruary and on the twenty-sixth of February. Our ob- 
ject now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of 
peace and justice in the life of the world as against 
selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst 
the really free and self-governed peoples of the world 
such a concert of purpose and of action as will hence- 
forth ensure the observance of those principles. Neu- 
trality is no longer feasible or desirable where the 
peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its 
peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom 
lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed 
by organized force which is controlled wholly by their 
will, not by the will of their people. We have seen 
the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are 
at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted 
that the same standards of conduct and responsibility 
for wrong done shall be observed among nations and 
their governments that are observed among the indi- 
vidual citizens of civilized states. 

We have no quarrel with the German people. We 
have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy 
and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that 
their government acted in entering this war. It was 
not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was 
a war determined upon as wars used to be determined 
upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were 
nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were pro- 
voked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of 
little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed 
to use their fellow men as pawns and tools. Self- 
governed nations do not fill their neighbor states 
with spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about 
some critical posture of affairs which will give them 
an opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such 



I. PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGES. 



15 



designs can be successfully worked out only under 
cover and where no one has the right to ask ques- 
tions. Cunningly contrived plans of deception or 
aggression, carried, it may be, from generation to gen- 
t-ration, can be worked out and kept from the light 
only within the privacy of courts or behind the care- 
fully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged 
class. They are happily impossible where public 
opinion commands and insists upon full information 
concerning all the nation's affairs. 

A steadfast concert for peace can never be main- 
tained except by a partnership of democratic nations. 
No autocratic government could be trusted to keep 
faith within it or observe its covenants. It must be 
a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue 
would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner cir- 
cles who could plan what they would and render ac- 
count to no one would be a corruption seated at its 
very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose 
and their honor steady to a common end and prefer 
the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of 
their own. 

Does not every American feel that assurance has 
been added to our hope for the future peace of the 
world by the wonderful and heartening things that 
have been happening within the last few weeks in 
Russia ? Russia was known by those who knew it 
best to have been always in fact democratic at heart, 
in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the inti- 
mate relationships of her people that spoke their nat- 
ural instinct, their habitual attitude towards life. The 
autocracy that crowned the summit of her political 
structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the 
reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, 
character, or purpose ; and now it has been shaken off 
and the great, generous Russian people have been 
added in all their native majesty and might to the 
forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for 
justice, and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a 
League of Honor. 

One of the things that has served to convince ns 
that the Prussian autocracy was not and could never 
be our friend is that from the very outset of the pres- 
ent war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and 
even our offices of government with spies and set 
criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our na- 
tional unity of counsel, our peace within and without, 
our industries and our commerce. Indeed, it is now 
evident that its spies were here even before the war 
began; and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture 
but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the 
intrigues which have more than once come perilously 
near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the in- 
dustries of the country have been carried on at the 
instigation, with the support, and even under the per- 
sonal direction of official agents of the Imperial Gov- 
ernment accredited to the Government of the United 
States. Even in checking these things and trying to 
extirpate them we have sought to put the most gener- 
ous interpretation possible upon them because we 
knew that their source lay, not in any hostile feeling 
or purpose of the German people towards us (who 



were, no doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves 
were), but only in the selfish designs of a Govern- 
ment that did what it pleased and told its people noth- 
ing. But they have played their part in serving to 
convince us at last that that Government entertains 
no real friendship for us and means to act against our 
peace and security at its convenience. That it means 
to stir up enemies against us at our very doors the in- 
tercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City 
is eloquent evidence. 

We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose 
because we know that in such a government, follow- 
ing such methods, we can never have a friend; and 
that in the presence of its organized power, always 
lying in wait to accomplish we know not what pur- 
pose, there can be no assured security for the demo- 
cratic governments of the world. We are now about 
to accept gauge of battle with this natural foe to lib- 
erty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of 
the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its 
power. We are glad, now that we see the facts with 
no veil of false pretence about them, to fight thus for 
the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation 
of its peoples, the German peoples included; for the 
rights of nations great and small and the privilege of 
men everywhere to choose their way of life and of 
obedience. The world must be made safe for democ- 
racy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested 
foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish 
ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. 
We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material 
compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. 
We are but one of the champions of the rights of man- 
kind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have 
been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of 
nations can make them. 

Just because we fight without rancor and without 
selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what 
we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, 
I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents 
without passion and ourselves observe with proud 
punctilio the principles of right and of fair play we 
profess to be fighting for. 

I have said nothing of the governments allied with 
the Imperial Government of Germany because they 
have not made war upon us or challenged us to de- 
fend our right and our honor. The Austro-Hun- 
garian Government has, indeed, avowed its unquali- 
fied endorsement and acceptance of the reckless and 
lawless submarine warfare adopted now without dis- 
guise by the Imperial German Government, and it 
has therefore not been possible for this Government 
to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recently 
accredited to this Government by the Imperial and 
Royal Government of Austria-Hungary; but that 
Government has not actually engaged in warfare 
against citizens of the United States on the seas, and 
I take the liberty, for the present at least, of post- 
poning a discussion of our relations with the authori- 
ties at Vienna. We enter this war only where we are 
clearly forced into it because there are no other means 
of defending our rights. 



16 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves 
as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness 
because we act without animus, not in enmity towards 
a people or with the desire to bring any injury or dis- 
advantage upon them, but only in armed opposition 
to an irresponsible government which has thrown 
aside all considerations of humanity and of right and 
is running amuck. We are, let me say again, the sin- 
cere friends of the German people, and shall desire 
nothing so much as the early re-establishment of inti- 
mate relations of mutual advantage between us how- 
ever hard it may be for them, for the time being, to 
believe that this is spoken from our hearts. We have 
borne with their present government through all these 
bitter months because of that friendship exercising 
a patience and forbearance which would otherwise 
have been impossible. We shall, happily, still have 
an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily 
attitude and actions towards the millions of men and 
women of German birth and native sympathy who 
live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be 
proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to 
their neighbors and to the Government in the hour of 
test. They are, most of them, as true and loyal 
Americans as if they had never known any other 
fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand 
with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may 
be of a different mind and purpose. If there should 
be disloyalty, it will be dealt with with a firm hand 
of stern repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it 
will lift it only here and there and without coun- 
tenance except from a lawless and malignant few. 

It is a distressing and oppressive duty, gentlemen 
of the Congress, which I have performed in thus ad- 
dressing you. There are, it may be, many months of 
fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful 
thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into 
the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civiliza- 
tion itself seeming to be in the balance. But the right 
is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for 
the things which we have always carried nearest our 
hearts, for democracy, for the right of those who sub- 
mit to authority to have a voice in their own govern- 
ments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, 
for a universal dominion of right by such a concert 
of free people as shall bring peace and safety to all 
nations and make the world itself at last free. To 
such a task we can dedicate our lives and our for- 
tunes, everything that we are and everything that we 
have, with the pride of those who know that the day 
has come when America is privileged to spend her 
blood and her might for the principles that gave her 
birth and happiness and the peace which she has 
treasured. God helping her, she can do no other. 

PROCLAMATION CALLING UPON ALL TO SPEAK, ACT 
AND SERVE TOGETHER. 

APRIL 16, 1917. 
My Fellow-Country men: 

The entrance of our own beloved country into the 
grim and terrible war for democracy and human 
rights which has shaken the world creates so many 



problems of national life and action which call for im- 
mediate consideration and settlement that I hope you 
will permit me to address to you a few words of 
earnest counsel and appeal with regard to them. 

We are rapidly putting our navy upon an efficient 
war footing, and are about to create and equip a 
great army, but these are the simplest parts of the 
great task to which we have addressed ourselves. 
There is not a single selfish element, so far as I can 
see, in the cause we are fighting for. We are fight- 
ing for what we believe and wish to be the rights of 
mankind and for the future peace and security of the 
world. To do this great thing worthily and success- 
fully we must devote ourselves to the service without 
regard to profit or material advantage and with an 
energy and intelligence that will rise to the level of 
the enterprise itself. We must realize to the full how 
great the task is and how many things, how many 
kinds and elements of capacity and service and self- 
sacrifice, it involves. 

These, then, are the things we must do, and do well, 
besides fighting the things without which mere fight- 
ing would be fruitless : 

We must supply abundant food for ourselves and 
for our armies and our seamen not only, but also for 
a large part of the nations with whom we have now 
made common cause, in whose support and by whose 
sides we shall be fighting; 

We must supply ships by the hundreds out of our 
shipyards to carry to the other side of the sea, sub- 
marines or no submarines, what will every day be 
needed there, and abundant materials out of our fields 
and our mines and our factories with which not only 
to clothe and equip our own forces on land and sea, but 
also to clothe and support our people for whom the 
gallant fellows under arms can no longer work, to help 
clothe and equip the armies with which we are co-oper- 
ating in Europe, and to keep the looms and manufac- 
tories there in raw material ; coal to keep the fires going 
in ships at sea and in the furnaces of hundreds of fac- 
tories across the sea; steel out of which to make arms 
and ammunition both here and there; rails for worn- 
out railways back of the fighting fronts; locomotives 
and rolling stock to take the place of those every day 
going to pieces ; mules, horses, cattle for labor and for 
military service ; everything with which the people of 
England and France and Italy and Russia have 
usually supplied themselves but cannot now afford the 
men,"the materials, or the machinery to make. 

It is evident to every thinking man that our indus- 
tries, on the farms, in the shipyards, in the mines, in 
the factories, must be made more prolific and more 
efficient than ever, and that they must be more 
economically managed and better adapted to the par- 
ticular requirements of our task than they have been; 
and what I want to say is that the men and the women 
who devote their thought and their energy to these 
things will be serving the country and conducting the 
fight for peace and freedom just as truly and just as, 
effectively as the men on the battlefield or in the 
trenches. The industrial forces of the country, men 
and women alike, will be a great national, a great 



I. PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGES. 



17 



international, Service Army a notable and honored 
host engaged in the service of the nation tnd the 
world, the efficient friends and saviors of free men 
everywhere. Thousands, nay, hundreds of thousands, 
of men otherwise liable to military service will of 
right and of necessity be excused from that service 
and assigned to the fundamental, sustaining work of 
the fields and factories and mines, and they will be as 
mucli part of the great patriotic forces of the nation 
as the men under fire. 

I take the liberty, therefore, of addressing this 
word to the fanners of the country and to all who 
work on the farms: The supreme need of our own 
nation and of the nations with which we are co- 
operating is an abundance of supplies, and especially 
of food stuffs. The importance of an adequate food 
supply, especially for the present year, is superlative. 
Without abundant food, alike for the armies and the 
peoples now at war, the whole great enterprise upon 
which we have embarked will break down and fail. 
The world's food reserves are low. Not only during 
the present emergency but for some time after peace 
shall have come both our own people and a large pro- 
portion of the people of Europe must rely upon the 
harvests in America. Upon the farmers of this coun- 
try, therefore, in large measure, rests the fate of the 
war and the fate of the nations. May the nation not 
count upon them to omit no step that will increase the 
production of their land or that will bring about the 
most effectual co-operation in the sale and distribution 
of their products ? The time is short. It is of the 
most imperative importance that everything possible 
be done and done immediately to make sure of large 
harvests. I call upon young men . nd old alike and 
upon the able-bodied boys of the land to accept and 
act upon this duty to turn in hosts to the farms and 
make certain that no pains and no labor is Tacking in 
this great matter. 

I particularly appeal to the farmers of the South 
to plant abundant food stuffs as well as cotton. They 
can show their patriotism in no better or more con- 
vincing way than by resisting the great temptation of 
the present price of cotton and helping, helping upon 
a great scale, to feed the nation and the peoples 
everywhere who are fighting for their liberties and for 
our own. The variety of their crops will be the visi- 
ble measure of their comprehension of their national 
duty. 

The Government of the United States and the'gov- 
ernments of the several States stand ready to co- 
operate. They will do everything possible to assist 
farmers in securing an adequate, supply of seed, an 
adequate force of laborers when they are most needed, 
at harvest time, and the means of expediting ship- 
ments of fertilizers and farm machinery, as well as of 
the crops themselves when harvested. The course of 
trade shall be as unhampered as it is possible to make 
it, and there shall be no unwarranted manipulation 
of the nation's food supply by those who handle it on 
its way to the consumer. This is our opportunity to 
demonstrate the efficiency of a great Democracy and 
we shall not fall short of it! 



This let me say to the middlemen of every sort, 
whether they are handling our food stuffs or our raw 
materials of manufacture or the products of our mills 
and factories: The eyes of the country will be espe- 
cially upon you. This is your opportunity for signal 
service, efficient and disinterested. The country ex- 
pects you, as it expects all others, to forego unusual 
profits, to organize and expedite shipments of supplies 
of every kind, but especially of food, with an eye to 
the service you are rendering and in the spirit of those 
who enlist in the ranks for their people, not for them- 
selves. I shall confidently expect you to deserve and 
win the confidence of people of every sort and sta- 
tion. 

To the men who run the railways of the country, 
whether they be managers or operative employees, let 
me say that the railways are the arteries of the na- 
tion's life and that upon them rests the immense re- 
sponsibility of seeing to it that those arteries suffer no 
obstruction of any kind, no inefficiency or slackened 
power. To the merchant let me suggest the motto, 
" Small profits and quick service;" and to the ship- 
builder the thought that the life of the war depends 
upon him. The food and the war supplies must be 
carried across the seas no matter how many ships are 
sent to the bottom. The places of those that go down 
must be supplied and supplied at once. To the miner 
let me say that he stands where the farmer does: the 
work of the world waits on him. If he slackens or 
fails, armies and statesmen are helpless. He also is 
enlisted in the great Service Army. The manufac- 
turer does not need to be told, I hope, that the nation 
looks to him to speed and perfect every process; and 
I want only to remind his employees that their ser- 
vice is absolutely indispensable and is counted on by 
every man who loves the country and its liberties. 

Let me suggest, also, that everyone who creates or 
cultivates a garden helps, and helps greatly, to solve 
the problem of the feeding of the nations ; and that 
every housewife who practices strict economy puts 
herself in the ranks of those who serve the nation. 
This is the time for America to correct her unpardon- 
able fault of wastefulness and extravagance. Let 
every man and every woman assume the duty of care- 
ful, provident use and expenditure as a public duty, 
as a dictate of patriotism which no one can now ex- 
pect ever to be excused or forgiven for ignoring. 

In the hope that this statement of the needs of the 
nation and of the world in this hour of supreme crisis 
may stimulate those to whom it comes and remind all 
who need reminder of the solemn duties of a time such 
as the world has never seen before, I beg that all 
editors and publishers everywhere will give as promi- 
nent publication and as wide circulation as possible to 
this appeal. I venture to suggest, also, to all adver- 
tising agencies that they would perhaps render a very 
substantial and timely service to the country if they 
would give it widespread repetition. And I hope 
that clergymen will not think the theme of it an un- 
worthy or inappropriate subject of comment and 
homily from their pulpits. 



18 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



The supreme test of the nation has come. We must 
all speak, act, and serve together ! 

WOODROW WILSON. 

FLAG DAY ADDRESS, WASHINGTON, D. C. 

JUNE 14, 1917. 
My Fellow Citizens; 

We meet to celebrate Flag Day because this flag 
which we honor and under which we serve is the 
emblem of our unity, our power, our thought and pur- 
pose as a nation. It has no other character than that 
which we give it from generation to generation. The 
choices are ours. It floats in majestic silence above 
the hosts that execute those choices, whether in peace 
or in war. And yet, though silent, it speaks to us 
speaks to us of the past, of the men and women who 
went before us and of the records they wrote upon it. 
We celebrate the day of its birth; and from its birth 
until now it has witnessed a great history, has floated 
on high the symbol of great events, of a great plan 
of life worked out by a great people. We are about 
to carry it into battle, to lift it where it will draw 
the fire of our enemies. We are about to bid 
thousands, hundreds of thousands, it may be millions, 
of our men, the young, the strong, the capable men of 
the nation, to go forth and die beneath it on fields of 
blood far away for what? For some unaccustomed 
thing? For something for which it has never sought 
the fire before? American armies were never before 
sent across the seas. Why are they sent now? For 
some new purpose, for which this great flag has never 
been carried before, or for some old, familiar, heroic 
purpose for which it has seen men, its own men, die 
on every battlefield upon which Americans have borne 
arms since the Revolution? 

These are questions which must be answered. We 
are Americans. We in our turn serve America, and can 
serve her with no private purpose. We must use her 
flag as she has always used it. We are accountable 
at the bar of history and must plead in utter frank- 
ness what purpose it is we seek to serve. 

It is plain enough how we were forced into the war. 
The extraordinary insults and aggressions of the Im- 
perial German Government left us no self-respecting 
choice but to take up arms in defense of our rights 
. as a free people and of our honor as a sovereign gov- 
ernment. The military masters of Germany denied 
us the right to be neutral. They filled our unsuspect- 
ing communities with vicious spies and conspirators 
and sought to corrupt the opinion of our people in 
their own behalf. When they found that they could 
not do that, their agents diligently spread sedition 
amongst us and sought to draw our own citizens from 
their allegiance and some of those agents were men 
connected with the official Embassy of the German 
Government itself here in our own capital. They 
sought by violence to destroy our industries and arrest 
our commerce. They tried to incite Mexico to take 
up arms against us and to draw Japan into a hostile 
alliance with her and that, not by indirection, but 
by direct suggestion from the Foreign Office in Ber- 
lin. They impudently denied us the use of the high 



seas and repeatedly executed their threat that they 
would send to their death any of our people who ven- 
tured to approach the coasts of Europe. And many 
of our own people were corrupted. Men began to 
look upon their own neighbors with suspicion and to 
wonder in their hot resentment and surprise whether 
there was any community in which hostile intrigue 
did not lurk. What great nation in such circum- 
stances would not have taken up arms? Much as we 
had desired peace, it was denied us, and not of our 
own choice. This flag under which we serve would 
have been dishonored had we withheld our hand. 

But that is only part of the story. We know now 
as clearly as we knew before we were ourselves en- 
gaged that we are not the enemies of the German peo- 
ple, and that they are not our enemies. They did not 
originate or desire this hideous war or wish that we 
should be drawn into it; and we are vaguely conscious 
that we are fighting their cause, as they will some day 
see it, as well as our own. They are themselves in 
the grip of the same sinister power that has now at 
last stretched its ugly talons out and drawn blood 
from us. The whole world is at war because the 
whole world is in the grip of that power and is trying 
out the great battle which shall determine whether it 
is to be brought under its mastery or fling itself free. 

The war was begun by the military masters of Ger- 
many, who proved to be also the masters of Austria- 
Hungary. These men have never regarded nations 
as peoples, men, women, and children of like blood 
and frame as themselves, for whom governments ex- 
isted and in whom governments had their life. They 
Lave regarded them merely as serviceable organiza- 
tions which they could by force or intrigue bend or 
corrupt to their own purpose. They have regarded 
the smaller states, in particular, and the peoples who 
could be overwhelmed by force, as their natural tools 
and instruments of domination. Their purpose has 
long been avowed. The statesmen of other nations, 
to whom that purpose was incredible, paid little at- 
tention ; regarded what German professors expounded 
in their classrooms and German writers set forth to 
the world as the goal of German policy as rather the 
dream of minds detached from practical affairs, as 
preposterous private conceptions of German destiny, 
than as the actual plans of responsible rulers ; but the 
rulers of Germany themselves knew all the while what 
concrete plans, what well advanced intrigues lay back 
of what the professors and the writers were saying, 
and were glad to go forward unmolested, filling the 
thrones of Balkan states with German princes, put- 
ting German officers at the service of Turkey to drill 
her armies and make interest with her government, 
developing plans of sedition and rebellion in India and 
Egypt, setting their fires in Persia. The demands 
made by Austria upon Servia were a mere single step 
in a plan which compassed Europe and Asia, from 
Berlin to Bagdad. They hoped those demands might 
not arouse Europe, but they meant to press them 
whether they did or not, for they thought themselves 
ready for the final issue of arms. 

Their plan was to throw a broad belt of German 



I. PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGES. 



19 



military power and political control across the very 
center of Europe and beyond the Mediterranean into 
the heart of Asia ; and Austria-Hungary was to be as 
much their tool and pawn as Servia or Bulgaria or 
Turkey or the ponderous states of the East. Austria- 
Hungary, indeed, was to become part of the central 
German Empire, absorbed and dominated by the same 
forces and influences that had originally cemented the 
German states themselves. The dream had its heart 
at Berlin. It could have had a heart nowhere else! 
It rejected the idea of solidarity of race entirely. 
The choice of peoples played no part in it at all. It 
contemplated binding together racial and political 
units which could be kept together only by force 
Czechs, Magyars, Croats, Serbs, Roumanians, Turks, 
Armenians the proud states of Bohemia and Hun- 
gary, the stout little commonwealths of the Balkans, 
the indomitable Turks, the subtle peoples of the East. 
These peoples did not wish to be united. They 
ardently desired to direct their own affairs, would be 
satisfied only by undisputed independence. They 
could be kept quiet only by the presence or the con- 
stant threat of armed men. They would live under a 
common power only by sheer compulsion and await 
the day of revolution. But the German military 
statesmen had reckoned with all that and were ready 
to deal with it in their own way. 

And they have actually carried the greater part of 
that amazing plan into execution ! Look how things 
stand. Austria is at their mercy. It has acted, not 
upon its own initiative or upon the choice of its own 
people, but at Berlin's dictation ever since the war 
began. Its people now desire peace, but cannot have 
it until leave is granted from Berlin. The so-called 
Central Powers are in fact but a single Power. Ser- 
via is at its mercy, should its hands be but for a mo- 
ment freed. Bulgaria has consented to its will, and 
Roumania is overrun. The Turkish armies, which 
Germans trained, are serving Germany, certainly not 
themselves, and the guns of German warships lying 
in the harbor of Constantinople remind Turkish 
statesmen every day that they have no choice but to 
take their orders from Berlin. From Hamburg to 
the Persian Gulf the net is spread. 

Is it not easy to understand the eagerness for peace 
that has been manifested from Berlin ever since the 
snare was set and sprung? Peace, peace, peace has 
been the talk of her Foreign Office for now a year 
and more ; not peace upon her own initiative, but upon 
the initiative of the nations over which she now deems 
herself to hold the advantage. A little of the talk 
has been public, but most of it has been private. 
Through all sorts of channels it has come to me, and 
in all sorts of guises, but never with the terms dis- 
closed which the German Government would be will- 
ing to accept. That government has other valuable 
pawns in its hands besides those I have mentioned. 
It still holds a valuable part of France, though with 
slowly relaxing grasp, and practically the whole of 
Belgium. Its armies press close upon Russia and 
overrun Poland at their will. It cannot go further; 
it dare not go back. It wishes to close its bargain 



before it is too late and it has little left to offer for 
the pound of flesh it will demand. 

The military masters under whom Germany it 
bleeding see very clearly to what point Fate has 
brought them. If they fall back or are forced back 
an inch, their power both abroad and at home will 
fall to pieces like a house of cards. It is their power 
at home they are thinking about now more than their 
power abroad. It is that power which is trembling 
under their very feet ; and deep fear has entered their 
hearts. They have but one chance to perpetuate their 
military power or even their controlling political influ- 
ence. If they can secure peace now with the im- 
mense advantages still in their hands which they have 
up to this point apparently gained, they will have jus- 
tified themselves before the German people ; they will 
have gained by force what they promised to gain by 
it: an immense expansion of German power, an im- 
mense enlargement of German industrial and commer- 
cial opportunities. Their prestige will be secure, and 
with their prestige their political power. If they fail, 
their people will thrust them aside ; a government ac- 
countable to the people themselves will be set up in 
Germany as it has been in England, in the United 
States, in France, and in all the great countries of the 
modern time except Germany. If they succeed they 
are safe and Germany and the world are undone; if 
they fail Germany is saved and the world will be at 
peace. If they succeed, America will fall within the 
menace. We and all the rest of the world must re- 
main armed, as they will remain, and must make 
ready for the next step in their aggression; if they 
fail, the world may unite for peace and Germany may 
be of the union. 

Do you not now understand the new intrigue, the 
intrigue for peace, and why the masters of Germany 
do not hesitate to use any agency that promises to 
effect their purpose, the deceit of the nations ? Their 
present particular aim is to deceive all those who 
throughout the world stand for the rights of peoples 
and the self-government of nations ; for they see what 
immense strength the forces of justice and of liberal- 
ism are gathering out of this war. They are employ- 
ing liberals in their enterprise. They are using men, 
in Germany and without, as their spokesmen whom 
they have hitherto despised and oppressed, using them 
for their own destruction socialists, the leaders of 
labor, the thinkers they have hitherto sought to 
silence. Let them once succeed and these men, now 
their tools, will be ground to power beneath the weight 
of the great military empire they will have set up; 
the revolutionists in Russia will be cut off from all 
succor or co-operation in western Europe and a coun- 
ter revolution fostered and supported; Germany her- 
self will lose her chance of freedom; and all Europe 
will arm for the next, the final struggle. 

The sinister intrigue is being no less actively con- 
ducted in this country than in Russia and in every 
country in Europe to which the agents and dupes of 
the Imperial German Government can get access. 
That government has many spokesmen here, in places 
high and low. They have learned discretion. They 



20 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



keep within the law. It is opinion they utter now, 
not sedition. They proclaim the liberal purposes of 
their masters; declare this a foreign war which can 
touch America with no danger to either her lands or 
her institutions; set England at the centre of the 
stage and talk of her ambition to assert economic 
dominion throughout the world ; appeal to our ancient 
tradition of isolation in the politics of the nations; 
and seek to undermine the government with false pro- 
fessions of loyalty to its principles. 

But they will make no headway. The false betray 
themselves always in every accent. It is only friends 
and partisans of the German Government whom we 
have already identified who utter these thinly dis- 
guised loyalties. The facts are patent to all the 
world, and nowhere are they more plainly seen than 
in the United States, where we are accustomed to deal 
with facts and not with sophistries; and the great 
fact that stands out above all the rest is that this is a 
People's War, a war for freedom and justice and self- 
government amongst all the nations of the world, a 
war to make the world safe for the peoples who live 
upon it and have made it their own, the German peo- 
ples themselves included; and that with us rests the 
choice to break through all these hypocricies and 
patent cheats and masks of brute force and help set 
the world free, or else stand aside and let it be domi- 
nated a long age through by sheer weight of arms and 
the arbitrary choices of self-constituted masters, by 
the nation which can maintain the biggest armies and 
the most irresistible armaments a power to which 
the world has afforded no parallel and in the face of 
which political freedom must wither and perish. 

For us there is but one choice. We have made it. 
Woe be to the man or group of men that seeks to stand 
in our way in this day of high resolution when every 
principle we hold dearest is to be vindicated and made 
secure for the salvation of the nations. We are ready 
to plead at the bar of history, and our flag shall wear 
a new lustre. Once more we shall make good with 
our lives and fortunes the great faith to which we 
were born, and a new glory shall shine in the face 
of our people. 

ADDRESS TO CONGRESS UPON THE WAR AIMS AND 
PEACE TERMS OF THE UNITED STATES 

JANUARY 8, 1918. 
Gentlemen of the Congress: 

Once more, as repeatedly before, the spokesmen of 
the Central Empires have indicated their desire to 
discuss the objects of the war and the possible basis 
of a general peace. Parleys have been in progress at 
Brest-Litovsk between Russian representatives and 
represenatives of the Central Powers to which the 
attention of all the belligerents has been invited for 
the purpose of ascertaining whether it may be possible 
to extend these parleys into a general conference with 
regard to terms of peace and settlement. 

The Russian representatives presented not only a 
perfectly definite statement of the principles upon 
which they would be willing to conclude peace, but 



also an equally definite program of the concrete appli- 
cation of those principles. The representatives of 
the Central Powers, on their part, presented an out- 
line of settlement which, if much less definite, seemed 
susceptible of liberal interpretation until their specific 
program of practical terms was added. That pro- 
gram proposed no concessions at all either to the 
sovereignty of Russia or to the preferences of the 
populations with whose fortunes it dealt, but meant, 
in a word, that the Central Empires were to keep 
every foot of territory their armed forces had occu- 
pied every province, every city, every point of van- 
tageas a permanent addition to their territories and 
their power. 

It is a reasonable conjecture that the general prin- 
ciples of settlement which they at first suggested 
originated with the more liberal statesmen of Germany 
and Austria, the men who have begun to feel the force 
of their own people's thought and purpose, while the 
concrete terms of actual settlement came from the 
military leaders who have no thought but to keep what 
they have got. The negotiations have been broken 
off. The Russian representatives were sincere and in 
earnest. They cannot entertain such proposals of 
conquest and domination. 

The whole incident is full of significance. It is 
also full of perplexity. With whom are the Russian 
representatives dealing? For whom are the repre- 
sentatives of the Central Empires speaking? Are 
they speaking for the majorities of their respective 
parliaments or for the minority parties, that military 
and imperialistc minority which has so far dominated 
their whole policy and controlled the affairs of Tur- 
key and of the Balkan states which have felt obliged 
to become their associates in this war? 

The Russian representatives have insisted, very 
justly, very wisely, and in the true spirit of modern 
democracy, that the conferences they have been hold- 
ing with the Teutonic and Turkish statesmen should 
be held within open, not closed, doors, and all the 
world has been audience, as was desired. To whom 
have we been listening, then? To those who speak 
the spirit and intention of the resolutions of the Ger- 
man Reichstag of the 9th of July last, the spirit and 
intention of the Liberal leaders and parties of Ger- 
many, or to those who resist and defy that spirit and 
intention and insist upon conquest and subjugation? 
Or are we listening, in fact, to both, unreconciled and 
in open and hopeless contradiction? These are very 
serious and pregnant questions. Upon the answer to 
them depends the peace of the world. 

But, whatever the results of the parleys at Brest- 
Litovsk, whatever the confusions of counsel and of 
purpose in the utterances of the spokesmen of the 
Central Empires, they have again attempted to ac- 
quaint the world with their objects in the war and 
have again challenged their adversaries to say what 
their objects are and what sort of settlement they 
would deem just and satisfactory. There is no good 
reason why that challenge should not be responded to, 
and responded to with the utmost candor. We did not 
wait for it. Not once, but again and again, we have 



I. PKKSIDKNT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGKS. 



21 



iaiil our whole thought and purpose before the world, 
uot in general terms only, but each time with suffi- 
cient definition to make it elear what sort of definite 
terms of settlement must necessarily spring out of 
them. Within the last week Mr. Lloyd George has 
spoken with admirable candor and in admirable spirit 
for the people and Government of Great Britain. 

There is no confusion of counsel among the adver- 
saries of the Central Powers, no uncertainty of prin- 
ciple, no vagueness of detail. The only secrecy of 
counsel, the only lack of fearless frankness, the only 
failure to make definite statement of the objects of 
tin- war, lies with Germany and her allies. The issues 
of life and death hang upon these definitions. No 
statesman who has the least conception of his respon- 
sibility ought for a moment to permit himself to con- 
tinue this tragical and appalling outpouring of blood 
and treasure unless he is sure beyond a peradventure 
that the objects of the vital sacrifice are part and par- 
cel of the very life of Society and that the people for 
whom he speaks think them right and imperative as 
he does. 

There is, moreover, a voice calling for these defini- 
tions of principle and of purpose which is, it seems 
to me, more thrilling and more compelling than any 
of the many moving voices with which the troubled air 
of the world is filled. It is the voice of the Russian 
people. They are prostrate and all but helpless, it 
would seem, before the grim power of Germany, which 
has hitherto known no relenting and no pity. Their 
power, apparently, is shattered. And yet their soul 
is not subservient. They will not yield either in 
principle or in action. Their conception of what is 
right, of what is humane and honorable for them to 
accept, has been stated with a frankness, a largeness 
of view, a generosity of spirit, and a universal human 
sympathy which must challenge the admiration of 
every friend of mankind ; and they have refused to 
compound their ideals or desert others that they them- 
selves may be safe. 

They call to us to say what it is that we desire, in 
what, if in anything, our purpose and our spirit differ 
from theirs ; and I believe that the people of the 
United States would wish me to respond, with utter 
simplicity and frankness. Whether their present 
leaders believe it or not, it is our heartfelt desire and 
hope that some way may be opened whereby we may 
be privileged to assist the people of Russia to attain 
their utmost hope of liberty and ordered peace. 

It will be our wish and purpose that the processes 
of peace, when they are begun, shall be absolutely 
open and that they shall involve and permit hence- 
forth no secret understandings of any kind. The day 
of conquest and aggrandisement is gone by; so is also 
the day of secret covenants entered into in the interest 
of particular governments and likely at some unlooked- 
for moment to upset the peace of the world. It is 
this happy fact, now clear to the view of every public 
man whose thoughts do not still l.nger in an age that 
is dead and gone, which makes it possible for every 
nation whose purposes are consistent with justice and 
the peace of the world to avow now or at any other 
time the objects it has in view. 



We entered this war because violations of right had 
occurred which touched us to the quick and made the 
life of our own people impossible unless they were 
corrected and the world secure once for all against 
their recurrence. 

What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing 
peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit 
and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made 
safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our 
own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own in- 
stitutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by 
the other peoples of the world as against force and 
selfish aggression. 

All the peoples of the world are in effect partners 
in this interest, and for our own part we see very 
clearly that unless justice be done to others it will 
not be done to us. The program of the world's peace, 
therefore, is our program; and that program, the only 
possible program, as we see it, is this: 

1. Open covenants of peace, openly ar- 
rived at, after which there shall be no pri- 
vate international understandings of any 
kind, but diplomacy shall proceed always 
frankly and in the public view. 

2. Absolute freedom of navigation upon 
the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in 
peace and in war, except as the seas may be 
closed in whole or in part by international 
action for the enforcement of international 
covenants. 

3. The removal, so far as possible, of all 
economic barriers and the establishment of 
an equality of trade conditions among all the 
nations consenting to the peace nd associat- 
ing themselves for its maintenance. 

4. Adequate guarantees given and taken 
that national armaments will be reduced to 
the lowest points consistent with domestic 
safety. 

5. A free, open-minded, and absolutely 
impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, 
based upon a strict observance of the princi- 
ple that in determining all such questions 
of sovereignty the interests of the popula- 
tions concerned must have equal weight with 
the equitable claims of the government 
whose title is to be determined. 

6. The evacuation of all Russian territory 
and such a settlement of all questions affect- 
ing Russia as will secure the b~st and freest 
co-operation of the other nations of the 
world in obtaining for her an unhampered 
and unembarrassed opportunity for the inde- 
pendent determination of her own political 
development and national policy and assure 
her of a sincere welcome into the society of 
free nations under institutions of her own 
choosing; and, more than a welcome, assist- 
ance also of every kind that she may need 
and may herself desire. The treatment ac- 
corded Russia by her sister nations in the 
months to come will be the acid test of their 
good will, of their comprehension of her 



22 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



needs as distinguished from their own in- 
terests, and of their intelligent and un- 
selfish sympathy. 

7. Belgium, the whole world will agree, 
must be evacuated and restored, without any 
attempt to limit the sovereignty which she 
enj oys in common with all other free nations. 
No other single act will serve as this will 
serve to restore confidence among the nations 
in the laws which they have themselves set 
and determined for the government of their 
relations with one another. Without this 
healing act the whole structure and validity 
of international law is forever impaired. 

8. All French territory should be freed 
and the invaded portions restored, and the 
wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in 
the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has 
unsettled the peace of the world for nearly 
fifty years, should be righted, in order that 
peace may once more be made Lecure in the 
interest of all. 

9. A readjustment of the frontiers of 
Italy should be effected along clearly recog- 
nizable lines of nationality. 

10. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, 
whose place among the nations we wish to 
see safeguarded and assured, should be ac- 
corded the freest opportunity of autonomous 
development. 

11. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro 
should be evacuated; occupied territories 
restored; Serbia accorded free and secure 
access to the sea; and the relations of the 
several Balkan states to one another deter- 
mined by friendly counsel along historically 
established lines of allegiance and national- 
ity ; and international guarantees of the po- 
litical and economic independence and ter- 
ritorial integrity of the several Balkan 
states should be entered into. 

12. The Turkish portions of the present 
Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure 
sovereignty, but the other nationalities 
which are now under Turkish rule should be 
assured an undoubted security of life and an 
absolutely unmolested opportunity of au- 
tonomous development, and the Dardanelles 
should be permanently opened as a free 
passage to the ships and commerce of all na- 
tions under international guarantees. 

13. An independent Polish state should 
be erected which should include the terri- 
tories inhabited by indisputably Polish 
populations, which should be assured a free 
and secure access to the sea, and whose 
political and economic independence and ter- 
ritorial integrity should be guaranteed by 
international covenant. 

14. A general association of nations must 
be formed under specific covenants for the 



f n 



of 



political independence and territorial in- 
tegrity to great and small states alike. 
In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong 
and assertions of right we feel ourselves to be inti- 
mate partners of all the governments and peoples as- 
sociated together against the imperialists. We can- 
not be separated in interest or divided in purpose. 
We stand together until the end. 

For such arrangements and covenants we are will- 
ing to fight and to continue to fight until they are 
achieved; but only because we wish the right to pre- 
vail and desire a just and stable peace such as can be 
secured only by removing the chief provocations to 
war, which this program does remove. 

We have no jealousy of German greatness, and 
there is nothing in this program that impairs it. We 
grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning 
or of pacific enterprise such as have made her record 
very bright and very enviable. We do not wish to in- 
jure her or to block in any way her legitimate influ- 
ence or power. We do not wish to fight her either 
with arms or with hostile arrangements of trade if she 
is willing to associate herself with us and the other 
peace-loving nations of the world in covenants of jus- 
tice and law and fair dealing. 

We wish her only to accept a place of equality 
among the peoples of the world the new world in 
which we now live instead of a place of mastery. 

Neither do we presume to suggest to her any alter- 
ation or modification of her institutions. But it is 
necessary, we must frankly say, and necessary as a 
preliminary to any intelligent dealings with her on 
our part, that we should know whom her spokesmen 
speak for when they speak to us, whether for the 
Reichstag majority or for the military party and the 
men whose creed is imperial domination. 

We have spoken now, surely, in terms too concrete 
to admit of any further doubt or question. An evi- 
dent principle runs through the whole program I have 
outlined. It is the principle of justice to all peo- 
ples and nationalities, and their right to live on equal 
terms of liberty and safety with one another, whether 
they be strong or weak. 

Unless this principle be made its foundation no part 
of the structure of international justice can stand. 
The people of the United States could act upon no 
other principle; and to the vindication of this princi- 
ple they are ready to devote their lives, their honor, 
and everything that they possess. The moral climax 
of this the culminating and final war for human lib- 
erty has come, and they are ready to put their own 
strength, their own highest purpose, their own integ- 
rity and devotion to the test. 

ADDRESS TO CONGRESS UPON THE GERMAN AND 

AUSTRIAN PEACE UTTERANCES 

FEBRUARY 11, 1918. 

Gentlemen of the Congress: 

On the eighth of January I had the honor of ad- 
dressing you on the objects of the war as our people 
conceive them. The Prime Minister of Great Britain 

linn" <mo.VpTi in !milnr ffr"is on tVi fiftli of .To 



I. PUF.SinKV," WIT-SON'S WAR MKSSAM.S. 



23 



To these addresses the German Chancellor replied on 
the twenty-fourth and Count Czernin, for Austria, on 
the sainti day. It is gratifying to have our desire so 
promptly realized that all exchanges of view on this 
great matter should be made in the hearing of all the 
world. 

Count Czernin's reply, which is directed chiefly to 
my own address of the eighth of January, is uttered 
in a very friendly tone. He finds in my statement a 
sufficiently encouraging approach to the views of his 
own Government to justify fiim in believing that it 
furnishes a basis for a more detailed discussion of 
purposes by the two Governments. He is represented 
to have intimated that the views he was expressing 
had been communicated to me beforehand and that I 
was aware of them at the time he was uttering them ; 
but in this I am sure he was misunderstood. I had 
received no intimation of what he intended to say. 
There was, of course, no reason why he should com- 
municate privately with me. I am quite content to be 
one of his public audience. 

Count von Hertling's reply is, I must say, very 
vague and very confusing. It is full of equivocal 
phrases and leads it is not clear where. But it is cer- 
tainly in a very different tone from that of Count 
Czernin, and apparently of an opposite purpose. It 
confirms, I am sorry to say, rather than removes, the 
unfortunate impression made by what we had learned 
of the conferences at Brest-Litovsk. His discussion 
and acceptance of our general principles lead him to 
no practical conclusions. He refuses to apply them 
to the substantive items which must constitute the 
body of any final settlement. He is jealous of inter- 
national action and of international counsel. He ac- 
cepts, he says, the principle of public diplomacy, but 
he appears to insist that it be confined, at any rate 
in this case, to generalities and that the several par- 
ticular questions of territory and sovereignty, the 
several questions upon whose settlement must depend 
the acceptance of peace by the twenty-three states 
now engaged in the war, must be discussed and set- 
tled, not in general council, but severally by the na- 
tions most immediately concerned by interest or neigh- 
borhood. He agrees that the seas should be free, but 
looks askance at any limitation to that freedom by 
International action in the interest of the common 
order. He would without reserve be glad to see eco- 
nomic barriers removed between nation and nation, 
for that could in no way impede the ambitions of the 
military party with whom he seems constrained to 
keep on terms. Neither does he raise objection to a 
limitation of armaments. That matter will be settled 
of itself, he thinks, by the economic conditions which 
must follow the war. But the German colonies, he 
demands, must be returned without debate. He will 
discuss with no one but the representatives of Russia 
what disposition shall be made of the people and the 
lands of the Baltic provinces ; with no one but the 
Government of France the " conditions " under which 
French territory shall be evacuated ; and only with 
Austria what shall be done with Poland. In the de- 



termination of all questions affecting the Balkan 
states he defers, as I understand him, to Austria and 
Turkey ; and with regard to the agreements to be en- 
tered into concerning the non-Turkish peoples of the 
present Ottoman Empire, to the Turkish authorities 
themselves. After a settlement all around, effected 
in this fashion, by individual barter and concession, he 
would have no objection, if I correctly interpret his 
statement, to a league of nations which would under- 
take to hold the new balance of power steady against 
external disturbance. 

It must be evident to everyone who understands 
what this war has wrought in the opinion and tempir 
of the world that no general peace, no peace worth the 
infinite sacrifices of these years of tragical suffering, 
can possibly be arrived at in any such fashion. The 
method the German Chancellor proposes is the method 
of the Congress of Vienna. We cannot and will not 
return to that. What is at stake now is the peace of 
the world. What we are striving for is a new inter- 
national order based upon broad and universal prin- 
ciples of right and justice no mere peace of shreds 
and patches. Is it possible that Count von Hertling 
does not see that, does not grasp it, is in fact living 
in his thought in a world dead and gone? Has he 
utterly forgotten the Reichstag Resolutions of the 
nineteenth of July, or does he deliberately ignore 
them ? They spoke of the conditions of a general 
peace, not of national aggrandizement or of arrange- 
ments between state and state. The peace of the 
world depends upon the just settlement of each of the 
several problems to which I adverted in my recent 
address to the Congress. I, of course, do not mean 
that the peace of the world depends upon the accept- 
ance of any particular set of suggestions as to the 
way in which those problems are to be dealt with. I 
mean only that those problems each and all affect the 
whole world ; that unless they are dealt with in a 
spirit of unselfish and unbiased justice, with a view 
to the wishes, the natural connections, the racial as- 
pirations, the security, and the peace of mind of the 
peoples involved, no permanent peace will have been 
attained. They cannot be discussed separately or in 
corners. None of them constitutes a private or 
separate interest from which the opinion of the world 
may be shut out. Whatever affects the peace affects 
mankind, and nothing settled by military force, if 
settled wrong, is settled at all. It will presently 
have to be reopened. 

Is Count von Hertling not aware that he is speak- 
ing in the court of mankind, that all the awakened na- 
tions of the world now sit in judgment on what every 
public man, of whatever nation, may say on the issues 
of a conflict which has spread to every region of the 
world? The Reichstag Resolutions of July them- 
selves frankly accepted the decisions of that court. 
There shall be no annexations, no contributions, no 
punitive damages. Peoples are not to be handed 
about from one sovereignty to another by an inter- 
national conference or an understanding between 
rivals and antagonists. Vational aspirations must be 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR 



respected; peoples may now be dominated and gov- 
erned only by their own consent. " Self-determina- 
tion " is not a mere phrase. It is an imperative prin- 
ciple of action, which statesmen will henceforth ignore 
at their peril. We cannot have general peace for the 
asking, or by the mere arrangements of a peace con- 
ference. It cannot be pieced together out of indi- 
vidual understandings between powerful states. All 
the parties to this war must join in the settlement of 
every issue anywhere involved in it; because what we 
are seeking is a peace that we can all unite to guar- 
antee and maintain and every item of it must be sub- 
mitted to the common judgment whether it be right 
and fair, an act of justice, rather than a bargain be- 
tween sovereigns. 

The United States has no desire to interfere in Eu- 
ropean affairs or to act as arbiter in European terri- 
torial disputes. She would disdain to take advantage 
of any internal weakness or disorder to impose her 
own will upon another people. She is quite ready to 
be shown that the settlements she has suggested are 
not the best or the most enduring. They are only her 
own provisional sketch of principles and of the way 
in which they should be applied. But she entered 
this war because she was made a partner, whether she 
would or not, in the sufferings and indignities in- 
flicted by the military masters of Germany, against 
the peace and security of mankind ; and the condi- 
tions of peace will touch her as nearly as they will 
touch any other nation to which is entrusted a leading 
part in the maintenance of civilization. She cannot 
see her way to peace until the causes of this war are 
removed, its renewal rendered as nearly as may be im- 
possible. 

This war had its roots in the disregard of the rights 
of small nations and of nationalities which lacked 
the union and the force to make good their claim to 
determine their own allegiances and their own forms 
of political life. Covenants must now be entered into 
which will render such things impossible for the 
future; and those covenants must be backed by the 
united force of all the nations that love justice and 
are willing to maintain it at any cost. If territorial 
settlements and the political relations of great popu- 
lations which have not the organized power to resist 
are to be determined by the contracts of the powerful 
governments which consider themselves most directly 
affected, as Count von Hertling proposes, why may 
not economic questions also? It has come about in 
the altered world in which we now find ourselves that 
justice and the rights of peoples affect the whole field 
of international dealing as much as access to raw 
materials and fair and equal conditions of trade. 
Count von Hertling wants the essential bases of com- 
mercial and industrial life to be safeguarded by com- 
mon agreement and guarantee, but he cannot expect 
that to be conceded him if the other matters to be 
determined by the articles on peace are not handled 
in the same way as items in the final accounting. He 
cannot ask the benefit of common agreement in the 
one field without according it in the other. I take it 
for granted that he sees that separate and selfish 



compacts with regard to trade and the essential mate- 
rials of manufacture would afford no foundation for 
peace. Neither, he may rest assured, will separate 
and selfish compacts with regard to provinces and 
peoples. 

Count Czernin seems to see the fundamental ele- 
ments of peace with clear eyes and does not seek to 
obscure them. He sees that an independent Poland, 
made up of all the indisputably Polish peoples who 
lie contiguous to one another, is a matter of European 
concern and must of course be conceded ; that Bel- 
gium must be evacuated and restored, no matter what 
sacrifices and concessions that may involve; and that 
national aspirations must be satisfied, even within his 
own Empire, in the common interest of Europe and 
mankind. If he is silent about questions which touch 
the interest and purpose of his allies more nearly 
than they touch those of Austria only, it must of 
course be because he feels constrained, I suppose, to 
defer to Germany and Turkey in the circumstances. 
Seeing and conceding, as he does, the essential prin- 
ciples involved and the necessity of candidly applying 
them, he naturally feels that Austria can respond to 
the purpose of peace as expressed by the United 
States with less embarrassment than could Germany. 
He would probably have gone much farther had it 
not been for the embarrassments of Austria's alliances 
and of her dependence upon Germany. 

After all, the test of whether it is possible for either 
government to go any further in this comparison of 
views is simple and obvious. The principles to be 
applied are these: 

First, that each part of the final settlement must 
be based upon the essential justice of that particular 
case and upon such adjustments as are most likely to 
bring a peace that will be permanent; 

Second, that people and provinces are not to be 
bartered about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if 
they were mere chattels and pawns in a game, even 
the great game, now forever discredited, of the bal- 
ance of power ; but that 

Third, every territorial settlement involved in this 
war must be made in the interest and for the benefit 
of the populations concerned, and not as a part of any 
mere adjustment or compromise of claims amongst 
rival states ; and 

Fourth, that all well defined national aspirations 
shall be accorded the utmost satisfaction that can be 
accorded them without introducing new or perpetuat- 
ing old elements of discord and antagonism that would 
be likely in time to break the peace of Europe and 
consequently of the world. 

A general peace erected upon such foundations can 
be discussed. Until such a peace can be secured we 
have no choice but to go on. So far as we can judge, 
these principles that we regard as fundamental are 
already everywhere accepted as imperative except 
among the spokesmen of the military and annesation- 
ist party in Germany. If they have anywhere else 
been rejected, the objectors have not been sufficiently 
numerous or influential to make their voices audible. 



I. PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGES. 



25 



The tragical circumstance is that this one party in 
Germany is apparently willing and able to send mil- 
lions of men to their death to prevent what all the 
world now sees to be just. 

I would not be a true spokesman of the people of 
the United States if I did not say once more that we 
entered this war upon no small occasion, and that we 
can never turn back from a course chosen upon princi- 
ple. Our resources are in part mobilized now, and 
we shall not pause until they are mobilized in their 
entirety. Our armies are rapidly going to the fight- 
ing front, and will go more and more rapidly. Our 
whole strength will be put into this war of emancipa- 
tionemancipation from the threat and attempted 
mastery of selfish groups of autocratic rulers what- 
ever the difficulties and present partial delays. We 
are indomitable in our power of independent action 
and can in no circumstances consent to live in a world 
governed by intrigue and force. We believe that our 
own desire for a new international order under which 
reason and justice and the common interests of man- 
kind shall prevail is the desire of enlightened men 
everywhere. Without that new order the world 
will be without peace and human life will lack tolera- 
ble conditions of existence and development. Having 
set our hand to the task of achieving it, we shall not 
turn back. 

I hope that it is not necessary for me to add that 
no word of what I have said is intended as a threat. 
That is not the temper of our people. I have spoken 
thus only that the whole world may know the true 
spirit of America that men everywhere may know 
that our passion for justice and for self-government 
is no mere passion of words, but a passion which, once 
set in aetion, must be satisfied. The power of the 
United States is a menace to no nation or people. 
It will never be used in aggression or for the aggrand- 
izement of any selfish interest of our own. It springs 
out of freedom and is for the service of freedom. 

ADDRESS DELIVERED AT BALTIMORE ON THE OPENING 

OF THE THIRD LIBERTY LOAN CAMPAIGN 

APRIL 6, 1918. 

Fellow-Citizens : 

This is the anniversary of our acceptance of Ger- 
many's challenge to fight for our right to live and be 
free, and for the sacred rights of free men every- 
where. The nation is awake. There is no need to 
call to it. We know what the war must cost, our ut- 
most sacrifice, the lives of our fittest men, and, if need 
be, all that we possess. 

The loan we are met to discuss is one of the least 
parts of what we are called upon to give and to do, 
though in itself imperative. The people of the whole 
country are alive to the necessity of it, and are ready 
to lend to the utmost, even where it involves a sharp 
skimping and daily sacrifice to lend out of meagre 
earnings. They will look with reprobation and con- 
tempt upon those who can and will not, upon those 
who demand a higher rate of interest, upon those who 
think of it as a mere commercial transaction. 



I have not come, therefore, to urge the loan. I 
have come only to give you, if I can, a more vivid con- 
ception of what it is for. 

The reasons for this great war, the reason why it 
had to come, the need to fight it through, and the is- 
sues that hang upon its outcome are more clearly dis- 
closed now than ever before. It is easy to see just 
what this particular loan means because the cause we 
are fighting for stands more sharply revealed than at 
any previous crisis of the momentous struggle. The 
man who knows least can now see plainly how the 
cause of justice stands and what the imperishable 
thing is he is asked to invest in. Men in America 
may be more sure than they ever were before that the 
cause is their own, and that if it should be lost, their 
own great nation's place and mission in the world 
would be lost with it. 

I call you to witness, my fellow countrymen, that 
at no stage of this terrible business have I judged the 
purpose of Germany intemperately. I should be 
ashamed in the presence of affairs so grave, so fraught 
with the destinies of mankind throughout all the 
world, to speak with truculence, to use the weak lan- 
guage of hatred or vindicative purpose. 

We must judge as we would be judged. I have 
sought to learn the objects Germany has in this war 
from the mouths of her own spokesmen and to deal as 
frankly with them as I wished them to deal with me. 
I have laid bare our own ideals, our own purposes, 
without reserve or doubtful phrase, and have asked 
them to say as plainly what it is that they seek. 

We have ourselves proposed no injustice, no ag- 
gression. We are ready, whenever the final reckon- 
ing is made, to be just to the Geruan people, deal 
fairly with the German power as with others. There 
can be no difference between peoples in the final judg- 
ment if it is indeed to be a righteous judgment. To 
propose anything but justice, even-handed and dispas- 
sionate justice, to Germany at any time, whatever the 
outcome of the war, would be to renounce and dishonor 
our own cause. For we ask nothing that we are not 
willing to accord. 

It has been with this thought that I have sought 
to learn from those who spoke for Germany whether 
it was justice or dominion and the execution of their 
own will upon the other nations of the world that the 
German leaders were seeking. They have answered, 
answered in unmistakable terms. They have avowed 
that it was not justice, but dominion, and the unhin- 
dered execution of their own will. 

The avowal has not come from Germany's states- 
men. It has come from her military leaders, who are 
her real rulers. Her statesmen have said that they 
wished peace, and were ready to discuss its terms 
whenever their opponents were willing to sit down at 
the conference table with them. Her present chan- 
cellor has said in indefinite and uncertain terms, in- 
deed, and in phrases that often seem to deny their 
own meaning, but with as much plainness as he 
thought prudent that he believed that peace should 
be based upon the principles which we should declare 
will be our own in the final settlement. 



26 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



At Brest-Litovsk her civilian delegates spoke in 
similar tones, professed their desire to conclude a fair 
peace and accord to the peoples with whose fortunes 
they were dealing the right to choose their own alle- 
giance. 

But action accompanied and followed the profes- 
sion. 

Their military masters, the men who act for Ger- 
many and exhibit her purpose in execution, pro- 
claimed a very different conclusion. We cannot mis- 
take what they have done in Russia, in Finland, in 
the Ukraine, in Rumania. The real test of their jus- 
tice and fair play has come. From this we may judge 
the rest. 

They are enjoying in Russia a cheap triumph in 
which no brave or gallant nation can long take pride. 
A great people, helpless by their own act, lies for the 
time at their mercy. Their fair professions are for- 
gotten. They do not here set up justice, but every- 
where impose their power and exploit everything for 
their own use and aggrandizement; and the peoples 
of conquered provinces are invited to be freed under 
their dominion. 

Are we not justified in believing that they would do 
the same things at their western front, if they were 
not there face to face with armies whom even their 
countless divisions cannot overcome? If, when they 
have felt their check to be final, they should propose 
favorable and equitable terms to Belgium and France 
and Italy, could they blame us if we concluded that 
they did so only to assure themselves of a free hand 
in Russia and the east? 

Their purpose is undoubtedly to make all the Slavic 
peoples, all the free and ambitious nations of the Bal- 
tic peninsula, all the lands that Turkey has domi- 
nated and misruled, subject to their will and ambi- 
tion, and build upon that dominion an empire of force, 
upon which they fancy that they can then erect an 
empire of gain and commercial supremacy; an empire 
as hostile to the Americas as to the Europe which it 
will overawe; an empire which will ultimately master 
Persia, India and the peoples of the far east. 

In such a program our ideals, the ideals of justice 
and humanity and liberty, the principle of the free 
self-determination of nations upon which all the mod- 
ern world insists, can play no part. They are re- 
jected for the ideals of power, for the principle that 
the strong must rule the weak, that trade must follow 
the flag, whether those to whom it is taken welcome 
it or not ; that the peoples of the world are to be made 
subject to the patronage and over lordship of those 
who have the power to enforce it 



That program once carried out, America and all 
who care or dare to stand with her must arm and 
prepare themselves to contest the mastery of the 
world, a mastery in which the rights of common men, 
the rights of women and of all who are weak, must for 
the time being be trodden under foot and disregarded, 
and the old age-long struggle for freedom and right 
begin again at its beginning. 

Everything that America has lived for and loved 
and grown great to vindicate and bring to a glorious 
realization will have fallen in utter ruin and the gates 
of mercy once more pitilessly shut upon mankind. 

The thing is preposterous and impossible ; and yet 
is not that the whole course and action the German 
armies have meant wherever they have moved? I do 
not wish, even in this moment of utter disillusion- 
ment, to judge harshly or unrighteously. I judge 
only what the German arms have accomplished with 
unpitying thoroughness throughout every fair region 
they have touched. 

What, then, are we to do? For myself, I am ready, 
ready still, ready even now, to discuss a fair and just 
and honest peace at any time that is sincerely pur- 
posed ; a peace in which the strong and the weak shall 
fare alike. But the answer, when I proposed such a 
peace, came from the German commanders in Russia, 
and I cannot mistake the meaning of the answer. 

I accept the challenge. I know that you will ac- 
cept it. All the world shall know that you accept it. 
It shall appear in the utter sacrifice and self-forget- 
fulness with which we shall give all that we love and 
all that we have to redeem the world and make it fit 
for free men like ourselves to live in. 

This now is the meaning of all that we do. Let 
everything we say, my fellow-countrymen, every- 
thing that we henceforth plan and accomplish, ring 
true to this response till the majesty and might of 
our power shall fill the thought, and utterly defeat the 
force of those who flout and misprize what we honor 
and hold dear. 

Germany has once more said that force, and force 
alone, shall decide whether justice and peace shall 
reign in the affairs of men ; whether right, as America 
conceives it, or dominion, as she conceives it, shall 
determine the destinies of mankind. 

There is, therefore, but one response possible from 
us: Force, force to the utmost, force without stint or 
limit; the righteous and triumphant force which shall 
make right the law of the world, and cast every selfish 
dominion down in the dust. 



II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 



27 



PART II. 

Topical Outline of the War 

BY SAMUEL B HARDING. PROFESSOR OF EUROPEAN HISTORY IN INDIANA UNIVERSITY. 

mEPARKD IN CO OPERATION WITH THE NATIONAL BOARD FOR HISTORICAL SERVICE AND THE COMMITTEE 

ON PUBLIC INFORMATION.' 



1. FUNDAMENTAL CAUSES OF THE WAR 
I. GENERAL FACTORS. 



1 The constitution of the German Empire permits its for- 
Mfjn policy to be determined by the Emperor alone, who 
it at the name time, by " divine right," King of Prus- 
>ia the State which possesses an overwhelming terri- 
torial, political, and military predominance in the 
Empire. 

" The Emperor declares war with the consent of 
the Bundesrat, the assent of the Reichstag not being 
required. Not even the Bundesrat need be consulted 
if the war is defensive, and as the Hohenzollerna 
have always claimed to make defensive warfare it is 
not surprising that even the unrepresentative 
Bundesrat was officially informed about the present 
war three days after the Emperor declared it." 
(Charles D. Hazen, The Government of Germany; 
Committee on Public Information publication.) (See 
War Cyclopedia, under "Autocracy," " Kaiaerism," 
" William II.") 

t frulit derived from war in the past by Prussia (Ger- 
many). 

(a) Through increase of territory (ci. maps). 

(b) Through indemnities (e. g., from tiauce, 1821). 

(c) Through increased prestige and influence. Hence 
justification of the " blood and iron " policy of 
Bismarck, and his predecessors. War as " the 
national industry " of Prussia. 

" The Great Elector laid the foundations of Prus- 
(ia'i power by successful and deliberately incurred 
wars. Frederick the Great followed in the footsteps 
of his glorious ancestor. . . . None of the wars which 
h fought had been forced upon him; none of them 
did he postpone as long as possible. . . . The lessons 
of history thus confirm the view that wart which 
have been deliberately provoked by far-seeing t-tates 
men have had the happiest results." (Bernhardi, 
Germany and the Next War, 1911.) 
. Germany's demand for " a place in the sun." 

(a) Meaning of the Kaiser's phrase ("a place in th* 
sun") not clear. It covers vaguely colouiew, com- 
merce, and influence in international affairs in 
proportion to Germany's population, industrial 
importance, and military power. 
Obstacles. The German Empire was a late 
comer in the family of nations; the best regions 
for colonization and exploitation, especially in 
th* temperate zones, were already occupied by 
other Powers. 

Examples of the demand. (See Conquest and 
Kultur, sees. 0, 10; War Cyclopedia, under 
" Place in the Sun," " Pan-Germanism," etc.) 
" We need colonies, and more colonies, than we have 

Thia outline wu prepared with the active aid of the Committee o 
rbli* Information (Department of Civic and Educational Co-opera- 
U). 10 Jackaon Place, Washington, D. C. Frequent reference i 
made herein to the publication! of this committee, which witb a lew 
j-rtii>nj are distributed free upon application. 



(b) 



(e) 



already, to give vent to our surplus energies without 
losing them and to make the motherland economi- 
cally independent." (Manifesto of the Colonial 
League. ) 

" We need a fleet strong enough not only to protect 
the colonies we now have, but to bring about the ac- 
quisition of others." (Manifesto of th NTJ 
League.) 

"A progressive nation like ours needs territory, 
and if this cannot be obtained by peaceful means, it 
must be obtained by war. It is the object of the De- 
fense Association [Wehrverein] to create this senti- 
ment." ( Lieut. -General Wrocliem in speech to th* 
Wehrverein in March, 1913.) 

" Without doubt this acquisition of new lands will 
not take place without war. What world power tcxu 
ever established without bloody strugglest" (M- 
brecht Winh, Valkxtum und Wvltmui-ht in Aer 
Oeschichte, 1904. Quoted by Andler, Le Pangemntn 
i&me continental, 1015, p. 308.) 

" It in only by relying oit our good German sicord 
that we can hope to conquer that place in the lun 
which rightly belongs to us, and which no one will 
yield to us voluntarily. . . . Till the world com** to 
an end, the ultimate decision must rest with th* 
sword." (German Crown Prince, in Introduction to 
Germany in Arum, 1913.) 

4. Biological argument for war. 

(a) Darwin's theory of the "struggle for existence * 
, as a chief factor in the evolution of specie*. 

(b) Development in Germany of the theory that 
States are of necessity engaged in such a " strug- 
gle for existence." 

(c) Hence war is an " ordinance of God for the weed- 
ing out of weak and incompetent individuals and 
States." Corollary: "Might makes right." 

(d) Examples of such arguments from Treitschk*, 
Bernhardi, etc. (See Conquvxt and Kultur, MO. 
1, 2, 4; War Cyclopedia, under " Bernhardi," 
" Treitachke," " War, German View ; " V*rnoa 
Kellogg, " Headquarters' Nights," in Atlantic 
Monthly for August, 1917.) 

" War t a biitlugical necessity of the first im- 
portance, a regulative element in the life of mankind 
which cannot be dispensed with, since without it an 
unhealthy development will follow, which exclude* 
every advancement of the race, and therefor* all real 
civilization. . . . ' To supplant or be supplanted is 
the essence of life,' says Goethe, and the strong lif 
gains the upper hand. The law of the stronger holds 
good everywhere. Those forms survive which ar* 
able to procure themselves the most favorable con- 
ditions of life, and to assert themselves in th* uni- 
versal economy of Nature. Th* weaker suc- 
cumb. . . . 

" Might gives the right to occupy or to 
Might is at once th* supreme right, and th* 



Copyright, 1917, McKinley Publishing Company. 



28 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



as to what Is right is decided by the arbitrament of 
war." (Bernhardi, Germany and the Next War, 1911, 
pp. 18, 23.) 

" They fight, not simply because they are forced to, 
but because, curiously enough, they believe much of 
their talk. That is one of the dangers of the Ger- 
mans to which the world is exposed; they really be- 
lieve much of what they say." (Vernon Kellogg, in 
Atlantic Monthly, August, 1917.) 

5. idea of the German mission in the world, and the Ger- 
man demand for world influence and prestige (Pan- 
G*nnanism). 

(a) Ardent belief in the superiority of the German 
race and German " Kultur " over all other races 
and civilizations. 

(b) Hence the duty to promote the Germanization 
of the world, and to oppose the absorption of 
Germans by other nationalities. 

(e) Examples of these ideas in writings of Treit- 
schke, Rohrbach, Bernhardi, etc. (See Conquest 
and Kultur, sees. 1, 2; War Cyclopedia, under' 
" Bernhardi," " Hegemony, German Ambition," 
" Kultur," " Pan - Germanism," " Treltschke," 
" William H." 

"I hope that it will be granted to our German 
Fatherland to become in the future as closely united, 
as powerful, and as authoritative as once the Roman 
Empire was, and that just as in old times they said 
Civis Romanus sum, one may in the future need only 
to say, ' I am a German citizen.' " 

" God has called us to civilize the world; we are the 
missionaries of human progress." 

"The ocean is indispensable for Germany's great- 
ness, but the ocean also reminds us that neither on it 
nor across it in the distance can any great decision 
be again consummated without Germany and the 
German Emperor." (Speeches of Emperor William 

n.) 

" The German race is called to bind the earth un- 
der its control, to exploit the natural resources and 
physical powers of man, to use the passive races in 
subordinate capacity for the development of it 
Kultur." (Ludwig Woltmann, Politische Anthropologie, 
1913.) 

" If people should ask us whether we intend to be- 
come a world power that overtops the world powers 
o greatly that Germany would be the only real World 
Power, the reply must be that the will to world 
power has no limit." (Adolph Grabowsky, in Dot 
neue Deutschland, Oct. 28, 1914.) 

" By German culture the world shall be healed, and 
from their experience those who have only heard lies 
about German culture will perceive, will feel in their 
own bodies what German means and how a nation 
must be made up, if it wishes to rule the world." 
(Benedikt Haag, Deutschland und der Weltkrieg, 
1914.) 

" With the help of Turkey, India and China may be 
conquered. Having conquered these Germany should 
civilize and Germanize the world, and the German 
language would become the world language." (Theo- 
dor Springman, Deutschland und der Orient, 1915.) 

" Our next war will be fought for the highest in- 
terests of our country and of mankind. This will 
Invest it with importance in the world's history. 
' World power or downfall!' will be our rallying 
erv." (Bernhardi, Germany and the Next War, 1911, 
p. U4.) 




n. MruTABisM AITO ARMAMENTS. 

1. Definition of militarism. It Is a state of mind; not the 

having of an army, no matter how large, but the ex- 
altation of it to the chief place in the state, the sub- 
ordination to it of the civil authorities. Joined to thU 
is the reliance upon military force in every dispute. 
(See War Cyclopedia, under " Militarism," " Prussian- 
Ism," etc.) 

2. Militarism and the military class dominant in Germany. 

(a) Historical reasons for this: lack of defensible 
frontiers; hostile neighbors, etc. Relation also 
to topics under heading I. 

) The Zabern Incident (1913) as a practical ex- 
ample of military domination. (See War Cyclo- 
pedia, under " Zabern," " Luxemburg, Rosa." 
! c) Quotations showing German exaltation of war 
and army, etc. (See Conquest and Kultur, sea. 

5.) 

" Bee use only in war all the virtues which mili- 
tarism regards highly are given a chance to unfold, 
because only in war the truly heroic comes into play, 
for tjie realization of which on earth militarism it 
above all concerned; therefore it seems to us who are 
filled with the spirit of militarism that war is a holy 
thing, the holiest thing on earth; and this high esti- 
mate of war in its turn makes an essential ingredient 
of the military spirit. There is nothing that trades- 
people complain of so much as that we regard it as 
holy." (Werner Sombart, Handler und Helden, 
1915.) 

" War is the noblest and holiest expression of hu- 
man activity. For us, too, the glad, great hour of 
battle will strike. Still and deep in the German 
heart must live the joy of battle and the longing for 
it. Let us ridicule to the utmost the old women in 
breeches who fear war and deplore it a cruel and 
revolting. No; war is beautiful, lit august sublim- 
ity elevates the human heart beyond the earthly and 
the common." (Jung- Deutschland, official organ of 
Young Germany, October, 1913.) 

" War is for us only a means, the state of prepara- 
tion for war is more than a means, it is an end. If 
we were not beset with the danger of war, it would 
be necessary to create it artificially, in order to 
strengthen our softened and weakened Germanism, to 
make bones and sinews." (Ernst Hasse, Die Zukunft 
des deutschen Volkstums, 1908.) 

" It is the soldier and the army, not parliamentary 
majorities and votes, that have welded the German 
Empire together. My confidence rests with the army." 
(Emperor William II.) 

Otfried Nippold, a University professor and jurist, 
was shocked to observe, on his return to Europe from 
a residence of several years in Japan, the extra- 
ordinary growth in Germany of militarism and the 
" jingo " spirit. At the end of a book which he com- 
piled, made up of statements by prominent German! 
in 1912-13 advocating war and conquest, he said: 
" The evidence submitted in this book amounts to an 
irrefutable proof that a systematic stimulation of 
the war spirit is going on, based on the one hand on 
the wishes of the Pan-German League and on the 
other on the agitation of the Defense Association 
[Wehrverein]. . . . War is represented not merely at 
a possibility that might arise, but as a necessity that 
must come about, and the sooner the better. In the 
opinion of these instigators, the German nation nrndl 
a war; a long-continued peace seems regrettable to 



II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OI< Till; WAR. 



them just because it is a peace, no matter whether 
there is any reason for war or not, and therefore, in 
case of need, one must simply strive to bring it 
about. . . The desire of the political visionaries in 
the Pan-German camp for the conquest of colonies 
suits the purpose of our warlike generals very well; 
but to tin-in this is not an end, but only a means. 
War as such is what really matters to them. For if 
their theory holds good, Germany, even if she con- 
quered ever so many colonies, would again be in need 
of war after a few decades, since otherwise the Ger- 
man nation would again be in danger of moral de- 
generation. The truth is that, to them, war Is a quite 
normal institution <if international intercourse, and 
not in any way a means of settling great Interna- 
tional conflicts not a means to be resorted to only 
in case of great necessity." (Der devtsche Chtnt- 
rinixniux, 1913, pp. 113-117; quoted in Conquest and 
Kultur, 137-139.) 

I The competition in armaments. Europe an " armed 
camp" following 1871, with universal military service; 
and constantly increasing military forces and expend! 
tures. The trained forces at the beginning of the war 
were estimated approximately as follows: Russia 
4,100,000; Germany, 4,250,000; Austria, 3,600,000; 
France, 4,000,000; Great Britain (including its "Terri 
torials" or trained militia), 707,000. 

4 Germany, already the first of military powers, planned a 
Navy to rival that of England. Her first Naval Bill 
was introduced in 1898; Great Britain's reverses in the 
Boer War (1899-1902) greatly stimulated German 
naval activities. 

in. FAILURE or THE HAGUE PEACE CONFERENCES OF 1899 

AND 1907, AND OF THE NAVAL CONFERENCE OF 

LONDON (1908-9). 

1. History of the Hague conferences. Agency of Russia 
and the United States in calling them. Their positive 
results in formulating international law and establish- 
ing a tribunal at the Hague. (See War Cyclopedia, 
under " Hague Conferences," " Hague Conventions," 
" Hague Regulations," " Hague Tribunal." 

Z. Plans therein for disarmament and compulsory arbitra- 
tion defeated by Germany and Austria. 

3. General policy of Germany with reference to arbitration. 

Refusal to enter into an arbitration treaty with the 
United States. (See Coiu/urst and Kultur, sees. 4, 5; 
War Cyclopedia, under " Arbitration, German Atti- 
tude," " Peace Treaties.") 

4. British vs. German views of the " freedom of the seas," 

as revealed at the Hague Conferences and the Naval 
Conference of London. (See War Cyclopedia, under 
" Freedom of the Seas," " Declaration of London," etc. ) 
" The German view of freedom of the seas in time 
of war was that a belligerent should have the right 
to make the seas dangerous to neutrals and enemies 
alike by the use of iinliseriminating mines; and that 
neutral vessels should be liable to destruction or 
seizure without appeal to any judicial tribunal if In 
the opinion of the commander of a belligerent war- 
vessel any part of their cargo consisted of contra- 
band. On the other hand, <!erinany was ever ready 
to place the belligerent n the same footing 

as neutral vessels, and to forbid their seizure or de- 
struction except when they were carrying contraband 
or endeavoring to force a blockade. In this way she 
hoped to deprive the stronger naval power of Its 
principal weapon of offense the attack upon enemy 
commerce while preserving for the weaker power 



every possible means of doing harm alike to enemy 
or neutral ships. At the same time she was anxioui 
to secure to belligerent merchant-ships the right of 
transforming themselves into warships on the high 
seas." (Ramsey Muir, hi are Liber urn: The Freedom 
of the Seas, pp. 8-13.) 

IV. SOME SPECIAL SUBJECTS OF INTERNATIONAL CONTLIOT. 
1. French desire to recover Alsace-Lorraine, taken by Ger- 



many in 1871. (See War Cyclopedia, under " t 
Lorraine," "Franco-German Rivalry.") 

2. Desire of Italy to reclaim its " unredeemed " lands held 

by Austria. (See Ibid., " Italia Irredenta.") < 

3. Colonial and commercial rivalry among the Great Pow- 

ers over Central and Northern Africa (Morocco espe- 
cially) ; Asia Minor. Mesopotamia, and Persia; China 
and the Far East; South America, etc. (See Ibid., un- 
der "Morocco Question," "Franco-German Rivalry."* 

4. Increased gravity of questions concerning the Balkan 

Peninsula after the Turkish Revolution of 1908. Plaai 
for Austrian and German domination in these region,. 
(Drang nach Oaten) conflicted with Russia's desire to * 
/ secure Constantinople and an outlet to the Mediter 
V/ ranean, and threatened the security of Great Britain's 
communications with India. (See Ibid., " Balkan Prob- 
lem," "Drang nach Osten," etc.) 

6. Grouping of the Great Powers into the Triple Alliance 
(1882) and the Triple Entente. Germany's fear of 
being "hemmed in" (alleged policy of "encircle-^"" 
ment"). (See Ibid., "Encirclement, Policy of," 
"Triple Alliance," "Triple Entente.") 

6. The Anglo-German Problem. (See Sarolea, The Anglo 
German Problem, 1911; Cnnqucxt and Kultur, sec 
16.) Due to 

(a) Menace to Great Britain's industrial and mari- 
time supremacy through Germany's rapid indus- 
trial development since 1870. 

(b) Colonial and trade rivalry in Africa, Asia Minor, . 
Mesopotamia, etc. 

(c) Hostility to Great Britain taught by Treitschke 
and others. Doctrine that England was decrepit 
" a colossus with feet of clay " and that her 
empire would fall at the first hostile touch. 
Toasts of German officers to " the Day "when 
war with Great Britain should come. (See War 
Cyclopedia, under " Der Tag," " Treitschke," ete. ) 

" If our Empire has the courage to follow an Inde- 
pendent colonial policy with determination, a col- 
lision of our interests with those of England is in- 
evitable. It was natural and logical that the nei 
Great Power in Central Europe should be compelled 
to settle affairs with all Great Powers. We have set- 
tled our accounts with Austria-Hungary, with Franc*, 
with Russia. The last settlement, the settlement 
with England, will probably be the lengthiest and the 
most difficult." (Heinrich von Treitschke.) 

(d) Attitude of Great Britain on the whole one of 
conciliation. 

(e) Failure of the two Powers to arrive at an agree- 
ment as to naval armaments and mutual rela- 
tions. Great Britain proposed (In 1912) to sign 
the following declaration: 

"The two Powers being naturally desirous of se- 
curing peace and friendship between them, England 
declares that she will neither make, nor join In, any 
unprovoked attack upon Germany. Aggressions npo* 
Germany Is not the subject, and forms no part, el 
any treaty, understanding, or combination to which 




80 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



England is now a party, ner will she become a party 
to anything that has such an object." 
/ Germany refused to sign a similar declaration un- 
; less Great Britain would agree to stand aside and 
^ be neutral in any war which might break out on the 
Continent, i. e., to abandon her new friends, Franc* 
and Russia, and allow Germany to attack them un- 
hampered by fear of British interference. 



hands of a ministry, headed by the Imperial 
Chancellor. Unlike the ministers of true parlia- 
mentary governments, the German ministers are 
responsible to the Emperor, and not to the legis- 
lative chamber. They do not need, therefore, to 
resign their offices when defeated in the Reichs- 
tag. 

II. THE TBIPLE ALLIANCE AND THE TBIPLE ENTENTE. 



V. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION. j The Triple Alliance formed by Germany, Austria, and 
For forty years political and economic theories and gov- ^ Italy (1882). Germany's main object was to safeguard 
rnmeutal policies, especially in Germany, had been bring- _X herself against an attempt by France to recover 



" "Bundes- 
"Reichs- 



ing a great European war ever nearer. Forces making for 
peace were also in operation, and at times it seemed that 
these would continue to control the situation. But in 1914 
the influences making for war definitely triumphed in Ger- 
many and Austria, and precipitated the Great World War. 

For reading references on Chapter I, see page 62. 

H. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE WAR 
(1870-1914). 

L FOUNDATION AND CHABACTBS OF THE PKESENT GEBMAN 
EMPIBC. 

1. Franco-German War (1870-71), and the Treaty of 
Frankfort. France to pay an indemnity of one bil- 
lion dollars and to cede Alsace-Lorraine. 

Z. Formation of the German Empire; its undemocratic 
character. (See C. D. Hazen, The Government of Ger- 
many; War Cyclopedia, under "Autocracy, 
rat," "German Constitution," " Kaiserism," 
tag.") 

(a) The number of States in the Empire is twenty- 
five, with one imperial territory (Alsace-Lor- 
raine). The list includes four kingdoms, six 
grand duchies, five duchies, seven principalities, 
and three free cities. Each of these States has 
its separate State government, subordinate to 
that of the Empire. 

(b) The king of Prussia is hereditary " German Em- 
peror," with full direction of military and for- 
eign affairs. 

(e) The Federal Council (ISundexrat) is a council of 
ambassadors appointed by the rulers of the sepa- 
rate States, and responsible to them. It over- 
sees the administration and initiates most legis- 
lation, and is the most powerful body in the Em- 
pire. The States are represented unequally in it. 
Prussia, which contains two-thirds of the popu- 
lation of Germany, has 17 votes out of a total of 
61. (If we include the three votes allotted to 
Alsace-Lorraine in 1911, which are "instructed" 
by the Emperor, Prussia has 20 votes in the 
Bundesrat. ) Bavaria has sis votes, Saxony and 
Wtlrttemberg four each, and the other States 
fewer. 

(d) The Reichstag is the representative chamber of 
the legislature. It is composed of 397 members, 
of whom Prussia elects 230. Representative dis- 
tricts arc very unequal in population. "A Berlin 
deputy represents on the average 125,000 votes; 
a deputy of East Prussia, home of the far-famed 
Junkers, an average of 24,000." The members 
are elected by manhood suffrage for a term of 
five years; but the Emperor may (with the con- 
sent of the Rundcxrat) dissolve the Reichstag at 
any time and order new elections 

(e) The administration of the Empire Is In the 






Alsace-Lorraine. As France recovered strength Ger- 
many plotted new aggressive designs against her. 
2. Germany attempted in 1904-05 to form a secret alliance 
with Russia and France against Great Britain. Failure 
of the attempt owing to France's unwillingness to give 
up hope of recovering Alsace-Lorraine. The evidence 
of this attempt was published in 1917, in a series of 
letters signed " Willy " and " Nicky " which passed be- 
tween the Kaiser and the Tsar, and which were discor- 
ered in the Tsar's palace after his deposition. (See 
War Cyclopedia, under " Willy and Nicky Correspond- 
ence.'^ 
\3. Formation of the Triple Entente. 

(a) Dual Alliance of France and Russia formed 
(1891-94) as a counterpoise to the Triple Al- 
liance. 

(b) Settlement of England's disputes with Franc* 
over certain African questions, etc. (1904), and 
with Russia over Persia, etc. (1907), estab- 
lished the Triple Entente ("good understand- 
ing") between those powers. 

" France and England were face to face like birds 
In a cockpit, while Europe under German leadership 
was fastening their spurs and impatient to see them 
fight to the death. Then suddenly they both raised 
their heads and moved back to the fence. They bad 
decided not to fight, and the face of European thing* 
was changed." (Fullerton, Problems of Power, p. 67.) 

EQ. THREE DIPLOMATIC CBISES: 1905, 1908, 1911. 

1. First Morocco crisis, 1905-06. (See Conquest and Ktiltur, 
120-126; War Cyclopedia, under "Morocco Question," 
etc.) 

(a) French interests in Morocco; slight interests of 
Germany. 

(b) The Tangier incident. The Kaiser, landing from 
his yacht in Tangier, challenged France's policy 
in Morocco. 

(c) Delcassg, French Minister of Foreign Affairs, dis- 
missed on Germany's demand. " We are not con- 
cerned with M. Delcassfi's person, but his policy 
is a menace to Germany, and you may rest as- 
sured we shall not wait for it to be realized." 
(German ambassador to France, in published in- 
terview. ) 

(d) France brought to the bar of Europe in an inter- 
national conference at Algeciras which, in the 
main, sanctioned her Moroccan policy. 

(e) The purpose of Germany in this crisis, as to 
those which follow, was to humiliate France and 

to test the strength of the Triple Entente. Thes 
were struggles to increase German prestige. 
4. Crisis over Austria's annexation of Bosnia and Herze- 
govina in 1908. See War Cyclopedia, under " Bosnla- 
t Herzegovina," " Congress of Berlin." " Pan-Slavism,"' 
* Slavs," etc. ) 



II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 



4. 



i. a i These provinces freed from direct rule of the 
Turks by Serbia and Russia, but banded over by 
the Congress of llerliu to Austria to administer 
(1878). 

(b) Austria seized the occasion offered by the 
" Young Turk " Revolution of 1908 to annex Bos- 
nia and Herzegovina, and refused to refer the 
question to a Kuropean congress for settlement. 

(o) Russia (as yet unrecovered from the Russo- 
Japanese War) was forced to acquiesce when the 
Kaiser " took his stand in shining armor by the 
side of his ally." Humiliating submission im- 
posed on Serbia. (See below, ch. iv, I 2 a.) 
I Second Morocco crisis, in 1911. (See Conquest and 
Kultur, 120-126; War Cyclopedia, under "Morocco 
Question.") 

(a) Agadir Affair: German cruiser "Panther" sent 
to Agadir as a protest against alleged French in- 
fractions of the Algeciras agreement, and " to 
show the world that Germany was firmly re- 
solved not to be pushed to one side." (Speech 
of tlie German Chancellor to the Reichstag.) 

(b) Great Britain, in spite of political difficulties at 
home, warned Germany that in case of war she 
would help France. 

(c) Adjustment of the Moroccan question. Germany 
accepted compensation from France elsewhere in 
return for recognition of French protectorate over 
Morocco. (Treaty of November 4, 1911.) 

(d) Furious resentment of the German military 
party at this outcome. " The humiliation of the 
Empire is so much the greater, since it is the 
Emperor himself who had engaged the honor of 
the German people in Morocco." (Rheini*ch- 
Westfalische Zeltung.) 

4. Hardening of the German resolve not to accept another 
diplomatic defeat. " It is not by concessions that we 
shall secure peace, but by the German sword." (Speech : 
in Reichstag, applauded by the German Crown Prince.) 

IV. BAGDAD RAILWAY AND THE " MIDDLE EUBOPE " PROJECT 
CONSTITUTE OTHEB GROUNDS OF CONFLICT. 

1. Germany supplants England as the protector of Turkey 
against Russia. Speech of the Kaiser at Damascus, 
1898: "The three hundred million Mohammedans who 
live scattered over the globe may be assured of this, 
that the German Emperor will be their friend at all 
times." 

I. The Bagdad Railway. Designed to connect Bagdad with 
Constantinople and the Central European railways. 
Germany obtains concession from Turkey for its con- 
struction in 1902-03. Political as well as economic 
motives involved. Threat to British rule in India by 
proposed extension to the Persian Gulf. (See the 
President's Flag Day Address with Evidence of Ger- 
many's Plans, note 15; Conquest and Kultur, sec. 8; * 
War Cyclopedia, under " Berlin to Bagdad," " Corridor," 
etc.) 

I. The " Middle Europe " Project. This may be denned ] 
briefly as a plan for " a loosely federal combination for 
purposes of offense and defense, military and economic, 
consisting primarily of the German Empire and the 
Dual Monarchy [Austria-Hungary], but also including 
the Balkan States and Turkey, together with all the^ 
neutral States Roumania, Greece, the Scandinavian 
kingdoms, and Holland that can be drawn within Its 
embrace." (W. J. Ashley, In Introduction to F. Nau- * 
mann's Central Europe, translated by Christabel M. 
Meridith. 1016.) 



The plan include* the domination of this group 
State by Germany through (a) its control of the 
common financial and economic policy, and (b) iti 
control of the military forces, based on universal 
military service. (Compare Prussia's control within 
the German Empire.) (See Conquest and Kultur, 
sec. 8; War Cyclopedia, under " Mittel-Europa," eta.; 
The President's Flag Day Addre**, notes 15-17.) 

Union of the Middle Europe project and the Bagdad 
Railway project in a Iierlin-to-Bagdad plan. 

" Their plan was to throw a broad belt of German 
military power and political control across the very 
center of Europe and beyond the Mediterranean into 
the heart of Asia; and Austria- Hungary was to be 
as much their tool and pawn as Serbia or Bulgaria or 
Turkey or the ponderous States of the East. Aus- 
tria- Hungary, indeed, was to become part of the cen- 
tral German Empire, absorbed and dominated by th 
same forces and influences that had originally 
cemented the German States themselves. The dream 
had its heart at Berlin. It could have had a heart 
nowhere else! It rejected the idea of solidarity ol 
race entirely. The choice of peoples played no part 
in it at all. It contemplated binding together racial 
and political units which could be kept together only 
by force Czechs, Magyars, Croats, Serbs, Rou- 
manians, Turks, Armenians the proud States of 
Bohemia and Hungary, the stout little common- 
wealths of the Balkans, the indomitable Turks, the 
subtile peoples of the East. These peoples did not 
wish to be united. They ardently desired to direct 
their own affairs, would be satisfied only by undis- 
puted independence. They could be kept quiet only 
by the presence or the constant threat of armed men 
They would live under a common power only by sheer 
compulsion and await the day of revolution. But the 
German military statesmen had reckoned with all 
that and were ready to deal with it in their own 
way." (President Wilson, Flag Day Address, June 
14, 1917.) 

" Across the path of this railway to Bagdad lay 
Serbia an independent country whose sovereign 
alone among those of southeastern Europe had no 
marriage connection with Berlin, a Serbia that looked 
toward Russia. That is why Europe was nearly 
driven into war in 1913; that is why Germany stood] 
so determinedly behind Austria's demands in 1014 
and forced war. She must have her ' corridor ' to 
the southeast; she must have political domination all 
along the route of the great economic empire she 
planned. She was unwilling to await the process of 
'peaceful penetration.'" (The President's Flag Day 
Address, with Evidence of Germany's Plan*, note 15.) 

TMTOUTAN AWD BALKAN WABS, 1911-13. (See War 
Cyclopedia, under " Balkan Wars," " Constantinople,' 
" Drang nach Osten," " Young Turks.") 

War of Italy with Turkey over Tripoli (1911-12). 
Claims of Italy on Tripoli; weakness of Turkey follow- 
ing Young Turk revolution of 1908; unfavorable atti 
tudo of Italy's allies (Germany and Austria) to the 
war as endangering their relations with Turkey. 
Treaty of Lausanne (Oct. 15, 1912) transfers Tripoli 
from Turkish to Italian rule. 

War of Balkan Allies against Turkey (1912-13)."" 

(a) Secret league of Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria, and 
Montenegro to expel Turkey from Europe an* 



82 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



liberate their fellow Christiana from Turkish 
misrule. War declared Oct. 16, 1912. 

(b) Inability of the Great Powers, because of their 
own divergent aims, to restrain the Balkan allies. 

(c) Success of the allies. By the Treaty of London 
(May 30, 1913) Turkey was to surrender all 
territories in Europe except Constantinople and a 
mall strip of adjacent territory (Enos-Midia 
line). 

I. War among the Balkan Allies (June 30 to July 21, 1913). 

(a) Bulgaria (with Austria's support) attacked her 
allies as a result of disputes over division of con- 
quered territory. 

(b) Roumania joined Serbia, Greece, and Montene- 
gro in defeating Bulgaria. Turkey recovered 
Adrianople. 

(c) Treaty of Bucharest (Aug. 10, 1913). Most of 
the conquered territory was given to Greece, Ser- 

r bia, and Montenegro, though Serbia was denied 
(through Austrian, German, and Italian pres- 
, sure) an outlet to the Adriatic. A smaller share 
was given Bulgaria. Roumania secured a slice 
of Bulgarian territory. Albania was made a 
principality under a German ruler. 
4. Some wider features of these conflicts: 

(a) A general European war was prevented (though 
with difficulty) by statesmen of the different 
countries working through the agency of ( 1 ) 
diplomatic notes, and (2) diplomatic conferences 
held especially at London. Sir Edward Grey, 
British Minister of Foreign Affairs, the chief 
agent in maintaining peace. (See War Cyclo- 
pedia, under "Grey, Viscount.") 

(b) Austrian and German influence was seriously 
impaired, for they " had guessed badly and sup- 
ported the losing side first Turkey and tben 
Bulgaria." Their Balkan domination and Mid- 
dle Europe project alike were threatened by the 
events of 1912-13. Corresponding increase of 
Russian and Serbian power. 

(o) A new assertion of power on the part of Ger- 
many and Austria, principally against Russia 
and Serbia, to recover the ground lost through 
the Balkan Wars and the Treaty of Bucharest 
was made practically certain. 
For'reading references on Chapter II, see page 63. 

IIL) INDICATIONS THAT GERMANY AND AUSTRIA 
PLANNED AN AGGRESSIVE STROKE BEFORE 

JUNE 28, 1914. 
I. AUSTRIA PROPOSED AN ATTACK ON SERBIA IN 1913. See 

War Cyclopedia, under "Austria and Serbia, 1913.") 
1. Austria's Proposal to Italy (Aug. 9, 1913 the day be- 
fore the Peace of Bucharest.) 

" Austria has communicated to us and to Germany 
her intention of taking action against Serbia, and 
defines such action as defensive, hoping to bring into 
operation the causiis foederig of the Triple Alliance. 
..." (Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs, In dis- 
patch of Aug. 9, 1913. Revealed by ex-Prime Minis- 
ter Giolitti in speech of Dec. 5, 1914. See Collected 
Diplomatic Documents, p. 401.) 

Z. Italy declined the proposal, as (apparently) did Ger- 
many also. The declination of the latter was probably 
due to the fact that German military preparations were 
not yet completed. (See below, VI.) 

" If Austria Intervenes against Serbia, It is clear 
that a cautna foederit cannot be established. It U 



step which she is taking on her own account, sine* 
there is no question of defense, inasmuch as no one 
is thinking of attacking her. It is necessary that a 
declaration to this effect should be made to Austria 
in the most formal manner, and we must hope for 
action on the part of Germany to dissuade from this 
most perilous adventure." (Reply of Prime Minister 
Giolitti to above dispatch, Inid.) 

n. SECRET MILITASY REPORT ON STRENGTHENING THE 
GERMAN ABMT (MARCH 19, 1913). 

This report came into the possession of the French Min- 
ister of War in some unexplained way soon after it wa 
drawn up; it is published in French Yellow Book, No. 2; 
Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 130-133. 

The following extracts occur in the part headed " Aim 
and Obligations of Our National Policy, of Our Army, and 
of the Special Organizations for Army Purposes": 

1. Minds of the people must be prepared. (See Conquest 

and Kultur, sees. 15-16; War Cyclopedia, under " Pan- 
Germanism," "Pan-Germans Urge War in 1913," etc.) 

" Tfe must allow the idea to gink into the mind* of 
our people that our armaments are an answer to the 
armaments and policy of the French. We must ac- 
custom them to think that an offensive war on our 
part is a necessity in order to combat the provoca- 
tions of our adversaries. . . . We must so manage 
matters that under the heavy weight of powerful 
armaments, considerable sacrifices, and strained po- 
litical relations, an outbreak [of war] should be con- 
sidered as a relief, because after it would come de- 
cades of peace and prosperity, as after 1810. We 
must prepare for war from the financial point of 
view; there is much to be done in this direction." 
(Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 131.) 1 

2. " Stir up trouble in the North of Africa and in Russia." 

" We must not be anxious about the fate of our 
colonies. The final result in Europe will settle their 
position. On the other hand, we must stir up trouble 
in the north of Africa and in Russia. It is a means of 
keeping the forces of the enemy engaged. It is, 
therefore, absolutely necessary that we should open 
up relations, by means of well-chosen agents, with 
influential people in Egypt, Tunis, Algeria, and 
Morocco, in order to prepare the measures which 
would be necessary in the case of a European war. 
. . . The first attempt which was made some years 
ago opened up for us the desired relations. Unfor- 
tunately these relations were not sufficiently consoli- 
dated." (Ibid., p. 132.) 

3. Small states to be coerced. (See War Cyclopedia, under 

"Neutralized State," "Netherlands, German View." 

etc.) 

" In the next European war it will also be necessary 
that the small States should be forced to follow us 
or be subdued. In certain conditions their armies 
and their fortified places can be rapidly conquered or 
neutralized; this would probably be the case with 
Belgium and Holland; so as to prevent our enemy in 
the west from gaining territory which they could use 
as a base of operations against our flank. In the 
north we have nothing to fear from Denmark and 
Scandinavia. ... In the south, Switzerland forms an 
extremely solid bulwark, and we can rely on her 
energetically defending her neutrality against France, 
and thus protecting our flank." (Ibid., p. 132.) 

4. No guarantee to Belgium for security of her neutrality 



II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 



(See Conquest and Kultur, sec. 11; War Cyclopedia, un- 
der " Belgium, Neutralization of.") 

" Uur aim must be to take the offensive with a 
large superiority from the first days. ... If we 
could induce these States [on our northwestern 
frontier] to organize their By stem of fortification In 
such a manner as to constitute an effective protection 
for our flank we could abandon the proposed inva- 
sion. ... If, on the contrary, their defensive organi- 
zation was established against us, thus giving definite 
advantage to our adversary in the west, ice could in 
no circumntances offer Belgium a guarantee for the 
nerurity of her neutrality." (Ibid., p. 133.) 

ft. Short-term ultimatum to be issued. (See War Cyclope- 
diti, under " Serbia, Austrian Ultimatum.") 

" The arrangements made with this end in view 
allow us to hope that it will be possible to take the 
offensive immediately after the complete concentra- 
tion of the army of the Lower Rhine. An ultimatum 
with a short time-limit, to be followed immediately 
by invasion, would allow a suflicient justification for 
our action in international law." (Ibid., p. 133.) 

4. Prizes of the war. (See Conquest and Kultur, sec. 17.) 

" We will . . . remember that the provinces of the 
ancient German Empire, the County of Burgundy 
[Kranche Comte, acquired by Louis XIV] and a large 
part of Lorraine, are still in the hands of the French; 
that thousands of brother Germans in the Baltic 
provinces [of Russia] are groaning under the Slav 
yoke. It is a national question that Germany's for- 
mer possessions should be restored to her." (Ibid., 
p. 133.) 

tSL] CHANGED ATTITUDE OF THB KAISEB: INTEBVHW WTTH 
KING ALBEKT OF BELGIUM (NOVEMBER, 1913). 

1. Circumstances of the interview; held in the presence of 
General von Moltke (chief of the German General 
Staff) and reported to Jules Cambon, the French Am- 
bassador at Berlin, " from an absolutely reliable 
iource." Published in French fellow Book, No. ; 
Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 142-3. (See War 
Cyclopedia, under " Albert I," " William II," etc.) 
ft. War with France regarded by the Kaiser as inevitable. 
(See \Var Cyclopedia, under " William II, Ambitions.") 
" This conversation, it appears, has made a pro- 
found Impression on King Albert. I [Cambon] am in 
no way surprised at the impression he gathered, 
which corresponds with what I have myself felt for 
some time. Enmity against us is increasing, and the 
Emperor has ceased to be the friend of peace. 

" The person addressed by the Emperor had 
thought up till then, as did all the world, that 
William II, whose personal influence had been exerted 
ou many critical occasions in support of peace, waa 
still in the same state of mind. He found him this 
time completely changed. The German Emperor 
it no longer in his eyes the champion of peace 
against the warlike tendencies of certain parties in 
Germany. U'f/fi'iw // Jtas come to think that tear 
with France it inevitable, and that it must come 
tooner or Inter. . . . 

"General von Moltke spoke exactly in the same 
strain as his sovereign. He, too, declared war to be 
necessary and inevitable, but he showed himself still 
more assured of success, 'for,' he said to the King 
[Albert], 'this time the matter must be settled, and 
your Majesty can have no conception of the irresisti- 




ble entlui-ia.Mii with which the whole German peopU 
will be carried away when that day cornea.'" (Col- 
lected Diplomatic Documents, p. 142.) 
3. Cambou's comment on the interview. 

" As William II advances in years, family tradi- 
tions, the reactionary tendencies of the court, and 
especially the impatience of the soldiers, obtain a 
greater empire over his mind. Perhaps be feels torn* 
slight jealousy of the popularity acquired by bis son. 
who natters the passions of the Pan-Germans, and 
who does not regard the position occupied by thr 
Empire in the world as commensurate with its power 
Perhaps the reply of France to the last increaM ot 
the German Army [German array law of 1913, ciUj 
below; France met this by increasing her military 
service from two years to three years], the object of 
which was to establish the incontestable supremacy 
of Germany is, to a certain extent, responsible for U* 
bitterness, for, whatever may be said, it is realized 
that Germany cannot go much further. 

" One may well pondor over the significance of this 
conversation. The Emperor and his Chief of the 
General Staff may have wished to impress the King 
of the Belgians and induce him not to make any op- 
position in the event of a conflict between us " 
(Ibid., p. 143.) 

IV. QEBMAN PUBLIC OPINION AS REPORTED BY FBEROM 
DIPLOMATIC AND CONSULAR AGENTS (JULY 30, 1913) 
(In French Yellow Book, No. 5; Collected Diplo- 
matic Documents, pp. 136-142.) 

1. The Moroccan settlement considered a diplomatic de- 

feat. (See Conquest and Kultur, sec. 16.) 

"... Here is a synthesis of all these opinion*: 
The Treaty of the 4th November is a diplomatic de- 
feat, a proof of the incapacity of German diplomacy 
and the carelessness of the Government (so often 
denounced ) , a proof that the future of the Empire It 
not safe without a new Bismarck; it is a national 
humiliation, a lowering in the eyes of Europe, a blow 
to German prestige, all the more serious because up 
to 1911 the military supremacy of Germany was un- 
challenged, and French anarchy and the powerle**- 
ness of the Republic were a sort of German dogma " 
(Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 136.) 

2. Forces making for peace. 

" There are in the country forces making for peaw, 
but they are unorganized and have no popular lead- 
ers. They consider that war would be a social mis- 
fortune for Germany, and that caste pride, Prussian 
domination, and the manufacturers of guns and 
armor plate would get the greatest benefit, but above 
all that war would profit Great Britain." ThnM 
favoring peace included " the bulk of the workmen, 
artisans, and peasants, who are peace-loving by In- 
stinct," etc. But the classes which prefer peace to 
war "are only a sort of make-weight in political 
matters, with limited influence on public opinion, or 
they are silent social forces, passive and defenseleM 
against the infection of a wave of warlike feelinp " 
(Ibid., p. 137-138.) 

3. Forces making for war. (See TTar Cyclopedia, and*r 

"Arbitration, German Attitude," " Disarmament, GOT 
man Attitude," "German Military Autocracy, Prop 
panda for War," " Militarism or Disarmament," " P 
Germans Urge War In 1913," " War. German Vl * 
ete.) 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



" There is a war party, with leaders, and follow- i 

e 



era, a press either convinced or subsidized for the 
purpose of creating public opinion ; it has means both 
varied and formidable for the intimidation of the 
Government. It goes to work in the country with 
clear ideas, burning aspirations, a determination that 
IB at once thrilling and fixed." (Collected Diplomatic 
Documents, p. 139.) It included the following: 

(a) Those who regard war as inevitable, and hence -*\ 
" the sooner the better." 

(b) Those influenced by economic reasons " over- __ ) 

population, over-production, the need lor market. , 5 Mugt war be considered inevitable? 
and outlets," etc. 



. . . German diplomatists are now in very bad 
odor in public opinion. The most bitter re 
those who since 1905 have been engaged in tbe 
negotiations between France and Germany; they 
are heaping together and reckoning up their 
grievances against us, and one day they will pre- 
sent their accounts in the war press. It ueeiu* 
as if they were looking for grievances chiefly IB 
Morocco, though an incident is always possi- 
ble in any part of the globe where France and 
Germany are in contact." (laid., p. 141.) 









(c) Those influenced by " Bismarckism." "They 
feel themselves humiliated at having to enter 
into discussions with France, at being obliged to 
talk in terms of law and right in negotiation) 
and conferences where they have not always 1 
found it easy to get right on their side, even 
when they have a preponderating force." 

(d) Those influenced by "a mystic hatred of revolu- 
tionary France," and others who acted from " a 
feeling of rancor." 

. Social classes included in the war party. (See Conquest 
and Kultur, sec. 16; War Cyclopedia, under "Coal and 
Iron as Cause of War," "German Diplomacy," 
" Junker," " Peace Terms, German Industrialists on," 
" Peace Terms, German Opinion as to," " Peace Terms, 
Serman Professors on," " Treitschke," etc. ) 

(a) The country squires (junkers), who wish to 
escape the imposition of inheritance taxes 
("death duties") "which are bound to come if 
peace continues. . . . This aristocracy is military 
in character, and it is instructive to compare the 
Army List with the year book of the nobility. 
War alone can prolong its prestige and support 
its family interest. . . . This social class, which 
forms a hierarchy with the King of Prussia as 
its supreme head, realizes with dread the demo- 
cratization of Germany and the increasing power 
of the Socialist party, and considers its own days 
numbered." (Collected Diplomatic Documents, 
p. 140.) 

(b) The capitalist class ("higher bourgeoisie"), in- 
cluding the manufacturers of guns and armor 
plate, big merchants who demand bigger 
markets, and all who " regard war as good busi- 
ness." Among these are " doctrinaire manufac- 
turers " who " declare that the difficulties be- 
tween themselves and their workmen originate in 
France, the home of revolutionary ideas of free- 
dom without France industrial unrest would be 
unknown." (Ibid., p. 140.) 

(c) University professors, etc. " The universities, 
if we except a few distinguished spirits, develop 
a warlike philosophy. Economists demonstrate 
by statistics Germany's need for a colonial and 
commercial empire commensurate with the indus- 
trial output of the Empire. There are sociologi- 
cal fanatics who go even further. . . . BMnr- 
ians, philosophers, political pamphleteers and 
other apologists of German Kultur wish to Impose 
uj>nn tlie world a way of thinking and feeling 
specifically German. They wish to wrest from 
France that intellectual supremacy which accord- 
ing to the clearest thinkers is still her posses- 
sion." (IMd., p. 140-1.) 

(d) Diplomatists and others " whose support of the 
war policy is inspired by rancor and resentment. 



" The opinion is fairly widely spread even in P- 
German circles, that Germany will not declare war 
in view of the system of defensive alliances and the 
tendencies of the Emperor. But when the moment 
comes, she will have to try in every possible way to 
force France to attack her. Offense Kill be given if 
necessary. That is the Prussian tradition. 

"Must war then be considered as. inevitable? It 
is hardly likely that Germany will take the risk, if 
France can make it clear to the world that the En- 
tente .Cordiale and the Russian alliance are not mere 
diplomatic fictions but realities which exist and will 
make themselves felt. The British fleet inspires a 
wholesome terror. It is well known, however, that 



Ian' 

r > 



vicLery on sea will leave everything in suspense. O 
'"" " ' r 



alone can a decisive issue be obtained." 
141-143.) 



(IMA.. 



XTBAORDINABY MlIJTABT MEASURES OF GERMANY TAKE* 

BEFOBE JUNE 28, 1914. (See Conquest and Kultur , 
sec. 16; War Cyclopedia, under "Egypt," "Germa* 
Army Act, 1913," "German Intrigue Against America* 
Peace," "Kiel Canal," "Sinn Fein," "South Africa," 
etc.) 

1. Laws of 1911, 1912, and especially 1913, increased the 

German army in time of peace from 515,000 to 866,000 
men. Great increase of machine-gun corps, aviators, 
etc. Enormous stocks of munitions prepared. Excep- 
tional war tax levied of $225,000,000. Special war 
fund (for expense of mobilization, etc.) increased from 
$30,000,000 to $90,000,000. 

2. Reconstruction of Kiel canal (connecting Baltic and 

North Sea) hastened so as to be ready in early summer 
of 1914. Fortifications of Helgoland, etc., improved. 

3. Strategic railways constructed leading to lielgia*. 

French, and Russian frontiers. 

" Germany had made ready, at heavy outlay, u> 
take the offensive at a moment's notice, and to throw 
enormous forces across the territories of two un- 
offending and pacific neighbors [Belgium and Luxem> 
burg] in her fixed resolve to break through the north 
em defenses of France, and thus to turn the formid- 
able fortifications of the Vosges. She has prepared 
for the day by bringing fully-equipped and admirably 
constructed railways up to her neighbors' frontiers, 
and in some places across them. . . . An immense 
sum of money has been sunk in these railways, . . 
and there is not the least prospect of an adequate 
return on them as commercial ventures. They ar 
purely military and strategical preparations for war 
with France." (See Fortnightly Review for February, 
101 0, and February, 1914, and New fork Tlmei Ottr- 
rent History, I, 1000-1004.) 

4. Exportation of chemicals used in making explosive* 

greatly reduced in 1913-14, and Importation of horse* 
foodstuffs, and fats (used in nltroglycerin) greatly te- 



II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 



85 



creaned to provide war stocks. Great purchases ui bed* 
and hospital supplies in May, 1914; embargo on stock* 
of foreign pneumatic tires in (iermany; hasty collec- 
tion of accounts by German merchants; transfer of 
bank balances, etc., from beginning of July, etc. (bee 
Lf Uenxoni/e du 3 Anut, 1914, pp. 11-10.) 

I. Recall of reservists from South America, etc., in May and 
June, 1014. 

t. Exceptional grand manoeuvres of 1914. Ordered in May, 
thee massed " 500.000 men in Cologne, the Grand 
Duchy of Baden, and Alsace-Lorraine for the month 
of August." (Lf Mensonge du 3 An fit, 1914, p. 9.) 

'. Preparations for stirring up revolt in the British Empire. 

(a) In South Africa. Reply of the Kaiser (in 1913} 
to a communication from the future rebel leader, 
Colonel Maritz : " I will not only acknowledge the 
independence of South Africa, but I will even 
guarantee it, provided the rebellion is started 
immediately." (Speech of General Botha at 
Cape Town, July 25, 1015. See Rose, Develop- 
ment of the European \utiunx, 5th ed., II, p. 
379.) 

(b) In British India. On July 8, 1915, indictments 
were brought in the Federal Court at San Fran- 
cisco against 08 persons, including German con- 
suls, at which time the Federal District Attorney 
said : " For more than a year prior to the out- 
break of the European war certain Hindus in 
San Francisco and certain German* were prepar- 
ing openly for war with England. At the out- 
break of the war Hindu leaders, members of the 
German consulate here, and attaches of the Ger- 
man Government, began to form plans to foment 
revolution in India for the purpose of freeing 
India and aiding Germans in their military 
operations." The leaders of these defendants 
plead guilty to the charges against them in De- 
cember, 1917. (See War Cyclopedia, under 
"German Intrigue Against American Peace.") 

" Consideration of all testimony leads to the con- 
viction that the India plot now before the Federal 
Court here [in Chicago] is but a very small part of 
the whole conspiracy. . . . The defendants appear to 
have traveled far and wide in promotion of their al- 
leged work. And always, testimony indicates, Ger- 
man consuls were aware of what was going on and 
ready to give things a push. Pro-Germanism all over 
the United States, Canada, Mexico, Brazil, Hawaii, 
Manila, China, Indo-China, Siam, Java, and various 
parts of Africa has been brought into the case. No 
part, according to the testimony, seems to have been 
detached. All blended into the whole scheme, which 
U alleged to have had its inspiration and propulsion 
in Berlin." (Christian Science Monitor, October 19, 
1917.) 

l Dealing arrangements made for German naval vessels 
(June 14, 1914). 

" A German cruiser, the Kber, was in dock at Cape 
Town a few days before the outbreak of war, and 
got away just in time. An intercepted letter ad- 
dressed to the commander contained certain Instruc- 
tions from Berlin, which were dated June 14, 1914. 
These instructions revealed a complete system for 
coaling the German navy on the outbreak of war 
through secret service agents in Cape Town, New 
York and Chicago. 



Q 



" The commander ot tlie t^lxr was giveu the 
of shippers and bankers with whom he could deal oo- 
fidentially, the essence of the plan being that a eol- 
lier would leave Table Bay [Cape Colony] ostensibly 
bound for England, but icall} to meet a German war- 
ship at an agreed rendezvous. Naturally, so far M 
Cape Town is concerned, the arrangements have beeo 
u[>-et owing to the discovery, and this, perhaps, ex- 
plains why German cruisers have been more in *rl- 
dence in North Atlantic waters than in the southern 
ocean." (Cape Town correspondent of London Tin***, 
issue of October 8, 1914.) 

CONCLUSION. Before June $8, 1914, Germany willed, if 
not war, at least another trial of diplomatic strength 
in which the threat of war should enter as a deettim/ 
factor. 

44 There is a whole category of facts to which we 
do not, temporarily, attach a decisive importance, for 
the spirit of mathematics can invoke in ita favor the 
benefit of coincidence. ... It is a question of various 
measures taken by Germany (the state or individ- 
uals) long before the menace of war was appre- 
ciable. . . . Certain persons would see in those meas- 
ures, of which the war has demonstrated the utility, 
the proof that Germany had, months before, taken tt* 
resolve to launch the European war in 1914. When 
one has seen the German Government at work, this 
hypothesis is not extravagant." (Le Mensonge du t 
Aout, 1914, P- 9-10.) 

"Not as weak-willed blunderers have we under- 
taken the fearful risk of this tear. We wanted U. 
Because we had to wish it and could wish it. May 
the Teuton devil throttle those winners whose plea* 
for excuses make us ludicrous in these hours of lofty 
experience! We do not stand, and shall not place 
ourselves, before the court of Europe. Our power 
shall create new law in Europe. Germany strike*. 
If it conquers new realms for its genius, the priest- 
hood of all the gods will sing songs of praise to the 
good war. . . . We are waging this war not in order 
to punish those who have sinned, nor in order to free 
enslaved peoples and thereafter to comfort ourseNm 
with the nnelfish and useless consciousness of our 
own righteousness. We wage it from the lofty nolnt 
of view, and with the conviction, that Germany, a* 
a result of her achievements, and in proportion to 
them, is justified in asking, and must obtain, wider 
room on earth for development and for working out 
the possibilities that are in her. The Powers fmm 
whom she forced her ascendancy, in spite of them- 
selves, still live, and some of them have recoverMl 
from the weakening she gave them. . . . Jiow strikru 
the hour for Germany's rising power." (Maximilian 
Harden, editor of Die Zuktinft; see New York Tinu 
Current History, HI, p. 130.) 

" It note appears beyond the possibility of doubt A* 
this war was made by Germany pursuing a long and 
settled purpose. For many years she had been pr- 
paring to do exactly what she has done, with a thor- 
oughness, a perfection of plans, and a vaatnem of 
provision in men, munitions and supplies never bef<w 
equaled or approached in human history. She 1mvit 
the war on when she chose, because she those, in i 
belief that she could conquer the earth nation 
nation." (Senator Elihu Root, speech in Chirm-., 
September 14, 1917.) 

For reading references on ChapterJTII.Fsee page'63k 



86 



COLLECTED .MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



IV. THE AUSTRO-SERBIAN CONTROVERSY. 
L IHTEOUUOTION : PBIOB RELATIONS or SERBIA, AUSTMA, 

AHD RUSSIA. 

1. Previous history of Serbia: Its fleeting greatness under 
Stephen Duahan (died 1355); conquered by Turks, 
1458; self-governing principality from 1830; inde- 
pendent of Turkey, 1878; territory greatly increased 
/'through war with Turkey, 1912-13. Revival in recent 
I years of "Greater Serbia" movement, directed largely 2 
against Austria-Hungary, which held Croatia, Bosnia, 
and Herzegovina, lands which by nationality and 
speech were Serbian. Compare Piedmont's unification 
of Italy, against Austrian resistance. (See War ^ 
Cyclopedia, under " Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and 
Slovenes.") 

Serbia's relations with Austria-Hungary. 

(a) Political estrangement due to Austria's high- 
handed annexation of Bosnia in 1908, and the 
thwarting by Austria and Italy, in 1913, of Ser- 
bia's desire for an outlet to the Adriatic. De- 
claration exacted of Serbia in 1909 (March 31) : 

"Serbia recognizes that the fait accompli regard- 
Ing Bosnia has not affected her rights. ... In defer- 
ence to the advice of the Great Powers, Serbia un- 
dertakes to renounce from now onwards the attitude 
of protest and opposition which she has adopted with 
regard to the annexation since last autumn. She 
undertakes, moreover, to modify the direction of her 2. 
policy with regard to Austria-Hungary, and to live 
in future on good neighborly terms with the latter." 
(British Blue Book, No. 4; Collected Diplomatic 
Documents, p. 4.) 

(b) Tariff disputes over importation of Serbian pigs 
into Austria-Hungary. A prohibitive tariff was 
imposed in 1906. 3 

(c) Continued agitation of Serbian revolutionary 
societies (especially the Narodna Odbrana) 
against tlie "dangerous, heartless, grasping, 
odious and greedy enemy in the north," who 

" robs millions of Serbian brothers of their lib- \ 
erty and rights, and holds them in bondage and j 
chains." ( A utitro-Hungarian Red Book, No. 18; 
Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 465.) 
(d) German plans for Berlin- Bagdad railway re- 
quired that Serbia should be controlled by Aus- 
tria. (See above, ch. ii, IV 4.) 

> Russia's interest in Serbia founded upon kinship in 
blood language and religion, and on Russian aid in the 
past against Turkey (in 1806-12, 1829-30, 1877-"' 
This interest was well known, and Austria and 
many recognized that their policy toward Serbia 
lead to war with Russia. (See War Cyclopedia, 
"Pan-Slavism.") 

" During the Balkan crisis he [the Russian Minister 
for Foreign Affairs] had made it clear to the Aus- i 
trian Government that war with Russia must In- 1 
evitably follow an Austrian attack on Serbia." (Re-' 
port of British Ambassador to Russia. British Blue 
Book, No. 139; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 
101.) 

' We were perfectly aware that a possible warlike 
attitude of Austria-Hungary against Serbia might 
bring Russia upon the field, and that it might there- 
fore involve us in a war, in accordance with our duty 
M allies." (German White Book; Collected Diplo- 
matic Documents, p. 406.) 




11. THE SEBAJKVO ASSASSINATION (JUNK 28, 1914). 

Assassination of the Austrian Crown Prince Franz Fer- 
dinand and his wife, while on an official visit to Sera- 
jevo, the capital of the Austrian province of Bosnia. 
Failure of first attempt at assassination by explosiom 
of a bomb; success of second attempt, some hours later, 
by revolver shots. The assassins were Austrian sub- 
jects of Serbian nationality. (See War Cyi-lopedt* 
under " Serajevo.") 

Opportuneness of the crime for Austria. (See Ramsay 
Muir, Britain's Case Against Germany, p. 152.) 

HI. AUSTRIAN Nora TO SKBBIA (JrjtT 23, 1914.) 
Preliminaries: Secret investigation of the crime by the 
Austrian court at Serajevo. (Reports of the alleged 
results in Collected -Diplomatic Documents, pp. 490-4; 
Austrian Red Book, Appendix 8, and German Whitt 
Book, Appendix ; summary, pp. 416-7. ) Quieting report* 
as to its intentions issued by Austrian Government, 
but preparations made in secret for rigorous measure* 
against Serbia. 

/ " A reckoning with Serbia, a war for the position 

/of the Austro- Hungarian Monarchy as a Great Power, 

[ even .for its existence as such, cannot be permanently 

, \ avoided." (Austrian Minister at Belgrade to Au- 

\ trian Government, July 21, 1914. In Austrian Re* 

Book, No. 6', Collected Diplomatic Documents, p 

45? ) 

Conference at Potsdam (July 5, 1914), at which the 
terms of the Note were practically settled. The hold- 
ing of such a conference has been denied by Gennaa 
newspapers, but the denial is not convincing. (See 
War Cyclopedia, under " Potsdam Conference; " He* 
York Times, Current History, September, 1917, pp 
469-471.) 

General character of the Note. In effect an ultimatum 
to which ui unditional acceptance must be given withia 
forty-eight hours. Humiliating character of ite de- 
mands. ( See War Cyclopedia, under ' Serbia, Austria* 
Ultimatum.") 

" I had never before seen one State address to 
another independent State a document of so formld 
able a character." (Sir Edward Grey, British Secre 
tary for Foreign Affairs, in British Blue Book, No, 
6; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 13.) 

" The demands of that [the Austrian] Government 
are more brutal than any ever made upon any civil 
ized State in the history of the world, and they can 
be regarded only as intended to provoke war." (Ger- 
man Socialist newspaper Vorwiirts, July 25, 1914.) 
Some specific demands. The numbers attached are thoM 
of the Note itself. (See British Blue Book, No. 4; Col 
lected Diiilnintitic Documents, pp. 3-12.) 

" 2. To dissolve immediately the society called 
Narodna Odbrana [the chief society for Serbian pro- 
paganda], to confiscate all its means of propaganda, 
and to proceed in the same manner against other so- 
cieties and their branches in Serbia which engage IB 
propaganda against the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. 
The Royal [Serbian] Government shall take tlie 
necessary measures to prevent the societies dissolved 
from continuing their activity under another name 
and form." 

" 3. To eliminate without delay from public Instruc- 
tion in Serbia, both as regards the teaching body and 
also as regards the methods of instruction, every- 
thing that serves, or might serve, to foment the pro- 
paganda against Austria-Hungary." 



II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 



87 



"6. Tu accept the oillubnratinn in Serbia of repre- 
icntativrit Of the A ustro- Hungarian (Internment lor 
the suppression of the subversive movement directed 
against the territorial integrity of the Monarchy." 

" ti. To take judicial proceedings against accessories 
to the plot of the 28th June who are on Serbian ter- 
ritory; delegate* of theAuxtxi- Hungarian Government 
will take part in the investigation relating thereto." 

t. Denial by Germany that she was consulted by Austria 
before sending the Note. 

" We, therefore, permitted Austria a completely 
free hand in her action towards Serbia, but have not 
participated in her preparations." (German White 
Book; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p 406.) 

This denial was, and is, generally disbelieved. (See 
Ramsay Muir, Britain's Case Against Germany, p. 8, 
and the evidence concerning the Potsdam Conference.) 
Germany's claim that she was ignorant of the Aus- 
trian Ultimatum was from the outset preposterous 
and against all reason. Intimately allied with Aus- 
tria-Hungary and for a decade the dominating power 
in the diplomacy of the Centra) Powers in the Bal- 
kans and the Near East, is it possible to believe that 
she did not examine into and even give direction, in 
broad outline at least, to the policy of her ally at this 
critical stage in the development of her Pan-German 
program? The purpose of the denial, apparently, 
was to satisfy Italy (Austria's other ally), which 
certainly was not consulted. 

4. Circumstances making a peaceful outcome more difficult: 
Absence of most of the foreign ambassadors from 
Vienna for their summer vacations; immediate with- 
drawal of Austrian Minister for Foreign Affairs to a 
remote mountain resort, etc., etc. 

7. Widespread anxiety over the situation, as threatening 
the peace of Kurope. Russia, England, and France 
make urgent endeavors: 

(a) To induce Serbia to go as far as possible in 
meeting the demands of Austria. 

(b) To obtain an extension of the time limit, in or- 
der ( 1 ) that the Powers might be enabled to 
study the documentary material promised by 
Austria embodying the findings of the court at 
Serajevo; and (2) to permit them to exercise a 
moderating influence on Serbia. Sharp refusal 
of Austria to extend the time limit. (For later 
proposals see ch. v.) 

fV. SERBIAN REPLY TO THE AUSTRIAN NOTE (Jui/r 26, 
1014). 

(See British Blue Book, No. 39; Collected Diplomatic 
Correspondence, pp. 31-37.) 

1. To the gratification of Europe, Serbia 

(a) Accepted eight of the ten Austrian demands. 

(b) Returned a qualified refusal to the other two. 
As to No. 5, the Serbian Government said that they 

" do not clearly grasp the meaning or the scope of 
the demand, . . . but they declare that they will ad- 
mit such collaboration <t* agrees with the principle of 
international line, irith criminal procedure, and with 
good neighborly relations." 

As to No. 6, they returned a temperate refusal 
(founded, according to Austrian claim, upon a de- 
liberate misunderstanding of the nature of the de- 
mand ) : "It goes without saying that the Royal 
f Serbian] Government consider it their duty to open 
n enquiry against all such persons as are, or even- 



tually may be, implicated in the plot, . . . and wk 
happen to be within the territory of the kingdom 
As regards the participation in this enquiry of AIM 
tro-Uungarian agents or authorities appointed for 
this purpose by the Imperial and Royal [Austr*- 
Hungarian] Government, the Royal [Serbian] Qor- 
ernment cannot accept such an arrangement, at it 
would be a violation of the Constitution and of tin 
late of criminal procedure; nevertheless, in concrete 
cases communications as to the results of the investi- 
gation in question might be given to the Aiutr*- 
Uungarlan agents." 

(c) In conclusion, Serbia suggested reference to the 
Hague Tribunal or to the Great Powers, in ea* 
its reply was not considered satisfactory. 

2. Austria (to Europe's amazement) found this reply die- 
honest and eva-ive. (See Austro- Hungarian Bed 
Book, No. 34; Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 608- 
514.) 

In less than an hour after receiving it the Aus- 
trian Minister left Belgrade with all his stnT. Grave 
apprehensions were felt that this break of diplomatic 
relations would be followed by European war. 

The Austrian Foreign Minister declared to th* 
Russian Ambassador (July 28) that his Government 
could " no longer recede, nor enter into any discus- 
sion about the terms of the Austro- Hungarian Note." 
(British Blue Book, No. 03; Collected Diplomat* 
Documents, p. 70.) 

V. AUSTRIA DECLARES WAR ON SERBIA (JULY 28, 1914) 

1. In spite of the efforts at mediation of Great Brltaim, 

Russia, and France, Austria declared war on Serbia, 
July 28, 1914. 

2. Demand of Germany that the war be " localized " L ., 

that no other Power interfere with Austria's chastte* 
ment of Serbia. 

3. Belgrade bombarded, July 29-30, and the war begun. 



L 



VI. CONCLUSIONS. 



1. Austria and Germany wanted war with Serbia, and their / 
chief fear was lest something might, against their willy 
force them to a peaceful settlement; hence the him 
and secrecy which attended their measures. 

"The impression left on my mind IB that M 
Austro- Hungarian Note was so drawn up at to mato 
war inevitable; that the Austro-Hungarian Govern- 
ment are fully resolved to have war with Serbia; /' 
that they consider their position as a Great Power to / 
be at stake; and that until punishment has been ad-- 
ministered to Serbia it is unlikely that they wfll 
listen to proposals of mediation. This country 
[Austria-Hungary] has gone tcild irith lot/ at tto 
prospect of war with Serbia, and its postponement or 
prevention would undoubtedly be a great disappoint- 
ment." (British Ambassador at Vienna, July 27, 
1914. In British Blue Book, No. 41; Collected Diplo- 
matic Documents, p. 38.) 

"He [the German Secretary of State] admitted 
quite freely that Austro-Hungarian Government 
wished to give the Serbians a les.-on, and that they 
meant to take military action. He also admitted 
that Serbian Government could not sicallnte certat* 
of the Austro-Hungarian demands. . . . Secretary ti 
State confessed privately that he thought the Note 
left much to be desired as a diplomatic document-" 
(British Charge at Berlin to Sir Edward Grey, Jly 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



26, 1914. British Blue Hook, No. 18; Collected 
Diplomatic Documents, p. 22.) 

" In the Viennese note to Serbia, whose brazen 
arrogance has no precedent in history, each phrase 
Hears witness that Austria- Hungary desired the war. 
. . Only a war, for which the best minds of the 
army were thirsting, . . . could cure the fundamen- 
tal ills of the two halves of the Austrian Empire, and 
of the monarchy. Only the refusal and not the ac- 
ceptance of the claims put forward in the note could 
have profited Vienna. 

"The question has been asked: Where was the 
plan of campaign elaborated in Vienna or Berlin T 
And some hasten to reply: In Vienna. Why do peo- 
pli tolerate the propagation of such dangerous 
fables? Why not say the thing that is (because It 
must be), namely, that a complete understanding in 
all matters existed between Berlin and Vienna." 
(Maximilian Harden, in Die Zukunft for August 1, 
/1914; quoted in G. Alexinsky, Russia and the Great 
/War, 129-130.) 

ft Austria's object was to reduce Serbia to a state of vas- 

/ talage, as a step to Austrian hegemony in the Balkan 

J Peninsula. Her promises not to destroy Serbia's 

sovereignty, or to annex her territory, therefore, failed 

to satisfy Serbia's friends. 

" Austria demanded conditions which would have 
placed Serbia under her permanent control." (Prof. 
Hans Delbrtick, a noted professor and statesman of 
Germany, in Atlantic Monthly, for February, 1915, 
p. 234.) 
I ermany's objects were: 

(a) To recover her prestige, lost in the Agadir affair 
(1911) and over the Balkan ware (1912-13). 

(b) To strengthen her ally Austria, and so increase 
her own power. 

(c) To humiliate Russia and the Triple Entente, and 
to disrupt or render harmless the latter. 

(d) To promote the Central European " Berlin to 
Bagdad" project, and open a trade route to 
Saloniki, the most favorably situated seaport for 
the commerce of Central Europe with the East. 

4. T advance these ends Germany and Austria deliberately 
incurred the grave risk of a general European war. / 

For reading references on Chapter IV, see page 63. 

T. FAILURE OF DIPLOMACY TO AVERT WAR: GER- 
MANY AND AUSTRIA AT WAR WITH RUSSIA 

AND FRANCE. 
I OUTLINE OF EVENTS, JULY 21 TO AUGUST 6, 1914. 

Inly 21. Secret orders preliminary to mobilization issued 
in Germany. These measures, including the movement 
ef troops towards the French frontier, continued up te 
final mobilization. (See Le Mensonge du S Aout, 1914, 
pp. 14-25; Nineteenth Century and After, issue for 
June, 1917.) 

July 23. Austrian Note sent to Serbia. 

July 25. Reply of Serbia. Austrian Minister quit* Bel- 
grade^evering diplomatic relations. 

Jnly 27. Sir Edward Grfey proposed a conference at Lon- 
don on the Serbian question. France, Russia, and Italy 
accepted; Germany refused. 

Jnly 28. Austria declared war on Serbia. 

July 29 Russian mobilization on the Austro-Hungarian 
frontier. 

/Iy 30 Bombardment of Belgrade. General mobilization 
ia Russia begun. 





July 31. " Threatening danger of war" proclaimed 1 
Germany. German sent ultimatums to Kusia and to 
France. 

Aug. 1. Orders for general mobilization in Krauce and in 
Germany. Declaration of war by Germany against 
Russia. Italy declared that she would remain neutral 
since " the war undertaken by Austria, and the conse- 
quences which might result, had, in the words of the> 
German ambassador himself, an aggressive object-" 
j British Blue Book, No. 152; Collected Diplomat** 
v Documents, p. 107. ) 

Aug. 2. Occupation of Luxemburg by Germany. Demand 
that Belgium also permit German troops to violate it 
neutrality. 

Aug. 3. Belgium refused the German demand. Germany 
declared war on France. 

Aug. 4. Germany invaded Belgium. Great Britain declare* 
war on Germany. 

Aug. 8 Austria-Hungary declared war on Russia 

II. PROPOSALS FOB PBESEBVXNG PEACE. 
1. A. conference at London proposed by Sir Edward Grey 
(July 27). To be composed of the German and Italia* 
ambassadors to Great Britain, as friends of Austria, 
and -the French ambassador and Grey himself, a* 
friends of Russia. Its purpose, to discover " an issue 
which would prevent complications." 

" If it is borne in mind how incomparably more 
difficult problems had been successfully solved by the 
conference of ambassadors at London during th 
Balkan crisis, it must be admitted that a settlement 
between the Austrian demands and the Serbian con- 
cessions in July, 1914, was child's play compared 
with the previous achievements of the London 
ference." (/ Accuse, p. 155.) 
,/ The proposal was accepted by Russia, France, 
f Italy. It was declined by Gerinany (without corn- 
Suiting Austria ) on the ground/ that she " could no* 
call Austria in her dispute with/Serbia before a Euro- 
's^ pean tribunal." (German White Book; Collect* 
Diplomatic Documents, p. 409.) Grey explained that 



it " would not be an arbitration, but a private 
informal discussion; " nevertheless, Austria and Ger- 
many continued to decline. 

Germany proposed (July 26) that France " exerciM 
moderating influence at St. Petersburg." The Frenck 
Foreign Minister in reply " pointed out that Germany 
on her part might well act on similar lines at Vienna, 
especially in view of the conciliatory spirit displayed 
by Serbia. The [German] ambassador replied that 
such a course was not possible, owing to the decision 
not to intervene in the Austro- Serbian dispute." 
(Russian Orange Book, No. 28; Collected Diplomats 
Documents, p. 276.) 

Germany proposed direct negotiations between Rvsst* 
and Austria over the Serbian question (July 27). 
Austria declined these direct negotiations, even though 
proposed by her ally. (Was this due to collusion be- 
tween the two Governments T ) 

4. The Kaiser (who unexpectedly returned to Berlin am 
July 26 from a yachting cruise) attemped to act M 
"mediator" between Russia and Austria; but appar- 
ently he confined himself to the effort to persuade 
Russia " to remain a spectator in the Austro-Serbia* 
war without drawing Europe into the most terriWe 
war it has ever seen." (Kaiser to Tsar, July 29, in 
German White Book, exhibit 22; Collected DiplommM* 
Documents, pp. 431-2.) 

" Neither over the signature of the Kaiser nor < 



11. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 



89 



that of his Foreign Minister does the record show a 
single communication addre-sed to Vienna in the in- 
terests of peace." (.1. M. Heck, The Kvidence in the 

Cf/Xf. p 112.1 

6. The Tsar proposed, in a personal telegram to the Kaiser 

(July 2!)), "to i/ii'C ni'i'i- tin- Auxtro-Hcrliiiiii problem 
to the Hague Tribunal." (Collected Diplomatic /><" 
mmtK, p. 542.) This telegram is omitted from the 
Uf.i'iian \\liiti- Hook! "The acceptance of the Tsar'* 
proposal would doubtless have led to peace, and for 
this reason it was declined." (/ Accuxe, p. 187, note.) 
fl. Proposal by Grey (July 29) that Austria should express 
herself as satisfied with tbe occupation of Belgrade and 
the neighboring Serbian territory a a pledge for a sat- 
isfactory settlement of her demands and should allow 
the other Powers time and opportunity to mediate be- 
tween Austria and Russia. 

King George of England, in a personal telegram 
(July 30) to the Kaiser's brother, said: "I rely on 
William applying his great influence in order to in- 
duce Austria to accept this proposal. In this way he 
will prove that Germany and England are working 
together to prevent what would be an international 
catastrophe." (Collected Diplomatic Document*, p. 
639.) 

G ivy's expressed opinion (July 29) was that 
" mediation was ready to come into operation by any 
method that Germany thought possible if only Oer- 
many would ' prexs the button ' in the interests of 
peace." (British Blue Book, No. 84; Collected 
Diplomatic Documents, p. 64.) 

7. Proposal of Russian Foreign Minister (July 30) : " If 

Austria, recognizing that the Austro-Serbian question 
has assumed the character of a question of European 
interest, declares herself ready to eliminate from her 
ultimatum pouita which violate the sovereign rights of 
Serbia, Russia engages to stop her military prepara- 
tions." (Kussian Orange Hook, No. 60; Collected 
Diplomatic Dwumcntx, p. 288.) 

Reply of German Foreign Minister that " he con- 
sidered it impossible for Austria to accept our pro- 
posal." (Kussian Oranyr Book, No. 63; Collected 
Diplomatic Document M, p. 289.) 

8. Second Proposal of Russian Foreign Minister (July 31) 

" // Austria consents to stay the march of her 
troops on Serbian territory; and if, recognizing that 
the Austro-Serbian conflict has assumed the charac- 
ter of a question of European interest, she admit* 
that the (Ireat I'ou-e.rs may examine the satisfaction 
which Serbia can accord to the Austro-Ilungarian 
Government without injury to her rights as a sover- 
eign State or her independence, Russia undertakes to 
maintain her waiting attitude." ( Russian Orange 
Book, No. 67; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 
291.) 

This proposal remained unanswered. 

9. Austria declared (August 1) that she was then, "ready 

to discuss the g roii mix nf her prieruncrs it<i<iinxt fierbia 
with the other Power-*." I Kuxsian Oranije Rook, No 
73; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 293.) 

Sir Edward Grey comments: "Things ought not t> 
be hopeless so long as Austria and Russia are read; 
to converse." I Hritish Blue Rook, No. 131; dollecte: ', 
Diplomatic Documents, p. 97.) From July 30 on- 
wards " the tension between Russia and Germany 
was much greater than between Russia and Austria. 
As between the latter an arrangement seemed almost 
in sight." (British Ambassador at Vienna, in 



Uritixh Uluc Book, No. 161; Collected 
Documents, p. 117.) 

But it was then too late, as Germany had already 

i I 



resolved upon war, and was preparing her ultimatum* 
which precipitated the conflict. 

III. GERMAN ULTIMATUMS AND DECLARATIONS or 
AGAINST RUSSIA AND FRANCE. 

1. A council of war, held at Potsdam on the evening of July 

29, apparently decided definitely to make war 

France and Russia. 

" Our innermost conviction is that it was on thl* 
evening that the decision of war was reached. 
5th of July, before his departure for a cruise on 
coasts of Norway, the Kaiser had given his consent 
to the launching of the Serbian venture. The 29tk 
of July he decided for war." (Le Uensonge du I 
Aoflt, 1914, P- 38.) 

" People who are in a position to know say that 
those occupying the leading military positions, up 
ported by the I'mwn Prince and his retainers, threat 
en-d the Kmperor witli their resignation en blue il 
ar .-re not. resolved on." (/ Accuse, p. 189.) 

2. General mobilization of Kussian army (.Inly 30-31) 

This was grounded not merely on the measures of Aus- 
tria, but also on " tbe measures for mobilization 
[against Russia J taken secretly, but continuously, by 
Germany for the lust six days." (French Yellow Book, 
No. 118; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 223.) 

The Tsar assured tbe Kaiser : " It is far from us to 
want war. As long as the negotiations between Aus- 
tria and Serbia continue, my troops will undertake 
no provocative action. I give you my solemn word 
thereon." (Gentian White Book; Collected Diplo- 
matic Documents, p. 411.) 

For evidence of German mobilization against 
France beginning as early as July 21, see Xlneteent* 
Century and After, issue for June, 1917. Consult also 
/ Accuse, pp. 194-201; War Cyclopedia, under "Mo- 
bilization Controversy." 

3. German ultimatum to Russia (July 31, midnight) de- 

manding that the Government " suspend their mil! ary 
measures by midday on August 1 " (twelve hours). 

Demand addressed to France (July 31, 7.00 p. m.) as 
to "What the attitude of France would be In ca of 
war between Germany and Russia?" (French Yellow 
Book, No. 117; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 
223). The French Prime Minister answered (August 
1, 1.05 p. m.) that " France would do that which her 
interests dictated." (German White Rook, exhibit 27; 
Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 434.) 

4. Declaration of war against Russia at 7.10 p. m. on Au- 

gust 1, following Russia's failure to demobilixs. 
iHiissinn Orange Book, No. 76; Collected Diplomat* 
Documents, p. 294.) 

Orders for a general mobilization of the French 
army were signed at 3.40 p. m. the same day. 

5. Declaration of war against France on August 3 (Frenelt 

Yellow Book, No. 147; Collected Diplomatic Documents 

p. 240.) 

This declaration contained charges that France bad 
already violated German territory (e. g., by drop- 
ping bombs from aeroplanes on railway track* near 
Nuremburg). These charges are now shown to b 
falsehood*. (Lf \lensuniie ttu S Aofit. 191). pp 130- 
230; pamphlet entitled, German Truth and a 
of Fact, London, 1917.) To avoid possible 



40 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



through hot-headedness of her troops and under- 
officers, France withdrew her troops 10 kilometers 
(about six miles) within her own frontiers. On the 
other hand, German bands repeatedly crossed the 
French frontier, and even killed a French soldier on 
French soil before the declaration of war. (French 
Yellow Book, No. 106.) 

Similar falsehoods were inserted in the Austrian 
declaration of war on Serbia, and in the German 
declaration of war on Russia. Falsehood and forgery 
were used with Machiavellian unscrupulousness by 
Germany in the conduct of her foreign affairs. 
(Compare Bismarck's changes in the "Ems dis- 
patch " at beginning of Franco-German war and his 
diabolical pleasure that war with France thus be- 
came certain. Bismarck, Autobiography, II, p. 101. 
See War Cyclopedia, under " German Government, 
Moral Bankruptcy," etc.) 

IV. GERMAN RESPONSIBILITY FOB THE WAB. 

The testimony is overwhelming not only that 
Germany planned with Austria an aggressive stroke 
in 191.',, but that in the end it was she who willed the 
tear. (See War Cyclopedia, under "War, Responsi- 
bility for.") 

" The constant attitude of Germany who, since the 
beginning of the conflict, while ceaselessly protesting 
to each Power her peaceful intentions, has actually, 
by 'her dilatory or negative attitude, caused the fail- 
ure of all attempts at agreement, and has not ceased 
to encourage through her Ambassador the uncom- 
promising attitude of Vienna; the German military 
preparations begun since the 25th July and subse- 
quently continued without cessation; the immediate 
opposition of Germany to the Russian formula [of 
July 29-31], declared at Berlin inacceptable for Austria 
before that Power had ever been consulted; in con- 
clusion, all the impressions derived from Berlin bring 
conviction that Germany has sought to humiliate Bus- 
tia, to disintegrate the Triple Entente, and if these 
results could not be obtained, to make tear." 
(Viviani, French Minister for Foreign Affairs, July 
81, in French Yellow Book, No. 114; Collected Diplo- 
matic Documents, p. 221.) 

" Never in the history of the world has a greater 
crime than this been committed. Never has a crime 
after its commission been denied with greater 
effrontery and hypocrisy." (/ Accuse, pp. 208-9.) 

" The German Government contrived the war 
jointly in concert with the Austrian Government, and 
o burdened itself with the greatest responsibility for 
the immediate outbreak of the war. The German 
Government brought on the war under cover of decep- 
tion practised upon the common people and even upon 
the Reichstag (note the suppression of the ultimatum 
to Belgium, the promulgation of the German White 
Book, the elimination of the Tsar's despatch of July 
29, 1914, etc.)." (Dr. Karl Liebknecht, German So- 
cialist, in leaflet dated May 3, 1916. See War Cyclo- 
pedia, under " Liebknecht on German War Policy.") 

" The object of this war [on the part of the 
opponents of Germany] is to deliver the free peoples 
of the world from the menace and the actual power 
of a vast military establishment controlled by an 
Irresponsible government which, having secretly 
planned to dominate the world, proceeded to carry 
the plan out without regard either to the sacred obli- 
rHon of treaty or the long-established practical 



and long-cherished principles of international actioei 
and honor; which 'chose its own time for the warj 
delivered its blow fiercely and suddenly; stopped at 
no barrier either of law or mercy; swept a wool* 
continent within the tide of blood not the blood at 
soldiers only, but the blood of innocent women and 
children also and of the helpless poor; and now 
stands balked but not defeated, the enemy of four- 
fifths of the world. This power is not the German 
people. It is the ruthless master of the German 
people. It is no business of ours how that great 
people came under its control or submitted with tem- 
porary zest to the domination of its purpose; but it 
is our business to see to it that the history of tfc 
rest of the world is no longer left to it handling." 
(President Wilson's reply to the Pope's peace pro- 
posals, August 27, 1917.) 

For reading references on Chapter V, eee page 63. 

VI. VIOLATION OF BELGIUM'S NEUTRALITY BRING* 

IN GREAT BRITAIN. 
I. WHY GBEAT BRITAIN WAS EXPECTED TO STAY OTTT. 

1. Embittered state of party relations growing out of the 

Budget struggle of 1909-11, the limitation of the veto 
of the House of Lords in 1911, violence of the suf- 
fragettes (" the wild women "), and the passage by tk 
House of Commons of the Irish Home Rule bill (May 
25, 1914). 

2. Serious threat of rebellion in northern Ireland (Ulster) 

against putting in force Irish Home Rule act. Organi- 
zation of armed forces under Sir Edward Carson; " gum 
running " from Germany. 

3. Widespread labor troubles, especially among the railway 

workers. 

4. Unrest in India, following administrative division of the 

province of Bengal; boycott movement; revolutionary 
violence attending Nationalist (Hindu) agitations. 

5. Un warlike character of the British people; a "nation of 

shopkeepers " supposedly unready for the sacrifice* of 
war. Progress of pacifist opinions (" Norman- AngtU- 
ism"). 

A. Lack of an army adequate for use abroad. Composed of 
volunteers ("mercenaries") instead of being based o 
compulsory service, it was regarded (in the Kaiser** 
phrase) as "contemptible." 

II. BRITISH DIPLOMACY AND THE WAS. 
1. Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, labored 

unremittingly for peace. (See War Cyclopedia, under 

"Grey and British Policy, 1914.") 

''Sir Edward Grey deserves more than any other 
the name of the ' peacemaker of Europe.' . . . Hi 
efforts were in vain, but his merit in having served 
the cause of peace with indefatigable zeal, with skill 
and energy will remain inextinguishable in history." 
(/ Accuse, pp. 247-8.) 

" No man in the history of the world hat ever 
labored more strenuously or more successfully than 
my right honorable friend, Sir Edward Grey, for that 
which is the supreme interest of the modern world 
a general and abiding peace. . . . We preserved by 
every expedient that diplomacy can suggest, strain- 
ing to almost the breaking point onr most cherished 
friendships and obligations, even to the last muJt'ajr 
effort upon effort and hoping against hope. Them, 
and only then, when we were at last compelled t* 
realize that the choice lay between honor and di 



II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 



honor, between treachery and good faith, and that 
we had at last rom-ln-d tin- dividing line which makes 
or mars a nation worthy of the name, it was then, 
and only then, that we declared for war." (Prime 
Minister Asquith, at the Guildhall, London, Septem- 
ber 4, 1914.) 

" Shoulder to shoulder with England we labored in- 
cessantly and supported every proposal," etc. (Ger- 
man White ISoiik; in (.-ulln-ti'd Diplomatic Document*, 
p. 410.) Similar admissions that Great Britain 
strove sincerely and energetically for peace are found 
in other passages in the German White Book. Later 
the German Chancellor, von Bethmann Hollweg, de- 
clared: "The inner responsibility [for the warj lies 
on the Government of Great Britain. . . . England 
saw bow things were moving, but did nothing to 
spoke the wheel." (Speech in Reichstag, December 
2, 1914.) This statement, however, is palpably false. 
I. British fleet kept together after the summer manoeuvres 
(July 27). Importance of this step. 

" I pointed out [to the Austrian ambassador] that 
our fleet was to have dispersed to-day, but we had 
felt unable to let it disperse. We should not think of 
calling up reserves at this moment, and there was no 
menace in what we had done about our fleet; but, 
owing to the possibility of a European conflagration, 
it was impossible for us to disperse our forces at this 
moment. I gave this as an illustration of the anxiety 
that was felt [over the Serbian question]." (Sir 
Edward Grey, in British Blue Book, No. 48; Collected 
Diplomatic Documents, p. 43.) 

t. Her liberty of action reserved; Great Britain was free 
from engagements (July 29). 

" In the present case the dispute between Austria 
and Serbia was not one in which we felt called to 
take a hand. Even if the question became one be- 
tween Austria and Russia we should not feel called 
upon to take a hand in it. It would then be a ques- 
tion of the supremacy of Teuton or Slav a strug- 
gle for supremacy in the Balkans; and our idea had 
always been to avoid being drawn into a war over a 
Balkan question. If Germany became Involved and 
France became involved, we had not made up our 
minds 'what we should do; it was a case that tee 
should have to consider. . . . We were free from 
engagements, and we should have to decide what 
British interests required us to do. I thought It 
necessary to say that, because ... we were taking 
all precautions with regard to our fleet, and I was 
about to warn [the German ambassador] not to 
count on otir standing aside, but that it would not be 
fair that I should let [the French ambassador] be 
misled into supposing that this meant that we had 
decided what to do in a contingency that I still 
hoped might not arise." (Sir Edward Grey to the 
French Ambassador, in British liliie Book, No. 87; 
Collected Diplomatic Dorumcntx, pp. 65-66.) 

* Germany's " Infamous Proposal " of July 29 ( following 
the Potsdam council of that dnte, nt which war appar- 
ently was resolved upon). Fn return for British neu- 
trality in case of war bitici'cn German;/ and France, the 
German Chancellor promised: (a) Not to aim at "ter- 
ritorial acquisitions at the expense of France " in 
Europe; (6) a similar undertaking with respect to the 
French colonies was refused; (r) the neutrality of 
Holland would Le observed as long as it was respected 
by Germany's adversaries; (d) in case Germany was 
obliged to violate Belgium 'i neutrality, " when the war 



was over Belgian integrity would be respected if the 
bad not sided against Germany." 

" lie [the German Chancellor] said that should Aus- 
tria be attacked by Russia a European conflagration 
might, he feared, become inevitable, owing to Ger- 
many's obligations as Austria's ally, in spite of hi* 
continued efforts to maintain peace. He then pro- 
ceeded to make the following strong bid for British 
neutrality, lie said that it was clear, so far as he 
was able to judge the main principle which governed 
British policy, that Great Britain would never stud 
by and allow France to be crushed in any conflict 
there might be. That, however, was not the object 
at which Germany aimed. Provided that neutrality 
of Great Britain were certain, every assurance would 
be given to the British Government that the Imper- 
ial Government aimed at no territorial acquisition! 
at the expense of France should they prove victorious 
in any war that might ensue. 

" I questioned his Excellency about the French 
colonies, and he said that he was unable to give a simi- 
lar undertaking in that respect. As regards Holland, 
however, his Excellency said that so long as Ger- 
many's adversaries respected the integrity and neu- 
trality of the Netherlands, Germany was ready to 
give His Majesty's Government an assurance that 
she would do likewise. It depended upon the action 
of France what operations Germany might be forced 
to enter upon in Belgium, but when the war wa* 
over, Belgian integrity would be respected if she had 
not sided against Germany." (British Ambassador 
at Berlin, in British Blue Book, No. 85; Collect* 
Diplomatic Documents, p. 64.) 

6. This proposal was emphatically rejected by Great 
Britain. " What he asks us in effect is to engage to 
stand by while French colonies are taken and Franc* 
is beaten, so long as Germany does not take French 
territory as distinct from the colonies." (Sir Edward 
Grey, in British Blue Book, No. 101; Collected Diplo- 
matic Documents, p. 77. Compare Germany's attitudt 
over Great Britain's proposal for a compact in 1912 
see ch. i, IV 6 c.) 

The proposals of July 29 may be regarded as " the 
first clear sign of a general conflict; for they pre- 
sumed the probability of a war with France in which 
Belgium, and perhaps England, might be involved, 
while Holland would be left alone." (J. H. Rose, 
Development of the European Nations, 5th ed., El, p. 
387.) 

6. Grey holds out the prospect of a League of Peace (July 
30). In his reply to the foregoing proposals, the Brit- 
ish Foreign Secretary adds: 

"If the peace of Europe can be preserved, and the 
present crisis safely passed, my own endeavor will 
be to promote some arrangement to which German? 
could be a party, by ichich she could be assured that 
no aggressive or hostile policy would be pursued 
against her or her allies by France, Russia, and our- 
selves, jointly or separately. 1 have desired this and 
worked for it, as far as I could, through the last 
Balkan crisis, and, Germany having a corresponding 
object, our relations sensibly improved. The idea ha* 
hitherto been too Utopian to form the subject of 
definite proposals, but if this present crisis, so much 
more acute than any that Europe has gone through 
for generations, be safely passed, I am hopeful that 
the relief and reaction which will follow may make 
possible some more definite rapprochement bet wee* 



4S 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



the Powers than has been possible hitherto." (Brit- 
ith Blue Book, No. 101; Collected Diplomatic Docu- 
ments, p. 78.) 

Germany made no reply to the above suggestion. 
7. Would Great Britain keep out if Germany respected 
Belgium's neutrality? (August 1.) 

" He [the German Ambassador] asked me [Sir 
Edward Grey] whether, if Germany gave a promise 
not to violate Belgium's neutrality, we would engage 
to remain neutral. 

" I replied that I could not say that; our hands 
were still free, and we were considering what our 
attitude should be. All I could say was that our at- 
titude would be determined largely by public opin- 
ion here, and that the neutrality of Belgium would 
appeal very strongly to public opinion here. I did not 
think that we could give a promise of neutrality on 
that condition alone. 

" The Ambassador pressed m? as to whether I could 
not formulate conditions on which we would remain 
neutral. He even suggested that the integrity of 
France and her colonies might be guaranteed. 

" I said that I felt obliged to refuse definitely any 
promise to remain neutral on similar terms, and I 
could only say that we must keep our hands free." 
(British Blue Book, No. 123; Collected Diplomatic 
Documents, p. 93.) 

. Great Britain not to come in if Russia and France re- 
jected reasonable peace proposals; otherwise she would 
aid France (July 31). 

" I said to German Ambassador this morning that 
if Germany could get any reasonable proposal put 
forward which made it clear that Germany and Aus- 
tria were striving to preserve European peace, and 
that Russia and France would be unreasonable if 
they rejected it, I would support it at St. Petersburg 
and Paris, and go the length of saying that if Russia 
and France would, not accept it His Majesty's Gov- 
ernment would have nothing more to do with the 
consequences; but, otherwise, I told German Am- 
bassador that if France became involved we should be 
drawn in." (Sir Edward Grey, in British Blue Book, 
No. Ill; Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 86.) 
. Great Britain gives Naval assurance to France (August 
t), following the German declaration of war on Russia 
(August 1) and the invasion of Luxemburg. 

" I am authorized [by the British Cabinet] to give 
an assurance that, if the German fleet comes into the 
Channel or through the North Sea to undertake hos- 
tile operations against French coasts or shipping, the 
British fleet will give all the protection in its power." 
(Sir Edward Grey to the French Ambassador, in 
British Blue Book, No. 148; Collected Diplomatic 
Documents, p. 105.) 

This assurance was given as the result of an ar- 
rangement of several years' standing whereby the 
French fleet was concentrated in the Mediterranean 
and the British in the North Sea. " It did not bind 
us to go to war with Germany unless the German 
fleet took the action indicated." (Sir Edward Grey 
to the British Ambassador at Paris, in British Blue 
Book, No. 148; Collected Diplomatic Documents p 
105. ) 

ED. NEUTRALITY or LUXEMBUBO AND OF BELGIUM 
VIOLATED. 



1. Luxemburg imvadwl by German troops (August 8). 
Thin was in violation of the Treaty of London (1867), 



as well as of her rights as a neutral state in general 
(See Hague Convention of 1907, Articles 2-5; War 
Cyclopedia, under " Luxemburg," " Neutral Duties," 
"Neutrality," "Neutralized State.") 

2. Special status of Belgium aa a Neutralized State. Based 
upon the Treaty of London (1839), by which Belgium 
became "an independent and perpetually neutral state, 
. . . bound to observe such neutrality towards all 
other states," and Prussia, France, Great Britain, Aus- 
tria, and Russia became the " guarantors " of her 
neutrality. The German Empire was the successor t 
Prussia in this guarantee. Confirmation of Belgium's 
neutrality in 1870, by treaties between Great Britain 
and Prussia and Great Britain and France. (See War 
Cyclopedia, under "Belgium, Neutralization.") 

" Had Belgium been merely a email neutral na- 
tion, the crime [of her violation] would still hay* 
been one of the worst in the history of the modern 
world. The fact that Belgium was an international- 
ized State has made the invasion the master tragedy 
of the war. For Belgium represented what progress 
the world had made towards co-operation. If It 
could not survive, then no internationalism was pos- 
sible. That is why, through these years of horror 
upon horror, the Belgian horror is the fiercest of all. 
The burning, the shooting, the starving, and the rob- 
bing of small and inoffensive nations is tragic enough 
But the German crime in Belgium is greater than the 
sum of Belgium's misery. It is a crime against the 
basis of faith on which the world must build or per- 
ish." (Walter Lippman, in Annals of the American 
Academy of Political and Social Science, July, 1917). 

3. German reassurances to Belgium in 1911 and 1914. 

" Germany will not lose sight of the fact that the 
neutrality of Belgium is guaranteed by international 
treaty." (German Minister of War, in the Reichstag, 
April 29, 1911. See Belgian Grey Book, No. 12; 
Collected Diplomatic Documents, p. 306.) 

" The troops will not cross Belgian territory " 
(German Minister to Belgium, early on August 2, 
1914, to Brussels journalists. In H. Pavignon, 
Belgium and Germany, p. 7.) 

" Up to the present he [the Gorman Minister to 
Belgium, on August 2] had not been instructed to 
make us an official communication, but that we knew 
his personal opinion as to the feelings of security 
which we had the right to entertain towards out 
eastern neighbors." (Belgian Minister for Foreign 
Affairs, in Beli/ian Orey Book, No. 10; rv>7ter/f 
n i 'plum at (c Documents, p. 309.) 

4. France officially assured Great Britain and Belgium of 

her resolve to respect Belgium's neutrality (July 31 
and August 1), in response to an inquiry addressed by 
Great Britain to both France and Germany. (British 
Blue Book, No. 115 and 125; Belgian Grey Book, No 
15; Collected Diplomatic Ducumi-ntu, pp. 87, 94, 307.) 

5. Germany declined to give such an official assurance 

(July 31) apparently on the grpund that "any reply 
they might, give could not but disclose a certain amount 
of their plan of campaign in the event of war ensuing." 
(flritisli Blue Book, No. 122; Collected Diplomatic 
D'irutnrntx, p. 92.) 

6. Germany demanded (August 2 at 7.00 p. m.) permission 

to pass through Belgium on the way to France, alleging 
(falsely) that France intended to march into Belgium, 
and offering to restore Belgium and to pay an indem- 
nity at the end of the war. Should Belgium oppose the 
German troops, she would be considered " as an enemy," 



II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 



aud Germany would " undertake no obligation! " 
towards her. (Belyian Grey Book, No. 20; Collected 
Diplomatic Documents, pp. 309-311.) 

7. Belgium refused such permission (August 3). "The 
Belgian Government, if they were to accept the pro- 
posals submitted to them, would sacrifice the honor of 
the nation and betray their duty towards Europe." 
(Belgian Grey Book, No. 22; Collected Diplomatic 
Document*, p. 312.) 

t. German armed forces entered Belgium on the morning 
of August 4. Belgium thereupon appealed to Great 
Britain, France, and Russia, as guaranteeing Powers, to 
come to her assistance in repelling the invasion. 

t. Germany's justification of her action. 

(a) Plea of necessity. "Gentlemen, we are now in 
a state of necessity, and necessity knows no law. 
Our troops have occupied Luxemburg and per- 
haps have already entered Belgian territory. 
Gentlemen, this is a breach of international law. 

. We know . . . that France stood ready for 
an invasion [this statement was false]. France 
could wait, we could not. . . . The wrong I 
speak openly the wrong we thereby commit we 
will try to make good as oon as our military 
aims have been attained. He who is menaced as 
we are and is fighting for his highest possession 
can only consider how he is to hack his way 
through." (Chancellor von Bethmann Hollweg, 
in the Reichstag, August 4, 1914. See War 
Cyclopedia, under " Bethmann Hollweg," " Kriegs- 
Raison," " Notwendigkeit." 

(b) Charge that Belgium had violated her own neu- 
trality by concluding military conventions with 
England in 1905 and 1912 directed against Ger- 
many. This claim is based on a willful mis- 
interpretation of documents discovered by Ger- 
many in Brussels after the taking of that city. 
(Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 350-367.) 

" That a wrong was done to Belgium was originally 
openly confessed by the perpetrator. As an after- 
thought, in order to appear whiter, Cain blackened 
Abel. In my opinion it was a spiritual blunder to 
rummage for documents in the pockets of the quiver- 
ing victim. ... To calumniate her in addition is 
really too much." (Karl Spitteler, a Swiss, quoted 
In / Accuse, p. 234.) 

(e) Military expediency was the real reason. This 
is shown, among other Indications, by an inter- 
view (August 3, 1914) between the German Min- 
ister for Foreign Affairs and the Belgian Minister 
to Germany. 

German Minister: "It is a question of life or death 
for the Empire. If the German armies do not want 
to be caught between the hammer and the anvil they 
must strike a decisive blow at France, in order then 
to turn back against Russia." 

Kfltjinn Miniitrr: " But the frontiers of Franceare 
sufficiently extended to make it possible to avoid 
passing through Belgium." 

Foreign Minister: " They are too strongly fortl- 
tfled." (II. Davignon, Belgium and Germany, p. 14.) 

IV. GBEAT BRITAIN ENTERS THE WAR. 
1. Appeal of King Albert of Belgium to King George 
(August 3). "Remembering the numerous proofs of 
your Majesty's friendship and that of your predecessor, 
and the friendly attitude of England in 1870 and the 
proof of friendship you have just given us again, I 
make a supreme appeal to the diplomatic intervention 



of your Majesty's Government to safeguard the integ- 
rity of Belgium." (Brlijinn tlrey Book, No. 25; Col- 
lected Diplftmatic Documents, p. 313.) 

2. Great Britain's ultimatum to Germany (August 4) ask- 

ing assurance by midnight that " the demand mad* 
upon Belgium will not be proceeded with, and that her 
neutrality will be respected by Germany." (Brltitk 
Blue Book, No. 153, 159; Collected Diplomatic Docu- 
ments, pp. 107-109.) 

3. War declared by Great Britain (about midnight, August 

4). The "scrap of paper" utterance. 

The account of the last interview (about 7.00 
p. m., August 4) of the British Ambassador with th* 
German Chancellor is instructive: "I found the 
Chancellor very agitated. His Excellency at one* 
began a harangue, which lasted for about twenty 
minutes. He said that the step taken by His Majesty'* 
Government was terrible to a degree; just for a wort 
' Neutrality' a word which in war time had to 
often been disregarded just for a scrap of paper 
Great Britain was going to make war on a kindred 
nation who desired nothing better than to be friend* 
with her. All his efforts in that direction had bee 
rendered useless by this last terrible step, and the 
policy to which, as I knew, he had devoted himself 
since his accession to office had tumbled down like a 
house of cards. What we had done was unthinkable; 
it was like striking a man from behind while he wa 
fighting for his life against two assailants. He held 
Great Britain responsible for all the terrible event* 
that might happen. I protested strongly against that 
statement, and said that, in the same way as he and 
Herr von Jagow [German Foreign Minister] withed 
me to understand that for strategical reasons it too* 
a matter of life and death to Germany to advance 
through Belgium and violate the tatter's neutrality, 
so I would wish him to understand that it was, so to 
speak, a matter of ' life and death ' for the honor of 
Great Britain that she should keep her solemn en- 
gagement to do her utmost to defend Belgium's neu- 
trality if attacked. That solemn compact simply had 
to he kept, or what confidence could anyone have la 
engagements given by Great Britain in the future T 
The Chancellor said, ' But at what price will that 
compact hate been keptf Has the British Govern- 
ment thought of that?' I hinted to his Excellency 
as plainly as I could that fear of consequences could 
hardly be regarded as an excuse for breaking solemn 
engagements, but his Excellency was so excited, *o 
evidently overcome by the new* of our action, and 
so little disposed to bear reason that I refrained fron 
adding fuel to the flame by further argument 
(British Blue Book, No. 160; Collected Diplomat* 
Documents, p. 111. See War Cyclopedia, under 
"Scrap of Paper.") 
4. Great Britain's reasons for entering the war. 

(a) Her obligations to Belgium under the treaty of 
1839. 

(b) Her relations to France growing out of the En- 
tente Cordiale (1904). These ties were strength- 
ened in subsequent years by consultations of 
British and French naval experts, but no promise 
of anything more than diplomatic support wa* 
given until August 2, 1914. 

" We have agreed that consultation between ex- 
perts is not, and ought not, to be regarded as an en- 
gagement that commits either Government to actioa 
In any contingency that has not yet arisen and may 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



never arise. The disposition, for instance, of the 
French and British fleets respectively at the present 
moment is not based upon an engagement to co- 
operate in war. 

" You have, however, pointed out that, If either 
Government had grave reason to expect an unpro- 
voked attack by a third Power, it might become es- 
sential to know whether it could in that event depend 
upon the armed assistance of the other. 

" I agree that, if either Government had grave rea- 
son to expect an unprovoked attack by a third Power, 
or something that threatened the general peace, it 
should immediately discuss with the other whether 
both Governments should act together to prevent 
aggression and to preserve peace, and if so, what 
measures they would be prepared to take in com- 
mon." (Sir Edward Grey to the French Ambassador, 
November 22, 1912; see New York Times Current 
History, I, p. 283.) 

" There is but one way in which the Government 
could make certain at the present moment of keeping 
outside this war, and that would be that it should 
immediately issue a proclamation of unconditional 
neutrality. We cannot do that. We have made the 
commitment to France [of August 2, 1914] that I 
have read to the House which prevents us doing 
that." (Sir Edward Grey in the House of Commons, 
August 3, 1914; New York Times Current History, I, 
p. 289.) 

(c) Keif- Interest the realization that Germany's 
/hostility to her was implacable, and that if 
Great Britain was not to surrender her position 
as a Great Power in the world, and possibly a 
goodly portion of her colonial possessions, she 
must ultimately fight Germany; if so, better in 
alliance with France and Russia than alone at a ' 
later time. 
6. Great Britain's declared war aims. 

" We shall never sheathe the sword which we have 
not lightly drawn until Belgium recovers in full 
measure all and more than all that she has sacrificed, 
until France is adequately secured against the 
menace of aggression, until the rights of the smaller 
nationalities of Europe are placed upon an unassail- 
able foundation, and until the military domination of 
Prussia is wholly and finally destroyed." (Prime 
Minister Asquith, November 9, 1914.) 

" I say nothing of what the actual conditions of 
peace will be, because those are things which we 
must discuss with our allies and settle in common 
with them. But the great object to be attained. . . . 
is that there shall not again be this sort of militar- 
ism in Europe, which in time of peace causes the 
whole of the continent discomfort by its continual 
menace, and then, when it thinks the moment ban 
come that suits itself, plunges the continent into 
war." (Sir Edward Grey, House of Commons, Jan- 
uary 2(5, 1016.) 

" What we and our allies are fighting for is a free 
Europe. We want a Europe free, not only from the 
domination of one nationality -by another, but from 
hectoring diplomacy and the peril of war, free from 
the constant rattling of the sword in the scabbard, 
from perpetual talk of shining armor and war lords. 
In fart, we feel we are fighting for equal rights; for 
law, justice, peace; for civilization throughout the 
world as against brute force, which .knows no re- 
straint and no mercy. 

" Whal l'rn~-i;i fTopo^ex, as we understand her, is 
Prussian supremacy. She proposes a Europe mod- 




elled and ruled by Prussia. She is to dispose of tha 
liberties of her neighbors and of us all. We say that 
life on these terms is intolerable. And this also i* 
what France and Italy and Russia say. We are 
fighting the German idea of the wholesomeness, al- 
most the desirability, of ever recurrent war. Ger- 
many's philosophy is that a settled peace spelli 
degeneracy. Such a philosophy, if it is to survive aa 
a practical force, means eternal apprehension and 
unrest. It means ever-increasing armaments. It 
means arresting the development of mankind along 
the lines of culture and humanity. . . . 

" The Allies can tolerate no peace that leaves the 
wrongs of this war unredressed. Peace counsels that 
are purely abstract and make no attempt to discrimi- 
nate between the rights and the wrongs of this war 
are ineffective if not irrelevant. 

" . . The Prussian authorities have apparently 
but one idea of peace, an iron peace imposed on other 
nations by German supremacy. They do not under- 
stand that free men and free nations will rather die 
than submit to that ambition, and that there can be 
no end to war till it is defeated and renounced " 
(Sir Edward Grey to correspondent of Chicago Daily 
Nrws, in June, 1916.) 
For reading references on Chapter VI, see page 64. 

Vn. THE WAR SPREADS CHARACTER OP 

THE WAR 
I OTHEB STATES ENTEB THE WAS. 

1. Montenegro declares war (Aug. 7. 1914), as an ally of 
Serbia. 

2. Japan declares war (Aug. 23), because of 

(a) Alliance with Great Britain (concluded in 190J; 
renewed in 1905 and 1911). 

(b) Resentment at German ousting of Japan from 
Port Arthur in 1895, and German seizure of Kiao- 
Cb.au Bay (China) in 1897. Japanese ultimatum 
to Germany in 1914 modeled on that of Germany 
to Japan in 1895. 

(o) Japan captures Teingtau, on Kiao-Chau Bay (NoT. 
17. 1914). Thenceforth her part in the military 
operations of the war was slight. 

3. Unneutral acts of Turkey (sheltering of German war- 
ships, bombardment of Russian Black Sea ports, Oct. 
29, etc.) lead to Allied declarations of war against her 
(Nov. 3-5, 1914). It is now proved that Turkey wai 
in alliance with Germany from August 4, 1914. (Set 
N. Y. Times Current History. Nov., 1917, p. 334-335.) 

4. Italy declares war on Austria, (May 23, 1915; on Ger- 
many August 27, 1916.) Due in part to 

(a) Italy's desire to complete her unification by acquir- 
ing from Austria the Italian-speaking Trentino 
and Trieste (Italia Irredenta). 

(b) Conflicts of interests with Austria on the Eastern 
shore of the Adriatic. 

(c) Austria-Hungary's violation of the Triple Alliance 
agreement by her aggressive policy in the Balkans. 

5. Bulgaria, encouraged by Russian and British reverses, 
and assured by Germany of the much coveted shore OB 
the Aogean, makes an alliance with Austria and Ger- 
many and attacks Serbia (Oct. 13. 1915). Great Brit- 
ain, France, Russia, and Italy thereupon declared war 
on Bulgaria (Oct. 16-19.) Refusal of King Constaa- 
tine of Greece to fulfill his treaty with Serbia. 



II. TOI'ir.U. OUTLINE OF Till, \VAK. 



S. Portugal drawn into the war (March 9. 1016) through 
her long-standing alliance with Great Britain. 

7. Roumania, encouraged by Allied successes early in 1916. 
and treacherously pressed thereto by Russia, attacks 
Austria-Hungary in order to gain Transylvania (Aug. 
28. 1916.) 

8. Further spread of the wan United States declares war 
on Germany. April 6. 1917 (see chapter be). Greece 
deposes King Constantino and joins the Entente Allies 
(June 12, 1917). Siam, China and Brazil enter the war 
against the Teutonic Allies; Bolivia, Peru. Uruguay. 
Ecuador, etc.. sever diplomatic relations with Germany. 
(See War Cyclopedia, under "War. Declarations of." 

II. WORLD- WIDE CHABACTEB AND IMPORT A sen or THT 
CONFLICT. 

1. The most widespread and terrible war in history. A 
core of countries involved; compare the size of the 
belligerent areas and populations with those remaining 
neutral, of the States arrayed against Germany with 
those on her side. 

"At least 38,000,000 men are bearing arms in. the war 
27,500.000 on the side of the world Allies and 10.600- 
000 on the side of the Central Powers according to 
latest War Department compilations from published 
reports in various countries. These figures do not in- 
clude naval personnel strength, which would raise the 
total several millions. Against Germany's 7.000.000, 
Austria'a 3,000,000. Turkey's 300.000 and Bulgaria's 
300,000, are arrayed the following armed forces: Rus- 
sia. 9,000,000; France, 6,000,000; Great Britain, 5.000- 
000; Italy. 3.000.000; Japan. 1.400.000; United States, 
more than 1,000.000; China. 541.000; Roumania. 320,000; 
Serbia. 300.000; Belgium. 300,000; Greece. 300,000; 
Portugal. 200.000; Montenegro, 40.000; Siam, 36,000; 
Cuba. 11.000. and Liberia. 400." (Associated Press 
dispatch, Oct. 22. 1917.) 

2. Universal disorganization of commerce and industry. 
Widespread suffering even in neutral countries. Pro- 
blems of food-supply, coal, and other necessaries of 
life. 

I. Importance of the issues involved: Government of the 
world by negotiation, arbitration, and international 
law, . reliance upon military force, and the principle 
that "might makes right." Humanity vs. "fright- 
fulness." Democracy and freedom w. autocracy and 
slavery. 

HI. INNOVATIONS IN WABFABE DUE TO THE PBOOBISS or 
SCIENCE AND INVENTION. 

1. New developments in trenches and trench fighting. 
Vast and complicated systems of deep and narrow 
trenches, inter-communicating; underground refuge 
chambers of timber and concrete; elaborate barbed wire 
entanglements; shell cratere fortified with "pill boxes" 
of steel and concrete as gun emplacements. Defended 
by men with magazine rifles and machine guns; use of 
hand grenades, trench mortars, sapping and mining; 
steel helmets and gas masks. "Camouflage," the art 
of concealment. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Barbed- 
wire Entanglements," "Camouflage," "Trench War- 
fare," etc.) 

1 Great guns (German 42-centimeter mortars, etc.) used 



to smash old fashioned steel and concrete fortification* 
and bombard towns twenty-two miles distant. Enor- 
mous quantities of high explosive shell, fired by thou- 
sands of guns, for days at a time, used to destroy wire 
entanglements and trenches. "Barrage" (barrier) shell- 
fire used to cover attack ; definition and use of 
"creeping barrage"; excellence of French "75's" (quick- 
fire cannon with calibre of 75 millimeters about three 
inches; British "tanks" (huge caterpillar motors, ar- 
mored and armed with machine guns and rapid-fire 
cannon); poison gas and liquid fire; etc., etc. (See 
War Cyclopedia, under "Barrage," "Forbidden Method* 
of Warfare." "Gas Warfare." "Shells." "Tanks." etc.) 

3. Great development of aeroplanes for scouting, direct- 
ing artillery fire, etc. Use of captive balloons. Zep- 
pelins used mainly for dropping bombs on undefended 
British and French towns; their failure to fulfill German 
expectations. Devices for combating aerial attack*. 
(See War Cyclopedia, under "Aviation." etc.) 

4. Great development of the submarine and submarine 
warfare. Use of submarines against warships perfectly 
legitimate; employment against merchant shipping also 
entirely proper under certain limitations. Devices for 
combating submarines. (See War Cyclopedia under 
"Submarine." etc.) 

5. New problems of transport and communication. Great 
use of motor trucks and automobiles for moving troop* 
and supplies; increased difficulties of supply owing to 
great numbers of soldiers engaged, and enormous quan- 
tities of shells fired. Use of wireless telegraph and 
telephone. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Motor Trans- 
port ") 

6. Mobilization of civilian population in all countries and 
national control of industry, food production and eon- 
sumption. Increased participation of women in war 
work. In this conflict not merely armies but nation* 
are engaged against one another; and the side with the 
greatest man-power, the best organized production and 
consumption, the largest financial resources, the staunch- 
eat courage and the closest co-operation between it* 
allies will win. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Civflia* 
Tasks." "Food Control." "Fuel Control." etc.) 

IV. EXAMPLES OF GERMAN RCTDLESSNESB AND VIOLATIONS 
OF INTERNATIONAL LAW. 

1. War from the standpoint of International Law. 

"From the standpoint of the international jurist, war 
is not merely a national struggle between public enemies, 
but a condition of juridical status under which such a 
conflict is carried on. It consists of certain legal rules 
and generally recognized customs, most of which havt 
been codified and embodied in international treaties 
the so-called Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907 
which nearly all the members of the international com- 
munity, including Germany, have signed and ratified. 
Now, if we were to take up the Hague Regulations ID 
detail, we should find that Germany has \iolated again 
and again practically all of them. A bare list or enum- 
eration of the proved and well authenticated instances 
of violation of international law by Germany in this 
war would, in fact, fill many volumes. If thes* were 
accompanied by some description or commentary, I 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



verily believe that the Encyclopaedia Britannica would 
ot contain all of them." (Prof. A. S. Hershey. in In- 
diana University Alumni Quarterly, October. 1917) 

"Germany does not really wage war. She assassi- 
nates, massacres, poisons, tortures, intrigues; she com- 
mit* every crime in the calendar, such as arson, pillage, 
murder, and rape; she is guilty of almost every possible 
violation of international law and of humanity and 
calls it war."-(/Wci.) 

2. The German war philosophy. Conception of "abso- 
lute war"; ruthlessness and "frightfulness" advocated 
a means of shortening war, and hence justified as really 
humane; doctrine that "military necessity" is paramount 
over every other consideration. International law re- 
garded as a selfish invention of weak states seeking to 
hamper the strong. Principle of "Deutschland iiber 
Alles." 

"Whoever uses force, without any consideration and 
without sparing blood, has sooner or later the advantage 
if the enemy does not proceed in the same way. One 
cannot introduce a principle of moderation into the 
philosophy of war without committing an absurdity. 
It is a vain and erroneous tendency to neglect the ele- 
ment of brutality in war merely because we dislike it." 
(Karl von Clausewitz, Vom Kriege, I, page 4.) 

"War in the present day will have to be conducted 
more recklessly, less scrupulously, more violently, more 
ruthlessly, than ever in the past . . . Every restric- 
tion on acts of war, once military overations have begun, 
tends to weaken the co-ordinated action of the bellig- 
erent . . . The law of nations must beware of para- 
lyzing military action by placing fetters upon it . . . 
Distress and damage to the enemy are the conditions 
necessary to bend and break his will . . . The com- 
batant has need of passion ... it requires that the 
combatant . . . shall be entirely freed from the 
shackles of a restraining legality which is in all respects 
oppressive." (General von Hartmann, "Militarische 
Notwendigkeit und Humanitat," in Deutsche Rundschau, 
XIV. pp. 76. 119-122.) 

"Since the tendency of thought of the last century 
was dominated essentially by humanitarian considera- 
tions, which not infrequently degenerated into senti- 
mentality and flabby emotion, there have not been 
wanting attempts to influence the development of the 
usages of war in a way which was in fundamental con- 
tradiction with the nature of war and its object. At- 
tempts of this kind will also not be wanting in the future, 
the more so as these agitations have found a kind of 
moral recognition in some provisions of the Geneva Con- 
vention and the Brussels and Hague Conferences . . . 
The danger that in this way he [the officer] will arrive 
t false views about the essential character of war must 
not be lost sight of . . .By steeping himself in mili- 
tary history an officer will be able to guard himself 
against excessive humanitarian notions; it will teach 
him that certain severities are indispensable to war, nay 
more, that the only true humanity very often lies in a 
ruthless application of them . 

"Every means of war without which the object of 
the war cannot be obtained is permissible ... It 
follows from these universally valid principles that wide 
limitn ar*" ot to thp miHpptivp frppHnm nnrl arhitmrv 



judgment of the commanding officer." (OfficiaJ pub- 
lication edited by the General Staff. Kriegsbrauch im 
Landkriege; in translation by 3. H. Morgan entitled 
The German War Book, pp. 54-55, 64.) 

All the foregoing extracts are quoted in E. LaviM 
and C. Andler, German Theory and Practice of War, 
pp. 25-29. See also. D. C. Munro. German War Prac- 
tices, Introduction; War Cyclopedia, under "Fright- 
fulness," "Kriegs-Raison." "Notwendigkeit," "War, 
German Ruthlessness." "War, German View," etc.; 
Garner and Scott, German War Code. 
3. German treatment of Belgium and other occupied ter 
ritories (Northern France, Russian Poland, Serbia, etc). 
Evidence found in captured letters and diaries of Ger- 
man soldiers and in proclamations of German com- 
manders, as well as in testimony of victims and witnesses. 
The violations of international law and the laws of hu- 
manity include: 

(a) Deliberate and systematic massacre of portions of 
the civil population, as a means of preventing or 
punishing resistance. Individual citizens murdered 
(some while hostages); women abused, and chil- 
dren brutally slain. Several thousand persons were 
so killed, often with mutilation and torture. (See 
Munro, German War Practices; War Cyclopedia, 
under "Hostages," "Non-combatants," etc.) 
"Outrages of this kind [against the lives and property 
of the civil population] were committed during the whole 
advance and retreat of the Germans through Belgium 
and France, and only abated when open manoeuvring 
gave place to trench warfare along all the line from 
Switzerland to the sea. Similar outrages accompanied 
the simultaneous advance into the western salient of 
Russian Poland, and the autumn incursion of the Austro- 
Hungarians into Serbia, which was turned back at 
Valievo. There was a remarkable uniformity in the 
crimes committed in these widely separated theiteri 
of war, and an equally remarkable limit to the datei 
within which they fell. They all occurred during th 
first three months of the war, while, since that period, 
though outrages have continued, they have not been of 
the same character or on the same scale. This has not 
been due to the immobility of the fronts, for although 
it is certainly true that the Germans have been unable 
to overrun fresh territories on the west, they have car- 
ried out greater invasions than ever in Russia and the 
Balkans, which have not been marked by outrages of 
the same specific kind. This seems to show that the 
ystematic warfare against the civil population in the 
campaigns of 1914 was the result of policy, deliberately 
tried and afterwards deliberately given up." (J. Arnold 
Toynbee, The German Terror in Belgium, pp. 15-16.) 
(b) Looting, burning of houses and whole villages, and 
wanton destruction of property ordered and coun- 
tenanced by German officers. Provision for ay*- 
tematic incendiarism a part of German military 
preparations. (See Munro, German War Practice*; 
War Cyclopedia, under "Belgium, Estates De- 
stroyed," "Belgium's Woe." "Family Honor and 
Rights of Property," "Pillage," etc.) 
"It is forbidden to pillage a town or locality eyem 
when taken by assault . . . [In occupied territory] 
pillage is forbidden." (Hague Convention of 1907, 
Article* 2 and 47 ) 



II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 



(o) Excessive taxes ($12,000,000) a month, and heavy 
fines on cities and provinces, laid upon Belgium. 
Belgium robbed of its industrial and agricultural 
machinery, together with its stocks of food stuffs 
and raw materials, which were sent into Germany 01 
converted to the use of the German army. This 
was according to a "plan elaborated by Dr. W. Rath- 
enau in 1914 at Berlin, for the systematic exploi- 
tation of all the economic resources of occupied 
countries in favor of the military organization of 
the Empire." (See Munro, German War Practice*, 
Part II; War Cyclopedia, under "Belgium, Economic 
Destruction," "Contributions, 1 * "Requisitions.") 

"[1] Coal, minerals, metals, chemical products; 
wood and various building materials; wool, flax, cot- 
ton and other materials for weaving; leathers, hides 
and rubber, all in every possible state of industrial 
transformation, from the raw material to the com- 
mercial product and the waste; [2] further, all ma- 
chines, fixed and movable, and machine-tools (in 
particular, the American lathes which it is impossible 
to replace at present); transmission belts; wires 
for electric lighting and motor power;- oils and 
grease products; [3) transport material, whether by 
road, railway or water, and an important part of 
the rolling-stock of local railway lines; all traction 
power, whether animal or mechanical; thorough- 
breds and stud animals, and the products of breed- 
ing; [4] agricultural products, seed and harvest*, 
etc., were successively immobilized, and then 
seized and removed from the country, as a result 
of legislative acts on the part of the civil authorities, 
following upon innumerable requisitions by the mil- 
itary authorities. The value of these seizures and 
requisitions amounts to billions of francs . 
Moreover, many of the measures taken were in- 
spired not only by the motives of military interest 
denounced above, but by the underlying thought 
of crushing the commercial rivalry of Belgium. 
This was explicitly admitted in Germany itself by 
several authorities." (Memorandum of the Belgian 
Government on the Deportations, etc.. February 1, 
1917. pp. 7-8.) 

The total exactions from Belgium, in money and ma- 
terials, are computed to be "in excess of one billion dol- 
lart, or nearly five times as much as all the world hat con- 
tributed to keep the Belgian people from starving to death." 
(9. S. McClure. Obstacles to Peace, page 116.) 
(d) Forcible deportation of tens of thousands of Belgian 
and other civilians to Germany, the men to serve 
practically as slaves in Germany's industries, and 
the women reduced frequently to worse than slavery. 
(See Munro, German War Practicet; War Cyclopedia, 
under "Belgium, Deportations.") 
"They [the Germans] have dealt a mortal blow to any 
prospect they may ever have had of being tolerated by 
the population of Flanders [which they were seeking 
to alienate from French-speaking Belgium]; in tearing 
way from nearly every humble home in the land a 
husband and a father or a son and brother, they bars 
lighted a fire of hatred that will never go out; they 
have brought home to every heart in the land, in a way 
that will impress its horror indelibly on the memory 



of three generations, a realization of what GennM 
methods mean not, as with the early atrocities, hi 
the heat of passion and the first lust of war, but by on* 
of those deeds that make one despair of the future of 
the human race, a deed coldly planned, studious); 
matured, and deliberately and systematically executed, 
a deed so cruel that German soldiers are said to have 
wept in its execution, and so monstrous that even 
German soliders are now said to be ashamed." (U. 8. 
Minister Brand Whitlock. in January. 1917.) 

(e) Fearful devastation of part of Northern France 
during Hindenburg's "strategic retreat" (March, 
1917), including complete destruction of village* 
and homesteads, systematic destruction of vineyard* 
and fruit trees, etc. (See Munro, German War 
Practices; War Cyclopedia, under "Destruction." 
"Frightfulness," "Hindenburg Line.") 

"In the course of these last months, great stretchee 
of French territory have been turned by us into a dead 
country. It varieg in width from 10 to 12 or 15 kilo- 
meters [6J4 to "iy-i or 8 miles], and extends along the 
whole of our new position, presenting a terrible barrier 
of desolation to any enemy hardy enough to advance 
against our new lines. No village or farm was left 
standing on this glacis, no road was left passable, no 
railway track or embankment was left in being. Where 
once were woods there are gaunt rows of stumps; the 
wells have been blown up; wires, cables, and pipeline* 
destroyed. In front of our new positions runs, like 
gigantic ribbon, an empire of death." (Berlin Lokai- 
ameiger. March 18, 1917; quoted in Frigh'fulness to 
Retreat, page 5.) 

"Whole towns and villages have been pillaged, burnt 
and destroyed; private houses have been stripped of afl 
their furniture, which the enemy has carried off; fruit 
trees have been torn up or rendered useless for all fu- 
ture production; springs and wells have been poisoned. 
The comparatively few inhabitants who were not de- 
ported to the rear were left with the smallest possible 
ration of food, while the enemy took possession of the 
stocks provided by the Neutral Relief Committee and 
intended for the civil population . . . It is a ques- 
tion not of acts aimed at hampering the operations of 
the Allied armies, but of acts of devastation which have 
no connection with that object, and the aim of which 
is to ruin for many years to come one of the most fertile 
regions of France. (Protest of the French Government 
to Neutral Powers, in Frightfulness in Retreat, pp. 6-7.) 

(f) Wanton destruction of historic works of art library 
of Louvain; cathedrals of Rheims. Soissons, Ypres. 
Arras, St. Quentin; castle of Coucy; town halls, eto. 
of Ypres and other Belgian cities. (See War Cy- 
dopedia, under "Louvain." "Rheims." "Works of 
of Art." etc.) 

4. Other violations of the laws of warfare on land. 

(a) Use of poison gas and liquid fire (both first used 
by the Germans); poisoning of wells; intentional 
dissemination of disease germs (anthrax and glaa- 
ders, at Bucharest, etc.); bombardment of unde- 
fended towns by Zeppelins, aoroplanes, and cruie* 
ers; bombardment of hospitals, etc. (See War Cy- 
clopedia, under "Bombardment." "Explosives from 
Aircraft," "Forbidden Weapons," "Gas Warfare." 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



"Poisons," "Roumania. German Treachery in," 
"Zeppelins," etc.) 

(b) Civilians, including women and children, used as 
a screen by German forces; frequent abuse of Red 
Cross and white flag. (See Munro, German War 
Practices, under "Hostages and Screens." 

" 'We waited for the advance of the Germans,' states 
British officer; 'some civilians reported to us that 
they were coming down a road in front of us. On look- 
ing in that direction we saw, instead of German troops, 
a crowd of civilians men, women, and children waving 
white handkerchiefs and being pushed down the road 
in front of a large number of German troops.' 'They 
came on as it were in a mass,' states a British soldier, 
'with the women and children massed in front of them. 
They seemed to be pushing them on, and I saw them 
hoot down women and children who refused to march. 
Up to this my orders had been not to fire, but when we 
saw women and children shot my sergeant said: "It 
is too heartrending," and gave orders to fire, which we 
did.' 'I saw the Germans advancing on hands and 
knees towards our positions.' states another; 'they were 
in close formation, and had a line of women and chil- 
dren in front of their front rank. Our orders at that 
time were not to fire on civilians in front of the enemy.' " 
(J. Arnold Toynbee, The German Terror in France, 
K>. 6-7.) 

(c) Wounded and prisoners killed in many instance*. 
(See Munro, German War Practices. War Cyclopedia, 
under "Hun," "Prisoners of War." "Quarter," etc.) 

"28th August. They [the French] lay in heaps of 
eight or ten wounded or dead on the top of one an- 
ther. Those who could still walk we made prison- 
s and brought with us. Those who were seriously 
wounded, in the head or lungs, etc., and who could 
not stand upright, were given one more bullet, which 
put an end to their life. Indeed, that was the order 
which we had received." (Diary of a German soldier, 
in Joseph B^dier, How Germany seeks to Justify her 
Atrocities, p. 45.) 

"By leaps and bounds we got across the clearing. 
They were here, there, and everywhere hidden in the 
thicket. Now it is down with the enemy I And we 
will give them no quarter . . . We knock down or 
bayonet the wounded, for we know that those scoundrels 
fire at our backs when we have gone by. There was 
Frenchman there stretched out, full length, face down, 
pretending to be dead. A kick from a strong fusilier 
soon taught him that we were there. Turning round 
he asked for quarter, but we answered: 'Is that the 

way your tools work, you ,' and he was nailed to 

the ground. Close to me I heard odd cracking sounds. 
They were blows from a gun on the bald head of 
Frenchman which a private of the 154th was dealing 
out vigorously; he was wisely using a French gun so ai 
not to break his own. Tender-hearted souls are so 
kind to the French wounded that they finkh them with 
a bullet, but others give them as many thrusts and blow* 
M they can."--(Article entitled "A Day of Honor for 
our Regiment 24th September. 1914," in the Jauret- 
che, Tageblatt, 18th October, 1914; facsimile in Joseph 
Bdier, German AtrocMet from German Evidence pp 
32-33.) 



"After today no more prisoners uritt be taken. AU 
prisoners are to be killed. Wounded, vrith or without arrm, 
are to be killed. Even prisoners already grouped in con- 
voys are to be killed. Let not a single living enemy 
remain behind us." (Order given 26th August, 1914. 
by General Stenger, of the 58th German Brigade; tes- 
tified to by numerous German prisoners. See Bedier, 
German Atrocities, pp. 28-29, 39-40.) 

"When you meet the foe you will defeat him. No 
quarter will be given, no prisoners will be taken. Let 
all who fall into your hands be at your mercy. Just at 
the Huns a thousand years ago, under the leadership of 
Etzel [.AtttZa] , gained a reputation in virtue of which theg 
still line in historical tradition, so may the name of Germany 
become known in such a manner in China that no China- 
man will ever again dare to look askance at a German." 
(Speech of the Kaiser to German troops embarking for 
the Boxer War in 1900; reported in Bremen Wettr 
Zeitung and in other German newspapers; quoted in 
London Times, July 30, 1900.) 

"It is forbidden ... to kill or wound an enemy 
who, having laid down his arms and having no meant 
of self-defense, gives himself up aff a prisoner; to declan 
that no quarter will be given." (Hague Convention 
of 1907. Article 23.) 

(d) Inhuman treatment of British captives in German 
prison camps, at Wittenberg and elsewhere. (See 
Munro.German War Practices; War Cyclopedia, under 
"Prisoners of War," etc.) The British treatment 
of German prisoners, on the other hand, was humane 
and correct. 

5. Submarine warfare waged in disregard of international 
law. Sinking without warning of the Falaba, Gushing, 
Gulflight, Lusitania, Arabic, Sussex, etc; ruthless de- 
struction of lives of innocent men, women, and chil- 
dren. Great extension of submarine warfare after Feb- 
ruary 1. 1917. Policy of "sinking without leaving 
trace" (spurlos versenkt). Instructions to sink even 
hospital ships. Utter disregard of the rights of neu- 
trals. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Lusitania Notes," 
"Submarine Warfare," "Spurlos Versenkt," "Visit and 
Search," etc., and under names of vessels.) 

"The new policy has swept every restriction aside. 
Vessels of every kind, whatever then- flag, their char- 
acter, their cargo, their destination, their errand, hay* 
been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning 
and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, 
the vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of bel- 
ligerents." (President Wilson, speech of April 2, 1917.) 

6. Practical extermination of the Armenian nation by the 
Turks, evidently with German sanction (1915-16). 
(See War Cyclopedia, under "Armenian Massacres.") 

"In order, I was told, to cover the extermination 
of the Armenian nation with a political cloak, military 
reasons were being put forward, which were said to 
make it necessary to drive the Armenians out of their 
native seats, which had been theirs for 2,500 years, and 
to deport them to the Arabian deserts. I was also told 
that individual Armenians had lent themselves to acti 
of espionage. 

"After I had informed myself about the facts *W 
had made inquiries on all sides, I came to the ooneb- 



II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THK WAR. 



lion that all these accusations against the Armenians 
were, in fact, based on trifling provocations, which were 
taken as an excuse for slaughtering 10,000 innocents 
for one guilty person, for the most savage outrages 
gainst women and children, and for a campaign of 
starvation against the exiles which was intended to ex- 
terminate the whole nation . . . 

"Out of convoys which, when they left their homes 
on the Armenian plateau, numbered from two to three 
thousand men, women, and children, only two or three 
hundred survivors arrive here in the south. The men 
re slaughtered on the way; the women and girls, with 
the exception of the old, the ugly, and those who are 
still children, have been abused by Turkish soldiers 
and officers and then carried away to Turkish and 
Kurdish villages, where they have to accept Islam. 
They try to destroy the remnant of the convoys by 
hunger and thirst. Even when they are fording rivers, 
they do not allow those dying of thirst to drink. All 
the nourishment they receive is a daily ration of a little 
meal sprinkled over their hands, which they lick off 
greedily, and its only effect is to protract their starva- 
tion." (Dr. Martin Niepage, The Horron of. Aleppo. 
Seen by a German Eyewitness, pp. 3-6.) 

SOMMARY AND EXPLANATION OF GERMAN PoUCT (See War 

Cydopedia. under "Der Tag," "German Military Auto- 
cracy," "Hegemony, German Ambition," "War, Re- 
sponsibility for.") 

"The German Government wages the war by methods 
which, judged even by standards till now conventional, 
are monstrous. Note, for example, the sudden attack 
upon Belgium and Luxemburg; poison gas, since adopted 
by all the belligerents; but most outrageous of all, the 
Zeppelin bombings, inspired with the purpose of anni- 
hilating every living person, combatant or non-com- 
batant, over large areas; the submarine war on com- 
merce; the torpedoing of the Lusitania. etc.; the system 
of taking hostages and levying contributions, especially 
at the outset in Belgium ; the systematic exactions from 
Ukrainian, Georgian, Courland, Polish, Irish, Moham- 
medan, and other prisoners of war in the German prison 
camps, of treasonable war-service, and of treasonable 
espionage of the Central Powers; in the contract be- 
tween Under-Secretary of State Zimmermann and Sir 
Roger Casement in December, 1914, for the organiza- 
tion, equipment, and training of the 'Irish brigade' 
made up of imprisoned British soldiers in the German 
prison camps; the attempts under threats by forced 
internment to compel enemy alien civilians found in 
Germany to perform treasonable war service against 
their own country, etc. 'Necessity knows no law.' " (Dr. 
Karl Liebknecht. the German Socialist leader, in leaf- 
let dated May 3, 1916. See War Cydopedia. under 
"Liebkneeht on German War Policy.") 

"This war was begun and these crimes against hu- 
manity were done because Germany was pursuing the 
hereditary policy of the Hohenzollerns and following 
the instincts of the arrogant military caste which rule* 
Prussia, to grasp the overlordship of the civilized world 
and establish an empire in which she should play the 
role of ancient Rome. They were done because the 
Prussian militarist still pursues the policy of power 
through conquest, of aggrandizement through force and 



fear, which in little more than two centuries has brought 
the puny Mark of Brandenburg with its million and a 
half of people to the control of a vast empire the 
greatest armed force of the modern world." (Senator 
Elihu Root, soeech in Chicago. Sept. 14, 1917). 

For reading referenced on Chapter VII, see page 64. 

VIII. THE UNITED STATES ENTERS THE WAR, \ 
I. STBUOOLE TO MAINTAIN Oui NEUTBALJTT (1914-16) 

1. American opinion at the outbreak of the war confuted 
as to merits and issues in the controversy; conflicting 
sympathies of hyphenated groups. (See War Cydopedia 
under "Hyphenated Americans," "United States, Isola- 
tion." "United States, Neutrality. 1914-17.") 

2. Declaration of Neutrality of the United States, issued 
August 4, 1914. President Wilson's appeal for neutrality 
of sentiment. (August 18, 1914.) "Every man who really 
loves America will act and speak in the true spirit of 
neutrality, which is the spirit of impartiality and fair- 
ness and friendliness to all concerned. ... It will 
be easy to excite passion and difficult to allay it." He 
expressed the fear that our Nation might become 
divided into camps of hostile opinion. "Such divisions 
among us ... might seriously stand in the way of the 
proper performance of our duty as the one great nation 
at peace, the one people holding itself ready to play 
a part of impartial mediation and speak counsel* of 
peace and accommodation, not as a partisan, but a* a 
friend." (See War Cydopedia, under "United States, 
Neutrality. 1914-17.") 

3. Alienation of American sentiment from Germany and 
Austria. Invasion of Belgium generally condemned; 
admiration for her plucky resistance and horror at 
German atrocities; Cardinal Mercier's pastoral letter 
of Christmas. 1914; Commission for Belgian Relief 
under American direction (Mr. Herbert C. Hoover); 
Germany's monstrous crime in sinking the Lusitania; 
execution of Edith Cavell and Captain Fryatt. (See 
War Cydopedia, under "Atrocities," "Belgium's Woe," 
"Cavell. Edith." "Fryatt. Captain," "Lusitania." 
"Merrier. Cardinal." etc.) 

4. Was the neutrality of our Government a real neutrality? 
Lack of interest in the contest or of desire on the part 
of the people for the triumph of one or the other of the 
participants not necessary to neutrality of the Govern- 
ment. (See War Cydopedia, under "Neutrality." 
"Neutral Righta." etc.) 

5. Controversies with Great Britain over questions of 
blockade, contraband, and interference with our mails. 
Question of the applicability to the present emergency 
of the Declaration of London (drawn up in 1909 on the 
initiation of Great Britain, but not ratified before the 
war by any government.) Property rights alone involved 
in these controversies, which could be settled after the 
war by our existing arbitration treaty with Great Britain. 
(See War Cydopedia. under "Blacklist," "Blockade." 
"Declaration of London." "Embargo. British." "Mails, 
British Interference with." "War Zone. British." etc.) 

6. Controversies with Germany. Over our supplying 
munitions to the Allies, and her submarine inlrinp 
(Palaba, Gushing, Ouiflight. Lwtitania, Arabic, eta.). 
Intrigues and conspiracies in the United States; the 



50 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



AuBtro-Hungarian Ambassador, and the German at- 
taches Boy-Ed and von Papen, dismissed by our Govern- 
ment (November 4, 1915) on clear proof of guilt, but 
no apologies to us or reprimand to them issued by their 
Governmente. German intrigues against us in Cuba, 
Haiti, San Domingo, Mexico, etc. For a defense of 
our policy in permitting sale of munitions, etc., see letter 
of Secretary of State W. J. Bryan to Senator Stone, 
January 20, 1915 (in International Conciliation, No. 96). 
(See War Cyclopedia, under "Der Tag When?," 
"Dumba,'' "German Intrigue." "Igel, von. Papers of,' 
"German Government, Moral Bankruptcy of," "Manfla 
Bay. Dewey and Diedricha at," "Monroe Doctrine, 
German Attitude." "Intrigue." "Munitions," "Papen," 
"Sabotage." "Spies." "Strict Accountability." "Sub- 
marine Blockade." "Submarine Warfare," "Parole." 
"War Zone, German," and under names of vessels, etc.) 

7. Apparent settlement of the submarine controversy in 
May, 1916. Sinking of the channel passenger ship 
Sutstx without warning on March 24, 1916, after 
months of expostulation, precipitates a crisis. Our de- 
mand that thenceforth Germany conduct her submarine 
warfare in accordance with international law, by (a) 
warning veeaela before sinking then, and (6) placing 
passengers and crew in safety. Germany's conditional 
agreement to comply with this demand ends the crisis. 
(See War Cyclopedia, under "Submarine Warfare, 
American Lives Lost," "Submarine Warfare, German 
Defense," "Submarine Warfare, Illegalities," "Sub- 
marine Warfare, Stages of," "Sussex." "Sussex Ultima- 
tum," "Sussex Ultimatum, German Pledge," etc.) 

8. Unceasing German intrigues against the United State f 
A semi-official list of intrigue charges against the German 
Government, based on one set only of German docu- 
ments seized by our Government (the von Igel papers), 
includes the following: "Violation of the laws of the 
United States; destruction of lives and property in 
merchant vessels on the high seas; Irish revolutionary 
plots against Great Britain; fomenting ill feeling against 
the United States in Mexico; subornation of American 
writers and lecturers; financing of propaganda; main- 
tenance of a spy system under the guise of a commercial 
investigation bureau; subsidizing of a bureau for the 
purpose of stirring up labor troubles in munition plant*; 
the bomb industry and other related activities." Since 
our entrance into the war a vast amount of evidence 
u to Germany's treacherous and hostile intrigues on 
our soil has come into the possession of our Government. 
(See War Cyclopedia, under "German Intrigue," "Ingel. 
von. Papers of," "Parole," "Passports. German Frauds," 
etc.) 

"From the very outset of the present war it has filled 
our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of 
government with spies and set criminal intrigues every- 
where afoot against our national unity of counsel, our 
peace within and without, our industries and our com- 
merce. Indeed it is now evident that its spies were 
here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not 
matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of 
Justice that the intrigues which have more than once 
come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dis- 
locating the industries of the country have been carried 
on at the instigation, with the support, and even under 



the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial 
German Government accredited to the Government 
of the United States." (President Wilson. Speech of 
April 2. 1917). 

9. Reasons for otir long enduring patience in dealing with 
Germany: (a) Hope that saner counsels might prevafl 
in that country. (6) Our traditional sense of respond 
bility toward all the republics of the New World, (e) 
The desire, by keeping free from the conflict, more 
effectively to aid in restoring peace at ita clone. (See 
War Cyclopedia, under "Pan-Americanism," "Perman- 
ent Peace." "Watchful Waiting." etc.) 

II. FBOM NEUTRALITY TO WAB (1916-17). 

1. Unsuccessful Peace overtures (Dec. 1916-Jan. 1917). 
Independent overtures by Germany (Dec. 12, 1910), 
and by President Wilson (Dec. 18). Answer of the 
Allies based on the reasonable idea of "Reparation, 
Restoration and Security." Refusal of Germany to 
disclose her terms. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Peaee 
Overtures, German. 1916," "Peace Terms, German 
Industrialists on," "Peace Terms, German Professor* 
on," etc.) 

"Boasting of German conquests, 'the glorious deed* 
of our armies,' the [German] note implanted in neutral 
minds the belief that it was the purpose of the Imperial 
German Government to insist upon such condition* a* 
would leave all Central Europe under German domin- 
ance and so build up an empire which would menaM 
the whole liberal world. Moreover, the German pro- 
posal was accompanied by a thinly veiled threat to all 
neutral nations; and from a thousand sources, official and 
unofficial, the word came to Washington that unlea* 
the neutrals used their influence to bring the war to 
an end on terms dictated from Berlin, Germany and her 
allies would consider themselves henceforth free from 
any obligations to respect the rights of neutrals. The 
Kaiser ordered the neutrals, to exert pressure on the 
Entente to bring the war to an abrupt end, or to beware 
of the consequences. Clear warnings were brought 
to our Government that if the German peace move 
should not be successful the submarines would be un- 
leashed for a more intense and ruthless war upon all 
commerce." (Hov the War Came to America, pp. 10-11. 
See War Cyclopedia, under "German Military Domi- 
nance," "Mittel Europa," etc.) 

2. President Wilson outlined such a peace as the United 
States could join in guaranteeing (Jan. 22, 1917). 
Favorable reception of these proposals in the Entente 
countries; lack of response in Germany. (See War 
Cyclopedia, under "Aim of the United States," "Ameri- 
ca, Creed," "Balance of Power," "League to Enforce 
Peace," "Permanent Peace, American Plan.") 

"No peace can last, or ought to last, which does not 
[1] recognize and accept the principle that government* 
derive all their just powers from the consent of the 
governed, and that no right anywhere exists to hand 
people about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they 
were property .... 

"I am proposing, as it were, that the nations should 
with one accord adopt the doctrine of President Monroe 
as the doctrine of the world: that no nation should seek 
to extend its policy over any other nation or people 



II. TOI'ICAI. OUTLIM. 01 THK \VAll. 



but that every people should be left free to determine 
its own policy, it* own way of development, unhindered, 
un threatened, unafraid, the little along with the great 
nd powerful. 

"I am proposing [2] that all nations henceforth avoid 
entangling alliances which would draw them into com- 
petitions of power, catch them in a net of intrigue and 
elfish rivalry, and disturb their own affairs with in- 
fluences intruded from without. There is no entangling 
alliance in a concert of power. When all unite to act in 
the same sense and with the same purpose, all act in 
the common interest and are free to live their own lives 
under a common protection. 

"1 am proposing ... [3] that freedom of the seas 
which in imernat ional conference after conference 
representatives of the United States have urged with 
the eloquence of those who are the convinced disciples 
of liberty; and [4j that moderation of armaments which 
make of armies and navies a ppwer for order merely. 
Dot an instrument of aggression or of selfish violence." 
[5] "Mere agreements may not make peace secure. 
It will be absolutely necessary that a force be created 
as a guarantor of the permanency of the settlement so 
much greater than the force of any nation now engaged 
or any alliance hitherto formed or projected that no 
nation, no probable combination of nations, could face 
or withstand it. If the peace presently to be made is 
to endure, it must be a peace made secure by the or- 
ganized major force of mankind." (President Wilson, 
Speech to U. S. Senate. Jan. 22. 1917.) 

S. The "Zimmermann note" falls into the hands of the 
United States Government (dated Jan. 19. 1917; pub- 
lished through the Associated Press, February 28). 
In this the German Secretary for Foreign Affairs secretly 
informs the German minister to Mexico of the German 
intention to repudiate the Sussex pledge, and instruct* 
him to offer the Mexican Government New Mexico and 
Arizona if Mexico will join with Japan in attacking the 
United States. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Zimmer- 
inann Note.") 

4. The German Government officially notifies the United 
States (Jan. 31, 1917) that "from February 1. 1917, sea 
traffic will be stopped with every available weapon 
and without further notice." This meant the renewal 
of ruthless submarine operations, in violation of the 
pledge given after the sinking of the Sussex. (See War 
Cyclopedia, as above under 1-7, also under "Submarine 
Warfare, Unrestricted.") 

"The German Chancellor . . . stated before the 
Imperial Diet that the reason this ruthless policy had 
not been earlier employed was simply because the 
Imperial Government had not then been ready to not. 
In brief, under the guise of friendship and the cloak of 
false promises, it had been preparing this attack." 
(How the War Came to America, p. 13.) 

I. German Ambassador to the United States dismissed 
and diplomatic relations severed (Feb. 3. 1917). Thi 
act was not equivalent to a declaration of war President 
Wilson in his speech to the Senate announcing it dis- 
tinguished sharply between the German Government 
and the German people. Failure of the German Govern- 
ment to recall its submarine order led the President to 



recommend to Congress (Feb. 26) a policy of "armed 
neutralityi" More than 500 out of 531 members of UM 
two houses of Congress were ready and anxious to act; 
but a "filibuster" of a handful of "willful men" defeated 
the measure, by prolonging the debate until the expira- 
tion of the congressional session, on March 4. March 
12, orders were finally issued to arm American merchant 
hips against submarines. (See War Cyclojjedia, under 
"Armed Neutrality Adopted," "Diplomatic Immunity," 
"Prussian Treaties. Attempted Modification of," 
"United States. Break with Germany." "United State*. 
Neutrality. 1914-17." etc.) 

6. President Wilson urges the recognition of a state of war 
with Germany (April 2). (See War Cyclopedia, under 
"United States, Break with Germany." etc.) 

"The present German submarine warfare against 
commerce is a warfare against mankind. It is a warfare 
against all nations. American ships have been sunk. 
American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred ue 
very deeply to learn of, but the ship* and people of other 
neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and over- 
whelmed in the waters in the same way. There hat 
been no discrimination. The challenge is to all mankind. 
Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it . . 
There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of 
making; we will not choose the path of submission and suf- 
fer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to 
be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now 
array ourselves are no common wrongs, they rut to th* 
very roots of human life. 

"With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical 
character of the stop 1 am taking and of the grave respon- 
sibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience 
to what I deem my constitutional duty. I advise that the 
Congress decl:ire the recent course of the IIIIJM rinl German 
Government to he in fact nothing less than war against 
the Government and [teoplr of the ("nited StaU-s; that it 
formally accept the status of belligerent which has thut 
been thrust upon it; and thut it take immediate steps not 
only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense 
but also to exert all its power and employ all its resource* 
to bring the Government of the German Empire to term* 
and end the war ... It will involve the utmost prae- 
tieahle co-oj x-rntion in counsel and action with the Gov- 
ernments now at war with Germany. 

"We have no quarrel with the German people. We have 
no feelings towards them but one of sympathy and friend- 
ship It was not upon their impulse that their Govern- 
ment acted in entering this war. It was not with their 
previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined 
upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old un- 
happy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their 
rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest 
of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were 
aeoMtomed to use their fellow men as> pawns and took. 
S,-lf-eiiverned nations do not fill their neighbor State's with 
spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about somp 
critical posture of affairs which will give them an oppor- 
tunity to strike and make conquest. Such designs can 
be successfully worked out only under cover and when 
no one has the right to ask questions. Cunningly 
trived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it 



62 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and 
kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or 
behind the carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and 
privileged class. They are happily impossible where pub- 
lic opinion commands and insists upon full information 
concerning all the nation's affairs. 

"A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained 
except by a partnership of democratic nations. No auto- 
cratic Government could be trusted to keep faith within 
it or to observe its covenants. It must be a league of 
honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its 
vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan 
what they would and render account to no one would be 
a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples 
can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a com- 
mon end and prefer the interests of mankind to any nar- 
row interest of their own . . . 

"The world must be made safe for democracy. Its 
peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of 
political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We 
desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities 
for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices 
we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions 
of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those 
rights have been made as secure as the faith and the free- 
dom of nations can make them . . . 

"We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove 
that friendship [for the German people] in our daily atti- 
tude and actions towards the millions of men and women 
of German birth and native sympathy who live amongst 
us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it 
towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to 
the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of 
them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never 
known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt 
to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who 
may be of a different mind and purpose. If there should 
be disloyalty, it will be dealt with with a firm hand of stern 
repression; but if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only 
here and there and without countenance except from a 
lawless and malignant few." (Speech to the Senate, 
April 2, 1917) 

7. Declaration of a state of war with Germany. Passed 
in the Senate (April 4) by a vote of 32 to 6; in the House 
(April 6), 373 to 50. (See War Cyclopedia, under "War, 
Declaration Against Germany.") 

"Whereas, The Imperial German Government has 
committed repeated acts of war against the Govern- 
ment and the people of the United States of America: 
Therefore be it "Resolved by the Senate and House of 
Representatives of the United States of America in Con- 
gress assembled. That the state of war between the United 
States and the Imperial German Government which has 
thus been thrust upon the United States is hereby for- 
mally declared; and that the President be, and he is 
hereby, authorized and directed to employ the entire 
naval and military forces of the United States and the 
resources of the Government to carry on war against the 
Imperial German Government; and to bring the conflict 
to a successful termination all the resources of the coun- 
try are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United 



States." (Joint Resolution of Congress, approved by 
the President, April 6, 1917) 

8. Declaration of War against Austria-Hungary (Dec 7, 
1917). Passed unanimously in the Senate, and with 
one opposing vote (Meyer London, Socialist, from New 
York City, voting " present ") in the House. (See War 
Cyclopedia, "Austria-Hungary, Break with," "Dumba, 
Recall of." "War, Declaration against Austria-Hungary.") 

III. SUMMARY OF ODE REASONS FOB ENTEBINO THI WAR 

1. Because of the renewal by Germany of her submarine 
warfare in a more violent form than ever before, con- 
trary to the assurance given to our Government in the 
spring of 1916. This resulted in the loss of additional 
American lives and property on the high seas and pro- 
duced in the minds of the President and Congress th 
conviction that national interest and national honor re- 
quired us to take up the gauntlet which Germany had 
thrown down. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Submarine 
Warfare, American Lives Lost," etc.) 

2. Because of the conviction, unwillingly reached, that 
the Imperial German Government had repudiated whole* 
sale the commonly accepted principles of law and hu- 
manity, and was "running amuck" as an international 
desperado, who could be made to respect law and right 
only by forcible and violent means. The cumulative effect 
of Germany's outrages should be noted in this connec- 
tion. (See War Cyclopedia, under "German Diplo- 
macy," "German Government, Moral Bankruptcy of."} 

3. Because of the conviction that Prussian militarism and 
autocracy, let loose in the world, disturbed the balance of 
power and threatened to destroy the international equilib- 
rium. They were a menace to all nations save those 
allied with Germany; and the menace must be over- 
thrown, as Napoleonism had been at the beginning of 
the nineteenth century, by a coalition of the state* 
whose honor, rights, and national existence were en- 
dangered. The Middle Europe project should receire 
attention in this connection. (See War Cyclopedia, un- 
der "Autocracy," "Hegemony." "Kaiserism," "Mittel- 
Europa," "Prussianism," etc.) 

4. Because of the gradual shaping of the conflict into a wmr 
between democratic nations on the one hand and auto- 
cratic nations on the other, and because of the convic- 
tion that, as our nation in Lincoln's day could not hope 
to long endure "half slave and half free," so the world 
community of today could not continue to exist part 
autocratic and part democratic. Note the effect of the 
Russian Revolution on the issues of the war. (See War 
Cyclopedia, under " Russian Revolution of 1917.") 

5. Because of the conviction that our traditional policy of 
isolation and aloofness was outgrown and outworn, and 
could no longer be maintained in the face of the growing 
interdependence which is one of the leading character- 
istics of this modern age. (See War Cyclopedia, "United 
States, Isolation.") 

6. Because of the menace to the Monroe Doctrine and to 
our own independence. (See War Cyclopedia, under 
"America Threatened," "Monroe Doctrine, German 
Attitude." 



II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF TIIF. WAR. 



"The history. tne character, the avowed principles 
of action, the manifest and undisguised purpose of the 
German autocracy made it clear and certain that if 
America stayed out of the Great War, and Germany 
won. America would forthwith be required to defend 
herself, and would be unable to defend herself, against 
the same lust for conquest, the same will to dominate 
the world which has made Europe a bloody shambles. . . 

"If we had stayed out of the war and Germany had 
won, we should have had to defend the Monroe Doctrine 
by force or abandon it; and if we had abandoned it, 
there would have been a German naval base in the 
Caribbean commanding the Panama Canal, depriving 
us of that strategic line which unites the eastern and 
western coasts, and depriving us of the protection the 
expanse of ocean once gave. 

"And an America unable or unwilling to protect 
herself against the establishment of a German naval 
base in the Caribbean would lie at the mercy of Germany 
and subject to Germany's orders. 

"America's independence would be gone unless she 
was ready to fight for it, and her security would thence- 
forth be not a security of freedom but only "a security 
purchased by submission." (Elihu Root, speech in 
Chicago. Sept. 14. 1917). 

IT. DTJTT 01 ALL CITIZENS TO SDPPOBT THJS WAB WHOLE- 
HKABTKDLT. 

"A nation which declares war and goes on discussing 
whether it ought to have declared war or not is impotent, 
paralyzed, imbecile, and earns the contempt of mankind 
and the certainty of humiliating defeat and subjection to 
foreign control. 

"A democracy which cannot accept its own decisions 
made in accordance with its own laws, but must keep on 
endlessly discussing the questions already decided, has 
failed in the fundamental requirements of self-government; 
and, if the decision is to make war, the failure to exhibit 
capacity for self-government by action will inevitably 
result in the loss of the right of self-government. 

"Before the decision of a proposal to make war, men 
may range themselves upon one side or the other of the 
question ; but after the decision in favor of war the country 
has ranged itself, and the only issue left for the individual 
eitizen is whether he is for or against his country. 

"From that time on arguments against the war in which 
the country is engaged arc enemy arguments. 

"Their spirit is the spirit of rebellion against the Govern- 
ment and laws of the United States. 

"Then- effect is to hinder and lessen that popular support 
of the Government in carrying on the war which is neces- 
sary to success. 

"Their manifest purpose is to prevent action by continu* 
ing discussion. 

"They encourage the enemy. They tend to introduce 
delay and irresolution into our own councils. 

"The men who are speaking and writing and printing 
argumenta against the war now, and against everything 
which is being done to cam' on the war, are rendering 
more effective service to Germany than they ever could 
render in the field with arms in their hands. The purpose 
and effect of what they are doing is so plain that it is 
Impossible to resist the conclusion that the greater part 



of them are at heart traitors to the United States and will- 
fully seeking to bring about the triumph of Germany and 
the humiliation and defeat of their own country. 

"The same principles apply to the decision of numerous 
questions which arise in carrying on the war [such as con- 
scription, sending troops to France, etc.] .... 

"It is beyond doubt that many of the professed pacifist*, 
the opponents of the war after the war has been entered 
upon, the men who are trying to stir up resistance to the 
draft, the men who are inciting strikes in the particular 
branches of production which are necessary for the supply 
of arms and munitions of war, are intentionally seeking 
to aid Germany and defeat the United States. As time 
goes on and the character of these acts become* more 
and more clearly manifest, all who continue to associate 
with them must come under the same condemnation a* 
traitors to their country." (Elihu Root, speech at Chicago, 
Sept. 14. 1917). 

For reading references on Chapter VIII, see page 64 

IX. COURSE OF THE WAR, 1914-17 
I. CAMPAIGN or 1914. 

1. Germany's general plan of action: First crush Franc*, 
then Russia, then Great Britain. The German plan !B 
its earlier stages was like a timetable, with eaeh step 
scheduled by day and hour. 

2. On the Western Front: 

(a) Belgium overrun (August 4-20). Resistance of 
Liege, Namur. etc., overcome by giant artillery (43- 
centimeter mortars); but the delay (of ten days) 
gave the French time to mobilize and threw th 
German plans out of gear. Liege occupied. Aug- 
ust 7; Brussels, August 20; Namur, August 22; 
Louvain burned, August 26. 

"Every minute in it [the German plan] was de- 
termined. From the German frontier, opposite Aix- 
la-Chapclle, to the gap of the Oise, on the French 
frontier . . . there are six days' march. Bat 
the passage of the Germans across Belgium in arm* 
halted before Liege and before Namur, halted on 
the edge of the Gette. beaten on August 12 on the 
edge of the forest of Haelen, victorious on August 
18 and 19 at Aerschot had lasted sixteen dayt 
(August 4-20>. The splendid effort of the Belgians 
had therefore made ten full days late the arrival 
of the German armies on the French frontier, from 
which only eight marches separated them from the 
advanced forU of Paris." (Joseph Reinach, in N. Y. 
Times Current History, Sept.. 1917. p. 495) 

(b) Invasion of France. Advance of Germans in five 
fermiea through Belgium and Luxemburg: General 
von Moltke, chief of staff; Generals von Kluck. von 
Buelow, etc. Wary tactics of the French under 
General Joffre; arrival of the British expeditionary 
force (100,000 men) under General French (August 
8-21); Battle of Mons-Charleroi (August 21-23); 
dogged withdrawal of the French and British from 
Hrliziiini to the line of the River Marne, while a 
new French army (the Sixth) was being formed. 
Advance of the Germans to within twenty miles 
of Paris; then sudden swerve to the east away from 
Paris. 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



() Battle of the Marne (September 6-10). The oppos- 
ing forces in contact from Paris to Verdun, a front 
of one hundred and eighty miles. French attempt 
to turn the German west flank. German armies 
forced to retreat from the Marne to the River Aisne. 
where they entrenched. 

The battle of the Marne was "one more decisive 
battle of the world, . . .for Europe conceiv- 
ably the greatest in permanent meaning since Water- 
loo. In that battle it has been decided that Europe 
should still be European and not Prussian. At the 
Marne. France had saved herself and Europe." 
(F. H. Simons, in American Review of Review, for 
February, 1915, page 179.) 

(d) Failure of the Allies (Sept. 12-17) to break through 
the German line in the Battle of the Aisne. Exten- 
sion of the trench system from Switzerland to the 
North Sea (fall of Antwerp. Oct. 8). Importance 
of German conquest of Belgian coast as supplying 
bases for her later submarine warfare. 

The battle line established after the Battle of 
the Aisne remained practically stationary, with 
some slight swaying backward and forward, for the 
next three years. The parts of France held by the 
Germans included ninety per cent of her iron ore, 
eighty per cent of her iron and steel manufactures, 
and fifty per cent of her coal resources. 
() Battle of the River Yser (Oct. 16-28); Belgians cut 
dykes. First battle of Ypres (Oct. 22-Nov. 15); 
Prussian Guards defeated by the "contemptible 
little army" of Great Britain. German losses on 
Yser and at Ypres, 150.000. 
X On the Eastern Front: 

(a) First Russian invasion of East Prussia (Aug. 18) 
following their unexpectedly rapid mobilization. 
The resulting necessity of withdrawing German 
troops from the West front helped to produce the 
German check on the Marne. Russians disas- 
trously defeated among the Mazurian lakes in the 
Battle of Tannenburg (Aug. 26-Sept. 1). General 
Hindenburg thenceforth the idol of Germany. 

(b) Russian invasion of Galicia. Breakdown of the 
Austrian resistance. Capture of Tarnapol, Halici 
and Lemberg (Aug. 27-Sept. 3); Jaroslav (Nov. 5); 
siege of Przemysl (surrendered March 22, 1915); 
invasion of Hungary threatened. 

(e) German invasion of Russian Poland fails. Three 
offensives of German armies against Warsaw beat- 
en off (Nov. Dec.). Narrow escape of a German 
army from disaster in the Battle of Lodz (Nov. 19- 
Dec. 3), 

(d) Thanks to the relaxation of Austrian pressure, due 
to the foregoing events, Serbia expelled the Aus- 
trian invaders from her territory (Dec. 14). 
8. Loss of Germany's colonies. New Guinea, Bismarck 
archipelago, etc., taken by the Australians (Sept.). 
Tsungtau (Nov. 7) and various Pacific islands captured 
by the Japanese. British conquest of Togoland (Aug- 
ust 26); German Southwest Africa (July 15. 1915); 
Kamerun (Feb. 16, 1916); British invasion of German 
East Africa begun (conquest completed in December, 
1917). Failure of De Wet's German-aided rebellion in 



. South Africa owing to loyalty of the Boers (Oct. De.. 
1914). Pro-Turkish Khedive of Egypt deposed, Brit- 
ish protectorate proclaimed, and a new ruler set up witk 
title of Sultan (Dec. 17. 1914). 

4, Turkey openly joins the Teutonic Allies (Oct. 29). 
Defeat of Turks by Russians in the Caucasian regiom 
(Jan. 1915). Failure of Turkish attempts to invade 
Egypt (Feb. 3, 1915). Revolt of the "holy places" in 
Arabia against Turkish rule and establishment of 
petty kingdom there (June 27, 1916). 

5. Naval War. Great importance in the war of British 
naval preponderance, aided by early concentration u 
the North Sea. British naval victory in Helgoland 
Bight (Aug. 28). German naval victory in the Pacifie 
off coast of Chili (Nov. 1). Three British cruisers tor- 
pedoed by submarines in the North Sea (Sept. 21). 
German cruiser Emden caught and destroyed at Cocol 
Island after sensational career (Nov. 10). British na- 
val victory off Falkland islands (Dec. 8) avenges defeat 
of Nov. 1. German fleets driven from the seas. Dis- 
appearance of German shipping. Freedom of action 
for British transport of East Indian, New Zealand, 
Australian, and Canadian troops, etc., to Europe, and 
of Allied commerce, except for the (as yet slight) sub- 
marine danger. Error of Great Britain in failing to 
declare at once a rigid blockade of Germany. 

6. Situation at close of 1914: On western front, defeat 
of the plan of the German General Staff; on eastern 
front, Teutonic forces held in check; Germany and Aus- 
tria as yet cut off from their new ally, Turkey. On the 
whole the advantage was on the side of the Entente 
Allies. But the Allied commanders (General Joffre, 
Lord Kitchener, and Grand Duke Nicholas) failed fully 
to grasp the needs of the situation. "Each of these 
leaders believed that the height of military efficiency 
had been reached in the past campaigns"; in the great 
development of barrier fire and the excellence of the 
French "75's." The Teutonic allies, on the other hand, 
"were making the colossal preparations of artillery and 
munitions which were destined to change the year 1911 
into a tragedy for the Entente Allies." (T. C. Froth- 
ingham, in N. Y. Times Current History, Sept., 1917, 
page 422.) 

n. CAMPAIGN or 1915. 

1. On the West Front. Failure of the Allied offensive hi 
Champagne (March April); Battle of Neuve Chapelle. 
Second Battle of Ypres (April 22-26); Germans first 
use poison gas; heroism of the Canadians. Inade- 
quacy of Allies' preparations for carrying the formidable 
German entrenchments. Desultory fighting through the 
summer. Failure of the second offensive in Champagne 
and Flanders (Sept.). General French superseded by 
General Haig as British commander in chief. Death 
of Lord Kitchener through the sinking of the warship 
Hampshire (June 7. 1916). 

2. The Gallipoli Expedition. Failure of Allies to forte 
the Dardanelles with their fleets alone (Feb. March). 
Troops landed after long delay, in April and Auguct. 
Abandonment of expedition in Dec. Jan., after enor- 
mous IOSSPH. Disastrous effects on the hesitating n*- 



II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF Till. \V\lt. 



55 



WOIIB, Bulgaria and Greece. Bitter controversy in 
Great Britain over the question of responsibility for 
this fiasco. 

8. Second Russian invasion of East Prussia crushed by 
Hindenburg in Battle of Mazurian Lakes (Feb. 12). 
Russians lost 150,000 killed and wounded and 100.000 
prisoners. 

4. Terrific drive of combined Germans and Austrians un- 
der Hindenburg and Mackcnaon in Poland and Galicia 
(April Aug.). Fall of Przemysl (June 2); Lemberg 
(June 22); Warsaw (Aug. 5). All Poland conquered; 
Courland overrun. Russian losses. 1,200,000 killed and 
wounded; 900,000 captured; 65.000 square miles of 
territory. Russian line established from Riga to East- 
ern Galicia. Grand Duke Nicholas removed from chief 
command and sent to command in the Caucasus 
(Sept. 8). 

6. Bulgaria joins the Teutonic Allies (Oct. 13). Serbia 
crushed by simultaneous invasions of Austro-Germans 
And Bulgarians (completed Dec. 2). Montenegro con- 
quered (Jan. 1916) Landing of an Anglo-French army 
at Saloniki prevents King Constantine of -Greece from 
openly joining the Teutonic alliance. 

6. Italy declares war on Austria (May 23) to recover the 
regions about Trent (the "Trentino") and Trieste. 
Lack of military results on Italian front in 1915 (failure 
to capture Gorizia). War on Germany not declared 
until Aug. 27, 1916. 

7. Naval War. In a battle in the North Sea (Jan. 24) a 
British patrolling squadron defeated a German raiding 
squadron. Increasing use of submarines by Germany. 
German proclamation of "a war zone" about the Brit- 
ish Isles (in force Feb. 18) establishes a so-called "block- 
ade" of Great Britain. Sinking of the passenger steam- 
ship Lusitania (May 7) with loss of 1198 lives (124 
Americans). 

8. Increase in Allies' munitions supply arranged for; ap- 
pointment (May, 1915) of Lloyd George to be British 
Minister of Munitions. Failure of Zeppelin raids 
over England to produce expected results. (Between 
Jan. 19, 1915. and Oct. 1. 1917. German aircraft, in- 
cluding Zeppelins, raided England thirty four times, 
killing outright 865 men, women, and children, and 
wounding over 2,500.) 

9. Summary: The situation at the end of 1915 was much 
less favorable for the Entente than at the beginning of 
the year. Little change on Western front. Great 
changes on Eastern front Russians driven from Rus- 
sian Poland and Austrian Galicia; Hungary saved from 
invasion; Central Powers linked to Turkey by the adhe- 
sion of Bulgaria and the conquest of Serbia. "The 
Teutons were no longer hemmed in; they had raised 
the siege." 

HL CAMPAIGN or 1916. 

1. Battle of Verdun ("no longer a fortress but a series 
of trenches"). Great German attack under the Crown 
Prince (Feb. July); defeated by the heroic resistance 
of the French under General P6tain ("They shall not 
pass.") Enormous German losses (about 500,000 men) 
through attacks in close formation against French for- 



tifications defended by "barrage" fire and machine 
guns. Practically all ground lost was slowly regained 
by the French in the autumn. "Verdun was the grave 
of Germany's claim to military invincibility." (CoL 
A. M. Murray, "Fortnightly" History of the War, 1. 368). 
Hindenburg made commander-in-chicf of the German 
forces, August 29. 

2. Battle of the Somnie (July 1 Nov.). The strengthened 
artillery of the Allies enabled them to drive back the 
German front on a breadth of twenty miles, and nine 
miles deep. Estimated loss of Germans 700.000 men; 
German estimate of French and British loss, 800,000. 
The Allies failed to break through the German lines. 

3. Galician and Armenian Fronts, Great Russian offen- 
sive (June Sept.) under General Brusilov, on front 
from Pripet marshes to Bukovinian border. Capture 
of Czernovitz (June 18). Hundreds of thousands of 
Austrians taken prisoners. Successful offensive of 
Grand Duke Nicholas in Ani.i'i:i:i ;iR:iinst the Turks; 
capture of Er/erum (Feb. 16) and Trebizond (April 18). 

4. Roumania enters the war and is crushed. Encouraged 
by Allied successes and coerced by the disloyal Russian 
Court, Roumania declared war (Aug. 27) with a view 
to rescuing her kindred populations from Austrian rule. 
Unsupported invasion of Transylvania; terrific counter 
attacks by German-Austrian-Bulgarian armies under 
Generals Mackenscn and Falkenhayn; Roumanian* 
driven from Transylvania. Greater part of Uoumania 
conquered (fall of Bucharest. Dec. 6). Rich wheat- 
fields and oil lands gained by Teutons, and the "corri- 
dor" to Constantinople widened. The "Mittel-Europa" 
project approaches realization. 

5. British failure in Mesopotamia. Basra, on Persian 
Gulf, taken by British Nov. 31, 1914; advance of Gen- 
eral Townshend's inadequate expedition from India up 
the Tigris River toward Bagdad; expedition besieged 
by Turks at Kut-el-Amara (Jan. April. 1916); reliev- 
ing expedition forced to turn back. Surrender of Gen- 
eral Townshend (April 29) with 13,000 men. Serious 
blow to. British prestige in the East. (The report of an 
investigating commission, June 26, 1017. divides the 
responsibility for failure between the Home Govern- 
ment and the Government in India.) 

6. Italian Front. Successful Austrian offensive from the 
Trentino (May 16 June 3). Brusilov's drive fa GaH- 
da, however, relieved the pressure upon the Italians, 
who then (Aug. 6th to Sept.) freed Italian soil of the 
Austrians, and began an offensive which brought them 
Gorizia on the River Isonio (Aug. 9) and carried them 
to within thirteen miles of Trieste. 

7. Naval War. Battle of Jutland (May 31); the Germs* 
high ocas fleet engaged the British battle-cruiser fleet 
until darkness enabled the German ships to escape the 
on-coming British dreadnaughts. Increased use of sub- 
marines by Germans. Channel packet Sussex sunk 
(March 25) without warning, in violation of Germs* 
pledge. 

8. Political events in Great Biitain affecting the war. 
Adoption of compulsory military service (May 25) lays 
the basis for a British army of 5,000.000 men. Hina 
Fein rebellion in Ireland crushed (April 25-28); Sir 



56 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



Roger Casement executed (Aug. 2). Lloyd George dis- 
places Aaquith as head of British cabinet, to infuse new 
energy into the war (Dec. 5-7). 

I. Summary: The balance in 1916 inclined on the whole 
. in favor of the Allies at Verdun, on the Somme, in 
Gulicia, in Italy, and on the sea. Against these victor- 
ies must be set the disasters of Roumania and Mesopo- 
tamia. The Central Powers continued to possess the 
advantage of operating on interior lines, enabling them 
while adopting a defensive attitude on certain fronts 
to concentrate for a drive elsewhere; also of their su- 
periority (though diminished) in strategy, tactics, and 
material equipment. 

IV. CAMPAIGN or 1917 

1. Unrestricted submarine warfare begun by Germany 
(Feb. 1). Hundreds of thousands of tons of belligerent 
and neutral shipping sunk each month; (merchant ship- 
ping destroyed by mines and submarines to Jan. 1, 1917, 
was 5,034,000 tons; from January to June, 1917 the 
total was 3,856,000 tons). Reliance upon this weapon 
by Germany to starve Great Britain out; failure of the 
policy to achieve the ends planned. (See War Cyclope- 
dia, under "Shipping, Losses," "Spurlos Versenkt Ap- 
plied," "Submarine Blockade," "Submarine Warfare," 
etc.) 

8. Entrance of the United States into the War War 
declared on Germany, April 6; on Austria-Hungary, 
December 7. (See chapter viii.) Energetic measures 
to raise and train army of one and a half million men, 
and to provide food, munitions, and shipping for our- 
selves and our associates. Magnitude of this task pre- 
vented the full weight of the United States being felt 
in 1917. Nevertheless, about 250,000 American troopi 
were in France under General Pershing by December. 
(See War Cyclopedia, under "Austria-Hungary, Break 
With." "United States, Break with Germany," "War, 
Declaration Against Austria-Hungary," "War, Decla- 
ration Against Germany"; also under "Acts of Con- 
gress." "Alien Enemies," "Army," "Bonds Act," "Can- 
tonments," "Espionage Act," "Food and' Fuel Control 
Act," "Profiteering." "Red Cross." "Selective Service," 
"Shipping Board," "War Industries Board." "Y. M. C. 
A.", etc.) 

. Further Spread of the War. Cuba and Panama follow 
the United States in declaring war on Germany (April 7). 
King Constantino of Greece deposed (June 12, 1917) 
and Greece joined the Allies (June 30). Siam declared 
war on Germany July 22; Liberia, August 4; China, 
Aug. 14. Brazil repealed its declaration of neutrality 
and Bevered diplomatic relations; war declared Oct. 26. 
The following broke diplomatic relations with Germany: 
Bolivia (April 14), Guatemala (April 27). Honduras 
(May 17), Nicaragua (May 18) Haiti (June 17), Costa 
Rica (Sept. 21), Peru (Oct. 6), Uruguay (Oct. 7). Ecua- 
dor (Dec. 8). German destruction of South American 
vessels and revelations of the abuse by her diplomats 
of Argentine neutrality under cover of Swedish diplo- 
matic immunity (the Luxburg dispatches; spurlo* tcr~ 
tnkt). led to widespread agitations for war with Ger- 
many and united action of all the South American 
countries. 



4. Western Front. Withdrawal of German forces on a 
front of fifty miles to new and more defensible position* 
(the "Hindenburg line") extending from Arras to Sois- 
sons (March); wanton wasting of the country evacuated. 
Battle of Arras (April 9 May) brought slight gaini to 
the Allies; a mine of 1,000,000 Ibs. of high explosive* 
was fired at Mcssines (July 7). Terrific British off en- 
rives in Battle of Flanders (July-Dec.) won Passehen- 
daele ridge and other gains. Battle of Cambrai (Nov. 20 
Dec.) begun by "tanks" without artillery preparation, 
penetrated Hindenburg line and forced German retire* 
ment on front of twenty miles, to depth of several miles. 
Terrific German counter attacks forced partial retire* 
ment of British (from Bourlon wood, etc.) 

6. Italian Front. Great Italian offensive begun in ths 
Isonzo area (Carso Plateau) in May. When the Rus- 
sian Revolution permitted the withdrawal of Austria* 
troops to the Italian front, a new Austro-German coun- 
ter-drive was begun (Oct. Dec.) which undid the work 
of two years. Northeastern Italy invaded; Italian stand 
on the Piave and Brenta Rivers (Asiago Plateau). 
FrencE and British aid checked further enemy advanos 
in 1917. Interallied War Council formed (Nov.) 

6. Bagdad captured by a new British expedition (Maroh 
II). Restoration of British prestige in the East. Co- 
operation of Russian and British forces in Asia Minor 
and Persia. British advance from Egypt into Palestine 
in March; Ascalon and Jaffa taken (Nov.); Jerusalem 
surrendered to British, Dec. 9, 1917. 

7. Revolution in Russia. Due to pro-German policy of 
certain members of the Russian court and the well 
founded suspicion that a separate peace with Germany 
was planned. Abdication of the Tsar, March 19, Power 
seized from Constitutional Democrats by moderate so- 
cialists and radicals (Council of Workmen's and Sol- 
diers' Delegates); formation of a government under 
Alexander Kerensky (July 22). Military power of Rus- 
sia paralyzed by abolition of discipline; frequent re- 
fusals of soldiers to obey orders; "fraternizing" of ths 
armies encouraged by German agents. Germans seied 
Riga (Sept. 3), and the islands at entrance to Gulf of 
Riga (Oct. 13-15), thus threatening Petrograd. Gen- 
eral Kornilov failed in an attempt to seize power with 
a view to restoring order and prosecuting the war (Sept.). 
Overthrow of Kerensky (Nov.) by extreme socialists 
(Bolsheviki), who repudiated Russia's obligations to ths 
Allies, and negotiated a separate armistice with Germany 
with a view to an immediate peace, Dec. 15). Practical 
withdrawal of Russia from the war, permitting transfer 
of German troops to the French and Italian fronts. 
(See War Cyclopedia, under "Kerensky," "Lenine." 
"Russian Revolution," etc.) 

8. Summary: Ruthless submarining imparts a more des- 
perate character to the conflict, but brings Germany 
and her allies no nearer ultimate victory. Against her 
submarine successes, the Austro-German gains in Italy, 
and the Russian defection, must be set the British rlo- 
tories in Mesopotamia and Palestine, the Allied gain* 
on the Western Front, and the entrance of the United 
States with its vast potential resources into the war. 
For reading references on Chapter IX, see page 64. 



II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 



87 



X. PROPOSALS FOR PEACE: WILL THIS BE THE 
LAST WART 

I. SUMMARY OF STATUS AT WAB n 1917. 

1. The Teutonic Allies: Austria-Hungary, Germany, 
Turkey (1914); Bulgaria (1915). 

1 The Entente Allies: Serbia, Russia, France, Belgium, 
Great Britain, Montenegro, Japan (1914); Italy, San 
Marino (1915); Portugal, Roumania (1916); United 
States, Cuba, Panama, Liberia, Siam, China, Brazil 
(1917). Bolivia, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, 
Haiti, Costa Rica, Peru, Uruguay and Ecuador severed 
diplomatic relations with Germany (1917) without de- 
claring war. 

II. AMERICAN AIMS IN THE WAR. (See War Cyclopedia, under 
"Aims of the United States," "Permanent Peace, 
American Plans," "United States, Isolation of," "War 
Aims of the United States.") 

I. Vindication of our national rights. "We enter the war 
only where we are clearly forced into it, because there 
is no other means of defending our rights." Hence 
war not declared at first against Austria-Hungary, Tur- 
key, and Bulgaria. 

I. Vindication of the rights of humanity. "Our motive 
will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the 
physical might of the nation, but only the vindication 
of right, of human right . . . Our object . . . 
is to vindicate the principles of peace and Justice in 
the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic 
power." 

I. Making the world safe for Liberty and Democracy. 
"We are glad ... to fight thus for the ultimate 
peace of the world and the rights of nations great and 
mall and the privilege of men everywhere to choose 
their way of life and obedience. The world must be 
made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted 
upon the tested foundations of political liberty." (The 
above quotations are from President Wilson's speech 
to Congress on April 2. 1917.) 

4. Creation of an improved international system including 
a permanent League or Concert of Powers to preserve 
International peace. (See President Wilson's speeches 
of January 22, and April 2, 1917, and January 8, 1918 

4. Absence of selfish designs. "We have no selfish ends to 
serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek 
no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation 
for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but 
one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We 
shall be satisfied when these rights have been made 
as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can 
make them." (President Wilson, speech of April 2, 
1917.) 

III. VARIOUS PEACE PROPOSALS. (See War Cyclopedia, under 
"Lansdowne Note," ''Peace Overtures, German, 1916," 
"Peace Overtures, Papal," "Peace Terms, American." 
"No Annexations, no Indemnities," etc.) 
1. Offer of Germany and her allies (December 12, 1916) 
to meet their enemies in a peace conference (see "Official 
Documents Looking toward Peace" in International 
Conciliation for January, 1917). An empty and insin- 
cere proposal. They "propose to enter forthwith into 



peace negotiations," but refuse to state any terms; on 
the other hand much is made of the "glorious deeds of 
our armies" and their "incomparable strength." Tb 
proposal evidently looked to a "German peace," witk 
Germany and her allies triumphant. 

Reply of the Entente Allies (December 30. 1916). 
The German proposal was styled "less an offer of peace 
than a war manoeuvre. It is founded on calculated 
misinterpretation of the character of the struggle in 
the past, the present and the future. . . . Once again 
the Allies declare that no peace is possible so long M 
they have not secured reparation for violated righto 
and liberties, the recognition of the principle of nation* 
ality and the free existence of small states, so long M 
they have not brought about a settlement calculated 
to end once and for all forces which have constituted 
a perpetual menace to the nations, and to afford the 
only effective guarantee for the future security of the 
world." (International Conciliation for January, 1917, 
pp. 27-29.) 

X President Wilson's effort (Dec. 20, 1916) to elicit peace 
terms from the belligerents. (See his note in Inter- 
national Conciliation, for February, 1917.) 
(a) Germany merely repents its proposal of December 
12, still refusing to go into details in advance of 
formal conference. -(Ibid., p. 7.) 

. (b) The Allies' reply (Jan. 10, 1917). Their statement 
of terms included adequate compensation for 
Belgium, Serbia, and Montenegro; evacuation of 
invaded territories of France, Russia, and Roumania; 
reorganization of Europe on the basis of nationality; 
the ending of Turkish rule in Europe, etc. 

"It goes without saying that if the Allies wish 
to liberate Europe from the brutal covetousne* 
of Prussian militarism, it never has been their 
design, as has been alleged, to encompass the 
extermination of the German peoples, and their 
political disappearance." (Ibid., pp. 8-10.) 

3. Widespread and intense desire for peace among tb 
German people. Evidenced, among other things, by 
the fall of Chancellor von Bethmann Hollweg (July 14, 
1917) following this declaration of the Reichstag (July 
13): 

"As on August 4, 1914, so on the threshold of UM 
fourth year of the war the German people stand upon the 
assurance of the speech from the throne 'We an 
driven by no lust of conquest.' 

"Germany took up arms in defense of its liberty and 
independence and for the integrity of its territories. 
The Reichstag labors for peace and a mutual under- 
standing and lasting reconciliation among the nations. 
Forced acquisitions of territory and political. economi* 
and financial violations are incompatible with such 
peace. 

"The Reichstag rejects all plans aiming at an econ- 
omic blockade and the stirring up of enmity among th 
peoples after the war. The freedom of the seas must 
be assured. Only an economic peace can prepare th 
ground for the friendly association of the peoples. 

"The Reichstag will energetically promote UM 
creation of international juridical organisations. 8* 
long, however, as the enemy Goveramento do no4 



58 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



accept such a peace, so long as they threaten Germany 
and her allies with conquest and violation, the German 
people will stand together as one man, hold out un- 
shaken and fight until the rights of itself and its allies 
to life and development are secured. The German nation 
united is unconquerable. 

"The Reichstag knows that in this announcement it 
U t one with the men who are defending the Father- 
land. In their heroic struggles they are sure of the 
undying thanks of the whole people." , V. Y. Time 
Current History. VI, p. 195.) 

It should be noted that the Reichstag has no power 
to conclude peace, or to initiate peace negotiation!, 
or even to force the German Government to do so. 

4. Pope Benedict XV attempts to promote Peace. 

(a) His first appeal (Aug. 1915) lacked definite pro- 
posals and was without effect. 

(b) Hia second appeal (Aug. 1, 1917) recommended: 
(1) "That the material force of arms shall give 
way to the moral force of right"; simultaneous and 
reciprocal decrease of armaments; the establishing 
of compulsory arbitration "under sanctions to be 
determined against any State which would decline 
either to refer international questions to arbitra- 
tion or to accept its awards." (2) True freedom 
and community of the' seas. (3) Entire and recipro- 
cal giving up of indemnities to cover the damages 
and cost of the war. (4) Occupied territory to be 
reciprocally given up; guarantees of Belgium's 
political, military, and economic independence; 
similar restitutions of the German colonies. (5) 
Territorial questions between Italy and Austria, 
and France and Germany, to be taken up after 
the war "in a conciliatory spirit, taking into account, 
as far as it is just and possible .... the aspira- 
tions of the population." Questions of Armenia, 
the Balkan States, and the old Kingdom of Poland 
to be dealt with in the same way. In the main 
this was a proposal for the restoration of the stalut 
yuo ante bettum [the conditions existing before the 
war] a drawn battle. (N. Y. Times Current 
History. September, 1917, pp. 392-293). 

B. Reply of the United States to the Pope's appeal (Aug. 
27, 1917). The Entente Allies practically accepted 
this reply as their own. 

"To deal with such a power by way of peace upon 
the plan proposed by his Holiness the Pope would, so 
far as we can see, involve a recuperation of its strength 
and a renewal of its policy, would make it necessary 
to create a permanent hostile combination of nations 
against the German people, who are its instruments; 
and would result in abandoning the new-born Russia 
to the intrigue, the manifold subtle interference and 
the certain counter-revolution, which would be at- 
tempted by all the malign influences to which the 
German Government has of late accustomed the world. 
Can peace be based upon a restitution of its power or 
upon any word of houor it could pledge in a treaty of 
settlement and accomodation? 

"... We believe that the intolerable wrongs done 
ID this war by the furious and brutal power of the 
Imperial German Government ought to be repaired, 



btit not at the pvpi'nop of tlio soverrignty of any people 
rather a Vin-licatim of the sovereignty both of those 
that are weak and of tht-sc tLiU are strong. Punitive 
damages, the dismemberment of empires, the establish- 
ment of selfish and exclusive economic leagues, we 
deem inexpedient and in the end worse than futile, no 
proper basis for a peace of any kind, least of all for 
an enduring peace. That must be based upon justice 
and fairness and the common rights of mankind. 

''We cannot take the word of the present rulers of Ger- 
many as a guarantee of anything that is to endure, unless 
explicitly supported by such conclusive evidence of 
the will and purpose of the German people themselves 
as the other peoples of the world would be Justified in 
accepting. Without such guarantees, treaties of settle- 
ment, agreements for disarmament, covenants to set 
up arbitration in the place of force, territorial adjust- 
ments, reconstitutions of small nations, if made with 
the German Government, no man, no nation could 
now depend on." 

6. Reply of Germany (September 22, 1917). This wa 
filled with the vaguest generalities. In part it consisted 
of hypocritical and lying protestations that ever sine* 
the Kaiser ascended the throne he had "regarded it M 
his principal and most sacred task to preserve th 
blessings of peace for the German people and the world"; 
and that "in the crisis which led up to the present world 
conflagration his Majesty's efforts were up to the last 
moment directed towards settling the conflict by 
peaceful means." With reference to the substituting 
of "the moral power of right" for "the material power 
of arms", and for the reduction of armaments and the 
establishing of arbitration, indorsement was given the 
Pope's proposals in such vague and general terms at 
to bind the German Government to nothing. 

"The Imperial Government greets with special 
sympathy the leading idea of the peace appeal wherein 
hia Holiness clearly expresses the conviction that in 
the future the material power of arms must be super- 
seded by the moral power of right. . . . From thli 
would follow, according to his Holiness' view, the simut 
taneous diminution of the armed forces of all state* 
and the institution of obligatory arbitrations for inter- 
national disputes. 

"We share his Holiness' view that definite rulei 
and a certain safeguard for a simultaneous and recip- 
rocal limitation of armaments on land, on sea, and in 
the air, as well as for the true freedom of the community 
and high seas, are the things in treating which the new 
spirit that in the future should prevail in international 
relations should first find hopeful expression . 

"The task would then of itself arise to decide inter- 
national differences of opinion not by the use of armed 
forces but by peaceful methods, especially by arbitra- 
tion, whose high peace-producing effect we together 
with his Holiness fully recognize. 

"The Imperial Government will in this respect sup- 
port every proposal compatible with the vital interest 
of the German Empire and people." 

No notice whatever was taken of the Pope's plea for tk 
giving up of occupied territory and the restoration tf 
Belgium's independence. When reports were published 
in the German press that nevertheless the Government 



II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 



69 



was prepared to give up Belgium, the Chancellor denied 
this, saying (September 28): 

"I declare that the Imperial Government's hands are 
free for eventual peace negotiations. This also refers 
to Belgium." 

7. Failure of the attempt to promote an international con- 

ference of Socialists at Stockholm (Sweden) for peace 
on the basis of the Russian revolutionary formula, 
" No annexations and no indemnities," September, 
1917. This failure was due to (a) suspicion that pro- 
German influence was back of the proposal; and (b) 
publication of proofs of pro-German and unneutral 
conduct on the part of Swedish diplomatic officials. 
(Sec \\'<ir Cyclopedia, under " Spurlos Versenkt," 
" Stockholm Conference," " Sweden, Neutral Prob- 
lems.") 

January 28 to February 3, 1918, occurred a wide- 
spread strike in (Jcrmany (500,000 said to have 
struck in Berlin alone) to secure (a) a general 
peace " without indemnities or annexations," (b) 
betterment of food and living conditions, and (c) 
more democratic political institutions. The arrest 
of the leaders and the firm attitude of the military 
authorities speedily sent the strikers back to work. 

8. President Wilson's proposals of January 8, 1918: 

" What we demand in this war ... is nothing 
peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made 
fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be 
made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like 
our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its 
own institutions, be assured of justice and fair deal- 
ing by the other peoples of the world as against 
force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the 
world are, in effect, partners in this interest, and 
for our own part we see very clearly that unless jus- 
tice be done to others it will not be done to us. The 
program of the world's peace, therefore, is our pro- 
gram; and that program, the only possible program, 
as we see it, is this: 

" I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, 
after which there shall be no private international 
understandings of any kind, but diplomacy shall pro- 
ceed always frankly and in the public view. 

" II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the 
seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and 
in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or 
in part by international action for the enforcement 
of international covenants. 

" III. The removal, so far as possible, of all eco- 
nomic barriers and the establishment of an equality 
of trade conditions among all the nations consenting 
to the peace and associating themselves for its main- 
tenance. 

" IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that 
national armaments will be reduced to the lowest 
point consistent with domestic safety. 

" V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial 
adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict 

c -mince of the principle that in determining all ' 
such questions of sovereignty the interests of the 
populations concerned mnst have equal weight with 
the equitable claims of the Government whose title 
is to be determined. 

"VT. The evacuation of all Russian territory, nnd 
such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia 
ns will secure the best and freest co-operation of the 
other nations of the world in obtaining for her an 



unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the 
independent determination of her own political de- 
velopment and national policy, and assure her of a 
sincere welcome into the society of free nations un- 
der institutions of her own choosing; and, more than 
a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she 
may need and may herself desire. The treatment 
accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months 
to come will be the acid test of their good will, of 
their comprehension of her needs as distinguished 
from their own interests, and of their intelligent and 
unselfish sympathy. 

VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must 
be evacuated and restored, without any attempt to 
limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common 
with all other free nations. No other single act will 
serve as this will serve to restore confidence among 
the nations in the laws which they have themselves 
set and determined for the government of their rela- 
tions with one another. Without this healing act 
the whole structure and validity of international law 
is forever impaired. 

"VIII. All French territory should be freed and 
the invaded portions restored; and the wrong done 
to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace- 
Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world 
for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order 
that peace may once more be made secure in the In- 
terest of all. 

" IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy 
should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of 
nationality. 

" X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place 
among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and 
assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity 
of autonomous development. 

"XI. Rournania, Serbia, and Montenegro should 
be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia 
accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the 
relations of the several Balkan States to one another 
determined by friendly counsel along historically es- 
tablished lines of allegiance and nationality; and 
international guaranties of the political and eco- 
nomic independence and territorial integrity of the 
several Balkan States should be entered into. 

" XII. The Turkish portions of the present Otto- 
man Empire should be assured a secure Fovcreignty, 
but the other nationalities which are now under 
Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted secur- 
ity of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity 
of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles 
should be permanently opened as a free passage to 
the ships and commerce of all nations under inter- 
national guaranties. 

"XIII. An independent Polish State should be 
erected which should include the territories In- 
habited by indisputably Polish populations, which 
should be assured a free and secure access to the 
sea, and whose political and economic independence 
and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by 
international covenant. 

" XIV. A general association of nations must be 
formed, under specific covenants for the purpose of 
affording mutual guaranties of political independ- 
ence and territorial integrity to great and small 
States alike." (War, labor, and Peace, pp. 28-31.) 

On February 11 the President made this further 
statement : 



60 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



"After all, the test of whether it is possible for 
either Government [Austria or United States] to go 
any further in this comparison of views is simple 
and obvious. The principles to be applied are these: 
" First, that each part of the final settlement must 
be based upon the essential justice of that particu- 
lar case tud upon such adjustments as are most 
likely to bring a peace that will be permanent; 

" Second, that peoples and provinces are not to be 
bartered about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if 
they were mere chattels and pawns in a game, even 
the great game, now forever discredited, of the bal- 
ance of power; but that 

" Third, every territorial settlement involved in 
this war must be made in the interest and for the 
benefit of the populations concerned and not as a 
part of any mere adjustment or compromise of claims 
amongst rival States; and 

" Fourth, that all well-defined national aspirations 
shall In- accorded the utmost satisfaction that can be 
uruordud them without introducing new or perpetuat- 
,.;.' ol ' lements of discord and antagonism that 
would be likely in time to break the peace of Eu- 
rope and consequently of the world." (War, Labor, 
and Peace, p. 38.) 

9. The proposals of Great Britain (speech of Lloyd George, 
January 5, 1918, and of revolutionary Russia (Bolshe- 
vik proposals at Brest-Litovsk, December 2, 1917) were 
in substantial agreement with those of President Wil- 
son. (See comparative synopsis in Neic York Times 
Current History for February, 1918, pp. 257-9.) 

An Inter-Allied Labor Conference, held in London, 
February 20-23, speaking in the name of practically 
all the organized working class of Great Britain, 
France, Belgium, and Italy, specifically indorsed 
President Wilson's proposals,- and declared that "a 
victory for German imperialism would be the defeat 
of democracy and liberty in Europe," and that the 
Socialists whom they represented " were inflexibly 
resolved to fight until victory is achieved." (Full 
text of declaration in The New Republic for March 
23, 1918.) 

10. Replies of Germany and Austria (January 24) : 

Count Czernin, the Austrian Foreign Minister, re- 
plied to President Wilson's address of January 8, in 
a speech of conciliatory tone, but said that Austria 
would " defend the pre-war possessions of her allies 
as she would her own." This attitude ignored the 
Alsace-Lorraine question, but by implication con- 
ceded the giving up of Belgium. (In the first tele- 
graphic despatches, this passage was falsified in the 
German interest by the Wolff Press Bureau.) 

Chancellor con Hertling's speech in reply was 
" very vague and confusing " : 

" His discussion and acceptance of our general 
principles lead him to no practical conclusions. He 
refuses to apply them to the substantive items which 
must constitute the body of any final settlement. He 
is jealous of international action and of interna- 
tional counsel. He accepts, he says, the principle of 
public diplomacy, but he appears to insist that it be 
confined, at any rate in this case, to generalities; 
and that the several particular questions of territory 
and sovereignty, the several questions upon whose 
settlement must depend the acceptance of peace by 



the twenty-three States now engaged in the war, 
must be discussed and settled, not iu general council, 
but severally by the nations most immediately ecu 
corned by interest or neighborhood. 

"He rgrees that the seas should be free, but looks 
askance at any limitation to that freedom by inter- 
national action in the interest of the common order. 
He would without reserve be glad to see economic 
barriers removed between nation and nation, for that 
could in on way impede the ambitions of the military 
party with whom he seems constrained to keep on 
terms. Neither does he raise objection to a limita- 
tion of armaments. That matter will be settled of 
itself, he thinks, by the economic conditions which 
must follow the war. But the German colonies, he 
demands, must be returned without debate. He will 
discuss with no one but the representatives of Rus- 
sia what disposition shall be made of the peoples 
and the lands of the Baltic Provinces; with no one 
but the Government of France the " conditions " un- 
der which French territory shall be evacuated; and 
only with Austria what shall be done with Poland. 
In the determination of all questions affecting the 
Balkan States he defers, as I understand him, to 
Austria and Turkey; and with regard to the agree- 
ments to be entered into concerning the non-Turkish 
peoples of the present Ottoman Empire, to the Turk- 
ish authorities themselves. After a settlement all 
around, effected in this fashion, by individual barter 
and concession, he would have no objection, if I cor- 
rectly interpret his statement, to a league of nations 
which would undertake to hold the new balance of 
power steady against external disturbance. 

" It must be evident to everyone who understands 
what this war has wrought in the opinion and tem- 
per of the world that no general peace, no peace 
worth the infinite sacrifices of these years of tragical 
suffering, can possibly be arrived at in any such 
fashion. The method the German Chancellor pro- 
poses is the method of the Congress of Vienna. We 
cannot and will not return to that. What is at stake 
now is the peace of the world. What we are striving 
for is a new international order based upon broad 
and universal principles of right and justice no 
mere peace of shreds and patches." (President 
Wilson, address of February 11, 1918, in War, Labor, 
and Peace, pp. 34-5.) 
11. Attitude of the Kaiser. 

" The year 1917 with its great battles has proved 
that the German people has in the Lord of Creation 
above an unconditional and avowed ally on whom it 
can absolutely rely. ... If the enemy does not want 
peace, then we must bring peace to the world by bat- 
tering in with the iron fist and shining sword the 
.doors of those who will not have peace." (Addrest 
to German Second Army on the French front, De- 
cember 22, 1917.) 

" We desire to live in friendship with neighboring 
peoples, but the victory of German arms must first 
be recojynized. Our troops under the great Hinden- 
burg will continue to win it. Then peace will come." 
(On conclusion of peace with Ukrainia, February 11, 
1918.) 

" The prize of victory must not and will not fail 
us. No soft peace, but one corresponding with Ger- 
many's interests." (To Schleswig-Holstein Provin- 
cial Council, March 20, 1918.) 



II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 



61 



IV. DEALINGS OF TIII-: Ci MICAL POWERS WITH RUSSIA 

AND KOUMA.NIA. 

1. Armistice with Russia for one month agreed to Decem- 

ber 15, 1917 (subsequently extended to February 18, 
1918). 

2. Brest-Litovsk negotiations (December 22 to Febru- 

ary 10). 

(a) Count Czernin presented (December 25) what 
purported to be the terms of the Central Powers 
for a general peace, " without forcible annexa- 
tion of territory " or indemnities. "Almost any 
scheme of conquest could be perpetrated within 
the literal interpretation of such a pledge." 
(Lloyd George, January 5, 1918.) 

(b) Failure of Russia's allies to appear at Brest- 
Litovsk within ten days led the German repre- 
sentatives to declare Czernin's terms withdrawn. 
Negotiations with Russia for a separate peace 
followed. 

(c) Quarrels between the Russian and German nego- 
tiators over ( 1 ) the German refusal to guaranty 
an immediate removal, after the peace, of Ger- 
man troops from occupied Poland," Lithuania, 
Courland, Livonia, and Ksthonia; and (2) over 
Bolshevik propaganda for revolution in Ger- 
many. (3) Reported conflicts between the Ger- 
man Foreign Minister von Kuehlmann and the 
German military party; victory of the militar- 
ists and determination to annex extensive por- 
tions of Russian territory. 

3. Peace concluded (February 9) between the Central 

Powers and the anti-Bolshevik party in Ukrainia, 
which had set up a weak " People's republic." Its 
purpose to secure grain for the Teutonic allies from 
the rich " black lands " of Ukrainia, to control its ex- 
tensive coal and iron deposits, and to rule the Black 
Sea. Refusal of the Bolshevik! to recognize the new 
State; civil war in I'krainia, resulting in conquest by 
German troops and the occupation of Odessa (March 
13). Similar civil war and German occupation in 
Finland ; Aaland Islands seized by Germany. 

4. Abrupt withdrawal of the Bolshevik negotiators from 

Bre&t-Litovsk and announcement that the war was at 
an end, without signing # treaty of peace (February 
10): 

" Wo could not sign a peace which would bring 
with it sadness, oppression and Buffering to millions 
of workmen and peasants. But we also cannot, will 
not, and must not continue a war begun by czars and 
italists in alliance with czars and capitalists. 
\Ye will not and we must not continue to be at war 
with the Germans and Austrians workmen and 
peasants like ourselves. . . . Russia, for its part, 
declares the present war with Germany and Austria- 
Hungary, Turkey and Bulgaria at an end. Simul- 
taneously, the Russian troops receive an order for 
complete demobilization on all fronts." (Declara- 
tion signed by Lenine and Trotzky, heads of the 
Bolshevik Government of Russia.) 

6. Renewal of German military operations against Russia 
(February 18) with the object of adding Esthonia and 
Livonia, the remaining Baltic Provinces, to other lands 
wrested from Russia. 

6. Announcement I'y I.enine-and Trotzky (February 19) 
that " in the present circumstances " their Government 



was forced " formally to declare its willingness to sign 
a peace upon the conditions which had been dictated " 
I iy the Central Towers at Brest-Litovsk. The German* 
nevertheless advanced, with practically no resistance, 
on a front of 500 miles and to within seventy mile* of 
Petrograd. Great quantities of military supplies cap- 
tured (over 1,300 cannon, 4,000 to 5,000 motor cars, 
etc.) 

7. Peace between Russia and the Central Powers signed at 

Brest-Litovsk (March 3, 1918; ratified by the "All- 
Russian Congress of Soviets," at Moscow, March 14). 
Its principal terms were: (a) the surrender by Russia 
of Courland, Poland, Lithuania, Livonia, and Esthonia. 
(b) Peace to be made with Ukrainia and Finland by 
which Russia recognizes their independence, (c) 
Batoum and other districts in Transcaucasia to be sur- 
rendered to Turkey, (d) An indemnity which is vari- 
ously estimated at from $1,500,000,000 to $4,000,000,- 
000. 

Maxim Gorky calculated that this treaty robbed 
Russia of 4 per cent, of her total area, 26 per cent, 
of her population, 27 per cent, of her agricultural 
land normally cultivated, 37 per cent, of her food- 
stuffs production, 26 per cent, of her railways, 33 per 
cent, of her manufacturing industries, 75 per cent, 
of her coal, and 73 per cent, of her iron. It has also 
been pointed out that the treaty strengthened Ger- 
many's hold on the Mohammedan peoples, and gave 
her an alternative route to India and the East via 
Odessa, Batoum, Transcaucasia, and northern Persia. 

8. Roumania was forced to sign a preliminary treaty with 

the Central Powers ( March ) , ceding the whole of the 
Dobrudja and granting extensive trading and other 
rights. Subsequently (March 9) Roumania broke off 
negotiations owing to excessive demands. Austria 
then (March 21) added to her claims the surrender of 
about 3,000 square miles of territory on Roumania's 
western frontier. 

Control of vast petroleum fields in Roumania and 
Transcaucasia as well as extensive and rich wheat 
lands, was obtained by the Central Powers through 
these treaties. 

V. WILL THIS BE THE LAST GUEAT\VAR? (See War Cyclopedia. 
under "Arbitration," "Hague Tribunal." "International 
Law, Sanction of." "League to Enforce Peace." "Peace 
Treaties." "Permanent Peace." etc.) 

1. Conflict vs. mutual aid as factors in evolution. An 
States of necessity rival and conflicting organizations? 

2. William James' answer to the militarists' plea for war 
aa a school to develop character and heroism; the exist- 
ence of a "moral equivalent for war." (See International 
Conciliation for February. 1910). 

3. Amicable means of settling international difference* 
These include negotiation, good offices, mediation, inter 
national commissions of inquiry, and international arbi 
tration. (See A. 8. Hershey, Essential* of Internationa- 
Law, ch. xxi.). About 600 cases of international arbi- 
tration have been listed since 1800. Importance of 
developing the habit of relying on these amicable mean* 
of settling differences. 

4. Proposals of the League to Enforce Peace. These in- 
clude the following articles, to be signed by the nations 
joining the League: 



62 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



"(1) All justiciable questions arising between the 
signatory Powere. not settled by negotiation, shall, sub- 
ject to the limitations of treaties, be submitted to a 
Judicial Tribunal for hearing and judgment, both upon 
the merits and upon any issue as to its jurisdiction of 
the question. 

"(2) All other questions arising between the signa- 
tories, and not settled by negotiation, shall be sub- 
mitted to a Council of Conciliation for hearing, consid- 
eration, and recommendation. 

"(3) The signatory Powers shall jointly use forth- 
with both their economic and military forces against 
any one of their number that goes to war, or commits 
acts of hostility, against another of the signatories be- 
fore any question arising shall be submitted as provided 
IB the foregoing, 

"The following interpretation of Article 3 has been 
authorized by the Executive Committee: 'The signa- 
tory Powers shall jointly use, forthwith, then- economic 
forces against any of their number that refuses to submit 
any question which arises to an international Judicial 
Tribunal or Council of Conciliation before threatening 
war. They shall follow this by the joint use of their 
military forces against that nation if it actually proceeds 
to make war or invades another's territory without first 
submitting, or offering to submit, its grievance to tht 
court or Council aforesaid and awaiting its conclusion.' 

"(4) Conferences between the signatory Powers shall 
be held from time to time to formulate and codify 
rules of international law, which, unless some signatory 
hall signify its dissent within a stated period, shall 
thereafter govern in the decisions of the Judicial Tri- 
bunal mentioned in Article I." (World Peace Foun- 
dation, Pamphlet Series, August, 1916.) 

6. Possibility of World Federation. 

(a) Some historical antecedents the Holy Alliance 
(1815); the Quadruple, later the Quintuple, Alliane* 
(1815); the Hague Peace Conferences (1899 and 
1907); the Conference at Algericas (1906). 

(b) Success of partial federations the United Statet 
of America; Dominion of Canada, Commonwealth 
of Canada, and Union of South Africa; the British 
Empire; the German Empire; etc. 

(o) Lack of explicitness in current proposals. "Inter- 
nationalists hold that nationalism is no longer ex- 
pressive of the age, but that federation is not as yet 
feasible; that the present sovereignty of states ii 
detrimental, but that one cannot hope to change 
the theory suddenly. Hence, they propose inter- 
nationalism, that is, a sort of confederation, a co- 
operative union of sovereign states, a true Concert 
of Powers. The individual schemes vary greatly 
and are usually not very explicit, chief emphawi 
being placed on faults of the present system." 
(Edward Kriehbiel. Nationalism, War. and Society. 
page 210.) 

8. Indispensable elements in an effective World Federa- 
tion. 

(a) The triumph of democratic government. "A stead- 
fast concert for peace can never be maintained 
except by partnership of democratic nations. No 
autocratic government could be trusted to keep 
faith with it or observe its covenants . . . Only 



free peoples can hold their purpose and their honoi 
steady to a common end and prefer the interest* 
of mankind to any narrow interest of their own." 
(President Wilson, speech of April 2, 1917.) 

(b) An international legislature. We have already the 
beginnings of a world legislature in the two Hague 
Conferences of 1899 and 1907. 

(o) An international executive authority and an inter- 
national army and navy. 

(d) An international court of justice. The so-called 
permanent court of arbitration at the Hague (Hagat 
Tribunal) not a real court. 
7. The triumph of the United States and the Entente Allies 

over militarist and despotic Germany, gives the best 

assurance of the establishment of a League of Peace 

and the practical ending of war. 

For reading references for Chapter X, see page 64. 



Reading References 

to accompany a 

Topical Outline of the War 

REFEBENCES FOB CHAPTEB I. 

The references at the close of chapters do not include the 
publications of the Committee on Public Information 
(Washington, D. C.), of which the following are most use- 
ful for this study: War Cyclopedia, A Handbook for Ready 
Keferenoe; W. Notestein, Conquest and Kultur; D. C. 
Munro, German War Practices; C. D. Hazen, The Govern- 
>*mt of Germany. 

ANON., I Accuse, by a German, 26-141. 

AWQEIX, N , The Great Illusion, chs. i-viii. 

ABCHEB, Gems ( t ) of German Thought. 

BANG, J. P., Hurrah and Hallelujah. 

BABKEB, J. E., Modern Germany, 297-317, 798-829. 

BEBNHAEDI, F. VON, Germany and the Next War, 1-166, 
226-259. 

BOUBDON, G., The German Enigma. 

CHEBADAIIE, A., The Pan-German Plot Unmasked. 

CHITWOOD, O. P., The Immediate Causes of the War. 

CONQUEST AND KULTUB. (Committee on Public Infor- 
mation. ) . 

DAVIS, W. 8., The Roots of the War, chs. xvii-xviii. 

DAWSON, W. H., What is Wrong with Germany, 1-69, 8- 
101. 

GEBARD, J. W., My Four Years in Germany, chs. Iv-v. 

GIBBONS, H. A., New Map of Europe, 21-57, 119-130. 

GBUMBACH, S., AND BAKKEB, J. E., Germany's Annexa- 
tionist Aims. 

HAZEN, C. D., Europe Since 1915, 728-736. 

HOVELAQUE, E., The Deeper Causes of the War. 

HDBD AND CASTLE, German Sea-Power, 108-286. 

HULL, W. I., The Two Hague Conferences. 

MACH, E. VON, What Germany Wants, ch. ix. 

UUIB, R., Britain's Case Against Germany, ch. il. 

I ACCUSE, by a German, 26-141. 

LE BON, The Psychology of the Great War, ch. Iv. 

NYSTBOM, Before, During, and After 1914, ch. ill. 

Our OF THEIB OWN MOUTHS. (Introduction by W. R 
Vhayer. ) 

ROSE, J. H., Origins of the War, chs. i, li, v. . 

SABOLEA, C., The Anglo-German Problem. 

SCHMITT, B. E., Germany and England, 70-115, 154-172. 

USHEB, R. G., Pan-Germanism, 1-173, 230-250. 

ZANOWILL, I., The War for the World, pp. 135 ff. 



II. TOPICAL OUTLINE OF THE WAR. 



68 



PERIODICALS : 

ARCHER, VV., Fighting a Philosophy, in North American 
Keview, 201 : 30-44. 

BAHKKR, J. ., The Armament Race and Its Luteat Devel- 
opment, in Fortnightly Review, 93: 654-008. 

DILI-UN, E. J., Italy and the Second Phase of the War In 
Contemporary Review, 107: 715-732. 

, Coat of the Armed Peace, In Contemporary 
Review, 105: 413-421. 

ELTZBACHEB, <_>., The Anti-British Movement in Germany, 
In Xinetwnth < Hilary, 52: 190-210. 

GOOCH, G. P., German Theories of the State, in Contem- 
porary Keview, 107: 743-753. 

HCIDEKOPER, The Armies of Europe, in World's Work for 
September, I'.tU. 

KELLOGO, V. Headquarters' Nights, in Atlantic Monthly, 
ISO; 146-155 

JOHNSTON, II. II., German Views of an Anglo-German 
Understanding, in Nineteenth Century, 68: 978-987. 
REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER II. 

BARKER, J. E., Modern Germany, 1-362. 

BOURDON, G., The German Enigma, ch. ii. 

BUELOW, PRINCE VON, Imperial Germany. 

RUIJ.ARD, A., Diplomacy of the Great War, 1-160. 

CHKKADAUE, A., The United States and Pangermania, 
chs. i-iii. 

CiurwooD, U. 1 ., The Immediate Causes of the War. 

DAWSON, W. II., What is Wrong with Germany, 70-112 

DILLON, E. J., A Scrap of Paper, Introduction and ch. ill 

FIFE, R. H., The German Empire Between Two Wan. 

FULLERTON, W. M., Problems of Power, 260-315. 

GERARD, J. W., My Four Years in Germany, chs. i-li. 

GIBBONS, H. A., New Map of Europe, 1-367. 

HABT, A. B., The War in Europe, ch. i-vi. 

HATES, C. J. H., Political and Social History of Modem 
Europe, II, 397-426, 490-539, 679-719. 

HAZEN, C. D., Europe Since 1815, 303, 328, 601-644. 

, The Government of Germany (pamphlet). 

MUIR; R., Britain's Case Against Germany, ch. iv. 

Ooo, F. A., The Governments of Europe, 202-225, 251 
281. 

OXFORD UNIVERSITY FACULTY, Why We Are at War, el 
li-lii. 

PBOTHERO, G. W., German Policy Before the War, ch. 1 

ROSE, J. H., Development of the European Nations, II 
1-43. 

, Origins of the War, ch. iii, iv, vi. 

SCHMITT, B. E., England and Germany, 219-357, 366-377 

RCHUBMAIT, J. G., The Balkan Wars. 

SEYMOUR, C., Diplomatic Background of the War. 

TARDIEU, A., France and the Alliances. 

URQOHART, F. F., The Eastern Question (Oxford 
Pamphlets, No. 17). 

VrLLARD. O. G., Germany Embattled, 126-166. 
PERIODICALS : 

ANON. The Balkan League History of Its Formation. IB 
Fortnightly Hrricir, 93: 430-439. 

ANON The Greater Servia Idea. In World's Work, for 
September, 1914, 129-131. 

ANON. Austria Disturber of the Peace, in FnrtnigMlt 
Rrrieir, <)3: 249-204, 698-602. 

BARKER, J. E.. The War in the Balkans, in FortnioMl* 
Review, 92: 813-825. 

DILLON, E. J., Foreign Affairs, in Contemporary Reviett. 
95: 619-638. 4!i2-510. 

CHIROL, SIR V., Turkey in the Grip of Germany, IB 
Quarterly Rrririr, 222: 231-251. 

Ooi-QriioN, The Now Balance of Power, in Worth Amn* 
ran Rerieto, 191 : 18-28. 



JOHNSTON, IT. II., Africa and the Eastern Railway 
Schemes, in \im-tn-nth Century, 72: 558-569. 

MARRIOTT, J. A. R., Factors in the Problem of the Near 
East, in Fortnightly Keview, 99: 943-953. 

O'CONNOR, The Bagdad Railway, in l-'urtnightly Aevtow, 
95: 201-216. 

TRCVELYAN, G. M., Serbia and Southeastern Europe, to 
Atlantic Monthly, 116: 119-127. 

REFERENCES FOB CHAPTER III. 

In addition to the references cited in thii chapter, see the 
various indexes to periodical literature on the topic* indi- 
cated. 

REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER IV. 

The diplomatic documents published by the various Gov- 
ernments ("White Book," "Blue Book," "Yellow Book," 
etc.), may most conveniently be found in the volume en- 
titled Collected Diplomatic Documents Relating to the Out- 
break of the European War (indexed), published in this coun- 
try by George U. Do ran ft Co., New York (price, $1.00). 
The two volumes edited by James Brown Scott, under the 
title. Diplomatic Documents Relating to the Outbreak of tkt 
European War (Oxford University Press, New York), are 
of great value. The American Association for Interna- 
tional Conciliation, 407 West 117th Street, New York, has 
published the correspondence in a series of pamphlets which 
it distributes gratis so long as its supply lasts. Discus- 
sions of the correspondence may be found in: J. M. Beck, 
The Evidence in the Case; A. Bullard, The Diplomacy of tht 
Great War; J. W. Headlam, History of Twelve Day; I A.e- 
cuse, by a German; and The Crime, by the same author; 
M. P. Price, Diplomatic History of the War; E. C. Stowell, 
Diplomatic History of the War; L. H. Holt and A. N. 
Chilton, History of Europe, J86S-1914, pp. 539-559; W. 8. 
Davis, The Roots of the War (1918), ch. xxiii. 
REFERENCES FOR CHAPTER V. 

See / Accuse I and works previously cited by Bullard, 
Gibbons, Hayes, Headlam, Rose, Schmitt, Seymour, etc. 
The New York Times Current History contains much valu- 
able material. 

BECK, J. M., The Evidence in the Case, chs. vi-vil, ix 

CHITWOOD, O. P., Fundamental Causes of the Great War, 
chs. v-vii. 

DAVIS, W. S., The Roots of the War, ch. xxiii. 

Dn.LON, E. J., The Scrap of Paper, chs. vii-vlll. 

GIBBONS, H. A., The New Map of Europe, ch. xx. 

MCCLURE, S. S., Obstacles tp Peace, ch. iv. 

OXFORD UNIVERSITY FACULTY, Why We Are at War, 
ch. v. 

PRICE, M. P., The Diplomatic History of the War, pp 
16-84. 

STOWELL, E. C., The Diplomacy of the War of 1914, chs. 
iii-vii. 

PERIODICAL* : 

CHIROL. SIR V.. The Origins of the Present War, to 
Quarterly Review (Oct., 1914). 

DILLON. E J., Causes of the European War. in Cnntrm- 
porary Review (Sept., 1914). 

FERREBO. G., The European Tragedy . in Educational Re- 
view (Nov., 1914). 

HILL, D. J., Germany's Self-Revelation of Guilt, to Cen- 
tury Magazine (July, 1917). 

"PoLiTicus," The Causes of the Great War, to Fort- 
night^ Review (Sept., 1914). 

TURNER, E. J., Causes of the Great War, in America* 
Political Science Review (Feb., 1915). 

REFERENCES FOB CHAPTER VI. 
BECK. J M.. The Evidence in the Case, ch. vlll. 
CirmvooD, O. P., Immediate Causes of the Great War. 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



DC VISSCHEB, C., Belgium's Case, chs. 1-vi. 
DAVIS, M. O., The Great War, chs. viii-ix. 
DAVIS, W. S., The Roots of the War (1918), ch. xxiv. 
DILLON, E. J., The Scrap of Paper, chs. Lx-xi. 
GIBBONS, H. A., The .New Map of Europe, ch. zzl. 
McCujRE, S.'S., Obstacles to Peace, ch. xiv. 
MAETERLINCK, M., The Wrack of the Storm. 
SABOLKA, C., How Belgium Saved Europe, chs. i-vil. 
STOWELL, E. C., The Diplomacy of the War of 1914, ch 

Tiil-lx. 

WAXWEILER, E., Belgium, Neutral and Loyal, chs. i-iv. 
- , Belgium and the Great Powers. 
WHY WE ABB AT WAB, by members of the Oxford His- 
torical Faculty, ch. i. 

REFERENCES FOB CHAPTEB VII. 

BLAND, J. O. P. (Trans.), Germany's Violations of the 
Laws of War, 1914-15. Compiled under the auspices of the 
French Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 

CHESTEBTON, G. K., The Barbarism of Berlin. 

Chitwood, O. P., Immediate Causes of the Great War, 
chs. x-xii. 

CHAMBEBY, RENE, The Truth About Louvain (1910). 

COBB, IBVIN S., Speaking of Prussians (1917). 

THE CHIMES OF GERMANY. Special supplement issued by 
the Field newspaper, London. 

DILLON, .E. J., From the Triple to the Quadruple Alliance, 
Why Italy Went to War. 

GARDINER, J. B. W., How Germany is Preparing for the 
Next War. (In World's Work, February, 1918.) 

McCLURE, S. S., Obstacles to Peace, ch. viii-xi, xv, xvi, 
xviii, xx. 

MOKVOELD, L., The German Fury In Belgium. 

JOHNSON, R., The Clash of Nations, chs. iH-vili. 

MOBOAN, J. H., German Atrocities, an Official Investiga- 
tion. 

MUNRO. D. C.. German War Practices (Committee on 
Public Information ) . 

, German Treatment of Conquered Territory. 
(Committee on Public Information.) 

REPOBT8 ON THE VIOLATION OF THE RlOHTS OF NATIONS 
AHD OF THE LAWS AND CUSTOMS OF WAB IN BELGIUM. By 

Commission appointed by the Belgian Government. 2 



THEIR CRIMES. Translated from the French (by the Pre- 
fect of Meurthe-et-Moselle and the mayors of Nancy and 
Luneville). 1917. 

TOYNBEE, A. J., The German-Terror in Belgium. 

- , The German Terror in France. 

- , The Destruction of Poland. 
TUBCZYHOWICZ, LAURA DE, When the Prussians Came to 

Poland. 
WAXWDLER, E., Belgium, Neutral and Loyal, ch. T. 

REFERENCES FOB CHAPTER VIII. 

AMERICAN YAB BOOK, 1914, 1916, 1916, 1917 (under In- 
ternational Relations). 

BECK, J. M., The War and Humanity, chs. li-vi. 

Bur.LARi), A., Mobilizing America. 

CHEBADAME, A., The United States and Pangermania. 

FESS, S. D., The Problems of Neutrality When the World 
is at War. 64 Cong. Doc., No. 2111. 

GEBARD, J. W., My Four Years in Berlin, chs. xviii-xix. 

How THE WAB CAME TO AMERICA (Committee on Public 
Information i . 

Oco, F. A., National Progress, 1907-1917. American Na- 
tion Series. 

OHLINOEB, G.. Their True Faith and Allegiance 



OSBOBNE, W. F., America at War. 

PABXIAL RECORD OF ALIEN ENEMY ACTIVITIES, 1916- 
1917. (Pamphlet reprinted from data prepared by the 
Providence Journal, by the National Americanization Com- 
mittee, 29 West Thirty-ninth Street, New York.) 

RATUOM, J. R., Germany's Plots Exposed. (World'* 
Work for February, 1918.) 

ROBINSON, E. E., AND WEST, V. J., The Foreign Policy of 
Woodrow Wilson. 

ROOEBS, L., America's Case Against Germany. 

FESS, S. D., The Problems of Neutrality When the World 
is at War (64 Cong. Doc., No. 2111). 

REFERENCES FOB CHAPTEB IX. 

(For Maps and Map References, see HISTORY TEACHER'S 

MAGAZINE for April, 1918.) 

ALLEN, G. H., AND WHITEHEAD, H. C., The Great War 
2 vols. issued. 

ANON., A German Deserter's War Experience (1917). 

BELIAHJ, H., A (ieueral bkelch of the huropeau War. S 
vols. issued. 

BUCHAN, J., Nelson's History of the War. 

BOYD, W., With the Field Ambulance at Ypres (1910). 

BBITTAIH, H. E., To Verdun from the Somme, 1910. 

COBB, I. S., Paths of Glory (1916). 

DOYI.E, A. COHAN, A History of the Great War. 2 rob. 
Issued. 

EYE- WITNESS'S NABBATIVE OF THE WAB : From the Mara* 
to Neuve Chapelle (1915). 

FOBTESCUE, G., At the Front with Three Armies (1914). 

GIBBS, P., The Soul of the War (1915). 

, The Battles of the Somme (1917). 

HAY, IAN, The First Hundred Thousand. 

Ki'vrcDY. .1 M.. The Campaign Around Ltfee (19141 

THE (LONDON) TIMES' HISTORY OF THE WAB (serial, 
weekly). 

MASEFIELD, J., Gallipoli. 

NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY (serial, monthly.) 

OLGIN, M. J., The Soul of the Russian Revolution (1918). 

PALMEB, F., My Year of the War. 

, My Second Year of the War. 

POWELL, E. A., Italy at War (1917). 

REED, J., The War in Eastern Europe. 

RUHL, A., Antwerp to Gallipoli (1916). 

SAROI.EA, C., How Belgium Saved Europe, vlil-xvlll. 

SIMONBS, F., History of the Great War. 

VEBHAEBEN, E., Belgium's Agony. 

WASHBUBN, S., The Russian Advance (1917). 

WELLS, H. G., Italy, France and Great Britain at War 
(1817). 

REFERENCES FOB CHAPTEB X. 

BABSON, R. W., The Future of World Peace. 

BUXTON, C. R. (Editor), Towards a Lasting Peace 
(1915). 

CHERADAME, A., The Disease and Cure. (Reprinted from 
Atlantic Monthly, November and December, 1917.) 

"COSMOS," The Basis of a Durable Peace (1917). 

GBUMBACH, S., AND BARKER, J. E., Germany's Annexa- 
tionist Aims (abridgment in English of Grumbach's Annex- 
ionistische Deutschland ) . 

HEADLAM, J. W., The Issue (1917). 

HERBON, G. D., Woodrow Wilson and the World's Peac* 
(1917). 

HILL, E. J., The Rebuilding of Europe. 

MARCOSSON, T. L., The War After the War. 

TOYNBEE. J. A.. The New Europe (1910). 

WEBB, SIDNEY, When Peace Comes; the Way of Indus- 
trial Reconstruction. 



III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT. 



65 



PART III. 



Preliminaries of the World Conflict 

Syllabus of a Course of Study 

BY HALFORD L. HOSKINS, HIGH SCHOOL, WICHITA, KANSAS. 



PREFACE. 

This study outline is the result of an attempt to supply 
the need for an especially practical course in European his- 
tory. It is not intended to constitute a history of the 
World War, nor a plan which stresses all the phases of life 
in modern Europe. It is, however, designed to secure for 
the student a broad, comprehensive view of European his- 
tory, particularly during modern times, noting tendencies 
and motives, and attempting to interpret the significant 
facts and to give their explanation in terms of every-day 
life. It is primarily a history course rather than merely a 
war course, but it is intended to be the means of conveying 
a sane and intelligent understanding of the circumstances 
In which we live. 

Prepared for a one semester's course, the plan as given is 
necessarily not exhaustive; it does provide a sufficiently 
complete course of study for the average high school stu- 
dent. The teacher must determine, of course, to what ex- 
tent the outline is to be developed. Our views of the com- 
parative importance of the many phases of the present sit- 
uation are so varied and so changing that the relative 
amount of time which should be devoted to the different 
features of the course is difficult to determine. Moreover, 
there are no established precedents for such a course, and, 
In a sense, it is a pioneer. It is evident that in one semes- 
ter the ground covered cannot be very extensive if a thor- 
ough understanding of historical development is to be se- 
cured. For this reason, high school courses in European 
history, covering the field of history from its beginning to 
about 1700, are made a prerequisite. This furnishes a 
working basis for the development of the specialized topics 
of the course. The outline provides for sixty lessons, thus 
giving sufficient latitude for supplementary work, reviews, 
tests, or more thorough consideration of some of the topics 
In the outline. 

The topic for each day's work has been outlined some- 
what in detail, chiefly for the purpose of serving as a guide 
to reading. This outline is not intended to summarize the 
chief points of the lesson, but rather to direct the investiga- 
tion and to stimulate interest and curiosity on the part of 
the student. Recitations in such a course are not supposed 
to be devoted to the mere recitation of facts, except where 
necessary to insure a proper understanding of important 
points, but are intended to give opportunity for the discus- 
sion of the more significant fai'ts in human development. 

Neither are the problems included in each lesson in any 
sense exhaustive. They are inserted chiefly for the purpose 
of stimulating thought and inquiry, as well as for serving 
as an indication of the more important phases of the les- 
son. However, a student win. >d comprehension of 
all the problems listed must needs' have a rather thorough 
knowledge of the whole field. 

Since there is as yet no textbook available for such a 



course, it is taken for granted that a reasonably good work- 
ing reference library is at hand. Also, since much of the 
material needed for reference in the latter part of the 
course is not yet in permanent form, the student must 
necessarily have access to the recent volumes of dependable 
current literature. The references cited in connection with 
the study outline are those which are to be found in most 
history reference libraries, and while the list is not in any 
sense complete, it still provides a sufficient working basis 
for the preparation of the lesson and the discussion of the 
main facts involved in it. Special reports and notebook ex- 
ercises may be given by the teacher. It may be said, how- 
ever, that too much stress cannot be laid upon the study 
of maps showing the development of modern Europe. 

An additional list of references is given in the bibliogra- 
phy appended to this syllabus. Only those books have been 
listed which offer material from an historical point of view. 
The object in preparing this bibliography has been not so 
much the presentation of a complete list of authoritative 
works as the listing of a comparatively few dependable vol- 
umes on the main phases of the war and its foundation. 

In the references given in the outline proper the titles of 
reference books are given but once, and thereafter are not 
included. The most important references for the prepara- 
tions of lessons are starred. There seems to be no neces- 
sity here for a grouping of references under the heads of 
sources and secondary works. Both outlines and references 
are presented more in detail as the course progresses, for 
reasons which are obvious. 

The success of the course depends largely on the willing- 
ness of the student to do extensive reading and investigat- 
ing, while constantly striving to understand the forces 
which have directed the actions of men. If a sufficiently 
critical, questioning spirit is consistently applied, the 
course will have well served its purpose. 



BRIEF OUTLINE OF PRELIMINARIES OF THE 

PKICSKNT WORLD SITUATION. 
A. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND. 

I. Origin of the European States. 

1. Heritage of the Dark Ages. 

2. Outcome of the Feudal 1'eriod. 

3. Development of Nationalities to the Reformation. 

4. Situation at the End of the Religious Wars. 

II. National Consolidation and Expansion. 

1. The Constitutional Development of England. 

2. Founding of the British Empire. 

3. Louis XIV in Kuropean Affairs. 

4. Rise of Russia: Sweden. 

5. Rise of Prussia: Poland Partitioned. 

III. Revolutionary Period in Europe. 

1. The French Revolution and Napoleon. 

a. The Course of the French Revolution. 

b. Napoleon: His Campaign*. 



66 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



c-. .Napoleon's Reconstruction of Europe. 

d. The Congress of Vienna. 

2. Later Revolutionary Activity. 

a. Europe Under Metternich. 

b. The French Revolution of 1848. 

c. 1848 in Austria and Germany. 

IV. Constitutional Development of the Western Powers. 

1. The Unification of Italy. 

a. Italy from 1815 to 1849. 

b. Subsequent Steps in Unification. 

2. The Unification of Germany. 

a. Bismarck and the Austro-Prussian War. 

b. The Franco-Prussian War. 

c. The New German Empire. 

3. France and Britain. 

a. The Third French Republic. 

b. The Present British Constitution. 

e. The Irish Problem. 

B. DEVELOPMENT OF WORLD PROBLEMS. 

I. Phases of Territorial Expansion. 

1. The Partition of Africa. 

a. Problems of European Expansion. 

b. The Resulting African Situation. 

2. The Far East. 

a. The Russo-Japanese War. 

b. Relations of Japan and China. 

3. The Balkan Situation. 

a. Liberation of the Balkan States. 

b. Recent Conflicting Balkan Interests. 

4. The Near East. 

a. Turkey and the Eastern Question. 

b. The Problems of Constantinople. 

II. Events Leading to the War. 

1. Review of Conflicting Interests. 

a. Aims of Austria. 

b. Situation of Russia. 

c. The Case of Germany. 

d. The Case of Britain. 

e. The Case of France. 

f. The Circumstances of Italy. 

g. Situation of the Minor Powers. 

2. Late Diplomatic History. 

a. Triple Alliance and Triple Entente. 

b. The Hague Peace Conferences. 

c. Recent Diplomatic Crises. 

3. Preparation for War. 

a. Objects of War. 

b. Militarism and Armaments. 

c. Austro-German War Preparations. 

d. The German Idea of War. 

C. THE WAR. 

I. Opening Events. 

1. The Austro-Serbian Controversy. 

2. Failure of Diplomacy. 

3. Violation of Belgian Neutrality. 

4. Spread of the War. 

II. The Course of the War. 

1. Conduct of the War. 

a. Events of 1914-15. 

b. The War During 1918. 

c. Developments in 1917-18. 

2. The Russian Situation. 

3. Entrance of the United States. 

a. Simple to Maintain Neutrality. 

b. Reasons for the Declaration of War. 

c. America's Place in the Struggle. 

III. Prospectus. 

1. Proposals for Peace. 

2. Proposed Remedies for War. 

3. The Future of War. 



PRELIMINARIES OF THE PRESENT WORLD 
SITUATION. 

A. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND. 
I. ORIGIN OF THE EUROPEAN STATES. 

1. Heritage from the Dark Ages. 

a. Break-up of the Roman Empire. 

b. Barbarian migrations and settlements. 
(1) Disappearance of civilization. 

c. New physical or racial basis. 

( 1 ) Variety of racial proportions. 

(2) Foundation for modern European peoples. 

(3) Formation of new languages and institutions (a), 
e. g., the Romance nations. 

References: 

Harding, New Medieval and Modern History, pp. 13-25. 
Myers, Medieval and Modern History, chaps. 1, 2, 4. 
West, Modern World, chaps. 3, 4. 

Robinson and Breasted, Outlines of European History, 
chap. 12. 

Problems: 

What are the three prime elements of modern civiliza- 
tion?" 

Show that the barbarian invasions of Europe were the 
greatest blessings in disguise. 

Where, in these dark times, were any elements of the 
problems of the present? 

Explain the similarities and differences of the Spanish, 
French, Italian, English and German languages. 

2. Outcome of the Feudal Period. 

a. The Feudal System in theory and practice. 

(1) Its causes and nature. 

(2) Growth of common language and sentiment. 

b. Gradual rise of nations. 

( 1 ) Formation of the nuclei of nations. 

(2) Absence of natural or racial boundaries. 

(3) First attempts at centralized government. 

c. Complete disintegration of the Carolingian Empire. 

References : 

Harding, chaps. 1-4. 

Myers, chaps. 7, 8, 9. 

West, chaps. 1, 2, 3, 5, 8, 9; all brief. 

Robinson and Breasted, chap. 16. 

Problems : 

On what basis did the present nations of western Eu- 
rope form? Does this in any way account for their 
later conflicts? 

Point out instances where some of the gravest problems 
now found in Europe must be traced to the Feudal 
Period for their, origin. 

What is a buffer state? Its purpose? 

S. Development of Nationalities to the Reformation. 

a. The Holy Roman Empire. 

(1) Origin of the idea. 

(2) Attempts to use it as a working basis. 

(3) Subsequent condition of Germany and Italy. 

b. England. 

( 1 ) Anglo-Saxon England. 

(2) Danes and Normans. 

(3) Rise of free institutions. 

c. Growth of France. 

( 1 ) Formation of the French Kingdom. 

(2) Outcome of the Hundred Years' War. 

d. Rise of Spain. 

(1) Spanish Marches. 

(2) Consolidation of the Christian states. 

e. The Crusades. 

( 1 ) Important effects on Europe. 



III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT. 



67 



References: 

Harding, sketch chaps. 6, 7, 8, 11, 12, 13, 14. 
Myers, chaps. 11, 12, 13, 17. 
West, chaps. 10, 11, I-', 16, 17. 
Robinson and Breasted, chaps. 18, 19. 

Problems: 

Account for the lack of any kind of national govern- 
ment in Germany and Italy until recent times. 

Explain tlie development of free institutions in Eng- 
land, and their absence everywhere else. 

Note the long hostility of France and England, and its 
causes. 

Also note the uncertainty of territories and boundaries 
when France was in process of formation. Use maps 
liberally. 

4. Situation at the End of the Religious H'ors. 

a. Revolt of the Netherlands. 

(1) The religious situation. 

(2) The foundation for modern states. 

b. The Thirty Years' War. 

(1) Its scope. 

(2) Peace of Westphalia: territorial changes. 

(a) Acquisitions of Sweden. 

(b) Gains of France: Alsace. 

(c) Rearrangements in Germany, Holland, Switzerland. 

References: 

Harding, chap. 19. 

Myers, chaps. 23, 24, 25. 

West, chap. 22. 

Robinson and Breasted, chap. 26. 

Problems : 

Was the chief motive of these long wars religion? If 
not, what? 

What effect did the Thirty Years' War have on the 
later development of Germany? Read descriptions 
of these wars in "Gardiner, " Thirty Years' War." 

Here Germany was the helpless battleground of na- 
tions; might this have left some elements of hate in 
the German mind? 

II. NATIONAL CONSOLIDATION AND EXPANSION. 
/. Constitutional Development of England. 

a. Struggles of Parliament for ascendancy. 

( 1 ) Effect of the Wars of the Roses. 

(2) Recuperation of Parliament under the Tudors. 

b. Conflicts between King and Parliament. 

(1) Divine Right idea of the Stuarts. 

(2) Opposition of Parliament. 

(3) Civil War and the Commonwealth. 

(4) The Restoration and the Revolution of 1688. 

c. Later growth of constitutional government. 

(1) Parliamentary growth under the Hanovers. 

(2) Influence on the English people. 

(3) Results on the world's progress. 

References : 

Harding, pp. 221-225, chap. 21. 
Myers, chap. 28. 
West, chaps. 23-26. 
Robinson and Breasted, chap. 27. 

Cheyiiey. Short History of England, summaries of 
chaps. 9-17. 

Problems: 

What has been the importance to modern history of 

British constitutional development? Cite concrete 

illustrations. 
In what sense has England been the laboratory of the 

world? 
Why should it matter particularly to other powers 

whether England or Germany controls Gibraltar and 

Suez in times of peace? 



Note the places where, up to the present, the highest 
type of citizenship has been developed. 

2. Founding of the British Empire. 

a. Motives. 

( 1 ) Increase of the population ill England. 

(2) Religion. 

( 3 ) Commerce. 

b. Means. 

( 1 ) Peaceful explorations and settlement. 

(2) Military force in cases of dispute. 

c. Reasons for success. 

( 1 ) Character of the colonists. 

(2) The policy of colonial support. 

(3) Nature of colonial government. 

d. Extent. 

(1) Extent of power in North America. 

(2) Control of India. 

References: 

Harding, pp. 453-462. 

Myers, chap. 31. 

West, chap. 27, pp. 418-422. 

Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History 

II, pp. 72-79. 
'Cheyney, chap. 17. 

Problems: 

Has British expansion always been conscious? 

How can England's monopoly of so many large colonial 
fields be accounted for? 

Where do you find possible " bones of contention " in 
this territorial growth? 

Which state should be considered England's most logi- 
cal rival in the colonial field up to the nineteenth 
century? Why? 

3. Louis XIV in European Affairs. 

a. Louis' chief ambitions. 

(1) To be supreme in France. 

(2) To make France supreme in Europe. 

b. Louis' foreign designs. 

( 1 ) Attempts to conquer the Dutch. 
(a) Lack of success; small gains. 

(2) War of the Palatinate (King William's War). 

(a) Seizure of German territory. 

(b) Gains at the end of the war. 

(3) War of the Spanish Succession (Queen Anne's War). 

(a) New coalitions and interests involved. 

(b) Peace of Utrecht. 

c. Summary of his influence. 

(1) On the political map. 

(2) On social and religious conditions. 

References: 
Harding, chap. 20. 
Myers, chap. 27. 
West, chap. 28. 
Robinson and Breasted, chap. 28. 

Problems: 

Were Louis' ambitions pardonable? 

Summarize the territories by which France was gainer 
at the end of his wars and note the nations which 
were losers. 

What did the people in the territories concerned have 
to say about it? Would such wars and transfers 
tend to develop national feeling, or not? 

Note that Europe is in a constant state of unstable 
equilibrium, of which now one. now another, ambi- 
tious man tries to take advantage. 

4. Rise of Russia: Sweden. 

a. Origin of Rn- 

( 1 ) Races, peoples and geography of Russia. 

(2) The cominir of the Northmen: Rurik. 
(31 The founding of the Romanoff dynasty. 



68 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



b. Wars with Sweden. 

( 1 ) Territorial ambitions of Peter I. 

(2) Defeat of Charles XII of Sweden. 

(3) Loss of territory to Russia and Prussia. 

c. Internal reforms of I'eter I. 

( 1 ) Opening the door westward ; Petrograd. 

(2) Attempts toward -modernization of Russia. 

References : 

Harding, pp. 431-437. 

Myers, chap. 19. 

West, chap. 29. 

Robinson and Beard, pp. 53-58. 

Hazen, Modern European History, pp. 17-27. 

Problems : 
Compare the rise of Russia and France. Account for 

the difference. 
Was Russia " entitled " to a western seaport, aa Peter 

claimed ? 
Ought Russia's late entrance into European affairs be 

an argument for or against rapid development? 

Why? 
Note that Russia came into existence as a civilized 

state at the expense of other powers. How might 

that affect her future? 

5. Rise of Prussia: Poland Partitioned. 

a. Origin of Prussia. 

( 1 ) Growth of Brandenburg. 

(2) Addition of Prussia. 

(3) Further gains of the early Hohenzollerns. 

b. Acquisitions of Frederick II. 

(1) Seizure of Silesia. 

( 2 ) War on the Austrian Succession ( King George's War ) . 
(a) Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle. 

. (3) The Seven Years' War (French and Indian War). 

(a) Treaties of Hubertsburg and Paris. 

(b) Importance of the territorial changes. 

(4) Constructive work of Frederick. 

c. Fate of Poland. 

(1) Review of independent Poland. 

(2) Three partitions to Prussia, Russia and Austria. 

References: 

Harding, pp. 437-453, 462-465. 
Myers, chap. 30. 
West, pp. 415-420. 
Robinson and Beard, pp. 58-72. 
Hazen, pp. 10-17, 29. 

Problems : 

What have ever been some of the most striking traits 

of the Hohenzollern family? In what rulers of the 

line have these been most pronounced? 
When and why was a policy of Prussian military 

supremacy undertaken? Why is Frederick's statue 

to be removed from Washington? 
What were the objects in the partitions of Poland? 
Why is Germany proposing to re-establish Poland as 

an independent state? Would Poland be independent? 
Note the far-reaching results of the Seven Years' War. 

in. THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD IN EUBOPB. 
1. The French Revolution and Napoleon. 

a. Course of the French Revolution. 

( 1 ) Causes of the Revolution. 

(a) Causes inherent in France and Europe. 

(b) Increasing enlightenment. 

(2) Attempts at popular government. 

(a) Failure of the monarchy. 

(b) Successive national bodies. 

(c) Reasons for the failure of popular government. 

(3) Foreign complications. 

(a) French revolutionary propaganda abroad. 



(li) The interference of Austria and Prussia, 
(c) Effect on the course of the Revolution. 

References: 

Harding, chaps. 24, 25. 

Myers, chap. 33. 

West, chaps. 31, 32, 33, 34. 

Robinson and Beard, chaps. 5, 0, 7. 

Hazen, chaps. 1-8. 

Problems: 

What old principles led the Austrians and Prussians to 
invade France without provocation in 1792? 

What is the great significance of the French Revolu- 
tion? 

Why were the French unable to find a working form of 
popular government? Cf. present Russia. 

Note the feeling of the reactionary governments toward 

anything like liberalism, 
b. Napoleon: His campaigns. 

( 1 ) Napoleon's early career. 

(a) Napoleon's characteristics and ambitions. 

(b) Qualities of leadership. 

(c) Early services to France. 

(2) The Empire. 

(a) Successive steps in the rise to power. 

(b) The creation of the Empire. 

(c) Napoleon's war policy. 

(3) The military campaigns. 

(a) Campaigns during the Directory and Consulate, 
i. Italian campaign. 

ii. Expedition to Egypt. 

(b) Campaigns as Emperor. 

i. The struggle against coalitions, 
ii. Wars resulting from the Continental System, 
iii. The Hundred Days. 

(c) Napoleon's rank as a military genius. 

References : 

Harding, chap. 20, pp. 527-530, 534-541. 

Myers, pp. 543-555, 557-568, 573-579. 

West, chaps. 35, 36, pp. 489-493, 497-500. 

Robinson and Beard, chap. 8, pp. 207-217. 

Hazen, pp. 179-186, 101-205, 208-212, 213-248. 
Problems : 

Was the French Revolution a failure? 

How do you account for Napoleon? Would the same 
kind of situation produce such another? 

Did Napoleon discredit or create friends for the Rero- 
lution ? 

What feeling have his crushing victories and harsh 
terms caused toward France on the part of her neigh- 
bors? 

Study Napoleon's military principles. How do thorn 
of the present Gennan Empire compare with them? 
c. Napoleon's reconstruction of Europe. 

( 1 ) Napoleon's work in France. 

(a) Reform of the administration. 

(b) The Code Napoleon. 

(2) Changes elsewhere in Europe. 

(a) Creation of new governments and states. 

(b) The reorganization of Germany. 

(c) Dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire. 

(3) Summary of achievements. 

(a) Napoleon's permanent works. 

(b) Their effect on recent Europe. 

References : 

Harding, pp. 530-534. 
Myers, pp. 555-557, 568-573. 
. West, pp. 493-497. 

Robinson and Beard, pp. 193-197. 
Hazen, pp. 186-191, 205-208, 212-213. 

Problems: 

In what respects does Napoleon deserve to rank among 
the few great men of history? 



III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT. 



69 



Where did Napoleon's wisdom fail himT 

Are great men chiefly the product of circumstances? 

On the whole, has Napoleon had a balance of fortunate 

or unfortunate influence on France? On Europe? 
d. The Congress of Vienna. 

( 1 ) Composition of the Congress. 

(a) Leadership: Mettornich and Talleyrand. 

(b) Countries and purposes represented. 

(2) Its tasks. 

(a) The undoing of the work of Napoleon. 

(b) Reconstruction of the map of Europe. 

(c) Reinstating of the principle of legitimacy. 

(d) Prevention of revolutionary recurrences. 
<3) Its work. 

(a) Aa to rulers. 

(b) As to territories and boundaries. 

References : 
Harding, pp. 542-548. 
Myers, pp. 580-585. 
Hazen, pp. 240-254. 
West, pp. 504-506. 
Robinson and Beard, pp. 227-236. 

Problems : 

Did the Congress of Vienna succeed in its work? In 
what respects did it fail? 

Account for the liberal terms given France: 

Had the work of the French Revolution been undone? 

Consider the Congress of Vienna as an example of the 
settlement of European troubles by arbitration. 
Why was it impossible for this arbitration to be per- 
manent ? 

i. Later Revolutionary Activity. 

*. Europe under Metternich. 

(1) Metternich and his policy. 

(a) Series of congresses. 

(b) Armed intervention. 

(2) The "Holy" Alliance. 

(a) Its nature and purpose. 

(b) Its methods. 

(3) Revolutionary activity in 1820-30. 

(a) Rise of secret societies. 

(b) Loss of Spain's colonies. 

(c) French Revolution of 1830. 

(d) Revolutionary movements elsewhere. 

(4) Partial failure of reaction. 

(a) Attitude of England. 

(b) The Monroe Doctrine. 

References: 

Harding, chap. 29. 

Hazen, pp. 254-288. 

Myers, pp. 585-501, 614-617. 

W'est, chaps. 39, 40, 41. 

Robinson and Beard, pp. 236-260. 

Problems : 

Was Metternich's attitude toward revolution to be 

wondered at? 

Did the Holy Alliance and similar organizations post- 
pone the liberation of Europe seriously? 
Where seemed to be the hotbed of revolutionary activ- 
ity? Why? 

What stand did England take on interference to main- 
tain absolutism? Of what importance was her atti- 
tude? 

b. The French Revolution of 1848. 
(11 Downfall of Louis Philippe. 
1:1) Unpopular ministers. 
(In Rise of socialism. 

i. National workshops. 
(2) Second French Republic. 

(a) Election of Louis Napoleon. 
<3) Second French Empire, 
(a) Napoleon's coup d'etat. 



(b) Aggressive foreign policy. 

(c) Disastrous results. 

References: 

Harding, pp. 578-587. 

* 1 la/.en, chaps. 15, 17. 

Myers, pp. 591 

West, chaps. 45, 46. 

Robinson and Beard, chap. 13. 

Problems: 

Note the causes of the rapid growth of the socialistic 

party in France. What part did this party take in 

the Revolution of 1848? 
Must we account for the rapid transition from republic 

to empire in French psychology or in circumstance* 

likely to occur anywhere? 
Why, in a time of peace and prosperity, did Napoleon 

III deliberately choose a policy of war? Did he at- 
tain his object at any time? 
Sum up the evils now being faced by the French people 

for which they, as a people, are not to blame, 
c. 1848 in Austria and Germany. 

(1) Condition of the Austrian Empire. 

(a) Agitation of Liberals. 

(b) Movements of various races for autonomy. 

(2) Progress of the Revolution. 

(a) Revolution in Hungary: Kossuth. 

(b) Agitation in Bohemia, 
i. Flight of Metternich. 

ii. Lack of unity among the revolutionists, 
iii. Failure of the Revolution. 

(3) Risings in Germany. 

(a) Constitution granted in Prussia. 

(b) Proposals of the Frankfort Parliament. 

(c) Hostile attitude taken by Austria. 

(d) Virtual failure of the Revolution. 

References: 

Harding, pp. 601-607. 
Hazen, chap. 16. 
West. pp. 566-571. 
Robinson and Beard, chap. 14. 

Problems: 

Compare the struggles of the Hungarian states for lib- 
erty with those of the English colonies in America. 

In general, what caused the failure of the liberal move- 
ments in Austria and Germany, just as succeec 
seemed to be at hand? 

What is the essential difference between German des- 
potism as now practiced and the system used and 
advocated by Mettemich? 

IV. CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT or TBS WSSTERW 
POWEBS. 

/. The Unification of Italy. 

a. Italy from 1815 to 1849. 

( 1 ) Italy after the Congress of Vienna. 

(a) A "geographical expression." 

(b) Italy's tasks. 

i. Elimination of foreign control, 
ii. Establishment of constitutional government. 

(2) The Revolution of 1830. 

(a) Liberal agitation everywhere. 

(b) Leadership of Sardinia-Piedmont 
i. Constitution granted. 

ii. War with Austria. 

(c) Failure of the Revolution. 

i. Disaffection among the allies, 
ii. Defeat of the Sardinian armies. 
iii. Humiliating peace with Austria. 

References : 

Harding, pp. 607, 610-611. 

Hazen, pp. 305-300, 325-329, chap. 23. 

Myers, pp. 619-624. 



70 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



West, pp. 571-574. 

Robinson and Beard, pp. 305-307. 

Problems: 

What circumstances favored Italian unification in 1848 

more than at any previous time? 
In what respects was the Revolution of 1848 in Italy a 

success '.' 
The completion of this task was necessarily carried out 

at whose expense? 
b. Subsequent steps in unification. 

(1) Policy of Cavour. 

(a) Consolidation of Piedmont. 

(b) Foreign aid against Austria. 

(c) Participation in the Crimean War. 

(2) Unity accomplished. 

(a) Important patriotic services. 
i. Mazzini. 

ii. Patriotic and secret organizations. 

(b) The war of 1859. 

i. Faithlessness of Napoleon III. 
ii. Exchange of territories. 

(c) The Kingdom of Italy. 

i. Winning of Naples: Garibaldi. 
ii. Gaining of Venetia. 
iii. Seizure of Rome. 

(d) The Constitution of Italy. 

References : 

Harding, pp. 611-618. 

Myers, pp. 624-633. 

West, pp. 574-581. 

Robinson and Beard, pp. 311-322. 

Hazen, pp. 329-340, 349, 360, 409-415. 

Robinson and Beard, Readings in European History II, 

Nos. 237-245. 
Problems : 

Why is the Pope called the " Prisoner of the Vatican " ? 
What is his attitude toward the present Italian gov- 
ernment, and why 1 

Explain Italia Irredenta. 

What relations should be expected between Italy and 
Austria since the unification of the former? 

2. The Unification of Germany. 

ft. Bismarck and the Austro-Prussian War. 

(1) Character of the. German Confederation. 

(2) The Zollverein. 

(a) Its membership. 

(b) Creation of sentiment for unity. 

(3) Bismarck's character and policies. 

(a) Reorganization of Prussian military system. 

(b) The policy of " Blood and Iron." 

(c) Victory over the Prussian Parliament. 

(4) The war with Denmark. 

(a) Recovery of Sehleswig-Holstein. 

(b) Provocation for the Austro-Prussian War. 

(5) Seven Weeks' War with Austria. 

(a) Excellent preparation of Prussia. 

(b) Prompt defeat of Austria. 

(c) Formation of the North German Confederation. 
References: 

Harding, pp. 623-626. 

*Hazen, chap. 19. 

Myers, pp. 634-643. 

West, pp. 582-588. 

Robinson and Beard, pp. 323-330. 

Readings, II, Nos. 250-257. 
Problems: 

What has always seemed to justify war with Prussia? 

What influence has military rule had on aspirations 
toward liberal government? Why? 

Why does Denmark undertake to remain neutral in- 
stead of trying to recover her lost provinces? 

Why was Austria not included in the new plans for 
German unitr ? 



b. The Franco-Prussian War. 

( 1 ) Napoleon's demands for " compensation." 
(a) Rebuffs of Prussia. 

(2) Fear of Prussia's growing strength. 

(a) Dangers of German unification to France. 

(b) Relative increase of populations. 

(3) Diplomacy of Bismarck. 

(a) Plans for the humiliation of France. 

(b) Designs for further German unification. 

(4) Course of the war. 

(a) Question of Spanish succession. 

(b) French declaration of war. 

(c) Immediate Prussian victory. 

(5) Terms of peace. 

(a) Humiliation of France. 

(b) Creation of the German Empire. 

References : 

Davis, chaps. I and II. Harding, pp. 626-630. 

Ilazen, chap. 20. 

Myers, pp. 594-596, 643-649. 

West, pp. 583-591. 

Robinson and Beard, pp. 330-334. 

Readings, II, Nos. 258-261. 

Problems : 

Why . should Bismarck have desired the war witb 
France? How did it bring about German unifica- 
tion? Why was all France so anxious to under- 
take it? 

How do you account for the severe terms of peace im- 
posed upon France? Were they profitable in the* 
long run? 

What part of the causes of the present war lie in thl 
struggle of 1870-71? 

c. The new German Empire. 

( 1 ) Composition of the new Empire. 

(2) The Constitution. 

(a) Its origin. 

(b) Nature of the Federation. 

(3) The Imperial government. 

(a) Provisions for Emperor. 
i. Powers of the Emperor. 

(b) The Federal Council (Bundesrat). 

(c) Diet of the Empire (Reichstag). 

(d) The Imperial Ministry. 

(4) Suffrage. 

(a) Restriction of popular will. 

(b) Circle voting. 

(c) The resulting autocracy. 

References (brief accounts) : 

Harding, pp. 630-632. 

Hazen, pp. 303-366. 

West, pp. 654-660. 

Robinson and Beard, pp. 340-348. 
(Longer accounts) : 

Hazen, The German Government, War Information: 
Series. 

President's Flag Day Address, Note No. 7, War In- 
formation Series. 

Gerard, My Four Years in Germany, chap. VII. 

Robinson and Beard. Readings, II, Nos. 267-273. 

Problems : 

What makes it possible for the Kaiser to control all 
German affairs? 

Compare the structure of the German government with 
that of the United States; with England. 

What are the conditions which make revolution in 
Germany difficult? Under what conditions is revo- 
lution deemed possible? 

S. France and Britain. 

a. The Third French Republic. 

(1) Provisional government after the Franco-Prussian 
War 



III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT. 



71 



(a) Trouble with the Paris Commune 
(1>) Variety of political parties. 

(2) The Republican Constitution. 

(a) Organic laws of 1875. 

i. Method of presidential election, 
ii. Composition of two legislative bodies. 

(b) Recent changes and amendments. 

(3) Trials of the Third Republic. 

(a) The Dreyfus affair. 

(b) Relations of church and state. 

(c) Extreme political parties. 

References: 

Davis, chap. VII. Harding, pp. 692-598. 

Hazen, chap. 22. 

Myers, pp. 590-598. 

West, chap. 57. 

Robinson and Beard, pp. 356-376. 

Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 281-288. 

Problems: 

Compare the French and British constitutions. Is 
either one strictly an artificial form? Which is 
more efficient, and why? Suppose they were ex- 
changed ? 

What lias been the importance of the Dreyfus case in 
the political development of France? 

Why do the Germans consider the war won if they 
reach Paris? 

b. The present British Constitution. 

(1) Unique nature- of the British constitution. 

(a) Its origin. 

(b) Evolution to its present form. 

(c) Unusual features. 

(2) Present democratic character. 

(a) The cabinet system. 

(b) The principle of representation. 

(c) Mobility of the constitution, 
i. Ease of amendment. 

ii. Relation to the kingship. 

(3) Its success. 

(a) Advantages of the British form of government. 

(b) Its widespread influence. 

References : 

Harding, pp. 655-661. 
Hazen, chaps. 25, 26. 
Myers, pp. 599-609. 
West, chaps. 50-55. 
Robinson and Beard, pp. 381-405. 
Cheyney, review of chaps. 19, 20. 

Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 290-307, es- 
pecially Nos. 295, 296. 

Problems: 

Note the advantages and disadvantages of the British 
type of constitution. When does it work more effi- 
ciently, in times of peace or war? How about the 
German type? 

Why do the English maintain an expensive royal 
household, yet take pride in their democracy? 

Consider the British type of constitution as the best 
evidence of the steady progressiveness of the Anglo- 
Saxon peoples. 

c. The Irish problem. 

( 1 ) Origin of the Irish question. 

(a) Race differences. 

(b) Religious development. 

(c) Early English abuses in administration. 

(2) Tlic modern situation. 

(a) Agitation for Home Rule. 

i. The Ulster problem. 

ii. Patriotic societies, 
iii. Effort* of Gladstone. 
(hi Irelnml in the war. 

i. Sinn Fein uprisings. 

ii. The present situation 



References: 

Harding, pp. 351-352, 411-416, 424, 647, 648-656. 

lluzen, pp. 454-450, 466-471, 472, 483-485. 

Myers, pp. 609-613. 

West, chap. 55. 

Robinson and Beard, pp. 405-410. 

Cheyney, pp. Ki7, :i04, 427, 439, 455, 617, 637, 683, 

G06-608, 637-639, 660-664. 
Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 307-311. 

Problems : 
To what extent should England blame herself for the 

present uncertainty in Ireland? Has she done all 

possible to make amends for past mistakes and 

abuses? 

Account for the Ulster phenomenon. 
What is the nature of the most recent proposal made 

by England in the interests of Home Rule in Ireland! 
How is the disaffection in Ireland a constant thorn ! 

the side of England? 

B. DEVELOPMENT OF WORLD PROBLEMS. 

I. _ SPECIAL PHASES OF TKKUITUBIAL EXPANSION. 

1. Partition of Africa. 

a. Problems of European expansion. 

(1) Desire for colonial empires. 

(a) Overpopulation in Europe. 

(b) Problems of food supply. 

(c) Outlets for manufactures. 

(d) Ambition for cultural expansion. 

(2) The exploration of Africa. 

(a) The slave traffic. 

(b) Livingstone and Stanley. 

(c) The services of Belgium. 

(3) The scramble for territory. 

(a) Means used to obtain territories. 

(b) The Congress of Berlin. 

(c) Final partition of the continent. 

References: 

Harding, pp. 685-689. 

Hazen, pp. 507-514. 

West, pp. 720-722. 

Rose,. Development of the European Nations, 1870- 

1914, chaps. 4, 5, 6, 8, in Part II. 

National Geographic Magazine, Vol. 26, pp. 272-274, 
" Growth of Europe During Forty Years of Peace." 
Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 376-379. 

Problems : 

Why was the partition of Africa so long delayed? 
What part does Africa promise to play in future world 

events? 
Why are African colonies such expensive luxuries? 

Why are they retained when they involve enormous 

expense yearly? 

b. The resulting African situation. 

( 1 ) Rivalry over African possessions. 

(a) Lack of natural boundaries. 

(b) Necessity of extensive development.. 

(c) Extent of African colonial empires. 

(2) Recent incidents. 

(a) The Fashoda incident and its outcome. 

(b) Disputes over Morocco. 

(c) .Demands of Italy for African holdings. 

(d) Influence on the war situation. 

(3) Present status of Africa. 

(a) War operations in Africa. 

(b) Capture of German holdings. 

(c) Consolidation of previous interests. 

References : 

Harding, pp. (180-600. 

Hazen, pp. 404-408. 414. 373-374, 619, 521. 

Cheyney, pp. 672-676. 



72 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



Powers, Things Men Fight For, chap. 3. 
Rose, pt. II, chap. 7. 

Problems: 

How does it happen that such extensive seizures and 
annexations in Africa failed to produce a war before 
1914! 

What would be the advantage of a Cape-to-Cairo rail- 
way? What have been the chief difficulties to be 
overcome? Do they still exist? 

What is the present status of Morocco? Of Egypt? 
Of the German colonies? 

S. The Far East. 
. The Russo-Japanese War. 

(1) Russian designs in Korea. 

(a) The trans-Siberian railway. 

(b) Move to consolidate Russian interests. 

(c) Protests of Japan. 

(2) The resulting war. 

(a) Japanese control of the sea. 

(b) Siege of Port Arthur. 

(c) The Mukden campaign. 

(d) Battle in the Sea of Japan. 

(e) Treaty of Portsmouth. 

(3) The results. 

(a) Japan's unrestricted success. 

(b) Japanese interest in China. 

(c) Beginning of a Jap " Monroe Doctrine." 

(d) Reconstruction of Russian policies. 

References : 

Harding, pp. 702-704 (very brief). 
Hazen, pp. 580-583. 
West, pp. 709-713, 724-727. 
Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 372-374. 

Problems : 

What was the importance to Russia of an outlet to the 
far east? What changes have been made in her poli- 
cies since her defeat? 

On what ground did Japan interfere? Account for her 
speedy success. 

Estimate the results of this war on the development of 
both Russia and Japan. What did it mean to Korea? 
To China? 
b. The relations of Japan and China. 

(1) The Chino- Japanese War of 1894. 

(a) Causes. 

i. Japanese interests in Korea, 
ii. Japan's policy of continental expansion. 

(b) Japanese success. 

i. Treaty of Shimonoseki. 

ii. Interference of Russia and the western powers. 

(2) Recent Japanese activity. 

(a) "Spheres of influence" of the western nations, 
i. The hostility of Japan. 

(b) Japanese part in the present war. 
i. Capture of Kiauchau. 

ii. Demands on helpless China, 
iii. Plans for Chinese development. 
iv. Intervention in Russia. 

References: 

Ha/en, pp. 574-584. 

West, pp. 723-724. 

Harding, pp. 694-000. 

Powers, chap. 17. 

Rose, pt. II, chap. 2. 

National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, pp. 36-38 
"Young Japan." 

Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 364-368. 
Problems: 

Account for Japanese interest in China. 

On what basis did Japan make her recent demands on 
China? Why does China submit? 

Why did Japan enter this war? Did she have suffi- 
cient cause? 



What appears to be the future of Japan? What of the 
"Yellow Peril"? 

3. The Balkan Situation. 

a. Liberation of the Balkan States. 

( 1 ) Turkish control of the Balkans. 

(a) Centuries of misrule. 

(b) The nature of Turkish government. 

(2) Early wars for liberation. 

(a) The Greek war for independence. 
i. The aid of Russia. 

ii. Treaty of Adrianople. 

(b) Russo-Turkish War of 1877-8. 
i. Interests of Russia. 

ii. Treaty of San Stefano. 
iii. Subsequent Treaty of Berlin. 

(3) The Balkan Wars of 1912-13. 

(a) The object. 

(b) Success of the Balkan allies. 

(c) Attitude of the Great Powers. 

(d) The Treaty of London. 

References: 

Davis, chaps. XII, XIII, XX. *Hazen, chap. 33. 

West, chap. 53. 

Powers, chap. 9. 

Harding, pp. 677-680, 682-684. 

National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, map of Balkan 

Europe; explanation, pp. 191-192. 
Robinson, The Last Decade and the Great War, xxxi- 

xxrvi. 
Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 342-350. 

Problems: 

Why were the Balkans so long in gaining their free- 
dom? 

Account for Russia's interest in the freedom of the' 
Balkan states. 

Why have the Great Powers undone so much costly 
work as regards the ending of the Turkish Empire ia 
Europe ? 

Should not Europe have received the treaty of San 
Stefano with great satisfaction? 

b. Conflicting Balkan interests. 

(1) Wars among the Balkan states. 

(a) Rival claims of Servia and Bulgaria. 

(b) Hostility of Greece and Romania. 

(c) General conflict. 

(d) The Treaty of Bucharest. 

(2) Results of the conflicts. 

(a) New alliances among the Great Powers. 

(b) The changed Balkan map. 

(c) Unsatisfactory racial conditions. 

i. The crushing of " national " hopes. 

ii. The ignoring of economic needs, 
iii. Creation of Albania, 
iv. Disposition of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 

(3) Relation of the Balkans to the war. 

References : 

Davis, chap. XX. *Hazen, chap. 37 and map. 

Powers, p. 366, chap. 9. 

West, pp. 717-719. 

Harding, pp. G84-685. 

Rose, pt. I, chap. 9. 

National Geographic Magazine, vol. 27, articles on 

Serbia and Bulgaria; vol. 28, 185-249, Rumania and 

Greece, pp. 2D5-329, "Greece of To-day; " vol. 30, pp. 

360-391, " Rumania, the Pivotal State." 
War Cyclopedia, " Balkan Wars," " Drang nach Osten,'" 

etc. 

Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 351-363. 
Problems: 

Why is the Balkan situation so complex and persis- 
tently unsatisfactory? 



III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT. 



79 



What about the benefits of modern Christian govern- 
ment ? 

Account for the mutual jealousies among the Balkan 
state;. 

Exp'ain the phenomenon of Albania. 

4. The Near East. 

a. Turkey and the Eastern Question. 

(1) The position of Turkey in Europe. 

(a) Record of Turkey as an European power. 

(b) Present status of Turkey. 

(c) Relations of Turkey and the Great Powers. 

(2) The Eastern Question. 

(a) Its definition. 

(b) Reasons for ending Turkish rule, 
i. The Armenian situation. 

ii. Failure of Turkish administration, 
iii. No justification for existence. 

(c) Importance of the war's outcome. 

(3) Turkish claims to consideration. 

(a) Record for fairness and dependability. 

(b) Frequent impositions of Christian peoples. 

(c) Recent tendencies toward progress. 

References : 

Davis, chaps. IV, V, XIII. 'Powers, chap. 8. 
Hazen, pp. 540, 540-548, 555-557, 594-595, 613. 
West, pp. 715, 736-737. 
Rose, pt. I, chap. 7. 
War Cyclopedia, " Young Turks," etc. 
National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, map of Balkan 
Europe. 

Problems: 

Explain Turkey's entrance into the war on the side of 
the Central Powers. 

Has Turkey any claim for existence as an European 
power? What has preserved her existence thus fart 

Have we misjudged the Turk? In what light do we 
judge the American Indian? 

Does the Turk give sufficient promise of eventually be- 
coming a useful citizen of the world? 

b. The problem of Constantinople. . 

(1) The strategic position of Constantinople. 

(a) Dominance of all the Near East. 

(b) Its historic significance. 

(c) The strategic center of the world. 

(d) Natural military strength. 

(2) Commercial significance of the location. 

(a) The gateway to the Black Sea region. 

i. ^i/.e and nature of the territory dominated. 

(b) Potential rival of the world's greatest cities. 

(3) Its importance in the war. 

(a) The Gallipoli campaign. 

(b) Its relation to the final terms of peace. 

(c) Importance of its future control. 

References: 

Powers, chap. 5, p. 349, map p. 119. 

'National .Geographic Magazine, vol. 27, " Gates to the 

Black Sea." 
Hiuen, pp. 172, 603. 
War Cyclopedia, "Gallipoli," etc. 

Problems: 

What importance did Napoleon attach to Constantino- 
ple, and why? 

Note the territory controlled by Constantinople in agri- 
cultural and commercial respects. What further 
strategic value has the city? 

What appears to be the inevitable future of the loca- 
tion? 



II. CONDITIONS RESULTING IN THB WAB. 
1. Review of Conflicting Intereitt. 

a. Aims of Austria. 

(1) Nature of the Dual Monarchy. 

(a) Historical sketch. 

(b) The present constitution. 

( 2 ) The question of races. 

(a) The racial kaleidoscope in Hungary. 

(b) National aspirations. 

(c) Connection with the Balkan problems. 

(3) Question of the state's continued existence. 

(a) Austrian vs. Balkan government. 

(b) Plans for a Balkan federation. 

i. Austria's desire for a "free hand" in the Balkan*, 
ii. The idea of " Pan-Slavism." 

(c) Need for larger integration in Europe. 
References : 

Davis, chap. XIV. 

Powers, chaps. 4, 9; maps, pp. 61, 177. 

Hazen, chap. 24. 

West, chap. 60. 

National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, pp. 311-303, 

" Hungary." 

War Cyclopedia, "Austria and Serbia," etc. 
Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Noa. 262-266. 
Problems: 

Is a union of distinct races or peoples under one arti- 
ficial government justifiable? 
Which are the only permanent boundaries? To what 

extent should racial boundaries be considered in map 

changes? 
What appears to be the best solution of the problem 

of races and nationalities in Austria-Hungary and 

the Balkan states? 
Note the instances where national aspirations have 

been modified or extinguished by continued enforced 

union with foreign governments. 

b. The situation of Russia. 

(1) Geographical conditions of Russia. 

(a) Relative size. 

(b) The question of outlets, 
i. Problem of the Pacific. 

ii. Problem of the Baltic. 

iii. Problem of the Mediterranean. 

(2) Conflicting foreign interests. 

(a) Territorial interests. 

(b) Problem of races and population. 

(3) Inevitable future of Russia. 

(a) Necessity for expansion. 

(b) Pressure on the Central Powers. 

(c) Russia's relation to the War. 
References: 

Davis, chap. XXI. 

Powers, chap. 11; sketch, chaps. 5, 7; map, p. 191. 
West, pp. 699-709. 
Harding, pp. 707-711. 
Rose, pt. I, chap. 11; pt. II, chap. 9. 
Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Noa. 327-341. 
Problems: 
Why did the Germans say, as war was declared, that It 

was against Russia? Was it true? 
Did the Russo-Japanese W T ar settle the conflict between 

Russia and Japan? 
What are some of the gravest problems future Russia 

has to solve? Do they involve wars, or rumors of 

wars? 
What Russian problems depend on the war's outcome? 

c. The Case of Germany. 

(1) German national policies after 1871. 

(a) The policy of Bismarck. 

(b) Policy of peaceful commercial expansion. 

(c) Pan-German expansionist policy. 

(2) Obstacle to these policies. 

(a) Russian growth and expansion. 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



(b) Rapid recovery of France. 

(c) Foreign monopoly of colonial and commercial in- 

terests. 

(3) Failures of German plans for expansion. 

(a) Checkmate in South America. 

(b) Forestalling in South Africa. 

(c) Morocco incidents. 

(4) Changes in German policy. 

(a) Preparation for the use of force. 

(b) Mitteleuropa project. 

(c) Certain trend toward war. 

References: 

Davis, chaps. IX, X, XVII, XIX. 'Powers, chap. 12. 
Hazen, chap. 21. 
West, chap. 58. 
Harding, pp. 630-636. 
War Cyclopedia, "Autocracy," " Kaiserism," " William 

II," " Place in the Sun," " Pan-Germanism," etc. 
National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, pp. 275-311, 

"The German Nation." 
President's Flag Day Address, Red, White and Blue 

Series. 
Conquest and Kultur, sections 6, 13, 16, Red, White 

and Blue Series. 
Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 274-280. 

d. The Case of Britain. 

(1) Nature of the British Empire. 

(a) Unconscious growth of the Empire. 

(b) Indispensability to British life. 

(c) Outstanding benefits of British rule. 

(2) British dependence on sea power. 

(a) Necessity for constant food supply. 

(b) Sole means of protection for the Empire. 

(c) Natural danger of foreign expansionist policies. 

(3) Conflict of British and German interests. 

(a) The question of national existence. 

(b) Danger of Germany's foreign policy. 

(c) The natural question of naval supremacy, 
i. Competition in naval construction. 

ii. The coming of the submarine. 

References : 

Davis, chap. XVIII. 'Powers, chap. 13. 

Hazen, review of chap. 27, noting maps. 

West, chaps. 55, 56. 

Harding, chap. 33. 

National Geographic Magazine, vol. 29, pp. 217-273, 
"Great Britain's Bread Upon the Waters," W. H. 
Taft. 

Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 312-326. 
Problems: 

Explain Britain's interest in Bagdad, Morocco and 
Belgium. 

Does every nation have a right to adopt a policy of 
expansion of national interests? Is this always ex- 
pedient? 

In any event, how will the war affect the British Em- 
pire? 

e. The Case of France. 

(1) Influence of geography on French history. 

(a) Unique and enviable position. 

(b) Sketch of French territorial history. 

(2) Forces making for permanent peace. 

(a) Decline in the population. 

(b) Peculiar commercial and financial relations. 

(c) Growing reconciliation over Alsace-Lorraine. 

(3) Causes leading to conflict of interests. 

(a) Desire for national expansion. 

(b) Growing hostility of Germany. 
<c) Nature of colonial holdings. 

i. Forces producing the entente cordiale. 

(4) Future position of France. 
References: 

Powers, chap. 14. 
Hazen, review of chap. 22. 



West, chap. 57. 

Harding, pp. 592-598. 

National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, pp. 193-223, 

" The France of To-day." 
War Cyclopedia, " Alsace-Lorraine," " Franco'-German 

Rivalry," etc. 
Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 288, 289. 

Problems : 

Has France made the most of her fortunate position in 

the past? 
Compare the German victories in 1870-71 with the 

French in the Moroccan case. 
Note the advantages of an entente cordiale over an 

alliance by treaty. 
. f. The circumstances of Italy. 

(1) Review of Italian history. 

(a) Geographical position. 

(b) Effect of environment on Italy's career. 

(2) Reasons for joining the Entente. 

(a) Lack of sympathy with Central Powers. 

(b) Fear of French and British sea power. 

(c) Opportunity to pursue national interests. 

(3) Italian prospects of gain. 

(a) Italia Irredenta. 

(b) Territory on Albanian coast. 

(c) Portions of Turkish territory. 

(4) Prospect of the future. 

(a) Present colonial possessions. 

(b) Further imperial ambitions. 

(c) Bad financial condition. 

(d) Probable foreign conflicts. 

References: 

Davis, chap. VIII. 'Powers, chap. 15 and map. 

Hazen, review of chap. 23. 

West, chap. 59. 

Harding, pp. 617-618. 

War Cyclopedia, " Italia Irredenta," etc. 

National Geographic Magazine, vol. 27, " The Austro- 
Italian Frontier; " vol. 30, "Italy." 

Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 247-249. 
Problems : 

Explain the phenomenal success of the new Italian 

kingdom. 

What will the war mean to Italy? 
Are Italy's aspirations based on a sound knowledge? 
g. Situation of the Minor Powers. 

(1) Position of the Minor Powers. 

(a) Four distinct groups. 

(b) Varying racial, geographical and political condi- 

tions. 

(2) The Balkan States. 

(a) Review of their relation to the war. 

(3) Spain and Portugal. 

(a) Forces for consolidation and separation. 

(b) Relation to the present struggle. 

(4) The Scandinavian countries. 

(a) Precarious geographical positions. 

(b) Reasons for their present independence. 

(c) Vital importance of the war's outcome. 

(5) The Low Countries. 

(a) Strategic positions. 

(b) Basis of their guaranteed neutrality. 

(c) Fate determined by the war. 
References : 

'Powers, chap. 16. 

'Hazen, sketch of chaps. 29, 30, 31, 32. 

West, chap. 61. 

Reijjnobos, Europe Since 1814, pp. 238-244 257-284 

550-577. 
Problems : 

What has long been the relation between the great and 

the minor powers of Europe? 
Where in Europe is the war not a vital matter, and 

why ? 



III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT. 



75 



Have these Minor Powers followed the wisest courses 
under the circumstances? Note each case separately. 

Also note that the state of political equilibrium in 
Europe is largely determined by the status of these 
groups of minor powers. 

2. Late Diplomatic History. 
a. The Triple Entente and the Triple Alliance. 

(1) The Triple Alliance. 

(a) Purpose of the Alliance. 

(b) Reasons for the attachment of Italy. 

(c) Breaches of earlier alliances. 

(d) History of the Alliance. 
i. Internal discords. 

ii. Its dominance in European affairs. 

(2) Formation of the Triple Entente. 

(a) The Dual Alliance. 

i. Reasons for its formation. 

(b) Creation of the Triple Entente. 

i. Removal of previous causes of discord, 
ii. Establishment of the " entente cordiale." 

(3) The alignment of the Minor Powers. 

References: 

Davis, chap. XV. Hazen, pp. 374-378. 

West, pp. 741-743. 

Harding, pp. 676-677. 

Powers, preface, sketch of chap. 18. 

Robinson, The Last Decade and the Great War, rxvil- 

XXX. 

Rose, pt. II, chap. 1. 

War Cyclopedia, " Triple Alliance," " Triple Entente," 

" Willy and Nicky Correspondence," " Encirclement," 

etc. 

Problems : 

Note where the proposal for the Triple Alliance 
originated. It was founded in the interests of what 
policy? What were the definite objects of this al- 
liance? 

In what respects was Italy inconsistent in joining Aus- 
tria and Germany? 

What is the nature of the Triple Entente? Was this 

alliance the result of choice or necessity? 
b. The Hague Peace Conferences. 

(1) History of the Hague Conferences. 

(a) Agency of the United States and Russia for arbi- 

tration. 

(b) Positive services rendered at the Hague. 

(2) Plans for arbitration and disarmament. 

(a) Hostile attitude of Austria and Germany alone. 

(3) Policy of Germany concerning arbitration. 

(a) Negative attitude toward permanent peace. 

(b) Refusal to enter into arbitration treaties. 

(4) Conflicting views on the freedom of the seas, 

(a) British view. 

(b) Unusual German view. 

(5) Failure of conciliatory movements. 

(a) Final attempts to adjust international differences. 

(b) Refusal of Germany to make negotiations. 

References : 

Davis, chap. XVI. "Hazen, pp. 591-594. 
West, pp. 743-747. 
Powers, pp. 340-347. 
Harding, $>p. 732-734. 

War Cyclopedia, " Hague Conferences," " Hague Con- 
ventions," " Hague Regulations," " Hague Tribunal," 
"Arbitration," etc. 
Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 383, 384. 

Problems : 

What did the Hague Conferences accomplish of lasting 

value? Why did they fail in their main objects? 
Why did not the world become more suspicious of 

Austro-German policies long ago? 
Has German practice during this war been inconsistent 

with previously admitted policies? 



c. Recent diplomatic crises. 

(1) Recent tense international feeling. 

(a) Suspicion caused by conflicting interests. 

(2) First Moroccan crisis, 1005-tt. 

(a) French vs. German interests in Morocco. 

(b) The Tangier incident. 

(c) Dismissal of French ambassador on German de- 

mand 

(d) Conference of Powers at Algeciras. 

(e) Testing of the Triple Entente. 

(3) Crisis over the annexation of Bosnia and Herzo- 

govina. 

(a) Status as left by the Congress of Berlin. 

(b) Annexation by Austria without cause. 

(c) Attitude of Russia. 

(4) Second Moroccan crisis. 

(a) Agadir affair. 

(b) Attitude of Britain. 

(c) Adjustment of the question by conference. 

(d) Bitter resentment of German militarists. 

(5) Outcome of diplomatic clashes. 

(a) Definite diplomatic defeat of Germany. 

(b) German resolve to adopt new tactics. 

Reference*: 

Davis, chap. XIX. Powers, p. 229, chap. 3. 
Rose, pt. II, chaps. 10, 11. 
War Cyclopedia, " Morroco Question," " Bosnia," 

" Congress of Berlin," " Pan-Slavism," " Slavs," etc., 

etc. 
Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 136-142. 

Problems: 

Note the Powers, which, by aggressive action, produced 
these crises. 

On what ground did Germany interfere in Moroccan 
affairs? Why were the diplomatic settlements con- 
sidered unsatisfactory? 

What reasons were given by Austria for the annexation 
of Bosnia and Herzegovina? Why should Russia be 
concerned ? 

S. Preparation for War. 

a. Objects of War. 

(1) The tangible objects of war. 

(a) Defense of soil. 

i. 'Different phases of this question. 

(b) Protection of independence. 

(c) Commerce. 

i. Freedom of the seas, 
ii. Colonies. 

(d) Comparison with the objects of the past. 

(2) intangible objects. 

(a) Race unity. 

i. Blood relationship, 
ii. Unity of language. 

(b) Religion. 

(c) Nationality. 

i. Complex elements of nationality, 
ii. Cf. German " Kultur." 

(d) Struggles for national existence. 

i. Dangers of peaceful growth of peoples, 
ii. Possibilities of biological defeat. 

(3) Objects of the present struggle. 

(a) Many forms of each problem. 

(b) Review of chief objects of each Power. 

References: 

Davis, chap. XXII. 'Powers, chaps. 1, 2, p. 358. 
Conquest and Kultur, sections I, VI, X, XI, XVII. 
A War of Self-Defense, \Var Information Series. 
National Geographic Magazine, vol. 31, pp. 287-382, 

articles by President Wilson, Asquith, Viviani, Bal- 

four. 
Problems: 

Which causes of war are the more potent; the tangible 

or the intangible? 



76 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



How many of these objects are considered justifiable 

causes of war by nations? 
Note the different proportions in which the various 

tangible and intangible objects concern the powers 

now at war. 

Note especially the German idea of the perils of peace, 
b. Militarism and armaments. 

( 1 ) Definition of militarism. 

(2) Military dominance in Germany. 

(a) History of German militarism. 

(b) Practical examples. 

(3) International competition in armaments; armies, 
(a) Europe as an "armed camp." 

i. Comparative statistics, 
ii. History of universal service. 

(4) Naval rivalries, 
(a) Britain's policy. 

i. Motives; national necessity, 
ii. Shipbuilding program. 
<b) German competition, 
i. Reasons, 
ii. Degree of success. 
(6) Extraordinary military measures in Germany. 

(a) Army and navy increases. 

(b) Construction of strategic railways. 

(c) Recall of reservists abroad. 

(d) Spread of German propaganda. 

References: 

Gerard, chap. 4. 

Hazen, pp. 590-592. 

West, pp. 661-662. 

Harding, pp. 675-677. 

Powers, Tilings Men Fight For. 

National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, pp. 191-193, 
" Statistics of Populations, Armies and Navies of 
Europe;" vol. 28, pp. 503-511, "Citizen Army of 
Switzerland ; " vol. 29, pp. 609-623, " Citizen Army 
of Holland." 

War Cyclopedia, " Militarism," " Prussianism," " Za- 
bern," "Conquest," "Luxemburg, Rosa," "Propa- 
ganda for War," etc. 

Problems: 

How do you account for the growth of militarism In 
Europe in a time when peace was thought to be as- 
sured? 

Explain the necessity of England's naval policy. 
When and why did Germany change her naval policy 

and give up the attempt to overtake England? 
Note that England had no army when the war began, 
e. Austro-German war preparations. 

(1) Change in German plans for expansion. 

(a) Announcement after the Morocco incidents. 

(b) Change in the nature of German diplomacy. 

(2) Indications of plans for aggression. 

(a) Crises in 1912. 

(b) Other incidents prior to June, 1914. 
i. Austrian proposals to Italy, 1913. 

ii. Strengthening of German army, 1913. 
Hi. German propaganda at home and abroad, 
iv. Variety of other military plans. 

(3) Chanped attitude of the Kaiser. 

(4) Change in German public opinion. 
(a) German philosophy. 

(b! Parties in Germany. 

(c) Forces for peace and for war. 

(5) Extraordinary German military measures. 

(a) New inclusive military laws. 

(b) Canals and railways. 
(C) Increase in munitions. 

(d) Recall of reservists. 

(e) Intensive preparations of all kinds. 

(6) Conclusions. 

References : 

Hazen, pp. fiOR-fiO!V 
Powers, chaps. 10. 12. 



Kiihn. Otto H., The Poison Growth of Prussianism. 

Conquest and Kultur, sections II, III, XVI. 

Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 131, 132, 133, 
32, 142-143. 

War Cyclopedia, "Kultur," "Pan-Germanism," 
" Neutralized State," " Netherlands, German View," 
" Kiel Canal," " Sinn Fein," " Egypt," " South 
Africa," " German Intrigue," " Mobilization Contro- 
versy," etc. 

Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 381, 382, 405. 
Problems: 

Are there definite proofs that this war was intended 
before July, 1914? Why did it not come sooner? 

Explain the changed attitude of the Kaiser after 1912. 

What has been the nature of German propaganda? 

Why has the war been well supported by the German 
people? 

What is the only possible interpretation of Germany's 

unusual military measures prior to 1914? 
d. The German idea of war. 

( 1 ) Summary of German reasons for entering the war. 

(a) Profit derived from war. 

i. Increase of rich territory, 
ii. Indemnities, 
iii. Increased prestige and influence. 

(b) Need of a " place in the sun." 
i. Right of national expansion. 

ii. Necessity of creating room by force. 

(c) Biological argument for war. 
i. Darwinian theory. 

ii. War as a requirement for national health, 
iii. Nature of German philosophy. 

(d) Estimation of German "Kultur." 

i. Belief in the superiority of the German race, 
ii. Idea of German destiny in the world. 

(2) German conduct of the war. 

(a) Influence of war philosophy. 

i. Justification of any means in war. 
ii. " Necessity knows no law." 

(b) Examples of German ruthlessness. 
i. Violations of international law. 

ii. Treatment of civilian populations, 
iii. Unheard-of methods in actual warfare. 

(3) Summary of German policy: conclusions. 
References : 

Conquest and Kultur, Red, White and Blue Series. 

German War Practices, Red, White and Blue Series. 

The Great War, from Spectator to Participant, War 
Information Series. 

A War of Self-Defense, War Information Series. 

War Cyclopedia, " War, German View," " Bernhardi," 
" Treitschke," " Notwendigkeit," " Kriegs-Raison," 
" War Ruthlessness," " Frishtfulness," " Pillages," 
"Family Rights and Honor," " Hostages," "Non- 
combatants," " Deportations," " Destruction," " Lou- 
vain," " Rheims," " Forbidden Weapons," " Gas 
Warfare." " Prisoners of War," " Spurlos versenkt," 
"Armenian Massacres," " Der Tag," " Kultur," etc., 
etc. 
Problems : 

What part does morality play in German plans? What 

is the German standard of morals? 
Have the German leaders any religioua convictions? 

What is the nature of the Prussian " Gott " ? 
How do the Germans explain their war atrocities? 
What is the attitude of the German people on these 

matters? Why? 

C. THE WAR. 

I. OPENING EVENTS. 

t. The Austro-Serbian Controversy. 

a. Review of Austro-Serbian relations. 

(1) Previous history of Serbia. 

(2) Russian interest in Serbia. 



III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT. 



77 



b. The assaHsi nation at Scrajevo. 

(1) Murder of the Austrian Crown Prince. 

(2) Convenience of the crime for Austrian purposes. 

c. Austrian note to Serbia. 

(1) Secret investigation of the crime by Austria. 

(2) CoMiVn-nre at Potsdam. 

(3) Character of the note to Serbia. 

(4) Continued hostile attitude of Austria. 

(5) Anxiety of the other Powers. 

d. Serbian reply to the Austrian note. 

( 1 ) Unselfish concessions by Serbia. 

(2) Rejection of the reply by Austria. 

(3) Attitude of the Prussian War Party. 

e. Austrian declaration of war on Serbia. 

( 1 ) Efforts by the Powers for mediation. 

(2) German refusal to negotiate. 

(3) Conclusions. 

References : 

Davis, chap. XXIII. 'Powers, pp. 152-163. 

Hazen, pp. 609-612. 

Rose, pt. II, chap. 12. 

Atlantic Monthly, February, 1915, p. 234. 

Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 4, 5-12, 31-37, 
70, 406, 452, 469-471, 506-514. 

Gerard, chaps. VI, VIII, XI. 

War Cyclopedia, " Kingdom of the Serbs," " Serajevo," 
" Potsdam Conference," " Serbia, Austrian Ultima- 
tum," etc. 

Problems : 

What are the conclusions as to the guilt of Serbia for 

the assassination? 
Explain the nature and object of Austria's ultimatum! 

Why was it delayed so long after the assassination? 
Where does Serbia's reply place the burden of guilt? 

Why? 

i. Failure of Diplomacy. 

a. Attempts to adjust the Austro-Serbian situation. 

(1) Diplomatic attitude of Serbia. 

(2) Attempts by the Powers to adjust differences. 
(a) Serbia's concessions. 

(In Austria's hesitation. 

(c) German ultimatum to Russia. 

b. Efforts to avoid a general conflict. 

(1) Proposals by the English ministry. 

(a) Suggestions for a London Conference. 

(b) Second proposal for mediation. 

(2) German demands. 

(a) For localization of the conflict. 

(b) For direct Austro-Russian negotiations. 
(ct Results and logical inferences. 

(3) Russian proposals. 

(a) For Hague Conferences. 

(b) For mutual cessation of war preparations. 

(c) For a conference of the Powers. 

(4) German ultimata. 

(a) Mobilization of armies. 

(b) Declarations of war. 

(5) Responsibility for the war. 

References : 

Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 107, 117, 223, 
270, 288-291, 409, 431-434, 539, etc. 

Davis, chap. XXIII. Hazen, pp. 612-613. 

Gerard, chap. VIII. 

Robinson, The Last Decade and the Great War, xzxrl- 
xl. 

War Cyclopedia, " War, Responsibility for," " German 
Diplomacy," " Mobilization Controversy," " Junk- 
ers," " German Government," " Moral Bankruptcy," 
" Liebknecht," " Grey, Viscount," etc. 

Problems : 

On what grounds did Austria take action against Ser- 
bia? 
Explain Germany's attempts at pacification. 



How must we explain the failure of Austria and Ger- 
many to agree to mediation at the same time? 

Why did Russia mobilize! Was this directed again** 
Germany t 

Aftec Austria's declaration of war on Serbia, why wa 
it impossible to avoid a general conflict? 

3. Violation of Belgian Neutrality. 

a. Circumstances favoring British neutrality. 

(1) Party differences in England. 

(2) Threatened rebellion in Ireland. 

(3) Labor troubles. 

(4) Unrest in India. 

(5) Lack of military preparedness. 

(6) Peaceful character of the British people. 

b. British war diplomacy. 

(1) Conferences between English and German statesmen. 

(a) German bids for British neutrality. 

(b) Clear statement of the British position. 

(c) Entente cordiale with France. 

c. Invasion of Belgium and Luxemburg. 

( 1 ) Belgian appeals for support. 

(2) English ultimatum to Germany. 

(3) German attempts at justification of action. 

(a) Plea of necssity. 

(b) Military expediency. 

(c) Charge of Belgian treachery. 

d. Entry of Great Britain. 

( 1 ) German wrath at England's declaration. 

(2) Britain's announced war policies. 

(3) Review of the basis of British entrance. 

References : 

Davis, chap. XXIV. Hazen, pp. 616-617. 

Collected Diplomatic Documents, pp. 43, 77, 86, 92-83, 

105, 111, 309-311, 313, 350-367, 410, etc. 
Gibbons, H. A., The Nw Map of Europe, chap. 20. 
Beck, J. M., The Evidence in the Case. 
National Geographic Magazine, vol. 26, pp. 223-206, 
" Belgium, the Innocent Bystander." 

Problems: 
Compare the strngth of " good understandings " with 

" scraps of paper." 
Was Britain's attitude honorable and upright? On 

what grounds did the Germans denounce it? 
Tabulate and compare the declared objects of Germany 

and England in entering the war. 
Why was the violation of Belgium's neutrality tht 

worst international crime in the history of modern 

times, if not in the world? 

4. Spread of the War. 

a. Entrance of other states into the war. 

(1) Entrance of Montenegro. 

(2) Reasons for the participation of Japan. 

(a) Alliance with Great Britain. 

(b) Resentment of German holding in the Far East. 

(c) Further reasons (?). 

(3) The war operations of Turkey. 

(a) Actions producing allied declarations of war. 

(4) Italy's action againat Austria. 

(a) Italia Irredenta. 

(b) The problem of the Adriatic. 

(c) Austrian violation of the Triple Alliance. 

(5) Entrance of Bulgaria. 

(a) Alliance with Germany and Austria. 

(b) Hostility to aims of Serbia and Romania. 

(6) Portugal's declaration of war. 

(7) The war interests of Romania. 

(8) Declarations of war by other minor states. 

(9) Entrance of the United States. 

b. Universal character of the war. 

(1) Great amount of life and wealth involved 

(2) Disorganization of industry. 

(3) Importance of the issues involved. 



78 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



References : 

'Powers, review of chaps. 3, 4, 15. 

The War Message and Facts Behind It, War Informa- 
tion Series. 

How the War Came to America, Red, White' and Blue 
Series. 

War Cyclopedia, " Scraps of Paper," " Germany, Moral 
Bankruptcy," "War, Declaration of," " Mittel- 
Europa," " Kaiserism," " Italia Irredenta," " Sabo- 
tage," etc. 

National Geographic Magazine, vol. 28, pp. 491-503, 
" The World's Debt to France." 

Current Literature (especially Literary Digest, Inde- 
pendent, New Republic, etc.), volumes covering the 
period of the war. 

Problems: 

In what respects is this war different from any pre- 
ceding one? 

How many of these differences may serve as an index 
to the future of war? 

Which states are not in the war because of dire neces- 
sity? Note those which are fighting merely in the 
hope of gain. 

Note the great variety of motives which drew the dif- 
ferent states into the war. 

II. COUBSE OF THE WAB. 

1. Conduct of the War. 
*. Events of 1014-15. 
(1) The war in 1914. 

(a) German military plans. 

(b) The western front. 
i. Belgium overrun. 

ii. Invasion of France. 

(c) The eastern front. 
i. Russian offensives. 

ii. Austro-German movements. 

(d) Loss of the German colonies. 

(e) Naval warfare. 

(f ) Situation at the close of 1914. 
<2) Campaign of 1915. 

(a) The west front. 

i. Allied failures in offensive warfare 

(b) The east front. 

i. The Gallipot! expedition. 
Ii. Russian reverses. 

(c) Naval warfare. 

(d) Summary of the situation. 
References : 

The Great War from Spectator to Participant, War 
Information Series. 

Robinson, The Last Decade and the Great War, xli-li. 

War Cyclopedia, "Ordnance," "Emden," " Gallipoli," 
"Przemysl," " Trentino," "Lusitania," "Boers," 
" Zeppelin," etc. etc. 

American Review of Reviews, February, 1915, "Bat- 
tle of the Marne." 

National Geographic Magazine, vol. 31, pp. 194-210, 
" What Groat Britain is Doing." 

Recent Current Literature. 

Problems: 

What docs the character of the German military plans 

show about German preparedness? 
Note the new developments in naval warfare and their 

significance. 
With which proup of Powers did the advantage lie in 

1914? In l!Uf>? 
Account for the disastrous failure of the Gallipoli 

campaign. 

How does the treatment of Belgium by Germany con- 
tribute to the understanding of German motives t 
*. The war during 1016. 

(1) Operations in the west, 
(a) Verdun. 



(b) The Somme. 

(c) Italian operations. 

(2) The eastern theatre. 

(a) Romania crushed. 

(b) Successful Russian offensives. 

(c) British failures in Mesopotamia. 

(3) Developments in naval warfare. 

(4) New political problems. 

(a) Strikes in England. 

(b) Agitation and revolt in Ireland. 

(5) Summary of the year's course. 

References : 
War Cyclopedia, " Verdun," " Mesopotamia," " Sinn 

Fein," " Barrage," " Dreadnought," etc. 
New York Times History of the War. 
Robinson, The Last Decade and the Great War, li-liii. 
Wells, H. G., Italy, France and Britain at War. 
Simonds, Frank, History of the Great War. 
Current Literature for 1916. 

Problems : 

What is the proper place of the battle of Verdun in 
history ? 

Explain the weaknesses and many failures of the En- 
tente Powers. 

Note the special handicaps of Great Britain during 
1916. 

To whose advantage did the year end ? What were the 
new or significant developments? 

It was supposed by many in authority that the war 

must end in 1916. Why? Why did it not? 
c. Developments in 1917-18. 

( 1 ) Naval warfare. 

(a) Unrestricted submarine warfare. 

(b) Establishment of blockade "zones." 

(2) Further spread of the war. 

(a) Entrance of the United States. 

(b) Declarations of war by Minor Powers. 

(3) War on the western front. 

(a) The "retreat to victory." 

(b) Invasion of Italy begun. 

(4) Developments in the east. 

(a) New British operations in Mesopotamia. 

(b) Revolution in Russia. 

(5) Great German offensive in the west. 

(a) Release of troops and supplies by Russia. 

(b) Concentration of German troops in the west 

(c) Allied efforts in preparation. 

(6) The war up to date. 

References: 

Robinson, The Last Decade and the Great War, lii-lx. 

War Cyclopedia, " Shipping Losses," " Spurlos ver- 
senkt," " Submarine Blockade," " Submarine War- 
fare," " Tanks," etc. 

Current Literature for 1017-18. 

How the War Came to America, Red, White and Blue 
Series. 

Dependable Newspapers. 

Problems: 

Explain the idea of " spurlos versenkt." 

In what important respects did the course of the war 

change during this period? 

What part has Russia played in the war thus far? 
What will likely be the effect of her revolution on 

the war? 
What developments may be anticipated in the coming 

year? 
The war has developed in whose favor up to the 

present? 

How can the war continue when the wealth of the ST- 
eral countries involved is so largely used up? 

2. The Russian Situation. 
a. The Russian Revolution. 

( 1 ) Causes. 
(2) Course of the Revolution. 



[II. I'liKLIMIN AH IKS OF THE WORM) CONFLICT. 



b. Ita relation to the Great War. 

(1) Rise of new piij 

(a) Tlieir attitude toward the war. 

(2) Universal (lonianilH fur peace. 

(a) Germiin propaganda and propagandists. 

(b) Attempts to secure a separate peace. 

(c) Anarchy and German intervention. 

c. Dismemberment of the Russian Empire. 

(1) National movements. 

(a) Declared independence of Finland. 

(b) Estrangement of Siberia. 

(c) Establishment of the Ukraine. 

(2) German occupation of Russian territory. 

(a) Question of the disposition of Poland". 

(b) Occupation of Russian provinces. 

(c) Counter intervention of Japan in the East. 

(3) Future development of Russia. 

(a) Dependence on the war's outcome. 

(b) Loss of seaports and territories. 

(c) The question of government. 

References : 

War Cyclopedia, " Russian Revolution," " Kerensky " 
" Lenine," " Trotzky," " Battalion of Death," etc. 

Current Literature; Newspapers. 

National Geographic Magazine, vol. 31, pp. 210-240, 
"Russia's Democrats;" pp. 371-382, "The Russian 
Situation and Its Significance to America; " vol. 32, 
pp. 24-45, "Russia's Man of the Hour; " pp. 91-120, 
" Russia from Within ; " pp. 238-253, "A Few 
Glimpses Into Russia." 

Problems : 

Explain the causes of the Revolution. Why did it come 
at such a time? 

What effect will the withdrawal of Russia have on the 
course of the war? Was this to have been antici- 
pated? 

What are the greatest problems New Russia has to 
face? What are perhaps her greatest dangers? 

Why do the Allies offer to carry on relations with 
Russia after her attempts to form a separate peace? 

Consider the effects on Russia's future of the loss of 
territory. 

On what basis have parts of the Russian Empire de- 
clared their independence? Are they good reasons? 

S. Entrance of the United States. 

a. The struggle to maintain neutrality. 

(1) America's early attitude toward European troubles. 

(a) Influence of the Monroe Doctrine. 

(b) Natural feeling of isolation. 

(c) Attitude toward war, generally. 

(2) Pleas for neutrality. 

(a) Proclamations of the President. 

(b) European bids for neutrality. 

(c) Influence of peace organizations. 

(3) Change of sentiment toward Central Powers. 

(a) Feeling aroused over the invasion of Belgium. 

(b) Disgust at the German conduct of war. 

(4) Inevitable controversies. 

(a) Differences with England. 

(b) Controversies with Germany. 

(c) Austro-German intri 

(d) The submarine question. 

(5) Reasons for keeping the peace. 

(a) Hope of a basis for international agreement. 

(b) Desire to lead in restoring peace. 

(c) \Vish to continue charity and relief work. 

(d) Conception of duty in Pun-America. 

References : 

The President's Flag Day Address, Red, White and 

Blue Series. 
The Great War, from Spectator to Participant, War 

Information Series. 



War Cyclopedia, " United States, Isolation," " Neu- 
trality," '' Hyphenated Americans," "Atrocities," 
" Belgium's Woe," " Cavell, Edith," " Fryatt, Capt.," 
"Lusitania," "Embargo," "Mails," "War Zone, 
British," " Der Tag," " Dumba," " Igel, von, Papers 
of," " Papen," " Manila Bay," " Monroe Doctrine," 
" Submarine Warfare," " Parole," " Sussex," " Pan- 
Americanism," " \Vatc-hful Waiting," etc., etc. 

National Geographic Magazine, vol. 20, pp. 205-272, 
"The Foreign Born of the United States; " vol. 31, 
pp. 240-254, " Republics, the Ladder to Liberty." 

Problems: 

Why were Americans so long in comprehending the 

war? 
What was the basis of our declaration of neutrality T 

When and how was this basis destroyed? 
Explain the gradual change in American sentiment 

after the war began in Europe. 
What circumstances drew us into war? Could these 

have been foreseen and avoided? 

b. Reasons for America's declaration of war. 

( 1 ) Unrestricted submarine warfare. 

(a) Violation of agreements witli the Uniled States. 

(b) German violation of all international law. 

(2) Evidence of Germany's faithlessness. 

(a) German policy in Belgium. 

(b) Treaties considered " scraps of paper." 

(3) Germany considered a world menace. 

(a) Her admitted foreign policy. 

(b) Plots involving the United States. 

(4) Principle of democracy threatened. 

(a) Proposed spread of Prussian autocracy. 

(b) Principles of the Entente vs. Central Powers. 

(5) Threat to American independence. 

(a) Idea of American isolation abandoned. 

(b) Spread of German propaganda in the New World, 

(c) Reluctant declaration of a state of war. 

References: 

How the War Came to America, Red, White and Blue- 
Series. 

A War of Self-Defense, War Information Series. 

The War Message and Facts Behind It, War Informa- 
tion Series. 

War , Cyclopedia, " Zimmerman Note," " Submarine 
Warfare," "United States, Break with Germany," 
" War, Declaration Against Germany," " War, 
Declaration Against Austria-Hungary," " American 
Lives Lost," "America Threatened," "German Atti- 
tude," " United States, Isolation," " Monroe Doc- 
trine," etc. 

Problems: 

In what ways has the entrance of the United States 

defined the issues of the whole war? 
To what extent may we " make the world safe for 

democracy " ? 
Are the standards held by all members of the Entente 

alike? 
What are the evidences that America did not desire the 

war and did not enter rashly? 

c. America's place in the struggle. 

(1) Importance of America's entrance. 

(a) Moral influence on the world. 

(b) The military importance. 

(2) Objects of the American offensive. 

(a) To " make the world safe for democracy." 

(b) To secure a just setttlemcnt of European prob- 

lems. 

(c) To abolish Prussianism from the earth. 

(d) To provide a permanent peace basis. 

(3) The American program of war. 

(a) Co-operation with the Entente Powers. 

Ob) Furnishing supplies of food and munitions. 

(c) Removal of the submarine peril. 

(d) Placing of a large draft army in Europe. 



80 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOB. THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



(4) Our war accomplishments. 

(a) Raising, equipping and training of a large army. 

(b) Successful transfer of troops to France. 

(c) Shipbuilding and airplane programs. 

(d) Successful financial measures. 
<5) Probable war developments. 

(a) The problem of the Atlantic. 

(b) Great need of supplies abroad. 

(c) Increasing need of troops. 
References: 

First Session of the War Congress, War Information 
Series. 

American Loyalty, War Information Series. 

American Interest in Popular Government Abroad, 
War Information Series. 

The Great War from Spectator to Participant, War In- 
formation Series. 

The Nation in Arms, War Information Series. 

War Cyclopedia, " Selective Service," " Acts of Con- 
gress." " Alien Enemies," " Army," " Cantonments," 
" Bonds Act," " Profiteering," " Red Cross," " Y. M. 
C. A.," " Food and Fuel Control Act," " Shipping 
Board," " War Industries Board," etc. 

Current Literature: Newspapers. 
Problems: 

What has been the effect of the United States aims, as 
stated by the President? 

What have been the noteworthy accomplishments of 
the nation since the declaration pf war? 

What appear to be the greatest tasks immediately 
ahead ? 

What will undoubtedly be some of the most important 
effects of the war on America? 

Note that the entrance of the United States went far 
toward defining the war issues. Show how the war 
appears to be not merely a national but a moral 
necessity. 

III. PROSPECTUS. 
1. Proposals for Peace. 

*. German offer for peace conferences. 

( 1 ) Evidence of insincerity. 

(2) Reasons for the refusal of the Entente. 
b. Efforts of the United States towards peace. 

( 1 ) The proposals of President Wilson. 

(2) Unsatisfactory replies of the Powers. 
c. Desire of the Austro-Germans for peace. 

( 1 ) Unexpected developments of the war. 

(2) Desire for peace at their height of power. 

(3) Unrest of civilian populations. 

d. Peace proposals of Pope Benedict XV. 

(1) First and second appeals. 

(2) Replies of the United States and Entente. 

(3) Reply of Germany. 

e. Peace platform of the Bolsheviki. 

(1) No annexations no indemnities. 

(2) Attempts at separate peace. 

(a) Failure to meet German demands fully. 

(b) German occupation of Russian territory. 

(c) Probable developments of the situation. 

f. Review of present peace prospects. 
References: 

Hirst, F. W., The Lojjic of International Co-operation, 
American Association for International Conciliation 
Series. 

Eckhardt, Prof. C. C., The Bases of Permanent Peace, 
HTSTORT TEACHER'S MAGAZINE, March, 1918. 

Robinson, The Last Decade and the Great War, lx-lxx!v. 

Wilson, President, A League for Peace; also, The Basis 
for Enduring Peace, in the Fonim of Democracy. 

Benedict, Pope, A Plea for Peace, Forum of Democracy. 

War Cyclopedia, "Peace Overtures." "Aim of the 
United States," "America, Creed," "Peace Terms," 
"Lansdowne Note," "No Annexations, No Indemni- 
ties," " Zimmerman Note," etc. 



Current Literature: Newspapers. 
Problems: 

Note the sources of all the peace proposals since the 
United States entered the war. Do you find any- 
thing significant in this? 

What is the American view of the German peace sug- 
gestions? What is their evident purpose? 

What is England's basis for peace? Does the Ameri- 
can plan differ essentially? 

Is there any likelihood of a compromise of demands ac- 
cepted as the basis for peace? 

What stand have the Russians taken in regard to 
peace? What is the objection to it? 

What new governmental principle is on trial In 
Russia? 

2. Proposed Remedies for War. 

a. Past efforts to avoid war. 

(1) Peace alliances and conferences. 

(2) Partial success of federations. 

b. The naturalness of war. 

( 1 ) The character of human nature. 

(2) The real services performed by war. 
e. Suggested methods of war prevention. 

(1) Arbitration. 

(2) Diplomacy. 

(3) International police system. 

(4) Plebiscites. 

(5) Settlements on the basis of ethnology. 

(6) Federations. 

d. Relative merits and demerits of these proposals. 

(1) Their relation to the fundamental causes of war. 

(2) Their chances for success. 

References: 

"Powers, chap. 19. 

Carnegie, Andrew, A League of Peace, American Asso- 
ciation for International Conciliation Series. 

Wilson, President, The Basis for Enduring Peace, 
Forum of Democracy. 

Eckhardt, Prof. C. C., The Bases of Permanent Peace, 
HISTORY TEACHER'S MAGAZINE, March, 1918. 

War Cyclopedia, "Arbitration," "Hague Tribunal," 
" International Law," " League to Enforce Peace," 
" Peace Treaties," " Permanent Peace," etc. 

Robinson and Beard, Readings, II, Nos. 380, 401. 

Problems: 

Consider the arguments for and against each of the 

proposed remedies for war. Which seems to be most 

generally accepted? 
Are any of these plans based on a clear, fundamental 

understanding of the real causes of war? What la 

the chief defect in them all? 
What shall we offer, then, as the best remedy suited to 

bring about permanent peace at the earliest possible 

moment? 
Which of the proposed plans are theoretical; that IB, 

which have never been given an actual trial? 

3. The Future of War. 

a. Review of the fundamental causes of war. 
' ( 1 ) Expansion ; commercial and cultural. 

(2) Defense. 

(3) Race unity. 

b. The past history of war. 
(l)Tts antiquity. 

(2) The functional nature of war. 

c. Usual failure of the proposed remedies. 

(1) The conformation of the planet. 

(2) The causes of war misunderstood. 

d. Requirements for a lasting peace. 

( 1 ) Integration or consolidation of nations. 

(a) Forces tending in this direction. 

(b) Probable situation after the war. 



III. PRELIMINARIES OF THE WORLD CONFLICT. 



81 



(2) The need of coercion or substitutes. 

(a) The evident nervines of war. 

(b) Future substitutes. 

i. Peaceful competition, 
ii. Community of interest. 

(3) Necessity for further evolution. 

(a) Unstable nature of man's wisdom. 

(b) Transformation of "human nature." 
. The outlook for the future. 

( 1 ) The probability of future wars, 

(2) The necessity of consistent education. 

(3) Conditions eventually supplanting war. 
References: 

Powers, chaps. 1, 20, 21, epilogue. 

James, William, The Moral Equivalent of War, Amer- 
ican Association for International Conciliation 
Series. 

Angell, Norman. The Great Illusion. 

" Cosmos," The Basis of a Durable Peace. 
Problems: 

Will the outcome of the present war in any case settle 
the issues at stake? Is war a necessary evil? Are 
the "perils of peace" greater than those of wart 

Sum up your conclusions as to the futwre of war. 
When it does end, what will take its place? 

BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
PAKT A. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND. 

Secondary Works. 

Bourne, H. E., The Revolutionary Period in Europe. 
Cheyney, E. P., A Short History of England. 
Davis, W. S., The Roots of the War. 
Harding, S. H., New Medieval and Modern History.- 
Hayes, J. H., Political and Social History of Modern Eu- 
rope. 

flazon, C. D., Europe Since 1815. 
Hazen, C. D., Modern European History. 
l'\ A., The Governments of Europe. 
Robinson, J. H.. and Beard, C. A., Outlines of European 

History, Part II. 
Robinson, J. H., and Breasted, J. H., Outlines of European 

History, Part I. 

Seignobos, C., Europe Since 1814. 
Thorndike, L., A History of Medieval Europe. 
West, W. M., The Modern World. 

Source Material. 

Robinson, J. H., and Beard, C. A., Readings in European 
History, Vol. II. 

PART B. DEVELOPMENT OP WORLD PROBLEMS. 
Secondary Works. 

Ackerman, C., Germany, the Next Democracy. 

Angell, N.. The Great Illusion. 

Bernhardi, F. von, Germany and the Next War. 

Billow, Prince von, Imperial Germany. 

Cheyney, E. P., A Short History of England. 

Chitwood, O. P.. The Fundamental Causes of the War. 

Forum of Democracy, articles by many authorities on 
phases of the conflict. 

Gerard. .]. W., My Four Years in Germany. 

Gibbons. H. A., The New Map of Europe. 

Harding. S. H.. Xew Medieval and Modern History. 

Hazen. ('. 1).. Modern European History. 

Hazen, C. D., The Government of Germany (War Informa- 
tion Series). 

Hull. W. I.. The Two Hague Conferences. 

J'Accni>, by n German. 

Mach, E. von. What Germany Wants. 

National Geographic Magazine. 

Notestein, W., and Stoll. E. E., Conquest and Kultur (Red, 
White and Bhie Scries). 

Powers, H. H.. Tilings Men Fight For. 

Oxford University Faculty, Why We Are at War. 

Rose. .T. H.. Development of the European Nations, 1870- 
1014. 

Treitschk'e, H. von, Germany, France, Russia and Islam. 



Usher, R. G. ( Pan-Germanism. 

War Cyclopedia, issued by the Committee on Public In- 
formation 

Source Material. 

Collected Diplomatic Documents. 

Conquest and Kultur (Red, White and Blue Series). 

Robinson, J. H., and Beard, C. A., Readings in Europe** 
History, Vol. II. 

Periodical Article*. 

Archer, W., Fighting a Philosophy; North American B- 
view, 201, pp. 30-44. 

Jordan, D. S., Alsace-Lorraine; Atlantic Monthly, 113, pp. 
688-702. 

Jordan, D. S., The Armies of Europe; World's Work, Sep- 
tember, 1914. 

National Geographic Magazine, volumes 20, 28, 30, 31. 

O'Connor, The Bagdad Railway; Fortnightly Review, OB, 
pp. 201-216. 

Toujoroff, The Balkan War; North American Review, 19, 
pp. 721-730. 

PAST C. THE WAB. 
Secondary Works. 

Beck, J. M-, The Evidence in the Case. 

Belloc, H., The Great War, First Phase. 

Bland, J. O. P., Germany's Violation of the Laws of War. 

Bullard, A., Diplomacy of the Great War. 

Burgess, J. H., The European War of 1014. 

Chesterton, G. K., The Barbarism of Berlin. 

Cobb, I. S., The Paths of Glory. 

" Cosmos," The Basis of a Durable Peace. 

Eye-Witness' Narrative of the War (1915). 

Forum of Democracy, The. 

Hart, A. B., The War in Europe. 

Hazen, C. D., Modern European History. 

Hill, E. J., The Rebuilding of Europe. 

Kahn, Otto, The Poison Growth of Prussianism. 

Maeterlinck, M., The Wrack of the Storm. 

Powers. H. H., Things Men Fight For. 

Red, White and Blue Series, Committee on Public Informa- 
tion. 

Robinson, J. H., The Last Decade and the Great War. 

Rose, J. H., Development of the European Nations, 1870- 
1914. 

Ruhl, A., Antwerp to Gallipoli (1916). 

Simonds, F., History of the Great War. 

Stowell. E. C., Diplomacy of the War of 1914. 

Wells, H. G., Italy. France and Britain at War (1917). 

War Information Series, Committee on Public Information 
Source Material. 

Collected Diplomatic Documents Relating to the Outbreak 
of the European War. 

Morgan, J. H., German Atrocities: An Official Investigation. 

Munro, D. C., German War Practices (Red, White and 
Blue Series). 

Notestein, W., and Stoll, E. E., Conquest and Kultur (Red, 
White and Blue Series). 

Robinson, J. H., and Beard, C. A., Readings in European 
History, vol. II. 

Periodical Articles. 

American Association for International Conciliation pub- 
lications. 

American Year Book for 1914, 1915, 1916, 1917, under In- 
ternational Relations. 

Anon., The Greater Servia Idea; World's Work, September, 
1914. 

Dillon, E. J., Causes of the European War; Contemporary 
Review, September, 1914. 

Ferrero, C., The European Tragedy; Educational Review, 
November. 1914. 

Hill. D. J., Germany's Self-Revelation of Guilt; Century 
Magazine, July, 1917. 

National Geographic Magazine, several articles In Tola 
31, 32. 

Simonds, F. U.. The Battle of the Marne; Review of R- 
views, February. 1015, p. 179. 

Volumes of Current Literature for the period of the war 



82 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



PART IV. 

Some Geographical Aspects of the War 

BY SAMUEL B. HARDING, PROFESSOR OF EUROPEAN HISTORY IN INDIANA UNIVERSITY. 
PREPARED IN CO-OPERATION WITH THE NATIONAL BOAED FOR HISTORICAL SERVICE 



Despite the changed character of modern warfare, 
geographical factors play a part in military opera- 
tions as important now as in the past. The initial 
determination of the Germans to invade France by 
way of Belgium, the Battle of the Marne, the opera- 
tions about Verdun, the Russian invasions of East 
Prussia and Galicia, the successive German incur- 
sions into Russian Poland, the operations on the Bal- 
kan, Italian, and Mesopotamian fronts, in all these 
the influence of terrain upon military operations is 
easily discernible. How this is so may be seen by 
referring to Professor D. W. Johnson's highly sug- 
gestive book entitled " Topography and Strategy in 
the War," reviewed elsewhere in this issue. 

If we take a wider view, it is evident also that at 
bottom it is geography which has enabled Great 
Britain to maintain her supremacy over the surface 
of the seas ; it is geography that has forced Germany 
to attempt her challenge of that control by means of 
submarines and air-craft; and it is geography, in the 
main, which is so seriously hampering the efforts of 
the United States to bring to bear in the war its 
great potential resources. Indeed, we may consider 
that it is geography in the form of colonies, spheres 
of trade and influence, control of lines of transporta- 
tion, and considerations affecting the present and 
future sufficiency of the sources of food-supply, 
together with those of iron and coal so vitally im- 
portant to an industrial nation that makes up the 
essence of the German demand for a larger " place 
in the sun " which caused the present war. And we 
may be perfectly sure that in the successive " peace 
drives "of the German Government, it is the extend- 
ing and securing of German " loot " in the form of 
agricultural and mineral lands, of harbors and ship- 
ping facilities, of industrial establishments and sub- 
ject labor populations all matters of economic 
geography which occupy the official German mind 
far more than defense against other peoples' aggres- 
sions, or even the triumph of the abstract " German 
idea in the world." 

In this supplement nothing further is attempted 
than to present maps and charts showing (1) the 
respective resources of the two warring groups, (2) 
the development of Prussia, (3) the subject nation- 
alities of Middle-Europe, and the Berlin-Bagdad 
railway project as realized in January, 1918, (4) the 
countries at war, (5) the various battle-fronts of the 
war as they stood in the spring of 1918, and (6) the 
territories lost by Russia in the peace settlement of 
March, 1918. 



The maps and atlases listed below are of varying 
value, but all will be found useful. In The Geo- 
graphical Review (New York) for July, 1917, will be 
found a fuller list; also in a pamphlet published by 
Edward Stanford entitled "A Selection of the Beat 
War Maps " (London, 1917). The Division of Maps' 
of the Library of Congress has prepared a typewrit- 
ten catalogue of several hundred pages entitled "A 
List of Atlases and Maps Applicable to the Present 
War," but at present is without funds for its publica- 
tion. 

CEAM, G. F., & Co. United States at War. American 
War Atlas. Eight colored maps. New York, 1917. 

CRAM.-G. F., & Co. Historical War Atlas of Europe, Past 
and Present. 18 pp.; 10 colored maps. Chicago, 1917. 

GROSS, A. The Daily Telegraph Pocket Atlas of the War. 
50 pp.-, 39 maps. London, 1917. 

HAMMOND, C. S., & Co. War Atlas, the European Situa- 
tion at a Glance. 8 pp.; 8 colored maps. New York, 1914. 

LAEOUSSE. Atlas de poche du theatre de la guerre. 5 
pp.; 56 maps. Paris, 1916. 

MATTHEWS, J. N., & Co. War Atlas of Europe. 13pp.; 
10 colored maps. Buffalo, 1914. 

MAWSON, C. O. S. Doubleday, Page & Co.'s Geographical 
Manual and War Atlas. New York, 1917. 

POATES. War Atlas of Europe. 32 pages of colored maps 
of the warring countries of Europe. McKinlev Publishing 
Co., Philadelphia. 

RAND, MCNALLT & Co. Atlas of the World War. 1 
pp.; 12 colored maps. Chicago, 1917. 

ROBERTSON, C. G., AND BARTHOLOMEW, J. G. An Histori- 
cal Atlas of Modern Europe, from 1789 to 1914. Oxford, 
1915. 

SHEPHERD, W. R. Historical Atlas. New York, 1911. 

TIMES, THE (LONDON). The Times War Atlas. 24 map*. 
London, 1914-15. 

TIMES, THE (LONDON). Supplement to the Times War 
Atlas. 19 maps. London, 1915. 

TIMES, XEW YORK. The New York Times War Map (of 
Western Front). In five sections, making map 50x58 In. 
when mounted. Issued with the Sunday Times of December 
30, 1917: January 6, January 13, January 20, and January 
27, 1918. 

WAR COU.EOE, U. S. A. Strategic map of Central 
Europe, showing the international frontiers. Prepared In 
the War College Division, General Staff, War Department 
61x73y 2 in. Washington, 1915. 

WILLSDEN, S. B. The World's Greatest War 31 pp.j 19 
colored maps. Chicago, 1917. 



IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR. 



88 



European Geography and the War 

BY PROFESSOR WILLIAM E. LINGELBACH, UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 



It has been said that the present generation has 
learned more geography in the last three years and 
half than in all the decades before. In connection 
with the war, the world has been studying not only 
political and historical geography, but economic 
and physical geography as never before. The loca- 
tion of the world's coal and iron supply, its oil and 
wheat fields, its trade routes, its racial units, as well 
as political and military boundaries have become ob- 
jects of serious consideration and study by persons 
who had never given any thought to these questions. 

During the last six months, the newspapers have 
been eagerly studying and mapping the resources of 
Russia, in the desperate effort to forecast, if pos- 
sible, the effect upon the great economic issues of the 
war of the temporary disintegration of the once 
formidable empire of the Tsars. A year ago Ro- 
mania was the subject of particular interest, while 
the topography of northeastern France, and the role 
of the coal and iron deposits in Western Europe 
have been of paramount importance from the begin- 
ning of the war. Even the layman has become fam- 
iliar with the expression " an ironless France " and 
with the half-truths, that the sanguinary campaigns 
about Verdun were a fight for iron, as that of Lens is 
a struggle for coal. (Cp. map p. 90.) 1 In the early 
days of the war, when the freedom of the seas was 
still a subject of discussion, men were examining the 
maps to determine the remarkable geographical basis 
of England's unique commercial empire. Germany's 
claim to direct access to the trade of the world by 
the shortest routes raised innumerable questions as 
to the geography and history of Antwerp, Trieste, 
Salonica and Constantinople. With each larger 
change in the military situation, the topography of 
that section of Europe directly involved has attracted 
particular attention. 

To the majority of readers, the facts concerning 
the surface conditions of the European continent 
have not been readily accessible and it is therefore a 
matter of especial satisfaction that we now have a 
book on this subject, which is not only thoroughly 
scientific, but also popular in style and presentation, 
in Professor Johnson's " Topography and Strategy 
in the War." 2 The title sounds a little technical, but 
the author interprets strategy in a broad sense. It 
includes not merely the strategy of the military cam- 
paigns, but to some extent also the larger problems 
of this world conflict. 

The western theatre of the war is introduced by 

i Map references are made to the maps in this volume. 
1 Douglas W. Johnson, " Topography and Strategy in the 
War;" New York, 1917; Henry Holt and Co. 



a remarkably lucid description of " The Paris Basin," 
with its geological strata uniformly and gradually 
rising toward the east, each ending in a more or leas 
steep escarpment, thus forming a succession of im- 
pregnable barriers against invasion from the Rhine. 
(Cp. map p. 86.) To this is due the fact that the Ger- 
mans unhesitatingly invaded France along the coastal 
plain, even though it was the longer route by eighty 
miles; though it necessitated the violation of treaty 
pledges, and the rape of Belgium; forced England 
into the war, and invited the moral condemnation of 
the neutral world. Following the chapter on the ter- 
rain are three chapters on the campaigns of the 
western area bringing out in detail the relation of 
land formation to military operations. 

On the east front, the topographical factor is less 
dominant, though to most readers the description of 
the altogether exceptional topography of the moraine 
area in East Prussia, and the account of the skilful 
use made of the Mazurian Lakes by Von Hindenburg 
in his attack on the invading Russians in 1914 will 
help to explain the terrible punishment of the Russian 
forces in this region. (Cp. map p. 87.) Equally new 
to many will be the author's explanation of the strong 
natural defenses of the Polish salient, against which 
the German frontal attacks were again and again 
broken. In the meantime, the exposed area of Galicia 
was overrun by the Russians. They seized the Car- 
pathians and straightened out their line in that sec- 
tion. 

Then the unexpected happened. In the early sum- 
mer of 1915, Von Mackensen drove a wedge right 
through the Russian line eastward from Cracow to 
Lemberg. Then swinging northward, he threatened 
the Warsaw railways from Odessa and Kiev, while 
Von Hindenburg attacked in the direction of the 
Petrograd-Warsaw line. This did what all the 
frontal attacks had failed to accomplish. It forced 
the Grand Duke to give up his battle-line, the longest 
in history, and retreat. In the retreat admirable use 
was made of the defensive possibilities of the rivers 
and marshes, a strategy to which the ultimate escape 
of the Grand Duke's colossal army into the interior 
of Russia is in a last analysis to be attributed. 

But even though the Russian army extricated itself, 
the retreat and the surrender of a territory larger 
than Germany itself to the invader was a stupendous 
defeat. Its effect soon appeared not only in Russia, 
but in the Balkans. " For back of the Russian lines 
lay the Balkan States, politically, if not geograph- 
ically." The reaction upon Bulgaria of the colossal 
victory was clearly foreseen by the German strate- 
gists. The Russian retreat ended in August, 1915. 
Early in October Bulgar armies were combining in 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



an overwhelming attack with German-Austrian 
forces upon Serbia. 

This at once called ir.to play, as Professor Johnson 
points out, a very powerful topographical factor in 
the Balkans. Up to the entrance of Bulgaria into the 
war, Serbia had held an impregnable position in her 
guardianship of the great Morava-Vardar trench with 
its secondary trench from Nish eastward into the Bul- 
garian plateau. (Cp. map p. 88.) Austria's frontal 
attacks on the north end of the trench had all been 
hurled back. Now the entire main valley was at one 
blow, open to a flank attack by the Bulgarian army. 
This, together with the powerful Austrian-German 
forces attacking at the northern entrance to the 
trench, crushed Serbian resistance. The extreme im- 
portance of the results of this successful articulation 
of strategy and topography appears in several ways. 

The Central Powers gained complete control, not 
only of the Morava-Vardar trench to Salonica, but 
also of the " Morava-Maritza trench carrying the 
Orient railway, that vital artery which alone assured 
continued life to the Turkish Empire." The water 
route by the Danube was also opened to the enemy 
by the expulsion of Serbia from the Iron Gates. 

The tremendous import of this can only be appreci- 
ated when considered in its relation to the situation at 
Constantinople. The memorable attack of the Allied 
fleet on the Dardanelles was undertaken, it will be 
recalled, before the opening of communication through 
Serbia from the Central Powers to Turkey. The 
Turks were desperately short in ammunition for their 
coast defense guns, and it was the knowledge of this 
condition that led to the attempt to force the Strait, 
and the loss of the Buvette and Queen Elizabeth. 

The abandonment of further efforts at that time 
was dictated by the deadly work of the Turkish bat- 
teries and by the rumors that supplies had reached 
Constantinople through Romania. These rumors 
were groundless, and another day's fighting we now 
know would have exhausted the Turkish ammunition. 
With the defeat of Serbia, however, and the opening 
of the " vital artery " between the Central Powers 
and Turkey, the opportunity to take Constantinople 
by assault was lost. Nor was this the only result. 
The extension of the battle line of the Central 
Powers tended naturally to endanger the position of 
Romania long since restive and impatient to seize the 
opportunity of the war to free the Romanians of 
Transylvania from Magyar domination. 

Romania's position was formidable both for defen- 
sive and offensive operations. As Professor Johnson 
points out the Transylvanian Alps on the north and 
west, and the broad Danube on the south, formed a 
strong frontier. The only undefended section was the 
southern boundary of the Dobrudja, a stretch of 100 
miles. Here lay the vulnerable spot to be guarded 
against all attack, or better still to be utilized as a 
gateway for offensive operations. Co-operating with 
the allied force at Salonica and the Russian from the 
Black Sea, the objective of such an offensive would 
have been the Orient railway, the possible elimination 



of Turkey from the war, and the capture of Varna 
and of Constantinople. Some of the highest stakes of 
the war lay within reach. If ever there was an invita- 
tion to enlighten allied strategy, it was here. But it 
was not accepted. Local and political ambitions de- 
termined Romania's action rather than topography, 
or a military policy developed on the basis of topo- 
graphy and allied strategy in general. 

Romania decided to invade Transylvania. This 
gave the Central Powers their opportunity. Transyl- 
vania could be left to the Romanians till Von Mack- 
cnsen gathered his forces in Bulgaria opposite the 
defenseless Dobrudja line for a series of crushing 
blows, while Von, Falkenhayn waited the opportune 
moment to crush the heads of the Romanian invading 
columns or cut their line of communication. " For 
her part," says Professor Johnson, " Germany, the 
controlling genius of the Central Powers, permitted 
no political considerations to warp the plans for 
dealing with the Romanian menace. She prescribed a 
plan of campaign which involved deliberate sacrifice 
of large areas in Transylvania to the impatient 
grasp of Romania, and gathered strength for an 
assault on the Dobrudja gateway which should effect- 
ually close the way to any future menace to Bulgaria 
from that quarter." Romania was herself invaded 
and occupied, and her armies pushed north and east 
to the line of the Sereth near the Russian border. 

Thus by a misdirected and purely local strategy 
Romania and the allies invited a defeat which, like 
the Serbian disaster, brought enormous advantages to 
the enemy. His battle line was shortened by 500 
miles, the oil and wheat fields fell into his hands, 
while the Orient railway freed from all danger on the 
north " continued to carry munitions to the Turk." 

In the Italian theatre of the war the problems of 
strategy arising from topographical conditions, while 
much more localized, are nevertheless equally sig- 
nificant. (Cp. map p. 89.) When Italy entered the war 
in May, 1915, there were many persons who expected 
that she would quickly occupy the Trentino, and that 
her armies would sweep around the head of the Adri- 
atic and occupy Trieste. Months passed and only a 
small portion of Italia Irredenta was redeemed. In 
the meantime the rapid advance of Cadorna's troops 
across the boundary and parts of ^he Isonzo to the 
edge of the Carso plain also came to a halt. For 
more than a year little or no apparent progress was 
made. Criticism and malicious rumors of Italian policy 
and Italian good faith were frequently heard. But to 
anyone familiar with the terrain it was clear that the 
almost impregnable positions in the mountains about 
Goriza and along the edge .of the Carso must be at 
least partially reduced before either of the rocky 
gateways to the city of Trieste could be attempted. 
Nor is it only the mountain wall that checked the 
Italians; the Isonzo itself presented formidable ob- 
stacles. The work of Cadorna seemed impossible of 
achievement. 

Nevertheless by tunneling and driving trenches to- 



IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE \VAK. 



85 



ward the Austrian positions on the heights, tactics re- 
sembling those of the Japanese at Port Arthur, the 
objectives were gradually approached. Finally in 
August of 1916, more than a year after crossing the 
Isonzo, the Italians were ready for the second offen- 
sive against the Austrian positions. Success crowned 
their efforts, and at the time of Professor Johnson's 
writing they had by "more than two years of almost 
superhuman efforts " succeeded in forcing the ap- 
proaches to Trieste. Then came the counter blow 
that had all along threatened the eastward advance 
of the Italian armies. A powerful flank attack 
launched from the highlands of the Alps along the 
north, forced a general retreat. A glance at the map 
on page 89 will make plain the topographical ele- 
ments in the success of the enemy's counter offensive 
in the late fall of 1917. 

The text is illustrated by numerous photographs 
and a series of excellent topographical plans and 
maps. The work is done so thoroughly and the re- 
lationship of inanimate nature to the military develop- 
ment of the war presented in so appreciative and in- 
teresting a manner, that it is safe to predict a lasting 
and permanent place for the little volume in the vast 
bulk of the literature of this great war. In view of 
this, it is unfortunate that the author did not add sev- 
eral chapters on the geography of the influence of sea 
power. Since the sea power promises to become the 
determining factor in this war, as in the Napoleonic 
wars, there are more than the usual reasons for a study 
of the geographical factors underlying England's con- 
trol of ocean commerce. We need a semi-popular 
study of the geography of the long distance block- 
ade; of the peculiar geography of the coast of Ger- 
many with its " Watten " or shallows, making it well- 
nigh impregnable against attack by sea; of the great 
strategic importance of Heligoland and the Kiel 
Canal, and of the land-locked Baltic. For the same 
reasons we hope the author will some time give us a 
study of the topography of the Black Sea ard the 
Straits, and of the Asia Minor and Mesopotamian 
theatres of the war. 

To some this close articulation of geography and 
history will appear as an overemphasis of the geo- 
graphic factor in human affairs. For there are still 
those who, like Langlois and Seignobos, think it dif- 
ficult to find that a professor of history or an 
historian is much the better for a knowledge of 
geology, oceanography and climatology and the 
whole group of geographical sciences. The unfair- 
ness as well as the unscientific nature of this attitude 
must appear patent to every one who reads Professor 
Johnson's book. Military history cannot be treated 
without constant reference to topography; nor can 
political and international relations in these days 
without an understanding of the raw materials and 
resources of the earth. 

On the other hand there is an equal danger in going 
too far in the other direction. Specialists are apt to 
overemphasize their own particular subject, and 
so there are men who pompously explain the whole 



course of human history by general references to geo- 
graphical conditions. Human progress is too* complex 
to be explained by any single set of factors. Buckle'* 
brilliant effort to account for the civilization of Eng- 
land on purely economic grounds is familiar to all 
students of history. To apply it in the present world 
crisis would be to omit, for example, from among the 
causes of the war the very pernicious educational 
propaganda toward the creation of a war psychology 
among the German people. 

"An equal mind " is a first essential of the his- 
torian; he must take his facts in whatever domain of 
the activities of man or of nature he finds them. 
Among these facts the geographical will always con- 
tinue of great importance. Not that they are immu- 
table, for in their relation to history they are con- 
stantly changing. A topographical or climatic fact 
remains the same, but its influence in this war may be 
very different from its influence in the Civil War. 
Man in his conquest of nature is constantly forcing 
changes in the operation of geographic conditions, 
causing the appearance of new factors or the operation 
of the old in a new and different manner. In its out- 
ward appearance the stage of the great human drama 
remains the same but in reality it differs radically 
with each new advance in the application of science 
to man's natural needs. 



SUGGESTIONS FOR THE STUDY OF THE MAPS. 

The following problems are given only as suggestions of 
the manner in which the maps may be used in class-work: 

On map on page 86, indicate by figures what are called 
the eight natural defenses of Paris. Compare the distance 
from the German border to Paris via Metz and Verdun with 
that via Belgium. Show how the German campaign in 
France has avoided the natural defenses of Paris. 

On map on page 87, point out the political boundaries in 
1914 and their relation to physical features. 

On map on page 88, show territory lost by Romania in 
1918. Point out three geographical features important in 
the war. Compare the distance from Leipzig to Suez by 
way of Saloniki with that by way of Hamburg and Gibral- 
tar. 

On map on page 89, point out Italia Irredenta. Show 
farthest advance of Italy; of Austria. 

On F- p on page 90, transfer coal and iron areas to map 
on page 86. Note the coal and iron regions held by Ger- 
many. Show the position of the American army with 
reference to these regions. 

On map opposite page 93, give the main points in the his- 
tory of the Bagdad Railway project. 

On map on page 95, indicate coal and iron deposits. 
What proportion of French industrial territory and produc- 
tion is under control of Germans? 

On map on page 97, give dates of the losses of German 
colonies, and the countries to whom lost. 

On map on page 98, point out the significance of the Rus- 
sian peace settlements. 

On map on page 99, locate principal towns and sea-ports. 
What is the distance from Antwerp to London T 

On map on page 100, trace the new routes to Constantino- 
ple, Mesopotamia, and Central Asia. Contrast with the 
route of the Bagdad Railway and the " Balkan Bridge." 

On map on page 103, show the successive Allied advances. 
Show areas regained by Central Powers. 

On map on page 104, show English and German mine 
areas. Show how neutral trade is controlled in this region. 



86 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 




IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR. 



87 




o * 

H S5 
OQ M 

IK t- 

SO 


i i 



o o 




SF 



! 



5j , 

.1 t 



. 

3 
S 



- 

O S 60 

c - 



:;i 

H j a. 

I* 1 H 



c i-l 









" 



T t. 2 

r- O J* 



S-- N 

in 

^M o 

s <-^ 

"* S 



IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR. 



89 




90 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



IRON AND WHEAT 

PRODUCES OVER 1000 IONS OF. WHEAT A SOUACE MILE 




PRODUCTION OF COAL, IRON, AND WHEAT IN THE LEADIKS COUNTRIES OP EUROPE. 
The political divisions are shown as they were before the Treaty of Bucharest In 1913. 

Coal In the upper map and Iron in the lower map are shown by solid black areas; wheat Is shown on the lower 

map by the shaded areas. 



IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR. 



91 



ARMIES. PEACE FOOTING 
JANUARY.I9I4 



RUSSIA 

FRANCE. 

ITALY 

GREAT 
BRITAIN 

RUMANIA 

UNITED , 
STATES 

BELGIUM 
PORTUGAL 
SERBIA i 



GERMANY 

AUSTRIA- 
HUNGARY 

TURKEY 
BULGARIA 



WARSHIP TONNAGE 

JANUAHY.19IA 
(VESSELS COMPLETED AND UNDER CONSTRUCTION) 



GREAT 
BRITAIN 

UNITED 
STATES 

FRANCE 
JAPAN 
RUSSIA 
ITALY 

GERMANY < 
AUSTRIA- , 

HUN6ARY 
TURKEY i 



WEALTH 



$188 000000000 

85 000 000 000 

SO 000 000 000 

40 000 000 000 

20 000 000 000 

9000000000 

2500000000 

80000000000 

25000000000 

9000000000 

Z 000 000 000 



UNITED STATES 

GREAT BRITAIN 

FRANCE 

RUSSIA 

ITALY 

BELGIUM 

PORTUGAL 

GERMANY 
AUSTRIA- HUNGARY 
TURKEY 
BULGARIA 



POPULATION 


182000000 
102000000 
46000000 
40000000 
37000000 
8000000 
7 000 000 
6000000 
3000000 

65000000 
49000000 
21 000000 
5000000 












RUMANIA 
BELGIUM 
PORTUGAL 
SERBIA - 




BULGARIA 



WEALTH, POPULATION, AND AKKAXKRTB OF TH* LKADUTO COUNTRIES. 



92 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 




PRUSSIA IN 1710 

(Accession of Frederick the Great) 
New Hark. 1455 
Z Acquisitions. [462-1575 

3. Cleves. Mark. Ravensburg. 1614 

4. East Prussia. 1618 

5. East Pomerania. etc. 1648 

6 Magdeburg. 1680 

7 Middle Pomerania. 1720 




PRUSSIA IN 1786 
(death of Frederick the Great) 

1. Silesia, 1740 

2. From Poland, 177J (First Partition) 




PRUSSIA IN 1806 

1. From Poland, 1793 (Second Partition) 

2. From Poland, 1795 (Third Partition) 




PRUSSIA IN 1815 

1. Rhine Provinces and Westphalia, 1815 

2. From Saxony, 1815 

3. West Pomerania, 1815 




PRUSSIA SINCE 1866 

1. Schleswig, 1866 

2. Holstein, 1866 

3. Hannover. 1866 

4. East Friesland. 1866 

5. Hesse Cassel, 1866 
6 Nassau. 1.866 




PRUSSIA IN 1914 
Tbe white areas are occupied by the 
otoer states of the German Empire 



GROWTH OF PBUSSIA. 

The solid black on each map generally shows the total area at the date of the preceding map, the shaded area the 
territory since added. On the first map the solid black is the area in 1450. On the map for 1806 the dotted line 
separates the Polish territories lost in 1815 from those retained. The limits of the present German Empire are shown 
on each map. 









T &%m%f&'4 






WS^^^W^^W^YA 






THE BERLIN-BAGDAD PLAN 

As realized in January 1918 



Middle Europe* and its Annexes 
The Entente Powers 
Territory occupied by Central Powers 
Territory occupied by Entente Powers 

GERMANY'S MAIN ROUTE TO THE EAST 



(Berlin-Bagdad, Berlin-Hodeida,Berlm-Cairo-Cape) '/,//// 



Supplementary Routef. 
Uncompleted sectors 




THE BERLIN-BAGDAD RAILWAY. 

NOTE. Greece should be indicated as of the Entente Powert. 



IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR. 



93 



I Germans 
j Poles 

^Magyars 

!CzecA~ 

S/ovaks 



^Roumanians 
""I] Bu/yars 

"\ltalians 

\Turks 



n* 



I.** 1 



nl* rtfl 



bpen 



^& 



If OT 

Gu' 1 ^ / 

OW^OM'A"',' 

^ 

** 



'"ffetrogl-ad 



** i 

CP 



iV; 



tf upeiiiia(jcn 

B^ 1 



?Af/^ 



W/a/j I 



r x 



r % 



/" 1__J_ 

Panggrmanist Plan of 1895. 

m*^*8otindarie} of the tjermank Confederation 
to be established in Central Europe. 

Bouf 'Janes of the Tributary States to 
t>9 established. 

a German Frontier at the en J of 1317 

so no jooKm. 



<"l 



:!i i: ! :: 



.0 



v 



1'ANGEBMANIST PLAN OF 1895. 

Map printed in Berlin in 1895, and distributed by the Pangeramnist League, showing the frontiers of Central I'an- 
(jermany "as they should be in 1950." It will be observed that the line of the projected frontier includes Italian (or 
Venetian) Friuli, which the Austro-Germans have recently taken, but stops a little short of their present front, as 
shown by the line added to the map by M. C'lifradame. 



This map is reprinted from Cheradame's "Pan-Germany: The Disease and the Cure: And a Plan for the Allies," 

published by the Atlantic Monthly Press, Boston 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR 




IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR. 



95 



90 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



St.Omero 



-Hazebrouck 



Mervilleo 



Bethune O 



loLENS 



ARRAS 



O 



AMIENS' 



CAMBRAI 



Alber 



Moreuill 



Montdldi<? 




QUENTIN 



SCALE OF MILES 



10 



20 



25 



IJKIVE OF MAUCII AND APRIL, 1U18. 



IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR. 



97 




COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



S W D E 






Vitebsk SMOLENSK 



AO*.XRIA- HUN GARY U 



INSET -TRANSCAUCASIA 



Constantza Sevastopol 




Lost by Roumania 



Lost by Russia 



RUSSIAN PEACE SETTLEMENTS. 

This map represents the peace settlements as nearly as they could be learned March 16, 1918. Necessarily the 
representation is somewhat uncertain and the lines are only approximate. 



IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR. 



McKiNLEYs OUTLINE MAPS OF THE GREAT WAR.. LARGH SIZE No.91 b. THE WESTERN PROMT 




Gtmrtatit IOI7 McKinfar Pubtishinu Co. Philadcloliia fa. 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOB THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



MCKINLEVS OUTLINE MAPS. No. 12? b. RUSSIA. 

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IV. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR 



101 



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104 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



McKiNLErs OUTLINE MAES OF THE GREAT WAR. LAMB SIZE. No. 94b. 
THE NORTH SEA, BRITISH ISLES AND ENGLISH CHANNEL 




V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 



105 



PART V. 

A Selected Critical Bibliography of Publications in 
English Relating to the World War 

BY GEORGE MATTHEW DUTCHER, PROFESSOR OF HISTORY, WESLEYAN UNIVERSITY. 
PREPABED IN CO-OPERATION WITH THE NATIONAL BOARD FOB HISTORICAL SERVICE 



In July, 1917, the National Board for Historical 
Service projected a bibliography similar to this, but 
on a somewhat more inclusive plan and with more 
extended comment. On behalf of the Board, Pro- 
fessor Charles H. Hull, of Cornell University, as- 
sumed oversight of the project in Washington, and he 
and the present compiler, with some assistance from 
Professor Edward R. Turner, of the University of 
Michigan, and Professor Albert H. Lybyer, of the 
University of Illinois, had practically completed the 
work for the press by August, when the expected 
channel for publication proved unavailable. 

The postponed date and the changed method of 
publication have made necessary an entire change in 
the organization of the work, in the extent of critical 
comment, and in the content of the list which had to 
be modified to permit the inclusion of later publica- 
tions. Some titles have been omitted from the ear- 
lier list, and many new ones added. The critical 
notes on the older titles retained have in nearly every 
case been rewritten in much briefer form, so that 
judgments are more summary and less qualified and 
critical. So little has been left of the work in its 
earlier form that it is not just to place any responsi- 
bility upon any one except the present compiler, 
though he most heartily expresses his gratitude to the 
three persons mentioned, especially to Professor Hull, 
for the helpfulness of the work they did in making 
possible this publication, and for their fuller notes on 
some books which he has not himself had in hand. 

As far as possible the compiler has made his notes 
directly from the books concerned, but it has not 
always been possible, especially for the more recent 
publications to inspect the book at first-hand. In 
such cases he has had to rely upon the consensus of 
available book reviews. In nearly all cases where 
the critical comment has been prepared with the book 
in hand, it has been checked with several published 
reviews to verify the general fairness and correctness 
of the estimate. 

The purpose of the list is to include books on the 
causes, problems, and issues of the war, on the ques- 
tion of war and peace; and on the several countries, 
their conditions, problems, and relations. 

The list omits, with only a few outstanding excep- 
tions, periodicals and periodical articles; pamphlets, 
that is, volumes of less than one hundred pages ; col- 
lections of illustrations and cartoons; official publica- 
tions ; technical or specialized works ; memoirs, 

EDITOR'S NOTE. Supplementary bibliographies to the 
present one will be published from time to time in the 
"The History Teacher's Magazine." 



diaries, and accounts of campaigns; histories of the 
war, unless valuable for inclusion of other than mili- 
tary material; poetry, literary appreciations, and 
philosophical speculations. No work is listed under 
more than one classification heading, though many re- 
late to several topics. Usually such a book is listed 
under the heading to which its content or character 
mainly relates. No attempt has been made to include 
histories of the period before 1914, but a few of the 
most convenient ones have been mentioned because 
they furnish good brief accounts and adequate bibli- 
ographical guidance to their respective fields. Only 
books of unusual interest or value published earlier 
than 1914 are included, and no attempt has been made 
to include volumes issued since November, 1917, of 
which supplementary lists may, perhaps, be published 
from time to time. 

The compiler will welcome, for use in a supple- 
mentary list, suggestion of any volume of such char- 
acter and importance as should have entitled it to 
place in this list; and also corrections of any errors 
of material importance. Errors of oversight or of 
judgment are only too easy in such a compilation. 
Some titles are retained, though better works have 
appeared, because of the influence the books exercised 
in moulding public opinion. 

The place of publication, unless otherwise indi- 
cated, is New York. Many of the publications are 
English, but in such cases the American importer and 
the American price are given, wherever known, in- 
stead of the English publisher and price. The prices 
quoted were the prices at publication. For many 
books published before 1917, the price has been in- 
creased from ten to twenty-five per cent. The prices 
are for the cheapest bound edition, except in case of a 
few pamphlets, and are in almost all cases net prices. 
All critical comments are conditioned by date of pub- 
lication, the heading under which the title appears, 
and by the title itself. 

Space forbids an alphabetical index, but under the 
several topics, the entries are alphabetically arranged, 
so that the presence of a particular title should be 
readily determined. An asterisk indicates a book of 
more than average value, or one of the better works 
available on the subject; a double asterisk indicates 
one of the most useful books, usually a book to be 
heartily commended. The bibliography contains 
about 700 titles, of which 144 are marked with a sin- 
gle asterisk and 25 with double asterisk. The latter 
group is listed at $35.80, and the two selected groups 
together at $8-16.75. Small libraries should possess 
the double asterisked books ; good, larger libraries 
should contain at least the asterisked books as well. 



106 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



1. BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

*Lange, Frederick William Theodore, and Berry, W. T. 
Books on the Great War, an Annotated Bibliography of 
Literature Issued During the European Conflict. White 
Plains, N. Y., Wilson, 1915-16, vols. 1-4. $4.50. First three 
volumes bound in one cover to July, 1915, the fourth to 
April, 1916. Arranged topically; thorough for books and 
pamphlets issued in England, with increasing attention in 
later parts to American and foreign publications. Good in- 
dexes, some annotations. 

2. HANDBOOKS. 

Davis, Muriel O. The Great War and What It Means for 
Europe. Oxford Press, 1915, p. vii, 110. $.40. Designed 
for English elementary schools. 

Gibson, Charles R. War Inventions and How They Were 
Invented. Philadelphia, Lippincott, 1917, p. 255. $1. Clear 
information and explanation for general reader. 

Magnus, Leonard A. Pros and Cons in the Great War, a 
Record of Foreign Opinion, with a Register of Fact. Dut- 
ton, 1917, p. viii, 396. $2. A cyclopedic arrangement of 
quoted opinions on causes and phases of the war; con- 
venient as handbook. 

Scheip, Stanley S., and Bingham, Alfred, editors. Hand- 
book of the European War. White Plains, N. Y., Wilson, 
vols. 1 and 2, 1914-16, p. x, 334; xi, 304. Each $1. Con- 
veniently arranged compilations, largely documentary. 
Second volume covers November, 1914, to November, 1915, 
and gives special attention to relations of United States to 
the war. 

White, James William. A Textbook of the War for 
Americans, Written and Compiled by an American, being 
the Fourth Edition of a Primer of the War for Americans, 
Revised and Enlarged. Philadelphia, Winston, 1915, p. xiii, 
551. $1. Much documentary material compiled and ab- 
stracted in answer to twenty questions. Well indexed; use- 
ful compendium for speakers. 

3. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

Allen, George Henry; Whitehead, Henry C., and Chad- 
wick, French Ensor. The Great War. Philadelphia, Barrie, 
1915-16, vols. 1-3, p. xxx, 377; xxii, 494; xx, 500. Each $5. 
First volume deals with causes; second with outbreak of 
war, organization and strength of the military and naval 
forces, and financial resources of the contending powers; 
third with earlier campaigns. Full, clear account for gen- 
eral reader. 

Arnoux, Anthony. The European War. Steiger, 1915 ff., 
each $1.50. Third volume carries account to March, 1916; 
professedly neutral narrative. 

Belloc, Hilaire. Elements of the Great War; The First 
Phase (1915, p. 374); The Second Phase (1916, p. 382). 
Nelson. Each $1.50. First volume sketches causes and 
outbreak of war, forces opposed, and invasion of Belgium 
and France; second is devoted to battle of the Marne. Sets 
forth clearly, often vividly, the movement of events; de- 
scriptions of strategic movements seem convincing to all 
except military experts. 

Battine, Captain Cecil. A Military History of the War 
from the Declaration of War to the Close of the Campaign 
of August, 1914. London, Hodder, 1916, p. 307. 5s. Per- 
sonal observations of Daily Telegraph correspondent supple- 
mented by careful study. Account prefaced by study of 
strength and equipment of contending armies. 

Buchan, John. Nelson's History of the War. Nelson, 
1914 ff., volumes each $.60. Annalistic method; compiled 
largely from newspapers; documentary appendix in each 



volume; many simple maps, chiefly of battles. Tends to 
become military history, but is consequently hampered by 
censorship. Volume 16 appeared in July, 1917. 

Current History, A Monthly Magazine of the New York 
Times. 1914 ff. $6 a year. Documents, special articles, il- 
lustrations and other material compiled in useful form, not 
a narrative history in proper sense. Seventh volume cur- 
rent at beginning of 1918. 

Dillon, Emile Joseph. England and Germany; with an 
Introduction by the Hon. W. M. Hughes, M.P., Prime Min- 
ister of Australia, Brentano, 1915, p. xii, 312. $3. Survey 
of European situation made at end of first year of war com- 
prising international politics of the year and of preceding 
years as a whole under numerous topics. Indicts Germany; 
indicates lessons for England. 

Doyle, Sir Arthur Conan. History of the Great War. 
Doran, 1916-17; vols. 1-2, p. xiii, 349; is, 257. Each $2. 
Careful, accurate, detailed record devoted chiefly to British 
participation and operations. 

Gardiner, Alfred G. The War Lords. Dutton, 1915, p. 
viii, 319. $2.50 (reprint, $.40). Editor of London Daily 
News writes pleasing sketches of prominent men and their 
relation to events of the war; in style of his earlier work, 
Prophets, Priests, and Kings. 

Illustrated War News. London, 1914 ff. Pictures re- 
printed from Illustrated London News with explanatory 
text. Successive volumes cover four to six months. 

Mumby, Frank A., editor. The Great War. London, 
Gresham, 1915 ff. Rather casual, illustrated account for 
British consumption. Volumes cover about two months 
each; fifteenth part issued in March, 1917. 

Murray, Arthur Mordaunt. The Fortnightly History of 
the War. New York, Stokes, 1917, p. 403. $3. Collec- 
tion of Colonel Murray's series of monthly contributions to 
Fortnightly Review from beginning of the war to July, 1916. 
Good survey of military events. 

Simonds, Frank Herbert. The Great War, the First 
Phase; the Second Phase. Kennerley, 1914-15, 2 vols. p. 
256; xi, 284. Each $1.25. They Shall Not Pass. Garden 
City, Doubleday, 1916, p. viii, 142. $1. First volume cov- 
ered from assassination of archduke to fall of Antwerp; 
second concludes with second battle of Ypres; third de- 
scribes French resistance at Verdun in 1916. First is little 
more than reprint of editorials in New York Sun; second 
is revised from articles in Review of Reviews, New Repub- 
lic, etc.; third is reprint of five articles from New York 
Tribune. Based partly on personal observations. Author 
is recognized as probably foremost American critical 
writer on the war. 

The Times Documentary History of the War. London, 
The Times, 1917 ff. Two volumes (p. 549, 583) of diplo- 
matic and one (p. 534) of naval documents have been is- 
sued with brief explanatory, not argumentative notes. 

The Times History of the War. London, The Times, 
1914 ff. Weekly parts issued since September, 1914; four- 
teen volumes have appeared; a compilation of information 
and pictures rather than a history. 

4. FORECASTS OF THE WAR. 

Chesney, Sir George Tomkyms. The Battle of Dorking, 
being an Account of the German Invasion of England, with 
the Occupation of London and the Fall of the British Em- 
pire. London, Richards, 1914. 6d. First published, 1871. 

Delaisi, Francis. The Inevitable War. Boston, Small, 
1915, p. 120. $1. Translation of La Guerre Qui Vient 
(Paris, 1911); interesting on social and economic matters. 



V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 



107 



Ford, Edward, and Home, Gordon Cochrane. England In- 
vaded. Macmillan, 1913, p. zii, 371. $2. Forecasts German 
Invasion. Compare contemporary English play, An English- 
man's Home. 

The Great War of 189 , a Forecast. London, Heinemann, 
1893; 2d ed., 1895. 6s. Co-operative work by leading Eng- 
lish military writers. 

Sarolea, Charles. The Anglo-German Problem. Ameri- 
can edition with new introduction. Putnam, 1915, p. zz, 
288. $1. First printed in England, December, 1912. Re- 
markable discussion of Anglo-German relations and fore- 
cast of the war and its issues. Author, a Belgian professor 
At Edinburgh. 

A Second Franco-German War and Its Consequences for 
England. London, Simpkin, 1907, p. 154. Is. Includes 
German invasion of Belgium. 

5. THE BACKGROUND OF THE WAK. 

Adkins, Frank James. Historical Backgrounds of the 
Great War, the War, its Origins and Warnings. McBride, 
1915, p. 227. $1. Informative lectures delivered in England 
shortly after outbreak of war, on Germany, France, the 
Slavs, and England and Sea Power. Clear outline of situa- 
tion which produced the war. Within the comprehension of 
young readers. 

Barclay, Sir Thomas. Thirty Years, Anglo-French 
Reminiscences, 1876-1906. Boston, Houghton, 1914, p. viii, 
389. $3.50. Detached jottings of an Englishman long resi- 
dent in Paris, which throw some light on Fashoda affair 
and formation of Anglo-French entente in 1904. 

Barry, William. The World's Debate, an Historical De- 
fence of the Allies. Doran, 1917. $1.25. Hodge-podge of 
facts from modern history against absolutism and favoring 
democracy; hence favoring France and England against 
Germany. 

Bevan, Edwyn Robert. Method in the Madness, a Fresh 
Consideration of the Case between Germany and Ourselves. 
Longmans, 1917, p. vii, 309. $1.50. An Englishman's at- 
tempt at a judicial statement of case between England and 
Germany, rather England's case against Germany. 

Beveridge, Albert Jeremiah. What is Back of the War. 
Indianapolis, Bobbs, 1915, p. 430. $2. Journalistic obser- 
vations in Germany, France, and England, chiefly important 
for reports of conversations with leaders of public opinion. 
Misuse of this quoted material by pro-Germans discredited 
the book, which is really blissfully impartial. 

Bullard, Arthur. The Diplomacy of the Great War. 
Macmillan, 1916, p. zii, 344. $1.50. American journalist 
surveys events since 1878, discusses new elements in diplo- 
macy, problems of the war, and relations of United States 
and Europe. Style sprightly; views advanced, but not out 
of touch with realities. One of best all-around books. 

The Cambridge Modern History, Vol. 12, The Latest Age. 
Maemillan, 1910, p. xxxiv, 1033. $4. Helpful surveys of 
developments in several nations, but fails to treat 
adequately international affairs. Chapters on extra-Euro- 
pean matters are particularly useful. To be consulted for 
information, rather than read for enlightenment. 

Cook, Sir Edward Tyas. Britain and Turkey, the Causes 
of the Rupture Set Out in Brief Form from the Diplomatic 
Correspondence (p. 31, $.10). How Britain Strove for Peace, 
a Record of Anglo-German Negotiations, 1898-1914 (p. 40, 
$.20). Why Britain is at War, the Causes and the Issues 
Set out in Brief Form from the Diplomatic Correspondence 
and Speeches of Ministers (p. 24, $.10). Macmillan, 1914. 
Three pamphlets widely circulated in early daye of the war. 



Coolidge, Archibald Cary. The Origins of th Triple Al- 
liance. Scribner, 1917, p. vi, 236. $1.25. These three lec- 
tures by Professor Coolidge of Harvard are the best ac- 
count of the subject; clear, scholarly, and impartial. 

"Dickinson, Goldsworthy Lowes. The European Anar- 
chy. Macmillan, 1916, p. 144. $1. Not a narrative but an 
essay of only 30,000 words on forces which produced the 
war. Blame rests not upon one nation alone, but upon the 
anarchy in which European nations struggled without com- 
mon law. Notable book, and by far best brief discussion of 
underlying causes of the war. 

Fullerton, William Morton. Problems of Power. Scrib- 
ner, 1913, second, revised edition, 1915, p. zziv, 390. $2.26. 
Former newspaper correspondent discusses international 
problems from Sedan to Agadir with great cleverness, but 
assumes such familiarity with the facts, that few reader* 
will find themselves sufficiently equipped to peruse it intelli- 
gently. 

'Gibbons, Herbert Adams. The New Map of Europe, 
1911-1914, the Story of the Recent European Diplomatic 
Crises and Wars and of Europe's Present Catastrophe. Cen- 
tury, 1914, p. zi, 412. $2. Well written account of event* 
of four years preceding the war, by American especially 
familiar with Balkan affairs. Clear, informing, generally re- 
liable and fair, though inclinations are anti-German. Minor 
changes in later editions. 

"Guyot, Yves. The Causes and Consequences of the 
War; translated by F. A. Holt. Brentano, 1916, p. xxxvi, 
359. $3. One of ablest French authorities discusses politi- 
cal, economic, and historical causes of the war, and its prob- 
able consequences. Original is probably best all-around 
book in French. 

Hart, Albert Bushnell. The War in Europe, its Cause* 
and Results. Appleton, 1914, p. ix, 254. $1. Hurried com- 
pilation published in October, 1914, for American general 
reader; superseded by later works. 

Hayes, Carlton Joseph Huntley. Political and Social His- 
tory of Modern Europe. Macmillan, 1916, vol. 1, p. xvi, 
582, $2; vol. 2, p. zii, 726, $2.25. First volume summarize* 
three centuries ending 1815; second volume treats more 
fully the century since with special attention to economic 
and social factors and the antecedents of the war. Read- 
able and generally reliable. 

Hazen, Charles Downer. Modern European History. Holt, 
1917, p. ziv, 650. $1.75. Condensed from his French Revo- 
lution and Napoleon and his Europe since 1815. Admirable 
brief survey since 1789. 

Holt, Lucius Hudson, and Chilton, Alexander Wheeler. 
The History of Europe from 1862 to 1914, from the Acces- 
sion of Bismark to the Outbreak of the Great War. Mac- 
millan, 1917, p. zv, 611. $2.60. By professors of history 
at West Point; deals mainly with diplomatic and military 
events; with considerable quotations from primary sources; 
clear, vigorous style; excellent maps. 

Hovelaque, Emile. The Deeper Causes of the War, with 
an Introduction by Sir Walter Raleigh. Dutton, 1916, p. 
158. $1.25. Vehement and able indictment of Germany's 
theories of race, the state, and war, and of her application 
of them in her policy toward England. 

Lip son, Ephraim. Europe in the -Nineteenth Century, an 
Outline History. Macmillan, 1917, p. 298. $2. Neglects 
international affairs except as leading to the war. Best 
chapters on internal affairs of leading countries, especially 
prior to 1870. Treatment unusual and uneven. 

Morel, Edmund Deville. Ten Years of Secret Diplomacy, 
an Unheeded Warning, Being a Reprint of Morocco in 
Diplomacy. London, National Labour Press, 1915, p. zzir 



108 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



198. 2s. Reprint of 1912 original with slight changes and 
omission of appendix of documents. New prefaces are 
added, especially to third edition of reprint. Bitter indict- 
ment of whole Morocco affair and of Sir Edward Grey. 

Morris, Charles, and Dawson, Lawrence H. Why the Na- 
tions Are at War, the Causes and Issues of the Great Con- 
flict. London, Harrap, 1915, p. 414. 5s. A British survey 
of 19th century history as antecedent to the war. 

Muir, Ramsay. Britain's Case against Germany, an Ex- 
amination of the Historical Background of the German Ac- 
tion in 1914. Longmans, 1914, p. ix, 196. $1. Study of 
German political theories in action in last generation; 
argues that Germany had long intended and prepared for 
the war. 

*Muir, Ramsay. The Expansion of Europe, the Culmina- 
tion of Modern History. Boston, Houghton, 1917, p. xii, 243. 
$2. An historical survey of modern imperialism, with an 
attempt to appraise the achievements of the several colo- 
nizing powers. Glorifies England. Part on last forty years 
inferior. 

Why We Are at War, Great Britain's Case, by Members 
of the Oxford Faculty of Modern History. Oxford Press, 
1914, third edition, p. 264. $.85. First effort of English 
historians to explain situation; widely circulated; rather 
well done, in circumstances; but now valuable as evidence 
of state of mind following outbreak of war. Appendixes 
contain documents. 

Rose, John Holland. The Development of the European 
Nations, 1870-1900. Putnam, 1905, 2 vols., p. xi, 376; v, 
363; fifth edition, 1914, p. xvii, 376, 410. $2.75. Devoted 
mainly to international relations of the period; with addi- 
tional chapters in later editions. Gives little attention to 
some forces that would now command attention in a his- 
tory of the period. 

Rose, John Holland. The Origins of the War, 1871-1914. 
Putnam, 1915, p. 201. $1. Hastily prepared by competent 
English scholar; was one of best books available in first 
year of the war. Written with emphasis on Germany and 
with strong convictions against Germany, but with tone of 
fairness. 

S'chmitt, Bernadotte Everly. England and Germany, 
1740-1914. Princeton University Press, 1916, p. ix, 524. $2. 
Period prior to 1904 treated in series of topical chapters; 
decade, 1904-1914, is given thorough chronological treat- 
ment; outbreak of war is covered by use of colored books. 
Written before the war, rewritten and enlarged after war 
started. Places responsibility clearly on Germany. Well 
written, one of most useful books. 

"Seymour, Charles. The Diplomatic Background of the 
War. New Haven, Yale Press, 1916, p. xv, 311. $2. Ad- 
mirable, concise, scholarly survey of events since 1871, fur- 
nishing adequate background for understanding the war and 
its issues. Written clearly, without passion, but gives ver- 
dict explicitly against Germany. Best book available for 
background of the war. 

Tardieu, Andr6. France and the Alliances, the Struggle 
for the Balance of Power. Macmillan, 1908, p. x, 314. $1.50. 
Most useful account of international situation in 1904-7, 
covering Anglo-French and Anglo-Russian agreements and 
first Moroccan crisis. Author is recognized authority on in- 
ternational questions and is at present French High Com- 
missioner in United States. 

Whitman, Sidney. Things I Remember, Recollections of 
a Political Writer in the Capitals of Europe. New York, 
Stokes, 1917, p. viii, 268. $2.50. Reminiscences of a Euro- 
pean correspondent of New York Herald covering events of 
last quarter-century, especially Balkan and German affairs 
and problems. Good. 



6. THE DIPLOMATIC RUPTURE. 

Andriulli, Giuseppe A., editor. Documents relating to 
the Great War ; witli an Introduction by Guglielmo Ferrero, 
translated by Thomas Okey. London, Unwin, 1915, p. 128. 
Is. Brief selection supporting Ferrero'a conclusion that 
Germany decided for war, July 29, 1914. 

Baldwin, Elbert Francis. The World War, How It Looks 
to the Nations Involved. Macmillan, 1914, p. vii, 267. 
$1.25. Judicial, impartial effort soon after opening of hos- 
tilities to summarize immediate causes and portray condi- 
tions and states of mind in several European countries. 

Beck, James Montgomery. The Evidence in the Case, in 
the Supreme Court of Civilization, as to the Moral Re- 
sponsibility for the War. Putnam, 1914, p. 200. $1. Re- 
vised edition, 1915. The War and Humanity, a Further 
Discussion of the Ethics of the World War and the Atti- 
tude and Duty of the United States. Putnam, 1916, p. xl, 
322. $1.50. The first is not so much a judicial statement 
as a prosecutor's plea for conviction of Germany. Widely 
distributed but to be used only when more thorough and 
dispassionate works are not available. The second deals in 
same manner with episodes such as submarine- controversy, 
case of Miss Cavell, and relations of America with Allies. 

**Chitwood, Oliver Perry. The Immediate Causes of the 
Great War. Crowell, 1917, p. xii, 196. $1.35. By pro- 
fessor in Univrsity of West Virginia. Impartial narrative 
of events from the assassination of the Archduke to Italy's 
declaration of war, based on the published official docu- 
ments. 

Davenport, Briggs. A History of the Great War, 1914 , 
Vol. I. The Genesis of the War, June, 1914, to August, 1915. 
Putnam, 1916, p. viii, 545. $2. Clear, simple, but uncritical; 
commends itself to those for whom better books are too 
complex and heavy. Also useful for account of entrance of 
Italy and Bulgaria into the war. 

Dillon, Emile Joseph. A Scrap of Paper, the Inner His- 
tory of German Diplomacy and her Scheme of Worldwide 
Conquest. Doran, 1914, third edition, p. xxvii, 220. $.50. 
Summary account of the events which precipitated war, by 
well-known English authority on international affairs. 
Widely circulated in early months of war but now replaced 
by later works. 

Ferrero, Guglielmo. Who Wanted the European Wart 
Translated by P. E. Matheson. Oxford Press, 1915, p. 39. 
$.25. Interpretation of events of diplomatic rupture based 
on the colored books by leading Italian historian. 

Great Britain, Foreign Office. Collected Diplomatic Docu- 
ments Relating to the Outbreak of the European War. 
Doran, 1915, p. xix, 561. $1. Contains British Diplomatic 
Correspondence, French Yellow Book, Russian Orange Book, 
Belgian Gray Book, Serbian Blue Book, German White 
Book, Austro-Hungarian Red Book, and some supplementary 
documents, with explanatory introduction and index, but no 
comparative chronological table. Confined mainly to last 
days of July and early days of August, 1914. 

Headlam, James Wycliffe. The History of Twelve Days, 
July 24th to August 4th, 1914, being an Account of the Ne- 
gotiations Preceding the Outbreak of War, Based on the 
Official Publications. Scribner, 1915, p. xxiv, 412. $3. The 
English historical writer has based his account with 
assiduous care upon official documents and utterances. 
Tone restrained, dispassionate, and fair, but obviously not 
absolutely impartial. Style not popular, but clear, direct, 
and closely reasoned. Best account of diplomatic rupture 
in English. 

Headlam, James Wycliffe. The German Chancellor and 
the Outbreak of War. London, Unwin, 1917, p. 127. 3s. 6d. 



V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 



109 



Supplements hia History of Twelve Days by more detailed 
study of events of July 29-30, 1014, baaed on further in- 
formation, to refute the Chancellor's charges placing re- 
sponsibility on Russia and England for German mobilization 
and hence for the war. 

Kennedy, John McFarland. How the War Began, with 
an Introduction by W. L. Courtney. Doran, 1914, p. xxvii, 
187. $.50. How the Nations Waged War. Doran, 1915, p. 
190. $.50. First is hasty compilation by English publicist 
on period from June 28 to August 4, 1914. Further official 
documents published a few days after its appearance made 
it out of date. The second volume deals with first weeks 
of war. 

Mach, Edmund Robert Otto von, editor. Official Diplo- 
matic Documents Relating to the Outbreak of the European 
War, with Photographic Reproductions of Official Editions 
of the Documents Published by the Governments of Austria- 
Hungary, Belgium, France, Germany, Great Britain, Russia, 
and Serbia. Introduction, Daily Summaries, Cross-Refer- 
ences, and Footnotes. Macmillan, 1916, p. xxii, 608. $6. 
Criticism of the inaccuracies and misleading nature of edi- 
torial portion of volume led publishers to withdraw it. It 
is, however, a convenient compilation, and the chronological 
arrangement is particularly handy. 

Parker, Sir Gilbert. The World in the Crucible, an Ac- 
count of the Origins and Conduct of the Great War. Dodd, 

1915, p. viii, 422. $1.50. Space divided about equally be- 
tween antecedents of the war, rupture of relations, and 
early weeks of war. Well-written, compendious and fairly 
reliable account. 

*Scott, James Brown, editor. Diplomatic Documents re- 
lating to the Outbreak of the European War. Oxford Press, 

1916, 2 vols., p. Ixxxi, xcii, 1516. $5. Careful reprints of 
official English translations of Austro-Hungarian, Belgian, 
French, German, Russian, Serbian, British, and Italian 
" colored " books of documents relating to outbreak of war, 
with tables of contents and introduction. Most complete 
collection now available. 

Stowell, Ellery Cory. The Diplomacy of the War of 
1914, Vol. I. The Beginnings of the War. Boston, Hough- 
ton, 1915, p. xvii, 728. $5. Opens with forty page sketch 
of history of thirty years prior to the war and closes with 
appendix of 130 pages of documents. Rest of book is 
analytical study of documents and exposition of acts, 
events, rights, and motives. Chapters are topical in charac- 
ter and arranged in order of events. Author, who is as- 
sistant professor of international law in Columbia Univer- 
sity, concludes " Germany has clearly violated interna- 
tional law." Most exhaustive American account of the 
Twelve Days and ranks with Headlam. 

7. POLEMICS: ENGLAND VS. GERMANY. 

Angell, Norman (pseud, of Ralph Norman Angell Lane). 
Prussianism and its Destruction. London, Heinemann, 
1914, p. xiv, 248. $1.25. Denounces militarism in his for- 
mer style, but identifies it with Prussianism which must be 
fought and destroyed. 

Chesterton, Gilbert Keith. The Crimes of England. 
Lane, 1916, p. 173. $1. The crimes are the failures to arrest 
growth of Prussian militarism and spread of German ideas, 
each of which ia discussed in authors usual manner. 

Harris, Frank. England or Germany? Wilmarth, 1915, 
third edition, p. 187. $1. American resident in England 
avows Celtic and revolutionary sympathies and indulges in 
fantastic diatribe against England. 

Harrison, Frederic. The German Peril: Forecasts, 1864- 
1914; Realities, 1915; Hopes, 191. London, Unwin, 1915, 



p. 300. 6a. Collection of author's pronouncements against 
Ucrmany. Claims to be " the oldest and most persistent " 
anti-German prophet. 

Powys, John Cowper. The War and Culture, a Reply to 
Professor MUnsterberg. Shaw, 1914, p. 103. $.60. English 
edition: The Menace of German Culture. Author was for- 
merly in Education Department of city of Hamburg. 
Pointed, detailed, destructive criticism; constructive criti- 
cism also appears. 

Sladen, Douglas Brooke Wheaton. The Real Truth 
about Germany, Facts about the War, an Analysis and a 
Refutation from the English Point of View of the 
Pamphlet, The Truth about Germany, issued under the Au- 
thority of Representative German Citizens, with an Appen- 
dix on Great Britain and the War, by A. Maurice Low. 
Putnam, 1914 p. xiii, 272. $1. English edition entitled 
Germany's Great Lie. Answers arranged point by point 
are, like the original, assertions rather than proofs. 

Stilwell, Arthur Edward. To All the World (except Ger- 
many). London, Allen & Unwin, 1915, p. 251. 3s. 6d. An 
incongruity of belligerent pacifism and anti-Germanism 
dedicated to King Albert and Henry Ford. 

8. THE WARRING NATIONS. 

Herrick, Robert. The World Decision. Boston, Hough- 
ton, 1916, p. 253. $1.25. Six chapters on observations in Italy 
in spring of 1915, six more chapters on observations in 
France in ensuing summer, and three chapters on relation* 
of United States to the war. Importance of volume lies in 
its revelation of the morale of the several contending na- 
tions and its reflections on moral issues at stake. 

Jones, Jenkin Lloyd. Love for the Battle-torn Peoples. 
Chicago, Unity Pub. Co., 1917, p. 166. $.75. Series of 
popular sermons on the admirable traits of the conflicting 
peoples and a plea for human brotherhood. 

Low, Sidney James Mark, editor. The Spirit of the 
Allied Nations. Macmillan, 1915, p. 214. $1. Series of 
lectures by competent authorities on the several Allied na- 
tions, arranged by Imperial Studies Committee of Uni- 
versity of London. 

McCabe, Joseph. The Soul of Europe, a Character Study 
of the Militant Nations. Dodd, 1915, p. vi, 407. $3. In- 
formative book to explain their Allies to English readers. 

Nyrop, Christopher. Is War Civilization?, translated by 
H. G. Wright. Dodd, 1917, p. 256. . $155. Not abstract 
discussion but collection of articles by Copenhagen pro- 
fessor on the war, especially on Belgium, Italy, languages 
and war, and religion and war. 

Orth, Samuel Peter. The Imperial Impulse, Background 
Studies of Belgium, England, France, Germany, Russia. 
Century, 1916, p. 234. $1.20. Collection of interesting 
and informing magazine articles. An additional essay on 
Our First Duty urges United States to uphold principle 
that " every people with national instincts " be allowed to 
determine its own government. 

Powers, Harry Huntington. The Things Men Fight For, 
with Some Application to Present Conditions in Europe. 
Macmillan, 1916, p. vii, 382. $1.50. Thoughtful candid 
book based on wide travel, broad knowledge, and generous 
sympathies. Seeks to present case of each contending na- 
tion as manifesting the highest instincts of that nation. 
Concluding chapter gives carefully weighed decision in 
favor of Britain rather than Germany. 

Stoddard, Theodore Lothrop. Present Day Europe, its 
National States of Mind, Century, 1917, p. 322. $2. A study 



110 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



of the war psychology of the various European nations, 
based as far as possible upon the utterances of represent- 
atives of the respective nations. Quite neutral, and uses 
material down to opening of 1917. 

Wells, Herbert George. Italy, France, and Britain at 
War. Macmillan, 1917, p. 285. $1.50. Accounts of his visit 
to Italian and western fronts in 1918, with added section 
on " How People Think About the War." Chiefly interest- 
ing for those who care to know what Mr. Wells thinks. 

9. VIEWS OF THE WAR BY EUROPEAN NEUTRALS. 

Brandes, Georg Morris Cohen. The World at War; 
translated by Catherine D. Groth. Macmillan, 1917, p. 272. 
$1.50. The famous Danish-Jewish writer, without sym- 
pathy for Germany, deals rigorously with Allied aims and 
acts, and urges rights of small, oppressed, and neutral na- 
tions. Collection of articles including some of special inter- 
est written before the war. 

JSrgensen, Johannes. False Witness. Doran, 1917, p. 
vii, 227. $1. Translation of the Danish author's Klokke 
Roland, which is an examination of the German professors' 
"Appeal to the Civilized World." Evidence of the falsity 
of their statements is adduced and other material on the 
German character and kultur is included. 

Maccas, Leon. German Barbarism, a Neutral's Indict- 
ment, with preface by Paul Girard. Doran, 1916, p. xii, 228. 
$1. By a Venizelist Greek. 

PrUm, Emile. Pan-Germanism versus Christendom; the 
Conversion of a Neutral; edited with comments by Rene 
Johannet. Doran, 1917, p. xii, 184. $1. Letter of Prttm, 
Catholic leader in Luxemburg to Erzberger, Catholic leader 
in Germany; record of proceedings against PrUm, and an 
article on the Catholic Center in Germany. Convincingly 
anti-German. 

10. GREAT BRITAIN: DESCRIPTION, HISTORY, 
POLICY. 

Barker, J. Ellis. Great and Greater Britain, the Prob- 
lems of Motherland and Empire, Political, Naval, Military, 
Industrial, Financial, Social. London, Smith, Elder, 1909, 
2d edition, 1910, p. 604. $3. Counterpart of his Modern Ger- 
many, and supplemented by his British Socialism. An 
avowed disciple of Joseph Chamberlain describes essential 
matters of domestic and imperial concern in decade preced- 
ing the war. 

Begbie, Harold. The Vindication of Great Britain, a 
Study in Diplomacy and Strategy with Reference to the Il- 
lusions of her Critics and the Problems of the Future. 
London, Methuen, 1916, 3d edition, p. xv, 302. 6s. Pecu- 
liarly valuable for work and influence of Edward VII and 
Lord Haldane. Lauds English achievement in arming 
against Germany during first two years of the war. Peace 
problems discussed. 

Boutmy, Emile. The English People, a Study of theii 
Political Psychology, with an Introduction by J. E. C. Bod- 
ley. Putnam, 1904, p. xxxvi, 332. $2.50. Author was 
leading French authority in political science in last genera- 
tion, and one of most eminent foreign students of English 
constitution and people. French original published in 1901. 
Accurate in fact, sane in judgment, keen in analysis, 
bristling with illuminating ideas. 

Cheyney, Edward Potts. A Short History of England. 
Boston, Ginn, 1904, p. xvi, 695. $1.40. Excellent text- 
book, briefer and more readable than Cross. 

Cramb, John Adam. Germany and England, with an 
Introduction by the Hon. Joseph H. Choate. Dutton, 1914, 



p. xiv, 152. $1. Professor Cramb's lectures were delivered 
at Queen's College, London, February- March, 1913, and 
after his death written up from notes and published, June, 
1914. Author's study in Germany had convinced him of 
German bitterness against England and inevitableness of 
conflict. Book holds historic place because most widely 
read book in English during first months of war. Note also 
author's Origin and Destiny of Imperial Britain and Nine- 
teenth Century Europe (Dutton, 1915), first published dur- 
ing Boer war, for fuller statement of chauvinistic English 
imperialism. 

Cross, Arthur Lyon. A History of England and Greater 
Britain. Macmillan, 1914, p. xiii, 1165. $2.50. Excellent 
comprehensive account to spring of 1914, written as college 
text. 

Dunning, William Archibald. The British Empire and 
the United States, a Review of their Relations during the 
Century of Peace following the Treaty of Ghent. Scribner, 
1914, p. xl, 381. $2. Well written narrative by able 
American historical scholar. 

*Egerton, Hugh Edward. Britsh Foreign Policy in 
Europe to the End of the Nineteenth Century, a Rough 
Outline. Macmillan, 1917, p. x, 440. $2. Not a narrative 
but an effort to show the motives and purposes which have 
directed British foreign policy, largely in the words of the 
responsible individuals in promoting or defending their 
plans and acfs. Holds that " policy of the country on the 
whole has been singularly honest and straightforward;" 
and such is tone of the book. By professor of colonial 
history, Oxford. 

Gooch, George Peabody and Masterman, John Howard 
Bertram. A Century of British Foreign Policy. London, 
Allen & Unwin, 1917, p. 110. Written for the Council for 
the Study of International Relations; Masterman deals 
with 19th century; Gooch, with 20th century. Two clear, 
concise, excellent essays. 

Low, Sidney James Mark, and Sanders, Lloyd Charles. 
The History of England during the Reign of Victoria, 1837- 
1901. Longmans, 1907, p. xviii, 532. $2.60. Best account 
of period, though little more than narrative of political 
facts. 

'Lowell, Abbott Lawrence. The Government of England. 
Macmillan, 1908, 2 vols., p. xv, 570; viii, 563. $4. Admir- 
able description of the organization and working of English 
government, local, national, and imperial. 

Marriott, John Arthur Ransome. England since Water- 
loo. Putnam, 1913, p. xxi, 558. $3. Careful accurate ac- 
count to 1885, with sketchy chapter to 1901. 

Meyer, Eduard. England, its Political Organization and 
Development and the War Against Germany. Translated 
by Helene S. White. Boston, Ritter, 1916, p. xix, 328. 
$1.50. Arraignment of England and English policy by emi- 
nent Berlin professor of history, so vehement as to be con- 
demned by German critics. Valuable, however, as present- 
ing essentially the German view of England. 

Murray, Gilbert. The Foreign Policy of Sir Edward 
Grey, 1906-1915. Oxford Press, 1915, p. 128. 50 cents. 
Good survey and thorough-going defence by eminent Oxford 
professor whose views were less favorable before the war. 

Reventlow, Ernest, Graf zu. The Vampire of the Con- 
tinent; translated with a Preface by G. Chatterton Hill. 
Jackson, 1916, p. xiii, 225. $1.25. Original published in 
1915. Author is spokesman of extreme Junker group. De- 
nounces England's desire to maintain balance of power and 
destroy economic rivals as cause of present and earlier great 
wars which have sucked the blood of Continental Europe. 



V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 



Ill 



Author's more substantial work, Dentschlands Auswartige 
Politik, 1888-1013 (1014), is not available in translation. 

Seeley, Sir John Robert. The Expansion of England, 
Two Courses of Lectures. Boston, Little, p. viii, 359. $1.75. 
Originally published, 1883. First course, English expansion 
In 17th and 18th centuries; second, England's acquisition 
and control of India. Brilliant and convincing presentation 
of achievements and high aims of British imperial policy. 
Seeley's position in history of English imperialism has been 
compared to Treitschke's in Pan-Germanism. 

TOnnies, Ferdinand. Warlike England as Seen by Her- 
self. Dillingham, 1916, p. 202. $1. Account of English 
foreign and colonial policy since Elizabeth, especially in 
nineteenth century, by Professor in University of Kiel, com- 
posed largely of quotations from English writers. Shows 
existence of English imperialism, but does not prove causal 
relation with the war. 

11. GREAT BRITAIN: ARMY AND NAVY, PRE- 
PAREDNESS. 

Lea, General Homer. The Day of the Saxon. Harper, 
1912, p. 249. $1.80. This and his earlier Valour of 
Ignorance ( 1909 ) attracted wide attention by their extreme 
Advocacy of Lord Roberts' efforts to impress the English 
people with the importance of England's empire and sea 
power and of their defence. Faulty in fact and logic, 
though events have justified the main thesis. 

MacDonald, J. Ramsay. National Defense. London, 
Allen & Unwin, 1917. 2s. 6d. Denounces miltarism as a 
false method of national defense; foresees that defeat of 
Germany will not be likely to create a pacific German 
democracy. 

Oliver, Frederick Scott. Ordeal by Battle. Macmillan, 

1915, p. li, 437. $1.50. One of most notable English war 
books, important for insight into English state of mind on 
foreign and military questions in decade before the war. 
The author belonged to the Lord Roberts school, and wrote 
much of book before the war, publishing it to promote con- 
cription. After good analysis of causes of the war and 
spirit of German policy, the real contribution of the book 
appears in parts on spirit of British policy and democracy 
and national service. 

Protheroe, Ernest. The British Navy, its Making and its 
Meaning. Dutton, 1915, p. xx, 694. $2.50. Comprehen- 
sive historical and technical account addressed to British 
youth. Includes chapter on early naval events of the war. 

Roland, pseud. The Future of Militarism. London, 
Unwin, 1916. 2s. Oil. Not an independent discussion but 
a denunciation of Oliver's Ordeal by Battle. 

12. GREAT BRITAIN'S PART IN THE WAR. 

"Chevrillon, Andre. England and the War, 1914-1915; 
with a Preface by Rudyard Kipling. Garden City, N. Y., 
Doubleday, 1917, p. xxi, 250. $1.60. Translation of arti- 
cles contributed to Revue de Paris from Nov., 1915, to Jan., 

1916, by nephew of Taine, who was keen observer in Eng- 
land of awakening and reconstruction during the first year 
and a half of the war. Traces conception and development 
of England's will to war in way to enlighten Americans 
when their nation is undergoing somewhat similar transi- 
tion. 

Cravath, Paul Drennan. Great Britain's Part, Observa- 
tions of an American Visitor to the British Army in France 
at the Beginning of the Third Year of the War. Appleton, 

1917, p. vi, 127. $1. Convinced of greatness of England's 
achievement and that it will win. 



DestrCe, Jules. Britain in Arms. Lane, 1917, p. xv, 292. 
$1.50. Translation by J. Lewis May of L'Effort Britannique, 
with preface by M. Georges Clemenceau. Originally 
written in Italian to dispel the Italian suspicion that Eng- 
land was not doing its share. Explains military, naval, 
industrial and financial activities. By a Belgian. 

George, David Lloyd. Through Terror to Triumph, 
Speeches and Pronouncements since the Beginning of the 
War, arranged by F. L. Stevenson. Doran, 1915, p. xll, 
187. $1. Important for speeches intended to sway public 
opinion, especially in case of munition workers. 

Gleason, Arthur Huntington. Inside the British Isle*. 
Century, 1917, p. 434. $2. Main topics treated are labor, 
Ireland, women, and social studies. Attaches great Im- 
portance to changes wrought during the war. Somewhat 
superficial observations and hasty generalizations of clever 
American journalist. 

Grew, Edwin Sharpe, and others. Field-Marshal Lord 
Kitchener, his Life and Work for the Empire. London, 
Gresham Publishing Co., 1916, 3 vols. 25s. 6d. Careful co- 
operative biography but not a definitive study. Third vol- 
ume relates to present war. Fashoda incident opens second 
volume. 

Murray, Gilbert. Faith, War and Policy. Boston, 
Houghton, 1917, p. xiv, 255. $1.25. Collection of articles 
and addresses during the war, in exposition and defence of 
England's part and policies. Able but open to criticism. 

Pollard, Albert Frederick. The Commonwealth at War. 
Longmans, 1917, p. vii, 256. $2.25. Collection of nineteen 
occasional articles during the war by professor of history. 
University College, London. 

Ward, Mary Augusta (Arnold) (Mrs. Humphrey Ward). 
England's Effort, Letters to an American Friend, with 
Preface by Joseph H. Choate; 3d edition with epilogue to 
August, 1916. Scribner, 1916, p. xv, 228. $1. The author 
was given special privileges to inspect British military 
forces, munition works, etc., with purpose of answering 
criticism that Great Britain was not doing its share. 

Ward, Mary Augusta (Arnold) (Mrs. Humphrey Ward). 
Towards the Goal. Scribner, 1917, p. xvii, 231. $1.26. 
Series of letters addressed to Mr. Roosevelt in March to 
June, 1917, describing England's war aims and activities. 
Practically a sequel to England's Effort. 

13. IRELAND. 

Barker, Ernest Ireland in the Last Fifty Years, 1888- 

1916. Oxford Press, 1917. Is. 6d. Good account of politi- 
cal, religious, educational, and agrarian problems, especially 
useful for condition of peasant class. 

Hamilton, Lord Ernest William. The Soul of Ulster. 
Dutton, 1917, p. 188. $1.25. Able statement of the Ulster 
side of the Irish question. 

Harrison, Marie. Dawn in Ireland. London, Melrose, 

1917, p. 222. Chapters on present conditions, the spirit 
that moves in Ireland, enemies of Ireland, and the future. 
Insists on English goodwill toward Ireland. 

The Irish Home-Rule Convention. Macmillan, 1917, p. 
183. 60 cents. Timely papers by John Quinn, G. W. Ru- 
sell, Sir Horace Plunkett and others. 

Kettle, Thomas Michael. The Ways of War, with a 
Memoir by his Wife, Mary S. Kettle. Scribner, 1918, p. 
ix, 246. $1.50. Papers by Irish professor and member of 
parliament who lias perished in the war, to show why an 
Irishman went into the fight. Strong indictment of Ger- 
many. 



112 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



Leslie, Shane. The Celt and the World, a Study of the 
Relation of Celt and Teuton in History. Scribner, 1917, p. 
224. $1.25. Interesting volume which alights the main 
theme of relation of Celt and Teuton to discuss Anglo- 
Irish relations and the war. 

Morris, Lloyd R. The Celtic Dawa, a Survey of the 
Renascence in Ireland, 1889-1916. Macmillan, 1917, p. 
xviii, 251. $1.50. Review of political, social, economic, 
and cultural developments in Ireland in last generation to 
the Sinn Fein rebellion in 1916. 

Russell, George William (pseud. A. E.). National Being, 
Some Thoughts on an Irish Polity. Macmillan, 1916, p. 
176. $1.35. Ireland must seek political independence 
through economic independence, which is to be attained by 
co-operative rather than competitive methods. Admirable 
In style and tone, even if not entirely convincing. 

Wells, Warre B., and Marlow, N. The History of the 
Irish Rebellion of 1916. New York, Stokes, 1917, p. 271. 
$2.50. Comprehensive, though not friendly account, with 
documents. 

14. BRITISH EMPIRE: FUTURE PROBLEMS AND 
POLICIES. 

Beer, George Louis. The English-speaking Peoples, 
their Future Relations and Joint International Obligations. 
Macmillan, 1917, p. xi, 322. $1.50. By an able historian 
of the British colonies in America. Excellent discussion of 
the international problems which America faces; favors co- 
operative arrangements between United States and Great 
Britain. Very important and valuable. Abundant refer- 
ences to authorities. 

Dawson, William Harbutt, editor. After-war Problems. 
Macmillan, 1917, p. 366. $2.50. Includes papers on the 
topics Empire and Citizenship, National Efficiency, Social 
Reform, and National Finance and Taxation by Lord 
Cromer, Lord Haldane and several other leading English 
thinkers, which command attention. 

Duchesne, A. E. Democracy and Empire, the Applicabil- 
ity of the Dictum that "a democracy cannot manage an 
empire," to the Present Condition and Future Problems of 
the British Empire, especially the Question of the Future of 
India. Oxford Press, 1916, p. vii, 120. 2s. 6d. 

The Empire and the Future, a Series of Imperial 
Studies. Macmillan, 1917, p. xvi, 110. 75 cents. Collec- 
tion of lectures, including Sir Charles Lucas on Empire and 
Democracy, H. A. L. Fisher on Imperial Administration, 
and Philip Kerr on Commonwealth and Empire. Able dis- 
cussions of problems underlying British imperial organiza- 
tion; not a solution. Introduction by A. D. Steel-Maitland, 
Under Secretary of State for the Colonies. 

Fletcher, Charles Brunsdon. The New Pacific: British 
Policy and German Aims; with a preface by Viscount 
Bryce, and a foreword by the Right Hon. W. M. Hughes. 
Macmillan, 1917, p. xxxiii, 325. $3. One of editors of 
Sydney Morning Herald arraigns German policies and 
methods in the Pacific, and sets forth Australian ideas for 
future of the Pacific. 

Hodge, Harold. In the Wake of the War; Parliament or 
Imperial Government? Lane, 1917, p. viii, 226. $1.50. 
Propounds a plan for the future administration of the Brit- 
ish Empire. Disapproves of parliament. 

Levi, N. Jan Smuts, being a Character Sketch of Gen. 
the Hon. J. C. Smuts, K.C., M.L.A., Minister of Defence, 
Union of South Africa. Longmans, 1917, p. vi, 310. $2.50. 
Poorly written account of important personage in British 
Empire, with much interesting information on South 
African affairs. 



McLaren, A. D. Peaceful Penetration. Dutton, 1917, p. 
224. $1.50. Australian journalist, familiar with Germany, 
writes on German colonizing methods and policies, and on 
Australia's place in world politics. 

Smuts, Jan Christiaan. War-time Speeches, a Compila- 
tion of Public Utterances in Great Britain. Doran, 1917, 
p. viii, 116. 75 cents. Chiefly important for discussion of 
future of what he has named the British Commonwealth. 

Worsfold, W. Basil. The Empire on the Anvil, being 
Suggestions and Data for the Future Government of the 
British Empire. London, Smith, Elder, 1916, p. xv, 242. 

Wise, Bernhard Ringrose. The Making of the Australian 
Commonwealth, 1889-1900, a Stage in the Growth of Em- 
pire. Longmans, 1913, p. xiii, 365. $2.50. With special 
reference to New South Wales, by a participant in the 
movement. A study of growth of federation in British Em- 
pire. 

15. BELGIUM: HISTORY, DESCRIPTION. 

Ensor, Robert Charles Kirkwood. Belgium (Home Uni- 
versity Library). Holt, 1915, p. v, 256. $.50. Concise survey 
of recent history and conditions before the war. Generally 
accurate and fair, except, perhaps, to Catholic church. 

*MacDonnell, John de Courcy. Belgium, her Kings, 
Kingdom, and People. Boston, Little, 1914, p. xii, 354. $3.50. 
Good historioal survey since establishment of independence 
in 1830, with account of conditions under King Albert. Pub- 
lished on eve of the war. Written with fairness and mod- 
eration; apparently Catholic in sympathies. 

Pirenne, Henri. Belgian Democracy, its Early History; 
translated by J. V. Saunders. Longmans, 1915, p. xi, 250. 
$1.50. Original published in 1910. Mainly account of med- 
ieval city republics of the Low Countries, by leading Bel- 
gian historian. 

Van der Essen, Leon. Short History of Belgium. Chicago, 
University Press, 1916, p. 168. $1. Good outline account by 
professor of history at Louvain. 

16. BELGIUM: GERMAN INVASION AND RULE. 

Belgium and Germany, Texts and Documents, preceded 
by a Foreword by Henri Davignon. Nelson, 1915, p. iv, 132. 
$.25. Documents and illustrations, with annotations. 
Preface by Belgian foreign minister. 

Bryce, James Bryce, Viscount, and others. Report of 
the Committee on Alleged German Outrages (p. 61. $.10). 
Evidence and Documents Laid before the Committee on 
Alleged German Outrages (p. 296. $.50). Macmillan, 1915. 
Report is an attempt at a systematic summary of evidence. 
Membership of committee also gives its conclusions the 
highest standing. 

Cammaerts, Emile. Through the Iron Bars (Two Years 
of German Occupation in Belgium). Lane, 1917, p. 72. $.76. 
Patriotic presentation of Belgium's plight. 

The Case of Belgium in the Present War, an Account of 
the Violation of the Neutrality of Belgium and of the Laws 
of War on Belgian Territory. Macmillan, 1914, p. xvii, 120. 
$.25. Officially prepared by the Belgian delegates In th 
United States, with official documents and affidavits. 

Chambry, Rene. The Truth about Louvain. Doran, 1915, 
p. 95. $.25. By resident of Louvain. 

*Erichsen, Erich. Forced to Fight, the Tale of a Schlea- 
wig Dane, translated from the Danish. McBride, 1917, p. 
184. $1.25. A narrative of war service which has attracted 
wide attention because of nationality of its author, who has 
been invalided from wounds. Main importance 1 for 
account of campaign in Belgium. 



V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 



113 



Gerlache de Gomery, Commandant de. Belgium in War 
Time, Translated from the French by Bernard Miall. 
Doran, 1!)17, p. xii, 243. $.50. Comprehensive accounts of 
events and conditions, amply illustrated. 

'Gibson, Hugh S. A Journal from our Legation in 
Belgium. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 1917, p. xii, 360. 
$2.50. Interesting selection from daily notes of first secre- 
tary of American legation from July 4 to December 31, 
1914. 

Grondys, L. H. The Germans in Belgium, Experiences of a 
Neutral. Appleton, 1916, p. ix, 95. $.50 Journal account of 
Dutch professor who was in Louvain during the destruction 
and witnessed other German atrocities during the invasion. 
Halasi, Odon. Belgium under the German Heel. Cassell, 
1917, p. x, 257. 6s. Description of conditions observed by 
an Hungarian author during a visit in 1916. The anony- 
mous translator adds information derived from another 
Magyar who had spent eighteen months in Belgium during 
the war. Sympathetic, not sensational. 

Huberich, C. H., and Nicol-Speyer, A., editors. German 
Legislation for the Occupied Territories of Belgium; Official 
Texts. The Hague, Nijhoff. Editions in German, Flemish, 
French, and English have appeared in successive volumes 
for the legislation of successive periods; fifth volume, with 
index to first five, covers to Dec. 31, 1915. 

Kellogg, Mrs. Charlotte. The Women of Belgium; Turn- 
tag Tragedy to Triumph. Funk, 1917, p. xviii, 210. $1. By 
only woman member of Hoover commission. Describes relief 
work and what Belgian women have done for themselves. 
Written with simplicity and restraint. 

Libert de Flemalle, Gabriel de. Fighting with King 
Albert. Doran, 1915, p. xi, 327. 6s. By Captain in Belgian 
army; important for Belgian army before the war and 
question of its preparedness, with narrative on resistance to 
invasion. 

Massart, Jean. The Belgians under the German Eagle, 
translated by Bernard Miall. Dutton, 1916, p. 368. $3.60. 
Written from observations during first year of the war, 
with full documentation from German sources. Vigorous 
indictment of German rule. 

Mercier, Desire Felician Francois Joseph, Cardinal. 
Pastorals, Letters, Allocutions, 1914-1917, with a biograph- 
ical Sketch by Rev. Joseph F. Stillemans. Kenedy, 1917. 
$1.25. The Voice of Belgium, being the War Utterances of 
Cardinal Mercier, with a Preface by Cardinal Bourne. 
London, Burns & Oates, 1917, p. ix, 330. 2s. 6d. Similar 
collections, including some items which have been published 
separately. 

Mokveld, L. The German Fury in Belgium ; translated by 
C. Thieme. Doran, 1917, p. 247. $1. By Dutch cor- 
respondent with German army from Liege to the Yser, 
whose careful, candid, neutral observations constitute a 
formidable indictment of German acts. 

Morgan, John Hartman. German Atrocities, an Official 
Investigation. Dutton, 1916, p. 192, $1. Professor Morgan 
was member of Bryce commission, and this volume supple- 
ments the Report with additional materials and comments. 
Nothomb, Pierre. The Barbarians in Belgium; translated 
by Jean E. H. Findlay. London, Jarn>ld, 1915, p. 294. 2s. 6d. 
Account by Belgian, endorsed by preface by Belgian Min- 
ister of Justice. 

Nyrop, Kristopher. The Imprisonment of the Ghent 
Professors, a Question of Might and Right, My Reply to 
the German Legation in Stockholm. London, Hodder, 1917, 
p. 01. Includes discussion of Flemish, question, case of 
University of Ghent as well as arrests of professors Fred- 
ericq and Pirenne. 



Official Commission of the Belgian Government. Report* 
on the Violations of the Rights of Nations and of the Laws 
and Customs of War in Belgium, with Extracts from the 
Pastoral Letter of Cardinal Mercier, and Preface by J. Van 
den Heuvel, Minister of State. London, Unwin, 1915, p. 
xxxv, 113, (id. Systematic presentation of carefully col- 
lected evidence. Strong indictment of German war methods 
and deeds. 

Sarolea, Charles. How Belgium Saved Europe, with a 
Preface by Count Goblet d'Alviella. Philadelphia, Lippin- 
cott, 1915, p. ix, 227. $1. Patriotic appreciation of Bel- 
gium's part in first weeks of the war. Author was in Bel- 
gium during period. 

Somville, Gustave. The Road to Liege, the Path of Crime, 
August 1914; translated by Bernard Miall. Doran, 1910, 
p. xxii, 296. $1. French writer; divides material into 
narrative and critical sections. Challenges Germans to dis- 
prove his statements. 

"Toynbee, Arnold Joseph. The German Terror in Bel- 
gium, an Historical Record. Doran, 1917, p. xiii, 160. $1. 
Systematic account of German behavior in Belgium and 
treatment of Belgian people, based on testimony gathered 
and published by officials and commissions of varioui 
governments. 

'Van der Essen, Leon. The invasion and the War In 
Belgium, with a Sketch of the Diplomatic Negotiation* 
preceding the Conflict. London, Unwin, 1917, p. 356. 15s. By 
a professor of history at Louvain. Best and fullest account 
yet available, but military side is rather weak and the 
critical method is not all that could be desired of a pro- 
fessor of history. Discusses neutrality issue. 

Yerdavaine, Georges. Pictures of Ruined Belgium, with 
72 Pen and Ink Sketches Drawn on the Spot by L. Berden. 
Lane, 1917. $3. Chief value in pictures. Text by art critic of 
Independance Beige, translated by J. Lewis May, based on 
official reports. 

Verhaeren, Emile. Belgium's Agony, translated and Intro- 
duced by M. T. H. Sadler. Boston, Houghton, 1915, p. xxii, 
131. $1.25. Splendid literary exposition of Belgium's suf- 
ferings and pride in bearing the suffering; biting criticism* 
of Germany. 

Williams, Albert Rhys. In the Claws of the German 
Eagle. Dutton, 1917, p. ix, 273. $1.50. Good account of 
observations, especially in Belgium, during early week* 
of the war, by a Boston pastor of socialist proclivities. 

17. BELGIUM: NEUTRALITY AND INTERNATIONAL 
LAW: DISCUSSIONS. 

DeVisscher, Charles. Belgium'* Case, a Juridical 
Enquiry; translated from the French by E. F. Jourdain, 
with a Preface by J. van den Heuvel. Doran, 1916, p. xxiv, 
164. $1. Excellent, comprehensive, concise study by pro- 
fessor of law in University of Ghent; written with fairness 
and moderation. 

Fuehr, Karl Alexander. The Neutrality of Belgium, a 
Study of the Belgian Case under its Aspects in Political 
ILstory and International Law. Funk, 1915, p. xiii, 248. 
$1.50. Historical and legal study to support German side. 
Contains various documents, Including facsimiles of famou* 
Brussels documents. 

Grasshoff, Richard. The Tragedy of Belgium, an Answer 
to Professor Waxweiler. Dillingham, 1916, p. 244. $1. 
Claims to use official material of German government to 
refute charges of German atrocities in Belgium, but gen- 
erally mistakes vehemence for argument, and assertion for 
proof. Emphasizes franc-tireur acts of Belgians. 



114 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



Labberton, J. H. Belgium and Germany, a Dutch View, 
translated by William Ellery Leonard. Chicago, Open 
Court Pub. Co., 1916, p. ix, 153. $1. Somewhat philo- 
sophical attempt to justify German invasion of Belgium. 
Avows neutrality but accepts German unsupported state- 
ments with little question, exonerates Germany and blames 
England. 

Langenhove, Fernand van. The Growth of a Legend, a 
Study Based upon the German Accounts of Francs-Tireurs 
and "Atrocities" in Belgium, with a preface by J. Mark 
Baldwin. Putnam, 1916, p. xv, 321. $1.25. The author is 
scientific secretary of the Solvay Institute of Brussels. 
Translation by E. B. Sherlock. Moderate, restrained inves- 
tigation ot evidence, but occasional over-refinement of 
argument. 

Sanger, Charles Percy, and Norton, Henry Tertius 
James. England's Guarantee to Belgium and Luxemburg, 
with the Full Text of the Treaties. Scribner, 1915, p. viii, 
155. $1.50. Historical section by Norton, international law 
discussion by Sanger. Treatment, careful, technical, legal- 
istic, not popular. " The obligations of Great Britain under 
the treaties of 1839 and 1867 are extremely doubtful . . . 
but in the circumstances of the case, Sir Edward Grey 
adhered to the traditional view of English statesmen." 

Waxweiler, Emile. Belgium, Neutral and Loyal, the 
War of 1914. Putnam, 1915, p. xi, 324. $1.25. Author is 
Director of Solvay Institute of Sociology of Brussels. 
Original appeared in Switzerland in December, 1914. Ear- 
nest, dignified plea for exoneration by an advocate; sober 
and moderate in tone, but vigorously insistent on facts and 
views. 

Waxweiler, Emile. Belgium and the Great Powers, her 
Neutrality Explained and Vindicated. Putnam, 1916, p. 
xi, 186. $1. Published fifteen months after former, "it 
neither corrects nor modifies it in any respect." Answers 
various German charges against Belgium. Like predecessor 
will remain one of most important volumes on Belgian 
question. 

18. FRANCE, 

Bracq, Jean Charlemagne. France under the Third Re- 
public. Scribner, 1910, p. x, 376. $1.50. Account of cul- 
tural development, including church and education ques- 
tions. Clear, accurate, fair, sympathetic to the Republic. 

*Bracq, Jean Charlemagne. The Provocation of France, 
Fifty Years of German Aggression. Oxford Press, 1916, 
p. vii, 202. $1.25. Discriminating survey of Franco-Ger- 
man relations in last half-century with careful references 
to authorities, by professor in Vassar College. 

Dimnet, Ernest. France Herself Again. Putnam, 1914, 
p. xii, 399. $2.50. Written in English by patriotic French- 
man; nearly completed before outbreak of war. Though 
France had been decadent under Second Empire and Third 
Republic, its health and vigor has revived since 1905. 

Gufirard, Albert L6on. French Civilization in the Nine- 
teenth Century, a Historical Introduction. Century, 1914, 
p. 312. $3. Good historical and descriptive account, pub- 
lished before the war. 

Kipling, Rudyard. France at War, On the Frontier of 
Civilization. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 1915, p. 130. 
50 cents. Interpretation of spirit of France in author's 
best style. 

Pomcarf, Raymond. How France is Governed. Trans- 
lated by Bernard Miall. McBride, 1914, p. 376. $2.25. 
Written before author became president of France, for 
French school use. Adult readers will find this an excel- 
lent introduction to theory, form, and working of French 
government. 



"Sabatier, Paul. A Frenchman's Thoughts on the War. 
Translated by Bernard Miall. Scribner, 1916, p. 164. $1.25. 
Perhaps best effort to reveal development of French char- 
acter during the war. Somewhat historical and descriptive, 
but the human interest is the keynote. Compare Kipling's 
France at War and Chevrillon's England. 

Wright, Charles Henry Conrad. A History of the Third 
French Republic. Boston, Houghton, 1916, p. 206. $1.50. 
Excellent, concise, impartial narrative. Should be supple- 
mented for descriptive matter by Bracq's Third Republic 

19. ITALY. 

Bainville, Jacques. Italy and the War. Translated by 
Bernard Miall. Doran, 1916, p. 267. $1. The author, a 
French correspondent with long service in Italy, reviews 
growth of Italian national unity, describes movement of 
Italy from Triple Alliance to Quadruple Entente, and con- 
cludes with chapter on effect of the war on Italy's future. 
Believes Italy's entrance into war was act of public will. 

Dillon, Emile John. From the Triple to the Quadruple 
Alliance: Why Italy Went Into the War. Doran, 1915, p. 
xii, 242. $1.50. Good account of traditions and events 
which influenced Italy's entrance into the war by able Eng- 
lish student of foreign affairs, who visited Italy in critical 
period. 

Jamison, E. M., and others. Italy, Medieval and Mod- 
ern, a History. Oxford Press, 1917, p. viii, 564. $2.90. 
Four English historical scholars have furnished a con- 
venient sketch of Italian history from the close of the Ro- 
man Empire to 1915. The section on the nineteenth cen- 
tury and the antecedents of the war is noteworthy. 

Low, Sidney James Mark. Italy in the War. Longmans, 

1916, p. xii, 316. $1.75. Good account of movement of 
events since August, 1914, in Italy; of how Italy and Aus- 
tria went to war; and of the conditions under which they 
contend. 

McClure, W. K. Italy in North Africa, an Account of the 
Tripoli Enterprise. Philadelphia, Winston, 1914, p. xi, 328. 
$2.50. Good account of Italo-Turkish war by an observer 
and Italian sympathizer. 

Vivian, Herbert. Italy at War. Dutton, 1917, p. ix, 370. 
$2.50. Character sketches of Italian leaders and of the 
Italian people rather than discussion of issues. Useful for 
sympathetic understanding of Italian attitude and activity. 

Wallace, William Kay. Greater Italy, 1858-1916. Scrib- 
ner, 1917, p. x, 312. $2. Account of unification of Italy 
and of the Triple Alliance, and good, informing discussion 
of Italy's problems in connection with the war. 

20. PORTUGAL. 
Young, George. Portugal, Old and Young. Oxford Press, 

1917. 5s. Though published in Histories of Belligerents 
Series, not so much history as a collection of essays on 
modern Portugal; best on cultural side. Author belonged 
to British legation at Lisbon. 

21. ALSACE-LORRAINE. 

Hazen, Charles Downer. Alsace-Lorraine Under German 
Rule. Holt, 1917, p. 246. $1.25. Clear, convincing indict- 
ment of German control of Alsace-Lorraine, by competent 
American historical scholar. 

Jordan, David Starr. Alsace-Lorraine, a Study in Con- 
quest. Indianapolis, Bobbs, 1917. $1. Written in 1913, 
after special study in the provinces, and partly published 
in Atlantic Monthly, May, 1914. Alsace is the storm-cen- 
ter, but war is no remedy for its problem. Quotes liberally 
both French and German views. 



V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 



115 



Putnam, Ruth. Alsace and Lorraine from Ciesar to 
Kaiser, 68 B. C. 1871 A. D. Putnam, 1915, p. viii, 208. 
$1.25. Scholarly historical outline, with supplementary 
chapter on German rule; non-committal. 

22. GERMANY: HISTORY. 

Germany in the Nineteenth Century. Longmans, 1915, p. 
xvi, 254. $2. Two series of lectures delivered at Manchester 
University in 1911 and early in 1914 by J. H. Rose and 
other English scholars, descriptive of German history and 
culture. Authors' views have been somewhat modified by 
the war, as shown by their later writings. 

Henderson, Ernest Flagg. A Short History of Germany. 
Macmillan, 1916, 2 vols. $3.50. Second edition of work 
published in 1902, with three chapters added for period 
1871-1914. By American scholar of German sympathies; 
accurate, fair, well written. 

Marriott, John Arthur Ransome, and Robertson, Charles 
Grant. The Evolution of Prussia, the Making of an Empire. 
Oxford Press, 1915, p. 459. $1.75. From Great Elector to 
Bismarck, with bibliography and sketch maps. Of avowed 
tendency and lively but not unfair criticism. More detailed 
and readable than Priest. 

'Priest, George Madison. Germany since 1740. Boston, 
Ginn, 1915, p. xvi, 199. $1.25. Good sketch with emphasis 
on Prussia; tends to neglect internal affairs. Summarizes 
the views of German history prevalent in generation preced- 
ing the war. 

*Schevill, Ferdinand. The Making of Modern Germany, 
Six Public Lectures Delivered in Chicago in 1915. Chicago, 
McClurg, 1916, p. xi, 259. $1.25. A professor of modern 
European history in University of Chicago surveys events 
from Great Elector to the war with studied moderation of 
tone and reserve of statement. Clear, pleasing style, some- 
times ingratiating as in its minimizing militarism. 

Smith, Munroe. Bismarck and German Unity. Columbia 
University Press, 1910, p. x, 132. $1. Second edition of 
sketch published on occasion of Bismarck's death In 1898. 
Excellent brief survey of the man and his policies. 

Treitschke, Heinrich Gotthard von. History of Germany 
in the Nineteenth Century; translated by Eden and Cedar 
Paul. McBride, 1915-16, vols. 1 and 2, xix, 708; xiv, 724. 
Each $3.25. Less permeated with his notorious views than 
his "Politics," the "History" has been more widely 
popular and influential in Germany. In general, good 
history; important for understanding German history of 
past century and present German character. Second volume 
covers to 1820. 

Ward, Sir Adolphus William. Germany, 1815-1890. Cam- 
bridge Historical Series. Putnam, 1916, vol. 1, p. xiv, 592. $3. 
A learned accumulation of facts narrated in dry, impartial 
manner. Most thorough English account. First volume 
covers to 1852. 

23. GERMANY: KAISER AND COURT. 

Fox, Edward Lyell. Wilhelm Hohenzollern & Co. 
McBride, 1917, p. xii, 237. $1.50. Sensational account of the 
Kaiser and men around him by American journalist who 
was three times in Germany during the war. 

Graves, Armgaard Karl, pseud. The Secrets of the Hohen- 
zollerns. McBride, 1915, p. 251. $1.50. English title: The 
Red Secrets of the Hohenzollerns. Highly sensational; 
would be interesting if true. 

Hammer, Simon Christian. William the Second. Boston, 
Houghton, 1917, p. 272. $1.50. Attempt at psychological 
analysis of the Kaiser based on his speeches and on con- 
temporary German writings. 



Keen, Edith. Seven Years at the Prussian Court. Lane, 
1917, p. 315, $3. Author waa in household of sister of 
Empress. Reminiscences and court gossip; trivial. 

Radziwill, Catherine (Rzewuska) Princess. Germany 
Under Three Emperors. Funk, 1917. $4. Account of Ger- 
man politics and diplomacy centered around Bismarck and 
William II; by a close observer. 

Topham, Anne. Memories of the Kaiser's Court. Dodd, 
1914, p. vii, 308. $3. English teacher of Princess Victoria 
gives intimate view of Kaiser's family and court since 1902. 

24. GERMANY: GOVERNMENT AND CONDITIONS. 

Barker, J. Ellis. The Foundations of Germany, a Docu- 
mentary Account Revealing the Causes of her Strength, 
Wealth, and Efficiency. Button, 1916, p. ix, 280. $2.50. 
Topical account of German conditions and policies told 
largely by quotations from Frederick the Great and other 
German rulers and statesmen since Great Elector. 

*Barker, J. Ellis. Modern Germany, her Political and 
Economic Problems, her Foreign and Domestic Policy, her 
Ambitions and the Causes of her Success; fifth revised and 
enlarged edition brought to Jan. 1915. Dutton, 1915, p. xi, 
852. $3. Author, native of Cologne, name changed from 
Eltzbacher by act of parliament, mors moderate and reason- 
able English counterpart of H. S. Chamberlain. Originally 
written in connection with famous colonial election of 
Reichstag in 1907, and brought to date in successive edi- 
tions, has been most notable English work on Germany 
through the decade. Deals with economic, colonial, and 
naval bases of German imperialism which he regards as 
directed against Great Britain, United States, or both. 

*Beyens, Eugene, Baron. Germany before the War; trans- 
lated by Paul V. Cohn. Nelson, 1916, p. 366. $1.50. Former 
Belgian minister at Berlin describes country and govern- 
ment and events preceding war in which he participated. 
Severe especially towards the Emperor. 

Bourdon, Georges. The German Enigma, being an Inquiry 
among the Germans as to What They Think, What They 
Want, What They Can Do, translated by Beatrice Marshall, 
with Introduction by Charles Sarolea. Dutton, 1914, p. xiii. 
357. $1.25. Editor of Paris Figaro toured Germany in 191S 
to learn attitude toward France. Found militarism inbred 
but everyone disclaiming desire for war, notably as against 
France. 

Collier, Price. Germany and the Germans from an Amer- 
ican Point of View. Scribner, 1913, p. xii, 498. $1.50. 
Popular account by shrewd observer, not unfriendly in tone. 
Author published volume with similar title and character 
on England in 1911. 

Dawson, William Harbutt. The Evolution of Modern 
Germany. Scribner, 1908, p. xvi, 503. $4. Excellent descrip- 
tion of character and conditions, with mass of information, 
but statistics are all of 1906 or earlier. Author has written 
various other works on Germany, including Municipal Life 
and Government in Germany (Longmans, 1914, $3.75). 

Dawson, William Harbutt What Is Wrong with Ger- 
many. Longmans, 1915, p. xii, 227. $1. Confessedly out of 
tune with his other works which he had hoped would promote 
better feeling between England and Germany. Based on far 
more thorough knowledge of growth of ideas and opinion in 
Germany than shown in most war books. Deals with theory 
of the state, militarism, imperialism, Weltpolitik, relations 
of north and south Germany, questions of reform, etc. 

"Fife, Robert Herndon, Jr. The German Empire between 
Two Wars, a Study of the Political and Social Development 
of the Nation between 1871 and 1914. Macmillan, 1910, p. 



116 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



xiv, 400. $1.50. Absolutely impartial, sympathetic account 
and criticism of foreign and domestic affairs, notably good 
on Alsace-Lorraine, Polish question, education, the press, 
municipal affairs, and parties. Based on personal obser- 
vation and wide study; written, in large part, before the 
war. 

Holmes, Edmond Gore Alexander. The Nemesis of Doc- 
ility, a Study of German Character. Dutton, 1916, p. vii, 
264. $1.75. Style superior to facts and logic. 

Howard, Burt Estes. The German Empire. Macmillan, 

1906, p. viii, 449. $2. A careful, somewhat legalistic, 
study of the imperial constitution. 

Krflger, Fritz-Konrad. Government and Politics of the 
German Empire. Yonkers, N. Y., World Book Co., 1915, p. 
xi, 340. $1.20. Good survey, sympathetic to Germany, 
written as textbook. 

Lichtenberger, Henri. Germany and its Evolution in 
Modern Times, translated from the French by A. M. Lud- 
ovici. Holt, 1913, p. 440. $2.50. By an Alsatian professor 
at the Sorbonne, published originally in 1907, lacks trans- 
lator's notes to bring it to date. Emphasizes economic 
progress and expansion, not militarism as the basic Hohen- 
zollera policy. 

McLaren, A. D. Germanism from Within. Dutton, 1916, 
p. x, 363. $3. Lived in Germany seven years preceding the 
war as correspondent of an Australian paper, and eight 
months in a concentration camp. Some of these attempts 
to analyze German character were written before the war, 
and all have unusual tone of fairness. 

Perris, George Herbert. Germany and the German 
Emperor. Holt, 1913, 4th edition, 1914, p. xii, 520. $3. 
Account of modern Germany written to promote better 
understanding between England and Germany. Chapters 
on Weltpolitik and other topics are valuable for presenting 
English views of 1912. Later editions show no change 
except in preface. 

Reich, Emil. Germany's Madness. Dodd, 1914, p. x, 224. 
$1. Author Hungarian resident in England. First published 

1907, also issued with title: Germany's Swelled Head. New 
edition somewhat condensed and brought to date. 

Schierbrand, Wolf von. Germany, the Welding of a World 
Power. Garden City, Doubleday, 1902, p. vii, 307. $2.40. 
Cheap reprint at later date. Superficial account by Amer- 
ican journalist for American readers. Largely out of date, 
but of some interest for views of the time. 

Smith, Thomas F. A. The Soul of Germany, a Twelve 
Years' Study of the People from Within, 1902-1914. Doran, 
1915, p. xv, 354. $1.25. Author was Englishman on Erlangen 
faculty. Facts usually accurate, interpretation made in war 
time, under personal pique at circumstances of his hasty 
exit from Germany. Unfortunate tendency to emphasize 
seamy side. Chapters on Treitschke and Nietzsche. 

'Veblen, Thorstein. Imperial Germany and the Industrial 
Revolution. Macmillan, 1915, p. viii, 324. $1.50. Socio- 
logical-historical essay, projected before the war, to study 
divergent lines of German and English cultural development 
in modern times, considered due to economic circumstances 
rather than to national genius or manifest destiny. 
Thoughtful work in difficult, often ironical, style, by Amer- 
ican professor. 

Villard, Oswald Garrison. Germany Embattled, an Amer- 
ican Interpretation. Scribner, 1915, p. 181. $1. Mainly 
reprint of articles by American editor familiar with Ger- 
many, to explain Germany's case, but shows why American 
opinion has developed adversely to Germany. Careful, 
intelligent study. 



25. GERMANY: POLITICAL THOUGHT. 

Bernhardi, Friedrich Adam Julius von. Britain as Ger- 
many's Vassal, translated by J. Ellis Barker. Doran, 1914, 
p. 255. $1. Written year after Germany and the Next 
War to show that Germany's next step toward world 
domination should be subjugation of England. Appendix 
contains selections from Kriegsbrauch, the German hand- 
book of law and custom of war. 

Bernhardi, Friedrich Adam Julius von. Germany and 
England. Dillingham, 1915, p. 93. $.50. Partly reply to 
Cramb's book, partly apologia addressed to American 
readers. Blames England for the war and naively declares 
notion of German invasion of America " belongs only to 
sphere of bar-room discussion." 

'Bernhardi, Friedrich Adam Julius von. Germany and 
the Next War, translated by Allen H. Powles. Longmans, 
1913, p. 288. $3. First published in Germany in 1911 us 
author's reaction from Moroccan crisis of that year. Not 
the technical, but the political and ethical chapters gave 
this book its fame as the typical expression of German 
militarism. 

Bernhardi, Friedrich Adam Julius von. How Germany 
Makes War. Doran, 1914, p. xv, 263. $1.25. Abridgment 
of On War Today (Dodd, 1914, 2 vols., $5) translated and 
edited by Hugh Rees. Largely technical, but reveals 
author's belief in Germany as world power with cultural 
mission. 

'Bismarck, Otto, Ftirst von. Bismarck the Man and the 
Statesman, being the Reflections and Reminiscences Written 
and Dictated by Himself after his Retirement from Office, 
translated from the German under the Supervision of A. J. 
Butler. Harper, 1899, 2 vols., p. xx, 415; xix, 362. $7.50. 
Valuable not as record of events, but as exposition of hl 
policies and acts. Second volume on events, 1862-1890, is of 
great importance on both domestic and foreign affairs. 

*BUlow, Bernhard Heinrich Martin Karl, Ftirst von. Im- 
perial Germany; with a Foreword by J. W. Headlam; trans- 
lated by Marie A. Lewenz; new and revised editon. Dodd, 
1917, p. xlv, 335. $2. By former German chancellor. Original 
German edition published in 1913 in volume to commemo- 
rate twenty-fifth anniversary of Kaiser's accession. New 
German edition published separately in 1916. English edi- 
tion of original appeared in 1914. Largely rewritten with 
new parts in brackets, also new chapters 011 militarism and 
the Social Democrats, and a new introduction. Early 
chapters devoted to foreign relations, with some comment 
on almost every event since 1888. Observations on individual 
topics are keen; didactic tone, strong nationalist and imper- 
ialist patriotism pervade the book. Correlation of ideas 
and consistency of statement are neglected virtues. 

Chamberlain, Houston Stewart. The Foundations of the 
Nineteenth Century, with an Introduction by Lord Redes- 
dale. Lane, 1910, 2 vols., p. cii, 578; vii, 580. $10. Author 
born of distinguished English family, married daughter of 
Richard Wagner, and has long lived in Germany as natural- 
ized citizen. Not history, but a copious conglomerate of 
facts, an induction into the sacred mystery of Teutonism. 
Facts not always supported by authorities and logic 
untrammeled by customary rules. Regards Teutons as 
great creators and custodians of culture. 

Frobenius, Herman Theodor Wilhelm. The German 
Empire's Hour of Destiny, with preface by Sir Valentin* 
Chirol. McBride, 1914, p. 139. $1. Published early in 1914, 
predicting the war, based partly on Lea's Day of th 
Saxon. Made prominent by commendation from the Crown 
Prince. 



V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 



117 



Gauss, Christian. The German Emperor as Shown in 
his Public Utterances. Scribner, 1915, p. xvi, 329. $1.25. 

Schierbrand, Wolf von. The Kaiser's Speeches, forming 
a Character Portrait of Emperor William It; Translated 
and lulited with Annotations; based upon a compilation 
made by A. Oscar Klaussmann. Harper, 1903, p. xxxi, 333. 
$2.50. Omits part of Klaussmann collection, but adds some 
other. Speeches are not printed in whole, but under topical 
arrangement, material from various speeches is brought 
together. Covers only first fifteen years of reign. 

Treitschke, Heinrich Gotthard von. Germany, France, 
Russia, and Islam, translated into English, with a Foreword 
by George Haven Putnam. Putnam, 1915, p. xiv, 336. $1.50. 
Eight essays written between 1871 and 1895; of no great 
interest. 

Treitsehke, Heinrich Gotthard von. Politics, translated 
from the German by Blanche Dugdale and Torben de Bills, 
with an Introduction by Arthur James Balfour, and a 
Foreword by A. Lawrence Lowell. Macmillan, 1916, 2 vols., 
p. xliv, 406; vi, 643. $7. Lectures, published posthumously 
in German in 1897-8, grouped under five headings: the 
nature of the state, the social foundations of the state, 
varieties of political constitution, the state considered in 
regard to its influence upon rulers and ruled, and the state 
considered in relation to international intercourse. The 
first and last sections contain the more notable pronounce- 
ments. He failed to verify his facts, to weigh evidence 
correctly, and to avoid contradiction, but his brilliance and 
earnestness carried conviction. There is a convenient volume 
of Selections, translated by Adam L. Gowans (Philadelphia, 
Stokes, 1915, $.75). 

26. GERMANY: POLITICAL THOUGHT: CRITICISMS. 

Davis, Henry William Charles. The Political Thought of 
Heinrich von Treitschke. Scribner, 1915, p. viii, 295. $2. 
Attempt, by English historical scholar, to trace development 
of Treitschke's ideas and to analyze them with special 
reference to his Politics. Rigorous, but not harsh or unfair, 
criticism. 

Dewey, John. German Philosophy and Politics. Holt, 
1915, p. 134. $1.25. Able, readable survey, by American 
philosopher, of philosophical origins and background, from 
Kant, Fichte, and Hegel to the war, of current German 
political ideas. 

Figgis, John Neville. The Will to Freedom, or the Gospel 
of Nietzsche and the Gospel of Christ. Scribner, 1917, p. 
xviii, 320. $1.25. Excellent analysis and criticism of the 
philosophy of Nietzsche and estimate of its influence on 
German thought. 

Guilland, Antoine. Modern Germany and her Historians 
McBride. 11)15, p. 3I>0. $2.25. Author is professor in Swiss 
Polytechnic School, Zurich. Critical study of political 
school of historians in Germany in nineteenth century. 
Written before the war, with excellent style and wide 
knowledge. 

Palter, William Mnckintire. Nietzsche the Thinker, a 
Study. Holt, 1917, p. x, 539. $3.50. Thorough philosoph- 
ical study nearly completed before the war, with which he 
does not find Nietzsche specially connected. 

Santayana. George. Egotism in German Philosophy. 
Scribner', HUB. $1.50. Abstract, brilliant, bitter. 

Treitschke, his Doctrine of German Destiny and of Inter- 
national Relations. Putnam, 11)14, p. xi. 332. $1.50. Con- 
tains study of Treitschke and his works by Adolf Hausrath 
and selections from his writings. Handy introduction to 
Treitschke and his ideas. 



27. GERMANY: ANTHOLOGIES OF OPINION. 

Archer, William. Gems ( T) of German Thought. Garden 
City, Doubleday, 1917, p. 'a, 264. $1.25. Extracts from 
over eighty sources arranged topically, to show " the dom- 
inant characteristics of German mentality." 

Bang, Jacob Peter. Hurrah and Hallelujah, the Teaching 
of Germany's Poets, Prophets, Professors and Preachers, a 
Documentation translated from the Danish by Jessie 
BrOchner, with an introduction by Ralph Connor. Doran, 
1917, p. xi, 234. $1. Author is professor in University of 
Copenhagen. After introductory survey of growth of the 
" new-German spirit " before the war, reviews, with abund- 
ant quotations, utterances and publications during the war 
both by chauvinists and moderates. Effective revelation of 
obsessions of German thought. 

Chapman, John Jay Deutschland Uber Alles, or Ger- 
many Speaks, a Collection of Utterances of Representative 
Germans: Statesmen, Military Leaders, Scholars and 
Poets, in Defence of the War Policies of the Fatherland. 
Putnam, 1914, p. 102. $.75. 

Gowans, Adam L. A Month's German Newspapers, being 
Representative Extracts from those of the Memorable 
Month of December, 1914. New York, Stokes, 1915, p. 
vii, 275. $1. Extracts from eight leading papers, whose 
character is described, dealing especially with events on the 
west front and relations with England. 

Smith, Thomas F. A. What Germany Thinks; the War 
as Germans See It. Doran, 1915, p. 336. $1.25. German 
utterances during first year of war, topically arranged. 
Seems to reveal solidarity of German opinion, though 
other currents of thought may be overlooked. 

28. GERMANY: WELTPOLJTIK. 

Hurd, Archibald S., and Castle, Henry. German Sea 
Power, its Rise, Progress, and Economic Basis. Scribner, 
1913, p. xv, 388. $3.25. Intelligent, though not friendly, 
English account of German naval policy. Hurd has written 
much else on naval and diplomatic questions of the war and 
the years immediately preceding. 

Lewin, Percy Evans. The German Road to the East, an 
Account of the Drang nach Osten and of Teutonic Aims in 
the Near and Middle East. Doran, 1917, p. 340. $2.50. Based 
not on personal observation but on thorough study of the 
literature of the subject. 

Mach, Edmund Robert Otto von. Germany's Point of 
View. Chicago, McClurg, 1915. $1.50. Well written attempt 
to state Germany's case, especially against England, and to 
give German side of Belgian and other matters. Belongs 
to MUnsterberg school of German propaganda in America. 

Mach, Edmund Robert Otto von. Wbat Germany Wants. 
Boston, Little, 1914. $1. Clear, moderate explanation of 
German ideals, problems, and policies to persuade Americans 
that Germany should not be judged by Bernhardi. 

Prothero, George Walter. German Policy Before the 
War. Diitton, 1916, p. viii, 111. $1. Outlines with clearness 
and vigor but not entirely dispassionately, development of 
German thought and policy leading to the war. By well 
known English historian. 

Rohrbach, Paul. Germany's Isolation, an Exposition of 
the Economic Causes of the War; translated by Paul H, 
Phillipson. Chicago, McClurg, 1915, p. xvii. 186. $1. Trans- 
lation of Der Krieg und die Deutsche Politik (1914). Six 
chapters written before the war deal with Anglo-German 
rivalry. Final chapter on outbreak of war exonerates 
Germany. Chapter on Salient Ideas of German Foreign 
Policy is remarkable, if printed as written before the war. 



118 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



Rohrbach, Paul. German World Policies, translated by 
E. von Mach. Macmillan, 1915, p. xi, 243. $1.25. Translation 
of Der Deutsche Gedanke in der Welt (1912), which trans- 
lator says has "inspired more Germans than any other book 
published since 1871, for everybody felt that it presented 
a generally true picture of the Fatherland and indicated 
the paths which the Germans had resolved to follow." 
Typical of German idealism and much more moderate than 
Bernhardi. 

Usher, Roland Greene. Pan-Germanism from its Inception 
to the Outbreak of the War, a Critical Study. Boston, 
Houghton, 1914, p. vii, 422. $1.75. Widely read during first 
yew of the war as clear, breezy presentation of Pan- 
German movement, its ideas and their application to events 
of two decades preceding the war. Though not to be relied 
on for accuracy, events have given warrant to many of his 
conclusions. 

29. GERMANY: WAR-TIME DISCUSSIONS OF POLICY. 

Fernau, Hermann. Coming Democracy. Dutton, 1917, p. 
viii, 321. $2. Translation of "Durch! Zur Demokratie," 
published before Russian revolution. By a German demo- 
crat and pacifist who vigorously denounces the German 
government and proclaims necessity of military defeat of 
Germany for its own sake, as only means of replacing mon- 
archy by democracy. 

I Accuse! (J'Accuse) by a German; with Preface by 
Dr. Anton Suter, translated by Alexander Gray. Doran, 
1915, p. viii, 445. $1.50. German refugee, pacifist, perhaps 
Social Democrat, asserts his German loyalty but with 
intelligence and courage denounces Prussian militarists as 
responsible for the war. To be read to offset accepted 
German views of BUlow, Bernhardi, and Rohrbach. Has 
since published first of three volumes entitled The Crime 
(1917) to complete his proofs of Prussian militarist respon- 
sibility. 

"Naumann, Friedrich. Central Europe; a translation by 
Christabel M. Meredith from the Original German. Knopf, 
1917, p. vii, 351. $3. Painstaking argument for closer 
union of Germany and Austria and ultimately for a still 
greater central European combination. Economic consid- 
erations are given full weight. Perhaps the most notable 
German book on national and international policy produced 
during the war. The author is a member of the Reichstag, 
of socialist antecedents. 

Modern Germany in Relation to the Great War, by Var- 
ious German Writers; translated by W. W. Whitelock.. 
Kennerley, 1916, p. 628. $2. Translation of Deutschland 
und der Weltkrieg, edited by Professors Heintze, Meinecke, 
Oncken, and Schuhmacher, in which twenty German scholars 
co-operate to state Germany's case. Note especially Erich 
Marck's essay on historic relations between Germany and 
England. 

30. GERMANY: ARMY, NAVY, SECRET SERVICE. 

Edelsheim, Franz, Freiherr von. Operations upon the 
Sea, a Study translated from the German. Outdoor Press, 
1914. $.75. Technical study, interesting for illustrative 
studies of German invasions of England and United States. 

The German Spy-System from within, by an Ex-Intel- 
ligence Officer. Doran, 1915, second edition, p. viii, 195. $1. 
Shallow performance, possibly by British secret service 
man to explain the menace to English readers. 

Goltz , Colmar, Freiherr von der. A Nation in Arms, 
translated by Philip A. Ashworth, edited by A. Hilliard 
Atteridge. Doran, 1915, p. viii. 288. $1. Exposition of 



German military system by veteran German officer, for- 
merly military governor of Belgium. Condensed from first 
English translation of 1906. 

Goltz, Horst von der. My Adventures c,s a German Secret 
Agent. McBride, 1917, p. xii, 287. $1.50. Purports to be 
account of German secret service and of personal exper- 
iences by one whose activities in United States and Mexico 
attracted attention prior to his arrest by English. Asserts 
wide ramification of German system in United States. 

Graves, Armgaard Karl, pseud., and Fox, Edward Lyell. 
The Secrets of the German War Office. McBride, 1914, p. 
240. $1.50. Sensational narrative of doubtful authenticity 
by purported German secret agent. 

Henderson, Ernest Flagg. Germany's Fighting Machine, 
her Army, her Navy, her Air-ships, and Why She Arrayed 
Them Against the Allied Powers of Europe. Indianapolis, 
Bobbs, 1914, p. 97. $1.25. Brief popular account by German 
sympathizer, with wealth of excellent illustrations. 

The War Book of the German General Staff, being 
" The Usages of War on Land, " Issued by the Great General 
Staff of the German Army; translated by J. H. Morgan. 
McBride, 1915, p. xv, 199. $1. Professor Morgan has made 
careful literal translation and added a full critical intro- 
duction to the Kriegsbrauch im Landkriege. 

31. GERMANY: DESCRIPTIONS IN WAR-TIME. 

Ackerman, Carl William. Germany, the Next Republic t 
Doran, 1917, p. xiv, 292. $1.50. Author was American 
correspondent in Germany from March, 1915, to the rupture 
of relations. Describes rivalry of Bethmann-Hollweg and 
Tirpitz factions and movement of public opinion in Ger- 
many. Approves American delay in entering the war. 

Beaufort, J. M. de. Behind the German Veil; a Record 
of a Journalistic War Pilgrimage. Dodd, 1917, p. rix, 403. 
$2. Author a native of Holland, trained as correspondent 
in America, went to Germany in 1914. Wide observations, 
including eastern front and the fleet. Sympathies pro- 
Ally. 

Bullitt, Mrs. Ernesta Drinker. An Uncensored Diary; 
from the Central Empires. Garden City, Doubleday, 1917, 
p. v, 205. $1.25. Diary of wife of correspondent in Ger- 
many in summer of 1916. Includes visits to Belgium and 
Austria-Hungary. Many interesting observations, especially 
concerning women and children. 

Curtin, D. Thomas. The Land of Deepening Shadow, Ger- 
many-at-War. Doran, 1917, p. 337. $1.50. Description of 
German methods and of conditions in Germany late in 1915 
by American correspondent. 

Gerard, James Watson. My Four Years in Germany. 
Doran, 1917, p. xvi, 448. $2. The former American am- 
bassador to Germany gives some important information, 
and records many interesting and enlightening observations. 
Honest, straightforward account, intended to arouse 
popular interest and give general public convincing proofs 
of American case against Germany., 

McClellan, George Brinton. The Heel of War. Dilling- 
ham, 1916, p. xi, 177. $1. Record of visits to Germany, 
Belgium, France, and Italy during the war, by former 
mayor of New York, now professor at Princeton. Profes- 
sedly unbiassed, actually transparently German. 

Swope, Herbert Bayard. Inside the German Empire im 
the Third Year of the War. Century, 1917, p. xxi, 366. $2. 
By American correspondent of New York World. Tone, 
impartial; observations, hasty and inadequate; judgments, 
hasty and now somewhat superannuated; style, readable. 



V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 



119 



32. AUSTRIA-HUNGARY. 

Andrassy, Graf Julius. Whose Sin Is the World War! 
Translated by E. J. Euphrat. New Era Publishing House, 
1915, p. 154. 50 cents. Author is son of famous state chan- 
cellor, and has himself been an Hungarian minister. Able, 
tactful presentation of Austria's case against Serbia and 
Russia; places blame squarely on Russia. 

Austria-Hungary and the War. Fatherland Corporation, 
1915, p. ti-l. Nine articles by prominent Austrians on 
causes* of the war and Austrian interests. Official Austrian 
propaganda. 

Capek, Thomas, editor. Bohemia under Hapsburg Mis- 
rule, a Study of the Ideals and Aspirations of the Bohemian 
and Slovak Peoples as they Relate to and Are Affected by 
the Great European War. Revell, 1915, p. 187. $1. Arti- 
cles by leading authorities on Bohemian affairs setting forth 
anti-Hapsburg feeling and opposition to Germanization. 
Not to be relied on as accurate or authoritative. 

Knatchbull-Hugesson, Cecil Marcus. The Political Evolu- 
tion of the Hungarian Nation. London, National Review, 
1908, 2 vols. Deals primarily with the Magyar element and 
presents its views. 

Ludwig, Ernest. Austria-Hungary and the War, with a 
preface by Dr. K. T. Dumba. Ogilvie, 1915, p. 200. $1. The 
Austrian case told by the former consul at Cleveland. At- 
tention centered on the Serbian question, with best account 
of Sarajevo trial. Chapter on Ruthenian problem, also one 
on relations with United States. 

Pollak, Gustav. The House of Hohenzollern and the 
Hapsburg Monarchy. Evening Post Co., 1917, p. 107. 60 
cents. Reprint of seven timely articles on German and 
Austrian questions from New York Evening Post by a na- 
tive of Vienna. 

Schierbrand, Wolf von. Austria-Hungary, the Polyglot 
Empire. New York, Stokes, 1917, p. vii, 372. $3. Jour- 
nalist who had spent years in Germany and Austria de- 
scribes conditions, problems, and war-time situation. 

Steed, Henry Wickham. The Hapsburg Monarchy. 
Scribner, 1913, p. xxxii, 304. $2.50. Author writes with 
knowledge and insight due to a decade's residence in the 
Dual Monarchy as London Times correspondent. Pleasing 
style, but too much knowledge is presumed for easy reading. 
Describes organization and administration of the monarchy 
and such conditions and problems as foreign policy, Bosnia, 
Yugoslavs, and Jews. 

Whitman, Sidney. Austria (Story of the Nations Series). 
Putnam, 1898. $1.50. Brief outline account to 1898. The 
same series contains a volume on Hungary by Vambfrv 
(1886). 

33. AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: SLAVIC PEOPLES. 

Bailey, William Frederick. The Slavs of the War Zone. 
Dutton, 1916, p. xii, 266. $3.50. Descriptions of Austrian 
Slavs, both northern and southern, impassioned but inform- 
ing. 

Seton-Watson, Robert William. Racial Problems in 
Hungary, by Scotus Viator (pseud). London, Constable, 
1908, p. xxvii, 540. The Southern Slav Question and the 
Hapsburg Monarchy. London, Constable, 1911, p. xii, 463. 
12s. 6d. Corruption and Reform in Hungary, a Study of 
Electoral Practice. London, Constable, 1911, p. xvi, 197. 4s. 
6d. German, Slav, and Mapryar, a Study in the Origins of 
tlie Great War. London, Williams & Norgate, 1916, p. 198. 
2s. 6d. Four works on various phases of the Southern Slav 
question in Hungary, by a specialist on the subject, an 
advocate of Jugoslavia nationality. 



34. BALKAN PENINSULA: HISTORY, CONDITIONS, 
PROBLEMS. 

Abbott, George Frederick. Turkey, Greece, and the Great 
Powers; a Study in Friendship and Hate. McBride, 1917, 
p. vii, 384. $3. Part I deals with Turkey and the Great 
Powers; Part II treats Greece similarly. Both historical 
antecedents and relations during the war are discussed. 
Author was formerly a war correspondent. Historical sec- 
tions are inadequate; judgments of contemporary events to 
be taken with caution. Criticises treatment of Greece by 
the Allies. 

Brown, Demetra (Vaka) (Mrs. Kenneth Brown). The 
Heart of the Balkans. Boston, Houghton, 1917, p. 248. $1.50. 
A series of sketches of travel through the Balkans in 1913 
or thereabouts. 

Buxton, Noel Edward, and Buxton, Charles Roden. The 
War and the Balkans. London, Allen & Unwin, 1915, p. 
112. 2s. 6d. Unusually successful effort to set forth con- 
cisely and impartially the views and feelings of the several 
Balkan peoples. 

Courtney, Leonard Henry Courtney, 1st Baron, editor. 
Nationalism and War in the Near-East, by a Diplomatist. 
Oxford Press, 1916, p. xxvi, 428. $4.15. Marked by demo- 
cratic and pacifist bias, but, perhaps, ablest discussion of 
Balkan problems, especially of years immediately preceding 
the war. Not so much narrative or descriptive as analytical 
and philosophical. 

Forbes, Nevill; Toynbee, Arnold Joseph; Mitrany, D.; 
and Hogarth, David George. The Balkans, a History of 
Bulgaria, Serbia, Greece, Rumania, Turkey. Oxford Press, 
p. 407. $1.75. Bulgaria and Serbia by Forbes, Greece by 
Toynbee, Romania by Mitrany, Turkey by Hogarth; the 
last being especially good. Diverse in method and value, 
and with no unity except the binding; general treatment 
of Balkan problem is unfortunately lacking. Better for 
general reader than Miller for accounts of separate states; 
Miller's account more unified and general. 

Holland, Thomas Erskine. The European Concert in the 
Eastern Question, a Collection of Treaties and other Public 
Acts, with introductions and Notes. Oxford Press, 1885, 
p. xii, 366. $3.25. Contains principal documents from 
1830 to 1883. 

'Marriott, John Arthur Ransome. The Eastern question, 
an Historical Study in European Diplomacy. Oxford Press, 
1917, p. viii, 456. $5.50. An historical account of the 
Ottoman empire is the central topic for a treatment of the 
Balkan problems and the international interests involved. 
The present war and its immediate antecedents receive 
ample attention. There is a chapter on the geography of 
the Balkans. The only good systematic work in English 
by well-known English historical scholar. 

Miller, William. The Ottoman Empire, 1801-1913. Put- 
nam, 1913, p. xvi, 547. $2.50. History since 1801 of all 
lands then part of Ottoman Empire, hence really an account 
of the rise of the Balkan nationalities, and of the inter- 
national relations involved. Mass of facts, which covers to 
close of first Balkan war, makes the book informing but 
the etyle and method are scarcely enlightening. 

The Near East from Within. Funk, 1915, p. viii, 256. $3. 
Author claims to have been highly placed diplomat in the 
confidence of the Kaiser. Purports to unburden his mind 
of intrigues of secret diplomacy in the Balkans; interesting, 
but authenticity needs to be vouched. 

*Xewl>i<jin, Marion Isabel, Geographical Aspects of Balkan 
Problems in their Relation to the Great European. War. 
Putnam, 1915, p. ix, 243. $1.75. Covers whole peninsula 



120 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



and Danube valley; important on trade routes, river sys- 
tems, agricultural conditions and other features connected 
with racial questions and political ambitions. Written with 
full recognition of the two Balkan wars and of importance 
of Balkan problems in present war. 

Phillipson, Coleman, and Buxton, Noel. The Question 
of the Bosphorus and Dardanelles. London, Stevens & 
Haynes, 1917, p. xvi, 264. Discusses general problems of 
international law involved; surveys history of question 
from 1774 to 1878 with reference to successive treaties and 
their application; considers future readjustment, with 
special reference to Russia and to internationalization 
similar to Danube Commission. 

Savic, Vladislav R. South-Eastern Europe, the Main 
Problem of the Present World Struggle, with Introduction 
by Nicholas Murray Butler. Revell, 1918, p. 276. $1.50. 
Surveys history of Southern Slavs and of their relations 
with Austria-Hungary and with Bulgaria; chapters on 
America and the South Slav State, Pan- Slavism, and the 
Adriatic Question. By Serb correspondent of English 
papers. 

Seton-Watson, Robert William. The Balkans, Italy, and 
the Adriatic. London, Nisbet, 1915, p. 79. Is. Brief study 
of Adriatic question and of Italy's interests in the Balkans. 

Seton-Watson, Robert William. The Rise of Nationality 
in the Balkans. London, Constable, 1917. 10s. 6d. Thorough 
account by a leading authority. 

Singleton, Esther. Turkey and the Balkan States as 
Described by Great Writers. Dodd, 1908, p. xii, 336. $1.60. 
Well selected compilation illustrating manners, customs, 
and conditions. 

Villari, Luigi, editor. The Balkan Question, the Present 
Condition of the Balkans and of European Responsibilities, 
by Various Writers, with Introduction by James Bryce. 
Dutton, 1905, p. 362. $3. Distinguished writers of various 
nationalities discuss, various aspects of problems and argue 
for extension of international European control for imme^ 
diate relief of conditions. 

Woods, Henry Charles. The Danger Zone of Europe, 
Changes and Problems in the Near East. Boston, Little, 
1911, p. 328. $3.50. Based on travel and research; discusses 
several phases of Balkan affairs. 

Woolf, Leonard Sidney. The Future of Constantinople. 
Macmillan, 1917, p. 109. $1. Suggests control by inter- 
national commission similar to Danube Commission of 
which some account is given. 

35. BALKAN WARS, 1912-13. 

International Commission to Inquire into the Causes and 
Conduct of the Balkan Wars. Report. Washington, 
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1914, p. 413. 
Report of an attempt to make thorough impartial study of 
Balkan situation. Places blame on all Balkan peoples, but 
finds Greeks rather more guilty of atrocities than Bul- 
garians. 

Rankin, Reginald. The Inner History of the Balkan War. 
Dutton, 1914, p. x, 569. $5. After historical surveys of the 
several countries of the Balkans, recounts causes and pro- 
gress of the war with personal journalistic experiences. 
Lengthy and pretentious. 

Schurman, Jacob Gould. The Balkan Wars, 1912-13. 
Princeton, University Press, 1914, p. xv, 140. $1. Author 
was American minister to Greece at the time. Clear con- 
dse review of causes, events and results. 

Sloane, William Milligan. The Balkans, a Laboratory of 
History. Methodist Book Concern, 1914, p. viii, 322. $1.50. 



Comprehensive but not always accurate account of the 
Balkan wars and their antecedents. 

Trapmann, A. H. The Greeks Triumphant. London, 
Forster, Groom & Co., 1915, p. xi, 294. 7s. 6d. Accounts 
of the two Balkan wars by correspondent of London Daily 
Telegraph. 

36. SERBIA, MONTENEGRO, SOUTHERN SLAVS. 

*Jones, Fortier. With Serbia into Exile, an American's 
Adventures with the Army that Can Not Die. Century, 
1916, p. 447. $1.60. London Times calls it best personal 
narrative of Serbian retreat. Author was student in Col- 
umbia School of Journalism who engaged in Serbian relief 
work. 

Petrovic, Vojislav M. Serbia, her People, History, and 
Aspirations. New York, Stokes, 1915, p. 280. $1.50. 
Convenient, though not scrupulously accurate, outline of 
Serbian history to 1914, with clear statement of national 
aims; by Serbian diplomatist. 

Reiss, Rodolphe Archibald. Report upon the Atrocities 
Committed by the Austro-Hungarian Army during the First 
Invasion of Serbia; English translation by F. S. Copeland. 
London, Simpkin, 1916, p. 192. 5s. Report to Serbian gov- 
ernment by Dr. Reiss of University of Lausanne on mate- 
rials gathered in autumn of 1914. 

Stead, Alfred, editor. Servia and the Servians. London, 
Heinemann, 1909, p. 390. 12s. 6d. Useful compilation, 
including economic data. 

Taylor, A. H. E. The Future of the Southern Slavs. 
Dodd, 1917. $3. Deals with Serbia and the Jugoslav ques- 
tion; chapter on the Adriatic question takes sides with 
Slavs against Italy. 

"Temperley, Harold William Vazielle. History of Serbia. 
Macmillan, 1917, p. x, 354. $4. Good account by competent 
English historian. Unfortunately closes with 1910. 

Trevor, Roy. Montenegro, a Land of Warriors. Mac- 
millan, 1914, p. vii, 87. $.55. Avoids politics; describes 
people and conditions. 

Tucic, Srgjan PI. The Slav Nations; translated by Fanny 
S. Copeland. Doran, 1915, p. viii, 192. $.50. Serbian writes 
chapter on each Slav nation, descriptive of peoples. Hasty, 
enthusiastic sketches. 

Velimirovic, Nicolai. Serbia in Light and Darkness, with 
a Preface by the Archbishop of Canterbury. Longmans, 1916, 
p. xii, 147. $1.20. Based on addresses of a Serbian priest to 
English audiences, voicing national spirit and portraying 
national life; not a book of facts. 

37. ALBANIA. 

Durham, Mary Edith. The Straggle for Scutari, Turk, 
Slav, and Albanian. Longmans, 1914, p. 332. $4. Also 
includes discussion of international affairs in Balkans and 
gives special attention to Albanians. 

Peacock, Wadham. Albania, the Foundling State of 
Europe. Appleton, 1914, p. 256. $2.50. Author spent some 
time at Scutari in English consular service and admires 
Albanians. Historical and descriptive account with some 
discussion of problems. 

38. GREECE. 

Cassavetti, Demetrius John. Hellas and the Balkan 
Wars; with an Introduction by W. Pember Reeves. Dodd, 
1914, p. xv, 3HS. $3. Record of Greek history and aims for 
last half century with special reference to causes and 
Greek participation in Balkan wars of 1912-13. Carefully 



V. SEI.KCTKI) BIHLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 



121 



done with citation of authorities. Patriotic and anti-Bul- 
garian. 

Garnett, Lucy Mary Jane. Greece of the Hellenes. Scrib- 
ner, 1st 14, p. vii, 246. $1.50. Good descriptive work on 
contemporary life and conditions. 

Kerolilax, Dr. C. Eleftherio8 Venizelos, his Life and Work, 
with an Introduction by M. Take Jonesco; translated by 
Beatrice liarstow. Dutton, 1915, p. xvii, 1!I8. $1.25. Laud- 
atory, popular account of career to early months of the 
war. Introduction by former Romanian premier is best 
part of book. 

Price, W. H. Crawford. Venizelos and the War. London, 
Simpkin, 1917. 2s. Athens correspondent of London Daily 
Mail describes recent relations of Greece with the Allies 
and with other Balkan states. 

Venizelos, Eleutherios. Greece in her True Light, her 
Position in the World-wide War as Expounded by EL K. 
Veni/.elos, her Greatest Statesman, in a Series of Official 
Documents, translated by S. A. Xanthaky, and N. G. Sakel- 
larios. Sakellarios and Xanthaky, 1916, p. 288. $2. Sup- 
plemented with an account of career of Venizelos. 

39. OTTOMAN EMPIRE: THE TURKS. 

Baker, B. Granville. The Passing of the Turkish Empire 
In Europe. Philadelphia, Lippincott, 1913, p. 335. $3.50. 
Author was in Constantinople during the first Balkan war, 
but says little of it; mainly descriptive material which 
throws some incidental light on political problems. 

Cobb, Stanwood. The Real Turk. Boston, Pilgrim 
Press, 1914, p. xv, 301. $1.50. Author lived three years in 
Turkey under Young Turk rule and frankly endeavors to 
present the good side of Turkish people. 

Eliot, Sir Charles Norton Edgecumbe (Odysseus, pseud). 
Turkey in Europe. Longmans, second edition, 1908, p. vil, 
459. $2.50. Based on residence and travel especially from 
1893 to 18ns, with additional chapters to 1907. Deals with 
Balkan peoples in general, but with special reference to 
Turks. Good historical and descriptive account. Furnishes 
backfrround for understanding events of last decade. First 
edition, pseudonymous, 1900. 

Emin, Ahmed. The Development of Modern Turkey as 
Measured by its Press. Longmans, 1914, p. 142. $1.50. A 
Columbia University doctoral thesis on influence of the 
press on reform movements in Turkey. 

Eversley, George John Shaw-Lefevre, 1st Baron. The 
Turkish Empire, its Growth and Decay. Dodd, 1917, p. 392. 
$3. Earlier parts derived from familiar authorities, but 
later sections record personal observations and use other 
first-hand material. Good, popular account. 

Jabotinsky, Vladimir. Turkey and the War. London, 
Unwin, 1917. 6s. Discussion of the partition of Turkey, by 
a Russian journalist. 

Pears, Sir Edwin. Forty Years in Constantinople. Apple- 
ton, 1915, p. xiii, 390. $5. Reminiscences of Englishman 
long resident at Constantinople with special reference to 
English diplomats; chapter on American Ambassador 
Morpenthau and his services after outbreak of war. 

'Pears, Sir Edwin. Turkey and its People. London, 
Methnen, 1911; second edition, 1912, p. vi, 409. 12s. 6d. 
Excellent historical and descriptive volume based on long 
residence and extensive travel in Turkey. 

Pears, Sir Edwin. Life of Abdul Harold. Holt, 1917, p. 
x, 365. $2. Account of villainous acts and influences of 
the former Sultan, by an authority of special competence 
on Ottoman affairs. 



Sykee, Sir Mark, Bart. The Caliph's Last Heritage, a 
Short History of the Turkish Empire. Macmillan, 1916, p. 
ix, 638. $6.25. Half of volume is a not very critical or 
thorough historical account, but remainder of volume 
records author's travels in Asiatic Turkey. 

Whitman, Sidney. Turkish Memories. Scribner, 1914, 
p. xi, 305. $2.25. Based on visits to European and Asiatic 
Turkey between 1896 and 1908. Favorable portrayal of UM 
Turk. 

40. BULGARIA. 

Fox, Frank. Bulgaria. London, Black, 1915, p. 216. 10s. 
Historical and descriptive account by war correspondent. 

Historicus, pseud. Bulgaria and her Neighbors. 1917. 
By Bulgarian diplomat, presenting Bulgarian side of case; 
moderate and candid. 

Monroe, Will Seymour. Bulgaria and her People, with an 
account of the Balkan wars, Macedonia, and the Macedonian 
Bulgars. Boston, Page, 1914, p. xxi, 410. $3. Author wai 
in Bulgaria during second Balkan war, but draws largely 
from official reports and reference books. Considerable ac- 
count of the two Balkan wars from Bulgarian point of 
view. 

41. ROMANIA. 

Seton-Watson, Robert William. Roumania and the Great 
War. London, Constable, 1915, p. 102. 2s. Sketch of peo- 
ple, history, and policy, with special reference to Romanian 
element in Transylvania and to reasons why Romania had 
not entered the war. 

42. POLAND. 

Gibbons, Herbert Adams. The Reconstruction of Poland 
and the Near East, Problems of Peace. Century, 1917. (1. 
Written before Russian revolution. Reprinted from Cen- 
tury Magazine. His formula of settlement is government 
by consent of the governed. The local will and not the im- 
perial interest of the great powers must be assured to safe- 
guard small nations and prevent future war. Clear state- 
ment of various problems with sufficient historical back- 
ground. 

Lewinski-Corwin, Edward Henry. Political History of 
Poland. Polish Book Importing Co., 1917, p. xv, 628. $3. 
Good survey of Polish history, well illustrated; most use- 
ful for period since partition, including chapter on present 
war. Some discussion of Poland's future. 

Orvis, Julia Swift. Brief History of Poland. Boston, 
Houghton, 1916, p. xix, 359. $1.50. Good, readable account 
of Polish history down to the present time; useful for the 
historical background of the existing Polish problem. 

Phillips, Walter Alison. Poland. Holt, 1916, p. vi, 25fl. 
50 cents. Good brief sketch of Polish history and problem 
by English believer in integrally restored Poland. 

Poland's Case for Independence, being a Series of Essay* 
Illustrating the Continuance of Her National Life. Dodd, 
1916, p. 352. $3. Six papers collected by Polish Informa- 
tion Committee on Polish history, culture, and problems la 
strong nationalist strain. 

43. RUSSIA: HISTORY. 

Kornilov, Alexander. Modern Russian History, being 
an Authoritative and Detailed History of Russia from the 
Age of Catherine the Great to the Present; translated by 
A. S. Kaun. Knopf, 1917, 2 vols., p. 310, 370. $5. Concerned 
primarily with internal affairs, social and cultural develop- 
ment prior to 1890. The translator adds supplementary 
chapters to cover from that date to the third year of the 



122 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



war. Only available account in English carrying Russian 
history from the beginning of the nineteenth century into 
the present war, which may be regarded as acceptable. By 
Petrograd professor. Poor translation. 

McCabe, Joseph. The Romance of the Romanoffs. Dodd, 
1917, p. xiv, 390. $2. The seamy side of Russian autocracy 
to the fall of Nicholas II, written in lively style. 

Mavor, James. An Economic History of Russia. Dut- 
ton, 1914, 2 vols., p. xxxii, 614; xxii, 630. $10. Professor in 
University of Toronto has written fullest and best account 
In English. Second volume deals with revolutionary move- 
ments and forces contributing thereto during nineteenth 
century and down to 1907. 

Novikova, Olga Aleksieevna. Russian Memories, with an 
Introduction by Stephen Graham. Dutton, 1916, p. 310. 
$3.50. Covers period from 1876 to 1916. The author played 
a prominent international part in 1876-8, and was a sup- 
porter of the old regime in Russia. Though including ma- 
terials on recent years, the main interest attaches to the 
earlier time. 

Reeves, Francis Brewster. Russia Then and Now, 1892- 
1917. Putnam, 1917, p. xiii, 186. $1.50. Author's personal 
contribution is confined to service in 1892 on committee for 
relief of famine sufferers. Material on Russia during the 
war is mostly in appendix. 

Skrine, Francis Henry. The Expansion of Russia, 1815- 
1900. Putnam, 1903, p. vii, 386. $1.50. Clear, well-balanced 
narrative by retired Anglo-Indian civil servant; peculiarly 
sympathetic for date of its writing. 

Vassili, Count Paul, pseud. Behind the Veil at the Rus- 
sian Court. Lane, 1914, p. 408. $4.50. Covers events from 
Crimean war into reign of Nicholas II, by a member of 
Russian diplomatic service. Much gossip, but rather more 
historical value than usual in such books. 

Wesselitsky, Gabriel de. Russia and Democracy, the 
German Canker in Russia, with a Preface by Henry Oust. 
Duffield, 1916, p. viii, 96. $.75. By London correspondent 
of Novoe Vremya. Survey of Russian history, but with 
purpose of proving Russians essentially democratic and that 
autocracy is due to Germans who have controlled the gov- 
ernment. 

44. RUSSIA: ANTE-BELLUM DESCRIPTIONS. 

Alexinsky, Gregor. Modern Russia; translated by Ber- 
nard Miall. Scribner, 1914, p. 361. $3.75. Not a revelation 
of spirit and soul of Russia but mass of information on 
economic and social conditions and problems since eman- 
cipation of serfs, the organization of government, revolu- 
tion of 1905-6, questions of nationality, religion, and liter- 
ature. Lacks accurate historical scholarship and readable 
style. Author former member of Duma, with liberal, per- 
haps socialistic, tendencies. 

Alexinsky, Gregor. Russia and Europe; translated from 
the manuscript by Bernard Miall. Scribner, 1917, p. 352. $3. 
Complementary to his Modern Russia. Deals with 
material bonds between Russia and Europe, Russia's part 
In European wars before 1914, Europeanization of the state 
and other topics. Written on eve of March Revolution 
which it forecasts. Wealth of facts; poor style. 

Alexinsky, Gregor. Russia and the Great War. Scribner, 
1915, p. 357. $3. Survey of domestic and foreign affairs 
from war with Japan to early months of present war. Im- 
portant for conditions at opening of war and attitude 
toward the war. Still useful if read with caution. 

Baring, Maurice. The Russian People. Doran, 1911, p. 
858, $3.50. One of the best accounts for insight into con- 



ditions and thoughts of the people shortly before the war. 
A portion condensed and rewritten as The Mainsprings of 
Russia (Nelson, 1!H5. $1). 

Bechhofer, C. E. Russia at the Cross-roads, with an 
Introduction by A. H. Murray. Dutton, 1916, p. viii, 201. 
$2. By Anglicized Russian, with no thoroughness of knowl- 
edge or depth of insight. 

Bubnoff, J. V. The Co-operative Movement in Russia, its 
History, Significance and Character. Fainberg, 1917, p. 
162. $1.25. Good account of movement which has devel- 
oped rapidly during past dozen years. 

Duff, James Duff, editor. Russian Idealities and Prob- 
lems. Putnam, 1917, p. vi, 229. $2. Collection of six 
lectures by Milyukov, Struve, Dmowski, Lappo-Danilevsky, 
and Harold Williams. Informing and enlightening, though 
written before overthrow of the Tsar. 

Gorky, Maxim, pseud. (Alexei Maximovitch Pyeshkoff) ; 
Andreieff, Leonid Nikolaevich; and Sologub, Feodor, pseud. 
(Feodor Kuzmich Teternikov), editors. The Shield, with a 
foreword by William English Walling; translated from the 
Russian by A. Yarmolinsky. Knopf, 1917, p. xviii, 209. $1.25. 
Collection of articles from various authors on Jewish prob- 
lems in Russia. Original published by a non-Jewish Russian 
society for the study of Jewish life. 

Graham, Stephen. A Vagabond in the Caucasus, with 
Some Notes ot his Experiences among the Russians. Lane, 
1911, p. vii, 311. $1.50. Undiscovered Russia. Lane 1911, 
p xvi, 337. $4. Changing Russia. Lane, 1913, p. ix, 309. 
$2.50. A Tramp's Sketches. Macmillan, 1912, p. xiii, 339. 
$1.60. Four volumes of which second and third are the most 
important, based on walking tours in Russia, written with 
insight, charm, and force. Much valuable description of con- 
ditions and ideas, but not well arranged for the student. 

Jarintzoff, N. Russia, the Country of Extremes. Holt, 
1914, p. 372. $4. Published on eve of the war by Russian 
woman resident in England. Interestingly written jumble 
of facts, many of them not usually found in books on 
Russia. 

Raisin, Jacob Salmon. The Haskalah Movement in Russia. 
Jewish Pub.. Co., 1914, p. 355. $1.50. Excellent account of 
intellectual awakening of Jews in Russia in last half- 
century. 

Sarolea, Charles. Great Russia, her Achievement and 
Promise. Knopf, 1916, p. ix, 252. $1.25. English title: 
Europe's Debt to Russia. Author's chief competence for the 
work is literary. First section, on geographical found- 
ations of Russian politics is distinctly useful; second part 
devoted to main theme reveals Russia as liberator of op- 
pressed nationalities; third part, to literature; fourth part, 
to typical Russian problems such as, Poland, Jews, and 
revolutionary movements. 

Vinogradoff, Sir Paul Gavrilovich. The Russian Problem. 
Knopf, 1915, p. viii, 44. $.75. Two articles, Russia after 
the War, and Russia, the Psychology of a Nation. Sanguine 
views by eminent Russian historian and jurist, now pro- 
fessor at Oxford. Self-Government in Russia. Dutton, 
1916, p. 118. $1.25. Series of lectures giving optimistic 
view of development of self-governing institutions and 
capacity prior to 1916. 

Walling, William English. Russia's Message; the People 
against the Czar. Knopf, 1917, p. 245. $1.50. First edition, 
1908. This reprint omits some material and has an intro- 
duction which partly brings it up to date. By an Amer- 
ican socialist who spent two years in Russia before writ- 
ing the original text. Particularly interesting on economl* 
matters. 



V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 



128 



'Wiener, Leo. An Interpretation of 'he Russian People. 
McBride, 1015, p. 248. $1.25. Author U native Russian, 
now professor of Slavic at Harvard. Utilizes his scholarly 
knowledge of Russia's past to judge Russia of the present. 
One of most illuminating books on Russia. 

Williams, Harold \Vhitmore. Russia of the Russians. 
Scribner, 1U14, p. ix, 430. $1.50. Not historical, but 
descriptive on wide range of topics, best on culture, social 
conditions, and political thought. By able correspondent 
long resident in Russia. Best introductory account avail- 
able. 

Winter, Nevin Otto. The Russian Empire of Today and 
Yesterday, the Country and its Peoples, together with a 
Brief Review of its History, Past and Present, and a 
Survey of its Social, Political and Economic Conditions. 
Boston, Page, 1913, p. xvi, 487. $3. Lacks insight of Baring 
or Williams, though giving wider range of facts. 

45. RUSSIA: CONDITIONS IN WAR-TEME. 
Child, Richard Washburn. Potential Russia. Dutton, 

1916, p. 221. $1.50. American writer visited Russia during 
the war, describes conditions observed and discusses ques- 
tions of Russia's part in the war. Partly reprinted mag- 
azine articles. Dispassionate and illuminating. 

Fraser, John Foster. Russia of Today. Funk, 1916, p. 
viii, 296. $1.50. By English journalist, on conditions in war 
time. Ephemeral. 

Graham, Stephen. Russia and the World, a Study of the 
War, and a Statement of the World-Problem that Now 
Confronts Russia and Great Britain. Macmillan, 1915, p. ri, 
305. $2. Attempt to interpret Russia and its conditions 
immediately following outbreak of war, to English people, 
as favorably as possible. Antiquated. Russia in 1916. 
Macmillan, 1917, p. 191. $1.25. Similar record of Russian 
tour made after two years of war. 

Ruhl, Arthur Brown. White Nights and Other Russian 
Impressions. Scribner, 1917, p. viii, 248. A correspon- 
dent's sketches of scenes and conditions in war-time Russia. 
Also description of Swedish and Norwegian attitudes 
toward the war. 

Russian Court Memoirs, 1914-1916, with Some Account of 
Court, Social, and Political Life in Petrograd before and 
since the War, by a Russian. Dutton, 1917, p. 315. $5. 
Anonymous; aristocratic in sympathies; archaic since the 
Revolution; light weight. 

Simpson, James Young. The Self-discovery of Russia. 
Doran, 1916. p, 227. $2. Seven articles by Edinburgh pro- 
fessor on conditions and problems of Russia in war time. 
Sympathetic; point of view, summer of 1915. 

Wright, Richardson Little. The Russians, an Interpre- 
tation. New York, Stokes, 1917, p. xii, 288. $1.50. 
Written before the March revolution by a correspondent 
of the New York World to interpret the Russians, their 
tendencies and ideals to Americans. The Revolution makes 
much of it a misinterpretation. 

46. RUSSIA: REVOLUTION OF 1917. 
Levine, Isaac Don. The Russian Revolution. Harper, 

1917, p. 279. $1. By foreign news editor of New York 
Tribune. Describes forces and conditions underlying the 
revolutionary movement, the internal history of Russia 
during the war, and the events of March, 1917. 

Marcosson, Isaac Frederick. The Rebirth of Russia. 
Lane, 1917, p. xvi, 208. $1.25. By American journalist who 
visited Russia immediately after the March Revolution, of 
which the larper part of the book is an account. Some 
account of leading personages. 



Souiny-Seydlitz, Leonie Ida Philipovna, Baroness. Russia 
of Yesterday and Tomorrow. Century, 1917, p. 382. $2. By 
wife of Russian baron. Two chapters refer to the Revo- 
lution of March, 1917. Readable, trivial, lacks discriminat- 
ing judgment. 

47. AFRICA. 

Gibbons, Herbert Adams. The New Map of Africa, 1900- 
1916, a History of European Colonial Expansion and Colo- 
nial Diplomacy. Century, 1916, p. xiv, 503. $2. Contain* 
sufficient preliminary matter to make clear event* since the 
Boer war; includes first two years of Great War. Careful 
and impartial. For earlier history best brief account i* 
Sir H. H. Johnston's Colonization of Africa (Putnam). 

Lewin, Percy Evans. The Germans and Africa, with an 
Introduction by the Right Hon. Earl Grey. New York, 
Stokes, 1915, p. 317. $3.60. Excellent account, by Librarian 
of the Royal (English) Colonial Institute, of German colo- 
nization, with special reference to each of their four African 
colonies. 

48. JEWS, ZIONISM, PALESTINE. 

Goodman, Paul, and Lewis, Arthur D., editors. Zionism, 
Problems and Views. Bloch, 1917, p. 286. $1.50. Twenty- 
three papers by Anglo- Jewish writers. Some discussion of 
capability of Jews for national life, and account of what 
they have done in Palestine. 

Hyamson, Albert Montefiore. Palestine, the Rebirth of 
an Ancient People. Knopf, 1917, p. xiv, 299. $1.50. After 
brief historical survey, describes present-day conditions, 
with some notice of war-time conditions and of Zionist 
movement. 

Kohler, Max James, and Wolf, Simon. Jewish Disabili- 
ties in the Balkan States. American Jewish Historical So- 
ciety, 1917, p. 169. $1.50. Relates largely to Romania. 
Careful collection of facts. Deals with American action in 
diplomatic ways in behalf of Jewish rights and indicates 
application and effect of the policy in settling future peace. 

Sacher, Harry, editor. Zionism and the Jewish Future. 
Macmillan, 1917, p. viii, 252. $1. Chapters contributed by 
Zionists from many countries and arranged by an English 
journalist. Good account of present status of Zionist move- 
ment for propaganda purposes. 

49. THE ARMENIANS. 

Bryce, James Bryce, Viscount. Treatment of Armenian! 
in the Ottoman Empire, 1915-1916; Documents presented 
to Viscount Grey. Putnam, 1917, p. 726. $1. Sources cited 
include American consuls and missionaries, German travel- 
lers and missionaries, Danish Red Cross Workers, SwiM 
visitors, native teachers, pastors and other religious leaden. 
British Blue-book mainly compiled by A. J. Toynbee. 

Buxton, Noel, and Buxton, Harold. Travel and Politic* 
in Armenia, with an Introduction by Viscount Bryce, and a 
Contribution on Armenian History and Culture by Aram 
Raffi. Macmillan, 1914, p. xx, 274. $1.50. Because of mas- 
sacres by Turks, Russia should be permitted to occupy 
Armenian vilayets of Asiatic Turkey. 

Gibbons, Helen Davenport (Brown) (Mrs. Herbert Adam* 
Gibbons). Red Rugs of Tarsus, A Woman's Record of the 
Armenian Massacre of 1909. Century, 1917, p. xiv, 194. 
$1.25. Personal experiences and observations. 

Gibbons, Herbert Adams. The Blackest Page of Modern 
History. Putnam, 1916, p. 71. $.75. Vigorous indictment 
of Turks for Armenian massacres of 1915, for which care- 
fully sifted testimony is adduced. Ultimate blame attrib- 
uted to Germany. 

Toynbee, Arnold Joseph. The Armenian Atrocities, 
the Murder of a Nation, with a Speech Delivered by Lord 



12-t 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



Bryce in the House of Lords. Doran, 1916, p. 119. $.25. 
Concise but conclusive presentation of evidence for general 
reader baaed on the Blue-book cited above under Bryce. 

50. PERSIA AND THE MIDDLE EAST. 

Chirol, Sir Valentine. The Middle Eastern Question, or 
Some Political Problems of Indian Defence. Dutton, 1903, 
p. xiv, 612. by London Times correspondent who traveled 
through Persia in 11)02-3. Able discussion of political prob- 
lems of Persia, Afghanistan, Bagdad Railway, etc., written 
before Anglo- Russian agreement concerning Persia. Though 
out of date, still useful in lack of later works. 

Shuster, William Morgan. The Strangling of Persia, 
Story of the European Diplomacy and Oriental Intrigue 
that Resulted in the Denationalization of Twelve Million 
Mohammedans, a Personal Narrative. Century, 1912, p. 
Ixiii, 423. $2.50. American who was temporarily treasurer- 
general of Persia records effects of Anglo-Russian agreement 
on Persia. 

Sykes, Percy Molesworth. A History of Persia. Mac- 
millan, 1915, 2 vols., p. xxvi, 544; xxii, 565. $15. Second 
volume covers from 641 to 1906. Excellent, scholarly, im- 
partial. 

Yohannan, Abraham. The Death of a Nation, or the 
Ever Persecuted Nestorians or Assyrian Christians. Put- 
nam, 1916, p. xx, 170. $2. First part gives history of Nes- 
torian church; second part describes the tragic fate of the 
Nestorians in the war. 

51. FAR EAST, CHINA, JAPAN. 

Bashford, James Whitford. China, an Interpretation. 
Abingdon Press, 1916, 2d ed., 1916, p. 620. $2.50. Methodist 
Episcopal bishop stationed in China gives excellent account 
of events of last ten years to death of Yuan Shi Kai, and 
describes with accuracy and insight conditions and prob- 
lems. Valuable appendixes. 

Douglas, Sir Robert Kennaway. Europe and the Far 
East, 1506-1912, second edition with chapter continuing 
from 1904 to 1912 by J. H. Longford. Putnam, 1913, p. vii, 
487. $2. Best account of Far Eastern history in a single 
volume, with special reference to nineteenth century. Em- 
phasizes China rather than Japan; gives some space to 
Indo-China. Belittles Americans and every other national- 
ity except English. 

Hornbeck, Stanley Kuhl. Contemporary Politics in the 
Far East. Appleton, 1916, p. xii, 466. $3. Only compre- 
hensive volume on foreign and domestic politics of Japan 
and China since 1894. Sympathy with China rather than 
Japan. Special attention to American interests in Far 
East, and some account of events during first two years of 
the war. 

Jones, Jefferson. The Fall of Tsingtau, a Study of 
Japan's Ambitions in China. Boston, Houghton, 1915, p. 
xvii, 215. $1.75. Account of Japan's capture of Kiao Chao 
from Germans, and of Japan's consequent relations with 
China, by American journalist who witnessed the siege. 
Disapproves Japan's designs on China, which he regards as 
unfriendly to United States. 

Latourette, Kenneth Scott. The Development of China. 
Boston, Houghton, 1917, p. xi, 274. $1.75. Excellent 
sketch, by a young American scholar who lias lived for a 
time in China, of Chinese history, with special reference to 
recent events and contemporary problems. 

Millard. Thomas Franklin Fairfax. Our Eastern Ques- 
tion, America's Contact with the Orient and the Trend of 



Relations with China and Japan. Century, 1916. $3. For- 
merly editor of China Press, now of Millard's Review 
(Shanghai) ; author speaks with full knowledge on events 
since 1910. Appendixes contain all important documents. 
Author seems strongly prejudiced against Japan. 

Okuma, Count Shigenobu, editor. Fifty Years of New 
Japan, English Version Edited by Marcus B. Huish. Dut- 
ton, second edition, 1910, 2 vols. $7.50. Originally written 
to cover 1854 to 1904, there was little revision to bring 
matter up to date. Fifty-six chapters on wide range of 
topics by many authors, translated in Japan by many 
hands. Uneven in character and style, with some omis- 
sions, but generally comprehensive, and quite accurate and 
authoritative. 

Parker, Edward Harper. China, Her History, Diplomacy, 
and Commerce from the Earliest Times to the Present Day. 
Dutton, 1917. $2.50. Revised and enlarged edition of work 
published in 1901 by professor in University of Manchester, 
who had been in consular service in China. Added chapters 
on recent events. Good. 

Perry-Ayscough, Henry George Charles, and Otter-Barry, 
Robert Bruere. With the Russians in Mongolia, with a 
Preface by Sir Claude Macdonald. Lane, 1914, p. xxii, 344. 
$4.50. Captain Otter-Barry visited Mongolia shortly before 
the Chinese, Revolution ended Chinese rule, and Mr. Perry- 
Ayscough spent time there after Russians had taken con- 
trol. Wealth of facts, many documents; complete into 1914. 

Porter, Robert Percival. Japan the New World Power, 
being a Detailed Account of the Progress and Rise of the 
Japanese Empire. Oxford Press, 1915, p. xxiv, 789. $2.50. 
First edition, The Full Recognition of Japan, 1911. Only 
twelve-page introduction as evidence of revision in second 
edition. Written to justify the Anglo-Japanese alliance 
and to show Japan's fitness to rank as a world power. De- 
scriptive parts good, historical sections scant. 

*Weale, Bertram Lenox Putnam (pseud. Bertram Lenox 
Simpson). The Fight for the Republic in China. Dodd, 
1917, p. xiii, 490. $3.50. Excellent account of events from 
1911 to 1917 by an observer long familiar with the Far 
East: Appendixes contain the important documents. 

52. JAPANESE-AMERICAN RELATIONS. 

Abbott, James Francis. Japanese Expansion and Ameri- 
can Policies. Macmillan, 1916, p. viii, 267. $1.50. The 
author, for some time teacher in Japan, believes war with 
America would be national suicide for Japan, but that 
United States should recognize Japan's aspirations in the 
Orient. 

*Blakeslee, George Hubbard, editor. Japan and Japanese- 
American Relations, Clark University Addresses. Stechert, 
1912, p. xi, 348. $2.50. Contains addresses by twenty-one 
Americans and seven Japanese in 1911. Competent authori- 
ties treat every important topic. 

Flowers, Montaville. The Japanese Conquest of Ameri- 
can Opinion. Doran, 1917, p. xvi, 272. $1.50. Suspects 
and denounces Japanese peaceful penetration of the United 
States. Intended as antidote for writings of Ouliok and 
others. Neither competent in content nor commendable In 
tone. " Rich in fallacies." 

Gulick, Sidney Lewis. The American Japanese Problem, 
a Study of the Racial Relations of the East and the West. 
Scribner, 1!)14, p. x. 349. $1.75. American long resident In 
Japan discusses problems and suggests new American 
Oriental policy to avoid discrimination against China and 
Japan. Appendixes crammed with information. Good 
bibliography. 



V. SKi.K(TKI) BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 



125 



Kaualuiini. KiyoKhi Karl. Japan in Umld Politics. 
Marniilliin. Mil". p xxvii, 230. #1 .>" Mainly reprint of 
IIIHJ/M/-IIII' HI tide- discussing Japanc-e Vinerican relations 
with |iiii|i<i ! ut promoting more friendly relut ions. 

Mr( 'orinick. Frederick. The Menace ,.t Japan. Boston, 
Little. IIM7. p. vi. 372. $2. Discussion of Cnited States and 
Far Kastein relations during part (ln/en tears by a corre- 
Bpondent with long service in the Kar Kast Intensely anti- 
Japane-e. "A hook which no thoughtful reader could for 
a moment take seriously." 

Masaoka, Naoichi, editor. Japan to America, a Sym- 
posium of Paper*, by Political Ix-ader- and Representative 
Citi'.ni- ut .liipan on Conditions in Japan and on tlie Re- 
lation* between Japan and the Unite<l States. Putnam, 
1015. p xii. 235. $1.25. With companion volume of much 
less value. America to Japan, issued by Japanese Society 
of America to promote better iimler-tjimlint: between the 
two countries. Thirty Japanese authorities treat as many 
topics Betting forth Japan's development and aims. 

"Xlillis, Harry Alvin. The Japanese Problem in the 
United States, an Investigation for me Commission on 
Relations it h Japan Appointed by the Federal Council of 
the Churches of Christ in America. Macmillan, 1915, p. 
xxi, 334. $1.50. Raxed on report of commission, with other 
materials and personal views. Deals with Japanese im- 
migration to United States and treatment and status of 
Japanese in United States. Friendly to Japan; by writer 
with long experience with problem in Immigration Bureau. 
Authoritative and commendable. 

Scherer, .lames Augustin Brown. The Japanese Crisis. 
New York. Stokes, 1916, p. 148. 75 cents. President of 
Throop Institute, California, formerly resident in Japan, 
di-cusses race issue, hoping to promote " a just balance of 
view." Footnotes with references to authorities. 

Steiner, Jesse Frederick. The Japanese Invasion, a 
Study in the Psychology of Inter-racial Contacts. Chicago, 
McClurg, 1917, p. xvii, 231. $1.25. A study of Japanese- 
American relations as psychological problems of race- 
prejudice and of national egotism. Covers most of ques- 
tions at issue. Author taught in Japan for seven years. 

53. UNITED STATES: HISTORY, IDEALS, INTER- 
NATIONAL RELATIONS. 

Bassett, John Spencer. A Short History of the United 
States. Macmillan, 1913, p. xv, 885. $2.50. Best single 
volume American history which covers from the discovery 
nearly up to date. 

Coolidge, Archibald Cary. The United States as a World 
Power. Macmillan, 1908, p. vii, 385. $2. Prepared as 
course of exchange lectures at the Sorbonne, by Harvard 
professor of history. Explains problems and international 
relations of United States as developed in decade following 
Spanish war. Time has added new facts, but has required 
surprisingly little alteration in general view, so general 
reader will still find it best presentation of American inter- 
national problems in single volume. 

"Fish, Carl Russell. American Diplomacy. Holt, 1917, 
p. 541. $2.75. Clear, comprehensive narrative complete to 
beginning of 1915. Excellent maps. Scholarly; better for 
average reader than fuller work by Johnson. 

Fish. Carl Russell. The Development of American Na- 
tionality. American Book Co., 1913, p. xxxix, 535 $2.25. 
Scholarly, readable survey of American history, 1783-1912. 

Foerter, Norman, and Pierson, William \Vhatley. editors. 
American Ideals. Boston, Houghton, 1917, p. vi, 328. $1.25. 
Collection mainly from writings and speeches of American 



statesmen, supplemented with some other items. Arranged 
by topirs 

Hart, Albert Bushnell. The Monroe Doctrine, an Inter- 
pretation. Boston, Little, 1916, p. xiv, 445. $1.75. Good 
comprelien-ive, up to date account, though his interpre- 
tation will not command universal acceptance. 

Johnson. Willis Fletcher. America's Foreign Relation*. 
Century, 1916, 2 vols., p. xii, 551; vii, 485. $tf. Thorough, 
readable, generally accurate account for general reader, but 
lacking in scholarly method and discriminating judgment. 

.Mines, Chester Lloyd. The Caribbean Interests of the 
United States. Appleton, 1916, p. viii, 379. $2.50. Does 
not reveal intimate acquaintance with the region or 
thorough research into problems concerning it; but gen- 
erally trustworthy, and commendable for directing atten- 
tion to problems of vital significance to United States. 

Mahan. Alfred Thayer. The Interest of America in 
International Conditions. Boston, Little, 1910, p. 212. 
$1.50. Almost everything Admiral Mahan wrote has its 
lessons for America in the present war, but this volume 
dealt with the immediate problems and anticipated to re- 
markable degree actual developments of the war. Dis- 
cusses international situation with reference to naval pre- 
paredness. 

Moore, John Bassett. The Principles of American Dip- 
lomacy. Harper, 1918, p. 476. $2. Revision of his Amer- 
ican Diplomacy. Best book on subject by ablest American 
authority; for student rather than general reader. 

Ogg, Frederic Austin. National Progress, 1907-1917, 
(American Nation series, vol. 27). Harper, 1918. p. 430. $2 
Convenient narrative of domestic and foreign affairs, 
mainly internal politics and relation to the war. 

*Paxson, Frederic Logan. The New Nation. Boston, 
Houghton, 1915, p. 342. $1.25. Fourth volume of The 
Riverside History of the United States, covering 1865-1914. 
Best survey of period. 

Roosevelt, Theodore. The New Nationalism, with an 
Introduction by Ernest Hamlin Abbott. Outlook Co., 1910, 
p. xxi, 2(18. $1.50. Collection of addresses and article* 
which contain much of his political philosophy and ideal*. 
Should be read with President Wilson's The New Fredom 
for some comprehension of American political ideals on eve 
of the war. 

Weyl, Walter Edward. American World Policies. Mac- 
millan. 1917, p. 307. $2.25. Discussion of whether Amer- 
ican isolation shall give place to nationalistic imperialism 
or to internationalism. Economic interests are given full 
perhaps too full consideration. Marred by publication 
on eve of American declaration of war; somewhat rem- 
edied in second printing. 

Wilson, Woodrow. Division and Reunion, 1829-1909. 
Longmans. 1909. p. xx, 389. $1.25. Third volume of Epochs 
of American History series. First published in 1893, has 
passed through many editions. Professor Edward 8. Cor- 
win has furnished the portion for the period since 1889 at 
which date work originally closed. 

Wilson, Woodrow. The New Freedom, a Call for the 
Emancipation of the Generous Energies of a People. Gar- 
den City, N. Y.. Doubleday, 1913. p. viii, 294. $1. Com- 
piled oy W B. Hale from stenographic reports of cam- 
paign speeches. Sets forth his interpretation of American 
political life and ideals. 

54. UNITED STATES: PREPAREDNESS. 
Chittenden. Hiram Martin. War or Peace, a Present 
Duty and a Future Hope. Chicago, McClurg, 1911, p. 273, 



126 



COLLECTED. MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



fl. After some discussion of evil of war and desirability 
of peace, this retired brigadier general argues for larger 
navy, larger standing army, and fortification of Panama 
Canal as necessary policies for United States. 

Dickson, Harris. Unpopular History of the United States 
by Uncle Sam Himself, as Recorded in Uncle Sam's own 
Words. New York, Stokes, 1917, p. xiv, 162. $.75. A 
preparedness argument, largely abstracted from Upton's 
" Military Policy of the United States." 

'Greene, Francis Vinton. Present Military Situation of 
the United States. Scribner, 1915, p. 102. $.75. Able 
brief argument " to persuade the citizens, the voters, . . . 
to give calm but thoughtful consideration to this question 
of adequate national defense," by an American general. 

Howe, Lucien. Universal Military Education and Ser- 
vice; the Swiss System for the United States. Putnam, 
first edition, 1916; second edition with appendix, 1917, p. 
iv, 147. $1.25. Description of Swiss and Australian sys- 
tems with arguments in favor of similar system for United 
States. 

*Huidekoper, Frederic Louis. The Military Unprepared- 
ness of the United States, a History of the American Land 
Forces from Colonial Times until June 1, 1915. Macmillan, 
1915, p. xvi, 735. $4. To close of 1862, an avowed 
abridgment of Upton, after that based on original re- 
searches; carefully done with full references to authorities. 
Strong argument from past experience for different pro- 
cedure in future. Many of his suggestions have been fol- 
lowed by present administration, notably conscription. 

Johnston, Robert Matteson. Arms and the Race, the 
Foundations of Army Reform. Century, 1915, p. 219. $1. 
Able military historian presents arguments for reform and 
enlargement of American army. 

Kuenzli, Frederick Arnold. Right and Duty, or Citizen 
and Soldier; Switzerland Prepared and at Peace, a Model 
for the United States. Stechert, 1916, p. 225. $1. Excel- 
lent account of Swiss military system, which is advocated 
for American adoption, by a Swiss-American. 

Marcosson, Isaac Frederick. Leonard Wood, Prophet of 
Preparedness. Lane, 1917, p. 92. $.75. Laudatory sketch 
of General Wood's career, reprinted from Everybody's 
Magazine, March, 1917. 

Maxim, Hudson. Defenceless America. Hearst, 1915, p. 
xxiii, 318. $2. The inventor-author has compiled a miscel- 
laneous mass of facts which he wields vigorously as argu- 
ments for preparedness; best on technical matters. 

Roosevelt, Theodore. America and the World War. Scrib- 
ner, 1915, p. xv, 277. $.75. Fear God and take Your Own 
Part. Doran, 1916, p. 414. $1.50. The Foes of Our Own 
Household. Doran, 1917, p. xii, 347. $1.50. Three volumes 
of collected addresses and articles of occasional character, 
presenting robust, often aggressive views, of duties of 
American citizenship and of United States in relation to 
the war. Wholesome arguments for preparedness are 
marred by statements of militaristic or chauvinistic sort 
and by criticisms of President Wilson and his policies 
which are not always just. 

Upton, Emory. The Military Policy of the United 
States. Washington, Supt. of Docs., 1904; fourth impres- 
sion, 1912, p. xxiii, 495. $.65. Thorough study of national 
military policy to close of 1862, which reveals weaknesses of 
policy in past. Incomplete work published after author's 
death, edited by J. P. Sanger. Basis on which practically 
11 preparedness books are constructed. 

Van Zile, Edward Sims. The Game of Empires, * 



Warning to America; with Prefatory Note by Theodore 
Roosevelt. Moffat, 1915, p. 302. $1.25. After three hun- 
dred pages of flippant or cynical comment on war in gen- 
eral and this war in particular, writer turns suddenly to 
advocate preparedness. The one Rooseveltian page states 
real point of book with pith. 

Wheeler, Howard Duryee. Are We Ready? With a Letter 
by Major General Leonard Wood. Boston, Houghton, 1915, 
p xvii, 227. $1.50. Fictitious account of attack on New 
York rendered vivid actual unpreparedness of United 
States. Compare the " movie " play, " The Battle Cry of 
Peace." 

Wise, Jennings Cropper. Empire and Armament, the 
Evolution of American Imperialism and the Problem of 
National Defense. Putnam, 1915, p. xii, 353. $1.50. Former 
professor of political science and international law at 
Virginia Military Institute discusses American imperialism 
prior to Civil War, condemns more recent imperialism, and 
considers defense problems. 

Wise, Jennings Cropper. The Call of the Republic. Dut- 
ton, 1917, p. x, 141. $1. A plea for universal military 
service, with some historical considerations. 

Wood, Eric Fisher. The Writing on the Wall, the Nation 
on Trial. Century, 1916, p. ix, 208. $1. By author of 
Note-book of an Attache, who was in Europe at outbreak 
of war; clear, intelligent, vigorous argument for pre- 
paredness. 

"Wood, Leonard. The Military Obligation of Citizen- 
ship. Princeton, University Press, 1915, p. vii, 76. $.75. 
Our Military History, its Facts and Fallacies. Chicago, 
Reilly, 1916, p. 240. $1. Historical portions drawn from 
Upton and Huidekoper. General Wood has given best 
brief presentation of historical argument for preparedness 
in the second, and admirable appeal on duties of citizen- 
ship in national defense in the first. 

55. UNITED STATES: GERMAN INTRIGUE. 

Alphaud, Gabriel. L'Action Allemande aux fitats-Unts, 
de la Mission Dernburg aux Incidents Dumba, 2 Aout, 
1914, 25 Septembre, 1915; Preface de M. Ernest Lavisse. 
Paris, Payot, 1915, p. xvi, 498. 5 francs. Les Etats-Unig 
centre 1'Allemagne, du Rappel de Dumba ft la Declaration 
de Guerre, 25 Septembre, 1915 4 Avril, 1917. Paris, Payot, 
1917, p. 343. 5 francs. These works have unfortunately not 
been translated. They cover whole field of German intrigue 
in America and relations between United States and Ger- 
many, with abundant documents, and form best account 
yet available. By correspondent of the Matin. 

Jones, John Price. America Entangled (Title, English 
edition: The German Spy in America). Laut, 1917, p. xii, 
224. $.50. Account of German spy system in America by 
member of staff of New York Sun. Careful array of evi- 
dence, generally dispassionate style. 

Skaggs, William Henry. The German Conspiracies In 
America, from an American Point of View, by an Amer- 
ican, with an Introduction by Theodore Andrea Cook. 
London, Unwin, 1915, p. xxviii, 332. 5s. Deals with first 
year of war, discussing immigation, propaganda, espionage, 
malicious interference in commercial and industrial affairs, 
diplomatic activity, etc. Strongly anti-German compilation. 

Wile, Frederic William. The German-American Plot, the 
Record of a Great Failure, the Campaign to Capture the 
Sympathy and Support of the United States. " London, 
Pearson, 1915, p. 123. Is. Strongly anti-German English 
pamphlet. 



V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 



127 



56. GERMAN-AMERICANS: PRO-GERMAN VIEWS AND 

PROPAGANDA. 

Burgess, John William. The European War of 1914, Us 
Causes, Purposes, and Probable Results. Chicago, McClurg, 
1915, p. 20!). $1. America's Relations to the Great War. 
Chicago, McClurg, 11)16, p. 209. $1. Author, who is emer- 
itus professor at Columbia University, is eminent author- 
ity on political science and foremost American to espouse 
actively German cause during first two years of war. 
Assumes German attitude of mind, blames Allies, espec- 
ially England, and emphasizes American grievances against 
England. 

Cronau, Rudolf. German Achievements in America. New 
York, 340 E. 198th St., 1916, p. 233. $1. Brief survey of 
history of German element in America to refute " unwar- 
ranted insinuations questioning the loyalty of the German- 
Americans toward the land of their adoption." 

Dernburg, Bernhard. Germany and the War, Not a 
Defense but an Explanation (p. 24). The Case of Belgium 
in the Light of Official Reports Found in the Secret 
Archives of the Belgian Government after the Occupation 
of Brussels, with Facsimiles of the Documents (p. 16). 
Search-lights on the War, Germany and England the Real 
Issue, England's Share of Guilt a Critical Analysis of the 
English White Book, Germany and the Powers, the Ties 
that Bind America and Germany, Germany's Food Supply, 
When Germany Wins (p. 62). Fatherland Corporation, 1915, 
each $.10. Three pamphlets by former head of German 
propaganda in United States to influence American opinion. 

Faust, Albert Bernbardt. The German Element in the 
United States, with Special Reference to its Political, 
Moral, Social, and Educational Influence. Boston, Hough- 
ton, 1909, 2 vols., p. xxvi, 691; xvi, 605. $7.50. Mont 
thorough and careful study of German element in United 
States, showing fully its numbers, activities, and influence 
in American history. A scholarly work by native Amer- 
ican; reference to chapter on political influence shows free- 
dom from sinister bias. 

Francke, Kuno. The German Spirit. Holt, 1916, p. vt, 
132. $1. In three papers of occasional origin, professor of 
German at Harvard, with keen insight, discriminating judg- 
ment, and genial temper, seeks to interpret German char- 
acter and ideals favorably to Americans. 

Hale, William Bayard. American Rights and British 
Pretensions on the Seas; the Facts and the Documents, 
Official and Other, Bearing upon the Present Attitude of 
Great Britain toward the Commerce of the United States. 
McBride, 1915, p. 172. $1.50. Compilation to turn Amer- 
ican opinion against England and divert it from hostility 
to Germany. Relates to detentions, seizures, interference 
with maiK etc. 

Mtlnsterberg, Hugo. The War and America (1914, p. 
210). The Peace and America (1915, p. 276). Tomorrow, 
Letters to a Friend in Germany (1916, p. 275). Appleton, 
each $1. Three books made up, in part at least, of occa- 
sional papers, but possessing a distinct unity in method 
and purpose. The late Professor at Harvard appealed 
cleverly and ingratiatingly to American opinion to win it 
to more favorable attitude to Germany. Avoids incon- 
venient topics and glosses over difficulties in subtle man- 
ner. First two are largely out of date, but third remains 
an able presentation of German views on fundamental 
questions of principle and policy. 

The Truth about Germany, Facts about the War. Baker, 
1914, p. 86. $.25. Controversial pamphlet issued soon after 
outbreak of war by influential German committee, and 
widely distributed in United States and other countries. 
See refutation by Sladen. 



67. UNITED STATES: RELATIONS AND ATTITUDE TO 

THE WAR, 1914-17. 

Angell, Norman (pseud, of Ralph Norman Angell Lane). 
The World's Highway, Some Notes on America's Relation 
to Sea Power and Non-Military Sanctions for the Law of 
Nations. Doran, 1915, p. zvi, 361. $1.50. America and the 
New World-State, a Plea for American Leadership in In- 
ternational Organization. Putnam, 1915, p. z, 305. $1.25. 
The Danger of Half-Preparedness, a Plea for a Declaration 
of American Policy. Putnam, 1916, p. 129. $.50. Native 
of England, but naturalized American, author defends Eng- 
land's sea power as against German militarism; urges 
necessity of crushing militarism, need of modification of in- 
ternational law, and that United States should lead in 
forming international union. Author formerly prominent 
pacifist. 

Baldwin, James Mark. American Neutrality, its Cause 
and Cure. Putnam, 1916, p. 138. $.75. The Super-State 
and the Eternal Values. Oxford Press, 191', p. 38. $.50. 
Two pamphlets by former American professor, " a loyal 
American citizen," who lectured in Paris in 1915 condemn- 
ing American neutrality. 

'Blakeslee, George Hubbard, editor. The Problems and 
Lessons of the War; Clark University Addresses, December 
16, 17, and 18, 1915. Putnam, 1916, p. xlvi, 381. $2. 
Lectures by competent exponents of various views on the 
war and its problems, which form a useful record of diver- 
gencies of American opinion at that time. 

Gleason, Arthur Huntington. Our Part in the Great War. 
New York, Stokes, 1917, p. 338. $1.35. Written before 
United States entered wa.r Deals with American relief 
work in France, with American neutrality, observations in 
Belgium and France, and gives extracts from German war 
diaries. Says commercialism and immigration held the 
United States back from entering the war. 

Gould, Benjamin Apthorp. War Thoughts of an Optimist, 
a Collection of Timely Articles by an American Citizen 
Residing in Canada. Dutton, 1915, p. vii, 200. $1. The 
Greater Tragedy and Other Things. Putnam, 1916, p. vlil, 
189. $1. Two volumes of occasional articles reflecting 
pro-Ally and anti- Wilson attitude. 

Johnson, Douglas Wilson. My German Correspondence, 
concerning Germany's Responsibility for the War and for 
the Method of its Conduct, being a Letter from a German 
Professor together with a Reply and a Foreword. Doran, 
1917, p. 97. $.50. The Peril of Prussianism. Putnam, 
1917, p. vii, 53. $.75. The latter is the substance of an 
address on mutual antagonism of American and Prussian 
political ideals, by a Columbia professor. 

Johnson, Willis Fletcher. America and the Great War 
for Humanity and Freedom. Philadelphia, Winston, 1917, 
p 352. $1.50. Collection of good newspaper articles sum- 
marizing causes and progress of the war and relation to it 
of United States. Useful summary volume for American 
general reader. 

Lodge, Henry Cabot. War Addresses, 1915-1917. Boston, 
Houghton, 1917, p. viii, 303. $2.50. Miscellaneous sena- 
torial and public addresses from January, 1915, to April, 
1917. Earlier addresses include questions of neutral rights 
and national defence; later addresses are related to events 
in four months preceding American declaration of war. 
Senator Lodge is spokesman of Republican views in Senate 
regarding President Wilson's policies. 

Martin, Edward Sanford. The Diary of a Nation, the 
War and How We Got Into It. Garden City, Doubleday, 
1917, p. xii, 407. $1.50. Reprint of editorials from Life 
from the outbreak of the war to the entrance of the United 



128 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



States into it, forming a record, by current comment, of a 
reaction to the war which was common to a considerable 
section of the American people. 

Okie, Howard Pitcher. America and the German Peril. 
London, Heinemann, 1915, p. 198. 2s. 6d. Collection of 
articles of which only last relates directly to United States. 

"Rogers, Lindsay. America's Case Against Germany. 
Dutton, 1917, p. xiv, 264. $1.50. Good, narrative account of 
the submarine controversy in clear popular form to assure 
the general public that the case of the United States In 
International law, as well as in ethics, is sound. 

** Scott, James Brown. A Survey of International Rela- 
tions between the United States and Germany, August 1, 
1914-April 6, 1917. Based on Official Documents. Oxford 
Press, 1917, p. cxiv, 390. Introduction includes quotations 
showing German theories of the state, of international 
pclicy, and of international law, and other material. Com- 
prehensive and thorough account by eminent American 
authority on international law. Supplementary volumes 
are announced to contain the diplomatic correspondence 
between United States and Germany for the period, and 
the Messages, Addresses and Papers of President Wilson 
on Foreign Policy. 

Sixty American Opinions on the War. London, Unwin, 
1915, p. 165. Is. Collection of expressions of war views by 
sixty leading Americans. 

Thayer, William Roscoe. Germany vs. Civilization, 
Notes on the Atrocious War. Boston, Houghton, 1916, p. 
vi, 238. $1. Condemnation of German ideals and policies, 
based on wide knowledge of German history and thought; 
written with crusading zeal against Germany, with climax 
in chapter on the Plot to Germanize America. 

Van Dyke, Henry. Fighting for Peace. Scribner, 1917, 
p. 247. $1.25. Personal observations and views on the war 
based on service as minister at The Hague. 

Whitridge, Frederick Wallingford. One American's 
Opinion of the European War, an Answer to Germany's 
Appeals. Dutton, 1914, p. xi, 79. $.50. Vigorous state- 
ment of attitude against Germany by leading New York 
business man. 

68. UNITED STATES: PARTICIPANT IN THE WAR. 

Beith, John Hay (peud. Ian Hay). Getting Together 
(p. 91). The Oppressed English. Garden City, Doubleday, 
1917, each $.50. Two pamphlets to explain England and its 
problems to Americans and to promote sympathy between 
the two nations. 

Bullard, Arthur. Mobilizing America. Macmillan, 1917, 
p. 129. $.50. Published at the moment of the entry of the 
United States into the war " to show how the experience 
of other democracies can teach us the way to do it (fight) 
efficiently." Based on observations in England and France 
during the war, and endorsed by other competent observers. 
Has chapters on mobilizing public opinion, men, and in- 
dustry, and sets forth a program. 

Halsey, Francis Whiting, editor. Balfour, Viviani, and 
JofTre, their Speeches and other Public Utterances in 
America. Funk, 1917, p. v, 369. $1.50. Also contains some 
narrative material. 

Harris H. Wilson. President Wilson, his Problems and 
his Policy from an English Point of View. New York, 
Stokes, 1017, p. 278. $1.75. Good, dispassionate account of 
tlir President's earlier life and of his first administration, 
written with unusual understanding of American affairs. 

Herron, George Davis. Woodrow Wilson and the World's 
Peace. Kennerley, 1917, p. viii, 173. $1.25. Six articles 



addressed to European readers in su[ port of President 
Wilson's policy and against a premature peace, during 
early months of 1917. 

Marcosson, Isaac Frederick. The War after the War. 
Lane, 1917, p. 272. $1.25. Exposes American unprepared- 
ness for the trade rivalry that will iollow the war and 
urges financial and commercial reorganization to meet the 
test. Includes character sketches of Lloyd George and W. 
M. Hughes, premier of Australia. 

O'Brien, Charles. Food Preparedness for the United 
States. Boston, Little, 1917, p. xi, 118. $.60. Based on 
first-hand study of German methods in autumn of I'.ilti, but 
with some account of the procedure of other countries. 

Powell, E. Alexander. Brothers in Arms. Boston, Hough- 
ton, 1917, p. 62. $.50. Published by an American corre- 
spondent, at time of visit of Joffre-Viviani mission, to im- 
part to Americans his admiration for the French soldier. 

Robinson, Edgar E., and West, Victor J. The Foreign 
Policy of Woodrow Wilson, 1913-1917. Maemillan, 1917, p. 
428. $1.75. An introductory essay of 150 pages on the de- 
velopment of policy to entrance into the war, with chrono- 
logical table and 230 pages of extracts from addresses and 
state papers. 

Wilson, Woodrow. Why We Are at War. Harper, 1917. 
$.50. Collection of addresses connected with declaration 
of war by United States. 

Wilson, Woodrow. President Wilson's Great Speeches 
and Other History Making Documents. Chicago, Stanton, 
1917. $1. Collection similar to preceding. 

59. LATIN AMERICA: PAN- AMERICANISM. 

Macdonald, James Alexander. The North American Idea. 
Revell, 1917, p. 240. $1.25. Author is editor of Toronto 
Globe Historical considerations and political analysis out- 
weighed by idealistic views. 

Perez Triana, S. Some Aspects of the War. London, 
Unwin, 1915, p. 225. 3s. 6d. By Colombian jurist, formerly 
member of Permanent Court of Arbitration at the Hague; 
discusses war issues and some points in which Pan-Amer- 
ican interests were involved. 

Root, Elihu. Latin America and the United States. 
Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1917, p. xvi, 302. 
$2.50. A volume of his collected speeches edited by Robert 
Bacon and James Brown Scott. Contains speeches during 
his South American tour in 1906 and, of more importance, 
his addresses delivered in the United States on Latin- 
American questions. 

Usher, Roland Greene. Pan-Americanism, a Forecast of 
the Inevitable Clash between the United States and 
Europe's Victor. Century, 1915, p. xix, 466. $2. The 
Challenge of the Future, a Study in American Foreign 
Policy. Boston, Houghton, 1916, p. xxi, 350. $1.75. Dis- 
cussions of American problems in light of the war by bril- 
liant American historical scholar, who deserts field of his- 
tory and method of scholarship for field and method of 
prophecy. Reveal assurance and conviction rather than 
soundness of judgment. 

60. THE WAR ON THE SEA. 

Dixon, William MacNeile. The British Navy at War. 
Boston, Houghton, 1917, p. 93. $.75. Brief account by a 
Glasgow professor for propaganda use. 

Kipling, Rudyard. Sea Warfare. Garden City, N. Y., 
Doubleday, 1917, p. 222. $1.25. Reprints The Fringes of 
the Fleet, Tales of the Trade, and Destroyers at Jutland, 



V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAIi. 



129 



and other matter. Sympathetic, vivid portrayals of part of 
English sailors in the war. 

Lauriat, Charles Emeliua, Jr. The Lusitania's Last Voy- 
age, beiiig a Narrative of the Torpedoing and Sinking of the 
K. M. S. Lusitania by a German Submarine off the Irish 
Coast, May 7, 1!)15. Boston, Houghton, 11)15, p. vii, 159. 
$1. Includes personal narrative of survivor, supplementary 
explanatory details, reprint and translation of account in 
Frankfurter Zeitung of May 9th, and text of report of Lord 
Mersey's inquiry, with comments. 

Mtlcke, Kapitanleutnant Hellmuth von. The Emden; 
translated by Helene S. White. Boston, Ritter, 1917, p. viii, 
219. $1.25. The Ayesha, being the Adventure of the Land- 
Ing Sqviad of the Emden, translated by Helene S. White. 
Boston, Ritter, 1917, p. vi, 225. $155. Account of last voy- 
age and fight of German naval vessel in Indian Ocean, and 
of remarkable exploit of part of crew under Miieke's com- 
mand. 

Noyes, Alfred. Open Boats. New York, Stokes, 1917, 
p. 91. $.50. Based on narratives of those compelled to take 
refuge in open boats after their vessel has been sunk by Bub- 
marine. 

61. INTERNATIONAL LAW: NEUTRAL RIGHTS. 

Barclay, Sir Thomas. The Law and Usage of War, a 
Practical Handbook of the Law and Usage of Land and 
Naval Warfare and Prize. Boston, Houghton,' 1914, p. xv, 
145. $1.50. Material arranged alphabetically, forming a 
small cyclopedia of law of war. 

Brewer, Daniel Chauncey. The Rights and Duties of Neu- 
trals, a Discussion of Principles and Practices. Putnam, 
1016, p. be, 260. $1.25. Discusses questions of neutral 
rights which arose in first two years of war and argues that 
America must be prepared to safeguard its neutral rights. 

Brown, Philip Marshall. International Realities. Scrib- 
ner, 1917, p. xvi, 233. $1.40. Professor of International 
Law at Princeton discusses apparent breakdown of interna- 
tional law under strain of the war and seeks to determine 
what are realities in international intercourse. Technical 
problems are discussed in clear, readable style. 

Dampierre, Leon Michel Marie Jacques de, Marquis. 
German Imperialism and International Law, based upon 
German Authorities and the Archives of the French Gov- 
ernment. Scribner, 1917, p. viii, 277. $3.50. Shows prin- 
ciples and teachings underlying German imperialism are di- 
rectly opposed to those at basis of international law, and 
that Germany's acts in the war were inevitable outcome of 
German teachings. Carefully documented, especially from 
German sources. 

Deportation of Women and Girls from Lille. Doran, 1917, 
p. 81. $.50. Translation of French note on subject, with 
abundant confirmatory evidence from both French and Ger- 
man sources. 

Germany's Violation of the Laws of War, 1914-15; com- 
piled under the Auspices of the French Ministry of Foreign 
Affairs; translated by J. O. P. Bland. Putnam, 1915. $2. 
Carefully compiled evidence, much from German sources; 
well translated. 

"Grant, Arthur James, and others. An Introduction to 
the Study of International Relations. Macmillan, 1916, p. 
viii, 207. $.75. Co-operative work by British writers; 
furnishes outlines for study of more obvious problems of 
International relations; may be used in study classes with 
Krelibiel's Nationalism and Seton-Watson's War and 
Democracy. Apparently hastily prepared, but richly sug- 
gestive. 

Hazeltine, Harold Dexter. The Law of the Air, Three 



Lectures Delivered in the University of London at the Re- 
quest of its Faculty. London, Ilodder, 1911, p. 160. 5s. 

*Hershey, Amos Shartle. The Essentials of International 
Public Law. Macmillan, 1912, p. xlviii, 558. $3. Good, sin- 
gle volume manual, published shortly before the war. Will 
serve need of average reader who wishes to look up a topic. 
Has full bibliographies. 

Higgins, Alexander Pearce. War and the Private Citizen, 
Studies in International Law. London, King, 1912, p. 218. 
SB. Defensively Armed Merchant Ships and Submarine 
Warfare. London, Stevens, 1917, p. 66. Two treatises OB 
special topics of international law brought into prominence 
by the war. 

How Diplomats Make War, by a British Statesman ; with 
Introduction by Albert Jay Nock. Huebsch, 1915, p. xvlii, 
376. $1.50. Significant contribution to discussion of 
democratization of diplomacy. 

'Phillipson, Coleman. International Law and the Great 
War, with an Introduction by Sir John MacDonell. Dutton, 
1916, p. xxiv, 407. $6. Termination of War and Treatiea 
of Peace. Dutton, 1916, p. xix, 486. $7. First is sys- 
tematic effort to study causes and events of the war in light 
of the law of peace, law of war, and rights of neutrals. 
Written shortly after sinking of Lusitania. Will remain at 
collection of cases, rather than as authoritative text. Second 
is only scholarly monograph text in its field; thorough mas- 
terly study in anticipation of close of the war. Has as 
appendix twenty-six treaties, 1815-1913, concluding hostili- 
ties. Both works ignore German treatises on international 
law. 

Piggott, Sir Francis Taylor. The Neutral Merchant la 
Relation to the Law of War and Blockade under the Order 
in Council of llth March, 1915. London, University Press, 
1915, p. 128. 2s. 6d. Perhaps best defense of British re- 
strictions on neutral trade. 

Pyke, Harold Reason. The Law of Contraband of War. 
Oxford Press, 1915, p. xl, 314. $4.15. Historical treat- 
ment; includes cases in present war up to time of going to 
press; important documents in appendix; bibliography. 

Roxburgh, Ronald Francis. International Conventions 
and Third States. Longmans, 1917, p. xvi, 119. $2.50. 
Monograph on phase of international law never before 
specially investigated. Deals with construing interna- 
tional law with reference to municipal law. 

*Satow, Sir Ernest Mason. Guide to Diplomatic Practice. 
Longmans, 1917, 2 vols., p. xxi, 407; xii, 405. $9. By ex- 
perienced English diplomat. Wealth of information on 
diplomatic questions and procedure, particularly present 
day practice. Should be considered in discussing proposal 
to abolish secret diplomacy. 

Smith, Sir Frederick Edwin. The Destruction of Mer- 
chant Sliips under International Law. Dutton, 1917, p. 109. 
$1.75. British Attorney General gives brief readable dis- 
cussion of practically whole question of status of both 
enemy and neutral shipping in war time. Based on Phillip- 
son. 

Trehern, E. C. M. British and Colonial Prize Cases; Re- 
ports of Prize Cases Decided during the Present War in the 
Courts of Great Britain and Over-seas Dominions. London, 
Stevens, Part I, 1915, p. 135. 7s. fld. 

62. NATIONALITY AND ITS PROBLEMS. 

"Dominian, Leon. The frontiers of language and Nation- 
ality in Europe. Holt, 1917, p. xviil, 375. $3. Discusses 
relations of language and geographical features to nation- 
ality and political frontiers, with application to the various 



130 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



concrete problems, especially in the Balkans. Illuminating 
maps. Beat work of sort in English. 

Grant, Madison. The Passing of 'he Great Race, or the 
Racial Basis of European History. Scribner, 1916, p. xxi, 
245. $2. Much scientific and historical data marred by 
dogmatic insistence on views for which proofs cannot be 
adduced, concerning the Nordic peoples and their destiny. 
Recalls Houston S. Chamberlain's work. 

Hannah, Ian Campbell. Arms and the Map, a Study of 
Nationalities and Frontiers. Shaw, 1915, p. viii, 261. $1.25. 
Attempts to give simple, clear, non-partisan view of the 
problems of nationality in Europe, due to difference between 
national areas and state boundaries. 

Holdich, Sir Thomas Hungerford. Political Frontiers and 
Boundary Making. Macmillan, 1916, p. xii, 307. $3.25. The 
author is an eminent English geographer with wide exper- 
ience on boundary commissions. Excellent on historical and 
geographical facts and interesting for personal experience, 
but questionable on political considerations, for he strongly 
favors strategical frontiers. Unfortunately without maps. 

Krehbiel, Edward Benjamin. Nationalism, War, and 
Society, a Study of Nationalism and its Concomitant, War, 
in their Relations to Civilization, and of the Fundamentals 
and the "Progress of fie Opposition to War; with an Intro- 
duction by Norman Angell. Macmillan, 1916, p. xxxv, 276. 
$1.50. Carefully prepared syllabus of topical studies, with 
good selections of references for reading. 

Muir, Ramsay. Nationalism and Internationalism, the 
Culmination of Modern History. Boston, Houghton, 1917, 
p. 229. $1.25. Despite its faults the general reader will 
find this an illuminating survey of the development of 
nationalism and of internationalism as forces in European 
history, especially since 1815. Denounces the Central 
Powers as the last menace to national freedom and hostile 
to the international idea. 

Rose, John Holland. Nationality in .Modern History. 
Macmillan, 1916, p. xi, 202. $1.25. Ten lectures by English 
historian on rise of present national states in Europe, 
especially in nineteenth century. 

Tagore, Sir Rabindranath (Revindranahta Thakura). 
Nationalism. Macmillan, 1917, p. 159. $1.25. Essays on 
nationalism in the West, in Japan, and in India; disap- 
proves nationalism. Chief interest for personal or Hindu 
point of view. 

"Toynbee, Arnold Joseph. Nationality and the War. 
Dntton, 1915, p. x, 522. $2.50. The New Europe, Some 
Eays in Reconstruction, with an Introduction by the Earl 
of Cromer. Dutton, 1916, p. 85. $1. By competent English 
historian, surveying, with some detail, the several problems 
of nationality in Europe, the rise of nationality and its 
effects, and some suggestions of solutions for the problems. 
The second volume supplements the first, and its intro- 
duction by Lord Cromer is noteworthy. 

Zangwill, Israel. The Principle of Nationalities. Mac- 
millan, 1917, p. 116. $.50. A lecture, scathingly criticising 
the work of Rose, Muir, and Toynbee. Perhaps the ablest 
analysis of nationality. 

63. THE WAR AND DEMOCRACY. 

Bryce, James Bryce, Viscount, and others. The War of 
Deiiiocracy, the Allies' Statement, Chapters on the Funda- 
mental Significance of the Struggle for a New Europe. 
Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 1917, p. xxiv, 441. $2. Two 
chapters by Belgian, three by French, and sixteen by Eng- 
lish writers, mainly related to England's interest and 
activity in the war. Contains some of best utterances of 



Bryce, Grey, Lloyd George, Balfour, Haldane, Murray and 
others. 

Fisher, Herbert Albert Laurens. The Republican Tra- 
dition in Europe. Putnam, 1911, p. xii, 363. $2.50. Chiefly 
concerned with development of republicanism in France 
since 1789, by English historical scholar, now President of 
Board of Education of Great Britain. 

"Lippmann, Walter. The Stakes of Diplomacy. Holt, 
1915, p. vii, 235. $1.25. Strong argument for democrat- 
ization of diplomacy; one of ablest discussions produced by 
the war; addressed to earnest, thoughtful reader. So 
closely argued that conclusions seem irresistible, but rests 
on too implicit acceptance of an economic interpretation of 
history. 

Sellars, Roy Wood. The Next Step in Democracy. Mac- 
millan, 1916, p. v, 275. $1.50. Discussion of socialism and 
labor by assistant professor of philosophy, University of 
Michigan; marked by spirit of practicality. Written before 
United States entered the war, but has chapters on Re- 
flections on the War, and Can We Universalize Democracy! 

**Seton- Watson, Robert William; Wilson, John Dover; 
Zimmern, Alfred Eckhard; and Greenwood, Arthur. The 
War and Democracy. Macmillan, 1915, p. xiv, 390. $.80. 
Gives historical background, ultimate causes of the war, 
issues involved, probable solutions, and ideals and prin- 
ciples at stake. Allowing for individual views, perhaps, 
the best single book on fundamental causes and issues of 
the war. 

Sims, Newell Leroy. Ultimate Democracy and its Mak- 
ing. Chicago, McClurg, 1917, p. 347. $1.50. An interpreta- 
tion of democracy from the sociological not the political 
point of view. Gives readable digest of much recent 
sociological discussion. 

64. RESULTS OF THE WAR: PROBLEMS OF PEACE. 

Bourne, Randolph Stillman, editor. Towards an Enduring 
Peace, a Symposium of Peace Proposals and Programs, 
1914-1916, with an Introduction by Franklin H. Giddings. 
Association for International Conciliation, 1H16, p. xv, 336. 
Compilation from writings of pacifists and other publicists, 
not official pronouncements. 

*Buxton, Charles Roden, editor. Towards a Lasting Set- 
tlement. Dodd, 1917, revised edition, p. 216. $2. Collec- 
tion of essays by leading English pacifists on problems of 
nationality, territorial settlement, revision of maritime law, 
colonial affairs, and international co-operation to reduce 
war. 

**Cheradame, Andr6. The Pangerman Plot Unmasked, 
Berlin's Formidable Peace-trap of The Drawn War; with 
an Introduction by the Earl of Cromer. Scribner, 1917, p. 
xxxi, 235. $1.25. Translation of a French work published 
early in 1916, but without corrections or additions to bring 
it up to date. Written without knowledge of Naumann's 
Central Europe, but with full knowledge of earlier litera- 
ture of the sort, and with extensive study and observation 
in the countries concerned. Valuable for information on 
geographical problems, and one of the ablest analyses of the 
Pan-German and Central Europe schemes and their dangers. 

Chfradame, Andre. The United States and Panger- 
mania. Scribner, 1918, p. xii, 170. $1. Germany is re- 
placed by Pangermania whose existence menaces United 
States and freedom of the world; must be blocked by 
liquidation of Austria-Hungary and Polish independence. 
Author has spent twenty-two years studying and writing 
against pan-Germanism. 

Chesterton, Cecil Edward. The Perils of Peace; with In- 
troduction by Hilaire Belloc. London, Laurie, 1916, p. 239. 
2s. A warning against a hasty or compromise peace. Doea 



V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 



181 



not spare criticism of the ministry any more than of 
pacifist group in England. 

Cook, Sir Theodore Andrea. The Mark of the Beast. 
London, Murray, 11)17. 5s. An array of facts on German 
history, kultur, and atrocities as argument against incon- 
clusive peace. Largely reprint of his Kaiser, Krupp, and 
Kultur. 

Cosmos, pseud. The Basis of a Durable Peace. Scrib- 
ner, 1917, p. ix, 144. $.30. Reprint of articles contributed 
to the New York Times in November and December, 1916, 
by an eminent authority. After able analysis of the sev- 
eral problems solutions are suggested which accord with 
democratic conceptions of international law and of indi- 
vidual and national rights. 

Fayle, Charles Ernest. The Great Settlement. Duffield, 
1915, p. xix, 309. $1.75. Careful exposition of interests 
concerned in the war and in prospective peace, as territor- 
ial, colonial, and economic questions, and of principles in- 
volved. Author belongs to English pacifist school, but is 
not blind to facts. 

Hart, Albert Bushnell, editor. Problems of Readjust- 
ment after the War. Appleton, 1915, p. 186. $1. Seven 
essays by as many competent American writers, dealing 
rather with probable effects of war upon fundamental con- 
ditions of life than with technical issues of future peace. 
Significance undiminished by American entrance into the 
war. 

lla/.cn, Charles Downer, and others. Three Peace Con- 
gresses of the Nineteenth Century. Cambridge, Harvard 
University Press, 1917, p. 93. $.75. Professor Hazen writes 
on the Congress of Vienna; Dr. W. R. Thayer on the Con- 
gress of Paris, and Professor R. H. Lord on the Congress of 
Berlin. Professor A. C. Coolidge adds most illuminating ar- 
ticle on Claimants to Constantinople. These scholarly 
essays deal particularly with organization and procedure of 
the three congresses. 

Headlam, James Wycliffe. The Issue. Boston, Hough- 
ton, 1917, p. vii, 159. $1. Reprint, with long introduction, 
of four articles from Nineteenth Century and After, 
analyzing and answering earlier German peace pronounce- 
ments. A review of Naumann's Central Europe is re- 
printed from Westminster Gazette. Broader issues are 
avoided, but German aims are rigorously exposed as im- 
possible. Author is English, but adds to thorough informa- 
tion, sanity of view which makes this one of best books on 
issues of the war. 

Herron, George Davis. The Menace of Peace. Kenner- 
ley, 1917, p. 110. $1. Condemns an indecisive peace as a 
victory for German militarism which is eloquently de- 
nounced. Anti-Catholic. 

Hill, David Jayne. The Rebuilding of Europe, a Survey 
of Forces and Conditions. Century, 1917, p. x, 289. $1.50. 
Fitted by wide research in diplomatic history and by long 
experience in American diplomatic service, author discusses 
abstractly causes and issues of the war; discusses but does 
not accept various schemes for internationalism. Chapter 
on America's interest in the new Europe; otherwise, con- 
crete problems avoided. 

McClure, Samuel Sidney. Obstacles to Peace. Boston, 
Houghton, 1917, p. xxiii, 487. $2. Contains important doc- 
uments and much valuable information, marred by personal 
trivialities. Based on visits to warring countries. Empha- 
sizes that war is a state of mind, and sets forth facts affect- 
ing development of that state of mind. 

Schoonmaker, Edwin Davies. The World Storm and Be- 
yond. Century, 1015, p. 294. $2. Emphasizes importance 
of reforms and social changes in progress in Europe in war- 



time and that United States should heed them in order to 
maintain its own progress. Stimulates thought even if it 
fails to persuade. 

Veblen, Thorstein B. An Inquiry into the Nature of 
Peace and the Terms of its Perpetuation. Macmillan, 1017, 
p. xiii, 367. $2. One of the most thorough and philosophi- 
cal discussions of war and peace with special reference to 
the present struggle. Style incisive but not easy. Views, 
socialistic or at least anti-capitalistic. Completed in Febru- 
ary, 1917. Presented definite s-t of peace terms. 

05. THE WAR AGAINST WAR. 

Angell, Norman (pseud, of Ralph Norman Angell Lane). 
The Great Illusion, a Study of the Relation of Military 
Power to National Advantage. Putnam, 1910, fourth re- 
vised and enlarged edition, 1913, p. xxii, 416. $1. Arms 
and Industry (English edition, Foundations of International 
Polity). Putnam, 1914, p. xlv, 248. $1.25. The first had 
wide currency before the war and won author his fame as 
exponent of pacifism; the second is companion volume is- 
sued on eve of the war, arguing against militarism and na- 
tionality and for an international polity. 

Bloch, Ivan Stanislavovich. The Future of War in its 
Technical, Economic, and Political Relations: Is War Now 
Impossible T With a Prefatory Conversation with the Au- 
thor by W. T. Stead; translated by R. C. Long. Doubleday, 
1899, p. Ixxix, 380. $2. (Ginn, 1902, $.65.) Somewhat 
technical array of facts and arguments based on nineteenth 
century developments, with special reference to Great 
Britain, Germany, France, and Russia. Said to have in- 
fluenced Nicholas II to call First Hague Conference. 

Brailsford, Henry Noel. The War of Steel and Gold, a 
Study of the Armed Peace. Macmillan, 1916, sixth edition, 
p. 340. $.80. First published in May, 1914. Postscript 
chapter and some notes appear in third and later editions. 
Describes balance of power between rival alliances and 
economic interests involved; proceeds to constructive 
criticism, suggesting a new concert of Europe. English au- 
thor professes intellectual passion for peace, but his keen 
sense of facts saves him from pitfalls of sentimental 
pacifists. 

Eliot, Charles William. The Road toward Peace, a Con- 
tribution to the Study of the Causes of the European War 
and of the Means of Preventing War in the Future. Bos- 
ton, Houghton, 1915, p. xv, 228. $1. Ex-President Eliot of 
Harvard has approached the problems with his accustomed 
gravity and acumen. One of best American discussions of 
the war as a war of ideas, but treatment is unfortunately 
not systematic, for volume is only a collection of occasional 
papers and addresses, of which several additional ones are 
included in second edition, September, 1915. 

Howe, Frederic Clemson. Why WarT Scribner, 1916, p. 
366. $1.50. Attributes wars to munition makers, high 
finance, and secret diplomacy; declares, "Peace is the prob- 
lem of democracy." 

Hugins, Roland. Germany Misjudged, an Appeal to In- 
ternational Good Will in the Interest of a Lasting Peace. 
Chicago, Open Court Publishing Co., 1916, p. 111. $1. The 
Possible Peace, a Forecast of World Politics after the War. 
Century, 1916, p. xiv, 198. $1.25. First, published before 
sinking of Lusitania, is habitually neutral, but in case of 
doubt inclines to German view. Second, published after 
sinking of Lusitania, condemns militarism and war, criti- 
cises various nations, including United States, sharply; 
fears that after the war " the general problem of interna- 
tional peace will not be much nearer solution; " conse- 
quently advocates American preparedness. 



132 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



Jordan, David Starr. War and the Breed, the Relation of 
War to tlie Downfall of Nations. Boston, American Uni- 
tarian Assn., 1915, p. 205. $1.35. Argument that war, by 
extinguishing the strongest, weakens the race. 

Key, Ellen Karolina Sofia. War, Peace, and the Future, 
* Consideration of Nationalism and Internationalism and 
of the Relation of Women to War; translated by Hildegard 
Norberg. Putnam, 1916, p. x, 271. $1.50. Calm, cool, com- 
prehensive presentation of facts and deduction of conclu- 
eions. By Swedish author and leader in woman and peace 
movements. 

Liebknecht, Karl Paul August Friedrich. Militarism. 
Huebsch, 1917. $1. Thorough-going indictment by famous 
German socialist; suppressed in Germany. Original pub- 
lished in Leipzig, 1907; third German edition in Zurich, 1911. 

McCormick, Howard Fowler. Via Pacis, How Terms of 
Peace Can Be Automatically Prepared while the War is 
Still Going On. Chicago, McClurg, 1917, p. 45. $.60. Pro 
^oses novel scheme for constant interchange of desired or 
acceptable terms. 

Macdonald, John Archibald Murray. European Inter- 
national Relations. London, Unwin, 1916, p. 144. 2s. 6d. 
Argues that sovereign nations need a tribunal over them as 
much as do free men; appeared in part in Contemporary 
Review, April, 1915. 

Mahan, Alfred Thayer. Armaments and Arbitration, or 
the Place of Force in the International Relations of States. 
Harper, 1912, p. 259. Argument that armament and even 
war are necessary in international relations. Replies to 
Angell's Great Illusion. 

Quiii, Malcolm. The Problem of Human Peace Studied 
from the Standpoint of a Scientific Catholicism. Dutton, 
1917, p. 275. $1. Catholicism, somewhat modernized, is the 
cure for war and guarantee of peace. 

Russell, Bertrand Arthur William. Justice in War-time. 
Chicago, Open Court Publishing Co., 1916, p. ix, 243. $1. 
Non-resistance argument by able English pacifist. Review 
of Entente policy in reply to Professor Gilbert Murray, and 
chapter "On What Our Policy Ought to Have Been" are 
noteworthy. 

Russell, Bertrand Arthur William. Why Men Fight, a 
Method of Abolishing the International Duel. (Title, Eng- 
lish edition: Principles of Social Reconstruction.) Century, 
1917, p. 272. $1.50. Places responsibility for war not so 
much upon matters of national or international concern as 
upon human instincts, which must be schooled against war. 
The book has glaring faults along with much that is ex- 
cellent. 

Russell, Bertrand Arthur William. Political Ideals. 
Century, 1917, p. 172. $1. Reiterates his ideas on national- 
ism and internationalism, but also deals with individual 
liberty and public control, capitalism and socialism. Excel- 
lent style but inadequate analysis of problems. 

Taylor, Charles Fremont. A Conclusive Peace, present- 
Ing the Historically Logical, and a Feasible Plan of Action 
for the Coming Peace Conference, Which Will Co-ordinate 
and Harmonize Europe, and the World. Philadelphia, 
Winston, 1916, p. 173. $.50. By editor of Equity. Util- 
izes pacifist stock in trade; suggestive but not critical. Pro- 
poses world congress similar to Congress of United States, 
and other devices for international government. 

Warden, Archibald A. Common Sense Patriotism; 
Preface by Norman Angell. Dillingham, Ifllfi. p. Ixx, 129. 
$1. Believes right is not all on one side, that discussion 
would secure peace; relates his efforts to secure conference 
at Berne. 



Wells, Herbert tieorge. War That Will End W T ar. 
Duflield. 1!H4. p. 10J $.75. What Is Coining? A Euro- 
pean Forecast. Maemillan, 1916, p. 2!I4. $ I. .">(). First i 
collection of occasional papers produced in first weeks of 
the war. Both reveal the prophetic desire to play with 
facts that characterizes Mr. Britling Sees It Through 
(1916) and much of the author's other writing 

Woods, Frederick Adams, and Baltzly, Alexander. IB 
War Diminishing? A Study of the Prevalence of VVar in 
Europe from 1450 to the Present Day. Uoston. Houghton, 
1915, p. xi, 105. $1. Whatever may be said of their scien- 
tific method, the selection of their historical premises can 
scarcely meet approval. 

66. LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE: LEAGUE OF 
NATIONS. 

Ashbee, Charles R. The American League to Enforce 
Peace. An English Interpretation; with Introduction by G. 
L. Dickinson. London, Allen & Unwin, 1917. p. 92. 2s. 8d. 
Author was an Englishman present at inauguration of the 
League, of which he approves. Discusses international 
significance of United States. 

*Brailsford, Henry Noel. The League of Nations. Mae- 
millan, 1917, p. vii, 332. $1.75. Calm, dispaassinnate dis- 
cussion of many of problems of the war and of suggestions 
foi their solution, especially of the League to Enforce 
Peace, by an Englishman. 

Bryce, James Bryce, Viscount, and others. Proposals for 
the Prevention of Future Wars. London. Allen & Unwin, 
1917. Is. Scheme similar to League to Enforce Peace. 

Bryce, James Bryce, Viscount. Some Historical Reflections 
on War, Past and Present. Oxford Press, 1917, p 28. Is. 
Two addresses as president of the British Academy in 
June, 1915 and June, 1916. Includes some discussion of 
international law in war time, of international public 
opinion, and of a league of nations. 

Butler, Nicholas Murray. A World in Ferment, Inter- 
pretations of the War for a New World. Scribner. 1917, p. 
viii, 254. $1.25. Collection of addresses delivered from 
September, 1914, to June, 1917, on war questions. Thought- 
ful, practical, and inspired with constructive ideals 

Collin, Christen Christian Dreyer. The War against War, 
and the Enforcement of Peace; with Introduction by Wil- 
liam Archer. Maemillan, 1917, p. xii, 163. $.80. Collection 
of essays by an eminent professor in the University of 
Christiania, with special reference to the league of nations 
idea. 

Coulton, George Gordon. The Main Illusions of Pacifism, 
a Criticism of Mr. Norman Angell and the Union of Demo- 
cratic Control. Maemillan, 1916, p. xv, 295, Ixii. $2. Col- 
lection of anti-pacifist articles intended to promote a 
British policy of national defence. 

Dickinson, Goldsworthy Lowes. The Choice Before Us. 
Dodd, 1917, p. xiii, 268. $2. Denounces militarism and 
economic war; sees hope only in international organization 
which must include all great powers, even Germany. Pow- 
erful arguments by an earnest, able advocate of world 
peace. 

Fried, Alfred Hermann. The Restoration of Europe; 
translated by Lewis Stiles Garnett. Maemillan, 1916, p. 
xiv, 157. $1. Original published in April. 1!15. by native 
of Vienna, for fifteen years editor of the FrieoVns Warte 
in Berlin, since the war in Zflrich. Author, who received 
Nobel prize in lull, suggests co-operative union of Kurope, 
starting like Pan-American Union, which might lead ultl- 



V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 



183 



malely to political co-operation. "A European union is at 
IT..-..,, i ,,,,,, (l(.,,irable than a world-wide one." 



Goldsmith, Kobi-rt. A League to Enforce Peace; with a 
special introduction by A. Lawrence Lowell. Macmillan, 
1917, p. xxvi, 3:11. $1.50. Volume for study classes on 
inadequacy or failure of other means of securing peace and 
on tin 1 plan of the League to Enforce Peace and reasons 
in favor of it. Several chapters against militarism. Con- 
tains bibliography. 

League to Knforce Peace. Enforced Peace, Proceedings of 
the Kirst Annual National Assemblage. League to Enforce 
Peace, 1!)17, p.vi, 204. $.50. Collection of papers on various 
phases of subject, especially from side of United States. 

Marburg, Theodore. The League of Nations, a Chapter 
in the History of the Movement. Macmillan, 1917, p. 139. 
$.50. History of League to Enforce Peace movement by 
one of its originators. 

67. ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE WAR. 

Babson, Roger Ward. The Future of Nations; Prosper- 
ity, Mow It Must Come; Economic Facts for Business Men 
(1914, p. 123. $1). The Future of World Peace, a Book 
of Charts showing Facts Which Must Be Recognized in Fu- 
ture Plans for Peace; the Prospects for Peace (1915, sec- 
ond edition, p. 142. $1). Wellesley Hills, Mass., Babson's 
Statistical Organization. Contain much statistical matter 
on economic and financial affairs, but are arguments for an 
international government. 

Barren, Clarence Walker. The Audacious War. Boston, 
Houghton, 1915, p. xiv, 192. $1. Collected papers on busi- 
ness problems underlying the war by editor of Boston News 
Bureau who visited Europe in early months of war to ob- 
serve financial affairs at first hand. Clear, concise, vigorous 
style; keen insight. 

Bowley, Arthur Lyon. The Effect of the War on the Ex- 
ternal Trade of the United Kingdom, an Analysis of the 
Monthly Statistics, 1906-1914. Putnam, 1915, p. viii, 56. 
$.60. Professor of statistics in University of London makes 
comparative study with reference to last five months of 
1914. Excellent; relevant only to exact period considered. 

Byers, Norman R. World Commerce in its Relation to 
the British Empire. London, King, 1916, p. 104. Is. 

Claea, Jules. The German Mole, a Study in the Art of 
Peaceful Penetration. Macmillan, 1915, p. xiv, 143. $1. 
Articles on methods of German peaceful penetration in Bel- 
glum, especially Antwerp, published by editor of La Metro- 
pole in his Antwerp journal in August and September, 1914. 
English edition has introduction by J. Holland Rose. 

Clapp, Edwin James. The Economic Aspects of the War, 
Neutral Rights, Belligerent Claims, and American Commerce 
in the Years 1914-1915. New Haven, Yale Press, 1915, p. 
xiv, 340. $1.50. Apparently written before sinking of 
Lusitania. Mainly criticism of British policy of trade re- 
striction. Deals with import and export situation with 
special reference to cotton and copper. 

Colvin, Ian D. The Unseen Hand in English History. 
London, National Review Office, 1917. 7s. 6d. Continues 
his fiermans in England, reviewing events since Tudor 
times. A tract of protectionist argument, spiced with anti- 
Germanism. 

Dibblee, George Binney. Germany's Economic Position 
and England's Commercial and Industrial Policy after the 
War London, Heinemann, 1917, p 108. Is. Published by 
Enjrlisli Central Committee for National Patriotic Organi- 
zations. Describes German industrial and commercial 
methods and outlines a revised policy for England. Mode- 
rate in tone. 



Eltzbacher, Paul. Germany's Food, Can It Lastt Ger- 
many's Food and England's Plan to Starve Her Out, a 
Study by German Experts; English Version edited by S. R. 
Wells. London, Hodder, 1915, p. 264. 2s. 

England's Financial Supremacy, a Translation of Die 
Englische Finan/.macht; England's Fal-che Rechnung; 
DeuUchland und die Erbschaft dor City from the Frank- 
furter Zeitung; with Introduction and Notes by the Trans- 
lators. Macmillan, 1917, p. xv, 106. $1.25. Original arti- 
cles by financial authority appeared in November, 1915; 
argue that Germany's (forced) reliance on home resources is 
more advantageous than England's dependence on outside 
financial aid. Some forecasts have already failed of fulfil- 
ment. 

Gill, Conrad, National Power and Prosperity, a Study of 
the Economic Causes of Modern Warfare. London, Unwin, 
1916, p. 208. 4s. 6d. Based on lectures to workingmen by 
English college teacher. Principally concerned with past 
wars but with present one in mind. 

Girault, Arthur. The Colonial Tariff Policy of France; 
edited by C. Gide. Oxford Press, 1916, p. viii, 305. $2.50. 
A general historical and critical account, with specific ac- 
counts of each colony. 

Gourvitch, Paul Pensac. How Germany Does Business, 
Chapters on Export and Finance Methods, with a Preface 
by Dr. B. E. Shatsky. Huebsch, 1917, p. 142. $1. Shat- 
sky's preface written from Russian point of view after 
Revolution of March, 1917. Twenty-three short chapters, 
mainly on various phases of credits and export trade. Has 
special reference to Russia. 

Grunzel, Josef. Economic Protectionism; edited by 
Eugen von Philippovich. Oxford Press, 1916, p. xiv, 357. 
$2.90. Sympathetic, comprehensive study of both import 
duties and other protective measures, by an Austrian. 

Harris, Winthrop & Company. American Business a* 
Affected by Peace and Preparedness, the Composite Opinion 
of Seventeen Hundred American Business Men. Chicago, 
Harris, Winthrop & Company, 1916, p. 80. 

Hauser, Henri. Germany's Commercial Grip on the 
World, her Business Methods Explained; translated by 
Manfred Emanuel. Scribner, 1917, p. xv, 259. $1.8. 
Translation of Lea Methodes Allemandea d'Expansioa 
Kconomique, which has passed through several editions. 
Thorough, moderate, discriminating study. Urges keeping 
out of Germany's economic grip in future and emulating her 
systematic, hard work. 

Hirst, Francis Wrigley. Political Economy of War. 
Dutton, 1915, p. xii, 327. $2. Former editor of The Eco- 
nomist (London) writes with special reference to England, 
dealing with policy and economics of war, and war debts; 
treatment is largely historical. About forty pages refer to 
present war. Author's preconceptions were pacifist. Close 
study of facts with wealth of detail, though not too techni- 
cal for layman. 

Jones, J. H. The Economics of War and Conquest, an 
Examination of Mr. Norman Angell's Economic Doctrines. 
London, King, 1915, p. 178. 2s. 6d. Relates specifically to 
The Great Illusion, but is really a critical analysis of eco- 
nomic contentions of pacifists against militarism to sift out 
the false and to place the argument on sound foundation*. 

Lawson, W. R. British War Finance. 1014 15. Van 
Nostrand, 1915, p. vl, 367. $2. Full, rather technical study. 

MacDonald, Allan John MacDonald. 'Trade. Politic*, and 
Christianity in Africa and the East; with an Introduction 
by Sir Harry Johnston. Longmans, 101ft. p xxi. 2!>S. $2. 
Discussion of the problem of contact with and control of 
backward peoples. 



131 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



Millioud, Maurice. The Killing Caste and Frenzied Trade 
in Germany ; translated with an Introduction by Sir Freder- 
ick Pollock, boston, Houghton, Milii, p. 159. $1. Caste 
section of volume is slashing attack on H. S. Chamberlain 
and (ienuau chauvinists; trade part is clear, concise, vigor- 
ous arraignment of German economic activities, financial 
situation, and imperialistic policy. Conclusions will com- 
mand less confidence than when written. 

*Noyes, Alexander Dana. Financial Chapters of the War. 
Scribner, 1916, p. xi, 255. $1.25. Financial editor of New 
York Evening Post and The Nation studies effect of the 
war on American financial conditions during first two years 
of war, and American financing of Europe in same period. 
Also three chapters on probable economic and financial re- 
Bults. 

O'Farrell, Horace Handley. The Franco-German War In- 
demnity and its Economic Results. London, Harrison, 
1913, p. 90. Is. Author seeks to prove that Germany's ex- 
action of war indemnity was unfortunate for itself. Bib- 
liography of dozen pages. 

Schuster, Ernest Joseph. The Effect of War and Mora- 
torium on Commercial Transactions. Bender, 1914, second 
edition revised and enlarged, p. viii, 166. $1.25. 

Withers, Hartley. The War and Lombard Street. But- 
ton, 1915, p. viii, 171. $1.25. Clear account from London 
banking point of view of extraordinary financial situation 
precipitated by the war. Covers to December, 1914. Ap- 
pendix of special statutes and other documents. 



68. WOMEN AND THE WAR. 

Addams, Jane; Balch, Emily Greene; and Hamilton, Alice. 
Women at the Hague, the International Congress of Women 
and its Results. Macmillan, 1915, p. vii, 171. 75 cents. 
Account of notable unofficial movement for peace. 

Atherton, Mrs. Gertrude Franklin (Horn). The Living 
Present. New York, Stokes, 1917, p. xvi, 303. $1.50. 
Observations made in 1916 of activities of French women in 
war work. Discusses fully relations of the war and femin- 
ism. 

Gribble, Francis Henry. Women in War. Dutton, 1916. 
$2.75. Series of biographical and historical sketches writ- 
ten before the war, with an epilogue dealing with women 
in the earlier part of the present war. 

Hewes, Amy, and Walter, Henriette R. Women as Muni- 
tion Makers; and Munition Workers in England and 
France. Russell Sage Foundation, 1917. 75 cents. First 
article by Miss Hewes reports investigations for the 
Foundation made in Bridgeport, Conn., in 1916; the second, 
by Miss Walter summarizes British official reports. 

Repplier, Agnes. Countercurrents. Boston, Houghton, 

1916, p. iii, 291. $1.25. Collection of essays includes one on 
Women and War. 

Stone, Gilbert, editor. Women War Workers. Crowell, 

1917, p. 320. $1.65. Composed largely of accounts written 
by women engaged in the several forms of war work. Al- 
most entirely English. 

69. SOCIALISM AND THE WAR. 

Walling, William English, editor. The Socialists and the 
War, a Documentary Statement of the Position of the So- 
cialists of all Countries, with Special Reference to their 
Peace Policy, including a Summary of the Revolutionary 
State Socialist Measures Adopted by the Governments at 
War. Holt, 1915, p. xii, 512. $1.50. Well edited mass, of 
information. 



70. INTERPRETATIONS OF THE WAR: PHILOSOPH- 

ICAL. 

Bergson, Henri Louis. The Meaning of the War. Mac- 
millan, 1915, p. 47. $.40. Early pronouncement by famous 
French philosopher; indicts Prussian unification of Ger- 
many. 

Boutroux, Emile. Philosophy and War, translated by 
Fred Rothwell. Dutton, 1917, p. xii, 212. $1.75. An analy- 
sis of German and of French philosophical ideas in their 
relation to the war, by eminent French philosopher. Style 
clear and simple. 

Richard, Paul. To the Nations. Pond, 1917, p. xv, 79. 
$1. Translated from the French with introduction by Sir 
Rabindranath Tagore. Declares purpose of the war is 
destruction of old evil, root and branch, to make way for 
better and truer civilization whose ideals are discussed. 

71. INTERPRETATIONS OF THE WAR: SOCIOLOG- 

ICAL. 

Bosanquet, Bernard. Social and International Ideals. 
Macmillan, 1917, p. ix, 325. $2.25. Collection of essays, 
reviews, and lectures, all but one of which were published 
before the war. Interesting for ideas on pacifism, patriot- 
ism, and political elements in the social structure. 

Burnet, John. Higher Education and the war. Macmil- 
lan, 1917, p. "x, 238. $1.50. Most of material was already 
published in 1913 by this professor in University at St. 
Andrew's. Discusses systems of higher education in sev- 
eral countries, especially interesting on Germany, in whose 
system much is commended. 

Ellis, Henry Havelock. Essays in War-time. Houghton, 
1916, p. 247. $1.50. Author is voluminous English writer 
on sociological, psychological and sexual questions. Of these 
eighteen essays only first six deal directly with war ques- 
tions, such as evolution and war, war and eugenics, war 
and the birth-rate, and war and democracy. 

*Hobhouse, Leonard Trelawney. The World in Conflict. 
London, Unwin, 1915, second edition, 1916, p. 104. Is. 
Questions of War and Peace. London, Unwin, 1916, 
3s. 6d. Two collections of articles by eminent professor of 
sociology in University of London. Simplicity of style and 
sanity of thought mark his efforts to discover basal signifi- 
cance of war and nationality and their interrelation in the 
first, and his Platonic dialogues on the soul of civilization 
and the hope of the world in the second. 

Lodge, Sir Oliver. The War and After, Short Chapters 
on Subjects of Serious Practical Import for the Average 
Citizen in A. D., 1915, Onwards. London, Methuen, 1915, 
sixth edition, p. xiii, 240. Is. Three groups of essays 
dealing with past, present and future of the war. Quotes 
others freely. Gives special attention to ideals and social 
conditions. Records Sir Oliver's mental states rather than 
contributes to elucidation of problems. 

Marvin, Francis Sydney, editor. Progress and History. 
Oxford Press, 1917, p. 314. $3.75. A series of essays by 
distinguished English thinkers in continuation of " The 
Unity of Western Civilization" (1916). The basic problem 
is general, but the specific problem of the war is pervasive 
in these able discussions. 

Mitchell, Peter Chalmers. Evolution and the War. Dut- 
ton, 1915, p. 114. $1. Secretary of Zoological Society of 
London presents scientific facts to prove that German 
notion that war is essential element in process of natural 
selection is not in accord with Darwinian theory. 



V. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WAR. 



135 



72. INTERPRETATIONS OF THE WAR: POLITICAL. 

Baty, Thomas, and Morgan, John Hartman. War, ita 
Conduct and its Legal Results. Dutton, 1915, p. 578. $3.50. 
Scholarly treatise of effects of the war upon English admin- 
istration and legislation, but not too technical for popujar 
reader and not without value for Americans. Chapter on 
Laws of War on Land is significant for light thrown on 
German theory and method of warfare. 

Hobson, John Atkinson. Imperialism, a Study. Pott, 
1902, second edition, 1!>15, p. viii, 331. $2.75. Towards 
International Government. Macmillan, 1918. $1. First is 
diagnosis of economic and cultural aspects of imperialism, 
a product of liberal revolt against Boer war. Second 
voices liberal revolt against high finance and secret diplo- 
macy as causes of present war. Suggests international 
council. Clear, well reasoned, thoughtful, optimistic. 

The International Crisis, the Theory of the State. Oxford 
Press, 1016, p. viii, 164. $1.80. Bedford College lectures 
for 1916, by six different speakers, dealing with church and 
state, state and morality, might and right, state and 
society, egoism, personal and national, and idea of gen- 
eral will. 

Phillips, Lisle March. Europe Unbound. Scribner, 1917. 
$1.75. The author, an Englishman, shows deep insight and 
clear appreciation in discussing the fundamental differ- 
ences in national ideals. The analysis of English political 
thought is remarkable, and the essay on liberty is notable. 

73. INTERPRETATIONS OF THE WAR: PSYCHO- 

LOGICAL. 

Conway, Sir Martin. The Crowd in Peace and War 
Longman's, 1915, p. 332. $1.75. Careful general study of 
crowd psychology written in clear interesting style, but 
some premises and more conclusions are debatable. 

Crile, George Washington. A Mechanistic View of War 
and Peace, edited by Amy F. Rowland. Macmillan, 1915, 
p. 104. $1.25. Interesting record of observations of cam- 
paign in Belgium and France to battle of the Marne and of 
" the behavior of man when under the influence of the 
strongest emotional and physical stress man at war," by 
professor of surgery in Western Reserve University. 
Marred by reiteration of his familiar notions which have 
not received approval of philosophic thinkers. 

Eastman, Max. Understanding Germany; the Only Way 
to End the War, and Other Essays. Kennerley, 1916, p. 
169. $1.25. Editor of The Masses reprints articles from 
that and other journals; gives psychological analysis of 
anti -German hate and of patriotism. Contains much that 
is thoughtful and stimulating on psychology of the war 
and other war topics, but author disclaims national loyalty 
and fails to see wherein the Allies are better than the 
Germans. 

Le Bon, Gustave. The Psychology of the Great War; 
translated by E. Andrews. Macmillan, 1916, p. 479. $3. 
The author is well-known French authority on social psy- 
chology, but his carelessness in ascertaining facts and his 
lack of impartial attitude impair seriously the value of the 
volume. 

Machen, Author. The Bowmen and Other Legends of the 
War. Putnam, 1915, p. 77. $.75. Author, a devout Cath- 
olic, wrote story of St. George and the bowmen of England 
saving an English army. This story and other legends are 
published with introduction showing how a piece of fiction 
grew to a myth of the present war. 



Trotter, W. Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War. 
Macmillan, 1916, p. 213. $1.25. Basis of book are two 
articles published in 1908-9 by English author in Sociol- 
ogical Review. These studies in social psychology have 
been somewhat enriched by materials relating to the war 
and comparisons of English and German character. 

74. INTERPRETATIONS OF THE WAR: ETHICAL 
AND RELIGIOUS. 

Adler, Felix. The World Crisis and its Meaning. Apple- 
ton, 1916, p. 232. $1.50. Collection of addresses, including 
the world crisis and its meaning, militarism and its eulo- 
gists, American ideals contrasted with German and English, 
the illusion and ideal of international peace, civilization 
and progress in light of present war. Popular presentation 
of ethical considerations; inclined to neglect the practical 
Burroughs, Edward Arthur. The Fight for the Future, 
with a Foreword by the Archbishop of Canterbury. Lon- 
don. Nisbet, 1917. Is. The Valley of Decision, a Plea 
for Wholeness in Thought and Life. Longmans, 1916, p. 
xix, 391. $1.60. Two books containing discussions of the 
religious significance of the war. 

Campbell, Reginald John. The War and the Soul. Dodd, 
1916, p. ix, 300. $1.25. Popular newspaper articles by 
Church of England clergymen to help those whose faith U 
shaken by the evils of the war. Discussions cover various 
timely topics and questions. 

For the Right, Essays and Addresses by Members of the 
" Fight for Right Movement." Putnam, 1917. $1.50. 
Addresses by Lord Bryee, Dr. L. P. Jacks, Sir Frederick 
Pollock, Professor Gilbert Murray and many other able 
English thinkers to explain the principles and to uphold 
the ideals for which the Allies are fighting and to prevent 
diversion by mercenary or retaliatory motives. 

Hankey, Donald William Alers. A Student in Arms, 
with an Introduction by J. St. Loe Strachey (p. 290. $1.50). 
Second Series (p. iv, 246. $1.50). Dutton, 1917. Record of 
intellectual and spiritual experiences and speculations 
written on firing line by Oxford man who was killed in 
action in October, 1916. Second series contains a biograph- 
ical article by his sister. First volume has been one of 
most widely read war books. 

"The International Crisis in its Ethical and Psychological 
Aspects, Six Lectures Delivered in February and March, 
1915, at Bedford College for Women by Eleanor M. Sedg- 
wick, Gilbert Murray, A. C. Bradley, L. P. Jacks, G. F. 
Stout, and Bernard Bosanquet. Oxford Press, 1915, p. 155. 
$1.15. Discussions of ethics of war and patriotism by 
leaders of English thought. 

Loisy, Alfred Firmin. The War and Religion, translated 
by Arthur Galton. Longmans, 1915, p. $.50. Keen dis- 
cussion of origins of the war; criticizes Christianity and 
the papal neutrality; considers patriotism the religious 
power of the future. American readers unfamiliar with 
French conditions and thought will find book somewhat 
puzzling. 

Palmer, Frederick. With our Faces in the Light Dodd, 
1917, p. 123. $.50. Charming effort to impress the finer 
meaning of the war for America; by well known war cor- 
respondent. 

War and the Spirit of Youth. Boston, Atlantic Monthly, 
1917, p. 110. $1. Reprint of three spiritual interpretation* 
of the war by Maurice Barrfis of French Academy, Sir 
Francis Younghusband, English soldier, and Anne C. E. 
Allinson, American authoress. 



136 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



76. INTERPRETATIONS OF THE WAR: BY MEN OF 
LETTERS. 

Loti, Fierce, pseud. (Louis Marie Julien Viaud). War 
translated from the French by Marjorie Laurie. Philadel- 
phia, Lippincott, 1917, p. 320. $1.25. Collection of war 
sketches, written between August, 1914, and April, 1916, 
by members of French Academy. 

Maeterlinck, Maurice. The Wrack of the Storm, trans- 
lated by A. Teixeira de Mattos. Dodd, 1916, p. 330. $1.60. 
Public utterances of author in first two years of war 
chronologically arranged. Chief value as record of author's 
reactions to the war; much of it below his normal level of 
style. Recognizes and emphasizes moral issues. 

"Holland, Romain. Above the Battle, translated by C. 
K. Ogden. Chicago, Open Court Publishing Company, 1916, 
p. 194. $1. Collection of essays by French musical critic 
and pacifist who received Nobel prize for literature in 1915, 
and who has been engaged in work of International Agency 
for Prisoners of War in Switzerland since outbreak of war, 
and has become unpopular in France. Despite attitude of 
detachment indicated by title, and lack of unity, book is 
marked by deep moral earnestness and eloquent style. " No 
saner counsel has yet been heard above the turmoil of the 
conflict." 

Wister, Owen. The Pentecost of Calamity. Macmillan, 

1915, p. 148. $.50. Fifteen admirable vignettes, by Amer- 
ican author, showing with fine insight the issues of the war 
and the human element in it. Emphasizes American inter- 
est in moral issues of the war. 

Zangwill, Israel. The War for the World. Macmillan, 

1916, p. 455. $1.75. Collection of brilliant essays discussing 
various questions of the war with special introductory 
chapter. Shows more sympathy with his race than with 
his country. Denounces fighting Germans with German 
methods. 

76. ATLASES. 

[For brief bibliography of War Maps and Atlases, see 
page 82 t/f this collection, and THE HISTORY TEACHEE'S 
MAGAZINE, April, 1918.] 

77. PAMPHLET SERIES. 

Columbia War Papers. Columbia University, 1917. 
Eleven mumbers have been issued and more are announced; 
sold at nominal figures. Deal mainly with economic prob- 
lems of the war. Note especially Seligman and Haig's How 
to Finance the War. 

The History Teacher's Magazine War Reprints. Phila- 
delphia, McKinley Publishing Co., 1918. Each 10 to 25 
cents, according to size. No. 1, The Study of the Great 
War, by S. B. Harding; No. 2, Belgian War Curiosities, by 
C. Gauss; No. 3, Selected Critical Bibliography of the War, 
by G. M. Dutcher; No. 4, Geography of the War, with 
many maps. Others in active preparation. 

Oxford Pamphlets, 1914-1915. Oxford Press, 1914-15, 19 
vols. Each $.40. Completed series of 19 volumes contains 
86 pamphlets, written by leading English authorities on 
problems and events of the war. Historical numbers are 
often illustrated with clear sketch maps. Many of these 
pamphlets offer best brief accounts or discussions of sub- 
jects easily accessible in English. 

Papers for War Time, Published under the Auspices of a 
Committee Drawn from Various Christian Bodies and 
Political Parties, and edited by Rev. W. Temple. Oxford 
Press, 1914-15, 36 numbers, each $.08. Series is completed; 



devoted chiefly to moral and religious aspects of the war; 
by English writers. 

The University of Chicago War Papers. Chicago, Univer- 
sity Press, 1917-18. Each $.05. Four issues have appeared, 
including The Threat of German World-Politics, by Presi- 
dent Judson; Americans and the World-Crisis, by Professor 
Small; and Sixteen Causes of the War, by Professor Mo- 
Laughlin. 

University of North Carolina Extension Leaflets: War 
Information Series. Chapel Hill, N. C., 1917-18. Eleven 
issues have appeared. 

78. COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC INFORMATION: PUB- 
LICATIONS. 

Red, White, and Blue Series: 1. How the War Came to 
America (p. 32); 2. National Service Handbook (p. 246); 
3. The Battle Line of Democracy (a collection of patriotic 
prose and poetry, p. 134. $.15); 4. The President's Flag 
Day Address, with Evidence of Germany's Plans (p. 32) ; 

5. Conquest and Kultur (quotations from German writers 
revealing the plans and purposes of pan-Germany, p. 160) j 

6. German War Practices, Part I. Treatment of Civilians, 
p. 91); 7. War Cyclopedia, a Handbook for Ready Refer- 
ence on the Great War (p. 321, $.25) ; 8. German Treat- 
ment of Conquered Territory; Part II. of German War 
Practices (p v -61); 9. War, Labor, and Peace, Some Recent 
Addresses and Writings of the President (American Reply 
to the Pope, address to the American Federation of Labor, 
message to Congress, Dec. 4, 1917, addresses to Congress, 
Jan. 8, and Feb. 11, 1918, p. 40). 

War Information Series: 101. The War Message and 
the Facts behind It (p. 32) ; 102. The Nation in Arms (two 
addresses by Secretaries Lane and Baker, p. 16; 103. The 
Government of Germany, by Charles D. Hazen (p. 16) ; 
104. The Great War, From Spectator to Participant, by 

A. C. McLaughlin (p. 16); 105. A War of Self -Defense 
(addresses by Secretary of State Lansing and Assistant 
Secretary of Labor Post, p. 22) ; 106. American Loyalty (by 
American citizens of German descent, p. 24) ; 107. Amer- 
ikanische Biirgertreue (German translation of 106; 108. 
American Interest in Popular Government Abroad, by E. 

B. Greene, p. 16) ; 109. Home Reading Course for Citizen 
Soldiers, Prepared by the War Department (p. 62) ; 110. 
First Session of the War Congress (complete summary of 
all legislation, p. 48) ; 111. The German War Code, by G. 
W. Scott and J. W. Garner (p. 16) ; 112. American and 
Allied Ideals, by Stuart P. Sherman (p. 24); 113. German 
Militarism and its German Critics, by Charles Altschul 
(p. 40) ; 114. The War for Peace, by Arthur D. Call (Views 
of American peace organizations and leaders in the present 
war); 115. Why America Fights Germany, by John S. P. 
Tatlock (p. 13) ; 116. The Activities of the Committee on 
Public Information (p. 20) ; 117. The Study of the Great 
War, by Samuel B. Harding. 

Loyalty Leaflets: 201. Friendly Words to the Foreign 
Born, by Judge Joseph Buffington; 202. The Prussian 
System, by Frederic C. Walcott; 203. Labor and the War, 
President Wilson's Address to the American Federation of 
Labor, Nov. 12, 1917; 204. A War Message to the Farmer, 
by the President; 205. Plain Issues of the War, by Elihu 
Root; 206. Ways to Serve the Nation, a Proclamation by 
the President, April 16, 1917; 207. What Really Matters, 
by a Well Known Newspaper Writer. 

Official Bulletin. Published daily; $5 per year. 

All publications of the Committee on Public Infor- 
mation are distributed FREE except as price is noted. 



VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 



187 



PART VI. 
Statutes of the United States Relating to the State of War 

April 6, 1917, to May 20, 1918 



DECLARATION OF WAR wrm GERMANY, APRIL 8, 1917. ' 

Whereas the Imperial German Government has committed 
repeated acts of war against the Government and the peo- 
ple of the United States of America: Therefore be it 
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
the United States of America in Congress assembled, That 
the state of war between the United States and the Im- 
perial German Government which has thus been thrust 
upon the United States is hereby formally declared; and 
that the President be, and he is hereby, authorized and 
directed to employ the entire naval and military forces of 
the United (states and the resources of the Government to 
carry on war against the Imperial German Government; 
and to bring the conflict to a successful termination all of 
the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Con- 
gress of the United States. 
Approved, April 6, 1917. 

JOINT RESOLUTION AUTHORIZING THE TAKING. OVER OF 
ENEMY VESSELS, MAY 12, 1917. 

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
the United States of America in Congress assembled, That 
the President be, and he is hereby, authorized to take over 
to the United States the immediate possession and title of 
any vessel within the jurisdiction thereof, including the 
Canal Zone and all territories and insular possessions of 
the United States except the American Virgin Islands, 
which at the time of coming into such jurisdiction was 
owned in whole or in part by any corporation, citizen, or 
subject of any nation with which the United States may be 
at war when such vessel shall be taken, or was flying the 
flag of or was under register of any such nation or any 
political subdivision or municipality thereof; and, through 
the United States Shipping Board, or any department or 
agency of the Government, to operate, lease, charter, and 
equip such vessel in any service of the United States, or in 
any commerce, foreign or coastwise. 

SEC. 2. That the Secretary of the Navy be, and he is 
hereby, authorized and directed to appoint, subject to the 
approval of the President, a board of survey, whose duty it 
shall be to ascertain the actual value of the vessel, its 
equipment, appurtenances, and all property contained there- 
in, at the time of its taking, and to make a written report 
of their findings to the Secretary of the Navy, who shall 
preserve such report with the records of his department. 
These findings shall be considered as competent evidence in 
all proceedings on any claim for compensation. 

Approved, May 12, 1917. 

SELECTIVE DRAFT ACT, MAY 18, 1917.2 

An Act to authorize the President to increase temporarily 
the Military Establishment of the United States. 
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives 



i For the President's proclamations concerning the state 
of war, responsibilities of aliens, and treasonable acts, see 

pllLTCS lti!)-171. 

For the President's proclamation setting June 5, 1917, 
as rejristration day, see p. 171. 



of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 
That in view of the existing emergency, which demands the 
raising of troops in addition to those now available, the 
President be, and he is hereby, authorized 

First. Immediately to raise, organize, officer, and equip 
all or such number of increments of the Regular Army pro- 
vided by the national defense Act approved June third, 
nineteen hundred and sixteen, or such parts thereof as he 
may deem necessary ; to raise all organizations of the Regu- 
lar Army, including those added by such increments, to the 
maximum enlisted strength authorized by law. . . . 

Second. To draft into the military service of the United 
States, organize, and officer, in accordance with the provi- 
sions of section one hundred and eleven of said national de- 
fense Act, so far as the provisions of said section may be 
applicable and not inconsistent with the terms of this Act, 
any or all members of the National Guard and of the Na- 
tional Guard Reserves, and said members so drafted into 
the military service of the United States shall serve therein 
for the period of the existing emergency unless sooner dis- 
charged: Provided, That when so drafted the organizations 
or units of the National Guard shall, so far as practicable, 
retain the State designations of their respective organiza- 
tions. 

Third. To raise by draft as herein provided, organize and 
equip an additional force of five hundred thousand enlisted 
men, or such part or parts thereof as he may at any time 
deem necessary, and to provide the necessary officers, line 
and staff, for said force and for organizations of the other 
forces hereby authorized, or by combining organizations of 
said other forces, by ordering members of the Officers' Re- 
serve Corps to temporary duty in accordance with the pro- 
visions of section thirty-eight of the national defense Act 
approved June third, nineteen hundred and sixteen; by ap- 
pointment from the Regular Army, the Officers' Reserve 
Corps, from those duly qualified and registered pursuant to 
section twenty-three of the Act of Congress approved Janu- 
ary twenty-first, nineteen hundred and three (Thirty-second 
Statutes at Large, page seven hundred and seventy-five), 
from the members of the National Guard drafted into the 
service of the United States, from those who have been 
graduated from educational institutions at which military 
instruction is compulsory, or from those who have had hon- 
orable service in the Regular Army, the National Guard, or 
in the volunteer forces, or from the country at large; by 
assigning retired officers of the Regular Army to active duty 
with such force with their rank on the retired list and the 
full pay and allowances of their grade; or by the appoint- 
ment of retired officers and enlisted men, active or retired, 
of the Regular Army as commissioned officers in such 
forces: Provided, That the organization of said force shall 
be the same as that of the corresponding organizations of 
the Regular Army: Provided further, That the President is 
authorized to increase or decrease the number of organiza- 
tions prescribed for the typical brigades, divisions, or army 
corps of the Regular Army, and to prescribe such new and 
different organizations and personnel for army corps, divi- 
sions, brigades, regiments, battalions, squadrons, com- 
panies, troops, and batteries as the efficiency of the service 
may require: Provided further, That the number of organl- 



138 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



nations in a regiment shall not be increased nor sha! I the 
number of regiments be decreased: Provided further, That 
the President in his discretion may organize, officer, and 
equip for each Infantry and Cavalry brigade three machine- 
gun companies, and for each Infantry and Cavalry division 
four machine-gun companies, all in addition to the machine- 
gun companies comprised in organizations included in such 
brigades and divisions: Provided further, That the Presi- 
dent in his discretion may organize for each division one 
armored motor-car machine-gun company. The machine- 
gun companies organized under this section shall consist of 
euch commissioned and enlisted personnel and be equipped 
in such manner as the President may prescribe: And pro- 
vided further, That officers with rank not above that of 
colonel shall be appointed by the President alone, and offi- 
cers above that grade by the President by and with the ad- 
vice and consent of the Senate: Provided further, That the 
President may in his discretion recommission in the Coast 
Guard persons who have heretofore held commissions in the 
Revenue-Cutter Service or the Coast Guard and have left 
the service honorably, after ascertaining that they are 
qualified for service physically, morally, and as to age and 
military fitness. 

Fourth. The President is further authorized, in his dis- 
cretion and at such time as he may determine, to raise and 
begin the training of an additional force of five hundred 
thousand men organized, officered, and equipped, as pro- 
vided for the force first mentioned in the preceding para- 
graph of this section. 

Fifth. To raise by draft, organize, equip, and officer, as 
provided in the third paragraph of this section, in addition 
to and for each of the above forces, such recruit training 
units as he may deem necessary for the maintenance of such 
forces at the maximum strength. 

Sixth. To raise, organize, officer, and maintain during 
the emergency such number of ammunition batteries and 
battalions, depot batteries and battalions, and euch artil- 
lery parks, with such numbers and grades of personnel as 
he may deem necessary. Such organizations shall be offi- 
cered in the manner provided in the third paragraph of this 
section, and enlisted men may be assigned to said organi- 
zations from any of the forces herein provided for or raised 
by selective draft as by this Act provided. 

Seventh. The President is further authorized to raise and 
maintain by voluntary enlistment, to organize, and equip, 
not to exceed four infantry divisions, the officers of which 
shall be selected in the manner provided by paragraph 
three of section one of this Act: Provided, That the organi- 
zation of said force shall be the same as that of the corre- 
sponding organization of the Regular Army: And provided 
further, That there shall be no enlistments in said force of 
men under twenty-five years of age at time of enlisting: 
And provided further, That no such volunteer force shall be 
accepted in any unit smaller than a division. 

SEC. 2. That the enlisted men required to raise and 
maintain the organizations of the Regular Army and to 
complete and maintain the organizations embodying the 
members of the National Guard drafted into the service of 
the United States, at the maximum legal strength as by 
this Act provided, shall be raised by voluntary enlistment, 
or if and whenever the President decides that they can not 
effectually be so raised or maintained, then by selective 
draft; and all other forces hereby authorized, except as 
provided in the seventh paragraph of section one, shall be 
raised and maintained by selective draft exclusively; but 
this provision shall not prevent the transfer to any force of 
training cadres from other forces. Such draft as herein 
provided shall be based upon liability to military service of 



all male citizens, or male persons not alien enemies who 
have declared their intention to become citizens, between 
the ages of twenty-one and thirty years, both inclusive, and 
shall take place and be maintained under such regulations 
as the President may prescribe not inconsistent with the 
terms of this Act. Quotas for the several States, Terri- 
tories, and the District of Columbia, or subdivisions there- 
of, shall be determined in proportion to the population 
thereof, and credit shall be given to any State, Territory, 
District, or subdivision thereof, for the number of men who 
were in the military service of the United States as mem- 
bers of the National Guard on April first, nineteen hundred 
and seventeen, or who have since said date entered the 
military service of the United States from any such State, 
Territory, District, or subdivision, either as members of the 
Regular Army or the National Guard. All persons drafted 
into the service of the United States and all officers accept- 
ing commissions in the forces herein provided for shall, 
from the date of said draft or acceptance, be subject to 
the laws and regulations governing the Regular Army, ex- 
cept as to promotions, so far as such laws and regulations 
are applicable to persons whose permanent retention in the 
military service on the active or retired list is not contem- 
plated by existing law, and those drafted shall be required 
to serve for the period of the existing emergency unless 
sooner discharged: Provided, That the President is author- 
ized to raise and maintain by voluntary enlistment or 
draft, as herein provided, special and technical troops as he 
may deem necessary, and to embody them into organiza- 
tions and to officer them as provided in the third paragraph 
of section one and section nine of this Act. Organizations 
of the forces herein provided for, except the Regular Army 
and the divisions authorized in the seventh paragraph of 
section one, shall, as far as the interests of the service per- 
mit, be composed of men who come, and of officers who are 
appointed from, the same State or locality. 8 

SEC. 3. No bounty shall be paid to induce any person to 
enlist in the military service of the United States; and no 
person liable to military service shall hereafter be per- 
mitted or allowed to furnish a substitute for such service; 
nor shall any substitute be received, enlisted, or enrolled in 
the military service of the United States; and no such per- 
son shall be permitted to escape such service or to be dis- 
charged therefrom prior to the expiration of his term of 
service by the payment of money or any other valuable 
thing whatsoever as consideration for his release from mili- 
tary service or liability thereto. 

SEC. 4. That the Vice President of the United States, the 
officers, legislative, executive, and judicial, of the United 
States and of the several States, Territories, and the Dis- 
trict of Columbia, regular or duly ordained ministers of 
religion, students who at the time of the approval of this 
Act are preparing for the ministry in recognized theological 
or divirity schools, 4 and all persons in the military and 
naval service of the United States shall be exempt from the 
selective draft herein prescribed; and nothing in this Act 
contained shall be construed to require or compel any per- 
son to serve in any of the forces herein provided for who is 
found to be a member of any well-recognized religious sect 
or organization at present organized and existing and 
whose existing creed or principles forbid its members to 
participate in war in any form and whose religious convic- 
tions are against war or participation therein in accordance 



* Note the changes made by the joint resolutions of May 
16 and May 20, 1918, pp. 167-168. 

< Joint resolution of May 20, 1918, extended exemption to 
medical students, see p. 168. 



VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 



189 



with the creed or principles of said religious organizations, 
but no person so exempted shall be exempted from service 
in any capacity that the President shall declare to be non- 
combatant; and the President is hereby authorized to exclude 
or discharge from said selective draft and from the draft un- 
der the second paragraph of section one hereof, or to draft 
for partial military service only from those liable to draft 
as in this Act provided, persons of the following classes: 
County and municipal oflicials; customhouse clerks; per- 
sons employed by the United States in the transmission of 
the mails; artificers and workmen employed in the armor- 
ies, arsenals, and navy yards of the United States, and such 
other persons employed in the service of the United States 
as the President may designate; pilots; mariners actually 
employed in the sea service of any citizen or merchant 
within the United States; persons engaged in industries, in- 
cluding agriculture, found to be necessary to the main- 
tenance of the Military Establishment or the effective oper- 
ation of the military forces or the maintenance of national 
interest during the emergency; those in a status with re- 
spect to persons dependent upon them for support which 
renders their exclusion or discharge advisable; and those 
found to be physically or morally deficient. No exemption 
or exclusion shall continue when a cause therefor no longer 
exists: Provided, That notwithstanding the exemptions 
enumerated herein, each State, Territory, and the District 
of Columbia shall be required to supply its quota in the 
proportion that its population bears to the total population 
of the United States. 

The President is hereby authorized, in his discretion, to 
create and establish throughout the several States and sub- 
divisions thereof and in the Territories and the District of 
Columbia local boards, and where, in his discretion, prac- 
ticable and desirable, there shall be created and established 
one such local b >ard in each county or similar subdivision 
in each State, and one for approximately each thirty 
thousand of population in each city of thirty thousand 
population or over, according to the last census taken 
or estimates furnished by the Bureau of Census of 
the Department of Commerce, Such boards shall be ap- 
pointed by the President, and shall consist of three or more 
members, none of whom shall be connected with the Mili- 
tary Establishment, to be chosen from among the local au- 
thorities of such subdivisions or from other citizens resid- 
ing in the subdivision or area in which the respective 
boards will have jurisdiction under the rules and regula- 
tions prescribed by the President. Such boards shall have 
power within their respective jurisdictions to hear and de- 
termine, subject to review as hereinafter provided, all 
questions of exemption under this Act, and all questions of 
or claims for including or discharging individuals or 
classes of individuals from the selective draft, which shall 
be made under rules and regulations prescribed by the 
President, except any and every question or claim for in- 
cluding or excluding or discharging persons or classes of 
persons from the selective draft under the provisions of this 
Act authorizing the President to exclude or discharge from 
the selective draft " Persons engaged in industries, includ- 
ing agriculture, found to be necessary to the maintenance of 
the Military Establishment, or the effective operation of the 
military forces, or the maintenance of national interest 
during the emergency." 

The President is hereby authorized to establish addi- 
tional boards, one in each Federal judicial district of the 
United States, consisting of such number of citizens, not 
connected with the Military Establishment, as the Presi- 
dent may determine, who shall be appointed by the Presi- 
dent. The President is hereby authorized, in his discre- 



tion, to establish more than one such board in any Federal 
judicial district of the United States, or to establinh one 
such board having jurisdiction of an area extending into 
more than one Federal judicial district. 

Such district boards shall review on appeal and affirm, 
modify, or reverse any decision of any local board having 
jurisdiction in the area in which any such district board 
has jurisdiction under the rules and regulations prescribed 
by the President. Such district boards shall have exclusive 
original jurisdiction within their respective areas to hear 
and determine all questions or claims for including or ex- 
cluding or discharging persons or classes of persons from 
the selective draft, under the provisions of this Act, not in- 
cluded within the original jurisdiction of such local boards. 

The decisions of such district boards shall be final except 
that, in accordance with such rules and regulations as the 
President may prescribe, he may affirm, modify or reverse 
any such decision. 

Any vacancy in any such local board or district board 
shall be filled by the President, and any member of any 
such local board or district board may be removed and 
another appointed in his place by the President, whenever 
he considers that the interest of the nation demands it. 

The President shall make rules and regulations govern- 
ing the organization and procedure of such local boards and 
district boards, and providing for and governing appeals 
from such local boards to such district boards, and reviews 
of the decisions of any local board by the district board 
having jurisdiction, and determining and prescribing the 
several areas in which the respective local boards and dis- 
trict boards shall have jurisdiction, and all other rules 
and regulations necessary to carry out the terms and pro- 
visions of this section, and shall provide for the issuance of 
certificates of exemption, or partial or limited exemptions, 
and for a system to exclude and discharge individuals from 
selective draft. 

SEC. 5. That all male persons between the ages of twenty- 
one and thirty, both inclusive, shall be subject to registra- 
tion in accordance with regulations to be prescribed by the 
President; and upon proclamation by the President or other 
public notice given by him or by his direction stating the 
time and place of such registration it shall be the duty of 
all persons of the designated ages, except officers and en- 
listed men of the Regular Army, the Navy, and the Na- 
tional Guard and Naval Militia while in the service of the 
United States, to present themselves for and submit to reg- 
istration under the provisions of this Act; and every such 
person shall be deemed to have notice of the requirements 
of this Act upon the publication of said proclamation or 
other notice as aforesaid given by the President or by his 
direction ; and any person who shall willfully fail or re- 
fuse to present himself for registration or to submit thereto 
as herein provided, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and 
shall, upon conviction in the district court of the United 
States having jurisdiction thereof, be punished by imprison- 
ment for not more than one year, and shall thereupon be 
duly registered: Provided, That in the call of the docket 
precedence shall be given, in courts trying the same, to the 
trial of criminal proceedings under this Act: Provided fur- 
ther, That persons shall be subject to registration as herein 
provided who shall have attained their twenty-first birth- 
day and who shall not have attained their thirty-first birth- 
day on or before the day set for the registration, and all 
persons so registered shall be and remain subject to draft 
into the forces hereby authorized, unless exempted or ex- 
cused therefrom as in this Act provided: Provided further, 
That in the case of temporary absence from actual place of 
legal residence of any person liable to registration as pro- 



1-M) 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



vided herein such registration may be made by mail under 
regulations to be prescribed by the President. 

SEC. 6. That the President is hereby authorized to utilize 
the service of any or all departments and any or all officers 
or agents of the United States and of the several States, 
Territories, and the District of Columbia, and subdivisions 
thereof, in the execution of this Act, and all officers and 
agents of the United States and of the several States, Ter- 
ritories, and subdivisions thereof, and of the District of 
Columbia, and all persons designated or appointed under 
regulations prescribed by the President whether such ap- 
tciintments are made by the President himself or by the 
/overnor or other officer of any State or Territory to per- 
form any duty in the execution of this Act, are hereby re- 
quired to perform such duty as the President shall order or 
direct, and all such officers and agents and persons so desig- 
nated or appointed shall hereby have full authority for all 
acts done by them in the execution of this Act by the direc- 
tion of the President. Correspondence in the execution of 
this Act may be carried in penalty envelopes bearing the 
frank of the War Department. Any person charged as 
herein provided with the duty of carrying into effect any of 
the provisions of thia Act or the regulations made or direc- 
tions given thereunder who shall fail or neglect to perform 
such duty; and any person charged with such duty or hav- 
ing and exercising any authority under said Act, regula- 
tions, or directions, who shall knowingly make or be a 
party to the making of any false or incorrect registration, 
physical examination, exemption, enlistment, enrollment, or 
muster; and any person who shall make or be a party to 
the making of any false statement or certificate as to the 
fitness or liability of himself or any other person for ser- 
vice under the provisions of this Act, or regulations made 
by the President thereunder, or otherwise evades or aids 
another to evade the requirements of this Act or of said 
regulations, or who, in any manner, shall fail or neglect 
fully to perform any duty required of him in the execution 
of this Act, shall, if not subject to military law, be guilty 
of a misdemeanor, and upon conviction in the district court 
of the United States having jurisdiction thereof, be pun- 
ished by imprisonment for not more than one year, or, if 
subject to military law, shall be tried by court-martial and 
suffer such punishment as a court-martial may direct. 

SEC. 7. That the qualifications and conditions for volun- 
tary enlistment as herein provided shall be the same as 
those prescribed by existing law for enlistments in the 
Regular Army, except that recruits must be between the 
ages of eighteen and forty years, both inclusive, at the time 
of their enlistment; and such enlistments shall be for the 
period of the emergency unless sooner discharged. All en- 
lixtments, including those in the Regular Army Reserve, 
which are in force on the date of the approval of this Act 
and which would terminate during the emergency shall con- 
tinue in force during the emergency unless sooner dis- 
charged; but nothing herein contained shall be construed to 
shorten the period of any existing enlistment: Provided, 
That all persons enlisted or drafted under any of the pro- 
visions of this Act shall as far as practicable be grouped 
into units by States and the political subdivisions of the 
same: Provided further, That all persons who have en- 
listed since April first, nineteen hundred and seventeen, 
either in the Regular Army or in the National Guard, and 
all persons who have enlisted in the National Guard since 
June third, nineteen hundred and sixteen, upon their appli- 
cation, shall be discharged upon the termination of the 
existing emergency. 

The President may provide for the discharge of any or 



all enlisted men whose status with respect to dependents 
renders such discharge advisable; and he may also author- 
ize the employment on any active duty of retired enlisted 
men of the Regular Army, either with their rank on the re- 
tired list or in higher enlisted grades, and such retired en- 
listed men shall receive the full pay and allowances of the 
grades in which they are actively employed. 

SEC. 8. That the President, by and with the advice and 
consent of the Senate, is authorized to appoint for the 
period of the existing emergency such general officers of ap- 
propriate grades as may be necessary for duty with bri- 
gades, divisions, and higher units in which the forces pro- 
vided for herein may be organized by the President, and 
general officers of appropriate grade for the several Coast 
Artillery districts. . . . 

SEC. 9. That the appointments authorized and made as 
provided by the second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, and 
seventh paragraphs of section one and by section eight of 
this Act, and the temporary appointments in the Regular 
Army authorized by the first paragraph of section one of 
this Act, shall be for the period of the emergency, unless 
sooner terminated by discharge or otherwise. The Presi- 
dent is hereby authorized to discharge any officer from the 
office held by him under such appointment for any cause 
which, in the judgment of the President, would promote the 
public service; and the general commanding any division 
and higher, tactical organization or territorial department 
is authorized to appoint from time to time military boards 
of not less than three nor more than five officers of the 
forces herein provided for to examine into and report upon 
the capacity, qualification, conduct, and efficiency of any 
commissioned officer within his command other than offi- 
cers of the Regular Army holding permanent or provi- 
sional commissions therein. . . 

SEC. 10. That all officers and enlisted men of the forces 
herein provided for other than in the Regular Army shall 
be in all respects on the same footing as to pay, allow- 
ances, and pensions as officers and enlisted men of corre- 
sponding grades and length of service in the Regular Army; 
and commencing June one, nineteen hundred and seventeen, 
and continuing until the termination of the emergency, all 
enlisted men of the Army of the United States in active ser- 
vice whose base pay does not exceed $21 per month shall 
receive an increase of $15 per month; those whose base pay 
is $24, an increase of $12 per month; those whose base pay 
is $30, $36, or $40, an increase of $8 per month ; and those 
whose base pay is $45 or more, an increase of $6 per 
month: Provided, That the increases of pay herein author- 
ized shall not enter into the computation of continuous- 
service pay. 

SEC. 11. That all existing restrictions upon the detail, 
detachment, and employment of officers and enlisted men 
of the Regular Army are hereby suspended for the period 
of the present emergency. 

SEC. 12. That the President of the United States, aa 
Commander in Chief of the Army, is authorized to make 
such regulations governing the prohibition of alcoholic 
liquors in or near military camps and to the officers and 
enlisted men of the Army as he may from time to time 
deem necessary or advisable: Provided, That no person, 
corporation, partnership, or association shall sell, supply, 
or have in his or its possession any intoxicating or spiritu- 
ous liquors at any military station, cantonment, camp, fort, 
post, officers' or enlisted men's club, which is being used at 
the time for military purposes under this Act. but the Sec- 
retary of War may make regulations permitting the sale 
and use of intoxicating liquors for medicinal purposes. It 



VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 



ill 



shall be unlawful to sell any intoxicating liquor, including 
beer, ale, or wine, to any officer or member of the military 
forces while in uniform, except as herein provided. Any 
person, corporation, partnership, or association violating 
the provision* of this section of the regulations made there- 
under shall, unless otherwise punishable under the Articles 
of War, be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor and be pun- 
ished by a flue of not more than $1,000 or imprisonment 
for not more than twelve months, or both. 

SEC. 13. That the Secretary of War is hereby authorized, 
empowered, and directed during the present war to do 
everything by him deemed necessary to suppress and pre- 
vent the keeping or setting up of houses of ill fame, 
brothels, or bawdy houses within such distance as he may 
deem needful of any military camp, station, fort, post, can- 
tonment, training, or mobilization place. . . . 

SEC. 14. That all laws and parts of laws in conflict with 
the provisions of this Act are hereby suspended during the 
period of this emergency. 

Approved, May 18, 1917. 

ACT RELATING TO ESPIONAGE, ETC., JUNE 15, 1917. 

An Act To punish acts of interference with the foreign 
relations, the neutrality, and the foreign commerce of the 
United States, to punish espionage, and better to enforce 
the criminal laws of the United States, and for other pur- 
poses. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and Bouse of Represntatives 
of the United States of America in Congress assembled: 

TITLE I. 

ESPIONAGE. 

SECTION 1. That (a) whoever, for the purpose of obtain- 
ing information respecting the national defense with intent 
or reason to believe that the information to be obtained is 
to be used to the injury of the United States, or to the ad- 
vantage of any foreign nation, goes upon, enters, flies over, 
or otherwise obtains information concerning any vessel, air- 
craft, work of defense, navy yard, naval station, submarine 
base, coaling station, fort, battery, torpedo station, dock- 
yard, canal, railroad, arsenal, camp, factory, mine, tele- 
graph, telephone, wireless, or signal station, building, office, 
or other place connected with the national defense, owned 
or constructed, or in progress of construction by the United 
States or under the control of the United States, or of any 
of its officers or agents, or within the exclusive jurisdiction 
of the United States, or any place in which any vessel, air- 
craft, arms, munitions, or other materials or instruments 
for use in time of war are being made, prepared, repaired, 
or stored, under any contract or agreement with the United 
States, or with any person on behalf of the United States, 
or otherwise on behalf of the United States, or any pro- 
hibited place within the meaning of section six of this 
title; or (h) whoever for the purpose aforesaid, and with 
like intent or reason to believe, copies, takes, makes, or ob- 
tains, or attempts, or induces or aids another to copy, take, 
make, or obtain, any sketch, photograph, photographic 
negative, blue print, plan, map, model, instrument, appli- 
ance, document, writing, or note of anything connected with 
the national defense; or (c) whoever, for the purpose afore- 
said, receives or obtains or agrees or attempts or induces 
or aids another to receive or obtain from any person, or 
from any source whatever, any document, writing, code 
book, sijmal book, sketch, photograph, photographic nega- 
tive, blue print, plan, map, model, instrument, appliance, or 
note, of anything connected with the national defense. know- 
Ing or having reason to believe, at the time he receives or 



obtains, or agrees or attempts or induces or aids another 
to receive or obtain it, that it has been or will lie obtained, 
taken, made or disposed of by any person contrary to the 
provisions of this title; or (d) whoever, lawfully or un- 
lawfully having possession of, access to, control over, or be- 
ing intrusted with any document, writing, code book, signal 
book, sketch, photograph, photographic negative, blue print, 
plan, map, model, instrument, appliance, or note relating 
to the national defense, willfully communicates or trans- 
mits or attempts to communicate or transmit the same to 
any person not entitled to receive it, or willfully retains 
the same and fails to deliver it on demand to the officer or 
employee of the United States entitled to receive it; or (e) 
whoever, being intrusted with or having lawful possession 
or control of any document, writing, code book, signal book, 
sketch, photograph, photographic negative, blue print, plan, 
map, model, note, or information, relating to the national 
defense, through gross negligence permits the same to be 
removed from its proper place of custody or delivered to 
anyone in violation of his trust, or to be lost, stolen, ab- 
stracted, or destroyed, shall be punished by a fine of not 
more than $10.000, or by imprisonment for not more than 
two years, or both. 

SEC. 2. (a) Whoever, with intent or reason to believe 
that it is to be used to the injury of the United States or 
to the advantage of a foreign nation, communicates, deliv- 
ers, or transmits, or attempts to, or aids or induces another 
to, communicate, deliver, or transmit, to any foreign gov- 
ernment, or to any faction or party or military or naval 
force within a foreign country, whether recogni/ed or un- 
recognized by the United States, or to any representative, 
officer, agent, employee, subject, or citizen thereof, either 
directly or indirectly, any document, writing, code book, 
signal book, sketch, photograph, photographic negative, 
blue print, plan, map, model, note, instrument, appliance, 
or information relating to the national defense, shall be 
punished by imprisonment for not more than twenty years: 
1'rovided, That whoever shall violate the provisions of sub- 
section (a) of this section in time of war shall be pun- 
ished by death or by imprisonment for not more than thirty 
years; and (b) whoever, in time of war, with intent that 
the same shall be communicated to the enemy, shall collect, 
record, publish, or communicate, or attempt to elicit any 
information with respect to the movement, numbers, de- 
scription, condition, or disposition of any of the armed 
forces, ships, aircraft, or war materials of the United 
States, or with respect to the plans or conduct, or supposed 
plans or conduct of any naval or military operations, or 
with respect to any works or measures undertaken for or 
connected with, or intended for the fortification or defense 
of any place, or any other information relating to the pub- 
lic defense, which might be useful to the enemy, shall be 
punished by death or by imprisonment for not more than 
thirty years. 

SEC. 3. Whoever, when the United States is at war, shall 
willfully make or convey false reports or false statements 
with intent to interfere with the operation or success of 
the military or naval forces of the United States or to pro- 
mote the success of its enemies and whoever when the 
United States is at war, shall willfully cause or attempt to 
cause insubordination, disloyalty, mutiny, or refusal of 
duty, in the military or naval forces of the United States, 
or shall willfully obstruct the recruiting or enlistment ser- 
vice of the United States, to the injury of the service or of 
the United States, shall be punished by a fine of not more 
than $10.000 or imprisonment for not more than twenty 
years, or both. 

SEC. 4. If two or more persons conspire to violate the 



142 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



provisions of sections two or three of this title, and one or 
more of such persons does any act to effect the object of 
the conspiracy, each of the parties to such conspiracy shall 
be punished as in said sections provided in the case of the 
doing of the act the accomplishment of which is the object 
of such conspiracy. Except as above provided conspiracies 
to commit offenses under this title shall be punished as pro- 
vided by section thirty-seven of the Act to codify, revise, 
and amend the penal laws of the United States approved 
March fourth, nineteen hundred and nine. 

SEC. 6. Whoever harbors or conceals any person who he 
knows, or has reasonable grounds to believe or suspect, has 
committed, or is about to commit, an offense under this 
title shall be punished by a fine of not more than $10,000 
or by imprisonment for not more than two years, or both. 

SEC. 6. The President in time of war or in case of na- 
tional emergency may by proclamation designate any place 
other than those set forth in subsection (a) of section one 
hereof in which anything for the use of the Army or Navy 
is being prepared or constructed or stored as a prohibited 
place for the purposes of this title: Provided, That he shall 
determine that information with respect thereto would be 
prejudicial to the national defense. 

SEC. 7. Nothing contained in this title shall be deemed 
to limit the jurisdiction of the general courts-martial, mili- 
tary commissions, or naval courts-martial under sections 
thirteen hundred and forty-two, thirteen hundred and forty- 
three, and sixteen hundred and twenty-four of the Revised 
Statutes as amended. 

SEC. 8. The provisions of this title shall extend to all 
Territories, possessions, and places subject to the jurisdic- 
tion of the United States, whether or not contiguous there- 
to, and offenses under this title when committed upon the 
high seas or elsewhere within the admiralty and maritime 
jurisdiction of the United States and outside the territorial 
limits thereof shall be punishable hereunder. 

SEC. 9. The Act entitled "An Act to prevent the disclo- 
sure of national defense secrets," approved March third, 
nineteen hundred and eleven, is hereby repealed. 

TITLE II. 

VESSELS IN POETS OF THE UNITED STATES. 

SECTION 1. Whenever the President by proclamation or 
Executive order declares a national emergency to exist by 
reason of actual or threatened war, insurrection, or inva- 
sion, or disturbance or threatened disturbance of the inter- 
national relations of the United States, the Secretary of 
the Treasury may make, subject to the approval of the 
President, rules and regulations governing the anchorage 
and movement of any vessel, foreign or domestic, in the 
territorial waters of the United States, may inspect such 
vessel at any time, place guards thereon, and, if necessary 
in his opinion in order to secure such vessels from damage 
or injury, or to prevent damage or injury to any harbor or 
waters of the United States, or to secure the observance of 
the rights and obligations of the United States, may take, 
by and with the consent of the President, for such purposes, 
full possession and control of such vessel and remove there- 
from the officers and crew thereof and all other persons 
not specially authorized by him to go or remain on board 
thereof. 

Within the territory and waters of the Canal Zone the 
Governor of the Panama Canal, with the approval of the 
President, shall exercise all the powers conferred by this 
section on the Secretary of the Treasury.' 

" See the President's proclamation of May 23, 1917, for 
action taken concerning the canal, p. 172. 



SEC. 2. If any owner, agent, master, officer, or person in 
charge, or any member of the crew of any such vessel fails 
to comply with any regulation or rule issued or order given 
by the Secretary of the Treasury or the Governor of the 
Panama Canal under the provisions of this title, or ob- 
structs or interferes with the exercise of any power con- 
ferred by this title, the vessel, together with her tackle, 
apparel, furniture, and equipment, shall be subject to seiz- 
ure and forfeiture to the United States in the same manner 
as merchandise is forfeited for violation of the customs 
revenue laws; and the person guilty of such failure, ob- 
struction, or interference shall be fined not more than 
$10,000, or imprisoned not more than two years, or both. 

SEC. 3. It shall be unlawful for the owner or master or 
any other person in charge or command of any private ves- 
sel, foreign or domestic, or for any member of the crew or 
other person, within the territorial waters of the United 
States, willfully to cause or permit the destruction or in- 
jury of such vessel- or knowingly to permit said vessel to be 
used as a place of resort for any person conspiring with 
another or preparing to commit any offense against the 
United States, or in violation of the treaties of the United 
States or of the obligations of the United States under the 
law of nations, or to defraud the United States, or know- 
ingly to permit such vessels to be used in violation of the 
rights and" obligations of the United States under the law 
of nations; and in case such vessel shall be so used, with 
the knowledge of the owner or master or other person in 
charge or command thereof, the vessel, together with her 
tackle, apparel, furniture, and equipment, shall be subject 
to seizure and forfeiture to the United States in the same 
manner as merchandise is forfeited for violation of the cus- 
toms revenue laws; and whoever violates this section shall 
be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than 
two years, or both. 

SEC. 4. The President may employ such part of the land 
or naval forces of the United States as he may deem neces- 
sary to carry out the purposes of this title. 

TITLE III. 

INJURING VESSELS ENGAGED IN FOREIGN COMMERCE. 

SECTION 1. Whoever shall set fire to any vessel of for- 
eign registry, or any vessel of American registry entitled to 
engage in commerce with foreign nations, or to any vessel 
of the United States as defined in section three hundred and 
ten of the Act of March fourth, nineteen hundred and nine, 
entitled "An Act to codify, revise, and amend the penal 
laws of the United States," or to the cargo of the same, 
or shall tamper with the motive power or instrumentali- 
ties of navigation of such vessel, or shall place bombs or 
explosives in or upon such vessel, or shall do any other act 
to or upon such vessel while within the jurisdiction of the 
United States, or, if such vessel is of American registry, 
while she is on the high sea, with intent to injure or en- 
danger the safety of the vessel or of her cargo, or of persons 
on board, whether the injury or danger is so intended to 
take place within the jurisdiction of the United States, or 
after the vessel shall have departed therefrom; or whoever 
shall attempt or conspire to do any such acts with such in- 
tent, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned 
not more than twenty years, or both. 

TITLE IV. 

INTERFERENCE WITH FOREIGN COMMERCE BY VIOLENT MEANS. 

SECTION 1. Whoever, with intent to prevent, interfere 
with, or obstruct or attempt to prevent, interfere with, or 
obstruct the exportation to foreign countries of articles 



VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 



148 



from the United States, shall injure or destroy, by fire or 
explosives, such articles or the places where they may be 
while in such foreign commerce, shall be fined not more 
than $10,000, or imprisoned not more than ten years, or 
both. 

TITLE V. 

ENFORCEMENT OF NEUTRALITY. 

[This title deals with acts performed in a war in which 
the United States is neutral.] 

TITLE VI. 

SEIZURE Or ARMS AND OTHER ARTICLES INTENDED FOR 
EXPORT. 

SECTION 1. Whenever an attempt is made to export or 
ship from or take out of the United States, any arms or 
munitions of war, or other articles, in violation of law, or 
whenever there shall be known or probable cause to believe 
that any such arms or munitions of war, or other articles, 
are being or are intended to be exported, or shipped from, 
or taken out of the United States, in violation of law, the 
several collectors, naval officers, surveyors, inspectors of 
customs, and marshals, and deputy marshals of the United 
States, and every other person duly authorized for the pur- 
pose by the President, may seize and detain any articles or 
munitions of war about to be exported or shipped from, or 
taken out of the United States, in violation of law, and the 
vessels or vehicles containing the same, and retain posses- 
sion thereof until released or disposed of as hereinafter di- 
rected. If upon due inquiry as hereinafter provided, the 
property seized shall appear to have been about to be so 
unlawfully exported, shipped from, or taken out of the 
United States, the same shall be forfeited to the United 
States. 

SEC. 2. It shall be the duty of the persons making any 
seizure under this title to apply, with due diligence, to the 
judge of the district court of the United States, or to the 
judge of the United States district court of the Canal Zone, 
or to the judge of a court of first instance in the Philippine 
Islands, having jurisdiction over the place within which the 
seizure is made, for a warrant to justify the further deten- 
tion of the property so seized, which warrant shall be 
granted only on oath or affirmation showing that there is 
known or probable cause to believe that the property seized 
Is being or is intended to be exported or shipped from or 
taken out of the United States in violation of law; and if 
the judge refuses to issue the warrant, or application there- 
for is not made by the person making the seizure within a 
reasonable time, not exceeding ten days after the seizure, 
the property shall forthwith be restored to the owner or 
person from whom seized. . . . 

SEC. 8. The President may employ such part of the land 
or naval forces of the United States as he may deem neces- 
sary to carry out the purposes of this title. 

TITLE VII. 

CERTAIN EXPORTS IN TIME OF WAR UNLAWFUL. 

SECTION 1. Whenever during the present war the Presi- 
dent shall find that the public safety shall so require, and 
shall make proclamation thereof, it shall be unlawful to 
export from or ship from or take out of the United States 
to any country named in such proclamation any article or 
articles mentioned in such proclamation, except at such 
time or times, and under such regulations and orders, and 
subject to such limitations and exceptions as the President 
shall prescribe, until otherwise ordered by the President or 



by Congress: Provided, however, That no preference shall 
be given to the ports of one State over those of another.* 

SEC. 2. Any person who shall export, ship, or take out, 
or deliver or attempt to deliver for export, shipment, or 
taking out, any article in violation of this title, or of any 
regulation, or order made hereunder, shall be fined not more 
than $10,000, or, if a natural person, imprisoned for not 
more than two years, or both; and any article so delivered 
or exported, shipped, or taken out, or so attempted to be 
delivered or exported, shipped, or taken out, shall be seized 
and forfeited to the United States; and any officer, director, 
or agent of a corporation who participates in any such vio- 
lation shall be liable to like fine or imprisonment, or both. 

SEC. 3. Whenever there is reasonable cause to believe 
that any vessel, domestic or foreign, is about to carry out 
of the United States any article or articles in violation of 
the provisions of this title, the collector of customs for the 
district in which such vessel is located is hereby author- 
ized and empowered, subject to review by the Secretary of 
Commerce, to refuse clearance to any such vessel, domestic 
or foreign, for which clearance is required by law, and by 
formal notice served upon the owners, master, or person or 
persons in command or charge of any domestic vessel for 
which clearance is not required by law, to forbid the de- 
parture of such vessel from the port, and it shall thereupon 
bo unlawful for such vessel to depart. Whoever, in vio- 
lation of any of the provisions of this section shall take, or 
attempt to take, or authorize the taking of any such vessel, 
out of port or from the jurisdiction of the United States, 
shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more 
than two years, or both; and, in addition, such vessel, her 
tackle, apparel, furniture, equipment, and her forbidden 
cargo shall be forfeited to the United States. 

TITLK VIII. 

DISTURBANCE OF FOREIGN RELATIONS. 

SECTION 1. Whoever, in relation to any dispute or con- 
troversy between a foreign government and the United 
States, shall willfully and knowingly make any untrue 
statement, either orally or in writing, under oath before 
any person authorized and empowered to administer oaths, 
which the affiant has knowledge or reason to believe will, 
or may be used to influence the measures or conduct of any 
foreign government, or of any officer or agent of any foreign 
government, to the injury of the United States, or with a 
view or intent to influence any measure of or action by the 
Government of the United States, or any branch thereof, to 
the injury of the United States, shall be fined not more 
than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than five years, or both. 

SEC. 2. Wlioever within the jurisdiction of the United 
States shall falsely assume or pretend to be a diplomatic or 
consular, or other official of a foreign government duly ac- 
credited as such to the Government of the United State* 
with intent to defraud such foreign government or any per- 
son, and shall take upon himself to act as such, or in such 
pretended character shall demand or obtain, or attempt to 
obtain from any person or from said foreign government, 
or from any officer thereof, any money, paper, document, or 
other thing of value, shall be fined not more than $5,000, 
or imprisoned not more than five years, or both. 

SEC. 3. Whoever, other than a diplomatic or consular 
officer or attache, shall act in the United States as an agent 
of a foreign government without prior notification to the 
Secretary of State shall be fined not more than $5,000, or 
imprisoned not more than five years, or both. . . . 



A number ot executive proclamations have been issued 
relating to foreign trade. See pp. 172, 176-177. 



144 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



SEC. 6. If two or more persons within the jurisdiction of 
the United States conspire to injure or destroy specific 
property situated within a foreign country and belonging 
to a foreign Government or to any political subdivision 
thereof with which the United States is at peace, or any 
railroad, canal, bridge, or other public utility so situated, 
and if one or more of such persons commits an act within 
the jurisdiction of the United States to effect the object 
of the conspiracy, each of the parties to the conspiracy 
shall be fined not more than $5,000, or imprisoned not more 
than three years, or both. Any indictment or information 
under this section shall describe the specific property which 
it was the object of the conspiracy to injure or destroy. 

TITLE IX. 

PASSPORTS. 

SECTION 1. Before a passport is issued to any person by 
or under authority of the United States such person shall 
subscribe to and submit a written application duly verified 
by his oath before a person authorized and empowered to 
administer oaths, which said application shall contain a 
true recital of each and every matter of fact which may be 
required by law or by any rules authorized by law to be 
stated as a prerequisite to the issuance of any such passport. 
Clerks of United States courts, agents of the Department 
of State, or other Federal officials authorized, or who may 
be authorized, to take passport applications and administer 
oaths thereon, shall collect, for all services in connection 
therewith, a fee of $1, and no more, in lieu of all fees pre- 
scribed by any statute of the United States, whether the 
application is executed singly, in duplicate, or in triplicate. 

SEC. 2. Whoever shall willfully and knowingly make any 
false statement in an application for passport with intent 
to induce or secure the issuance of a passport under the 
authority of the United States, either for his own use or 
the use of another. . . . 

SEC. 3. Whoever shall willfully and knowingly use, or 
attempt to use, any passport issued or designed for the use 
of another than himself. . . . 

SEC. 4. Whoever shall falsely make, forge, counterfeit, 
mutilate, or alter, or cause or procure to be falsely made, 
forged, counterfeited, mutilated, or altered any passport or 
Instrument purporting to be a passport, with intent to use 
the same, or with intent that the same may be used by 
another . . . [shall in each case be fined not more than 
$2,000, or imprisoned not more than five years, or both]. 

TITLE X. 

COUNTERFEITING GOVERNMENT SEAL. 

SECTION 1. Whoever shall fraudulently or wrongfully 
affix or impress the seal of any executive department, or of 
any bureau, commission, or office of the United States, to 
or upon any certificate, instrument, commission, document, 
or paper of any description ; or whoever, with knowledge of 
its fraudulent character, shall with wrongful or fraudulent 
intent use, buy, procure, sell, or transfer to another any 
such certificate, instrument, commission, document, or 
paper, to which or upon which said seal has been so fraudu- 
lently affixed or impressed, shall be fined not more than 
$6,000 or imprisoned not more than five years, or both. . . . 

TITLE XI. 

SEARCH WARRANTS. 

SECTION 1. A search warrant authorized by this title 
may be issued by a judge of a United States district court, 
or by a judge of a State or Territorial court of record, or 



by a United States commissioner for the district wherein 
the property sought is located. 

SEC. 2. A search warrant may be issued under this title 
upon either of the following grounds: 

1. When the property was stolen or embezzled in viola- 
tion of a law of the United States; in which case it may be 
taken on the warrant from any house or other place in 
which it is concealed, or from the possession of the person 
by whom it was stolen or embezzled, or from any person in 
whose possession it may be. 

2. When the property was used as the means of com- 
mitting a felony; in which case it may be taken on the 
warrant from any house or other place in which it is con- 
cealed, or from the possession of the person by whom it was 
used in the commission of the offense, or from any person 
in whose possession it may be. 

3. When the property, or any paper, is possessed, con- 
trolled, or used in violation of section twenty-two of this 
title; in which case it may be taken on the warrant from 
the person violating said section, or from any person in 
whose possession it may be, or from any house or other 
place in which it is concealed. 

SEC. 3. A search warrant can not be issued but upon 
probable cause, supported by affidavit, naming or describing 
the person and particularly describing the property and the 
place to he searched. 

SEC. 4. The judge or commissioner must, before issuing 
the warrant, examine on oath the complainant and any 
witness he may produce, and require their affidavits or take 
their depositions in writing and cause them to be sub- 
scribed by the parties making them. 

SEC. 5. The affidavits or depositions must set forth the 
facts tending to establish the grounds of the application or 
probable cause for believing that they exist. 

SEC. 6. If the judge or commissioner is thereupon satis- 
fied of the existence of the grounds of the application or 
that there is probable cause to believe their existence, he 
must issue a search warrant, signed by him with his name of 
office, to a civil officer of the United States duly authorized 
to enforce or assist in enforcing any law thereof, or to a 
person so duly authorized by the President of the United 
States, stating the particular grounds or probable cause for 
its issue and the names of the persons whose affidavits have 
been taken in support thereof, and commanding him forth- 
with to search the person or place named, for the property 
specified, and to bring it before the judge or commissioner. 

SEC. 7. A search warrant may in all cases be served by 
any of the officers mentioned in its direction, but by no 
other person, except in aid of the officer on his requiring it, 
he being present and acting in its execution. 

SEC. 8. The officer may break open any outer or inner 
door or window of a house, or any part of a house, or any- 
thing therein, to execute the warrant, if, after ndtice of 
his authority and purpose, he is refused admittance. 

SEC. 9. He may break open any outer or inner door or 
window of a house for the purpose of liberating a person 
who, having entered to aid him in the execution of the war- 
rant, is detained therein, or when necessary for his own 
liberation. . . . 

SEC. 20. A person who maliciously and without probable 
cause procures a search warrant to be issued and executed 
shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more 
than one year. 

SEC. 21. An officer who in executing a search warrant 
willfully exceeds his authority, or exercises it with unneces- 



VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 



145 



ary severity, shall be lined nut mure than $1,000 or im- 
prisoned not more than one year. 

Si;o. -i-i. Whoever, in aid of any foreign Government, 
ahall knowingly and willfully have possession of or control 
over any property or papers designed or intended for use or 
which is used as the means of violating any penal statute, 
or any of the rights or obligations of the United States 
under any treaty or the law of nations, shall be fined not 
more than $1,000 or imprisoned not more than two years, 
or both. 

SEC. 23. Nothing contained in this title shall be held to 
repeal or impair any existing provisions of law regulating 
search and the issue of search warrants. 

TITLE XII. 

USE OF MAILS. 

SECTION 1. Every letter, writing, circular, postal card, 
picture, print, engraving, photograph, newspaper, pamphlet, 
book, or other publication, matter, or thing, of any kind, in 
violation of any of the provisions of this Act is hereby de- 
clared to be nonmailable matter and shall not be conveyed 
in the mails or delivered from any post office or by any let- 
ter carrier: Provided, That nothing in this Act shall be so 
construed as to authorize any person other than an em- 
ploye of the Dead Letter Office, duly authorized thereto, or 
other person upon a search warrant authorized by law, to 
open any letter not addressed to himself. 

SEC. 2. Every letter, writing, circular, postal card, pic- 
ture, print, engraving, photograph, newspaper, pamphlet, 
book, or other publication, matter or thing, of any kind, 
containing any matter advocating or urging treason, insur- 
rection, or forcible resistance to any law of the United 
States, is hereby declared to be nonmailable. 

SEC. 3. Whoever shall use or attempt to use the mails or 
Postal Service of the United States for the transmission of 
any matter declared by this title to be nonmailable, shall 
be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than 
five years, or both. Any person violating any provision of 
this title may be tried and punished either in the district in 
which the unlawful matter or publication was mailed, or 
to which it was carried by mail for delivery according to 
the direction thereon, or in which it was caused to be deliv- 
ered by mail to the person to whom it was addressed. . . . 

Approved, June 15, 1917. 

ACT PUNISHING THE OBSTRUCTING OF TRANSPORTATION, 

AND EMPOWERING THE PRESIDENT TO ESTABLISH 

PRIOBITIKS IN TRANSPORTATION, AUGUST 10, 1917. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives 
of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 
That section one of the act entitled "An Act to regulate 
commerce?' approved February fourth, eighteen hundred 
and eighty-seven, as heretofore amended, be further 
amended by adding thereto the following: 

" That on and after the approval of this Act any person 
or nersons who shall, during the war in which the United 
States is nuw engaged, knowingly and willfully, by physical 
force or intimidation by threats of physical force obstruct 
or retard, or aid in obstructing or retarding, the orderly 
conduct or movement in the United States of interstate or 
foreipm eommrrce, or the orderly make-up or movement or 
disposition of any train, or the movement or disposition of 
any locomotive, car, or other vehicle on any railroad or 
elsewhere in the United States engaged in interstate or for- 
eign commerce shall he deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and 
for every such offense shall be punishable by a fine of not 
exceeding $100 or by imprisonment for not exceeding six 



months, or by both such fine and imprisonment; and the 
President of the United States is hereby authorized, when- 
ever in his judgment the public interest requires, to employ 
the armed forces of the United States to prevent any such 
obstruction or retardation of the passage of the mail, or of 
the orderly conduct or movement of interstate or foreign 
commerce in any part of the United States, or of any train, 
locomotive, car, or other vehicle upon any railroad or else- 
where in the United States engaged in interstate or for- 
eign commerce: Provided, That nothing in this section shall 
be construed to repeal, modify, or affect either section six or 
section twenty of an Act entitled 'An Act to supplement ex- 
isting laws against unlawful restraints and monopolies, and 
for other purposes,' approved October fifteenth, nineteen 
hundred and fourteen. 

" That during the continuance of the war in which the 
United States is now engaged the President is authorized, 
if he finds it necessary for the national defense and secur- 
ity, to direct that such traffic or such shipments of com- 
modities as, in his judgment, may be essential to the na- 
tional defense and security shall have preference or priority 
in transportation by any common carrier by railroad, 
water, or otherwise. He may give these directions at and 
for such times as he may determine, and may modify, 
change, suspend, or annul them, and for any such purpose 
he is hereby authorized to issue orders direct, or through 
such person or persons as he may designate for the pur- 
pose or through the Interstate Commerce Commission. 
Officials of the United States, when so designated, shall re- 
ceive no compensation for their services rendered hereun- 
der. Persons not in the employ of the United States so 
designated shall receive such compensation as the President 
may fix. Suitable offices may be rented and all necessary 
expenses, including compensation of persons so designated, 
shall be paid as directed by the President out of funds 
which may have been or may be provided to meet expendi- 
tures for the national security and defense. The common 
carriers subject to the Act to regulate commerce or as 
many of them as desire so to do are hereby authorized with- 
out responsibility or liability on the part of the United 
States, financial or otherwise, to establish and maintain in 
the city of Washington during the period of the war an 
agency empowered by such carriers as join in the arrange- 
ment to receive on behalf of them all notice and service of 
such orders and directions as may be issued in accordance 
with this Act, and service upon such agency shall be good 
service as to all the carriers joining in the establishment 
thereof. . . ." 

Approved, August 10, 1917. 

ACT AUTHORIZING THE CONTROL OF FOOD PRODUCTS AND 
FUEL, AUGUST 10, 1917. 

An Act To provide further for the national security and 
defense by encouraging the production, conserving the sup- 
ply, and controlling the distribution of food products and 
fuel. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and Bouse of Representative* 
of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 
That by reason of the existence of a state of war, it is 
essential to the national security and defense, for the suc- 
cessful prosecution of the war, and for the support and 
maintenance of the Army and Navy, to assure an adequate 
supply and equitable distribution, and to facilitate the 
movement, of foods, feeds, fuel including fuel oil and nat- 
ural gas, and fertilizer and fertilizer ingredients, tools, 
utensils, implements, machinery, and equipment required 
for the actual production of foods, feeds, and fuel, here- 
after in this Act called necessaries; to prevent, locally or 



146 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



generally, scarcity, monopolization, hoarding, injurious 
speculation, manipulations, and private controls, alTecting 
such supply, distribution, and movement; and to establish 
and maintain governmental control of such necessaries dur- 
ing the war. For such purposes the instrumentalities, 
means, methods, powers, authorities, duties, obligations, 
and prohibitions hereinafter set forth are created, estab- 
lished, conferred, and prescribed. The President is author- 
ized to make such regulations and to issue such orders as 
are essential effectively to carry out the provisions of this 
Act. 

SEC. 2. That in carrying out the purposes of this Act the 
President is authorized to enter into any voluntary ar- 
rangements or agreements, to create and use any agency or 
agencies, to accept the services of any person without com- 
pensation, to cooperate with any agency or person, to util- 
ize any department or agency of the Government, and to co- 
ordinate their activities so as to avoid any preventable loss 
or duplication of effort or funds. 

SEC. 3. That no person acting either as a voluntary or 
paid agent or employee of the United States in any capac- 
ity, including an advisory capacity, shall solicit, induce, or 
attempt to induce any person or officer authorized to exe- 
cute or to direct the execution of contracts on behalf of 
the United States to make any contract or give any order 
for the furnishing to the United States of work, labor, or 
services, or of materials, supplies, or other property of any 
kind or character, if such agent or employee has any pecu- 
niary interest in such contract or order, or if he or any 
firm of which he is a member, or corporation, joint-stock 
company, or association of which he is an officer or stock- 
holder, or in the pecuniary profits of which he is directly or 
indirectly interested, shall be a party thereto. Nor shall 
any agent or employee make, or permit any committee or 
other body of which he is a member to make, or participate 
in making, any recommendation concerning such contract 
or order to any council, board, or commission of the United 
States, or any member or subordinate thereof, without mak- 
ing to the best of his knowledge and belief a full and com- 
plete disclosure in writing to such council, board, commis- 
sion, or subordinate of any and every pecuniary interest 
which he may have in such contract or order and of his in- 
terest in any firm, corporation, company, or association be- 
ing a party thereto. Nor shall he participate in the award- 
ing of such contract or giving such order. Any willful vio- 
lation of any of the provisions of this section shall be pun- 
ishable by a fine of not more than $10,000, or by imprison- 
ment of not more than five years, or both: Provided, That 
the provisions of this section shall not change, alter or re- 
peal section forty-one of chapter three hundred and twenty- 
one, Thirty-fifth Statutes at Large. 

SEC. 4. That it is hereby made unlawful for any person 
willfully to destroy any necessaries for the purpose of en- 
hancing the price or restricting the supply thereof; know- 
ingly to commit waste or willfully to permit preventable 
deterioration of any necessaries in or in connection with 
their production, manufacture, or distribution; to hoard, 
as defined in section six of this Act, any necessaries; to 
monopolize or attempt to monopolize, either locally or gen- 
erally, any necessaries; to engage in any discriminatory 
and unfair, or any deceptive or wasteful practice or device, 
or to make any unjust or unreasonable rate or charge, in 
handling or dealing in or with any necessaries; to con- 
spire, oomliine. agree, or arrange with any other person, (a) 
to limit the facilities for transporting, producing, harvest- 
Ing, manufacturing, supplying, storing, or dealing in any 
necessaries; (b) to restrict the supply of any necessaries; 
(c) to restrict distribution of any necessaries; (d) to pre- 



vent, limit, or lessen the manufacture or production of any 
necessaries in order to enhance the price thereof, or (e) to 
exact excessive prices for any necessaries; or to aid or abet 
the doing of any act made unlawful by this section. 

SEC. 5. That, from time to time, whenever the President 
shall find it essential to license the importation, manufac- 
ture, storage, mining, or distribution of any necessaries, in 
order to carry into effect any of the purposes of this Act, 
and shall publicly so announce, no person shall, after a date 
fixed in the announcement, engage in or carry on any such 
business specified in the announcement of importation, 
manufacture, storage, mining, or distribution of any neces- 
saries as set forth in such announcement, unless he shall 
secure and hold a license issued pursuant to this section. 
The President is authorized to issue such licenses and to 
prescribe regulations for the issuance of licenses and re- 
quirements for systems of accounts and auditing of ac- 
counts to be kept by licensees, submission of reports by 
them, with or without oath or affirmation, and the entry 
and inspection by the President's duly authorized agents of 
the places of business of licensees. Whenever the President 
shall find that any storage charge, commission, profit, or 
practice of any licensee is unjust, or unreasonable, or dis- 
criminatory and unfair, or wasteful, and shall order such 
licensee, within a reasonable time fixed in the order, to 
discontinue the same, unless such order, which shall recite 
the facts found, is revoked or suspended, such licensee s_hall, 
within the time prescribed in the order, discontinue such 
unjust, unreasonable, discriminatory and unfair storage 
charge, commission, profit, or practice. The President may, 
in lieu of any such unjust, unreasonable, discriminatory, 
and unfair storage charge, commission, profit, or practice, 
find what is a just, reasonable, nondiscriminatory and fair 
storage charge, commission, profit, or practice, and in any 
proceeding brought in any court such order of the President 
shall be prima facie evidence. Any person who, without a 
license issued pursuant to this section, or whose license shall 
have been revoked, knowingly engages in or carries on any 
business for which a license is required under this section, or 
willfully fails or refuses to discontinue any unjust, unrea- 
sonable, discriminatory and unfair storage charge, com- 
mission, profit, or practice, in accordance with the require- 
ment of an order issued under this section, or any regula- 
tion prescribed under this section, shall, upon conviction 
thereof, be punished by a fine not exceeding $5,000, or by 
imprisonment for not more than two years, or both: Pro- 
vided, That this section shall not apply to any farmer, 
gardener, cooperative association of farmers or gardeners, 
including live-stock farmers, or other persons with respect 
to the products of any farm, garden, or other land owned, 
leased, or cultivated by him, nor to any retailer with re- 
spect to the retail business actually conducted by him, nor 
to any common carrier, nor shall anything in this section 
be construed to authorize the fixing or imposition of a duty 
or tax upon any article imported into or exported from the 
United States or any State, Territory, or the District of 
Columbia: Provided further, That for the purposes of this 
Act a retailer shall be deemed to be a person, copartner- 
ship, firm, corporation, or association not engaging in the 
wholesale business whose gross sales do not exceed $100,- 
000 per annum.' 

SEC. 6. That any person who willfully hoards any neces- 
saries shall upon conviction thereof be fined not exceeding 
$5,000 or be imprisoned for not more than two years, or 
both. Necessaries shall be deemed to be hoarded within the 
meaning of this Act when either (a) held, contracted for, 

i For proclamation concerning food licenses, see p. 173. 



VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 



147 



or arranged for by any person in a quantity in excess of his 
reasonable requirements for use or consumption by himself 
and dependents for a reasonable time; (b) held, contracted 
for, or arranged for by any manufacturer, wholesaler, re- 
tailer, or other dealer in a quantity in excess of the reason- 
able requirements of his business for use or sale by him for 
a reasonable time, or reasonably required to furnish neces- 
saries produced in surplus quantities seasonally throughout 
the period of scant or no production; or (c) withheld, 
whether by possession or under any contract or arrange- 
ment, from the market by any person for the purpose of un- 
reasonably increasing or diminishing the price: Provided, 
That this section shall not include or relate to transac- 
tions on any exchange, board of trade, or similar institu- 
tion or place, of business as described in section thirteen 
of this Act that may be permitted by the President under 
the authority conferred upon him by said section thirteen: 
Provided, however, That any accumulating or withholding 
by any farmer or gardener, cooperative association of farm- 
ers or gardeners, including live-stock farmers, or any other 
person, of the products of any farm, garden, or other land 
owned, leased, or cultivated by him shall not be deemed to 
be hoarding within the meaning of this Act. 

SEC. 7. That whenever any necessaries shall be hoarded 
as defined in section six they shall be liable to be pro- 
ceeded against in any -district court of the United States 
within the district where the same are found and seized by 
a process of libel for condemnation, and if such necessaries 
shall be adjudged to be hoarded they shall be disposed of 
by sale in such manner as to provide the most equitable dis- 
tribution thereof as the court may direct, and the proceeds 
thereof, less the legal costs and charges, shall be paid to the 
party entitled thereto. The proceedings of such libel cases 
shall conform as near as may be to the proceedings in ad- 
miralty, except that either party may demand trial by jury 
of any issue of fact joined in any such case, and all such 
proceedings shall be at the suit of and in the name of the 
United States. It shall be the duty of the United States 
attorney for the proper district to institute and prosecute 
any such action upon presentation to him of satisfactory 
evidence to sustain the same. 

SEC. 8. That any person who willfully destroys any 
necessaries for the purpose of enhancing the price or re- 
stricting the supply thereof shall, upon conviction thereof, 
be fined not exceeding $5,000 or imprisonment for not more 
than two years, or both. 

SEC. 9. That any person who conspires, combines, agrees, 
or arranges with any other person (a) to limit the facili- 
ties for transporting, producing, manufacturing, supplying, 
storing, or dealing in any necessaries; (b) to restrict the 
supply of any necessaries; (c) to restrict the distribution 
of any necessaries; (d) to prevent, limit, or lessen the man- 
ufacture or production of any necessaries in order to en- 
hance the price thereof shall, upon conviction thereof, be 
fined not exceeding $10,000 or be imprisoned for not more 
than two years, or both. 

SEC. 10. That the President is authorized, from time to 
time, to requisition foods, feeds, fuels, and other supplies 
necessary to the support of the Army or the maintenance of 
the Navy, or any other public use connected with the com- 
mon defense, and to requisition, or otherwise provide, 
storage facilities for such supplies; and he shall ascertain 
and pay a just compensation therefor. If the compensation 
so determined be not satisfactory to the person entitled to 
receive the same, such person shall be paid seventy-five per 
centum of the amount so determined by the President, and 
shall be entitled to sue the United States to recover such 



further sum as, added to said seventy-five per centum will 
make up such amount as will be just compensation for such 
necessaries or storage space, and jurisdiction is hereby con- 
ferred on the United States District Courts to hear and 
determine all such controversies: Provided, That nothing in 
this section, or in the section that follows, shall be con- 
strued to require any natural person to furnish to the Gov- 
ernment any necessaries held by him and reasonably re- 
quired for consumption or use by himself and dependents, 
nor shall any person, firm, corporation, or association be 
required to furnish to the Government any seed necessary 
for the seeding of land owned, leased, or cultivated by them. 

SEC. 11. That the President is authorized from time to 
time to purchase, to store, to provide storage facilities for, 
and to sell for cash at reasonable prices, wheat, flour, meal, 
beans, and potatoes: Provided, That if any minimum price 
shall have been theretofore fixed, pursuant to the provi- 
sions of section fourteen of this Act, then the price paid 
for any such articles so purchased shall not be less than such 
minimum price. Any moneys received by the United States 
from or in connection with the disposal by the United 
States of necessaries under this section may, in the discre- 
tion of the President, be used as a revolving fund for fur- 
ther carrying out the purposes of this section. Any bal- 
ance of such moneys not used as part of such revolving fund 
shall be covered into the Treasury as miscellaneous receipts. 

SEC. 12. That whenever the President shall find it neces- 
sary to secure an adequate supply of necessaries for the 
support of the Army or the maintenance of the Navy, or 
for any other public use connected with the common de- 
fense, he is authorized to requisition and take over, for use 
or operation by the Government, any factory, packinghouse, 
oil pipe line, mine, or other plant, or any part thereof, in 
or through which any necessaries are or may be manufac- 
tured, produced, prepared, or mined, and to operate the 
same. Whenever the President shall determine that the 
further use or operation by the Government of any such 
factory, mine, or plant, or part thereof, is not essential for 
the national security or defense, the same shall be restored 
to the person entitled to the possession thereof. The 
United States shall make just compensation, to be deter- 
mined by the President, for the taking over, use, occup*- 
tion, and operation by the Government of any such factory, 
mine, or plant, or part thereof. If the compensation so de- 
termined be unsatisfactory to the person entitled to receive 
the same, such person shall be paid seventy-five per centum 
of the amount so determined by the President, and shall be 
entitled to sue the United States to recover such further 
sum as, added to said seventy-five per centum, will make up 
such amounts as will be just compensation, in the manner 
provided by section twenty-four, paragraph twenty, and 
section one hundred and forty-five of the Judicial Code. 
The President is authorized to prescribe such regulations as 
he may deem essential for carrying out the purposes of this 
section, including the operation of any such factory, mine, 
or plant, or part thereof, the purchase, sale, or other dis- 
position of articles used, manufactured, produced, prepared, 
or mined therein, and the employment, control, and com- 
pensation of employees. Any moneys received by the 
United States from or in connection with the use or opera- 
tion of any such factory, mine, or plant, or part thereof, 
may, in the discretion of the President, be used as a revolr- 
ing fund for the purpose of the continued use or operation 
of any such factory, mine, or plant, or part thereof, and 
the accounts of each such factory, mine, plant, or part 
thereof, shall be kept separate and distinct. Any balance 
of such moneys not used as part of such revolving fund 
shall be paid into the Treasury as miscellaneous receipts. 



148 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



SEC. 13. That whenever the President finds it essential 
in order to prevent undue enhancement, depression, or 
fluctuation of prices of, or in order to prevent injurious 
speculation in, or in order to prevent unjust market man- 
ipulation or unfair and misleading market quotations of 
the prices of necessaries, hereafter in this section called 
evil practices, he is authorized to prescribe such regulations 
governing, or may either wholly or partly prohibit, opera- 
tions, practices, and transactions at, on, in, or under the 
rules of any exchange, board of trade, or similar institution 
or place of business as he may find essential in order to pre- 
vent, correct, or remove such evil practices. . . . 

SEC. 14. That whenever the President shall find that an 
emergency exists requiring stimulation of the production 
of wheat and that it is essential that the producers of 
wheat, produced within the United States, shall have the 
benefits of the guaranty provided for in this section, he is 
authorized, from time to time, seasonably and as far in ad- 
vance of seeding time as practicable, to determine and fix 
and to give public notice of what, under specified condi- 
tions, is a reasonable guaranteed price for wheat, in order 
to assure such producers a reasonable profit. The Presi- 
dent shall thereupon fix such guaranteed price for each of 
the official grain standards for wheat as established under 
the United States grain standards Act, approved August 
eleventh, nineteen hundred and sixteen. The President 
shall from time to time establish and promulgate such 
regulations as he shall deem wise in connection with such 
guaranteed prices, and in particular governing conditions of 
delivery and payment, and differences in price for the sev- 
eral standard grades in the principal primary markets of 
the United States, adopting number one northern spring or 
its equivalent at the principal interior primary markets as 
the basis. Thereupon, the Government of the United States 
hereby guarantees every producer of wheat produced within 
the United States, that, upon compliance by him with the 
regulations prescribed, he shall receive for any wheat pro- 
duced in reliance upon this guarantee within the period, 
not exceeding eighteen months, prescribed in the notice, a 
price not less than the guaranteed price therefor as fixed 
pursuant to this action. In such regulations the President 
shall prescribe the terms and conditions upon which any 
such producer shall be entitled to the benefits of such guar- 
anty. The guaranteed prices for the several standard 
grades of wheat for the crop of nineteen hundred and 
eighteen, shall be based upon number one northern spring 
or its equivalent at not less than $2 per bushel at the prin- 
cipal interior primary markets. This guaranty shall not 
be dependent upon the action of the President under the 
first part of this section, but is hereby made absolute and 
shall be binding until May first, nineteen hundred and nine- 
teen. When the President finds that the importation into 
the United States of any wheat produced outside of the 
United States materially enhances or is likely materially 
to enhance the liabilities of the United States under guar- 
anties of prices therefor made pursuant to this section, and 
ascertains what rate of duty, added to the then existing 
rate of duty on wheat and to the value of wheat at the 
time of importation, would be sufficient to bring the price 
thereof at which imported up to the price fixed therefor 
pursuant to the foregoing provisions of this section, he 
shall proclaim such facts, and thereafter there shall be 
levied, collected, and paid upon wheat when imported, in 
addition to the then existing rate of duty, the rate of duty 
so ascertained; but in no case shall any suoh rate of duty 
be fixed at an amount which will effect a reduction of the 
rate of duty upon wheat under any then existing tariff law 
of the United States. For the purpose of making any 



guaranteed price effective under this section, or whenever he 
deems it essential in order to protect the Government of 
the United States against material enhancement of its lia- 
bilities arising out of any guaranty under this section, the 
President is authorized also, in his discretion, to purchase 
any wheat for which a guaranteed price shall be fixed un- 
der this su:tion, and to hold, transport, or store it, or to 
sell, dispose of, and deliver the same to any citizen of the 
United States or to any Government engaged in war with 
any country with which the Government of the United 
States is or may be at war or to use the same as supplies 
for any department or agency of the Government of the 
United States. Any moneys received by the United States 
from or in connection with the sale or disposal of wheat 
under this section may, in the discretion of the President, 
be used as a revolving fund for further carrying out the 
purposes ol this section. Any balance of such moneys not 
used as part of such revolving fund shall be covered into 
the Treasury as miscellaneous receipts. 

SEC. 15. That from and after thirty days from the date 
of the approval of this Act no foods, fruits, food materials, 
or feeds shall be used in the production of distilled spirits 
for beverage purposes: Provided, That under such rules, 
regulations, and bonds as the President may prescribe, such 
materials may be used in the production of distilled spirits 
exclusivelyfor other than beverage purposes, or for the for- 
tification of pure sweet wines as denned by the Act en- 
titled "An Act to increase the revenue, and for other pur- 
poses," approved September eighth, nineteen hundred and 
sixteen. Nor shall there be imported into the United 
States any distilled spirits. Whenever the President shall 
find that limitation, regulation, or prohibition of the use of 
foods, fruits, food materials, or feeds in the production of 
malt or vinous liquors for beverage purposes, or that re- 
duction of the alcoholic content of any such malt or vinous 
liquor, is essential, in order to assure an adequate and con- 
tinuous supply of food, or that the national security and 
defense will be subserved thereby, he is authorized, from 
time to time, to prescribe and give public notice of the ex- 
tent of the limitation, regulation, prohibition, or reduction 
so necessitated. Whenever such notice shall have been 
given and shall remain unrevoked no person shall, after a 
reasonable time prescribed in such notice, use any foods, 
fruits, food materials, or feeds in the production of malt 
or vinous liquors, or import any such liquors except under 
license issued by the President and in compliance with rules 
and regulations determined by him governing the produc- 
tion and importation of such liquors and the alcoholic con- 
tent thereof. Any person who willfully violates the pro- 
visions of this section, or who shall use any foods, fruits, 
food materials, or feeds in the production of malt or vinous 
liquors, or who shall import any such liquors, without first 
obtaining a license so to do when a license is required un- 
der this section, or who shall violate any rule or regulation 
made under this section, shall be punished by a fine not 
exceeding .$5,000, or by imprisonment for not more than 
two years, or both: Provided further, That nothing in this 
section shall be construed to authorize the licensing of the 
manufacture of vinous or malt liquors in any State. Terri- 
tory, or the District of Columbia, or any civil subdivision 
thereof, where the manufacture of such vinous or malt 
liquor is prohibited. 

SEC. 16. That the President is authorized and directed to 
commandeer any or all distilled spirits in bond or in stock 
at the date of the approval of this Act for redistillation, in 
so far as such redistillation may be necessary to meet the 
requirements of the Government in the manufacture of mu- 
nitions and other military and hospital supplies, or in so 



VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 



149 



far as such redistillation would dispense with the necessity 
of utili/.ing products and materials suitable for foods and 
feeds in the future manufacture of distilled spirits for the 
purposes herein enumerated. The President shall deter- 
mine and pay a just compensation for the distilled spirits no 
commandeered; and if the compensation so determined be 
not satisfactory to the person entitled to receive the same, 
such person shall be paid seventy-live per centum of the 
amount so determined by the President and shall be en- 
titled to sue the United States to recover such further sum 
as, added to said seventy-five per centum, will make up such 
amount as will be just compensation for such spirits, in 
the manner provided by section twenty-four, paragraph 
twenty, and section one hundred and forty-five of the Ju- 
dicial Code. 

SEC. 17. That every person who willfully assaults, re- 
sists, impedes, or interferes with any officer, employee, or 
agent of the United States in the execution of any duty 
authorized to be performed by or pursuant to this Act shall 
upon conviction thereof be fined not exceeding $1,000 or be 
imprisoned for not more than one year, or both. . . . 

SEC. 24. That the provisions of this Act shall cease to be 
in effect when the existing state of war between the United 
States and Germany shall have terminated, and the fact 
and date of such termination shall be ascertained and pro- 
claimed by the President; but the termination of this Act 
shall not affect any act done, or any right or obligation ac- 
cruing or accrued, or any suit or proceeding had or com- 
menced in any civil case before the said termination pur- 
suant to this Act; but all rights and liabilities under this 
Act arising before its termination shall continue and may 
be enforced in the same manner as if the Act had not ter- 
minated. Any offense committed and all penalties, for- 
feitures, or liabilities incurred prior to such termination 
may be prosecuted or punished in the same manner and with 
the same effect as if this Act had not been terminated. 

SEC. 25. That the President of the United States shall be, 
and he is hereby, authorized and empowered, whenever and 
wherever in his judgment necessary for the efficient prose- 
cution of the war, to fix the price of coal and coke, wher- 
ever and whenever sold, either by producer or dealer, to 
establish rules for the regulation of and to regulate the 
method of production, sale, shipment, distribution, appor- 
tionment, or storage thereof among dealers and consumers, 8 
domestic or foreign: said authority and power may be ex- 
ercised by him in each case through the agency of the Fed- 
eral Trade Commission during the war or for such part of 
said time as in his judgment may be necessary. 

That if, in the opinion of the President, any such pro- 
ducer or dealer fails or neglects to conform to such prices 
or regulations, or to conduct his business efficiently under 
the regulations and control of the President as aforesaid, or 
conducts it in a manner prejudicial to the public interest, 
then the President is hereby authorized and empowered in 
every such case to requisition and take over the plant, busi- 
ness, and all appurtenances thereof belonging to such pro- 
ducer or dealer as a going concern, and to operate or cause 
the same to be operated in such manner and through such 
agency HS he may direct during the period of the war or 
for such part of said time as in his judgment may be neces- 
sary. 

That any producer or dealer whose plant, business, and 
appurtenances shall have been requisitioned or taken over 
by the President shall be paid a just compensation for the 
use thereof during the period that the same may be requisi- 
tioned or taken over as aforesaid, which compensation the 

8 For priorities list issued in April, 1918, see p. 178. 



President shall fix or cause to be fixed by the Federal Trad* 
Commission. 

That if the prices so fixed, or if, in the case of the taking 
over or requisitioning of the mines or business of any such 
producer or dealer the compensation therefor as determined 
by the provisions of this Act be not satisfactory to the per- 
son or persons entitled to receive the same, such person 
shall be paid seventy-five per centum of the amount so de- 
termined, and shall be entitled to sue the United States to 
recover such further sum as, added to said seventy-five per 
centum, will make up such amount as will be just compen- 
sation in the manner provided by section twenty-four, para- 
graph twenty, and section one hundred and forty-five of the 
Judicial Code. 

While operating or causing to be operated any such 
plants or business, the President is authorized to prescribe- 
such regulations as he may deem essential for the employ- 
ment, control, and compensation of the employees* necessary 
to conduct the same. 

Or if the President of the United States shall be of the 
opinion that he can thereby better provide for the common 
defense, and whenever, in his judgment, it shall be neces- 
sary for the efficient prosecution of the war, then he is 
hereby authorized and empowered to require any or all pro- 
ducers of coal and coke, either in any special area or in any 
special coal fields, or in the entire United States, to sell 
their products only to the United States through an 
agency to be designated by the President, such agency to 
regulate the resale of such coal and coke, and the prices 
thereof, and to establish rules for the regulation of and to 
regulate the methods of production, shipment, distribution, 
apportionment, or storage thereof among dealers and con- 
sumers, domestic or foreign, and to make payment of the 
purchase price thereof to the producers thereof, or to the 
person or persons legally entitled to said payment. . . . 

All such products so sold to the United States shall be 
sold by the United States at such uniform prices, quality 
considered, as may be practicable and as may be determined 
by said agency to be just and fair. 

Any moneys received by the United States for the sale of 
any such coal and coke may, in the discretion of the Presi- 
dent, be used as a revolving fund for further carrying out 
the purposes of this section. Any moneys not so used shall 
be covered into the Treasury as miscellaneous receipts. 

That when directed by the President, the Federal Trade 
Commission is hereby required to proceed to make full in- 
quiry, giving such notice as it may deem practicable, into 
the cost of producing under reasonably efficient manage- 
ment at the various places of production the following com- 
modities, to wit, coal and coke. . . . 

Whoever shall, with knowledge that the prices of any 
such commodity have been fixed as herein provided, ask, 
demand, or receive a higher price, or whoever shall, with 
knowledge that the regulations have been prescribed as 
herein provided, violate or refuse to conform to any of the 
same, shall, upon conviction, be punished by fine of not 
more than $5,000, or by imprisonment for not more than 
two years, or both. Each independent transaction shall 
constitute a separate offense. 

Nothing in this section shall be construed as restricting 
or modifying in any manner the right the Government of 
the United States may have in its own behalf or in behalf 
of any other Government at war with Germany to pur- 
chase, requisition, or take over any such commodities for 
the equipment, maintenance, or support of armed forces at 
any price or upon any terms that may be agreed upon or 
otherwise lawfully determined. 

SEC. 26. That any person carrying on or employed in 



150 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



commerce among the several States, or with foreign na- 
tions, or with or in the Territories or other possessions of 
the United States in any article suitable for human food, 
fuel, or other necessaries of life, who, either in his indi- 
vidual capacity or us an officer, agent, or employee of a 
corporation or member of a partnership carrying on or em- 
ployed in such trade, shall store, acquire, or hold, or who 
shall destroy or make away with any such article for the 
purpose of limiting the supply thereof to the public or 
affecting the market price thereof in such commerce, 
whether temporarily or otherwise, shall be deemed guilty of 
a felony and, upon conviction thereof, shall be punished by 
a fine of not more than $5,000 or by imprisonment for not 
more than two years, or both: Provided, That any storing 
or holding by any farmer, gardener, or other person of the 
products of any farm, garden, or other land cultivated by 
him shall not be deemed to be a storing or holding within 
the meaning of this Act: Provided further, That farmers 
and fruit growers, cooperative and other exchanges, or so- 
cieties of a similar character shall not be included within 
the provisions of this section: Provided further, That this 
section shall not be construed to prohibit the holding or 
accumulating of any such article by any such person in a 
quantity not in excess of the reasonable requirements of his 
business for a reasonable time or in a quantity reasonably 
required to furnish said articles produced in surplus quan- 
tities seasonably throughout the period of scant or no pro- 
duction. Nothing contained in this section shall be con- 
strued to repeal the Act entitled "An Act to protect trade 
and commerce against unlawful restraints and monopolies," 
approved July second, eighteen hundred and ninety, com- 
monly known as the Sherman Antitrust Act. 

SEC. 27. That the President is authorized to procure, or 
aid in procuring, such stocks of nitrate of soda as he may 
determine to be necessary, and find available, for increas- 
ing agricultural production during the calendar years nine- 
teen hundred and seventeen and eighteen, and to dispose of 
the same for cash at cost, including all expenses connected 
therewith. For carrying out the purposes of this section, 
there is hereby appropriated, out of any moneys in the 
Treasury not otherwise appropriated, available immediately 
and until expended, the sum of $10,000,000, or so much 
thereof as may be necessary, and the President is author- 
ized to make such regulations, and to use such means and 
agencies of the Government, as, in his discretion, he may 
deem best. The proceeds arising from the disposition of 
the nitrate of soda shall go into the Treasury as miscel- 
laneous receipts. 

Approved, August 10, 1917. 

ACT PBOVIDINQ FOB SECOND LIBERTY LOAN, SEPTEMBEB 
24, 1917. 

An Act To authorize an additional issue of bonds to meet 
expenditures for the national security and defense, and, for 
the purpose of assisting in the prosecution of the war, to 
extend additional credit to foreign Governments, and for 
other purposes. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives 
of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 
That the Secretary of the Treasury, with the approval of 
the President, is hereby authorized to borrow, from time 
to time, on the credit of the United States for the pur- 
poses of this Act, and to meet expenditures authorized for 
the national security and defense and other public purposes 
authorized by law, not exceeding in the aggregate 
$7,538,945,460, and to issue therefor bonds of the United 
States, in addition to the $2,000,000,000 bonds already is- 
sued or offered for subscription under authority of the Act 



approved April twenty-fourth, nineteen hundred and seven- 
teen. . . . 

The bonds herein authorized shall be in such form or 
forms and denomination or denominations and subject to 
such terms and conditions of issue, conversion, redemption, 
maturities, payment, and rate or rates of interest, not ex- 
ceeding four per centum per annum, and time or times of 
payment of interest, as the Secretary of the Treasury from 
time to time at or before the issue thereof may prescribe. 
The principal and interest thereof shall be payable in 
United States gold coin of the present standard of value. 

The bonds herein authorized shall from time to time first 
be offered at not less than par as a popular loan, under 
such regulations, prescribed by the Secretary of the Treas- 
ury from time to time, as will in his opinion give the peo- 
ple of the United States as nearly as may be an equal 
opportunity to participate therein, but he may make allot- 
ment in full upon applications for smaller amounts of 
bonds in advance of any date which he may set for the 
closing of subscriptions and may reject or reduce allot- 
ments upon later applications and applications for larger 
amounts, and may reject or reduce allotments upon appli- 
cations from incorporated banks and trust companies for 
their own account and make allotment in full or larger 
allotments to others, and may establish a graduated scale 
of allotments, and may from time to time adopt any or all 
of said methods, should any such action be deemed by him 
to be in the public interest: Provided, That such reduction 
or increase of allotments of such bonds shall be made under 
general rules to be prescribed by said Secretary and shall 
apply to all subscribers similarly situated. And any por- 
tion of the bonds so offered and not taken may be otherwise 
disposed of by the Secretary of the Treasury in such man- 
ner and at such price or prices, not less than par, as he 
may determine. . . . 

SEC. 4. That in connection with the issue of any series 
of bonds under the authority of section one of this Act the 
Secretary of the Treasury may determine that the bonds of 
such series shall be convertible as provided in or pursuant 
to this section, and, in any such case, he may make appro- 
priate provision to that end in offering for subscription the 
bonds of such series (hereinafter called convertible bonds). 
In any case of the issue of a series of convertible bonds, 
if a subsequent series of bonds (not including United 
States certificates of indebtedness, war savings certificates, 
and other obligations maturing not more than five years 
from the issue of such obligations, respectively) bearing in- 
terest at a higher rate shall, under the authority of this or 
any other Act, be issued by the United States before the 
termination of the war between the United States and the 
Imperial German Government, then the holders of such con- 
vertible bonds shall have the privilege, at the option of the 
several holders, at any time within such period, after the 
public offering of bonds of such subsequent series, and un- 
der such rules and regulations as the Secretary of the 
Treasury shall have prescribed, of converting their bonds, 
at par, into bonds bearing such higher rate of interest at 
such price not less than par as the Secretary of the Treas- 
ury shall have prescribed. . . . 

SECTION 5. That in addition to the bonds authorized by 
section one of this Act the Secretary of the Treasury is au- 
thorized to borrow from time to time, on the credit of the 
United States, for the purposes of this Act and to meet pub- 
lic expenditures authorized by law, such sum or suma as in 
his judgment may be necessary, and to issue therefor certi- 
ficates of indebtedness of the United States at not less than 
par in such form or forms and subject to such terms and 
conditions and at such rate or rates of interest as he may 



VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS 



151 



pri'.-M ! iliu; and each ri-rtificate so issued shall be payable at 
such time not exceeding one year from the date of its issue, 
and may be redeemable before maturity upon such terms 
and conditions, and the interest accruing thereon shall be 
payable at such time or times as the Secretary of the Treas- 
ury may prescribe. The sum of such certificates outstand- 
ing hereunder and under section six of said Act approved 
April twenty-fourth, nineteen hundred and seventeen, shall 
not at any one time exceed in the aggregate $4,000,000,000. 
SEC. 0. That in addition to the bonds authorized by sec- 
tion one of this Act and the certificates of indebtedness au- 
thorized by section five of this Act, the Secretary of the 
Treasury is authorized to borrow from time to time, on the 
credit of the United States, for the purposes of this Act 
and to meet public expenditures authorized by law, such 
sum or sums as in his judgment may be necessary, and to 
issue therefor, at such price or prices and upon such terms 
and conditions as he may determine, war-savings certificates 
of the United States on which interest to maturity may be 
discounted in advance at such rate or rates and computed 
in such manner as he may prescribe. Such war-savings cer- 
tificates shall be in such form or forms and subject to such 
terms and conditions, and may have such provisions for 
payment thereof before maturity, as the Secretary of the 
Treasury may prescribe. Each war-saving certificate so is- 
sued shall be payable at such time, not exceeding five years 
from the date of its issue, and may be redeemable before 
maturity, upon such terms and conditions as the Secretary 
of the Treasury may prescribe. The sum of such war- 
savings certificates outstanding shall not at any one time ex- 
ceed in the aggregate $2,000,000,000. The amount of war- 
savings certificates sold to any one person at any one time 
shall not exceed $100, and it shall not be lawful for any one 
person at any one time to hold war-savings certificates to 
an aggregate amount exceeding $1,000. The Secretary of 
the Treasury may, under such regulations and upon such 
terms and conditions as he may prescribe, issue, or cause to 
be issued, stamps to evidence payments for or on account 
of such certificates. 

SEC. 7. That none of the bonds authorized by section one, 
nor of the certificates authorized by section five, or by sec- 
tion six, of this Act, shall bear the circulation privilege. 
All such bonds and certificates shall be exempt, both as to 
principal and interest from all taxation now or hereafter 
imposed by the United States, any State, or any of the pos- 
sessions of the United States, or by any local taxing au- 
thority, except (a) estate or inheritance taxes, and (b) 
graduated additional income taxes, commonly known as sur- 
taxes, and excess profits and war-profits taxes, now or here- 
after imposed by the United States, upon the income or 
profits of individuals, partnerships, associations, or cor- 
porations. The interest on an amount of such bonds and 
certificates the principal of which does not exceed in the 
aggregate $5,000, owned by any individual, partnership, as- 
sociation, or corporation, shall be exempt from the taxes 
provided for in subdivision (b) of this section. . . . 

SEC. 9. That in connection with the operations of adver- 
tising, selling, and delivering any bonds, certificates of in- 
debtedness, or war-savings certificates of the United States 
provided for in this Act, the Postmaster General, under 
surh regulations as he may prescribe, shall require, at the 
request of the Secretary of the Treasury, the employees of 
the Post Office Department and of the Postal Service to 
perform such services as may be necessary, desirable, or 
practicable, without extra compensation. 

SEC. 13. That for the purposes of this Act the date of the 
termination of the war between the United States and the 



Imperial German Government shall be fixed by proclama- 
tion of the President of the United States.' 
Approved, September 24, 1917. 

ACT CHEATING AN AIBCHAFT BOARD, OOTOBEB 1, 1917. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Kepresentativc* 
of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 
That for the purpose of expanding and coordinating the in- 
dustrial activities relating to aircraft, or parts of aircraft, 
produced for any purpose in the United States, and to facil- 
itate generally the development of air service, a board is 
hereby created, to be known as the Aircraft Board, herein- 
after referred to as the board. 

SEC. 2. That the board shall number not more than nine 
in all, and shall include a civilian chairman, the Chief Sig- 
nal Officer of the Army, and two other officers of the Army, 
to be appointed by the Secretary of War; the Chief Con- 
structor of the Navy and two other officers of the Navy, to 
be appointed by the Secretary of the Navy; and two addi- 
tional civilian members. The chairman and civilian mem- 
bers shall be appointed by the President, by and with the 
advice and consent of the Senate. 

SEC. 3. That said board and tenure of office of the mem- 
bers thereof shall continue during the pleasure of the Presi- 
dent, but not longer than six months after the present war. 
The civilian members of the board shall serve without com- 
pensation. 

SEC. 4. That the board is hereby empowered, under the 
direction and control of and as authorized by the Secretary 
of War and the Secretary of the Navy, respectively, on be- 
half of the Departments of War and Navy, to supervise and 
direct, in accordance with the requirements prescribed or 
approved by the respective departments, the purchase, pro- 
duction, and manufacture of aircraft, engines, and all 
ordnance and instruments used in connection therewith, and 
accessories and materials therefor, including the purchase, 
lease, acquisition, or construction of plants for the manufac- 
ture of aircraft, engines, and accessories: Provided, That 
the board may make recommendations as to contracts and 
their distribution in connection with the foregoing, hut 
every contract shall be made by the already constituted au- 
thorities of the respective departments. 

SEC, 5. That the board is also empowered to employ, 
either in the District of Columbia or elsewhere, such clerks 
and other employees as may be necessary to the conduct of 
its business, including such technical experts and advisers 
as may be found necessary, and to fix their salaries. Such 
salaries shall conform to those usually paid by the Gov- 
ernment for similar service: Provided, That by unanimous 
approval of the board higher compensation may be paid to 
technical experts and advisers. . . . 

Approved, October 1, 1917. 

WAB REVENUE Acr.to OCTOBER 3, 1017. 

An Act To provide revenue to defray war expenses, and 
for other purposes. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representative* 
of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 

TITLE I. WAB INCOME TAX. 

SECTION 1. That in addition to the normal tax imposed 
by subdivision (a) of section one of the Act entitled "An 
Act to increase the revenue, and for other purposes," ap- 
proved September eighth, nineteen hundred and sixteen, 

For proclamation concerning the loan, see p. 174. 
1 It has been found impracticable to print here the entire 
act. The full text would occupy over forty pages. 



152 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



there shall be levied, assessed, collected, and paid a like 
normal tax of two per centum upon the income of every in- 
dividual, a citizen or resident of the United States, received 
in the calendar year nineteen hundred and seventeen and 
very calendar year thereafter. 

SEC. 2. That in addition to the additional tax imposed by 
subdivision (b) of section one of such Act of September 
eighth, nineteen hundred and sixteen, there shall be levied, 
assessed, collected, and paid a like additional tax upon the 
income of every individual received in the calendar year 
nineteen hundred and seventeen and every calendar year 
thereafter, as follows: 

One per centum per annum upon the amount by which 
the total net income exceeds $5,000 and does not exceed 
$7,600; 

Two per centum per annum upon the amount by which 
the total net income exceeds $7,500 and does not exceed 
910,000; 

Three per centum per annum upon the amount by which 
the total net income exceeds $10,000 and does not exceed 
$12,500; 

Four per centum per annum upon the amount by which 
the total net income exceeds $12,500 and does not exceed 
$15,000; 

Five per centum per annum upon the amount by which 
the total net income exceeds $15,000 and does not exceed 
$20,000; 

Seven per centum per annum upon the amount by which 
the total net income exceeds $20,000 and does not exceed 
$40,000; 

Ten per centum per annum upon the amount by which 
the total net income exceeds $40,000 and does not exceed 
$60,000; 

Fourteen per centum per annum upon the amount by 
which the total net income exceeds $60,000 and does not 
exceed $80,000; 

Eighteen per centum per annum upon the amount by 
which the total net income exceeds $80,000 and does not 
exceed $100,000; 

Twenty-two per centum per annum upon the amount by 
which the total net income exceeds $100,000 and does not 
exceed $150,000; 

Twenty-five per centum per annum upon the amount by 
which the total net income exceeds $150,000 and does not 
exceed $200,000; 

Thirty per centum per annum upon the amount by which 
the total net income exceeds $200,000 and does not exceed 
$250,000 ; 

Thirty-four per centum per annum upon the amount by 
which the total net income exceeds $250,000 and does not 
exceed $300,000; 

Thirty-seven per centum per annum upon the amount by 
which the total net income exceeds $300,000 and does not 
exceed $500,000; 

Forty per centum per annum upon the amount by which 
the total net income exceeds $500,000 and does not excted 
$750,000. 

Forty-five per centum per annum upon the amount by 
which the total net income exceeds $750,000 and does not 
exceed $1.000,000; 

Fifty per centum per annum upon the amount by which 
the total net income exceeds $1,000,000. 

SEC. 3. That the taxes imposed by sections one and two 
of this Act shall be computed, levied, assessed, collected, 
and paid upon the same basis and in the same manner as 
the similar taxes imposed by section one of such Act of 
September eighth, nineteen hundred and sixteen, except that 



in the case of the tax imposed by section one of this Act 
(a) the exemptions of $3,000 and $4,000 provided in sec- 
tion seven of such Act of September eighth, nineteen hun- 
dred and sixteen, as amended by this Act, shall be, re- 
spectively, $1,000 and $2,000, and (b) the returns required 
under subdivisions (b) and (c) of section eight of such Act 
as amended by this Act shall be required in the case of net 
incomes of $1,000 or over, in the case of unmarried persons, 
and $2,000 or over in the case of married persons, instead 
of $3,000 or over, as therein provided, and (c) the provi- 
sions of subdivision (c) of section nine of such Act, as 
amended by this Act, requiring the normal tax of indi- 
viduals on income derived from interest to be deducted and 
withheld at the source of the income shall not apply to the 
new two per centum normal tax prescribed in section one 
of this Act until on and after January first, nineteen hun- 
dred and eighteen, and thereafter only one two per centum 
normal tax shall be deducted and withheld at the source un- 
der the provisions of such subdivision (c), and any further 
normal tax for which the recipient of such income is liable 
under this Act or such Act of September eighth, nineteen 
hundred and sixteen, as amended by this Act, shall be paid 
by such recipient. 

SEC. 4. That in addition to the tax imposed by sub- 
division (a) of section ten of such Act of September eighth, 
nineteen hundred and sixteen, as amended by this Act, there 
shall be levfed, assessed, collected, and paid a like tax of 
four per centum upon the income received in the calendar 
year nineteen hundred and seventeen and every calendar 
year thereafter, by every corporation, joint-stock company 
or association, or insurance company, subject to the tax im- 
posed by that subdivision of that section, except that if it 
has fixed its own fiscal year, the tax imposed by this section 
for the fiscal year ending during the calendar year nineteen 
hundred and seventeen shall be levied, assessed, collected, 
and paid only on that proportion of its income for such fis- 
cal year which the period between January first, nineteen 
hundred and seventeen, and the end of such fiscal year bears 
to the whole of such fiscal year. 

The tax imposed by this section shall be computed, 
levied, assessed, collected, and paid upon the same incomes 
and in the same manner as the tax imposed by subdivision 
(a) of section ten of such Act of September eighth, nine- 
teen hundred and sixteen, as amended by this Act, except 
that for the purpose of the tax imposed by this section the 
income embraced in a return of a corporation, joint-stock 
company or association, or insurance company, shall be 
credited with the amount received as dividends upon the 
stock or from the net earnings of any other corporation, 
joint-stock company or association, or insurance company, 
which is taxable upon its net income as provided in this 
title. 

SEC. 5. That the provisions of this title shall not extend 
to Porto Rico or the Philippine Islands, and the Porto 
Rican or Philippine Legislature, shall have power by due 
enactment to amend, alter, modify, or repeal the income 
tax laws in force in Porto Rico or the Philippine Islands, 
respectively. 

TITLE II. WAR EXCESS PROFITS TAX. 

SEC. 200. That when used in this title 

The term " corporation " includes joint-stock companies 
or associations and insurance companies; 

The term " domestic " means created under the law of 
the United States, or of any State. Territory, or District 
thereof, and the term " foreign " means created under the 
law of any other possession of the United States or of any 
foreign country or government; 



VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 



153 



The term " United States " means only the States, the 
Territories of Alaska and Hawaii, and the District of 
Columbia; 

The term " taxable year " means the twelve months end- 
ing December thirty-first, excepting in the case of a cor- 
poration or puitnership which has fixed its own fiscal year, 
in which cabe it means such fiscal year. The first taxable 
year Khali be the year ending December thirty-first, nine- 
teen hundred and seventeen, except that in the case of a cor- 
poration or partnrship which has fixed its own fiscal year, 
it shall be the fiscal year ending during the calendar year 
nineteen hundred and seventeen. If a corporation or part- 
nership, prior to March first, nineteen hundred and 
eighteen, makes a return covering its own fiscal year, and 
includes therein the income received during that part of the 
fiscal year falling within the calendar year nineteen hundred 
and sixteen, the tax for such taxable year shall be that pro- 
portion of the tax computed upon the net income during 
such full fiscal year which the time from January first, 
nineteen hundred and seventeen, to the end of such fiscal 
year bears to the full fiscal year; and 

The term " prewar period " means the calendar years 
nineteen hundred and eleven, nineteen hundred and twelve, 
and nineteen hundred and thirteen, or, if a corporation or 
partnership was not in existence or an individual was not 
engaged in a trade or business during the whole of such 
period, then as many of such years during the whole of 
which the corporation or partnership was in lexistence or 
the individual was engaged in the trade or business. 

The terms " trade " and " business " include professions 
and occupations. 

The term " net income " means in the case of a foreign 
corporation or partnership or a nonresident alien indi- 
vidual, the net income received from sources within the 
United States. 

SEC. 201. That in addition to the taxes under existing 
law and under this act there shall be levied, assessed, col- 
lected, and paid for each taxable year upon the income of 
every corporation, partnership, or individual, a tax (here- 
inafter in this title referred to as the tax) equal to the 
following percentages of the net income: 

Twenty per centum of the amount of the net income in 
excess of the deduction (determined as hereinafter pro- 
vided) and not in excess of fifteen per centum of the in- 
vested capital for the taxable year; 

Twenty-five per centum of the amount of the net income 
in excess of fifteen per centum and not in excess of twenty 
per centum of such capital; 

Thirty-five per centum of the amount of the net income 
in excess of twenty per centum and not in excess of twenty- 
five per centum of such capital; 

Forty-five per centum of the amount of the net income 
in excess of twenty-five per centum and not in excess of 
thirty-three per centum of such capital; and 

Sixty per centum of the amount of the net income in ex- 
cess of thirty-three per centum of such capital. 

For the purpose of this title every corporation or part- 
nership not exempt under the provisions of this section 
shall be deemed to be engaged in business, and nil the trades 
and businesses in which it is engaged shall be treated as 
a single trade or business, and all its income from whatever 
source derived shall be deemed to be received from such 
trade or business. 

This title shall apply to all trades or businesses of what- 
ever description, whether continuously carried on or not, 
except 

(a) In the case of officers and employees under the 
United States, or any State, Territory, or the District of 



Columbia, or any local subdivision thereof, the couipeuiw- 
tion or fees received by them as such officers or employees; 

(b) Corporations exempt from tax under the provision! 
of section eleven of Title 1 of such Act of September eighth, 
nineteen hundred and sixteen, as amended by this Act, and 
partnerships and individuals carrying on or doing the same 
business, or coming within the same description; and 

(c) Incomes derived from the business of life, health, 
and accident insurance combined in one policy issued on the 
weekly premium payment plan. 

SEC. 202. That the tax shall not be imposed in the case 
of the trade or business of a foreign corporation or partner- 
ship or a nonresident alien individual, the net income of 
which trade or business during the taxable year is less tluin 
$3,000. 

SEC. 203. That for the purposes of this title the deduc- 
tion shall be as follows, except as otherwise in this title 
provided 

(a) In the case of a domestic corporation, the sum of 
(1) an amount equal to the same percentage of the invested 
capital for the taxable year which the average amount of 
the annual net income of the trade or business during the 
prewar period was of the invested capital for the prewar 
period (but not less than seven or more than nine per cen- 
tum of the invested capital for the taxable year), and (2) 
$3,000; 

(b) In the case of a domestic partnership or of a citizen 
or resident of the United States, the sum of ( 1 ) an amount 
equal to the same percentage of the invested capital for 
the taxable year which the average amount of the annual 
net income of the trade or business during the prewar 
period was of the invested capital for the prewar period 
(but not less than seven or more than nine per centum of 
the invested capital for the taxable year), and (2) $0,000; 

(c) In the case of a foreign corporation or partnership 
or of a nonresident alien individual, an amount ascertained 
in the same manner as provided in subdivisions (a) and 
(b) without any exemption of $3,000 or $0,000; 

(d) If the Secretary of the Treasury is unable satisfac- 
torily to determine the average amount of the annual net 
income of the trade or business during the prewar period, 
the deduction shall be determined in the same manner a* 
provided in section two hundred and five. 

SEC. ,204. That if a corporation or partnership was not 
in existence, or an individual was not engaged in the trade 
or business, during the whole of any one calendar year 
during the prewar period, the deduction shall be an amount 
equal to eight per centum of the invested capital for the 
taxable year, plus in the case of a domestic corporation 
$3,000, and in the case of a domestic partnership or a citi- 
zen or resident of the United States $6,008. 

A trade or business carried on by a corporation, partner- 
ship, or individual, although formally organized or reor- 
ganized on or after January second, nineteen hundred and 
thirteen, which is substantially a continuation of a trade 
or business carried on prior to that date, shall, for the pur- 
poses of this title, be deemed to have been in existence prior 
to that date, and the net income and invested capital of its 
predecessor prior to that date shall be deemed to have been 
its net income and invested capital. . . . 

SEC. 213. That the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, 
with the approval of the Secretary of the Treasury, shall 
make all necessary regulations for carrying out the provi- 
sions of this title, and may require any corporation, part- 
nership, or individual, subject to the provisions of this title, 
to furnish him with such facts, data, and information as in 
his judgment are necessary to collect the tax imposed by 
this title. . 



15-i 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



TITLE III. WAB TAX ON BEVERAGES. 
SEC. 300. That on and after the passage of this Act there 
shall be levied and collected on all distilled spirits in bond 
at that time or that have been or that may be then or 
thereafter produced in or imported into the United States, 
except such distilled spirits aa are subject to the tax pro- 
vided in section three hundred and three, in addition to the 
tax now imposed by law, a tax of $1.10 (or, if withdrawn 
for beverage purposes or for use in the manufacture or pro- 
duction of any article used or intended for use as a bever- 
age, a tax of $2.10) on each proof gallon, or wine gallon 
when below proof, and a proportionate tax at a like rate 
on all fractional parts of such proof or wine gallon, to be 
paid by the distiller or importer when withdrawn, and col- 
lected under the provisions of existing law. 

That in addition to the tax under existing law there shall 
be levied and collected upon all perfumes hereafter im- 
ported into the United States containing distilled spirits, a 
tax of $1.10 per wine gallon, and a proportionate tax at a 
like rate on all fractional parts of such wine gallon. Such 
a tax shall be collected by the collector of customs and de- 
posited as internal-revenue collections, under such rules nnd 
regulations as the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, with 
the approval of the Secretary of the Treasury, may pre- 
scribe. 

SEC. 301. That no distilled spirits produced after the 
passage of this Act shall be imported into the United 
States from any foreign country, or from the West Indian 
Islands recently acquired from Denmark (unless produced 
from products the growth of such islands, and not then into 
any State or Territory or District of the United States in 
which the manufacture or sale of intoxicating liquor is pro- 
hibited), or from Porto Rico, or the Philippine Islands. 
Under such rules, regulations, and bonds as the Secretary 
of the Treasury may prescribe, the provisions of this sec- 
tion shall not apply to distilled spirits imported for other 
than (1) beverage purposes or (2) use in the manufacture 
or production of any article used or intended for use as a 
beverage. . . . 

SEC. 313. That there shall be levied, assessed, collected, 
and paid 

(a) Upon all prepared sirups or extracts (intended for 
use in the manufacture or production of beverages, com- 
monly known as soft drinks, by soda fountains, bottling 
establishments, and other similar places) sold by the man- 
ufacturer, producer, or importer thereof, if so sold for not 
more than $1.30 per gallon, a tax of 5 cents per gallon; if 
BO sold for more than $1.30 and not more than $2 per gal- 
lon, a tax of 8 cents per gallon ; if so sold for more than $2 
and not more than $3 per gallon, a tax of 10 cents per 
gallon; if so sold for more than $3 and not more than $4 
per gallon, a tax of 15 cents per gallon; and if so sold for 
more than $4 per gallon, a tax of 20 cents per gallon ; and 

(b) Upon all unfermented grape juice, soft drinks or ar- 
tificial mineral waters (not carbonated), and fermented 
liquors containing less than one-half per centum of alco- 
hol, sold by the manufacturer, producer, or importer there- 
of, in bottles or other closed containers, and upon all ginger 
ale, root beer, sarsaparilla, pop, and other carbonated 
waters or beverages, manufactured and sold by the manu- 
facturer, producer, or importer of the carbonic acid gas 
used in carbonating the same, a tax of 1 cent per gallon; 
and 

(c) Upon all natural mineral waters or table waters, 
old by the producer, bottler, or importer thereof, in bottles 
or other closed containers, at over 10 cents per gallon, a 
tax of 1 cent per gallon. . . . 

SEC. 315. That upon all carbonic acid gas in drums or 



other containers (intended for use in the manufacture or 
production of carbonated water or other drinks) sold by 
the manufacturer, producer, or importer thereof, there shall 
be levied, assessed, collected, and paid a tax of 5 cents per 
pound. Such tax shall be paid by the purchaser to the 
vendor thereof and shall be collected, returned, and paid to 
the United States by such vendor in the same manner as 
provided in section five hundred and three. 

TITLE IV. WAB TAX ON CIGARS, TOBACCO, AND MANU- 
FACTUBES THEBEOF. 

SEC. 400. That upon cigars and cigarettes, which shall 
be manufactured and sold, or removed for consumption or 
sale, there shall be levied and collected, in addition to the 
taxes now imposed by existing law, the following taxes, to 
be paid by the manufacturer or importer thereof: (a) on 
cigars of all descriptions made of tobacco, or any substi- 
tute therefor, and weighing not more than three pounds 
per thousand, 25 cents per thousand; (b) on cigars made 
of tobacco, or any substitute therefor, and weighing more 
than three pounds per thousand, if manufactured or im- 
ported to retail at 4 cents or more each, and not more than 
7 cents each, $1 per thousand; (c) if manufactured or im- 
ported to retail at more than 7 cents each and not more 
than 15 cents each, $3 per thousand; (d) if manufactured 
or imported to retail at more than 15 cents each and not 
more than 20 cents each, $5 per thousand; (e) if manufac- 
tured or ilnported to retail at more than 20 cents each, $7 
per thousand: Provided, That the word " retail " as used in 
this section shall mean the ordinary retail price of a single 
cigar, and that the Commissioner of Internal Revenue may, 
by regulation, require the manufacturer or importer to affix 
to each box or container a conspicuous label indicating by 
letter the clause of this section under which the cigars 
therein contained have been tax-paid, which must corre- 
spond with the tax-paid stamp on said box or container; 
(f) on cigarettes made of tobacco, or any substitute there- 
for, made in or imported into the United States, and 
weighing not more than three pounds per thousand, 80 
cents per thousand; weighing more than three pounds per 
thousand, $1.20 per thousand. . . . 

SEC. 401. That upon all tobacco and snuff hereafter man- 
ufactured and sold, or removed for consumption or use, 
there shall be levied and collected, in addition to the tax 
now imposed by law upon such articles, a tax of 5 cents 
per pound, to be levied, collected, and paid under the pro- 
visions of existing law. . . . 

TITLE V. WAB TAX ON FACILITIES FURNISHED BY PUBIIC 

UTILITIES, AND INSUBANCE. 

SEC. 500. That from and after the first day of Novem- 
ber, nineteen hundred and seventeen, there shall be levied, 
assessed, collected, and paid (a) a tax equivalent to three 
per centum of the amount paid for the transportation by 
rail or water or by any form of mechanical motor power 
when in competition with carriers by rail or water of 
property by freight consigned from one point in the United 
States to another; (b) a tax of 1 cent for each 20 cents, or 
fraction thereof, paid to any person, corporation, partner- 
ship, or association, engaged in the business of transport- 
ing parcels or packages by express over regular routes be- 
tween fixed terminals, for the transportation of any pack- 
age, parcel, or shipment by express from one point in the 
United States to another: Provided, That nothing herein 
contained shall be construed to require the carrier collect- 
ing such tax to list separately in any bill of lading, freight 
receipt, or other similar document, the amount of the tax 
herein levied, if the total amount of the freight and tax be 
therein stated; (c) a tax equivalent to eight per centum of 



VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 



155 



the amount paid fur the transportation of persons by rail 
or water, or by any form of mechanical motor power on a 
regular established line when in competition with carriers 
by rail or water, from one point in the United States to 
another or to any point iu Canada or Mexico, where the 
ticket therefor is sold or issued in the United States, not 
including the amount paid for commutation, or season 
tickets for trips less than thirty miles, or for transporta- 
tion the fare for which does not exceed 35 cents, and a tax 
equivalent to ten per centum of the amount paid for seats, 
berths, and staterooms in parlor cars, sleeping cars, or on 
vessels. . . . 

SEC. 502. That no tax shall be imposed under section five 
hundred upon any payment received for services rendered to 
the United States, or any State, Territory, or the District 
of Columbia. The right to exemption under this section 
shall be evidenced in such manner aa the Commissioner of 
Internal Revenue, with the approval of the Secretary of the 
Treasury, may by regulation prescribe. . . . 

SEC. 504. That from and after the first day of November, 
nineteen hundred and seventeen, there shall be levied, as- 
sessed, collected, and paid the following taxes on the issu- 
ance of insurance policies: 

(a) Life insurance: A tax equivalent to 8 cents on each 
$100 or fractional part thereof of the amount for which 
any life is insured under any policy of insurance, or other 
instrument, by whatever name the same is called: Provided, 
That on all policies for life insurance only by which a life 
is insured not in excess of $500, issued on the industrial or 
weekly -payment plan of insurance, the tax shall be forty 
per centum of the amount of the first weekly premium: 
Provided further, That policies of reinsurance shall be ex- 
empt from the tax .imposed by this subdivision; 

(b) Marine, inland, and fire insurance: A tax equivalent 
to 1 cent on each dollar or fractional part thereof of the 
premium charged under each policy of insurance or other 
instrument by whatever name the same is called whereby 
insurance is made or renewed upon property of any de- 
scription (including rents or profits), whether against peril 
by sea or inland waters, or by fire or lightning, or other 
peril: Provided, That policies of reinsurance shall be ex- 
empt from the tax imposed by this subdivision; 

(c) Casualty insurance: A tax equivalent to 1 cent on 
each dollar or fractional part thereof of the premium 
charged under each policy of insurance or obligation of the 
nature of indemnity for loss, damage, or liability (except 
bonds taxable under subdivision two of schedule A of Title 
VIII) issued or executed or renewed by any person, cor- 
poration, partnership, or association, transacting the busi- 
ness of employer's liability, workmen's compensation, acci- 
dent, health, tornado, plate glass, steam boiler, elevator, 
burglary, automatic sprinkler, automobile, or other branch 
of insurance (except life insurance, and insurance de- 
scribed and taxed in the preceding subdivision ) : Provided, 
That policies of reinsurance shall be exempt from the tax 
imposed by this subdivision; 

(d) Policies issued by any person, corporation, partner- 
ship, or association, whose income is exempt from taxation 
under Title I of the Act entitled "An Act to increase the 
revenue, and for other purposes," approved September 
eighth, nineteen hundred and sixteen, shall be exempt from 
the taxes imposed by this section. . . . 

TITLE VI. WAR EXCISE TAXES. 

SEC. 600. That there shall be levied, assessed, collected, 
and paid 

(a) Upon all automobiles, automobile trucks, automobile 
wagons, and motorcycles, sold by the manufacturer, pro- 



ducer, or importer, a tax equivalent to three per centum of 
the price for which so sold; and 

(b) Upon ull piano players, graphophones, phonographs, 
talking; nmrliinrs, and records used in connection with any 
musical instruments, piano player, graphophone, phono- 
graph, or talking machine, sold by the manufacturer, pro- 
ducer, or importer, a tax equivalent to three per centum of 
the price for which so sold; and 

(c) Upon all moving-picture films (which have not been 
exposed) sold by the manufacturer or importer a tax equiv- 
alent to one-fourth of 1 cent per linear foot; and 

(d) Upon all positive moving-picture films (containing 
a picture ready for projection) sold or leased by the manu- 
facturer, producer, or importer, a tax equivalent to one-half 
of 1 cent per linear foot; and 

(e) Upon any article commonly or commercially known 
as jewelry, whether real or imitation, sold by the manufac- 
turer, producer, or importer thereof, a tax equivalent to 
three per centum of the price for which so sold; and 

(f) Upon all tennis rackets, golf clubs, baseball bats, 
lacrosse sticks, balls of all kinds, including baseballs, foot 
balls, tennis, golf, lacrosse, billiard and pool balls, fishing 
rods and reels, billiard and pool tables, chess and checker 
boards and pieces, dice, games and parts of games, except 
playing cards and children's toys and games, sold by the 
manufacturer, producer, or importer, a tax equivalent to 
three per centum of the price for which so sold; and 

(g) Upon all perfumes, essences, extracts, toilet waters, 
cosmetics, petroleum jellies, hair oils, pomades, hair dress- 
ings, hair restoratives, hair dyes, tooth and mouth washes, 
dentifrices, tooth pastes, aromatic cachous, toilet soaps and 
powders, or any similar substance, article, or preparation 
by whatsoever name known or distinguished, upon all of 
the above which are used or applied or intended to be used 
or applied for toilet purposes, and which are sold by the 
manufacturer, importer, or producer, a tax equivalent to 
two per centum of the price for which so sold; and 

(h) Upon all pills, tablets, powders, tinctures, troches or 
lozenges, sirups, medicinal cordials or bitters, anodynes, 
tonics, plasters, liniments, salves, ointments, pastes, drops, 
waters (except those taxed under section three hundred 
and thirteen of this Act), essences, spirits, oils, and all 
medicinal preparations, compounds, or compositions what- 
soever, the manufacturer or producer of which claims to 
have any private formula, secret, or occult art for making 
or preparing the same, or has or claims to have any exclu- 
sive right or title to the making or preparing the same, or 
which are prepared, uttered, vended, or exposed for sale 
under any letters patent, or trade-mark, or which, if pre- 
pared by any formula, published or unpublished, are held 
out or recommended to the public by the makers, venders, 
or proprietors thereof as proprietary medicines or medicinal 
proprietary articles or preparations, or as remedies or 
specifics for any disease, diseases, or affection whatever 
affecting the human or animal body, and which are sold by 
the manufacturer, producer, or importer, a tax equivalent 
to two per centum of the price for which BO sold; and 

(i) Upon all chewing gum or substitute therefor sold 
by the manufacturer, producer, or importer, a tax equiva- 
lent to two per centum of the price for which so sold; and 

(j) Upon all cameras sold by the manufacturer, pro- 
ducer, or importer, a tax equivalent to three per centum of 
the price for which so sold. . . . 

SEC. 603. That on the day this Act takes effect, and 
thereafter on July first in each year, and also at the time 
of the original purchase of a new boat by a user, if on any 
other date than July first, there shall be levied, assessed, 
collected, and paid, upon the use of yachts, pleasure boats, 



156 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



power boats, and sailing boats, of over five net tons, and 
motor boats with fixed engines, not used exclusively for 
trade or national defense, or not built according to plans 
and specifications approved by the Navy Department, an 
excise tux to be based on each yacht or boat, at rates as fol- 
lows: Yachts, pleasure boats, power boats, motor boats with 
fixed engines, and sailing boats, of over five net tons, length 
not over fifty feet, 50 cents for each foot, length over fifty 
feet and not over one hundred feet, $1 for each foot, length 
over one hundred feet, $2 for each foot; motor boats of not 
over five net tons with fixed engines, $5. 

In determining the length of such yachts, pleasure boats, 
power boats, motor boats with fixed engines, and sailing 
boats, the measurement of over-all length shall govern. 

In the case of a tax imposed at the time of the original 
purchase of a new boat on any other date than July first, 
the amount to be paid shall be the same number of twelfths 
of the amount of the tax as the number of calendar months, 
including the month of sale, remaining prior to the follow- 
ing July first. 

TITLE VII. WAB TAX ON ADMISSIONS AND DUES. 

SEC. 700. That from and after the first day of November, 
nineteen hundred and seventeen, there shall be levied, as- 
sessed, collected, and paid (a) a tax of 1 cent for. each 10 
cents or fraction thereof of the amount paid for admission 
to any place, including admission by season ticket or sub- 
scription, to be paid by the person paying for such admis- 
sion: Provided, That the tax on admission of children un- 
der twelve years of age where an admission charge for such 
children is made shall in every case be 1 cent; and (b) in 
the \,ase of persons (except bona fide employees, municipal 
officers on official business, and children under twelve years 
of age) admitted free to any place at a time when and un- 
der circumstances under which an admission charge is made 
to other persons of the same class, a tax of 1 cent for -sach 
10 cents or fraction thereof of the price so charged to such 
other persons for the same or similar accommodations, to 
be paid by the person so admitted; and (c) a tax of 1 cent 
for each 10 cents or fraction thereof paid for admission to 
any public performance for profit at any cabaret or other 
similar entertainment to which the charge for admission is 
wholly or in part included in the price paid for refresh- 
ment, service, or merchandise; the amount paid for such 
admission to be computed under rules prescribed by the 
Commissioner of Internal Revenue, with the approval of 
the Secretary of the Treasury, such tax to be paid by the 
person paying for such refreshment, service, or merchan- 
dise. . . . These taxes shall not be imposed in the case of 
a place the maximum charge for admission to which is 5 
cents, or in the case of shows, rides, and other amusemei'ts 
(the maximum charge for admission to which is 10 cents) 
within outdoor general amusement parks, or in the case of 
admissions to such parks. 

No tax shall be levied under this title in respect to any 
admissions all the proceeds of which inure exclusively to 
the benefit of religious, educational, or charitable institu- 
tions, societies, or organizations, or admissions to agricul- 
tural fairs none of the profits of which are distributed to 
stockholders or members of the association conducting the 
same. 

The term " admission " as used in this title includes seats 
and tables, reserved or otherwise, and other similar accom- 
modations, and the charges made therefor. 

SEC. 701. That from and after the first day of November, 
nineteen hundred and seventeen, there shall be levied, as- 
sessed, collected, and paid, a tax equivalent to ten per cen- 
tum of any amount paid as dues or membership fees (in- 



cluding initiation fees), to any social, athletic, or sporting 
club or organization, where such dues or fees are in excess 
of $12 per year; such taxes to be paid by the person pay- 
ing such dues or fees: Provided, That there bhall be ex- 
empted from the provisions of this section all amounts paid 
as dues or fees to a fraternal beneficiary society, order, or 
association, operating under the lodge system or for the ex- 
clusive benefit of the members of a fraternity itself operat- 
ing under the lodge system, and providing for the payment 
of life, sick, accident, or other benefits to the members of 
such society, order, or association or their dependents. 

TITLE VIII. WAB STAMP TAXES. 

SEC. 800. That on and after the first day of December, 
nineteen hundred and seventeen, there shall be levied, col- 
lected, and paid, for and in respect of the several bonds, 
debentures, or certificates of stock and of indebtedness, and 
other documents, instruments, matters, and things men- 
tioned and described in Schedule A of this title, or for or 
in respect of the vellum, parchment, or paper upon which 
such instruments, matters, or things, or any of them, are 
written or printed, by any person, corporation, partnership, 
or association who makes, signs, issues, sells, removes, con- 
signs, or ships the same, or for whose use or benefit the 
same are made, signed, issued, sold, removed, consigned, or 
shipped, the several taxes specified in such schedule. , . . 
[The stamp- taxes imposed range from one cent up.] 

TITLE IX. WAB ESTATE TAX. 

SEC. 900. That in addition to the tax imposed by section 
two hundred and one of the Act entitled "An Act to in- 
crease the revenue, and for other purposes," approved Sep- 
tember eighth, nineteen hundred and sixteen, as amended 

(a) A tax equal to the following percentages of its value 
is hereby imposed upon the transfer of each net estate of 
every decedent dying after the passage of this Act, the 
transfer of which is taxable under such section (the value 
of such net estate to be determined as provided in Title II 
of such Act of September eighth, nineteen hundred and six- 
teen) : 

One-half of one per centum of the amount of such net 
estate not in excess of $50,000; 

One per centum of the amount by which such net estate 
exceeds $50,000 and does not exceed $150,000; 

One and one-half per centum of the amount by which 
such net estate exceeds $150,000 and does not exceed 
$250,000; 

Two per centum of the amount by which such net estate 
exceeds $250,000 and does not exceed $450,000. 

Two and one-half per centum of the amount by which 
such net estate exceeds $450,000 a*id does not exceed 
$1,000,000; 

Three per centum of the amount by which such net estate 
exceeds $1,000,000 and does not exceed $2,000,000; 

Three and one-half per centum of the amount by which 
such net estate exceeds $2,000,000 and does not exceed 
$3,000,000; 

Four per centum of the amount by which such net estate 
exceeds $3,000,000 and does not exceed $4,000,000; 

Four and one-half per centum of the amount by which 
such net estate exceeds $4,000,000 and does not exceed 
$5,000,000; 

Five per centum of the amount by which such net estate 
exceeds $5.000,000 and does not exceed $8,000,000; 

Seven per centum of the amount by which such net estate 
exceeds $8.000,000 and does not exceed $10,000.000; and 

Ten per centum of the amount by which such net estate 
exceeds $10,000,000. 



VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 



157 



SEC. 001. That the tax imposed by this title shall not 
apply to the transfer of the net estate of any decedent 
dying while serving in the military or naval forces of the 
United States, during the continuance of the war in which 
the United States is now engaged, or if death results from 
injuries received or disease contracted in such service, 
within one year after the termination of such war. For 
the purposes of this section the termination of the war shall 
be evidenced by the proclamation of the President. 

TITLE X. ADMINISTBATIVE PROVISIONS. [Omitted.] 

TITLE XI. POSTAL RATES. 

SEC. 1100. That the rate of postage on all mail matter of 
the first class, except postal cards, shall thirty days after 
the passage of this Act be, in addition to the existing rate, 

1 cent for each ounce or fraction thereof: Provided, That 
the rate of postage on drop letters of the first class shall be 

2 cents an ounce or fraction thereof. Postal cards, and pri- 
vate mailing or post cards when complying with the re- 
quirements of existing law, shall be transmitted through 
the mails at 1 cent each in addition to the existing rate. 

That letters written and mailed by soldiers, sailors, and 
marines assigned to duty in a foreign country engaged in 
the present war may be mailed free of postage, subject to 
such rules and regulations as may be prescribed by the 
Postmaster General. 

SEC. 1101. That on and after July first, nineteen hun- 
dred and eighteen, the rates of postage on publications en- 
tered as second-class matter (including sample copies to the 
extent of ten per centum of the weight of copies mailed to 
subscribers during the calendar year) when sent by the 
publisher thereof from the post office of publication or other 
post office, or when sent by a news agent to actual sub- 
scribers thereto, or to other news agents for the purpose of 



(a) In the case of the portion of such publication de- 
voted to matter other than advertisements, shall be as fol- 
lows: (1) On and after July first, nineteen hundred and 
eighteen, and until July first, nineteen hundred and nine- 
teen, 1% cents per pound cr fraction thereof; (2) on and 
after July first, nineteen hundred and nineteen, l 1 ^ cents 
per pound or fraction thereof. 

(b) In the case of the portion of such publication de- 
voted to advertisements the rates per pound or fraction 
thereof for delivery within the several zones applicable to 
fourth-class matter shall be as follows (but where the space 
devoted to advertisements does not exceed five per centum 
of the total space, the rate of postage shall be the same as 
if the whole of such publication was devoted to matter other 
than advertisements): (1) On and after July first, nine- 
teen hundred and eighteen, and until July first, nineteen 
hundred and nineteen, for the first and second zones, l 1 ^ 
cents; for the third zone, 1% cents; for the fourth zone, 2 
cents; for the fifth zone, 2% cents; for the sixth zone, 2% 
cents; for the seventh zone, 3 cents; for the eighth zone, 
3*4 cents; (2) on and after July first, nineteen hundred 
and nineteen, and until July first, nineteen hundred and 
twenty, for the first and second zones, 1% cents; for the 
third zone, 2 cents; for the fourth zone, 3 cents; for the 
fifth zone, 3% cents; for the sixth zone, 4 cents; for the 
seventh zone, 5 cents; for the eighth zone, 5% cents; (3) 
on and after July first, nineteen hundred and twenty, and 
until July first, nineteen hundred and twenty-one, for the 
first and second zones, 1% cen^s; for the third zone, 2% 
cents; for the fourth zone, 4 cents; for the fifth zone, 4% 
cents; for the sixth zone, 5% cents; for the seventh zone, 7 
cents; for the eifiht zone, 7% cents; (4) on and after July 
first, nineteen hundred and twenty-one, for the first and 



second zones, 2 cents; for the third zone, 3 cents; for the 
fourth zone, 5 cents; for the fifth zone, 6 cents; for the 
sixth zone, 7 cents; for the seventh zone, 9 cents; for the 
eighth zone, 10 cents; 

(c) With the first mailing of each issue of each such 
publication, the publisher shall file with the postmaster a 
copy of such issue, together with a statement containing 
such information as the Postmaster General may prescribe 
for determining the postage chargeable thereon. . . . 

TITLE XII. INCOME TAX AMENDMENTS. 

SEC. 1203. (1) That section seven of such Act of Sep- 
tember eighth, nineteen hundred and sixteen, is hereby 
amended to read as follows: 

" SEC. 7. That for the purpose of the normal tax only, 
there shall be allowed as an exemption in the nature of a 
deduction from the amount of the net income of each citi- 
zen or resident of the United States, ascertained as pro- 
vided herein, the sum of $3,000, plus $1,000 additional if 
the person making the return be a head of a family or a 
married man with a wife living with him, or plus the sum 
of $1,000 additional if the person making the return be a 
married woman with a husband living with her; but in no 
event shall this additional exemption of $1,000 be deducted 
by both a husband and a wife: Provided, That only one de- 
duction of $4,000 shall be made from the aggregate income 
of both husband and wife when living together: Provided 
further, That if the person making the return is the head 
of a family there shall be an additional exemption of $200 
for each child dependent upon such person, if under 
eighteen years of age, or if incapable of self-support because 
mentally or physically defective, but this provision shall 
operate only in the case of one parent in the same family: 
Provided further, That guardians or trustees shall be al- 
lowed to make this personal exemption as to income derived 
from the property of which such guardian or trustee has 
charge in favor of each ward or cestui que trust: Provided 
further, That in no event shall a ward or cestui que trust 
be allowed a greater personal exemption than as provided 
in this section, from the amount of net income received 
from all sources. There shall also be allowed an exemption 
from the amount of the net income of estates of deceased 
citizens or residents of the United States during the period of 
administration or settlement, and of trust or other estates 
of citizens or residents of the United States the income of 
which is not distributed annually or regularly under the 
provisions of subdivision (b) of section two, the sum of 
$3,000, including such deductions as are allowed under sec- 
tion five." . . . 

" SEC. 28. That all persons, corporations, partnerships, 
associations, and insurance companies, in whatever capacity 
acting, including lessees or mortgagors of real or personal 
property, trustees acting in any trust capacity, executors, 
administrators, receivers, conservators, and employers, 
making payment to another person, corporation, partner- 
ship, association, or insurance company, of interest, rent, 
salaries, wages, premiums, annuities, compensation, re- 
muneration, emoluments, or other fixed or determinable 
gains, profits, and income (other than payments described 
in sections twenty-six and twenty-seven), of $800 or more 
in any taxable year, or, in the case of such payments made 
by the United States, the officers or employees of the United 
States having information as to such payments and re- 
quired to make returns in regard thereto by the regulation* 
hereinafter provided for, are hereby authorized and re- 
quired to render a true and accurate return to the Com- 
missioner of Internal Revenue, under such rules and regu- 
lations and in such form and manner as may be prescribed 



158 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



by him, with the approval of the Secretary of the Treas- 
ury, setting forth the amount of such gains, profits, and 
Income, and the name and address of the recipient of such 
payment." . . . 

Approved, October 3, 1917. 

ACT PEBMITTINO FOREIGN VESSELS TO ENTEB COASTWISE 
TRADE, OCTOBER 6, 1917. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives 
of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 
That during the present war with Germany and for a 
period of one hundred and twenty days thereafter the 
United States Shipping Board may, if in its judgment the 
interests of the United States require, suspend the present 
provisions of law and permit vessels of foreign registry, and 
foreign-built vessels admitted to American registry under 
the Act of August eighteenth, nineteen hundred and four- 
teen, to engage in the coastwise trade of the United States : 
Provided, That no such vessel shall engage in the coastwise 
trade except upon a permit issued by the United States 
Shipping Board, which permit shall limit or define the 
scope of the trade and the time of such employment: Pro- 
vided further, That in issuing permits the board shall give 
preference to vessels of foreign registry owned, leased, or 
chartered by citizens of the United States or corporations 
thereof: And provided further, That the provisions of this 
Act shall not apply to the coastwise trade with Alaska or 
between Alaskan ports. 

Approved, October 6, 1917. 

ACT TO PREVENT THE PUHLICATION OF CERTAIN 
INVENTIONS, OCTOBER 6, 1917. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and Bouse of Representative's 
of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 
That whenever during a time when the United States is at 
war the publication of an invention by the granting of a 
patent might, in the opinion of the Commissioner of Pat- 
ents, be detrimental to the public safety or defense or might 
assist the enemy or endanger the successful prosecution of 
the war he may order that the invention be kept secret and 
withhold the grant of a patent until the termination of the 
war: Provided, That the invention disclosed in the applica- 
tion for said patent may be held abandoned upon it being 
established before or by the commissioner that in violation 
of said order said invention has been published or that an 
application for a patent therefor has been filed in a foreign 
country by the inventor or his assigns or legal representa- 
tives, without the consent or approval of the Commissioner 
of Patents, or under a license of the Secretary of Commerce 
as provided by law. 

When an applicant whose patent is withheld as herein 
provided and who faithfully obeys the order of the Com- 
missioner of Patents above referred to shall tender his in- 
vention to the Government of the United States for its use, 
he shall, if and when he ultimately received a patent, have 
the right to sue for compensation in the Court of Claims, 
euch right to compensation to begin from the date of the 
use of the invention by the Government. 

Approved, October 6, 1917. 

WAB RISK INSURANCE ACT, OCTOBER 6, 1917. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives 
of the United States of America in Congress asembled, 
That the first section of the Act entitled "An Act to au- 
thorize the establishment of a Bureau of War Risk Insur- 
ance in the Treasury Department," approved September 
second, nineteen hundred and fourteen, as amended, is 
hereby amended to read as follows: 



" ARTICLE I. 

" SECTION 1. That there is established in the Treasury 
Department a Bureau to be known aa the Bureau of War 
Risk Insurance, the director of which shall receive a salary 
at the rate of $5,000 per annum. 

" That there be in such bureau a Division of Marine and 
Seamen's Insurance and a Division of Military and Naval 
Insurance in charge of a commissioner of Marine and Sea- 
men's Insurance and a commissioner of Military and Naval 
Insurance, respectively, each of whom shall receive a salary 
of $4,000 per annum." . . . 

ARTICLE II. 

ALLOTMENTS AND FAMILY ALLOWANCES. 

SEC. 200. That the provisions of this article shall apply 
to all enlisted men in the military or naval forces of the 
United States. 

SEC. 201. That allotment of pay shall, subject to the 
conditions, limitations, and exceptions hereinafter specified, 
be compulsory as to wife, a former wife divorced who has 
not remarried and to whom alimony has been decreed, and 
a child, and voluntary as to any other person; but on the 
written consent of the wife or former wife divorced, sup- 
ported by evidence satisfactory to the bureau of her ability 
to support herself and the children in her custody, the allot- 
ment for her- and for such children may he waived; and 
on the enlisted man's application or otherwise for good 
cause shown, exemption from the allotment may be granted 
upon such conditions as may be prescribed by regula- 
tions. . . . 

SEC. 202. That the enlisted man may allot any propor- 
tion or proportions or any fixed amount or amounts of his 
monthly pay or of the proportion thereof remaining after 
the compulsory allotment, for such purposes and for the 
benefit of such person or persons as he may direct, subject, 
however, to such conditions and limitations as may be pre- 
scribed under regulations to be made by the Secretary of 
War and the Secretary of the Navy, respectively. 

SEC. 203. That in case one-half of an enlisted man's 
monthly pay is not allotted, regulations to be made by the 
Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy, respec- 
tively, may require, under such circumstances and condi- 
tions as may be prescribed in such regulations, that any 
proportion of such one-half pay as is not allotted shall be 
deposited to his credit, to be held during such period of his 
service as may be prescribed. Such deposits shall bear in- 
terest at the rate of four per centum per annum, with semi- 
annual rests and, when payable, shall be paid principal and 
interest to the enlisted man, if living, otherwise to any 
beneficiary or beneficiaries he may have designated, or if 
there be no such beneficiary, then to the person or persons 
who would under the laws of the State of his residence be 
entitled to his personal property in case of intestacy. 

SEC. 204. That a family allowance of not exceeding $50 
per month shall be granted and paid by the United States 
upon written application to the bureau by such enlisted 
man or by or on behalf of any prospective beneficiary, in 
accordance with and subject to the conditions, limitations, 
and exceptions hereinafter specified. 

The family allowance shall be paid from the time of en- 
listment to death in or one month after discharge from the 
service, but not for more than one month after the termina- 
tion of the present war emergency. No family allowance 
shall be made for any period preceding November first, 
nineteen hundred and seventeen. The payment shall be 
subject to such regulations as may be prescribed relative to 
cases of desertion and imprisonment and of missing men. 



VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 



159 



Subject to the conditions, limitations, and exceptions 
hereinabove and hereinafter specified, the family allowance 
payable per month shall be as follows: 

Class A. In the case of a man, to his wife (including a 
former wife divorced) and to his child or children: 

(a) If there be a wife but no child, $15. 

(b) If there be a wife and one child, $25. 

(c) If there be a wife and two children, $32.50, with $5 
per month additional for each additional child. 

(d) If there be no wife, but one child, $5. 

(e) If there be no wife, but two children, $12.50. 

(f) If there be no wife, but three children, $20. 

(g) If there be no wife, but four children, $30, with $5 
per month additional for each additional child. 

Class B. In the case of a man or woman, to a grandchild, 
a parent, brother, or sister: 

(a) If there be one parent, $10. 

(b) If there be two parents, $20. 

(c) For each grandchild, brother, sister, and additional 
parent, $5. 

In the case of a woman, to a child or children: 

(d) If there be one child, $5. 

(e) If there be two children, $12.50. 

(f) If there be three children, $20. 

(g) If there be four children, $30, with $5 per month 
additional for each additional child. . . . 

ARTICLE III. 

COMPENSATION FOB DEATH OB DISABILITY. 

SEC. 300. That for death or disability resulting from 
personal injury suffered or disease contracted in the line of 
duty, by any commissioned officer or enlisted man or by 
any member of the Army Nurse Corps (female) or of the 
Navy Nurse Corps (female) when employed in the active 
service under the War Department or Navy Department, 
the United States shall pay compensation as hereinafter 
provided; but no compensation shall be paid if the injury 
or disease has been caused by his own willful misconduct. 
SEC. 301. That if death results from injury 
If the deceased leaves a widow or child, or if he leaves a 
widowed mother dependent upon him for support, the 
monthly compensation shall be the following amounts: 

(a) For a widow alone, $25. 

(b) For a widow and one child, $35. 

(c) For a widow and two children, $47.50, with $5 for 
each additional child up to two. 

(d) If there be no widow, then for one child, $20. 

(e) For two children, $30. 

(f) For three children, $40, with $5 for each additional 
child up to two. 

(g) For a widowed mother, $20. The amount payable 
under this subdivision shall not be greater than a sum 
which, when added to the total amount payable to the 
widow and children, does not exceed $75. This compensa- 
tion shall be payable for the death of but one child, and no 
compensation for the death of a child shall be payable if 
such widowed mother is in receipt of compensation under 
the provisions of this article for the death of her husband. 
Such compensation shall be payable whether her widow- 
hood arises before or after the death of the person and 
whenever her condition is such that if the person were liv- 
ing the widowed mother would have been dependent upon 
him for support. 

If the death occur before discharge or resignation from 
service, the United States shall pay for burial expenses and 
the return of body to his home a sum not to exceed $100, 
as may be fixed by regulations. 



The payment of compensation to a widow or widowed 
mother shall continue until her death or remarriage. 

The payment of compensation to or for a child shall con- 
tinue until such child reaches the age of eighteen years or 
marries, or if such child be incapable, because of insanity, 
idiocy, or being otherwise permanently helpless, then dur- 
ing such incapacity. 

Whenever the compensation payable to or for the benefit 
of any person under the provisions of this section is ter- 
minated by the happening of the contingency upon which it 
is limited, the compensation thereafter for the remaining 
benficiary or beneficiaries, if any, shall be the amount which 
would have been payable to them if they had been the sola 
original beneficiaries. 

As between the widow and the children not in her cus- 
tody, and as between children, the amount of the compen- 
sation shall be apportioned as may be prescribed by regu- 
lations. The word " widow " as used in this section shall 
not include one who shall have married the deceased later 
than ten years after the time of injury. 

SEC. 302. That if disability results from the injury 

(1) If and while the disability is total, the monthly 
compensation shall be the following amounts: 

(a) If he has neither wife nor child living, (30. 

(b) If he has a wife but no child living, $45. 

(c) If he has a wife and one child living, $55. 

(d) If he has a wife and two children living, $05. 

(e) If he has a wife and three or more children liv- 
ing, $75. 

(f) If he has no wife but one child living, $40, with $10 
for each additional child up to two. 

(g) If he has a widowed mother dependent on him for 
support, then, in addition to the above amounts, $10. 

To an injured person who is totally disabled and in ad- 
dition so helpless as to be in constant need of a nurse or 
attendant, such additional sum shall be paid, but not ex- 
ceeding $20 per month, as the director may deem reason- 
able: Provided, however, That for the loss of both feet or 
both hands or both eyes, or for becoming totally blind or 
helplessly and permanently bedridden from causes occur- 
ring in the line of duty in the service of the United States, 
the rate of compensation shall be $100 per month: Provided 
further, That no allowance shall be made for nurse or at- 
tendant. 

(2) If and while the disability is partial, the monthly 
compensation shall be a percentage of the compensation 
that would be payable for his total disability, equal to the 
degree of the reduction in earning capacity resulting from 
the disability, but no compensation shall be payable for a 
reduction in earning capacity rated at less than ten per 
centum. . . . 

(3) In addition to the compensation above provided, the 
injured person shall be furnished by the United States such 
reasonable governmental medical, surgical, and hospital 
services and with such supplies, including artificial limbs, 
trusses, and similar appliances, as the director may deter- 
mine to be useful and reasonably necessary: Provided, That 
nothing in this Act shall be construed to affect the neces- 
sary military control over any member of the military or 
naval establishments before he shall have been discharged 
from the military or naval service. 

(4) The amount of each monthly payment shall be de- 
termined according to the family conditions then existing. 

SEC. 303. That every person applying for or in receipt of 
compensation for disability under the provisions of this 
article shall, as frequently and at such times and places as 
may be reasonably required, submit himself to examination 



160 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



by a medical officer of the United States or by a duly quali- 
aed physician designated or approved by the director. He 
may have a duly qualified physician designated and paid by 
him present to participate in such examination. For all 
examinations he shall, in the discretion of the director, be 
paid his reasonable traveling and other expenses and also 
loss of wages incurred in order to submit to such exami- 
nation. If he refuses to submit himself for, or in any way 
obstructs, any examination, his right to claim compensation 
under this article shall be suspended until such refusal or 
obstruction ceases. No compensation shall be payable 
while such refusal or obstruction continues, and no compen- 
sation shall be payable for the intervening period. 

Every person in receipt of compensation for disability 
shall submit to any reasonable medical or surgical treat- 
ment furnished by the bureau whenever requested by the 
bureau; and the consequences of unreasonable refusal to 
submit to any such treatment shall not be deemed to result 
from the injury compensated for. 

SEC. 304. That in cases of dismemberment, of injuries 
to sight or hearing, and of other injuries commonly caus- 
ing permanent disability, the injured person shall follow 
such course or courses of rehabilitation, reeducation, and 
vocational training as the United States may provide or 
procure to be provided. Should such course prevent the 
injured person from following a substantially gainful occu- 
pation while taking same, a form of enlistment may be re- 
quired which shall bring the injured person into the mili- 
tary or naval service. Such enlistment shall entitle the 
person to full pay as during the last month of his active 
service, and his family to family allowances and allotment 
as hereinbefore provided, in lieu of all other compensation 
for the time being. 

In case of his willful failure properly to follow such 
course or so to enlist, payment of compensation shall be 
suspended until such willful failure ceases and no compen- 
sation shall be payable for the intervening period. 

SEC. 305. That upon its own motion or upon application 
the bureau may at any time review an award, and, in ac- 
cordance with the facts found upon such a review, may end, 
diminish, or increase the compensation previously awarded, 
or, if compensation has been refused or discontinued, may 
award compensation. 

SEC. 306. That no compensation shall be payable for 
death or disability which does not occur prior to or within 
one year after discharge or resignation from the service, 
except that where, after a medical examination made pur- 
suant to regulations, at the time of discharge or resignation 
from the service, or within such reasonable time thereafter, 
not exceeding one year, as may be allowed by regulations, a 
certificate has been obtained from the director to the effect 
that the injured person at the time of his discharge or resig- 
nation was suffering from injury likely to result in death 
or disability, compensation shall be payable for death or 
disability, whenever occurring, proximately resulting from 
such injury. 

SEC. 307. That compensation shall not be payable for 
death in the course of the service until the death be offi- 
cially recorded in the department under which he may be 
serving. No compensation shall be payable for a period 
during which the man has been reported " missing " and a 
family allowance has been paid for him under the provi- 
sions of Article II. 

SEC. 308. That no compensation shall be payable for 
death inflicted as a lawful punishment for a crime or mili- 
tary offense except when inflicted by the enemy. A dis- 
missal or dishonorable or bad "onduct discharge from the 



service shall bar and terminate all right to any compensa- 
tion under the provisions of this article. 

SEC. 309. That no compensation shall be payable unless 
a claim therefor be filed, in case of disability, within five 
years after discharge or resignation from the service, or, 
in case of death during the service, within five years after 
such death is officially recorded in the department under 
which he may be serving: Provided, however, That where 
compensation is payable for death or disability occurring 
after discharge or resignation from the service, claim must 
be made within five years after such death or the beginning 
of such disability. . . . 

ARTICLE IV. 
INSURANCE. 

SEC. 400. That in order to give to every commissioned 
officer and enlisted man and to every member of the Army 
Nurse Corps (female) and of the Navy Nurse Corps 
(female) when employed in active service under the War 
Department or Navy Department greater protection for 
themselves and their dependents than is provided in Arti- 
cle III, the United States, upon application to the bureau 
and without medical examination, shall grant insurance 
against the death or total permanent disability of any such 
person in any multiple of $500, and not less than $1,000 
or more than $10,000, upon the payment of the premiums 
as hereinafter provided. . . . 

Approved, October 6, 1917. 

TRADING WITH THE ENEMY ACT, OCTOBER 6, 1917. 

An Act To define, regulate, and punish trading with the 
enemy, and for other purposes. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives 
of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 
That this Act shall be known as the " Trading with the 
enemy Act." . . . 

SEC. 3. That it shall be unlawful 

(a) For any person in the United States, except with 
the license of the President, granted to such person, or to 
the enemy, or ally of enemy, as provided in this Act, to 
trade, or attempt to trade, either directly or indirectly, 
with, to, or from, or for, or on account of, or on behalf 
of, or for the benefit of, any other person, with knowledge 
or reasonable cause to believe that such other person is 
an enemy or ally of enemy, or is conducting or taking part 
in such trade, directly or indirectly, for, or on account of, 
or on behalf of, or for the benefit of, an enemy or ally of 
enemy. 

(b) For any person, except with the license of the Presi- 
dent, to transport or attempt to transport into or from the 
United States, or for any owner, master, or other person in 
charge of a vessel of American registry to transport or at- 
tempt to transport from any place to any other place, any 
subject or citizen of an enemy or ally of enemy nation, with 
knowledge or reasonable cause to believe that the person 
transported or attempted to be transported is '-nch subject 
or citizen. 

(c) For any person (other than a person in the service 
of the United States Government or of the Government of 
any nation, except that of an enemy or ally of enemy na- 
tion, and other than such persons or classes of persons as 
may be exempted hereunder by the President or by such 
person as he may direct), to send, or take out of, or bring 
into, or attempt to send, or take out of, or bring into the 
United States, any letter or other writing or tangible form 
of communication, except in the regular course of the mail; 
and it shall be unlawful for any person to send, take, or 



VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 



161 



transmit, or attempt, tu MMH!. take, or transmit out of the 
United Suites, any letter or other writing, book, map, plan, 
or other paper, picture, or any telegram, cablegram, or 
wireless message, or other form of communication intended 
for or to be delivered, directly or indirectly, to an enemy 
or ally of enemy: Provided, huweier, That any person may 
send, take, or transmit out of the United States anything 
herein forbidden if he shall first submit the same to the 
President, or to such officer as the President may direct, 
and shall obtain the license or consent of the President, 
under such rules and regulations, and with such exemp- 
tions, as shall be prescribed by the President. 

(d) Whenever, during the present war, the President 
shall deem that the public safety demands it, he may cause 
to be censored under such rules and regulations as he may 
from time to time establish, communications by mail, cable, 
radio, or other means of transmission passing Vetween the 
United States and any foreign country he may from time 
to time specify, or which may be carried by any vessel or 
other means of transportation touching at any port, place, 
or territory of the United States and bound to or from any 
foreign country. Any person who willfully evades or at- 
tempts to evade the submission of any such communication 
to such censorship or willfully uses or attempts to use any 
code or other device for the purpose of concealing from 
such censorship the intended meaning of such communica- 
tion shall be punished as provided in section sixteen of 
this Act. 

SEC. 4. (a) Every enemy or ally of enemy insurance or 
reinsurance company, and every enemy or ally of enemy, 
doing business within the United States through an agency 
or branch office, or otherwise, may, within thirty days after 
the passage of this Act, apply to the President for a license 
to continue to do business; and, within thirty days after 
such application, the President may enter an order either 
granting or refusing to grant such license. . . . 

(b) That, during the present war, no enemy, or ally of 
enemy, and no partnership of which he is a member or was 
a member at the beginning of the war, shall for any pur- 
pose assume or use any name other than that by which such 
enemy or partnership was ordinarily known at the begin- 
ning of the war, except under license from the President. 

Whenever, during the present war, in the opinion of the 
President the public safety or public interest requires, the 
President may prohibit any or all foreign insurance com- 
panies from doing business in the United -States, or the 
President may license such company or companies to do 
business upon such terms as he may deem proper. 

SEC. 6. (a) That the President, if he shall find it com- 
patible with the safety of the United States and with the 
successful prosecution of the war, may, by proclamation, 
suspend the provisions of this Act so far as they apply to 
an ally of enemy, and he may revoke or renew such sus- 
pension from time to time; and the President may grant 
licenses, special or general, temporary or otherwise, and for 
such period of time and containing such provisions and 
conditions as he shall prescribe, to any person or class of 
persons to do business as provided in subsection (a) of sec- 
tion four hereof. . . . 

If the President shall have reasonable cause to believe 
that any act is about to be performed in violation of section 
three hereof he shall have authority to order the postpone- 
ment of the performance of such act for a period not ex- 
ceeding ninety days, pending investigation of the facts by 
him. 

(b) That the President may investigate, regulate, or 
prohibit, under such rules and regulations as he may pre- 
scribe, by means of licenses or otherwise, any transactions 



in foreign exchange, export or ear-markings of gold or sil- 
ver coin or bullion or currency, transfers of credit in any 
form (other than credits relating solely to transactions to 
be executed wholly within the United States), and trans- 
fers of evidences of indebtedness or of the ownership of 
property between the United States and any foreign coun- 
try, whether enemy, ally of enemy or otherwise, or between 
residents of one or more foreign countries, by any person 
within the United States; and he may require any such 
person engaged in any such transaction to furnish, under 
oath, complete information relative thereto, including the 
production of any books of account, contracts, letters or 
other papers, in connection therewith in the custody or con- 
trol of such person, either before or after such transaction 
is completed. 

SEC. 0. That the President is authorized to appoint, pre- 
scribe the duties of, and fix the salary (not to exceed $5,000 
per annum) of an official to be known as the alien property 
custodian, who shall be empowered to receive all money 
and property in the United States due or belonging to an 
enemy, or ally of enemy, which may be paid, conveyed, 
transferred, assigned, or delivered to said custodian under 
the provisions of this Act; and to hold, administer, and ac- 
count for the same under the general direction of the Presi- 
dent and as provided in this Act. . . . 

SEC. 7. ... (e) No person shall be held liable in any 
court for or in respect to anything done or omitted in pur- 
suance of any order, rule, or regulation made by the Presi- 
dent under the authority of this Act. 

SEC. 10. ... (c) Any citizen of the United States or any 
corporation organized within the Unit-Mi States desiring to 
manufacture, or cause to be manufactured, a machine, man- 
ufacture, composition of matter, or design, or to carry on, or 
to use any trade-mark, print, label or cause to be carried on, 
a process under any patent or copyrighted matter owned or 
controlled by an enemy or ally of enemy at any time during 
the existence of a state of war may apply to the President 
for a license; and the President is hereby authorized to 
grant such a license, nonexclusive or exclusive as he shall 
deem best, provided he shall be of the opinion that such 
grant is for the public welfare, and that the applicant is 
able and intends in good faith to manufacture, or cause to 
be manufactured, the machine, manufacture, composition of 
matter, or design, or to carry on, or cause to be carried on, 
the process or to use the trade-mark, print, label or copy- 
righted matter. The President may prescribe the condi- 
tions of this license, including the fixing of prices of arti- 
cles and products necessary to the health of the military 
and naval forces of the United States or the successful 
prosecution of the war, and the rules and regulations under 
which such license may be granted and the fee which shall 
be charged therefor. . . . 

(f) The owner of any patent, trade-mark, print, label, or 
copyright under which a license is granted hereunder may, 
after the end of the war and until the expiration of one 
year thereafter, file a bill in equity against the licensee in 
the district court of the United States for the district in 
which the said licensee resides, or, if a corporation, in 
which it has its principal place of business (to which suit 
the Treasurer of the United States shall be made a party), 
for recovery from the said licensee for all use and enjoy- 
ment of the said patented invention, trade-mark, print, 
label, or copyrighted matter. 

SEC. 11. Whenever during the present war the President 
shall find that the public safety so requires and shall make 
proclamation thereof it shall be unlawful to import into 
the United States from any country named in such procla- 



162 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



matioii any article or articles mentioned in such procla- 
mation except at such time or times, and under such regu-_ 
lations or orders, and subject to such limitations and excep- 
tions as the President shall prescribe, until otherwise or- 
dered by the President or by Congress: Provided, however, 
That no preference shall be given to the ports of one State 
over those of another. 

SEC. 16. That whoever shall willfully violate any of the 
provisions of this Act or of any license, rule, or regulation 
issued thereunder, and who shall willfully violate, neglect, 
or refuse to comply with any order of the President issued 
in compliance with the provisions of this Act shall, upon 
conviction, he fined not more than $10,000, or, if a natural 
person, imprisoned for not more than ten years, or both; and 
the officer, director, or agent of any corporation who know- 
ingly participates in such violation shall be punished by a 
like fine, imprisonment, or both, and any property, funds, 
securities, papers, or other articles or documents, or any 
vessel, together with her tackle, apparel, furniture, and 
equipment, concerned in such violation shall be forfeited to 
the United States. 

SEC. 19. That ten days after the approval of this Act and 
until the end of the war, it shall be unlawful for any per- 
son, firm, corporation, or association, to print, publish, or 
circulate, or cause to be printed, published, or circulated in 
any foreign language, any news item, editorial or other 
printed matter, respecting the Government of the United 
States, or of any nation engaged in the present war, its 
policies, international relations, the state or conduct of the 
war, or any matter relating thereto: Provided, That this 
section shall not apply to any print, newspaper, or publi- 
cation where the publisher or distributor thereof, on or be- 
fore offering the same for mailing, or in any manner dis- 
tributing it to the public, has filed with the postmaster at 
the place of publication, in the form of an affidavit, a true 
and complete translation of the entire article containing 
such matter proposed to be published in such print, news- 
paper, or publication, and has caused to be printed, in plain 
type in the English language, at the head of each such 
item, editorial, or other matter, on each copy of such print, 
newspaper, or publication, the words " True translation 
filed with the postmaster at on (naming 

the post office where the translation was filed, and the date 
of filing thereof) as required by the Act of (here 

giving the date of this Act). 

Any print, newspaper, or publication in any foreign lan- 
guage which does not conform to the provisions of this 
section is hereby declared to be nonmailable, and it shall 
be unlawful for any person, firm, corporation, or associa- 
tion, to transport, carry, or otherwise publish or distribute 
the same, or to transport, carry or otherwise publish or dis- 
tribute any matter which as made nonmailable by the pro- 
visions of the Act relating to espionage, approved June 
fifteenth, nineteen hundred and seventeen: Provided fur- 
ther, That upon evidence satisfactory to him that any 
print, newspaper, or publication, printed in a foreign lan- 
guage may be printed, published, and distributed free from 
the foregoing restrictions and conditions without detriment 
to the United States in the conduct of the present war, 
the President may cause to be issued to the printers or pub- 
lishers of such print, newspaper, or publication, a permit to 
print, publish, and circulate the issue or issues of their 
print, newspaper, or publication, free from such restric- 
tions and requirements, such permits to be subject to revo- 
cation at his discretion. And the Postmaster General shall 
cause copies of all such permits and revocations of permits 
to be furnished to the postmaster of the post office serving 
the place from which the print, newspaper, or publication, 



granted the permit is to emanate. All matter printed, pub- 
lished and distributed under permits shall bear at the head 
thereof in plain type in the English language, the words, 
" Published and distributed under permit authorized by the 
Act of (here giving date of this Act), on file at 

the post office of (giving name of office)." 

Approved, October 6, 1917. 

JOINT RESOLUTION DECLARING A STATE OF WAR BETWEEN 

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE UNITED STATES, 

DECEMBER 1, 1917. 

Whereas the Imperial and Royal Austro-Hungarian Gov- 
ernment has committed repeated acts of war against the 
Government and the people of the United States of Amer- 
ica: Therefore be it 

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
the United States of America in Congress assembled, That 
a state of war is hereby declared to exist between the 
United States of America and the Imperial and Royal 
Austro-Hungarian Government; and that the President be, 
and he is hereby, authorized and directed to employ the en- 
tire naval and military forces of the United States and the 
resources of the Government to carry on war against the 
Imperial and Royal Austro-Hungarian Government; and 
to bring the conflict to a successful termination all the re- 
sources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress 
of the Unite* States. 

Approved, December 7, 1917. 

ACT TO PROVIDE HOUSING FOR FLEET WORKERS, 
MARCH 1, 1918. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representative 
of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 
That the United States Shipping Board Emergency Fleet 
Corporation is hereby authorized and empowered within 
the limits of the amounts herein authorized 

(a) To purchase, lease, requisition, including the requi- 
sition of the temporary use of, or acquire by condemnation 
or otherwise any improved or unimproved land or any in- 
terest therein suitable for the construction thereon of 
houses for the use of employees and the families of employ- 
ees of shipyards in which ships are being constructed for 
the United States. 

(b) To construct on such land for the use of such em- 
ployees and their families houses and all other necessary or 
convenient fa'cilities, upon such conditions and at such 
price as may be determined by it, and to sell, lease, or ex- 
change such houses, land, and facilities upon such terma 
and conditions as it may determine. 

(c) To purchase, lease, requisition, including the requi- 
sition of the temporary use of, or acquire by condemnation 
or otherwise any houses or other buildings for the use of 
such employees and their families, together with the land 
on which the same are erected, or any interest therein, all 
necessary and proper fixtures and furnishings therefor, and 
all necessary and convenient facilities incidental thereto; 
to manage, repair, sell, lease, or exchange euch lands, 
houses, buildings, fixtures, furnishings, and facilities upon 
such terms and conditions as it may determine to carry out 
the purposes of this act. 

(d) To make loans to persons, firms, or corporations In 
such manner upon such terms and security, and for such 
time not exceeding ten years, as it may determine to pro- 
vide houses and facilities for the employees and the fami- 
lies of employees of such shipyards. 

Whenever said United States Shipping Board Emergency 
Fleet Corporation shall acquire by requisition or condemna- 
tion such property or any interest therein, it shall deter- 



VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 



163 



mine and make just compensation therefor, and if the 
amount thereof so determined is unsatisfactory to the per- 
son entitled to receive the same, such person shall be paid 
seventy-live per centum of the amount so determined, and 
shall be entitled to sue the United States to recover such 
further sum as added to such seventy-five per centum will 
make such an amount as will be just compensation for the 
property or interest therein so taken, in the manner pro- 
vided by section twenty-four, paragraph twenty, and sec- 
tion one hundred and forty-five of the Judicial Code. 

That whenever the said United States Shipping Board 
Emergency Fleet Corporation shall requisition any prop- 
erly or rights, or upon the filing of a petition for con- 
demnation hereunder, immediate possession may be taken 
by it of such land, houses, or other property, rights, and 
facilities, to the extent of the interests to be acquired 
therein, and the same may be immediately occupied and 
used and the provisions of section three hundred and fifty- 
five of the Revised Statutes, providing that no public 
money shall be expended upon such land until the written 
opinion of the Attorney General shall be had in favor of 
the validity of the title nor until the consent of the legis- 
lature of the State in which the land is located has been 
given, shall be, and the same are hereby, suspended as to all 
land acquired hereunder. 

The power to acquire property by purchase, lease, requi- 
sition or condemnation, or to construct houses, or other 
buildings, and to make loans, or otherwise extend aid as 
herein granted shall cease with the termination of the 
present war with Germany. The date of the conclusion of 
the war shall be declared by proclamation of the Presi- 
dent. . . . 

That for the purpose of carrying out the provision of 
this act the expenditure of $50,000,000 is hereby author i/.ed, 
and in executing the authority granted by this act, the said 
United States Shipping Board Emergency Fleet Corpora- 
tion shall not expend more than the said sum, nor shall any 
contract for construction be entered into which provides 
that the compensation of the contractor shall he the cost 
of construction plus a percentage thereof for profit, Unless 
such contract shall also fix the reasonable cost of such con- 
struction as determined by the United States Shipping 
Board Emergency Fleet Corporation and provide that upon 
any increase in cost above the reasonable cost eo fixed by 
such board, the percentage of profit shall decrease as the 
cost increases in accordance with a rate to be Pxed by said 
board and expressed in the contract. 

No contract shall be let without the approval of the 
United States Shipping Board Emergency Fleet Corpora- 
tion: Provided, however, That nothing herein contained 
shall be construed to prevent said board from contracting 
for the payment of premiums or bonuses for the speedy 
completion of the work contracted for: Provided further, 
That the United States Shipping Board Emergency Fleet 
Corporation shall report to Congress on the first Monday 
In December of each year the names of all persons or cor- 
porations with whom it has made contracts and of such 
subcontractors as may be employed in furtherance of this 
act, including a statement of the purposes and amounts 
thereof, together with a detailed statement of all expendi- 
tures by contract or otherwise for land, buildings, material, 
labor, salaries, commissions, demurrage, or other charges 
In excess of $10,000. 

Approved, March 1, 1918. 

PROTECTION OF THE Crvn. RIGHTS OF PERSONS IN THE 

MILITARY AND NAVAL ESTABLISHMENTS, 

MABCH 8, 1918. 

An Act to extend protection to the civil rights of mem- 



bers of the Military and Naval Establishments of the 
United States engaged in the present war. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representative* 
of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 

ARTICLE I. 

GENERAL PROVISIONS. 

SEC. 100. That for the purpose of enabling the United 
States the more successfully to prosecute and carry on the 
war in which it is at present engaged, protection is hereby 
extended to persons in military service of the United States 
in order to prevent prejudice or injury to their civil rights 
during their term of service and to enable them to devote 
their entire energy to the military needs of the Nation, and 
to this end the following provisions are made for the tem- 
porary suspension of legal proceedings and transactions 
which may prejudice the civil rights of persons in such ser- 
vice during the continuance of the present war. . . . 

ARTICLE II. 

GENERAL RELIEF. 

SEC. 200. That in any action or proceeding commenced in 
any court if there shall be a default of an appearance by 
the defendant the plaintiff before entering judgment shall 
file in the court an affidavit setting forth facts showing that 
the defendant is not in military service. If unable to file 
such affidavit plaintiff shall in lieu thereof file an affidavit 
setting forth either that the defendant is in the military 
service or that plaintiff is not able to determine whether 
or not defendant is in such service. If an affidavit is not 
filed showing that the defendant is not in the military ser- 
vice, no judgment shall be entered without first securing an 
order of court directing such entry, and no such order shall 
be made if the defendant is in such service until after the 
court shall have appointed an attorney to represent de- 
fendant and protect his interest and the court shall on ap- 
plication make such appointment. . . . 

SEC. 201. That at any stage thereof any action or pro- 
ceeding commenced in any court by or against a person in 
military service during the period of such service or within 
sixty days thereafter may, in the discretion of the court 
in which it is pending, on its own motion, and shall, on ap- 
plication to it by such person or some person on his behalf, 
be stayed as provided in this act, unless, in the opinion of 
the court, the ability of plaintiff to prosecute the action or 
the defendant to conduct his defense is not materially 
affected by reason of his military service. . . . 

ARTICLE III. 

RENT, INSTALLMENT CONTRACTS, MORTGAGES. 

SEC. 300. ( 1 ) That no eviction or distress shall be made 
during the period of military service in respect of any 
premises for which the agreed rent does not exceed $50 per 
month, occupied chiefly for dwelling purposes by the wife, 
children or other dependents of a person in military ser- 
vice, except, upon leave of court granted upon application 
therefor, or granted in an action or proceeding affecting 
the right of possession. . . . 

SEC. 301. (1) That no person who has received, or 
whose assignor has received, under a contract for the pur- 
chase of real or personal property, or of lease or bailment 
with a view to purchase of such property, a deposit or in- 
stallment of the purchase price from a person or from the 
assignor of a person who, after the date of payment of 
such deposit or installment, has entered military service, 
shall exercise any right or option under such contract to 
rescind or terminate the contract or reserve possession of 
the property for non-payment of any installment falling 



164 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



.due during the period of such military service, except by 
Action in a court of competent jurisdiction. . . . 

ARTICLE IV. 
INSURANCE. 

SEC. 405. That no policy which has not lapsed for the 
non-payment of premium before the commencement of the 
period of military service of the insured, and which has 
been brought within the benefits of this Article, shall lapse 
or be forfeited for the non-payment of premium during the 
period of such service or during one year after the expira- 
tion of such period: Provided, That in no case shall this 
prohibition extend for more than one year after the ter- 
mination of the war. . . . 

AETICLE V. 

TAXES AND PUBLIC LANDS. 

SEC. 500. (1) That the provisions of this section shall 
apply when any taxes or assessments, whether general or 
special, falling due during the period of military service 
in respect of real property owned and occupied for dwelling 
or business purposes by a person in military service or his 
dependents at the commencement of his period of military 
service and still so occupied by his dependents or employ- 
ees are not paid. 

(2) When any person in military service, or any person 
In his behalf, shall file with the collector of taxes, or other 
officer whose duty it is to enforce the collection of taxes 
or assessments, an affidavit showing (a) that a tax or as- 
sessment has been assessed upon property which is the sub- 
ject of this section, (b) that such tax or assessment ia 
unpaid, and (c) that by reason of such military service the 
ability of such person to pay such tax or assessment is 
materially lessened, no sale of such property shall be made 
to enforce the collection of such tax or assessment, or any 
proceeding or action for such purpose commenced, except 
upon leave of court granted upon an application made 
therefor by such collector or other officer. The court there- 
upon may stay such proceedings or such sale, as provided in 
this Act, for a period extending not more than six months 
after the termination of the war. . . . 

SEC. 501. That no right to any public lands initiated or 
acquired prior to entering military service by any person 
under the homestead laws, the desert-land laws, the mining- 
land laws, or any other laws of the United States, shall be 
forfeited or prejudiced by reason of his absence from such 
land, or of his failure to perform any work or make any 
Improvements thereon, or to do any other act required by 
ny such law during the period of such service. . . . 

ARTICLE VI. 

AliMI MSTKATIVE REMEDIES. 

SEC. 600. That where in any proceeding to enforce a civil 
right in any court it is made to appear to the satisfaction 
of the court that any interest, property, or contract has 
since the date of the approval of this Act been transferred 
or acquired with intent to delay the just enforcement of 
such right by taking advantage of this Act, the court shall 
enter such judgment or make such order as might lawfully 
be entered or made the provisions of this Act to the con- 
trary notwithstanding. . . . 

Approved, March 8, 1918. 

DAYLIGHT SAVING LAW, MARCH 19, 1918. 

An act to save daylight and to provide standard time for 
the United States. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives 
of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 



That, for the purpose of establishing the standard time of 
the United States, the territory of continental United 
States, shall be divided into five zones in the manner here- 
inafter provided. The standard time of the first zone shall 
be based on the mean astronomical time of the seventy- 
fifth degree of longitude west from Greenwich; that of the 
second zone on the ninetieth degree; that of the third zone 
on the one hundred and fifth degree; that of the fourth 
zone on the one hundred and twentieth degree: and that 
of the fifth zone, which shall include only Alaska, on the 
one hundred and fiftieth degree. That the limits of each 
zone shall be defined by an order of the Interstate Com- 
merce Commission, having regard for the convenience of 
commerce and the existing junction points and division 
points of common carriers engaged in commerce between 
the several States and with foreign nations, and such order 
may be modified from time to time. 

SEC. 2. That within the respective zones created under 
the authority hereof the standard time of the zone shall 
govern the movement of all common carriers engaged in 
commerce between the several States or between a State 
and any of the Territories of the United States, or between 
a State or the Territory of Alaska and any of the insular 
possessions of the United States or any foreign country. 
In all statutes, orders, rules, and regulations relating to 
the time of performance of any act by any officer or de- 
partment of .the United States, whether in the legislative, 
executive, or judicial branches of the Government, or relat- 
ing to the time within which any rights shall accrue or de- 
termine, or within which any act shall or shall not be 
performed by any person subject to the jurisdiction of the 
United States, it shall be understood and intended that the 
time shall be the United States standard time of the zone 
within which the act is to be performed. 

SEC. 3. That at 2 o'clock antemeridian of the last Sun- 
day in March of each year the standard time of each /one 
shall be advanced one hour, and at 2 o'clock antemeridian 
of the last Sunday in October in each year the standard 
time of each zone shall, by the retarding of one hour, be 
returned to the mean astronomical time of the degree of 
longitude governing said zone, so that between the last 
Sunday in March at 2 o'clock antemeridian and the last 
Sunday in October at 2 o'clock antemeridian in each year 
the standard time in each zone shall be one hour in advance 
of the mean astronomical time of the degree of longitude 
governing each zone, respectively. 

SEC. 4. That the standard time of the first TOne shall be 
known and designated as United States standard eastern 
time; that of the second zone shall be known and desig- 
nated as United States standard central time; that of the 
third zone shall be known and designated as United States 
standard mountain time; that of the fourth zone shall be 
known and designated as United States standard Pacific 
time; and that of the fifth zone shall be known and desig- 
nated as United States standard Alaska time. 

SEC. 6. That all acts and parts of acts in conflict here- 
with are hereby repealed. 
Approved, March 19, 1918. 

ACT AUTHORIZING THE PRESIDENT TO TAKE CONTROL OF 
TRANSPORTATION SYSTEMS, MARCH 21, 1918. 

An Act to provide for the operation of transportation 
systems while under Federal control, for the just compen- 
sation of their owners, and for other purposes." 

" For the previous action of the President in taking over 
railroad control, see proclamation of December 26, 1917, p. 

174. 



VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 



165 



Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representativet 
of the United Ktates of America in Congress assembled, 
That the President, having in time of war taken over the 
possession, use, control, and operation (called herein car- 
riers), is hereby authorized to agree with and to guaran- 
tee to any such carrier making operating returns to the 
Interstate Commerce Commission, that during the period 
of such Federal control it shall receive as just compensa- 
tion an annual sum, payable from time to time in reason- 
able installments, for each year and pro rata for any frac- 
tional year of such Federal control, not exceeding a sum 
equivalent as nearly as may be to its average annual rail- 
way operating income for the three years ended June thir- 
tieth, nineteen hundred and seventeen. 

That any railway operating income accruing during the 
period of Federal control in excess of such just compensa- 
tion shall remain the property of the United States. . . . 

Every such agreement shall also contain adequate and 
appropriate provisions for the maintenance, repair, renew- 
als, and depreciation of the property, for the creation of 
any reserves or reserve funds found necessary in connec- 
tion therewith, and for such accounting and ndjustments 
of charges and payments, both during and at the end of 
Federal control, as may be requisite in order that the prop- 
erty of each carrier may be returned to it in substantially 
as good repair and in substantially as complete equipment 
as it was in at the beginning of Federal control, and also 
that the United States may, by deductions from the just 
compensations or by other proper means and charges, be 
reimbursed for the cost of any additions, repairs, renewals, 
and betterments to such property not justly chargeable to 
the United States; in making such accounting and adjust- 
ments, due consideration shall be given to the amounts ex- 
pended or reserved by each carrier for maintenance, repairs, 
renewals, and depreciation during the three years ended 
June thirtieth, nineteen hundred and seventeen, to the con- 
dition of the property at the beginning and at the end of 
Federal control and to any other pertinent facts and cir- 
cumstances. . . 

That every railroad not owned, controlled, or operated by 
another carrier company, and which has heretofore com- 
peted for traffic with a railroad or railroads of which the 
President has taken the possession, use and control, or 
which connects with such railroads and is engaged as a 
common carrier in general transportation, shall be held and 
considered as within " Federal control," as herein defined, 
and necessary for the prosecution of the war, and shall be 
entitled to the benefit of all the provisions of this act: 
Provided, however. That nothing in this paragraph shall be 
construed as including any street or interurban electric 
railway which has as its principal source of operating reve- 
nue urban, suburban, or interurban passenger traffic, or 
sale of power, heat and light or both. . . . 

SEC. 2. That if no such agreement is made, or pending 
the execution of an agreement, the President may neverthe- 
less pay to any carrier while under Federal control an an- 
nual amount, payable in reasonable installments, not ex- 
ceeding ninety per centum of the estimated annual amount 
of just compensation, remitting such carrier, in case where 
no agreement is made, to its legal rights for any balance 
claimed to the remedies provided in section three hereof. 
Any amount thereafter found due such carrier above the 
amount paid shall bear interest at the rate of six per cen- 
tum per annum. The acceptance of any benefits under this 
section shall constitute an acceptance by the carrier of all 
the provisions of this act and shall obligate the carrier to 
pay to the United States, with interest at the rate of six 
per centum per annum from a date or dates fixed in pro- 



ceedings under section three, the amount by which the 
received under this section exceed the sum found due in 
such proceedings. 

SEC. 3. That all claims for just compensation not ad- 
justed (as provided in section one) shall, on the applica- 
tion of the President or of any carrier, be submitted to 
boards, each consisting of three referees to be appointed by 
the Interstate Commerce Commission, members of which 
and the official force thereof being eligible for service on 
such boards without additional compensation. . . . 

SEC. 4. That the just compensation that may be deter- 
mined as hereinbefore provided by agreement or that may 
be adjudicated by the Court of Claims shall be increased 
by an amount reckoned at a reasonable rate per centum 
to be fixed by the President upon the cost of any additions 
and betterments, less retirements, and upon the cost of road 
extensions to the property of such carrier made by such 
carrier with the approval of or by order of the President 
while such property is under Federal control. 

SEC. 5. That no carrier while under Federal control 
shall, without the prior approval of the President, declare 
or pay any dividend in excess of its regular rate of divi- 
dends during the three years ended June thirtieth, nine- 
teen hundred and seventeen: Provided, however, That such 
carriers as have paid no regular dividends or no dividends 
during said period may, with the prior approval of the 
President, pay dividends at such rate as the President may 
determine. 

SEC. 6. That the sum of $500,000,000 is hereby appro- 
priated, out of any moneys in the Treasury not otherwise 
appropriated, which, together with any funds available 
from any operating income of said carriers, may be used by 
the President as a revolving fund for the purpose of paying 
the expenses of the Federal control, and so far as necessary 
the amount of just compensation, and to provide terminals, 
motive power, cars, and other necessary equipment, such 
terminals, motive power, cars, and equipment to be used 
and accounted for as the President may direct and to be 
disposed of as Congress may hereafter by law provide. 

The President may also make or order any carrier to 
make any additions, betterments, or road extension, and to 
provide terminals, motive power, cars and other equipment 
necessary or desirable for war purposes or in the public 
interest on or in connection with the property of any car- 
rier. He may from said revolving fund advance to such 
carrier all or any part of the expense of such additions, 
betterments, or road extensions, and to provide terminals, 
motive power, cars, and other necessary equipment so or- 
dered and constructed by such carrier or by the President, 
such advances to be charged against such carrier and to 
bear interest at such rate and be payable on such terms a* 
may be determined by the President, to the end that the 
United States maj be fully reimbursed for any sums so ad- 
vanced. 

Any loss claimed by any carrier by reason of any such 
additions, betterments, or road extensions, ordered and 
constructed may be determined by agreement between the 
President and such carrier; failing such agreement the 
amount of such loss shall be ascertained as provided in sec- 
tion three hereof. 

From said revolving fund the President may expend such 
an amount as he may deem necessary or desirable for the 
utilization and operation of canals, or for the purchase, con- 
struction, or utilization and operation of boats, barges, 
tugs, and other transportation facilities on the inland, 
canal, and coastwise waterways, and may in the operation 
and use of such facilities create or employ such agencies 



166 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



and enter into such contracts and agreements as he shall 
deem in the public interest. 

SEC. 7. That for the purpose of providing funds requisite 
for maturing obligations or for other legal and proper ex- 
penditures, or for reorganizing railroads in receivership, 
carriers may, during the period of Federal control, issue 
euch bonds, notes, equipment trust certificates, stock, and 
other forms of securities, secured or unsecured by mort- 
gage, as the President may first approve as consistent with 
the public interest. The President may, out of the revolv- 
ing fund created by this act, purchase for the United States 
all or any part of such securities at prices not exceeding 
par, and may sell such securities whenever in his judgment 
it is desirable at prices not less than the cost thereof. Any 
securities so purchased shall be held by the Secretary of 
the Treasury who shall, under the direction of the Presi- 
dent, represent the United States in all matters in connec- 
tion therewith in the same manner as a private holder 
thereof. The President shall each year as soon as prac- 
ticable after January first cause a detailed report to be 
submitted to the Congress of all receipts and expenditures 
made under this section and section six during the preced- 
ing calendar year. . . . 

SEC. 10. That carriers while under Federal control shall 
be subject to all laws and liabilities as common carriers, 
whether arising under State or Federal laws or at common 
law, except in so far as may be inconsistent with the pro- 
visions of this act or any act applicable to such Federal 
control or with any order of the President. . . . 

That during the period of Federal control, whenever in 
his opinion the public interest requires, the President may 
initiate rates, fares, charges, classifications, regulations, 
and practices by filing the same with the Interstate Com- 
merce Commission, which said rates, fares, charges, classi- 
fications, regulations, and practices shall not be suspended 
by the commission pending final determination. 

Said rates, fares, charges, classifications, regulations, and 
practices shall be reasonable and just and shall take effect 
at such time and upon such notice as he may direct, but 
the Interstate Commerce Commission shall, upon com- 
plaint, enter upon a hearing concerning the justness and 
reasonableness of so much of any order of the President as 
establishes or changes any rate, fare, charge, classification, 
regulation, or practice of any carrier under Federal con- 
trol, and may consider all the facts and circumstances ex- 
isting at the time of the making of the same. In determin- 
ing any question concerning any such rates, fares, charges, 
classifications, regulations, or practices or changes therein, 
the Interstate Commerce Commission shall give due consid- 
eration to the fact that the transportation systems are be- 
ing operated under a unified and co-ordinated national ccn- 
trol and not in competition. 

After full hearing the commission may make such find- 
ings and orders as are authorized by the act to regulate 
commerce as amended, and said findings and orders shall 
be enforced as provided in said act: Provided, however, 
That when the President shall find and certify to the Inter- 
state Commerce Commission that in order to defray the 
expenses of Federal control and operation fairly charge- 
able to railway operating expenses and also to pay railway 
tax accruals other than war taxes, net rents for joint facili- 
ties and equipment, and compensation to the carriers, oper- 
ating as a unit, it is necessary to increase the railway oper- 
ating revenues, the Interstate Commerce Commission, in de- 
termining the justness and reasonableness of any rate, fare, 
charge, classification, regulation, or practice shall take into 
consideration said finding and certificate by the President, 
together with such recommendations as he may make. 



SEC. 14. That the Federal control of railroads and trans- 
portation systems herein and heretofore provided for shall 
continue for and during the period of the war and for a 
reasonable time thereafter, which shall not exceed one year 
and nine months next following the date of the proclama- 
tion by the President of the exchange of ratifications of the 
treaty of peace: Provided, however, That the President 
may, prior to July first, nineteen hundred and eighteen, 
relinquish control of all or any part of any railroad or 
system of transportation, further Federal control of which 
the President shall deem not needful or desirable; and the 
President may at any time during the period of Federal 
control agree with the owners thereof to relinquish all or 
any part of any railroad or system of transportation. The 
President may relinquish all railroads and systems of 
transportation under Federal control at any time he shall 
deem such action needful or desirable. No right to com- 
pensation shall accrue to such owners from and after the 
date of relinquishment for the property so relinquished. 

SEC. 15. That nothing in this act shall be construed to 
amend, repeal, impair, or affect the existing laws or powers 
of the States in relation to taxation or the lawful police 
regulations of the several States, except wherein such laws, 
powers, or regulations may affect the transportation of 
troops, war materials, Government supplies, or the issue 
of stocks and bonds. 

SEC. 16. That this act is expressly declared to be emer- 
gency legislation enacted to meet conditions growing out of 
war; and nothing herein is to be construed as expressing 
or prejudicing the future policy of the Federal Government 
concerning the ownership, control, or regulation of carriers 
or the method or basis of the capitalization thereof. 
Approved, March 21, 1918. 

WAB FINANCE COEPOKATION ACT, APRIL 5, 1918. 

An Act to provide further for the national security and 
defense, and, for the purpose of assisting in the prosecu- 
tion of the war, to provide credits for industries and enter- 
prises in the United States necessary or contributory to the 
prosecution of the war, and to supervise the issuance of se- 
curities, and for other purposes. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives 
of the United States in Congress assembled. 

TITLE I. WAB FINANCE CORPORATION. 

That the Secretary of the Treasury and four additional 
persons (who shall be the directors first appointed as here- 
inafter provided), are hereby created a body corporate and 
politic in deed and in law by the name, style, and title of 
the " War Finance Corporation " (herein called the corpora- 
tion), and shall have succession for a period of ten years: 
Provided, That in no event shall the Corporation exercise 
any of the powers conferred by this Act, except such as are 
incidental to the liquidation of its assets and the winding 
up of its affairs, after six months after the termination of 
the war, the date of such termination to be fixed by the 
proclamation of the President of the United States. 

SEC. 2. That the capital stock of the Corporation shall 
be $500,000,000, all of which shall be subscribed by the 
United States of America, and such subscription shall be 
subject to call upon the vote of three-fifths of the board 
of directors of the Corporation, with the approval of the 
Secretary of the Treasury, at such time or times as may be 
deemed advisable; and there is hereby appropriated, out of 
any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, the 
sum of $500,000,000 or so much thereof as may be neces- 
sary for the purpose of making payment upon such sub- 
scription when and as called. . . . 



VI. UNITED STATES STATUTES RELATING TO WAR CONDITIONS. 



167 



SKC. :i. Th:it tin- management of the Corporation shall be 
vested in a board of directors, consisting of the Secretary 
of the Treasury, who shall be chairman of the board, and 
four other persons, to be appointed by the President of the 
United States, by and with the advice and consent of the 
Senate. No director, ollicer, attorney, agent, or employee of 
the Corporatioi shall in any manner, directly or indirectly, 
participate in the determination of any question affecting his 
personal interests, or the interests of any corporation, part- 
nership, or association, in which he is directly or indirectly 
interested; and each director shall devote his time, not 
otherwise required by the business of the United States, 
principally to the business of the Corporation. . . . 

Of the four directors so appointed, the President of the 
United States shall designate two to serve for two years, 
and two for four years; and thereafter each director so ap- 
pointed shall serve for four years. . . . Any director shall 
be subject to removal by the President of the United 
States. . . . 

SEC. 4. That the four directors of the Corporation ap- 
pointed as hereinbefore provided shall receive annual sal- 
aries, payable monthly, of $12,000. . . . 

SEC. 7. That the Corporation shall be empowered and au- 
thorized to make advances, upon such terms, not inconsis- 
tent herewith, as it may prescribe, for periods not exceed- 
ing five years from the respective dates of such advances: 

(1) To any bank, banker, or trust company in the 
United States, which shall have made after April sixth, 
nineteen hundred and seventeen, and which shall have out- 
standing, any loan or loans to any person, firm, corpora- 
tion, or association, conducting an established and going 
business in the United States, whose operations shall be 
necessary or contributory to the prosecution of the war, 
and evidenced by a note or notes, but no such advance shall 
exceed seventy-five per centum of the face value of such loan 
or loans; . . . [under certain conditions the advance may 
amount to one hundred per cent, of the loans]. 

SEC. 8. That the Corporation shall be empowered and au- 
thorized to make advances from time to time, upon such 
terms, not inconsistent herewith, as it may prescribe, for 
periods not exceeding one year, to any savings bank, bank- 
ing institution or trust company, in the United States, 
which receives savings deposits, or to any building and loan 
association in the United States, on the promissory note or 
notes of the borrowing institution, whenever the Corpora- 
tion shall deem such advances to be necessary or contribu- 
tory to the prosecution of the war or important in the pub- 
lic interest. . . . 

SEC. 9. That the Corporation shall be empowered and au- 
thorized in exceptional cases, to make advances directly to 
any person, firm, corporation, or association, conducting an 
established and going business in the United States, whose 
operations shall be necessary or contributory to the prose- 
cution of the war. . . . 

SEC. 10. That in no case shall the aggregate amount of 
the advances made under this title to any person, firm, cor- 
poration, or association exceed at any one time an amount 
equal to ten per centum of the authorized capital stock of 
the Corporation. . . . 

SEC. 12. That the Corporation shall be empowered and 
authorized to issue and have outstanding at any one time 
its bonds in an amount aggregating not more than six times 
its paid-in capital, such bonds to mature not less than one 
year nor more than five years from the respective dates of 
issue, and to bear such rate or rates of interest, and may 
be redeemable before maturity at the option of the Corpora- 
tion, as may be determined by the board of directors, but 



rate or rates of interest shall be subject to the approval 
of the Secretary of the Treasury. . . . 

M:C. 15. That all net earnings not required for its opera- 
tions shall be accumulated as a reserve fund until such 
time as the Corporation liquidates under the terms of thii 
title. . . . 

SEC. 17. That the United States shall not be liable for 
the payment of any bond or other obligation or the interest 
thereon issued or incurred by the Corporation, nor shall it 
incur any liability in respect of any act or omission of the 
Corporation. . . . 

TITLE II. CAPITAL ISSUES COMMITTEE. 

SEC. 200. That there is hereby created a committee to be 
known as the " Capital Issues Committee," hereinafter 
called the Committee; and to be composed of seven mem- 
bers to be appointed by the President of the United States, 
by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. At least 
three of the members shall be members of the Federal He- 
serve Board. . . . 

SEC. 203. That the Committee may, under rules and regu- 
lations to be prescribed by it from time to time, investi- 
gate, pass upon, and determine whether it is compatible 
with the national interest that there should be sold or 
offered for sale or subscription any issue, or any part of 
any issue, of securities hereafter issued by any person, 
firm, corporation, or association, the total or aggregate par 
or face value of which issue and any other securities issued 
by the same person, firm, corporation, or association since 
the passage of this Act is in excess of $100,000. . . . 

Nothing in this title shall be construed to authorize such 
Committee to pass upon ( 1 ) any borrowing by any person, 
firm, corporation, or association in the ordinary course of 
business as distinguished from borrowing for capital pur- 
poses, (2) the renewing or refunding of indebtedness exist- 
ing at the time of the passage of this Act, (3) the resale 
of any securities the sale or offering of which the Commit- 
tee has determined to be compatible with the national in- 
terest, (4) any securities issued by any railroad corpora- 
tion the property of which may be in the possession and 
control of the President of the United States, or (5) any 
bonds issued by the War Finance Corporation. . . . 

SEC. 206. That this title shall continue in effect until, 
but not after, the expiration of six months after the ter- 
mination of the war. . . . 
Approved, April 5, 1918. 

JOINT RESOLUTION CHANGING BASIS OF APPORTIONMENT or 
THE DRAFT, MAY 16, 1918. 

Joint Resolution Providing for the calling into military 
service of certain classes of persons registered and liable 
for military service under the terms of the Act of Con- 
gress approved May eighteenth, nineteen hundred and 
seventeen, entitled "An Act to authorize the President to 
increase temporarily the Military Establishment of the 
United States." 

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
the United States of America in Congress assembled. That 
if under any regulations heretofore or hereafter prescribed 
by the President persons registered and liable for military 
service under the terms of the Act of Congress approved 
May eighteenth, nineteen hundred and seventeen, entitled 
"An Act to authorize the President to increase temporarily 
the Military Establishment of the United States," are 
placed in classes for the purpose of determining their rela- 
tive liability for military service, no provision of said Act 
shall prevent the President from calling for immediate 



168 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



military service under regulations heretofore or hereafter 
prescribed by the President all or part of the persons in 
any class or classes except those exempt from draft under 
the provisions of said Act, in proportion to the total num- 
ber of persons placed in such class or classes in the vari- 
ous subdivisions of the States, Territories, and the District 
of Columbia designated by the President under the terms 
of said Act; or from calling into immediate military ser- 
vice persons classed as skilled experts in industry or agri- 
culture, however classified or wherever residing. 
Approved, May 16, 1918. 

JOINT RESOLUTION EXTENDING DRAFT PROVISIONS, 
MAT 20, 1918. 

Joint Resolution Providing for the registration for mili- 
tary service of all male persons citizens of the United 
States and all male persons residing in the United States 
who have since the fifth day of June, nineteen hundred and 
seventeen, and on or before the day set for the registration 
by proclamation by the President, attained the age of 
twenty-one years, in accordance with such rules and regula- 
tions as the President may prescribe under the terms of the 
Act approved May eighteenth, nineteen hundred and seven- 
teen, entitled "An Act to authorize the President to increase 
temporarily the Military Establishment of the United 
States." 

Resolved by tf>e Senate and Bouse of Representatives of 
the United States of America in Congress assembled, That 
during the present emergency all male persons, citizens of 
the United States and all male persons residing in the 
United States, who have, since the fifth day of June, nine- 
teen hundred and seventeen, and on or before the day set 
for the registration by proclamation by the President, at- 
tained the age of twenty-one years, shall be subject to reg- 
istration in accordance with regulations to be prescribed 
by the President, and that upon proclamation by the Presi- 
dent, stating the time and place of such registration, it 
shall be the duty of all such persons, except such persons 
as are exempt from registration under the Act of May 
eighteenth, nineteen hundred and seventeen, and any Act 
or Acts amendatory thereof, to present themselves for and 
submit to registration under the provisions of said Act ap- 
proved May eighteenth, nineteen hundred and seventeen, 
and they shall be registered in the same manner and sub- 
ject to the same requirements and liabilities as those pre- 
viously registered under the terms of said Act: Provided, 
That those persons registered under the provisions of this 
Act shall be placed at the bottom of the list of those liable 
for military service, in the several classes to which they 
are assigned, under such rules and regulations as the 
President may prescribe. 

SEC. 2. That after the day set under section one hereof 
for the registration by proclamation by the President at 
such intervals as the President may from time to time pre- 
scribe, the President may require that all male persons, 
citizens of the United States and all male persons residing 
in the United States, who have attained the age of twenty- 
one years since the last preceding date of registration, and 
on before the next day set for the registration by pro- 
clamation by the President, except such persons as are ex- 
e-ipt from registration under the Act of May eighteenth, 
nineteen hundred and seventeen, and any Act or Acts 
amendatory thereof, shall be registered in the same manner 
and subject to the same requirements and liabilities as 
those previously registered under the terms of said Act: 
Provided, That students who are preparing for the ministry 
in recognized theological or divinity schools, and students 



who are preparing for the practice of medicine and surgery 
in recognized medical schools, at the time of the approval 
of this Act shall be exempt from the selective dratt pre- 
scribed in the Act of May eighteenth, nineteen hundred and 
seventeen. 

SEC. 3. That all such persons when registered shall be 
liable to military service and to draft under the terms of 
said Act approved May eighteenth, nineteen hundred and 
seventeen, under such regulations as the President may 
prescribe not inconsistent with the terms of said Act. 

SEC. 4. That all such persons shall be subject to the 
terms and provisions and liabilities of said Act approved 
May eighteenth, nineteen hundred and seventeen, in all re- 
spects as if they had been registered under the terms of said 
Act, and every such person shall be deemed to have notice 
of the requirements of said Act and of this joint resolution 
upon the publication of any such proclamation by the Presi- 
dent. 

Approved, May 20, 1918. 

OVERMAN BILL, MAY 20, 1918. 

An Act Authorizing the President to coordinate or con- 
solidate executive bureaus, agencies, and offices, and tor 
other purposes, in the interest of economy and the more 
efficient concentration of the Government. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives 
of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 
That for the national security and defense, for the success- 
ful prosecution of the war, for the support and main- 
tenance of the Army and Navy, for the better utilization of 
resources and industries, and for the more effective exercise 
and more efficient administration by the President of his 
powers as Commander in Chief of the land and naval forces 
the President is hereby authorized to make such redistribu- 
tion of functions among executive agencies as he may deem 
necessary, including any functions, duties, and powers 
hitherto by law conferred upon any executive department, 
commission, bureau, agency, office, or officer, in such man- 
ner as in his judgment shall seem best fitted to carry cut 
the purposes of this Act, and to this end is authorized to 
make such regulations and to issue such orders as he may 
deem necessary, which regulations and orders shall be in 
writing and shall be filed with the head of the department 
affected and constitute a public record: Provided, That this 
Act shall remain in force during the continuance of the 
present war and for six months after the termination of 
the war by the proclamation of the treaty of peace, or at 
such earlier time as the President may designate: Pro- 
vided further, That the termination of this Act shall not 
affect any act done or any right or obligation accruing or 
accrued pursuant to this Act and during the time that this 
Act is in force: Provided further, That the authority by 
this Act granted shall be exercised only in matters relating 
to the conduct of the present war. 

SEC. 2. That in carrying out the purposes of this Act the 
President is authorized to utilize, coordinate, or consolidate 
a^y executive or administrative commissions, bureaus, 
agencies, offices, or officers now existing by law, to trans- 
fer any duties or powers from one existing department, 
commission, bureau, agency, office, or officer to another, to 
transfer the personnel thereof or any part of it either by de- 
tail or assignment, together with the whole or any part of 
the records and public property belonging thereto. 

SEC. 3. That the President is further authorized to es- 
tablish an executive agency which may exercise such juris- 
diction and control over the production of aeroplanes, areo- 
plane engines, and aircraft equipment as in his judgment 



VII. F.XF.( VTIVI. PROCLAMATIONS RELATING TO THE WAR. 



169 



may be advantageous; and, further, to transfer to such 
agency, for its use, all or any moneys heretofore appro- 
priated for the production of aeroplanes, aeroplane engines, 
and aircraft equipment. 

SEC. 4. That for the purpose of carrying out the provi- 
sions of this Act, any moneys heretofore and hereafter ap- 
propriated for the use of any executive department, com- 
mission, bureau, agency, office, or officer shall l>e expended 
only for the purposes for which it was appropriated under 
the direction of such other agency as may be directed by the 
President hereunder to perform and execute said function. 

SEC. 5. That should the President, in redistributing the 
functions s-mong the executive agencies as provided in this 
Act, corclude that any bureau should be abolished and it 



or their duties and functions conferred upon some other de- 
partment or bureau or eliminated entirely, he shall report 
his conclusions to Congress with such recommendations as 
he may deem proper. 

SEC. 6. That all laws or parts of laws conflicting with 
the provisions of this Act are to the extent of such conflict 
suspended while this Act is in force. 

Upon the termination of this Act all executive or ad- 
ministrative i ericies, departments, commissions, bureaus, 
offices, or officers shall exercise the same functions, duties, 
and powers as heretofore or as hereafter by law may be pro- 
vided, any authorization of the President under this Act to 
the contrary notwithstanding. 

Approved, May 20, 1918. 



PART VII 



Executive Proclamations and Orders 

April 6, 1917, to April 10, 1918 



PBOCLAMATION OF STATE OF WAB AND OF ALIEN ENEMY 
REGULATIONS, APBIL 6, 1917. 

Whereas the Congress of the United States in the exer- 
cise of the constitutional authority vested in them have re- 
solved, by joint resolution of the Senate and House of 
Representatives bearing date this day "That the state of 
war between the United States and the Imperial German 
Government which has been thrust upon the United States 
is hereby formally declared " : 

Whereas it is provided by Section four thousand and 
sixty-seven of the Revised Statutes, as follows: 

Whenever there is declared a war between the United 
States and any foreign nation or government, or any inva- 
sion or predatory incursion is perpetrated, attempted, or 
threatened against the territory of the United States, by 
any foreign nation or government, and the President makes 
public proclamation of the event, all natives, citizens, deni- 
zens, or subjects of the hostile nation or government, being 
males of the age of fourteen years and upwards, who shall 
be within the United States, and not actually naturalized, 
shall be liable to be apprehended, restrained, secured, and 
removed as alien enemies. The President is authorized, in 
any such event, by his proclamation thereof, or other pub- 
lic act, to direct the conduct to be observed, on the part of 
the United States, toward the aliens who become so liable; 
the manner and degree of the restraint to which they shall 
be subject, and in what cases, and upon what security their 
residence shall be permitted, and to provide for the removal 
of those who, not being permitted to reside within the 
United States, refuse or neglect to depart therefrom; and 
to establish any other regulations which are found neces- 
sary in the premises and for the public safety; 

Whereas, by Sections four thousand and sixty-eight, four 
thousand and sixty-nine, and four thousand and seventy, of 
the Revised Statutes, further provision is made relative to 
alien enemies; 

Now, therefore, I, Woodrow Wilson, President of the 
United States of America, do hereby proclaim to all whom 
It may concern that a state of war exists between the 
United States and the Imperial German Government; and 
I do specially direct all officers, civil or military, of the 
United States that they exercise vigilance and zeal in the 
discharge of the duties incident to such a state of war; and 



I do, moreover, earnestly appeal to all American citizens 
that they, in loyal devotion to their country, dedicated 
from its foundation to the principles of liberty and justice, 
uphold the laws of the land, and give undivided and willing 
support to those measures which may be adopted by the 
constitutional authorities in prosecuting the war to a suc- 
cessful issue and in obtaining a secure and just peace; 

And, acting under and by virtue of the authority vested 
in me by the Constitution of the United States and the 
said sections of the Revised Statutes, I do hereby further 
proclaim and direct that the conduct to be observed on the 
part of the United States towards all natives, citizens, deni- 
zens, or subjects of Germany, being males of the age of 
fourteen years and upwards, who shall be within the United 
States and not actually naturalized, who for the purpose 
of this proclamation and under such sections of the Revised 
Statutes are termed alien enemies, shall be as follows: 

All alien enemies are enjoined to preserve the peace 
towards the United States and to refrain from crime against 
the public safety, and from violating the laws of the United 
States and of the States and Territories thereof, and to re- 
frain from actual hostility or giving information, aid or 
comfort to the enemies of the United States, and to comply 
strictly with the regulations which are hereby or which 
may be from time to time promulgated by the President; 
and so long as they shall conduct themselves in accordance 
with law, they shall be undisturbed in the peaceful pursuit 
of their lives and occupations and be accorded the consid- 
eration due to all peaceful and law-abiding persons, except 
so far as restrictions may be necessary for their own pro- 
tection and for the safety of the United States; and 
towards such alien enemies as conduct themselves in ac- 
cordance with law, all citizens of the United States are en- 
joined to preserve the peace and to treat them with all such 
friendliness as may be compatible with loyalty and alle- 
giance to the United States; 

And all alien enemies who fail to conduct themselves as 
so enjoined, in addition to all other penalties prescribed by 
law, shall be liable to restraint, or to give security, or to 
remove and depart from the United States in the manner 
prescribed by Sections four thousand and sixty-nine and 
four thousand and seventy of the Revised Statutes, and as 
prescribed in the regulations duly promulgated by the 
President ; 



170 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



And pursuant to the authority vested in me, I hereby 
declare and establish the following regulations, which I 
find necessary in the premises and for the public safety; 

( 1 ) An alien enemy shall not have in his possession, at 
any time or place, any firearm, weapon, or implement of 
war, or component part thereof, ammunition, maxim or 
other silencer, bomb or explosive or material used in the 
manufacture of explosives; 

(2) An alien enemy shall not have in his possession at 
any time or place or use or operate any aircraft or wire- 
less apparatus, or any form of signalling device, or any 
form of cipher code, or any paper, document or book writ- 
ten or printed in cipher or in which there may be invisible 
writing; 

(3) All property found in the possession of an alien 
enemy in violation of the foregoing regulations, shall be 
subject to seizure by the United States; 

(4) An alien enemy shall not approach or be found with- 
in one-half of a mile of any Federal or State fort, camp, 
arsenal, aircraft station, Government or naval vessel, navy 
yard, factory, or workshop for the? manufacture of muni- 
tions of war or of any products for the use of the army or 
navy; 

(5) An alien enemy shall not write, print, or publish 
any attack or threats against the Government or Congress 
of the United States, or either branch thereof, or against 
the measures or policy of the United States, or against the 
person or property of any person in the military, naval, or 
civil service of the United States, or of the States or Ter- 
ritories, or of the District of Columbia, or of the munici- 
pal governments therein; 

(6) An alien enemy shall not commit or abet any hostile 
act against the United States, or give information, aid, or 
comfort to its enemies; 

(7) An alien enemy shall not reside in or continue to 
reside in, to remain in, or enter any locality which the 
President may from time to time designate by Executive 
Order as a prohibited area in which residence by an alien 
enemy shall be found by him to constitute a danger to the 
public peace and safety of the United States, except by per- 
mit from the President and except under such limitations 
or restrictions as the President may prescribe; 

(8) An alien enemy whom the President shall have rea- 
sonable cause to believe to be aiding or about to aid the 
enemy, or to be at large to the danger of the public peace 
or safety of the United States, or to have violated or to be 
about to violate any of these regulations shall remove to 
any location designated by the President by Executive Or- 
der, and shall not remove therefrom without a permit, or 
shall depart from the United States if so required by the 
President; 

(9) No alien enemy shall depart from the United States 
until he shall have received such permit as the President 
shall prescribe, or except under order of a court, judge, or 
justice, under Sections 4069 and 4070 of the Revised 
Statutes; 

(10) No alien enemy shall land in or enter the United 
States, except under such restrictions and at such places 
as the President may prescribe; 

(11) If necessary to prevent violations of these regula- 
tions, all alien enemies will be obliged to register; 

(12) An alien enemy whom there may be reasonable 
cause to believe to be aiding or about to aid the enemy, or 
who may be at large to the danger of the public peace or 
safety, or who v : olates or attempts to violate, or of whom 
there is reasonable ground to believe that he is about to 
violate, any regulation duly promulgated by the President, 
or any criminal law of the United States, or of the States 



or Territories thereof, will be subject to summary arrest by 
the United States Marshal, or his deputy, or such other 
officer as the President shall designate, and to confinement 
in such penitentiary, prison, jail, military camp, or other 
place of detention as may be directed by the President. 

This proclamation and the regulations herein contained 
shall extend and apply to all land and water, continental 
or insular, in any way within the jurisdiction of the United 
States.i 

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, / have hereunto set my hand and 
caused the seal of the United States to lie affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington, this sixth day of April, 
in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and 
seventeen, and of the independence of the United Slates the 
one hundred and forty-first. 

WOODEOW WILSON. 

PROCLAMATION CONCERNING TREASON, APRIL 16, 1917. 

WHEREAS, all persons in the United States, citizens as 
well as aliens, should be informed of the penalties which 
they will incur for any failure to bear true allegiance to 
the United States; 

NOW, THEREFORE, I, Woodrow Wilson, President of 
the United States, hereby issue this proclamation to call 
especial attention to the following provisions of the Con- 
stitution and, the laws of the United States: 

Section 3" of Article III of the Constitution provides, in 
part: 

Treason against the United States, shall consist only 

in levying war against them, or in adhering to their 

Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort. 

The Criminal Code of the United States provides: 

Section 1. 

Whoever, owing allegiance to the United States, levies 
war against them or adheres to their enemies, giving 
them aid and comfort within the United States or else- 
where, is guilty of treason. 

Section 2. 

Whoever is convicted of treason shall suffer death; or, 
at the discretion of the court, shall be imprisoned not less 
than five years and fined not less than ten thousand dol- 
lars, to be levied on and collected out of any or all of his 
property, real and personal, of which he was the owner 
at the time of committing such treason, any sale or con- 
veyance to the contrary notwithstanding; and every per- 
son so convicted of treason shall, moreover, be incapable 
of holding any office under the United States. 

Section 3. 

Whoever, owing allegiance to the United States and 
having knowledge of the commission of any treason 
against them, conceals and does not, as soon as may be, 
disclose and make known the same to the President or 
to some judge ol the United States, or to the governor 
or to some judge or justice of a particular State, is guilty 
of misprision of treason and shall be imprisoned not more 
than seven years, and fined not more than one thousand 
dollars. 

Section 6. 

If two or more persons in any State or Territory, or in 
any place subject to the jurisdiction of the United States, 

i Congress by Act of April 16, 1918, extended to women 
the provisions of law respecting alien enemies; accordingly 
the President by proclamation of April 19, 1918, declared 
females over 14 years of age amenable to certain of the 
terms of this and later proclamations concerning aliens. 



VII. EXECUTIVE PROCLAMATIONS RELATING TO THE WAR. 



171 



conspire to overthrow, put down, or to destroy by force 
the Government of the United States, or to levy war 
against them, or to oppose by force the authority thereof, 
or by force to prevent, hinder, or delay the execution of 
any law of the United States, or by force to seize, take, 
or possess any property of the United States contrary to 
the authority thereof, they shall each be fined not more 
than five thousand dollars, or imprisoned not more than 
six years, or both. 

The courts of the United States have stated the following 
acts to be treasonable: 

The use or attempted use of any force or violence against 
the Government of the United States, or its military or 
naval forces; 

The acquisition, use, or disposal of any property with 
knowledge that it is to be, or with intent that it shall be, 
of assistance to the enemy in their hostility against the 
United States; 

The performance of any act or the publication of state- 
ments or information which will give or supply, in any way, 
aid and comfort to the enemies of the United States; 

The direction, aiding, counseling, or countenancing of any 
of the foregoing acts. 

Such acts are held to be treasonable whether committed 
within the United States or elsewhere; whether committed 
by a citizen of the United States or by an alien domiciled, 
or residing, in the United States, inasmuch as resident 
aliens, as well as citizens, owe allegiance to' the United 
States and its laws. 

Any such citizen or alien who has knowledge of the com- 
mission of such acts and conceals and does not make known 
the facts to the officials named in Section 3 of the Penal 
Code is guilty of misprision of treason. 

And I hereby proclaim and warn all citizens of the 
United States, and all aliens, owing allegiance to the Gov- 
ernment of the United States, to abstain from committing 
any and all acts which would constitute a violation of any 
of the laws herein set forth; and I further proclaim and 
warn all persons who may commit such acts that they will 
be vigorously prosecuted therefor. . . . 

PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR REGISTRATION UNDER THE 
DRAFT ACT, MAT 18, 1917. 

WHEREAS, Congress has enacted and the President has 
on the 18th day of May one thousand nine hundred and 
seventeen approved a law which contains the following pro- 
visions: [The President here recites the provisions of the 
draft act; see p. 138.] 

Now; therefore, I, Woodrow Wilson, President of the 
United States, do call upon the Governor of each of the sev- 
eral States and Territories, the Board of Commissioners of 
the District of Columbia and all officers and agents of the 
several States and territories, of the District of Columbia, 
and of the counties and municipalities therein to perform 
certain duties in the execution of the foregoing law, which 
duties will be communicated to them directly in regulations 
of even date herewith. 

And I do further proclaim and give notice to all persons 
subject to registration in the several States and in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia in accordance with the above law that the 
time and place of such registration shall be between 7 a. m. 
and 9 p. m. on the 5th day of June, 1917, at the registra- 
tion place in the precinct wherein they have their per- 
manent homes. Those who shall have attained their 
twenty-first birthday and who shall not have attained their 
thirty-first birthday on or before the day here named are 
required to register, excepting only officers and enlisted men 
of the Regular Army, the Navy, the Marine Corps, and the 



National Guard and Naval Militia while in the service of 
the United States, and officers of the Officers Reserve Corps 
and enlisted men in the Enlisted Reserve Corps while in 
active service. In the territories of Alaska, Hawaii and 
Porto Rico a day for registration will be named in a later 
proclamation. 

And I do charge those who through sickness shall be un- 
able to present themselves for registration that they apply 
on or before the day of registration to the county clerk of 
the county where they may be for instructions as to how 
they may be registered by agent. Those who expect to be 
absent on the day named from the counties in which they 
have their permanent homes may register by mail, but their 
mailed registration cards must reach the places in which 
they have their permanent homes by the day named herein. 
They should apply as soon as practicable to the county 
clerk of the county wherein they may be for instructions as 
to how they may accomplish their registration by mail. In 
case such persons as, through sickness or absence, may be 
unable to present themselves personally for registration 
shall be sojourning in cities of over thirty thousand popu- 
lation, they shall apply to the city clerk of the city wherein 
they may be sojourning rather than to the clerk of the 
county. The clerks of counties and of cities of over thirty 
thousand population in which numerous applications from 
the sick and from non-residents are expected are authorized 
to establish such sub-agencies and to employ and deputize 
such clerical force as may be necessary to accommodate 
these applications. 

The power against which we are arrayed has sought to 
impose its will upon the world by force. To this end it has 
increased armament until it has changed the face of war. 
In the sense in which we have been wont to think of armies 
there are no armies in this struggle. There are entire na- 
tions armed. Thus, the men who remain to till the sril 
and man the factories are no less a part of the army that 
is [in] France than the men beneath the battle flags. It 
must be so with us. It is not an army that we must shape 
and train for war; it is a nation. To this end our people 
must draw close in one compact front against a common foe. 
But this can not be if each man pursues a private purpose. 
All must pursue one purpose. The nation needs all men ; but 
it needs each man, not in the field that will most pleasure 
him, but in the endeavor that will best serve the common 
good. Thus, though a sharpshooter pleases to operate a 
trip-hammer for the forging of great guns, and an expert 
machinist desires to march with the flag, the nation is be- 
ing served only when the sharpshooter marches and the ma- 
chinist remains at his levers. The whole nation must be a 
team in which each man shall play the part for which he 
is best fitted. To this end, Congress has provided that the 
nation shall be o.ganized for war by selection and that each 
man shall be classified for service in the place to which it 
shall best serve the general good to call him. 

The significance of this can not be overstated. It is a 
new thing in our history and a landmark in our progress. 
It is a new manner of accepting and vitalizing our duty to 
give ourselves with thoughtful devotion to the common pur- 
pose of us all. It is in no sense a conscription of the un- 
willing; it is rather, selection from a nation which has vol- 
unteered in mass. It is no more a choosing of those who 
shall march with the colors than it is a selection of those 
who shiill serve an equally necessary and devoted purpose 
in the industries that lie behind the battle line. 

The day here named is the time upon which all shall pre- 
sent themselves for assignment to their tasks. It is for 
that reason destined to be remembered as one of the most 
conspicuous moments in our history. It Is nothing less 



172 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



than the day upon which the manhood of the country shall 
step forward in one solid rank in defense of the ideals to 
which this nation is consecrated. It is important to those 
ideals no less than to the pride of this generation in mani- 
festing its devotion to them, that there be no gaps in the 
ranks. 

It is essential that the day be approached in thoughtful 
apprehension of its significance and that we accord to it the 
honor and the meaning that it deserves. Our industrial 
need prescribes that it be not made a technical holiday, but 
the stern sacrifice that is before us, urges that it be carried 
in all our hearts as a great day of patriotic devotion and 
obligation when the duty shall lie upon every man, whether 
he is himself to be registered or not, to see to it that the 
name of every male person of the designated ages is writ- 
ten on these lists of honor. . . . 

PROCLAMATION CONCERNING THE USE OF THE PANAMA 
CANAL IN WAB TIME, MAY 23, 1917. 

WHEREAS the United States exercises sovereignty in 
the land and waters of the Canal Zone and is responsible 
for the construction, operation, maintenance, and protec- 
tion of the Panama Canal: 

NOW, THEREFORE, I, WOODROW WILSON, President 
of the United States of America, do hereby declare and pro- 
claim the following Rules and Regulations for the regula- 
tion, management and protection of the Panama Canal and 
the Maintenance of its Neutrality which are in addition to 
the general " Rules and Regulations for the Operation and 
Navigation of the Panama Canal and Approaches Thereto, 
including all Waters under its jurisdiction " put into force 
by Executive Order of July 9, 1914. . . . 

Rule 3. A vessel of war or an auxiliary vessel of a bel- 
ligerent, other than the United States, shall only be per- 
mitted to pass through the Canal after her commanding 
officer has given written assurance to the Authorities of the 
Panama Canal that the Rules and Regulations will be faith- 
fully observed. 

The authorities of the Panama Canal shall take such 
steps as may be requisite to insure the observance of the 
Rules and Regulations by auxiliary vessels which are not 
commanded by an officer of the military fleet. 

Rule 4. Vessels of war or auxiliary vessels of a belliger- 
ent, other than the United States, shall not revictual nor 
take any stores in the Canal except so far as may be 
strictly necessary; and the transit of such vessels through 
the Canal shall be effected with the least possible delay in 
accordance with the Canal Regulations in force, and with 
only such intermission as may result from the necessities 
of the service. 

Prizes shall be in all respects subject to the eame Rules 
as vessels of war of a belligerent. 

Rule 5. No vessel of war or auxiliary vessel of a belliger- 
ent, other than the United States, shall receive fuel or lu- 
bricants while within the territorial waters of the Canal 
Zone, except on the written authorization of the Canal Au- 
thorities, specifying the amount of fuel and lubricants 
which may be received. 

Rule 6. Before issuing any authorization for the receipt 
of fuel and lubricants by any vessel of war or auxiliary 
vessel of a belligerent, other than the United States, the 
Canal Authorities shall obtain a written declaration, duly 
signed by the officer commanding such vessel, stating the 
amount of fuel and lubricants already on board. 

Rule 7. Fuel and lubricants may be taken on board ves- 
sels of war or auxiliary vessels of a belligerent, other than 
the United States, only upon permission of the Canal Au- 
thorities, and then only in such amounts as will enable 
them, with the fuel and lubricants already on board, to 



reach the nearest accessible port, not an enemy port, at 
which they can obtain supplies necessary for the continua- 
tion of the voyage. Provisions furnished by contractors 
may be supplied only upon permission of the Canal Author- 
ities, and then only in amount sufficient to bring up their 
supplies to the peace standard. 

Rule 8. No belligerent, other than the United States, 
shall embark or disembark troops, munitions of war, or 
warlike materials in the Canal, except in case of necessity 
due to accidental hindrance of the transit. In such cases 
the Canal Authorities shall be the judge of the necessity, 
and the transit shall be resumed with all possible dispatch. 

Rule 9. Vessels of war or auxiliary vessels of a bel- 
ligerent, other than the United States, shall not remain in 
the territorial waters of the Canal Zone under Ihe jurisdic- 
tion of the United States longer than twenty-four hours at 
any one time, except in case of distress; and in such case, 
shall depart as soon as possible. 

Rule 10. In the exercise of the exclusive right of the 
United States to provide for the regulation and manage- 
ment of the Canal, and in order to ensure that the Canal 
shall be kept free and open on terms of entire equality to 
vessels of commerce and of war, there shall not be, except 
by special arrangement, at any one time a greater number 
of vessels of war of any one nation, other than the United 
States, including those of the allies of such nation, than 
three in either terminal port and its adjacent terminal 
waters, or than three in transit through the Canal; nor 
shall the total n"mber of such vessels, at any one time, ex- 
ceed six in all the territorial waters of the Canal Zone 
under the jurisdiction of the United States. 

Rule 11. The repair facilities and docks belonging to the 
United States and administered by the Canal Authorities 
shall not be used by a vessel of war or an auxiliary vessel 
of a belligerent, other than the United States, except when 
necessary in case of actual distress, and then only upon the 
order of the Canal Authorities, and only to the degree 
necessary to render the vessel sea-worthy. Any work au- 
thorized shall be done with the least possible delay. 

Rule 12. The radio installation of any public or private 
vessel or of any auxiliary vessel of a belligerent, other than 
the United States, shall be used only in connection with 
Canal business to the exclusion of all other business while 
within the waters of the Canal Zone, including the waters 
of Colon and Panama Harbors. 

Rule 13. Air craft, public or private, of a belligerent, 
other than tt>e United States, are forbidden to descend or 
arise within the jurisdiction of the United States at the 
Canal Zone, or to pass through the air spaces above the 
lands and waters within said jurisdiction. 

Rule 14. For the purpose of these rules the Canal Zone 
includes the cities of Panama and Colon and the harbors 
adjacent to the said cities. 

Rule 15. In the interest of the protection of the Canal 
while the United States is a belligerent no vessel of war, 
auxiliary vessel, or private vessel of an enemy of the 
United States or an ally of such enemy shall be allowed to 
use the Panama Canal nor the territorial waters of the 
Canal Zone for any purpose, save with the consent of the 
Canal Authorities and subject to such rules and regulations 
as they may prescribe. . . . 

PROCLAMATION RESTRICTING EXPORTS OF COIN, SEPTEMBER 
7, 1917. 

WHEREAS Congress has enacted, and the President has 
on the fifteenth day of June, 1017, approved a law which 
contains the following provisions: [The President here re- 
cites parts of the Espionage Act; see p. 143.] 



VII. EXECUTIVE PROCLAMATIONS RELATING TO THE WAR. 



178 



AND U 11KKKAS the President haa heretofore by pro- 
clamation, under date of the twenty-seventh day of August 
in the year One Thousand Nine Hundred and Seventeen, de- 
clared certain exports in time of war unlawful, and the 
President finds that the public safety requires that such 
proclamation be amended and supplemented in respect to 
the articles hereinafter mentioned; 

NOW, THEREFORE, I, WOODROW WILSON, PRESI- 
DENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, DO 
HKKKBY 1'KOCLAIM to all whom it may concern that the 
public safety requires that, except at such time or times, 
and under such regulations and orders, and subject to such 
limitations and exceptions as the President shall prescribe, 
until otherwise ordered by the President or by Congress, 
the following articles, namely: coin, bullion and currency: 
shall not, on and after the 10th day of September in the 
year One Thousand Nine Hundred and Seventeen, be ex- 
ported from or shipped from or taken out of the United 
States or its territorial possessions to Albania, Austria- 
Hungary, Belgium, Bulgaria, Denmark, her colonies, pos- 
sessions or protectorates, Germany, her colonies, possessions 
or protectorates, Greece, Leichtenstein, Luxembourg, The 
Kingdom of the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, her colonies, 
possessions or protectorates, Sweden, Switzerland or Turkey, 
Abyssinia, Afghanistan, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, China, 
Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominican Republic, 
Ecuador, Egypt, France, her colonies, possessions or pro- 
tectorates, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Italy, her colonies, 
possessions or protectorates, Great Britain, her colonies, 
possessions or protectorates, Japan, Liberia, Mexico, Mon- 
aco, Montenegro, Morocco, Nepal, Nicaragua, the colonies, 
possessions or protectorates of The Netherlands, Oman, 
Panama, Paraguay, Persia, Peru, Portugal, her colonies, 
possessions or protectorates, Roumania, Russia, Salvador, 
San Marino, Serbia, Siam, Uruguay, or Venezuela. 

The regulations, orders, limitations and exceptions pre- 
scribed will be administered by and under the authority of 
the Secretary of the Treasury, from whom licenses in con- 
formity with said regulations, orders, limitations and ex- 
ceptions will issue. 

Except as hereby amended and supplemented, the above 
mentioned proclamation under date of August 27, 1917, 
shall continue in full force and effect. . . . 

PROCLAMATION CONCERNING FOOD LICENSES, OCTOBER 8, 1917. 

WHEREAS, Under and by virtue of an Act of Congress 
entitled "An Act to provide further for the national secur- 
ity and defense by encouraging the production, conserving 
the supply, and controlling the distribution of food prod- 
ucts and fuel," approved by the President on the 10th day 
of August, 1917, it is provided among other things as fol- 
lows: [The President here recites part of the Food and 
Fuel Control Act; see page 146.] 

AND, WHEREAS, It is essential, in order to carry into 
effect the provisions of the said Act, that the powers con- 
ferred upon the President by said Act be at this time exer- 
cised, to the extent hereinafter set forth, 

NOW, THEREFORE, I, WOODROW WILSON, Presi- 
dent of the United States of America, by virtue of the pow- 
ers conferred upon me by said Act of Congress, hereby find 
and determine and by this proclamation do announce that 
It is essential, in order to carry into effect the purposes of 
said Act. to license the importation, manufacture, torage 
and distribution of necessaries, TO THE EXTENT HERE- 
INAFTER SPECIFIED. 

All persons, firms, corporations and associations engaged 
In the business either of (1) operating cold storage ware- 
houses (a cold storage warehouse, for the purposes of thi& 



proclamation, being defined as any place artificially or me- 
chanically cooled to or below a temperature of 45 degrees 
above zero Fahrenheit, in which food products are placed 
and held for thirty days or more), (2) operating elevator*, 
warehouses or other places for the storage of corn, oats, 
barley, beans, rice, cotton seed, cottonseed cake, cottonseed 
meal or peanut meal, or (3) IMPORTING, MA.NUFACTUKINO 
(including milling, mixing or packing), or DISTRIBUTING 
(including buying and selling) any of the following com- 
modities: 

Wheat, wheat flour, rye or rye flour, 

Barley or barley flour, 

Oats, oatmeal or rolled oats, 

Corn, corn grits, cornmeal, hominy, corn flour, starch 
from corn, corn oil, corn syrup or glucose, 

Rice, rice flour, 

Dried beans, 

Pea seed or dried peas, 

Cotton seed, cottonseed oil, cottonseed cake or cotton- 
seed meal, 

Peanut oil or peanut meal, 

Soya bean oil, soya bean meal, palm oil or copra oil, 

Oleomargarine, lard, lard substitutes, oleo oil or cook- 
ing fats, 

Milk, butter or cheese, 

Condensed, evaporated or powdered milk, 

Fresh, canned or cured beef, pork, or mutton, 

Poultry or eggs, 

Fresh or frozen fish, 

Fresh fruits or vegetables, 

Canned: Peas, dried beans, tomatoes, corn, salmon or 
sardines, 

Dried: Prunes, apples, peaches or raisins, 

Sugar, syrups or molasses, 
EXCEPTING, however, 

(1) Operators of elevators or warehouses handling 
wheat or rye, and manufacturers of the derivative products 
of wheat or rye, who have already been licensed, 

(2) Importers, manufacturers and refiners of sugar, and 
manufacturers of sugar syrups and molasses, who have 
already been licensed, 

(3) Retailers whose gross sales of food commodities do 
not exceed $100,000.00 per annum, 

(4) Common carriers, 

(5) Farmers, gardeners, co-operative associations of 
farmers or gardeners, including live stock farmers, and 
other persons with respect to the products of any farm, 
garden or other land owned, leased or cultivated by them, 

(6) Fishermen whose business does not extend beyond 
primary consignment, 

(7) Those dealing in any of the above commodities on 
any exchange, board of trade or similar institution as de- 
fined by Section 13 of the Act of August 10th, 1H17, to the 
extent of their dealings on such exchange or board of trade, 

(8) Millers of corn, oats, barley, wheat, rye or rice oper- 
ating only plants of a daily capacity of less than seventy- 
five barrels, 

(9) Canners of peas, dried beans, corn, tomatoes, salmon 
or sardines whose gross production does not exceed 5,000 
cases per annum, 

(10) Persons slaughtering, packing and distributing 
fresh, canned or cured beef, pork or mutton, whose gross 
sales of such commodities do not exceed $100.000.00 per 
annum, 

(11) Operators of poultry or egg packing plants, whose 
gross sales do not exceed $50.000.00 per annum. 

(12) Manufacturers of maple syrup, maple sugar and 
maple compounds, 



174 



COLLECTED MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE WAR. 



(13) Ginners, buyers, agents, dealers or other handlers 
of cotton seed who handle yearly, between September 1st 
and August 31st, less than one hundred and fifty tons of 
cotton seed, 

are hereby required to secure on or before November 1, 
1917, a license, which license will be issued under such rules 
and regulations governing the conduct of the business as 
may be prescribed. 

Application for license must be made to the United States 
Food Administration, Washington, D. C., Law Department 
License Division, on forms prepared by it for that pur- 
pose, which may be secured on request. 

Any person, firm, corporation or association other than 
those hereinbefore excepted, who shall engage in or carry 
on any business hereinbefore specified after November 1, 
1917, without first securing such license will be liable to 
the penalty prescribed by said Act of Congress. . . . 

PROCLAMATION RELATING TO SECOND LIBERTY LOAN, 
OCTOBER 12, 1917. 

The Second Liberty Loan gives the people of the United 
States another opportunity to lend their funds to their 
Government to sustain their country at war. The might 
of the United States is being mobilized and organized to 
strike a mortal blow at autocracy in defense of outraged 
American rights and of the cause of Liberty. Billions of 
dollars are required to arm, feed and clothe the brave men 
who are going forth to fight our country's battles and to 
assist the nations with whom we are making common cause 
against a common foe. To subscribe to the Liberty Loan is 
to perform a service of patriotism. 

NOW, THEREFORE, I, WOODROW WILSON, PRESI- 
DENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, do ap- 
point Wednesday, the twenty-fourth of October, as Liberty 
Day, and urge and advise the people to assemble in their 
respective communities and pledge to one another and to 
the Government that represents them the fullest measure of 
financial support. On the afternoon of that day I request 
that patriotic meetings he held in every city, town and 
hamlet throughout the land, under the general direction of 
the Secretary of the Treasury and the immediate direction 
of the Liberty Loan Committees which have been organized 
by the Federal Reserve Banks. The people responded nobly 
to the call of the First Liberty Loan with an oversubscrip- 
tion of more than fifty per cent. Let the response to the 
Second Loan be even greater and let the amount be so large 
that it will serve as an assurance of unequalled support to 
hearten the men who are to face the fire of battle for us. 
Let the result be so impressive and emphatic that it will 
echo throughout the Empire of our enemy as an index of 
what America intends to do to bring this war to a victor- 
ious conclusion. 

For the purpose of participating in Liberty Day celebra- 
tions, all employees of the Federal Government throughout 
the country whose services can be spared, may be excused 
at twelve o'clock noon, Wednesday, the twenty-fourth of 
October. . . . 

THE PRESIDENT'S PROCLAMATION TAKING OVER RAILROAD 
LINES, DECEMBER 26, 1917. 

Whereas the Congress of the United States, in the exer- 
cise of the constitutional authority vested in them, by joint 
resolution of the Senate and House of Representatives, 
bearing date April 6, 1917, resolved: 

That the state of war between the United States and the 
Imperial German Government which has thus been thrust 
upon the United States is hereby formally declared; and 
that the President be, and he is hereby, authorized and di- 



rected to employ the entire naval and military forces of the 
United States and the resources of the Government to carry 
on war against the Imperial German Government; and to 
bring the conflict to a successful termination, all of the 
resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress 
of the United States: 

And by joint resolution bearing date of December 7, 
1917, resolved: 

That a state of war is hereby declared to exist between 
the United States of America and the Imperial and Royal 
Austro-Hungarian Government; and that the President be, 
and he is hereby, authorized and directed to employ the en- 
tire naval and military forces of the United States and the 
resources of the Government to carry on war against the 
Imperial and Royal Austro-Hungarian Government; and to 
bring the conflict to a successful termination, all the re- 
sources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress 
of the United States. 

And whereas it is provided by section 1 of the act ap- 
proved August 29, 1916, entitled "An Act making appro- 
priations for the support of the Army for the fiscal year 
ending June 30, 1917, and for other purposes," as follows: 

The President, in time of war, is empowered, through the 
Secretary of War, to take possession and assume control of 
any system or systems of transportation, or any part there- 
of, and to utilize the same to the exclusion, as far as may 
be necessary, of all other traffic thereon for the transfer or 
transportation of troops, war material, and equipment, or 
for such other purposes connected with the emergency aa 
may be needful or desirable. 

And whereas it has now become necessary in the national 
defense to take possession and assume control of certain 
systems of transportation and to utilize the same to the 
exclusion, as far as may be necessary, of other than war 
traffic thereon for the transportation of troops, war mate- 
rial, and equipment therefor, and for other needful and dex 
sirable purposes connected with the prosecution of the war; 

Now, therefore, I, Woodrow Wilson, President of the 
United States, under and by virtue of the powers vested in 
me by the foregoing resolutions and statute, and by virtue 
of all other powers thereto me enabling, do hereby, through 
Newton D. Baker, Secretary of War, take possession and 
assume control at 12 o'clock noon on the twenty-eighth day 
of December, 1917, of each and every system of transpor- 
tation and the appurtenances thereof located wholly or in 
part within the boundaries of the continental United States 
and consisting of railroads, and owned or controlled sys- 
tems of coastwise and inland transportation, engaged in 
general transportation, whether operated by steam or by 
electric power, including also terminals, terminal com- 
panies, and terminal associations, sleeping and parlor cars, 
private cars and private car lines, elevators, warehouses, 
telegraph and telephone lines, and all other equipment and 
appurtenances commonly used upon or operated as a part 
of such rail or combined rail and water systems of trans- 
portation to the end that such systems of transportation be 
utilized for the transfer and transportation of troops, war 
material and equipment, to the exclusion, so far as may be 
necessary, of all other traffic thereon, and that so far as 
such exclusive use be not necessary or desirable, such sys- 
tems of transportation be operated and utilized in the per- 
formance of such other services as the national interest 
may require and of the usual and ordinary business and 
duties of common carriers. 

It is hereby directed that the possession, control, o