THE COLLECTED WARTIME MESSAGES
OF GENERALISSIMO CHIANG KAI-SHEK
Volume One
PROLOGUE
CHINA RESISTS JAPAN
1937-1938
CHINA FIGHTS ON
1938-1940
CHINA FIGHTS AND BUILDS
1940-1941
Volume Two
CHINA FIGHTS AND BUILDS
(Continued)
CHINA FIGHTS ON WITH ALLIES
1941-1943
CHINA FIGHTS ON TO VICTORY
1943-1945
EPILOGUE
The Collected " :
Wartime Messages of
Generalissimo
CHIANG KAI-SHEK
1937-1945
Compiled by
CHINESE MINISTRY OF INFORMATION
m|
ri'j
Volume Two
1940 - 1945
THE JOHN DAY COMPANY NEW YORK
Generalissimo Chiang addresses Army officers
Contents
VOLUME ONE
A Note on the Translation xiii
Foreword xv
A Glossary of Terms xx
Chronology xxiii
PROLOGUE
1 Resistance to Aggression and Renaissance of the Nation.
?(?> ^934 page i
I. CHINA RESISTS JAPAN (1937-1938)
2 The Limit of China's Endurance. July 17, 7937 21
3 On National Reconstruction. July 18, 7937 26
4 Drive Out the Invader. July, 1937 36
5 National Solidarity. September 24, 7937 41
6 Fight to Win. October 9, 7937 44
7 After the Fall of Nanking. December 16, 7937 49
8 Avenge This Great Wrong. February 79, 7938 53
9 My Religious Faith. April 16, 1938 59
10 The Responsibilities of China's Youth. July 16, 1938 63
11 China's Path to Victory. July 6, 1938 71
12 The Choice Before Us. July 7, 1938 76
13 Japan: Enemy of Humanity. July 7, 7938 83
14 An Appeal to Japan. July 7, 1938 89
15 Our Successes. August 73, 7938 93
1 6 Revolutionary Education. August 28, 1938 99
17 To the People of Manchuria. September 18, 1938 1 10
18 Worldwide Significance of China's Struggle. October
10,1938 116
II. CHINA FIGHTS ON (1938-1940)
19 Our Power of Resistance Grows Stronger. October
10, 1938 123
CONTENTS
20 A Turning Point in Our Struggle. October 25, 1938 page 125
2 1 The Second Stage of the War. November 28, 1938 132
22 Japan's So-Galled New Order. December 26, 1938 134
23 Wholesome Recreation. December 31, 1938 148
24 Responsibility of Local Leaders. January 19, 1939 153
25 China Cannot Be Conquered. January 26, 1939 158
26 Reply to Tribute from Oxford. February 3, 1939 174
27 Mobilizing Our Spiritual Forces. February is, 1939 176
28 Japanese Landing on Hainan Island. February 12, 1939 184
29 The New Life Movement in Wartime. February 18, 1939 187
30 Message to the Christians of America. February 20, 1939 194
31 China's March Towards Democracy. February 21, 1939 195
32 Educators and the War. March 5, 1939 206
33 Spiritual Mobilization and Victory. April 17, 1939 216
34 The Basis for Peace. April 18, 1939 219
35 The Citizen's Pact. May i, 1939 221
36 Wartime Production. May 75, 1939 225
37 Bombing of Civilian Areas and Open Towns. May i6 f
'939 231
38 China's Struggle and International Peace. May si,
*939 236
39 A Call to Overseas Chinese. June 21, 1939 238
40 The Only Answer to Aggressors. July 7, 7939 245
41 Prepare for Victory. July 7, 1939 247
42 A Common Front Against Aggression. July 7, 1959 255
43 Pensioning the Families of the War Dead. July 7, 1939 259
44 Resistance in the Enemy's Rear. July 7, 1939 262
45 To the People of Japan. July 7, 1939 266
46 No Far Eastern Munich. July 24, 1939 298
47 Appreciation of the Y.M.C.A. July 28, 1939 303
48 Chinese Mohammedans and the War. July 29, 1939 305
49 Appeal to Britain. July 29, 1939 307
50 Laying the Foundations of Local Self-Government.
August 12, 1939 309
51 Mission of the People of Shanghai. August 13, 1939 312
52 Justice and Equality. August 18, 1939 320
53 Effect of the World Crisis on Chinese Resistance.
August 29, 1939 322
54 China and the European War. September 9, 1939 324
CONTENTS
55 Rights and Obligations of the Chinese People. September
18, 1939 page 329
56 Wang Ching-wei, the Traitor. October i, 1939 336
57 The People's War. October 10, 1939 - 341
58 Japan's Dilemma. November ia, 1939 345
59 Wang Ching-wei's Secret Agreement with Japan.
January 93, 1940 358
60 We Will Not Be Slaves. January 23, 1940 364
III. CHINA FIGHTS AND BUILDS (1940-1941)
61 New Life in Wartime. February 18, 1940 377
62 The Educator's Mission in China Today. February so,
f940 383
63 Citizens' Education. March u, 1940 388
64 Spiritual Ramparts and Weapons. March 12, 1940 392
65 Education in Uniform. March 19, 1940 399
66 The Responsibilities of Modern Journalists. March 22,
1940 401
67 No Relaxation of Our Efforts. April i, 1940 405
68 Prototype of China's Democratic Institutions. April 10,
1940 416
69 The Way to Local Autonomy. May i, 1940 426
70 Opium the National Enemy. June 3, 1940 443
71 How to Bring a New China into Existence. June 4, 1940 447
VOLUME TWO
Chronology xiii
III. CHINA FIGHTS AND BUILDS (1940-1941)
Continued
72 A Just War. July 7, 1940 451
73 The Unmistakable Issues. July 7, 1940 463
74 Crimes and Corruption of the Japanese Militarists.
July 7, 1940 467
75 The Forces of Truth and Justice. July 8 f 1940 482
76 Japanese Phrases and Pretensions. July 8, 1940 485
77 The Day of Deliverance Shall Come. August 13, 1940 493
78 The Power of Thrift. September 7, 1940 500
79 Manchuria: Hell on Earth. September 18, 1940 505
CONTENTS
80 The International Role of the Republic. October 10,
1940 page 514
8 1 The Nadir of Konoye's Career. December 2, 1940 524
82 Light of New Hope. January i, 1941 534
83 Burma-Chinese Relationship. January iS 9 1941 54 1
84 The Function of Revolutionary Discipline. January 97,
1941 543
85 National Defense First. March i, 1941 555
86 Solidarity Defeats the Enemy. March 6, 1941 565
87 Future Objectives of Spiritual Mobilization. March 12,
194* 573
88 The Kuomintang and National Leadership. March 24,
194* 57 8
89 Bonds Between China and America. May 10, 1941 584
90 A Balanced Development in National Finances. June 16,
194^ 59
9 1 Stronger Co-operation of Democracies Against Aggression.
July 7, 1941 600
92 That All May Not Be Lost in the Hour of Triumph.
July 7, 1941 604
93 The Time Sets Against the Aggressor. August 13, 1941 61 1
94 The Northeast and Territorial Integrity. September i8 9
I94f 6l 5
95 Vigilance and Discipline. October 10, 1941 622
96 The Engineer's Role in National Crisis. October 20,
1941 625
97 Growing Unity Among Anti-Aggression Nations.
November 7, 1941 628
IV. CHINA FIGHTS ON WITH ALLIES ( 1941-1943)
98 America's Chance to Strike at Japan. November 17, 1941 631
99 In Defense of Freedom. November 17, 1941 637
100 All We Are and All We Have. December B, 1941 640
101 The Common Struggle Against the Axis. December io 9
1941 641
1 02 Assistance to Friendly Governments. December n, 1941 644
103 Increase Our Fighting Strength. December /j, 1941 646
104 A New Outlook and New Efforts. December 31, 1941 650
105 Solidarity Between Burma and China 653
CONTENTS
106 Chinese and Indians Have the Same Destiny. February
9, 1942 P a 8 e 658
107 A Wartime Way of Life. February 18, 1942 662
108 One Half of the World's People. February 21, 1942 665
109 To the Flying Tigers, Salute. February 28, 1942 669
1 10 The Duties of a Vanguard. March 12, 1942 675
1 1 1 Strike the Enemy from Every Vantage Point. March
20, 1942 68 1
112 Of Man and Material. May 4, 1942 683
113 Morale Plus Equipment. May 31, 1942 688
1 14 The Importance of Food Policy in Wartime. June 2,
1942 690
115 China's War, A World War. July 7, 794* 697
1 1 6 To the Chinese Expeditionary Forces in India. August 4,
1942 7*
117 A Friend from Distant Lands. October 3, 1942 703
118 Loyalty and Reciprocity. October io f 1942 707
119 Beautiful and Touching Gesture. October 13, 1942 710
120 National and Allied Co-operation. October 22, 1942 712
1 2 1 The End of Unequal Treaties in China. October 31, 1942 7 1 7
122 From Man's Oldest Parliament. November 12, 1942 722
123 China's After- War Aims. November 17, 1942 727
124 The Comradeship of the United Nations. December J,
194* 73
125 A New World Order Built on Christian Love. December
*5> *94* 732
126 New Treaties: New Responsibilities. January n, 1943 734
V. CHINA FIGHTS ON TO VICTORY (i943-'945)
127 Our Spiritual Force. February 18, 1943 738
128 To the People of Thailand. February 26, 1943 742
129 Six Years of Sacrifices. July 7, 1943 745
130 To the People of the United Nations. July 7, 1943 750
131 A Political Problem. September 13, 1943 756
132 The State of the Nation. September 18, 1943 758
133 The People and the State. October 10, 1943 762
134 Toward Constitutionalism. November 12, 1943 766
135 The Truth of Life. December 24, 1943 771
136 A Solid Foundation for Victory. January i, 1944 776
xi
CONTENTS
137 From Students to Soldiers. January H, 1944 page 782
138 China and the United States. June 34, 1944 785
139 Our Seven Years' Fight. July 7, 1944 787
140 Before Final Victory. September 5, 1944 792
141 Basis for Political Settlement. September 16, 1944 798
1422 Success in War and Revolution. October 10, 1944 800
143 The Party and the Nation. November 12, 1944 804
144 Faith in Victory. December 24, 1944 81 1
145 Victory and Democracy. December 31, 1944 814
146 The Task Before Us. January 5, 1945 818
147 A Road to Victory. January 28, 1945 821
148 Unity and Constitutionalism. March i, 1945 826
149 A Great Loss to the World. April 13, 1945 831
150 Building a New China. May 5, 7945 833
151 This Unprecedented Triumph. May io 9 1945 836
152 Victory in Europe. May 12, 1945 838
153 Eight Years of War. July 7, 1945 841
154 Our Government's Two Obligations. July 7, 1945 844
155 A New Ally Against Japan. August 9, 1945 849
156 This Day of Victory. August 75, 1945 850
157 Our Complete Victory. August 75, 7945 853
158 National Independence and Racial Equality. August 24*
^945 854
159 The Attainment of Final Victory. September 3, 1945 86 1
EPILOGUE
1 60 The Northeast Fourteen Years After. September 18,
'945 867
Index of Titles 873
Bibliographical Index 877
Index 883
Chronology
1937-1945
(Continued from Volume One)
FOURTH YEAR
July 7, 1940 Third anniversary of war.
A Just War. Message to the army and people.
The Unmistakable Issues. Message to friendly na-
tions.
Crimes and Corruption of the Japanese Militarists.
Message to the Japanese people.
July 8, 1940 The Forces of Truth and Justice. Broadcast to the
American people.
Japanese Phrases and Pretensions. Qosing address
at Seventh Plenary Session of the Central Execu-
tive Committee and the Central Supervisory Com-
mittee of the Kuomintang.
July 17, 1940 Britain under Churchill's new government, yields to
Japanese demands, closes Burma Road for three
months.
July 27, 1940 China concludes new trade treaty with Russia.
Aug. 13, 1940 The Day of Deliverance Shall Come. Message to
people in the occupied areas.
Sept. 7, 1940 The Power of Thrift. Appeal to the nation to sup-
port the Thrift and Savings Movement.
Sept. 9, 1940 Chungking proclaimed the auxiliary capital.
Sept. 18, 1940 Manchuria: Hell on Earth. Message on ninth an-
niversary of Japan's invasion of Manchuria.
Sept. 23, 1940 Japanese army marches into French Indo-China.
Sept. 25, 1940 Third U.S. commercial loan to China of $25,000,000.
Sept. 27, 1940 Japan signs triple military alliance pact with Ger-
many and Italy.
Oct. 10, 1940 The International Role of the Republic. Message
on the twenty-ninth anniversary of the Chinese Re-
public.
xiii
CHRONOLOGY
Oct. 16, 1940 U.S. embargoes all forms of iron and steel to Japan.
Oct. 18, 1940 Japan's attempt to secure a "negotiated peace"
fails and Britain reopens Burma Road.
Oct. 28, 1940 China recaptures Nanning, Kwangsi Province.
Nov. 30, 1940 U.S. extends to China $100,000,000 credit, half for
general purposes, half for currency stabilization.
Hull disapproves Japan's recognition of Wang
Ching-wei.
Dec. 2, 1940 The Nadir of Konoye's Career. Report at the
weekly memorial service of the National Govern-
ment.
Dec. 10, 1940 London announces new loan of 10,000,000 to
China.
Jan. 1, 1941 Light of New Hope. New Year's message.
Jan. 12, 1941 Chungking announces a third Chinese-Soviet trade
pact.
Jan. 18, 1941 Burma-Chinese Relationship. Reply to a letter of
greeting written by U Ba Lwin, Burmese leader.
Jan. 27, 1941 The Function of Revolutionary Discipline. Speech
at weekly assembly of the National Government.
March 1, 1941 National Defense First. Speech at inaugural ses-
sion of Second People's Political Council.
March 6, 1941 Again National Solidarity. Report to People's
Political Council on the Government's attitude
toward the demands of the Chinese Communist
Party.
March 11, 1941 President Roosevelt signs Lend-Lease Bill.
March 12, 1941 Future Objectives of Spiritual Mobilisation.
Broadcast on second anniversary of the Spiritual
Mobilization Movement.
March 24, 1941 The Kuomintang and National Leadership. Open-
ing address at the Eighth Plenary Session of the
Central Executive and Central Supervisory com-
mittees of the Kuomintang Party.
April 6, 1941 Germany invades Yugoslavia.
April 13, 1941 Russia and Japan sign a four-point neutrality pact.
April 27, 1941 Greece falls.
xiv
CHRONOLOGY
May 10, 1941 Bonds Between China and America. Address at
farewell dinner to Ambassador Nelson T. Johnson.
May 31, 1941 Hull-Quo exchange of letters states U.S. intention
of relinquishing extraterritorial rights and other
special privileges in China.
June 16, 1941 A Balanced Development in National Finances.
Address at the Third National Financial Confer-
ence.
June 22, 1941 Germany invades Soviet Union.
July 1, 1941 Chungking severs diplomatic relations with Berlin
and Rome after Axis recognition of Wang Ching-
wei regime.
FIFTH YEAR
July 7, 1941 Fourth anniversary of war.
Stronger Co-operation of Democracies Against
Aggression. Message to friendly nations.
That All May Not Be Lost in the Hour of Triumph.
Message to the army and people.
July 14, 1941 British-Chinese notes reaffirm Britain's willingness
to abolish extraterritoriality.
July 25, 1941 Washington freezes all Japanese assets in America.
Britain takes similar action a day later.
Aug. 13, 1941 The Time Sets Against the Aggressor. Message
marking fourth anniversary of fighting in Shang-
hai.
Aug. 14, 1941 Roosevelt and Churchill proclaim Atlantic Charter
and eight-point peace program.
Sept. IS, 194130,000 puppet Nanking troops mutiny.
Sept. 18, 1941 The Northeast and Territorial Integrity. Message
on tenth anniversary of Japanese occupation of
Manchuria.
Oct. 1, 1941 Chinese score big victory in Second Battle of
Changsha,
Oct. 10, 1941 Vigilance and Discipline. Message to the nation'
on thirtieth anniversary of the founding of the
Chinese Republic.
CHRONOLOGY
Oct. 11, 1941 Chinese reoccupy Ichang; forced to abandon it two
days later after enemy's use of poison gas.
Oct 20, 1941 Engineers' Role in National Crisis. Message to
meeting of Association of Chinese Engineers.
Nov. 1, 1941 Chinese reoccupy Chengchow.
Nov. 7, 1941 Growing Unity Among Anti-aggression Nations.
Interview with a group of foreign correspondents.
Nov. 17, 1941 Roosevelt confers with Kurusu.
America's Chance to Strike at Japan. Opening
address to Second Session of Second People's
Political Council.
In Defense of Freedom. Messages to the United
States, Britain and Australia.
Nov. 24, 1941 China objects to limited Pacific settlement.
Dec. 7, 1941 Japanese naval and air forces launch surprise at-
tack on Pearl Harbor.
Dec. 8, 1941 All We Are and All We Have. Exchange with
President Roosevelt on day after Pearl Harbor.
Dec. 9, 1941 China declars war on Japan, Germany and Italy,
pledges full aid to Allies.
Dec. 10, 1941 The Common Struggle Against the Axis. Message
to the army and people at home and abroad.
Dec. 11, 1941 Assistance to Friendly Governments. Message
to members of Chinese communities overseas.
Dec. 15, 1941 Increase Our Fighting Strength. Opening address
at Ninth Plenary Session of the Kuomintang Cen-
tral Executive Committee.
Dec. 25, 1941 Hong Kong surrenders.
Pacific military council called in Chungking by
Generalissimo Chiang with Major-Gen. George H.
Brett (U.S.) and Gen. Sir Archibald P. Wavell
(Britain) attending.
Dec. 31, 1941^4 New Outlook and New Efforts. New Year's
message to the Chinese people and army.
Solidarity Between Burma and China. Message
to the people of Burma.
Jan. 2, 1942 "Declaration by United States" signed in Washing-
xvi
CHRONOLOGY
ton by U.S., Britain, Russia, China and twenty-two
other nations.
Jan. 4, 1942 China frustrates a third time Japan's attempt to
take Changsha; enemy suffers debacle.
Feb. 9, 1942 Chinese and Indians Have the Same Destiny. Two
speeches made in India during his visit there.
Feb. 12, 1942 New U.S. $500,000,000 loan made to China.
Feb. 15, 1942 Singapore surrenders to Japan.
Feb. 18, 1942^4 Wartime Way of Life. Message to the nation on
eighth anniversary of the New Life Movement.
Feb. 21, 1942 One Half of the World's People. Farewell mes-
sage to the Indian people.
Feb. 28, 1942 To the Flying Tigers, Salute. Speech at dinner for
the American Volunteer Group.
March 7, 1942 Bandung, Java, falls.
March 9, 1942 Rangoon falls.
March 12, 1942 The Duties of a Vanguard. Broadcast to the na-
tion on third anniversary of the Spiritual Mobili-
zation Movement.
March 19, 1942 U.S. Lieut-Gen. Joseph W. Stilwell, appointed
commander of 5th and 6th Chinese armies fighting
in Burma.
March 20, 1942 Strike From Every Vantage Point. Message to
the people of Australia.
April 9, 1942 Bataan falls after three months' fighting.
April 18, 1942 Tokyo and other cities bombed by U.S. planes.
April 30, 1942-Lashio falls.
May 4, 1942 Of Man and Material. Broadcast on National
Mobilization Act.
May 15, 1942 Japan opens new drive in Chekiang Province to
destroy Allied air bases in China.
May 17, 1942 Chinese check Japanese attempt to invade Yunnan
Province via Burma Road.
May 19, 1942 Government spokesman issues urgent appeal to
U.S. for bombers and pursuit planes.
May 31, 1942 Morale plus Equipment. Broadcast to America at
the invitation of the U.S. War Department.
xvii
CHRONOLOGY
June 2, 1942 The Importance of Food Policy in Wartime. Ad-
dress at the National Food Administration Con-
ference.
June 27, 1942 Japanese take Lishui in Chekiang Province, the
last of three important "bomb- Japan" bases.
June 29, 1943 Japanese routed from Shansi-Honan border.
July 4, 1942 A.V.G. reorganized as United States Army Air
Force in China.
SIXTH YEAR
July 7, 1942 Fifth anniversary of war.
China's War, A World War. Broadcast to the
Chinese people and army.
Aug. 11, 1942 U.S. Air Force in China raids five major Japanese
bases at Canton, Hankow, Nanchang, Hsienning
and Yochow.
Aug. 14, 1942 To the Chinese Expeditionary Forces in India. In-
structions to the officers and men of the Chinese
Expeditionary Forces in India.
Aug. 29, 1942 Chinese retake Chuhsien and Lishui, climaxing a
series of victories in counter-offensive along
Kiangsi-Chekiang Railway.
Oct. 3, 1942 A Friend from Distant Lands. Speech at dinner
to welcome Wendell L. Willkie.
Oct. 9, 1942 U.S. and Britain announce readiness to negotiate
for abolition of extraterritorial rights in China.
Oct. 10, 1942 Loyalty and Reciprocity. Message to the nation
on thirty-first anniversary of the Chinese Republic.
Oct. 13, 1942 A Beautiful and Touching Gesture. Message to
President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill
on relinquishment of extraterritorial rights in China.
Oct. 22, 1942 National and Allied Co-operation. Opening ad-
dress at Third People's Political Council.
Oct. 31, 1942 The End of Unequal Treaties in China. Closing
address at Third People's Political Council.
Nov. 12, 1942 From Man's Oldest Parliament. Speech at dinner
to welcome the British Parliamentary Mission.
xviii
CHRONOLOGY
Nov. 17, 1942 China's After-War Aims. Message to the New
York Herald Tribune Forum on Current Problems.
Nov. 27, 1942 Madame Chiang Kai-shek arrives in U.S.
Dec. 7, 1942 First anniversary of Pearl Harbor.
The Comradeship of the United Nations. Messages
to President Roosevelt and Prime Ministers Church-
ill, Curtin and King.
Dec. 25, 1942 vl New World Built on Christian Love. Christmas
message to Allied officers and men in Chungking.
Dec. 31, 1942 Chinese Military Mission to U.S. recalled.
Jan. 11, 1943 U.S. and Britain sign treaties with China abolish-
ing extraterritorial rights and special privileges.
New Treaties: New Responsibilities. Message to
the people and army of China.
Jan. 27, 1943 President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill
conclude ten day conference near Casablanca.
Feb. 9, 1943 Battle for Guadalcanal ends in Allied victory.
Feb. 18, 1943 Mme. Chiang addresses both houses of U.S. Con-
gress.
Our Spiritual Force. Broadcast to the nation on
ninth anniversary of the New Life Movement.
Feb. 26, 1943 To the People of Thailand. Message to the armed
forces and people of Thailand.
April 20, 1943 Details of Doolittle raid revealed by U.S. War
Department.
April 28, 1943 Generalissimo Chiang reveals that entire popula-
tions of Chinese coastal areas were wiped out by
Japanese troops for giving succor to Doolittle's
men.
May 12, 1943 Battle in North Africa ends with complete Allied
victory in Tunisia.
May 19, 1943 Hearings begin before House Immigration and
Naturalization Committee on repeal of Chinese
exclusion laws.
May 20, 1943 Japanese start all-out offensive along Hupeh-Hunan
border, southwest from Ichang and northwest from
Tungting Lake.
xix
CHRONOLOGY
May 30, 1943 Chinese counter-offensive stops Japanese drives
toward Chungking.
June 1, 1943 Aided by Chinese and U.S. Army Air Forces,
Chinese route five enemy divisions southwest of
Ichang.
June 10, 1943 Washington announces agreement reached among
China, U.S., Britain and U.S.S.R. on Inter-Allied
Relief and Rehabilitation Administration.
June 16, 1943 Mme. Chiang addresses both houses of Canadian
Parliament.
June 17, 1943 Chinese military spokesman announces conclusion
of western Hupeh and northern Hunan campaign
with 40,000 Japs dead and wounded.
SEVENTH YEAR
July 7, 1943 Sixth anniversary of war.
Six Years of Sacrifices. Message to the nation.
To the Peoples of the United Nations.
July 9, 194310,000 Japs attack Chinese positions in Taiheng
Mountains.
July 19, 1943 U.S. planes bomb Paramushiro Island for first time
in the war.
Aug. 1, 1943 China severs diplomatic relations with Vichy
France.
Aug. 2, 1943 Lin Sen, 79-year-old President of China, dies.
Aug. 18, 1943 President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill
meet in Quebec, Canada, for their sixth conference
of the war, participated in by Foreign Minister
T. V. Soong of China.
Aug. 24, 1943 Joint Roosevelt-Churchill statement at close of
Quebec Conference dedars that military discussions
"turned very largely upon the war against Japan
and the bringing of effective aid to China. 1 '
Aug. 25, 1943 Allied Southeast Asia Command created under
Lord Mountbatten.
Sept. 9, 1943 Italy's unconditional surrender to Allies announced.
Armistice was signed on September 3.
xx
CHRONOLOGY
Sept. 12, 1943 Decision to convene a People's Congress within
one year after the conclusion of the war announced
by the Eleventh Plenary Session of the Fifth Cen-
tral Executive Committee of the Kuomintang.
Sept. 13, 1943 Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek unanimously elected
President of China.
A Political Problem. Instructions for the settle-
ment of the problem of the Chinese Communist
Party.
Sept. 18, 1943 The State of the Nation. Address at inaugural
sessions of the second convention of the Third
People's Political Council.
Oct. 10, 1943 The People and the State. Message on the thirty-
second anniversary of the Republic and upon his
inauguration as President of the Republic of China.
Oct. 29, 1943 Chinese stop Japanese in East China drive begun
October 1, retaking Siaofeng, northwest of Hang-
chow.
Nov. 1, 1943 Joint four-power (U.S., Britain, Russia and China)
declaration issued at conclusion of Moscow Con-
ference (Oct. 20-30).
Japanese launch new drive into Hunan "rice bowl"
region.
Chinese forces under General Stilwell move into
north Burma, guarding construction of Ledo Road.
Nov. 5, 1943 Generalissimo Chiang concludes five-day military
conference with American and British war leaders.
Nov. 12, 1943 Toward Constitutionalism. Address at inaugural
meeting of Committee for Establishment of Con-
stitutional Government on Sun Yat-sen's birthday
anniversary.
Nov. 21, 1943 Japanese make determined effort to encircle Chang-
teh, west of Tungting Lake, Hunan.
Dec. 1, 1943 Cairo Conference (Nov. 22-26) of Chiang, Roose-
velt and Churchill announced.
Dec. 3, 1943 Moscow- announces meeting of Roosevelt and
Churchill with Stalin at Teheran as terminated.
xxi
CHRONOLOGY
Changteh lost to enemy after fifteen-day siege.
Dec. 9, 1943 Chinese recapture Changteh, with support of U.S.
14th Air Force, pushing enemy back in northern
Hunan.
Dec. 17, 1943 President Roosevelt signs bill repealing 60-year-old
Chinese Exclusion Laws.
Dec. 24, 1943 The Truth of Life. Christmas Eve broadcast to
wounded and sick soldiers.
Jan. 1, 1944 A Solid Foundation for Victory. Radio address to
Chinese army and people.
Jan. 2, 1944 Chinese push through Hukawng Valley, North
Burma.
Jan. 11, 1944 From Students to Soldiers. Speech to five hundred
student volunteers.
Jan. 20, 1944 116-mile road-link connecting Ledo Road from
India with roads in North Burma completed.
Feb. 1, 1944 President Roosevelt issues statement on American
objectives in Asia.
U.S. forces invade Marshall Islands, fighting on
Japanese territory for first time in the war.
Feb. 4, 1944 U.S. naval task force attacks Paramushiro for
the first time.
Feb. 16, 1944 Truk, Japanese base in South Pacific, attacked by
task forces of U.S. Pacific Fleet.
March 6, 1944 Chinese capture Maingkwan, strategic town in
Hukawng Valley, Burma.
March 17, 1944 Four enemy columns open drive across upper
Chindwin River toward India.
April 1, 1944 Soviet Union renews agreement on fishing rights
with Japan.
April 18, 1944 Japanese open major offensive in Honan, near
Chengchow (Chenghsien), to clear Chinese-held
sections of Peiping-Hankow line.
April 30, 1944 Japanese open new offensive in Anhwei, about 190
miles northwest of Nanking.
May 10, 1944 Chinese forces strike across Salween River in
Yunnan to join Gen. Stilwell's Chinese-American
troops in Burma,
xxii
CHRONOLOGY
May 12, 1944 Japanese win control of entire length of Peiping-
Hankow Railway after three-week offensive, sur-
round Loyang on east-west Lunghai Railway.
May 17, 1044 Lin Tsu-han, Chinese Communist representative,
arrives in Chungking to confer with President
Chiang.
May 18, 1944 Allies seize Myitkyina airdrome and attack city,
main Japanese base in North Burma.
May 24, 1944 Chinese break enemy drive in Honan, recapture
sectors of Peiping-Hankow Railway.
May 29, 1944 Japanese open new offensive in Hunan in attempt
to seize control of Hankow-Canton Railroad.
May 30, 1944 U.S. invites Britain, Russia and China to partici-
pate in informal conversations on formation of an
international organization to maintain post-war se-
curity.
June 6, 1944 Allies invade western Europe.
June 11, 1944 Chinese occupy Lungling, second major enemy
base in Yunnan.
June 14, 1944 American forces land on Saipan Island.
June 15, 1944 President Roosevelt advances plan for post-war
international security calling for the formation of
"a fully representative organization of peace-loving
countries."
June 15, 1944 Japan bombed for the second time in the war.
B-29 Superfortresses of the newly formed 20th U.S.
Air Force used for the first time; also first direct
attack on Japan Proper from China bases.
June 16, 1944 Chinese capture Kamaing, North Burma.
June 17, 1944 Japanese bypass besieged Changsha, push on toward
Hengyang, key city on Hankow-Canton Railroad.
June 18, 1944 Changsha falls following concentrated attack by
more than 50,000 enemy troops under cover of
planes and artillery.
June 20, 1944 U.S. Vice-President Henry A. Wallace arrives in
Chungking for conference with President Chiang.
June 24, 1944 China and the United States. Joint release issued
xxiii
CHRONOLOGY
by Gen. Chiang and Vice-President Wallace at the
. conclusion of the latter's visit in Chungking.
June 27, 1944 Chinese and British-Indian forces capture Mo-
gaung, North Burma.
July 1, 1944 Japanese launch offensive northward from Canton.
July 2, 1944 Vice-President Wallace leaves Lanchow for U.S.
EIGHTH YEAR
July 7, 1944 Seventh anniversary of war.
Our Seven Years' Fight. Message to the nation.
July 9, 1944 U.S. forces complete conquest of Saipan.
July 20, 1944 Japanese Tojo Cabinet resigns.
July 21, 1944 U.S. forces land on Guam.
July 22, 1944 Japanese Cabinet under General Koiso formed.
Aug. 1, 1944 Habeas Corpus Act enforced.
Sino-Mexican Treaty of Amity signed in Mexico
City.
Aug. 4, 1944 Allies capture Myitkyina, important North Burma
town.
Aug. 8, 1944 Hengyang falls to enemy after 47-day siege.
Aug. 20, 1944 Washington Conversations on International Or-
ganization open at Dumbarton Oaks.
Sept. 1, 1944 Seven Japanese divisions launch major offensive
along 80-mile front from Hengyang toward Kweilin.
Sept. 5, 1944 Before Final Victory. Opening address at Third
Plenary Session of the Third People's Political
Council.
Sept. 6, 1944 Donald M. Nelson, American WPB chairman, and
Major-Gen. Patrick J. Hurley arrive in Chungking
on mission for President Roosevelt.
Sept. 9, 1944 Gen. Stilwell's Chinese-American forces and
Chinese units from Salween area make their first
juncture between Myitkyina and Tengchung.
Sept. 11, 1944 President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill
arrive in Quebec for second conference.
Sept. 14, 1944 Chinese recapture Tengchung, Yunnan, first large
city liberated in seven years of war.
xxiv
CHRONOLOGY
Sept. 16, 1944 Basis for Political Settlement. Address at Third
Plenary Session of the Third People's Political
Council.
Sept. 29, 1944 Chinese phase of Dumbarton Oaks Conference
opens.
Oct. 10, 1944 Success in War and Revolution. Message to the
nation on thirty-third anniversary of the Chinese
Republic.
Oct. 19, 1944 U.S. forces under Gen. MacArthur land on the
Philippines.
Oct. 28, 1944 Gen. Stilwell recalled to the U.S.; Major-Gen.
Albert C. Wedemeyer appointed commander of
U.S. forces in China, and Lt.-Gen. Daniel I. Sultan,
commander of Burma-India forces.
Nov. 1, 1944 President Roosevelt confirms report of resignation
of Clarence E. Gauss, U.S. Ambassador to China
since 1941.
Nov. 3, 1944 Chinese recapture Lungling, Burma Road city.
Nov. 12, 1944 Kweilin lost to enemy.
The Party and the Nation. Message on the fiftieth
anniversary of the Kuomintang.
Nov. 20, 1944 Changes in Chinese Government in move to
strengthen war effort.
Nov. 26, 1944 Nanning ( Yungning) in Kwangsi, falls to Japanese.
Nov. 27, 1944 Major-Gen. Patrick J. Hurley made U.S. Ambas-
sador to China.
Dec. 2, 1944 Chinese recapture Chefang, last important Japa-
nese-held town on Burma Road in Yunnan Prov-
ince.
Dec. 11, 1944 Chinese clear Kweichow Province of Japanese.
Dec. 15, 1944 Chinese capture enemy base of Bhamo, Burma.
Dec. 24, 1944 Faith in Victory. Broadcast message on Christ-
mas Eve.
Dec. 31, 1944 Victory and Democracy. Message to the people on
New Year's Eve.
Jan. 5, 1945 -The Task Before Us. Address at New Year din-
ner to Allied officers.
XXV
CHRONOLOGY
Jan. IS, 1945 Chinese take Namhkam, last Burma town on Ledo-
Burma Road.
Jan. 20, 1945 Chinese retake Wanting; new Myitkyina-Teng-
chung road opens.
Jan. 22, 1945 Ledo-Burma Road entirely cleared of Japs.
Jan. 28, 1945 First convoy to China in almost three years rolls
into Wanting over Leo-Burma Road. President
Chiang names highway Stilwell Road.
Kukong, Kwangtung provisional capital, on Canton-
Hankow Railway, falls.
A Road to Victory. Broadcast to the United States
on the opening of the Stilwell Road.
Feb. 9, 1945 Chinese Army Headquarters established in Kun-
ming. General Ho Ying-chin named commander-
in-chief of ground forces.
Feb. 10, 1945 Koiso Cabinet again reshuffled.
Feb. 12, 1945 Big Three Crimea (Yalta) Conference announced.
Feb. 15, 1945 U.S. naval task force attacks Tokyo.
China announces plans for conscripting 500,000
men.
Feb. 21, 1945 Second Koiso Cabinet reshuffle in eleven days.
March 1, 1945 Unity and Constitutionalism. Address at opening
meeting of Preparatory Commission for Inaugura-
tion of Constitutional Government.
March 5, 1945 U.S. Government, on behalf of the other sponsor-
ing powers Britain, Russia and China invites
thirty-nine nations to San Francisco Conference.
March 7, 1945 Chinese recapture old Burma Road terminus of
Lashio.
March 16, 1945 Battle of Iwo Jima ends.
March 18, 1945 Chinese take Hsipaw, Burma Road junction.
March 20, 1945 Mandalay falls to British and Indian troops after
twelve-day siege.
March 29, 1945 Nanchang recaptured by Chinese.
April 1, 1945 U.S. troops land on Okinawa, main island of
Liuchius (Ryukyus).
XXVI
CHRONOLOGY
April 2, 1945 Exchange of ratifications of Sino-Canadian Treaty
in Chungking.
April 5, 1945 Soviet Russia denounces its neutrality past with
Japan. MacArthur and Nimitz named U.S. com-
manders, respectively, of army and navy forces in
Pacific. Japanese open drive in Shensi.
April 6, 1945 Chinese launch counter-offensive in Shensi.
April 7, 1945 New Japanese Premier Admiral Suzuki forms
"battle" cabinet.
April 12, 1945 President Franklin Delano Roosevelt dies at Warm
Springs, Ga.
Vice-President Harry S. Truman takes office.
April 13, 1945 Chinese recapture of Laohokow announced; its loss
was admitted day before.
A Great Loss to the World. Message of con-
dolence on the death of President Roosevelt.
April 25, 1945 United Nations Conference on International Or-
ganization opens in San Francisco.
May 5, 1945 Building a New China. Opening address at Sixth
National Congress of the Kuomintang.
May 7, 1945 Germany surrenders unconditionally to the Allies.
May 8, 1945 V-E Day proclaimed.
May 10, 1945 This Unprecedented Triumph. V-E Day messages
to Allied leaders.
Chinese troops smash enemy drive on Chihkiang,
Hunan.
May 12, 1945 Victory in Europe. Address at reception celebrat-
ing the Allied victory in Europe.
May 13, 1945 Chinese troops enter Foochow.
May 17, 1945 President Chiang reelected Tsungtsai (Director-
General) of Kuomintang.
May 27, 1945 Chinese recapture Nanning, southern Kwangsi.
May 31, 1945 T. V. Soong appointed President of the Executive
Yuan (Premier).
June 18, 1945 Chinese recapture port of Wenchow.
June 21, 1945 U.S. forces conquer Okinawa.
June 22, 1945 Chinese troops enter Liuchow, Kwangsi Province.
xxvii
CHRONOLOGY
June 26, 1945 San Francisco Conference closes after signing ol
World Charter by fifty nations.
June 27, 1945 General MacArthur declares conquest of Luzon
complete.
June 29, 1945 Chinese forces recapture Liuchow.
June 30, 1945 Premier T. V. Soong arrives in Moscow for con-
versations with Premier Stalin.
July 5, 1945 Gen. MacArthur announces liberation of entire
Philippines.
NINTH YEAR
July 7, 1945 Eighth anniversary of war.
Eight Years of War. Message to the Chinese
people and army.
Our Government's Two Obligations. Opening ad-
dress at Fourth People's Political Council.
July 12, 1945 Gen. George Stratemeyer named commanding gen-
eral of U.S. Air Forces in the China Theater.
July 14, 1945 Gen. Claire L. Chennault retires as commander of
U.S. 14th Air Force. '
July 17, 1945 American Third Fleet, joined by British Pacific
Fleet, attacks Tokyo area.
July 18, 1945 Chinese completely recapture Kanhsien, Kiangsi.
July 20, 1945 Chinese take Yiyang, south of Lake Tungting.
July 26, 1945 China, U.S. and Britain issue the Potsdam Decla-
ration, calling on Japan to quit now or be destroyed.
July 27, 1945 Chinese recapture Kweilin, Kwangsi.
July 31, 1945 Supreme National Defense Council approves
China's adherence to the United Nations Charter
and the Bretton Woods Agreement.
Aug. 6, 1945 President Truman announces use of atomic bomb
on Hiroshima, sixteen hours after attack.
Aug. 7, 1945 Chinese recapture South China port of Yeungkong
on "invasion coast."
Aug. 8, 1945 Soviet Union declares war on Japan, attacks enemy
on Manchurian border.
Aug. 9, 1945 Second atomic bomb dropped on Nagasaki.
xxviii
CHRONOLOGY
A New Ally Against Japan. Message to General-
issimo Stalin on Soviet declaration of war against
Japan.
Aug. 10, 1945 Japan offers to accept Potsdam surrender terms
provided Allies give assurance regarding sovereignty
of emperor.
Aug. 11, 1945 U.S., China, Britain and Russia agree to Jap sur-
render proposal if emperor takes orders from
supreme Allied commander.
Aug. 14, 1045 China and Soviet Union sign 30-year Treaty of
Friendship and Alliance and series of supplemen-
tary agreements.
Japan surrenders, ending World War II and China's
eight-year War of Resistance against Japanese
agression.
Aug. 15, 1945 This Day of Victory. Radio messages to the peace-
loving nations of the world and the soldiers and
civilians of China on the surrender of Japan.
Our Complete Victory. Congratulatory message
to President Truman on the surrender of Japan.
Aug. 16, 1945 Generalissimo Chiang invites Chinese Communist
leader Mao Tse-tung to come to Chungking for
conference, issues orders to Gen. Yasutsugu Oka-
mura, supreme commander of Japanese forces in
China, to cease all hostilities.
Aug. 17, 1945 Prince Naruhiko Higashi-kuni named to head new
Japanese Cabinet.
Aug. 19, 1945 Japanese surrender emissaries fly to Manila to re-
ceive instructions from Gen. MacArthur, Supreme
Allied Commander.
Aug. 21, 1945 Japanese emissaries arrive at Chihkiang to receive
instructions from Gen. Ho Ying-chin for surrender
to China.
Aug. 23, 1945 Soviet Union announces entire Japanese Kwantung
Army surrendered on August 19.
Aug. 24, 1945 A/Mono/ Independence and Racial Equality. Ad-
dress to joint session of Supreme National Defense
xxix
CHRONOLOGY
Coundl and Kuomintang Central Executive Com-
mittee.
Aug. 26, 1945 Texts of Chinese-Soviet Treaty of Friendship and
Alliance and related agreements, ratified on Aug.
25, made public.
Communist leader Mao Tse-tung agrees to come
to Chungking in response to third invitation.
Aug. 28, 1945 First American landing in Japan made at Atsugi
airdrome, sixteen miles southwest of Tokyo.
Aug. 30, 1945 Occupation of Japan by American troops begins.
Aug. 31, 1945 Chinese First Army liberates Canton.
Sept. 2, 1945 Formal unconditional surrender of Japan to the
Allies signed on board the U.S.S. "Missouri" in
Tokyo Bay. Gen. MacArthur signs as Supreme
Allied Commander; Gen. Hsu Yung-chang signs
as representative of China.
Sept 3, 1945 V-J Day.
Chungking begins three-day celebration.
The Attainment oj Final Victory. V-J Day mes-
sage to the nation.
EPILOGUE
Sept. 5, 1945 First Chinese troops arrive in Nanking to take over
city.
Sept. 8, 1945 Gen. MacArthur enters Tokyo.
Sept. 9, 1945 Gen. Yo Ying-chin receives formal surrender of
the Japanese in China from Gen. Okamura in
Nanking.
Sept. 10, 1945 Gen. MacArthur orders dissolution of the Japanese
Imperial General Headquarters, effective Sept. 13.
Sept. 11, 1945 Gen. MacArthur issues first list of Pacific War
criminals, orders arrest of forty.
Sept. 12, 1945 Chinese take over control of Shanghai, complete
reoccupation of Canton.
Sept. 18, 1945 The Northeast Fourteen Years After. Message
to the nation on fourteenth anniversary of the
Mukden incident.
XXX
Ill
CZ?!iLiraeL FigHts and Builds
72
A Just War
A message to the army and people on the third
anniversary of the war, July 7, 1940.
JULY 7, 1940.
HPHE Chinese people's sacred War of Resistance enters today upon
A its fourth year. The enemy said at first that three months would
be sufficient for the conquest of China. Now they have been fighting
for three years and their illusory hopes of an early conclusion to the
war have been smashed by the heroic striving of our whole army and
people. The Japanese militarists' dallying with shameless traitors
and their organization of several puppet administrations have availed
them nothing toward escape from their disillusioned and shiftless
state of mind. Our stout and persevering resistance has compelled
the Japanese to watch the European war now in progress for ten
months without moving a finger to fish in those troubled waters, and
now they have reason to fear the war will come to an end before
they have any chance to try their luck in that field. Recently there
has been a general outcry in Japan for a speedy conclusion to the
"China Incident" a clear indication of the alarm whether we ob-
serve the situation at home, in Japan, or in the world at large, the
enemy is seen to be reduced to a degree of embarrassment and ex-
haustion in singular contrast to our confidence in final victory. This
is to be put down to the hard struggle and magnanimous sacrifices
of our soldiers and other countrymen. I, in the position of supreme
leader entrusted me by my fellow-countrymen, looking back over the
past three years of fighting, place at the very head of all I have to
say today a commemorative salute of respect for all those who have
laid down their lives for the country and resistance.
Our resistance is fought to defend our national independence and
world justice, to right a great wrong, and to oppose aggression. It
is pre-eminently worthy among modern wars of being called a
"just war." Directly it began we solemnly resolved to stop nowhere
short of the goal we saw before us ; no hardships were to be avoided,
451
A JUST WAR
no sacrifices held too great: all were prepared to do the utmost
required by loyalty to the Three Principles of the People and if
necessary to give their lives for the Republic. Vainly seeking to
conceal his weaknesses by means of blind inroads and indiscriminate
bombing, the enemy only reveals his anxiety and despair the more
clearly, making himself a laughing-stock for the world. He suc-
ceeds only in increasing the indignation of our people and intensifying
the sufferings of his own people.
All of us, whether at the front, in the rear or even abroad, have
only to strive on with one heart and one will, mindful of the blood-
won lessons these years of war have afforded us, resolve not to
slacken our efforts until the enemy is driven from our soil thus the
enemy's utter ruin will inescapably overtake him in due course of
time. On this significant anniversary I wish to express the hope that
you will all keep in mind the greatness of the revolutionary direc-
tions bequeathed us by the Tsungli and the rich heritage left us by
our ancestors, so that the moment when we were compelled to resist
three years ago may remain decisive in our national policy, and that
by fulfilling it with all vigor we may maintain the character of the
nation and keep alive the spirit of rectitude among men. I hope
still more that our army and people will recall the tragic history
of all that has been suffered during the past three years, each man
bethinking himself of what he owes himself, of whether he need feel
shame to call himself a citizen of this age, a descendant of Hwang Ti
and a disciple of Dr. Sun, Father of the Republic.
During the past three years I have repeatedly done my best to
inform you of the facts about resistance ; with what I have said you
may correlate your own observations of events. Today, at the
opening of this fourth year of war, let us review the past situation
at home and abroad, and more especially the phenomena of the year
just gone by in order that we may take stock of the decline of the
enemy's strength, of the rapid approach of victory and the necessity*
of our struggling steadily on. In surveying the situation on the
enemy side we must especially mark the statement regarding the
"New Order in East Asia" made at the time of the first Konoye
Cabinet. It has been a main factor in the production of internal
anomalies in Japan and her isolation among the nations. A sequel
to it was the so-called "Outline of Provisions for Readjustment of
452
A JUST WAR
Relations between Japan and China/' the secret pact concluded by the
Japanese with Wang Ching-wei. Since the Mukden Incident, the
Japanese militarists have been continually on the watch for cracks
in our defenses of which to take advantage, but before the statement
appeared their lust for domination found only fragmentary expres-
sion, their ambitions were half-veiled and not wholly apparent.
When the day of the Konoye statement came, however, they were
seen to be absolutely without decency in the complete avowal of their
determination to trample on freedom in the world. From it we
understood clearly it was their intention entirely to deprive us of our
territory and enslave all succeeding generations of our race. Sub-
sequently the revelation of the Wang agreement showed the Konoye
plan advanced another stage in concrete application. It demon-
strated the enemy's intention of making himself master of our
country body and soul, as it were. Our whole people were to become
their slaves and chattels, with no freedom of action whatever. This
complete revelation of a prodigious scheme of conquest angered the
Chinese people as much as it shocked the world. It intensified our
determination to defend ourselves and added to the internal disagree,
ments and contradictions in Japan. From that time the merest
child among the Chinese people knew that it was necessary to fight
to the death if our independence and existence were to be maintained.
Let us take one of the simplest and apparently least important
of the points in Konoye's statement the so-called demand for
freedom of residence and commercial transactions of Japanese
subjects in China. This would amount in practice to the cluttering
up of every district and village in the country with Japanese ronin
and spies; everywhere there would be Japanese special service men
under whose surveillance the Chinese people would have no freedom
of mind or body. Only such traitors as Wang Ching-wei pretend
to be ignorant of the obvious facts. No individual among our people
or those abroad fails to see the truth with perfect clarity. All coun-
tries having relations with the Far East know that Konoye's plan
would imply the domination of Eastern Asia, the exclusion of
European and American interests and the reduction of Pacific affairs
to a state of chaos. When Konoye resigned he was succeeded by
Hiranuma and Yonai. These successors, being all dependent upon
the militarists, naturally took up Konoye's lead and outdid him in
453
A JUST WAR
his own line. For the war-oppressed Japanese people there was
despair of release from their sufferings.
The program and aims of our resistance are clear. They consist
of nothing beyond the preservation of our people's existence and
independence. What we are putting our whole strength to strive
for is the complete evacuation of the enemy forces from our soil and
the restoration of our territorial and administrative integrity. Much
as we hate the Japanese militarists, we have no intention of harbor-
ing undying hatred for the innocent Japanese people. Since the
Japanese ambitions became clear for what they are through the ex-
posure of the notorious treaty signed by Wang Ching-wei and his
recognition of the "New Order in East Asia" we had no other course
than to rise up to strike at this heaven-flouting ringleader of aggres-
sors, against whom every nation in the world is on its guard. The
Japanese people, meanwhile, have known no better than to follow
blindly wherever the militarists have led them, throwing themselves
into the grave prepared for them. Among them, therefore, and in
the ranks of the Japanese armies anti-war feeling and disgust with the
war have grown more intense from day to day. While the morale
of the invaders has thus been sinking, political conditions in Japan
have been as steadily deteriorating. In foreign relations Japan's
isolation has become perilous. All this is due to the Konoye state-
ment.
The military, political, economic and diplomatic symptoms of
the enemy's critical plight are clearer now than even a year previously.
Speaking of the military aspect, it may be remarked that the enemy's
capacity for the offensive in both the south and north war areas has
notably declined. The appointment of Nishio as Commander-in-
Chief of the Japanese Expeditionary Forces in an attempt to secure
unity of command failed to achieve the desired effect, for morale
was already too badly impaired. For our part, our fighting experi-
ence has been enriched and we have frequently been able to deal
the enemy blows of unexpected force with troops very poorly
equipped. During the year past the enemy has succeeded in taking
from us only one strategic point, Manning and that at great expense.
Elsewhere in the Yellow, Yangtze and Pearl river areas they have
gained nothing. In southern Shansi at Luliang, in the T'aihang and
Chungt'iao hills the enemy has tasted the sting of our counter-
454
A JUST WAR
mopping-up operations and has been unable to withstand them.
Apart from this there was the victory of last September to November
in northern Hunan, that of March and April this year at Wuyuan
in Suiyuan, and that of April and May in Honan and Hupeh. On
each occasion the enemy casualties were severe. Recently the battles
fought on the west bank of the Han River, at Ichang and Hsiangyang,
have been proceeding for two months or more. The enemy has
not definitely occupied any point of real value: he has everywhere
been foiled by our "magnetic tactics." The repeated loss and recap-
ture of Kaifeng and Hsinyang has displayed our hold on the initia-
tive. A year of fighting has again and again revealed the vast dis-
crepancy between the comparative strengths of the Japanese and
ourselves in the past and now. This is at bottom to be put down to
the vagueness of the ideas the Japanese have of what they ard
fighting for with the result that a degeneration of discipline and the
will to fight has set in among their soldiery, while we have proved
able to exchange a passive attitude for an active one in our strategy
we have taken to attacking where once we only stood on the de-
fensive. At the same time our fighting experience has been en-
riched, our hostility to the Japanese has been intensified, the topo-
graphical element in the field has increasingly favored us, so that
we have continually employed our peculiar tactics of drawing out?
the enemy with success. In short, our power and morale have been
growing and improving, while the enemy's man power and resources
have been reduced almost to an end. On this momentous day at
the opening of the fourth year of this War of Resistance, I am in a
position to assure all my fellow-countrymen that we now can be fully
confident of final victory.
In reference to politics and economics. Our political scene
has since resistance began shown features of great significance; de-
velopments have taken place with a steady order of procedure toward
an appointed goal. In Japan, on the other hand, where the founda-
tion of political health had long been undermined, the war has caused
chaotic confusion to attain an unheard-of degree. With us Resistance
and Reconstruction have been proceeding in step: together they form
a national policy subscribed to by all members of the community.
This year past has seen great progress in the unification of the
national will, in co-operation between army and people, in their
455
A JUST WAR
detestation of the enemy and his puppets, and this has been due to
the formative influence of this national policy. The multiform efforts
we have put into fundamental political reform and our resolution
to build a new constitutionally sound San Min Chu I China are
features of it. In Japan political rifts have grown more striking;
many cabinets have come and gone; discontent has been spreading
among the people. The recent movement set on foot by Konoye
for the organization of a so-called New Party is only a device where-
by to achieve the enslavement of all the parties once having a separate
existence, and the destruction of all the old constitutional checks
on the absolutism of the militarists. The tendency that will un-
doubtedly result is bound to be one of extreme reaction and total
lawlessness. A comparison of the effects of the war upon the enemy
and ourselves shows, therefore, on our side gradual constitutional
advance and on the Japanese side the further deterioration of an
already decadent constitutionalism into a state of utter anarchy.
Economically speaking, China is a country of unique natural
endowments, while the Japanese have made piracy their trade.
Nature has provided us with the requisite conditions for fighting
a protracted War of Resistance. The land is not only large in area,
rich in the variety of its products and highly populous; its people
are also naturally hard-working and self-denying. We need not
fear blockade. Moreover we early prepared to meet the threat of
blockade. Had the enemy blockaded us a year earlier than he did
we should certainly have experienced considerably greater diffi-
culties than we actually have. By the present time we have largely
made our industry self-sufficient and its foundations are now secure
from any effect of the Japanese blockade. We are a people finding
new life in the efforts our situation calls from us; as it oppresses
us more and more our production creates newer and greater achieve-
ments. I once said : "Resistance will prove beneficial to the develop-
ment of our whole economic system and its success." We have just
resolved upon a second "three-year plan for wartime economy." I
believe that men of all ranks and classes throughout the land will
respond to the grave needs of the time by enhancing their enthusiasm
in working for the rapid completion of the plan. The opening up
of new communications, the increase of rural credit loans, the
building of new factories, the increase of mining production, the
456
A JUST WAK
building up of our financial system, are all enterprises bearing on the
development of healthy economic conditions in the rear. In Japan
we see dearth of rice, coal and electricity producing effects clearly
marked in the country's everyday life. The budget forced through
the Diet session held this year ran to a figure as vast as 10,300,000,000
Yen. The frequent droughts, typhoons and earthquakes that have
shaken Japan have further accentuated the burdens weighing upon
her people. Her national debt long ago exceeded the figure supposed
to mean ruin by twice as much again and more. Though they cry
out for mobilization of resources they are really like men trying to
fish in a dried-up pond. Paralysis of industry and social unrest
are daily more acute. The contrast in this respect is, therefore, of a
Japan on the one hand destined to economic collapse and a China
about to achieve in the midst of difficulties an economic rebirth.
With regard to the international situation, our resistance has all
along been a stabilizing force in the Far East. Had there not been
these three years of resistance Japan would certainly have fished in
the troubled waters of Europe after the outbreak of the war there,
by carrying into effect some predatory design or other. What
might have become of Far Eastern affairs policy was early deter-
mined upon not long after the war began, and it has since under-
gone no change. We have consistently resisted the aggression of
the Japanese and we have consistently observed our international
undertakings ; we have consistently maintained our right to determine
our foreign relations autonomously, without tolerating restrictive
interference from others ; we have consistently refused to join in the
Anti-Comintern pact. We have held our end and duty to be the
preservation for China of a free and equal status among the nations.
No peace-loving nation in the world would attack us, for countries
to which that name may be applied are all our friends. Multi-
tudinous vicissitudes have convulsed the face of world affairs, but
our guiding principle has remained unshaken. Our stout and reso-
lute attitude has made us worthy of the reputation of "one standing
for a righteous cause who receives much assistance." During the
past year all friendly countries have continued to afford us moral
and material assistance and have won our gratitude. The Japanese,
on the other hand, have frequently varied the trend of their foreign
policy. Their procedure in relation to other countries has grown
457
A JUST WAB
increasingly haphazard. Speaking only of the year just past, they
began by talking of closer relations with the "Axis" Powers, then
they were equally emphatic about adjusting their relations with
Soviet Russia; next they were vociferating about improvement of
relations with America. All of this proved nugatory. Their schem-
ing mind was long ago seen through by the world. Now that Japan
has no reserve of strength sufficient to permit her intervention in
the European war she is powerless to obtain the partnership of any
other country.
Today the diplomatic isolation of Japan is even more marked
than a year ago. She was hard hit by the abrogation of the Com-
mercial Treaty with America and the passing of the Embargo Leg-
islation by the U. S. Congress. Since the American decision to build
up armaments Japan's military preparedness has been confronted
with a hitherto unprecedented challenge. The very basis of her
national existence has been shaken, since Japanese economy depends
on the one hand upon the exploitation of Chinese resources and on
the other upon the purchase of machinery from America to keep up
her production and military supplies. As things are, China's unceas-
ing resistance in the occupied areas as elsewhere has prevented her
obtaining raw materials from China, while the application of all
her fighting forces is perturbing the Japanese in a way they can ill
conceal. In the last analysis her unhappy situation and the bonds
she has herself fitted to her limbs are all products of her aggression
in China.
Taking all the above points together we can affirm that our
resistance has by now in all respects, military, political, economic,
and diplomatic, reduced the enemy to prostration. Our army and
people, however, must bear clearly in mind that while self-confidence
is indispensable, any slackening of effort is equally inadmissible.
The more truly confident a man is the more cautious and strenuous
he should be. Everybody in China realizes that if the Japanese
militarists' designs were to succeed there would follow not only the
destruction of our nation but also that of our race. Let us take
advantage of this occasion to recall the atrocities and barbarous con-
duct perpetrated by the Japanese in the occupied areas. It has
been such that the human mind finds it diffcult to conceive. There
have been cases enough in history of enmity between nations and it
458
A JUST WAR
has often led to war; but there is no historical precedent for the
brutality and vileness of the Japanese invaders. Since the Mukden
Outrage wherever they have gone they have left a trail of drugs,
opium, heroin, and prostitution, banditry and roguery of all kinds.
The aim of it all is to ruin the minds, morals and physique of our
people. They are now carrying this behavior from the Northeastern
provinces and North China into Central and South China. The un-
scrupulous villainy of the Japanese is beyond the power of verbal
description. If we fail to exert ourselves in this struggle to the
death and drive the invaders from our soil we and our descendants
will lose not merely freedom but even any hope of survival. The
whole people must therefore prepare to maintain, under all circum-
stances, the strength of a stout heart to fight the enemy to the bitter
end without a day or moment of relaxation.
For three years we have been resisting ; a revolutionary war is of
its nature of no definite period of duration; time has, as it were,
to be wrested from the struggle, fresh energy being laid in as it
proceeds. In this war we have as much need to reconstruct as to
drive back the enemy. I wish today once again solemnly to em-
phasize a number of points that demand your united efforts.
(1) The practice of Spiritual Mobilization, the strict enforce-
ment of the Citizen's Pact, loyal observance of the Three Principles
of the People, and support of the National Government, obedience
to the dictates of honesty, decency, and discipline; to the end that
everybody may make the interests of the nation supreme with him
and be ready to sacrifice his own accordingly. The more catastrophic
the changes that convulse the world, the more urgent the situation
grows, the firmer and bolder we must be, building up an unshakable
citadel of the spirit wherein every descendant of Hwang Ti may do
his part in the hard trials that must yet precede final victory.
(2) There must be unanimous support of the military plans of
the Government, acceptance of the military service regulations and
ready response to the call for enlistment. Officers and men alike,
and especially high ranking commanders, should feel no undue
exuberance at successes nor discouragement at reverses, maintaining
strict discipline and doing their full duty no matter whether their
place be at the front or in the rear of the enemy, striking relentless
459
A JUST WAB
blows according to plan and rendering constantly more formidable the
military foundation already laid.
(3) Unanimous support of the Government's political plans.
We have everyone of us a share in the responsibility for advancing
local autonomy and carrying into practice the new system of hsien
administration, thus establishing a firm basis for the constitutional
law of the Five Rights. This is necessary work for the building
up of national strength and the concentration of the power of the
people required as much for protracted resistance as for the lasting
prosperity of the country. The leaders of all Party and social or-
ganizations, influential figures in local districts, and teachers in uni-
versities and schools must make themselves exemplary in all they
do and say in this respect. They have to take upon themselves as
their own responsibility the fulfillment of the Three Principles of
the People, opposing to the Japanese and puppet schemes of political
domination an indivisible loyalty and solidarity.
(4) Unanimous support of the Government's economic plans,
for the concentration of resources, technical knowledge, and labor
power among fellow-countrymen both at home and abroad. Pro-
duction and reconstruction in the rear must be pushed forward and
completed in due time. There must be endurance and self-denial
in order to achieve genuine frugality and conservation of resources,
the expansion of co-operative enterprises, the elimination of specu-
lative hoarding and cornering of goods, the prevention of profiteering,
getting from the soil all it can yield, and procuring an unhindered
flow of commerce. At the front and in the rear it is even more im-
perative strictly to blockade the enemy and expand the scope of
non-co-operation with the enemy and the puppets. It must be real-
ized that the Japanese, now at the end of their tether in mind and
body, and reduced to indiscriminate bombing as a mere means of
intimidation, will tend to turn more and more to the expedient of.
economic spoliation. We must, therefore, redouble our efforts to
suppress smuggling and eradicate enemy goods and to preserve our
own resources from falling into enemy hands. The importance of
these counter-measures is not smaller than that of frontline warfare.
(5) Unanimous reliance upon, and support of, the Govern-
ment's foreign policy. Our foreign policy has been one of consistent
support for justice and equity: of seeking with other nations har-
460
A JUST WAB
monious relations based on good faith. Ever since the Mukden
Outrage there has been no change in it. With the outbreak of the
war in July of 1937 we established the principle that only violators
of our national and territorial sovereignty were our enemies, while
those who sympathized with us or aided us were our friends. Hold-
ing fast to this central idea, we have never wavered. Every soldier
and citizen must grasp this and support this national policy, that the
China of Resistance may be worthy of the world's respect and not
fail the expectations of friendly nations. Then will sympathy and
co-operation from others be forthcoming in greater abundance for
the destruction of the aggressor and the establishment of peace in
the Far East and the world,
I am charged with a weighty trust by Party and nation and in
accordance with it for three years I have been leading the War of
Resistance. Whenever I reflect on the sacrifices made by our courage-
ous officers and men and upon the sufferings and misery of so many
of my fellow-countrymen, and of the melancholy plight of those
in the occupied areas, I feel that every day that passes without vic-
tory and revenge is a day of my own personal failure to discharge
my responsibility. What, however, I can reassure you all of is
that the policy of resistance we have been pursuing for these three
years past is absolutely sound and proper. Carried to its logical
conclusion it will undoubtedly mean the victory of our revolutionary
Three Principles of the People. In this faith I immerse myself in
the great task.
At this time, when victory and success are near at hand, caution
and circumspection are the more especially needed; and proposals
favorable to Resistance and Reconstruction must be embraced and
all criticism so favorable must be accepted for the guidance of
responsible officials, who must exert themselves to see valuable sug-
gestions put into practice. Thus may the souls in heaven of the
Tsungli and the revolutionary martyrs be consoled and the fervent
longings of millions of fellow-countrymen be satisfied. It is to be
hoped that all in positions of military and civil responsibility, and
leaders of all sections of society, will realize that the War of Re-
sistance having come to its present stage is due to the power of the
Three Principles of the People. We must, therefore, with one
heart and one will adhere to those principles and personally fulfill
46J
A JUST WAB
their requirements. Our duty is not only resistance to Japan for
the salvation of China but also for the salvation of Asia and the
world. "With pure motives there can be no yielding." So must we
conceive our mission and hence draw our confidence in success.
We are now on the eve of victory and at the same time at the
gravest stage of our struggle. Forward then, with enthusiasm
increasing in proportion to the dimensions of the struggle; for the
sake of China and of humanity we are to create a lasting prosperity
for the future. Our solidarity and our efforts go to the fulfillment
of a sacred mission which has historically fallen to be ours.
462
73
The Unmistakable Issues
A message to friendly nations on aid to China,
delivered on the third anniversary of the war, July
7, 1940.
JULY 7, 1940.
fPHIS is the third anniversary of the day on which China began
to resist the military aggression of Japan. I desire on this
occasion to give friendly nations a terse account of the light in which
the Sino- Japanese War and the world situation are viewed by the
Chinese Government and people.
From the very beginning of our resistance we have held that
the scope of our cause is not limited only to a defense of China's
existence and independence; it also comprehends a service of the
greatest value to the future of world order and human prosperity.
The recent great changes in the European situation have fully proved
the complete accuracy of this belief of ours.
The Japanese militarists have long entertained an ambition of
world conquest, and their attack on China is but the first step in
their whole scheme of aggression. Had China not fought for the
past three years, Japan would early have taken advantage of the
opportunity to be found in the European war by directly attacking
friendly nations' territory and rights on the shores of the Pacific.
As things are, however, China, notwithstanding her original deficien-
cies in point of military equipment, has, by virtue of her people's
united spirit of resolution and sacrifice, brought Japan in three
years near the point of exhaustion and collapse.
In contending with China's stout resistance, Japan has been
steadily drained of her military and economic strength, while the
fighting morale of both her people and army has seen an even more
acute decline. The result is that Japan has by now lost the power
to act as an arbiter of Pacific affairs and all her schemes of conquest
and monopoly have become unrealizable. We may congratulate our-
selves upon this fact which is no less satisfactory to friendly nations
than to us.
463
THE UNMISTAKABLE ISSUES
Our resistance having achieved the effects I have just described,
the confidence of our whole nation in the future of the war is ever
mounting. During the past year, such have been the reverses suf-
fered by the armed forces of the Japanese militarists that they have
turned to political devices, hoping by the employment of puppets
to shatter the unity of our people.
Since the revelation of the so-called "Outline of Provisions for
Readjustment of Relations between Japan and China" or private com-
pact concluded by Wang Ching-wei with the enemy on December 30
of last year, the merest child among us has become aware of the
shameless treachery and hypocrisy of the Japanese motives. The
unanimous solidarity of the Chinese nation has grown only the
stronger and its detestation of that treachery and hypocrisy only the
more vigorous. This is apparent to all observers both Chinese and
foreign.
No threats or tricks from Japanese quarters can now disturb
the course of this crusade-like struggle for our national independence
and world justice. Until the enemy has entirely cast off his aggres-
sive policy and withdrawn his forces from our soil, resistance will
never halt. This I feel in a position solemnly to reiterate on behalf
of my Government and people, in this present message to citizens
of friendly nations.
The sympathy and aid extended to China by friendly nations
during the past three years have impressed upon our people a sense
of obligation they will never lose. In this respect there are two
points I wish frankly to put before my readers.
The first is: Militarily and economically, Japan is already
plunged deep into a quagmire from which she cannot struggle free.
The Japan of today is quite powerless to make war on any third
nation. The threats she has recently offered the Netherlands East
Indies, Indo-China and Burma are nothing but bullying and base-
less words aimed at the gaining of her predatory and opportunist
ends without resort to war. Let the Powers meet such threats with
discernment and stern resolution, while they collaborate in devising
efficacious means of checking any encroachment. They will thus be
discharging a moral and legal responsibility toward China and
the Far East from which nothing can absolve them. It is the
464
THE UNMISTAKABLE ISSUES
imperative duty of all friendly nations thus to defend the future
order of the world. *
At the outbreak of the Mukden Incident there were some among
the governments of friendly nations that were hesitant and discon-
certed, which inaction has resulted in the present state of disorder
prevailing in the world. If friendly nations now treat the Japanese
threats to Indo-China, Burma, and the Netherlands East Indies with
the same indifference or tolerance, the outcome will prove unthink-
ably grave. China, for her part, will not hesitate to oppose with
force any future aggressive acts of the Japanese in Indo-China or
other Asiatic areas, both with a view to her own security and in
pursuance of her consistent policy of working against aggression.
As a matter of fact, all Japan's moves have for the present as their
central and governing motive the destruction of our country's ex-
istence and independence.
Secondly, despite the war in Europe, Soviet Russia and the
United States have not as yet been involved and they are therefore
fully at liberty to exert themselves in China's favor and in opposi-
tion to Japan. Such action constitutes, I believe, not only the bounden
duty but also the responsibility and right of those two countries.
Japan is peculiarly dependent upon America for the supply of
her military and economic needs. This is a fact universally known.
The recent enactment of embargo legislation by the United States
Congress was an indication of the popular demand for economic
sanctions against Japan. If America and Soviet Russia can speedily
take adequate steps to provide China with material assistance, there
would be little doubt of an early clarification and stabilization of
Pacific affairs such as would not by any means benefit China alone.
Finally, in regard to possible future developments in the world
situation, we have one observation on recent occurrences clearly
and emphatically to make. It is this. For the success of future
efforts for world peace it is essential to change self-sufficient and
short-sighted habits of mind in favor of the notion of collaboration
between all peace-loving nations toward the creation of a strong
international organization built into an effective system of collective
security.
The last two months of experience gained from the European
war lead us to think that without effective organization of collective
465
THE UNMISTAKABLE ISSUES
security among the nations of the world, not only the small and weak
countries, but even the large and strong will lack guarantee for their
safe existence. This lesson we ought to take to heart and never
forget. We ought to exploit every suitable opportunity for realizing
this ideal.
In making this appeal, I am speaking for the four hundred and
fifty million Chinese people, who wish to strive in company with
the citizens of all friendly nations toward this goal, for the establish-
ment of permanent peace in the world and the increase of the pros-
perity of all mankind.
74
Crimes and Corruption of the
Japanese Militarists
A message to the Japanese people issued on the
third anniversary of the war, July 7, 1940.
JULY 7, 1940.
CITIZENS OF JAPAN :
nnODAY is the third anniversary of your militarists' commencing
the war of aggression. On this day of last year I addressed a
message to you, wherein every conception and fact I spoke of has been
proved true by the course of events in the year now past. What I
said then I need not repeat. I wish today to go into some far-
reaching and fundamental questions.
During the past year militarists have attacked China by all
manner of methods, military, political, and economic. They have
exploited to the full every device their ingenuity could suggest,
without success. While you have been in a state of vacillation and
depression, a year of great world changes has passed. These changes
have had their effect on every nation, and the face of world affairs for
fifty or a hundred years to come will bear their imprint. In carrying
on our War of Resistance to aggression, we have frequently had
occasion to consider the status and responsibilities of China in the
light of those changes, while Japan's position has engaged our atten-
tion in a similar sense.
What I wish first to bring up today is this point. The follow-
ning is my simple but relevant view of the matter. History shows
that nations rise or fall accordingly as they hold to, or depart from,
the way of truth. The history of a nation's fortunes is always fash-
ioned after its own nature. During three years of your cruel oppres-
sion, we have constantly reflected upon our own state of mind to
guard against committing the errors history warns us to avoid.
I need not hesitate to declare that China's philosophy of the Three
Principles of the People is absolutely sound morally. However the
work! situation may alter, China is, therefore, certain of national
467
CRIMES AND CORRUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MILITARISTS
survival. In the case of your country it is far otherwise, for to
put it in a single phrase, Japan has by now lost the basis of her
national 1 existence.
I cannot go at length into matters of theory : the merest analysis
of the facts concerning your international policy will enable you to
see the true status of Japan in the world today, and whether your
future is likely to be happy or tragic, secure or unsettled. The first
question I would ask you is : With whom among the nations of the
world is Japan on terms of real friendship? In a moment of sober
meditation, you may well be alarmed, for Japan today has really
not a single true friend in the world.
This is the result of the world policy pursued by your ruling class
a policy of flattering the strong and insulting the weak, making
profit the only consideration, thinking military force omnipotent,
and disregarding good faith. Your extreme contempt for your
immediate neighbors has been an especially important factor in
weakening your national prestige. Toward America and the coun-
tries of Europe you have lacked sincerity, violated your pledged
word, always seeking your own advantage, never helping others in
distress, and devoting yourselves entirely to methods of deception
and selfishness. All the Powers have thus been led to be on their
guard against Japan, and to regard her as a potential enemy. The
nations of Eastern Asia directly affected by Japanese depredation
are naturally disposed to combine with all forces in the world op-
posed to Japanese aggression. This has long been the situation,
but during the past year the case has been rendered even clearer.
Let me refer to one incident in particular. During the last
European war Japan declared war on Germany without any proper
reason or necessity whatever. Nominally, she was assisting the
Allies, but in fact she was out to seize Tsingtao and achieve other
aggressive aims in China. At the time of the Peace Conference,
she was one of the five great Powers sharing the responsibility
of drawing up the Versailles Treaty. By becoming a member of
the League of Nations, your country posed as a foundation-stone
of world peace. Post-war Germany made an equitable agreement
with China, then incapacitated by the laissez-jaire attitude of the
Peking government from taking any part in European affairs. In
Germany's darkest hour Japan was not heard to express any sym-
468
CRIMES AND CORRUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MILITARISTS
pathy for her, nor was she heard to express dissatisfaction with the
principles of the League. Only when the League had something to
say in disapproval of her occupying four of China's provinces at
the time of the Mukden Outrage did Japan indignantly withdraw
from it, breaking her obligations, rejecting all criticism, and feeling
no shame but rather hate for others. From that time the countries
having dose concern with the Far East America, Russia, Britain,
and France looked more and more askance at Japan. Germany,
before she had completed her rearmament, she consistently slighted,
until three or four years ago, when she began to press China to join
an anti-Comintern front, and China was unwilling to do so. Ger-
many was by then very strong, and Russo-German relations were
at their worst. When you succeeded in wheedling Germany into
the organization of the Three-Power Anti-Comintern Bloc, she was
clearly your country's dupe in the matter, for your aim was to make
her useful to you, in no way to assist her. All that Germany got out
of the arrangement consisted of beans from the northeast of China,
bartered for airplanes and finished industrial products.
Japan's gain, on the other hand, apart from such machinery,
has been the moral support Germany has accorded her in the matter
of threatening British and American interests in China, 'and coercing
Russia to withdraw her garrisons from Siberia. Japan has never
entertained any notion of lending Germany a helping hand in
Europe : when last year Germany hoped for a military alliance with
her, she fought shy of the proposal. Germany, aware of Japan's
intrigue, resolved immediately to change her policy by resuming
amicable relations with the Soviet Union. You people of Japan
must realize that the conclusion of the Russo-German Non-Aggres-
sion Pact last year was an indication of the total bankruptcy of your
foreign policy, for, since your militarists started their war on China,
with its accompanying attack on European and American interests
in China, they have again and again declared the Anti-Comintern
Pact to be the axis of Japanese foreign policy. When that Pact
became virtually obsolete, Japan was left without a leg to stand on
internationally. Your country fell into an unsteady and worried state
of mind, but its ambitions, together with its policy, remained.
When the European war began, your government declared it
would not participate in it, but made no declaration of neutrality.
469
CRHIB* AND CORRUPTION OF THK JAPANESE MILITARISTS
This was tantamount to a confession to the belligerents that Japan
intended to take full advantage of the war and play the role of an
opportunist. Its intention was, of course, to blackmail Britain and
France, without giving Germany any real assistance. Japan was
out to gain anything she could from the war, toward the attainment
of her desire to conquer Asia and control the Pacific. In reality,
however, Japan is so hampered by her war of aggression that she is
powerless to make any further gamble. She also apprehends the
might of the United States in the Pacific. Since September of last
year she has been tantalized by hopes of gaining more and fears of
losing more.
Japan will never, I assure you, find an opportunity for profiting
substantially by the changes in the European situation. If you
manage to make some slight and transient gains, you will find they
bear you only evil fruit. In the world, modified as it is by recent
disturbances, Japan will stand in greater peril rather than otherwise.
You are approaching a crisis of extreme gravity, to which, how-
ever, your embarrassed militarists are blind. They have now cre-
ated the new phrase "Asiatic autonomy/ 1 apparently supposing their
design of conquering China and controlling the Far East may
stand a better chance of success under yet another name. In fact,
they have already made themselves the laughing-stock of the world,
and with every fresh absurdity only further expose themselves to its
ridicule. Japan has fallen into a state of isolation for which she
will find no remedy. This, and the consequences, you will have
brought upon yourselves. Not only isolation, but opposition from
all sides is menacing you. A glance at world affairs will show you
that small and weak countries are not the only ones to lose their
independence and existence; the strong and populous may equally
meet that fate.
What of you and of your militarists, with their contempt of
moral considerations and their baseless confidence of ability to
conquer Asia and dominate the world? Since the time of the
Mukden Outrage they have believed that by the occupation of China
they could build up a continental empire and drive out British,
American and Russian influence from Asia. In this way your so-
called "Asiatic Monroe Doctrine" was to be put into effect. On
the contrary, Japan's national strength has been irremediably weak-
470
CRIMES AND CORRUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MILITARISTS
ened by her aggressive continental policy. You promote your
"Monroe Doctrine" of "Asiatic autonomy" by the contradictory
process of denying every Asiatic nation its right to exist inde-
pendently, or to exist as anything but a slave to you. Does anyone
suppose the American Monroe Doctrine has any such meaning?
With this sort of topsy-turvy thinking, your militarist rulers are,
as it were, "painting food to satisfy hunger."
For fifty years or more your militarists have been attacking
your neighbors. The latter's resistance is now shaking your country
to its foundations. I may freely say on behalf of the oppressed
nations of Eastern Asia that they are all calling down upon Japan
her speedy ruin. For scores of years Japan will be no military match
for any strong country, while her impaired prestige will deprive
her of friends. A great storm arising out of the vicissitudes the
world is now passing through may at any moment find you unequal
to maintaining a foothold. This cheerless outlook for your future
comes of your militarists' flouting of the fact that nations must
adhere to consistent principles if they are to stand.
If your ruling group is aware of the perils I have spoken of, they
nevertheless persist in their vicious errors, plunging ever deeper
into their conflict with truth and fact. At present your militarists are
still dreaming of finding in the European war means of quickly de-
stroying Chinese independence and subsequently employing Chinese
manpower and resources against the world. Would not three years
of bloody warfare have sufficed to conquer China, if she were to be
conquered? By now China has been proved capable perhaps
uniquely capable of keeping up genuinely prolonged resistance in
defiance of aggression. For one thing you must not forget that,
being the world's largest agricultural country, she can render herself
absolutely self-sufficient and unaffected by blockade ; that she has vast
masses of soldiers, of whom every recruit knows what he is to
fight for; that she possesses a 5,000-year-old civilization and that
the spirit of the Three Principles of the People animates her. These
are factors that determine her invincibility.
I once read a book by a Japanese on the subject of human
geography, and I remember it began with these phrases: "Events are
not to be explained apart from men; men are not to be explained
apart from geography. For a knowledge of human events make
471
GRIMES AND CORRUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MILITARISTS
your first approach to geography/' It is a pity your militarists
have paid no attention to this advice. I said last year that they had
taken no account of the spirit of our people; today I am inclined
to say that they have taken still less account of that important
element in war geography. With a country of such area and popu-
lation as China's there can be no question of success for your mili-
tarists' plans of "speedy victory in a short war," save perhaps at a
period such as that of the declining Ching Dynasty or that of the
corrupt and cowardly Peiping warlords, whereas China has now
been long under the influence of the Three Principles of the People;
the nationalist principle in particular holds sway over the minds of
the entire people. As for a protracted war with China, the mili-
tarists knew that they had no reason to expect victory in such a war.
Had Japan never insulted China, but pulled up short of the
precipice of war, prepared to work together with her on terms of
equality, she would have secured her appropriate place and legiti-
mate interests in Eastern Asia. Or, if your rulers would now recog-
nize the error of their ways and unconditionally withdraw their
forces from Chinese soil, giving up all occupied territory and extraor-
dinary privileges, Japan might again claim to have statesmen, to be
truly seeking good relations with China, and ready to contrive,
in company with her, lasting peace and prosperity in Eastern Asia.
Your militarists, however, clung to the dream of a dictated peace
under the fallen walls of Nanking and Wuhan. Thus they demon-
strated their impolitic failure to understand the new China they were
fighting, and the fact that their war strategy was quite disharmonious
with their policy as a whole. They continued to pile mistake upon
mistake.
In their overweening pride and conceit, they present a spectacle
of ignorance both of themselves and others. When they decided
on large-scale military operations at the commencement of the war,
they belittled it first with the term "North China Incident" and
then later, after the outbreak of hostilities at Shanghai, the "China
Incident/' as though this unprecedentedly long and wearisome war
were for them a mere local incident. This was partly due to their
old habit of making light of China and disregarding her as an inde-
pendent country worthy of equality with others. At the same time
h was clear enough that their intention was to use this word "incident"
CRIMES AND CORRUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MILITARISTS
to deceive you by suggesting that there would be little difficulty in
disposing of the war in a short time at small expense. As things
have turned out, however, the war has already been going on for
three years, your sons and brothers and friends have been compelled
steadily to flow into the battlefields of China, whereon for all the
exceedingly heavy casualties among them no decision has been
reached. Have all the hardships you have endured at the behest
of your militarists brought you any nearer to a solution of the
"China Incident"?
Let me remind you that your rulers have, during this year
gone by, heaped additional outrages upon China and created for you
circumstances even more desperate than before. They concluded,
at last, the secret agreement with the traitor Wang Ching-wei whereby
they hoped cheaply to destroy independent China, draw wool over
the eyes of the world, and extricate themselves from their critical
predicament. Actually, the world has neither swallowed this fraud,
nor has the so-called "China Incident" been by its means brought
any nearer to an end. On the contrary, Chinese determination to
resist has been intensified. Generations of your people to come will
have to face the evil consequences of a future ruined by nothing
but these ideas of a "conquest of China" and "enslavement of China."
You can avoid unimaginable disaster only by repenting and fore-
going those ideas.
Under the agreement with Wang, your militarists planned to
split China into several fragments, all to be controlled by Japanese
agents behind various forms of nominal puppet Chinese administra-
tions. Chinese territory, manpower and resources were thus to be
put at Japan's disposal, while the traitor slaves held up to the world
placards, inscribed with their valueless titles of power. The world
has surely never seen a viler design for subjecting and enslaving
a people. While Wang may, conscienceless as he is, do the bidding
of his Japanese masters, our whole army and people unanimously
recognize the truth. The invaders are no longer confident of being
able to subdue China; they desire to cover a virtual capitulation
with some deceptive trick. Holding, however, to their fundamental
conceptions of right and wrong, the Chinese people will be content
to be nothing but the splendid independent nation they have the
right to be, and are not to be deceived by your misguided politicians
473
CRIMES AND CORRUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MILITARISTS
and barbarous army men. As for the traitors and puppets* in
moments of calm reflection they cannot but feel remorse and in-
effectual regret at the thought of the various forms of injury they
have to endure under the control of the enemy.
The world has by now received full proof of the fact that China
is no country that can be conquered in a few days or weeks; three
years of resistance have seen us overcome many difficulties and
disabilities, while the spirits of our army and people have gone on
mounting. Transformations in the world scene serve only to em-
phasize the significance and importance of China's status. Perhaps
you will say ; "China overestimates Japan's economic difficulties and
underestimates her military strength." I declare that our first con-
sideration is right and wrong, not strength and weakness. We
strive to advance on the straight road before us, holding fast to
justice and equity and undeterred by thoughts of Japanese strength.
Your militarists will find that no tricks will bring them a conclusion
to the war: only a change of heart on their part can do that.
Your politicians do not understand the China of today and they
have no really consistent policy. They merely follow the invading
militarists blindly, being dragged by them to fly in the face of facts
and realities. I have often remarked that with Japan it is not
"strategy governed by policy" but "passive policy toyed with by
violence." You will do well to realize that this tendency is a fatal
injury to your country.
Your militarists know full well that their war of aggression
in China is already a failure, and that the longer the war lasts the
more terrible will be the resultant evils. Why, then, will they still
not consent to withdraw their troops, but continue floundering in the
mud of this quagmire? Are they acting in the interests of their
country, or rather are they not entirely given up to their own private
designs? They are certainly not acting in the interests of Japan,
nor for the sake of her renown. They are out for their own enrich-
ment at the cost of your ruin and distress. At the time of the Boxer
Rebellion there was the silver corruption case; in 1917 there was
the bullion scandal for which Tanaka was responsible instances of
venality on a scale not of course sufficient to plunge Japan into danger
of extinction.
What is now going on is of a more serious nature,
474
GRIMES AND CORRUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MILITARISTS
Your officers of the expeditionary forces are robbing our people
wholesale of money, antiques, and property of all kinds to send
back to Japan. They are everywhere engaged in the exploitation of
their power for their private gain, in smuggling and similar ways.
More than one thousand documents have been published bearing on
these activities. Some of this may be passed over as relatively petty.
But there are also your high commanding officers and special service
men conniving with traitorous merchants at home and abroad,
scheming by stealth or force for their own gain, affording protection
to vice, drug-traffic, gambling, illegitimate forms of taxation, and
so on. Enriched thereby, they often resort to a life of pleasure
and license, depositing their money in foreign banks under assumed
names, and putting out of mind all thought of returning to work in
Japan. Ozaki Shiro writes: "On arriving in Peiping one is im-
mediately struck by the evidence of corruption among the reformed
warriors and their liaison with the opportunists." He also writes:
"In North China the Japanese who become possessed of large
houses seem bound to start running brothels: there is no commoner
phenomenon in North China today. On account of this I once had
a great argument with Matsumura." Stranger still: "The name
assumed by the Japanese brothels is 'Committee for Cultural Work
Among the Resident Population/ This sort of thing naturally
draws the contempt of the Chinese people." If this is how a Japanese
writes of North China, you may imagine what other places under
Japanese occupation are like. We have experienced and witnessed
much that is far worse.
In Japanese documents I have seen much evidence of your
army men's delight in violence and outrage. "Murders," we read,
"have resulted from the practice of barbarities against Chinese
women." Again, "Raping, robbery and incendiarism committed by
Japanese soldiers goes unpunished." And, "In many cases of
soldiers' pillaging Chinese people's property, their superior officers
pretend ignorance of the offences." "Officers will permit stealing
from Chinese people as a means of supplying pay they should have
given out to their men." These are examples taken from documents
originating from your War Office.
Because of the corruption and degeneracy prevalent among
your armies, discipline and self-control have been scattered to the
475
CRIMES AND CORRUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MILITARISTS
winds. The indignation of those of you with consciences has roused
you to report the truth or plan improvement, but your War Office
has stigmatized, oppressed, or arrested those who have sought a
change. I have seen the regulations imposed upon returned soldiers'
words and conduct. One reads : "Army men on leave must carefully
consider all they have seen and heard in the war areas, and in all
they say to others in comment thereon they must take care lest their
words have any adverse effect on the cause." Another reads:
"What effect complete adhesion to fact in what is said might have
on the minds of people at home, must be taken into account, a line
being drawn between what may and what may not be said." A
glance at these regulations will show how your authorities contrive
to hide defeat from you: any news unfavorable to Japan, even
though it may be true in fact, cannot be reported ; anyone reporting
it becomes an "anti-war element." Little wonder, then, that you
do not realize the ghastly truth about the failure of the Japanese
army in China.
Your War Office, in order to conceal its defeats, not only forbids
talk of Japanese reverses, but even of facts regarding the sufferings
and losses among your men at the front and casualties sustained in
the field. They have even put a stop to correspondence and the
sending of "comfort" packs for fear of their containing anti-war
literature. This is symptomatic of the gravity of the situation
continuing to develop, of the excessive degree of repression practiced
by militarists upon their subordinates and the people, and of the utter
falsity of the "Imperial Army's" victories, its fine morale, and the
immense defeats of the Chinese army which they have repeatedly
announced. There are the utterances let fall by Japanese prisoners
of war, from which we have learned of the unequal treatment given
men serving in your armies and of the hardships in their homes.
Innumerable varieties of unjust and outrageous conduct are to be
heard of : the shooting on false charges of straight-minded men, the
burning and burying alive of their own wounded a veritable hell
on earth goes with the Imperial Army, both within it and without it.
Yet it is supposed to be conducting a crusade!
You are constantly told of your army's fighting to liberate
China. I think it is rather your own army and people who await
liberation from the grip of the militarists. What I have said is fully
476
CRIMES AND CORRUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MILITARISTS
substantiated by Japanese documents; it is no invention of "Chinese
propaganda." Unless you withdraw your imperilled Imperial Army
from China in its entirety, not only will it perish but the whole
Japanese nation will follow it to ruin. The men in authority over
you know this too, but they will not consent to that withdrawal for
the following reasons : First, the chiefs of the Japanese forces in China
are mostly engaged in corrupt practices from which they are making
profits on a great scale. To return home would mean for them
not only the loss of what they have already gained, but also the risk
of punishment. Attached to them are their money-grubbing tools,
such as the Special Service organs, pacification corps and so on, who
are still less ready for withdrawal and the consequent certain end of
their pickings. You must realize that these corrupt elements stand
absolutely aloof from the common run of your soldiery, for whose
survival or death they care nothing. They are totally preoccupied
with the business of filling their own pockets with swag. Second,
the militarists are careless of their nation's peril. To maintain their
position they must dissemble their vices and wrong-doing. They
are, therefore, afraid of the honest men who on their return home
en masse would eventually find some organized way of revealing
the truth and impeaching their leaders. The latter leave no device
or pretext untried to effect postponement of withdrawal and a day
of reckoning. They have meanwhile also to keep in check those
soldiers who have already returned home and cut off those in
China from contact with Japan. China, in her attitude toward
enlightened Japanese soldiers, requires of them only a gesture of
sincerity and co-operation for us to treat them with trust and good
will. Since the war began a number of Japanese enthusiasts have
joined in the work of saving Japan and the people of Asia in this way.
These are two reasons for your militarists' consistent opposition
to a withdrawal from China. They adopt various plausible excuses
to cover the motives they dare not avow. It is not that they are
unaware of Japan's peril or of the fact that withdrawal is the one
and only way of saving her or of the certainty of their armies' being
destroyed if they remain indefinitely in China. They know equally
well that China, while she is seeking nothing beyond the restitution
of her territorial and administrative sovereignty, will never consent
to pay Japan reparations in any form. The line they take, there-
477
CRIMES AND CORRUPTION OF THE JAPANBBB MILITARISTS
fore, in excusing their reluctance to withdraw with a pretense of not
being opposed to it, is in these terms: Japan, having sacrificed so
much in lives and treasure, must demand of China reparations and
until these are to be had no withdrawal can take place. Troops
must be stationed permanently at least in North China and Mon-
golia to guarantee the payment of these reparations, so that there
they would still have a base for their dirty dealings. China will not,
however, permit any area to remain garrisoned by Japanese troops,
otherwise she would never have begun resistance. Yet your mili-
tarists do not shrink from deliberately prolonging the war and in-
tensifying the national crisis facing Japan by appeal to these argu-
ments, ready for the sake of their own personal advantage to bring
about their country's collapse. The mere fact that their ill-gotten
gains are put away in foreign banks and not invested at home suffices
to show the nature of their designs. In short, the militarists are not
acting as they are because of ignorance of the facts but from purely
selfish motives.
Consider: With your country inextricably involved in war with
China and as isolated as it is diplomatically, can you still fail to
unite against these self-seeking men, to denounce their evil doings?
There lies your only way of salvation.
In conclusion, I have something more to say of the causes for
your militarists' failure in their conduct of the war in China. They
have no fixed principles or policy ; they simply pursue aggression as
the only trade they know. War, however, necessitates a policy of
some sort. In this conflict they have displayed no such consistent
policy as they had in the times of the Sino- Japanese War of 1894
and the Russo-Japanese War of 1904. During the last three years
you have poured more than two and a half million men into China.
Your leaders started out with the slogan "a rapid decision in a
short war." They had not been fighting more than six months before
they were talking of "protracted warfare." This amounted to an
admission of their inability to bring about that "rapid decision."
When they summoned up their strength for the attack on Wuhan
by five routes, they reverted once again to the "early decision" theme.
Coming to the present day, when the fronts have lengthened and the
casualties sustained have grown to such dimensions, any thought of
their destroying our revolutionary armies at a single stroke is an
478
CRIMES AND COBRUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MILITARISTS
absurd dream. On the contrary, your manpower is being steadily
reduced by us.
I have heard of a proposal to complete a strategic line from
Wuyuan, through Sian, Ichang and Hengyang to Pakhoi longer
than the breadth of Europe. "A long-delayed end to a long drawn-
out war' 1 would appear to be the more appropriate description of
such a strategy as this. For some time the Japanese militarists have
been alternating between the use of the old phrase and talk of a
prolonged war. Then after confusing everybody's minds in this
way they suddenly come out with a great cry of blitzkrieg war-
fare! You may judge for yourselves whether this "lightning" has
been withheld for three years, or one flash of it has lasted for that
lengthy period of time! The degree of mechanization prevailing in
the Japanese army, the state of your heavy industry, and your tech-
nical equipment are all far short of German standards. In addition,
China's topography and communications present obstacles that dis-
pose altogether of any talk of blitzkrieg tactics. Only in our mag-
netic warfare lies the key to victory.
From the first time your militarists made mention of a pro-
tracted war I felt that China had already, strategically speaking,
won an outright victory, for it meant they were to be compelled to
fight in the manner we chose. A belligerent fighting wholly on
hostile territory is indeed compelled to adopt short-term offensive
tactics ; if he has to hold long lines on the defensive he is at a great
disadvantage. China is a land of immense area and rich in natural
resources ; once her attacker is aware of the defeat of his plans for
an early conclusion to the war, her victory is assured. Your com-
manders have themselves invited strategic defeat, for they have con-
ducted the war without any systematic strategy whatever. They can
afford no admission of defeat, however; they are quite prepared
to stake the whole destiny of Japan on a last venture.
On this third anniversary of the outbreak of war, I feel confi-
dent of our preparations to smash whatever fresh attack may come
and attain by no very distant date complete liberation from the ag-
gressor. Of your own sufferings I need scarcely speak of how
hardly won and insecure are your livelihoods, of the purposeless death
of so many among your neighbors and relatives. Why it should be
so, is a question to be answered only by your politicians and army
479
CRIMES AND COEEUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MILITARISTS
men. First of all, ask it of Konoye and his cabinet, responsible as
they are for the whole evil of the war that began on July 7, 1937.
Recollect the time when three years ago your militarists brought
about the "Lukouchiao Incident," and the Konoye Cabinet immedi-
ately dispatched troops on a great scale, and later, when the conflict
was under way, declared that it would be prosecuted until China
submitted. Has that aim been achieved? What glory has been
gained? Can Konoye's "New Order in East Asia" be accomplished
after all that has been sacrificed ? Actually, you may have precipitated
a century of chaos in Eastern Asia by creating hatred between the
Chinese and Japanese peoples. Ask Konoye whether his policy of
puppet administrations and the employment of the traitor Wang
Ching-wei, now eighteen months in his pay, has done anything
toward reducing the proportions of your casualties and other losses?
Have the puppet administrations brought a solution to the "China
Incident"? And finally you had best ask: "What national policy
is Japan to pursue in the world of the future, transformed by violent
changes? What of Japan's status in two or three years to come?"
If she is to rely on armed force, she will be badly off, for in the list
of modern Powers she is steadily declining in rank. She is hampered
by restricted resources and industry. If this politician, so largely
answerable for the aggressive policy of his country, cannot or will not
answer questions, you must seek your own answers.
These words of mine are spoken with the best of intentions,
for your ancestors were students of Chinese classical philosophy for
two thousand years and our hatred is for aggression, not for your
people, for whom we feel sympathy rather than animosity, and with
whom we are ready to work together for the welfare of Eastern
peoples. Resolutely determined to resist, we are aiming only to
drive your armies out of China. We wish you no evil; indeed,
we hope that you yourselves will achieve a reform of your country
and make of Japan a nation of peace and good faith, ready to treat
us on terms of equality and respect, and enjoy with us a common
prosperity.
This is the principle of our San Min Chu I foreign policy; it
is the established national ideal of China. It is an ideal that gives
us confidence in final victory, and it also gives us a certain serenity
of mind in the midst of catastrophic world changes. You must bestir
480
CRIMES AND COBEUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MHJTABI3T8
yourselves to a realization of your friendlessness in the world, in
contrast to our position. We have as our sole enemy your militarists.
And whereas you cannot stand alone and be self-sufficient, we can.
I once again warn you that your country has lost the rudder of its
national existence. To recover it you must start, as I said last year,
by rooting out the idea of enslaving the peoples of Eastern Asia. I
trust that you will give your most earnest consideration to what I
have said.
481
75
The Forces of Truth and Justice
A special broadcast to the American people deliv-
ered on July 8, 1940, at the invitation of the Na-
tional Broadcasting Company of New York. This
English version was read for the Generalissimo by
Madame Chiang.
JULY 8, 1940.
l^HINA stands today on the threshold of the fourth year of
resistance against Japanese aggression. On this significant
occasion, I am glad to avail myself of the invitation of the National
Broadcasting Company to say a few words to you, our American
friends.
America and China, facing each other across the broad expanse
of the Pacific, share intimate and indivisible mutual interests. Upon
our two nations falls equal responsibility in the defense of peace,
justice and civilization in the Far East.
The import of China's resistance is clear enough to the American
people, whose sympathy and support have greatly heartened the
entire Chinese nation. To you all, we are deeply grateful.
I need not here review the course of events of the past three
years of war. Suffice it to say, we in China have fought under great
difficulties, but always with fortitude and perseverance. As a result
of our resolute stand we have, in a large measure, exhausted Japan's
military strength so that today, although she cherishes an inordinate
ambition to control the Pacific, in reality she has lost already her
freedom of action. Thus the sacrifice and the struggle of the
Chinese people have not been in vain.
As you well know, three years ago, at the beginning of hostilities,
we in China were resolved to use all our resources not only to
ensure our own national survival but also to preserve international
faith, human justice, and world order.
In the minds of all Chinese the best way that we can requite the
assistance given to us by the American Government and people is to
482
THB FORCES OF TBUTH AMD JUBTIOB
resist to the bitter end. We are resolutely determined to continue
resistance until the Japanese militarists are thoroughly awakened to
the folly of their present course, until they lay down their arms of
aggression and are ready to honor international pacts, especially the
Nine-Power Treaty. So long as this is not realized, we will continue
fighting. Whatever sacrifices may be entailed, we will not shrink
from them. We owe it to our ancestors to defend our heritage;
we owe it to posterity to work for enduring amity.
The sympathy and good will shown to China by the world at
large are not indications of partiality ; they emanate from a common
will to safeguard human rights against the aggressor.
At this moment of world upheaval, when Japan's lust for
conquest recognizes no limits, we are impressed anew with the
singular value of China's past resistance, and with the weight of
responsibilities yet incumbent upon us.
I dare assure you that China shall not fail in her task ; she shall
acquit herself with dignity and honor. At the same time, it is my
hope that all friendly states will realize their obligations to China'
and live up to them accordingly.
I strongly believe that our request to the American people for
concerted action to restrain Japan's evil desires is fully justified, and
will meet with a favorable response.
Since the Japanese attack on Manchuria in 1931, I have noted
two outstanding features of American opinion and policy.
First, America has consistently disapproved of Japan's brutal
invasion. Despite the preoccupation in the European war of nations
friendly to China, Japan has not felt wholly free from the presence
of a powerful force capable of curbing her wild ambitions in the
Pacific.
Second, before taking definite action, America is always cau-
tious and reserved, but once she is committed to a certain course
she is exceedingly firm and forthright. As President Roosevelt
has stated: "Peace is not to be had for mere aspirations and
empty words." From this it can be seen that America's cautious-
ness is a token of firmness.
The day has arrived for America to take decisive action. Japan
deliberately ignores the statement made by your Secretary of State,
Mr. Cordell Hull, on March 30, 1940, that the United States rejects
483
THE FORCES OF TRUTH AND JUSTICE
"the use of armed force as an instrument of national policy." She
is bent on defying the seriousness of the American Embargo Act.
Thus, if America's fixed policy of opposing aggression is to be truly
effective, if the course of conflagration in the Pacific is ever to be
extinguished, now is the time. There should be no further delay in
putting a stop to the export of war materials to Japan, and in giving
a corresponding increase of support to China.
It is my hope that the people of America should not only support
their government's policy, but should further exert themselves to see
that it is effectively carried out. As the leader of China's resistance,
I wish to repeat for the benefit of our American friends what I said
in 1937, that "the forces of truth and justice, once set in motion,
must emerge triumphant."
484
76
Japanese Phrases and Pretensions
Closing address delivered before the Seventh Plen-
ary Session of the Central Executive Committee
and the Central Supervisory Committee of the Kuo-
mintanff, July 8, 1940.
JULY 8, 1940.
TjjTE ARE now arrived at the closing ceremony of this Session.
For eight days past all of you present have worked under the
great summer heat and in defiance of the enemy's constant raiding at-
tacks, and have brought the Session to a satisfactory conclusion,
despite all difficulties. I believe that any obstacle in our way can he
surmounted if faced with such a spirit. My conviction that our revo-
lutionary task of war and reconstruction will be successfully accom-
plished as we have expected is further fortified. On this occasion
there has been an extraordinary degree of enthusiasm among you
here; the Session, too, has been prolonged beyond the usual period.
Apart from the daily main sittings various committees have
carefully examined particular problems. You have devoted your
whole time each day to the work of the Session. Every proposal
has been given your concentrated powers of mind and discussed in
the light of all your knowledge and experience before being reduced
to a concrete resolution. In the quality of the spirit displayed and
of the results achieved, this Session may be said to be superior to
any previous one. The resolutions passed must be put into effect
with similar zeal. A manifesto has been issued to express the full
mind of the Session. Hence, it calls for no reiteration on my part.
I wish now to take advantage of this opportunity and make some
remarks on various topics of current importance.
First of all, let me give some description of the circumstances
in which the war now finds us. Previous to and during the Session,
the international situation has undergone many violent changes, which
have encouraged Japan to indulge in increasingly extravagant utter-
ances and aggressive gestures in the Pacific. In view of the unusually
485
JAPANESE PHRASES AND PRETENSIONS
great attention which you have paid to international problems,
let me once again repeat to you my belief that whatever shape inter-
national developments may take, our concern must ever remain with
our own unyielding and unresting spirit of resistance. If our own
mental and moral position has a sound foundation, international
changes will bring only benefit and not harm to our cause. Our
revolutionary spirit of resistance, being persistent and courageous,
is not to be deterred from its set course by favorable or unfavorable
turns taken by world affairs. In fact, the present international scene
possesses features especially favorable to us, and in closer and closer
harmony with the course and the goal we have mapped out and set
for our national struggle. Allow me to quote an instance from recent
events.
In Japan a great deal of talk was heard last month of "autonomy
for Eastern Asia." Subsequently, Mr. Stephen Early, Secretary
to President Roosevelt, made a statement on the subject of the
Monroe Doctrine. It has been a common practice with the Japanese
to press into service catch-phrases and terms current in the world.
They do this in order to camouflage their traditional aggressive policy
of "conquering China in order to conquer the world," as embodied
in the Tanaka Memorial. Since the time of the Mjukden Outrage,
the tag "Asia for the Asiatics" has been constantly on Japanese
lips. Even the phrase "Asiatic Monroe Doctrine" has now made its
appearance in Japanese propaganda publications. The motive for
the use of these expressions has been simply and solely to expel
European and American influence conceived as an obstacle to
Japanese aggression in China and elsewhere in Asia. It is particularly
America, with her policy of non-recognition and rigid observance of
the Nine-Power Pact, that the coiners of these slogans have in mind.
If the American continent has its Monroe Doctrine, the Japanese
suggest, why should not Asia have the like with Japan as its pro-
ponent?
Of late, following the abrupt transformations in the European
scene, the Japanese have become more menacing in their attitude
toward the Netherlands East Indies, French Indo-China, and other
areas in the South Seas. In the latter part of June immense pub-
licity was given to a reported intention of the Japanese government
to publish a statement on a so-called "Asiatic Monroe Doctrine."
- 486
JAPANESE PHRASES AND PRETENSIONS
Then, on June 29, following a meeting of the inner cabinet of four
ministers, Arita at last came out with an informal broadcast address
in which he made bold to suggest a sort of Japanese proprietorship
over Eastern Asia. In reference to China and the South Seas,
he held the Japanese must regard these areas as "subject to regional
division for purposes of co-existence." He went so far as to claim
for Japan the title of "stabilizing force in Eastern Asia." He added
that he was expressing a conception already current in Europe and
America.
The whole of Arita's address is a mass of claptrap of which the
only perceptible content is a fresh apology for the "New Order in
East Asia," so long dinned in the world's ears to its infinite disgust.
The Japanese Foreign Minister showed himself utterly oblivious
to the peculiar circumstances of time and place under which the
original Monroe Doctrine came into being and of its essence. The
American Monroe Doctrine was the product of a specific period
of one hundred years ago. The United States possessed the neces-
sary qualifications for assuming leadership over the other nations of
the American Continent, being prepared to treat them on terms of
equality and cultivate with them relations of peace and mutual assist-
ance. The doctrine proved lastingly practicable on this account.
What is the present period? What kind of a country is Japan? In
particular, what are the circumstances in Asia at present and the
geographical features of the continent? Completely ignoring such
important factors as history, culture, population and race, the
Japanese believe they can create a Monroe Doctrine at random.
They do not realize that the success of the United States' Monroe
Doctrine has been due to the fact that its spirit fulfills a need on
the part of the various free and independent states concerned as a
means to mutual assistance and self-defense. It was no product of
armed force and aggression. In modern times, at all events, the
permanent establishment of world peace requires conceptions ex-
tending beyond arrangements of a regional and partial nature and
their replacement by a broader, truly equal, rational and efficacious
organization for collective security among all the nations of the world.
In respect to Asia, only China, with her predominantly ancient
civilization, with her great population and area, and with her his-
torically close relations with the other countries of Asia, could con-
487
JAPANESE PHRASES AND PRETENSIONS
stitute the stabilizing influence in Asia. She would proceed on the
basis of her traditional moral conceptions and of the Three Principles
of the People to work together with all other nations in the interests
of general progress in any way conducive to peace in Asia and the
world.
Japan, for her part, is today a nation wholly given up to force
and aggression, devoid of good faith and principled conduct. She
became long ago an object of disgust and contempt to the nations
of Asia. In any discussion of the terms "Asiatic autonomy" and
"Asiatic Monroe Doctrine" it must be realized that Asia is to be
distinguished from other continents for its own peculiar and char-
acteristic culture. It has, too, its complex and intimate geographical
relations with other countries of the world. To the north, there is
Soviet Russia stretching over both the European and Asiatic con-
tinents; in the Pacific and Indian oceans, relations between the
various areas cause Asia to be connected not only with Europe but
with the Eastern and Western hemispheres alike. All these are factors
of which Japan takes no account in claiming to be an arbiter of
Asiatic affairs. Dispensing for the moment with moral and cultural
considerations, and speaking of military prowess only, it is problemat-
ical whether Japan has ever made an estimate of her real strength.
Nor is it known whether she has sat down and pondered over all
the relevant facts. What makes her think that she is fit to talk
of an "Asiatic Monroe Doctrine*'?
Following upon the broadcast made by Arita, came the state-
ment made by President Roosevelt's secretary on July 6 to the
effect that the American government would like to see "a Monroe
Doctrine applied for each continent and each part of the world/'
This was taken by the short-sighted Japanese as a response to the
Arita statement. The actual meaning is to be found in Mr. Early 's
words: "There should be applications of the Monroe Doctrine in
Europe and Asia similar to its interpretation and application for this
hemisphere." In other words, they should be based on mutual
help, self-defense, equality and independence among the nations
concerned. A careful study of the statement as a whole reveals
its center of interest to be rather in the settlement of the European
conflict and in the problems arising in connection with the status of
defeated nations' possessions in the American continent. In so far
488
JAPANESE PHRASES AND PRETENSIONS
as Asia was referred to, Mr. Early was clearly voicing opposition to
Japan's armed oppression of other nations and to all manifesta-
tions of Japanese aggression. In regard to French Indo-China,
a straightforward appeal was made by him for its status to be agreed
upon by a conference of all Asiatic countries. So far from recog-
nizing any Japanese right to control Indo-China, the American
attitude is plainly one of absolute opposition to Japan's unilateral
application of force to work her will there.
It is apparent to all that America must not abandon her tra-
ditional policy and attitude in the Far East. She is a promoter of
the Nine-Power Pact; her respect for other nations' independence
and her belief in the open-door policy are her chief reasons for
opposition to the armed aggression and monopolistic ambitions of
Japan. Her recent measures of armaments expansion and increased
military expenditure form a guarantee of her security and give
weight to her words in the affairs both of the West and the East.
Historically, America may be more intimately bound up with
European affairs than with Asiatic ; in point of the present and future,
however, the United States is obliged to view Asia with more con-
cern than Europe. Japan is well aware of this and finds it dis-
concerting food for thought.
This is merely the mention of one recent example of the diplo-
matic ineptitude of the Japanese. We, for our part, have secured
increased assistance; since the problems of China are those of
Asia and have their bearing upon the well-being of the whole world,
there is scarcely a single country that does not hope for our victory.
A glance at the glowing and emphatic terms in which Soviet Russian
newspapers and those of many other countries described our July
Seventh anniversary tells one how much the world appreciates the
value of our three years of resistance.
I wish, however, to remind you that international sympathy can
best and chiefly be attracted to our cause only by the energy we
ourselves show in it. Dependence upon others would but disqualify
China for their assistance. The nations that during the last ten
years or so have achieved their rehabilitation have all done so by
their own self-reliant and energetic efforts to master unfavorable
elements in their environment. In the absence of such a spirit, the
finest inherited qualities or the greatest natural wealth of resources
489
JAPANESE PHRASES AND PBETEN8ION8
can avail a nation nothing. No nation can exist with reliance on
external help alone. In studying the world situation, we should pay
particular attention to such points and be benefited thereby in our
own struggle.
I have gone at length into the enemy's diplomatic, military,
political, and economic condition in the documents I issued on the
occasion of the July Seventh anniversary. At the moment, the
Japanese are in a state of diplomatic bankruptcy ; no one any longer
pays much regard either to their blandishments or to their threats.
Among the difficulties that weigh heaviest on them is that of man-
power. The Japanese population is but one-sixth of ours, and after
three years of war, a state of extreme embarrassment for lack of
men has overtaken them. In addition, there have been endless
natural calamities and mounting human sufferings in Japan. The
Japanese are entering upon the final stage of their collapse; their
thinking now of extending their activities to Indo-China and the
South Seas shows only a gross over-estimation of themselves. We
may say that even if they should succeed in occupying Indo-China
and the South Seas, it would only increase their troubles. It would
be like digging graves to hasten their own destruction.
It has been particularly gratifying to me to see all of you work
persistently and at high tension for eight successive days in com j
plete disregard of the sweltering summer heat and repeated enemy
bombings. This spirit forecasts our inevitable victory. It behooves
a revolutionary party like ours to have such a spirit. At three
o'clock this afternoon Japanese planes dropped a number of heavy
bombs around this place. An hour later, we gathered again at the
same place to carry on with our program. Not a single member was
absent. This constitutes another proof of our soaring revolutionary
fervor in the midst of difficulties.
More than two months have elapsed since the Japanese resumed
their extensive indiscriminate bombings. Though subjected to such
a brutal menace, our people remain uncoerced. Instead, they are
calm and industrious, carrying on their usual activities as if nothing
untoward had happened. No one can help being moved at seeing
children and youngsters singing war songs, rendering service and
waiting on their parents and elders in the air-raid shelters. The
490
JAPANESE PHRASES AMD PRETENSIONS
courage, calmness and willingness to undergo hardships on the part
of our people should be a source of encouragement to us all.
One thing is evident. This determination to see the war through
despite heavy casualties both in our armed forces and among the
civilians during the last three years is due to our Tsungli's teachings.
It also goes to show that our Three Principles of the People have
taken deep root in the people's heart. Meanwhile, it explains the
increasing solidarity between the government and the people. The
existence of these great revolutionary principles and such an ex-
cellent national spirit should serve as a stimulus for great efforts
on our part so as to make ourselves worthy of our Tsungli and the
entire nation. We must all realize that three years of sanguinary
warfare has greatly enhanced our self-confidence. If it should be
impossible for such a hard-working and hard-fighting nation as ours
to continue its independent existence, then not a single nation in the
world is fit to be independent, nay, even to exist at all. Having
familiarized ourselves with the enemy's and our own conditions, we
gain a new insight in our increasing strength as the war goes on,
and a new faith in our eventual victory.
Meanwhile, it should be remembered that though the present
situation is favorable to our resistance, we must constantly prepare
for the emergence of a most serious and most difficult period. As
in other human endeavors, our task of Revolution and Reconstruction
will be confronted with more and more exacting demands as it draws
nearer and nearer to a successful conclusion. Steel of high quality
can be produced only by purifying heat of great intensity; so it is
with nations. Similarly, victory and national rejuvenation can
only follow unprecedented hardships. Likewise, the light of day is
preceded by a period of deeper darkness than the foregoing hours of
night. Therefore, it will be incorrect to conclude that since no un-
usual difficulties have risen during the first three years of our re-
sistance, none will in the future. On the contrary, in order to attain
our goal we must strive harder and be ready to overcome all
obstacles that may confront us.
Resistance is being carried on with strength derived from the
Three Principles of the People. Our Party is charged with so
great a measure of the responsibility for leading the nation that
every one of you should regard the life of the Party as your own,
491
JAPANESE PHRASES AMD PRETENSIONS
determined personally to share in its rise or fall, putting your own
individual life and death, honor and dishonor, happiness and misery
at the disposal of the Party, obeying all orders and upholding the
discipline of the Party. So long as we can do this, our nation will
surely remain free and independent, and our resistance will surely
be rewarded with triumph.
All of you, especially those who have left your important Party,
political and military duties in distant places to attend the Session,
will now return to your respective posts to popularize the spirit dis-
played, and enforce the important resolutions adopted at this
Session, at the front, in the rear and in all areas of the land. You
will inspire all Party members, stimulate your subordinates and
guide all fellow-countrymen toward single-hearted devotion to their
revolutionary and war work. A solid foundation for victory has
already been laid during the last three years. We must constantly
keep in mind the loyalty and bravery of our war martyrs as well
as the heavy responsibility resting on our shoulders. Intensify our
struggle, for light and victory are now in sight. It is hoped that all
comrades in the Party and our people as a whole will strive together
and will stop at no sacrifices. Thus, the aims of our Revolution and
Reconstruction, and the realization of the Three Principles of the
People will be achieved.
492
77
Tke Day of Deliverance Shall Come
A ' message to people in the occupied areas on
August 13, 1940, on the occasion of the third anni-
versary of the day hostilities began on the Shanghai
front.
AUGUST 13, 1940.
JTVDDAY is the third anniversary of the day when three years
* ago we started fighting at Shanghai with an initial armed strength
of only three divisions, pitting a resolute and daring revolutionary
spirit against the enemy land, sea and air forces some two hundred
thousand strong. We smashed the Japanese boast of their ability
to secure China's submission within three months, established for the
revolutionary armies of China a new reputation in the eyes of the
world, and put the nation's status and character on a higher footing
by proving the capability of our people to strive vigorously in
defense of their invaded soil. August 13 is certainly one of the
most memorable days in the course of our sacred enterprise of
Resistance and Reconstruction. Let us recall the way in which the
Japanese, after occupying Peiping and Tientsin, turned the force
of their arms against the Southwest, fully confident that China had
not formed the determination to make sacrifices for resistance and
supposing they need have absolutely no doubt of their success in con-
quering her. Little did they think that this third anniversary of
that day would find China's fighting spirit and power doubly
effective, her courage firm, with no thought of submission, and
enjoying high prestige among the nations of the world. August 13
is, therefore, the date when China's self-defensive endeavor was set
on foot and Japan's aggression became a thing destined to fail;
from that day the future of the position between China and Japan
and the future of East Asiatic affairs was defined. I think that all
my fellow-countrymen should annually give earnest thought to the
significance of this occasion and solemnly commemorate the glorious
sacrifices of all those soldiers and other citizens who died or suffered
493
TOT DAY OF DELIVERANCE SHALL COMB
for the cause of defending Shanghai. We should make it an oppor-
tunity for realizing the great truth that spirit outweighs matter and
appreciating the strength of the irrefragable conception of rectitude
animating our nation, gaining finer proportions as the war proceeds
and leading us to victory. I wish to take advantage of this impor-
tant anniversary to address a few words to fellow-countrymen in
Shanghai and other occupied areas, expressing the fervent hopes I
cherish of them.
The very mention of the phrase "occupied areas" causes me
acute and lasting distress. To think of the vast expanse of our land
trodden by the heel of the invader and the number of my fellow-
countrymen suffering from his oppression in conditions of utter
hopelessness makes me feel that every day that passes without the
enemy's withdrawing and without the liberation of those people is
a day my duty remains unfulfilled. I, therefore, cannot permit myself
to forget for a single moment the ills endured by those living in
the occupied areas; nor can I shrink from my heavy responsibility
or fail to exert myself to the utmost that I may not fail the expec-
tations of my fellow-countrymen. The Chinese people has a cultural
history of the greatest splendor and antiquity ; it has an unshakable
national spirit; it has a rigid sense of rectitude. People in the
occupied areas must realize that there can be no question of our
giving up a single inch of our territory and they must grasp the
facts that show the enemy's defeat to be inevitable. They must
rest assured that at the front and in the rear the greatest efforts arc
being exerted toward our final victory and they must understand
how all-important is the contribution they themselves have to make
to the work of resistance.
I am provided with regular reports on conditions in the occu-
pied areas, but owing to inadequacy of communication facilities there
may be points on which I am not clearly informed. But I can say
without the slightest hesitation that the Japanese attempt to enslave
and corrupt our people has been intensified, while the devices whereby
the latter are withstanding it have been rendered correspondingly
more effective. A single illustration will suffice to make this clear.
During the past three years the number of ronin and merchants
which follow in the wake of the enemy invasion has gradually in-
creased until there are now estimated to be some 400,000 of them,
494
THE DAT OF DELIVEHANCE SHALL COMB
This figure is not inclusive of the Koreans and Formosans working
for the Japanese, nor of those colonized in the northeastern provinces.
More than thirty stations of their so-called "national policy com-
pany" have been established, by means of which they aim to suck
the economic life-blood of the Chinese people. We can easily imagine
the dehumanized existence led by our fellow-countrymen in the
occupied areas under such conditions of three-fold slavery imposed
by first the Japanese soldiery, secondly the Japanese colonists, and
thirdly the Korean and Formosan ronin. In addition there are still
the tricks and extortions of the traitors and puppets. This piteous
scene must inspire us with determination to rescue the sufferers
in time; if we are too tardy they will have lost their very hold on
life and generations of our people to come will be squeezed out of
existence. How, then, shall we have acquitted ourselves in the
eyes of our ancestors and descendants?
Another point is this: the enemy is now aware of the unyielding
firmness of our spirit. The only expedient he has therefore to resort
to is that of trying to cure it with a show of violence in an attempt
to destroy our integrity. To illustrate this from the events of the
past month: toward the end of July they burned down more than
seventy villages in the Tsingpu and Hangchiang area west of
Shanghai, more than ten thousand families were rendered homeless;
nothing remained of the houses but ruins, no living things but
a few cattle. This sort of barbarity appalls the imagination of
humanity. Again, only a few days ago, on the island of Tsungming,
the enemy gave another display of frightfulness, die crudest inci-
dents of which consisted of the shutting up of people in houses to
be burned therein, and the massacre by machine-gun fire of people
assembled under false pretenses. I cannot now go into other examples
of the Japanese atrocities in detail. Suffice it to say that all our
fellow-countrymen in the occupied areas are exposed to such brutality
and rapine. This behavior is to be regarded as natural to the
Japanese when they are at their wit's end to know what to do;
it occurs to them as the only possible means of suppressing the people's
will to resist. Let us all reflect that it is nearly three years since
such areas as I have spoken of Tsingpu, Sungkiang and Tsungming
Island have been subject to the not only ceaseless but increasing
violence of the Japanese, and ask ourselves to what extent they
495
THE DAT OF DELIVERANCE SHALL COME
would carry their taskmasters' cruelty were we to abandon resistance
and accept their domination. The result would be that in addition
to those of our fellow-countrymen in the occupied areas whose
lives and property are now at their disposal, all the rest of the Chinese
population would have neither space in which to live nor graves
for the repose of their dead bodies: the whole 11,000,000 square K
of China would have no patch of undefiled soil. You must all realize
that to deal with the Japanese design to exterminate our race and
to dispel their fantastic conceptions of aggression there is no other
way than that of resistance. There is no evasion to be found in a
speculative acceptance of terms and the easy way of submission.
In the face of an enemy so merciless only the development of our
great capacity to resist will effectively teach him the error of his
ways. The more barbarous he waxes the stouter must our resistance
be.
Let us reflect for whom those of our fellow-countrymen already
dead have so sacrificed their lives. They gave up everything for the
sake of the nation and also those of us who remain living. If we
cannot make up our minds to contend with the enemy until we secure
an honorable conclusion to the struggle, we may some day find our-
selves like the northeasterners, disarmed and defenseless victims
of the slaughterer. The traditional spirit of the Chinese people
subjected to the inroads of foreign aggressors has been expressed
in the saying: "rather jade in fragments than a tile entire" and the
phrase: "The meanest fellow cannot be robbed of his resolve."
"The man of quality can be killed but he cannot be affronted with
impunity" is also an expression of our national character. Finding
ourselves born in this age, it falls to us to leave some sort of historical
example to inspire succeeding generations and add a noble chapter
to the story of our five thousand years' old nation.
To my fellow-countrymen in the occupied areas I would say
that I do not feel it necessary to use more emphatic terms in urging
upon them the extent of their responsibilities because I am absolutely
confident that the Chinese people can never be conquered. We are a
people with a special capacity for endurance of hardship and pain,
fearless of affliction and death; we shall certainly carry on the
struggle to the bitter end. I would have you clearly realize that the
Japanese are now near the weary end of their resources; it is the
496
THE DAY OF DELIVERANCE SHALL COME
moment for redoubled exertion on our part. The sons an4 daughters
among us must never lose sight of the sufferings of injured and
oppressed fathers and mothers; the fathers and mothers among us
must keep in mind the cruelties done to the young, the killing of so
many children. Husbands should think of their wives as threatened
with foul outrage; wives should think of their husbands as living
under the menace of death and slavery. There is manly vigor among
us; we all have homes; we all have neighbors, relatives and friends;
we all have the shrines of our beloved ancestors; there can surely
be no room on earth for one of us who fails to rise up and avenge
the boundless injuries done us.
Many have been the wars between nations in ages past and
present; but the aim countries normally put before themselves in
war is merely military victory, whereas the enemy we oppose seeks
to take from us not only our nationhood but also our very existence
as a people. A survey of all history will reveal no parallel to the
viciousness and irrationality of the Japanese. Under the very
supervision of their military authorities their officers and men publicly
recognize the courageous tenacity of the resistance put up by our
people and soldiers and express astonishment at the fearlessness of
our armies. They feel that such conduct is not to be seen in other
countries at war, and that the greatest of their difficulties lies in the
preference of death to submission prevalent in our ranks. They
do not realize, however, that it is because of their outrageous scheme
to destroy our whole people and sever the vital thread of our millions'
livelihood and because there is none amongst us who does not see
through their hypocrisy to their real motives. The sense of his
life being at stake drives an individual to otherwise unimaginable
exertions. With the corporate life of the whole people with its
thousand years' old traditions of rectitude in thought and deed and
the recent influence of the ideal of nationhood brought into all
citizens' lives by the teachings of the Three Principles of the People-
it is all the more so.
I have not been speaking with the people under Japanese ag-
gression exclusively in mind, but they should realize how essential
to an understanding of the situation are these points I have made.
The invincibility of the Chinese people depends upon our sense of
moral integrity and our spirit. The greater the pressure of our
497
TR1 DAT OP DELIVERANCE SHALL COME
difficulties the higher that spirit must soar, our boldness growing in
proportion to the danger. Integrity and spirit are irrepressible; no
blockade can strangle them nor bombs and burning wither them.
The sturdy striving of people in the occupied areas during the past
three years has put many an impervious obstacle in the way of the
enemy; his feet are sunk in a slough through which he can make no
progress; all this has been a very substantial contribution to the
total effect of resistance. Whenever I hear of the killing of the
enemy in the occupied areas, the burning of his stores, the destruc-
tion of his means of communication and other splendid feats of the
kind I am not only personally inspired; I even feel a sense of
satisfaction at the thought of justice done to the memory of our
ancestors and the rights of our descendants. The sufferings you have
endured and the inhuman conditions under which you live, the
longing with which you look to see the return of the national stand-
ards and the- eagerness with which you strain to hear the news of
victory are never absent from the minds of all your fellow-country-
men, in other parts of the country nor do their minds ever fail to be
stirred by the thought of you. Your liberation can come only with
the total victory of the nation. Therefore your efforts are expected
and required as a part of the integral resources of resistance until
the complete collapse of the enemy can be brought about.
In conclusion I would like to assure you in the occupied areas
of my personal sense of responsibility for your liberation, as for that
of the nation. Every individual should discipline himself to an
austere regimen of life and thought, faithfully fulfilling the tenets
of National Spiritual Mobilization. Let fathers instruct their sons,
and brothers give one another good counsel. Let us all swear to
do nothing at the enemy's bidding and to present uncompromising
defiance to the wiles and oppression of the Japanese and the puppets.
Not all of us can take up arms, but every one of us has the sense
of rectitude implanted in him with the life he owes to his ancestors.
In order to perpetuate the excellence of the Chinese tradition of
moral integrity we must show a spirit of preference for death to
capitulation. In regard, for instance, to the various low forms of
temptation put in your way by the Japanese luxury and vice, opium
and drugs we must have the uprightness to partake of no such
inducements to put in their hands the keys to our souls. They willj
498
THE DAT OF DELIVERANCE SHALL COMB
scarcely then be able to force the drugs into our mouths or compel
us to enter their brothels and gambling-dens. Those living in the
areas controlled by the Japanese, and especially the youth in such
places cut off from Free China as the Shanghai and Tientsin con-
cessions, need the defense of particularly high character, firm
resolution, austerity of habits of life and stern self-oblation. They
cannot afford the slightest indulgence or slackness, the slightest pur-
suit of ease and sloth at the expense of the nation's good name.
So much for the negative side. Positively, I even more urgently
expect of my fellow-countrymen in the occupied areas organized
or individual action in co-ordination with the movements of our
forces to smash the enemy's economic measures, and attack him
wherever he shows lack of vigilance, leading him such a dance that
he can neither eat nor sleep in peace, upsetting all his activities
to such an extent that nervousness and apprehension sap his morale.
Immense effectiveness will thus accrue to the forces of resistance
and the so-called ''occupied areas" will become his inescapable
shackles, frustrating his political and economic aggression. I have
no hesitation in saying that such efforts have inestimable value in
the general scheme of resistance. You must realize that our nation
has now reached the most vital turning point in its history. All
the pain and sacrifices of the past, all the injuries and hatred aroused,
must have their price exacted in this final period of effort. Every-
one, whether in the war areas or the rear, civilians and soldiers, must
resolve with one mind and one purpose to do their duty on the rough
remaining part of the road to be trod. I am confident that victory
may thus be had and success achieved in reconstruction. In this
confused and troubled world and in this period of the approach
of the enemy's defeat the Chinese people have come to the moment
of their highest possible achievement and the highest expression of
their glorious nationhood.
499
78
The Power of Thrift
An appeal to the nation to support the Thrift and
Savings Movement, delivered on September 7,
1940.
SEPTEMBER 7, 1940.
FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN :
rjPHERE is an old saying in our language : "State and homes alike
have thrived with thrift and fallen through prodigality." The
words seem trite enough, but they really declare a great principle
and a rule from which no individual or country can ever be exempt.
The Government's object in promoting this "Reconstruction by
Thrift and Savings Movement" is to cause all Chinese people by
daily frugality and saving to develop a new greatness and power by
simultaneously strengthening in this way the foundation for both
individual and national progress.
Three years ago, when resistance was at its beginning, I de-
clared: "By sustained resistance the final victory shall surely be
ours." I was confident in making that statement in view of the
fact that China has territory stretching from the cold to the torrid
zone, in which are to be found all the resources necessary to the
economy and defense of the nation. We possess vast hidden wealth
which awaits only the concentration of our financial and human
power for its exploitation. It is not to be picked up, used and then
be gone : it is inexhaustible ; as long as men and money do not fail
there is no fear of their ever failing to find this natural abundance
there. Relying on our being so excellently circumstanced by nature,
we may be sure of our ability to wear out the Japanese to the
day when they collapse exhausted. The goal of final victory is,
therefore, obviously to be sought along a road of hardship and self-
denial and there must also be organization and planning at every
stage. If the potentialities of our rich resources are collectively ex-
ploited and day in day out are adding fresh weight to the blows we
strike the enemy he will eventually succumb utterly worn out.
500
TBtE POWtffc OF
More than three years of resistance have failed to overstrain the
strength of nation and people and the unshakable nature of our first
determination has been fully demonstrated. We have only to put
forth further efforts to husband our financial strength for the building
up of our equipment and the advance of our productive methods and
we shall arrive at a point where we shall be self-sufficient both in
military materiel and the necessities of the people's existence. We
shall then have in our hands a cast-iron guarantee of "final victory."
In passing through this period of endeavor, moreover, we shall be
putting our country into better mental and material shape and order.
With the coming of the day of victory we shall find the enterprise of
reconstruction well on the way to success. I earnestly hope that
all my dear fellow-countrymen will realize this point and resolve to
do their best to make thrift the way to saving as not only a great con-
tribution to victory, but also to the glory of the country as an inde-
pendent nation and the happiness of its generations of citizens yet
unborn. Present saving can lay the foundation of prosperity for
thousands of years to come.
When all this is said, there may yet remain in some people's
minds doubt as to the value of the movement. Some may think that
talk of saving now in the final stage of the war for the purpose of
acquiring better equipment is over-belated. Others may think that
money scattered among the people is in effect deposited in the country
and see no need to concentrate it in savings. Such ideas are funda-
mentally wrong. The enemy is, true enough, gasping with fatigue,
but in the present international situation this semi-industrialized
country is exerting itself to summon up all its remaining productive
capacity and it will naturally be able to some extent to patch up the
holes in its finances. Helpless to find any really effective solution
to their difficulties as a whole, the Japanese can nevertheless spin out
their struggle for some time. We, on our part, must necessarily
prepare to meet their efforts at prolonging the war. Our position,
moreover, is such that we cannot but make ourselves independent of
others' assistance. Only capital is required for the exploitation of
our rich resources and the smooth attainment of that state. With
a population of 450,000,000 the saving of one cent per person per
day would result in the acquisition of $135,000,000 in a month or
$1,600,000,000 in a year. If everyone saved a dollar a month
501
THE POWER OF THRIFT
$450,000,000 could be put at the disposal of the Government each
month, or the vast sum of $5,000,000,000 a year. The result would
be the completion of every project bearing on the mighty enterprise
of national reconstruction. Secondly, reports show that people in
all parts of the country have at their disposal reserves of money
which they have no 'suitable means of making serve any good pur-
pose. In Shanghai alone there is estimated to be several hundred
million dollars of such floating capital. It is largely employed in
the surreptitious buying of foreign exchange and in other forms of
selfish speculation. Huge amounts of hoarded capital exist every-
where in the interior, some of it used in private business enterprise,
but some in the illegitimate pursuit of hoarding and cornering goods.
Strangest of all, there are many people who simply store up cash
in their houses, "dead" money that might be doing good work for
the nation.
There are also great numbers of Chinese people living abroad,
most of whom are of course engaged in some legitimate form of
commerce, but among whom there is an immense amount of reserve
capital subject to whatever legal restrictions a particular country
may impose. Much of it is thus put away in foreign banks, to
serve foreign interests.
All this reserve capital is doing neither its owners nor the
country any good and in some cases is doing positive harm. Apart
from the obvious evils of speculation and hoarding, the purchase
of foreign exchange and its deposit in foreign banks is against
government regulations, while in the present rapidly and constantly
changing international scene, it is highly precarious even if the
country chosen be victorious. At the same time it is injurious to the
stability of Chinese national currency. Note should be taken of the
fall in the value of the franc after the last European war and of
the recent announcement made by the Bank of England that it
would repudiate all notes not presented for exchange within a
period of three days. There will undoubtedly be many who through
their possession of those notes and their inability to exchange them
in due time must suffer a complete loss. This is a warning to those
who deposit their money in foreign banks. They must realize that
their money is under the control of the foreign government and is
not a whit safer than it would be in a Chinese bank. In fact it is more
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THE POWER OV THMFT
likely to be the object of unfair discrimination.
I feel sure that it has been lack of comprehension as to the use
to which savings can be put and of where their true interests lie that
has led Chinese people into such unprofitable and unpatriotic conduct.
Let us now, therefore, throw ourselves with new energy into this
movement, the success of which must mean the success of national
reconstruction. Mutual confidence and assistance between govern-
ment and people must be cultivated as a condition for the rapid
and continuous generation of this great force.
I wish solemnly to inform all my fellow-citizens that, although
this savings movement is managed by the Government's financial
institutions the Central Bank, the Bank of China, the Bank of Com-
munications and the Farmers' Bank of China, it is also personally
promoted by myself and I shall give my very particular attention
to the ways in which the money subscribed is put to work. The
officials sent out to supervise and promote the movement in various
places are all directly selected and dispatched by myself. I com-
mend them to your unreserved confidence and assure you that you
may regard them as though you saw myself in their persons. I
expect people in all walks of life unanimously to respond, sub-
scribing without discrimination of amounts but with especial em-
phasis on perseverance; everyone may join in, old and young, man
and woman; and in all districts of town and country parties must
be organized for the promotion of the movement. Let individuals'
financial resources be considered and according to their ability sums
of one, five, ten or more dollars be held their fitting regular con-
tribution. Where exceptional zeal is displayed the case must be
reported in order that it may receive commendation and reward.
To speak of people in the guerrilla areas living under the op-
pressive shadow of the invaders' presence and full of patriotic en-
thusiasm which in some cases they have no means of expressing,
they now have precisely the opportunity they have awaited. Rich
merchants and financiers, Chinese people with large reserves of
capital abroad are especially desired to transfer their stocks of
foreign exchange to Chinese banks which are fully provided with
all the necessary facilities for treating such money with special
favor and guarantees of its security while it is serving to build up
the motive power of national reconstruction. I too shall give my
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THE POWER OF THRIFT
closest attention to the way in which such patriotically subscribed
funds are employed; it must be in the advancement of various ex-
pertly directed and surely profitable enterprises, such as the opening
up of mines, the establishment of light and heavy industries, or the
co-ordination of consumption and production, land reclamation and
afforestation, water conservancy and the development of communi-
cations. All these undertakings are intimately connected with
Resistance and Reconstruction in their economic aspect and there will
be absolutely no question of a cent being devoted to any extraneous
object. The Government will no less scrupulously hold itself re-
sponsible for the security of capital and interest ; in no event can the
investor lose by his financial participation in these productive under-
takings.
As time goes on, and the capital subscribed mounts up, the
Government will devise means of consulting investors regarding the
disposal of their money. Our country has made the Three Principles
of the People its supreme guide and according to them, while masses
of capital put to uses injurious to society must be controlled, the
power of capital as it can be applied to the development and enrich-
ment of the people's life is to be in all possible ways utilized. The
present movement may be considered a great step toward the
creation of national capital power and the increase of the people's
wealth. It is my hope that at home and abroad our people will
not fail to grasp the great significance of this movement, in regard
to which the Central Government is inspired with very great deter-
mination and confidence and prepared to spare no effort to obtain
satisfactory results from it. It intends that it shall form an eco-
nomic bridge between government and people. Response from all
is expected not only by immediate purchase of the bonds but also
by the continued and unslackening pursuit of thrift and saving. This
movement will prove a touchstone of our people's capacity for
mobilizing their economic strength. If a striking result can be ob-
tained within a short time China's prestige among the nations will
be enhanced and she will be considered the more worthy of friend-
ship and assistance. This is yet another important aspect of the
movement. It can give us victory, establish a new foundation for a
strong and prosperous nation of the future and strengthen the
permanent basis of every individual citizen's livelihood.
504
79
Manchuria: Hell on Earth
A message to the people of the Japanese-occupied
Northeastern Provinces of China, and to the nation
in general, published September 18, 1940, on the
occasion of the ninth anniversary of Japan's in-
vasion of Manchuria.
SEPTEMBER 18, 1940.
FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN:
nnODAY is the ninth anniversary of the day on which the Japanese
* invasion and occupation of our northeastern territories began.
Since that thunder of gunfire in the north and the fall of Mukden,
since that outrage and affront was laid on our entire people, nine
years have rapidly passed away. The babies in arms of that time
are now school children, while the school children of then have
reached adult years. Yet the liberation of our northeastern fellow-
countrymen and the recovery of our territorial sovereignty over the
lost land have still to be achieved. This means resistance has not
gained its ultimate goal, and the souls of those martyred lack con-
solation. We find ourselves on this anniversary day with the same
uncured pain at heart and the same heavy responsibilities on our
shoulders; I take this opportunity of speaking to all of you and
especially to northeasterners about certain matters of the utmost im-
portance. I trust you will engrave on your hearts the determination
to strive together in the cause.
I have frequently had occasion to remark on the sort of hell-on-
earth life has become for our fellow-countrymen in the Northeast
under the enslaving and debasing oppression of the enemy. A
month ago I heard a friend just returned from actual observation
of the conditions describing what he had seen and heard with his own
eyes and ears. The people now living under the puppet Manchurian
regime have no security for life and property and no freedom of
movement; the whole power of giving and taking life or anything
else rests in the hands of the Japanese. The slightest motion can-
505
MANCHURIA: HELL ON EARTH
not escape their strict surveillance and control. Here are some of
the more striking features of the situation :
(1) It is estimated that there are now some 5;400 adminis-
trative officials of the puppet regime. Of these 3,300 are Japanese,
and among the higher ranking officials there are only a small num-
ber of subservient puppet figures. All the law-making authority
of the regime lies in the grasp of the Japanese whose most lightly
expressed desires define the scope of laws. In local districts vice-
mayors are always Japanese and in police posts the greater number
of men are Japanese. The officials presiding over smaller adminis-
trative units, the "street" and the village, are selected by the
Japanese from among the most servile traitors. They heap upon the
people further repression and supervision. Any individual wishing
merely to move from one village to another must obtain the requisite
permission and even movement within a village is subject to sur-
veillance. Census-taking is usually done at night so that it is for-
bidden to fasten doors. This gives the Japanese freedom to pass
in and out of houses at will and commit acts of indecency and rape.
Special permits have to be obtained by the people for marriage and
giving in marriage. Women married and unmarried are equally at
the mercy of the lusting Japanese: there have been cases without
number of those who have died or killed themselves for shame, and
of others who have known the even cruder plight of desiring death
but failing to obtain it.
(2) There is in Manchuria a so-called "national system of
military service" under which the Japanese regard all men over 19
years of age as liable to compulsory service. On being called up
the more robust are set to hard labor like convicts, and sent off to
unknown destinations beyond all reach of inquiry after their fate.
As for those recruited into the puppet troops, they are watched over
by Japanese instructors. The observer mentioned saw a detachment
of puppet troops one day drawn up at a railway station. The
corporals were all Japanese and orders were given in Japanese. The
men seemed between the ages of 16 to 20; their features bore an im-
press of suffering intolerable to behold. The Japanese officers would
strike them at random as though they were so much cattle. There is
also the practice of pressing men for work on fortifications upon
the completion of which their names are inscribed on wooden slips
506
MANCHURIA: HELL ON EARTH
and they are held answerable indefinitely for the repair of any dam-
age their work may afterwards sustain.
(3) The Japanese inquisitors established in all the puppet
police stations imprison and kill innocent people as a daily occurrence.
In their dark dens there is no room for talk of law or humanity; ill-
usage of every description, torture by unheard-of instruments, leave
the questioned half-dead or crippled at the end of their ordeal. The
search for members of the volunteer anti- Japanese armies offers a
pretext for all manner of oppression and atrocities. People may be
herded into one village, or village A amalgamated with village B,
or several small villages made into one, and then the whole property
of the falsely accused unit burned. Firearms in the possession of the
people were long ago thoroughly rummaged out by the Japanese,
but the discovery of a single remaining cartridge case means a death
sentence.
(4) The people are good for nothing but labor service, as
beasts of burden; it is not for them to carry on private business
enterprise. Industry, small and big alike, has been removed from the
hands of indigenous owners by compulsory purchase or confiscation,
until it is now all under the control of Japanese "trusts." The
treatment of the rural populace has been even more relentless.
The farmers' land has been confiscated without any pretense of
rhyme or reason. The rather more fertile tracts along the South
Manchurian Railway line have been entirely seized for the settle-
ment of the so-called Japanese "colonists." Wherever these "colo-
nists" appear, in their wake arise opium and gambling dens, brothels
and wineshops, and trade and the professions, down to hairdressing,
laundering, cooking, and errand running, are totally monopolized by
Japanese. The original inhabitantsthat is, our fellow-countrymen
are driven into the cold climate of Jehol, there to take to soldiering
or manual labor. Not only their land but also their houses are taken
from them : the very ground is cut from under their feet : even burial
space is denied them.
(5) All commodities come under the control and manipulation
of the Japanese. Control over industrial products is exercised by a
so-called "Daily Necessities Trust" and an "Import Trade Alliance."
Weighed down by oppressive and extortionate taxation, the people
have little capacity to buy from them; even so, they are faced by
507
MANCHTJKIA: HELL ON EABTH
all sorts of restrictions if they make the attempt even cloth, shoes,
and stockings are virtually debarred them. Among comestibles for
instance, Chinese people are absolutely deprived of the right to
purchase rice and flour. Even maize and kaoliang are rigidly re-
stricted in the quantities allowed. In the larger cities and towns
a common sight is the face dehumanized with hunger. Near Liaoyang
a certain peasant whispered to this traveler that for three years he
had not set his eyes on white flour. Only at the New Year was it
permitted to purchase a nominal amount of nine ounces of flour
per household. The state of things in other respects may be readily
imagined. The Three Eastern Provinces are rich in soy bean pro-
duction, yet the country people find themselves without bean oil
to eat or lamp-oil to burn. The wretchedness of our northeastern
fellow-countrymen being like this, each day that passes before we
can deliver them is a day of responsibility undischarged.
(6) In the sphere of education, most intellectuals have been
arrested or done to death. In educational institutions above the
middle-school the teachers are Japanese. Many of the schools
conducted by missionaries have been forced to close. The puppet
administration has initiated a so-called "Teachers' Training Qass"
for the carrying into effect of slave-education. Teachers in primary
schools are required to have a thorough knowledge of Japanese
and in such schools there must be eight or more hours weekly de-
voted to Japanese lessons. The qualifications for entrance to the
primary schools are subject to rigid restriction. Films come under
the control of the "Japanese Cinematographic Trust." In libraries
none but slave-literature can find a place. Two years ago the
Japanese set up a "Committee for Investigation into the Manchurian
Language," for the purpose of designing a system of phonetic
symbols similar to the Japanese "kana," to be given the misnomer of
a "Kana for East Asia." In August of this year the committee
issued an approved system and this was conveyed to all puppet
organizations and to schools for compulsory use and study. The
Japanese are clearly out to destroy the Chinese language and culture
in their extinction of the Northeast as a part of China.
The above points are but a sketch of the features of life in the
Northeast. In short, the Japanese treatment of Chinese people there
has exceeded the brutality and malignity of even their treatment of
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MANCHURIA: HELL ON BAETH
the Korean people. Beneath this foul oppression the northeasterners
have no freedom of residence, livelihood, speech, education, or of
carrying and burying: the slightest movement, and what is more
ghastly to relate, even life and death are not of an individual's choice.
One northeasterner said to the investigator I have quoted : "I would
have you convey a message to fellow-countrymen south of the Wall :
we too desire, tell them, to die as befits Chinese, but it may be judged
how imperative it is to make one's sacrifice for the country in due
time by the fact that we in our position find it no simple matter to
die an honorable death fighting against the enemy." These words,
in their simplicity and reserve, give us a picture of the minds of
more than thirty million northeasterners.
On this important day of commemoration I want to call upon
all of you to give thought to the sufferings of the people of the
Northeast, and I especially recommend to your attention the solemn
words I have just quoted. Of course we are all concerned about
the situation of northeasterners; for the nine years of struggle of
which the last three of resistance are but a part, our aim has been
to recover our national independence, sovereignty, and territory,
thus delivering them. Cut off from us by distance and the Japanese
hordes as they are, we know, perhaps, only a tenth or so of the?
truth about them. We must, however, take their fate as a warning
in the sense that "sacrifice to save the country must be made in due
time"; those who would give their lives for their country must give
them while they still have weapons in hand; if you would kill the
Japanese, it must be under the leadership of the Government that you
serve; the giving of strength and money to the national cause must
be done while you yet have freedom and time, With the north-
easterners the case is that all their weapons have been taken from
them, control and supervision over troops is infallibly thorough, so
that, though their spirit is not dead and many an heroic death-blow
has been struck, they have little else but bare fists wherewith jto
strike. Infinite dangers and difficulties confront them in any such
move, and under these conditions the driving out of the enemy
from within is a task all but to be despaired of. Therefore we must
realize, subject as we are to the enemy's bombing, his incendiarism
and destruction from the air, how much better we are situated than
the northeasterners who, as it were, gaze up to us from earth to
509
MANCHURIA: HELL ON EABTH
heaven. Our sympathy for them and our sense of our responsibilities
toward them should be correspondingly intense; now or never
must we exert ourselves and omit no sacrifice for the sake of the
happiness and freedom of succeeding generations of our people.
The Japanese slogan "New Order in East Asia" covers only a
design to reduce all the population of China to the same state of
slavery as the northeasterners find themselves in: it means Japanese
control of East Asia by means of the annexation of China. Actually,
however, the Japanese are forging for themselves fetters from which
they will never free themselves; they are moving toward their
own destruction and collapse. The beginning of that collapse will
mark the deliverance of the Northeast. It is for us to do all we can
by the firm and courageous prosecution of resistance to hasten the
approach of the hour of Japan's collapse.
What I can reassure our northeastern fellow-countrymen of is
the constant thought of them and the resolution not to fail them
in the minds of our entire army and people. Three years of war
have established a noble and splendid record of achievement. More
than 1,500,000 of the proud and reckless Japanese armies have been
laid low; Japan has been plunged into a profound abyss of peril.
Such is the achievement of the undaunted, all-enduring, unyielding
spirit with which our soldiers and people have devoted themselves
to resistance and which gives them their title to hold themselves the
"hands and feet" of you northeasterners. The outrageous conduct
of the enemy wherever he has penetrated has been faced with stub-
born composure by men, women and children alike, who for the
sake of final victory have resigned themselves to whatever sufferings
, were asked of them.
In recent months the embarrassment and frustration of the
enemy have led him to resort to a policy of intensive bombing and
incendiary air attacks with a view to intimidating the heart of our
people. These prodigal raids have been aimed exclusively at such
non-military centers as Sian, Paochi, and Ankang in Shensi Province ;
Chian, lyang, Kweihsi and Yingtan in Kiangsi; Hengyang, Yuan-
ling, and Chihchiang in Hunan; Kweilin, Liuchow and Ishan in
Kwangsi ; Shaokwan in Kwangtung ; Lanchow in Kansu ; Loyang in
Honan; Chuchi, Kinhwa, Ningpo, Chenhai, and Shenghsien in
Chekiang; Chengtu, Luhsien, Chichiang, Hochwan and Nanchung
510
MANCHUEIA: HELL ON EAKTH
in Szechwan. The ferocity and frequency of these raids have pro*
duced enormous damage, yet rather a stimulating than a frightening
effect has resulted, rather increased firmness than submission, so
far as the mind of the populace is concerned. In the stricken areas
there are those who have lost home and all else, who have suffered
exposure and hunger, yet with calm and equanimity. People of
all ages and both sexes have merely borne in mind the account to be
settled with the Japanese, but remain unconscious of panic or fear.
All those serving in relief work among air-raid victims have thrown
themselves into their duties with extraordinary vigor and disregard
of personal safety, in supporting the old and weak and succoring
the dying and injured. This display of robust and steady national
striving imparts a unique and unprecedented distinction to all con-
cerned.
There will undoubtedly be felt by fellow-countrymen in the
Northeast and in the war areas anxiety as to the effect of the enemy's
bombing of our rear; in fact it has served only to steel us to greater
national unity and a deeper sense of indignation. Since the Govern-
ment began last year to evacuate the cities and expand the rural
living capacity, the city populations have widely experienced the
horrors of air attack, but in point of spirit the more we are bombed
the stronger we grow, and in point of material considerations we
have come lightly to regard our losses. We bid the enemy go on
squandering his aerial strength in the blind and indiscriminate drop-
ping of costly projectiles. His menaces and his destructiveness fall
flat and we are content to await the time when he has used up all his
American oil, engines and parts. The real measure of his strength
is a matter of common knowledge; no one is any longer intimidated
by his threats. Our shattered walls and charred remains of buildings
may for the moment stand as a striking reminder for us of the
cause for which we must fight, and as a monument to the senseless
barbarity of the Japanese. Those whose homes have been destroyed
have moved out into the far-flung countryside; indeed we are pre-
sented with an opportunity to achieve a great development of pro-
ductive power in the rural areas, and thus attain the objectives
of our people's economic reconstructive movement. You north-
easterners and people living in the war areas need not, therefore,
be disturbed or anxious on account of the news you hear of bombing
511
MANCHURIA: HELL ON EARTH
in the rear. It has proved only evidence of the strength of the
people's spirit there; that it is not inferior to that being shown by
officers and men at the front. With the exception of a few wretched
traitors such as Wang Ching-wei, the entire nation is inspired with
an inflexible spirit of "preference for jade in fragments to a tile
entire"; everyone is prepared for suffering and sacrifice for the
sake of final victory; at the thought of our northeastern fellow-
countrymen's sufferings, we discount our own ; at the thought of how
they seek both life and death in vain, we feel we ought to accept
whatever sacrifice may be imposed upon us. We are one and the
same people as they; we are as the hands and feet of one body
breathing the same breath we all bear the same responsibility for
national salvation, but it is we "south of the Wall" who must feel it
weighs most directly upon us. This is a point on which I wish
especially to reassure northeastern fellow-countrymen.
Since the loss of the Northeastern Provinces nine years have
elapsed, and during that period we have to recall unprecedented
calamity not only for you but also for the whole country. Before final
victory is won there may well be a time of still greater difficulty,
but with the experiences of the present and the past in mind, we
are in a position to grasp the supreme truths upon which success and
failure, victory and defeat, depend; to have confidence in final vic-
tory; and to be aware of our responsibility as seen in the vast per-
spective of history.
I have three points to make in what remains for me to say today.
Firstly : The occurrence of September 18 nine years ago formed
a prime factor in upsetting international peace and order in the world.
The present war in Europe may be put down to the Japanese mili-
tarists as the prime movers responsible. Now, the wilder they wax
the more diplomatically isolated the Japanese become, and the course
before them the more perilous. The saying, "The perpetrator of
many wrongs must at last bring on his own ruin," will apply to the
inevitable outcome of Japan's actions her boundless ambition will
issue in self-destruction. It is for us at once to be revenged and to
rid the world of this universal enemy.
Secondly: During these nine years past and especially since the
European conflict began, international events have proved that any
people, if only capable of exerting itself to develop its own strength,
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MANCHURIA: HELL ON EARTH
and of confronting all the difficulties in the path of its national re-
habilitation, can in time convert its weakness into strength. An
unyielding spirit has been shown to be the main element in over-
coming a foe and commanding victory. Once the spirit submits, a
nation is laid open to boundless pillage and irrevocable submergence
in the tide of fate. If we, therefore, look out into the world of today
and are aware of the duties naturally imposed upon us, we cannot
but observe that of all experiences submission is the most painful.
The only result of it is destruction. It is only necessary to look at
the situation of the northeasterners. On the one hand there is the
solid resistance of Free China; and on the other their constrained
and tragic struggle against impossible odds. In the light of this
contrast we must conceive the efforts we are putting into resistance
not only as our appointed duty but even as matter for rejoicing. Even
if we die of cold and hunger, or perish in battle, it is not to be
reckoned cause for sorrow while the spirit is unsubdued. Only the
loss of the nation's vantage ground from which to re-establish its
freedom and equality with other countries, only the descent to
utter dispossession of its rights, may be called genuine pain. When
the northeasterners desire to seek opportunities of killing the enemy
and dying honorable deaths, they find such hard to come by. I would
have you think this over repeatedly.
Thirdly: There is evidence to be found in recent international
events for the belief that nations reap as they sow in victory or
defeat. Behind us we have the five thousand glorious years of our
history ; before us, there are the untold generations of our descend-
ants. A little more hardship endured and energy expended today will
mean as much more happiness and well-being for our descendants.
Another year of persevering resistance will mean at least a hundred
years of freedom for them. Now the victory that will bring recovery
of the Northeastern Provinces is at hand. It is my fervent desire
to see all China's people and soldiers, whether north or south of the
Great Wall, at the front or in the rear, advancing with one purpose
toward that victory and the wiping away of disgrace from the
country's name, for the accomplishment of the mission imposed by
history upon us.
513
80
The International Role of the Republic
A Double Tenth message to the army and the
people, October 10, 1940.
OCTOBER 10, 1940.
HHHIS is the twenty-ninth anniversary of the day when the Republic
* came into existence. We celebrate the occasion this year with
resistance in its fourth year and at a time when tremendous changes
are sweeping over East Asia and the whole world. These circum-
stances charge the day with a significance out of all proportion to
that it bears in normal times. It is all the more necessary for us to
be deeply aware of the aims of China's nation-building and to go
about the fulfillment of our duties with the mighty spirit of the
revolutionary martyrs.
Recalling the course of the establishment of the Chinese Re-
public, we are all bound to think first of our late Tsungli, Dr. Sun
Yat-sen, who strove his whole life for the Revolution and whose
great leadership, together with the magnanimous sacrifices of num-
berless martyrs twenty-nine years ago, brought about the overthrow
of the Imperial system and the creation of the Republic. The events
of 1911, however, only set in motion the enterprise of national con-
struction; they were but the first step, in the course of the Revolution.
The aim of that national construction and that Revolution is the
realization of the Three Principles of the People. On the one hand,
the goal is to secure for China independence and freedom and give
her a permanent place in the world as a strong and prosperous
country. On the other hand, "having attained a good for oneself,
desiring to convey it to others," we proceed to bring to bear on the
advancement of peace and happiness for all mankind the great
moral ideas our people possess, in order to fulfill China's responsi-
bility toward the world.
Since our country belongs geographically to East Asia our first
desire is to ensure its tranquillity. Peace in the world at large can
be assured only if tranquillity prevails in the Pacific Ocean. Simply,
514
THE INTERNATIONAL BOLE OF THE REPUBLIC
therefore, we aim at home to build up our national defenses that
China may have the means to freedom and equality with other nations,
and abroad to stabilize the affairs of the Asiatic continent with a
view to true world peace. Such are the aims the Tsungli set him-
self in his life-long struggle, and such are the ideals of 1911.
Nearly thirty years have passed, but the aspirations of Dr.
Sun and the revolutionaries are yet unattained. We cannot but feel
immense compunction at our vacillations and inconclusive efforts.
However, the greatest obstacles in the way of the still halting and
delayed progress of the Revolution have been and are due to ex-
ternal causes, above all, to the Japanese militarists. They are the
mortal enemies of national construction in China; their aggressive
policy and the Three Principles of the People are incompatible
forces, one of which must yield to the other. Their aims are the
destruction of China, the enslavement of East Asia, and the con-
quest of the world. The first step in the Tanaka plan* was the
conquest of China, and "what is most to be feared/' wrote Tanaka,
"is the awakening of China; if China were to become united the
consequence would be industrial development; it is necessary to
control Manchuria and Mongolia and then to use them as a base
for the seizure of all China's wealth and resources." These are
not merely the wild words of an individual. They represent the
consistent and fundamental policy of the Japanese militarists. Ever
since the Revolution of 1911 they have been ceaselessly interfering
with and obstructing the unification, economic revival and national
defensive measures of China. Previous to the time of the Northern
Expedition they practiced political sabotage, produced civil strife,
sold drugs, and promoted smuggling in China. They left no device
untried for the injury of our national unity. After 1928, the violence
with which they went to work and the obvious nature of their inten-
tions were only the more striking.
Nine years ago they invaded our Northeastern Provinces and
then the climax came with the Lukouchiao Incident of 1937 when
they commenced aggression on a scale calculated to strike at the
very foundation of China's national existence. It is clear enough
that the present slaughter and pillage perpetrated by the enemy is
*The Tanaka Memorial, presented to the Emperor of Japan on July 25, 1927,
by Premier Baron Giichi Tanaka.
515
THE INTERNATIONAL BOLE OF THE REPUBLIC
due to the Japanese militarists ; but the same is no less true of all
the chaos and tragic suffering our country has endured for the last
thirty years. We are fighting now not only to clear and revenge
ourselves of disgrace, but as a necessary means of attaining our
national ideals, for the completion of the revolutionary enterprise
set on foot in 1911 and the realization of the Three Principles of
the People. Out of this war must come the recovery of our sov-
ereignty, independence and territorial and administrative integrity
and the contribution we have to make toward the strengthening of
standards of international conduct, human equity and world peace.
The former is absolutely the most essential and most elementary
condition for national construction, while as I have often brought to
your attention, the indestructibility of the conception of equity and
the inevitable victory of justice in the world are facts of which
we can never obtain too close a grasp.
The Japanese themselves avow the boundlessness of their am-
bitions. The center of those ambitions is the conquest of China but
they include the overrunning of all East Asia, the carving up of
the whole Pacific area, and unlimited aggression throughout the
world. The attack on China, therefore, cannot be considered apart
from the worldwide aggression contemplated by the Japanese mili-
tarists. Whether they say "a conclusion to the China Incident," or
"to the south the defensive; to the north the offensive," or "to the
north the defensive; to the south the offensive," it is all only a
matter of sequence in the steps of their great scheme. Tanaka
declared: "If China be completely conquered by us, Central Asia and
Asia Minor, India and the South Seas, with their heterogeneous
peoples, will certainly fear and yield to us ; the world will be given
to understand that East Asia is in our possession. 1 ' He also spoke
of the inevitability of war between Japan and America and Russia.
"The rich resources of China," he wrote, "will become instrumental
to the conquest of India, the South Seas, Central Asia and Asia
Minor and Europe."
The minds of the Japanese militarists are crazed with this sort
of dream. Their so-called "New Order in East Asia" is the phrase
in which they express their determination to see all the countries
on the shores of the Pacific and all the peoples of Asia acknowledge
their overlordship. So they plunge into mad adventures and throw
516
THE INTERNATIONAL ROLE OF THE REPUBLIC
themselves toward ruin. Their nature, however, is such that save
on the point of extinction they will never realize the error of their
ways. Aware of this, China is resolved to fight not only to smash
their scheme of conquest insofar as it applies to her, but also to
shatter their hope of subduing the rest of Asia. China is the most
ancient and the largest Asiatic country. Without her, East Asia
would dissolve. She has not, therefore, shrunk from assuming
responsibility for the stability of East Asia.
Since the outbreak of the European war the Japanese, despite
the little strength left them after fighting three years with China,
have been thinking constantly how they may take advantage of the
situation for purposes of expansion southwards. Following the
reverses suffered by Britain and France their "New Order in East
Asia" suddenly became a "New Order for Greater Asia." The
announcement was made that "Greater Asia" included the South
Seas and frequent mention was made of a "new world order." Then
came the compact engineered with Germany and Italy. Action no
less extravagant than the mental ebullitions of the Japanese is
clearly to be expected. It matters little to us whether they expand
northward or southward; all their moves spell danger to China.
China is inveterately opposed to both the "New Order in East Asia"
and the "New Order for Greater Asia," and she will never cease
her struggle, whatever the future difficulties, until her people have
attained their national ideals.
Any country recognizing Japan's right to a "leading role in a
New Order for East Asia," I unhesitatingly declare, will come even-
tually to regret having been a tool of Japan. Any treaty concluded
with Japan in regard to Eastern Asiatic affairs, if China opposes it,
will prove as worthless a scrap of paper as the treaty made between
the Nanking puppets and their Japanese masters. I also declare
that if only we persevere in resistance the Japanese scheme behind the
Triple Alliance will be utterly frustrated. Every day that passes
without a pause in Chinese resistance is another day without a solu-
tion for the grave emergency in Japanese affairs. The main Japanese
motive, indeed, for entering into this alliance lies in the "urgent
desire to bring the China Incident to a close." China, however, is
engaged in a life-and-death struggle. As long as we have not reached
the goal of resistance, no matter whatsoever threats and tricks he
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TBS INTERNATIONAL BOLE OF THE KKPUBUC
may employ, the enemy will never succeed in causing us to swerve
a hair's-breadth from our purpose. If we analyze it objectively, this
Triple Alliance is seen to be, as it were, a pit of self-destruction
in addition to the shackles the enemy has already forged for himself
with the "New Order in East Asia/ 1
Everyone must understand that into whatever part of East
Asia the enemy leaders may carry their aggression, it is all part of
their criminal design to destroy China. Every move is a mortal blow
aimed at the nation which we are planning to build and which will
never be built without the dissipation of the Japanese dream of a
"New Order in East Asia." At a time when the Japanese are
exposing themselves to fresh risks it is opportune to strike them with
the utmost severity. Thus we shall not fail to observe the directions
left us by the Tsungli, as well as China's responsibility toward East
Asia.
In this period of urgency for resistance and of unprecedented
convulsions for the world, it behooves our devoted army and people,
holding fast to the Tsungli's teachings, with firm faith in their
cause, to exert intensified effort. To drive out the enemy and carry
to completion the unfinished work of the revolutionary martyrs we
must draw on their revolutionary and fighting spirit. Recall the
circumstances of their heroism: those circumstances were certainly
no less arduous than ours, yet they were infinitely the worse off.
They defied death, returned ever to the charge, and fought even
with bare fists and weaponless in creating the Republic.
Dr. Sun said: "At Huanghuakang three hundred men faced
thirty thousand, pitting pistols and grenades against rifles and
artillery. In the rising at Wuchang the odds were five hundred to
one. Such contests are unknown in the annals of ancient and
modern times, in the military art at home and abroad. Only revo-
lutionary history could have put them on record. ... If we would
bring China into line with other nations and secure for the Chinese
people an everlasting existence among mankind, we must emulate
the revolutionary martyrs' conduct, make them our standard, be
ready like them to sacrifice everything in single-hearted devotion to
national salvation. There is no other recipe for the spirit that should
animate the Kuomintang but this : fearlessness of death." This spirit
518
THE INTERNATIONAL ROLE OF THE REPUBLIC
of selfless patriotism dwells in the foundations of the Chinese Re-
public.
No revolutionary endeavor in the world that answered natural
and human needs and laws has failed. The building of a nation,
however, is always attended by numberless trials and sufferings.
With other nations it has ever been that revolutionary endeavor has
met immense obstacles and steady endurance has been required.
American independence encountered numerous setbacks and material
difficulties greater than China's today. Eight years of bloody con-
flict went to the making of the present spectacle of a strong and
prosperous United States. The Russian revolution was hindered
from without by foreign intervention and blockade and internally
by reactionary elements, with the addition of grave natural calamities.
It kept, however, to a steady course toward a defined goal, and at
last repelled the foreign invader and pacified the land, leading to
the construction of the imposing state of today. The revival of
Turkey, again, took place when the Powers had just imposed upon
her crushing terms of peace. Mustapha Kemal Pasha set about the
salvation of his country at a time when its territory was daily
diminishing, its economic strength was steadily declining, the army
was falling to pieces and internal administration was in confusion.
He cut a way through these overwhelming difficulties, leading the
Turkish army and people to war for the recovery of the lost territory
and national liberation. Subsequently, he threw himself into ten
years of intense work to reconstruct the country and army and to
institute all kinds of reforms, until the great enterprise of rehabilita-
tion was at last completed.
These are all examples worthy of our emulation. The present
European war may serve to impress on us the importance of con-
centrating our resources for the strengthening of national defense,
but also the fact that such efforts must be seconded by the ability
to maintain a struggle without wavering, no matter how long it
lasts. At the same time, we should observe how any nation, to
whatever degree favorably circumstanced, if it falls into ways of
dissipation and easygoing self-seeking may perish in a flash. On
the other hand, in circumstances the most perilous unity and deter-
mination of a people's heart can save the situation. Our nation now
519
THE INTERNATIONAL BOLE OF THE REPUBLIC
hangs between life and death. Resistance is at a critical and arduous
stage of its course; yet we are far better off than were the revo-
lutionary martyrs or the builders of other nations at the commence-
ment of their task. There is little difficulty in comprehending this
truth: we confront a foe who has on all sides of him enemies other
than ourselves the rapidly weakening Japanese; while at our
side are ranged the nations working for justice and existence in co-
operation with others. In the last resort, all these nations desire to
see in Asia a free and ascendant new China which, after winning
the War of Resistance, will be able to assist in world economic co-
operation and in the establishment of true world peace. The question
now is, therefore, whether we have confidence in ourselves, whether
we still possess the revolutionary spirit of 1911, and such a spirit
as all countries have displayed in their periods of national con-
struction.
Long ago I expressed my acute sense of the dangers and diffi-
culties that must beset resistance. I have been equally emphatic
in asserting that resistance is bound to be victorious, reconstruction
bound to be successful. I have pointed out that the fundamental error
of the Japanese permits of no good coming of whatever they under-
take. Dr. Sun said: "Conduct that goes against the dictates of
justice and humanity will sooner or later be defeated." Let the
enemy contort himself as he may, his ruin will be only the more
catastrophic the greater the adventures in which he indulges. On
another occasion I said: "No matter what changes may take place
in the international situation, they will be found essentially favorable
to our resistance." For we have all along maintained the initiative;
we have put the war on a basis of self-reliance and self-help. Ad-
vantageous to our cause have been the recent increase of other
countries' assistance to China and measures against Japan, but they
belong merely to the outwardly apparent indications of a trend
in the international situation the impalpable significance of which
is even more important for us to realize. That trend is day by day
more closely approximating the aims of resistance in its direction.
During this period of resistance and world upheaval the Tsunglfs
ideal of national and world salvation will gain universal recognition
and eventually be wholly realized. We are resolved to exert our-
520
THE INTERNATIONAL ROLE OF THE REPUBLIC
selves only the more vigorously should international events appear
to turn an unfavorable face on our cause.
With the Triple Alliance the Japanese seem to have emptied
their box of tricks. The Chinese people stand sublimely aloof mean-
while, growing stronger as the war proceeds. Our part in respon-
sibility for the security of East Asia and the world lies heavily upon
us; but, unless we are remiss ourselves no force can injure us, no
power prevent the attainment of our national ideals. On the Double
Tenth of the first year of resistance I remember telling you that
"this war will not be a matter of six or twelve months." Today, our
struggle is still in progress while the whole world has begun the
general settlement of accounts that must precede the dawn of new
hope. Rereading the teachings bequeathed us by the Tsungli we
cannot but feel that our road is lengthy in proportion to the
importance of the journey we are making. Thousands of years of
Chinese history show that as a people we are peculiarly gifted with a
capacity for endurance and the overcoming of all descriptions of
difficulty. It is not for us to waver in the face of trials, to be be-
wildered by perils, to lose heart at reverses, to be weakly fascinated
by world changes and fall in the midst of difficulties into laisser-faire,
irresponsible and compromising habits of mind.
For China to accomplish her own task of resistance is for her
to discharge her responsibility to the world. For the individual to
stand to his post and energetically do his particular duty is his way
of making the greatest possible contribution to the nation. From
the whole army and people there must be loyalty to the nation,
loyalty to duty, loyalty to the Principles, loyalty to the law; and
courage in unselfish patriotism, courage in bearing pain to serve
the public interest.
In life a man's self is both his greatest friend and his greatest
enemy. With self-reliance and self-exertion he has no enemy he
cannot put to rout ; while if he lets himself slide he courts his own
destruction. Similarly, the ghastly injuries we have been subject to
may be put down to the dissipation, folly, and selfishness of the past,
while the rigor, bloodshed and striving of the present will go to the
making of future prosperity and happiness. This gravest crisis in
the history of our nation is also an experience fateful for Asia and
521
THE INTERNATIONAL BOLE OF THE REPUBLIC
mankind. It is the most serious trial history has ever made of the
Chinese people's qualities. Extraordinary times have their extraor-
dinary difficulties and these require extraordinary pdwer to overcome.
The strength and splendor of the national character must come into
evidence now if ever. Our people will assuredly be steeled in this
blood and fire; they will develop a pioneering spirit of endeavor for
the opening up of the way to national construction and revival. I
demand of army and people : at the front, vigorous fighting ; in the
occupied areas, sabotage and frustration of the enemy and sworn
resolution not to compromise with the enemy and his puppets ; and in
the rear, self-denial and frugality, sturdiness and enthusiasm.
The Tsungli, in painstakingly setting down the plans for na-
tional construction, anticipated such a unique opportunity as presents
itself today. This is the time for us to concentrate our will and
strength and lay a sound political foundation for the country. The
blockade we must turn to advantage by striving to counter it with
the energetic development of production, and the promotion of
research and invention with a view to establishing a robust and
independent economy. We must exert ourselves in building up the
army, in social training, in the completion of the new system of
hsien administration and local autonomy, in stimulating industry and
developing communications, all in order to reinforce the founda-
tions of national defense.
The whole army and people, and especially those individuals
gifted with special knowledge and technical skill holding positions
of leadership in the various spheres of life, must realize the nature
of our responsibility which extends to the fate of East Asia and the
world. It is a responsibility not to be shirked but to be upheld
with a courage equal to the immense and noble enterprise. The
ancients called thirty years a generation and with next year the
Republic will have attained that age. It finds itself still menaced
and the work of reconstruction still lacks an adequate foundation.
A barbarous enemy confronts it meanwhile. Things being so, we
have to reflect upon our unworthiness of the sacrifices made and the
distress suffered by the Tsungli, the revolutionary martyrs and
innumerable other fellow-countrymen. The situation with us and in
the world is now at a turning point. Our efforts and devotion were
522
THE INTERNATIONAL BOLE OF THE REPUBLIC
never more urgently required. I trust that you will all display a
spirit such as may benefit those tq whom has fallen the duty of execut-
ing the Will* and following in the steps of the Tsungli and those
who created the Republic twenty-nine years ago and initiated the
noble mission we have to bring to completion.
*Dr. Sun Yat-sen's Will reads:
"For forty years I have devoted myself to the cause of the people's revolution
with but one end in view, the elevation of China to a position of freedom and
equality among the nations. My experiences during these forty years have firmly
convinced me that to attain this goal we must bring about a thorough awakening
of our own people and ally ourselves in a common struggle with those peoples of
the world who treat us on the basis of equality.
"The work of the Revolution is not yet done. Let all our comrades follow
my 'Plans for National Reconstruction,' 'Fundamentals of National Reconstruction,'
'Three Principles of the People,' and the 'Manifesto' issued by the First National
Convention of our Party, and strive on earnestly for their consummation. Above
all, our recent declarations in favor of the convocation of a National Convention
and the abolition of unequal treaties should be carried into effect with the least
possible delay. This is my heartfelt charge to you."
523
81
The Nadir of Konoye's Career
A report made at the Weekly Memorial Service oj
the National Government on Monday, December
2,1940.
DECEMBER 2, 1940.
IT IS my intention today to make to all of you present a simple
report on the important features of the war situation during the
past week, on the Japanese recognition of Wang Ching-wei's puppet
administration, on the circumstances attending their conclusion of a
so-called treaty with him, and on the possible future repercussions
of these events.
Commencing from the 23rd of last month, the Japanese, by way
of preparatory fanfare to precede their recognition of Wang Ching-
wei, overhauled their manpower in all the war areas for the purpose
of raising a force to attempt an offensive on our positions in central
and northern Hupeh. The attack was planned with the object of
boosting their prestige and dissembling the actual vulgar and shame-
less nature of the transaction. The outcome, however, has been the
Japanese forces' complete reverse at the hands of our stout defense
in less than ten days. The casualties they have sustained exceed
their losses in the previous campaign in western Hupeh. This is
another substantial victory for our forces.
Meanwhile on the very same day the Japanese militarists recog-
nized the Wang regime, President Roosevelt pointedly made a simul-
taneous announcement of his government's intention to extend to
China a credit loan and a currency loan amounting to 100,000,000
American dollars. During the past eight months of the present year
American loans to China make a total of more than 150,000,000
dollars. Mr. Cordell Hull, Secretary of State, has also made a
solemnly worded statement to the effect that the United States
was absolutely determined not to recognize any puppet regime and
to continue indefinitely to consider the present Central Govern-
ment in Chungking as the only legally constituted Chinese govern-
524
THE NADIR OF KONOYE'S CAREER
ment. From Britain there has come an indication of a similar atti-
tude. With Soviet Russia there has been no change in her con-
sistent policy of support for Chinese resistance. These are the events
at home and abroad of the last few days which demand the closest
study of all in their relation to the war.
Next, to comment on the Japanese recognition of the Wang
Ching-wei regime and their publication of the "treaty" he and they
have signed, I conceive this action as the perverse and outrageous
product of the defeat of their recent peace offensive. The dummy
treaty is tricked out with all sorts of features such as "Funda-
mental Conditions," "Annexed Protocol" and "Understandings."
It simply consists of the parts the Japanese have seen fit to publish
of the secret "Wang- Japan" treaty long ago exposed by Kao Tsung-
wu and T'ao Hsi-sheng.* Throughout its contents there is abso-
lutely nothing novel to be found. This rehash of the former treaty
is a scrap of paper representing the willingness of the puppets to be
"recognized" by Japan as the totally submissive slaves they are.
As such it scarcely deserves passing notice. It will, however, become
a part of the record of estrangement between the two countries.
It will contribute to a prolongation of the evils of the war they are
fighting; it will be remembered for centuries as a symbol of the
mortal issue dividing the two nations.
In this lies the tremendous crime of the Konoye Cabinet.
Konoye is, in fact, as you all must know, the monumental criminal
figure in the history of relations between China and Japan. On
referring to the statement I made on December 26, 1938,* in refuta-
tion of the Konoye Statement and to my message addressed to army
and people when the "Secret Pact" was revealed in January,* you
will find a full and clear account of the function of the puppets in
the Japanese design to destroy China. You will also observe the
fact that this comedy just enacted in Nanking is in no way anything
fresh. It is merely the reappearance on the boards of a play already
*See pages 358, 134, and 364, respectively.
525
THE NADIR OF KONOYE'S CAREER
presented in the form of the traitorous secret treaty for the "readjust-
ment of relations between Japan and China" signed by Wang
Ching-wei in December of last year and in the form of the inaugura-
tion of the "Nanking Regime" in March of this year.
I have always regarded the former occasion as the date of the
announcement of Wang Ching-wei's decease, and the latter as the
date of his funeral. And now Abe, on his visit to Nanking, has
put the finishing touch to the obsequies of Traitor Wang, by reading
an oration over the tomb. Abe's return to Nanking during the period
of mourning made doubly sure that Wang Ching-wei was finally at
rest in his burial place. The antics of the Japanese and the puppets
on this occasion were merely in the nature of a ghastly insistence
on past revolting scenes in the story of their relations. The affair
is devoid of any new interest: I need not speak of it at any great
length. I shall turn to the subject of the cause for the Japanese
recognition of Wang Ching-wei and to the future consequences of
their action.
When Konoye became Prime Minister for the second time in
July of this year many were his friends who thought he must have
a great determination during his term of office to bring the Sino-
Japanese War to a conclusion. The war had started during his first
premiership and all his successors, Hiranuma, Abe and Yonai, had
failed to stop it. With the European war in furious progress he
imagined there was a good chance personally to wind up the horrors
of war for which he was responsible. This was his general view
and in the heads of his entire Cabinet this idea was no doubt
present : the idea of at last seeing a satisfactory fulfillment of their
aggressive dreams. At that time, however, I declared it my opinion
that Konoye, no matter how high he might be rated by the politicians
and people of Japan, would not prove able to override the militarists
and free his country from the shackles of war.
In the Bible we read : "A corrupt tree cannot bring forth good
fruit." The Sino- Japanese War is an illustration of this. Because
this war came of the wrongheaded and impulsive aggression of the
Japanese militarists, because it came of the evil seed sown by Konoye,
with Konoye again in power, the militarists still in existence, there
being no genuine admission of their guilt among them, there is
obviously no possibility of an end of the war. At the time of the
526
THE NADIR OF KONOYE'S CAREER
Lukouchiao Incident I gave explicit definition of China's fundamen-
tal standpoint in foreign affairs. I held that if the incident could not
be amicably settled a breaking point would be reached. I said:
"We desire peace, but we do not seek evasion of the issue ; we pre-
pare for war, but it is not our will that it should be. ... To war with
the warmaker is the inevitable means of acting up to the issue in-
volved. . , . With hostilities in progress our weakness as a nation
precludes any further chance of compromise. . , . Whether the
Lukouchiao Incident evolves into a Sino- Japanese War depends
entirely on the attitude of the Japanese government; the answer
to the question whether there is still hope of peace is to be sought
in the actions of the Japanese military. Until the very last moment
before the final extinction of the hope of peace, we shall continue to
desire a peaceful, diplomatic means of solving the incident/' I
followed these words with a statement of the four minimum Chinese
requirements for a satisfactory solution of the incident, adding a
warning to Konoye in these terms : "If you can take a detached and
far-sighted view of the affairs of Far Eastern peoples, if it is not
your wish to precipitate a final crisis between the two countries,
if it is not your will to create imperishable hatred between them, then
you will certainly do ill to turn a deaf ear to these four minimum
requirements of ours."
Now we have been fighting for nearly three years and a half,
and China's final victory is perceptibly drawing near. In retrospect,
the Konoye Cabinet has been responsible for the present embarrass-
ment of the Japanese. Toward the end of 1938 I attacked the
Konoye Statement in these terms: "The efforts of the Japanese mili-
tarists to destroy China will inevitably bring about the destruction
of Japan. During the past year and a half we have succeeded in
establishing a foundation for national rebirth regardless of difficulties
and fearless of danger. We pause to regret the fall of Japan, with
her history of reformers' magnificent sacrifices, into the grip of
the 'Junior Officers' group who play ducks and drakes with her
resources and manpower, leading her to barbaric ruin. Japan is
on the brink of an unthinkable end." These words of mine spoken
two years ago are seen in the light of present events to be in no
way mistaken. Konoye, despairing both of his headlong design to
annex China by force and of his peace offensive, has willy-nilly
527
THE NADIR OF KONOYE'fl CAREER
resorted to the pis-oiler of recognizing the puppet administration
in an attempt to persuade the Japanese people to believe that a sort
of conclusion to the Sino- Japanese War has been achieved. In fact,
however, his ostrich-like behavior, his poor endeavor to deceive
himself and us and others, constitutes an insult to the integrity of
the Chinese people as well as to that of his own people. For this
act of recognition further lowers the prestige and good name of
Japan. In practice it will contribute to the prolongation of the war,
so far from bringing about an end to it; it will intensify hatred
between China and Japan; and it will add impetus to Japan's descent
to irretrievable ruin.
Observation of the conduct and measures of Konoye's two
cabinets makes clear their quality as puppets of the militarists, in
which capacity they have committed all their iniquities. Konoye
did three things during his first tenure of office. Firstly, he brought
about war between China and Japan with all the consequent loss
of life and treasure to Japan, while now he still finds himself power-
less to extricate himself from the slough into which he has dragged
his country. Secondly, he made it his policy to strengthen the "Anti-
Comintern Agreement/' making an enemy of Soviet Russia in pur-
suance of his wild continental policy of aggression. Thirdly, he
published his statement on the "New Order in East Asia/' showing
therein that his ambition was not limited to the destruction of China
but extended to the expulsion of American and European influence
from Asia. He conceived Japanese domination over all Asia as a step
to conquest of the world. These three moves form the most im-
portant elements in the fatal course Japan is treading. Especially
by the idea of the "New Order in East Asia" did Konoye do his
country deadly injury.
During his second period of premiership Konoye has also
done three things of particular note. The first was his introduction
of the so-called "New Structure" into the politics of Japan. The
second was his bringing of Japan into the Triple Alliance with
Germany and Italy. The third was his recognition of Wang Ching-
wei's puppet government together with his publication of a "Joint
Manifesto" subscribed to by Japan, "Manchukuo," and the puppet
China. In regard to his motives for these three moves I do not
hesitate to make this great distinction: when he was first Premier,
528
THE NADIR OF KONOYE'S CAREER
his one object was to defeat China in the field, while now that he is
again Premier his whole aim is to procure an end to the war in any
way. Today he has no other thought but release from the bonds of
his "China Incident."
Let us examine the first of the series of three moves taken since
he again became Prime Minister. He finds himself obliged, in order
to wrest a solution from the hard facts of the war situation, to unify
public opinion and concentrate Japan's national resources for the
effort. You must all be aware that since the war began not only
has public opinion in Japan shown itself boisterous and formless
but the minds of the people have also been at a loss to understand
the situation. As time goes on, and the war seems endless, con-
flicting views multiply. Anti-war sentiment spreads further and
further both at the front and in the rear. On the one hand the
antagonism between the militarists and the people deepens and on the
other hand divisions among the former themselves, groups for war
and for peace, for biding time and for taking vigorous action, pro-
Russian and anti-Russian, friendly to America and inimical to
America, for southward expansion and against it such are the
loudly dissentient voices to be heard in the enemy camp.
This was a state of affairs which the "Junior Officers 1 ' Group
could not ameliorate, but which Konoye tried to improve by means
of his "New Structure." In practice this hope of his must prove
vain. Another aspect of the thing is that it represents the overthrow
of the whole political, economic, social and even military basis of
Japanese life as it was built up by loyal ministers and highminded
men during the sixty years of Japanese history following the Meiji
Reform. Konoye did not shrink from such action as a device for
the attainment of his longing for some solution for the war which
he hoped would still bring about China's ruin ; yet his hope for success
for this and other of his tricks has proved utterly illusory.
Coming now to the second of the recent moves of Konoye men-
tioned above, the conclusion of the Tripartite Alliance, we need con-
sider only the motive of Japan for entering into the compact, a
motive undoubtedly different from those of the other signatories.
I have not the slightest hesitation in saying that her aim was cer-
tainly not born of any love for her new allies; nor was it one of
contributing anything to their cause. The idea was to borrow
529
THK NABffi OF KONOYTO GABEB*
prestige from them and hold out the alliance as a threat to Soviet
Russia, England and America, and to provide an obstacle to assist-
ance for China from these nations. The Japanese aspiration was to
find in the Alliance a chance of executing the southward expansion
policy and of bringing the war to a conclusion. In fact they have
gained nothing by their unprincipled conduct.
One naturally recalls Konoye's policy of strengthening the
Anti-Comintern Pact, where the motive was similar. Then he was
thinking of leaning on others' support in the "northward expansion"
adventure, preparing for simultaneous war with China and Russia,
all as a part of the Continental Policy. Such are the selfish motives
behind the Japanese adhesion to these agreements with other coun-
tries which they have no intention of helping. With the non-
aggression pact between Germany and Russia and the resulting
virtual annulment of the Anti-Comintern Pact Japan suffered a
diplomatic shock she had prepared for herself by her self-centered
designs. She then executed a volte-face, turning from a policy of
enmity toward Russia to one of search for grounds of diplomatic
rapprochement. Simultaneously, Japan strove to appease the United
States and threaten Great Britain. The aim was still that of de-
priving China of assistance from Soviet Russia, Britain and America
as a necessary measure for the solution of the "China Incident."
These countries, entirely sensible to the nature of the transactions,
have watched the complete failure of each device.
Behind all the recent Japanese moves, the Triple Alliance with
its threat to America, Britain and Soviet Russia, the "Japan-'Man-
chukuo'-'China' Manifesto/' the signature of the treaty with Wang
and recognition of him the treaty containing the clause defining
Japan's right to carry out the provisions of the Anti-Comintern
Pact in Mongolia and to station troops in certain areas of North
China there is the same unchanging tendency of Japan to work
against Russia and at the same time pursue her traditional policy
of aggression in China.
The obvious purpose of the Triple Alliance in her eyes was to
make way for expansion to the south; yet she is still unwilling to give
up her northward project. I leave it to your intelligence to decide
whether it is likely Japan can simultaneously dominate Soviet Russia
530
THE NADIR OF JCONOYS'S CAREER
and menace America, expanding both to the north and south at once.
By so doing she would be virtually annulling the Tripartite Pact,
she would be even acting to the injury of her allies' interests for
speculative ends of her own. Or her action would portend a radical
change in the original nature and purpose of the pact. The spec-
tacle of Japan's diplomatic contortions is one of self-deception, dis-
honesty and faithlessness so unscrupulous that there can now surely
be no country that trusts her or regards her as a worthy partner
in alliance.
Next, of Konoye's third political move during his present
premiership I have already spoken. To quote what I said last
year: "The puppet organizations are bound to appear, but no
matter how many of them Japanese produce, no matter what tides
they may give them, we shall ever regard them as nothing but the
slaves of Japan, of no validity in relation to China herself or other
countries and powerless to injure our Party or nation in the
slightest." However, behind the scenes there lies a darker aspect
of the puppet show. There is the thought present in the minds of
the Japanese that the puppet government may possibly serve in the
enslavement of all China by the use of its false name as a subtle
vehicle for the termination of the war and the real annexation of
China. The Japanese peace offensive of the past two weeks has been
a weird and amazing affair indeed. First various peace rumors
are circulated; then the pretense is that the Chinese Government
has refused peace proposals even inclusive of a Japanese with-
drawal, compelling Japan to resort to recognition of the Wang
Ching-wei Administration. I can, however, declare that the Chinese
Government has neither been aware of any of these imaginary peace
proposals nor has it perceived the smallest hint of a sincere desire
on the part of Japan to abandon aggression and seek peace. In
view, moreover, of the declaration made by the Konoye Cabinet
in January of 1938 to the effect that Japan no longer recognized the
Central Government as a possible participant in negotiations with
her, our Government and every citizen in the land will place no faith
in reports of Japan's seeking peace with the Government, and we
are even more skeptical of the ability of the Japanese militarists
to impose peace. There is not a primary school student in China
who would put rash trust in the rumors. They are futilely directed
531
THE NADIR OF KONOYE'S CAKKBB
at the Japanese people and the rest of the world in an endeavor to
hoodwink them.
Finally, the recognition of the Wang regime was conducted
under the grandiose nomenclature of the "Manifesto" the "Im-
perial Government of Japan/ 1 the "Imperial Government of Man-
chukuo" and the "Republican Government of China." These absurd
terms are a great insult to the Chinese people that will be forever
remembered by descending generations of the race. Beneath con-
tempt as is the vulgar conduct of the Japanese, it is totally harmless
so far as we are concerned. For three years and six months we
have fought without thought of submission to enemy threats; we have
sustained the national honor of China against his insolence and
insults. Today we are as resolved as ever to resist to the end;
but this is not all: we intend China shall issue from the war in all
the splendor of a freedom and independence more real than she has
previously known a new San Min Chu I China. All that has
come of this recognition of Wang Ching-wei on our side, therefore,
has been stimulation of our national spirit and a clearer demonstra-
tion of the soundness of our national integrity, and of its inviolability
in the face of Japanese trickery.
On the other hand, the damage done to Japanese national
integrity and prestige by the actions of the Konoye Cabinet is of
incalculable extent. The effect is to depress the reputation of Japan
to the level of the slave governments created by her. The Mani-
festo is not a manifesto of three countries, but it is a document pro-
claiming the formation of a tripartite puppet body and the con-
fluence of two puppet streams represented by Wang Ching-wei and
Konoye. For the "Japan, Manchukuo and China" of the Manifesto
are conceived as having attained "indivisible unity" and "amalga-
mation/' and all the other phrases to be found in the declaration on
the "New Order in East Asia." If I am to speak of the effect of this
enemy move on the course of Resistance and Reconstruction, I can
only say that it has added to the indignation of the whole country, and
heightened the fighting spirit of our soldiers at the front. As I
said when the Secret Pact was revealed: "Not to strive is to be
ruined ; not to resist is to sit waiting for death. Are we slaves whom
the traitor Wang Ching-wei can sell? We have only to think of how
we are to avenge these insults and secure the existence of the nation,
532
THE NADIR OF KONOYE'S CAEEER
snatching the good name of China out of the hands of those who
would destroy it." In the enemy's present resourceless situation we
have only to keep up a continuous rain of effective blows at him in
order to bring about his final collapse. When victory comes and the
militarists are driven from our soil the Wang Administration will
resemble in its fate the wretched end of the reactionary puppet
regimes of Denikin, Kolchak and Wrangel that the Imperialists set
up in the time of the Russian Revolution. It will find the ground cut
away from under its feet and it will become the object of just pun-
ishment at the hands of Chinese law.
In conclusion, the present Konoye Cabinet is given up to one
great aim the bringing of an end in some way or other to the
Sino-Japanese War. With that purpose in mind it devised the
"New Structure" although it entailed breaking the spine of Japan's
national being built up over half a century the destruction of the
Constitution, and the dissolution of the parties. And it caused
Japan's participation in the Triple Alliance although this has brought
her enemies on all sides. The upshot of all the recent Japanese
political and diplomatic activity has been failure to put an end to
the war and deepening of the gulf between the two nations. Such is
the final outcome of the crime of aggression committed by the
Konoye Cabinet and the ultimate expression of Japan's military and
political defeat. One of the clearest features of the situation is the
way in which the Japanese Constitution as the depository of law
and the spirit of national institutions has been done away with.
The utter destruction of the political, social, economic and even mili-
tary basis of Japanese national life will inevitably follow. Whereas
I remarked upon the ineffectiveness of the Wang Ching-wei regime
as machinery for the pillage of all China, the Konoye Cabinet is
indeed an all too effective instrument in the destruction of Japan.
Fellow-countrymen, the decisive day for the defeat of the
enemy's aggression has arrived, the day of Konoye's recognition
of Wang's government. The Japanese and their puppets are climbing
into a common grave. China owes the victory in sight to the efforts
and sacrifices of her army and people throughout the past three years
and a half; she sees its approach only accelerated by this paltry
event. We have now to meet the final demands the last stages of the
struggle make upon our strength and endurance.
533
82
Light of New Hope
A New Year's Message delivered on January 1,
1941.
JANUARY 1, 1941.
To ALL OFFICERS AND MEN OF THE ARMED FORCES AND FELLOW-
COUNTRYMEN AT HOME AND ABROAD:
HPHE thirtieth year of the Republic begins today. Resistance has
. attained its fifth year of age. From this turning point in the
years' revolving course, the work of Resistance and Reconstruction
should go forward impelled by fresh efforts born of the significant
and inspiring moment. Dr. Sun Yat-sen looked forward to the
accomplishment of the Revolution within thirty years; in China we
call thirty years a "generation" ; and as a rule a man at the age of
thirty attains his full physical and mental maturity, becoming master
of himself and his destiny in the most creative and constructive
period of his life. The Republic is now thirty years old, and yet the
Revolution is still short of complete success. For nearly ten years
the enemy has been in possession of the 1,300,000 square kilometers
of our Northeastern Provinces. The nation and the people are
passing through a time of trouble and affliction and, though the
dawning light of victory is visible, great areas of our land remain
under the heel of the invader and countless numbers of our fellow-
countrymen are still suffering the worst cruelties his oppression can
devise. When and how liberation is to come, the foundations of
national reconstruction to be well and truly laid, the Three Principles
of the People to be carried into practice, and China to achieve inde-
pendence, freedom and equality among the nations these are ques-
tions we must ask ourselves today. Seeing things as they are and in
retrospect, we cannot fail to make a searching examination of our
hearts and record, and resolve to intensify our efforts.
A review of the whole war situation shows us the enemy at
the end of his tether ; he has worked evil to his own satiety and the
limit of his ingenuity. His failure is now a foregone conclusion,
534
LIGHT OF NEW HOPE
while international events are constantly tending more to favor our
cause. I need not make detailed mention of the facts composing
this situation. I must have you all realize, however, that the enemy's
fated ruin does not imply the real attainment of our victory. Our
country and our people are not yet out of danger. The future of
resistance has yet to encounter greater setbacks and difficulties. Our
victory in this War of Resistance will consist in the completion of the
task of reconstruction as a permanent guarantee of our people's
existence and a substantial contribution to the good of humanity
and the world. It is a war fought to complete the great enterprise
of national revolution. For Resistance and Reconstruction are a
single enterprise, two indivisible aspects of the same undertaking.
We fight to remove obstacles to reconstruction, while at the same time
we reconstruct in order to have the requisite strength to fight. We
have to develop the potential energies of the nation before we can
be sure of a success of lasting value and the final realization of revo-
lutionary ideals. The work in which we are engaged is too vast
and arduous to permit of the minutest defection, of the slightest
speculative over-confidence in adventitious aid.
In the world of today the nations are everywhere pitting their
integral forces in mortal competition with one another, striving
to out-race and outlast one another. The energy which progressive
nations are putting into their schemes of national defense and eco-
nomic reconstruction should arouse in us a spirit of emulation and
the determination to advance no less rapidly than they. The fact
of China's unique wealth of natural resources should encourage us
still more. Dr. Sun said: "A population of four hundred millions
living in a land 42,700,000 square miles in area constitutes a source
of wealth unequaled elsewhere in the world: an era of promise
opens before men of promise possessed of a land of promise." Our
present general backwardness has invited the aggression of the
Japanese with the acute sufferings it has brought upon our citizens
young and old, men and women alike. When we read over this
extract from the teachings of Dr. Sun it must surely make us take
thought for our past failings and the means of repairing them.
I would have you all take note that our work is now entering
a new phase, wherein, after establishing in the past three and a half
years of resistance a foundation for reconstruction, we have now
535
LIGHT OF NEW HOPE
to make reconstruction itself the center of our concern. Many people
think of Resistance and Reconstruction in terms of two separate
stages. By doing so they display misapprehension of the essential
and special characteristics of the Chinese Revolution. A worse error
still consists in thinking, as some others do, that the success of re-
sistance is to be followed by a period of ease and inactivity. The fact
is that the work of reconstruction will prove even more exacting and
important than resistance; it will call for a lengthier period of
painstaking effort and of persevering endeavor if the difficulties are
to be overcome and the constraints to be borne. During this time
of war, therefore, we must press forward on the one hand with
measures of reconstruction, while the object of these measures must
be to actualize the Three Principles of the People and to create a
China mistress of her soul and body, an independent nation fit to be
a stone in the foundations of world peace. The Chinese people will
then havfe fulfilled their great mission. That result will not be had
without their grasping the significance of reconstruction and the
factors indispensable to its success.
Dr. Sun expressed his revolutionary purpose in the words
"To found and erect the Republic" and from the very first hours
of Republican rule he untiringly promoted reconstruction that China
might become a modern nation. In our Chinese phrase for "recon-
struction" Men-she the elementary meaning of the word "chien"
is that we see in those words "chien-li min-ki4o" and all that
appertains to the establishment of the country's well-being is recon-
struction. Of all its aspects the most important is that of the economic
requirements of national defense. In his outline of plans for indus-
trial development written twenty- three years ago Dr. Sun projected
a wholly adequate scheme for economic reconstruction which is also
the best of designs for defensive reconstruction. To put national
defense on a sound basis may be said to be the first step in the general
reconstruction of the country. Look at Soviet Russia. How is it she
has the strength to give practical effect to her peace policy, as she
is commonly held to be doing? That strength she owes to the un-
remitting perseverance with which she has carried out her two five-
year plans. We are not merely concerned to build up our capacity
to meet the present destructive power of the enemy; in positively
devoting ourselves to the work of economic reconstruction we have
536
LIGHT OF NEW HOPE
in view the permanent protection of our independence, freedom, and
existence in order that we may give what we can toward World
peace. It is more with this higher ideal in mind that in the midst of
war we should exert ourselves to put into good shape the economic
groundwork of defense. The economic is, however, not the only
side of reconstruction, nor is the material its only aspect. There is
also the reconstruction of the mind, of personal relationships, of
society and of politics that demand equally close attention for the
strengthening and sound organization of national life. Ultimately
the goal is complete realization of the Three Principles of the
People and the establishment of the Five-Rights Constitution. Dr.
Sun's "Outline of National Construction" and "Plans for National
Reconstruction," his conceptions of the approach to democratic rule
and the initiation of local autonomy must be systematically executed
in an ordered sequence of procedure. I would impress upon you
that the undertaking may be achieved the more easily rather than
otherwise for its being attempted in war time, just as it is the more
imperatively needed. We require only determination and awareness
of the true significance of resistance, together with unanimous and
wholehearted assent to Dr. Sun's philosophic conception of the power
of knowledge to produce action. If, with that assent, we are of
one mind and one purpose we shall be sure of complete success.
The work of reconstruction being even more arduous than re-
sistance and its bearing on the future prosperity or decline, the sur-
vival or ruin of the nation, so important, we shall stand in need of
a spirit of sacrifice and strict discipline. Not only at the front where
soldiers have not to shrink from the hardship and peril of bloody
combat is the spirit of sacrifice a necessity but also each citizen at
whatever may be his post has to regard his duty and work as the
first consideration in life, and his personal advantage a secondary
matter, in all readiness to be self-denying and frugal to an extreme.
In a word, the individual has to reduce his standard of living to
the lowest .point he can, while on the other hand he develops his
ability to serve the State to the highest degree he can. We shall do
well to take as models those democratic nations that took shape in
periods of stress, each individual among us preparing to sacrifice
his all, not to the exclusion of his life. Discipline consists in obedience
to the laws and ordinances of the State, the maintenance of public
537
JLtGttT OF NEW HOPE
order and the offering up of personal liberty toward the attain-
ment of freedom for the nation,-^the removal from our name of its
disgraceful reputation for laxity and disorder, and the creation of
a new capacity for coherent and harmonious activity. Let us realize
that the main reason for the success during the past thirty years of
die Japanese policy of inciting separatism for the splitting of our
country into fragments the easier to consume has been due to our
own lack of order and discipline and to our inability to achieve
unity, regularity and progress in our ways of living, thinking and
acting. We failed to make our work accord with the demands of a
new age, with the result that the enemy has subjected us to his in-
sults and aggression. Insensibility and corruption exposed the
nation to this ordeal.
We must one and all resolve to repair this injury to our honor,
on the one hand in social life by putting Spiritual Mobilization into
practice and on the other hand in the life of the individual by carry-
ing out the precepts of the New Life Movement. This simply means
that when every fellow-countryman is aware of the moral values of
propriety and justice, honesty and honor, fulfilling his responsibilities
and observing discipline, playing the part of a new man living in a
new age then shall we be able to create a new China.
The year to come wiU be a most trying and momentous period
in our history: in it may be decided our fate, but that decision it is
for us ourselves alone to make. With unity of thought and will,
with sufficient devotion and zeal, we can make it record the laying
of an immovable foundation for our future national life. If on the
contrary we rest in false confidence on our oars, putting selfish
interests before national ones, we shall court irreparable disaster,
and earn undying obloquy. The nation's fate depends on our capacity
for personal sacrifice, on our will to smash through obstacles. The
time, loaded with its possibilities of infinite good and evil, may
slip by us while we vacillate ; it is for each of us to seize the matchless
opportunity for exertion. The way to a great end is long; there
can be no alienation of responsibility to others; only energy inspired
by absolute awareness of the facts and issues is enough.
In conclusion, we are now fighting for nothing less than the
success of the Revolution; in the course of this war we are striving
to accomplish the rehabilitation of our nation. We have just read
538
LlGtiT OF NEW HOPE
President Roosevelt's speech of Sunday evening. He said that the
f6rces of States leagued against all peoples living in freedom were
being held back from the shores of America, and that China was
fighting a great war in defense of freedom. He went on to empha-
size the necessity of facing a danger that could not be escaped by
frightened evasion; there could be, he said, no appeasement with
ruthlessness, no reasoning with incendiary bombs. He warned the
American people that to survive in the world today they stood in
need of an economy on a war footing and permanent military pre-
paredness. His penetrating and memorable words record the place
of importance Chinese resistance has in regard to the world situation,
and they lay down the essential principles that must guide the mod-
ern nation's policy. We cannot but feel stimulated and encouraged
in no ordinary way to hear the American President address his
people in such terms of solemn admonition and express at the same
time so lofty a conception of our struggle. It is indeed a fact that
resistance must be carried on regardless of whatever sacrifices it
may require until it achieves the aim of rendering secure the freedom
of China, and reconstruction must with us too provide permanent
military preparedness. That is necessary if, in Dr. Sun's similar
words, "the nation is to be assured of permanent existence in the
world."
The point I wish particularly to impress upon you today is
that the work of reconstruction must proceed simultaneously with the
conflict in the field, strengthening as it proceeds the forces of resist-
ance until they are able to attain a complete victory. Only thus
will a proper response be made to the sacrifices of the men who have
died and suffered for the cause, and to the sympathy and assistance
extended to us by friendly nations. The war is fought to drive out
the invader and restore the integrity of our territorial and adminis-
trative sovereignty; but it is also fought to assert the ideals of
justice and fair dealing, to make possible the actualization of the
Three Principles of the People and to establish a lasting peace in the
Orient and the world. For thousands of years our people have
been devoted to peace; after China has secured a place of inde-
pendence and equality among the nations she will undoubtedly have
much to contribute to the peace of the world. Were it not so we
should not have been able so courageously to match ourselves against
539
LIGHT OP MEW HOPE
the aggressor, to maintain our resolve through so many trials or to
display such a spirit of sacrifice for the sake of constructing a new
nation.
I have often said that we are waging a war of good against
evil, of right against wrong and of equity against force, upholding
justice and peace against a destroyer of justice and peace. The world
scene is now illuminated by a light of new hope; the cause of justice
is everywhere gaining new adherents. We see the Japanese ring-
leaders of aggression exhausted and faltering at every step, they are
rushing on their ruin, and with them the powers of evil are declining.
The coming year will assuredly find justice and peace making their
voices heard with increasing clarity and effect. The situation is such
as to justify what I have said and hoped in the past ; my declarations
are proved as having been based on fact and no mere idealism ; and
the national policy is vindicated as thoroughly sound.
From this hour, however, the responsibility in which every
citizen shares will grow heavier. I look to you all wherever you
may be, at the front or in the rear or in distant lands overseas, to
rouse yourselves to new enthusiasm in the working out of the sacred
mission bequeathed us by the national martyrs and the Father of
the Republic.
540
83
Burma-Chinese Relationship
Reply to a letter of greeting written by U Ba Lwin
on the eve of the departure from Rangoon of the
Second Goodwill Mission of the leading journalists
of Burma. U Ba Lwin was President and Leader
of the First Goodwill Mission to China.
JANUARY 18, 1941.
MY DEAR SIR:
TT WAS a great pleasure to have your letter of December 22. It
brought to my recollection the days when in 1940 you paid your
quite epoch-making visit to China at the head of the first goodwill
mission ever organized as a means of deepening and enriching rela-
tions between Burma and China. We have observed much of the
good fruit your enterprise has borne; the journalists' mission now
in China is in itself an example. We are finding the presence of
these successors of yours no less pleasant and profitable than our
meeting with you.
The importance of the two countries' knowledge and understand-
ing of each other can scarcely be exaggerated. Historically, geo-
graphically and economically the relationship of Burma with China
is rightly to be considered intimate. References to your country
occur in the earliest historical records of Chinese literature.
Facts regarding the peculiar kinship of our neighboring lands
are not far to seek. The frontier between Burma and Yunnan is as
open as that dividing Canada from the United States; there are
no guards or fortifications. Your country is the only one in the
world that imposes no immigration restrictions on Chinese citizens.
The war has been the indirect means of bringing us closer to-
gether. It has emphatically recalled both to you and us our mutual
dependence upon one another. For while you recognized our cause
as the cause of all Oriental nations, freedom and independence, we
make no secret of the degree to which we rely on the Burma route
to the west ; the blockade has rendered it indispensable to us. Your
541
BURMA-CHINESE RELATIONSHIP
contribution to the promotion of friendship between the two coun-
tries is indeed the intellectual an<J spiritual counterpart of the feat
of the builders of the Yunnan-Burma Road. In the victory you
wish us you and your colleagues will share as men who have worked
for it.
U Tun Than, the leader of the Press Party now on its way home,
has expressed in the most gratifying terms his satisfaction with the
purpose served by the journey he and his companions have made.
We have been as much instructed by them as they can have been
by their observations of wartime China.
I heartily reciprocate the aspiration you express as to an early
repetition of your visit, and I think I may assure you a welcome at
least as warm as that we tried to give you in 1940. Wishing you
every success in your valuable work and a prosperous New Year,
I am,
Yours faithfully,
(Signed) CHIANG KAI-SHEK.
542
84
The Function of Revolutionary Discipline
A speech delivered at fhe Weekly Memorial Service
of January 27, 1941, being Generalissimo Chiang's
first public reference to the New Fourth Army In-
cident.
JANUARY 27, 1941.
TT IS the 27th of January ; the rapidly passing days have already car-
* ried us far from the New Year's Day of the thirtieth year of the
Republic. In the few days that yet remain of this month all Party,
government and army men must, no matter how busily occupied
they may be, scrutinize the record of their past year's work and duly
report upon it. In regard to the work of the year before you it is
still more important for you to lay down solid and definite plans
preparatory to pressing forward to accomplish more and make better
progress than last year. Our advance to victory has arrived at a
highly critical stage that requires of us more than ordinary vigilance
and circumspection. It calls for unusual exertions if the final success
of Resistance and Reconstruction is to be secured. Only by eliminat-
ing all negligence and irresponsibility that put the issue in jeopardy
can we do our duty by the nation's soldiers and citizens who have bled
and suffered for the cause, and solace the departed souls of the
Tsungli and every martyr of the Revolution.
Speaking of the international situation it is no exaggeration to
say that scarcely a day passes without some development to the
advantage of our cause. With the Japanese the recent reassembly of
their Diet has afforded a dismal spectacle of dumb acquiescence,
evidencing only the almost utter destruction of its constitutional
framework. In the speeches delivered by Konoye and Matsuoka
we can readily discern their sense of impending ruin. Matsuoka
made clear only the tendency of his dreams of aggrandizement to
grow in extravagance with the approach of the day when disaster
and defeat will shatter them all; this time he expatiated on the
phrase "co-prosperity sphere of greater Asia," saying this sphere
must be taken to embrace the South Seas generally, and yesterday
S43
THE FUNCTION OF REVOLUTIONARY DISCIPLINE
he went so far as to declare Japan requires control of the whole
western Pacific area: the Philippines, Guam and Midway Islands,
Australia, Vladivostok, the northern part of Sahkalin and the mari-
time province of Siberia were all to be brought within the sphere
of Japanese influence.
During the past two weeks the Japanese have been playing up
the New Fourth Army incident by the fabrication of a great batch
of fantastic rumors aimed both at sapping the strength of our fighting
spirit and at misleading world opinion with insinuations of dis-
union in our ranks. These rumors may be divided roughly into two
categories. In the first place they state that since the Government
took action in regard to the New Fourth Army there has been result-
ing dissension to the point of civil war. In the second place they
claim that on account of the incident nations favoring and assisting
us are about to change their attitude toward China. A close ex-
amination of the incident concerned and of its falsified interpretation
in the rumors will show that the motive really lies in the apprehension
aroused among the enemy by the determination we have displayed
in the strict maintenance of military discipline. Everybody knows
that since the war began the whole Chinese army and people have
unanimously devoted themselves to struggle and sacrifice with a com-
mon allegiance to one command, one discipline and one policy. Only
a negligible minority of degenerate traitors such as Wang Ching-wei
have chosen to throw themselves under the dominion of the enemy
and organize their slavish puppet regimes, dressing up their treachery
the while in talk of feud and faction. The traitors and puppets, how-
ever, are now all living under the aegis of their masters 1 power.
With the defeat of the Japanese, we shall also have procured their
destruction.
Apart from them there are no phenomena in the China of today
to which the name of internal disruption could be given and still
less anything that could be called civil war. Questions of wartime
discipline and obedience to military commands have nothing what-
ever to do with such possibilities. The Government's disposal of
the problem presented by the conduct of the New Fourth Army was
simply and solely a matter of enforcing military discipline: there
can be no room for doubt on this point in the minds of Chinese or
foreigners. The affair was unambiguous ; the issue was uninvolved ;
544
THE FUNCTION OF REVOLUTIONARY DISCIPLINE
the incident not abnormal. Disobedience and insubordination among
army men naturally bring down punishment upon them. Acts of
revolt, attacks on comrades-in-arms, the forceful occupation of
territory and other actions obstructive to the prosecution of the
war still more certainly demand the disembodiment of the troops
concerned. The most rudimentary conception of the principles
essential to military command would require it. Only minds to
which the ideas of law and discipline are equally foreign such as
those of the Japanese Junior Officers' Group would perceive anything
extraordinary in action so obviously necessary ; none but they would
think of exploiting it as material for malicious exaggeration in
propaganda.
Turning to the international aspect, I may observe that the record
of four years' sympathy and assistance from friendly nations has
shown them uniformly desirous of seeing strict discipline enforced
in our armies as a means of rendering them efficient in resistance.
There has been no instance of their finding cause for suspicion and
dubiety in our checking insubordination for the sake of that very
object. On the contrary, they will be gratified to see us do so. Per-
spicacious statesmen of nations friendly to China will express only
approbation for action lending strength and progress to our national
armies. For those nations help us because they hope we can display
a spirit of robust self-mastery; they expect to see us able to carry
our own laws into full effect and keep order in our armies. Reckless
disorder in civil life or lawlessness and insubordination among our
soldiers would mean a people without national spirit and an army
without discipline; were we deserving of this description no one
would care to assist us, and resistance would have been quite out of
the question for us. The various rumors propagated by the enemy
are such, in the light of these facts, that nobody of the slightest
intelligence can fail to understand the nature of the motives for their
fabrication, not to speak of swallowing them. Since the war began
a number of cases of disobedience to orders and defiance of discipline
have had to be dealt with ; Han Fu-chu, Li Fu-ying and Shih Yu-san
were three instances.* The behavior of the New Fourth Army,
*General Han Fu-chu, Governor of Shantung Province and Commander of the
3rd Route Army, and two other generals, courtmartialed and executed in 1938 for
dereliction of duty in the War of Resistance.
THE FUNCTION OF BEVOLUTIONAHY DfflOJPUNB ,
its disregard of orders, attacks on comrades-in-arms and even acts
of mutiny and sabotage had necessarily to be put an end to ; it was
purely a matter of the assertion of military law. There was not the
minutest admixture of issues belonging to the sphere of politics and
party relationships. This is the first point that must be clear to the
minds of all.
With the three men I have just mentioned, the offense began
and ended in the person of the individual. Let us now inquire why
in the case of the New Fourth Army punishment had to extend to
its abolition as a unit of the national forces. I will explain the dis-
tinction. Han Fu-chu, Li Fu-ying and Shih Yu-san acted solely
on their own responsibility when they disobeyed orders. They did
not incite their men to mutiny or lead them against another section
of the national armies. The first of them was executed because he
failed to obey the Government's order to hold his ground in eastern
Shantung and instead wanted to withdraw westward into Shansi.
Li Fu-ying was shot for his persisting in retreat when retreat had
been forbidden him. Shih Yu-san was ordered to move his forces
into western Honan, whereas he remained in the eastern parts of the
province, imposing meanwhile upon the people of the area. The
officers and men serving under these three offenders took no part
in the insubordination of their superiors; they fully comprehended
the principles at stake and concurred in the change of command,
and' the Government accordingly preserved them intact.
With the New Fourth Army it was otherwise; in November
it was ordered by the High Command to move northward to engage
the enemy in a certain appointed area. It elected not to respond,
but waited until after the expiry of the period of time allotted, then
made an arbitrary move southward, executing a premeditated man-
euver leading to an attack in broad daylight upon the headquarters
of General Shang-kuan Yun-hsiang in command of the 40th Divi-
sion. This plainly mutinous proceeding caused its disbandment as
a disciplinary necessity. The incident has its place in the category
of similar action taken on other occasions during the war. There
are now a dozen or so high-ranking commanders in confinement
as a result of sentences passed on them for acts of insubordination,
and of these some are men distinguished for their former zeal and
merit who could be in no way thereby exempted from the penalty due
546
THB FUNCTION OF REVOLUTIONARY DISCIPLINE
their guilt This is evidence of the undiscriminating severity of
measures taken to maintain discipline in our armies. They depend
for their very life, the nation depends for its very existence, and
resistance for victory, upon the allowance of no indulgence to
violators of that discipline, upon the Government's never overlooking
such offenses. At the same time we have to avoid all over-hasty
conviction of those under suspicion of bad intentions lest injustice
should be done them. The Government, therefore, limited itself last
year to adjurations, calling upon the New Fourth Army to have done
with its constant failure to comply with orders. It obstinately per-
sisted, however, in its evil courses and at last went beyond all
bounds. The situation developed in a way imperatively demanding
the most rigorous action.
My own feelings were of acute pain and shame, for the errors
and failings of subordinates are to be laid at the door of their com-
manding officer. I felt personally responsible for this unhappy
affair, wherein you must none of you find any cause for gratifica-
tion. Although the incident has been disposed of, it remains a blot
on the glorious record of resistance. In my capacity of Commander-
in-Chief I am sensible of a distress exceeding that of any other per-
son concerned. This is the second point I would have you all
clearly understand.
Now let us ask what is the value of the rigid maintenance of
military discipline. In it reposes a principle vital to the preserva-
tion of an army and a nation. Victory or defeat for resistance
will turn upon the state of discipline in our armies. The mutinous
attempt of the New Fourth Army to break away from the restraint
of that discipline is a test of the Government's ability to keep it
inviolate: it is, therefore, also an episode fraught with immense
consequence to the nation's being. I acted as I did with the deter-
mination to protect army and nation from a threatening disaster.
The alternative of letting things take their course, of giving mutineers
their head, could but have resulted in military defeat and national
ruin. Should I, charged with the duties of Commander-in-Chief,
for the sake of a transitory avoidance of the disagreeable, nourish
in my bosom the viper of disaffection, imperiling the integrity of
the national forces, I should be guilty not only of dereliction of my
duty but also of betraying every fighting man and every citizen who
547
THE FUNCTION OF EEVOLUTIONABY DI80IPLINB
has made sacrifices for the cause of resistance. In the strictest
sense of the words I should be leading my followers to destruction;
my offense would be the greatest a Commander-in-Chief could
commit. I am resolved to demonstrate to the nation the essential
qualities of sound discipline. It applies to all equally; it is a rule
to which no exceptions are permissible. This is my third point.
At the beginning of the war several friends spoke to me in the
following sense: "The unification of the country is not yet complete,
its military preparedness is inadequate, the international situation
is unfavorable, there are many doing lip-service to the idea of resist-
ance who are not really ready to support the Government's policy.
We cannot fight Japan; for such a venture defeat is to be expected."
My reply was to the effect that their attitude was wrong: they
failed to realize the revolutionary character of our present Govern-
ment and fighting forces. Our armies drew their strength not only
from their weapons and equipment in matching themselves against
the Japanese. We need not concern ourselves with difficulties that
might possibly arise after the war. The relevant question was
whether we possessed revolutionary principles and revolutionary
discipline; what was the quality of our revolutionary spirit and
determination. If we were confident, I said, of having such principles
and discipline, such a spirit, and the determination to make sacri-
fices, if we had ascertained the sincerity of our intention to fight
for the existence of our nation, we need not hesitate to throw our-
selves into the struggle. As for the international situation, the
hope of favorable changes in that must depend on our own showing;
to wait for them to come before entering upon resistance would
mean the indefinite postponement of success for the Revolution.
We have ourselves to compel modifications in the attitude of the
world toward us. A policy of wait-and-see in circumstances of
such national peril would have meant waiting helplessly for death
to claim us. For resistance is a stage in the process of Revolution :
it is not some merely incidental adventure. At that time I expressed
myself in these concise terms : "Essential to resistance is deliverance
from fear of internal strife; fear of it would incapacitate us for
resistance." When those friends observed my resolution they
offered their unfaltering support, and now that the war has been in
progress for nearly four years, the enemy is well on the way to
548
THE FUNCTION OF REVOLUTIONARY DISCIPLINE
defeat and we are within sight of victory, the complete soundness
of my views and decision has been vindicated.
You must all grasp the two elements of our attitude: Toward
the world, a proper dignity and self-respect, and efforts to deserve
well of friendly nations; towards home affairs, strict discipline,
the building up of our strength by all means with the aim of standing
firmly on our own feet, our minds purged of any apprehension of
internal disputes. In the event of an instance of rebellious conduct
in the army it must be rigorously checked and the whole affair put in
order, so that the evil may not impair the integral health of army and
nation. I trust that no individual or party with the cause of national
salvation and regeneration at heart will entertain any doubts as
to the propriety of action taken by the Government to enforce
discipline. While we oppose to the enemy the fullest possible meas-
ure of our strength, our serried ranks must answer to but one
source of command, observe a common discipline. That is a basic
condition for the attainment of victory.
You are all aware that the Government of China is a revo-
lutionary one that can shatter any outward obstacles and suppress
any internal rising against its authority. Had we during the years
1924-1926 laid aside our revolutionary mission for fear of internal
opposition the Northern Expedition would never have been em-
barked upon. Every true revolutionary meets the obstacles and
setbacks in his path with calm confidence in the fullness of his
preparations. Revolutionary armies anywhere in the world have
rarely been exempt from insurrectionary episodes; we need only
ask whether a government claiming to be revolutionary has the
ability to deal effectively with disaffection. If it is seen to go about
the matter with a revolutionary vigor, especially where rebels are in
arms, and uproot the evil, it will have achieved a victory that will
contribute to the general success of its revolutionary endeavors. Now
I can solemnly assure you our Government has both the determina-
tion and the ability to put down any incipient rebellion long before
it could develop into civil war. That determination and ability are
all the more certain at such a time as this when the whole people is
pervaded with patriotic enthusiasm and loyalty to their fighting
Government. We all share in the national life and honor we defend,
with the exception only of traitors like Wang Ching-wei who pre-
549
THE FUNCTION OF REVOLUTIONARY DISCIPLINE
tend to represent a faction of opinion in the country while they go
about the purely private pursuit of gain at its expense. Apart
from these criminals, there are none so mad as to will the defeat
of resistance.
There is yet another reason for the fact that the action taken
against the New Fourth Army was unavoidable. Since the inci-
dent occurred the Japanese militarists have been rejoicing over the
opportunity they think it provides them of fomenting sedition in
our ranks. They are always on the look-out for signs of slack disci-
pline and insubordination among us that might lead to national
instability and eventual collapse. If we had not acted resolutely
an indirect result would have been encouragement of the Japanese
contempt for our national integrity and revolutionary spirit and a
fillip to their lust for conquest. Actually the course we took was a
downright shock for them, putting their tricks at naught and giving
them disagreeably clear evidence of the revolutionary discipline and
spirit, and the conception of nationhood prevailing in our armies,
in contrast to the enervation of which they hoped to take advantage.
Let me assure the Japanese militarists that their interests will in no
way be served by the Government's procedure in regard to the
New Fourth Army and that on the contrary it will brace up our dis-
cipline and invigorate our fighting spirit. The outcome will be
quite the reverse of their expectations and all to their disadvantage.
Speaking in terms of our internal necessities, the Government had
necessarily to assert its authority in an unequivocal manner to safe-
guard the essential conditions for successful prosecution of the war.
By now I think you will all have absolutely clear in your minds
the outstanding fact that the incident under discussion was a normal,
ordinary and indispensable case of the functioning of military
authority. I am convinced that all exaggerative and malicious de-
ductions representing it as something more are to be attributed to
the enemy. I also trust that no citizen with love of his country and
loyalty to the cause of resistance will permit himself to be fooled by
the Japanese rumors or be influenced by them to take any dis-
proportionately grave view of the affair. When the order for the
disbandment of the New Fourth Army was about to be issued attempts
were made in quarters connected with it to extenuate its offense
by means of a variety of insidious and far-fetched arguments. I
550
THE FUNCTION OF REVOLUTIONARY DISCIPLINE
then dispatched representatives to make an indirect appeal to them .
not to add error to error but to lend the true support due from all
Chinese citizens to the interests of national resistance. The Gov-
ernment at first refrained from publishing the facts concerning the
New Fourth Army's culpable disregard of orders and this I told
them was out of consideration for them, not weak procrastination
or fear of consequences. If they were to add to their former mis-
demeanors the mendacious vilification of superior commanders and
the Government without thought for the good name of their country
in the world's eyes their conduct would be universally condemned
as conduct to be expected only from China's enemies and traitors,
or at least calculated to give the Japanese every satisfaction. They
would not only fail, I warned them, to justify their misdeeds thereby
but would also make themselves abominated by all their fellow-
countrymen. True patriots among us must respect the law and obey
commands, conform to discipline and free ourselves of all disingenu-
ous dealings in our devotion to the cause, I declared. Subsequently
the vindictive talk ceased, and I now believe no son of Han will
serve the interests of the Japanese by echoing their exaggerated
versions of the incident.
You must all realize that we did not immediately make the matter
public because the New Fourth Army was a section of the national
revolutionary army, of which I am the Commander-in-Chief. I
have often compared the army to a family wherein I look upon the
soldiers under me as a father regards his children. If his children
behave well the father feels they reflect honor upon him; if badly,
they disgrace him. I attempted to discharge my responsibility toward
the New Fourth Army in the past by repeatedly warning it and
imploring it to make a fresh start in the genuine service of the nation.
I feared a premature revelation of its misdeeds might cut off its way
to reform. My solicitude failed, however, to move them; -they
interpreted it as weakness and even timidity, on the ground of their
threats of precipitating civil war. Who will say that there could
be any possibility of tolerating the perversity and reckless selfishness
of men prepared deliberately to expose to the sight of the enemy the
weaknesses of their own army as a means of intimidating their
superior officers? In point of fact, however, the Japanese w$re
no doubt well informed, perhaps better informed than we, regarding
551
THE FUNCTION OF REVOLUTIONARY DISCIPLINE
the actions of the New Fourth Army. It was certainly not, there-
fore, for fear of letting them or the world know that we abstained
from publishing the state of things for so long. All along the
motive lay in the moral precept, held so important in Chinese society,
of "keeping evil out of sight and bringing good to the fore." I have
always observed this principle in my dealings with men in general
and only the more studiously in dealing with soldiers under my
command, to whom I feel bound in an intimacy equal to that of
family relationship. The honor of my subordinates is as my own;
their merit or demerit as my own. With this sense of personal re-
sponsibility for their misconduct I am ever reluctant to make it known.
On this occasion, however, there came a point beyond which it was
totally impossible to conceal the ugly facts. All of you will recall
the New Testament teaching of forgiveness unto seventy times
seven. The misdeeds of the New Fourth Army even exceeded that
number ; there was no further room for pardon, if I mysel'f ,were
not to become criminally negligent of my country's welfare.
Discipline is to be thought of as a bond of faith uniting all
ranks of the army; its nature permits of no exceptions or partial
treatment. So far as it is concerned all soldiers from Commander-
in-Chief to private are on an equal footing. To feign blindness
to its violation would mean my complete unworthiness of the trust
reposed in me by the army. Only under the guarantee of its in-
violability can all strive together for the sacred cause of resistance.
You are all acquainted with the fact that Japan finds herself
in her present plight simply because her army men have set legality
at naught and made a sport of discipline while her government
has been powerless to uphold the law and enforce discipline. The
Mukden Outrage came about as a result of the arbitrary action of
the Japanese Junior Officers* Group who disobeyed their Emperor's
commands and disregarded their government's directions pursuing
their ambitious schemes free from all restraint. Consequently there
followed the Tokyo incident of May IS, 1932, still without the gov-
ernment exercising any check on those responsible for the bloody
event of that day. Then again in 1938 there was open rebellion
in the Japanese capital, the killing of elder statesmen and cabinet
ministers and the overthrow of the government. Finally, with the
Lukouchiao Incident war on a scale unprecedented in the Orient
552
THE FUNCTION OF REVOLUTIONARY DISCIPLINE
was brought about, threatening the destruction of world civilization.
All this can be put down to the Japanese government's inability to
maintain its authority and punish insubordination. The fact that the
Japanese army can still continue its war of aggression in China,
however, is due to the measure of disciplined habits preserved by the
High Command. War-weary as they may be and ill-disposed to
continue the war, they must make the best shift they can to obey
orders. This indicates the vital character of the observance due
to orders that suffices to keep the spiritless Japanese army in the
field as nothing else could. With the very different motives and
spirit animating our forces it is nevertheless imperative that we
show the same unquestioning obedience to commands.
If henceforth all sections of our forces carry out their orders,
adhere strictly to the plans laid down by the High Command
and fulfill the precise duties allotted them, the Government will
naturally look upon them with undiscriminating solicitude for their
well-being, providing each an opportunity to make its full contribu-
tion to a victory in the glory of which all will share equally. Now
the New Fourth Army has been abolished, the question has been
settled and no other question remains. Our Government has always
been liberal and considerate toward all sections of the national
forces, while I regard my soldiers as the members of a family of
which I am head. An affair involving unbeseeming action causes
me pain and shame, and all of you too will, I hope, consider this
incident as a great disgrace to the Revolution, an incomparably
regrettable page in the history of resistance, and take it as a warning
example of the consequences inevitable to such conduct, encroach-
ment upon areas not assigned to you, obstruction of the movements
of other troops, the seizure of their arms, the confiscation of the
people's weapons and food, and so on. You must moreover see to it
that, on the contrary, troops function to the advantage of the people
and give stability to the social order, especially in areas behind the
enemy lines where solidarity of army and people is so essential.
Let this affair be a stimulus to our faith in Resistance and Recon-
struction ; let good come of evil.
In conclusion, the incident is not to be considered as some-
thing negative, but as of positive value. Firstly, it has proved a
sharp disappointment to the enemy's hopes of seeing internal dis-
553
THE FUNCTION OF BBVOLtJTlONABT DIBCftPLINB
rtiption weaken the strength of the nation's will and ability to resist.
Secondly, it has produced a vindication of the quality of our dis-
cipline, with an invigorating and salutary effect upon the morale
of our forces. Had the action not been taken the Japanese would
have felt more sure than ever of our worthlessness and of the
feasibility of their aggressive designs. All our troops having been
made aware of the motives of the Government in at first refraining
from publication of the facts and of its subsequent severe procedure,
they will know that all was done in the interests of resistance and
they will be warned of its determination to act with similar reso-
lution in any similar case.
Discipline is a criterion whereby the efficiency of the Govern-
ment as a revolutionary and fighting government may be judged
and the degree of soldiers' sincerity in devotion to the defense of
their country be assessed. Apart from the preservation of sound
discipline, no other issue whatever was involved in the Govern-
ment's action. Nor did the behavior of the New Fourth Army have
any connection with other parts of the national forces. The incident
was entirely free from any political character. The Government
is absolutely committed to the respect of all groups and parties
that conform to the provisions of the program for Resistance and
Reconstruction; it legally safeguards their rights of freedom and
independence. An infringement of the law by them would of course
require the exercise of the law to restrain them. I constantly say
to friends that though victory is near the country is not yet past the
period of danger and while the crisis lasts people in all positions
throughout the land should observe particular caution to avoid giving
rise to obstructions to national unity and effort. The Government,
however, cannot neglect its most important duties or fail in its
responsibilities for the sake of such caution, though to the limited
extent possible it kept silence for this reason in regard to the activities
of the New Fourth Army.
My hope is that the whole country will of one accord observe
strict discipline, obey orders and throw its whole weight into the
strength to accomplish our revolutionary mission.
554
83
National Defense First
A speech given at the inaugural session of the
Second People's Political Council, March 1, 1941.
MARCH 1, 1941.
'T'HE second session of the People's Political Council assembles to-
* day for the first time. I am here as the representative of the
Supreme National Defense Council to say a few introductory words
and first of all to extend a warm welcome to all you Councilors
present. We may well congratulate ourselves upon the patriotic
and public-spirited enthusiasm that, with the war in its fifth year
and all the national energies concentrated upon the struggle for
survival, has brought Councilors together from all parts of the
country, some, in particular, having made their difficult and danger-
ous way here from provinces in the occupied areas. Scarcely any-
thing more glorious and memorable will be recorded in the history
of resistance. The Council has met five times since it was originally
convened on the occasion of the first anniversary of the outbreak
of war and during these three years it has afforded the Government
highly valuable assistance in the execution of the national policy of
Resistance and Reconstruction. It has been a great force working
for solidarity which has attracted the attention of the whole world
and inspired our whole army and people.
The world situation is now more critical than ever and the
importance of resistance looms larger from day to day. The present
session of the Council, therefore, has not only to carry on the work of
the previous session but also to anticipate and provide for the needs
of a new situation. Your fellow-citizens and the Government cherish
correspondingly greater expectations of you.
I propose today to present you a succinct report on the course
of government administrative measures since the Council last met
and on the more significant aspects of the current phase of the war.
I wish also to take this opportunity of voicing my own personal
faith regarding the future.
555
NATIONAL DEFENSE FIRST
Since the Provisional National Assembly of the Kuomintang
passed its resolution sanctioning the Outline Program of Resistance
and Reconstruction and the first meeting of the People's Political
Council unanimously expressed its approval and support of the
Government's policy, the Program has become a creed universally
subscribed to by the entire army and people, and the basis of all
national policy. On each occasion it has met, the Council has framed
important resolutions in accordance with the requirements of that
Program. For three years, it may be said, the work of the Govern-
ment has been exclusively guided by its provisions and by the desire
strictly to adhere to the suggestions of the Council. Ministers and
other responsible officials will give you detailed reports of what
has been undertaken and achieved since the Council last adjourned.
Generally speaking, the main aim of all the Government's measures
has been the strengthening of the country's power to resist and the
establishment of a sound framework for reconstruction. 'Among
the preliminaries in reconstruction much has been done to hasten the
day of rule by law, to prepare the way to constitutional government
and to build up the system of local autonomy in districts smaller than
the hsien; production has been stimulated, communications devel-
oped, economic control rendered more effective. Objective limita-
tions and fluctuating war circumstances have caused our achieve-
ments in many respects to fall short of what had been hoped. These
deficiencies the Government is determined to do its best to remedy
and in its efforts to do so it is eager to have the full co-operation
of this Council.
Of the situation as things stand between the enemy and ourselves
it may be truly said that it conforms now, and has conformed during
the past two years or more, to the course we anticipated. From the
time when the war entered its second stage with the fall of Hankow
the Japanese have gradually come to find themselves at a military dis-
advantage. We on the contrary have been constantly recruiting fresh
strength, acquiring the will and the ability to take the offensive.
It is true that after the winter of 1939 the enemy made two reckless
forward moves in his penetration of southern Kwangsi and western
Hupeh, but in the autumn of last year he was compelled to with-
draw ignominiously from Kwangsi and in Hupeh he has fallen
into a position wherein he has the utmost difficulty in maintaining
556
NATIONAL DEFENSE FIRST
himself. Taking a comprehensive view of the military situation,
we see the enemy debilitated and discouraged by the long-drawn-out
inconclusiveness of his operations, while the Chinese fighting strength
and spirit are still mounting. The defeat of the Japanese is all but
consummated, both in the field of battle and in the sphere of diplo-
macy. Their refusal to admit and realize their military failure has
enhanced their diplomatic ineptitude; in vain have they thought to
find a way out of their difficulties in diplomatic trickery, by alter-
nately threatening and bribing various countries of Eastern Asia.
All Powers on friendly terms with China have come fully to realize
that there is no room for compromise with such insatiable aggressors
as the Japanese. They also now have fresh faith in the certainty of
Chinese victory. So far from yielding to the bullying or blandish-
ments of Japan they are increasing their aid for China's cause.
All nations whose interests are affected by events in the Pacific are
by now aware of the boundless extent of the Japanese ambitions,
they are taking firm and concerted action, and there is consequently
a rapid clarification of the Pacific situation proceeding such as the
Japanese militarists have always feared. And this, is, moreover,
a sign of a coming worldwide clarification of issues.
In his political offensive the enemy for two years or more past
has, both by the continual manufacture of peace rumors and by re-
cruiting the services of traitors, tried to shake the will of the Chinese
people and influence the established policy of the Government.
In March of last year he formally set up the puppet administration
in Nanking having a short time previously published the long "secret"
pact with Wang Ching-wei. China, however, is united in purpose
and growing in strength; her whole army and people stand four-
square and proof against insidious Japanese tricks and rumor of-
fensives. The world's contempt for the Japanese militarists has
increased in proportion to its better acquaintance with their motives.
Because in the first period of the war we strove alone but undis-
mayed, confident we were fighting a force that imperilled justice
and peace throughout the world, we now find our resistance the con-
centration point of efforts exerted by many other countries in the
Pacific area.
Coming to speak of internal events and conditions in Japan,
we observe that political bankruptcy has led to the appearance of a
557
NATIONAL DEFENSE FIRST
"new political structure" and economic bankruptcy has produced
a "new economic structure" both names for desperate remedies
that are bound to prove quite ineffectual as means of averting Japan's
national ruin or even prolonging her uncertain hold on life. The
likelier effect of these devices will be to render the final collapse
of the militarists more shocking and catastrophic. During the
twenty-four or so months past we have succeeded in laying the foun-
dation of victory and that has not been the work of any limited
group of men but the outcome of all the courageous efforts and sacri-
fices of army and people. To this achievement have contributed
numberless episodes, recorded and unrecorded, of heroic devotion
to the cause, at the thought of which I, as Commander-in-Chief , am
profoundly stirred, and long worthily to act up to my fellow-country-
men's hopes of me.
The facts I desire now to call your attention to are: the in-
evitability of the enemy's defeat and the general advantageousness
of the present situation in all its aspects. We cannot permit these
facts, however, to weaken our determination to be prepared to face
the worst eventualities conceivable; we must rather intensify both
our caution and vigor as the day of victory draws near. We need
a thorough grasp of the significance of the present world scene, and
it is with that necessity in view that I propose to give you an account
of my own beliefs regarding the future founded on my observations
of that scene. Following the outbreak of the European conflict
the evil of war has been steadily extending its shadow over a greater
area, and the horrors produced by the use of modern weapons and
the overthrow of countries small and large have astounded the
mind of humanity. Nations everywhere have been impressed with
the urgency of defensive measures to preserve their independence
and freedom. A tide of nationalistic feeling is rising and as yet
has only begun to inundate the world. We are convinced that the
tendencies apparent in the march of world events accord with the
traditional conceptions of the Chinese nation and that they are certain
eventually to advantage our cause.
At the same time we must not lose sight of the fact that in this
warring world survival is impossible to a nation not resolute and
strong enough to defend itself. In Eastern Asia there can be no
taking Japan's designs and ambitions lightly or ignoring the way in
558
NATIONAL DEFENSE FIRST
which she is constantly scheming to make the European war the
means of giving substance to her dream of conquest despite failure
in China. The recent tentative steps of the Japanese toward in-
vasion of the South Seas should put us on our guard ; we must bear
in mind that this is only a feint, their real object still being the de-
struction of China. They will certainly make a final attack on us
during the initial stages of the southward move; in fact, the new
campaign would be inseparable from the old. The creation of
"Manchukuo" and the recognition of Wang Ching-wei outraged
us sufficiently, but the so-called "New Order for 'Greater' Eastern
Asia" and the " 'Greater' Eastern Asiatic sphere of co-prosperity"
are still more atrocious insults to China and the whole of Eastern
Asia. The addition of this word "greater" to these phrases has
been made presumably to forewarn all concerned of Japanese claims
to proprietorship over the vast resources and territories of the
South Seas, of their intention to tighten the blockade of China and
carry out other parts of their program for domination in the Pacific.
You are all aware that for us the South Seas are not merely the sec-
ond fatherland of some ten million fellow-countrymen resident there ;
their fate is bound up with our own existence and security. A
Japanese attack on the South Seas would undoubtedly imply a grave
menace to China. The enemy, despite his non-success, is yet far
from regretting his folly; and the European conflict has whetted
his appetite anew. He is speculating upon the chances of a bold
throw, by risking all perhaps to gain all. We have not only firmly
to maintain resistance in the defense of our soil but also to protect
the world and the Orient from the most vicious of aggressors. The
present time is a period of transition in the development of the
world situation and it is also the final stage of our struggle with the
Japanese.
We find ourselves at this historic point of time possessed of
prestige won in more than three years of bloody warfare, and
charged with responsibility heavier than ever before. For the past
ten years China has been repeatedly warning the world that the
maintenance of world peace depends upon the restraint of Japanese
aggression. Because the warning went unheeded the world has
been plunged into the present ocean of calamity. When China
took up arms in solitary opposition to the Japanese militarists*
559
NATIONAL DEFENSE FIRST
formidable power and succeeded in pinning down forces of which
they might otherwise have made predatory use elsewhere in the
Pacific, she was playing the part of prophetical leader in the cause
of peace and at the same time was the vanguard of action to vindicate
that cause. That is now an evident fact. The world has awarded
us its sympathy and confidence and our relations with countries
sharing interests in common with us have been rendered closer.
Chinese resistance has ceased being isolated and unilateral, becom-
ing rather a pivotal factor in world security and order. Under these
fresh circumstances, I ask all you Councilors to carry your efforts
a step further, keeping before your minds a clear conception of the
great goal to be attained.
Let me describe that goal. Firstly, resistance must issue in
victory, in the final victory that will smash the "New Order for
Eastern Asia" together with the "New Order for 'Greater' Eastern
Asia." Our standpoint has never shifted. We intend to fight
Japanese aggression to the point of exhaustion, restore the integrity
of our territorial sovereignty and permit ourselves no rest until the
day of the extinction of the Japanese militarists' ability to threaten
the peace of the world. There is no room for compromise with our
present antagonist. Secondly, national reconstruction must give the
country such defensive preparedness as can guarantee it absolute
security. The Three Principles of the People demand a State with
solid provision for national defense, with developed democratic
institutions and a prosperous livelihood for its whole people. The
Principles conceive of national defense as having only the protection
of the State as its object; it cannot possibly conflict with the people's
authority and livelihood which indeed it exists to safeguard. Today
our national strength is making rapid strides and the international
situation seems entirely favorable to us, but in order to win final
victory, respond to the demands of our part in world affairs and
fully acquit ourselves of our weighty responsibilities, we have yet
to work for the. thorough awakening of our people to the realities
of their position. Our past efforts, we must realize, are inadequate
in the face of the needs of today and tomorrow. The completion
of our national defenses is an indispensable prerequisite for the
completion of the work of national reconstruction as a whole. There-
fore all reconstructive activities at present must be subordinated to
560
NATIONAL DEFENSE FIRST
the requirements of national defense and the entire people must
adopt a military cast of life.
Only the capability for self-defense can safeguard democracy;
without the will to strive there can be no real democracy. Taking
these maxims as a text I wish to bring forward the following views
which I hope will find their way through you to the ears of my fellow-
countrymen generally.
In matters political, all my fellow-countrymen must have their
minds quite clear regarding the fact that political partisanship and
ideological bias to the so-called "left" or "right" are now the out-
worn and useless lumber of a past age and utterly incompatible with
the realities of the day. Let us face those stern realities and learn
from our experience in this way to make our first aim the building
of absolutely reliable national defenses. The European war has
demonstrated that only nations with the will and the ability to strive
can be sure of survival and avoid conquest and enslavement. A
modern nation moreover when once conquered by an alien power
finds, by reason of the present highly developed technical nature
of the military art and the inexorable rigidity possible to modern
methods of economic control, that it will never be able unaided to
recover its lost independence. Nations conquered today are power-
less ever again to assert themselves; this is a point of dissimilarity
between conditions now and those obtaining twenty or thirty years
ago. Only a political system adapted to the strains of war is service-
able in this new age. A democracy unable to defend itself is a con-
tradiction in terms. What democratic institutions remain to a
conquered nation? The capital and labor alike of a conquered
country belong to the conqueror, and in such a country all political
opinions and programs are equally valueless. The Kuomintang is
working for a republican revolution of which the aim is national
salvation. It is seeking to secure for China freedom and equality
of status among the nations of the world and its consistent policy
is to solidify the strength of the people and build up national defense.
It has always loudly declared to the public the importance of na-
tional defense and it is now leading the nation in a tremendous
campaign of national self-defense such as has never before been
seen. In order properly to fulfill this duty it has freed itself of all
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NATIONAL DEFENSE FIRST
party prejudice, appealing to all citizens simply and solely for action
to protect their country. It is adjusting the functioning of Govern*
ment with a view to raising the standard of administrative efficiency;
it is hastening the institution of local autonomy with a view to
establishing a sound basis of democracy. The postponement of
the meeting of a national convention only renders the more pressing
the Government's responsibility of bringing into existence a strong
basic political organization of local representative machinery. The
tide of events forces upon the Party an unprecedentedly heavy burden
of responsibility. It has to call upon everyone to recognize the
supremacy of the nation's interests and abandon old notions out of
place in these days in order to make the nation a strong and unified
fighting body a China equal to the task of defending herself and
vindicating justice.
The Party demands of everyone better knowledge an4 faith,
fitter thought and action, in all that concerns national security. The
very center of national reconstruction in future must be the building
up of the army and it is necessary to organize the political, economic,
educational and cultural life of the nation and even private life on
a war footing. On the one hand, the training of troops will be
strengthened, the conscription system improved, military training
rendered universal, and fighting technique raised to a higher stand-
ard. On the other hand, the people's sense for the needs of national
defense will be sharpened and fighting discipline better enforced.
This is the time to establish an economic basis for national defense.
Economic measures taken for this purpose now are not to be limited
to the present period of resistance but carried forward until the
day the nation can feel perfectly safe in its defensive preparedness.
The Government must take steps to adjust production and finance,
improve communications and methods of transportation, ask of the
people frugality and hard work, and concentrate the country's capital
resources. The Government and the people must work in unison
to conserve those resources, develop war industry, raise the national
power of production, extend effective control over all economic ac-
tivity, nourish and stabilize the people's means to subsistence. Beyond
the needs of our own defense and progress, I believe that the rein-
forcing and development of China's economy will be of immense
benefit to the whole world. At the end of the first European war
562
NATIONAL DEFENSE FIRST
Dr. Sun drew up an industrial plan* which can not only serve the
Government well as a fundamental policy for the reconstruction of
national defense, but is also, when the broadest and longest view of
affairs is taken, seen to be indispensable as a guide to future economic
policy in general. Today a war of dimensions far greater than those
of the last European war is in progress and it will bring about cor-
respondingly more far-reaching changes. If at its conclusion China
can obtain modern machinery and technical skill for the development
of her economic possibilities she will be in a position to relieve the
distress and chaos produced by world economic maladjustment and
give the Orient a foundation for lasting peace. For this, however,
to come about it is first necessary to make sure of her ability to
stand the economic strains of the present time. A nation incapable
of bestirring itself on its own behalf has no right to expect foreign
financial and technical assistance and collaboration on a basis of
equal and reciprocal advantage. We must be absolutely clear on
this point.
In matters of education and culture, of private and public life,
greater efforts are required to conform to this conception of the
dominant needs of national defense. We must elevate the moral
quality of national life, stimulate the pursuit of scientific knowledge
and skill, make elementary education universally available, and en-
courage labor and service until every citizen is able and willing to
play his full and proper part in national defense and reconstruction.
Support for the wounded and relatives of the fallen, relief of distress,
protection of those unable to shift for themselves, improvement of
public health and physique are aspects of the work necessary for
the security and soundness of the population. Without effective
national defense there can be no State, no livelihood for the people.
The whole spirit of the Three Principles of the People lies in their
emphasis upon national defense as the guarantee for national pros-
perity ; it must be the focus of all policy and planning, the criterion
for all political activity. The individual must restrict his personal
needs as far as possible and develop his energy to the utmost. We
must throw aside all out-of-date and narrow ideas of the conflicting
interests of groups and reform habits of indulgence, slackness and
*Dr. Sun's plan was embodied in a book entitled The International Develop-
mint of China, published in 1922.
563
NATIONAL DEFENSE FIRST
idleness. I am convinced the nation is capable of far greater con-
centration of purpose and action in mobilizing and organizing its
strength. At the same time it is no less imperative for us to work
in the closest possible co-operation with all other countries that
oppose Japanese aggression.
Looking at the world today we see vast changes going on : the
moral and material life of humanity will undoubtedly be profoundly
modified by them and all political and economic theories will be recast
as a result. One thing, however, appears certain: that a nation
must be armed and organized with modern efficiency if it is to
survive, while thought and action incompatible with national fighting
strength stand to be eliminated by the demands of the times. Looking
at China we are aware of her excellent natural advantages, the
fighting spirit of her people, and the generous aid and sympathy for
her cause extended by countries friendly to her. Japan we see in-
ternally exhausted and externally menaced on all sides. Our na-
tional future may be said to be richly promising. Tlie key to
victory, however, remains in our ability to grasp the new realities
and make new efforts. On this occasion of the Council's meeting
I have given you this account of my beliefs in the hope that this
session will work with a due sense of the present state of world
affairs and national needs, contributing to the best of its ability to
national leadership to the end of final victory by the completion of
the task of building up national defense.
564
86
Solidarity Defeats the Enemy
In this message, delivered on March 6, 1941,
Generalissimo Chiang explained to the People's
Political Council the Government's attitude toward
the Communists' demands, the satisfaction of which
they required as a condition for the attendance of
their members of the Council.
MARCH 6, 1941.
T INTEND, as a representative of the Government, to explain today
its attitude toward the conditions laid down by the Communist
members of the Council. Before I make any report I wish to state
that the Government did not originally intend to declare publicly
its stand on its relations with the Chinese Communist Party. Now
that the latter has, however, formally telegraphed these demands
to the Council, which is an organ of national opinion, it has acted
in a manner quite unlike that usually characterizing its words and
deeds. It is, therefore, incumbent upon the Government and the
Council to make a formal declaration of their attitude in the interests
of the nation, the War of Resistance and the future of national
reconstruction. A nation, and more especially when it is engaged in
mortal combat with an aggressor, depends for its very life upon
the maintenance of discipline, order and the necessity of the Govern-
ment's writ being obeyed. Given a sound framework of discipline
and legality it will be able to overcome whatever perils and difficulties
come in its way. If, on the other hand, its military command is not
unified and its authority questioned, it will meet with defeat no
matter how strong its armed forces may be. We are now pitting
the whole strength of the nation against the Japanese militarists in
a life-and-death struggle. The fate of our nation is hanging in the
balance. It is a time when we must give the most scrupulous atten-
tion to the upholding of order and authority in the State. In all
matters whether political, social or party problems not involving
conflict with, or obstruction to national order and authority, there
565
SOLIDARITY DEFEATS THE EKEMY
is room for frank and open adjustment of differences in search of
rational solutions. This has always been the policy and attitude
of the Government in relation to the Chinese Communist Party : the
achievement of unity by means of mutual concessions in the face
of external aggression and the attainment of success in Resistance
and Reconstruction.
I understand that the Secretariat of the Council has received
two sets of demands from the Chinese Communist Party entitled:
firstly, "rehabilitation measures"; and secondly, "measures for a
provisional settlement" each set containing twelve points. I can
assert that though these demands were received by members of the
Council before it assembled, no government institution or individual
member of the Government, nor I myself, received them. Now that
we. have seen them we are, first of all, astonished at the wording
of the titles and next, at the formal resemblance of the contents to the
demands made by the Japanese prior to the Lukouchiao Incident.
One is particularly and painfully reminded of the so-called "Three
Principles" announced by the Japanese at that unhappy time. The
Chinese Communists are as much citizens of the Chinese Republic as
we all are, and yet their presentation of such demands at such a time
as this would seem dearly to indicate their intention of taking up
a hostile attitude to the National Government and the People's Politi-
cal Council. We think, therefore, the least said the better, and do
not regard it as necessary to rebut each point in detail. It is
sufficient to classify the sense of the demands into three main cate-
gories of "military," "political" and "party" affairs. The first
eight points of the first set of demands regarding "rehabilitation
measures" and the first, sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth
points of the second set regarding "measures for a provisional settle-
ment" belong to the category of military affairs. The ninth and
twelfth points of the first set and the third, fourth and fifth points
of the second set belong to the category of political affairs, while
the tenth and eleventh points of the first set and the eleventh and
twelfth points of the second set belong to the category of party
affairs. A brief explanation of the bearing of the sense of the de-
mands under each of these three heads upon Resistance and Recon-
struction is indispensable.
Firstly, the demand is, in effect, that the Government should not
566
SOLIDARITY DEFEATS THE ENEMY
suppress disobedient and rebellious troops, that government authori-
ties should be punished for so doing and that the losses of the
mutineers in such rebellions should be compensated.
Secondly, the implication is that the Government should establish
special areas outside the sphere of its authority, recognize the
existence of anomalous political organizations and restrict its power
to check illegal activities on the part of organizations or individuals.
Recognition of a so-called "democratic authority in the enemy's rear"
is also demanded. The logical outcome of all this would be disaster,
such a disaster as must invariably follow any attempt by a party
to take advantage of enemy invasion in order to seize supreme power.
Thirdly, the sense of the demands is that the Communist
Party should enjoy a special status and special rights and that the
Government should not deal with the Communist members of. the
Council on the same footing as it deals with all other members belong-
ing to other parties or to none. The Government not being ready to
comply, the Communists have refused to attend the present meeting
of the People's Political Council. In essence this is really what the
demands amount to. I think that when the Communist Party pro-
duced them it did not perhaps realize they were of so drastic a
nature. But were the Government to accept them without protest,
China would scarcely be any longer worthy of being called a nation
or the People's Political Council an organ of the national will.
Now I shall further expound the attitude of the Government
toward these three categories of demands.
In the category of military affairs the consistent policy of the
Government has been to nationalize our armies. That is, under the
supreme command of the National Government there is but one
system of national armies, and there can be no second system of
armies under the control of individual parties or private persons.
I can categorically assure the Council that the national revolutionary
army is the army of the State and in no way the army of any par-
ticular party whatever. It is, therefore, absolutely out of the ques-
tion to regard a section of it as belonging to the Communist Party.
There can be but one source of command. Should a second presume
to assert itself, it would be indistinguishable from the "military
council" of Wang Ching-wei's puppet regime and accordingly de-
567
SOLIDARITY DEFEATS THE ENEMY
tested and abjured by the whole country. It is inconceivable that
the Communists, if devoted to the cause of resistance, should take
up such a position.
Next, the political principle of the Government is to democratize
the national political system. All citizens, individually or in organ-
ized bodies, while they conform to discipline, should shoulder their
responsibilities, fulfill their duties and enjoy their rights, possess all
due freedom of action, but sovereignty is indivisible. If a second
source of political authority were to be allowed to exist outside the
Government such, for example, as might be called by the name of a
"democratic authority behind the enemy lines," mentioned in these
demands it would not differ from the traitorous administrations
in Nanking and Manchuria. Not only would the Government find it
intolerable, but the whole country would see in it an irreconcilable
enemy.
Although as a result of the nation's historical development there
is now but one party exercising administrative power, while others
of varying size and permanency are "in opposition," yet all parties
exist in a spirit of equality with one another, this being nowhere
more markedly visible than in this democratic institution, the
People's Political Council. Here all are equal rather as citizens
than as parties. There could be no room for a special status of
one party or demands for special rights, such as would vitiate the
sprouting of our democratic institutions. I hope that all of you
councilors will fully comprehend the nature of this considered and
unvarying stand of the Government regarding its relationship with
political parties.
Now I would like to elaborate somewhat upon the military aspect
of the matter. From the time in 1938 when the 18th Army Corps, in
defiance of the orders of the High Command, arbitrarily withdrew
to the right bank of the Yellow River and forcibly carried out an
illegal occupation of the Sui-Teh district, the Government has been
loath to consider this move as instigated solely by the Communist
Party, or to hold that party guilty of sabotaging resistance; nor
did it think that any such motive was necessarily behind the 18th
Army Corps' insubordination. Nevertheless, the effect extended
even to the rear where it created general uneasiness on account of
the potential dangers it threatened. The result was highly damaging
568
SOLIDARITY DEFEATS THE ENEMY
to the whole prosecution of the war, putting a weapon into the hands
of the enemy and imperiling the nation in the gravest manner.
During the past two years or more the Government has been simul-
taneously unifying the fighting efforts of the whole army at the
front and stabilizing the internal condition of the nation in the
southwest and northwest of the rear. It is an exceedingly distressing
fact that while all other countries in the world present a united front
to external aggression, with us the Government finds added to the
task of waging war on an invader that of settling internal troubles.
Surely such a state of affairs is not to be paralleled in the history
of any other revolutionary country. However, the precautions taken
by the Government have been such as to avert any disaster either
at the front or in the rear and the country may reckon this as great
good fortune. Despite this danger, we find our capacity to with-
stand the enemy strong enough to ensure our final victory and also
a sound and formidable foundation laid for stability in the rear.
Had it been otherwise and had timely measures not been taken,
by now the provinces of the south and northwest, if not long over-
run by the enemy, would have been ruined by the escapades of rebels
and anti-social elements; and the people in the rear would be living
in such insecurity as those that suffer in provinces behind the enemy
lines, in Hopei, Chahar, Shantung and Kiangsu where the National
Government and its armed forces cannot protect them from the
double oppression of the Japanese and the puppets.
However, the fact remains that the forces of resistance are con-
siderably weakened by the enforced retention in the rear of large
numbers of troops who might be fighting at the front. This also
imposes a grievously depressing weight upon the spirits of the whole
army and people. The problem is one that is really not difficult to
solve. All that is required is a complete change in the attitude and
actions of the Communist Party, in no longer regarding the 18th
Army Corps as its peculiar possession or as an instrument for the
obstruction of other sections of the national forces to the detriment
of resistance. Let the Communists carry out the declaration they
themselves made in 1937 wherein they said: (1) Dr. Sun's Three
Principles of the People serve the needs of present-day China and
the Chinese Communist Party is prepared to strive for their com-
plete fulfillment; (2) they would abandon all violent action and
569
80UDAICT7 DEFEATS THE ENBXY
policy aimed at the overthrow of the Kuomintang, the movement
for the propagation of communism in China, and the policy of
violent confiscation of landowners 1 holdings; (3) they would abolish
the then Chinese Soviet government in the Northwest and work
toward a united democratic government for the whole country;
(4) they would abolish the name and status of the Red Army and
permit its incorporation into the national revolutionary army under
the command of the National Military Council of the National Gov-
ernment.* If they would now but faithfully carry out their original
intention to comply with these conditions and move all the troops
connected with their party according to the plans laid down by the
National Military Council into the areas appointed for them to defend,
the whole country could be united to meet the invader, there would
be an end of internal obstacles and anxieties, and it would be pos-
sible to deal the exhausted enemy a tremendous blow which I am
convinced would bring about within a short time a most sensational
victory. At least we could restore the lines held in the autumn of
1938; of this the military authorities are in no doubt. Then lost
territory would be recovered and our fellow-countrymen delivered
from their sufferings. This would be an immense contribution of
the 18th Army Corps to the national cause and the whole country
would admire the patriotism of the Communists. Our Government
has no other demand to make of the Communist Party and the troops
connected with it save this one fervent wish that they will carry out
the obligations into which they themselves freely entered and support
the Program of Resistance and Reconstruction to which the People's
Political Council gave its unanimous endorsement. It merely hopes
that the Communists will cast off all party prejudice and put the
interests of the nation first by obeying orders, maintaining discipline
and working in harmony with all their comrades-in-arms.
There are also two other groups of these demands which have
an intimate relation with military affairs : what the Communists call
the "prevention of provocation," the "withdrawal of the anti-
Communist forces in Central China" and the "immediate cessation
of all attacks on us." These three points call for some remark.
See Generalissimo Chiang's statement on "National Solidarity/' issued on
September 24, 1937, subsequent to the United Front pledge given by the Chinese
Communist Party, page 41.
570
SOLIDARITY DEFEATS THE ENEMY
This sort of senseless, mendacious, misleading and malicious propa-
ganda vilifies our Government and deliberately injures the sacred
mission of resistance, but, more than that, it offers insult to the
pure spirit of the whole country's united battle against aggression.
I need scarcely assert that our Government is solely concerned with
leading the nation against the Japanese invaders and extirpating the
traitors, and is utterly without any notion of again taking up arms to
"suppress the Communists." It desires never again to hear of that
ill-omened term which now has a place only in Chinese history. Let
them obey orders, give up their attacks on their comrades-in-arms
and cease all their provocative acts ; the Government will then treat
them with all possible consideration. The Government is, more-
over, desirous of showing generosity and of letting bygones be by-
gones. In defense of our national interest it cannot, however, fail to
punish and check insubordination, for it would otherwise fail in its
duty to the nation. For loyal soldiers it has such a loving solicitude
that the charge of provocation and attack is absurd. I can make
myself responsible for the statement in your presence that at no future
time could there conceivably be another campaign for the suppres-
sion of the Communists. I hope that you will address an appeal to
Mao Tse-tung, Tung Pi-wu and the other Communist members of
this Council to effect a change in the attitude of their party so that
we can discuss here all together the questions they have raised and
arrive at some reasonable solution of them. You represent the will
of the nation and your bounden duty is to strive for the success of
Resistance and Reconstruction and national unity. If the Com-
munist Party will only accept your advice, and say and do nothing
in future contrary to the Program of Resistance and Reconstruction
and their own manifesto of 1937, the Government will undoubtedly
respect whatever resolutions you may adopt for the settlement of the
incident and see that they are carried fully into effect without delay.
In conclusion, provided unity can be preserved and resistance
carried on to the end, the Government will be ready to follow your
directions in the settlement of all outstanding questions. I call upon
the Communist members of the Council to realize the national danger
at this time of mortal combat with the invader and, acting in the spirit
of the saying "brothers quarrel at home but go out together to repel
assault from without," to accept the judgment of this Council and
571
SOLIDARITY DEFEATS THE ENEMY
make their contribution to national solidarity. This is the fervent
prayer of the whole people, and it would moreover deal the enemy
a mighty blow. Out of solicitude for the Communist Party and in
the desire to see it play its full part in the history of this life-and-death
struggle of our country, we beg it to continue in its mission of
Reconstruction and Resistance against aggression.
S72
87
Future Objectives of Spiritual Mobilization
An address broadcast on March 12, 1941, on the
occasion of the second anniversary of the inaugura-
tion of the Spiritual Mobilisation Movement.
MARCH 12, 1941.
is the sixteenth anniversary of the death of Dr. Sun Yat-sen,
Father of the Republic, and also the second anniversary of the
inauguration of the Spiritual Mobilization Movement. On this day
that we commemorate the great revolutionary mentor we shall do
well to recall his dying admonition that "the Revolution has not yet
succeeded," reflecting that the invaders are still on our soil and the
vast undertaking of Resistance and Reconstruction yet awaits com-
pletion at our hands. We must also more fully realize the sense of
our slogans "the nation first, the people first" and "the army first,
victory first." "Concentration of will and strength, the full expres-
sion of our people's great and unyielding tenacity of spirit," is an
equally sure requirement if final victory is to be won. Today let us
make a searching review of the work of the movement, thus prepar-
ing the way for renewed efforts.
During the three years and eight months of war gone by our
fighting men and civilians alike have furnished a splendid demonstra-
tion of the Chinese people's revolutionary spirit. Since the issuance
of the Spiritual Mobilization Program the whole country has mani-
fested an elevated enthusiasm and firm resolution that marks a
striking advance on the past. Especially notable have been the ftats
of people in the occupied areas struggling against the enemy's oppres-
sion and of the overseas Chinese communities in their loyal and
patriotic contributions to the national cause. Our spirit has discom-
forted the Japanese and their traitor tools ; and it has proved the solid
foundation of the Chinese nation, the vast strength it is capable of
developing. It is writing for humanity one of the most glorious
pages in the history of victories gained by justice over brute force.
We cannot afford, however, by any means to be self-satisfied
573
FUTURE OBJECTIVES OF SPIRITUAL MOBILIZATION
about the achievements of Spiritual Mobilization during the past two
years. Last year on this day I suggested four lines of effort for the
activities of the movement. Now I hope that all my listeners will
closely examine themselves as to what degree the program of the
movement has been translated into concrete fact. How much have
we done to intensify economic war on the enemy? To what extent
have we spread the movement for working competitions? Have we
made as much as we planned of the Cititzens' Monthly Meetings?
Has there been complete fulfillment of the provisions of the Citizen's
Pact? Today the success or failure of China's Resistance and Re-
construction involves the welfare of the whole world and with the
nearer approach of victory we must further fortify our resolution
to overcome whatever obstacles we encounter, making of the whole
country one fighting unit. Everyone of us and especially those of
us in positions of command and leadership must realize that the
struggle has reached its final and decisive stage, and that ;n this stage
the issue will be decided by the relative effectiveness of the action pro-
duced by the spiritual strength of our side and the enemy's. I, there-
fore, wish to make three points to which I hope you will give your
attention.
One: Let us confirm one another in the faith we hold in com-
mon, assert our capacity for collective thought and feeling, and
introduce a more disciplined order into our society. By disciplined
I mean organized. Wartime mobilization of a nation's resources is
organized action carried to the highest possible degree of efficiency ;
without a sound organization of society it is impossible to attain a
full degree of wartime mobilization ; without a faith held in common
and a collective way of thinking there cannot be sound social organi-
zation and unanimity of action. The whole significance of our
Spiritual Mobilization Movement lies in "bringing the spirit of the
whole people to bear on the pursuit of a simple common aim, rally-
ing the whole people to a single moral conception of sacrifice and
struggle for a single faith." It was launched to bring about a better
discipline and organization of society and to create a unified national
mind free from outworn individualistic ideas of party and private
gain and obeying the commands of the whole nation's will by giving
up individual freedom for the sake of national freedom. All our
private life and actions should be permeated by strict discipline to
574
FUTURE OBJECTIVES OF SPIRITUAL MOBILIZATION
the exclusion of all slack and futile behavior. We must give our
lives a consistent and regular form, treating life and death as one
for the sake of the one cause. Everyone of us has his or her fighting
function to fulfill ; society is an army wherein every citizen is a
soldier obliged implicitly to obey orders and unconditionally to con-
form to discipline. Where we stand today it is a matter of "victory
or destruction''; and to gain that victory the whole country must
show unswerving loyalty to the Three Principles of the People carry-
ing out the Citizen's Pact to the letter. The demands of the Program
of Spiritual Mobilization should penetrate all public bodies and social
organizations, becoming an element in the general constitution of
national life. In this way we can build tremendous spiritual fortifi-
cations upon the erection of which a truly organized and disciplined
order of society will naturally follow.
Two: Let us cultivate a scientific spirit and develop scientific
technique with a view to the completion of Dr. Sun's Industrial Plans.
The present age is a scientific age and moreover the age of scientific
and mechanized national defense. The central theme of all national
reconstruction must be defense; the highest quality of scientific
spirit and technique is required in ail that pertains to material recon-
struction. "Without science, there will be no national defense, and
without that no nation." During the past forty-four months of
armed resistance we have had full opportunity to realize the scientific
character of modern warfare. Our sense of the power of science
has been consequently deepened. In the past we opposed to the
enemy forces merely our revolutionary spirit, but now to compass
the complete victory of the future we must increasingly emphasize
the scientific technique in building up a system of national defense
that can permanently ensure the safety of the nation. We shall then
have arrived at our goal of final victory. Our war preparations
and fighting methods call for development along scientific lines, for
mechanization and industrialization. This can be achieved on the
one hand by means of the Government's comprehensive planning
and on the other hand by way of enthusiastic efforts in the fields of
invention, research and training put forth by experts and educators
possessed of the requisite qualifications and special knowledge. Dr.
Sun has laid down in his plans the design for a national economy
devoted to production and the Principle of the People's Livelihood.
575
FUTURE OBJECTIVES OF SPIRITUAL MOBILIZATION
Let us recall today his teaching embodied in the phrase "the omnip-
otence of a pair of hands/ 1 and his untiring promotion of science.
Respect for science and the new spirit of devoted attachment to
machinery should be inculcated as a part of education and training
with the object of rendering our people familiar with the use and
care of machines and aware of the national need of progress in the
application of scientific and technical skill to the solution of modern
economic problems. Spiritual Mobilization must include the awaken-
ing of the people to a fresh consciousness of the value of science
and technical studies.
Three: Let us make music and physical culture play a greater
part in stimulating the national spirit and modernizing national life.
Music is a means of elevating citizens' minds to noble thought and
emotion ; physical culture is a means of steeling citizens' bodily con-
stitution. Both are important conditions for the raising of the
nation's standard of spiritual efficiency. "Neither rites x nor music
can be negelected" is an ancient teaching of our land. Mens sana in
corpore sano is also a famous maxim of great wisdom. The essen-
tial intention underlying all of the five main points of the Program
of Spiritual Mobilization consists in a thorough regeneration of the
national spirit. Firstly, the aim is to enrich the ordinary citizen's
life with a new fervor and courage equal to the task of dominating
his environment and standing up to all his difficulties. Secondly,
the aim is to effect a concentration of the national mind leading to
an ordered solidarity and a united devotion to one ideal before which
all ideas of personal and group advantage are swept away and the
one issue of vital consequence is universally recognized. Thirdly,
the aim is to revolutionize the national mind in such a way that
every man renounces his selfish ends and is ready to make any sacri-
fice for the success of the Revolution.
To achieve these three aims the most essential work lies in the
purgation of the people's emotions and the steeling of their physique.
Community singing will serve to enliven our spirits and enrich our
emotional life, to give us an upward-soaring and optimistic attitude
of mind. Physical culture will serve to fortify our constitutions and
give us the ability to endure fatigue and toil. The community
singing and mass athletic demonstration held here today have been
the distinguishing characteristic of this year's celebration of the anni-
576
FUTURE OBJECTIVES OF SPIRITUAL MOBILIZATION
versary. I hope that hereafter there will be positive efforts all over
the country to spread the custom of such athletic and musical exer-
cises. There is no doubt that the result would be highly beneficial
in the strengthening of the driving force behind Resistance and Re-
construction.
The "social discipline' 1 of which I have spoken implies the devel-
opment of a military cast of social life; by my emphasis on science
in relation to national defense I meant the devotion of the national
energies to production; what I said of the "modernization" of na-
tional life meant the aesthetic transformation of the face of national
life. These three aspects of the government we shall do well to
make the guiding lines of our future efforts. They are incidentally
entirely concordant with the essentials of the New Life Movement
which I founded seven years ago.
You must all bear in mind that the scope of all our efforts,
striving and sacrifice is not limited to the overthrow of the bar-
barous Japanese invaders but includes all that will go to the making
of a free and independent China. The foundation for victory is well
laid; it is taking shape before our eyes. For this very reason the
events of this year will be charged with unprecedented significance.
We have to act up to the urgency of the time by rendering all our
work reliable and realistic as we go forward to the completion of our
revolutionary mission. Thus shall we prove ourselves worthy of
those soldiers and others who have made great sacrifices for the
cause and comfort the soul of the Tsunglv in Heaven above. This
movement, my fellow-countrymen, is a phenomenon of our national
rebirth ; it is not to be lightly regarded as something in the ordinary
run of things. The nation demands of you unqualified loyalty and
to do your full duty as patriots you must constantly draw strength
from the virtues of propriety, justice, honesty and integrity that in
you may be manifest the spirit of our national traditions.
577
88
The Kuomintang and National Leadership
An address delivered by Generalissimo Chiang on
March 24, 1941, in his capacity as Tsungtsai
(Director-General) oj the Kuomintang at the open-
ing of the Eighth Plenary Session of the Central
Executive and Central Supervisory Committees oj
the Party.
MARCH 24, 1941.
THHE eighth plenary session of this Committee is beginning today,
* eight months after the close of the seventh session. The period
between the last session and the end of last year constituted a most
perilous and difficult stage of our Party's revolutionary career.
Looking back on the experience we can appreciate the fact that it
was no easy matter to bring the Party and nation safely through the
dangers of those six months.
All you comrades here today and especially those who have
traveled great distances in order to confer with fellow-members not
seen for one or two years must be conscious of great pleasure and
elation at this opportunity for us to pool our abilities and energies
in a common endeavor to achieve progress in party, political, eco-
nomic and social work. I have frequently said that our Revolution
fears no dangers or difficulties; that as long as the Party leads a
united country towards a single goal there will be no dangers or
difficulties we cannot overcome. Proof of this is to be found in the
past history of the Party. Every time it has encountered danger
and difficulty has been the occasion for progress and achievement
proportionate to the danger or difficulty ; it requires only effort now,
as in the past, to reap success from the disaster that was imminent.
The situation that existed eight or more months ago was gray and
bleak in the extreme ; yet today you and all your fellow-countrymen
will be justified in taking the most optimistic of views of the fort of
resistance as you observe the brighter and reassuring features of
578
KUOMINTANQ AMD NATIONAL T.KAPIBBimTP
the present military and diplomatic situation that indicate the crisis
is already past.
The crisis is indeed largely over, but that does not mean that
the future holds no perils or that we can permit ourselves the slightest
carelessness or indolence. Before victory is ours we will meet much
trouble and make many sacrifices. It is, therefore, all the more
important that we should learn by the experience gained in passing
through each period of crisis. In smooth waters today let us not
forget the storms of yesterday. The responsibility of the present
plenary session lies in taking stock of the lessons of the past and sum-
moning up fresh resolution to face the future. We must turn what
might have meant defeat into the means of victory.
Our duties at this session are, you must realize, peculiarly
onerous. The very fact of the favorable turn in events that is bring-
ing victory into ever clearer view should cause us to be impressed
anew with the immensity of the enterprise upon which we are
engaged. We should gather fresh impetus from reflection upon the
momentous charge entrusted us. If in passing through this war,
of dimensions unprecedented in history, that has cost so many soldiers
and citizens their lives and property, that has entailed so much tragic
suffering, we cannot complete the work of the Revolution and se-
cure premanent freedom and independence, then we shall fail the
memory of the Father of our Republic and those who have made
sacrifices in the cause of resistance.
If we observe the present state of the Party we shall be at once
aware of the criticism it has aroused from the public and of the
faults and mistakes apparent to our own eyes. None can deny
that there are comrades who are merely perfunctory in the execu-
tion of their duties and who lose sight of the difficulties and dangers
facing the nation. The responsibility of this plenary session of the
Committee being to bring to fruition the legacy of the past and to
initiate the undertakings of the future, we must first and foremost
make a thorough review of our past failings and errors, asking our-
selves why there is such general suspicion of us, how it is we have
exposed ourselves to dissenting and sarcastic censure. From the
personnel of Party Headquarters down to the least of individual
party members we must all exercise the greatest possible sincerity
in scrutinizing our record, and proceed to turn over a new leaf.
579
KUOMINTANG AND NATIONAL LEADERSHIP
Then there will be hope for the future of the Revolution and the
success of Resistance and Reconstruction, which have now reached
a stage of supreme importance. Not only does the nation demand
and expect this of us: the welfare of the world is also involved.
A searching analysis of immediate party, political, military, eco-
nomic and social problems is necessary, together with the determina-
tion of future policy in both internal and foreign affairs.
Speaking of military affairs, in three years and eight months
of hard struggle our armies have displayed a spirit and strength that
are the inspiration of the Chinese people and have won the admira-
tion of the world. Even the Japanese themselves have been forced
to admit that the conquest of China by force of arms is an impos-
sibility. We may, therefore, say that the military crisis has passed
by and a considerable measure of success has been achieved. We
must take account, however, of the factors that have contributed
to that success the power of our spirit and principles, the revolu-
tionary forms of military policy and strategy that have enabled us
to survive so many grave crises and smash the Japanese design to
annex China by force. If, however, our troops are to attain in the
future an efficiency comparable to that of the fighting services of
the great Powers and our defenses to be really adequate for the pro-
tection of the country, our Party must exert itself many times more
effectively than it has in the past. Though there is room for
optimism concerning the military position this is no time to rest on
our oars or to be satisfied with our present ability to hold the enemy
at arm's length.
Another point to which I wish to call your closest attention is
the fact that the victory of resistance cannot be won on the field of
battle alone; there is also the issue of our economic warfare with
the enemy to be considered. Such is the nature of modern warfare
that one may safely say victory will be determined seventy per cent
by economic factors and only thirty per cent by purely military ones.
It is imperative that all of you should grasp this point and accord-
ingly approach the economic problems of the future with the same
attitude and energy with which three years ago you approached mili-
tary problems. For now the issue of the war very largely depends
on the way we handle those economic problems, upon our capacity
for protracted economic resistance and the removal of the remaining
580
KUOMINTANG AND NATIONAL LEADBBSHIP
obstacles of this period of resistance. Those of you whose duty it is
to give the people leadership, whether as civilians or army men, at
the front or in the rear, must treat the economic aspect of the war
as no less important than the military. The range of economic
weapons is greater and they are more easily brought to bear than
'the military. If we can but free ourselves from the superficial and
laissez-faire habits of the past and display a positive spirit of en-
deavor we shall certainly find in the rich economic resources of our
country the wherewithal to break down the obstructions in our
course. On the contrary, if those habits prevail the finest possible
objective conditions will not serve to ward off a failure the gravity
of which must far exceed that of any military reverse.
There are now sections of public opinion that entertain excessive
anxiety over certain economic problems of the day. According to
my own observation there is really no ground for such anxiety save
in the question whether we can henceforth devote ourselves austerely,
energetically and positively to reconstruction. There are people
who are criticizing and ridiculing the Party for what they call its
slackness and there are some who even say that we are corrupt and
declining. We must give due consideration to all such criticism
and set out to mend our ways and deserve better of the country. In
all our enterprises we must draw on our revolutionary spirit in the
study of new methods, seeking the continual breaking of fresh ground.
This session is being held just when the work of reconstruction is
beginning. We must lead the nation in pioneering the path it is to
follow. If we fail to rouse our fellow-citizens to strive in the tasks
of reconstruction the sacrifices and efforts of the past three and more
years will all have been in vain.
Let us, however, observe the record of the past forty- four months
and we shall see that, especially during the last six months or so,
there has been a steady falling off of our spirit of endeavor in both
Party and Government, among both central and local authorities.
There has been a lack of new spirit and fresh strength in all fields.
This, I believe, represents an acute danger. The thought should
strike woe into our hearts. How is it, we should ask ourselves,
that at the beginning of the war when we fully realized we were a
weak country opposing a strong invader we were full of high resolve,
while now with resistance at its present momentous stage and victory
581
KUOMINTAKG AND NATIONAL LEAD!
at hand we have grown lax and negligent? The responsibility is
not to be laid at the door of the Government, still less to be attributed
to the masses of the people; nor are circumstances to be blamed.
The whole responsibility rests with this Party, charged as it is
with the task of national leadership, and in particular with you
Central Committee members. "The Revolution is not yet com-
plete" are words that should be ever ringing in our ears. There can
be no excuse for complacency at a time so crucial as this. If the
one hundred and fifty or more comrades present can bestir them-
selves to recapture the noble impulses and austere integrity mani-
fested in your ranks until recently, the whole country will respond
to our spiritual appeal and advance courageously along the rough
road of new achievement. Neglect, on the other hand, even in matters
of detail, will result in the enervation of the whole nation's spirit
with consequent unimaginable peril to its future. My hope is that
you will all take action to meet this inward menace and revitalize
the quality of the leadership you give your subordinates and the
nation, thus causing a renewal of their faith in the Party and the
Government. Nothing less will meet the people's expectations of us
and justify the sympathy of other countries for our cause.
The course of the Revolution depends upon our conduct of
Party and political affairs. The fundamental problem is how we
can create a new political atmosphere and infuse a new spirit into
Party life. The first step to finality in reconstruction is reform of
administrative procedure, but introductory to that is the attainment
of a sound Party life. It is, therefore, in respect to Party affairs
that I wish to make certain simple emphatic remarks on this occasion.
It is essential that both central and local Party representatives
should have a lucid conception of the general situation at home. and
abroad. They should realize that the Kuomintang as the ruling
Party of China is dissimilar to dominant parties in other countries
such as the National Socialist Party in Germany, the Fascist Party
in Italy and the Communist Party in Russia. We are still in the
revolutionary period of our modern history. Every member of
the Party must play a practical part in the struggle to actualize the
Three Principles of the People by working up from the bottommost
strata of political organization and putting his heart into social
undertakings. Let no one worry about the stability of our regime ;
582
KUOMINTANG AND NATIONAL LBADEBSHIP
let our concern be to see that the Party does not drift away from
society with the result that our political dispositions lack any deep
foundation in the national life and consciousness. The Party mem-
bers in general, and you Committee members in particular, exist
to serve the ends of the Revolution, not to carve out fine official
careers and exercise personal power for individual ends. We
must be ever attentive to the voice of the people and keep in mind
the sufferings of the fighting men so that we are ready to exhaust
our strength in the service of society and fuse our existence with
that of the masses. If everyone of us can bring his influence to
bear at the base of the political and social structure and maintain
close contact with the people, we shall be treading the truest road
of revolutionary service. But while the Party is without a firm
foothold in popular life and the roots of its faith not yet thrust
deep into the soil, the misconception will continue to prevail that
as Party members we are a sort of privileged autocrats a vast mis-
take indeed ! We must ever be reminding ourselves that the Revo-
lution is yet short of success, the Principles have yet to be put into
practice, the nation's honor has yet to be vindicated, and our duty
is yet unfulfilled. The responsibility for stirring the hearts of our
people rests upon our shoulders. On us also entirely depends the
vital work of building a sound social basis for the Party.
The Tsungli has bequeathed us his comprehensive design for
the progressive development of the Revolution. Every concrete act
of social service performed by Party members will add something
to the strength of the Party's social foundation, which will be
rendered the more stable the deeper we penetrate into the daily life
of the masses. At this session all of you engaged in activities re-
lated to local autonomy and social service must form a steadfast
resolve to see the organization and discipline of the Party and its
spirit enriched and elevated, to institute a new era in the working
out of revolutionary reconstruction. What I have said consists of
only a few simple observations, yet in them lies the key to the success
of the Revolution. It is my hope that all present here today will
bend every resource of mind and will to the accomplishment of the
mission of this assembly to fulfill the promise of the past and usher
in an age of better things.
583
89
Bonds Between China and America
An address given at the farewell dinner to Am-
bassador Nelson T. Johnson on May 10, 1941.
MAY 10, 1941.
A FTER thirty-three years in China Ambassador Johnson is about
to leave the country to take up a fresh post. For the valued
guest and his hosts alike this time of parting is fraught with many
and varied thoughts and feelings. Mr. Johnson has been American
diplomatic representative in China for more than ten years, since,
in fact, the National Government was set up in Nanking. His re-
lationship with the Chinese Government has been peculiarly' intimate,
his acquaintance with the Chinese people far-reaching and profound.
My revolutionary colleagues and I deeply regret that so good a friend
is leaving us. I propose this evening to make the traditional friend-
ship between the Chinese and American nations and the responsibili-
ties that today and in the future must be discharged in common by
the two great peoples who dwell on the eastern and western shores
of the Pacific Ocean the theme of these words of farewell.
China and the United States have common interests in the
Pacific Ocean. More cogent still is the consideration of their re-
sponsibility for the maintenance of an order of peace and justice in
the Pacific and the characteristic attachment to upright and peaceful
conduct that they have both made the spirit of their nationalism.
In America that spirit is expressed in the principle of government
of the people, by the people, for the people. In China it consists
of the Three Principles enunciated by Dr. Sun of nationalism, democ-
racy and livelihood that demand China's independence, equality
and freedom among the nations of the world. As Dr. Sun ex-
plained, independence means the people in possession, equality the
people as sovereign, and freedom the people satisfied, or in other
words government of the people, by the people, for the people. In
short, in both countries political principles turn upon the will and
the interests of the people. The Three Principles of the People
584
BONDS BETWEEN CHINA AND AMERICA
arc really one with the democratic principles of America. Because
both China and the United States are devoted to this democratic
spirit of independence, freedom and equality they have never for all
their vast area, resources and population given thought to any
attack on others, but have rather presented positive opposition to
aggression. In the Eastern and Western hemispheres they have be-
come two pillars supporting the peace and well-being of humanity
and a unique foundation whereon may be built the universal brother-
hood that was Dr. Sun's highest ideal. Such is the spirit of the two
nations and such their responsibility. It is the great mission they
are striving together to fulfill.
Peaceful order in the Pacific has been utterly shattered by the
Japanese militarists. At a time when her armed preparedness was
inadequate China became the object of their aggression, but she
has sworn to persevere indefinitely in her endeavor to answer their
challenge to peace and justice. The government and citizens of the
United States have from the beginning made clear their deep sym-
pathy with our cause. In the face of this unbridled aggression the
historical and geographical relationship of the two countries, the
international agreements to which they have both subscribed, and
their common interests and responsibilities, all make a blow struck
at one also an injury to the other. Neither can conceivably be
an indifferent spectator of the other's distress. That is a matter
of plain and indubitable fact. There is no occasion to have
recourse to any remote historical proof of this. As recently as
the 30th of last month an official mouthpiece of the Japanese
Foreign Office, the Japan Times and Advertiser, came out with a
"World Peace Plan." We need not concern ourselves with what
this had to say of the European and African continents; let us
merely note its references to the Pacific and the United States
and we shall observe that Japan's aggression in China is but a
preliminary to attack on America. The first point of the "Plan"
calls for the demilitarization of British and American naval bases
in the Pacific. The second is that the United States shall not seek
hegemony on the American Continent. The third demands that
American influence shall not extend further west than the Hawaiian
Islands. The fourth suggests that all Pacific islands shall be incor-
porated in the Japanese sphere of co-prosperity. These four points
585
BONDS BBTWHBN CHINA AMD AMERICA
are sufficient to show that Japan, with China still an unsettled issue,
is already busying herself with American territory and rights in
the Pacific and planning to achieve a complete nullification of Ameri-
can power. While this Japanese dream-talk is beneath the contempt
of any intelligent person, Japan having grown steadily weaker in her
years of inconclusive war with China, it is the expression of a firmly
established policy and traditional scheme of aggression. Could the
Japanese militarists manage in some way to dispose of their China
problem, they would certainly proceed to attack America. If we
imagine the eventuality of a Chinese defeat, we see in this Japanese
paper's "Plan" the way in which Japan would then set about dealing
with America.
We are, therefore, justified in holding that victory or defeat for
Chinese resistance will be also an American victory or defeat, and
a victory or defeat for every nation in the Pacific. A Chinese defeat
would result in the expulsion of British and American apned forces
from that ocean and of Soviet arms from Vladivostok and Siberia.
The "World Peace Plan' 1 resembles the Konoye Statement on a
"New Order for East Asia" issued on November 3, 1938. As
that was addressed to China, the present "Plan" might be called a
"New Order for the Pacific" addressed to America. The proposal
to bring all Pacific islands within Japan's "sphere of co-prosperity"
simply means that all American territory in the Pacific should be
brought under Japanese control. The aggressive policy of Japan is
revealed in its every feature and each practical measure she under-
takes corresponds to some specific part of that policy. The Japanese
official organ also mentions in this "Plan" the banishment of Soviet
Russian influence from the Pacific; Siberia and Vladivostok are to
come under Japanese control. Britain, fully occupied as she is with
the European war, is of course the object of more measureless exac-
tions. Australia, New Zealand, Malaya, Burma, India and all her
Far Eastern territories and rights are to be stripped from her. Such
being the character of the Japanese scheme of aggression, it is
clearly imperative that all friendly nations should thoroughly com-
prehend and squarely face this menace.
Nearly four years of Chinese resistance, however, have so ex-
hausted Japan that at present she is powerless to move further
toward the attainment of the fantastic goal of aggrandizement I have
586
BONDS BETWEEN CHINA AND AMEBIOA
just described. She is therefore resorting more and more to bluff
and all manner of devious devices to procure disunity among the
peoples of the Pacific. By threats and blandishments she is seeking
to gain her ends by disintegrating the ranks of her desired victims
to facilitate a process of gradual absorption. Every nation concerned
should be on its guard against this insidious design.
If all nations friendly to us will, in the name of justice, live up
to what is expected of them in supporting Chinese resistance by
supplying us with war material and economic aid, China is prepared
to undertake singlehanded the task of putting down this enemy of
all who would dwell in peace on the shores of the Pacific. Expe-
ditionary forces or naval action is not asked of them. This claim
is no mere verbal boast ; it is the resolve and the faith of the whole
Chinese army and people. It rests moreover on the solid showing
of four years 1 fighting. At the same time the support we need forms,
whether we think of the interests common to China and America
or of the status the two nations have to maintain in the Pacific, an
inalienable responsibility for those who are in a position to give it.
Chinese observers of the world situation as it has developed
during the last eighteen months of the European conflict see among
the dozen or more shipwrecked and ruined nations of the West
the imposing and solitary survival of Britain. They compare the
spectacle to that of China's stand in the East. The two countries
share a unique record of inflexible determination to defend them-
selves and their independence. They both have interests in common
with America and their fortunes are bound up in such a manner that
the distinction of East and West has virtually disappeared. The
world war of today has become a simple struggle between equity
and force, between liberty and evil. Our confidence in victory for
resistance comes of the principles of national independence, liberty
and sovereignty for which we are fighting and the ideal ground of
human welfare, right-dealing and peace in which our faith is rooted.
This confidence in our own cause leads us to believe that America
also is bound to stand forth as a protector of the same ideals. The
greatest respect has been engendered in the hearts of the Chinese
army and people by the present policy of the American Government,
by the firm and upright attitude and its courageous determination.
The mind pf the American people is becoming more and more clearly
587
BONDS BETWEEN CHINA AND AMERICA
made up to check aggression: their resolve to defend the spirit of
democracy against the forces of tyranny is now such that they will
support the policy of their government to the point of war. One
need not hesitate to assert that America has thus brought perceptibly
nearer the day when the world will again enjoy peace. That she is
a decisive force working for peace in the Pacific is still more obvious.
Japanese aggression has now neither the strength nor the audacity to
risk a clash with this American buttress of peace. I am prepared
to express the conviction that any country in the world matching
itself against American democracy would meet with certain destruc-
tion. The inconsiderable caliber of Japan would make nonsense
of an attempt on her part to grapple with the United States.
The unequivocal assurance which I can today give Ambassador
Johnson is this: the Chinese army and people regard the situation
in the Pacific created by the preparations underway in various coun-
tries, by the present policy of the American Government, and by what
we have ourselves achieved in four years of war, as affording full
grounds for confidence that Japan can be overthrown without any
direct naval action on the part of any nation or nations comfriitted
to the support of our cause. We believe our ultimate victory can
be secured on the mainland of Eastern Asia alone provided the
American people second their government's policy without reserve
and bring their full weight to bear in support of Chinese resistance.
If, on the other hand, the nations of the Pacific are careless of their
responsibilities, each waiting for others to move first, exhibiting
afresh the laissez-faire and slothful conduct of the past, ignoring
Japanese designs and ambitions and failing positively to assist
Chinese resistance then a great war involving the whole Pacific area
will ensue with consequences that do not bear thinking about.
Mr. Johnson has had more than thirty years' experience of life
in China and he is a loyal friend of China. Following the estab-
lishment of the National Government in Nanking one of the first
issues it took up was that of the annulment of the unequal treaties
whereby our Customs administration was lodged in foreign hands.
At that time America lent the force of her example to this end by first
concluding with us a treaty providing for our autonomy in Customs
administration. We remember Mr. Johnson's efforts during the
time of his ambassadorship to bring about cooperation between
588
BONDS BETWEEN CHINA AND AMERICA
China and America efforts that laid the foundation for the present
development of that cooperation. At some future time when China
and America again play their part in a peaceful order of Pacific
affairs Ambassador Johnson's contribution to the traditional friend-
ship of China with America will be recalled with a due sense of the
value of his services. He will undoubtedly convey to his people
on his return home, previous to assuming his new post, the fervent
expectations entertained of them by the whole Chinese army and
people. He will thus add still more to the close and friendly rela-
tions existing between the two countries. That responsibility re-
mains with him and we are convinced of his will and ability to fulfill
it. At this moment of separation I have only to add an expression
of my best wishes for the prosperity of American and Chinese
national fortunes, for the health of President Roosevelt and of the
departing Ambassador.
589
90
A Balanced Development in
National Finances
An address delivered at the Third National Finan-
cial Conference in Chungking, June 16, 1941.
JUNE 16, 1941.
JTK3DAY we are present at the opening ceremony of the Third
National Financial and Pacification Conferences. You have
just heard the President describe the great significance and weighty
responsibilities of these conferences and you will certainly be fully
aware of the importance of your duties here. I have a few words
to add to the President's remarks and some views to Which I wish
to call your attention.
The Financial and the Pacification Conferences have much in
common and the work of each has considerable bearing on that of
the other. Both are concerned with the harmonization of military
and political affairs in the rear and the strengthening of the foun-
dation of Resistance and Reconstruction. I desire to bring up today
certain fundamental issues and it is my hope that those of you
delegated to the Pacification Conference will also be attentive to
what I have to say and active in lending your assistance.
Since the Central Government was established there have been
two financial conferences, the first of which achieved the abolition
of the "/ifem,"* while the second dealt with other local oppressive and
multifarious taxes. These two undertakings removed immense ob-
stacles from the path of national economy: the people's livelihood
was enabled to develop freely; a great reform profoundly affecting
national reconstruction was achieved. The good fruit of those two
conferences, however, was of a negative character, consisting in the
"removal of abuses." The nature of our duties at this Third Financial
Conference differs; it is the work of positive reconstruction, the
putting of national finance and economy on a thoroughly firm foun-
A tax oo goods in transit first levied in the imperial days and abolished
by the Government in 1931.
590
BALANCED DEVELOPMENT IN NATIONAL FINANCES
dation. We have to devise comprehensive planning of national
finance and its rational control. We have to remove from national
economy and provincial reconstruction in general the irregularities of
the past which permitted of excessive wealth in one place and exces-
sive poverty in another. The aim is to reduce all to uniformity
and set in motion a balanced development. The Government has
therefore set itself two immediate objectives: (1) the balancing of
the national budget and (2) the equalization of the burden of tax-
ation on the shoulders of the people. These are fundamental features
of the Government's policy in Resistance and Reconstruction. All of
you must accordingly keep clear in your minds the way in which this
conference differs from others called in normal times. It is dis-
tinguished not only by its determination to apply the policy of
nationalizing land taxes and to set up a national fiscal system, im-
portant as these two undertakings are, but also by the whole spirit
and fundamental quality its deliberations must display and which
will relate them to the future of the people's livelihood and national
reconstruction.
Looking back over the time that has elapsed since the National
Government was established, we see the great difficulties and perils
through which Chinese finance has passed and yet now after almost
four years of war it is not merely sound but growing more and more
robust. This spectacle should reassure us of the vast - potential
economic strength of our people. It proves on the other hand the
worth and accuracy of the policy the Government has been pursuing.
You must not fail to realize that this precious and hard-won gain as
well as the achievements of prolonged resistance we owe in large
measure to the success of the monetary policy, which in turn may be
defined as the success of Dr. Sun's "monetary revolution." When
I came to Szechwan on a tour of inspection in 1935 I was appalled
at the chaos of local currencies to be observed. It led me to a con-
sideration of the distress and squalor for which this chaos was largely
responsible, and thence to the thought that should war come eco-
nomic catastrophe must result. Unity of currency was imperative;
only by making one monetary writ run the land could the people be
released from the exploitation to which they were subject and in
war time from the effects of the chaotic currency and finance. At
that time, therefore, as soon as I had arrived in the province I de-
591
BALANCED DEVELOPMENT IN NATIONAL FINANCES
cided that it must accept the same currency as the rest of the country.
The policy of unified national currency had been in operation since
1921, but it was generally viewed with misgivings and doubts of
its practicability. What no financier had dared attempt before our
financial authorities then set indefatigably about doing in accordance
with the principles of Dr. Sun's monetary revolution. And at last
they fully succeeded with the result that resistance had been able to
attain all it has. When this policy was in its beginnings there was
apprehension among financiers, monetary experts and commercial
bankers that it would be sure to damage their interests. All sorts
of rumors were heard, and great opposition manifested. Public
confidence was shaken. And yet when the policy had been translated
into fact it was discovered that so far from doing the bankers and
dealers in exchange any harm, business was intensely stimulated and
commerce expanded. Public and private enterprise alike was so
benefitted that the country seemed to have derived a new lease of
economic life from the unification of the currency. We ate close to
victory now, but the difficulties that yet remain to be overcome re-
quire our attacking them with penetrating vigor. Let us recall the
obstacles we have already surmounted and the unification of currency
achieved in 1935 that for centuries had been impossible. Bad con-
ventions of long standing were successfully broken down ; one money
flowed through the financial and commercial veins of the country.
Confronted by such a scabrous and tangled problem we were yet
able to solve it to complete satisfaction. How then can there be
any further problem so arduous as to daunt us?
We must bear in mind that this progress has been a general
advance of the standard of national intelligence and of financiers'
and businessmen's breadth of vision, of their sense of justice and
support for the Government's policy. From our experience in the
matter of unified currency we can form the axiom that "everything
making for the good of the people is necessarily to the good of the
individual." The Government is bound, therefore, whatever may be
the difficulties encountered, to pursue to its logical conclusion any
policy conducive to the advantage and happiness of the country
and the people. Any such policy is likewise bound to succeed.
If we are to set up a sound basis for financial reconstruction,
all revenue from taxation of the land must accrue to the State. A
592
BALANCED DEVELOPMENT IN NATIONAL FINANCES
sharp distinction must be drawn between the national fiscal system
and the locally autonomous ones. Thereafter the State may be mod-
ernized. With regard to land taxation, I shall speak later. With
regard to fiscal systems, if a clear line of demarcation can be drawn
between them there will be an assured source of finance for the
public enterprises of local autonomous units, and the way will be
smoothed for the full application of the new system of hsien admin-
istration to the destruction of the old conformity in name but not in
substance. At the same time when a national fiscal system is in-
augurated not only will the Central Government's financial position
be strengthened but provincial enterprises, especially those connected
with economic defense, will be able to make real progress. There
will be an elimination of the unstable and unsound conditions of the
past that rendered remote and sparsely populated districts incapable
of contributing anything to the forces of reconstruction. These
two measures are therefore essential to the whole livelihood of the
people. They will have effects beyond the scope of finance; you
and all central and provincial officials must realize those effects will
extend to the questions most closely touching the lives of workers,
farmers, students and all other members of society.
Resistance and Reconstruction are essentially one and the same
thing. We are fighting the war for the sake of reconstruction and
it may be equally well said that we are reconstructing for the sake
of resistance. When the war first began we laid the groundwork
of reconstruction, and while it has been proceeding we have done our
best to continue the work. Three concrete lines of policy were re-
solved upon : ( 1 ) The application of the new system of hsien admin-
istration and the advancement of the local autonomy. If the new
system of hsien administration can be applied as its plans and ob-
jectives dictate and local autonomy made genuinely effective the
State will be provided with a firm political foundation, and the whole
work of national reconstruction will be brought to success. (2) Bal-
ancing of the national budget and the equitable distribution of tax
burden. To achieve the former end the Government has simply
to keep strictly within the limits of its budgets and final fiscal state-
ments and to do its utmost in developing sources of revenue and
restricting public expenditure. The latter duty is of immense im-
portance: in this time of war we cannot tolerate refusal of the
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BALANCED DEVELOPMENT IN NATIONAL FINANCES
wealthy to make their contribution to the cause while the indigent
masses are obliged to support the finances of the State. This thor-
oughly unfair state of things must be radically reformed and to bring
about the desired equalization of tax burdens taxation must be regu-
larized according to a comprehensive plan put into universal execution
by the Government. (3) The application of Dr. Sun's land and food
policies. In the teachings bequeathed us by Dr. Sun there are de-
nned three essential courses of action in regard to financial and
economic policy during the revolutionary period: (i) For the fulfill-
ment of the Principle of People's Livelihood there must be a "mone-
tary revolution/' or unification of the currency system, (ii) In both
peace and war time there must be "food control" with a special bureau
in charge of this. A country without food control will be without
assured supplies of food for people and army, and will never attain
the status of a modern nation and will lose its independent existence.
(iii) Equitable disposition of land ownership, and the implementa-
tion of land policy. The land policy must be thoroughly applied
in order that the Three Principles of the People may be fully realized.
These three revolutionary tasks the Tsungli expounded in a way that
leaves me no necessity of going into details here. Since 1935 when
the present national currency came into use the first of these tasks
the monetary revolution has been in the main completed with suc-
cess. The other two tasks, the control of food and the equitable
distribution of land ownership, are focal ones for both peace and
wartime finance and economy and demand our strongest efforts. If
we cannot now carry them into effect, there will never be a second
chance. Moreover all should know that if the land policy is not put
into effect and food not controlled, our people's livelihood will de-
dine from bad to worse and eventually to ruin. No matter what
hardships we may have to suffer, we must realize these are tasks
calling for the utmost striving on the part of the nation, society and
the individual, in the same spirit as that displayed in the process of
unifying the national currency, until we can truly say: "My neighbor's
interests are mine and mine his; the home and the nation exist for
each other's good." Then the leaders of the nation will worthily
bear the name of leaders of a nation equal in stature to the urgency
of the hour. Otherwise our national economy and political system
will be perpetually condemned to remain that of a semi-colony and
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BALANCED DEVELOPMENT IN NATIONAL FINANCES
our descendants will never raise their heads again. Perhaps land
and food are the most important of the matters before the Conference.
Success with regard to them will be a proof of China's capacity to
become a truly independent and free nation. I trust you will exert
yourselves to the utmost over them.
Next, in regard to land taxation I have some points to make.
From ancient times China's State revenue has been derived from
land taxation. So it was with the Republican government until the
establishment of the present Central Government when it was decided
to allot revenue from the land to the provincial authorities a decision
that in retrospect gives rise to much regret. The essentials of a
State, after sovereignty, are land and people. And these two ele-
ments are bound up with each other, just as the people cannot leave
the land, for it depends on them for tillage. If land taxes are allotted
to the local governments, this virtually separates the people and the
land from the State; it leaves them with only a local consciousness,
without a national one. In order to make citizens understand that
the reason for their payment of land taxes lies in the welfare of the
nation as a whole and that the rights of citizenship belong to them
by virtue of the contribution they make to the maintenance of the
State, the revenue from land taxation must go to the Central Govern-
ment. This is essential for the development of the people's sense of
nationhood and constitutes a fundamental principle of policy. Two
other great sources of State revenue in the past were the customs
and the salt tax, which have, with the exception of a small portion
still obtainable from the interior, passed out of the control of the
central authorities since the enemy attacked the coast where the
lack of naval power made inevitable this loss. But China is an
agricultural country. The national finances should in both peace
and war time rest upon agricultural sources of revenue. During this
war national finance has made, as it were, two discoveries of the
land and of food and they have become its strong supports. The
depth and wisdom of Dr. Sun's teaching has been fully revealed and
vindicated. I have already said that this Conference must be one
devoted to positive reconstruction. You must devise concrete methods
of improving the food situation and the administration of the land.
A point I desire to impress upon you with especial emphasis is that
this move of appropriating the land tax to the Central Government
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BALANCED DEVELOPMENT IN NATIONAL FINANCES
is taken with a view to the good of the whole fabric of national
economy and for the security of the people's livelihood. The aim
is not merely to increase the Government's income. For during these
four years of war, had China been financially circumstanced as most
countries at war are, she would have already been bankrupt. In
fact, Chinese finance through the efforts of our financial authorities
and your exertions, and with the assistance of friendly nations has
been maintained and it never stood on a firmer basis than it does
today. That being so, the future may be faced with confidence. In
your work here you must treat these two undertakings of change in
the system of land taxation and the strengthening of the fiscal system
as essential features of future policy involving the success of national
reconstruction in its entirety rather than as mere financial expedients.
With regard to the food problem I have some suggestions to
make. Local feeling on the issues is diverse, but there is universal
agreement upon the gravity and urgency of the question. Every-
one's attention is fixed upon the question how food supplies are to
be collected, and what standard is to be followed in collecting them,
but there is a lack of clear conception as to the central essence of the
matter. I hold that it is a question of how we are to put into practice
the Tsungli's teachings on the methods of food control in a rational
and profitable way. All comrades must understand that the success
or failure of Resistance and Reconstruction is deeply concerned in
this as well as the well-being and very existence of the people. All
social problems depend for their solution upon the solution of this
food problem. Those who possess land and food will not be able
indefinitely to go on eating with indifference to those others who
have nothing to eat. It is for those who possess to give whether at
the front or in the rear, but especially rich landowners in the rear
who depend upon the protection of the armies of resistance and of
the Government's administration of the law for the freedom in which
they live and freely express their views. What freedom of expres-
sion have people in the Northeastern Provinces, in Hopei, Shantung,
Suiyuan, and Shansi? There they restrict the supply of food abso-
lutely necessary to your sustenance and they confiscate your own
food. Perhaps our wealthy proprietors in the rear have not thought
of these sufferings. Should we be defeated the people both in the
war areas and the rear will lose all security of existence, be robbed
596
BALANCED DEVELOPMENT IN NATIONAL FINANCES
of all their possessions and fall into the same state of slavery as
the inhabitants of the Northeastern Provinces. We must realize that
the present security of our lives and property comes entirely from
the Government and revolutionary armies and if you will not obey
government orders and support the Government's policy, you are
pulling down the very fences that stand between you and the arbi-
trary ruthlessness of the enemy and the puppets. You and your
descendants will be enslaved forever.
The Government is preoccupied with its strenuous efforts to
win the war, but it desires in the interests of the whole people and
of those of our fellow-countrymen who are suffering affliction and
poverty to avail itself of public opinion and it wishes wealthy land-
owners to understand that in levying a quota of ten or twenty per
cent on their stocks of food it is doing this not to damage their inter-
ests but to afford them protection. If they balk at this contribution
and display indifference to the hunger of the people and army, and
the defeat of resistance they will find their food confiscated in entirety
by the enemy. They must fully comprehend this point and then
they will understand the Government's present policy and how it is
directed to the protection of the interests of the ordinary man and
landowner alike.
If however those holding stocks of provisions think only of
their own selfish gain and ignore the demands of patriotism, disre-
garding the Government's food regulations, the Government will be
obliged to take strong action against them whether they hoard,
speculate or indulge in any other illegal proceedings. It will act
fearlessly of any evil forces arrayed in its path. I have long resolved
upon a final solution of this food problem; I shall not be hindered
by any further uncertainties. The Northwest and Southwest are
agricultural areas fully capable of producing all the food required;
there is no fear of our being unable to obtain the quota exacted. The
Government hopes and expects, however, that local landowners will
spontaneously do their best to fulfill the provisions of the mandates
issued, that they will all act as duty and the high interests of the nation
dictate. The Government has resolved upon this food policy with
unmixed concern for the public good. It will bring it into operation
without fail when the autumn harvest comes round ; there can be no
delay until next year. The maxims set for the citizen's patriotic
597
BALANCED DEVELOPMENT IN NATIONAL FINANCES
duty in the past were "those with money, give money" and "those
with strength, give strength/' To these we must now add "those
with food, give food." If landowners selfishly fail to give the food
demanded of them they will be acting criminally. They will put them-
selves in the same class with oppressive landlords and corrupt officials.
The Government will show no clemency towards them.
With regard to the control and management of food, the course
adopted may be the issuance of "food treasury notes/ 1 a subject upon
which there is also a great division of opinion. Some landholders
lacking patriotic vision will insist upon equating these notes to
national currency. At this time of national crisis it is utterly dis-
tressing that there should be people capable of minutely calculating
their own gain rather than thinking of the country's good and the
giving of an example to society. Whether we issue such notes or
collect taxes in kind the object is to obtain a specific amount of food
for the purpose of adjusting the supply of food for people and army.
In the future the Government will redeem the notes, which will con-
stitute what may be called a "compulsory loan." They will not,
however, legitimately be reckoned functionally equivalent to national
currency.
At this time, if we are to call ourselves worthy citizens of an
independent country we must respond with implicit obedience to
the Government's commands. In the execution of both its food and
land policies the Government is out to put army and victory first and
take measures of the fairest and soundest kind ; the duty of all citi-
zens is magnanimously to obey the letter and the spirit of these meas-
ures. To methods of food control the Government has given its
especially dose and earnest attention. Its demands of the land-
owners and food-dealers in the rear are lenient, and when we com-
pare the food control measures of other countries at war with ours,
the latter appear kindly and tolerant in the extreme. It is to be
hoped that fellow-countrymen generally will take account of the
Government's solicitude and carry out all government orders with
punctilious loyalty, with the ultimate object of bringing to fulfill-
ment the Three Principles of the People.
The Central Government is now engaged on the one hand in
leading the revolutionary forces of the nation in resistance at the
front to drive out the invaders, and on the other hand in directing
598
BALANCED DEVELOPMENT IN NATIONAL FINANCES
the efforts of the masses of die people in the rear in the work of re-
construction for the establishment of a firm foundation for a new
San Min Chu I nation. It is therefore not to be deterred by any
sacrifices or obstacles. My hope is that the whole country will act
with a full sense of this truth and everyone will urge obedience in
a spirit of revolutionary and patriotic zeal to the Government's
provisions, eliminating all evasion and connivance at evasion. Hence-
forth if there can be a thorough solution of agrarian and food prob-
lems, other wartime military, political, financial, economic and social
questions will be readily solved. The ancients said: "Enough food
and enough soldiers" were the two essentials upon which equal em-
phasis should be placed. In our present War of Resistance, to have
"enough soldiers" will not suffice if we have not also "enough food."
So it is that we have created this maxim, "Those with food must
give food." Supplies of food for the army alone will not do if those
of the people are inadequate. The work of fanners, industrial
workers, merchants and students should be thought of as identical
to that of soldiers. The sustenance of the whole people must neces-
sarily engage the attention of the Government as closely as that of
the army. All citizens with common knowledge of modern conditions
will be aware of this. In regard to the solution of the present food
problems everyone is most concerned with the security of the people's
food supply, because arrangements to feed the army had long already
been made. In fact there is really no reason to separate military and
public supplies. To allow uncontrolled business dealings in food
in these days is quite incompatible with modern ideas.
The above observations regarding the appropriation of land
taxation by the Central Government, the establishment of a national
fiscal system, and the institution of measures of food control are
all fundamental issues in Resistance and Reconstruction and policies
essential to the fulfillment of the Three Principles of the People. I
look to all of you here today to follow out the points I have made
in your close study of the situation and take effective action. More-
over all responsible men in Party, Government, army and other posi-
tions must diligently and courageously devote themselves to the
completion of the great task of Resistance and Reconstruction that
we may worthily fulfill our revolutionary mission.
599
91
Stronger Co-operation of Democracies
Against Aggression
A message to friendly nations on the fourth anni-
versary of the war, July 7, 1941.
JULY 7, 1941.
War of Resistance has now reached the fourth anniversary
of its outbreak. Then we realized that if Japanese aggression
went unchecked it would threaten more than the existence of China ;
it would prove calamitous for the whole world. We rose up accord-
ingly with fearless resolution to wrestle with this formidable enemy.
We thought it no time to count the cost. These four years' of war
have seen Japanese military strength immensely reduced and the full
enormity of Japanese ambitions made clear to the world.
From the very beginning we were prepared to fight alone to
the end. We were, and are, confident that China is strong enough
to master Japan; but if countries friendly to our cause will but
assist us to the best of their ability in our military and economic
necessities, the progress of our armies will be accelerated and the
world be the sooner rid of one of the greatest dangers to its welfare.
The Chinese people are supremely aware of the cruelties of warfare
and they are second to none in their reluctance to see any nation under-
go the sufferings that war entails. The Chinese Army and people
will consider their sacrifices adequately rewarded if the cause of
justice triumphs and humanity is spared, at least from one quarter,
the terrible experiences we have had to endure. I have frequently
made this statement and the truth of it is evident to all observers
from countries friendly to China.
During the past twelve months violent changes have taken
place in both the Far Eastern and world situations. The last few
weeks have been particularly crowded with developments following
one another in rapid succession. The manner in which the Axis
Powers have emulated and seconded the lead of Japan has resulted
in the division of the world into two great domains, that on the one
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CO-OPERATION OF DEMOCRACIES AGAINST AGGRESSION
hand of the bloc of nations the instrument of whose policy is aggres-
sion, and that, on the other hand of a bloc of nations resolved to
oppose aggression. As things stand today, the war in the Far East
is no longer to be viewed as merely a conflict between two nations, for
the European and Asiatic wars have now become closely interrelated.
Scarcely a single country remains unaffected because this predatory
group of Powers excludes no country from the scope of its design
to dominate the world by force. So much has become quite clear.
A mighty conflagration is sweeping the world, and after the nature
of fire it will continue to burn up all in its path until and unless it is
extinguished. To control this ghastly evil the only course is to strike
down the foe while there is yet time. As to how this is effectively
to be done I have three points to make.
Firstly, every fire has a starting point and the historical source
of this present worldwide war was undoubtedly Japan's attack on our
Northeastern Provinces launched in total disregard of all treaty
obligations. By that act of aggression a decade ago Japan displayed
the course upon which she was bent. Later in 1936 she lent fresh
impetus to the forces of aggression with the Anti-Comintern Pact
she was then foremost in promoting. She was obviously resolved
to see the world plunged into chaos. Within the past year she has
entered into a tripartite alliance with Germany and Italy and subse-
quently announced her conception of an "Order for Greater East
Asia" under her hegemony, formally declaring the term to embrace
Oceania. As steps to the expansion of her power southward she has
established naval bases on Hainan Island and in Indo-China. Japan
has thus been outstandingly instrumental in magnifying the scale
of the war, in feeding the flames she was the first to light. She is to
be regarded as more than the villainous originator of the Far Eastern
War; she is responsible for the universal character of the strife
we now see spreading over the earth. Until this primal spring of
evil is stopped up there can be no hope of permanent peace for
mankind at large.
Secondly, the issue of the conflict will depend upon the efficiency
with which the forces working against aggression can make them-
selves felt. Asia is the center of the globe's greatest masses of popu-
lation and of its richest resources. If therefore the democracies of
Asia, America and Europe can truly concentrate their energies in
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CO-OPBBATION OF DKMOORACHS AGAINST AGGRESSION
the pursuit of their common endeavor against the aggressors their
co-operation can ensure victory and the destruction of the Powers
devoted to the rule of force. Let the nations concerned with the
various territories that compose the Pacific land areas make a revo-
lutionary change in their attitude, and view the importance of the
Pacific with fresh insight Then they will realize that the ocean
and the continent of Asia weigh at least in equal importance with
the Atlantic and Europe and the urgency of the task of crushing the
power of Japan will appear to them proportional to the gravity of
the situation in Europe. China has fought four years of gruelling
war as much for the good of the world as for her own. The nations
friendly to her should regard it as imperative both for the protec-
tion of their own interests and for the sake of the world's future
that an end be put to the outrageous depredations of Japan. That
done, Asia, America, Australia and Africa can bring their combined
weight to bear on the enterprise of imposing a settlement of the
European hostilities. If they wishfully think the Japanese may
experience a change of heart and suppose it safe to let them have
their way for the time being, they will find their error as disastrous
as the policy of appeasement pursued until recently by European
countries towards Germany. If they conceive it possible to dis-
tinguish between the Axis Powers and Japan, striking at the former
and letting the latter have rein, the consequences are likely to be
shocking. I am convinced that no democratic country can afford
to view with the unconcern of a spectator the fierce flames of war
in Asia until they find their own territory ablaze.
Thirdly, the present division of the world into two camps is
perfectly clear. Japan, Germany and Italy compose a bloc the sole
policy and purpose of which is aggrandizement at the expense of
the rest of the world. As a result all peoples loving peace and free-
dom have drawn themselves up in an opposing front. We Chinese
firmly hold that that front is potentially far stronger than the aggres-
sor's. In order to insure victory its strength must however be de-
veloped to the utmost by close cooperation with one another in the
course of the life-and-death contest that has now begun. The vision
must not be narrowed by attention to trivial and merely immediate
features of the situation. Indecision and vacillation must be elim-
inated. They must make up for lost time and wrest the initiative
CO-OPERATION OF DEMOCRACIES AGAINST AGGRESSION
from the aggressors. They must not give the latter enough time to
consolidate their gains and strike with strategic advantage. It is now
widely argued whether Japan will move southward or northward.
Some people seem to assume that she is not in a position to strike
in either or both directions and will possibly devote her further effort
of aggression to attacking China alone. To my mind, we must care-
fully guard ourselves against any calculation based upon such argu-
ment or assumption, because the aggressors are both opportunists and
adventurers, and therefore are capable of all sudden and unpre-
dictable actions. Any miscalculation on our part may entail grave
consequences.
I would conclude by expressing a certain point of view in respect
to the assistance rendered China by her friends among the nations.
The Chinese people will ever remember it with gratitude. Our neigh-
bor Soviet Russia, America of the Western Hemisphere, and England,
contending herself with the greatest adversity of circumstances,
have all contributed generously to our support in resistance, thus
encouraging and inspiring us. The Chinese Government and people
will certainly act up to the trust put in them, for not to do so would
be to fail the ideals animating their own strivings and sacrifices.
At the time when the War of Resistance began I said that we were
engaged in a conflict of good with evil, or equity and justice with
brute force. Now we hope and believe that there will be more
effective collaboration between China and her friends. The aim is
the same for all of us : President Roosevelt expressed it in terms of
four freedoms which all humanity has the right to enjoy. It is my
privilege to declare that the Chinese people are combating Japan
not only for the negative purpose of putting an end to Japanese
aggression, but also as their means of contributing to a free world
order of the future, to the civilization and prosperity of mankind.
That is their great determination.
603
92
That AH May Not Be Lost in the
Hour of Triumph
A message to the Army and people on the fourth
anniversary of the war, July 7, 1941.
JULY 7, 1941.
SOLDIERS AND FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN:
T^HE War of Resistance has now been fought through four full
years. We have recently witnessed a rapid and luminous series
of developments in the international situation and may count ourselves
highly privileged to belong to a people whose service is wholly dedi-
cated to the world's good in an age so extraordinary. Tlie future
holds out for us a glory only equaled by the immensity of the task
still confronting us; a due sense of our situation should exalt and
purify our minds. With the Japanese it is otherwise: in increasing
trepidation they plunge on into ever deeper toils of their own rash
and reckless courses. Now the world finds itself divided by a
rigidly drawn line into two camps, the one practicing aggression,
the other withstanding the forces of aggression. The Axis Powers
have extended the range of their aggression in both Europe and
Asia while in opposition to them the peace-loving nations make
common cause in the defence of justice and human civilization. As
I have said before, "we are fighting to discharge a responsibility
that involves the whole trend of world affairs; in that light are
to be seen final victory and true success." A comprehensive review
of international developments shows us laid bare the pernicious
plans of the aggressors and a strengthened co-operation among the
powers pitted against them. We had anticipated the direction events
would take. Now the powers concerned with the Pacific are each
undertaking an appropriate share of the burden and acting in close
collaboration with one another. Japanese aggression is arrived at a
day of reckoning with those determined to check it; its exhausted
leaders are groping their way along the last stretch of their road to
ruin. That ruin will be one with the ruin of the Axis Powers and
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THAT ALL MAY NOT BE LOST IN THE HOUR OF TRIUMPH
the clearing up of the world horizon. So striking a reshaping of
the situation has not come about without due cause. It has been
won in bloody combat by our soldiers and by the sacrifices of the
whole people. Today we should commemorate with poignant sorrow
the price paid. At the same time we have ourselves to renew our
exertions to carry to completion the unfinished task.
I need not dwell on the weaknesses military, political and eco-
nomic that the past year has brought to light on the enemy's side.
To mention however a few of the salient points : there was the con-
clusion of the Tripartite Pact, followed by the treaty with Wang
Ching-wei, the declaration of a "New Order for Greater Eastern
Asia," threats to the South Seas and a grand display of outrageous
proposals for expansion. Subsequently Matsuoka triumphantly re-
turned from his European travels, swaggering and as proud as
Punch, giving himself all the airs in which men of little character
indulge when pleased with themselves. Within the past six months,
however, in the South Pacific, Britain, America, Australia and the
Netherlands have established a system of joint defense ; in the North,
Soviet Russia, no dupe of Japanese tricks and professions, has in no
way relaxed her vigilance; and in the United States we have seen
enacted the Lend-Lease legislation and the measures taken to defend
Guam and the Samoan Islands. With the introduction of two-ocean
distribution of the American Navy a further step was taken in the
steady prosecution of the policy of setting bounds to Japanese ag-
grandizement. In short the Island Empire is today encircled by a
tightening defensive cordon formed by the Powers interested in the
Pacific a cordon no struggles will avail it to shake off. The case
with Japan has always been an utter inadequacy of strength to
second the measureless ambitions she conceived. The present cir-
cumstances are terrifying and perplexing for her. Ever since the
Russo-German conflict began, a succession of hastily convened con-
ferences of cabinet ministers and military chiefs has been observed
in Tokyo. The outside world has been treated to ambiguous utter-
ances, the Japanese public to all sorts of apologetic assurances. A
crowning touch to the picture of resourcelessness was added with the
Tokyo visit of Wang Ching-wei.
This Wang regime has never been more substantial than an ani-
mated wax work; all the world has turned its back upon it and
60S
THAT ALL MAT MOT BE LOST IN THE HOUR OF TRIUMPH
in itself it docs not merit our attention, confident as we are of its
powerlessness to obstruct the War of Resistance, however many
scoundrels Wang may add to his entourage. This visit of his to
Tokyo, however, his audience with the Emperor, all the bowing and
scraping that attended the granting of his 300,000,000-dollar loan
makes up a page of history without parallel in the gross display of
shameless treachery afforded. Disgust and indignation fill us at
this outrage both to the reputation of the Chinese nation and to the
moral sensibility of all mankind. From another point of view, this
fishing out of the long-neglected Wang is indicative of the straits
in which the Japanese find themselves. Wang will be dragged down
together with them when they come to their destined end; meanwhile
he has basked in this last delusive caress of the rays of their sinking
sun.
The whole nation should realize that it is these four years'
striving to which are due the advancement of the War of Resistance
and the clarification of the international scene. Everything has
occurred as we anticipated. For this vital period of four years we
have held back the enemy and dissipated the strength he might have
employed to work his evil will elsewhere in the world. Friendly
nations were thus afforded time in which to make their preparations.
In this respect it may be said we have already achieved a prelimin-
ary success that assures us of the ultimate defeat of the Japanese
and brings us within sight of the glorious day of victory. We ought
nevertheless to be on our guard, remembering that in human affairs
failure frequently overtakes enterprises on the very point of con-
summation. Latent peril attends the near approach of a favorable
issue. The Japanese are still intent upon further military action
against China ; they are also, it seems certain, about to summon up
their last remaining energies for inroads into other regions of the
globe. They may strike north or south or simultaneously in both
directions, but we must not permit the apparent multiplicity of their
objectives to mislead us into any slackening of our attacks or lack of
vigilance, letting slip the finest of opportunities for counter-offensive
operations. Whichever way they move their objective remains as
much in China as elsewhere ; the slightest laxity on our part might
lose us all the ground gained in the years. The shocking and
amazing vicissitudes we have seen convulse the face of world affairs
606
THAT ALL MAT NOT BE LOST IK THE HOUR OF TRIUMPH
during the year past can leave us in no doubt that the alternative to
victory is destruction, and that if we cannot be masters of our fate
we must fall into ignominious slavery.
Today Asia outweighs Europe in importance as a factor in
world developments. We are a great Asiatic nation and the war in
the Orient revolves about us; we are called upon to shoulder re-
sponsibility for the security and well-being of Asia. Our mission
is no less a matter of nation-building than of armed resistance;
failing the completion of both tasks there can be no worthy vindica-
tion of the sacrifices that have been made for the cause. My desire
is to appeal to every man of you for a severer consciousness of the
dictates of duty, with especial reference to the three points I am
about to make.
First: By unity of will and purpose to intensify our fighting
strength : Since the war began the whole country has subscribed to
the maxims "nation above all" and "victory first/' Now we have
entered a new period wherein the outcome of resistance will affect
the interests of all mankind as well as decide the survival of our
own people. Our sense of this tremendous responsibility can but
impel us to explore every possibility of augmenting our strength.
To that end, weapons and material of war and the will to strike are
of course considerations of primary moment; yet of even greater
importance I hold solidarity, a pervading unanimity of intention
binding us all one to another, whether it be in the work of recon-
struction or of the prosecution of the war. In the midst of bewilder-
ing fluctuations of world events that toss men and nations this way
and that, we are compelled to realize the respect of others is only
to be won by a due measure of self-respect; and only thus can our
heads be kept above water and the aggressors overthrown. Let us
reflect that nothing will be left if the nation goes under ; if national
freedom be lost, there will be no supporting life. Solidarity is to be
built upon the basis of the whole nation's interests. In our revolution-
ary work of reconstruction we already have the necessary singleness
of aim; we have only to center our minds in all sincerity upon the
realization of the Three Principles of the People in order to assume
worthily the mission this age has made ours.
Second: By development of the national genius to build up
the basis for its regeneration. Reconstruction has to take a definite
607
THAT ALL MAY NOT BE LOST IN THE HOUR OF TRIUMPH
shape during the period of resistance. In my view it is recon-
struction in the domain of the mind that should take precedence in
our concern even over the material aspect. Deficiencies in material
circumstances can be made up for by the resources of the spirit. At
present we are behindhand as much in the quality of our spirit as in
the scientific and technical spheres of national activity. What is
termed psychological reconstruction turns upon the citizen's ability
to bring home to himself the sacred nature of his responsibilities
and duties and to maintain constant progress towards a greater aware-
ness of his personal obligation to make every sacrifice they demand
of him. The individual's sense of responsibility and observance of
discipline are the essential keys to success for reconstruction; the
quickening of his moral perceptions is the way to remedy for the
defects of the past and the reclamation of dissipated and abused
energies. I am particularly anxious to rouse all servants of the state
in positions of responsibility to a keener appreciation of* what their
positions entail in terms of obligation to serve the public interest
scrupulously and diligently. They have to live up to the trust
placed in them by nation and people. The mass of other citizens
have at the same time to maintain discipline, doing each his duty
to the best of his or her ability, with the one aim of setting the nation
well and surely on the road to rehabilitation. Do not, I enjoin
upon you, take my words as uttered by way of routine. Realize that
if now after the unprecedented sacrifices made and the lessons taught
us of late years we still fail to achieve internal reformation and
revival of the national spirit, the nation will cease to be such, the
people will perish as one unworthy of the name : even victory in war
will not dispel the certainty of failure in reconstruction. So may
all the labor be wasted in the very hour of triumph and we betray
a thousand unborn generations of our kind.
Third: By making sure of the essentials in reconstruction to
complete the enterprise of revolution. Complex as the work of
reconstruction is, its three most important elements are the military,
educational and economic; the life of a modern nation hangs upon
what it achieves in these three fields. Commanding officers, edu-
cators, technicians and economists are therefore the backbone of
personnel directing the undertakings of reconstruction. The develop-
ment of the strength, and the pioneering of the future of the nation
608
THAT ALL MAY NOT BE LOST IN THE HOUR OF TRIUMPH
are rather peculiarly their responsibility. In military, educational
and economic affairs there are certain salient points de depart due
recognition of which can yield double the reward of effect to exer-
tions made, and which I propose to deal with under the following
heads :
(1) As regards the conduct of military affairs, morale and
discipline have a prior claim upon our attention. The will to sacrifice,
to defy odds, to dispute every inch of ground, to stand to one's post at
peril of death, and moreover such discipline as renders the move-
ments of men advancing or retreating entirely coherent and co-
ordinated, discipline that allows no order to go unobeyed or par-
tially executed. Sound morale and strict discipline ensure that
full advantage is had of the skill, weapons and manpower available,
(2) In education the chief emphasis should fall on the culti-
vation of character and physique. Scientific instruction and vocational
training are a secondary consideration; above all, the aim should
be the tempering of moral fibre, the forging of students 1 character
to the end that they may do justice to themselves as young citizens
of modern China. The traditional philosophy and morality of our
country should be exploited as a means to this steeling of the young
in mind and body, this fitting of them to endure hardship and under-
take onerous tasks. The success of our education depends upon
the attainment of this dual aim of molding the moral and physical
constitution of our youth.
(3) In economic affairs efforts should be primarily directed
along the two lines of production and communications. The back-
wardness of the country on the material side of reconstruction neces-
sitates the concentration of our best energies on the advance of
mining, agricultural and industrial production with the fullest co-
operation between government and individuals, state and private
enterprise. By management, planning and the granting of subsidies
a particular preference should be accorded branches of production
affording scope for unskilled labor. All available means of com-
munication by land and water must be developed to the full in order to
realize Dr. Sun's conception of the "free flow of goods" as a funda-
mental requisite of economic reconstruction. For the nation both
at war and after in time of peace adequate production and efficient
provision for transport are essential to economic health.
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THAT ALL MAY MOT BE LOST IN THE HOUR OF TRIUMPH
I pass on to express the hope that all administrative legislation
and provisions, the new system of hsien administration with its
profound bearing on local autonomy and the people's livelihood, and
the recently enacted legislation regarding land policy and food
control, will meet with the wholehearted readiness of all fellow-
countrymen to forward their execution. They are fundamental to
the very existence of the state; the country imperatively requires
their smooth and rapid translation into practice ; the souls of a host
of dead demand it.
Soldiers, fellow-countrymen: Today the War of Resistance
enters upon its fifth year, events in the world are moving ever more
rapidly, survival and freedom are to be won out of this last remaining
bout of the struggle. The world is about to undergo a general
resettlement of its affairs, and the first of necessities for that will
clearly be the overthrow of the Japanese aggressor. Therefore while
we employ our whole strength in the endeavor to wrest victory out
of this conflict with that aggressor we are discharging toward the
world a responsibility that forms our proper contribution towards
that settlement. While the War of Resistance continues we shall, in
addition to that, be building up a nation such as may render secure
the happiness of our descendants. On this New Year's Day I
declared : "The year to come will be a most trying and momentous
period in our history." The whole army and people ought to conceive
the endurance these past four years have demanded of us as incon-
siderable beside what is to come in the course of bringing our mission
to its final fruition. As we advance towards the light bearing up
this heavy load of duty all the freedom-loving peoples of the world
accord us their sympathy and wish us success and progress. Vig-
orously and courageously, my fellow-countrymen, forward !
610
93
The Time Sets Against the Aggressor
A message marking the fourth anniversary of the
outbreak of fighting in Shanghai on August 13,
1937.
AUGUST 13, 1941.
ON THIS day a year ago I asked my fellow-countrymen to consider
the tremendous significance of the Battle for Shanghai that
began on August 13, 1937. I said : "That campaign set in motion our
national effort to defend ourselves and our independence; for the
enemy it was his first step in a career of ruin. The day the fighting
at Shanghai began determined the way things were to go with the
Japanese and Chinese peoples and the future course of Oriental
affairs." You may remember these words. Today we are arrived at
the fourth anniversary of the eventful day, the glorious history of
which, together with the current features and possible future develop-
ments of the situation, I wish briefly to touch upon here, my concern
being as much to put myself in mind of the stern nature of my own
responsibilities as to instruct you.
The Japanese militarists set out on the path of aggression with
the aim of world conquest in view ; the subjugation of Eastern Asia
forms a stage in the development of that great plan. The seizure
of Manchuria was the prelude to the latter undertaking, the Shanghai
fighting of 1937 the actual beginning of it. China then fought to
protect her territory and, fully aware of the wider issue, for the
lasting security of peace in the Pacific. For four years we have
called upon the world to realize the necessity of united efforts to
check the rapacity of this aggressor if any genuine relief for the
world's troubles is to be had. Sensible, however, of our status as a
weak country, we were apprehensive of distrust; we preferred to
prove our contention by deeds and the maintenance of our rightful
purpose with the unaided strength of our arms. Now, after more
than four years of war we witness the beginnings of collective action
against Japan on the part of countries friendly to our cause; the
611
TIME SETS AGAINST THE AGGRESSOR
assertion we made is acclaimed on all sides as prophetically correct.
The enemy meanwhile, though desperately at a loss to make the
choice, no longer attempt any concealment of their lusting design
to attack other nations to north or south.
Following the submission of Indo-China, the Japanese appeared
bent, recklessly and brazenly, and to the exclusion of any other
thought, upon the expansion of their so-called "co-prosperity sphere"
to Thailand, Burma and the Dutch East Indies, and beyond even
over Oceania. With the outbreak of the Russo-German conflict
and the abrupt change it caused in the world situation, Japan instead
saw a better opening for a northward move and accordingly began
moving troops to the northeast in preparation for an attack on
Siberia the attainment of her predatory designs on the Continent
being the end in view. During the past month she coerced French
Indo-China into an agreement for joint defense and garrisoned the
country with her forces, turning then with scarcely a puse to Thai-
land and exerting all manner of pressure upon that country in order
to seize the resources and dominate the trade and utilize the bases
of a land whence she could make a bid for mastery of the whole
Pacific, driving out British and American influence and at last
establishing the "New Order for Greater Eastern Asia." At the
present moment, however, Britain, America, the Dutch East Indies
and other countries, their anger aroused at the Japanese annexation
of Indo-China and threat to Thailand, are making, in consultation
with one another, thorough and formidable preparations to restrain
the aggressor. They have begun with economic sanctions and are
proceeding to measures of armed defense. Soviet Russia, though
preoccupied with war in the west, has never relaxed her defensive
vigilance in the East. To the south therefore the Japanese find the
powers in their path united to defend the South Seas; and their
navy, they know, is no match for the navies of Britain and America.
In the north their recourse would have to be an army disqualified
by its immersion in the slough of China from serving in a fresh
adventure. They see the opportunity passing and their Continental
and Pacific policies rendered unrealizable. At the same time China's
war of self-defense has entered upon a stage wherein our high re-
sponsibility for the protection of the Pacific is about to be fulfilled.
What I would impress upon you is: the freezing of Japanese
612
TIME SETS AGAINST THE AGGRESSOR
assets by the British, American and Dutch governments, the abolition
of Japan's commercial treaty with Britain, the tightening of the
American embargo on export of oil to Japan, the Dutch suspension
of the financial agreement between the Netherlands East Indies and
Japan this series of economic sanctions imposed upon the enemy
as a check to their recent threats of aggression in the Pacific has
reduced them to a state of prostration they cannot conceal. In
casting about for some means to effect a temporary patching up of
their affairs they will turn to the occupied areas of China and try
to get their puppets to squeeze for them larger profits from the ex-
ploitation of the resources and the markets in those areas. The
people there will be subjected to new extremities of their base and
brutal methods of plunder. My sympathy for fellow-countrymen in
the occupied areas and in particular for those who live in the evil
atmosphere of Shanghai, is more profound than I can express. They
must bear in mind that all they do now to second the economic
action of the powers against Japan by waging relentless economic
strife with the invader will have a value immeasurably greater than
was the case in the past. If they are ready to endure and sacrifice
for the sake of frustrating the exploitation of the Japanese, inter-
rupting their communications, hindering the sale of their products,
and in every other possible way striving to bring to nought their
hope of economic relief from the areas of China under their control,
the contribution thus made to the cause will equal that of the men
confronting the enemy force in the field. Such is the nature of the
responsibility all people in the occupied areas and workers and
merchants in Shanghai should realize their efforts must be bent to
discharge, if their duty as citizens is to be done.
Of the world situation it only remains to say that the division
of the contending forces into two clearly distinguishable camps of
the aggressors on the one hand and those fighting aggression on the
other and the consequently heightened tension in the Pacific have
brought Japan perceptibly nearer the day of her collapse. Victory
however is not to be passively awaited; into the final battles to
come our whole weight must be thrown. China is the country most
directly affected by Japanese aggression and we stand most deeply
committed to the task of defeating it; all peace-loving peoples watch
the manner in which we are acquitting ourselves. It must be deai*
613
THIB SITS AGAINST THE AGGRESSOR
to you all that what I called on New Year's Day the "most trying
and momentous period" has now begun. On the field of battle, in
the rear, in town and countryside, the response oi redoubled efforts
is required by the exigencies of the time. Here I address in par-
ticular my fellow-countrymen in the occupied areas and of them
is demanded utter indifference to the menace and bribery of the
Japanese and to the puppets' attempts to introduce defection in their
ranks, and inflexible determination to maintain solidarity in the face
of the common enemy. I am convinced the hour is now soon to
strike when we shall see our mission of Resistance and Reconstruction
achieved and the deaths avenged of so many who have nobly laid
down their lives for that cause. There is the saying, "to work in
due season matters more than to possess the tools. 91 The season
of victory is at hand; Jet us all be at work!
614
94
The Northeast and Territorial Integrity
A message to the nation on September 18, 1941,
on the tenth anniversary of occupation of the
Northeastern Provinces (Manchuria) by Japan.
SEPTEMBER 18, 1941.
we commemorate the day of national humiliation that
occurred on September 18 just ten years ago. For a decade our
Northeastern fellow-countrymen have endured under the oppression
of the Japanese a hellish life of spoliation and outrage. In indig-
nation at the intolerable wrongs done them, the whole people under
the leadership of their government went through a period of energetic
preparation to the point of entering upon their crusade of resistance.
Losses without parallel in history have since been incurred and
today the war continues, the will of the nation unanimously prepared
to make all the sacrifices required. This is because we are resolved
to assert and maintain the absolute inviolacy of China's territorial
sovereignty, to recover the lost territory of the Northeastern Prov-
inces and to release their inhabitants from the atrocious miseries of
invasion. There will be no cessation of resistance until the Japanese
armies are wholly expelled from the land and the thought of conquest
utterly eradicated from the minds of the Japanese, until the freedom
of the Northeasterners is regained and their provinces restored. It
is a matter of the loss to China of an area geographically essential
to her national defenses, where there are resources equally indis-
pensable to us. We can go so far as to say that if liberty and inde-
pendence cannot be won for the thirty million Northeasterners the
whole country will eventually also be enslaved beyond all hope of
deliverance. Their lives are one with the lives of all other citizens
and the soil whereon they live is one with the rest of the country;
there can be no separating any portion of Chinese territory from the
whole. Surviving, we shall survive together; or, if we perish, we
shall perish as one man. This we must hold an unassailable axiom
of our policy.
615
NORTHEAST AMD TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY
The boundless sacrifices of the past decade have been made for
the sake of achieving the complete liberation of the Chinese nation
and people and of securing for them a status of true independence
and equality among the nations of the world.
In the Northeast there dwell thirty millions of a fine and sturdy
population; there are 240,000,000 moiu* of farmlands; there are
200,000,000 mow of fertile land yet uncultivated ; there are 600,000,000
mow of standing timber; there are 2,000,000,000 tons of unmined
metal and other minerals. Some of the resources most important
to our people's livelihood are to be found there; all the conditions
essential to the reconstruction of a modern nation prevail there.
The ports, strategic positions, mines, railways and other lines of
communication detailed by Dr. Sun in his plan for industrial develop-
ment were largely centered about the Northeast. Its abundant ma-
terial and human resources touch the life of the nation closely;
without them it can scarcely be preserved. They are certainly not
to be given up to the enemy for use against China and the world.
Taking a world view of things, we see that the Northeast, apart from
its bearing upon Chinese national survival, is of the first consequence
to the safety of East Asia and the entire world. As long as the
Northeast remains under the control of the Japanese the peace-
loving nations of the world can know no immunity from their acts
of aggression. The proposal to "disarm the aggressor nations" will
all the more obviously be impracticable while Japan is still in pos-
session of such a source of strength.
The prolonged hardships and heroic deeds of the Northeasterners
are of a significance and value to the whole nation as it strives to
bring them relief. In fact the sum of all that the rest of the nation
has endured and lost may a thousand times exceed that of their
sacrifices. They should be thereby inspired to greater efforts in
the struggle against the enemy in his rear, in the endeavor to render
his occupation of the territory as little profitable as possible to him.
That is the minimum measure of responsibility which they can hold
as theirs. If they can fulfill it they will be effectively seconding the
splendid work of resistance in all other parts of the country, and we
shall all be marching together on the sure road to our goal.
*Onc mow is equivalent to one-sixth of an acre.
616
NORTHEAST AND TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY
It must be realized how closely relevant the fate of the four
Northeastern Provinces is to the advance of the Revolution and
the development of world events. In 1914 I had an opportunity for
careful study of Northeastern conditions, and in a memorandum I
then presented to Dr. Sun I wrote: "The Northeast is rather the
destination of the Revolution than a starting-point for it. The area
involves problems affecting the whole international situation. Its
problems are not to be solved during the initial stages of the Revo-
lution but to be approached as the Revolution nears completion."
I again emphasized the international character of the Northeastern
question at the time the Mukden Incident occurred, and since re-
sistance began I have frequently reminded you that "the life of the
entire nation being committed to this bid for survival, there can be
no compromise short of the goal." I further made clear that "the
duration of the war and the nature of its conclusion will be deter-
mined in conjunction with the general restoration of world peace
and security." When I said that, it was fully evident that Japanese
ambition and European quarrels had rendered inevitable a second
world war. I also said : "China's resistance will be resolutely fought
on, becoming a part of the world conflict, and concluding when Far
Eastern and European problems find a common and integral solu-
tion." These words of mine command the assent of the entire nation.
The decade that has elapsed seems to me but as the passage of a
day, for from that time I have considered it my peculiar responsibility
to see the nation's honor vindicated and vengeance for the outrage
exacted. It became my conviction that a long war must be waged
if a genuine settlement of the issue was to be had. On the one
hand I perceived the extremities of enemy ambition and brutality;
on the other I reviewed the geographical, international and other
features of our national position. Then I defined the national policy
of resistance to Japan as follows: Firstly, China's territorial sov-
ereignty and administrative integrity must be preserved intact;
secondly, respect for international justice and equity must be en-
forced and the forces of aggression overthrown in order to establish
permanent peace in the Orient and the world. For ten years our
attachment to these principles has brought with it confidence in their
attainability.
The origins of the Japanese ambition to conquer China are to
617
NORTHEAST AND TBBBttOBIAL INT1GWTT
be traced far further back than September 18, 1931. Even in Ming
tunes the predatory proclivities of the Japanese had become fully
apparent. In those days Toyotami Hidekichi gave expression to the
idea of "crossing the mountains and the seas, entering the land of
Ming and making ours its four hundred counties." Later there was
wild talk from one Shusin Soejima of "seizing lands from Ching (the
Manchu Empire)" and of "making one province of the Ching domains
a base on the Continent. 1 ' So we see that the covetous desire for
Chinese soil took root some three hundred or more years ago. At the
time of the invasion of Korea and during the subsequent war with
China the Japanese made the possession of our Northeast their
objective. When in 1904 they entered upon the war with Russia
they were intent on the same prize. The humiliation to which they
have subjected China goes back three centuries to the days when
their pirates marauded on our coasts; tales of their deeds are still
current among the people of those districts.
September 18, 1931, however, is a date that marks the point
at which Japanese aggression took on full definition of its enormous
scope, being seen, as the Tanaka Memorial put it, to seek "the con-
quest of China, Asia, India and the South Seas" and "the domina-
tion of East Asia as a means to conquest of the world." The first
step was the seizure of the Northeast to serve as a field headquarters
in the campaign of global aggression. The history of conflict be-
tween China and Japan is written about the theme of the Northeast.
Those powers resolved to prevent Japan's encroachment upon Asia
and other parts of the world can ill afford to neglect the importance
of the Northeast. That the leaders and publics of all countries should
be properly aware of the relevant facts is as necessary as knowledge
of them among the Chinese people. The loss of the provinces to
China would inhibit her national reconstruction, and in Japanese
hands they would be utilized not only in the destruction of China
but also in the prosecution of aggressive expansion elsewhere in the
world. Our survival and world security alike demand the expulsion
of the invader from the Northeast and its integral restoration to the
Chinese state.
These ten years have been years of trial and sacrifice for our
armies and people. Today we find our cause has won due apprecia-
tion of its merits among the peoples of the world. Great indeed is
618
NORTHEAST AND TEBBITOBIAL INTEGRITY
the contrast between China's circumstances in 1931 and the position
in which she stands today. Since then the nations friendly to us have
added practical action to verbal expressions of sympathy. America in
particular, under the leadership of President Roosevelt and Mr. Cor-
dell Hull, has proceeded from the "non-recognition principle" to one
of drastic sanctions against Japan and material aid on a large scale for
China. Other countries, such as Britain and Soviet Russia, are act-
ing with a proper sense of their common interests in a similar manner
and in collaboration one with another. All this has deeply gratified
and elated us.
Though it has been resistance that has drawn the acclaim of
the just-minded and consigned the Japanese to irremediable isolation
in the Pacific, this state of affairs is to be referred at bottom to the
action of the Japanese themselves in making enemies of China and
the powers when they set out on the career of aggression that began
with the Mukden Incident. At that time, in a letter to the then War
Minister Minami, Honjo wrote: "China's revival and the progress
of America and Russia are equally inimical to the national policy of
Japan. Preparatory to war with the United States, China and Russia
must be crushed and a separate country made of Manchuria and
Mongolia under Japanese occupation. The next step must be in-
vasion of Siberia in order to convert both the Seas of Okhotsk and
of Japan into Japanese territorial waters. Going on, we must drive
the Americans east of Hawaii and the English west of Singapore.
In this way the Dutch East Indies, Australia and New Zealand shall
all come under our hegemony." So we observe that Japan was in
those days already bent upon bringing Britain, America, Russia and
the Netherlands within the scope of her aggression. On September
18, 1931, the Japanese initiated the unfolding of a tremendous
scheme comprising their Continental and Oceanic policies, the de-
velopment of which whether to north or south has been prohibited
by our resistance. They are pinned down and deprived of all free-
dom of movement as a result of the spiritual and military endeavors
we have made in this decade of struggle. Today there is no "divine
breath" to blow them the good fortune they experienced at the con-
clusion of the previous European war; they are irresolute and per-
plexed; they dare not repeat their former reckless feats of outrage
to the interests of the Pacific powers. We ought therefore to keep
619
NORTHEAST AND TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY
in mind how great is the achievement that has rewarded the exer-
tions of resistance, how immense the contribution made to the good
of the nation and the world. On the one hand we are full of confi-
dence in the nations friendly to us and supremely optimistic regard-
ing the future of the fight against the aggressors. On the other
hand we believe a place of high honor and renown in the pages of
human history is reserved for the part we are playing in that enter-
prise.
Fellow-countrymen, resistance has now reached a stage we an-
ticipated three years ago, and we have in our grasp the destiny of
the Northeast. I wish you fully to apprehend the meaning of the
phrase I used: "the Northeast is the destination of the Revolution/'
The success of the Revolution and all that will attend upon it can be
attained only through united and persevering devotion of the na-
tional energies to that end ; indolence or complacency cannot be per-
mitted to impair that constant devotion. Remember : "Heaven helps
those who help themselves" and "others always help him who helps
himself." Until all lost territory is recovered victory will not have
been gained. The favored aspect of international affairs should only
move us to enhanced self-mastery and self-reliance, so far from in-
ducing any mood of relaxation and sanguine expectations of the
best. We must continue in the spirit of independent renascence
evoked by this war, being prepared at all times for the worst possible
eventualities. From height to height, slipping only to regain a new
foothold, we must press forward to the realization of our unvarying
policy and the fulfilment of our responsibilities.
On so solemn a day as this I would have every citizen search
his heart and reflect upon the record of action and endurance this
decade and especially the years since 1937 have laid up. It is a
record of blood and tears shed without distincion of place or person.
The waves of a flood of national wrath have beaten on the aggressor's
ranks and are washing away the miasma of invasion and the fetor of
treachery, dispersing the vapors that would threaten to obscure the
hope of peace for Asia and the world. The story is one of the
noblest and most moving in the annals of mankind and it has been
written, we can plainly inform both friends and enemies, that the
independent existence of the Chinese people as a nation may be pre-
served together with our territorial sovereignty and administrative
620
NORTHEAST AND TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY
integrity. Death shall not daunt us nor difficulties obstruct our utter
determination to free the Northeast and its inhabitants from the op-
pression under which the land has groaned since 1931. With a status
of true freedom and equality China shall take her place in a system of
lasting peace in the Orient and the world re-established on foundations
of justice and equity. Failing that end, there can be no cessation of
resistance. While a single man of the invader's forces remains upon
our soil and the slightest infraction of our territorial sovereignty
persists, resistance cannot halt. I am sure that the Pacific powers
friendly to us will continue a steady tightening and strengthening
of the cordon of restraining pressure they have drawn about Japan ;
that in no case will they slacken it. For our part we shall go un-
waveringly upon our way. In the course of the ten years past and
under the blows of our prolonged resistance the criminal initiator
of aggression in the Far East has been weakened to the point of
collapse and awaits the consummation of his ruin. That is the re-
flection that should hearten and spur us on as we commemorate this
day of national mourning. Fellow-countrymen, let us endeavor for
every day each of us has to live to show our sense of the sacrifices
made by those who have died for the cause, and worthily to display
our feeling for the loyal citizens laboring under the tyrannies of the
enemy in all we do to discharge our responsibility towards mankind
and its ideal of justice among nations.
621
93
Vigilance and Discipline
A message issued to the nation on October 10, 1942,
the thirtieth anniversary of the founding oj the
Chinese Republic.
OCTOBER 10, 1941.
K THIS thirtieth anniversary of the founding of the Republic we
shall do well earnestly to reflect upon the glories of the revo-
lutionary past and the tremendous possibilities of the future that lies
before our country. We have to carry forward the greatpurpose for
which the revolutionary martyrs gave their lives.
I have often spoken of the Revolution in terms of the internal
and the international significance, and I am accustomed to consider
its development as having two periods, the first being the course of
internal unification and the second being devoted to the attainment
of national independence, freedom and equality of status for China
among the nations of the world.
Five years of resisance have laid the foundations of victory
and steadily raised us in the opinion of the world. The cooperation
of friendly nations with us has taken on a definite shape. There are
two outstanding features of the affairs during the past twelve months.
First the true road to international peace has been recognized and
the powers opposed to the aggressors have dosed their ranks; the
peace-loving nations have ranged themselves in the Pacific against
Japan, throwing a restraining cordon about her a cordon designed
to halt any further aggressive adventure she may attempt. Secondly,
China has placed herself on an equal footing with other nations.
The age of the unequal treaties that began in 1840 lasted a century
and may be said to have closed with the declarations of the British
and American governments regarding their intention to relinquish
all extraterritorial rights in China. The first step toward the real-
ization of Dr. Sun's life-long aspiration has thus been taken; that is
622
VIGILANCE AND DISCIPLINE
indeed a matter for congratulation today. Vast obstacles have yet
to be encountered and overcome, but no evil forces can obstruct
our bright future.
A glance into history is sufficient to show that nations rise or
fall according as they stand firm and vigilant or relapse into ways of
ease and sloth. To be secure of a bright future a nation must not
permit itself to be blinkered by trivial and transient issues but must
gaze forward into the boundless spaces of the future. Today
we observe the vacillation and trepidation of the Japanese as they cast
desperately about for some means of dissembling their defeat. On 1
the other hand we see the great enterprise of our national reconstruc-
tion fairly set in motion upon the sure road to success.
At this juncture, our soldiers should fight all the more bravely
to fulfill our share of responsibility as a member of the anti-aggression
bloc. All citizens should serve the country with increased determina-
tion to endure and sacrifice, and loyally observe the Citizen's Pact
and wartime ordinances, thereby doing their duty as citizens of a
nation at war. All intellectuals and leaders of society should grasp
with fresh insight the special character of the Chinese revolution,
form the loftiest conception of their responsibilities, and direct their
fellow-citizens in the work of production and in the application of
scientific methods to national defense and economic development.
Professional men and public servants must keep in mind the suffer-
ings of our soldiers and people, bestirring themselves to eliminate
habits of laxity and approximation, cultivating those of precision
and honesty, purging abuses and enhancing the efficiency of their
work, to the end that the foundations of reconstruction may be well
built and criteria established to guide its future progress. Party
men should hold their lives consecrated to the revolution and be
ready to brave peril in course of action contributing to realization
of the Three Principles of the People and success in the restoration
of China's national status. In this way they can do justice to the
unfinished task of the revolutionary martyrs.
In conclusion, I would have you all reflect upon Dr. Sun's
declared belief that the revolution could be carried to completion
within thirty years. To our shame it has not proved so. I never-
theless firmly believe that by now enough has been done to ensure
eventual success; I hold that there is no longer room for doubt.
623
VIGILANCE AND DISCIPLINE
In these days of dawning victory circumspection and vigilance are
especially required of all ; standing each at his post of duty we must
outdo one another in the race to reach the perfection we envisage.
The slightest negligence might jeopardize the issue and cause us to
fail the dead and incur the opprobrium of generations unborn. On
this anniversary day I would have all my fellow-countrymen think,
as I do, of the great act of revolution begun at Wuchang thirty
years ago, and swear service to the ideals and aims cherished by the
Father of the Republic and by every man who has given his life for
the cause of the Revolution and of resistance.
624
96
The Engineer's Role in National Crisis
A telegram dispatched to the Tenth Annual Meet-
ing of the Association of Chinese Engineers held at
Kweiyang, Kweichow, on October 20, 1941.
OCTOBER 20, 1941.
To THE PRESIDENT AND MEMBERS OF THE ASSOCIATION OF CHINESE
ENGINEERS :
TT HAS been a great pleasure to hear that you are holding the Tenth
Annual Meeting and simultaneously commemorating the thirtieth
anniversary of the founding of your Association. Valuable results
are sure to come of this gathering of engineering experts from all
parts of the country for the purpose of discussing the present phase
of national reconstruction.
Although modern Chinese engineering began in days prior to
the Republican era, it was really with the founding of the Republic
and the inauguration of your Association that serious progress com-
menced. During the thirty years that have since elapsed China,
despite the handicaps that have prevented her development on a scale
comparable with other modern nations, has at least laid the ground-
work of her material reconstruction. Communications, mines, ship-
building and water conservancy, and the industries related to national
defense, have engaged the active attention of our engineers, with
results they deserve to be well congratulated upon.
Our deficiencies of men and resources, oUr poverty of experience
in scientific research, retarded industrial development and rendered
the country economically and militarily unprepared to withstand
invasion. Four years of war have vividly impressed on us the
importance of defense industries and caused us to make great efforts
to advance industrial reconstruction work. Success will require
unceasing continuance of these efforts. Reconstruction will not be
achieved in a day. China has lagged far behind the rest of the world
in modern scientific progress. In the future there will be the in-
creasing need of discovering and training engineering talents, en-
625
ENGINEER'S BOLE IN NATIONAL CRISIS
outraging collaboration between the business and technical sides of
industrial enterprise, stimulating the spirit of original research, and
bringing into closer contact workers in different fields of science.
We must also seek academic and technical co-operation in our rela-
tions with other countries. Progress in research work will lead to
greater efficiency in industrial enterprises. National economy will
benefit proportionately.
A nation in the world today depends for its existence as much
upon its preparedness to defend itself as upon a high quality of
national morale. The development of engineering theory and prac-
tice is an indispensable requirement of national defense. During
the past year I have repeatedly called upon my fellow-countrymen to
realize the importance of national defense, for without national de-
fense no nation can exist. I have therefore said that we must put
two great aims before us now : victory in resistance and, in recon-
struction, absolute security in national defense. The equipment of
all the armed services demands the skill of engineers in its produc-
tion; communications and transportation unceasingly require it. A
nation can in no respect be strong unless its engineers can constantly
be pressing forward to fresh and greater achievements. National
defense requires, as Dr. Sun taught, full and general realization of
the importance of science and the acquisition of mechanical ability
and aptitudes among our people.
The Government has issued its "General Scheme of National
Reconstruction," and for the implementation of most of its provisions
for the economic reconstruction of the country the whole-hearted
co-operation of engineers will be indispensable. Dr. Sun's Plan for
Industrial Development remains the most comprehensive and final
statement of our national policy in this respect. Last year you
organized a committee for the study of this Plan and the drawing up
of minute, practicable projects. I am informed that some of the
main points have already been sketched, and will be presented for
discussion at this annual meeting. I am confident that this product
of expert opinion will be a sound contribution to the groundwork
of national defense and reconstruction. Nothing could be more
valuable today.
Your Association was founded at the time of the birth of the
Republic; the labors attendant on its growth have been contem-
626
ENGINEER'S ROLE IN NATIONAL CRISIS
poraneous with those whereby the Republic has been fashioned.
It is noteworthy that a far greater number of men entering universi-
ties this year are taking courses in engineering ; this is a reflection
of a national change of attitude. It means that there will be no lack
of recruits for the profession in future years, and to guide them in
their service to the country is the mission of your Association. I
feel confident that you will not fail to appreciate the significance of
the hour and discharge your responsibilities to the nation and to the
engineering sciences.
CHIANG CHUNG-CHENG (Chiang Kai-shek)
97
Growing Unity Among Anti-Aggression Nations
An interview granted to more than a score of
foreign correspondents at his home in Chungking
on November 7, 1941.
NOVEMBER 7, 1941.
TT IS not often that I have the opportunity to meet all the repre-
sentatives of the press from friendly nations. I remember one
such occasion in Nanking in the third month of our War of Re-
sistance, and another in Chungking in 1939. You will all under-
stand that there are responsibilities which make it difficult for me
to discuss every phase and every detail of the long and cruelly ex-
hausting War of Resistance against Japanese aggression.
I am all the more glad to have this opportunity of meeting so
many of the representatives of the press of so many of the countries
which are like China actually fighting against aggression and in-
vasion, or like America courageously supporting the struggle against
aggression. This is a very significant point in our united struggle.
The initiative is still with the aggressors. Resistance is now fully
aroused, in the West and in the East, but it is still the aggressors
who plan where to strike the next blow. At this moment, however,
there is a greater degree of organized unity among the democratic,
anti-aggression countries in the steps they are taking to parry each
new blow and forestall each new threat. We Chinese have been
acutely conscious of this growing unity. We have served the
longest in the front lines; we see clearly that on each and every
front the opportunity to pass from defense to counterattack and
final victory will depend on the degree of unity and co-ordination
between all our fronts in the world.
We believe that after the present world war there will come
about a fundamental reform of the life and thought of humanity.
The following are facts that may serve to corroborate this contention.
Let me recall that there was a time when only we Chinese*
ourselves and a few foreign friends were fully aware of our will
628
GROWING UNITY AMONG ANTI-AGGRESSION NATIONS
and strength to hold out. Most others thought we could not pos-
sibly endure the punishment inflicted on our flesh and blood by
the superior armaments of Japan. But we held out, and it is because
we have held out for more than four years that Japan is so im-
mobilized in China as to be unable to launch any fresh adventure
elsewhere. We have come to constitute an essential part of the
front-line defense of friendly territories beyond the borders of
China, and particularly of territories bordering the Pacific.
There followed a time when few outside of Britain felt that
she could avert the invasion of English soil. Knowing what it is
to fight against such odds, all the free citizens of China, and especially
our front-line veterans, offer unstinted tribute to the heroism that
has defended the English Channel. We honor especially the daring
and self-sacrifice that went out to meet the aggressors in Norway,
in Greece, in Crete and in Libya.
Again there followed a time when few, outside of Soviet Russia,
felt that on a battlefield ideally suited to the German armored
columns it would be possible to resist for long the German armies
which had already won victory after victory elsewhere. Our veterans
at the front and our citizens in the rear are unanimous in their
conviction that the heroic spirit of Russian resistance is bound to
achieve final victory by exchanging space for time as we ourselves
did in the first phase of our successful resistance.
Each of these phases repeats the lesson that we Chinese learned
in 1931 ; when resistance begins on one front, it must be kept up.
Otherwise, new fronts are threatened. When there is resistance on
more than one front, it must be co-ordinated with that on others if
united action to overthrow the common enemy is to succeed. Other-
wise, the initiative rests with the aggressors. The importance of this
lesson is emphasized by the fact that behind all of us who are fighting
there stands a country whose people and great leader are ready to
support the victims of aggression with economic resources and mili-
tary strength, and assist them at the cost of material and human
sacrifices. America's efforts and adherence to principle have been
most fully understood and deeply appreciated the longest in China,
where we know that in the modern world the front extends all the
way from the factory to the trenches. .
From four years of Chinese resistance and from the facts I
629
GEOWINQ UNITY AMONG ANTI-AGGMSSION NATIONS
have adduced all men may know that armed force is not a thing in-
ordinately to be feared and hereafter there will be none oppressed
by the fear of armed aggression and the threats of aggressors, and
their doctrine that might is right will accordingly be banished from
the earth.
All peoples must follow the Christian way of universal love in
their treatment of one another. We believe that the true equality
of man with man and a genuine world peace will be realized through
the victory of justice and equity in this war.
Military effort is closely related to productive effort. The
military and economic missions of friendly countries which are
actively co-operating with our whole defense effort at the front,
in our arsenals, on our lines of communications, where their work
extends throughout the economic and financial fields are one of
the strongest bases upon which is being built the unity of the nations
fighting aggression. The benefit of the unity already achieved is
apparent. On several fronts the aggressors are now arrived at an
impasse forbidding further progress. Consequently they have re-
sorted to intimidation, but in vain, for no one is any longer afraid
of the "paper tiger" to which they may be compared. This means
that the initiative is almost within our grasp. In the very near
future, I believe that you will find my words proved true by events.
Then I shall have the pleasure of seeing you again.
630
IV
China Fights On With Allies
(1941-1943)
98
America's Chance to Strike at Japan
Opening address before the Second Session of the
Second People's Political Council on November
17, 1941.
NOVEMBER 17, 1941.
TIJX)RE than six months have passed since the first session of
this Council, and during this time some of you have been on a
tour of inspection in the war areas, some of you have been taking
part in the work of the Kangting-Sichang Investigation Mission,
some of you have been canvassing subscriptions to the national bonds,
and others of you have been engaged in all sorts of economic, educa-
tional, cultural and relief activities in various places. Now you have
gathered here from far and wide with the intention of devoting all
your energies to the public good. This is matter for profound
gratification.
During this period the Government has been concentrating its
efforts upon the development of local autonomy, financial adjust-
ments, the general strengthening of national economy and the open-
ing up of new lines of communication, all with a view to building up
the forces of resistance. Detailed reports will be made for you to
comment upon. In the present address I wish first of all to describe
the supremely important and decisive phase upon which the War of
Resistance and the international situation have now entered.
First. The most striking feature of events during the past six
months has been the division of the whole world into two great
camps, with the Nazi-dominated Axis countries aligned on the one
side against the democratic nations on the other. The conflicts in the
Orient and in Europe are now seen to involve one and the same
issue. Solidarity of the forces resisting aggression had been ma-
terialized. The passage of the American Lend-Lease Bill, the heroic
achievements of the Soviet armies, the progress made in co-ordinating
defense in the Pacific, and President Roosevelt's repeated declaration
of his country's determination to assist China, Britain and Russia
631
AMERICA'S CHANGS TO BTBIKE AT JAPAN
all this is evidence of the genuine co-operation achieved by the demo-
cratic nations.
The past three months have seen the Japanese initiate negotia-
tions with America only to proceed simultaneously to devote them-
selves to all manner of preparations for future acts of aggression.
They have established a so-called "Headquarters of National De-
fense" at home, while abroad in Indo-China and in Manchuria they
have steadily increased the strength of their armies. The present
Tojo Cabinet has announced its intention of "disposing of the
China Incident and breaking down the encirclement of Japan by
hostile powers" and of bringing to bear to that end "granitic
resolution and lightning activity." Sufficient proof of the Japanese
resolve to embark on a fresh campaign in concert with the Axis
is to be found in the recent revision of the conscription law whereby
men between the ages of 40 and 50 and those of third-rate physique
are being called to the colors, and the increase of military expendi-
ture to 3,800,000,000 yen for the next four months.
Second. Chinese resistance has greatly exhausted the enemy's
strength. His losses during the period between the Shangkao
campaign in April and Second Changsha Battle in September were
immense. His recent offensives against North Hupeh and Chengchow
were on a very limited scale and brought him disastrous defeats.
He has likewise been compelled to withdraw from many garrisoned
points of the first importance. The, war in China after more than
four, years has delayed Japan's scheme for attacks on other countries
of the world. Germany has now been fighting with Soviet Russia for
nearly five months and the European war is more than two years old.
Had it not been for Chinese resistance Japan would certainly have
seized the priceless opportunity to launch some predatory enterprise.
The Tojo Cabinet is now summoning up its courage to pierce the
lines of encirclement and making a show of determination to strike
at the Yunnan-Burma Road as the virtual beginning of southward
expansion. A Japanese invasion of Yunnan would lead to attacks on
Thailand, Singapore and other parts of the Southern Pacific region.
The primary object would be to sever contact between the armies of
resistance in China and the forces of the democratic powers without,
as a necessary preliminary to further moves southward. China will
632
AMERICA'S CHANCE TO STRIKE AT JAPAN
naturally defend every inch of her territory and spare no effort to
deal the enemy a blow hard enough to remove with his defeat the
greatest obstacle to peace in the Far East. You will all be aware
that the preparations for united democratic defense in the Far East
are now complete. That happy circumstance is to be considered the
fruit of China's four years of resistance. It is the achievement given
the world by China's dogged efforts, by her resilient and selfless
spirit, and in continuing to display that spirit we shall lend our
full strength to the forces fighting aggression.
Third. As to the responsibility of Britain and America toward
the Far East, I am sure they have no intention of dealing lightly
with any one of the aggressors. The time is ripe for them to deal
with Japan and they will not be diverted from their purpose by any
such negotiations as those undertaken by Kurusu. My reasons for
affirming this are as follows:
Firstly, the Japanese massing of troops in Indo-China with the
object of cutting China's lines of communication contravenes two of
the principles declared by President Roosevelt and Mr. Churchill
regarding the use and threat of armed force and the freedom of the
seas and of trade.
Secondly, Japan has for ten years been violating her international
undertakings and especially those of the Nine- Power Treaty, of which
America is the leading signatory. She is not to be thought capable
of deserting the principles that have determined the whole develop-
ment of her national policy. Moreover by declaring herself the
arsenal of the democracies America has signified her readiness to
assert the cause of justice against the law-breaking ambitions of the
aggressors. With Anglo-American military preparations in the
Far East complete, she will all the more readily take action to
that end.
Thirdly, despite all the honeyed words of the Japanese, America
will not forget Konoye's assertion of last October, when he said:
"If America cannot accommodate herself to the contentions of Japan
and the Axis powers, there will definitely be war." Nor can America
forget the words of Matsuoka: "If America persists in the attempt to
maintain the status quo in the Pacific, there will be nothing for it
633
AMERICA'S CHANCE TO STRIKE AT JAPAN
but war." Again, Mabuchi, a spokesman for the Army, declared
a month or so ago that Japan must break through the encirclement
of the ABCD bloc of powers and undertake a protracted war with
Britain and America as the chief powers that compose that bloc.
Fourthly, the long list of incidents that have occurred since the
war in China began, such as the wounding of the British Ambassador,
the sinking of the Panay and the insulting treatment of British and
American men and women at Peiping, Tientsin, Tsingtao and
Shanghai, have left no room for doubt of the intention of the Japanese
to assail Britain and America in the course of their campaign of
aggression in China.
I am therefore certain that compromise with Japan on the part
of Britain and America is impossible both on grounds of interest
and principle, while I am equally confident that they will not let slip
the present excellent opportunity of discharging their moral re-
sponsibility for the defense of peace in the Far East.
Fourth. Whereas the Japanese dream in vain of the settlement
of "the China incident," I think it may rightly be said that now is
the time when the powers fighting aggression can best, and most
urgently ought to, liquidate "the Japan incident." Those powers
command the strength of about nine-tenths of the world's popula-
tion. In Russia the situation on the central front has been stabilized
and the Nazi forces are at a standstill, confronted by unfavorable
weather conditions. Britain has gained the mastery of the Medi-
terranean following successes won against the German and Italian
naval forces. This winter is clearly a period that ought to be devoted
to the smashing of Japan as a potential danger to the rear of the
democratic forces in the world conflict. President Roosevelt predicts
that 1943 will see the end of that conflict. I believe he has good
reason for saying this.
It is unthinkable that the democracies should permit the Axis
to threaten their rear and next spring see the Japanese launch an
attack on Russia co-ordinated with a German offensive. Nor can
they stand idle while Germany triumphs in the Near East and Japan
strikes toward the Indian Ocean. A traditional maxim of the
Chinese art of war is "first to crush the weakest member of an
634
AMERICA'S CHANGE TO STRIKE AT JAPAN
alliance of enemies/' Japan is the weakest link of the chain of
aggressor nations but if time is allowed her to recuperate strength
and maneuver as she pleases the consequence may very well he
eventual defeat for the democracies. Now is the vital moment and
opportunity that must by no means be neglected. Britain and America
are no doubt fully aware of the facts.
Japan is now resorting to blandishments and intimidation.
Abroad, the Japanese militarists trample upon mankind's conceptions
of justice and equity; at home they flout the rights of their own
people. By such conduct they are simply courting destruction. The
Japanese are now conscious of the fact that they are hemmed in on
all sides and face imminent ruin. To continue in their reckless
courses will inevitably bring them to disaster ; their national existence
can only be preserved by their complete abandonment of thoughts of
aggrandizement in submission to the demands of justice and equity.
In doing so there would be two points of the first importance in
the conditions to be fulfilled: (1) The abandonment of the policy
of aggression, with the withdrawal of all forces from Chinese soil,
including the Northeastern Provinces, and a similar withdrawal from
Indo-China. Garrisons in the Northeast are equivalent to forces
posted as a menace to Siberia and garrisons in Indo-China equivalent
to forces posted as a menace to the Philippines and Malaya. In
neither case are they to be tolerated. The never-changing aim of
our resistance has been the total preservation of China's territorial
sovereignty and the Japanese must realize that we shall never accede
to its infringement by a single Japanese remaining on our soil.
(2) Japan's detachment from the Axis alliance. The utter
incompatibility of the aims pursued by the Axis powers and those
opposing them necessitates for Japan's salvation her withdrawal from
the Axis camp and the rejection of its aggressive principles and ac-
tivities. Failing the willingness of the Japanese militarists to take
this course there is nothing for it but their overthrow by the Japanese
people. There is yet time for Japan to repent. She has now to
choose between sincere allegiance or avowed opposition to the powers
fighting aggression. There is no third course. The mind of those
powers is irrevocably made up.
635
AMERICA'S GHAKGB TO BTBIEK AT JAPAN
Finally, let all of you here at this session realize that the issue
of our War of Resistance is one with that of the struggle between
the forces of light and darkness throughout the world, a struggle
now approaching its climax. In the Far East the forces of justice
and brute force are about to dash in decisive combat. It is the
moment for us to exert our greatest efforts. The enemy is intent
upon the destruction of China and we upon her preservation. He
would plunge the Pacific into the darkness of Hell, while we strive
to make it a lighthouse for mankind. That being the nature of the
task we have undertaken, we shall surely stint no effort or sacrifice
to accomplish it.
636
99
In Defense of Freedom
Messages dispatched to the United States through
the North American Newspaper Alliance, and to
England and Australia around November 17, 1941.
NOVEMBEE 17, 1941.
To THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA :
"OT7HEN President Roosevelt recently paid tribute to the American
" workers who are making sacrifices in order that America may
send planes to China, his words found an echo in every Chinese
heart. We have passed through so much suffering that we are in-
stantly sympathetic to any sacrifice made by others.
Moreover we know that in return for sacrifices made in common
we shall share in common the rewards of victory, liberation, and
democracy. Lincoln said that America could not exist half slave and
half free. Today we know that the whole world cannot survive half
slave and half free. America has just shown its continuing faith in
this great principle declared by Lincoln, by responding to President
Roosevelt's call for revision of the Neutrality Act. It is now clear
to all that the freedom of the world and the freedom of America
are inseparable.
The same faith is part of the very substance of the thought and
idealism of China today. It is for that idea of a world standard of
liberty and justice that hundreds of thousands of our young men have
given their lives in battle, and fifty million people have abandoned
their homes and withdrawn to Free China, rather than retreat from
the freedom we have been building for thirty years, and especially
for the last fifteen years, since the unification of the Republic.
The victory to which we are pledged will not be ours alone.
The rising standard of living, the new production, the new needs and
wants of 450,000,000 people eager for progress, will repay in busy
American factories and expanding American trade the material and
military and financial aid so generously extended to us.
When that time comes, continued friendly co-operation between a
637
IN DEFENSE OF FREEDOM
prosperous America on the eastern side of the Pacific and a secure,
rapidly developing China on the western side can provide the frame-
work of a stable world peace. In that peace all the nations that
have made a common stand against aggression will have their part.
Beside them will stand the brave peoples whose nations have for
the grim present been blotted out by aggression. Once freed of
militarism and racial hate, there is no reason why every people and
nation in the world should not take part in that peace, if it is to be
worth our sacrifices.
If we now, in the time of trial and suffering, lay the foundations
of that peace in honest recognition of the common rights and interests
of all humanity, it will last for generations. Let us make that our
task, for it expresses the ideals of the noble-minded men who
founded the United States, the first of the great modern democracies ;
and it will also realize the inspiration which guided the life work of
Dr. Sun Yat-sen, who created the modern nation of China.
To ENGLAND:
Each month that the war lasts emphasizes the growing unity of
purpose between China and Britain. All the countries that are fight-
ing against aggression have learned the truth of the words once said
by an American patriot and recently quoted by Mr. Churchill:
"United we stand, divided we fall." Mr. Churchill's latest bold and
prompt response to a new threat of spreading aggression in South-
east Asia has especially come like a reinforcement of morale to the
Chinese troops who for nearly four and a half years have held the
oldest and most unequally equipped front against aggression.
Here in Asia the Burma Road is a visible symbol of unity in the
defense of democracy and determination to extend the frontiers of
democracy. It links the many hundred miles of China's battle lines
with the bases of Britain's air power and sea power in Southwest Asia.
Safeguarded by Britain's citadel at Singapore, our supplies reach
us over the Burma Road ; while we, in turn, by defending our native
soil, defend Burma and Malaya from an attack by land.
This road is also a symbol of the future. When we have fought
our way back to the sea, we shall have behind us in the heart of
the Asiatic continent new communications and new industries as the
638
IN DEFENSE OF FREEDOM
foundation of our new productive economy and restored political
integrity.
All of this is part of the vision of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, Father
of our country, whose anniversary we have just been celebrating all
over China. He looked far into the future to see all the nations
which believe in liberty and progress participating in the develop-
ment of a liberated and independent China. For that future, as well
as in the ordeal of today, we welcome the partnership of Britain,
whose people are making such great sacrifices for the sake of saving
democracy and opening the whole world to democratic ideals.
To AUSTRALIA :
For four years and four months China has been fighting for
survival. It is not the mere idea of survival, however, which has
inspired our 450,000,000 people to suffer the greatest sacrifices in all
our many centuries of history. What we are fighting for, and what
we shall win, is liberty.
Our long fight has made us keenly conscious of the way in which
others besides ourselves meet danger and defend their freedom. We
have seen creeping toward Australia the same shadow of aggression
that has darkened China for so many years. The soldiers of China,
and the men and women who carry on the work of the nation behind
the lines, often under merciless bombing, have been heartened by the
way in which Australia is responding to the challenge.
Just as Australians of their own free will have crossed the
ocean to fight for Britain on many fronts, so hundreds of thousands
of Chinese in many lands have given unstintingly to the defense of
China. Many have returned to the mother country to serve on the
military, economic, and technical fronts. Australians and Chinese
have answered the same call in the same way because the liberty
which you are creating in the vast continent of Asia is the same
liberty which you are ready to defend far south of us in the Pacific,
and ready to leave Australia to defend on any front where the ag-
gressor strikes. We share ideas of honor and independence which
are an earnest of a bright future for the whole world of the Pacific,
when the light of freedom has prevailed over the darkness of ag-
gression.
639
100
All We Are and AH We Have
An exchange between Generalissimo Chiang Kai-
shek and President Franklin D. Roosevelt on the
day after Pearl Harbor.
DECEMBER 8, 1941.
TN THIS tragic hour when you too are assailed by the treacherous
aggressor the people of China renew their gratitude to the people
of the United States for the understanding and help that have been
given us.
To our now common battle we offer all we are and all we have
to stand with you until the Pacific and the world are freed from
the curse of brute force and endless perfidy.
CHIANG KAI-SHEK
JAPAN first treacherously attacked and then declared war upon the
United States. The Congress has declared the existence of a
state of war between the United States and Japan.
In the valiant struggle of resistance which China has carried on
for four and a half years against the invading forces of a predatory
neighbor China has been made aware of this country's sympathy in
principle and in practice. China is now being joined in her resistance
to aggression by a host of other nations that have been menaced by
Japan and the movement of conquest in which Japan is a major
participant.
The struggle cannot be easily or quickly brought to a successful
end. It will demand of all who are entering it, as it has demanded
and will demand of you and your courageous people, concentrated
effort and intensive devotion to the common cause of vanquishing
the enemy and thereafter establishing a just peace.
I take pride in my country's association with you and the great
nation which you lead. I am wholly confident that the struggle in
which we are engaged in common with other gallant nations will
forge stronger the bonds of traditional friendships and will result
inevitably in complete elimination of the lawless forces against which
your effort, our effort and the efforts of our associates are now indi-
vidually and collectively directed. FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT
640
101
The Common Struggle Against the Axis
A message to the Chinese people at home and
abroad, and to the Chinese Army on December
10, 1941, following China's declaration of war on
Japan, Germany and Italy.
DECEMBER 10, 1941.
TN OBDURATE pursuit of their evil courses the Japanese have
now, in concert with the Axis powers of Europe and in fulfillment of
the undertakings laid upon them by the Tripartite Pact, suddenly
attacked in dastardly and treacherous fashion our friends Great
Britain and the United States, striking with the same piratical rapidity
of the raid on Mukden ten years ago. In this way they have brought
upon the Pacific the afflictions of war and exposed mankind to un-
precedented losses and distress. You will be aware that the Chinese
Government has, in the desire to vindicate international justice and
preserve human civilization, formally declared war on Japan and
at the same time upon Germany and Italy.
Since the invasion of the Northeastern Provinces by the Japa-
nese our whole nation has been undauntedly striving and, during
the past four years of war, with resolution and steadfast devotion
only the more marked. We set out to chastise the outrageous ambi-
tion of the Japanese, recover the territory lost to them, and by bring-
ing about the downfall of this ringleader, check the scourge of ag-
gression. Today the Japanese so far from repenting of their conduct
have taken fresh steps toward the fulfillment of the abominable
designs they share with the Axis powers. The democratic nations
of the two hemispheres have now, however, arisen to act in unison,
with the result that the world is divided into two clearly distinguished
camps of the aggressors on the one hand and those who oppose them
on the other.
Ours was the first country to suffer the inroads of aggression
and also the first to assume responsibility for the vital task of putting
bounds to the evil. Our faith is firm in the continuity of man's des-
641
THE COMMON STRUGGLE AGAINST THE AXIS
tiny and the indestructibility of his conceptions of equity. Nine-
tenths of mankind are striving to defend justice, peace and the right
to national freedom. The eventual overthrow of the aggressors
is therefore a matter of certainty. Up to now our sacrifices have
been made to the end of merely driving the invaders from our own
soil. Henceforth we shall be fighting shoulder to shoulder with
Great Britain, the United States, Soviet Russia and other friendly
nations in a united endeavor to suppress the enemies of civilization
and establish lasting peace in the world.
The Chinese people, possessed of their heritage of five thousand
years' civilization and the Three People's Principles designed to
save both their own nation and the world, are now charged with a
mission of unprecedented magnitude. Now our efforts will go
beyond the aim of success for resistance and the restoration of our
territorial sovereignty and also have the goal of speedy victory for
the cause of justice in the world at large. But should our spirit
slacken and the enemy be permitted to extend the term of his ill-
doing indefinitely we shall fail not only all those who have sacrificed
their lives for resistance but also our friends in the common struggle.
In this momentous hour I expect of army and people ten times the
strength of will displayed during the past years of war in the execu-
tion of the sacred duty that is now ours.
Citizens at home and abroad must keep in mind the greatness
of the national genius that our sages and heroes have handed down to
us and realize the supreme value that victory in resistance will have
for the world,' and how decisive for the welfare of future generations
and of mankind our coming exertions will be. The foundation for
victory has been laid, but the task before us is the more arduous in
proportion to the vast conflict in which we are now engaged, the scale
of the forces with whom we are allied and the immense vista of new
significance added to our national fate. Henceforth we must be
more severe in our self-respect and take a more serious view of our
responsibility, each to the best of his ability and at his particular post
of duty, fearless of all hardship and sacrifice and selfless in response
to the extreme urgency of the issue that is to be decided.
Fellow-countrymen overseas are no less descendants of Hwang
Ti, the progenitor of our race, than those at home, and it is for them
wherever they may be to exert their great potential strength for the
642
THE COMMON STRUGGLE AGAINST THB AXIS
destruction of the common enemy and thereby add luster to the
good name of their country. For our soldiers the present occasion
makes a unique demand for their resolution and bravery in bringing
fruition to the hard-won gains of a decade of warfare. The whole
nation must advance with unfaltering determination to avenge the
wrongs of this decade and deliver from outrage and injury those
under the oppression of the enemy. At home the aim is the preserva-
tion of our territorial sovereignty as the primary aim of our re-
sistance : in terms of world affairs we seek to vindicate international
justice and win for our nation such renown as it has never enjoyed.
From the limited scope of the beginnings of our enterprise we are
moving toward the weightier implications of its final development.
643
102
Assistance to Friendly Governments
A message addressed to members of the Chinese
communities overseas on December 11, 1941.
DECEMBER 11, 1941.
FOR CONVEYANCE BY THE BOARD OF OVERSEAS AFFAIRS, THE COM-
MISSION FOR THE AFFAIRS OF CHINESE RESIDENTS OVERSEAS, AND
ALL EMBASSIES, LEGATIONS AND CONSULATES TO FELLOW-COUNTRY-
MEN OVERSEAS :
'T^HE Chinese Government has now formally declared war on Japan
and at the same time upon Germany and Italy. Henceforth the
Chinese Republic will be ranged with all other nations in the world
opposed to the aggressors in a common endeavor and resolve to
destroy the predatory forces of the German, Italian and Japanese
Axis alliance, and thus to gain our one great aim of preserving
human civilization. I have already in a previous message set forth
in outline the significance attaching to the exertions which our army
and people must now make.
At this time of widespread Pacific hostilities I wish however to
express my especial concern for you fellow-countrymen overseas
and my earnest expectations of those particularly who are living in
the territory or possessions of Great Britain, the United States,
Australia, the Netherlands East Indies, New Zealand, Canada and
other friendly nations.
Our countrymen overseas have rendered highly distinguished
service in building the Republic and seconding the work of the Revo-
lution. Their contributions in money and strength to the cause of
resistance have been even more considerable. The people of friendly
nations have also witnessed the splendid expression and testimony
they have given to the traditional spirit of Chinese culture. Today
the flames of war envelop the whole globe ; the aggressors and those
opposing them are divided into clearly and irreconcilably denned
camps. An absolute community of interest and attitude now insep-
arably unites the nations that have set their faces against aggression.
644
ASSISTANCE TO FRIENDLY GOVERNMENTS
Our allies' enemies are our enemies; their victory or defeat will be
our victory or defeat. By long years of toil Chinese people overseas
have used the rich gifts of their national genius in developing the
lands which have become to them as a second homeland and now it
is to be hoped of them that they will loyally devote their energies
and resources to the assistance of those friendly nations among
whom they dwell, striving with all courage and vigor for the destruc-
tion of the common enemy and the attainment of final victory. They
must throw themselves according to their abilities into all descrip-
tions of war work, undertaking eagerly and without dissent what-
ever tasks may be allotted them by the governments under whose
authority they live. Their efforts may well prove not of less value
than the devotion of our soldiers on the battlefields of the Fatherland.
I am confident that all my fellow-countrymen abroad will worthily
respond to the hopes of their Fatherland, that they will demonstrate
the Chinese zeal for the cause of justice and accomplish the mission
that falls to us in this momentous period of human history.
CHIANG CHUNG-CHENG (Chiang Kai-shek)
645
103
Increase Our Fighting Strength
An address delivered at the opening of the Ninth
Plenary Session of the Central Executive Commit-
tee of the Kuomintang on December 15, 1941.
DECEMBER 15, 1941.
TW7E FIND this Session assembled within a few days of the begin-
ning of the Pacific war launched by Japan. Chinese resistance
and the world war against aggression have now merged into one con-
flict. China's position has consequently been very favorably affected.
Looking back over the past ten years we recall that China first suffered
from the enemy's attack and now after four years of furious combat
has at last gained the comradeship of other peace-loving nations in
the struggle against aggression. The story is one which is written
on a glorious page of our national history. Every member of the
Party should appreciate its significance and be inspired thereby.
It must not be thought that the Revolution is yet complete or the
national future without its perils; on the contrary, the present
moment sees the country in the throes of a crisis which it will either
survive or perish. If we do not achieve success in our revolutionary
work, we shall meet with failure. When we think of our failings in
the past and the heroic magnitude of the sacrifices made by our
fellow-citizens and soldiers, we must redouble our efforts to continue
our struggle that began ten years ago.
The work that faces this Session is of unusual moment. In a
spirit of comradeship and with complete sincerity we must take stock
of the errors of the past and devise measures of amendment. AH
outstanding Unsolved problems must be given solutions and unfinished
tasks carried to completion. Alt the same time, in relation to the
immediate needs during this period of Resistance and Reconstruction
there are two points to which our attention must be especially de-
voted. In the first place, we have to increase our fighting strength
to a point that will enable us worthily to play our part as one of the
powers fighting shoulder to shoulder against aggression. In the
646
INCREASE OUR FIGHTING STRENGTH
second place, a firm foundation for national reconstruction has to be
laid. Now is the time to fix our fundamental policy of reconstruc-
tion on the basis of the general principles already established. These
are two great aims for our work at this Session. We hope to arrive
at satisfactory decisions through careful deliberations.
In order to increase our fighting strength it is necessary more
fully to develop the total strength of the nation. This total strength
may be expressed in the armed forces, in the political, economic,
and social life of the country. During the past four and a half years
of war, however, the results obtained in the political, economic and
social spheres have not been ideal. A searching review of the situa-
tion reveals that the spiritual and material strength of the nation
remains at least fifty per cent and possibly as much as eighty or
ninety per cent undeveloped. Now that we find ourselves allied
to other friendly countries in a common cause, it is inconceivable
that we should continue in such slackness. Conscious of this, every
Party member and citizen should rouse himself to new and more
vigorous efforts. The survival of the nation depends upon whether
our military, political, economic and social affairs can be directed
along modern lines to yield their maximum strength. The moderniza-
tion of the national life and its adjustment in all respects to wartime
needs requires of us all a unanimous revitalization of our revolu-
tionary spirit, and such increased efficiency in our work as shall
assure the thorough execution of all the resolutions we shall arrive
at here.
In this time of war we must not think to defer reconstruction.
The war is for reconstruction, and reconstruction will contribute to
our fighting strength. The present period of national awakening is
singularly propitious for redoubled efforts in establishing the basis
for the political system of the Three People's Principles and the
Five Constitutional Rights. We have no immediate duty more im-
portant than that of carrying out the fundamental provisions of our
policy in reconstruction along the lines laid down in Dr. Sun's
Program of Reconstruction and our Program of Resistance and Re-
construction. Everything must be undertaken with a broad considera-
tion of the fundamental issues ; this is no time for short-sighted pre-
occupation with inessential details. On the one hand, we must set
about adjusting the functions of existing organizations ; on the other,
647
INCREASE DUE FIGHTING STRENGTH
we must observe the bearing of the present situation upon the basic
policy and system now operative in military, political and economic
affairs with a view to instituting necessary reforms. In this connec-
tion I have three points to make :
(1) Building up the basis of national strength. This is the
most important of the tasks essential to reconstruction. You must
all strive to train the people in the exercise of the four political rights
in preparation for the institution of popular sovereignty. Progress
with the new system of hsien (district or county) administration and
the introduction of local autonomy to all grades of administrative
districts must command your resolute efforts, to the end that after
the war the country can proceed immediately to a system of govern-
ment of the people, for the people and by the people.
(2) Utilizing the country's talented persons. For the pur-
pose of achieving success in Resistance and Reconstruction the Party
must draw into collaboration all non-Party men of ability who are
loyal to the country and the Three People's Principles. Another
point of great importance is the necessity of unifying the source of
military and political authority ; otherwise, if the attempt is made to
assert authority independently of the Central Government the resulting
disunity and disorder cannot but be highly injurious to the cause of
Resistance and Reconstruction. Disloyalty to nation and people is
intolerable in the eyes of every citizen, whether a member of the
Party or not. All patriotic and gifted fellow-countrymen, however,
are to be sought out and enlisted in the service of the nation. This
is one of the indispensable lines of action we have to discuss at
this Session.
(3) Carrying total mobilization into a new stage. The Central
Government has been promoting General National Mobilization since
the war began. The results of four years' work in this respect have
not, however, been entirely satisfactory. Now we find ourselves
ranged with the other great powers of the world in the struggle
against aggression and only determined replenishment of our strength
can suffice to meet the great call upon it. How the nation's resources
of all kinds are to be developed most effectively and how the social,
political and economic standards prevailing in our national life are
to be raised to a new level : these are questions this Session has to
deal with. China is one of the most ancient, extensive, densely popu-
648
INCREASE OUR FIGHTING STRENGTH
lated and potentially rich country in the world. That after four years
of resistance she is still so weak, and backward is wholly due to
our failure to develop our strength and concentrate our human and
material resources. With the consolidation of the anti-aggression
front, all the nations which compose it will have to achieve not
only military co-ordination but also effective sharing and interchange
of their human, and particularly, financial and material resources.
If we can now exploit the potential resources of our land with foreign
technical assistance, we shall certainly be victorious in war and suc-
cessful in building the strong and healthy new China which was Dr.
Sun's ideal.
I trust that this Session will also give its attention to the ad-
justment of administrative machinery and the simplification of legis-
lation to suit the wartime needs. In those affairs which are the Party's
own province we must be still more thorough in weeding out failings
and developing our revolutionary spirit of sacrifice and taking all
possible progressive measures. All of us here present must concen-
trate our powers of mind and spirit and decide upon the future policies
and administrative procedure governing our program of Resistance
and Reconstruction.
649
104
A New Outlook and New Efforts
New Year's message broadcast to the Chinese
people and army on New Year's Eve, 1941.
DECEMBER 31, 1941.
CINCE the Japanese precipitated war in the Pacific on December 8
Chinese resistance has entered upon a new phase. The war in
China has become a part of the world war. Our mission has taken
on fresh importance and the duties we have to fulfill will be much
heavier. We should have a new sense of cognizance and make new
efforts.
But the confidence of our people in the eventual defeat of Japan
has been rendered only the more secure. The Japanese adventure in
the Pacific may be likened to a draught of poison taken to quench
thirst. Their thirst for conquest was so acute that it induced them
to drink what they were perfectly well aware was poison. They have
thus gained a momentary alleviation of that thirst but the poison
will ultimately kill them. The successes of which they are now boast-
ing are that alleviation. Their final destruction will nevertheless in-
evitably overtake them.
In support of this assertion I wish to make three points. Firstly,
the three main policies of the Japanese their continental policy,
their policy of encroachment and dismemberment in China, and their
policy of non-participation in the European war have all been
defeated by our resistance. Their national policy having failed there
can be no question of their success in war.
Secondly, Japan formerly had but one enemy, China, but now
she faces four more : Great Britain, the United States, Australia and
the Soviet Union (for the latter being allied to Great Britain is to
be considered the enemy of Japan). China on the other hand has
acquired as many allies and has entered into the fullest possible
collaboration with them. Her strength has been increased more than
fourfold. In contrast, moreover, to the impossibility of Japan's direct
contact with her allies of the Axis, China enjoys satisfactory means
650
A NEW OUTLOOK AND NEW EFFORTS
of maintaining close contact with her allies. Thirdly, the strength of
Japan's four enemies, Great Britain, the United States, China and
the Soviet Union, far exceeds that of Japan in every respect. The
territory of any one of them is ten times greater than Japan's. She
would be no match for any one of them individually, not to speak
of an alliance of them all.
Though these are the facts the Chinese armies and people should
not permit themselves to form too low an estimate of the strength
of Japan. There are no good grounds for sanguine expectations of
an early victory over her. During the next few months vigorous
activity on the part of the Japanese is to be anticipated and bad news
may continue to come of the progress of operations in the Pacific.
The shadow of Japanese aggression is now looming over the Indian
Ocean and in time Burma and India may be threatened or even over-
run. It will of course prove no easy undertaking to cut our lines of
communication with the outside world as the enemy plans and desires
to do, and with the further extension of the fronts on which he fights
and the excessive demands upon his manpower involved he will
experience greater and greater embarrassment in maintaining his
lines of communication and supply and become exposed to the danger
of piecemeal destruction at the hands of the allies. Nevertheless we
ought to prepare ourselves for the worst possible situation that can
arise.
I believe that when a certain stage has been reached the allies
will find themselves in a position to inflict overwhelming punishment
upon the enemy on the sea and in the air as the preliminary to a
decisive rout of his forces on land. This is the hope which we need
have no doubt will be fulfilled in due course of time.
We must, however, on no account give ourselves up to over-
optimistic illusions as to the difficulties and perils of the future. "Men
help those who help themselves" remains a truth that knows no
change. We must endeavor to stand firm upon our own feet and
achieve the greatest possible measure of self-sufficiency. Then when
unexpected difficulties are encountered we shall not be disconcerted
or our success jeopardized. It is only upon a solid foundation built
now that success in the future can rest. Such a foundation will not
exist unless our society, administration, economy and education are
really adapted to the needs of war time, and without it even victory
651
A NEW OUTLOOK AND NEW EFFORTS
would be no guarantee of future well-being. Now therefore is the
time to renew our spirit and efforts and go forward with persever-
ance and endurance toward the realization of the Three People's
Principles.
I hope that all my fellow-countrymen will strive to render na-
tional mobilization more complete and effective, and eliminate all
slack conduct, going energetically about all that has to be done, and
exercising economy. No man but should be doing something of value
to the national war effort and none engaged in activities useless or
disadvantageous to it. All our wills and strength should be con-
centrated and our resources made to yield the maximum of utility
to the cause. We must prove worthy of our place in the ranks of
the forces fighting aggression and make of China a modern nation.
Thus we shall be able to drive out the invaders, overthrow the might
of the aggressors, establish the reign of justice and peace in the world,
fulfill the hopes of those who have suffered and died for the cause
and obey the teachings of Dr. Sun, the Father of the Republic.
I trust that my fellow-countrymen will welcome the New Year
with such a resolve and advance with unbounded enthusiasm and faith
toward the victory that will assuredly be ours.
652
103
Solidarity Between Burma and China
A message to the people of Burma,
nnWO years ago I had the pleasure of receiving and talking with
* members of the Burmese Goodwill Mission to China during
their visit in Chungking. I was then deeply impressed with the
sincerity of the Burmese people as friends and neighbors while it
was realized that co-operation and mutual assistance between our two
countries is a matter of prime importance.
Since the conclusion by all peace-loving nations of the world of
alliance against their common enemies following the outbreak of the
Pacific war, I have had the opportunity of visiting Burma on several
occasions as supreme commander directing military operations in the
Far East. While in your midst I witnessed with profound admiration
the colossal mountains and beautiful rivers as well as the rich re-
sources of various kinds in your beloved land. And above all I
found out the many virtues of your people similar to those of my own
which will always remind us of the solidarity between your country
and mine.
Now that the Japanese militarists have carried their war of ag-
gression into Burma with battles raging on land and sea and in the
air, I wish to bring you a message to tell you, my Burmese friends,
what I know to be for your own good.
Firstly: China has continued her armed resistance for nearly
.five years and during this period of time she has been able to hold
the enemy at bay while growing stronger in the meantime not be-
cause of her possession of superior weapons or extra financial power
but owing, first and foremost, to her indomitable spirit of Revolution
and abiding faith in Truth.
The Chinese Revolution, which aims at the achievement of
China's liberty on the one hand and her equality in the family of
nations on the other, has been proceeding unceasingly under the sole
guidance and inspiration of the Three Principles of the People as laid
down by Sun Yat-sen, Father of our Republic. These three basic
653
SOLIDARITY BETWEEN BURMA AND CHINA
Chinese revolutionary principles are, in English translation, called
"Nationalism," "Democracy" and "People's Livelihood/'
Promoting Nationalism, China strives for mutual assistance based
on Equality among all nations of the world, who are not to be divided
into aggressors and victims of aggression. We have thus been work-
ing over fifty years for co-operation with all nations treating us as
equal partners and at the same time trying to give to the weaker ones
in a common struggle against aggression.
In promoting Democracy we stand for the equal status before
law of all people in the land, who are not to be divided into oppressors
and oppressed but who are to exercise in full measure their rights of
Vote, Initiation, Repudiation and Referendum under a true Gov-
ernment of the People.
In promoting, further, the Principle of People's Livelihood we
labor for the realization of economic equality of the rank and file by
eliminating exploitation while laying the foundation for building
up a society of happiness for all through the use of scientific methods
in production as well as in distribution.
It is our firm conviction that all the turmoil from which the na-
tions of the world have been suffering is due to lack of a rational
solution of their respective questions pertaining to Nationalism,
Democracy and the People's Livelihood. It is precisely for this
reason that we have been striving all these years for the liberation
of China in particular and for the reconstruction of the world order
in general by incorporating the ancient Chinese virtues of Loyalty to
the State and Filial Piety, Benevolence, Faithfulness and Propriety,
and Peace on the one hand and such teachings as "Mending broken
lines of the worthy, raising the retired, suppressing disorder, and
sustaining those in danger" on the other, in the modern ideas and
ideals of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. These fundamental
human aspirations are, in our belief, shared by all nations of the
world without exception. It may truly be said that from this belief
China, as a nation, derives her characteristic strength and courage.
I am sure that the people of Burma, with their splendid Buddhist
tradition stressing Equality and Compassion, readily understand this
spiritual foundation of our nation.
Secondly : we are deeply convinced that Freedom is obtainable
only through acquisition of Truth plus vigorous action to let it assert
654
SOLIDARITY BETWEEN BURMA AMD CHINA
itself. For this principle millions of our people have martyred them-
selves during the past fifty years. These revolutionary martyrs have
gladly and unhesitatingly offered their lives for supreme sacrifice as
their duty as well as a privilege. China, as a matter of fact, owes
her present position in the world to the blood of her innumerable sons
and daughters who have fought for the nation's freedom instead of
waiting for miracles to take place as mere dreamers or opportunists
would do.
We are sure that our world can only be emancipated from all
things unfair and incompatible with Truth by the united efforts of
truth-defending peoples everywhere. All forces opposed to them,
however formidable they may be, can never succeed in keeping the
tide of Truth from rising in the world or in silencing the call of human
conscience when it rises. It is inevitable, in the belief of the Chinese
people, that all old forces of Evil will be replaced by the world's new
forces of Good. Looking back over our past achievements we gather
fresh vigor and courage for carrying forward the Revolution. It is
my earnest hope that the people of Burma will from now on march
abreast with us fighting for our common victory.
Thirdly : we are equally convinced that this war is by no means
like any of the past human conflicts in which a number of strong
nations sought military supremacy for themselves. Rather it is one
between Right and Might, between Good and Evil. The aggressor
and anti-aggression camps are now, more than ever, clearly divided
while the eight-point joint declaration made by President Roosevelt
of the United States and Prime Minister Winston Churchill of Britain
has become the generally accepted basis for the reconstruction of
world peace. All those peace-loving and justice-upholding nations
who are able to do their share in defeating the Axis will have their
own freedom and all that the future world has to give them guaran-
teed which no one can keep them from getting.
Like individual persons, however, the nations now fighting ag-
gression together have much to learn from the Chinese saying, that
"to keep a high purpose in view, one must not allow one's mind to be
upset." For, in this war, any nation fallen an easy prey to the
enemy's promise of false benefits or to his weight of temporary force
in the vain hope of getting to its goal by chance that may be found
in the hand of a devil, with no desire to make an effort of its own
655
SOLIDARITY BETWEEN BURMA AMD CHINA
for the sake of Truth in pursuit of its cherished freedom, is but like
opening its door to the proverbial wolf from whose deadly jaws it will
soon find it impossible to escape.
If, for instance, Germany, Italy and Japan whose notorious
nationalistic theories place their own peoples as superior to all other
races, should win this war and if their so-called new order should
ever prevail in the world, it would naturally follow that all other
nations will be thrown into enslavement from which they can never
expect to emerge. The sad plight of all Frenchmen, Belgians and
Poles under German domination today, the Italian tyranny in Abys-
sinia yesterday, and Japan's cruel and callous treatment of the people
of Korea and Formosa in recent decades are too familiar examples
to cite*
For many years Japan has employed all conceivable means of
treachery in order to subjugate China and during the past five years
she has committed every crime of brutality against our people in
areas under her military occupation. Having seen and, on the part
of many of the less fortunate ones, tasted the lot of peoples under
Japanese rule for so long, the Chinese people well know that if a
country should ever be completely conquered by the Japanese militar-
ists its people would not as they could not have even a semblance of
the freedom as the Burmese people still have today in carrying on
their own political activities. It is unimaginable that any thoughtful
person could fail to see this point and be deceived by the enemy.
Hence, I am confident that leaders of the Burmese people will be able
to give serious consideration to this issue and act accordingly.
Chinese troops are now arriving in Burma in increasing numbers
and as they continue to fight shoulder to shoulder with our Allied
forces it is of imperative importance that they have the sympathy and
assistance of the Burmese people.
For more than twenty years I have led the Chinese Army and in
training my officers and men I have always emphasized the Three
Principles of the People, making sure that soldiers join hands with
the civilian population wherever they may go and thus become the
armed strength of the people themselves. Our troops are now in your
midst for the purpose of helping the Burmese people to put the Japa-
nese invaders out of your borders. They are never to be allowed to
do any damage to your civilian property as any acts on their part that
656
SOLIDARITY BETWEEN BURMA AMD CHINA
might inconvenience the people would, in every case, be severely dealt
with. It is hoped that you, my Burmese friends, will thoroughly
understand the mission of our men fighting on your soil and extend
to them your full co-operation.
The Chinese people and the people of JBurma are now, like
two brothers, bound to help each other. Already we are prepared to
receive some of your leading Buddhist scholars coming over as
visiting exponents of Buddhism in this country. I trust that you will
also appreciate our welcome to students from Burma whose education
has been interrupted by war but who can, when they are with us,
resume their school life in China enjoying the same privileges as our
own boys and girls.
People of Burma : it is your sacred duty to rise now in defense
of your beloved fatherland. It is your duty to resist the enemy's
intensified operations, giving every possible assistance to the other
Allied forces white denouncing with the rest of the world the few
who have betrayed the cause of your country by serving the enemy in
fifth-column activities.
China is determined, in carrying out the principles in which she
holds her faith, to help Burma attain the freedom she deserves after
the conclusion of war. To this I call the attention of all the people
of Burma.
657
106
Chinese and Indians Have the Same Destiny
The Generalissimo and Madame Chiang Kai-shek
paid a visit to India in February, 1942. An eye-
witness of their arrival in New Delhi said, "Never
before had India had the opportunity of greeting so
great a statesman, who was yet a man of the people.
It was an event, unique and historic." The first
speech here is the Generalissimo's reply to the Vice-
roy's address of welcome at the reception held in
the Durbar Hall of the Viceroy's house. The sec-
ond is his reply to the toast proposed by the Vic^e-
roy at the banquet on February 10.
FEBRUARY 9, 1942.
BEHALF of the people of China, I wish to thank you for this
cordial welcome which you have extended to Madame Chiang and
myself. I am happy to have this opportunity of visiting India, one
of our allies, and China's brotherly neighbor. The subject of my
visit is to have personal exchange of views with Your Excellency,
the members of your Government and prominent men in Indian public
life in order to secure more effective united efforts against aggression.
I fully appreciate the importance of our meeting.
As Your Excellency has pointed out, the spiritual bonds be-
tween our two countries are no new development ; no mere growth of
yesterday. In days almost legendary, Chinese seekers after truth
found their way to India after years of perilous travel through arid
deserts and over sky-reaching mountains to drink at the inexhaustible
fountain of Indian philosophy. They took back to their motherland,
in the face of indescribable dangers and difficulties, the priceless
volumes which embodied the wisdom of India.
I am appreciative of Your Excellency's reference to the cultural
background between the two peoples. Without doubt, it was partly
owing to its existence that the Indian nation was moved to express
deep sympathy with us from the moment that we began our war of
658
CHINESE AND INDIANS HAVE THE SAME DESTINY
resistance. The enemy now the common enemy tried every ex-
pedient to divert that sympathy to himself. India was not misled
for a moment. When Japan made perfidious offers of friendship, the
illustrious Poet Tagore in noble language voiced the burning indig-
nation which India felt in being asked to grasp in amity a blood-
stained hand.
I am further grateful to Your Excellency for the tribute you
paid to the Founder of the Republic of China, Dr. Sun Yat-sen. The
principles which he has bequeathed to us have been responsible for the
new spirit that has inspired the Chinese people to do their share in
making a better world for mankind.
It is now China's turn to show her appreciation of what India
has done for her in a realistic way. The extension of the war to the
South Pacific has brought the invasion of this country within the
realm of possibility. Any attempted attack on India by Japan would
have to be through Burma. The threat through Burma was one of
the subjects discussed by me and General Sir Archibald Wavell, when
he paid his flying visit to Chungking a month ago. An arrangement
has already been made for the dispatch of Chinese troops to Burma
to assist in its defense. The first steps have thus been jointly taken
to safeguard India from a landwise invasion from the east by using
Chinese experience and manpower. On the north and east, China is
India's shield from land invasion. China is proud and glad that it
is so.
Excellency, you have very kindly mentioned that China has been
the first to take up arms in this world struggle for freedom. While
this is true, I wish to point out that during the last four and a half
years of our resistance to aggression, we have been spiritually sus-
tained and materially assisted by His Majesty's Government, and by
the people of the British Empire. I bring to Your Excellency, His
Majesty's Representative in India, the heartfelt thanks of the Chinese
Army and people.
Now that we are comrades-in-arms, standing shoulder to
shoulder against aggression, Your Excellency's enlightened leadership
constitutes a great contribution to the common cause. At the same
time I am fully conscious of the added responsibility that has fallen
upon my shoulders. We pledge to our valued ally, who occupies an
important and unique position, our friendship and co-operation in at-
659
CHINESE AND INDIANS HAVE THE SAME DESTINY
tabling our common goal which is to defeat aggression and ensure
victory for the democratic front.
FEBRUARY 10, 1942.
YOUR EXCELLENCIES, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN :
VTOUR Excellency has done Madame Chiang Kai-shek and myself a
signal honor which we deeply appreciate. You have been very
generous in your praise of our personal endeavors. In those nearly
five strenuous years of which you have spoken our contribution has not
been as great as we wished. It is the united people of China, who,
true to their ideals, have borne the brunt of the battle for democracy.
Since Japan's first invasion of Chinese soil, they have been rising to-
gether to higher heights of philosophy, patriotism, unselfishness, cour-
age, endurance, and generosity with but one aim : out of the agonizing
sufferings and losses that have been inflicted upon us, there* shall arise
a new world in which men and women can live in peace and happi-
ness.
Since the outbreak of the Pacific War, China and India have
been drawn closer together. In the midst of the trial of war, I have
availed myself of the first opportunity to visit India, our ally, in
order to get better acquainted with her potentialities and the possibil-
ity of her contribution to the joint cause. I am glad that I have come
and have learned much during my short stay here. We have a
Chinese saying : "To have one look at things is a hundred times more
satisfactory than hearsay." I am truly impressed with the greatness
of India.
Your Excellency, it is a great pleasure for us to meet you and
know you. Your knowledge of Indian affairs is extensive, and your
statesmanship is profound. You have made me feel that I may draw
without stint upon the richness of your wisdom. Excellency, Lady
Linlithgow, your unbounded interest in social work was known to us
before our visit. We should like to convey to you our sincere esteem.
You have spoken of the Prime Minister of Great Britain, Mr.
Churchill. Since this great leader assumed office, I have been in as
close personal touch as the distance which lies between him and me
has permitted, and I have found in him stimulation and encourage-
ment.
660
CHINESE AND INDIANS HAVE THE SAME DESTINY
Your Excellency has spoken of the presence of Chinese troops in
Burma. When I saw General Sir Archibald Wavell in Chungking, I
told him that he could count on China's co-operation and assistance
in joint resistance against aggression, I have done my best to make
this promise good. This is no merit. It is the duty of one ally to
another.
Ladies and Gentlemen, I now have the honor to propose the
health of Their Excellencies the Viceroy and Lady Linlithgow.
661
107
A Wartime Way of Life
A radio message to the nation on February 18,
1942, on the eighth anniversary of the founding o]
the New Life Movement.
FEBRUARY 18, 1942.
T HAVE frequently pointed out that in promoting the New Life
A Movement my aim has been to have the people lead a life adapted
to the demands of war time. A way of life compatible with wartime
conditions is necessary to the existence of a nation in present times.
Complete national mobilization requires such a way of life. It re-
quires of every citizen a change of attitude and a reform of habits.
People of either sex and of all ages, at the front or in the rear, must
act as members of one compact and unified fighting body.
Though our nation has been engaged for nearly five years in this
War of Resistance complete national mobilization has not yet been
achieved. There is still almost as much laxity and negligence to be
observed as in normal times. Our society is not yet a wartime society,
nor our economy a wartime economy, nor our education wartime edu-
cation. This is undeniably a great shortcoming in the record of
resistance and in that of the New Life Movement. Our war effort
will have to be much enlarged in scope and assume a far more
vehement character. We must devote ourselves with greater energy
to the cause if victory is to be won, our nation rehabilitated and the
world liberated.
You must all be aware that modern war is not a mere matter of
military operations. It involves the whole strength and all the re-
sources of the nation. Not only soldiers, but also all citizens without
exception take part. The latter must conceive the national peril as
affecting them personally, must consent to the endurance of all
necessary hardships, and must abandon private freedom and satis-
faction when discipline and the public interest demand it. Vigor of
mind and body must be put at the service of the state. Wealth and
resources must be conserved to meet the needs of warfare. An
662
A WARTIME WAY OF LIFE
atmosphere of urgency and vigilance should pervade society. Those
in a position to indulge themselves should forego indulgence and those
not in such a position should regard indulgence as disreputable.
In a society where this is so, life will conform to the exigencies
of war time. That is, the nation's interest will be held supreme and
victory will be held the proper goal of all citizens 1 efforts. The State
will exercise its rights of controlling the people's life and restricting
their consumption of resources, and the people will fulfill their duty
of compliance with this control. In this respect China has formerly
been backward. I trust that there will be now a thorough realization
of the needs of war time and that citizens will watch over one an-
other in such a way that those whose sense of patriotism is weak may
be admonished and guided into better courses.
In December of last year the Ninth Plenary Session of the
Central Executive and Supervisory Committee of the Party (Kuo-
mintang) approved an "Outline of Provisions for National Mobiliza-
tion." On the basis of this the Government is soon to issue ordinances
with the main object of controlling and developing those human and
material resources that have not yet been exploited, of restricting
consumption and adjusting production and supply of commodities,
and of defining every citizen's war duties. These ordinances must be
obeyed by all without attempts at evasion.
I believe that to this end the methods and organization of the
New Life Movement may best serve as a basis for informing and
guiding the public mind. In this way the Government's enactments
can be more effectively put into force, and points which those enact-
ments do not cover will not go unnoticed.
The execution of the scheme of national mobilization will in part
be undertaken by the New Life Movement Headquarters, by the
responsible heads of Government organizations, teachers in schools
and local administrative personnel. The Headquarters has already
decided to concentrate in its work this year upon the promotion of
national service. This will mean the cultivation of a spirit of mutual
helpfulness and encouragement in the task of adjusting national ways
of life to the demands of war time. It must not be forgotten that
this can only be done by insistence on the moral values of propriety,
justice, honesty and integrity. We must endeavor to foster a spirit
of hardiness, earnestness and trustworthiness. The weak-minded
663
A WARTIME WAY OF LIFE
and frivolous, those impatient of trial and trouble, those who lay blame
and responsibility upon others, those who are reckless of the success
of the national policies and of military exigencies are unfitted to be
citizens of a nation at war and are ripe for utilization as tools of
the enemy.
Sense of responsibility, respect for discipline, and clarity of moral
judgment form the basis of worthy conduct in war time. The
struggle must never be absent from our minds. We must be con-
stantly prepared for sacrifices. We must go about all we do with
seriousness and alertness. Victory then may be confidently expected
and the success of reconstruction may be held assured.
664
108
One Half of tke World's People
Farewell address to the people of India, on the eve
of Generalissimo Chiang's departure for China,
read by Madame Chiang and broadcast from the
Calcutta station of All India Radio, on February
21, 1942.
FEBRUARY 21, 1942.
"TOURING my two weeks' stay in India, I have had the opportunity
of discussing very frankly with the highest civil and military
authorities, as well as with my Indian friends, questions concerning
joint plans against aggression and the objective of our common efforts.
I am happy to find that there was full sympathy and general under-
standing between us. My mission is now drawing to a close. On the
eve of my departure I wish to bid farewell to all my friends in India
and to thank you for the many kindnesses showered upon Madame
and myself. The briefness of my stay has not permitted me to tell
the Indian peopk all that I wished to say. I avail myself of this
opportunity to address to them the following message. It is the
expression of my high and warm regard and long-cherished hopes
for India, it comes from the depth of my heart.
Since my arrival in this country I have found to my great satis-
faction that there exists among the people of India unanimous deter-
mination to oppose aggression. China and India comprise one-half
of the world's population. Their common frontier extends to 3,000
kilometers. In the 2,000 years' history of their intercourse, which
has been of a purely cultural and commercial character, there has
never been an armed conflict. Indeed, nowhere else can one find so
long a period of uninterrupted peace between two neighboring coun-
tries. This is irrefutable proof that our two peoples are peace-loving
by nature.
Today they have not only identical interests but also the same
destiny. For this reason they are in duty bound to side with the anti-
665
ONE HALF OF THE WORLD'S PEOPLE
aggression countries and fight shoulder to shoulder in order to secure
real peace for the whole world.
Moreover, our two peoples have an outstanding virtue in com-
mon, namely, the noble spirit of self-sacrifice for the sake of justice
and righteousness. It is this traditional spirit which should move
them to self-negation for the salvation of mankind. It is also this
spirit which has prompted China to be the first to take up arms
against aggression and, in the present war, to ally herself unhesi-
tatingly with the anti-aggression countries, not merely for the purpose
of securing her own freedom, but also for the purpose of securing
justice and freedom for all mankind.
I venture to suggest to my brethren, the people of India, that at
this most critical moment in the history of civilization our two peoples
should exert themselves to the utmost in the cause of freedom for all
mankind, for only in a free world could the Chinese and Indian
peoples obtain their freedom. Furthermore, should freedom be denied
to either China or India, there could be no real peace in the world.
The present international situation divides the world into two
camps, the aggression camp and the anti-aggression camp. All those
who are opposed to aggression and are striving for the freedom of
their country and mankind should join the anti-aggression camp.
There is no middle course and there is no time to wait for develop-
ments. Now is the crucial moment for the whole future of mankind.
The issue before us does not concern the dispute of any one man or
country; nor does it concern any specific questions pending between
one people and another. Any people therefore which joins the anti-
aggression front may be said to co-operate, not with any particular
country, but with the entire front.
This leads us to believe that the Pacific war is a turning point
in the history of nationalism. The method, however, by which the
peoples of the world could attain their freedom might be different
from what it used to be. The anti-aggression nations now expect
that in this new era the people of India should voluntarily bear their
full share of responsibility in the present struggle for the survival of
a free world in which India must play a part. A vast majority of
the world's opinion is in full sympathy with India's aspiration for
freedom. This sympathy, which is so valuable and so difficult to
666
ONE HALF OF THE WORLD'S PEOPLE
obtain, cannot be appraised in terms of money or material and should
therefore by all means be retained.
The present struggle is one between freedom and slavery, between
light and darkness, between good and evil, between resistance and
aggression. Should the anti-aggression front lose the war, the
civilization of the world would suffer a setback for at least a hundred
years and there would be no end to human sufferings.
So far as Asia is concerned, the cruelties committed by Japanese
militarists are beyond description. The sufferings and oppression
which have been the fate of Formosans and Koreans since their
subjugation by Japan should serve as a warning. As regards the
barbarities committed by the Japanese army since our War of
Resistance, the fall of Nanking in December, 1937, is a case in point,
Over 200,000 civilians were massacred within one week. For the last
five years the civilian population in free China have been subjected,
almost daily, to bombings from the air and bombardment by heavy
artillery. In every place invaded by the Japanese troops, men,
women and children were either assaulted or killed. Young men and
educated people received their special attention with the result that
men of intelligence and ideas have been tortured. Nor is this all.
Institutions of culture, objects of historical interest and value, and
even articles necessary for livelihood, such as cooking utensils,
plows, tools and domestic animals have been either forcibly taken
away or destroyed. In places under Japanese military occupation
rape, rapine, incendiarism and murder are of frequent occurrence.
Moreover, they have with official connivance everywhere opened
opium dens, gambling houses and houses of ill-fame in order to sap
the vitality of the people and destroy their spirit. Such is the
disgraceful conduct of the Japanese, the like of which is not to be
found in countries invaded by the other aggressor nations. What
I have just said is but an inadequate description of the true state
of affairs as reported by Chinese and foreign eyewitnesses.
In these horrible times of savagery and brute force the people
of China and their brethren, the people of India, should, for the
sake of civilization and human freedom, give their united support to
the principles embodied in the Atlantic Charter and in the joint
declaration of 26 nations and ally themselves with the anti-aggression
front. I hope they will wholeheartedly join the Allies, namely,
667
ONI HALF OF THE WORLD'S PEOPLE
China, Great Britain, America and the Soviet Union, and participate
shoulder to shoulder in the struggle for the survival of a free world
until complete victory is achieved and the duties incumbent upon
them in these troubled times have been fully discharged.
Lastly, I sincerely hope, and I confidently believe, that our
ally, Great Britain, without waiting for any demands on the part of
the people of India, will as speedily as possible give them real politi-
cal power so that they may be in a position further to develop
their spiritual and material strength and thus realize that their par-
ticipation in the war is not merely an aid to the anti-aggression
nations for securing victory, but also a turning point in their struggle
for India's freedom. From an objective point of view, I am of the
opinion that this would be the wisest policy which will redound to
the credit of the British Empire.
668
109
To the Flying Tigers, Salute
Upon their return from India and Burma, Gen-
eralissimo and Madame Chiang Kai-shek gave a
dinner in Kunming on February 28, 1942, in honor
of the American Volunteer Group of the Chinese
Air Force. Speeches made by the Generalissimo,
Colonel Claire L. Chennault, commanding officer
of the A. V. C., and Madame Chiang are repro-
duced herewith in that order.
FEBRUARY 28, 1942.
COLONEL CHENNAULT, OFFICERS AND MEN :
rPO BE with you American Volunteers here today, to observe your
excellent spirit and hear of your achievements fills me with delight
and admiration. The American Volunteer Group of the Chinese Air
Force has acquired a world-wide reputation for greatest courage.
It is three months since the Japanese, our common enemy,
picked their quarrel with Great Britain and the United States. The
splendid victories the Volunteer Group has won in the air are a
glory that belongs to China and our ally America alike.
I have already communicated the news of your repeated successes
to your government and President Roosevelt. The record of what
yoiv have done shows that every one of you has been a match for
thirty or more of the enemy. Your friends and relations will un-
doubtedly have felt boundless pride and elation to hear of your
exploits.
The blows you have struck at the Japanese have put you in the
forefront of the Allied forces fighting the aggressor. You have
established a firm foundation of the campaign against his lawlessness
which China and America are united to wage. You have written in
the history of this world war a remarkable page the memory of which
will live in our minds forever.
As the Supreme Commander of the Allied forces operating in
the China theater of war, I am entertaining you today as my comrades-
669
TO THE FLYING TIGERS, SALUTE
in-arms and on behalf of my four hundred and fifty million fellow-
countrymen I salute you, confident that you will continue, together
with all the Allied forces in Burma, to display your valor until final
victory is won over our common enemy.
Since you are under my command, I wish to impress upon you
your identity with all the other men serving in the Chinese armed
forces ; your lives are one with theirs and mine ; your good name is
one with theirs and mine. I act toward you as I act toward other
members of the Chinese Air Force. I shall extend to those of your
comrades who have given their lives the same marks of distinction
and the same care for their families and children. For this I hold
myself responsible. I trust that you will perform your duties free
from any anxiety on this score. Your task is great. When victory
is ours I hope to celebrate together with you our successful issue of
the war in Tokyo.
COLONEL CHENNAULT'S RESPONSE.
MEMBERS OF THE A. V. G. :
TVTEVER before in history do I know of any military unit such
as ours having been accorded the honor such as comes to us
tonight. No matter how many decorations we may have bestowed
on us in the future I am sure we will never receive more honor than
we have received tonight. For five years I have followed the General-
issimo to the best of my ability and I know him to be a leader of the
highest principles and greatest determination. He is a leader who
prefers death to compromise. He is a leader, not only of China, but
of the entire Allied effort. It is easy for us Americans to follow
such a leader.
In addition to Madame Chiang's work in aviation she is also the
leader of all the women in China. The orphans and widows of China
come to her either directly or through the agencies which she has
set up and all receive aid. To me, she is the mother of China.
During this time millions of Chinese soldiers have gone to the
fronts and have been killed and seriously wounded. Orphans have
been left in the ruins of their homes and in the fields. All of these
needed aid and they have been given that aid as rapidly as possible.
And now there will be thousands more to feed and educate, to receive
medical attention.
One problem, of course, is to provide the money for this. It
670
TO THE FLYING TIGERS. SALUTB
takes money to do all these things, probably less in China than else-
where but even in China money is needed to buy these things.
Madame Chiang's generosity is boundless. Her shoulders are always
willing to take on additional burdens, but if money is lacking to
provide the necessities her work must suffer. I would be unable to
recite all that Madame Chiang has accomplished ; however, one thing
I have not yet mentioned. When the organization of this Group was
first discussed in America I was asked for recommendations as to
how it would be handled in China. The first thing that I insisted
upon was that Madame Chiang should act as our chief staff officer,
that Madame Chiang should serve as liaison staff officer between the
Generalissimo and the Group. And although she has hundreds of
activities that require a great deal of her time she consented to this
because of her eagerness for China to have effective military aviation.
So even though you are unconscious of the fact, Madame Chiang has
been Honorary Group Commander and Staff Officer of this Group
since its organization and I would like to present her tonight as our
Honorary Group Commander.
MADAME CHIANG'S SPEECH.
COLONEL CHENNAULT, MEMBERS OF THE A. V. G. AND OTHER
FRIENDS :
A S YOUR Honorary Commander may I call you my boys ? You
^ have flown across the Pacific in China's gravest hour on wings
of hope and faith. For this reason not only does the Chinese Air
Force but the entire Chinese nation welcome you with outstretched
arms. The Generalissimo has already spoken to you of the fine and
brave deeds you have done and he has called the A. V. G. the world's
bravest air force.
I am very proud tonight that I have had a little share in making
it possible for you to fight for China. When I think of the life-
and-death struggle which China has passed through these last five
years I have before my mind's eye the millions of our people who
have been killed or wounded and others who had to flee from Japa-
nese cannon, machine guns and bombers. I also see the rivers of
blood which have flowed over our territory, the very life blood of
China's fairest manhood. I think of the tens of thousands of our
women whose honor has been violated by the Japanese and the hun-
dreds of thousands of our little children who have been killed and
671
TO THE FLYING TIGERS, SALUTE
maimed or else taken to Japan to be trained as traitors to their
motherland.
And now you have come here to vindicate us. We have always
been resolved to fight until final victory is ours but we lack the air
arm which you are now providing. You have come to fight side by
side with us. For this I wish to express our heartfelt thanks.
Colonel Chennault has taken an active part in Chinese resistance
during the last five years. You boys know him personally. You
know what an admirable commander he is and how very selfless.
The only complaint I have against him is that he is never satisfied with
his own work. I venture to say, too, that he also thinks that you
ought to have more work regardless of how much you already have.
Colonel Chennault has just introduced me as Honorary Com-
mander of the A. V. G. I think I am prouder of this title than any
other title I've had, because I know that you are not only fighting
with your bodies and your skill, you are fighting with your hearts and
spirits. Just now Colonel Chennault brought to me two of your very
fine comrades who have braved death today in the air. They forgot
themselves entirely while fighting the enemy because they knew that,
although they might have to make the final sacrifice, their comrades
would carry on the great work which the A. V. G. has set for itself.
This spirit, I feel, is the secret of the A. V. G.'s successes.
I was asked a little while ago by one of my officers, "Madame
Chiang, some of the A. V. G. pilots are shooting down so many planes
that we won't have room enough on the wings for all the stars which
they merit. What shall we do about it ?" I told him, "We shall have
to provide them with an additional pair of wings/' And that is what
we will have to do if you all keep up the score.
Although you are here in China I am sure often your minds
and your hearts fly back to your loved ones in America, and for this
reason I am glad that America is now realizing that China is not
fighting for China alone but for America and for the whole world.
You, in giving the best that is in you, are doing it for your own coun-
try as well as for China. Time and again your Commanding Officer
has dinned into your ears the necessity for discipline. Hateful word,
isn't it ? Discipline in the air, discipline on the field, and yet without
discipline we can accomplish nothing and I, as your Honorary Com-
manding Officer, am going to din more discipline into you.
672
TO THE FLYING TIGXRS, SALUTE
I would go further than Colonel Chennault. I mean the dis-
cipline of your inner selves. It isn't enough to observe discipline only.
We must have inner discipline so that we may have fully developed
characters. However, I am not trying to make you little plaster saints
and I am quite human enough to like interesting people, but I do
want you boys to remember one thing : the whole of the Chinese nation
has taken you to its heart and I want you to conduct yourselves in a
manner worthy of the great traditions that you have built up. I want
you to leave an impression on my people, a true impress of what
Americans really are. I trust and I know that you will act worthily
wherever you are in China.
Forgive me for speaking to you like that. Perhaps I should be
very polite and say, "Boys, you are just grand. You are little angels
with or without wings." But you are my boys. I can speak to you
freely. I know that you will understand when I say that I hope every
one of you, whether in the air or on the ground, will remember that
you are China's guests and that everything you do will reflect credit
upon the country which I love next to my own, America, where as
you know I was educated and which I always look upon as my second
home.
Colonel Chennault just now said something which rather em-
barrassed me. He spoke to you about my needing money to carry
on relief work. I know that money is necessary, Colonel, but I don't
want to rope you boys in tonight for this purpose. If I had this
dinner would be very hard to digest so I didn't do that, but I do
want to thank you for what you voluntarily contributed to the war
orphans during Christmas. Please don't feel that you have to con-
tribute now, that's one thing I beg of you.
Just one final word. War is not only a matter of equipment,
artillery, ground troops or air force ; it is largely a matter of spirit,
or morale. When I came into this room I felt at once how very keyed-
up you are Now that you have been fighting for a few months you
are full of enthusiasm and pep. That is a good thing, but the greater
thing is to gather momentum as each day goes by and not let your-
self be discouraged no matter what happens, because as you soar
into the skies you are writing in letters of flame on the horizon certain
eternal truths for the world to see : First, the indomitable courage of
the Chinese people ; Second, the indestructible spirit of the Chinese
673
TO THE FLYING TIGERS, SALUTE
Army; and Third, the deathless soul of the Chinese nation. And so,
whatever you do, wherever you are, remember that such is the China
which you have come to assist.
I would like all of you to get up and drink a toast to the two
great sister nations facing each other across the Pacific. They now
have a bond of friendship and sympathy which serves us well in the
crucible of war and which will serve us equally when victory has
been won.
674
110
The Duties of a Vanguard
A message broadcast to the whole nation on
March 12, 1942, on the third anniversary o\ the
Spiritual Mobilization Movement.
MARCH 12, 1942.
T^HREE years have passed since the Program of Spiritual Mobili-
zation was issued. During these three years the nation has
passed through many difficulties and immense changes have taken
place in the international situation. By their resolute and tenacious
resistance to the aggressor the Chinese people have caused the world
to hail their spirit as a citadel of world peace and the enemy to realize
the moral strength of that spirit as inviolable. Since the outbreak
of war in the Pacific, China has no longer been resisting the Japa-
nese single-handed; she is now fighting shoulder to shoulder with
all those other nations opposing the aggressors as her allies. She
has become the sole base of Allied operations in Asia, our responsi-
bility has accordingly grown more onerous, and our task more diffi-
cult. Apart from our responsibility for the future of our own
nation, we are now charged with the mission of preserving human
civilization and international justice. The spectacle of China's
indefatigable and unflinching resistance has inspired the other nations
allied against aggression with faith in their cause and stimulated
the morale of all the countries of the democratic bloc. It is there-
fore more important than ever before that we should exert our-
selves and rid our conduct of all indolence and negligence, which
may now damage the interests of our allies as well as bring irre-
trievable ruin upon unborn generations of our own people. In
initiating the struggle against the aggressors we assumed the duties
of a vanguard, and we must continue to stand with rock-like firm-
ness in the flow of world events. Such must be our present thought
and purpose.
On New Year's Day I uttered a warning : "During the next few
months vigorous activity on the part of the Japanese is to be anti-
675
THE DUTIES OF A VANGUARD
cipated and bad news may continue to come of the progress of opera-
tions in the Pacific. We must prepare ourselves for the worst pos-
sible situation that can arise. The shadow of Japanese aggression
is now looming over the Indian Ocean and in time Burma and
India may be threatened or even overrun." I made this prediction
because whereas the Japanese had been preparing and planning for
over twenty years to carve up the resources of the Pacific, the
friendly countries concerned, having pursued a policy of peace and
good faith, found themselves off their guard and were bound to
suffer initial reverses as a result. On the same occasion I explained :
"We shall have to wait until, with the further extension of the fronts
on which the enemy is fighting and the excessive demands upon
his manpower involved, he experiences such embarrassment in main-
taining his lines of communication that he is exposed to the danger
of piecemeal destruction at the hands of the Allies. Then they will
be in a position to inflict overwhelming punishment upon him and
finally rout him decisively." That time is now rapidly drawing near,
and the collapse of the enemy will soon begin.
The history of past wars is full of examples of early successes
won by those who are disastrously defeated in the end. At the
present time four of the largest nations in the world, China, America,
Britain, and Soviet Russia are united in an alliance absolutely
superior in resources of men and material to the Axis bloc. Our
enemy has taken the evil course to make us his slaves; we for
our part have made our aim the freedom and equality of status for
our people. On his side the motive is self-seeking; on ours it is
justice. Justice is always triumphant over greed. We must realize
that for all his overbearing outward manner the enemy is inwardly
disheartened, only because he knows he is making war without any
just or upright cause. The more territory his soldiers seize the
remoter seems the final goal of their campaign. If this is under-
stood it will be realized that it is only natural for the enemy to make
desperate or risky moves in his conduct of the war, but both the
spiritual and material factors involved ensure his final defeat.
With us time is of more importance than space, and at present it is
for us to stand firm and steel our hearts to endure.
Let us now review the activities of the Spiritual Mobilization
Movement during the past three years and ascertain to what degree
676
THE DUTIES OF A VANGUARD
they have come up to the standards we set ourselves. Have we
done all possible to make up for our material handicaps? To what
extent have we achieved a distribution of our resources suited to
wartime needs? Many difficulties have certainly been overcome
through the development of our national spirit, but we have yet to
go far in developing it to the utmost. This national spirit has
been formed through the care and teaching of sages and philosophers
throughout the five thousands years of our history ; it has penetrated
so deeply into the life of our people that its strength is now like
the irresistible flow of a great river. We must now employ this
strength in generating and conserving material power. During the
past five years of war the international status of our country has
been steadily improving; now we must strive further to exploit our
strong points and remedy our weak points. Dr. Sun often empha-
sized the fact that an effective use of weapons depends far more upon
the spirit with which men fight than upon the quality of the weapons.
In making use of our material resources we must adopt an ordered
and organized process, and in rendering our work efficient disci-
pline and morale are the most essential factors. Spiritual mobili-
zation is therefore the most urgent side of the actual prosecution
of the war.
In the first place, we must give full play to our national tradi-
tion of inflexible resolution, which in the course of our history has
produced so many glorious examples of devotion and courage and
called forth the admiration of the world. This is a spirit of humility
in time of success and fortitude in the hour of failure. We shall be
shaken by nothing if we can maintain such a determination springing
from inward conviction, making it the center for the concentration
of our will and strength. We shall be prepared to do our whole
duty in Resistance and Reconstruction in this vital stage of the war
if we continue to manifest the ethical ideals that are our national
heritage. China is called upon to furnish the world with a pillar of
rectitude founded upon those ideals, the philosophic basis for
which our educationalists should interpret and stress in the teaching
of the young. They must bring to the fore the historical continuity
of Chinese ethical doctrines and the robust and independent view of
life expressed therein. I have already pointed out to youth its
obligation to carry forward the cultural movement based upon the
677
THE DUTIES OF A VANGUARD
Three People's Principles for the purpose of initiating the philosophy
of national independence and developing the positive spirit of na-
tional reconstruction. In the fifth paragraph of the Program of
Spiritual Mobilization allusion is made to the need for a spirit of
resilient and positive vitality. In educating the young every effort
must be made to guard against tendencies to reckless, irrational
and abandoned conduct and to cultivate a selfless patriotism and
public-spiritedness. Haphazard and slothful habits of thought
and life are to be displaced by preciseness and self-reliance. In
this way we shall be applying our national philosophy to the actual
needs of our time.
In the second place we must develop the scientific side of na-
tional defense. As the existence of the nation depends upon defense,
so does defense also depend upon science. We are nationally handi-
capped by our inadequate material provision for defense, and the
chief reason for this is to be found in the small use we have made of
scientific technique. Here the Movement has a remedy to offer;
it provides for the mobilization of national ability for the purposes
of research and investigation into scientific means of warfare. Mod-
ern weapons are constantly being improved upon and fresh devices
to meet them are progressively discovered. Arms for attacking
tanks, contrivances for protection against magnetic mines, detector
apparatus in air defense are all proof of the great part played in
modern warfare by the inventive brains of scientists. It is impera-
tively necessary that our scientists and scientific strength should be
mobilized and put at the disposal of the nation at work, for in-
stance, in devising substitutes for materials of which there is at
present a lack. In the schools and throughout society we need the
spread of scientific knowledge and technique, the increase of pro-
duction by improved methods of production, and rapid measures
of industrialization.
In the third place, we must make increased use of the com-
petitive stimulus in encouraging rationalization and higher efficiency
in production. However, the mere principles of division of labor
and co-operation are not sufficient to ensure a satisfactory degree
of success. A still more important condition is the development of
an enthusiastic working spirit, good organization and efficient man- '
agement. If the spirit cultivated is one of willingness good organi-
678
THE DUTIES OF A VANGUARD
zation will follow naturally, and efficient management will come
with good organization. These things mean the fullest possible
employment of each man's energy and the fullest possible utilization
of all resources, and to this end every man must be animated by
a conscious and voluntary working spirit. I believe that the com-
petitive principle is invaluable in stimulating such a spirit. In
our ordinary everyday work we often feel too easily satisfied
with our own standard, but in a competition satisfaction comes
only with the greatest possible effort to outdo others and the
standard is set by the best worker. In all branches of human ac-
tivity throughout the world the motive for the intense devotion
displayed in training and work usually comes from competition.
We shall do best to introduce this element of competition into our
endeavors in order to cultivate in all citizens a whole-hearted, un-
selfish, vigorous and joyful devotion to work.
In the fourth place, as a part of our preparation to wage a long-
protracted war and cope with the worst possible of circumstances,
we must put ourselves in readiness to encounter even greater hard-
ships in days to come, for the world war in which we are now taking
part has only just begun. We must on the one hand do all we can
to expand production, and on the other restrict consumption. We
must think of the great value which things not consumed by the
individual can have if they are utilized for the purposes of Resistance
and Reconstruction, and derive from this reflection a spiritual re-
compense for the material loss. In ancient times frugal living was
associated with filial piety as a virtue. Now it is the nation which
is the highest object of our loyalty or filial duty. Our country
is one of great and rich natural resources and, if the most is made
of them we shall find them fully sufficient for all our needs in time
of war and peace. The guiding principle of our conduct must
now be the exhaustive and effective employment of our human and
material resources, for which the practice of thrift is one essential
condition. The maximum effort in this direction will ensure us all
against excessive deprivations.
I am sure that if we act on the four points I have here sug-
gested we shall prove equal to all the difficulties we may encounter
through the complete mobilization of our national strength, and
especially of our spiritual strength. Let us entertain not the slightest
679
THE DUTOCS OF A VANG0ABD
doubt that we shall thus be able to drive out the enemy and estab-
lish a free and independent country. At the same time our own
high morale will exercise a good influence over that of our allies,
to the benefit of the common cause for which we are fighting. We
shall do well now to think of our task as world salvation, rather
than merely the salvation of our country. In spiritual mobilization
is to be fulfilled this sacred mission.
680
Ill
Strike the Enemy from Every Vantage Point
A message to the people of Australia sent around
March 20, 1942.
MARCH 20, 1942.
Wf HEN the enemy is on the very threshold of Australia, my
thoughts are engaged not only by consideration of sacrifice and
trials which you people will be called upon to endure; I think also
of the lasting contribution which they are now in a position to make
toward the vindication of the Allied cause. The task before you
is difficult and your responsibility is tremendous. Not only will
you be defending your own homes and hearths against a ruthless
and powerful enemy you will also be charged with the arduous duty
of overcoming the enemy's attempts to consolidate his gains and
cut the communications of the United Nations.
I am confident, however, that Australians, who have dis-
tinguished themselves on many battlefields, will prove equal to
the task. Do not let what the United Nations have failed thus far
to achieve in other theaters of the war be a source of dismay to you.
The earlier reverses should arouse in you as well as in the other
United Nations a fierce determination and greater efforts. Experi-
ence has taught us that in resisting the Japanese who, even today,
possess superior armaments, the people must be thoroughly organ-
ized and trained, not only for facing the shock tactics of the enemy
without yielding ground, but also for striking and embarrassing
the enemy from every point of vantage. This calls for daring, co-
ordination, ingenuity and endurance, but I am certain our Australian
comrades possess these qualities in abundance.
In the hours of stress, it is well to remember that the enemy
is fighting not only against the combined forces of the United
Nations but also. against his most formidable foe- time. Every
hour and every inch of ground denied the enemy is an achievement
worthy of all the efforts and sacrifices that it demands.
681
STRIKE THE ENEMY FROM EVERY VANTAGE POINT
In your bitter struggle against our common enemy, the entire
Chinese nation will be wholeheartedly with you and I am confident
that Australia will jealously guard her fine traditions and her
people will fight as they have never fought before. I am confident
that Australia will do more to act up to the important position which
she holds today in the anti-aggression front.
682
112
Of Man and Material
A broadcast address on National Mobilization Act
delivered on May 4, 1942, the eve of the anniver-
sary of Dr. Sun Yat-sen's assumption of the Presi-
dency of the Emergency Republican Government.
MAY 4, 1942.
MARCH 29 the Government promulgated the National Mobili-
tion Act, which is to be put into effect from tomorrow, May
Sth. In promulgating this Act on the Huanghuakang Revolution-
ary Martyr's Day the intention was to call upon citizens to emulate
their spirit of sacrifice in the service of the cause of national rebirth.
Likewise the Act is to go into effect on the anniversary of the day
Dr. Sun became the President of the Emergency Republican Gov-
ernment. This will form a commemoration of Dr. Sun's spirit of
endeavor since it will mark the beginning of greater strivings on
our part to complete the tasks of Resistance and Reconstruction. I
solemnly express my hope that you will all realize this point and
accordingly regard this Mobilization Act as something sacred, and
support the Government to the full in implementing it.
In speaking of the key to the success of the revolution and
national salvation, Dr. Sun used two phrases, "offer abilities" and
"sacrifice freedom." The present Act requires of citizens that
they should offer their abilities to the State and sacrifice individual
freedom for the protection of our national freedom and the freedom
of humanity. The modern world is one wherein every nation has to
develop the strength of which its citizens are capable. The independ-
ent status of the individual, his thoughts and actions becomes a
thing of the past. Only a fighting nation can make itself responsible
for world peace, and such a nation must organize its material re-
sources and manpower with the highest possible degree of efficiency.
The present Act is legislation essential for the preservation of a
modern nation's existence. Its provisions consist of what are the
elementary duties of a citizen toward his country in modern times.
683
OF MAN AMD MATERIAL
Th* extent to which it can successfully be put into effect will
decide whether our nation can continue to exist in the modern
world and whether we are qualified to stand alongside other nations
in it.
Resistance has been going on for nearly five years. This means
that we have been fighting for the independence and freedom of our
country, and at the same time for international justice and freedom.
Our one single-handed struggle has now become a part of a world-
wide campaign against aggression. The manifesto of the twenty-six
nations that appeared on New Year's Day is the expression of our
common faith and the aim of our war effort. The war has spread to
five oceans and five continents and the whole world has become the
scene of a tremendous duel The casualties and suffering involved
have exceeded all bounds. We must completely destroy this menace
of aggression and provide a sound foundation for world peace
before true victory can be said to have been won. Only thus can
freedom be assured unborn generations of our race. We must pre-
pare for the prolongation of the war and for greater difficulties in
the future. We must build up the machinery for the mobilization
of our resources and bring into fuller play all the strength of mind
and body, of matter and money, at our disposal. Every person
must realize that what he is called upon to give is to be put at the
service of the nation, of the world and of the civilization and well-
being of humanity. The least we can expect of ourselves is that
we should not prove unworthy of our allies. We ought to exert
ourselves with greater self-denial and diligence than heretofore and
develop the potential strength of our land in an efficient manner.
To this end all must unanimously help to carry this Act into practice.
The legislative content of the Act is much the same as that of
similar measures in other countries. There is however one peculiar
feature. With us it is not only an instrument of national policy but
an expression of the popular will of our nation. At the beginning of
the second year of resistance the -Program of Resistance and
Reconstruction was published, as a framework for wartime meas-
ures and conduct. The principles and spirit of that program
form the basis of the present Act which, it may be said, is a con-
crete and codified application of its sense. Citizens will henceforth
be dearer as to the efforts required of the individual and the
684
OP MAN AMD MATERIAL
restrictions necessary for concentration of our will and uniformity
of our actions. Another aspect of the matter is that whereas we
are fighting to defend ourselves and from our sense of justice, on
the opposing side men are being exploited in the service of their
masters' plans of aggression. With us the will of the Chinese
people has demanded the action the nation is taking in order to put
itself on a war footing in the defense of its existence. Public
opinion, the discussions of experts, the proposals of representative
bodies have always shown support for the control and management
of the country's resources, and criticism has been directed only at
deficiencies and loopholes in such control and management. The
public has displayed a general readiness to endure hardships with-
out complaint and to sacrifice without hesitation. We may there-
fore confidently declare that this Act is an expression of the patriotic
determination of the nation to defend itself. If the administrative
departments concerned go about the work energetically a few selfish
degenerates among us will have no power to obstruct its success
or evade its provisions. The Government will have to exercise
the strictest supervision and make detailed allowance for all the
exigencies of the situation. Separate enactments will have pro-
gressively to be devised as the need for them arises, and existing
regulations will have to be adjusted to conform to the central
principles of the Act. Supplies for the front must be assured and
the livelihood of the people in the rear stabilized if we are to keep
up our war effort until final victory is attained.
Though this Act has not been promulgated until now we have
long been carrying out mobilization on a large scale in all depart-
ments of national life. The control of production, the restriction
of consumption, the adjustment of commodity supply, the stabiliza-
tion of prices, the management of finance, the enlistment of labor,
intellect, and technical skill all this has been undertaken by the
Government and been done with the spontaneous assent of the
people. However in the past action in this direction has been partial
and fragmentary, and insufficiently thoroughgoing and widespread.
With this Act there will come about a legalization and systematiza-
tion of all these activities. No individual will be an exception to
its provisions. At this critical moment in the history of our country
there should be no citizen whose conscience and instincts permit
685
OF MAN AMD MATERIAL
him to attempt evasion of the law. The duties that this Act dearly
lays down as the wartime obligations of the people consist on the
one hand in the positive requirements it makes of every man and
on the other hand in the restrictions and prohibitions it imposes
upon him. Provided there is positive observance of the law and
fulfillment of the tasks defined by it the Government will protect and
reward the citizen. Behavior in a contrary sense however will
mark him down as a degenerate element devoid of the qualifications
for citizenship in a modern nation, and the Government will penalize
him, and society will reject him accordingly. On New Year's Day
I declared to the nation: "If we continue in remiss and negligent
conduct, if our society cannot be made a wartime society, our
administration a wartime administration, and our economy a war-
time economy, if the general life of our people cannot be made to
conform to the needs of war time, not only will there be no hope of
victory but there will even be no place for our country in the world
of the future."
It was my hope at that time that every citizen, among industrial
and agricultural workers alike, would make up his mind to be a
citizen beneficial to his country, or at least one in no way injurious
to his country's interests. In fact, victory will require much more
of us than the avoidance of action disadvantageous to the conduct
of the war. It demands that every man shall do his full duty at
whatever post is his. The promulgation of this Act will make clear
to all their path of effort in the service of ths country.
The provisions of the Act are expressed in a perfectly clear-cut
manner. I need not go into them in detail. I trust that you will all
recognize the importance of the legal character of this Act and
faithfully observe the following points:
1. There must be energetic determination to obey it ex-
haustively to the exclusion of all evasion and disguised intentions
of evasion. All laws require the willing and sincere obedience
of the citizen for them to take full effect. Our ability to practice
such obedience will decide the issue of this war and the fate of our
nation.
2. The act must be clearly interpreted, for in view of the not
uniform level of intelligence among our people there may be diffi-
culty in understanding its provisions. Therefore the well-educated,
686
OF MAN AND MATERIAL
those in positions of authority and leadership in society* and local
officials of all ranks should take full advantage of opportunities of
conveying to the people the sense of the law at public meetings. They
should impress upon the public the full scope of the citizen's responsi-
bility, for only thus can there be all-prevailing observance of the law.
3. There must be assistance lent the Government in the work
of applying the Act. However comprehensive the wording of the
law and however great the efforts of the administration, localities
are bound to remain beyond the direct influence of the Government.
It will be necessary for citizens to stimulate and keep watch over
each other and discountenance all conduct detrimental and unfaithful
to the Act. There must be straightforward and loyal response to
the Government's demands and pressure brought to bear on all those
who attempt to trifle with the law.
4. In all walks of life there should be organized endeavor to
allow of full play for the predominantly economic influence of the
Act, which is aimed at the development of resources and efficiency
of production. Trade and professional organizations are needed
for this purpose. It is to be hoped that citizens engaged in pro-
duction, transport and commerce will enthusiastically participate in
such organizations and lend their collective energies toward the
implementation of the Act. This is essential not only for the
success of resistance but also for our advance toward the status
of a modern nation.
Resistance has now entered upon a crucial period. The Gov-
ernment must summon up the fullest possible resolution to give
complete effect to the national policies and this Act, in order that
the whole nation may be transformed into one solid fighting unit.
You must bestir yourselves to restrict consumption and intensify
production, and put all resources of labor, skill and knowledge at
the disposal of the nation and the war. The story of our genera-
tion will thus be a glorious one. I appeal to my fellow-countrymen
today to form a high resolve to mobilize their strength for the
purpose of establishing the foundations of a modern state, gaining
for all Chinese citizens the status of citizens of such a state, and
carrying to a successful issue the mission that is ours.
687
113
Morale Plus Equipment
A message broadcast to the United States on
May 31, 1942, at the invitation of the U. S. War
Department. It was read from Chungking by
Madame Chiang Kai-shek, who added a statement
of her own.
MAY 31, 1942.
1MTADAME Chiang and I have gladly accepted the invitation of
*" the War Department to send greetings to you, the American
people.
As I am speaking, bloody battles are being waged in the east,
north, south, and southwest of China. In these areas, Japanese
planes have been daily relentlessly bombing our army which has
been gallantly fighting without air protection.
For five years China has stood up against Japan. We have
fought with inferior equipment and with little more than bare flesh,
for we only produce small arms, the reason being that since the
Revolution we had not had the time nor the means to build up heavy
industries. We lacked airplanes, artillery and tanks.
What has sustained us and made it possible for us to continue
resistance has been the adoption of what I might term magnetic
strategy which consists in attracting the enemy to the interior, bog
him there, and hold him at bay by the more vital factor of morale.
As a realist, I must point out, however, that morale, important as it
is, is not sufficient in itself to win decisive and final victory. It must
be supplemented by mechanized equipment. Mechanized equipment
by itself, however, is futile. Morale and equipment combined spell
final victory. This truth can readily be seen when we consider how
much the American Volunteer Group of the Chinese Air Force has
been able to help us in spite of its slender resources. As Commander-
in-Chief of the China theater of war, I pledge you my word that
given ten per cent of the equipment you produce in America, the
Chinese Army will reap for you 100 per cent of the desired result.
In looking toward the future I would like every one of my
688
MORALS PLUS EQUIPMENT
listeners t6 realize that our Chinese people are convinced that the
principles enunciated in the Atlantic Charter are not vague assur-
ances and empty diplomatic phraseology, but that they are the under-
lying convictions to which the peace-loving people of America are
dedicated. To my mind these principles should be applied not only
to America and Europe but also to all peoples and races, so that
freedom, justice, and equality may reign the world over.
For all the sympathy and support, both moral and material,
which the Government and people of America under the leadership
of President Roosevelt have given us throughout these five years of
resistance, we wish to express our heartfelt appreciation.
MADAME CHIANG'S SPEECH.
U have just heard the Generalissimo's reaffirmation that in spite
of the long years of war our conviction in ultimate victory is
stronger than ever. I have one more word which I would like to
utilize by pointing out to you an insidious example of enemy propa-
ganda which has just come to my attention, and which I hope
deceived no one. The plot is to sow dissension between us by an-
nouncing that China has plenty of arms and is now stalemating
because she depends on America to win the war for her. I need not
tell you that this is a malicious lie, fathered by those who wish to
undermine our friendship. China has always proved loyal and
will continue to fulfill her obligations. In the past she has never
hesitated to divert her entire resources to the common cause. She
does not hesitate now, nor will she hesitate in the future.
China has survived all kinds of wars because she has consistently
adhered to certain moral principles. Those principles preclude her
acting otherwise than in an honorable manner. The enemy has
repeatedly made offers of peace to China and sought to assure her
that the Western Democracies were making use of her as a tool,
whereas, Japan would co-operate with and consider her as an equal.
The fact that we have unhesitatingly rejected those offers is proof
positive that we have implicit faith in America's sincerity. We
know that you are equally certain of China's sincerity. In oneness
of purpose, in devotion to a common cause and co-operation, there-
fore, let us march forward, shoulder to shoulder, beneath the flaming
banner of freedom to sure victory.
114
The Importance of Food Policy in Wartime
An address delivered at the National Food Ad-
ministration Conference on June 2, 1942.
JUNE 2, 1942.
HIS conference affords me an invaluable opportunity of putting
before you my views on questions of food administration, my
impressions of the work done last year and my expectations regard-
ing the future.
It was a happy circumstance that this conference commenced
its deliberations at a time of abundant and timely rainfall as a result
of which a rich harvest may confidently be anticipated. This may
be called assistance heaven has lent our cause. At the same time our
allies, and in particular the United States of America, have re-
cently extended to us increasing supplies of arms and economic aid.
This is assistance we have had of men. We must now see to it
that we do all we can to help ourselves. In regard to the numerous
offensives the enemy is now conducting, of which that in western
Chekiang is on the largest scale, I would only remark that no matter
where he strikes he will make no cheap gains and whatever local
successes he may achieve they will have no appreciable effect upon
the war situation as a whole. His present action betrays the alarm
he feels at the threat of our planned counter-offensive and of the
air menace to Japan proper. I am in a position to assure you that
the enemy, after five years of failure to crush us, will never, what-
ever the desperate means he may adopt, be able to smash our armies
in the field. The further he penetrates into our territory the more
surely will he be digging himself a grave there. We shall certainly
contrive to retain the initiative in all forthcoming military action.
We shall regard the blind fury of his attacks as the impetus driving
the enemy on to self-destruction.
I predicted some months ago that before the autumn of this
year the enemy would bring more of our territory under his occu-
pation, while other points would be recovered by us. Such local
690
IMPORTANCE OF FOOD POLICY IN WARTIME
gain and loss of ground, however, will be no decisive factor in the
final issue of the war. Henceforth our strategy and tactics will be
designed with a view to co-ordinating operations in China with those
on all other fronts and winning a final victory that will be as much
our allies' as our own. We must realize we are now engaged in a
war of a different character to that of the single-handed struggle of
days previous to December of last year. We are no longer concerned
to retain any single town or district, to prevail for a passing hour or
day. We are out to secure a fundamental settlement of the Sino-
Japanese conflict as a part of the whole world war. We shall strive
to do our duty as the member of the United Nations responsible for
the defense of the Asiatic base for an Allied counter-offensive. You
must impress this view of the situation upon your fellow-countrymen
in the localities to which you are to return home. If every man of
us exerts his best efforts and we consequently develop our national
strength and revolutionary spirit to the utmost there can be no
question of our ability to recover the ground lost and help deliver
the oppressed peoples from the yoke of the aggressors. The foun-
dation upon which final victory can be built is laid. Now it is
for us to do justice, by a great majority of self-reliance, to the
advantages we have derived from the assistance of heaven and our
allies. You must feel in what a momentous period of our national
history you are living and how important a part food administra-
tion plays in the work of revolution. You will then leave nothing
undone in planning a national food administration such as will
ensure the country a well fed people and army.
You are all in posts of high responsibility and your proper
fulfillment of your duties will mean the success of the most important
economic phase of national policy. The importance of food policy
today is equal to that of our monetary policy in 1935 when the
Government introduced a unified national currency. An effective
food policy is essential both to victory and to the future realization
of Dr. Sun's principle of the People's Livelihood. You ought to
conceive of yourselves as men whose work may determine the whole
course of the revolution and inspired by this thought put into all
you do a new enthusiasm and vigor. A year has passed since the
Government established the Ministry of Food and it is a shorter time
since the local administrative machinery under it began to function.
691
IMPORTANCE OF FOOD POLICY IN WARTIME
Generally speaking progress has not fallen short of the hoped-for
results, and this is due to your loyal efforts. Devotion to the public
interest can never fail to bring equally gratifying success. Sound
planning and equitable methods in the compulsory purchase
of foodstuffs will, I am sure, bring even greater achievements
during the present year. Citizens are in general now possessed of
a good understanding of their responsibilities in the work of
Resistance and Reconstruction. They are ready eagerly to respond
to Government leadership. We are still in an early stage of the
application of this new food policy and it is most important that
any administrative or technical defects perceived should be im-
mediately rectified in order that the Government may show due
appreciation of the law-abiding and public-spirited attitude of the
people and local leaders of society. Above all everything possible
must be done to achieve equality of burden, according to the prin-
ciple which has consistently characterized Chinese financial and
economic policy.
There is a very small minority of rich landowners who grumble
at the slightest increase of the amount of food required of them and
attempt evasion. There should be no timidity in dealing with such
cases. The vast majority of landowners are however conscientious
and intelligent and they will respond heartily to enlightened Govern-
ment policy. We must adopt a progressive ratio of assessment so
that foodstuffs shall be demanded in proportion to the capacity of
individuals. The rich landowners must be instructed and given a
proper sense of their great responsibility teward the nation. Gov-
ernment acquisition of food supplies in time of war is no less im-
portant than conscription. Equity is the fundamental principle
applicable to both these essential phases of administration. Land-
owners and influential men of all kinds, especially members of
political councils, ought to set an example to the people. The
young members of rich families should offer themselves for mili-
tary service. If not one of two sons, at least one of three sons,
should be ready to do so. In the case of the well-educated there
are the officers' training schools which they can enter with a view
to becoming reserve officers. Many sons of the educated, propertied
and official classes are now volunteering for military service, but there
is still too general a tendency for the privileged to evade conscrip-
692
IMPORTANCE OF FOOD POLICY IN WARTIME
tion while the poor arc willing to serve even when the law permits
their exemption. There are cases of connivance on the part of the
authorities in practices of evasion. The unfairness, as much as the
illegality involved, is appalling. If to remissness in this respect the
rich add violations of the law in the matter of food at this time of
great national distress they will lose all right to citizenship of a
modern state.
Let me adduce an illustration from my personal experience.
My forefathers possessed a hundred or more mow of land, which,
as it happens, was sold to endow the educational institutions of
the locality while nty mother was still alive. Supposing, however,
the land were still my property it would be entirely lost to me since
my native place is now occupied by the enemy. However willing
I might be to make the nation a gift of it I should be powerless to do
so. In the same way young men in our Northeastern Provinces fully
prepared to serve in the national armies have instead to endure the
oppression of the invader. Any landowner who takes this point
to heart can scarcely indulge in selfish niggling where national
food requirements are concerned. Only the troops stand between
landowners and the enemy who would rob them of their all. Yet
there are some who so forget what they owe our soldiers as to
contrive by any means in their power a reduction of the contribution
they are obliged to make to military food supplies. They appear
to regard themselves as a class apart, not responsible for the welfare
of the nation and their own descendants. Men of influence ought
to censure such conduct and the Government deal severely with it.
After five years of resistance the Government has done nothing to
curtail normal commercial transactions in foodstuffs within the
limits of the law and has kept an open mind in listening to sugges-
tions from all quarters regarding methods of compulsory purchase.
Among all other nations at war none has a government so liberal.
According to the usual procedure when a state is at war its govern-
ment exercises complete control over all food supplies to meet the
needs of the emergency. Our Government however has not seen
fit to take similar action because of its confidence in its citizens'
patriotism and the rich resources of our country. Should there be
dissent from the very reasonable demands made both the Government
and the people will be bound to condemn it without reserve. On
693
IMPORTANCE OF FOOD POLICY IN WARTIME
the part of the poor voluntary sacrifice has been the rule, while the
well-to-do have frequently been guilty of meanness.
Of late the United States, knowing of our national difficulties,
has unconditionally extended to us a loan of five hundred million
American dollars, the equivalent of 10,000,000,000 dollars in Chinese
currency. It is strange therefore that any Chinese citizens are to
be found who refuse to contribute a portion of their surplus food-
stuffs to the defense of their own homes. Their conduct is a great
injury to their country's reputation. It is imperative that Govern-
ment supplies of food should be equal to the needs of the Army and
people. No obstacle to this can be tolerated. The amount purchased
mjust at least exceed the figure fixed for collection of land tax in
kind.
I have also some views to express regarding administrative
machinery and its working. The Chungking papers today have
devoted much editorial space to the subject of this conference and
food problems. I hope that you will all give close attention to the
expression of public opinion in the press and elsewhere. Valuable
suggestions should by all means be followed. The points upon which
I myself wish to remark are as follows:
(1) Af present the Ministry of Finance, the Land Adminis-
tration Department of the Ministry of the Interior, and certain
military organizations are all concerned in food administration.
The exigencies of efficient administration must dictate what meas-
ures should be taken to effect adjustment and co-ordination. The
detached and autocratic functioning of Government organs dealing
with the same phase of administration a common fault in the past
must be guarded against. There must be both division of labor
and co-operation, but efficiency is impossible without co-operation.
It is essential that the purchasing, transport and storage of food
supplies should be subject to the over-all supervision of the Ministry
of Food. Various sections of the Government may be involved
but they must function harmoniously, and lend their willing co-
operation to the Ministry of Food.
(2) The main features of the Government's food policy and
administrative methods have already been made public throughout
the country. Within the limits of the Government's defined legis-
lation there is room for the adjustment of local practice to meet
694
IMPORTANCE OF FOOD POUCY IN WARTIME
peculiar conditions in individual localities. The one point that can
in no wise be neglected is that the total quantity of foodstuffs pur-
chased must exceed the total collections of land tax in kind. This
will permit of a lightening of the burden for small farmers and a
proportionately heavier demand upon the rich. The principle of
equity requires this, and it must be so if we are to be sure of attain-
ing the goal we have set ourselves for this year.
(3) In regard to the adjustment of supply and demand all
sections of the Government concerned in food administration should
be quite clear as to the fact that the difficulties of the food situa-
tion do not turn upon any question of a lack of food but simply
and solely upon ways and means of control and distribution. In
some places there is a surplus while in others there may be serious
shortages. The Minister has just mentioned his intention of effect-
ing retrenchment in the machinery of food transportation and storage.
I feel that this is a matter for very careful deliberation. Beyond the
business of acquiring stocks of food there is the problem of distribu-
tion for the solution of which the improvement of means of trans-
port and storage is indispensable. For such improvement it is in
turn necessary to enlist the services of the people and win their
confidence by demonstrating concern for their interests and freeing
them from all undue exactions. Concrete provisions in this respect
must be devised and thereafter scrupulously applied by every grade
of the local administrative machinery. Wherever there is essential
work to be done we cannot afford to make any miserly retrenchment
of expenditure. At the same time, however, all officials engaged
in food administration should cultivate habits of strict frugality
and never forget that the food they are handling has been produced
by the hard work of the people.
Apart from defects and abuses pointed out by today's papers
much value should be attached to all similar expression of public
opinion. You must keep a close watch over your subordinates and
make it your aim to see that all concerned in food administration
go about their work with constant thought for the good of the
nation and the people. Means of checking and preventing abuses
should be devised. The principle of equity and equalization of
burden should never be lost sight of. If your unremitting efforts
are added to the favorable weather conditions which are making for
695
ntPOBTAVCB OP POOD POUCT m WABTHOB
I rich harvest there will undoubtedly be an even better record to
how for this year's work than for last year's. There is every
ground for confidence regarding the military situation. The chief
iced of the future lies in a satisfactory solution of food problems.
[ hope you will carry home with you when this conference is at an
aid the determination to display the spirit of self-help and self-
reliance without which a nation cannot long continue to exist.
696
113
China's War, a World War
A message broadcast to the Chinese people and
Army on July 7, 1942, on the fifth anniversary
of China's War of Resistance.
JULY 7, 1942.
rPODAY we commemorate the fifth anniversary of the beginning
* of China's armed resistance. The struggle of the Chinese Army
and people against aggression has been in progress for five full years.
The past year has, moreover, been a year of extraordinary develop-
ments in the world situation which will determine the final outcome
of the war. On this solemn occasion foremost in our hearts and
minds must be the sorrowing homage we owe to all those who have
nobly laid down their lives for the common cause. At the same
time let us take this opportunity of expressing our gratification at
the achievement of our allies. The present moment affords me also
a fitting occasion to acknowledge China's appreciation of the gal-
lantry of our Allied forces which are fighting shoulder to shoulder
with us. To the governments and peoples of the United States,
Great Britain, Soviet Russia, the Netherlands, Australia, India,
Canada, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Mexico, and others of the United
Nations, I express our warm thanks for the unfailing concern they
have felt for us at every stage of our national trial. Their readiness
to extend collaboration to China has been a constant source of
encouragement to us.
You must realize, my fellow-countrymen, that these five hard
years of resistance comprise a record unprecedented in the annals
of modern warfare. The war China is engaged in is unique not
only as being the longest for the past hundred years but also as an
example of a weak nation standing up to a strong. In this long and
bitter conflict the unshakable solidarity of the Chinese people has
demonstrated the greatness of their traditional spirit of independence.
We have become the vanguard of the forces opposing aggression;
the whole world recognizes our position as champion of international
697
CHINA'S WAR, A WORLD WAR
justice and understands the value of our spiritual strength. The
present war is a war between good and evil, between right and
might. The difficulties and perils we have encountered have only
served to give proof of the undaunted revolutionary spirit possessed
by our people. Through all these difficulties and dangers a sure
path has been found and our efforts have not been made in vain.
The guidance we have derived from the noble principles of Dr.
Sun's revolutionary teachings has enabled us to give this demon-
stration of the invincible and sustaining qualities of our national
character. The moral ascendancy we have acquired is such as no
force or knavery can ever shatter ; it is the guarantee for our victory
and an all-important factor in our reconstruction. Today China no
longer stands alone as she has stood for four and a half years. Our
present position imposes greater responsibilities upon us. I desire
today to impress upon you the weight of those responsibilities that
fall to our lot in the present world war. You will, I trust, continue
to do your duty with devotion and endurance.
China is charged with the duty of operating as the main fighting
force on the Asiatic continent. That duty is laid upon us with the
same urgency as the duty of America to deal in the Pacific with her
first and most threatening enemy Japan. The other Allies such
as Great Britain and Soviet Russia have each naturally a particular
duty to perform in accordance with their respective geographical
positions. Each is keenly sensible of certain inalienable obligations.
The naval situation in the Pacific, for instance, has developed in
such a way as to expose American soil to a direct threat from Japan,
for she has proved the first power to invade American territory,
attack the American fleet, and flout American prestige. What we
have seen of recent American action in the Pacific, the bombing of
Tokyo, and the engagements in the Coral Sea, off Midway Island
and at Dutch Harbor, has been sufficient indication that America
is beginning to discharge her supremely important duty in the
Pacific. That is to say, America is bound to deal first with the
enemy from which she has the most to fear for the defense of her
own soil and for her security as the "Arsenal of the Democracies"
and in order to carry out her mission of world leadership, not only
during the present war but also in post-war reconstruction. You
must be on your guard against giving credence to superficial specula-
CHINA'S WAR. A WOULD WAR
tions that Allied strategy and policy consider the Pacific War to be
of secondary importance; that our allies intend to let Japan have
her own way for the time being ; or even that there is no comprehen-
sive Allied strategy and that there is no concrete organization to
direct Allied efforts. All such talk leads to unjustified apprehension.
In the near future the collapse of the enemy will enable us properly
to appraise the strategy, organization and strength of the United
Nations. It is my hope that you, my compatriots, will depend on
yourselves to exert your utmost in the fulfillment of your sacred
duty as citizens of China in the Asiatic theater of war.
There must be full realization of the fact that both space and
time were on Japan's side during her campaign in the South Seas.
Her initial successes, however, are no reliable indication of her real
strength. In a number of broadcasts this year I have emphasized
this point. Today my chief concern is to have you grasp the
significance of the Midway Island, Coral Sea and Dutch Harbor
engagements in which the enemy met with sharp reverses, lost four
out of her six newest aircraft-carriers and two battleships. This
blow marks the beginning of the decline in her fighting strength;
far greater defeats will rapidly overtake her defeats that will mean
the beginning of her final collapse. Here a single fact will suffice
to show the weakness of Japan. The total tonnage of her naval and
merchant vessels is scarcely more than five million tons. It will be
impossible for her to maintain with so few ships the vast fronts
over which she has spread her forces. Meanwhile the land, sea and
air strength of the United Nations is daily increasing and already
exceeds that of the Axis bloc. By the end of this winter Japan's
strength will be only one-tenth that of the Allies. I need not
elucidate further the significance of this comparison. The final
defeat of Japan will start on the sea and will end on land. Her
depredations in the South Seas will prove the prelude to her disaster.
She is meanwhile plunging deeper and deeper into the morass of
her continental adventure, wherein for five years she has pursued
a suicidal course dictated by our strategy. She will now find recovery
impossible. Our efforts will determine the speed with which she
can be finally overthrown. At this moment we are at a turning-
point in our War of Resistance.
699
CHINA'S WAB, A WOBLD WAI
Nevertheless, patriotism demands of us sustained sacrifice. We
must now make up our minds to increase our war efforts tenfold.
Irrespective of age or sex we must each contribute to the all-
important task which, when completed, will bring victory and
permanent security to a free world.
700
116
To the Chinese Expeditionary Forces in India
Instructions telegraphed to the officers and men of
the Chinese Expeditionary Forces in India on
August 4, 1942.
AUGUST 4, 1942.
HpHE high morale and excellent conduct which characterized the
Chinese Expeditionary Forces in making their hazardous and diffi-
cult way from Burma to India is a matter of pride and gratification
to the whole Chinese nation and to me as your Commander-in-Chief.
My great concern has been over the many wounded and ill
amongst you and over whether suitable provisions have been made
for your care. I have, therefore, dispatched General Stilweil to
inspect the conditions under which you are living, to ascertain your
welfare, and to issue orders which, in his opinion, would improve
your well-being and would further intensify your training. General
Lo Cho-ying is also on his way to you.
I trust that all of you will continue to conduct yourselves in a
manner worthy of our great country and of the traditions of the
Chinese Army. Toward the troops of the Allied countries of
whatever nationality with whom you may come into contact you must
behave yourselves with modesty and courtesy. Toward the Indian
people you must show consideration and cordiality.
As Chinese soldiers, temporarily stationed for training on the
soil of a friendly neighbor, you should scrupulously avoid involving
yourselves in political questions or movements, and should judiciously
refrain from unconsidered criticisms or discussions of Indian poli-
tics. Remember that your sole duty is to take every advantage of
this period of training to prepare yourselves mentally, morally and
physically to continue active military service. You should devote
special attention to the study of military operations and the highly
technical training now made available to you so that you will be
701
TO THE CHINESE EXPEDITIONARY FORGES IN INDIA
enabled in the near future to shoulder worthily your part in the
stupendous task of pushing the "island dwarfs" into the sea, defeat
Nazism and win the final great and glorious victory.
Officers and men of the Chinese Expeditionary Forces, this is
the achievement expected of you by your compatriots -in your home-
land and the world over.
CHIANG KAI-SHEK
702
117
A Friend from Distant Lands
An address of welcome to Mr. Wendell L. Willkie,
President Roosevelt's personal representative, at a
reception on October 3, 1942, during his visit to
China.
OCTOBER 3, 1942.
MR. WENDELL WILLKIE, EXCELLENCIES, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN :
T CONSIDER it a great honor to have the privilege to extend, on
behalf of the Chinese Army and people, a most hearty welcome to
our distinguished guest, Mr. Wendell Willkie, in this wartime capital.
We have an old saying : "Is it not delightful to have friends coming
from distant lands?" Since the announcement of Mr. Willkie's
proposed visit to China, the Chinese Army and people have been
looking forward to his arrival with great interest and eagerness.
He shares with us the same aspiration and ideals. We are indeed
happy to have him in our midst.
Our guest of honor comes to China as the personal representa-
tive of President Roosevelt. He is a far-sighted statesman of high
ideals. As honorary President of the United China Relief, he has
worked indefatigably for China's cause. We count him as one of
our closest friends, irrespective of personal acquaintanceship. From
his public utterances we know that he fully comprehends the long-
cherished ambition of Japan for world conquest and the significance
and importance of China's stubborn resistance in face of untold
sufferings. He has moreover a sympathetic understanding of the
ideals which have inspired our War of Resistance and our work of
reconstruction.
The energetic and fruitful efforts he has made in America in the
campaign for aid to China have brought the Chinese and American
people closer together people who have built up their nations upon
the same ideology. His present visit has moved us to redouble our
efforts in order to fulfill worthily our responsibilities as a member
of the United Nations and to come up to the expectations of our allies
703
A FRIEND FROM DISTANT LANDS
and our good friends, among them our guest of honor Mr. Willkie.
The forces of aggression are still at large. In order to deliver
humanity from barbarism and darkness, ail peace-loving peoples
must needs go through hardships and tribulations. Our distinguished
visitor will see with his own eyes the wanton destruction wrought
by the Japanese in China during the past five years. He will notice
our optimism, our conviction and our determination to achieve final
victory. He will not fail to see how, in face of immense difficulties,
we have been doing our utmost to increase our fighting strength and
to carry on our work of reconstruction, how the Chinese Army and
people are struggling for the attainment of our common aim and
victory.
Mr. Willkie will, I venture to hope, let the Chinese people know
more fully the concerted war efforts of the American Government
and people so that they may thereby be inspired to greater exertions
for the common cause. If he discovers any shortcomings in the work
in which we are now engaged, I hope he will give us his candid
opinion.
The very simple reception of this evening is an inadequate
manifestation of the warmth with which our four hundred and fifty
million people greet our distinguished guest, a great friend of China.
There are present with us the representatives of the United Nations
in China. This auspicious occasion is a token of the solidarity among
the United Nations of our determination to co-operate to the fullest
extent, to fight on until we obtain ultimate victory and create a new
era in the future world order.
Now, I ask you to join with me in drinking to the health of
President Roosevelt and to Mr. Wendell Willkie.
MR. WILLKIE'S RESPONSE.
T HAVE come to China to pay homage not only to the Chinese
* people but to one of the truly great men of his time, your General-
issimo. This tribute I deliver to you personally as one American who
has watched for years the struggle of China under his leadership.
But I deliver it to you also as the representative of President Roose-
velt and as the representative of the American people.
Your Generalissimo is one of the best known men in my country
and one of the best liked. I think that most Americans like and re-
704
A FBHND FROM DISTANT LANDS
spect him for two qualities. They see in him an aggressive spirit,
the spirit of a man who is not daunted by difficulties but works
ceaselessly to overcome them. And they also see in him, as they have
come to know about him through our newspapers, our motion pictures,
our radio, a man with a broad vision of the future, who believes in
his heart that freedom and security are possible of achievement not
only for China but for the whole world. I think I understand tonight
more about this aggressive spirit than I ever did before.
I came to China not through what used to be called a "treaty
port/' but through the great and wealthy provinces to the west of
here. I have lived and worked in the West of America and I know
from first-hand experience the kind of aggressive self-confidence
which is developed in pioneer regions by men who are not afraid to
take chances, sometimes very grave chances, in pursuit of what they
believe in.
Prediction is not my business, but I would be prepared to make
a substantial bet that the confident, aggressive, determined spirit I
have seen in Sinkiang and in Kansu and Szechwan and which the
outside world knows about chiefly through the personality of your
Generalissimo, is not likely to be stopped by floods, by earthquakes
or by the Japanese.
Americans are no less interested in the Generalissimo as both a
symbol and a leader of the great struggle for a better future in which
we are all engaged. As you know even better than we in the United
States, war is an expensive, ugly business. Its rewards must be
great if mankind is not to perish by its own sword. The rewards of
this war must be greater than those of any other war and they must
be paid in the cash of freedom and security. The Generalissimo,
working with the principles of Dr. Sun, has helped to launch the
Chinese people on a great experiment in democracy, one in which
the goals of self-government and liberty have not been lost sight of
even in national crises where security, the security of the Chinese
nation has been paramount. I like to think that not only China but
the whole Pacific area and the entire world may emerge from this
war with their faces set directly toward a larger experiment along
the same line. It will not really be an experiment because we are
confident that we already know the answer. We know that only
liberty, real liberty of all peoples, is worth fighting for. We know
705
A FRIEND FROM DISTANT LANDS
that only security which means the right to live decently and well for
all peoples can be a guarantee that we shall not have to fight these
wars over again every generation.
Your Generalissimo stands in the very front rank among leaders
of his time who have given this challenge to the world and who are
struggling to fulfill it. I report to you as an ordinary American who
loves China and the Chinese people that your leader is a great man
not only among his own people but before the world.
I view this war as a great world struggle for freedom. It will
not be won by timid souls. It will be won only by bold and courage-
ous men who inspire their peoples to undertake and carry through
bold plans. Timid souls can always find reasons for a delay in
aggressively pushing through to victory. I have just visited the
Mediterranean area, the Middle East and Russia, and now I am here
in China. I toured the battlefronts of both Egypt and Russia. I
talked with military officials, with government leaders and above all
with scores and scores of people regular people, simple people
and what I did learn from them, particularly from the ordinary citizen
in whose intuitive judgment lies wisdom even for experts, was that
the ordinary citizen from Cairo to Moscow to Chungking is a lover
of liberty and wants action, action now. He feels the time has come
for the United Nations in a great unison of effort to take the offensive
everywhere. He is ahead of his leaders this plain citizen of Africa,
of Europe or Asia or America. He wants to get on with the war,
he wants to get the job done. He no longer believes or fears the
myth that Germany and Japan are invincible. It annoys him that
much of the might of the United Nations stands idle awaiting action
only on some future day. This ordinary citizen is ready now. He is
the strength of the United Nations. His faith in the justice of our
cause makes him a superman. We must all catch his infectious
spirit of enthusiasm for an immediate slashing, courageous attack
to enable us to sweep over the aggressor nations and on to a new
world of victory with justice, freedom, equality and opportunity for
all nations and all men.
706
118
Loyalty and Reciprocity
A message broadcast to the Chinese people and
soldiers on the thirty-first anniversary of the
Chinese National Day on October 10, 1942.
OCTOBER 10, 1942.
/"\N THIS thirty-first anniversary of the Chinese Republic every
^ citizen should call to mind the arduous efforts of all those who
helped to bring the Republic into existence. It is well to remember
the difficulties and reverses which Dr. Sun Yat-sen and his numerous
comrades had met since the opening of his revolutionary career, and
we must be thankful that their spirit of sacrifice and perseverance
finally culminated in the success of the Revolution in 1911. At this
critical moment in our War of Resistance, the lesson we ought to
learn from our past experience is that no genuine freedom, no true
independence and no final victory is possible unless we keep on
strengthening ourselves and struggling hard in face of fresh hardships.
Today I wish to point out to you fellow-countrymen and soldiers,
the moral basis for our national policy and existence.
For five thousand years the spirit of our national culture and
traditions has been such as may be summed up in the phrases
"loyalty and thoughtfulness" and "goodwill and love." Loyalty
consists in performing one's duties to the very best of one's ability ;
thoughtfulness is the will to think of the affairs of others in terms
of one's own to avoid doing to others what one would not have
them do to oneself. Since we will not tolerate oppression and
aggression from others we must refrain ourselves from oppressive
or aggressive action in our dealings with others and discountenance
such action throughout the world. The aim which we and our allies
have set before us in the present war is freedom and security for
humanity and its civilization; we are not concerned with the selfish
interests of a single nation or country. In striking contrast with the
ambition of the AJxis to subject other races to the tyranny of one
that claimjs superiority, our desire is to see proper importance attached
707
LOYALTY AND RECIPROCITY
to the interests of all races. Resistance is an expression of our
solicitude for the well-being ot all mankind and our determination to
make it possible for the world to! enjoy genuine peace. It is also
a demonstration of our faith in the Three People's Principles. Of
those principles the Principle of Nationalism is of especial importance
at the present stage, for while the existence of the nation remains
in danger the application of the other two principles of democracy
and a rising level of livelihood will depend upon our success in
applying the first.
The Principle of Nationalism requires of us the deliverance of
our nation and also the endeavor to obtain equality of status for
all other nations. Our national tradition of "goodwill and love"
impels us to this concern for the interests of other countries. Dr.
Sun, in asserting these tenets as a national creed, believed that the
world can attain to lasting peace and order only through the develop-
ment of this spirit of goodwill and love. The object of his revolu-
tionary work was as much world salvation as national salvation.
The goal of world unity he envisaged consists in equal enjoyment
of the goods of independence and freedom by all peoples without
distinction of color or power. Being now engaged in this just war
for the assertion of Right against Might, we must prepare, in collab-
oration with our allies, to devise means of making sure that there
shall be no repetition of this disaster in the future. Our duty for
the present remains to exert our best efforts in our own defense and
rehabilitation.
I turn next to the main principles of national reconstruction
which we must keep in sight in our life. The qualities which the
reconstruction program demands of us are industry, frugality and
conscientiousness, which it happens are qualities peculiarly character-
istic of our people. We must lay fresh emphasis upon their im-
portance. On several occasions this year I have urged upon my
fellow-countrymen the necessity of conforming their ways of living
to the exigencies of war time and carrying into full effect the pro-
visions of the National Mobilization Act. Today, however, there is
still insufficient evidence of urgency and energetic devotion to duty
which we require. We must have a livelier sense of the gravity
of the emergency and the realization that life in war time must
necessarily be one of hardship. We must be prepared to endure
708
LOYALTY AND RECIPROCITY
privations for the sake of the great undertaking of national rehabili-
tation. We must all bestir ourselves to bring all our activities into
line with the provisions of the National Mobilization Act. All those
with technical ability must make their contribution to its full im-
plementation. The individual must practice thrift in his personal
life and go about his work with enthusiastic and scrupulous atten-
tion to the public interest. The hardships of the fighting men at
the front should be considered the standard by which to judge all
civil life; their sacrifices should be the measure of what is required
of all citizens. If this maxim is obeyed the country will be in no
danger of falling short of the aims of reconstruction.
709
119
Beautiful and Touching Gesture
Messages to President Franklin D. Roosevelt and
Prime Minister Winston Churchill on October 13,
1942, in appreciation of the American and British
moves to relinquish extraterritorial rights in China.
OCTOBER 13, 1942.
MESSAGE TO PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT:
f\tJ THE occasion of the thirty-first anniversary of the Republic of
^ China the entire nation rejoiced that the United States has made
a voluntary move to relinquish extraterritorial rights in China.
Furthermore the ringing of the Liberty Bell in Independence Hall
to commemorate China's Liberty Day finds resounding echoes in
every Chinese heart of goodwill and friendship for America. These
tributes will do more to uphold the morale of our people in continuing
resistance than anything else could possibly do.
I personally am so deeply moved by this beautiful and touching
gesture that I cannot find words adequate to express my feeling.
As a boy the very words Liberty Bell and Independence Hall fired
my imagination and made a profound and lasting impression on my
mind. Throughout my struggle to secure national freedom for China
I have continuously dreamed of the day when she would assume the
full stature of an independent and democratic nation. Today this
ideal has been realized.
From the bottom of my heart I thank you for your superb and
inspired leadership and moral courage in assisting China to gain
equality among the United Nations. I assure you that China shall
not fail you in our joint task of securing freedom for all mankind.
MESSAGE TO PRIME MINISTER CHURCHILL:
appreciates deeply the gesture of friendship and goodwill
that Britain has made in determining to abrogate extraterri-
toriality in China. I feel certain that this expressive evidence of
710
BEAUTIFUL AND TOUCHING GESTURE
Sino-British friendship based on equality and mutual trust will in-
augurate a new and significant era not only in the Far East but
throughout the entire world. By this voluntary abandonment of
obsolete privileges, Britain has won a great moral victory to which
Your Excellency's farsighted statesmanship has made a lasting
contribution.
711
120
National and Allied Co-operation
Opening address delivered at the Third People's
Political Council on October 22, 1942.
OCTOBER 22, 1942.
AT TODAY'S session of the Third People's Political Council some
" of you are members who have been re-elected, and others have
been newly elected to the present Council by various localities. With
resistance in its sixth year and the hour of victory close at hand this
assembly will undoubtedly be able to make a substantial contribution
to the nation's war effort. The Council as now constituted has a
significance that transcends that of the two previous councils. On
behalf of the Government I extend a wholehearted welcome to you
all who have journeyed here over long distances at great cost of
time and trouble.
When our last session was held in November of last year, the
Pacific was threatened with imminent outbreak of war. Since the
opening of the Japanese campaign of aggression in that ocean on
December 8, China, in the company of the United Nations, has become
the most important member of the forces fighting on the continent
of East Asia. She is no longer the single-handed protagonist of
the cause of her own independence ; her fate is one with that of the
whole world. Our responsibilities and the scope of our operations
are now far more extensive than ever before.
I can assure you that the progress made by us has been as
substantial as the difficulties have been formidable. The revision
of tactics and strategy, the reform of management and preparation
for counter-offensive operations, have proceeded smoothly. The
battles fought in China during the past year have made it clear that
we have already passed from the defensive to the offensive warfare.
We have achieved indubitable results in all our military measures of
preparation for a general counter-offensive, despite the great diffi-
culties of the situation we have had to face.
In the initial stage of the Pacific War the Japanese seemed
712
NATIONAL AND ALLIED OO-OFEBATION
borne along by a wave of good fortune. Since June of this year,
however, they have met with a number of sharp reverses, in the
Coral Sea, off Midway Island, and at Dutch Harbor. Their naval
and air strength has been steadily declining, and recently in the
Solomons and New Guinea, where the Allies have not yet fully
developed their offensive, there have been unmistakable signs of
the enemy's exhaustion. The Japanese militarists have called upon
their people "not to under-estimate" Anglo-American strength.
They have announced that the present moment is not opportune for
the commencement of reconstruction in the South Seas; they have
emphasized the need of preparing for a war of long duration; they
have appealed for greater sacrifices. Although Soviet Russia is now
engaged in fierce fighting with Nazi Germany, she has in no way
relaxed the vigilance she maintains on her eastern frontier. As
a result of the failure of the German offensive in Russia and the
stabilization of the British position in Northern Africa, the Japanese
have had to abandon their plans for northern expansion and a junction
of forces with Germany; the future presents to them a spectacle of
fathomless uncertainty.
The past year has been especially memorable for the change it
has seen come about in our relations with other Powers. Despite
the damage caused to our means of communication with the outside
world by the loss of Hongkong and Burma, the circumstance has
done much to bring about fuller collaboration between China and
Great Britain, the United States, Soviet Russia and other allies.
But we are also opening up new routes of communication, and we
have achieved genuine military co-ordination. A great increase of
the financial and material assistance has been placed at our disposal.
Our allies have come to appreciate the effectiveness and importance
of our resistance, and to understand better the moral significance and
aims of the war we have been waging for over five years.
A still deeper cause for gratification is to be found in the
announcement made by the British and American governments on
the Double Tenth (China's National Day, October 10) of their
intention immediately to abrogate their extraterritorial rights in
China and enter into negotiations with a view to making all relevant
adjustments in their relations with the Chinese Government. There
will therefore be no occasion to wait until after the war for the
713
NATIONAL AND ALLIED GO-OPERATION
abolition of extraterritoriality. The gratitude we feel and the en-
couragement we have derived are inseparable from an added sense
of our great responsibility. We are fully aware that since our
allies have accorded us equality of status it stands to reason that
we shall rightly be expected to bear an equal share of the war burden.
I may mention four points of vital importance in the present
situation. First, the power of the Axis, having passed the zenith
of its development, is now on the decline. Its final defeat is a
matter of certainty. Secondly, the war will be of long duration and
a conclusion is not to be looked for within any short period of time.
Thirdly, the rapidity and volume of Allied war production are an
assurance to the anti-aggression nations for a final victory. Fourthly,
the present conflict will issue in a thoroughly conclusive decision and
the post-war world will undoubtedly be one wherein all nations can
live in freedom and equality of status one with another.
The moral prestige of the nations which can contribute most
to the victory will be correspondingly high. The chief feature of
our efforts henceforth must be "endurance and conscientiousness."
We shall be able to sustain those efforts only by conscientious striv-
ing toward a total victory. China's war is already unique for its
length, and after more than five years of fighting our privations can-
not but be great, but we must rouse our energies and summon up
the maximum of our national strength to overcome fresh difficulties :
trepidation or unwillingness to make sacrifices will only rob us of
the fruition of our past exertions.
Modern warfare is by no means merely a matter of military
operations; economic affairs constitute another factor of the first
importance. The implementation of the National General Mobiliza-
tion Act and the advancement of economic policy will therefore have
an immense influence on the course of the war. If we fail to mobilize
our manpower, to effect complete economic control, to stabilize
prices, to adjust production and distribution, successes at the front
will not free the nation from its peril. Let us take note of the way
in which America, whose national strength is greater than ours, after
less than a year of war has already instituted thorough economic
control and mobilized her manpower to an astonishing extent. She
has recently announced that the lower age limit for military service
has been changed from 20 to 18.
714
NATIONAL AND ALLIED CO-OPERATION
In China, however, there is still a lack of spontaneous enlistment
in national military and labor service. There is still extensive waste
of manpower and inadequate restriction of consumption; we have
not succeeded in establishing fully effective control of commodities
and prices; to a considerable degree social life is as lax now as in
peacetime, since many merchants have taken selfish advantage of
wartime conditions to profiteer and enrich themselves. Enthusiastic
patriotism is widely absent among the people and habits of self-
seeking and neglect of the public interest remain as obstacles to the
success of the Government's economic policy. If this state of affairs
continues the prosecution of the war will be seriously impeded. The
Government is determined, however, to effect complete application
of National General Mobilization, to exercise comprehensive economic
control in order to stabilize the national economy, and to override
all obstructions in its way. The help of persons of influence is
needed if satisfactory progress is to be made in this respect, and the
good offices of your Councilors and those of local hsien and pro-
vincial councils can prove invaluable in bringing about the desired
effect.
I trust that Councilors will bear in mind the following four
points in providing leadership for the people and assisting the Govern-
ment. In the first place, an attempt must be made to correct the
prevailing tone of social life, and promote the practice of all necessary
principles of wartime conduct. This means stimulating frugality and
a sense of urgency, reprehending indolence and preventing extrava-
gance. In the second place, prices must be stabilized, for this is
fundamentally necessary to the strengthening of war economy. For
the success of all restrictive measures imposed, the investigation of
marketing and distribution conditions, the detection of illegal prac-
tices, the facilitating of transportation, the control of commodities,
and the application of the rationing system, your leadership is needed.
Thirdly, in concentrating the nation's financial resources, it is essen-
tial to make the people understand that wartime financial policy
is founded upon revenue from taxation, subscriptions to public loans,
the collection of land tax in kind, and the promotion of savings.
Consequently, the enthusiastic support of the people must be enlisted
for the effective imposition of direct taxation, the soliciting of sub-
scriptions to war bonds, the compulsory purchase of materials of
715
NATIONAL AND ALLIED COOPERATION
war, the limitation of high incomes, and the control of profits and
rates of interest. Only on this condition can the issue of currency
be kept. within proper bounds and a firm foundation for the people's
livelihood be secured. Lastly, the conscription of manpower for
military and labor, service will, it is hoped, be supplemented by the
promotion of voluntary enlistment, and the prevention of evasion
and abuses. The system of stage transportation must be further
expanded by employing more fully the labor power of the people.
Young students and professional men are to be urged to utilize
their spare time in labor service, women encouraged to devote their
energies to productive activities and all other means are to be
sought to bring our total manpower to bear in resistance and recon-
struction.
This assembly follows closely upon the promised abolition of
extraterritoriality by Great Britain and the United States, and our
country is being watched by the world with fresh interest. This
should stir our Government and people to a more positive awareness
of our responsibilities and invigorate our resolve to advance the
cause of the United Nations.
716
121
The End of Unequal Treaties in China
An address delivered at the closing ceremony of the
Third People's Political Council on October 31,
1942.
OCTOBER 31, 1942,
TjX)R ten days this Session has been sitting and all you Councilors
*" have been unsparing of your energies by night and day in delib-
erating upon military affairs, foreign policy, internal administration,
finance, economy and education. You have dealt with present prob-
lems and plans for future improvement, and have arrived at a great
number of detailed resolutions. You have especially concentrated
your attention upon means of strengthening the war effort, mobilizing
manpower and resources, and controlling prices. In order to facili-
tate and expedite the application of the National Mobilization Act
and wartime economic measures in general, we have resolved to set
up within this Council a Committee for the Advancement of Eco-
nomic Mobilization. Henceforth we must unanimously proceed
to do all we can to inspire our fellow-countrymen with the deter-
mination to fulfill the duties of citizenship in time of war in such a
way that the national policy may be completely carried out and final
victory won.
The present session has been conducted in an extremely practical
and factual spirit; it has been pervaded with an exhilarating atmos-
phere of determination to meet growing difficulties with redoubled
resolution. I wish now to make some remarks in which I shall express
the hopes I entertain regarding your future work.
One of the causes for deep gratification we and our fellow-
countrymen find in recent events is of course the abolition of the
unequal treaties. In this respect there is nothing specific to report
at present, but I wish to assure you that Great Britain and the
United States have made this proposal voluntarily, out of such sin-
cerity of intention that there will be a satisfactory outcome of the
negotiations. I believe the essential thing at the moment is how,
717
END OP UNEQUAL TREATIES IN CHINA
after we have gained equality of status with other nations, we are
to exert ourselves and not fall short of our allies' expectations of
us or fail to play worthily the part of a modern and independent
nation. Consider how momentous an episode in the history of the
nation is this deliverance from the shackles that have bound it for
a hundred years. All of you here today, from the oldest to the
youngest member, have without exception grown up out of a period
of repeated national humiliations.
Dr. Sun, the Father of the Republic, made it his great aim in
his revolutionary leadership to secure for China freedom and equality
of status among the nations of the world. The principle of National-
ism has first to be applied. Then obstacles to the solution of prob-
lems involved in the application of the Principles of the People's
Sovereignty and Livelihood would be removed. The vindication of
our national honor has been the unvarying demand of the whole
Chinese people, alike of those who were, and were not, actually
concerned with the work of revolution. Now the way is open to
that goal and the occasion calls for a proper sense of its unique
importance on the part of every citizen. Let us look back over the
history of the nation's sufferings since the establishment of the
Republic and to the time of the Northern Expedition that put an
end to the civil wars waged by the militarists. In 1927 the world
began to understand China, and if it had not been for troubles at
home and menace from without the unequal treaties would have been
abolished long ago. Half of the obstacles were due to mischief done
by the Japanese Imperialists and half due to pretexts founded upon
our own lack of unity. The present success is the result of more than
five years of war. Now we must go on to display with firmer
solidarity and greater efforts our full comprehension of the stages
by which the revolution has been advancing and concentrate our
will and activity upon victory in resistance and the complete appli-
cation of the Three People's Principles. This is the first point
I hope you will endeavor to bring to your fellow-countrymen's notice.
Having now attained equality of status with our allies and
other nations of the world we must shoulder the responsibilities
which this age has laid upon us. The nation is responsible not only
for its own interests but also for those of the world. No diffi-
culties or sacrifices must deter us from the fulfillment of our duties
718
END OF UNEQUAL TREATIES IN CHINA
as one unit of the forces of the United Nations, and after the war,
we must be prepared, as a progressive and free nation devoted to
the cause of justice, to do all that is required of us in collaboration
with those nations to re-create world order and effect the deliverance
of mankind. China is the largest and most ancient of Asiatic coun-
tries, but it is not for us boastfully to talk of her right to a position
of "leadership" among those countries. In the spirit of the saying
"all men are brothers/' we shall rather regard it as our responsibility
to treat the peoples of Asia, like all suffering and oppressed humanity
elsewhere, as equals to help and support. Recognizing equality as
the highest guiding principles in international affairs, we shall do
well neither to under-estimate nor over-estimate our own importance
and dignity. It is precisely Japanese militarism, with its ambition of
dominating Asia under the pretense of organizing a "Co-prosperity
Sphere for Greater East Afeia/' that constitutes the universal enemy
we are determined to crush.
We have been fighting this War of Resistance with pure motive
and consistent principle, not for any selfish purpose, but for the
salvation of the world through first saving ourselves. Toward
Asia, as toward the whole world, we wish only to do our duty, to
the exclusion of any lust for power or other desires incompatible
with the moral dictates of love and benevolence that are character-
istic of the Chinese national spirit. The aim of the Revolution is,
so far as the interests of China herself are concerned, the restoration
of her original frontiers, and in regard to the rest of the world, a
gradual advance of all nations from the stage of equality to that of
an ideal unity. Such is the full extent of our desires. Every citizen
should take stock of his country's position; the Washington Con-
ference made China one of the four main powers, and that was an
expression of the high regard in which our allies hold us. Yet the
degree to which our national reconstruction and strength are inade-
quate in comparison with other powers must fill us with a sense of
unworthiness. With the continual and fierce development of hos-
tilities, we must go about the discharging of our responsibility
toward the world by building up our own strength and intensifying
our preparations for a general counter-offensive. In the present
period we must stand firm, permit ourselves no vainglorious thoughts
or rashness, and never slacken in our vigilance. This is the second
719
BUD OF UOTQU AL TBBATUB IN CHINA
point I would have you Councilors impress upon your fellow-
countrymen.
In all matters relating to efficiency in military operations and
administration both your unreserved advice and assistance are needed
by the Government. The nation has not yet in many respects met
the fundamental requirements for the implementation of its war
policy; there is no uniform standard of knowledge prevailing among
the people, and this is one very undeniable difficulty and shortcoming.
We must make a searching review of our national circumstances,
devise practical measures, co-ordinate our efforts, and proceed, fully
conscious of the indivisibility of our interests, to reinvigorate our
national strength by urging the whole people to exertions in the
common cause. The nation's affairs should be regarded as indis-
tinguishable from the individual's; the failings of the nation or of
individual citizens should make us all equally ashamed. We must
convert indifference into enthusiasm, negative attitudes into positive,
get rid of irresponsibility and replace the tendency to blame others
by willingness to co-operate with others.
The future status of our nation can have no resemblance to
what it was in the past. Our intelligentsia and men of influence in
society cannot therefore any longer maintain that posture of com-
placent aloofness they so often affected in the past, for now the
nation needs their services, their fellow-citizens need their instruc-
tion and guidance and youth their leadership. What I trust you
will do is positively to make yourselves responsible to the nation
and the people by providing enthusiastic leadership in the wprk of
cultivating new political and social tendencies, and eradicating the
bad old habits of insincerity, display, indolence and dilatoriness.
Every citizen must realize that the status we have now acquired is
the fruit of fifty years' revolutionary endeavor and five years of
war. It might be lost as easily as it was gained with difficulty. If
we cannot bring to the fore the virtues of diligence and thrift for
which our people are renowned and cultivate habits of endurance and
conscientiousness, but continue to present the spectacle of disunity
described in the phrase "a tray of sand" each man for himself,
false to others and self-deceiving we shall never be able to give
our society or our nation a place in the modern world. It will reject
us, and if we cannot overcome the aggressor who is the final obstacle
720
HD OF UNEQUAL TBEATDB8 IN CHINA
to our national rehabilitation we shall have wasted our former toil,
and generations of our people yet unborn will be enslaved. The
reform of our social modes of thought and life is the essential means
to national salvation. We must arouse our fellow-countrymen to
awareness and circumspection that they may avoid all activity and
thought that conflicts with the process of modernization, all feudal-
istic provincialism and sectionalism that undermines the authority
of the Government. The nation must be led truly to value the
unique opportunity it now possesses of restoring its pristine glory
and demonstrating the spirit of selfless devotion to the universal
good which is the salient feature of its cultural traditions. There
must be a rebirth of that spirit such as will enable us to fight and to
build with success. This is the third point I have to recommend to
you as a keynote of your activity as leaders of your people.
The recent war situation is more favorable than that of any
other titoe when the Council has met. We can perceive the coming
of the dawn both of victory in war and success in reconstruction.
The problems of the future will, however, be numerous and the crises
through which the revolution will yet have to pass confront us in
anticipation. The recovery of full health and vigor in a country
afflicted with so many maladies as ours has been will not be so easy
a matter as some may suppose. The fate of the nation is now in the
balance; we must look to ourselves for the strength to win survival
for our country ; its destiny will depend upon men of our generation.
We must not allow any particular set of circumstances to affect the
fixed conception of our mission. Only by a great devotion to the
cause can we act up to the achievements of these years of war and
carry on the unfinished work of the revolutionary martyrs. One of
the most important duties of you Councilors who are about to
return to the localities from which you have come will be the ex-
pediting in all ways that lie within your power of national mobiliza-
tion and the work of the Committee for the Advancement of Eco-
nomic Mobilization. These are days when the nation's hopes are
high and at the same time the weight of our duties is constantly
growing. I trust that you will all strive your utmost in the national
service that is yours.
721
122
From Man's Oldest Parliament
The first speech of welcome was given by General-
issimo Chiang Kai-shek to the members of the
British Parliamentary Mission at the banquet given
by the Generalissimo and Madame Chiang in tlmr
honor on November 12, 1942. The second speech
was delivered when the British guests attended the
Tenth Plenary Session of the Fifth Central Execu-
tive Committee of the Kuomintang held on the \6th
of the same month.
NOVEMBER 12, 1942.
HONORABLE MEMBERS OF THE BRITISH PARLIAMENTARY MISSION:
T DEEM it a great pleasure to have the privilege of extending to
you, on behalf of the people of China, a cordial and hearty wel-
come. We have been looking forward to your visit with eagerness,
and we are all the more delighted to have you with us, because this
is, I understand, the first time that the British Parliament, the oldest
representative assembly in the world, sends an official mission
abroad.
You have come from afar, after an arduous trip, to bring us a
message of goodwill from your great nation, to acquaint yourselves
and take back with you the hopes for the future of our people re-
garding your people and to strengthen the bonds of comradeship
between us. Your mission is on everybody's lips and your presence
cannot fail to be a source of encouragement and inspiration to the
Chinese Army and people.
We Chinese have a saying : "To see even only once is better than
to learn from a hundred reports/ 1 which is equivalent to your "See-
ing is believing." From your own observation, you will not fail
to notice the deep appreciation of the Chinese Government and
people for the mpral and material assistance you have rendered them
in their struggle.
We are sincerely touched by the widespread sympathetic inter
722
FROM MAN'S OLDEST PARLIAMENT
est of the British people in our ordeal, and by the innumerable tokens
of sympathy as manifested in the incessant efforts to enlist support
for our cause. The present United Aid to China Fund, the recent
renunciation of extraterritoriality and related rights and the visit
of your mission itself are to us additional proofs of Great Britain's
friendship for China.
I hope that you will gain a true picture of the severity of our
trials and tribulations in these five long years, the grimness of our
determination to prosecute the war to total victory, and the firmness
of our faith in the ultimate triumph of the common cause to which
our people have dedicated themselves.
For several years we fought alone against aggression in this
part of the world. But never for a moment did we lose faith in the
ultimate outcome of our resistance against aggression, for as one
of our ancient sages, Mencius, said: "He who has a just cause re-
ceives aid from many quarters." How true these words ring today !
Now that our two countries and the other Uhited Nations are
intimately bound together in a common cause and a common destiny,
it behooves all of us to co-operate to the fullest extent and I know
we are all equally resolved to do it not only in the prosecution of
the war, but also in the building up of a saner and happier world.
RESPONSE OF LORD AILWYN, MEMBER OF THE
HOUSE OF LORDS.
TV/fAY I express on behalf of the British Parliamentary Delegation
our most grateful thanks to Your Excellency for your very kind
welcome to us here this evening and for words with which you have
been good enough to address us.
The British people were not slow to realize the importance and
the significance of Your Excellency's request that a Parliamentary
Mission should visit this country. They were, too, greatly pleased
at the interest and satisfaction expressed in messages from China
welcoming this visit. It is as Your Excellency has said a unique
event the first of its kind, I believe, in British Parliamentary his-
tory and we are very proud to find ourselves here as members of
this mission.
We were delighted with the warm and enthusiastic welcome
which we received on our arrival at Chungking yesterday and we
723
FBOM MAN'S OLD1ST PARLIAMENT
shall not fail to tell them at home of the kindness extended to u*
both in the matter of our reception and in the thought and considera-
tion given to our comfort and welfare for the term of our visit.
Before leaving London we were received by His Majesty the
King who charged us with the delivery to His Excellency the Presi-
dent of the National Government of a personal letter of greeting
from His Majesty. We were further entrusted with two personal
letters to Your Excellency, one from our Prime Minister Mr.
Churchill and the other from the Lord Chancellor of Great Britain
and the Speaker of the House of Commons. We have been happy to
carry out these duties and we have had the honor of delivering these
letters today.
Your Excellency, we have come to China with the keenest antici-
pation. We hope to see all that it is possible to show us of the
great and valiant work of the Chinese people and of the Chinese
Army under the inspiring leadership of Your Excellency through
nearly five and a half years of epic struggle. Nor do we forget the
noble work and high courage of Madame Chiang Kai-shek, some of
the results of whose labors up and down the country we shall also
hope to see. We should like, if you will permit us, to tell you some-
thing of the British war effort and of our inflexible will and deter-
mination not to sheathe the sword until out of this welter of bloodshed
and suffering there emerges a world purged once and for all of the
forces of evil which now beset the peace-loving peoples of the world.
May I express once more to Your Excellency our deep sense of
gratitude for this great privilege which is ours of visiting your great
country and for your kind hospitality to us this evening.
RESPONSE OF MR. J. J. LAWSON, MEMBER OF THE
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
TB7E COUNT it a privilege to visit your country at a time when
China and her people have won the admiration of the world by
their heroic and long-sustained stand against a cruel and powerful
enemy. It is not only a privilege but a very great honor to come
at the invitation of your Government to represent the Parliament of
Great Britain.
Two of our members are Conservatives, one is a Liberal, one is
724
FROM MAN'S OLDEST PABLIAMBKT
a Socialist. But whatever our political views, however we may
differ, we have one strong bond of unity today, and that is rooted
in the view of the British people and its Parliament, to utterly de-
stroy the fascist enemy in Germany and Japan.
To that end the whole life of the people of Britain is dedicated.
In times of peace we never had more than fourteen million industrial
workers. Since the war we have turned twenty-three million men
and women to the production of armaments out of a population of
forty-six millions. In addition we have sent millions into the armed
forces and great numbers to civil defense.
It can be truly said that today in Britain, apart from the very
old and very young, everybody is engaged in the common struggle
with the enemy. You in this land were the first to meet the on-
slaught of cruel men upon the decent peace-loving people of the
world. You met the attack with a courage and fortitude which has
gained for the Chinese people the gratitude of the Allied Nations.
We are proud to be standing side by side with you.
When the old lost sense of security is restored by victory I trust
that the friendship welded by the fires of war may enable us to work
together for the establishment of that permanent peace in which new
triumphs of culture will be achieved and new depths of human friend-
ship sounded among the nations of the earth.
NOVEMBER 16, 1942.
YOUR EXCELLENCY AND HONORABLE MEMBERS OF THE BRITISH
PARLIAMENTARY MISSION:
TT IS a happy coincidence that the British Parliamentary Mission
has arrived in Chungking at a time when the Tenth Plenary Ses-
sion of the Central Executive Committee of our Kuomintang is
taking place. The four honorable members of the group collectively
constitute a unique mission of goodwill from the British people to
the people of China, and the enthusiasm with which they are being
greeted everywhere since their arrival is a measure of appreciation
on the part of our Government and people of the significance of
their visit. Individually, they represent the three principal political
parties of Great Britain. Therefore in my capacity as Director-
General of the Kuomintang and on behalf of this session I take
pleasure in bidding them a hearty welcome and express our satis-
725
FROM MAN'S OLDEST PARLIAMENT
faction that they have come to this meeting in order to get a glimpse
of the Central Committee at work.
I hope that the visit of these distinguished guests to our meeting
today will prove to be a valuable link between the Kuomintang
of China and the three main political parties of our friend and ally
Great Britain, not only in the common struggle of the United Nations
for the cause of freedom and democracy, but also in the furtherance
of friendly co-operation between China and Great Britain in the
post-war world.
726
125
China's After- War Aims
A message sent to the eleventh annual Forum on
Current Problems under the auspices of the New
York Herald Tribune and delivered on November
17, 1942.
NOVEMBER 17, 1942.
political testament of the Father of our Republic, Dr. Sun
Yat-sen, began with a reminder to his followers that "the Revo-
lution is not yet achieved." Even after the National Revolution
succeeded in overthrowing the warlords and unified China in 1927,
we have continued to characterize our Government as a revolutionary
government.
Critics asked : Now that you have established a government of
all China, why do you persist in calling yourselves a revolutionary
government? What do you mean by revolution?
The answer is that what we mean by revolution is the attainment
of all three of Dr. Sun's basic principles of national revolution : na-
tional independence, progressive realization of democracy, and a
rising level of living conditions for the masses. When victory conies
at the end of this war, we shall have fully achieved national inde-
pendence, but will have far to go to attain our other two objectives.
Hence our claim that ours is still a revolutionary government, which
means no more and no less than it is a government dedicated to
attaining these other two objectives.
Insisting on national independence for all peoples, Dr. Sun's
vision transcends the problem of China and seeks equality for all
peoples, East and West alike. China not only fights for her own
independence, but also for the liberation of every oppressed nation.
For us the Atlantic Charter and President Roosevelt's proclamation
of the four freedoms for all peoples are the cornerstones of our
fighting faith.
For many centuries Chinese society has been free of class dis-
tinctions such as are found even in advanced democracies. At the
727
CHINA*! AITBR-WAB AIMS
core of our political thought is our traditional maxim: "The people
form the foundation of the country." We Chinese are instinctively
democratic, and Dr. Sun's objective of universal suffrage evokes
from all Chinese a ready and unhesitating response. But the proc-
esses and forms by which the will of the people is made manifest,
and the complex machinery of the modern government cannot, I
know to my cost, be created overnight, especially under the constant
menace and attack of Japanese militarism.
During the last years of his life, Dr. Sun devoted much of his
forward thinking to the economic reconstruction of China, and
nothing, I believe, so marked his greatness as his insistence that the
coming tremendous economic reconstruction of China should benefit,
not the privileged few, but the entire nation.
The absence of a strong central government capable of directing
economic development, the bondage of unequal treaties trying to
keep China as a semi-colony for others, and, above all, the jealous
machinations of Japan all those greatly retarded the economic re-
construction to which the national revolution of China is dedicated.
But the end of the present war will find China freed of her
bondage, with a vigorous government and a people ardent with de-
sire to rebuild their country. I feel the force of this desire as a
tidal wave which will not only absorb the energies of our people for
a century, but will also bring lasting benefits to the entire world.
But the bright promise of the future which has done much to
sustain us during our grim struggle with Japan will cruelly vanish if
after paying the price this second time we don't achieve the reality
of world co-operation.
I hear that my American friends have confidence in the experi-
ence of men who have "come up the hard way." My long struggles
as a soldier of the Chinese Revolution have forced me to realize
the necessity of facing hard facts. There will be neither peace, nor
hope, nor future for any of us unless we honestly aim at political,
social and economic justice for all peoples of the world, great
and small. - But I feel confident that we of the United Nations can
achieve that aim only by starting at once to organize an international
order embracing all peoples to enforce peace and justice among men.
To make that start we must begin today, and not tomorrow, to apply
these principles among ourselves even at some sacrifice to the abso-
728
CHINA'S AFTBB-WAB AIMS
lute powers of our individual countries. We should bear in mind
one of the most inspiring utterances of the last World War, that of
Edith Cavell:
"Standing at the brink of the grave, I feel that patriotism alone
is not enough."
We Chinese are not so blind as to believe that a new inter-
national order will usher in the millennium. But we don't look upon
it as visionary. The idea of universal brotherhood is innate in the
catholic nature of Chinese thought; it was a dominant concept of
Dr. Sun Yat-sen, whom events have proved time and again to be
not a visionary but one of the world's greatest realists.
Among our friends there has been recently some talk of China
emerging as the leader of Asia, as if China wished the mantle of an
unworthy Japan to fall on her shoulders. Having herself been a
victim of exploitation, China has infinite sympathy for the submerged
nations of Asia, and towards them China feels she has only respon-
sibilities not rights. We repudiate the idea of leadership of Asia
because the "fuehrer principle" has been synonymous for domination
and exploitation, precisely as the "East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere"
has stood for a race of mythical supermen lording over groveling
subject races.
China has no desire to replace Western imperialism in Asia
with an Oriental imperialism, or isolationism of its own or of any
one else. We hold that we must advance from the narrow idea of
exclusive alliance and regional blocs, which in the end make for
bigger and more terrible wars, to the effective organization of world
unity. Unless real world co-operation replaces both isolationism and
imperialism of whatever form in the new interdependent world of
free nations, there will be no lasting security for you or for us.
729
124
The Comradeship of the United Nations
Messages to President Roosevelt and Prime Min-
isters Winston Churchill, John Curtin and Mac-
Kenzie King on the occasion of the first anniversary
of the Pacific War, December 7, 1942.
DECEMBER 7, 1942.
To FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:
f\N THIS anniversary of your entry into the war, brought about
by the treacherous attack of our common enemy on American
territory in the Pacific, I tender to you my warm greetings and good
wishes. We have watched with deep admiration America's stupen-
dous achievements in her war efforts under your inspiring leader-
ship. The victories which have crowned your arms are indeed
heartening to all freedom-loving peoples. China has fought the
enemy for over five years and now the pride is hers to fight shoulder
to shoulder with America and other United Nations for the cause
of democracy. This comradeship-in-arms cannot but spur us on to
greater efforts and strengthen our resolve to prosecute this war to
its successful conclusion. And when victory is won, the sincere
friendship and mutual understanding, fostered by this comradeship-
in-arms, will greatly aid us in our common task of shaping a new
world order based on justice and freedom.
To WINSTON CHURCHILL, PRIME MINISTER OF GREAT BRITAIN:
A YEAR ago today, our common enemy's ruthless attack on you
" extended the war for you to the Pacific. On this anniversary, I
extend to you my hearty greetings and good wishes for a speedy
victory. The grim determination of your people to carry on the
war until the forces of evil are utterly destroyed and the heroic
sacrifices they are making for our common cause find a spontaneous
response in the hearts of the Chinese people. With your entry into
the Pacific War, China has gained an invaluable ally. And now,
our two peoples are fighting side by side and the spirit of comrade-
730
THE COMRADESHIP OF THE UNITED NATIONS
ship, engendered by these associations, will serve them well not only
in the prosecution of the war, but also, when the day of final triumph
comes, in the common task of restoring peace and of assuring man-
kind to live in freedom.
To JOHN CURTIN, PRIME MINISTER OF AUSTRALIA :
TT IS five and a half years ago since our common enemy began his
career of conquest and depredation by invading our country. But
urged on by a boundless and insane ambition, he, a year ago today,
marshaled his hosts southward and brought in their wake a trail of
plunder and rapine. On this anniversary, the Chinese people and I
send you and the Australian people our warm greetings and good
wishes. Your country, by the heroic effort in mobilizing all your
resources, has succeeded in checking the enemy at your door. The
gallantry exhibited by your fighting men, wherever they have been
engaged, has won the profound admiration of our Army and people.
The successes which your arms have achieved are indeed reassuring
to us who are fighting with you on the same front. I am more con-
fident than ever that the day is not far distant when the Allied arms
will triumph, thus opening a new era in which your people and ours
may join hands in the common task of reconstructing the Pacific
world on the basis of enduring peace.
To MACKENZIE KING, PRIME MINISTER OF CANADA:
A S WE enter upon the second year of the Pacific War, I send you
"^ and the Canadian people my cordial greetings and those of the
Chinese people and Army. On this anniversary, we take pride in
greeting our Canadian ally who, through his astounding achievements
not only on the field of battle, but also in the sphere of war produc-
tion, has done so mtich to bring nearer the day of final victory over
the forces of aggression.
Your unshakable determination not to sheathe your sword until
the enemy is utterly crushed evokes an immediate response in our
hearts. I have every confidence that, with the unity of purpose
such as pervades our joint efforts, we shall overcome these evil
forces and make possible the restoration of peace on an enduring
basis to the end that mankind may again enjoy the blessings of
liberty and justice.
731
123
A New World Order Built on Christian Love
An address to several hundred Allied military
representatives and officers and men of the Allied
armed forces stationed in the Chinese wartime cap-
ital, who were guests of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-
shek at a Christmas Day program and tea party on
December 25, 1942.
DECEMBER 25, 1942.
FELLOW COMRADES OF THE UNITED NATIONS:
nPODAY is the birthday of Christ, a day of universal joy. I am
quite sure that if you were in your own country, you would be
able to celebrate Christmas in an even more festive mood. On my
part, it is indeed a great pleasure and honor to have you join me in
celebrating Christmas together.
Five years ago China, unprepared and under-equipped though
she was, resolutely took up arms in defense of herself against the
Japanese militarists. But it was my firm conviction from the very
beginning of our resistance that the final victory would belong to
us. It was also my belief that all democracies sooner or later would
join hands in a common effort to exterminate brute force and deal
a blow to the aggressor nations. Just as our ancients said that
"those who are in the right will receive aid from many quarters
while those in the wrong will find little sympathy/' we now have
thirty-one countries united in arms and fighting shoulder to shoulder
for justice and peace. This proves the truth of the Chinese saying
and proves also that my vision has come true.
The present world line-up may be said to be divided into two
blocs. On the one side are aligned thirty-one peace- and justice-
loving countries which, united in purpose, find their fighting power
daily increasing as they struggle for the freedom and preservation
of humanity. On the other side are grouped Germany, Italy and
Japan, three ambitious totalitarian states which, bent on extending
their territorial domains, have swallowed up weaker nations one
732
NEW WORLD ORDBR BUILT ON CHRISTIAN LOVE
after another and which have cherished the ambition of partitioning
the world.
But it must be noted that this Axis camp is fighting for an
unjust cause and is solely guided by a policy of utter treachery,
ruthlessness and barbarity. That being the case, how can they stand
up against our Allied and righteous armies? Consequently, it is a
foregone conclusion that the final defeat of the Axis bloc is in-
evitable, just as the ultimate triumph of the United Nations is a
thing that admits of no doubt. The United Njations are fighting
entirely for international justice and human freedom. This co-
incides with the principles of the late Dr. Sun Yat-sen's San Min
Chu I and when translated into action, it will also mean the
realization of the spirit of love of Christ. ,
It is my firm conviction that out of this war, the thirty-one
United Nations will be able to re-establish the world on the basis of
equality and mutual assistance and will also be able to build up a
new world order of genuine peace and happiness. Such a new world
order must be created on the foundation of "love" as preached by
Christ. Therefore, at this Christmas, amidst the raging of a world
conflict, I sincerely pray to Jesus Christ, the Prince of Peace, for
the early arrival of our common victory so that the world may be
delivered from the ruthless oppression of the three Axis countries,
Germany, Italy and Japan, and that the conquered peoples now living
under their domination may sooner obtain their liberation and
freedom.
As the Commander-in-Chief of the China war theater, I wish
the United Nations an early victory and our Allied officers and men
happiness and good health.
733
126
New Treaties: New Responsibilities
A message to the people and the Army of China
on the occasion of the signing of the Sino-Ameri-
can and the Sino-British treaties for the relinquish-
ment of extraterritorial rights in China, January
11, 1943.
JANUARY 11, 1943.
OCTOBER 10 last year the United States and Great Britain
voluntarily announced their relinquishment of the special rights
they had long enjoyed in China under unequal treaties. Yesterday in
Washington and in Chungking our Government signed new treaties
of equality and reciprocity with these two nations.
Fellow-countrymen, just a century before the American and
British announcements, the Manchu dynasty concluded the first of
China's unequal treaties with foreign powers. By fifty years of
revolutionary struggle and five and a half years of war and sacrifice,
we have transformed an inglorious anniversary into an occasion of
national rejoicing. Today marks a new epoch in China's history
and today Britain and America have lighted a new light to guide
man's progress on the road to equality and freedom for all peoples.
By their actions our allies have declared their basic war aim
to sustain the rule of human decency and human right and have
proved their high ideals and lofty purposes. From the United States
we have received an especially gratifying, complete and unreserved
agreement to the hopes and aspirations expressed by our Govern-
ment. From the action of our allies every one of the United Nations
must draw new courage for the fight. The aggressor nations may
observe and doubt.
But we should all understand that freedom and independence are
prizes to be won only by our own efforts. I have often said to you,
my fellow-countrymen, "We must be self-reliant before we can be
independent; we must be strong before we can be free." Before
the Republic of China can be independent and free the nation must
734
MEW TREATIES: NEW RBSPONBIBILmES
be strong. Before our soldiers and our people can be worthy citizens
of a China, independent and free, they must be self-reliant and
ready for hard tasks. By abolition of the unequal treaties our na-
tional responsibility has only been increased. We should meet the
new responsibility with a still keener resolve to do our duty.
This is no time for arrogant conceit or self-satisfaction with the
little that has been accomplished already. If we fail to make China
independent, free and strong, if the nation we build is impotent to
do its share for the general welfare of mankind, then what we have
gained will soon be lost. When the war ends our task will not be
done. We must continue as we have begun or we shall sink back into
dependency and our children and our children's children will live
out their lives in bondage.
China's destiny, in truth, is the heavy burden which has been
placed upon the shoulders of our generation. To safeguard the broad
lands bequeathed to us by our forefathers, and to ensure to our
posterity, liberty and well-being, we must resolve this day to acquit
ourselves loyally with self-reliance, without shirking, and in harmony
with one another.
We can see already the first signs of coming victory in this
world war against world aggression. The time of the enemy's
defeat is near at hand. There are some who assume that China's
destiny will be easily decided at the conference table after victory
has come. There are others who believe that the outcome is certain
and that China may easily participate in the fruits of future victory
without present struggle. These men are wrong. The time to decide
the destiny of our nation is now. The choice is plain before us.
Are we to be masters in our own house or are we hereafter, as in
the past, to obey the voice of others? At such a time there is no
room for procrastination or lethargy or doubt. From this moment
we must work still harder and bear without complaint still greater
privations than we have done in the past five and a half years of
war. There is no other way to succeed in the great task which fate
has laid upon us.
Fellow-countrymen, until today we could rightly assert that
unequal treaties with foreign powers had hindered and prevented
our efforts to build a nation. The unequal treaties implanted among
us disunity, economic backwardness and social chaos. They taught
735
NIW TMtATEES: NEW B18FOHBIBILR188
our people a sense of inferiority which we could not overcome. They
encouraged a mood of weak surrender by which too few were shamed.
Even today we are without the self-confidence or moral courage
which should be ours. But now that the unequal treaties have been
abolished their influence is also gone. Henceforth, if we are weak,
if we lack self-confidence, the fault will be ours only. Habits learned
in the bad times of our nation's dependency may still survive. With
one mind and one will we must weed them out and we must rally
together around the standard of the Three Principles of the People
to defeat our enemy and reconstruct the country that we love.
Success in our long struggle is at last in sight. Together we
must go forward believing the teachings of the Father of the Re-
public, applying the Three Principles of the People and supporting
our National Government. Ajs one man we must do our duty, living
the hard wartime life and doing all that is necessary to be done. As
one man we must fight and as one man we must work to lay the
foundation of the better China of the days of peace.
Fellow-countrymen, this is the period of our golden opportunity.
It is our good fortune to see on this day the final casting off of the
bonds of the past and to begin on this day a new and more hopeful
stage on the long road to independence and freedom. As I urge you
on this day to intensify your struggle, I urge you also to remember
the best traditions of your nation in dealing with other nations
friendly to China. Their citizens will now enjoy the protection of
our laws. Toward them we must be friendly and courteous. Form-
erly what passed as friendliness and courtesy on our part was
nothing but capitulation and humiliation. Now that the unequal
treaties have been abrogated we are on an equal footing with Great
Britain and the United States. An independent China has become
a real friend of these two nations. In our relations with other people
we Chinese have always been guided by the principles of propriety
and righteousness. Therefore, in our future relations with friendly
nations we should be more courteous and friendly than ever before.
Look to the lessons of the past. Keep before you always the beacons
of LA, Yi t Lien and Ch'ih (propriety, righteousness, integrity and
humility). March forward with a common purpose until we can
join our allies in building a better world as we have joined with one
another to build a better nation.
736
Fellow-countrymen, I greet this memorable day with deep con-
fidence and ardent hope. I pledge my utmost effort for the future
as you must pledge yours. From the bottom of my heart I thank you
all for your courage and endurance in these hard years. We have
gone through much together, you and I.
I offer heartfelt tribute to the memory of the martyrs of our
great cause and I salute the victory that is to come.
Long live the freedom and independence of the Republic of China.
Long live the success of our national revolution.
Long live the Three Principles of the People.
737
127
Our Spiritual Force
Message to the nation commemorating the ninth
anniversary of the New Life Movement, broadcast
on February 18, 1943.
FEBRUARY 18, 1943.
npODAY is the ninth anniversary of the New Life Movement. It
* arrives at a time when our new treaties with Great Britain and
the United States have just been concluded. Our War of Resistance
up to this date has written a new and glorious page in Chinese his-
tory. It has also helped to lay a permanent foundation for the re-
birth of the Chinese nation.
We should realize that, in the establishment of an everlasting
cornerstone for the regeneration of the Chinese nation, the most
effective weapon, in addition to the military, political, economic,
cultural and the various material forces, has been our spiritual force.
The latter's forms are invisible but fundamental weapons and are
embodied in the New Life Movement.
The New Life Movement is the fundamental motivating force
of our armed resistance. It is also the fundamental basis for the
realization of San Min Chu I. The main purpose behind my inau-
guration of the New Life Movement nine years ago today was to
arouse my fellow-countrymen in defense against foreign aggression.
The idea was first to reform our living habits and our way of think-
ing so that they might conform with our ancient virtues of propriety,
justice, integrity and conscientiousness. In other words, the New
Life Movement aims at encouraging every Chinese citizen to so
renew and intensify his efforts that a new national consciousness
and a spirit of fortitude may be born, and with this we may wipe
out all national humiliations and create a country enjoying equality
and freedom.
Thanks to the understanding of the purpose underlying the New
Life Movement by the majority of my fellow-countrymen who, with
one heart and mind, have marched forward toward the same goal,
738
OUR SPIRITUAL FORCB
and, thanks to our nine years of hard and unceasing struggle, our
national revolution has achieved the present initial stage of success.
However, the fact remains that the New Life Movement has not yet
been universally enforced, although the nation has generally recog-
nized that the New Life Movement is significant and should be
promoted. But, even with such subconscious recognition, the New
Life Movement has willy-nilly wielded great influence and, if, hence-
forth, each and every one of us really observes the tenets of the
New Life Movement, there is not the slightest doubt that our task
of national reconstruction will be a success.
Consequently, on the ninth anniversary of the New Life Move-
ment, my first thought is one of gratification and optimism. I am
deeply convinced that the traditional spirit of the nation is still
firmly entrenched in the heart of every Chinese and that, once aroused,
its influence will be strongly felt.
The second thought I would like to share with you tonight is
one of apprehension and caution for, although the unequal treaties
have been abrogated, our national humiliations have not yet been
completely wiped out. At this time, we should all remember that
we must modernize our mode of living and our spirit before we can
catch up with the times and consummate our task of national recon-
struction. Consequently, the question that is uppermost in my mind
now is that, although our country has achieved a position of equality,
there are still many of my countrymen who fail to realize its sig-
nificance. They are still careless about their living habits and are
still ignorant of the fundamentals of orderliness and cleanliness.
Some still indulge in fast living, in direct contravention of the prin-
ciples of simplicity, and there are even some who, disregarding public
welfare and order, have committed many disgraceful acts. If such
vicious habits are not thoroughly corrected, how can we have a
healthy society and how can our countrymen stand up to others?
And, even if others respect our equality and treat us as equals, how
can we ever hope to compete with them? Whenever I think of
this, the thought occurs to me that every citizen should immediately
wake up, examine his living habits and ask himself how far he has
conformed to the tenets of the New Life Movement. Those who
have practiced preachings of the New Life Movement should try
739
OUR SPIRITUAL FORQB
to further better themselves and those who have ignored the prin-
ciples of the New Life Movement should no longer delay.
In my broadcast to the nation on November 12 last year, I said
that ''only through self-reliance can we really be independent and
only through self-strengthening can we really be free." A faithful
observance of the New Life Movement is the starting point of self-
reliance and self-strengthening. That being the case, it is my fervent
hope that every citizen will, from now on in his attitude toward men
and toward things in general and in his speech and action, adhere
to the principles of the New Life Movement. They should guide
themselves by the virtues of propriety, justice, integrity and con-
scientiousness and their speech and actions should conform to the
highest modern international standards.
For this reason, it is my conviction that the promotion of the
New Life Movement henceforth should be more of a positive and
universal character. Furthermore, the New Life Movement should
be manifested in a concrete way before it can meet with the present
day needs of the State and the nation. Consequently, I will deviate
from my past practice of naming on each anniversary a few items
of work as the central activities of the New Life Movement of the
year. Instead, I will read the full text of the outline of the New
Life Movement to my fellow-countrymen with the hope that it will
lead them to self-examination and mutual admonition. Only by
exerting joint efforts and universally observing the principles of
the New Life Movement can we then consider ourselves as modern
citizens of a country that has concluded new and equal treaties
and help fortify our country's equal position. And only thus may
we console the spirits of the Father of the Republic and the armed
forces and civilians who have sacrificed their lives for the cause
of the national revolution and armed resistance.
(The outline of the New Life Movement consists of five parts
and a conclusion. The first part explains the significance of the
movement, which may be likened to the social regeneration of China.
The second section answers three questions: What is life? What is
new life, and what is the New Life Movement? The third part
gives the object of the movement, explaining why a new life and a
New Life Movement are needed. Then come the contents of the
movement. The New Life Movement aims at the promotion of a
740
OUR SPIRITUAL FOROB
regular life guided by the four virtues of "Li," "I," "Lien," and
"Chih." "LF means regulated attitude, mind as well as heart or
behavior. "/" means right conduct in all things for justice. "Lien"
means clear discrimination, honesty in personal, public and official
life, or integrity. "Chih" means real self-consciousness and self-
respect or honor. These four virtues must be applied to ordinary
matters such as food, clothing, shelter and actions. They are essential
for the promotion of morality. From these rules one learns how to
deal with men and matters, how to cultivate one's self and how to
adjust one's self to surroundings. The fifth section explains the
procedure of the New Life Movement, including organization, work
and activities. The conclusion explains the results to be expected
from following the movement.)
My countrymen should realize that the New Life Movement is
a form of self-education and is also a kind of mass training. It is
the peacetime standard of our living habits and it is, at the same time,
the mode of wartime living. As to the principles of the New Life
Movement and their application to food, clothing,, shelter and ac-
tions, they have been clearly set forth in the outline of the New
Life Movement and in my statements and speeches rendered in the
past and I am sure that my countrymen have understood the essence
of it.
Our ancients said, "Important achievements can be expected
in 10 years 9 time." Now that the New Life Movement has entered
its tenth year, now that our victory is approaching and now that our
national equality has been definitely achieved, I hope that my country-
men will evince a sense of self-respect and will jointly shoulder the
responsibility of pushing the New Life Movement so that greater
accomplishments may be attained within this year, thereby promoting
the welfare of, and creating glory for, the nation.
741
128
To the People of Thailand
A message to the armed forces and people of
Thailand, broadcast from Chungking on February
26, 1943.
FEBRUARY 26, 1943.
SOLDIERS AND CITIZENS OF THAILAND:
CINCE December 11, 1941, when Thailand signed an agreement
^ of alliance with Japan I have held my peace toward you. I should
have spoken sooner in view of the fact that Thailand, a close neighbor
of ours, has entered into alliance with a country which is at war with
China. I have, however, not spoken because I fully understood the
difficult situation in which your country found itself at that time.
I realized your difficulties then because I knew that your circum-
stances were not unlike those China faced before we took up arms
against the Japanese aggression in 1937.
But now the whole situation is different from what it was.
The world-wide struggle is now gradually entering upon a decisive
stage. Despite the increasing efforts of the Japanese militarists to
oppress you and force you to fight for them, the Axis countries are
being compelled in Europe as well as in Asia to pass from the offensive
to the defensive and are suffering repeated defeats everywhere. The
day for you to save your own country is drawing near while the
practical condition under which you lived last year has now com-
pletely changed. I want, therefore, to speak to you in all frankness
in order to help you appreciate China's feeling toward you and the
fundamental principle that guides China's destiny and our war policy.
1. China's feeling toward Thailand. As a matter of historical
fact, Sino-Thai relations have continued for more than one thou-
sand years. We have no fewer than three million compatriots
living within your borders. We have always considered Thailand
a sister country of China. Every Chinese feels keenly the close
ties and interdependence between China and Thailand. Every
Chinese wishes Thailand peace and prosperity. The Chinese people
742
TO THE PEOPLE OF THAILAND
have never allowed your actions in recent years to affect their
traditional friendship toward Thailand, for the Chinese Government
and people are wide awake to the nature of the Japanese-Thai alliance
which, brought about by Japanese force, was no expression of the
free will of the Thai soldiers and citizens themselves. I earnestly
hope that the Thai Army and people will note such Chinese friend-
ship in its true perspective. I can assure you that China's friendship
thus respected by the Thai Army and people will never change.
2. The fundamental principle that guides China's destiny.
China's faith as a nation is based upon Dr. Sun Yat-sen's Three
People's Principles. All nations of the world should, according to
the Three People's Principles, be free and equal. Such a faith for
which China stands, therefore, calls for freedom and equality for all
nations. It was with this faith that China signed with twenty-five
other countries in Washington on January 1, 1942, a joint declara-
tion dedicating ourselves to the liberation of all the nations in cap-
tivity under Japan, Germany and other Axis countries in order that
they might have political independence restored to them. I can,
therefore, give my solemn word that China, as well as her allies, has
no territorial ambitions in Thailand and harbors no intentions of
undermining her sovereignty and independence. This will continue
to be true in the future as it has been in the past. The Thais,
however, should recognize the fact that their territory is now prac-
tically under Japanese occupation, their people enslaved and their
sovereignty and independence violated by the Japanese, while the
territory and freedom of Thailand can only be restored to her through
the victory of China and her allies.
3. China's war policy. With the armed forces and people of
Thailand under the forcible subjugation of the Japanese, we consider
Thailand in our war policy merely as enemy-occupied territory not
as an enemy territory. It is, therefore, the Japanese war machine,
not the army and people of Thailand, that we consider our objective.
China and her allies will deal crushing blows to the enemy once our
offensive is launched. The Japanese in Thailand and the adjacent
territories are to be expected at the same time to do their utmost
in an attempt to postpone their fate. Under such war conditions,
every day that the Japanese are able to hold out in Thailand will
inevitably result in increasing sacrifices for the innocent Thai people.
743
TO m raOFLB OF THATTiAMP
Hie Thai Army and people should, under such circumstances, oppose
the Japanese forces through positive action while co-operating with
the Chinese Annies and fighting shoulder to shoulder with them to
put the enemy out of China and Thailand as well. This is what all
patriotic soldiers and citizens of Thailand should do for their own
country, for East Asia and for the world in general. We are justi-
fied in expecting them to do so.
This war is, in short, a struggle between the anti-aggression
forces and the aggressors, between right and might, between light
and darkness. While we deeply appreciate your difficult circum-
stances in the past we earnestly expect you now to do your duty
promptly for the salvation of your own country and the world at
large. We hope you understand and value the brotherly feeling of
the Chinese people for you. We hope you will regain with loyal and
courageous acts of patriotism the international good faith your
country once enjoyed, and achieve the right to speak for your country
in the post-war family of nations.
744
V
Ckina Fights On To Victory
(1Q45-1Q43)
129
Six Years of Sacrifices
A message to the nation on the sixth anniversary
of the War of Resistance, July 7, 1943.
JULY 7, 1943.
nnODAY is the sixth anniversary of our War of Resistance. The
military situation as a whole is even brighter now and our final
victory is further assured. At the same time our responsibility is
unprecedentedly heavier. After six years of sacrifices and bloodshed
we should seize upon this most crucial period, redouble our efforts
and intensify our struggle before we can reap the rewards for our
sacrifices and console the spirits of our martyrs. Then only can
we live up to the expectation of our allies, achieve the final victory
and. contribute to world peace.
The past year was the decisive year in the present World War.
The resistance put up by our armed forces and civilians has forced
the Japanese invaders to exhaust much of their resources and has
forced them to retain a great part of their armed strength in the
Pacific theater. At the same time our armed resistance has made it
possible for our allies to carry out satisfactorily their production pro-
grams and to strengthen their fighting power in the various war
theaters. As a result the Nazi invader, following his defeat in the
Battle of Stalingrad, suffered a debacle in North Africa. The
clean up of the Axis forces in North Africa was of the utmost im-
portance to the entire war situation, for from now on the lines of
transportation between the Allies in the East and the West will be
kept open without interruption and the European and Asiatic war
theaters will be merged into one. At the same time it will mean that
the Axis in the West will be isolated from the Japanese invader in
the East. As things now stand, the initiative in the different theaters
of war has passed into the hands of the Allied military power, eco-
nomic strength and war production are daily increasing. Henceforth
the aggressor has no alternative but to await his doom. There is no
longer any possibility of his making further sneak attacks and the
745
ox T*AM or BAcwnow
time limit for his utter defeat cannot exceed two years.
Let us take a look at the present conditions of the Japanese
invader. Militarily, on land he has been mired down in the China
theater with no hope of extricating himself. On sea his naval force
is weak and the losses of warcraft and transports are particularly
hea^y. Over an 8,000-mile front there is no place which is not feeling
the increased pressure of the Allied offensive. The Japanese invader
can only defend a few isolated islands and once the Allies launch
a simultaneous attack on his positions his painful experience on Attu
Island, in which the entire enemy garrison was wiped out, will be
repeated elsewhere.
From an economic standpoint, now that some of his former
sources of raw materials have been cut off it is even more difficult for
him to solve his material deficiencies in Japan proper. A sharp cur-
tailment of his rural production has resulted in a food shortage.
There is no better illustration of his plight than to recall the main
theme of discussion during the recent extraordinary session of the
Diet. Under the so-called "Industrial Readjustment Bills" he has
completely abandoned several industries for which strong foundations
have been laid and has gone as far as dosing down several iron
foundries, steel mills and coal mines so that the machinery may be
turned into scrap to feed his munitions industry. This reflects the
helpless state of his airplane and ship-building industries.
And if we analyze his "political strategy" we can detect its
many pitfalls. At an extraordinary session of the Diet Tojo shame-
lessly talked about the "liberation of the East Asiatic races" and
the "independence and self-rule of the East Asiatic nations" Tojo
even went as far as granting the Philippines independence within
this year. This merely reflected the intensity of the resistance to
Japanese oppression in the occupied areas making it necessary for
Tojo to make false promises in an effort to soften up the animosity
entertained toward the invader. The fact of the matter remains
that the invader's ruthlessness in the occupied areas has become
common knowledge. The Japanese enslavement has not been taken
for liberation and the people in the occupied areas have not the
slightest doubt but that the Allies will win the final victory. Further-
more the extraordinary session also reflected the apprehension, the
defeatist attitude and the war-weariness of the Japanese people.
746
HIT YBAB8 OF &AORIFIOBS
The armed forces and civilians of the nation should not forget
for a moment the sufferings of our compatriots in the occupied areas.
During the past year a great number of women, the old and the weak
have been either massacred or violated. Even those who have
escaped such a fate found their property and their land in danger of
being confiscated at any moment. Thousands of able-bodied male
adults have been pressed into hard labor or military service. Farm
land has been forcibly turned into opium poppy plantations. Agri-
cultural production has decreased and whatever rice and wheat sur-
pluses there were have been reserved exclusively for the invading
army. Nevertheless, compatriots including young students were
unable to obtain rice or wheat and had to subsist on a mixture of
rice husks, sawdust and fruit peels. Many have thus either died of
starvation or of disease.
In view of all this, there should be more reason why we should
realize the gravity of our responsibility. I would like to point out to
the armed forces and civilians of the nation that in the seventh year
of our War of Resistance offensives that will deal crushing blows to
the enemy will be started in the various theaters of the world and that
there will be an unending stream of victories. But we must con-
stantly ask ourselves the question how much responsibility have we
borne for the country and the world and how much have we dis-
charged of our duty toward the State? Of our final victory there
isn't the slightest doubt. It hinges only on whether our fighting
spirit can fit in with the decisive stage of the war. In other words,
it depends on whether the armed forces and the civilians as a whole
will remain as determined as ever to avenge the wrongs that have
been done us and whether they can endure hardships that will be
even greater than those they have gone through in the last six
years which form the last hurdle to final victory.
Since the commencement of the Sino- Japanese hostilities the
Japanese invader has been fabricating stories of a military and
economic collapse. That was just his illusion because of his pre-
sumption that for a country as militarily and economically unprepared
as ours prolonged resistance was an impossibility. Consequently
for six years he has been manufacturing such propaganda in an
effort to undermine our will to resist and to undermine the confi-
dence of our allies in us. Never has he dreamed that we would
747
SIT TXABS OF SACRIFICES
fight on for six years and that in the course of the last six years he has
been dragged down deeper into a quagmire. And now although he
is struggling hard to free himself from the quagmire in order that
he may carry out his ambition of dominating the world he no longer
is free to commit other crimes. Our armed resistance front and our
fighting spirit have remained unshaken. Not only that but our will
to resist becomes stronger as we fight on. This is the most fatal
blow to him in the present World War and is at the same time the
one factor that causes him the greatest discomfort and regret. If by
so doing we can hold back such a demon from the world even if we
endure sacrifices and sufferings ten times our present sacrifices and
sufferings it will be a contribution well worth the price. The past
six yeairs of our resistance have proven that the Chinese people are
a most tenacious, brave and persevering race. That is why we have
won the respect of our allies and that is why we have been able to
conclude new and equal treaties. We should value our achievements
and should at the same time complete our unfinished great task.
Our officers and men in the different war zones should realize
the high hopes placed in them by their own people and by the Allies.
They should fight on even better and score even greater victories.
But the increase of fighting strength and the achievement of victories
also depend on the increased war effort of the people. That being
the case our main task at present is to strengthen and develop our
national economy. This is the fundamental duty of the entire citi-
zenpy. For a country like ours, whose Nationalist Revolution was
not yet consummated and whose economic reconstruction was without
foundation, to engage in such an unprecedented long term war the
many difficulties such as what we have encountered were not un-
expected. Compared to the life of the Japanese people, the life of our
people cannot ie said to be too hard. As a matter of fact, our
people should be prepared to undergo further hardships for only
through enduring hardships can the War of Resistance be continued
and only through enduring hardships can the task of national re-
construction be carried into realization.
China's economic problems have their own characteristics. The
present economic maladjustments are caused by our failure to over-
come the special defects in our economic fabric. As a matter of fact,
for a country with such vast territory and rich resources as ours there
748
SIX TEARS OF SACBIFICRS
absolutely is no danger of any shortage of clothing material and
food two of our basic needs. As long as our Government and our
people co-operate together under an organized plan to increase
production and to cut down on nonessentials there is no reason why
our wartime economic problems cannot be solved. In one word,
our strong economic points should be brought into bold relief while
our inherent economic weaknesses should be removed. We should
work harder, as we have never worked before, and we should econo-
mize as we have never economized before. We should thoroughly
observe all laws and regulations pertaining to economic control and
we should one and all observe a wartime life. We should realize
that only when our wartime economic foundation is made secure can
we expect to reap the full results of our six years of dogged resistance.
Our War of Resistance and the World War situation on this day
have reached the highest peak in our upward struggle one step
beyond will be smooth sailing for us. On the other hand, the present
marks the beginning of our greatest trials. The Father of our Re-
public once said that fortitude is the surest road to success. On this
day, therefore, my countrymen must brace themselves, defy all hard-
ships, concentrate their will and exert their utmost whereby China
may join hands with other members of the anti-aggression camp in
negotiating the hardest stretch of the road to victory.
749
130
To the Peoples of the United Nations
The second of two messages delivered on the
sixth anniversary of China's war, July 7, 1943.
JULY 7, 1943.
rpODAY China is observing her sixth war anniversary. Through
the past six years you the peoples of the United Nations-
have shown China profound and sustained sympathy for her War of
Resistance. It is this sympathy which has given infinite encourage-
ment to our Army and people. It is this sympathy too which, to-
gether with the heavy blows inflicted upon the enemy by our Army
and people, has helped directly or indirectly to create the present
bonds of solidarity among the United Nations and a fitting foundation
for their post-war co-operation.
As early as 1931, following Japan's invasion of Manchuria, I
held that Japan's aggression would not be confined to China but
would ultimately plunge the entire world into war. However, I held
even more firmly that in the end Japan's aggression could not but
arouse all the progressive forces in the world and that its result would
be the formation of a grand coalition of all peace-loving nations.
These predictions of eleven years ago have been substantiated with
remarkable accuracy by what happened since then. On this sixth
war anniversary it is certainly an outstanding source of gratification
and gratitude to me that you the peoples of the United Nations
have not failed us. Together with our Army and people, I wish to
pay our respects to the gallant soldiers and peoples of the United
Nations.
Exactly one and a half years have elapsed since we became
allies. At the beginning of the period the United Nations indeed
suffered a number of reverses, but China has always had undimin-
ished faith in the ultimate victory of the United Nations. During
the past year this faith has grown stronger than ever. Clearly the
military position of the United Nations now enjoys unquestioned
superiority over that of the enemy. Your productive power has
750
TO THE PEOPLES OP THE UNITED NATIONS
surpassed that of the enemy by a very broad margin. You are now
in possession of the key to initiative action and capable of launching
large-scale offensives simultaneously in Europe and Asia.
A year ago today I said, "In the next few months the tide of
the war may turn more unfavorably for the Allies but that will be
only for a brief period." True to my anticipation, the fortunes of
the war turned in our favor with the advent of the winter when
victories were scored by the Soviet Army in eastern Europe, by the
Anglo-American forces in North Africa, by American and Australian
forces in the South Pacific, by the American forces in the North
Pacific and by our own Army who, with the splendid support of the
United States Air Force, inflicted crushing blows on the Japanese
in northern Hunan and western Hupeh. These happy auguries have
further strengthened the confidence of our Army and people in the
ultimate victory of the Allies.
What describes the mind of the Chinese people is not whether
the United Nations will win the war but when they are going to win
it and at what price. The unique position Japan is occupying today
deserves the utmost attention from all of us. In one sense she is at
her weakest as her ready resources are approaching a point of ex-
haustion. Not only is she lagging behind the Allies in planes and
ships but her program for industrial readjustment as adopted at the
recent extraordinary Diet session has not yet begun. In another
sense, however, Japan is making desperate efforts to consolidate
her conquests with a view to replenishing her war potential. She is
doing everything she can in the South Seas, in Burma and in the
occupied territory of China to exploit manpower and resources.
She is rebuilding defense works on land and sea. She is constructing
new harbors and fortifications. With expanding railways and high-
ways she expects to improve overland traffic on the Continent and
to offset her shipping shortages. The shipbuilding program for
1943, if allowed to be carried out, would increase her building
capacity by one-third. Industries and resources in the South Seas
previously destroyed by scorched earth tactics are being revived.
Once this far-reaching program of reconstruction is completed
Japan would be far stronger than at the time she first conquered
these lands. Consequently the present is the most opportune moment
for the Allies to launch large-scale offensives against Japan which
751
TO THE PEOPLES OP THE UNITED NATIONS
are bound to reap great results within a relatively short span of time.
Just as Germany vainly hopes for dissension among the United
Nations Japan is praying that the United Nations delay their big
offensive against her. Should we let her have further respite to
proceed with her program thus enabling her to complete impregnable
defenses and to wage a long-drawn-out war with us the time and
price the Allies will have to pay to defeat her will be many tunes
longer and heavier than what are required today.
Recently President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill had
agreed that from now on the United Nations will "wage the war on
the Japanese and European fronts with equal power." This is the
most appropriate strategy for the United Nations. In the execution
of this strategy our allies can count upon the determination of the
Chinese Army to contribute whatever is in their power and to make
whatever sacrifices necessary so that they may shoulder their full
share of the joint task. During the past year, although the Japa-
nese completely blockaded our land and sea routes and although our
men had to fight with limited equipment, our Army not only frus-
trated all Japanese attempts at further penetration but in some
instances inflicted severe blows on the enemy. No amount of mali-
cious propaganda on the part of the enemy can falsify the magnificent
morale of our fighting men. I can say for certain that once the Allies
launch their big offensive against Japan the spirit of our fighting
men will be aroused to still greater heights of valor and courage.
The people of China fervently hope that you and particularly the
leaders of public opinion in your countries will unanimously uphold
this strategy so that it will be carried out without delay and without
reservation.
With the adoption and enforcement of this strategy the war will
enter its final stage. We must therefore pay our attention to the
winning of the ensuing peace. Whether we are going to win that
peace depends largely upon whether the United Nations especially
the United States, Soviet Russia, Great Britain and China who are
bearing the major burdens of the war could before the end of the
war reach a complete agreement of policy and build a concrete foun-
dation for post-war co-operation.
The Joint Declaration of the United Nations indeed has laid
down the broad principles regarding this vital question. In this
752
TO THE PEOPLES OP THE UNITED NATIONS
connection China has a number of hopes. Firstly, this war should
not be concluded as a "negotiated peace." This means that when our
enemies in Europe and in Asia are defeated they must accept un-
conditionally the terms of the United Nations. The evil seeds of
aggression in their traditions and creeds as well as in their political
and economic institutions must be uprooted. It is common knowledge
that since the latter part of the last century Germany in Europe
and Japan in Asia repeatedly started aggressive wars. If we trace
Japan's conduct in China further back through the last six hundred
years we find almost countless instances of aggression. There is
no reason for us to expect a defeated Germany or a defeated
Japan at the conclusion of this war to get rid of its instinct for
aggression or to be capable of setting up a government which we
can trust. Any "negotiated peace" will sow the seeds for another
world war. The fact that the leaders of the United Nations have
clearly avowed their determination to fight until the unconditional
surrender of Japan, Germany and Italy is a source of deepest
gratification to the Chinese people.
Secondly, the future peace should be a peace seeking the emanci-
pation of entire mankind. After the war the independent nations
that have been occupied by the enemy must certainly regain their
independence. A,s to the peoples under the rule of the enemy or
otherwise still having not attained complete freedom, we must like-
wise help them to be emancipated. The relative speed of emanci-
pation may have to vary in accordance with different cultural levels
of different peoples but it is imperatively desirable that the same
principles apply in the emancipation of all peoples. This is another
vital point on which I hope the United Nations will reach a
thorough understanding prior to the conclusion of the war.
Thirdly, the United Nations should set up at the earliest
possible moment a joint machinery for the winning of the peace
as well as for the efficient prosecution of the war. It is contended
in certain quarters that the creation of such a body might cause
friction among the Allied Powers and thus hinder the prosecution
of the war. But differences of opinion, if any, can in no time be
better dissolved than when we are fighting a war shoulder to
shoulder. I believe that to set up such a machinery will not only
help to unify the strategy and policies of the United Nations
753
TO THE PBOPLW OF TBS UNITED NATIONS
bat will lay a firm foundation for post-war co-operation. A perfect
understanding between nations just as a perfect friendship between
men takes root when the parties concerned are helping one another
through difficulty.
Fourthly, to safeguard international justice and collective se-
curity and to ensure the successful functioning of democratic gov-
ernments after the war there must be a post-war world organization
with the solid backing of an international force. The greatest prac-
tical weakness of the democratic nations vis-i-vis the aggressor
nations lies in the fact that for the former to move from a peacetime
to wartime basis a considerable period of time will necessarily be
taken up by legislation and debates among political parties. As a
result the aggressor nations enjoy infinite advantage by launching
surprise attacks in the meantime. In view of such apparent handi-
caps in the democratic system of government a strong post-war
world organization is the prerequisite for the successful functioning
of democracy and to create a strong post-war organization an
international force is absolutely necessary.
Every Chinese eagerly awaits the day when we shall have a full
democracy built on the Three People's Principles of Dr. Sun
Yat-sen. But since Japan's invasion of Manchuria in 1931 over
a decade of grim experience has led everyone to realize that with
a strong militaristic and aggressive power as a neighbor our path
to full democracy is most arduous and difficult. I will say out of
my own painful experience that a strong world organization after
the war is a patent necessity. It is through the creation of such
an organization alone that the world's nations may proceed amidst
peace and security with their reconstruction, that the democratic
system of government may triumph and that aggressor nations
may not rise again.
We the peoples of the United Nations know that this war
is one between good and evil, between right and wrong, between
justice and brutal force. The Chinese people can conceive of no
other outcome than the complete triumph for the righteous and
freedom-loving democracies. The destiny of China is one and the
same with that of the United Nations so is China's policy. Our
Army and people will employ their full strength to fight against
our immediate lawful enemy. We will contribute our share in
754
TO THE PEOPLES OP THE UNITED NATIONS
such a manner as to get the maximum efficiency for the war as a
whole. China has been longest in the war. Six years have brought
us immense distress and privation and there are still hardships
ahead of us but it is my firm belief that 'you the peoples of the
United Nations will continue to give sympathy and support to
China. Our people will fight on until the unconditional surrender
of our common enemy. Long live the United Nations! Long
live China!
755
131
A Political Problem
Instructions for the settlement of the problem oj
the Chinese Communist Party delivered at the
September 13, 1943, meeting of the Eleventh Ses-
sion of the Fifth Central Executive Committee
and the Central Supervisory Committee of the
Kuomintang.
SEPTEMBER 13, 1943.
A FTER hearing the secretariat's report on the question of the
^ Chinese Communist Party and the views expressed by various
members of the Central Executive Committee I am of the 'opinion
that first of all we should clearly recognize that the Chinese Com-
munist problem is a purely political problem and should be solved
by political means. Such ought to be the guiding principle for the
Plenary Session in its effort to settle this matter. If you share my
views you should maintain the policy of leniency and forebearance
which we have consistently pursued in dealing with our domestic
affairs with the expectation that the Chinese Communist Party
will be moved by our sincerity and magnanimity no matter in
what way they may slander us nor in what manner they may try
to create trouble.
In spite of provocations we should abide by the manifesto of
the Tenth Plenary Session: "In the case of those who sincerely
believe in the Three People's Principles, obey laws and orders, do
not hinder prosecution of the war, do not attempt to upset social
order and do not seize our national territory in defiance of Govern-
ment decrees, the Central Government would overlook their past
record either in thought or in deed and should respect their oppor-
tunities, be they individuals or political groups, to serve the coun-
try." We should, now as ever, continue to be tolerant in strict
conformity with the manifesto and earnestly expect the Communist
Party eventually to realize and correct their errors. We should make
it clear that the Central Government does not have any particular
756
A POLITICAL PBOBLEM
demand to make on the Chinese Communist Party but hopes that
it will abandon its policy of forcibly occupying our national terri-
tory and give up its past tactics of assaulting National Government
troops in various sectors, thus obstructing the prosecution of the war.
We also hope that the Chinese Communist Party will redeem
its pledge made in its declaration of 1937 and fulfill the four
promises solemnly announced in that document: "(1) To struggle
for the realization of the Three People's Principles; (2) To aban-
don the policy of overthrowing the Kuomintang regime by force,
give up the Communist movement and discard the policy .of con-
fiscating land by force; (3) To dissolve the present government
organization and, by carrying into practice the principles of democ-
racy, thus help to bring about the political unity of the whole
nation; (4) To disband the Red Army by incorporating it into
the National Army under the direct command of the Military
Council of the National Government. The troops thus reorganized
will await orders to move to the front to undertake the tasks of
fighting the enemy."
If the Chinese Communist Party can prove its good faith by
making good its promises the Central Government, taking note
of its sincerity and loyalty in carrying on our War of Resistance,
will once more treat it with sympathy and consideration so that we
may accomplish hand in hand the great task of Resistance and
Reconstruction.
757
132
The State of tKe Nation
An address delivered at the inaugural session of
the second convention of the Third People's Poli-
tical Council in Chungking on September 18,
1943.
SEPTEMBER 18, 1943.
JTiHE second convention of the Third People's Political Council
opens today, which marks the twelfth anniversary of the Mukden
outrage on September 18, 1931. As we recall the humiliations our
nation has endured during these twelve years and the untold
misery and agony of our fellow-countrymen in the Northeast we
should offer to them our heartfelt sympathy. On the tenth anni-
versary of the Mukden outrage commemorated on September 18,
1941, I plainly stated, "Our sacred resistance will not end until
the lost territory of our Northeast is fully recovered and the
liberty of our fellow-countrymen there is regained. The people
of the Northeast constitute an integral part and individual section
of the Chinese nation, just as the Four Northeastern Provinces
constitute an integral and individual part of China's sovereign
territory. Our War of Resistance aims at preserving the inde-
pendence of the Chinese people and the territorial sovereignty of
the Chinese nation. This implies nothing short of the recovery
of the territorial and sovereign rights of her Northeast and the
effacing of the insults and humiliations inflicted on us since Sep-
tember 18, 1931." This has consistently been our policy and deter-
mination. Military developments at present are bringing us closer
to the attainment of our aim. We are more confident than ever
in our ability to regain all our lost territory in the Northeast and
we will begrudge no sacrifice which the consummation of this task
may entail.
Ten and a half months have elapsed since the last convention
of the People's Political Council. During the period of recess all
resident members have discharged their responsibilities in a manner
758
THB 8TAT1 OF TOT NATION
which has won the admiration of their fellow citizens. I am con-
fident that all of you who are gathered at this convention will be
able to make invaluable contributions in advancing the fundamental
policies of the Government for the continuation of resistance and the
progress of the national reconstruction program. The Government
has published the general principles of its program for 1944
and they will be brought up at this convention for deliberation.
Now let me make a brief report on the major points in the program
of Resistance and Reconstruction.
First I want to speak on military affairs. Since the winter
of 1942, the forces of the United Nations have gained the initiative
and have scored brilliant successes in every theater of war, while
the Axis aggressors have met with reverses. Recently the arch-
Fascist, Mussolini, faded from the Axis picture and the entire navy
of Italy surrendered. Vast forces of our anti-aggression war and
the fronts have been linked. The safety of sea-borne traffic through
the Mediterranean has considerably shortened the Allied route for
the movement of troops and supplies. Part of the Allied naval
forces can now be shifted to the Far East. Broadly speaking, the
capitulation of the Italian Navy determines Japan's ultimate doom.
Through more than six years of resistance, China, on her
4,000-kilometer front, has immobilized more than 30 enemy divi-
sions. Now is the time for us to co-ordinate our efforts with those
of our allies in launching an all-front counter-offensive to bring our
fight for which we have made much sacrifice during the last six
years to a successful conclusion. It is hoped that you will all urge
citizens of the country to do their part morally and exert their utmost
so that the ultimate triumph may be achieved.
Next I wish to touch upon international relations. The con-
clusion of the new Sino-British and Sino-American treaties of
equality have been major events since the adjournment of the last
convention of the People's Political Council. During the past six
months, many of our friendly nations have indicated their readiness
to abrogate their old treaties, which entitled them to special privi-
leges in China, and conclude new treaties. All nations of the
world which love peace and uphold justice have shown us increas-
ing friendliness and a spirit cf intimate co-operation.
It follows as a matter of course that our relations with Britain,
759
THE STATE OF THE NATION
the United States, the U.S.S.R. and other United Nations will be
placed on a closer and more solid basis. The ever-growing spirit
of co-operation and mutual helpfulness is especially evident in the
co-ordination of war effort. In this way we shall surely win both
complete victory and lasting peace of this there can be no doubt.
With regard to economic affairs we must try to seek wartime
economic stability and plan for post-war reconstruction. At the
last session of the P.P.C., I introduced the plan for the control of
commodity prices which was unanimously adopted. Accordingly,
economic mobilization committees were established in various places,
and under their supervision members of the People's Political
Council in those districts have assisted the Government in the
enforcement of the control measures. Of course, there can be no
denying the fact that much is left to be desired in the carrying out
of price-control measures, but you can be assured of the Govern-
ment's determination to persevere in the enforcement of the program
and improvement in price control in the light of experiences gained
in the various districts. I hope you will give this matter your serious
study and assist in the implementation of the measures.
The execution of the post-war economic reconstruction pro-
gram requires adequate preparation in war time. To industrialize
China and to achieve the stupendous task of building her into a
great nation, we must carry out Dr. Sun Yat-sen's industrial pro-
gram. However, the completion of China's economic reconstruction
vitally concerns the security and happiness of the whole world.
A total of 22,000,000 square kilometers of land on the continent
of Asia remains to be developed. This is approximately equal to
the area of North Africa. The western and northern parts of
China constitute one-third of this great expanse of virgin land.
If the untapped resources and the unharnessed power in this vast
area are fully developed and utilized they will contribute im-
mensely to the happiness- of mankind and the improvement of the
economic outlook of the world. In the southeastern part of China,
where the world has one of its largest markets, a great wealth of
resources may also be found. This fact is too well known to need
further comment.
After upwards of six years of resistance the Northwest and
Southwest of our country, with a well-balanced development of
760
THE STATE OF TH1 NATION
heavy and light industries, both state-operated and private, are
becoming more prosperous. We feel that in' planning for post-war
economic reconstruction we should place equal emphasis upon our
own exertions and international co-operation. The scope of this
program should be decided upon in war time. I hope you will
give this program serious consideration and promote it.
Lastly, I wish to report to you on the matter relating to the
early realization of a constitutional government. It has been the
consistent policy of the National Government to promote demo-
cratic rule and hasten the advent of constitutionalism. Ever since
July 1938, when the People's Political Council held its first meeting,
the Government has repeatedly indicated this view and the People's
Political Council on its part has made constructive proposals.
The Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang at its Eleventh
Plenary Session adopted a resolution calling for the convocation
of a People's National Congress within one year after the con-
clusion of war when a permanent constitution is to be adopted and
promulgated. The date for the constitution to become effective
will be decided upon by the Congress. In the general principles
of the Government program for 1944 which was adopted by the
Eleventh Plenary Session, it was stipulated that those hsien (county)
in the various provinces in the rear which have not yet set up their
hsien councils should do so within a year. The Government will
do everything within its power to carry out the local self-govern-
ment system and complete preparations for the convocation of the
People's National Congress in strict adherence to the program.
The drafting of a permanent constitution is a great respon-
sibility that admits of no slovenliness despite the need for hastening
its progress. Efforts must be accelerated to overcome the obstacles
in the way. It is my ardent hope that all members of the People's
Political Council will help direct various representative bodies of
the people in the work of promoting local self-government so that
true constitutionalism may begin as soon as victory is won.
761
135
The People and the State
Thirty-second National Anniversary message de-
livered on October 10, 1943, the day of his inau-
guration as President of the Republic of China.
OCTOBER 10, 1943.
JTK)DAY marks the thirty-second anniversary of the founding of
the Republic of China. On this day every year we recall China's
glorious past with great rejoicing and animation. It is on such an
auspicious occasion today that I assumed the post of President
of the National Government. At a time when China's war defense
is entering into a decisive stage and national reconstruction is be-
gun in all earnestness, her military and economic machinery is to
be strengthened and home administration and foreign relations are
to be developed. In the circumstances, I feel ever more the
weightiness of my responsibility and I shudder at the thought of the
great task which falls upon my shoulders.
As early as thirty-two years ago Dr. Sun Yat-sen laid down
the policy for building up the Republic of China. In regard to
foreign relations, it provides that China "should fulfill the obliga-
tions and enjoy the rights of a civilized nation" and "should foster
closer relations with friendly nations on the principle of peace with
a view to elevating China's position in the family of nations and
realizing the ideal of universal brotherhood." In regard to home
administration, it aims at "welding together the territories of the
Hans, Manchus, Mongols, Muslims and Tibetans into one country
and linking them into one nation" and also as "firmly establishing
a republican form of government, improving the people's livelihood
and fulfilling the high aspirations of the Nation through the con-
summation of the Revolution/' The titanic struggle we are now en-
gaged in is consistently in pursuance of this policy.
Internally we strive for the realization of local autonomy
762
THB PEOPLE AMD THE 8TAT1
throughout the country, consolidation of national unity, establish-
ment of government by law and consummation of the democratic
rule. Externally we seek to cultivate closer relations with our
friendly nations, to win the war against aggression and to collab-
orate with our allies in establishing permanent world peace after
the war. By self-exertion as well as by international collabora-
tion we also endeavor to develop our rich natural resources, to
carry out economic reconstruction and to enhance the well-being of
mankind. Since we concluded new treaties with Great Britain
and the United States last January on the basis of equality, our
ideal of national independence and equality may well be said to
have been realized. After the realization of the Principle of Na-
tionalism, we shall have to carry out the Principles of Democracy
and People's Livelihood. To this end we should bring forth the will
and strength of the people. All our fellow-countrymen, therefore,
should thoroughly understand the significance implied in the fol-
lowing bequeathed teachings of Dr. Sun Yat-sen:
"The people form the foundation of the State."
"The welfare of the people hinges upon the State."
We should bear in mind the close relations between the people
and the State. We should also realize that practicing the Principle
of Democracy is the basic task of our national reconstruction. The
Plenary Session of the Central Executive and Supervisory Com-
mittees of the Kuomintang has just adopted the resolution to con-
vene the People's National Congress within one year after the
conclusion of the war, and to promulgate a constitution. I wish
now to explain how we should exert ourselves for the realization
of the Principle of Democracy and the establishment of democratic
government.
As far back as three thousand years ago when writing was
invented in China, there were already manifestations of democratic
ideas. The Kao Yao Mu in the Shu Ching (Book of History) says:
"The wisdom of Heaven is reflected by the wisdom of the people
and the judgment of Heaven is based upon the judgment of the
people."
763
THE PEOPLE AND THE STATE
Confucius says : "Love what the people love and hate what the
people hate." Mencius says: "The people are to be valued." All
these ancient maxims are the source of the democratic thought and
the crystallization of the Chinese traditional spirit. It is in this
ancient and profound civilization that Dr. Sun Yat-sen's Principle
of Democracy originated.
Dr. Sun Yat-sen's program of revolution has as its objective the
awakening and rallying of the people to join this common struggle.
The significance of his Principle of Democracy lies in the invest-
ment of political rights in the people. In other words, its ultimate
goal is to make all the people responsible for State affairs. In view
of the grand achievement by only a handful of patriots in the
Chinese Revolution in 1911, China's remarkable progress is assured
when, upon the complete realization of the Principle of Democracy,
the 450,000,000 Chinese will jointly shoulder the heavy responsibili-
ties of the country.
However, there is an important prerequisite to the realization
of the Principle of Democracy. The democratic spirit lies in the
observance of law and discipline. Failure in this will undermine
the foundation of the democratic system and endanger the Republic.
Therefore, it is imperative that our citizens should grasp fully the
true meaning of freedom and government by law and cultivate
the good habit of respecting freedom and observing law and dis-
cipline. Only thus can a solid foundation of democracy be laid.
We should not evade, but fulfill, all obligations prescribed by law
and, of course, at the same time enjoy equally rights and privi-
leges as provided by law.
If China wants to continue to exist as a nation in this world,
we should one and all form the law-abiding habit. We should con-
sider it an honor to respect and observe law and a disgrace to
violate and undermine it. Neither should we work for selfish ends
under the pretext of freedom nor evade our responsibilities and find
excuses for neglecting our duties as citizens. Just as government
officials should loyally perform their duties, so should all the people
jointly share the responsibilities and do their part. Only thus can
China attain true equality.
As a 'public servant, I will from today work unswervingly for
the welfare of the nation in the same spirit of patriotism as before.
764
THE PEOPLE AND THE STATE
If I should ever transgress the limit of my power, it is the duty of
every citizen to censure and correct me. I will observe all laws and
respect public opinion in order to set an example of democratic
rule in China.
Now that our ultimate victory is in sight and a great future for
China is dawning, I will strive for the nation's advancement
courageously and conscientiously together with my fellow-country-
men.
765
154
Toward Constitutionalism
Address at the inaugural meeting of the Com-
mittee for the Establishment of Constitutional
Government held on November 12, 1943, birthday
anniversary of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, Father of the
Chinese Republic.
NOVEMBER 12, 1943.
HTHE Committee for the Establishment of Constitutional Govern-
ment holds its first general meeting today which is the birthday
anniversary of Dr. Sun Yat-sen. Dr. Sun's lifelong struggle was
aimed at the establishment of a republic, installation of a consti-
tutional government and completion of national reconstruction in
accordance with the Three People's Principles. We who are his
followers should realize our heavy responsibility because, while
the Republic has existed for thirty-two years, we are now in the
midst of resistance and our task of national reconstruction remains
to be completed. Never should we cease our efforts until the
Principle of People's Sovereignty* is fully realized. Today I wish
to explain in brief the aims and functions of this Committee for
which I wish to exert myself in co-operation with you hereafter.
Since the Eleventh Plenary Session of the Central Executive
and Supervisory committees of the Kuomintang adopted the reso-
lution to convene the People's National Congress within one year
after the conclusion of the war, I have felt the need of an organi-
zation to help forward the plans and preparations for the advance-
ment of constitutionalism and the local self-government program
which must all be done within the limited period of time. At the
same time the Government will, of course, do everything within its
power to accelerate preparations by all organizations concerned.
Only through this co-ordination of effort can a constitutional gov-
ernment be established as scheduled. After my opinion in this con-
nection was approved by the People's Political Council, the Supreme
'Sometimes translated as the Principle of Democracy.
766
TOWABD OONBTmmOKAUflU
National Council promulgated the regulations for the organization
and decided upon the personnel of this Committee.
It may be recalled that the previous session of the People's
Political Council had shown great concern over the installation
within an early date of constitutionalism. But the personnel of
the Committee for the Advancement of Constitutionalism then or-
ganized was limited to members of the P.P.C., whereas the present
Committee has as its membership not only members of the P.P.C.
but also others who are deeply interested in the constitutional pro-
gram. I believe that its inauguration will mean a tremendous
help to the Government and will bring about a new and cheerful
outlook of the entire people of the nation and their representative
organs.
According to the regulations for its organization! the Committee
has the following 5 functions: (1) To make recommendations to
the Government concerning preparations for the establishment of
a constitutional government; (2) to investigate and report on the
establishment of local organs of public opinion; (3) to investigate
and report on the enforcement of laws and decrees pertaining to the
promotion of constitutional government; (4) to transmit opinions
of the people's organizations relative to constitutionalism and poli-
tical problems to the Government and vice versa; and (5) to ex-
amine and deliberate upon affairs relative to constitutional govern-
ment as referred to it by the Government.
Though the scope of these five functions is rather broad, they
cover mainly recommendations, investigations and examinations.
Generally speaking, the central objective, whether it be recommenda-
tion, investigation, report or examination, is to enable us to carry
out constitutionalism and to lay a good foundation so that the
Republic of China may soon tread the path of constitutional democ-
racy. I once remarked that we should stress not only the adoption
of a constitution but also its enforcement. In other words, we
should enforce the constitution conscientiously and smoothly after
its promulgation and especially in the first ten or twenty years. I am
sure that all of you feel the same way as I do. A review of the
history of the Chinese Republic in its early days would convince
us that what China needs is not only a perfect constitution but also
the people's ardent support of the constitution and their ability to
767
TOWARD CONSTITUTIONALISM
carry it out. During the past war years the Government has spared
no effort in promoting the establishment of different grades of
people's representative organs and in the extension of the new
county system and local self-government program. Upon assuming
the important mission of expediting the realization of constitution-
alism, I hope that all members of this Committee will face the re-
sponsibility so vitally important to the future destiny of our nation
with great fervor and enthusiasm. The regulations for its organi-
zation may guide our efforts in carrying out the work of the Com-
mittee, I wish, however, to raise three important points concerning
the work.
First, the Committee should make known to the people the
significance of the Draft Constitution and canvass opinions concern-
ing the problem of constitutional government. The Draft Consti-
tution was promulgated by the National Government on May 1,
1936. There was a lapse of 17 months between the adoption of the
Draft Constitution by the Legislative Yuan and its promulgation
by the National Government. Though the Government resorted to
various measures to seek the opinions of the people regarding the
Draft Constitution, it is regrettable to say that the common people
are still ignorant of its spirit and significance. Article 22 of Dr.
Sun Yat-sen's "Fundamentals for National Reconstruction" says:
"The Draft Constitution shall be published for the enlightenment
of the people so that when the time arrives it will be deliberated
upon and adopted." This step is indispensable, for the people must
understand the constitution thoroughly before they can be expected
to observe it. It is incumbent on this Committee to adopt at once
effective measures to acquaint the people with the true meaning and
significance of the Draft Constitution. While making known to
the people the Draft Constitution, the Committee may also solicit
the people's opinions on constitutional government for the refer-
ence of and adoption by the Government.
Secondly, the Committee should gather information regarding
the establishment of various grades of organs of public opinion,
especially county organs of public opinion, and submit reports to
the Government. Such organs of public opinion form the founda-
tion of constitutional government. If the foundation is not firmly
laid, constitutional government cannot be realized satisfactorily.
768
TOWARD CONSTITUTIONALISM
Provisional assemblies have been formed in 18 provinces and one
municipality, and the new county system has been established in
more than 1,100 counties in over 300 of which village or town
assemblies have been held and in over 500 of which pao assemblies
have been held. Whether these basic organs of public opinion are
well organized and appropriately exercising their rights should
be investigated, as their functions concern immediately the welfare
of the people and remotely the successful enforcement of consti-
tutionalism. According to the provisions of the regulations for the
organization of the Committee, all members of the P.P.C. can be
asked to undertake the investigation work.
In my opinion the organ of public opinion in the county is the
pivot of all people's representative organs. An investigation as to
whether it is soundly organized and what are its difficulties - is
especially necessary. In the program of the National Government
for this year, it has been decided to complete the establishment of a
county council for every county throughout the country, while simi-
lar measures will be taken in territories freed from enemy control
so that the Government may be well informed of the opinions of the
people. Therefore the Committee should work out a detailed plan
for investigation and report to the Government in order to effect
the necessary reform. The enforcement of constitutionalism admits
of no half-heartedness. We aim at nothing short of true democ-
racy. This aspect of the work, therefore, is most practical and
important to which I wish to call your serious attention.
Thirdly, the Committee should find ways and means to promote
the spirit of government by law and freedom, in order to develop
public opinion and lay the foundation for democracy in preparation
for a shift of affairs from a wartime to a post-war basis. The basic
spirit of constitutionalism lies in, according to the principles gov-
erning the conduct of a nation, due respect and recognition of
the freedom of the people, while the essence of democracy requires
all the people of the nation to be law-abiding. In other words,
everybody can be free within the bounds of law and all are equal in
the eyes of the law. The people must first be made to understand
the true spirit of government by law and freedom before a real
foundation for constitutional government can be laid.
The freedom of speech and action of the people are clearly
769
TOWARD OONSTTTUTIONALISM
defined first by the Draft Constitution for the period of political
tutelage and then by the general principles governing Resistance
and Reconstruction and the Citizen's Pact. All these are common
pledges by which all the people of the nation should abide. The
important procedure for bringing about constitutionalism with which
the Committee is charged lies on the part of the Government in
effectively safeguarding the people's right to freedom and on the
part of the intellectuals and social leaders in fostering the people's
law-abiding habits and their ability to judge right or wrong with
law as the yardstick. With regard to the freedom of the press it
has been commonly deemed necessary to impose certain restrictions
in all countries at war, as this question requires the utmost care
and caution especially when an aggressor remains on our soil.
Whether any readjustments or revision of the laws governing the
freedom of speech and the press are necessary so that it will be
more compatible with the principles of a constitutional government
will also lie within the scope of the work of the Committee.
The aforementioned three points should form the centers of em-
phasis in the work of the Committee. I lay these before you in the
hope that they may serve as references in your discussions and that
you may have your own proposals to make. As to concrete meas-
ures, members of the standing committee rtfay make a detailed study
before a decision can be reached.
The privilege of being present at this meeting gives me both a
great pleasure and a sense of the heavy responsibility it imposes on
my shoulders. The prospect of victory in our resistance is becoming
brighter than ever and as soon as the war ends triumphantly for us
we will have to prepare within one year for the advancement into
the period of constitutionalism. Much remains to be accomplished
in educating the people and in strengthening the foundation of
the nation. It is hoped that all members of this Committee will live
up to the hardships of Dr. Sun Yat-sen and our Revolutionary
martyrs who had gone through in their struggle and the aspirations
of the Army and people of the entire nation for the realization of
constitutionalism by striving with oneness of heart for the complete
realization of the aims of our Revolution and the early consumma-
tion of our task of national reconstruction.
770
155
The Trutk of Life
Christmas Eve broadcast to wounded and sick
soldiers delivered under the auspices of the Na-
tional Christian Service Council for Wounded
Soldiers in Transit.
DECEMBER 24, 1943.
To WOUNDED AND SICK OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS IN ALL MILITARY
HOSPITALS:
R Commander-in-Chief does not for a moment forget the
life and sufferings of you wounded and sick officers and men.
Words fail fully to express my deep concern for you. I can only
say: "I should be bearing your sufferings for you. Why then are
you suffering in my stead ?" Think, and you will understand what
I mean. My mental anguish over your wounds and pain is more
intense than any physical anguish you are enduring.
On New Year's Day of this year I addressed a message to our
splendid honor troops throughout the nation, pointing out certain
important principles which should be observed. Another year has
now passed. Soon we shall be celebrating the seventh new year
in our War of Resistance. During this year we have fought many
big and hard battles against the enemy. Not a few of our comrades
have fallen upon the battlefield, carrying on the glorious traditions
of the Revolutionary Army that founded our republic. Still more
wounded comrades old and new have written by deeds of valor
stories to make us sing and weep; now they lie broken in body,
maimed and crippled, in our army hospitals, seeking restoration of
their physical health. I salute you with pride, loyal and brave
soldiers; at the same time I sympathize profoundly with you in
your bodily distress. I have ordered officials everywhere to fulfill
their duties to you on my behalf, and I have instructed all our army
doctors to give you the best possible medical care so as to alleviate
your sufferings and help you overcome your difficulties. Only thus
can my concern for you be satisfied and my heart be comforted.
771
THE AMUIH OF LIFB
I have also decided, beginning with the new year, to invite
earnest pastors from Christian churches in the land to visit you at
your bedsides, to talk with you about the true Way of Life, to
broaden your knowledge, to give you spiritual comfort, and to
lighten your load of suffering.
I myself wish to take advantage of this broadcast to say some-
thing to you wounded officers and men about the truths by which
we soldiers should live.
This is Christmas Eve. As we think of this Saviour of men
and of the world, His Spirit of sacrifice, and His martyrdom for
the truth, we cannot but be moved. As you know, Jesus was the
Son of a poor family, His father being a carpenter. Moreover He
grew up among an oppressed people at a time when they were
suffering bitterly from foreign aggression, and yet for the sake of
lofty and eternal ideals He served His own fellow-countrymen and
race and poured out His blood freely as a sacrifice for all mankind.
What was the secret of His power such love of others, such fear-
lessness of death, such noble imperishable character? Let me tell
you. It was because He knew the meaning of life, because He
understood the purpose of life, because He grasped the truth about
life. Therefore His infinite Spirit fills Heaven and Earth and rules
the universe. I once said that mjan born in this universe has a
Heaven-given capacity to rise upward and to live for others. When
this capacity is fully and creatively realized then man can stand
erect and secure, unafraid and unashamed, in the vast universe and
achieve the ideal of perfection. I have described this revolutionary
philosophy in two sentences, "The purpose of life is seen in the
advancement of life in all mankind; the meaning of life is found
in the creation of ever new life throughout the universe." If we
comprehend this revolutionary idea and give ourselves to life-
long struggle for it then with inner certainty of soul and unfailing
strength of body we may be able like Jesus Christ to attain imperish-
able life and become perfect men revered by mankind through
all generations.
Comrades : I have spoken before of your world-renowned valor ;
you have fought and bled for your country and your people. You
have displayed the highest traits of character. You have suffered
and "lived through nine deaths" for humanity, for fatherland, for
772
THE TRUTH OF LOT
fellow-countrymen and for principle. You have accomplished
mighty deeds. But as long as you live on this earth, as long as we
have not attained complete victory and freedom, so long does your
responsibility remain; it is not yet fulfilled. We revolutionary
soldiers should live and die like Jesus. We should be ready to give
our last drop of blood on a cross to cleanse humanity of evil and
to create a shining new world of equality and freedom. Let every
soldier as long as he lives and with all the strength he possesses
perform his full duty to his country and to the world. For us
soldiers the struggle cannot cease as long as any breath remains in
our bodies. Looking at the innumerable heroes and martyrs that
have gone before us and the unborn generations that will come
after us we cannot but strain every nerve to complete our sacred
mission. Your Commander-in-Chief cares deeply for you in your
physical distress and even more in your mental misery and depres-
sion of spirit. He also knows that you must submit to the discipline
of truth if you are to find comfort of soul and hold fast your spirit
of struggle and sacrifice. And so again I put before you some of
the essential conditions of spiritual culture and well-developed
character.
First in a true way of life comes Faith. Faith gives life. What
is the object of our faith today? The Three Principles National
Independence, Democracy, and the People's Livelihood which the
Father of our Country bequeathed to us and which can save our
country and people, mankind and the world. Dr. Sun Yat-sen left
an important exhortation to our soldiers, "Let us with our perishable
lives of a few score years establish for our nation an imperishable
existence of centuries and milleniums." Our individual lives are
a part of the life of our race. Remember Heaven and Earth and
our parents have given us birth that we may be universal men who
can transmit the past and create the future. Long life in ordinary
speech means life of the physical body. But the physical body is
simply a bundle of flesh and blood and bones. It is not our true
life which is linked with the endless life of the Chinese nation and
the ever-living truth of the Three Principles. Only if our nation
is immortal can we as individuals truly enjoy long life and immor-
tality. As government of, by, and for the people spreads over the
world our lives will be as immortal as these great principles and as
773
TSK THU'JFH OF LIFB
indestructible as Heaven and Earth itself. Understand and live by
this truth and you can forget your anxieties. You can mfcet whatever
comes, happiness or suffering, peace or danger. Your whole view
of life and death will be changed. You will struggle more bravely
and you will find peace of heart.
Next to Faith I must point out the importance of Love and
Patience. It is for love of your country and people that you have been
wounded in this war against the invader and are enduring such pain ;
it is for love of family and kindred and ancestors that you have
sworn vengeance against the aggressors and are now lying upon beds
of suffering. Remember your love of fatherland and fellow-country-
men and your pain will be eased. Think of the victory that lies
ahead, the recovery of our lost territories, the return to your homes
and ancestral graves, the achievement of all that we are fighting for,
and you will find health returning more quickly to you. With love
you can endure all the sharp arrows of sorrow and misfortune, with
love your spirits can be at rest whatever happens to your bodies.
Finally we need Patience. Without patience it is impossible
to realize life's high hopes. Hope cannot exist without patience.
Patience enables us to strive on and not give up half way until the
goal of our hopes is reached. Our greatest hope today is for a free.
enlightened world and for a China that can stand equal and inde-
pendent among the nations. Because of our effective resistance this
hope is nearer to being realized and the full consummation is now
within our sight. I am sure that this great expectation will nerve you
to overcome all our final difficulties and to forget all your own trials.
All the military and Party regulations and my various messages
to the troops should be carefully studied and observed. While in-
valided you should endeavor to be just as good natured and respect-
ful as before to your medical officers, to your fellow soldiers, and to
your teachers. You should deny yourselves, think of others, and
help and encourage one another in the same way as on the battle-
field. Be affectionate and sincere to all your comrades ; share what
comes in life or death. Steel yourselves to meet suffering with love
of country and a patient spirit. Do not let feelings of depression
or rage get control of you. I am sure that you have learned through
your own painful experiences the value of love and patience. Faith,
Hope, and Love these are the three cardinal principles in the teach-
774
THE TRUTH OF LDTB
ing of Jesus Christ. If you truly believe in these principles there
will be no difficulty that you cannot overcome; you will have the
power to realize your highest ideals and to help accomplish the
revolutionary mission of our nation. ,
Comrades : I have mentioned only briefly these great teachings
of Christianity. Later you will have opportunity to hear more about
them from Christian friends and I am sure you will benefit greatly
from them. This custom of visits by chaplains is not common in
China as in western countries. There communities, army groups,
hospitals all have pastors who speak to the people on occasion about
the truths by which they should live and give them spiritual security
and solace. When a person meets with suffering, sorrow or depres-
sing circumstances the pastor is ready to give comfort and encourage-
ment. I hope that our Church friends in China who are engaged
in this noble service will minister also to our wounded officers and
soldiers. Let them with good educational methods suited to each
situation bring spiritual guidance and inspiration to our men, teach
them self-control and self -respect, show them how to be strong in
character, and help them to live according to the teachings of Jesus
Christ which can save our people and the whole world. Then there
will be hope for the realization of the Three Principles of the People
and the great tasks of our revolution can be completed. Let us all
strive earnestly toward that goal.
My beloved wounded soldiers, take good care of yourselves.
I pray God and Jesus Christ to relieve you speedily of your pain and
to restore you to health so that you may help to win the victory and
to re-establish our nation.
775
136
A Solid Foundation for Victory
Radio address to the Chinese Army and the
people on New Year's Day, 1944.
JANUARY 1, 1944.
rPODAY is New Year's Day of 1944. It was exactly 50 years ago
today that Dr. Sun Yat-sen started the revolutionary movement
for the salvation of China by organizing the Hsing Chung Hui.
Through seven years of bitter resistance against Japan we have
laid a solid foundation for victory. We and our allies are now ex-
changing news of military success and preparing for an all-front
offensive. This New Year's Day marks the dawn of a new era and
its celebration, which the Army and people in our country share with
comrades-in-arms of all other peace-loving and anti-aggression na-
tions, should be of special significance.
The outstanding development in the global war during the past
year was that the cornerstone for the victory of the United Nations
was solidly laid, while the Axis forces in North Africa suffered a
smashing defeat and the whole of Libya was cleared of the Nazi
horde. This was followed by the Allied occupation of Sicily and
Italy's surrender. On the eastern European front, the Soviet forces
scored repeated victories, completely dislodging the Germans from
positions along the Dnieper.
Japan has also suffered reverses everywhere in the Pacific and
China theaters. With the recent Allied landings on New Britain
and other strategic points, Japan's second line of defense in the
Pacific from the Solomons to the Bismarck Sea has been broken.
In the China theater she has encountered unexpected heavy blows
at the hands of our defenders in all her futile attacks in the provinces
of Kwangtung, Fukien, Chekiang, Kiangsi, Kiangsu, Shantung,
Hopei, Anhwei, Shansi and Suiyuan. In her third major campaign
in Hunan and Hupeh, we were able to inflict upon her a mbst crush-
ing defeat, and especially in the battle of Changteh she had a taste
of the splendid fighting quality of our troops. In all her four attacks
776
A SOLID FOUNDATION FOR VIOTOBY
in western Yunnan she failed to dislodge our forces from their rock-
like defenses along the Nu River. Throughout the past year, the
Japanese had nothing but defeats and failures in both offense and
defense.
The fate of the Axis partners, Japan and Germany, can now be
said -to be sealed. The United Nations have become stronger, as
more and more nations have joined their ranks, while non-belligerent
countries have become more and more friendly and sympathetic to
them. The past year therefore was a turning point in the titanic
world war.
While the concerted efforts of the United Nations have been
to a considerable extent accountable for this happy turn of events
during the year, when the initiative passed into Allied hands, there is
a more important factor to be considered. This lies in the traditional
love for democracy and freedom of the American people, who treat
all the peoples of the world as their equals. Their broadmindedness
and farsightedness have led the American government to adopt a
just and enlightened world policy and to translate that policy into
action with success. Thus America has played a significant role in
turning the tide of the world war and in laying the foundation of
victory for the United Nations. The Axis brigands have been
subjected to a psychological disarmament under the censure of jus-
tice and righteousness. This point I wish to impress most em-
phatically on our Army and our people, a point which is also worthy
of worldwide attention.
It should be emphasized that the foundation of victory is that
our war is a war for the establishment of justice and the liberation
of mankind. Only in this spirit, given full expression, may victory
be won and permanent peace achieved.
During the past year our international relations were readjusted
first by the relinquishment by the powers concerned of their extra-
territorial and related rights in China and then by the passage by
the American Congress of the bill for the repeal of the Chinese
Exclusion Act. We have concluded new treaties on the basis of
equality and entered into treaties of amity with friendly nations
whereby our traditional relations of friendship with them have been
enhanced. Thus our century-old aspirations for national inde-
pendence and freedom may now be said to have been realized. In
777
A SOLID FOUHDATION FOE VlUfOBI
October last year we signed with America, Great Britain and the
Soviet Union at Moscow a joint declaration on collective security.
This, together with a joint declaration signed by the United Nations
at Washington on New Year's Day 1942 which it supplements, pro-
vides for the attainment of the common war aims and lays down the
principle for the establishment of an international peace machinery.
Later, at the Cairo and Teheran conferences agreements were reached
on common war strategy in Europe and Asia and on the punishment
of war criminals in the East and West.
In the light of the important events of the past year, the peoples
of the world, amid the gunfire of a cataclysmic war, can already
visualize the advent of peace and dawn of righteousness. Peoples
who have been trampled down by the aggressors can now be sure
of their future emancipation and rebirth.
Here I wish to report to the Army and people of our country
the impressions I received during my participation in the Cairo Con-
ference, which, I am sure, you will be glad to hear. In 1938 I
pointed out that ever since the Meiji reform, Japan had consistently
followed a policy of continental aggression to satisfy her ambition
for the enslavement of China and domination of East Asia, as a first
step toward world conquest. To crush such ambitious designs of
Japan, we must strive to liberate the Korean people and regain
Formosa as one of the aims of our resistance.
At the Cairo Conference, Ahierica, Great Britain and China
unanimously agreed to strip Japan of all the Pacific Islands she has
seized or occupied since the first World War and to drive her out
of all the territories which she has despoiled by force or out of greed.
She has to restore to us the four Northeastern provinces, Formosa and
the Pescadores. She has to permit Korea to be free and independent.
Thus we have received absolute assurances of attaining the aims of
our sacred War of Resistance, This will not only cheer our fellow-
countrymen in Formosa, the Pescadores and the Northeast, as well
as die people of Korea, but all the oppressed and maltreated Asiatic
people both in the Pacific and Asia mainland may look forward with
hope for liberation.
In the intimate talks I had with President Roosevelt and Prime
Minister Churchill at Cairo, we considered steps for mutual co-
operation and agreed upon certain plans for the prosecution of the
778
A SOLID FOUNDATION FOE VIOKMLY
war. We also touched upon the question of the disposal of the
enemy after the war.
One important problem in this connection concerns Japan's
form of government. When President Roosevelt asked my views,
I frankly replied, "It is my opinion that all the Japanese militarists
must be wiped out and the Japanese political system must be purged
of every vestige of aggressive elements. As to what form of govern-
ment Japan should adopt, that question can better be left to the
awakened and repentant Japanese people to decide for themselves."
I also said, "If the Japanese people should rise in a revolution
to punish their war mongers and to overthrow their militarist gov-
ernment, we should respect their spontaneous will and allow them
to choose their own form of government/' President Roosevelt fully
approved of my idea. This opinion of ours is entirely based on the
spirit of the joint declaration of the United Nations in 1942.
Today I make public this conversation with President Roosevelt
at Cairo in order to impress upon our Army and people that after
victory we hope not only to set free all the peoples who have been
oppressed and enslaved by the enemy but also to give a helping hand
to the innocent and harmless people in Japan.
I have returned from the Cairo Conference with renewed devo-
tion to the ideals of justice and peace. I can tell you that the deepest
impressions I have of President Roosevelt are of his unflinching faith,
his firm determination to emancipate all the world's oppressed peoples
and his sincere desire to help China become a truly free and inde-
pendent nation. His basic policy is the attainment of real peace in
the world and genuine equality among men, and he thinks that in
such a future world as he visualizes China must be one of the
pillars. This spirit of his arises from his innate love of justice and
righteousness and his policy is based upon the peaceful relations of
mutual trust between the American and Chinese peoples during
the last 150 years.
I also had several intimate talks with Prime Minister Churchill.
This resolute, farsighted and deeply emotional statesman of Great
Britain impressed me by his frankness and straightforwardness. Mr.
Churchill has an inflexible determination to crush Japan with the
concerted efforts of the United Nations and fully shares our faith in
Sino-British co-operation in war and in peace. Our talks have
779
A SOLID FOUNDATION FOB VICTOBY
contributed immensely toward a better understanding between our
two countries.
I wish further to tell you, aside from America and Great Britain,
the Soviet Union, which participated in the Teheran Conference, has
also consistently hoped that China should succeed in its national recon-
struction program and enjoy independence and freedom.
I am deeply convinced that the United Nations, of one heart and
of one purpose, are truly engaged in a war to end all wars and that
it is for this lofty ideal that the Allies are fighting gallantly on every
front. To live up to the expectations of our allies, our Army and
people should redouble their efforts to make their nation strong and
independent in order to meet the responsibilities of the times.
Since the Cairo Conference, the aims of the common war
against Japan have been qualified. The decision that the three
powers are to bring increasing pressure to bear upon Japan will soon
be carried into action. Henceforth the burden of our Army and
people will become increasingly heavy, as the important task of
encircling the Japanese on the Asiatic mainland will fall primarily
upon our shoulders. We must realize that in her defensive war, Japan
will have to make the China theater her last line of defense, where
she will take her last and most stubborn stand.
In the decisive battle on the China front all our soldiers and
people must give all they have and all they are. They should be
truly aware that it is no easy task to win victory.
This coming year will see the beginning of the decisive stage,
when the land, sea and air forces of the United Nations will carry
the war to Japan's home islands and to all the seas surrounding her.
Judging from our present position as compared with that of the
enemy, I believe that if we prosecute the war in strict accordance
with the strategy we have agreed upon, we can certainly defeat
Japan in the Pacific and Indian oceans to such an extent that either
she has to surrender unconditionally or none of her forces will be
able to survive the impact of our pressure. In this offensive on an
unprecedented scale we of China should collaborate with the Allied
forces and exert our utmost efforts. We should not only do so in our
theater but should counterattack the enemy in other sectors of the
East Asia mainland, wherever and whenever an opportunity presents
itself, with a view to smashing to its very roots Japan's so-called
780
A SOLID FOUNDATION FOR VICTORY
Greater East Asia fortress. We must realize that only when Japan
is utterly crushed in the China theater and only when China attains an
all-front victory can permanent world peace be established.
To sum up, it is beyond doubt that the enemy is bound to lose.
This is the inevitable outcome of the war but the coming year will
see our fighting expand in scope and increase in severity. We must
see to it that every one of our soldiers and every one of our civilians
shall solemnly discharge his God-given duty. We have to fight on
the one hand and reconstruct on the other and we should begrudge
no sacrifices. I want all our Army and people, treasuring their past
achievements and looking ahead to the glorious future, to fulfill their
obligations and show greater strength and spirit of sacrifices in their
struggle for the realization of the ideals of our national revolution.
There are four guiding principles by which they must strictly abide.
First, co-operation between the Army and people must be strength-
ened, second, every citizen must perform the duty he owes to the
State and contribute everything to the nation's cause ; third, through
economy and thrift material resources must be saved as much as
possible with a view to meeting the needs of replenishment at the
front; and, fourth, everybody must live a life of self-respect and
honor by observing the tenets of the New Life Movement.
All our officers and men in the various war areas should do
their utmost to expedite military preparations so that when the
forthcoming great offensive unfolds itself this year they will make a
contribution to the State that will be remembered forever. Thus
may we realize our seven-year-old motto Victory is certain in war
success is certain in reconstruction.
781
137
From Students to Soldiers
A speech to 500 student volunteers in the assembly
hall of the National Military Council on January
11, 1944.
JANUARY 11, 1944.
T FEEL unusually gratified to know that during the last two
months students in various parts of the country have volunteered
to join the colors. During this great year of our Resistance and
Reconstruction this act is symbolic not only of the bravery and high
spirit of Chinese youth but also of the bright future of our country.
The citizens of every modern country have considered themselves
duty bound to enlist in the army so that the survival and develop-
ment of their country mjay be safeguarded and so that they may
fulfill their obligations as citizens of a modern country. Otherwise,
both the country and its citizens would invariably fail.
This is true especially in the world's major countries. Every-
one from the chief executive of the government down to the plain
citizen considers it his duty to the State to undertake military service
for a fixed period of time. In time of war they join the colors and
march to the front more readily to defend their country. This is the
reason why Great Britain, America and the Soviet Union have been
able to resist Axis aggression and keep intact their national existence.
They have furthermore succeeded in enlisting the co-operation of
other Allied countries in the cause of peace and justice for mankind.
After seven years of war we have been able to bring ourselves
to the present hopeful stage when we will soon see the dawn of victory,
and we have laid the foundation for national rebirth mainly due to
the efforts and sacrifices of our soldiers and civilians. But there are
still those who do not fully appreciate the importance of military
service and who fail to fulfill their obligations on that score. The
precedent set by the student volunteers, including many who are of
high scholastic standing and who are sons of gentry and Government
officials, will surely set right a misleading trend of thought in the
782
ffBOM STUD1NTS TO SOLDIER*
country and serve as an important turning point which will further
assure us of our success in the struggle for the independence and
freedom of our country.
At this early stage of your encampment I wish to relate my own
experience when I first decided to join the Army, which may be of
some encouragement to you. When the Russo-Japanese War ended
I was only 19 years old. At that time many members of the intelli-
gentsia and school students in our country wanted to join the Army,
Seeing that our country was so weak and foreign oppression was
becoming worse, I suspended my study at Lunching Middle School
in my home town at Fenghua, determined to become a soldier. After
repeated efforts I succeeded in passing the entrance examinations
for the short course military school at Paoting. Upon graduation
I was sent to Japan to enter the Shinbo Preparatory Military School
and later served as a second private in the Takada Regiment prior
to my entry into the Tokyo Military College. I always recall as
one of the happiest periods of my life that experience of mine which
was the first step toward the realization of a long-cherished desire to
serve my nation.
My experience as a second private which began in the winter
lasted a year. The weather at Takada was colder than that of the
northern frontiers of our country. Every day I washed my face
with ice-cold water and had at each meal but one bowl of rice to-
gether with several slices of salted turnip and salted fish. The routine
of life in the barracks consisted of a rigid military drill daily, of
caring for horses and sundry other labor. I did everything cheerfully
that a soldier should to harden his physique. I learned with concen-
tration of mind, with endurance and patience. As time went on I no
longer took the drudgery as suffering but felt most happy as a soldier
to be able to stand hunger, cold, hardship and labor.
From my own experience of being a soldier for more than 30
years I draw these three important requirements which must be
fulfilled if you want to be a modern soldier.
First, you must absolutely abide by your rank, observe discipline
and obey orders. An army can be controlled solely through limi-
tations of rank, strictness of discipline and uniformity of command.
If soldiers fail to adapt themselves to the virtue of obedience they
will be likened to a bed of loose sand. If in time of war each follows
783
FROM STUDENTS TO SOLDIERS
the impulse of his own heart they are bound to fail no matter how
good they may be as individuals.
Second, you must pay attention to political training. In a mod-
ern army every soldier must fully understand the history of his
nation and people, adopt a correct outlook thereon and recognize
his own duty thereto. Soldiers of our country should manifest their
loyalty to the Kuomintang and to the nation and should consider it
their duty to bring about the realization of the Three People's Prin-
ciples. Only so can we be strong in our faith and with firm faith
there will be no obstacles which we cannot overcome.
Third, you must consider the barracks as your school. You
should undertake all military drills with endurance and learn dili-
gently so as to acquaint yourselves with the fundamental knowledge
of military science, master the basic exercises in military training
and, more especially, take to heart the essential spirit of military
organization and the art of living of a modern citizen. Only thus
can you meet any emergency with self-control and independence,
with initiative and determination. Even after retirement from mili-
tary service you will continue to play a worthy and important part in
society and in national reconstruction.
From today you students are considered my subordinates and
you therefore should learn and follow the spirit with which I have
dedicated myself to the Revolution. You should observe the tenets
of a soldier if you want to succeed in your military career. As our
Tsungli, Dr. Sun Yat-sen, once said, "Under the great name of
Washington there must have been countless unknown Washingtons
before America achieved her independence." The young men of
China today in their enthusiasm to bring the National Revolution
to a successful conclusion must all resolve to become unknown heroes.
They must all make up their minds to be unknown Sun Yat-sens.
Among all comrades there must be a spirit of sharing and mutual
helpfulness in sickness and in distress. The spirit of co-operation
and solidarity must prevail at all times so that it may naturally
express itself to the fullest extent in the time of war. Our soldiers
must be prepared to live or die together and to share each other's
suffering in order to win the war and to establish a happy, pros-
perous new China on the basis of the Three People's Principles.
784
138
China and the United States
Text of the joint release issued by President
Chiang Kai-shek and Henry A. Wallace, Vice-
President of the United States, at the conclusion
of Mr. Wallace's visit in Chungking, June 24,
1944.
JUNE 24, 1944.
"TkURING his visit in Chungking Vice-President Wallace has had
^ an opportunity to discuss with President Chiang and officials of
the Chinese Government in an informal, frank and friendly atmos-
phere matters of common interest and concern. They have ex-
changed views to mutual advantage and found themselves in agree-
ment on basic principles and objectives.
Prosecution of the war against Japan in Asia is an urgent job
and mutual assistance in every possible way to get that job done
quickly and efficiently is fundamental in Chinese-American relations.
The objective of victory in the Pacific is the establishment of a
democratic peace based on political and social stability deriving from
government devoted to the welfare of peoples.
Enduring peace in the Pacific will depend upon (1) effective
permanent demilitarization of Japan; (2) understanding, friendship
and collaboration between and among the four principal powers in
the Pacific area China, the Soviet Union, the United States and
the British Commonwealth of Nations and among all United Na-
tions willing to share in the responsibilities of post-war international
order; and (3) recognition of the fundamental right of presently
dependent Asiatic peoples to self-government and the early adoption
of measures in the political, economic and social fields to prepare
those dependent peoples for self-government within a specified prac-
tical time limit
Cognizance was taken of the cornerstone position of China in
Asia and of the importance of China in any structure for peace in the
Pacific area. It was assumed as axiomatic that essential to such a
785
. GHXNA, AND THE unilsb BTATB8
peace structure would be continuation of the ties of friendship that
have characterized American-Chinese relations for over a century,
and the maintenance of relations on a basis of mutual understanding
between China and the Soviet Union, China's nearest great neighbor,
as well as between China and her neighbors. No balance of power
arrangement would serve the ends of peace.
Seven years of resistance to Japan during the last three of
which China has been virtually cut off from physical contact with
the outside world has resulted in serious economic and financial
difficulties in Free China. The Chinese people are facing these
difficulties with fortitude, confident of their ability to stand the strain
until greater material assistance from abroad becomes feasible.
The Chinese people and the Government are determined to
implement and make real the Three People's Principles of Sun Yat-
sen. The first of these principles National Sovereignty is now a
reality. The second Democracy is implicit in plans being formu-
lated for the establishment of a Constitution to guarantee individual
rights and freedom and to establish representative government.
Concrete consideration of the third the People's Livelihood is in-
herent in plans for economic reconstruction.
With regard to the People's Livelihood, the fundamental im-
portance of agricultural reconstruction in any plans for economic
or industrial reconstruction was recognized. The lifelong interest
of Vice-President Wallace in agricultural development gave him a
special understanding of China's agrarian problem and enabled him
to discuss with President Chiang realistic solutions. Vice-President
Wallace was confident that President Chiang would find among the
American people a willingness to co-operate in every practical way
with the Chinese people in solving agricultural and related problems
posed in Chinese plans for economic reconstruction, implementation
of which would mean trade relations between Chinese and American
businessmen on a mutually advantageous basis.
President Chiang and Vice-President Wallace were continually
mindful of the fact that the fundamental purpose of their govern-
ments is the promotion of the security and welfare of the peoples
of China and the United States, respectively, and were in agreement
in believing that pursuit of the broad objectives which they had dis-
cussed would be in line with accomplishment of that purpose.
786
139
Our Seven Years* Fight
Message to the nation on the seventh anniversary
of China's war against Japan, July 7, 1944.
JULY 7, 1944.
"W7E HAVE fought, regardless of all sacrifices, a better-equipped
enemy for seven years. We have served as vanguard in the fight
for world peace and spearhead in the anti-fascist war. Our long and
bitter resistance has shattered Japan's dream of conquering China
and has lined up all the anti-aggression forces against the aggressor
nations. This war has now reached a stage when victory for the
United Nations is certain.
The battles fought in the Pacific and on the Asiatic mainland are
phases of one war, and even military developments in Europe and
Asia are intimately related one with the other and are indivisible.
In Europe three outstanding successes have crowned the efforts of
the United Nations in the past twelve months. They are the collapse
of fascist Italy, the crushing defeats repeatedly inflicted by the
Soviet Army upon the Nazis, and the opening of the Second Front.
Those developments have deprived Hitler of initiative and placed
him in a tightening ring.
Events have shown that our British and American allies had
mapped out a plan for the invasion of Europe with care and thorough-
ness. There could be no question of success once the plan was put
into effect. The favorable change in Europe, however, is largely
attributable to the magnificent and determined Soviet resistance in
the past year. This gallant nation has not only recovered almost
all of its lost territory, but has also annihilated huge Nazi forces
and dealt crushing blows to German morale. The astonishing per-
formance of the Soviet Army is sure of a prominent place in the
world's war annals. I believe that it will not be long before the war
in Europe is brought to a successful conclusion.
As to the progress in the Pacific, our British and American
allies have not given the enemy one moment's respite. The British
787
DUE SEVEN TEARS' FIGHT
Navy, in the period under review, attacked northern Sumatra and
heavily raided enemy bases in the Andaman Islands. The American
forces launched air offensives on the enemy in the Kuriles following
their capture of Kiska. American successes in the Southern and
Central Pacific have 'been even more brilliant. Since the launching
of the first offensives, our American allies have been victorious
in all engagements, and the enemy has not yet succeeded in recover-
ing a single post once lost.
More recently our American allies adopted the island-hopping
strategy, and after penetrating the enemy's outer defenses advanced
one thousand nautical miles to make a successful landing at Saipan,
the gateway to Japan. With her navy hiding and evading a fight,
with her air force losing heavily, and with her iron-and-steel-pro-
ducing center in Kyushu recently subjected to devastating bombing
by American Superfortresses, there is little wonder that the enemy
in a recent broadcast admitted that Japan's defense line had been
broken, and warned that "the war has reached a decisive stage."
He is greatly concerned not only over his Army overseas isolated
and left to perish but also over the security of his homeland, now
directly threatened.
In China we are engaging large Japanese forces, while in India
and Burma the Chinese, British and American forces are making
steady progress with our troops in Yunnan attacking the enemy
simultaneously from the east. Since the capture of Kamaing and
Mogaung the Allied forces have continued to advance despite the
monsoon rains. Our troops in western Yunnan, following the cross-
ing of the Salween River, are driving on Lungling and Tengchung
hoping to effect a junction with the Allied troops advancing east-
ward in northern Burma. All facts indicate that a part of the Allied
strategy, carefully mapped out, is successfully unfolding.
Japan has now fully realized that her defenses both on the sea
and in the air are weak, her aircraft-producing and shipbuilding
plants are unable to meet requirements, and a general counter-
offensive from China is imminent. In order to divert the attention
of her people from the gathering threat to her home front, Japan
recently mustered all available forces and made a synchronized attack
on our troops in Honan and Hunan.
The enemy obviously has planned the present campaign with
788
OUR SEVEN YEARS* JIGHT
great care, and the scale of operations is the largest since his assault
on Hankow and Wuchang in 1938. It is of no use to ignore the
fact that the enemy has made rapid advances in his new drives and
that the situation is grave.
What are the enemy's objectives in the present campaign?
There are three. First of all, he aims at reducing our field forces
before our general counter-offensive against him takes place. Sec-
ondly, he wants to destroy our air bases along the Canton-Hankow
and the Hunan-Kwangsi railways to minimize the danger of an air
offensive against his homeland. Lastly, and most important of all,
he is anxious to gain control of the Chinese trunk lines as avenues
for eventual retreat for his troops now in Burma, French Indo-
China, Thailand, Malaya and the Southseas Islands. He has already
found it increasingly difficult to maintain a supply line between Japan
and his bases in the Southseas. Under constant attacks by Allied
naval and air forces, his sea lane is even in danger of being completely
cut. The enemy launched his desperate assaults on the China front
in the vain hope of improving his position.
Three months have passed since the enemy operations against
us began. To date, he has not accomplished any of the three ob-
jectives. I am confident that in spite of our initial reverses China's
power of resistance will in no way suffer. We are continuing to do
our best to defeat his purpose in this campaign.
Military operations are generally designed to gain either space
or time. Speaking of space, the enemy defense line in the Pacific
is full of wide gaps and no local gains on the Asiatic mainland would
be helpful to him. Speaking of time, the enemy cannot possibly keep
pace with the rapid unfolding of Allied plans for counter-offensive.
The enemy should have attempted to gain control of the Chinese
railways five years ago instead of deferring the operations until
now. And, thus, we have already won a victory.
The overland route of communications which Japan hopes to
secure is long. Even if she should double the force she is now em-
ploying she would not find it possible to dominate the Peiping-
Hankow, Canton-Hankow and Hunan-Kwangsi railways and link
them with the highway leading to the border of French Indo-China.
Our troops, with the collaboration of the people, would give the
enemy no peace. His hold on the lines would always be contested
789
OUB HE VAN YBAR8' FIGHT
relentlessly and his forces attacked wherever found.
Although the enemy's home front is weak yet he is concentrating
his available forces on the China front. This will serve as an ex-
cellent opportunity not only of fighting with an indomitable spirit
but also of holding as many of his troops as possible from action
elsewhere. The day of carrying the war to Japan proper will be
hastened. In holding the Japanese in the present campaign I feel
confident we are making a positive contribution.
In fighting a strong enemy with inferior equipment for years,
we have not relied so much upon material as upon spiritual force
a willingness on the part of our people to die so that justice and
righteousness may live. I admit that, with no adequate foundation
for reconstruction, China is handicapped by industrial backwardness,
economic difficulties and insufficiency in war production ; but it is of
the utmost importance that our moral state be kept up and our
fighting spirit be not permitted to falter as we approach the decisive
phase of the war. While I am aware that from now on fighting
will be more intensive and conditions more difficult, you should not
forget that with a shorter line to defend and more troops available
to hold it, our problem of replacement and reinforcement would be-
come correspondingly easier. Moreover, as the campaign in Burma
is making progress, there is a good prospect of an early opening of
a China-India land route for transporting a larger supply of war
materials into China.
Fellow-countrymen, I have foreseen from the beginning that
the enemy would intensify his attack on China as final victory for
the United Nations approached. This has happened subjecting our
revolutionary spirit and morale force to a final test. I always hold
the view that no success is worthy of the name unless it is achieved
through extreme hardships. There is a sacred duty devolving upon
us, the living, to complete the work of our comrades who have died
for the cause. In order to carry out this duty, it is imperative that
we should reassert our faith in ourselves. So let every one of us
give all he has and all he is in the fulfillment of the obligations which
citizenship places upon us. A word to our patriots in enemy-occu-
pied areas. They should know that liberation is dose at hand and
should prepare for the part they are to play. Our actions now will
determine the destiny of our nation for the next hundred generations.
790
OUR 8BVBN YEABS' FIGHT
Our Army and people should make an all-out effort in co-ordination
with our allies to exterminate the enemy.
I hold myself responsible to the nation, to my fellow-countrymen,
to our martyrs and to our allies, to continue the war until victory
is attained and our lost territory recovered. I solemnly pledge
myself to share with my Army and my fellow-countrymen the suffer-
ings and hardships which the war will yet entail. In anticipation of
the peace that is to come, I earnestly urge upon you to strive to-
gether with undaunted courage to overcome the difficulties that still
lie ahead of us.
791
140
Before Final Victory
Opening address at the Third Plenary Session of
the Third People's Political Council, held in Chung-
king, September 5, 1944.
SEPTEMBER 5, 1944.
AT THIS opening session of the Third Plenary Session of the
** Third People's Political Council, I wish to extend, on behalf of
the Government, my hearty welcome to all members who have come
from long distances and to those members residing in Chungking.
First, let me report to you on the recent developments of the
war in the China theater. Since the series of defeats suffered by
the enemy at the hands of the Allied forces at Saipan and Guam
several months ago, Japan has realized that her doom is near. In
an attempt to bolster the ebbing morale of her army and people she
has launched offensives in Honan and Hunan. Her ambition has
already suffered serious setbacks and will never be realized.
We do not deny that we have had military reverses during the
past half year, nor can we refuse to recognize that the present period
in our War of Resistance is the most difficult one. I hope, however,
that we will all understand several important factors.
In the first place, it must be understood that the decisive stage
of the war has begun in the China theater. We must be prepared to
face what I have often called the "most trying hour" during this
stage before the attainment of final victory.
Secondly, the situation today entirely differs from that of five
years ago. Today, the anti-aggression forces are victorious every-
where, and Japan's total defeat is inevitable. Her attempt to retrieve
her desperate situation in the China theater, therefore, is bound
to fail.
Thirdly, though we are weak in material resources, we are
strong in revolutionary spirit and are confident in the righteousness
of our cause. Ais long as we continue our struggle resolutely and do
not falter, I can assure you that militarily there is no real danger.
792
BEFORE FINAL VICTORY
Seven years of fighting on our part has been an important
factor responsible for the favorable turn of the war situation in
Asia and the Pacific. From the very beginning of our resistance,
we have been conscious of our responsibility to preserve world jus-
tice and peace. Now that we are fighting shoulder to shoulder with
our allies we should, more keenly than ever before, feel the im-
portance of our earnest task. Despite our unfavorable position,
backward industrial production and inferior armament, we must
do our very best to fulfill our part in this global war against ag-
gression. We will make all necessary sacrifices rather than be thought
unworthy of our allies. In consistent pursuance of this spirit, we
have in the past co-operated with our allies in bringing about the
present hopeful state of affairs.
Now we are being well repaid for all our past sacrifices. From
now on, it is of crucial importance that we carry forward what we
have accomplished during the past seven years and that we step up
our fighting strength in order to attain final victory. This requires
greater effort on the part of both our Army and our people.
China is a country in which a revolution has not yet been com-
pleted. She cannot, therefore, be compared with those nations of
the world which are well advanced industrially. After seven years
of war, military and economic difficulties which we face today are to
be expected in an agricultural country like ours. By and large, we
may still consider ourselves fortunate. The difficulties we face are
not surprising since we had not, in the past thirty years, laid a sound
foundation for military, political, economic and scientific develop-
ment. A formidable enemy attacked us at a time when our recon-
struction had not fully begun. Upon a country little developed in
light and heavy industries, the ravages of war have naturally had
telling effects. Furthermore, our communications have been cut and
we have had neither time nor the wherewithal for making repairs
and replacements. Consequently we have experienced shortages in
military supplies and materials.
Added to all these difficulties has been the fact that we were
loosely organized socially and therefore the national mobilization law
could not be fully enforced. Whereas we have remained strong in
spirit in a prolonged war, our resources have been reduced as time
went on. During recent months these weaknesses have become par-
793
BEFORE FINAL VICTORY
ticularly apparent. This we should not try to conceal but should
endeavor to correct. If we can but persist in our efforts to over-
come these obstacles, military reverses and economic problems which
we have encountered during the past half year could be turned into
a valuable lesson for winning the war and completing national recon-
struction.
Today I wish especially to raise one point which concerns the
success or failure of our war effort. That is, our country must have
national unity. A unified China is needed for the winning of the
war a unified China is needed for post-war reconstruction and in-
ternational co-operation. The aim of Dr. Sun's long revolutionary
struggle was unity the Northern Expedition for the overthrow of
the warlords was launched to secure unity resistance against Japan
today is also for unity. During the last fifty years Japan has been
harboring the intention of dividing China, thereby endangering the
existence of our country. Hence there were the Tsinan Incident,
the Mukden outrage, and the Lukouchiao Incident. We, therefore,
united ourselves and started the resistance, disregarding sacrifices.
Our war against Japan is not only for securing our national existence
and international justice, but it is also for guaranteeing our national
unity.
The desire of the National Government for national unity repre-
sents the desire and will of the entire people. If the military com-
mand of our country cannot be unified, victory cannot be achieved.
If our political measures cannot be unified, success in national re-
construction cannot be obtained. We cannot tolerate anything which
is contrary to unity. If our troops cannot faithfully follow a unified
military command, we will lose in strength while our enemy will
gain. If the people cannot truthfully respect the unified political
policy, the country cannot resist aggression and cannot become a
modern state. There has been no lack of unity among the provinces
and troops under the direction of the Government, but in order to
assure victory the entire people, whether individuals or groups,
should be thoroughly unified both in name and in deed. Only by
true unity can we secure real solidarity, expel the enemy and win
the war. To strengthen the foundation of our nation all our people
should abandon personal prejudicial views and sacrifice private
interests.
794
BEFOBE FINAL VIOTOEY
Now let me point especially to the preparation that has been
made for the introduction of constitutional government and economic
reconstruction.
The promotion of constitutional government is equivalent to the
promotion of democracy. Our revolution and reconstruction aim at
the realization of a San Min Chu I democratic government. Only
the day on which constitutional government is realized may be re-
garded as the day when the work Dr. Sun had handed down is com-
pleted. There would have been no revolutionary sacrifices and
struggles during the last fifty years if we had not worked for the
realization of democracy.
The Eleventh Plenary Session of the Central Executive Com-
mittee last September adopted the resolution of "convening the
people's congress and promulgating the constitution within one year
after the conclusion of the war." In November, the Committee for
the Promotion of Constitutional Government was formally established.
During the past year the Government has had as its basic object
the early realization of democracy. Such measures as the promul-
gation of the "Habeas Corpus Act" and the revision of regulations
governing publications and press censorship have served to lay a
foundation for democracy and constitutional government.
As to the preparations for the realization of constitutional gov-
ernment, emphasis is being laid on the strengthening of local self-
government, and the establishment of more organs representing the
people or popular opinion. Up to September, 1943, 321 people's
political assemblies were established in various hsien and municipali-
ties throughout the country. The number has been increased to 906.
Up to the present time 540 hsien and municipalities in various prov-
inces have formed the hsiang and chen assemblies, and 1,037 hsien
and municipalities have poo assemblies. Due to wartime and com-
munications difficulties, the results have not been satisfactory. But
the Government will continue to do its best for the State as well as
for the people so that the constitutional form of government may
be adopted on schedule.
I shall deal next with the economic problem which today includes
two aspects, economic stabilization and economic development. The
795
BEFORE FINAL VICTORY
first aspect has mainly to do with the problem of commodity prices.
The Government, having accepted the proposal of the Committee for
the Promotion of Economic Reconstruction under the People's
Political Council, in June of this year, adopted the "emergency meas-
ures for the enforcement of the program for strengthening price
control/' which was being faithfully carried out by the National
General Mobilization Council. In the past few months results are
reflected by economic stability.
The bumper crop this year and the prospective increase of
supplies to be imported after the reopening of the international trans-
port route will not only help to stabilize commodity prices, but they
will also solve the difficulties attending economic reconstruction,
Hereafter the Government will continue to do its best in assisting and
supporting industrial production, devoting equal attention to the
development of state-owned and private enterprises, equalizing the
people's burden and striving to co-ordinate financial and economic
policies so as to hasten economic reconstruction based on the Prin-
ciple of People's Livelihood.
Lastly, I believe that in the struggle for a final victory we must,
on the one hand, remove as far as possible the people's sufferings,
and on the other hand make the people fully realize the new era in
which they are now living.
I hope you members of the People's Political Council will report
to the Government the people's grievances, and point out where
Government supervision has not been entirely satisfactory. At the
same time I hope you will give your assistance in relief of those
who have suffered from injuries, loss of home and separation on
account of the war. At the same time, we must realize that the
world after this war will be marked by progress and change, advanc-
ing it a whole century as compared with pre-war days. Remember
Dr. Sun's teaching of "forge ahead to catch up" and it will help
us to fulfill our heavy responsibilities.
I have said that "since ancient times any individual or state
who relied on others could never have real independence; anyone
who does but enjoy the fruits of other people's hard labor will
undoubtedly face eventual elimination." We should actively and
concretely strengthen ourselves and catch up with the times.
I sincerely hope that the people of this nation will be far-sighted
796
BEFORE FINAL VICTORY
and be enterprising enough to enable China after this war to secure
real independence and freedom, and to be on equal terms with all
the civilized nations of the world. Only by so doing can we prove
ourselves worthy of the Father of the Republic, the revolutionary
martyrs, and the soldiers and people who have laid down their lives
in this war.
797
141
Basis for Political Settlement
President Chiang Kai-shek, in his capacity as
President of the Executive Yuan, gave a state-of-
the-nation report before the Third Plenary Session
of the Third People's Political Council on Septem-
ber 16, 1944. Following is the English translation
of that part of his speech dealing with the Chinese
Communist issue.
SEPTEMBER 16, 1944.
Government has consistently taken the policy as decided upon
'in December of last year that political questions should be settled
by political means. I feel that the basis for political settlement lies
in the support of national unity and observance of national laws and
decrees. Every citizen should be fully loyal to his or her country
while the Government should seek a solution for every problem in a
way most beneficial to the nation in an impartial spirit and with fair
judgment of facts.
We all know that law is the basis of politics. Either individuals
or an army must observe law and discipline, which are the corner-
stones of any nation. In order to elevate China's position in the
family of nations and to win the war it is imperative for her citizens
to observe law and discipline and maintain national unity. A patriotic
citizen and a responsible government should abandon all prejudices
and sacrifice selfish gains and should avoid doing anything detri-
mental to national unity or violating law and discipline. The Gov-
ernment is ready to accept any opinion if it is beneficial to the nation
and helps to win the war so that any knotty problem may be smoothly
settled. Yesterday, Councilor Lin Tsu-han and General Chang
Chih-chung reported to you on the conversations that have taken
place on the Chinese Communist issue and you passed a resolution.
I am gratified with Councilor Lin's attitude during his report,
though I shall not discuss his views and opinions.
The Government has accepted most of the concrete demands
798
BASIS FOB POLITICAL 8BTTLBM1HT "*
presented by the Chinese Communists. For instance, it has accepted
fully demands regarding the north Shensi administrative area, its
organization and functions as presented by Divisional Commander
Lin Piao previously.
One concrete problem still to be settled is that of the 18th Group
Army. I wish to tell you today two important points. First, with
regard to the problem of the numerical size of. the aforesaid army,
the Central Government in its proposal permits it to be reorganized
into ten divisions. If there are really too many troops, the Gov-
ernment may consider reorganizing them into twelve divisions as
proposed by Divisional Commander Lin Piao, hoping only that they
will not further extend themselves without authorization or organize
units other than the regular army by extracting money from the
people for their maintenance. If military and political unity is main-
tained, the Government will not mind organizing one or two more
divisions.
Secondly, with regard to the problem of pay and arms, troops of
the 18th Group Army reorganized in accordance with instructions
of the Central Government will receive the same treatment as other
national armies. There will be no discrimination at all. After re-
organization, it will receive food, pay, arms, ammunition and medi-
cine regularly. I hope then members of the People's Political
Council will investigate whether there is any unfairness.
The Central Government has repeatedly made it clear that what
it insists upon is a unified military command and political unity.
While it means to accord equal treatment to the 18th Group Army,
it demands equal observance of law and discipline. The 18th Group
Army must obey the orders of the National Military Council regard-
ing transfer and operations. Only thus can it prove that it is truly
loyal to the country and does its share in the War of Resistance.
And only thus can it feel unashamed before the war dead and in face
of sacrifices made by its compatriots during the past seven years.
The Government will be glad to receive any opinion from you
councilors concerning this program for the political settlement of
the Communist issue.
799
142
Success in War and Revolution
Message to the nation on Double Tenth
anniversary, October 10, 1944.
OCTOBER 10, 1944.
Republic of China is today thirty-three years old. Resisting
a powerful aggressor for more than seven years has gained us full
confidence. The coming year will not only bring us final victory but
also witness the success of our National Revolution. On this glori-
ous anniversary, I wish to tell my fellow-countrymen how we could
most effectively exert ourselves in this final phase of the struggle.
I also wish to give you a picture of the state of the nation by a con-
cise examination of our national position, of the progress of our
revolution, and of the current military developments.
First, let us remember that our country is still going through a
period of revolution. A revolutionary nation has its peculiar charac-
teristics, and cannot be judged by ordinary standards. To be able
to carry on after having fought a formidable enemy for more than
seven years and being subjected to three years of the most stringent
blockade with our National Revolution not completely accomplished
is a feat unknown in the annals of human struggles.
We are well aware of our shortcomings and weaknesses in poli-
tical and economic affairs which we should correct. Such short-
comings are unavoidable in a nation going through a revolution and,
in general, also in nations waging a war. History shows that back-
wardness and weakness are inevitable during revolutions and instances
of social and military conditions under similar circumstances which
were far worse than ours may be cited. Such symptoms are not
peculiar of China and could not be fairly utilized as weapons to assail
the Government. To do so would be only to lend comfort to the
enemy and traitors. Mutual counsel and guidance are desirable
and commendable but to find fault and to be unduly critical serve
no useful purpose. In line with our revolutionary policy and duty,
800
SUCCESS IN WAft AND REVOLUTION
we should strive toward perfection in order to lay a solid national
foundation.
We should realize that our Government and people trying to
attain independence and freedom are not concerned with ephemeral
success or failure and temporary praise or reproof. With our just
and righteous cause, we have been striving to carry out the Three
People's Principles and should not be deterred by considerations of
danger or failure.
Let me cite the cases of two model revolutionary nations. Beset
with internal and external crises after 1918, Soviet Russia, with in-
domitable persistence, surmounted all difficulties and emerged a
strong nation. Deprived of much of her territories, Turkey, in 1920,
with Ankara as her base, recovered a good deal of her lost land and
rebuilt herself into a power.
Let us now recall the early days of our Revolution when we
were led by the founder of our Republic. Our internal and external
situation then was infinitely more difficult than today. Now we still
have a huge territory untouched by the enemy, and 5,000,000 soldiers
engaging him on many fronts. The enemy, on the other hand, has
reached the end of his resources and is facing certain doom. Cir-
cumstances are truly favorable for the completion of our Revolution
and the successful outcome of the war.
Recent malicious rumors circulated by the enemy and traitors
have, however, influenced the views of some foreign observers, and
as a result, a section of foreign opinion has advanced confused views
on our military and political affairs. This is due largely to an inade-
quate perception of the true nature of our War of Resistance and to
imperfect understanding of the characteristics of a revolutionary
nation. At the beginning of our war with Japan, influenced by enemy
propaganda, some foreign observers had likewise freely predicted
that China could not hold out longer than three months.
We must not allow ourselves to be influenced by other people's
praise or reproach. Our self-confidence must not be shaken. Again
we must realize that ours is a revolutionary nation, and our duty is
to complete the revolution and carry forward national reconstruction,
and our problems are unique. We are guided by the Three People's
Principles and our revolutionary spirit. So long as we possess
unwavering confidence, so long as we exhibit our revolutionary spirit,
801
SUCCESS IK WAB AMD BEVOLUTION
we will assuredly complete our sacred mission.
Secondly, we should correctly appraise China's status among the
nations as well as our responsibility in this war against aggression.
The war in eastern Asia cannot be fought successfully without
China's participation and the future of world peace is closely linked
with the success or failure of our Revolution. In other words, if
China had not fought uncompromisingly, it would not have been
possible to secure a complete victory in the anti-aggression war in
eastern Asia. If there were no independent and free China, world
peace could never truly materialize. China fighting shoulder to
shoulder with the Allied nations is not an accident of history; it is
because we hold the same principles and ideals and are bound together
by the same fate. Let us exert ourselves worthily in bearing our
heavy responsibilities.
The objective and basis of our struggle are unchangeable.
Fighting alone or fighting in collaboration with our allies, we shall
always maintain an inflexible determination to overcome all diffi-
culties. Three years ago, when we were fighting the enemy alone,
we repeatedly exacted heavy sacrifices from him. If we judge the
future by the past, it is clear that no matter how the war situation
develops, it will in no way affect the essential conditions for victory.
As long as we adhere to our established policy, we shall not fail.
It is necessary for us to realize that in this war against aggression,
what is needed is a nation which can stand on its own feet and
undertake its own responsibilities, and not a nation which has lost
the spirit of independence and has to rely upon others. The strength
and spirit exhibited by China today is capable of removing all diffi-
culties. Let us not underestimate ourselves and defeat our own
purposes.
Faithful to our pledges, we are not afraid of sacrifices. No
matter how the situation may develop in the future, we shall con-
tinuously maintain our friendship with our allies and discharge our
responsibilities as a member of the United Njations in a spirit of
mutual assistance and co-operation. Now that the Nazis are
approaching collapse, and the time for launching concerted attacks
upon Japan is close at hand, it is imperative that we should redouble
our efforts in the battlefields of eastern Asia.
Thirdly, if we judge the present military situation by engage-
802
SUCCESS IK WAR AND REVOLUTION
ments along the seacoast and railway lines, we cannot deny the fact
that we are encountering many military difficulties nor can we belittle
the severity of the fight put up by the enemy before the final defeat.
But judging the situation from a broader viewpoint and considering
the military situation in the light of seven years of war, we cannot
fail to see that victory is within our grasp. Temporary gains and
losses or local success or failure at this time cannot shake the faith
in our final victory.
At the beginning of the war we resisted the enemy with inferior
equipment. What we relied upon was our steadfast revolutionary
spirit. It is still this spirit that guarantees victory.
Even at this moment we have 400,000 regular troops east of the
Peiping-Hankow and Canton-Hankow railways, who are capable of
delivering massive blows against the enemy. We have countless
patriots in the occupied areas waiting to rise against the enemy.
We have in reserve ample manpower and material in the interior
provinces, which together with difficult and perilous terrain would
constitute an impenetrable obstacle. It would not be possible for
the enemy to invade the real base of our War of Resistance even
if he had still the strength he possessed three years ago.
Finally I want to call the attention of my fellow-countrymen to
the intrigues of the enemy and traitors. They are spreading all sorts
of malicious rumors, predicting that there would be civil war and
disunity in China. Their object is to mislead the world and under-
mine our war spirit and self-confidence. I am afraid that some
foreign commentators, unfamiliar with the real background, have also
lent themselves unwittingly to a wider circulation of such rumors,
not realizing they are aiding and abetting our common enemies, the
Japanese and the traitors. But as long as we remain true to our-
selves such rumors will fail to attain their objects, and in the full
light of the dawn our nation will march to final and complete victory.
803
143
The Party and the Nation
Message Issued on the occasion of the fiftieth an-
niversary of the founding of the Kuomintang,
November 12, 1944.
NOVEMBER 12, 1944.
*TK)DAY is the birthday of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, Father of the Chinese
A Republic. Dr. Sun founded in 1893 the Hsing Chung Hui,*
which marked the beginning of his revolutionary movement. It is
now exactly fifty years since the founding of the society. We feel it
most glorious to hold the commemorative ceremony for the fiftieth
anniversary of the great Revolution.
The birth of Dr. Sun meant the arrival of a savior for the
Chinese nation and was glad tidings for mankind. So far as China
is concerned, the organization of the party by Dr. Sun marked the
beginning of a new life for China and his formulation of the Three
People's Principles meant the creation of a new soul for China.
The result was the awakening of the people and the struggle of the
revolutionaries which brought about the overthrow of the monarchy,
the establishment of a Republic and the complete liberation of the
Chinese nation. As to the effect on mankind in consideration of the
fact that China as a nation of 450,000,000 people holds a vital position
in the world had it not been for the Revolution started by Dr. Sun
which had increased the self-confidence of the nation, inspired hope
of national regeneration and stimulated us to further progress in the
modern world, nobody can tell how the Asiatic and the world situa-
tion would have developed. It is sure that the fate of China would
have been unimaginable.
We may therefore say that the Revolution started by Dr. Sun is
the pivot of China's regeneration and the foundation of the welfare
of mankind. In the words of Dr. Sun it is "A holy exploit unprece-
dented and not expected to occur again." I believe that every
patriotic Chinese exults in this great holy exploit and is determined
"Literally, the Society for the Regeneration of China.
804
THE PARTY AND THE NATION
to bring it to a successful conclusion and that every member of the
Kuomintang particularly realizes his or her responsibility and strives
for the consummation of this grand mission. On this auspicious
occasion I wish to speak to my fellow-countrymen and party com-
rades on the significance of the Kuomintang anniversary.
I. The founding and mission of the Kuomintang. The organi-
zation of the Hsing Chung Hui marks the beginning of the Kuomin-
sistently followed the same purpose and mission in the Revolution
for the past fifty* years. The goal of Dr. Sun's Revolution is to
attain freedom and equality for China and his motive was to save the
country from destruction. Dr. Sun told us that "the Three People's
Principles are the principles for national salvation." Delving into
the documents of the early period of our party, we find in the mani-
festo of the Hsing Chung Hui the following words : "To rescue the
people from their suffering and support the tottering edifice of the
state," and in the manifesto of the Tung Meng Hui* this statement :
"In previous days there were revolutions of heroes but the present
Revolution is a national Revolution in which every citizen has a
responsibility." These expressions indicate that the aim of the
Revolution is to save the State and the people and that the founda-
tion of the Revolution is built upon the entire nation.
Dr. Sun has consistently made it clear that the nation comes
before the Party and that he organized the Party for the purpose of
saving the nation. The interests of the Party can in no way be alien-
ated from the interests of the State and the people. The relation
between the Party and the State is closest before the revolution of
the nation is completed. Members of the Party should act as the
vanguard of the people in the face of death and danger and rally the
people to join in the struggle. They have special obligations, no
privileges. It was because of this very pure and holy spirit of loyalty
to the State total self-sacrifice and disregard of compensation or
reward on the part of our Party members that we have been able
to rally so many revolutionaries and patriotic elements under our
standard. This very spirit all our fellow-countrymen should take to
*China Brotherhood Society the revolutionary organization which was the suc-
cessor to Hsing Shun* Hui.
805
THE PARTY AMD THE NATION
heart, all our young men should emulate and all our Party members
should prize and preserve.
II. The measures and aims of the Three People's Principles.
The ultimate goal of our National Revolution is the realization of the
Three People's Principles. The objective of the Three People's
Principles is stated in the program of the Tung Meng Hui, that is, the
revival of the Chinese nation, the founding of a Republic, and the
equalization of land ownership which were to be initial aims of the
Three People's Principles. Later the manifesto of the first National
Congress of the Kuomintang in 1924 and the bequeathed teachings
of Dr. Sun made fuller explanations. It is for the realization of the
Three People's Principles that our Party comrades have struggled
persistently for the past fifty years and numerous revolutionary
martyrs have sacrified their lives.
Briefly speaking, according to the manifesto of the first Na-
tional Congress of the Kuomintang, the Three People's Principles,
are: Nationalism, which implies emancipation of the Chinese nation
and equality of all races within Chinese territory ; Democracy, which
implies the realization of a system of direct popular authority in
addition to that of indirect popular authority; and People's Liveli-
hood, which implies equalization of land ownership and regulation
of capital, and the maintenance and regulation of the people's liveli-
hood by the utilization of governmental powers. In other words,
Nationalism aims at national salvation and independence, Democracy
at the building of a Chinese Republic with sovereign rights actually
vested in the people, and People's Livelihood at the prevention of
capital monopoly and class struggle in order to realize a balanced
life for the people.
These three principles containing the three aspects of National-
ism, Democracy and People's Livelihood are all-embracing, im-
partial and most suitable to China. The reason why we take the
Three People's Principles as the highest guiding principle for the
building of the Chinese Republic is that it meets the needs of the
nation and follows the current world tendency. Herein lies the goal
of our herculean efforts amidst enormous hardships.
III. The significance and achievements of the National Revo-
lution. Dr. Sun asserted that the National Revolution is a common
exploit for all Chinese citizens, upon which hinges the rise or fall
806
THE PABTT AMD TU NATION
of the nation. In the spirit of universal brotherhood he rallied all
patriotic Chinese to join our Party and take part in the Revolution.
In the history of the Chinese Revolution Dr. Sun says : "The Party
was established to rally the patriots in the common struggle." A
study of our Party history reveals that from the time of the Tung
Meng Hui to the present period of the Kuomintang there have been
six major reorganizations in our revolutionary set-up. Each time
it was reorganized to meet the requirements of the time and after
each reorganization it drew more patriotic and revolutionary elements
to the Party.
Mainly influenced by the great spirit of Dr. Sun and of the
Three People's Principles and impelled by their sense of duty to
the State, innumerable patriots have joined our Party and participated
in the struggle for the realization of the Three People's Principles.
Many of them have run great risks or even sacrificed their lives.
Thanks to the efforts of these revolutionary martyrs China has been
steadily emerging from decadence to regeneration and from darkness
to light during the past fifty years. With the Revolution now enter-
ing a more important stage we are anxious more than ever that all
patriotic Chinese will participate in it and become bosom comrades
who will share both glory and disgrace with us.
IV. In commemorating the glorious history of the Revolution
our Party comrades should have a greater realization of their re-
sponsibilities in the Revolution. Dr. Sun organized the Party for
the Revolution out of a sense of responsibility toward the obligation
of saving the State and the nation. Dr. Sun said, "If within the
country there is anything that goes wrong it is our responsibility."
He also said, "Because the Revolution has not been successfully
carried out it is not possible to build a true republic. So long as
the republic has not been successfully built members of this Party
should not cease their struggle." Here he clearly pointed out to us
the responsibility and obligation which we should by no means shirk.
As followers of Dr. Sun, we should know that we take part in
the Revolution not for personal gains but for fulfilling our obligations
and responsibilities. We should place the interests of the nation above
everything else. We should be ready to run all risks for the fulfill-
ment of our obligations and responsibilities in the Revolution. The
history of our Party has been written with the tears and blood of
807
TBB PARTY AMD THB NATION
our Revolutionary martyrs. During the past fifty years, while many
have sacrificed their lives for the Revolution, almost every member
of our Party since Dr. Sun has experienced slander, disgrace and
great suffering. Referring to Dr. Sun's harrowing experience the'
history of the Chinese Revolution says : "Though he placed the in-
'terests of the nation foremost and devoted himself fully to the
Revolution his compatriots not only failed to help him but even
derided and ignored him." Actually these words fail to describe a
fraction of the sufferings which Dr. Sun and the Revolutionary
martyrs had undergone.
Today in commemorating Dr. Sun and the Revolutionary martyrs
we as true revolutionaries should stand all hardships and sufferings
in an undaunted spirit. We should bear in mind that we are de-
scendants benefited by what our forefathers have done for us and
the unfinished task left by our forefathers should be the goal of our
struggle. On this anniversary day we should commemorate not only
the Revolutionary martyrs but also other Chinese who have sacrificed
their lives for the Revolution in the past fifty years. We should
never swerve from our duty imposed by the State and by the Revo-
lution but face and fulfill it. Only thus can we be the worthy fol-
lowers of Dr. Sun and can we condole the souls of those who have
sacrificed their lives for the Revolution during the past fifty years.
V. All my fellow-countrymen should strive with their might
and main to win the final victory and consummate the Revolution
as an appropriate way to commemorate those who have sacrificed
their lives for the country. They should exert their all-out effort in
the current War of Resistance which is an inevitable stage in the
course of National Revolution and reconstruction. Our number
one enemy in the course of National Revolution and reconstruction
is Japan. This Dr. Sun had foreseen long ago. In the conclusion
of his "Industrial Project" (also known as The International De-
velopment of China) Dr. Sun predicted that "the next aggression
from Japan will be met by a resolute resistance from the Chinese
people, and it would be impossible for Japan to govern China profit-
ably at any time and for any period of time." Dr. Sun talked then
about "organizing for war/' which foreshadowed the militaristic,
fascist aggressive bloc ; he also talked about "organizing for peace,"
808
THE PARTY AND THE NATION
which heralded the Allies which are now fighting against aggression
and for justice and peace.
We have fought for more than seven years and are now together
with our allies engaged in "a war between right and might." After
victory is won, we believe that international peace and security will
be properly safeguarded and economic collaboration between China
and other countries will be placed on a sound basis. However, at
this juncture the enemy has penetrated deep into our land and
placed the yoke upon many of our fellow-countrymen. In this final
stage of the struggle we should bring full force to bear upon the
enemy. We should realize that Japan is our arch enemy. If the
Japanese are not driven out of China we shall have no hope of suc-
cessfully concluding our Revolution or realizing the principles of
Nationalism, Democracy and People's Livelihood. Moreover, na-
tional existence can in no way be safeguarded, not to say individual
or group interests. Revolution implies all-out sacrifice and struggle,
and national salvation requires total elimination of selfish ends. In
this emergency period we should one and all unreservedly and uncon-
ditionally contribute all we have and all we can. We recall how
the Revolutionary martyrs courageously followed Dr. Sun in the
Revolution without the least dilemma or demand.
We should realize that Revolution and national salvation are our
common duty and our sole aim today is to drive the enemy out, re-
juvenate the nation and win national independence ,and freedom.
Everything else is out of our consideration. Therefore every one
of us should make his or her effort toward this common goal of
winning the final victory and removing the obstacles to our National
Revolution and reconstruction. Only thus can we feel unashamed
when we think of Dr. Sun's intention of saving the nation by starting
the Revolution fifty years ago and when we think of our own duty.
In the above I have dwelled upon the significance of the Revolu-
tion started by Dr. Sun fifty years ago. We rejoice at the birth of
our great and noble Leader at the most opportune time to show us
the way to National Revolution and rejuvenation and save the
country from decadence. We feel glorified to have this great sage
and this great Revolution. However, we should bear in mind that
our effort in the last few minutes is of paramount importance. In
this critical time we should not for a moment lightly neglect doing
809
THE PABTY AMD THE NATION
our part in the life-and-death struggle. It must be realized that
only after victory is won can the work of national reconstruction
be well started.
On this solemn occasion let me quote a passage from a declara-
tion by Dr. Sun before the inception of the Chinese Republic:
"I believe that my fellow-countrymen will strive to complete this great
task with conscientious and persistent effort. I hope that they will
all have an indomitable spirit in doing so. As descendants of Em-
peror Hwang Ti, we should look upon each other as brothers and
sisters, share joys and sorrows, render mutual help and with one
heart and soul defend the country. If every warrior is not afraid
to die and every family does not spare its effort, the Revolution
will surely be a success."
My fdlow-countrymen and my Party comrades, this passage
seems to have been written just for us at this critical time. I hope
that we shall all take it to heart and strive jointly for the consumma-
tion of the National Revolution and reconstruction.
810
144
Faith in Victory
A Christmas message broadcast to the nation on
Christmas Eve, 1944.
DECEMBER 24, 1944.
TJ7E HAVE come to another anniversary of the birth of Jesus of
Nazareth, upon whose teachings the religious faith of an ever
growing number of people is founded.
Between fifteen and twenty years ago our churches met with
sever attacks, and there was a strong trend toward the stamping out
of religion in China. I, at that time, was not a believer in the
Christian faith. Because of popular opposition to the churches I
also had doubts, but I studied the reasons animating the opposition,
as well as the essentials of Christianity. My study brought me to the
realization that Jesus was not only a Savior of mankind but also a
leader of national, social and religious revolution. The revolutionary
force which He gave to the world is not unlike that which inspired
our Three People's Principles. This I made clear in my 1938 Easter
message on the need of a religious faith as against secular super-
stitions. Therefore today I hold that the followers of Christ should
not only practice the love taught by the Master but also should
make known His revolutionary spirit.
This is the season at which all Christian nations, year after year
for nearly twenty centuries, have happily celebrated the birth of the
most eloquent and convincing prophet of peace and of the brother-
hood of men that ever lived on this earth. During all these centuries
there has been no lasting peace in any land under heaven. Yet the
growing numbers of those who have carried Jesus Christ's message
of love, mercy and forbearance over all lands and seas have never
ceased to hope that mankind would some day reject the leadership
of vain and cruel tyrants. They have ever continued to hope that
mankind would some day ignore the call of those mad men who
glorify predatory war.
Here in this land of ours, the insane rapacity of Japan has
811
FAITH IN VICTORY
brought unspeakable horror and misery. This has been true during
all the past eight years but more particularly so this year. On the
eve of a day traditionally dedicated to mutual kindness, generosity
and peace on earth, numerous of our people are subjected afresh to
the rule of savagery, and many tens of thousands who escaped that
humiliation have come to us empty handed, cold and hungry, as home-
less refugees. Even as we prepare to thank our Father in heaven and
the Savior he sent among us so long ago for the promise of "peace
on earth and good will toward men," valiant sons all over the world
are giving their lives to beat back the forces of evil and to recover
the soil that has been plundered and polluted. Yet, perhaps, nowhere
in this suffering world is there greater confidence than among the
people of China that the end of this era of mad conflict is almost
at hand, and that the ancient promise of the angels on the night of
Jesus' birth is about to be fulfilled.
The life, character, teachings and spirit of service and sacrifice
of Jesus inspire us to go ahead in our struggle that we may bring
in a new world of freedom, equality, peace and happiness. Jesus
taught the kingdom of heaven, not something in the distant future,
but something that may be realized now by "men of peace and good
will" who have his faith and purpose.
At this Christmas season I call upon the Christians of our
country of all church groups, Protestant and Catholic to pray for
their country, to set an example of courage and sacrifice, to help
awaken the national conscience, to strengthen the faint hearted and
encourage the brave. Let us confess before God our own sins and
weaknesses of our nation, and ask His gracious guidance and pro-
tection, that He may deliver us as a nation and people and guide us
soon into peace, and help us so build as to make our revolution a
success. Let us give and serve and sacrifice as never before for our
soldiers fighting in our defense, for the refugees driven from their
homes and for all who are suffering under enemy oppression. I
call upon all the churches in China and their members to give their
all in the coming year to aid the wounded and sick soldiers, and the
homeless and destitute refugees, for we shall then fulfill our duties as
Christians and citizens.
Our nation as a whole needs the faith, the high moral standards
and the spirit of sacrifice of Jesus. Let us all at this time pray to God
812
FAITH IN VICTORY
that He may purify us, strengthen us and make us worthy of our
great heritage, of our revolutionary cause, of our part in the struggle
for freedom, and of the victory ahead. Only by strong character,
great unselfishness, "loving one's neighbor as one's self," "bearing
one another's burdens/' and the courage and faith which Jesus showed
through all His life can we carry through the last difficult phase
of our struggle and attain the final triumph. We must be willing to
give up everything now for victory and for the peace and future
of our nation.
Christmas is celebrated throughout the world. Let us on this
day remember the forces of our allies in China and all who are
standing by the cause throughout the world, the United Nations.
There can be no freedom of any kind, there can be no religious free-
dom under the rule of such men as have led Japan and Germany back
to barbarism. Jesus said: "You shall know the truth and the truth
shall set you free." Pray God that we may know the truth and
have the strength to be faithful to it.
During my detention in Sian, I read these words : "God is our
refuge and strength, a very present help in trouble. Therefore we
will not fear." I then saw the truth ; God gave me the strength to be
faithful to it. Even though I have faced many dangers in my life-
time, yet I have become free. May those of our nation who are now
in far greater danger enjoy that blessed freedom of the spirit which
I have enjoyed. And may all of our nation, bound or free, and of
whatever religious belief, confirm one another, on this day of hope,
in the knowledge that God will finally reward with victory and lasting
peace those who make no truce with evil. On this Christmas Day
let all of my countrymen pray to be sustained in that faith.
813
145
Victory and Democracy
An abridged translation of a message to the people
for 1945, issued on New Year's Eve.
DECEMBER 31, 1944.
year just concluded was for our tuition a year of great trial
A and danger. At no time since the battles of Wuchang and Hankow
in 1938 has so much territory been lost to the enemy, have our people
suffered such hardships and misery, as during the past eight months.
I now call upon you all to examine closely the mistakes we have
made in the past and to consider how our efforts in the future should
be directed.
At the end of 1943, I predicted that for China the following
year would be extremely critical if, in the meantime, the United
Nations could not find it possible to co-ordinate their land offensive
strategy with ours, and if the enemy blockade of China could not
be lifted.
The enemy knows full well that he cannot escape final doom.
His only hope is to prevent China from achieving a clear-cut victory,
thereby rendering the triumph of the United Nations incomplete and
indecisive, and winning for himself a chance to resume aggressive
warfare.
With this object in mind, the enemy took full advantage of the
all-out Allied offensive and preoccupation in Europe to drive boldly
into interior China, in the hope of knocking out our striking power
and bringing about our collapse. But today we are still secure on
our feet and the entire nation remains solidly behind the policy
of fighting to the end. The foundation of our war effort has in no
way been shaken.
There is no doubt that the enemy will continue the struggle this
year. We should be prepared for even more violent attacks. We
should strengthen our forces, seize the initiative and fight back in
co-ordination with our allies. All our officers and men should under-
stand their mission and fight with confidence.
814
VtCTOftY Aflfc
Our troops are truly hardy and courageous. Their records in
Western Yunnan and northern Burma in the past year show that,
given proper equipment and the co-operation of the people, they can
distinguish themselves in pitched battle and reduce strong points
and cities held by the enemy.
The first emphasis, in our efforts in 1945, must be on military
affairs. We must give everything for the war for the redemption of
past failures and for the speeding up of victory. We must be pre-
pared to meet the end, surmount all dangers and difficulties. Above
all, we must adopt all our political and economic programs to meet
our military needs.
To enable you all to exert yourselves in the same direction, let
me mention a few measures which I believe should be taken this year.
We must reorganize our existing armed forces and build up new
ones. This will necessitate a reshaping of military administration,
reforms in conscription, the improvement of transportation, ameliora-
tion in the treatment of officers and men, and the enforcement of
discipline. And what is of special importance is to mobilize more
fully our manpower and material resources.
In the matter of wartime administration we have not been tall-
growing. We might have been too eager to avoid increasing the hard-
ships of the people, and too hesitant to ask them to shoulder heavier
burdens. As a result we lack the means to make adequate provisions
for our officers and soldiers. The community at large failed to
respond to the order for general mobilization or to co-operate closely
with the Army, as is shown in the refusal of the rich to give money
and in the reluctance of educated youths to join the Army. Hence-
forth we must do what we can and offer what we have to further the
war effort. In order to heighten our fighting power, we must re-
plenish the armed units and increase their supplies. We must not
shrink from sacrifices of manpower and resources, no matter how
heavy they may be.
Lately there has been, however, an awakening among the people.
The number of educated young men to join the Army has already
exceeded the requirements of 100,000 recruits. Still we are far
short of our needs for a final triumph. I urge our people to work
harder and give more to the war, I ask the landowners and other
wealthy families not to miss the last chance for national service.
815
VICTORY AND DEMOCRACY
In regard to political matters, we must prepare for the con-
vening of a People's Congress within the year, to adopt and promul-
gate a constitution. The delay in our establishment of a constitu-
tional government was caused by the enemy's war of aggression.
Even before 1930, it had been decided to terminate the period of
political tutelage in 1935. Unfortunately there was the Mukden
outrage on September 18, 1931, which threw the entire nation into
preparation for war, and we were unable to give this matter our
undivided attention. The drafting of a constitution and preparation
for calling a People's Congress still continued, and it was then decided
to convene a People's Congress not later than November, 1937.
Then came the full-fledged war on July 7, 1937. As a result of
the war conditions then existing, it was decided further to postpone
the convening of a People's Congress. It is one of our greatest regrets
that we have not been able to adopt a constitution and introduce a
constitutional government. I feel that a revolutionist should lay
emphasis on work and not on talk. Therefore I usually do not
vainly talk much about democracy. But I have not for one single
day forgotten the need of the realization of constitutional democracy.
I hold that so long as political democracy, as provided for in the
Three People's Principles, and constitutionalism, as provided for in
the Quintuple Power Constitution, are not brought into effect, the
revolutionary work of our National Father remains incomplete, and
I have not fulfilled my duty to the nation.
As a result of nearly eight years of armed resistance, the Three
People's Principles have sunk into the hearts of the people generally
and their sense of civic responsibility has been much heightened.
Therefore I do not feel that it is necessary to wait until the end
of the war to call a People's Congress. I am ready immediately to
propose to the Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang
that as soon as the military situation has become so stabilized as to
enable us to launch counter-offensives with greater assurance of
victory, we should convene a People's Congress to adopt a constitu-
tion, which would enable the Kuomintang to transfer the power of
the Government to the people. Therefore we must in this year
employ our entire strength to beat back the enemy, and also to intro-
duce a constitutional government, with the entire nation solidly bound
together. Only thus can we realize the Principle of Political Democ-
816
VICTORY AND DEMOCRACY
racy and the ten-year plan for economic reconstruction, in accord-
ance with the Principle of People's Livelihood. We should exert our
efforts together to accomplish the dual task of achieving victory and
of setting up a constitutional government at the same time.
On this New Year's Day we should recall the original purpose
of our armed resistance. Although we are sure that eventually Japan
will be defeated, yet we must continue to exert our utmost to win.
When so much of our sacred territory has been ravaged by the
enemy, when so many of our fellow countrymen are still trampled
under the steel hoofs of the enemy, we know that our responsibility
has not been discharged. We must recover the lost territory, bring
solace to those who laid down their lives in the war, and make our-
selves worthy of the aid given to us by our allies. May our people
and Army exert their joint efforts to that end.
81?
146
The Task Before Us
An address at a New Year dinner in honor of more
than seventy Allied and Chinese officers in Chung-
king on January 5, 1945.
JANUARY 5, 1945.
rPHE first thing that I would like to say this evening is to wish you
much happiness and every success in 1945. The Chinese people,
as you know, have been noted as a nation of great mixers, for whom
friendship is the most treasured of all treasures. Has not Confucius
himself, at the very beginning of his Analects, said that to welcome
a friend from afar is the greatest of all pleasures? This is typical
of the Chinese national character. And that is why it gives me so
much pleasure to welcome you on the present occasion.
Gentlemen, you have come to this country at a moment when
we are being engaged in a life-and-death struggle, and you share
in all the hardships incidental to such a struggle. The fortitude and
patience that you show in the midst of physical and spiritual trials
constitute an encouragement to the Chinese people, stimulating them
to greater exertion and causing them to remain undaunted in the
face of the worst difficulties. Many of you have taken an active
part in our war effort and made invaluable contributions to the
common cause. You have not spared yourselves even though grave
personal dangers might have been involved. I wish to take this
opportunity to express my own appreciation of the services you have
rendered. At the same time, I wish also to convey to you the ever-
lasting gratitude of the Chinese people. While you are staying here,
I wish to make you as comfortable as possible. But due to circum-
stances of war, there may be much to be desired in the daily ameni-
ties of life. I regret that things are as they are, and that they are not
better. But if we take stock of the present international situation
and contemplate our achievements as well as the future prospects
of victory, we shall no doubt be pleased to think that each one of us
has contributed in his own way something toward the final out-
818
THE TASK BEFORE US
come and that our temporary tribulations is but a necessary prelude
to the grand consummation.
The year 1944 was a momentous year in all theaters of war. In
Europe, it saw the opening of the Second Front, initiated by the land-
ings in Normandy and followed by successive advances until the
Allied lines cut into German soil. The progress made by Soviet troops
in eastern Europe is equally brilliant. The upshot of it all is that
most of the countries once under Nazi domination are now liberated
or in process of gradual liberation.
When we turn to the Pacific, we find that our achievements are
just as imposing. After three years of active preparation, the mighty
American Navy is bestriding this vast expanse of water and knocking
at the very gates of the island empire, whose name is Japan. The
American Army has advanced 5,000 miles from Hawaii to the Philip-
pines, and the American Air Force is striking with increased tempo
at the Japanese homeland. Our enemy is getting what he so amply
deserves.
Last year, here in China, our feelings were somewhat mixed.
On the one hand, we suffered reverses in certain areas, leading to
much anxiety and serious searchings of heart. But the Chinese
Expeditionary Forces in western Yunnan, in conjunction with troops
under the able command of General Sultan in northern Burma, have
scored a series of victories, annihilated the enemy on the Burma-
Yunnan border and are being engaged in recovering the vital line
of communication with the outside world. It is expected that this
line will be in operation again in the near future.
However, let us not blind ourselves to the realities of the situa-
tion. We must remember that the task lying before us is just as
difficult as ever. The recent Japanese offensive in China and the
present German counter-offensive in western Europe both tend to
show that before the enemy is finally liquidated, more will have to be
demanded of us than before. We must not relax our efforts. We
should know that in such a worldwide war involving dozens of
nations, certain weaknesses are likely to expose themselves in one
way or another, but we must not allow our enemy to take comfort
in such thoughts and exploit them to his own advantage. The point
that I should like to drive home is that, though China has been in
the war longer than any other nation, she does not for a moment
819
THE TASK BEFORE US
think of avoiding her responsibilities. On the contrary, she proposes
to do her full part, to contribute everything that she has in order to
realize the objective which we hold in common.
There is another point that I must emphasize. When we think
of the eventual victory and the subsequent days of peace, I cannot
help feeling that the one sure foundation of lasting peace lies in
friendly co-operation among members of the family of nations. I
believe that the traditional ties of friendship, together with our rela-
tions as Allies, will always stand the test of time after they have been
forged on the anvils of blood and fire. They will be strong, powerful
and indestructible. Gentlemen, let us drink to our everlasting friend-
ship and to the coming victory of the Allied Nations.
820
147
A Road to Victory
Messages of President Chiang Kai-shek, Major-
General Albert C. Wedemeyer t commander oj
American forces in the China Theater, and Am-
bassador Patrick /. Hurley, in a joint broadcast
to the United States on January 28, 1945, on the
opening of the Ledo-Burma Road and the lifting
of the siege of China which began in April, 1942.
JANUARY 28, 1945.
PRESIDENT CHIANG'S MESSAGE
HAVE broken the siege of China. Even in time of peace the
construction of a road from India to China would be an extraor-
dinary engineering achievement. The achievement is all the greater
when it is remembered that the road of a thousand kilometers was
built over the most difficult terrain and under treacherous weather
conditions while fighting against the enemy had to be carried on at
the same time. Now the road becomes the main artery of an important
base for the United Nations from which shattering blows against
Japan will be delivered. In other words, it is a token of victory and
of relief from tyranny which will have the effect of a powerful tonic
on the spirit of our Army and our people. To the militarists of
Japan it will be an omen of defeat. For generations to come China
will pay reverence to the memory of all those who gave their lives
for this immortal deed.
Every Chinese will be as grateful as I am to the gallant officers
and men of our Allies Americans, British and Indians for their
great and glorious share in the accomplishment of this feat of arms.
We shall never forget the hardships they suffered and the sacrifices
they made so far from their homes in Burma's savage hills and
fever-infested jungles to break the blockade of our country and to
throw our arrogant enemy back on his haunches. Our people in
the enemy-occupied areas will hear of this and they will hear of the
mounting losses which the United States forces are rapidly heaping
821
A ROAD TO VICTORY
upon Japan just over our horizon and they will know that the hour
of their deliverance is at hand.
During the years that China has fought alone in her resistance
to invasion, Japan's thwarted militarists told their people that if the
Burma Road were closed, if this country were cut off from the
material and moral support of our friends in the West, our courage
would collapse and we would throw ourselves upon Japan's scant
mercy. When they took Rangoon they again boasted to their
people that China was cut off and would have to yield. But neither
was China cut off from the support of our allies nor did China
humble herself. At the same time, over the rugged mountains of the
Himalayas in defiance of Japan's marauding aircraft came winging
the courageous and skillful American airmen who continued to bring
supplies into China in an unending stream.
Now comes a caravan, rolling into China over areas which the
Japanese thought to hold in everlasting fief. For this turn of events
we and our allies have paid no small price, but we have proved to
the enemy that neither the will power of China nor the will power of
her allies to win the war can ever be shaken. Let our soldiers fight
on together with the Allied forces for the final and total victory.
From now on, I am sure, we will have greater faith in what I have
often said, that is, while we adhere to righteousness, justice and the
Three People's Principles, no enemy is invincible and no difficulty
is insurmountable. Let them fight on with the same determination
and fortitude as they have shown in the past fourteen months in
Burma and Yunnan.
In conclusion let me name this road after General Joseph Stilwell,
in memory of his distinctive contribution and of the signal part which
the Allied and Chinese forces under his direction played in the
Burma campaign and in the building of the road.
GENERAL WEDEMEYER'S MESSAGE
A STRONG and relentless enemy has maintained a land blockade
" of China for more than two and one-half years. This blockade
has finally been broken. A road now bridges the last and most
difficult gap between China and the great arsenal of the United
States. The strongest proponent of a land route to China has been
822
A ROAD TO VICTORY
General Stilwell. He conceived the plan and fought it through the
council rooms. He planned the military operations which have
made the road a reality. General Daniel Sultan ably assisted General
Stilwell in preparation of these plans and jointly with Generalissimo
Chiang Kai-shek directed the operations which have led to the
opening of the road. This contribution to the over-all war effort is a
living tribute to these three great leaders and to the brave men
serving under them.
The opening of the land route to war-torn China represents the
consummation of a courageous campaign waged by the heroic Chinese
Army in India under the command of General Sun Li-jen. Equally
important were the valiant efforts of the Chinese Expeditionary
Forces under General Wei Li-huang. These Chinese forces were
effectively supported by American, British and Indian air and ground
forces.
Supplies to strengthen China's sinews of war will become avail-
able to her beleaguered forces in ever-increasing quantities. This
does not mean, however, that immeasurable quantities of war
materials or sorely needed civilian supplies will pour into China
from the great productive centers of the United States. Until a sea-
port is open the logistical support that America can give to China
will in no way be comparable to that support she has given the
British and to the Soviet. The opening of the road does mean that
another battle of communications and supply against Japan has been
won by the Allies and that heavier and more decisive blows from
China can be added to those now being delivered against the enemy
from many other directions.
Thousands of people, civilians and soldiers alike, have labored
under difficult conditions and fought against an implacable enemy in
order that our life line to China might be re-established. The com-
pletion of this land route in addition to being a tremendous engineer-
ing feat will be a strong factor contributing to ultimate victory.
The opening of the road has significance beyond its immediate
military use in defeating the Japanese. It is a monument to the
singleness of purpose and unwavering friendship of our two great
nations. We Americans hail the courage of China and the vision
of her great leader, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek. We confidently
face the problems that must yet be solved, knowing that the mutual
823
A ROAD TO VICTORY
trust and respect between our two countries remains the basis for
lasting peace between China and the United States.
AMBASSADOR HURLEY'S MESSAGE
TW7E ARE grateful to Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek for the honor
he has just conferred upon America the naming of the land
route into China in honor of General Joseph W. Stilwell.
We join the Generalissimo in paying homage to all of our allies,
and especially to the Chinese civilians, the Chinese soldiers, the
Chinese officers, who together with American soldiers led by Joe
Stilwell and Dan Sultan and with the ever-present support of
carriers and fighting air forces led by Howard Davidson and Claire
Chennault, have fought and worked long, hard and successfully to
re-establish land communications with China.
Japan had succeeded in blockading China both on the land and on
the sea. The opening of the Stilwell Road re-establishes ground
transportation with China. It is not, of course, comparable to
America's achievement in building a bridge of ships across the
Atlantic, through the German blockade, to carry food and clothing
for civilians and war equipment and war supplies and millions of
American soldiers to defend Britain. The opening of the Stilwell
Road is not comparable to America's achievement in building the
battlecraft which have enabled the United Nations to re-establish
the freedom of the seas. But the Stilwell Road is a symbol of
America's unselfish purpose and of her loyalty to her ally. Less
than three per cent of American lend-lease has come to China. How-
ever, I wish to say to my fellow Americans that for the road, for the
air route, for the supplies, and for the efforts of American soldiers,
Chinese everywhere are expressing their everlasting gratitude.
The Generalissimo and General Wedemeyer are now collaborat-
ing to destroy the forces of Japan in China. The forces of Mac-
Arthur and Nimitz have defeated the Japanese in battle after battle
in the Pacific. The imperialistic designs of Japan to dominate other
peoples and other nations have failed. There is a growing opinion
that the last battle, the final victory of the United Nations, will be the
defeat of Japan on the soil of China. There will be hard battles
and anxious days before the final victory, but China will fight on.
The people of China are inspired by the ideal of a government of
824
A ROAD TO VICTORY
the people, by the people and for the people. They are inspired
by the principles of the Atlantic Charter. They respect the right
of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they
will live. China fights for freedom and for justice. With the un-
conquerable spirit and the idealism of 450,000,000 Chinese under
the heroic and brilliant leadership of Chiang Kai-shek, America
sees emerging from this war a free, united, democratic, happy China.
825
148
Unity and Constitutionalism
An address delivered on March 1, 1945, before
the opening meeting of the Preparatory Com-
mission for Inauguration of Constitutional Govern-
ment,
MARCH 1, 1945.
will recall that in 1936 the Government decided to summon a
" National Assembly on November 12, 1937, for the inauguration
of constitutional government and the termination of the period of
political tutelage under the Kuomintang. On July 7, 1937, Japan
suddenly made war on us, and the plan had to be shelved. However,
the determination of the Kuomintang to realize constitutional govern-
ment remained as strong as ever. Had it not been for the recom-
mendation of further postponement by the People's Political Council,
the National Assembly would have been convened during 1940 in
accordance with another Government decision. This year, on the
first of January, on behalf of the Government, I announced that the
National Assembly will be summoned before the close of the year,
unless untoward and unexpected military development should in the
meanwhile intervene.
The Kuomintang is the historical party of national revolution;
it overthrew the Manchu dynasty ; it destroyed Yuan Shih-kai who
would be emperor ; it utterly defeated the militarists that succeeded
Yuan Shih-kai; it brought about national unification; it achieved
the removal of the unequal treaties ; and it led the country into the
eight-year-old struggle against Japan. It is we who are the party
of liberation and progress. In summoning the National Assembly
and returning the rule to the people in conformity with the sacred
will of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, the Kuomintang is performing its historical
role. r ~1 * l *'l*|
We must emerge from this war a united nation. Only a united
nation can effectively perform the tasks of political and economic re-
construction to raise the lot of our toiling masses, and handle the
826
UNITY AND CONSTITUTIONALISM
problems of external relations in a new, uncharted world. Before
the Japanese invasion, we were a united nation. Today, but for the
Communists and their armed forces, we are a united nation. There
are no independent warlords or local governments challenging the
central authority.
I have long held the conviction that the solution of the Com-
munist question must be through political means. The Govern-
ment has labored to make the settlement a political one. As the public
is not well informed on our recent efforts to reach a settlement
with the Communists, the time has come for me to clarify the at-
mosphere.
As you know, negotiations with the Communists have been a
perennial problem for many years. It has been our unvarying ex-
perience that no sooner is a demand met than fresh ones are raised.
The latest demand of the Communists is that the Government should
forthwith liquidate the Kuomintang rule, and surrender all power
to a coalition of various parties. The position of the Government
is that it is ready to admit other parties, including the Communists
as well as non-partisan leaders, to participate in the Government
without, however, relinquishment by the Kuomintang of its power
of ultimate decision and final responsibility until the convocation of
the National Assembly. We have even offered to include the Com-
munists and other parties in an organ to be established along the line
of what is known abroad as a "war cabinet." To go beyond this
and to yield to the Communist demand would not only place the
Government in open contravention of the political program of Dr.
Sun Yat-sen, but also create insurmountable practical difficulties
for the country.
During the past eight years, the country has withstood all the
vicissitudes of military reverses and of unbelievable privation and has
ridden through the storm for the simple reason that it has been led
by a stable and strong government. The war remains to be won,
the future is still fraught with peril. If the Government shirks its
responsibility and surrenders its power of ultimate decision to a
combination of political parties, the result would be unending friction
and chaos, leading to a collapse of the central authority. Bear in
mind that in such a contingency, unlike in other countries, there
827
UNITY AND CONSTITUTIONALISM
exists in our country at present no responsible body representing the
people for a government to appeal to.
I repeat, whether by accident or design, the Kuomintang has had
the responsibility of leading the country during the turbulent last
decade and more. It will return the supreme power to the people
through the instrumentality of the National Assembly, and in the
meanwhile, it will be ready to admit other parties to a share in the
government, but it definitely cannot abdicate to a loose combination
of parties. Such a surrender would not mean returning power to
the people.
We must emerge from the war with a united army. The Com-
munists should not keep a separate army. Here allow me to digress
a little. The Chinese Communist propaganda abroad has tried to
justify this private army on the ground that if it becomes incor-
porated in the National Army, it will be in danger of being destroyed
or discriminated against. Their propaganda also magnifies, out of
all proportion, the actual military strength of the Communists.
To you, I need hardly say that Government forces have always with-
out exception borne the brunt of Japanese attack and will continue
to do so. Today, with the wholehearted co-operation of our allies,
powerful armies are being equipped and conditioned to assume the
offensive. We are synchronizing our efforts with those of our allies
in expelling Japan from the Asiatic mainland.
The Government has not hesitated to meet squarely the issues
raised by the Communists. During his recent visit the Communist
representative, Mr. Chou En-lai, was told that the Government would
be prepared to set up in the Executive Yuan a policy-making body
to be known as the Wartime Political Council, to which other parties,
including the Communists, would have representation. In addition,
he was told that the Government would be ready to appoint a com-
mission of three officers to make plans for the incorporation of the
Communist forces in the National Army, composed of one Govern-
ment officer, one Communist and one American, provided that the
United States Government would agree to allow an American
officer to serve. If the United States Government could not agree,
some other means of guaranteeing the safety of the Communist forces
and non-discrimination in their treatment could doubtless be evolved.
The Government has gone further. To meet any fear the
828
UNITY AND CONSTITUTIONALISM
Communists may have the Government has expressed its willingness
for the duration of the war to place an American general in command
of the Communist forces under my over-all command as supreme
commander again if the United States Government could agree to
the appointment of an American officer. The Communists have,
however, rejected all these offers. If the Communists are sincere in
their desire to fight the Japanese alongside us and our allies. They
have indeed been given every opportunity to do so.
Since the commencement of the latest phase of the negotiations
with the Communists in November last year, the Government, mindful
of the necessity of avoiding mutual recriminations if parties to a
dispute are sincere in their desire for a settlement, has made all efforts
to prevent newspaper attacks against the Communists. For this
reason only the Communist version of the difficulties is being heard.
The Communists have made use of the negotiations to launch a
whirlwind campaign of publicity, both at home and abroad, defamatory
of the Government and the Kuomintang. At the very moment that
the delegates were sitting down to the conference, ridiculous charges
were made that the Government was conducting negotiations with
the Japanese. I consider it beneath my dignity as head of the State
to answer these base charges.
No one mindful of the future of our 450,000,000 people and
conscious of standing at the bar of history would wish to plunge the
country into a civil war. The Government has shown its readiness
and is always ready to confer with the Communists to bring about a
real and lasting settlement with them.
I have explained the Government's position on the Communist
problem at length, because today that is the main problem to unity
and constitutional government.
I now turn to the concrete measures which the Government
proposes to take to realize constitutional government, which I wish
to announce briefly :
1. The National Assembly to inaugurate constitutional govern-
ment will be convened on November 12 this year (the 80th birthday
anniversary of Dr. Sun Yat-sen) subject to the approval of the
Kuomintang Congress which is due to meet in May.
2. Upon the inauguration of constitutional government, all
political parties will have legal status and enjoy equality. (The
829
UNITY AMD OONBT1TUTIONALIBM
Government has offered to give legal recognition to the Communist
party as soon as the latter agrees to incorporate their army and local
administration in the National Army and Government. The offer
still stands.)
3. The next session of the People's Political Council with a
larger membership as well as more extensive powers will soon be
sitting. The Government will consider with the Council the measures
in regard to the convening of the National Assembly and all related
matters.
I am optimistic of national unification and the future of demo-
cratic government in our country. The torrent of public opinion
demanding national unity and reconstruction is mounting ever
stronger and will soon become an irresistible force. No individual
or political party can afford to disregard this force any longer. Let
all of us, regardless of party affiliations, work together for the twin
objectives of our people national unity and reconstruction.
830
149
A Great Loss to the World
A message of condolence to Mrs. Eleanor Roose-
velt, and messages to President Harry S. Truman,
and General of the Army George C. Marshall, on
the death of President Franklin D. Roosevelt.
APRIL 13, 1945.
To MRS. ROOSEVELT
T AM extremely grieved to learn of the tragic death of President
* Roosevelt. This indeed is a great loss to the civilized world.
President Roosevelt's achievements will not only be ever remembered
by your own people, but also they live always in the memory of
the Chinese nation. His name and his ideals shall be a beacon of
light to humanity for centuries to come. Just as there are no words
adequate enough to praise his contributions to the world, so we find
ourselves devoid of expression in mourning his loss.
The profound sorrow of the Chinese people is intensified by a
deep sense of gratitude that they bear for him. President Roosevelt
has firmly laid the foundation for a lasting peace as well as for the
ultimate victory of the Allied forces. I am confident that his un-
finished tasks will be faithfully carried on and soon completed by his
successor and the great people of America with the support of the
Allied nations. May I pray that you find consolation in this state
of mind. I am asking my wife to convey to you our condolences in
person.
To PRESIDENT TRUMAN
ON BEHALF of the Chinese Government and people, I wish to
convey to Your Excellency our sincere and warm respects upon
your succession to the presidency. While deeply mourning the
passing of President Roosevelt, we find consolation in the fact that
your great predecessor is succeeded in his exalted office by such
an eminent statesman as Your Excellency.
We are fully confident that under your leadership the American
831
A GREAT LOSS TO THS WORLD
people and their gallant forces, in co-operation with all other freedom-
loving nations, will continue to labor for the realization of those
noble ideals which they have heroically championed for so many
years and that their untiring efforts will soon be rewarded with the
winning of a total victory and the building of a durable peace.
Your sympathy for the Chinese people and their armed forces
has always been an unfailing source of encouragement to us and we
firmly believe that our continued co-operation both during the present
struggle with our common enemies and in the post-war period will
result in the further strengthening of the traditional ties of friend-
ship long subsisting between our two countries.
To GENERAL MARSHALL
T AND the Chinese Armed Forces, as well as the entire Chinese
nation, are extremely grieved at the death of President Roosevelt.
His passing in the present hour when his great, outstanding spiritual
leadership has already brought the anti-aggression war close to its
successful conclusion, without being able to witness the complete
consummation of his task, must have caused the deepest sorrow to
yourself and your heroic forces. In order to pay our respects to the
late great President, the Chinese people and their Armed Forces are
determined to exert their utmost to hasten the collapse of our com-
mon enemy and complete his work that is left unfinished. Please
accept our sincerest condolences.
832
130
Building a New China
An abridged translation of the opening address at
the Sixth National Congress o] the Kuomintang on
May 5, 1945.
MAY 5, 1945.
THHE mission of the Sixth National Congress of the Kuomintang
is to decide on the policy which is to guide our efforts in relation
with the present war needs and to seek for our nation a brighter
future.
It was ten years ago when we convened the Fifth National
Kuomintang Congress and seven years ago when we called the Ex-
traordinary National Congress of the Party.
In these seven years, from fighting Japan alone we have come
to fight Japan and Germany in alliance with all the peace-loving
nations.
We have fulfilled the hope of Dr. Sun Yat-sen expressed in his
political testament of abolishing the unequal treaties. Now that the
Three People's Principles have become the common creed of the
entire nation and that the progress of the political sense of the people
has been accelerated by the War of Resistance, early inauguration
of constitutional government is necessary.
Now is also the time when we are exerting jointly with our
allies for the establishment of an international security organization
to safeguard justice and peace. We are building a new China as well
as participating in the construction of a new world. The convocation
of the Sixth National Kuomintang Congress at this time is therefore
an epoch-making event in the history of China.
We must understand the history of the struggle of the Kuomin-
tang. We must treasure the Party's revolutionary records. For fifty
years the Kuomintang has encountered and surmounted all difficul-
ties with an indomitable spirit. In facing our heavy tasks ahead,
we must always keep this in mind.
At the present Congress we shall specially give our attention to
the following three points :
833
BUILDING A NSW CHINA
First, we shall increase our fighting strength to win the final
victory. With the sacrifice of more than 3,100,000 armed forces and
countless civilians in the eight years of war, we have laid the foun-
dation for final victory.
The Nazis are being exterminated and the European war is
drawing to an end. The main arena of the anti-aggression war
will soon be shifted to the Far East. When victory is close at
hand, we must further concentrate our power and redouble our
efforts.
This Congress should study ways of increasing our fighting
power, of correcting our past deficiencies, and of bringing about
closer co-ordination between the front and the rear, the Army and
the people, war and production, and civil and military affairs. Our
Party members should, as vanguards of the people, seek to accom-
plish with the fullest vigor either at the front or in the rear our
mission of combating the enemy and safeguarding the country.
Second, we shall make plans for the inauguration of constitution-
alism. Twice I have made known my decision to conclude the period
of political tutelage and to introduce constitutionalism in the
opening address to the People's Political Council last September,
and in the message to the nation on New Year's Day. On March 1,
I announced that the National Assembly would be convened on
November 12 (the eightieth birthday anniversary of Dr. Sun Yat-
sen) for the inauguration of constitutionalism. I hope this Congress
will adopt this proposal.
If we cannot promulgate a constitution and achieve constitu-
tionalism, there can be no foundation for national reconstruction.
If we cannot convene that National Assembly, we shall not be
able to return political power to the entire people. Therefore, we
must decide on a date for the convocation of the National Assembly
and see to it that it meets on time to adopt a constitution.
The persistent purpose of our national revolution has been the
adoption of a democratic constitution based upon the quintuple-power
principle. We hold that the inauguration of constitutionalism should
not be delayed. We are aware that large sections of the people may
not yet possess all the qualifications required for the exercise of the
people's rights. But it is only through practice of their four political
834
BUILDING A MEW CHINA
rights and increase of their political knowledge that they may per-
form their duties with competence.
Third, we shall improve the livelihood of the people. The ultimate
objective of our national revolution is the promotion of the welfare
of the entire people. Therefore, at the same time we are achieving
constitutionalism, we must put into practice without reserve the
Principle of the People's Livelihood.
We shall prevent monopoly by capitalists. We shall eliminate
the cause of class struggle. We shall firmly establish social security.
We shall elevate the living and cultural standards of the people.
We shall enable the people to lead a decent and respectable life. We
shall carry out the dual policies of land equalization and control of
private capital, in order to eliminate monopoly and exploitation.
Meanwhile, we shall, in accordance with Dr. Sun Yat-sen's program
of the industrial development of China, commence material and
economic reconstruction even before the war ends. The fruits of
such economic reconstruction are to be enjoyed by the entire people.
The welfare of the country and nation shall come before every-
thing else. We must not consider the interest of any one party or
section as of supreme importance.
Fellow Party members, the peace-loving and anti-aggression
nations of the world are meeting at the same time on the other side of
the Pacific to confer on the establishment of an international security
organization. Mankind is entering a new era just as we are writing
a new page for China at this momentous Congress.
The San Francisco Conference is to rebuild the world for the
welfare of mankind. The Sixth National Kuomintang Congress is
to conclude our fifty years of revolution and to secure for our country
a bright future.
We shall, as members of the robust and progressive Kuomintang,
rally all the ardent patriots and progressive forces in the country to
strive shoulder to shoulder for the successful conclusion of the war
as well as national reconstruction.
835
151
This Unprecedented Triumph
V-E Day messages to President Truman, Prime
Minister Churchill, Marshal Stalin, General De
Gaulle, and Prime Minister MacKenzie King, sent
on May 10, upon the unconditional surrender of
MAV 10, 1945.
To PRESIDENT TRUMAN
WfHILE the delegates of the United Nations are gathered together
in San Francisco to formulate a plan for a durable peace of the
world, we heartily rejoice at the news of the unconditional surrender
of Germany. On behalf of the Chinese Government as well as the
Chinese Army and people, I wish to extend to you and the American
nation our warmest congratulations upon the achievement of this
glorious victory of Allied arms in Europe. For this unprecedented
triumph of the democratic cause, the peace-loving peoples of the
whole world will forever remain indebted to the American people for
their heroic efforts in defense of freedom and justice, without which
the defeat of Germany would not have been possible.
Now that the collapse of the Nazi regime has been brought about,
we believe that the day is not far distant when the armed might of
the United States, in co-operation with the gallant forces of the other
Allied powers, will succeed in crushing our enemy in the Far East and
thereby help to realize the noble ideals which the Chinese and Amer-
ican peoples cherish in common.
To PRIME MINISTER CHURCHILL
A S WE celebrate the capitulation of Germany, I wish to extend to
*"* you and the British nation our heartiest congratulations on behalf
of the Chinese Government as well as the Chinese Army and people,
in this happy hour when Hitlerite Germany has been crushed and
peace again is restored in Europe. The freedom-loving peoples of
the world cannot but recall with profound admiration how in the
early days of the war, when the Nazi aggressors were at the height
of their power and many nations on the Continent were being tram-
pled underfoot, the heroic British people were virtually the sole
bearers of the standard of Democracy and unflinchingly carried on
the struggle against tyranny and injustice.
836
THIS UNPRECEDENTED TRIUMPH
We firmly believe that before long our joint forces will be able
to bring about the total defeat of the arch-aggressor in the Far East
and usher in a new era of lasting peace and unprecedented prosperity
for mankind.
To MARSHAL STALIN
A S THE world rejoices over the capitulation of Germany, I take
** pleasure in extending to Your Excellency and the heroic Soviet
people my heartiest congratulations on behalf of the Chinese Gov-
ernment as well as the Chinese Army and people. The brilliant
achievements of the Red Army have won the profound admiration
of all free peoples.
In this happy hour, as we celebrate the complete triumph of
Allied arms in Europe, we are fully conscious of the fact that had
it not been for the valiant efforts made by the Soviet people in the
past four years this victory would have been impossible. It is our
firm belief that under your inspiring leadership the Soviet people will
continue to make great contributions toward the extermination of all
enemies of mankind and build a firm foundation for lasting peace.
To GENERAL DE GAULLE
T TAKE great pleasure in extending to Your Excellency the wannest
congratulations of the Chinese Government as well as those of
China's Army and people upon the capitulation of Germany. To this
glorious triumph of the Allied cause over the forces of evil and
tyranny the heroic French nation made inestimable contributions.
It is my firm conviction that under your inspiring leadership the
French people will continue to play an important role in our joint
effort to crush the aggressors in other parts of the world and establish
a new order of law and justice so that mankind may again enjoy the
blessings of peace and prosperity.
To PRIME MINISTER MACKENZIE KING
TN REJOICING with their allies over the unconditional surrender
* of Germany, the Chinese Government and people wish to express
again their profound admiration for the gallant efforts made by the
Canadian nation in the defense of our common cause, and they are
confident that the collapse of Nazi Germany will be followed in the
not distant future by the utter defeat of Japanese militarism in Asia
and the dawning of a new era of peace and security for the whole
of mankind.
837
152
Victory in Europe
An address at a reception for Allied diplomatic and
military representatives and Chinese Government
officials , on May 12, 1945, in celebration of the total
Allied victory in Europe.
MAY 12, 1945.
TN THE history of mankind there have been few moments as in-
* spiring as the present hour. We are gathered here today to
celebrate a victory which for centuries to come, will be hailed as one
of the greatest feats of arms a victory which has been secured at
a frightful cost of blood and treasure and for which posterity will
forever remain grateful to those gallant men, both living and dead,
whose heroic efforts and tremendous sacrifices have made it possible.
In the period from the Mukden incident to Japan's treacherous
attack on Pearl Harbor, the fortunes of the civilized world were at
their lowest ebb. While the fury of Japanese aggression went on
unchecked in the Far East, Hitlerite Germany had almost conquered
the whole of Europe. Even two years ago, after the Nazis had sus-
tained crushing defeats on the eastern front and in North Africa,
they were still dreaming of final victory along with their evil accom-
plices. But today, the Nazi regime is no more. The Third Reich, the
handiwork of Hitler and his murderous gang who in their twelve
years' reign of terror did not hesitate to violate every law of humanity
and justice, has been thoroughly beaten and has unconditionally sur-
rendered to the conquering Allies. Freedom and independence are
now again restored to the suffering peoples of Europe who have long
been praying for this day of deliverance from Nazi domination and
tyranny.
All the Allied nations have played a great role in the accomplish-
ment of this sacred task. For the valiant peoples of the European coun-
tries France, Belgium, the Netherlands, Norway, Czechoslovakia,
Poland, Greece, Yugoslavia and Denmark- who for six long years
suffered so much from Nazi oppression and whose stubborn resistance
838
VICTORY IN EUROPE
to the Nazi invaders greatly contributed to achievement of common
victory, we have the profoundest sympathy and admiration.
The world, however, must pay the highest tribute to three mighty
Western powers of the democratic camp. In the summer of 1940,
when Nazi Germany was at the height of her power and was lording
it over the entire European continent, Great Britain was practically
the sole standard bearer of the democratic cause in the West.
Through their valor and determination the British people not only
successfully weathered the terrific storm in the darkest hour of their
history, but also gave unbound inspiration to all other freedom-loving
peoples. Like the proverbial phoenix Britannia has risen again with
greater strength and splendor.
Equally remarkable is the indomitable spirit displayed by the
Soviet people whose stout resistance stopped the Nazi war machine
at the very gates of Moscow and whose armed forces in an invincible
counter-offensive steadily drove the Germans back along a bloody
path of three thousand miles until it culminated in the capture of
Berlin, the citadel of Nazism. Incomparably brilliant are the battles
of Leningrad and Stalingrad, and the heroic exploits of the Red Army
will be forever recognized as a most glorious page in the history of
the world war of emancipation.
To the United States, the arsenal of democracy, the world owes
an everlasting debt of gratitude for her invaluable contribution to
the Allied victory over Hitler's barbarous legions. Besides the
enormous quantities of vital war materials supplied to her allies
through the lend-lease arrangements, she has sent millions of intrepid
troops the cream of her Army to bear the heavy burden of fighting
as the backbone of the Allied forces against the Axis aggressors on
the western front. At this moment of the successful termination of
the European conflict, the United Nations must pay a special tribute
to all the people and armed forces of the United States for their un-
stinted assistance and for their active participation in the war.
It is only fitting and proper that we should pause here to honor
the memory of that leader of our great struggle for the democratic
cause President Franklin D. Roosevelt. His vision and courage
have been an indispensable beacon of light not only to the American
people but to the people of the whole world. It is indeed a sad fact
to be lamented by all the United Nations that this unexcelled leader
839
VICTOBY IN EUROPE
of men and defender of justice, who has done so much for the libera-
tion of Europe, did not live to this day to witness the victory which
he knew was fast approaching. With President Truman, his illus-
trious successor, we deeply regret his passing at the present moment
when the United Nations are making joint efforts to lay a firm
foundation for lasting peace and to realize the noble ideals so
stanchly upheld by him.
The present hour, however, is not yet the time for complete
rejoicing. While we are gathered here to celebrate the victory in
Europe, I feel certain that the United Nations are not unmindful
of the fact that the war against Japan, our common enemy, is still
going on. The United Nations especially cannot forget that Japan,
the arch criminal of this war whose invasion of Manchuria on Sep-
tember 18, 1931, was responsible for plunging humanity into the
throes of an unprecedented holocaust, is still desperately trying to hold
her position on the Asiatic mainland and near her home islands;
nor can the peace-loving peoples of the world forget that the Chinese
people have been fighting this deadly enemy, Japan, against over-
whelming odds for eight long years and have not yet been liberated.
So while we rejoice here with all free nations at the liberation
of Europe, we must rededicate ourselves to the fulfillment of the
pledge made by the United Nations on the attainment of the goals
they set before themselves at the beginning of this war. With un-
wavering determination and redoubled efforts on our part and with
the co-operation of our gallant allies devoting their entire armed
might to this common struggle, we are confident that in the not far
distant future Japan will meet the same fate of Hitlerite Germany
and will not be permitted to escape the retribution she fully deserves.
The victory in Europe and the joint victory of the United Na-
tions !
840
1S3
Eight Years of War
A broadcast to the Chinese people and Army on the
eighth anniversary of China's war against Japan,
July 7, 1945.
JULY 7, 1945.
brings our armed resistance against the forces of aggres-
* sion to fully eight years. Compared with a year ago, our war
situation as well as world conditions in general have vastly improved.
Internationally, two events of historical importance have taken place.
One is the total defeat of the Nazi tyranny in Europe as a result
of the close co-operation and the magnificent offensive of the United
States, British and Soviet forces. The other is the adoption of a
World Charter at the San Francisco Conference where a sound
foundation for safeguarding justice and world peace was laid. At
that conference the lofty objective of the late President Roosevelt
was attained through the active leadership of his successor, Presi-
dent Truman, and the harmonious efforts of the participating nations.
That is truly an event for rejoicing. Now that the Nazi aggressor
has been destroyed, the only remaining obstacle in the path of world
peace is Japan. On this momentous war anniversary we should
appreciate even more keenly our tremendous responsibility.
I pointed out at the beginning of the war that for Japan there
could only be ignominious defeat ultimately. In the second year of
the war I said that the forces of righteousness would eventually assert
themselves and Japan would become the common enemy of all the
champions of justice. I also pointed out that to secure final victory,
China should effectively play her part in world developments.
A year ago today, the enemy was vigorously on the offensive in
Honan and Hunan. At that time I clearly stated that our military
position as a whole was in no grave peril. You will understand from
the events that have since taken place that what I said then was not
mere words of encouragement.
Japan has suffered repeated and serious reverses in the Pacific.
841
BIGHT YEARS OF WAR
In this theater his position has become increasingly precarious. Our
first duty today is to hasten the enemy's collapse and unconditional
surrender. But we should not indulge in false hopes. The closer the
war approaches the end, the more desperate the enemy will become.
Even now, the Japanese warlords are misleading and compelling the
Japanese people and troops to make futile suicidal stands. The
Japanese people are not likely to awaken to the realities until the
Allies bring the full weight of their arms to bear.
At the beginning of the war, I pointed out that China was resist-
ing also to waken and liberate the Japanese people living under the
oppression of their militarists. However, eight years of war have
taught us that the Japanese people, although oppressed and deceived
by the Japanese warlords, know only force. We must therefore thor-
oughly destroy Japan's aggressive weapons and totally exterminate
the germs of Japanese aggression before we can say we have won
completely and before we can have lasting peace.
We should on this occasion recall the sufferings we have gone
through in the past eight years. We should never forget the mass
slaughter the enemy perpetrated in Nanking and other cities, and his
bestial bombing of Chungking. Above all, we should remember what
the enemy has done to our fellow-countrymen and to our women in
the occupied areas. A' countless number of our soldiers and people
have as unknown heroes made the supreme sacrifice. We should fol-
low the trail marked by the blood of die fallen and rise to press home
the mighty blows and hasten the enemy's doom.
The war has reached its final decisive stage. Of equal impor-
tance are landings on the Japanese homeland and destroying the
enemy on the Chinese mainland. We anticipate an Allied landing in
China. We welcome our allies to fight with us in close collaboration
in China, I have repeatedly said that China would carry the main
' burden in continental operations. The war is being fought on our
land. We must play our part well and shun no sacrifice. Our pri-
mary concern is to win and make victory certain.
I wish particularly to share with you the following points:
1. Our national policy in this war is to secure national independ-
ence and unity. To secure independence calls for the crushing of
Japan so that we may proceed with the task of national reconstruction
and co-operation with the United Nations on an equal basis to safe-
842
EIGHT TSARS OF WAR
guard peace. Unity calls for the concentration of our national effort
to win the war. With a view to achieving independence and unity
and giving military requirements the highest consideration, we must
tolerate minor differences and unite with absolute sincerity. Only by
the practice of toleration toward our own people and of resolution
in crushing the enemy could we reap the fruits of our enormous
sacrifice in this war.
2. The foundation of our nation is based upon moral principles,
We have been fighting not merely for national existence but for the
vindication of human justice and international good faith. Our un-
assailable ideals have enabled us to overcome dangers and hardships.
Right has triumphed over might. With the war drawing to a close,
we should prepare ourselves for the greater hardships which we shall
encounter when our counter-offensive commences.
3. The meaning of our final victory is thoroughly to carry out
the Three People's Principles and establish a new, prosperous, strong
and happy China with a government of the people, by the people and
for the people. The task is both essential and capable of accomplish-
ment. The full realization of the Three People's Principles is the
universal hope of the entire nation. Our foundations for democratic
and economic reconstruction have been gradually established during
the war. We have assurances now that the plan for the industrial
development of China as mapped out by Dr. Sun Yat-sen will mate-
rialize. With the defeat of the enemy, the principles of Democracy
and People's Livelihood will be fully translated into reality. We can
foresee rapid progress for post-war China. Our generation must
ensure the next generation independence and freedom.
The coming years will yield us great war results. The entire
nation must as one man redouble its efforts to achieve final victory.
843
154
Our Government's Two Obligations
Opening address at the inaugural meeting of the
first plenary session of the Fourth People's Political
Council on July 7, 1945, the eighth anniversary of
the war.
JULY 7, 1945.
People's Political Council meets again as we are entering
upon the ninth year of the war. Final victory is now secure and
the dawn of freedom is already visible. I believe that all of you feel
as I feel that achieving national freedom and independence is truly a
Herculean task.
At this stage of the war, the Government has two obligations to
discharge. First, to do its utmost in accelerating the destruction of
the enemy. Second, to inaugurate constitutional rule. It is the high
mission of this Council to deliberate upon and advance views and
plans to hasten the implementation of these all-important measures.
Let us consider briefly the international situation as it exists to-
day. Eight years ago China fought Japan alone. At that time the
enemy plotted and schemed to prevent aid from any country reaching
us. Our position then was indeed critical. But our situation altered
completely when the United Nations Declaration was announced in
Washington on January 1, 1942. From then on the enemy hoped
that dissension among the United Nations would occur and his prop-
aganda was consequently devoted to the creation of internal friction
among them. Ten days ago his hopes and plots were again dashed
to pieces when the fifty United Nations assembled in San Francisco
adopted unanimously a charter of freedom.
That the charter comes short of the ideal of some people has
been freely admitted. However, to ensure peace in the future, it is
necessary to have an idealistic international covenant on the one hand
and the spirit which is capable of animating co-operation on a very
high plane on the other hand. At the San Francisco Conference
initial differences were resolved in that spirit. This healthy growing
animating element, I believe, will ensure the success of the charter.
844
OUR GOVERNMENT'S TWO OBLIGATIONS
Throughout the Conference the Chinese delegation was guided
by the principle of doing its utmost to promote closer co-operation
among the United Nations particularly among the United States of
America, Great Britain, Soviet Russia, France and China. At the
same time we have never deviated from our moral standpoint. For
it is only by upholding international justice steadfastly that we can
contribute effectively toward international co-operation. This was not
merely our policy at the San Francisco Conference it will be our
policy in the future.
I wish here to review the military situation. Following the un-
conditional surrender of Nazi Germany, our allies became free to
devote everything they have to the defeat of Japan. In fact, they
have already begun to divert to the Far East a part of their armed
forces in Europe or originally designated for Europe. Americans
fighting in the Pacific have cut the enemy supply lanes and acquired
full control of the air. Japan's homeland has been and will be sub-
jected to continuous and more devastating bombing. The China-
India overland roads have been opened as a result of more than ten
months of the hardest fighting by the Chinese, American, British and
Indian troops. Our recapture of Nanning and Liuchow have severed
the so-called continental supply line which the enemy fought for more
than half a year to establish.
I am now in a position to announce that in the last six months
our preparations for counter-offensive proceeded according to sched-
ule. A considerable part of our Army units has been reorganized
and brought up to strength. Treatment for soldiers and their equip-
ment and training have been improved. Particularly gratifying to us
all is the co-operation between Chinese and American military authori-
ties which has become even more intimate.
I can now assert that a final and total victory is no longer in
doubt. However, we must fully realize our position and responsibility.
First, the hour at which victory will come will be determined by the
extent to which we dedicate ourselves to the war. Second, the main
burden of liquidating the enemy in the China theater must be borne
by us. We should on no account shirk our obvious responsibility or
leave things to chance.
I will now speak of the present economic situation with which
you are deeply concerned. During war, the expansion of national
845
OUR GOVBBNMKNTS TWO OBLIGATIONS
expenditures is unavoidable. The budget for the current year is
approximately 190 times larger than that of the year preceding the
outbreak of the war. Our actual expenditures will exceed this amount
when the counter-offensive gets under way. In the past six months the
Government, to meet the huge national expenditures, has taken vig-
orous measures to develop new sources of revenue, cut down expenses
wherever possible, strengthen the control system, and step up produc-
tion.
With reference to revenue, the responsible quarters have been
working to increase tax receipts and encourage donations to the State.
Savings have also been encouraged, and gold has been sold with a
view to absorbing large idle capital. At the same time, tax collec-
tion machinery and procedure have been simplified. To reduce the
burden of the people a number of vexatious and uneconomic taxes
as well as preventive and inspection offices have been abolished.
To reduce expenditures, a policy of retrenchment has been fol-
lowed insofar as it does not interfere with the prosecution of the
war. A total of 2,000 offices under the Ministry of Finance and
the Ministry of War have either been abolished or amalgamated in
the recent months.
As regards production, outputs indispensable to the prosecution
of the war which could be produced by ourselves with the aid of our
allies have been increased steadily in the same period.
However, the problem of commodity prices remains grave. Not-
withstanding the Government's efforts to restrict the expansion of
bank credit and adopt other measures, the national budget remains
unbalanced. I hope you will point out additional ways and means by
which the Government could overcome our serious economic prob-
lems. Responsible officials, I am sure, will consider your views
earnestly.
Finally I come to the Government's determination to inaugurate
constitutionalism. Pursuant to the bequeathed teachings of Dr. Sun
Yat-sen, the Kuomintang has throughout China's War of Resistance
been engaged in national reconstruction. In spite of the war, it
boldly came to the decision of concluding the period of political
tutelage and introducing constitutional rule. You will recall that dur-
ing the last few years public opinion in this country and the Kuomin-
tang members have been in favor of an early termination of political
846
OUR GOVERNMENT'S TWO OBLIGATIONS
tutelage and inauguration of a constitutional government. But under
the war conditions, it has not been possible to hold a general election
in the enemy-occupied areas. The plenary session of the Central
Executive Committee of the Kuomintang two years ago adopted a
resolution calling for the convening of the National Assembly within
one year following the war to introduce constitutional rule. At that
time certain quarters unjustly attacked this resolution arguing that
constitutional government should be adopted immediately, and even
before the end of the war.
But, as the termination of the war might be delayed, and as even
after the war ends, peace and order in various localities might not
be speedily restored and the consequence that popular elections could
not be satisfactorily held during that time, I declared in January this
year that, as soon as the war situation improved sufficiently, the Na-
tional Assembly would be convened to adopt and promulgate a con-
stitution, concluding thereby the period of political tutelage. In May
the 6th Kuomintang Congress passed a resolution calling for the con-
vocation of the National Assembly on November 12th this year.
The Government will not make decisions pending the hearing of
your views on various questions connected with the convocation o^
the National Assembly. While it is proper for the Kuomintang to
decide on the date of the National Assembly and of terminating the
period of political tutelage and returning the power of government to
the people, the Government holds itself ready to consider opinions
from all quarters. Rather unexpectedly we now find that those who
were opposed to a postponement of the inauguration of constitution-
alism until after the war are assailing the Government for its decision
to advance the date. In inviting you to give your considered views
on this vital question, I hope that you will, in the formulation of your
views, be guided solely by consideration of national interest.
The Government is energetically proceeding with the preparatory
measures which must precede the inauguration of a constitutional
government. Those of you who have served on the Commission for
die Inauguration of Constitutional Government have made important
contributions. They have given valuable assistance in the setting up
of provisional assemblies in various districts and municipalities, and
in the enhancement of the people's freedom and they have made ex-
haustive studies of the Draft Constitution.
847
OUR GOVERNMENTS TWO OBLIGATIONS
In accordance with the resolution of the 6th Kuomintang Con-
gress the Government is adopting certain measures preparatory to
the erection of a constitutional edifice. It has been decided to abolish
Party branches in army units and in schools. It has also been de-
cided that representative assemblies in the provinces, districts and
municipalities should hold popular elections within six months accord-
ing to election regulations that have been promulgated. Political
organizations other than the Kuomintang may acquire legal status
according to law. I request you to give careful thought to these
questions so that they and additional preparatory measures may be
carried out expeditiously.
The People's Political Council now has a seven-year history.
Its prestige and responsibility have grown continuously in that period.
The size of this Council is almost twice that of the first council. The
members on the present council have largely been elected by the
popular organs in various provinces and municipalities. This is an
encouraging sign of China's political development, and gives concrete
proof how a popular assembly could gain in stature while a war is on:
Your devotion to the duties you owe to the people will, I am sure,
greatly encourage the members of the Government to give their best
and live up to your expectations and the expectations of those whom
you represent.
848
155
A New Ally Against Japan
A message to Generalissimo Josef Stalin on August
9, 1945, on the Soviet Union's declaration o war
against Japan.
AUGUST 9, 1945.
HHHE entire Chinese nation is greatly heartened at the Soviet Un-
* ion's declaration of war 'against Japan. In the name of the
Chinese Government and the Chinese Army and people I wish to
express to Your Excellency and through you to the Soviet Govern-
ment, Army and people our sincerest admiration and most profound
gratification.
In the early stages of our War of Resistance, the Soviet Union
was the first country to give us not only her moral support but also
invaluable material assistance for which the Chinese people were most
grateful. When the Soviet Union herself later became a victim of
ruthless aggression by Nazi Germany, the Chinese people were filled
with unbounded sympathy for your people. It was a source of deep
satisfaction and great encouragement to the Chinese people when they
watched the courageous Red Army, under your inspiring leadership,
win one victory after another over the barbarous enemy until Berlin,
the cradle of Nazism, was captured and peace restored to the whole
of Europe.
Now that the Soviet Union, having triumphed over Nazi Ger-
many in the West, and motivated by the desire to help re-establish
peace throughout the world, has decided to act in unison with China,
the United States, Great Britain and the other Allies, the Chinese
Army is proud to be able to fight shoulder to shoulder with the Red
Army against the nation which was the first in the world to embark
upon a campaign of aggression.
It is my firm conviction that after the entry of the Soviet Union
into the war its overwhelming armed might will hasten the complete
collapse of desperate Japan which is still stubbornly fighting against
the Allies and will bring about the early realization of an enduring
peace in East Asia.
849
156
This Day of Victory
A radio message to the peace-loving nations of the
world and the soldiers and civilians of China, de-
livered on August 15, 1945, on the surrender of
Japan and the end of the war.
AUGUST 15, 1945.
OIGHT will triumph over might this great truth which we never
^ once doubted has been finally vindicated. Our faith in justice
through black and hopeless days and eight long years of struggle has
today been rewarded. The historical mission of our National Revo-
lution has at last been fulfilled.
For the peace that lies before us we pay grateful tribute, first to
the millions of our soldiers and civilians who so bravely sacrificed
their lives, to our allies who fought by our side for freedom and
right, and to the Father of our Republic, Dr. Sun Yat-sen, who
labored all his lifetime to guide our National Revolution to success.
But for him we would not be enjoying this day of victory. Above
all, we join in thanksgiving to our righteous and merciful God.
The people of China suffered and sacrificed more each year as
our long war of defense went on. But the confidence that we would
emerge victorious also grew from day to day. Our fellow country-
men in the enemy-occupied areas had to endure a long night of devas-
tation and disgrace. Today they are liberated and can see again the
White Sun in the Blue Sky.* The .cheers and rejoicings of our
armies and people have their deepest meaning in this new freedom of
our long-oppressed compatriots.
We have won the victory. But it is not yet the final victory.
The universal power of righteousness has not simply achieved one
more triumph. We and the people of all the world fervently hope
that this war may be the last war in which civilized nations engage.
If this is really to be the last war in human history then our
people will not feel that the indescribable cruelties and humiliations
* China's national emblem.
850
THIS DAY OF VICTORY
they have endured are too big a price to have paid or that peace for
them has been too long delayed.
Even in periods of deepest gloom and despair our people, with a
fine inherited loyalty, fortitude, magnanimity and goodwill, held to
the conviction that sacrifices made for justice and humanity would
surely be followed by rightful compensations.
The greatest compensation has been the mutual trust and confi-
dence between peace-loving peoples of the world born out of our
common struggle. With the flesh and blood of their armed youth
the United Nations built a long continuous dike against the tide of
aggression. All who took part in the great conflict are now allies,
united not simply for temporary advantage, but rather because of
a great common faith noble and enduring that binds us together.
No intrigues can wreck this great union.
It is my sincere belief that all men on earth wherever they live,
in the East or the West, and whatever the color of their skin may be
will someday be linked together in close fellowship like members
of one family. World war is indivisible and world peace, too, is
indivisible. It has encouraged international understanding and mu-
tual trust which will serve as a powerful barrier against future wars.
I am deeply moved when I think of the teachings of Jesus Christ
that we should do unto others as we would have them do unto us
and love our enemies. My fellow countrymen know that "Remem-
ber not evil against others" and "Do good to all men" have been the
highest virtues taught by our own sages. We have always said that
the violent militarism of Japan is our enemy, not the people of Japan.
Although the armed forces of the enemy have been defeated and must
be made to observe strictly all the terms of surrender, yet we should
not for a moment think of revenge or heap abuses upon the innocent
people of Japan. We can only pity them because they have been so
sadly deceived and misled, and hope that they will break away from
the wrong doings and crimes of their nation. Let all our fellow
citizens, soldiers and civilians remember this.
The enemy's imperialistic designs on China have been thoroughly
crushed. But relaxation and pride are not rewards of victory that
we seek. Peace, when fighting has entirely ceased, will confront us
with stupendous and difficult tasks, demanding greater strength and
sacrifice than the years of war. At times we may feel that the prob-
851
THIS DAY OF VICTORY
lems of peace that descend upon us are more trying even than those
we met during the war.
I think first of one very serious problem how to make the peo-
ples misguided by fascist rulers admit their mistakes and defeat, and
recognize that our struggle for national independence, democracy and
the welfare of all the people is more in harmony with truth and
human rights than their struggle for land and power by means of
violence and terrorism.
Permanent world peace can be established only upon the basis
of democratic freedom and equality and the brotherly co-operation of
all nations and races. We must march forward on the great road of
democracy and unity and give our collective support to the ideals of
lasting peace.
I urge all of our friends of the Allied nations and all my own
countrymen to face the fact that the peace we have gained by arms
is not necessarily the beginning of permanent peace. Only if our
enemies are conquered on the battleground of reason, only if they
repent thoroughly of their folly and become lovers of world peace
like ourselves, can we hope to satisfy the yearning for peace and
achieve the final goal of the great war that has just ended.
852
157
Our Complete Victory
A congratulatory message to President Harry S.
Truman on August 15, 1945, upon the surrender
oj Japan and the end of the war.
AUGUST 15, 1945.
A T THIS glorious hour of our complete victory over our common
^ enemies the entire Chinese nation joins me in paying the highest
tribute to the inflexible resolve with which the American people have
prosecuted the war against the Axis aggressors. The invaluable con-
tributions to the Allied cause made by your valiant action, for which
humanity will forever remain grateful, have helped shorten the dura-
tion of this bloody struggle and restore liberty to all oppressed peoples.
The Chinese people, who were the first victims of Axis aggres-
sion and who have suffered the longest in this global war, are espe-
cially grateful to our American allies for their unceasing moral sup-
port and unstinted material assistance.
On behalf of the Chinese people I beg to express to you our
profoundest admiration for the brilliant achievement of the American
nation and for the great role which you and the late President Roose-
velt have played in helping to bring about the collapse of the Axis
powers in both Europe and Asia. I wish also to assure you, Mr.
President, that in the stupendous task of worldwide rehabilitation and
reconstruction China will continue to co-operate with the United States
and all the other democratic nations in order that the peace which has
been won at such immense costs may be made secure and permanent
for the future generations.
853
138
National Independence and Racial Equality
An address to the joint session of the Supreme
National Defense Council and the Kuomintang
Central Executive Committee on August 24, 1945.
AUGUST 24, 1945.
J A/PAN has been defeated and is surrendering. The forces of violent
aggression have been completely crushed by the concerted efforts
of the United Nations. At the end of the First World War Dr. Sun
Yat-sen said that nations working together for the good of all would
certainly succeed while individuals or nations working for their own
selfish ends would inevitably fail. The truth embodied in Dr. Sun's
frank, sincere words has been abundantly confirmed by the recent
war with its even greater sacrifices.
At this great turning point in history, the National Government
should make clear to the people of China and of the whole world
the main objectives in its policy of realizing national independence
and completing the National Revolution. We shall then be able to
co-operate more wholeheartedly and fulfill our mission more effec-
tively. We fervently hope that the bitter lessons of this war will not
be quickly forgotten, and that security in China and peace in the world
may be permanently established. With this thought in mind I today
make the following statement:
The aim of our National Revolution is two-fold. In our relations
with other nations we seek national independence and freedom. With-
in the nation we seek equality for all racial groups. For fifty years
we faced the ever-growing menace of Japanese aggression; national
armed resistance began when we had no other alternative. Therefore
the main emphasis of our national revolutionary movement was upon
consolidating the strength of all our racial groups. We knew that we
must unite in resisting foreign aggression if we were to attain na-
tional independence and freedom.
We had three most important goals and the attainment of these
constituted our most urgent task. First, we had to regain our sov-
854
NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE AND RACIAL EQUALITY
ereign rights in the Northeastern Provinces and re-establish territorial
and administrative integrity there. Second, we had to recover For-
mosa and the Pescadores Islands. Third, we had to restore to Korea
her independence and freedom. Should Korea not be given freedom,
Formosa not be allowed to return to its mother country, and the
territorial and administrative integrity of the Northeastern Provinces
not be restored, all talk of national independence and freedom would
be useless and the objectives of our armed resistance could not be
achieved. ' These objectives follow the policies handed down to us
by Dr. Sun Yat-sen they have been the leading aims in our armed
resistance against Japan, which has meant for us the loss of millions
of lives. During the war we had to unite all the racial groups within
the nation and strive together to complete our three-fold task. Only
if this is done can we expect our country to be independent and
make secure the political equality of all the racial groupe.
Japanese imperialism has been defeated and Japan is suing for
peace. Formosa and the Pescadores are to be returned to China. The
restoration of our sovereign rights and of territorial and administra-
tive integrity in the Northeastern Provinces is assured. Korea will
in the not distant future be liberated and made free. The foundation
of our national independence is firmly laid. We may say that the
international aspect of our Principle of Nationalism is approaching
completion. Therefore, we must formulate definite policies and take
positive action to realize the domestic phase of the same principle,
that is, ensure equality for all the racial groups within the nation and
thus fulfill the entire program of our National Revolution. We must
also ensure the permanency of the victorious peace which we have
won at the sacrifice of countless lives and enormous losses in prop-
erty.
Upon the basis of Dr. Sun Yat-sen's teachings, I shall now state,
as a representative of the Kuomintang, our policy toward carrying
out the Principle of Nationalism and safeguarding world peace and
national security. I shall first take up the racial questions in Outer
Mongolia and Tibet. Outer Mongolia and Tibet both have a long
history. The racial groups in these two areas have always lived by
themselves and are totally different from the racial groups inhabiting
the border provinces which mix freely with other groups.
Following the Kuomintang reorganization in 1924, Outer Mon-
855
NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE AND RACIAL EQUALITY
golia sent representatives to extend greetings and felicitations to our
Party. Dr. Sun Yat-sen was at that time already treating them as
members of a friendly neighboring country and as honored guests.
Such facts are recorded in Dr. Sun's teachings and are widely knowa
We have never regarded the people of Outer Mongolia as colonials
or oppressed them as the Peking Government did. Ever since the
inauguration of the National Government we have maintained friendly
relations not only with the Outer Mongolians but also with the
Tibetans. Our people should realize that if we ignore the aspirations
of these racial groups for freedom and restrain their urge for inde-
pendence and self-government, it will not only be contrary to the
spirit of our National Revolution but will also tend to increase fric-
tion between the racial groups and jeopardize our entire program of
national reconstruction. This in turn will adversely affect world
peace and security.
The racial group in Outer Mongolia had, in effect, declared its
independence from the mother country as early as 1922 when the
Peking Government was in existence. That was almost a quarter of
a century ago. The world is undergoing rapid changes and this is a
propitious time for renewing old friendships. Therefore, we should,
in accordance with our revolutionary principles and the Kuomin-
tang's consistent policy, recognize, with bold determination and
through legal procedure, the independence of Outer Mongolia and
establish friendly relations with it. We must seek a satisfactory
solution of this question. If we fail, happy relations between China
and Mongolia will be impossible and not only our own domestic
tranquillity but also the peace of the world will be seriously jeopard-
ized.
I must here point out three fundamental points in the realization
of our Principle of Nationalism. First, the Chinese Government and
people should resolve with noble, sincere and firm determination never
to imitate the way bf Japan toward Korea. We should honestly aid
all racial groups which have given evidence of their capacity for self-
government and have shown a spirit of independence. We should
help them achieve national independence through self-determination.
We must take the opposite road from the Japanese imperialists and
lay the foundation for national self-determination, freedom, and
equality on the Asiatic Continent in the bright light of total victory.
856
NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE AND RACIAL EQUALITY
For fifty years, the National Revolution of the Kuomintang over-
throwing the Manchu government and resisting Japan has not only
been a movement for China's own freedom and equality, but also for
the liberation and independence of Korea. From today, we shall, in
this same spirit and together with all Allied nations concerned, fully
respect the principle of Korean independence and equality and the
position that Korea will soon attain.
Second, if frontier racial groups situated in regions outside the
provinces have the capacity for self-government and a strong deter-
mination to attain independence, and are politically and economically
ready for both, our Government should, in a friendly spirit, voluntarily
help them to realize their freedom and forever treat them as brotherly
nations, and as equals of China we should entertain no ill will or prej-
udices against them because of their choice to leave the mother
country.
Our frontier racial groups should, in a friendly spirit and
through legal channels, make known their wishes to the Government
of their mother country. In this way, they may be able to realize
their aspirations. They should not defy the mother country and stir
up mutual hatred.
Third, we should accord the large and small racial groups inside
the provinces legal and political equality, and unhindered economic
and religious freedom, so that a warm community spirit and friendly
collaboration may develop among all the groups.
As regards the political status of Tibet, the Sixth National Kuo-
mintang Congress decided to grant it a very high degree of autonomy,
to aid its political advancement and to improve the living conditions
of the Tibetans. I solemnly declare that if the Tibetans should at
this time express a wish for self-government, our Government would,
in conformity with our sincere tradition, accord it a very high degree
of autonomy. If in the future they fulfill the economic requirement
for independence, the National Government will, as in the case of
Outer Mongolia, help them to gain that status. But Tibet must give
proof that it can consolidate its independent position and protect its
continuity so as not to become another Korea.
Finding a solution for the racial problems of Outer Mongolia and
Tibet is a very great task of our National Revolution. It will be a
touchstone of the success of our Principle of Nationalism. We should
857
NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE AND RACIAL EQUALITY
be ready to assume responsibility for a solution. I hope that all the
Chinese people, in accordance with our revolutionary principles and
spirit of national independence, assist the Government in finding an
answer to these questions. For world peace and security as well as
for the solidarity and reconstruction of our own nation, we must deal
with the world's racial questions in conformity with the spirit of the
Atlantic Charter and the Three Principles of the People.
Inasmuch as several problems in connection with our south-
western frontiers are also intimately related with future world peace
and security, I should like to state here China's hopes.
First, China has had close relations historically with the people
of Burma. During the war, China twice sent her troops to Burma to
fight the enemy. The direct and indirect casualties sustained by our
expeditionary forces in the Burma campaigns amounted to more than
200,000. This does not include the incalculable losses suffered by
the Chinese people living in Burma. But, respecting fully the rights
of our allies and abiding faithfully by international commitments, our
troops were immediately withdrawn upon the completion of our mis-
sion on the Burma front. It was clearly our duty as a member of
the United Nations. We had no designs on Burma or demands to
make, but it is our hope that our ally will take concrete steps to raise
the political position of the Burmese people and facilitate the return
of overseas Chinese to Burma to resume business there.
Second, I mention the Thais. China was the first country to feel
the adverse effects of Thailand's participation in the war. It was for
this reason that Thailand was at first included in the China Theater.
Now Thailand has been assigned to the Southeast Asia Theater.
China has taken no exception to that decision. We have known all
along that Thailand's declaration of war on the United Nations was
not a free act, but was the result of Japanese pressure. With the
war now over, we hope that Thailand will regain her original status
of independence and equality. We particularly hope that she will
quickly resume normal and friendly relations with China.
Third, I come to the Indo-Chinese. During the war China suf-
fered heavy losses in life and property as a result of Indo-China's
inability to defend her own sovereignty and because she served as a
base of Japanese aggression on China. But today, in spite of the
agreement reached among the Allies that China should dispatch
858
NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE AND RACIAL EQUALITY
troops to accept the surrender of Japanese troops in Indo-China north
of 16 degrees latitude, we have no territorial designs on Indo-China.
Our hope is that Indo-China will be autonomous and eventually be-
come independent in accordance with the provisions of the Atlantic
Charter.
Finally, I should like to say a few words about the Hongkong
question. Hongkong and the neighboring province of Kwangtung
face common security problems. Hongkong was assigned to the China
Theater following the outbreak of the Pacific War. China will not
use the occasion of Japanese unconditional surrender as a pretext for
disregarding international agreements and infringing upon the rights
of our allies. We will not take advantage of this opportunity to dis-
patch troops to take over Hongkong nor will we provoke misunder-
standing among our allies. I wish to state here that the present status
is regulated by a treaty signed by China and Great Britain. Changes
in the future will be introduced only through friendly negotiations
between the two countries. Our foreign policy is to honor treaties,
rely upon law and seek rational readjustments when the requirements
of time and actual conditions demand such readjustments. Now that
all the leased territories and settlements in China have been one after
another returned to China, the Leased Territory of Kowloon should
not remain an exception. But China will settle this last issue through
the diplomatic talks between the two countries.
The world war that has just ended was an unprecedented conflict
in human history. All the United Nations hope that this horrible
war will be the last war. China has fought the longest and suffered
the most. Our hope for peace is therefore the most ardent. Any
measure that will strengthen our national unity and promote inter-
national peace will receive our strongest support.
In collaboration with our allies, we shall strive to bring about
friendly relations between all free and independent nations, ensure the
continuance of peace and prevent the re-emergence of power politics.
We should see to it particularly that the peoples of the world do not
again suffer from inequality, the want of freedom, scarcity and fear.
If we keep this in mind, we shall see how supremely important it is
that the principles of racial equality and national independence be
everywhere realized. The National Government, guided by its own
vital principles and its consistent revolutionary policy, will complete
859
NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE AND RACIAL EQUALITY
the unfinished phase of the Principle of Nationalism as peace dawns
upon the world. This is one of our fondest hopes and I am sure our
allies will understand. World peace will thus be guaranteed and our
national security be made certain. Let our people with one heart and
one mind strive toward this goal. National revival and reconstruc-
tion will then become a living reality and the millions of our officers
and soldiers and people who gave their lives in eight years of war will
rest in peace knowing that they have not sacrificed in vain, and the
truth of Dr. Sun's words pronounced after the First World War will
be fully verified.
860
159
The Attainment of Final Victory
V-J Day message to the nation issued in Chungking
on September 3, 1945, the day after Japan's formal
unconditional surrender to the Allies was signed on
board the USS. MISSOURI in Tokyo Bay.
SEPTEMBER 3, 1945.
JAPAN has signed the instrument of surrender capitulating to the
* United Nations. The war against the aggressor nations of the
world is now at an end. After eight years of bitter struggle, China
has today attained the objective of final victory. This is a day for
universal rejoicing. This is the day for our people truly to celebrate
and rejoice after long years of suffering and hardship. In paying
respect to the memory of the Father of the Republic, Dr. Sun Yat-
sen, we may take comfort in the knowledge that his spirit as well
as the spirits of the valiant martyrs of the National Revolution and
of the War of Resistance may now rest in peace. Eight years of
unspeakable hardship and sacrifice on the part of our Army and peo-
ple have secured for the nation the bright fruit of victory. This
fruit should be highly esteemed and dearly cherished by all of us.
We should add to it and should, on no account, permit it to be
harmed or lost.
Recalling the nation's bitter struggle and thinking of the ruins
and destitution all over our land, I am moved beyond words. But
at this important turning point when war is giving way to peace,
when we are, together with our allies, putting an end to a dangerous
situation created by fifty years of Japanese aggression, and seeking
to build a universal, permanent peace and security in East Asia and
the world, we should, with friendliness toward our neighbors and
with peace assured at home, conclude our war effort, restore order,
relieve the suffering in the recovered areas, grant aid to families
of the bereaved, and provide recuperation and rehabilitation for the
whole nation. To make the past sacrifices truly meaningful, we
should at this time introduce democracy and constitutionalism and
861
TOE ATTAINMENT OP FINAL VICTORY
consolidate national unity. Our people have united in the war effort.
Let them now unite to bring in democracy and carry out the Principle
of People's Livelihood in an environment of social security and peace.
I wish, therefore, to make known to our people, on this occasion of
nationwide rejoicing, the most important and fundamental domestic
policies of the National Government.
First, the fundamental object of our National Revolution and
War of Resistance is not only the defeat of the enemy but also the
establishment of a new China based on the Three People's Principles.
In eight years of war, our armies and peoples have gone through
tremendous hardships. Now that the war has been concluded, our
people should be given ample opportunity to rest and recuperate.
China is an agricultural country. The greater majority of our people
are farmers. Next come laborers. Farmers have been the main
source of our manpower. Workers have been the mainstay of our war
and peacetime production. During the long years of war, our indus-
trial and commercial centers were mostly destroyed or left in ruins.
Consequently, the farmers had to shoulder the main burden of both
replenishing manpower and meeting the national war expenditures.
Now that the war has been won, the heavy load on the shoulders of
the farmers and workers should be reduced at once. The National
Government has on this day decreed that conscription be suspended
for one year throughout the country. Those on active duty should
be relieved by stages according to the demobilization plans made by
responsible military organizations. The National Government has
also completed plans to allot land to soldiers in accordance with the
program adopted by the Sixth National Congress of the Kuomintang.
The project will be completed within a time limit. Land tax will not
be collected for one year in the provinces that were occupied by
the enemy. Provinces in Free China will be exempted from pay-
ing land tax in the following year. The responsible offices and local
governments will be charged with the task of formulating plans to
reduce land rent in accordance with the general principle of "a reduc-
tion by twenty-five per cent" and taking into consideration the local
conditions. These reduction plans shall be completed and submitted
to the National Government before November 12 this year for ex-
amination and enforcement. We believe that only when the farmers
and workers have received adequate succor can society recover, and
862
THE ATTAINMENT OF FINAL VICTORY
only when rural living conditions have been improved can the indus-
trial and commercial centers have a solid foundation for rehabilita-
tion. Therefore, the National Government, to give the entire nation
a brief period of respite, must place special emphasis upon a reduc-
tion of the burden on the farmers and the workers and upon improve-
ment of their livelihood. Measures to carry out the Principle of
People's Livelihood are regarded by the National Government as
prerequisites to the complete realization of the Three People's Prin-
ciples, and the planning and execution of these measures as the most
important function of the Government in the days to come.
Second, now that the war is over, we shall brook no further
delay in the inauguration of constitutional democracy. The highest
ideal of the National Revolution is the participation of all the people
in national politics. The most important measure for the realization
of this ideal is to return the power of government to the people.
The convocation of the National Assembly is an indispensable pro-
cedure whereby the National Government may return such power to
the people and is also an important program that must be accom-
plished in the National Revolution. When the war first broke out,
we thought we could achieve victory and attain constitutionalism at
the same time. We believe there is an imperative need for the
earlier realization of constitutionalism, and we must not permit any
further delay in the convocation of the National Assembly. I ear-
nestly hope that the people as a whole and leaders of all walks of life
will give sincere support to the Government for the early convoca-
tion of the National Assembly and attainment of democracy. No
hindrance should be allowed.
The successful conclusion of the prolonged war is the time to
begin the task of national reconstruction. The Government's ad-
ministrative policy will be guided by impartiality and sincerity. Ra-
tional and reasonable solution of all problems will be sought through
sincere and honest discussion insofar as they do not undermine the
Three People's Principles the highest principles of National Revolu-
tion and Reconstruction and the position of the National Govern-
ment. It is especially hoped that the leaders of society and respon-
sible members of all parties will co-operate with the Government in the
task of peaceful national reconstruction. The Government is prepared
to consult all leaders before the convocation of the National Assem-
863
THE ATTAINMENT OF FINAL VICTORY
bly. The Government is also ready to consider a reasonable increase
in the number of delegates to the National Assembly and seek a ra-
tional settlement of other related problems.
As a safeguard to the freedoms of the people, the National Gov-
ernment has, besides the enforcement of the law for the protection of
the freedom of the person, decided to abolish, within a specific time
limit, wartime press censorship so that the people may have freedom
of speech.* The Government will promulgate a law to facilitate po-
litical 'assembly and organization so that the people may have the
freedom of association and all political parties may abide by the same
rule and enjoy the same legalized status. Only thus can we tread
the path of democracy traversed by the United States and Great
Britain, and establish a model democratic state in the Far East. In
one word, if we want to attain democracy, we must have the rule of
law as the foundation of constitutional government and the Constitu-
tion as the safeguard of the people. Disreputable practices like the
employment of armed force in political controversy and the seizure
of territory in defiance of Government orders are relics of the days
of the warlords. They should not be found in a modern democratic
state and could not be tolerated in national rebuildings. Only when
domestic problems are peacefully solved by political means and all
shades of opinion observe the law of the country can we avoid the
mistakes made in the early days of the Republic and establish a great
charter worthy of the heroic efforts of our revolutionary martyrs
and the freedom loving people during the past fifty years. This is
the only policy for our Government and represents the most urgent
need of the nation.
Third, national unity is the absolute requirement of a modern
state. After the war, our national unity will have a strong guarantee
in the support of the entire people. We know that national unity
insured victory in war. We must realize also that national unity
is the prerequisite of democracy and constitutionalism. Only a united
nation can reap fully the fruits of victory. Only a united nation can
safeguard democracy, mobilize the people's will and strength, and
protect its independence anj! integrity. Only a united nation can
*The abolition of press censorship throughout the country was officially
announced on March 7, 1946.
864
THE ATTAINMENT OF FINAL VICTORY
accomplish the task of national reconstruction and contribute to inter-
national peace and world prosperity.
The most important condition for national unity is the national-
ization of all armed forces in the country. There should be no private
army within the country's boundary, nor should armed forces be kept
by any political party. Only when armed forces are no longer di-
rected by personal interests or individuals, no longer guided by the
private wishes of a political party, can national unity be secured.
On behalf of the Government, I solemnly state today that all armed
forces, if they submit to recognition by the Government, shall receive
the same treatment without discrimination. The Kuomintang branch
headquarters, which existed in the armed units during the past
twenty years, have been entirely abolished as the first step toward
the nationalization of the armed forces. We hope that the whole
nation will realize that the unity of military command and integrity
of political authority is a factor that determines the survival or
extinction of a country. We hope that they will, with concerted
effort, bring about and safeguard this integrity. With the greatest
sincerity I make this appeal for the future of our country and our
people.
The three points above mentioned are the least that we should
accomplish at present. They are very important requisites. If all
our people recall the past history of revolution and take to heart the
lessons we have learned during the War of Resistance we shall be
able to appreciate that destruction must be followed by construction.
Only thus can the sufferings and sacrifices sustained during the time
of destruction be made good. In the last eight years large numbers
of our peoples in the occupied areas were forced out as refugees
who are yet unable to return to their homes. Many had suffered
untold hardships and are waiting for relief. Care must be especially
given to the disabled soldiers and the widows and orphans of those
who have laid down their lives for their country. As to all people
in the interior provinces, those who joined the military services have
not been able to do their duty toward their families and those who were
engaged in production had shouldered heavy burdens. Our task in
the future is not only to return from a war footing to a peace foot-
ing but also to replace unemployment with employment. Our founda-
tion as a modern state is the weakest among the United Nations.
865
THE ATTAINMENT OF FINAL VICTORY
Our War of Resistance was the longest compared with that of any
other member of the United Nations. It is not only necessary for
us to unite with one soul and one heart in order to build a modern
state on the ruins of war but also to increase our national strength
in order to shoulder the responsibility jointly with the other United
Nations in promoting international peace and world prosperity.
Following great and heartbreaking destruction, we now face the
stupendous task of national reconstruction. We feel more than ever
the magnitude of the task before us and the immensity of the respon-
sibility. I sincerely hope that the entire nation will work as one man
and fulfill the important requirements. In the past, our emphasis
was first and foremost on military affairs and on victory. In the
future, we should give our first attention to national unity and democ-
racy. Only by national reconstruction and by realizing, through
unity and democracy, the Three People's Principles as taught by
Dr. Sun Yat-sen, can we build up national strength and attain, for
the people of our country, a life of happiness and health. The objec-
tive of fifty years devoted to our National Revolution and the goal
of eight years of War of Resistance are reached when we achieve this
great final success.
We should, with a spirit of cordial co-operation, face the ruins
and sufferings entailed by eight years of war and strive for national
recovery. We must in a spirit of self-sacrifice and self-reliance make
China an equal member in the family of free and modern nations,
and satisfy the hopes of our foreign well-wishers.
As I recall today the aim of our War of Resistance, remember
our loyal and brave martyrs, thank the friendly countries for all their
help, and bear in mind the sufferings endured by our people, I am
overwhelmed by emotion. It is with great emotion that I make pub-
lic to our people the policy of the Government and earnestly hope
that we all may with great sincerity and honesty shoulder jointly the
heavy responsibility, fulfill the aspiration of the nation and complete
the task of national reconstruction for which the entire nation has
fought so long and so valiantly.
866
160
The Northeast *-* Fourteen Years After
On September 18, 1931, Japan attacked the city
of Mukden and began her invasion of China's Three
Northeastern Provinces (Liaoning, Kirin and
Heilungkiang) , commonly known as Manchuria.
The following is a radio message to the nation on
the fourteenth anniversary of the Mukden incident.
Though delivered after the end of the war, this
message is included here as a fitting conclusion to
Generalissimo Chiang's own account of China's
war, and should be read in conjunction with the
first speech in this collection.
SEPTEMBER 18, 1945.
FELLOW COUNTRYMEN:
npODAY is the fourteenth anniversary of the Mukden incident,
our national humiliation day. We are commemorating this anni-
versary in a different spirit as compared with the previous thirteen
anniversaries, for we have today wiped out completely all the humilia-
tion we have suffered at the hands of the Japanese during the past
five years. With the military assistance of our ally, Soviet Russia,
the Cairo and the Potsdam declarations have been realized and our
Northeastern Provinces liberated and our countrymen there brought
back into the fold of the fatherland. In the near future our admin-
istrative officials and armed forces will proceed to the Northeast
to join the celebrations of our countrymen who have been separated
from us for thirteen odd years. Now with a solemn and jubilant
heart, I extend to our countrymen in the Northeast my warmest
greetings. During the past fourteen years after the loss of the
Northeastern Provinces, we have never for a day forgotten the
sufferings of our countrymen there and our responsibility of re-
covering our lost territory.
At the outset our Government resorted to the policy of recover-
ing our lost territory by diplomatic means, at the same time prepara-
867
THB NORTHEAST FOURTEEN YEAB8 AFTER
tions were made for the attainment of this end by force. For the
sake of carrying out this policy, our Government was for years sub-
jected to adverse criticism and intolerable calumnies.
On this day when our territory has been recovered, I do not
deem it necessary to relate the things that have gone. What is more,
it is the duty of all of us who have dedicated our lives to the Revo-
lution to bear whatever blames and criticisms that are directed against
us. However, they can in no way harm us. It must be pointed out
that, at the time of the Mukden incident, we were not adequately
prepared, and the time for armed resistance was not ripe.
I trust that all my fellow countrymen in the Northeast fully
understand what has happened during the past fourteen years. Since
the loss of the Northeastern Provinces, our Government has never
for a moment forgotten the sufferings of our people in the occu-
pied territory and has spared no effort in rallying the entire nation
behind the task of recovering the Northeast.
Since the War of Resistance broke out on July 7, 1937, the
Government has repeatedly made known its resolve not to give up the
fight until the Northeast is liberated. The aim of our War of
Resistance, from beginning to end, has been to preserve our national
independence and territorial integrity. In other words, we were
determined to overcome all hardships to dedicate ourselves to the
task of recovering our lost territory and to liberate our people in
bondage in order to erase all the humiliation we had experienced
since the Mukden incident.
On my part, I have since the Mukden incident considered it my
duty to revenge the national humiliation. Thanks to the spiritual
guidance of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, Father of the Republic, and the heroic
sacrifices of our fallen warriors, the policy of the Government as well
as my own wishes have been fulfilled.
Today is really a day of celebration, for it marks the transforma-
tion of an anniversary of the worst humiliation that we have had to
swallow into a day commemorating the recovery of the Northeastern
Provinces and Formosa.
But I should like to remind our countrymen, especially those in
the Northeastern Provinces, that the task of reconstructing these
liberated provinces still lies ahead of us. We should not relax for
a moment the indomitable spirit that we have shown in our efforts of
868
THB NOKTHBAST fX)UWEBW TBAB8 ATTEB
the last fourteen years for recovering the aforesaid provinces. We
should not forget our past hardships. We should bear in mind the
lessons we have learned from our past misfortunes in order to make
our victory and liberation of the Northeastern Provinces a true for-
tune for our nation, thus proving ourselves worthy of the hopes that
our allies place in us. Only in this way can we justify our celebra-
tion.
I have said before that the September 18th incident was the
cause of subsequent world unrest and that in view of the present
world situation, it is clear that the Northeastern Provinces were
not only related to the continued existence of China, but also closely
interwoven with the peace of the world, indicating that the question,
because of its repercussions on this whole international situation,
should be settled in company with all the other international problems.
This demonstrates that the cause of our sacred War of Resistance
against Japan and the Second World War must be traced back to the
Mukden incident. Therefore, it is fitting and proper that the libera-
tion of the Northeastern Provinces should mark the end of the
World War.
Analyzing the onrush of successive waves of Japanese aggres-
sions and our tenacity and fortitude backed by justice in the light
of the international situation, the law of success and failure becomes
as clear as crystal.
We have to look into the cause that brought about the Mukden
incident so that the victory we have won may be victory in the true
sense of the word and eliminate once for all the evils that threaten
our nation and the whole world. Besides Japanese imperialistic de-
signs, we must admit that our own laxity with regard to the repre-
sentation and consolidation of the Northeastern Provinces also
constituted one of the causes.
Now that our sacred War of Resistance and World War II
have been concluded with the liberation of our Northeastern Prov-
inces, it is time that we rectify our past mistakes and concentrate
all our energy on the reconstruction of these provinces.
Furthermore, the gigantic task of building up the Northeast will
not only safeguard world peace but will have an important bearing
on the task of Revolution. When the First World War brote out,
I went to the Northeast There I was engaged in revolutionary
THE NORTHEAST FOURTEEN YEARS AFTER
activities and made a study of that region. In my report to Dr.
Sun Yat-sen, I said that the Northeast was not the starting place
of our Revolution but it would be the goal of the Revolution. Thirty
years have now elapsed, but my words are still true. The develop-
ment at present and in the future will bear testimony to my words.
The War of Resistance was necessary in the secondary stage of
the Revolution. During the past eight years of struggle, our soldiers
and our allies laid down their lives and shed their blood at the
front, the people in the enemy -occupied areas lost their homes, and
those in the interior gave what they had. We have finally won the
war. Now that the Northeast is restored to us, we have to value
the accomplishment and safeguard it. We should endure all hard-
ships and devote ourselves to the task of reconstruction so that our
revolutionary martyrs and soldiers may not have died in vain.
I am now presenting to you a report on the reconstruction of
the Northeastern Provinces. The report is divided into two cate-
gories. First, we have to develop our own power in the establish-
ment of a firm basis for reconstruction. Secondly, we must solicit
Allied assistance for a successful accomplishment of the task.
In the first category the most urgent task confronting us is
political renovation. For fourteen years, the Northeastern Provinces
were under Japanese occupation and had been reduced to a status
similar to that of Korea which had long been subjected to enslave-
ment. Following the recovery of these provinces, we must, first of
all, make the people realize our bright political prospects. For this
reason, the Government is establishing a provisional headquarters
of the chairmen of the National Military Council preparatory to
taking over the administrative organization there. Further strength-
ening and facilitating the administration of the provinces, the Gov-
ernment has also divided Liaoning, Heilungkiang and Kirin into
nine provinces. This step was taken in order to speed up the re-
construction work. Particular care has been taken in the appoint-
ment of Government officials for service in these provinces and only
those who were thoroughly acquainted with the local situation are
eligible.
Next comes economic reconstruction. I have pointed out that
there are about 240,000,000 mow of arable land and about 200,000,000
mow of land still awaiting cultivation. Prerequisite to our national
870
THB NOBTHHAST FOURTEEN YEABS AFTBB
existence and our transition to a modern nation are abundant re-
sources of metals and non-metal minerals that are indigenous to
the land there. The Northeastern Provinces were also considered
the pivotal center in the reconstruction plans mapped out by Dr.
Sun Yat-sen.
The communications system in the Northeastern Provinces has
been satisfactorily developed and immense help can be derived there-
from for the industrial development of the provinces. The Gov-
ernment has decided to industrialize the provinces in reliance on
the resources indigenous to the land and utilize those which have
already been exploited for the establishment of a model zone in
accordance with the plans laid down by the Father of the Republic.
The Government is also determined to extirpate all systems of or-
ganization set up by the Japanese in the past fourteen years which
have mercilessly exploited our people so that the economic potentiality
of the provinces may be galvanized into life at an early date.
Thirdly, there must be re-establishment of culture. In the past
years, the Japanese had forced slave education on our people, using
the Japanese language as the first tongue and restricting the activi-
ties of the educated class in a diabolical scheme to suffocate our
culture as well as to erase our national language. Now we are pre-
pared to remove these malicious fetters and to re-establish the culture
of the Northeastern Provinces as part and parcel of our national
culture.
I have elucidated above the three points, namely, political reno-
vation, economic development and cultural re-establishment as the
basis on which the Northeastern Provinces will be rehabilitated.
I assure you that the Government will spare no effort in carrying out
these points. It is also the earnest desire of the Government that
the people of the Northeastern Provinces will seriously meditate
upon their past defects and mistakes and start a new life, inexorably
eradicating corruption and selfishness and feudalistic schemes. We
must distinguish white from black and build up new, modernized
Northeastern Provinces.
With regard to Allied assistance in the reconstruction of our
Northeastern Provinces, so far as economic aid and technical col-
laboration are concerned, we have already concluded a friendly
pact with the Soviet Union for a period of thirty years. By virtue
871
THB N0BTHHA8T- FOURTEEN YBAR8 AFTER
of the pact the geographical contiguity will first bring the desired
benefits to them. We must honestly observe the past and whole-
heartedly co-operate with our friendly neighbor for the improvement
of the already amicable relations between the two great nations,
thereby realizing the principle of joint struggle enunciated by the
Father of the Republic.
The above is a gist of the program for the reconstruction of our
Northeastern Provinces. It is also the aim of the people of the
Chinese Republic. While observing the fourteenth anniversary of
the September 18th incident, we must know the onerous task that is
facing us. The September 18th humiliation is no more. Its grave
lesson will and must linger in the minds of our posterity. There
is only one way to counteract this somber lesson, that is, to erase
the lesson by hard facts and actual results. Without this deter-
mination, a successful erasure of humiliation would be impossible
and our sacrifices would have been in vain. Only by unswerving
determination can the root of future evil be extirpated and my
assertion made in 1921 that the Northeastern Provinces are the final
destination of our Revolution be realized.
872
Index of Titles
After the Fall of Nanking. December 16, 1937 page 49
All We Are and All We Have. December 8, 1941 640
America's Chance to Strike at Japan. November 17, 1941 631
Appeal to Britain. July 29, 1939 307
Appeal to Japan, An. July 7, 1938 89
Appreciation of the Y.M.G.A. July 28, 1939 303
Assistance to Friendly Governments. December n, 1941 644
Attainment of Final Victory, The. September 3, 1945 86 1
Avenge This Great Wrong. February 19, 1938 53
Balanced Development in National Finances, A. June 16, 1941 590
Basis for Peace, The. April 18, 1939 219
Basis for Political Settlement. September 16, 1944 798
Beautiful and Touching Gesture. October 13, 1942 710
Before Final Victory. September 5, 1944 792
Bombing of Civilian Areas and Open Towns. May 16, 1939 231
Bonds Between China and America. May 10, 1941 584
Building a New China. May 5, 1945 833
Burma-Chinese Relationship. January 1 8, 1941 541
Call to Overseas Chinese, A. June 21, 1939 238
China and the European War. September 9, 1939 324
China and the United States. June 24, 1944 785
China Cannot Be Conquered. January 26, 1939 158
China's After- War Aims. November 17, 1942 727
China's March Towards Democracy. February 21, 1939 195
China's Path to Victory. July 6, 1938 71
China's Struggle and International Peace. May 21, 1939 236
China's War, A World War. July 7, 1942 697
Chinese and Indians Have the Same Destiny. February 9, 1942 658
Chinese Mohammedans and the War. July 29, 1939 305
Choice Before Us, The. July 7, 1938 76
Citizen's Pact, The. May i, 1939 221
Citizens' Education. March n, 1940 388
Common Front Against Aggression, A. July 7, 1939 255
Common Struggle Against the Axis, The. December 10, 1941 641
Comradeship of the United Nations, The. December 7, 1942 730
Crimes and Corruption of the Japanese Militarists. July 7, 1940 467
Day of Deliverance Shall Come, The. August 13, 1940 493
Drive Out the Invader. July, 1937 36
Duties of a Vanguard, The. March 12, 1942 675
Education in Uniform. March 19, 1940 399
Educator's Mission in China Today, The. February 20, 1940 383
873
INDEX OP TITLES
Educators and the War. March 5, 1939 page 206
Effect of the World Crisis on Chinese Resistance. August 29, 1939 322
Eight Years of War. July 7, 1945 841
End of Unequal Treaties in China, The. October 31, 1942 717
Engineer's Role in National Crisis, The. October 20, 1941 625
Faith in Victory. December 24, 1944 811
Fight to Win. October 9, 1937 44
Forces of Truth and Justice, The. July 8, 1940 482
Friend from Distant Lands, The. October 3, 1942 703
From Man's Oldest Parliament. November 12, 1942 722
From Students to Soldiers. January n, 1944 782
Function of Revolutionary Discipline, The. January 27, 1941 543
Future Objectives of Spiritual Mobilization. March 12, 1941 573
Great Loss to the World, A. April 13, 1945 &3 1
Growing Unity Among Anti-Aggression Nations. November 7,
1941 628
How to Bring a New China into Existence. June 4, 1940 447
Importance of Food Policy in Wartime, The. June 2, 1942 690
In Defense of Freedom. November 17, 1941 637
Increase Our Fighting Strength. December 15, 1941 646
International Role of the Republic, The. October 10, 1940 514
Japan: Enemy of Humanity. July 7, 1938 83
Japanese Landing on Hainan Island. February 12, 1939 184
Japanese Phrases and Pretensions. July 8, 1940 485
Japan's Dilemma. November 12, 1939 345
Japan's So-Called New Order. December 26, 1938 134
Just War, A. July 7, 1940 451
Justice and Equality. August 18, 1939 320
Kuomintang and National Leadership, The. March 24, 1941 578
Laying the Foundations of Local Self-Government. August 12,
1939 ^ 309
Light of New Hope. January i, 1941 534
Limit of China's Endurance, The. July 17, 1937 21
Loyalty and Reciprocity. October 10, 1942 707
Manchuria: Hell on Earth. September 18, 1940 505
Message to the Christians of America. February 20, 1939 194
Mission of the People of Shanghai. August 13, 1939 312
Mobilizing Our Spiritual Forces. February 12, 1939 176
Morale Plus Equipment. May 31, 1942 688
My Religious Faith. April 16, 1938 59
Nadir of Konoye's Career, The. December 2, 1940 524
National and Allied Co-operation. October 22, 1942 712
National Defense First. March i, 1941 555
National Independence and Racial Equality. August 24, 1945 854
National Solidarity. September 24, 1937 41
874
INDEX OF TITLES
New Ally Against Japan, A. August 9, 1945 page 849
New Life in Wartime. February 18, 1940 377
New Life Movement in Wartime, The. February 18, 1939 187
New Outlook and New Efforts, A. December 31, 1941 650
New Treaties: New Responsibilities. January 11, 1943 734
New World Order Built on Christian Love, A. December 25, 1942 732
No Far Eastern Munich. July 24, 1939 298
No Relaxation of Our Efforts. April i, 1940 405
Northeast and Territorial Integrity, The. September 1 8, 1941 615
Northeast Fourteen Years After, The. September 18, 1945 867
Of Man and Material. May 4, 1942 683
On National Reconstruction. July 18, 1937 26
One Half of the World's People. February 21, 1942 665
Only Answer to Aggressors, The. July 7, 1939 245
Opium the National Enemy. June 3, 1940 443
Our Complete Victory. August 15, 1945 853
Our Government's Two Obligations. July 7, 1945 844
Our Power of Resistance Grows Stronger. October io> 1938 123
Our Seven Years' Fight. July 7, 1944 787
Our Spiritual Force. February 18, 1943 73
Our Successes. August 13, 1938 93
Party and the Nation, The. November 12, 1944 804
Pensioning the Families of the War Dead. July 7, 1939 259
People and the State, The. October 10, 1943 762
People's War, The. October 10, 1939 341
Political Problem, A. September 13, 1943 756
Power of Thrift, The. September 7, 1940 500
Prepare for Victory. July 7, 1939 247
Prototype of China's Democratic Institutions. April 10, 1940 416
Reply to Tribute from Oxford. February 3, 1939 174
Resistance in the Enemy's Rear. July 7, 1939 262
Resistance to Aggression and Renaissance of the Nation. July, 1934 i
Responsibilities of China's Youth, The. June 16, 1938 63
Responsibilities of Modern Journalists, The. March 22, 1940 401
Responsibility of Local Leaders. January 19, 1939 153
Revolutionary Education. August 28, 1938 99
Rights and Obligations of the Chinese People. September 18, 1939 329
Road to Victory, A. January 28, 1945 821
Second Stage of the War, The. November 28, 1938 132
Six Years of Sacrifices. July 7, 1943 745
Solid Foundation for Victory, A. January i, 1944 776
Solidarity Between Burma and China. 653
Solidarity Defeats the Enemy. March 6, 1941 565
Spiritual Mobilization and Victory. April 17, 1939 216
Spiritual Ramparts and Weapons. March 12, 1940 392
875
INDEX OF TITLES
State of the Nation, The. September 18, 1943 page
Strike the Enemy from Every Vantage Point. March 20, 1942
Stronger Go-operation of Democracies Against Aggression.
July 7, 1941 600
Success in War and Revolution. October 10, 1944 800
Task Before Us, The. January 5, 1945 818
That All May Not Be Lost in the Hour of Triumph. July 7, 1941 604
This Day of Victory. August 15, 1945 ^5
This Unprecedented Triumph. May 10, 1945 836
Time Sets Against the Aggressor, The. August 13, 1941 611
To the Chinese Expeditionary Forces in India. August 4, 1942 701
To the Flying Tigers, Salute. February 28, 1942 669
To the People of Japan. July 7, 1939 266
To the People of Manchuria. September 18, 1938 no
To the People of Thailand. February 26, 1943 742
To the Peoples of the United Nations. July 7, 1943 750
Toward Constitutionalism. November 12, 1943 766
Truth of Life, The. December 24, 1943 771
Turning Point in Our Struggle, A. October 25, 1938 125
Unity and Constitutionalism. March i, 1945 826
Unmistakable Issues, The. July 7, 1940 463
Victory and Democracy. December 31, 1944 814
Victory in Europe. May 12, 1945 838
Vigilance and Discipline. October 10, 1941 ,622
Wang Ching-wei, the Traitor. October i, 1939 336
Wang Ching-wei's Secret Agreement with Japan. January 23,
1940 358
Wartime Production. May 15, 1939 225
Wartime Way of Life, A. February 18, 1942 662
Way to Local Autonomy, The. May i, 1940 426
We Will Not Be Slaves. January 23, 1940 364
Wholesome Recreation. December 31, 1938 148
Worldwide Significance of China's Struggle. October 10, 1938 116
876
Bibliographical Index
Items in the present work which appeared in previous collections
of Generalissimo Chiang's speeches are listed in the following. In case
of variations in title the previous version is given in parenthesis.
CHINA FIGHTS ON (China Publishing Company, 1941) :
19 Our Power of Resistance Grows Stronger
20 A Turning Point in Our Struggle
2 i The Second Stage of the War
22 Japan's So-Called New Order
(Japan's Latest Feat of Verbal Jugglery)
23 Wholesome Recreation
24 Responsibility of Local Leaders
25 China Cannot Be Conquered
26 Reply to Tribute from Oxford
27 Mobilizing Our Spiritual Forces
28 Japanese Landing on Hainan Island
29 The New Life Movement in Wartime
30 Message to the Christians of America
31 China's March Towards Democracy
32 Educators and the War
33 Spiritual Mobilization and Victory
34 The Basis for Peace
35 The Citizen's Pact
36 Wartime Production
37 Bombing of Civilian Areas and Open Towns
38 China's Struggle and International Peace
39 A Call to Overseas Chinese
40 The Only Answer to Aggressors
41 Prepare for Victory
42 A Common Front Against Aggression
43 Pensioning the Families of the War Dead
44 Resistance in the Enemy's Rear
45 To the People of Japan
46 No Far Eastern Munich
47 Appreciation of the Y.M.C.A.
48 Chinese Mohammedans and the War
49 Appeal to Britain
50 Laying the Foundations of Local Self-Government
51 Mission of the People of Shanghai
52 Justice and Equality
877
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL IXDBX
53 Effect of the World Crisis on Chinese Resistance
54 China and the European War
55 Rights and Obligations of the Chinese People
56 Wang Ching-wei, the Traitor
57 The People's War
58 Japan's Dilemma
59 Wang Ching-wei's Secret Agreement with Japan
60 We Will Not Be Slaves
ALL WE ARE AND ALL WE HAVE
(Chinese News Service and John Day, 1942) :
100 All We Are and All We Have
104 A New Outlook and New Efforts
(Who Help Themselves)
107 A Wartime Way of Life
1 08 One Half of the World's People
109 To the Flying Tigers, Salute
112 Of Man and Material
113 Morale Plus Equipment
1 14 The Importance of Food Policy in Wartime
(Food and Victory)
1 15 China's War, A World War
(For Five Full Years)
117 A Friend from Distant Lands
118 Loyalty and Reciprocity
119 Beautiful and Touching Gesture
120 National and Allied Co-operation
(Endurance, Conscientiousness)
121 The End of Unequal Treaties in China
(From Equality to Ideal Unity)
122 From Man's Oldest Parliament
123 China's After- War Aims
(Patriotism Is Not Enough)
RESISTANCE AND RECONSTRUCTION
(Harper & Brothers, New York, 1943) :
2 The Limit of China's Endurance
3 On National Reconstruction
4 Drive Out the Invader
5 National Solidarity
6 Fight to Win
7 After the Fall of Nanking
ii China's Path to Victory
878
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX
13 Japan: Enemy of Humanity
14 An Appeal to Japan
(To the People of Japan)
15 Our Successes
(Our Own Soil, Our Own People)
19 Our Power of Resistance Grows Stronger
20 A Turning Point in Our Struggle
a i The Second Stage of the War
22 Japan's So-Galled New Order
25 China Cannot be Conquered
31 China's March Towards Democracy
33 Spiritual Mobilization and Victory
35 The Citizen's Pact
37 Bombing of Civilian Areas and Open Towns
(Bombing of Civilians and Open Towns)
41 Prepare for Victory
42 A Common Front Against Aggression
44 Resistance in the Enemy's Rear
46 No Far Eastern Munich
49 Appeal to Britain
51 Mission of the People of Shanghai
54 China and the European War
55 Rights and Obligations of the Chinese People
57 The People's War
6 1 New Life In Wartime
62 The Educator's Mission in China Today
66 The Responsibilities of Modern Journalists
67 No Relaxation of Our Efforts
68 Prototype of China's Democratic Institutions
(People in Government)
69 The Way ^b Local Autonomy
79 Manchuria: Hell on Earth
80 The International Role of the Republic
84 The Function of Revolutionary Discipline
85 National Defense First
86 Solidarity Defeats the Enemy
(Again National Solidarity)
89 Bonds Between China and America
90 A Balanced Development in National Finances
94 The Northeast and Territorial Integrity
96 The Engineer's Role in National Crisis
98 America's Chance to Strike at Japan
101 The Common Struggle Against the Axis
103 Increase Our Fighting Strength
1 08 One Half of the World's People
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL, INDEX
109 To the Flying Tigers, Salute
1 10 The Duties of a Vanguard
in Strike the Enemy from Every Vantage Point
113 Morale Plus Equipment
1 15 China's War, A World War
117 A Friend from Distant Lands
118 Loyalty and Reciprocity
i 20 National and Allied Go-operation
121 The End of Unequal Treaties in China
(From Equality to Ideal Unity)
i aa From Man's Oldest Parliament
123 China's After- War Aims
125 A New World Order Built on Christian Love
(A New World Built on Christian Love)
126 New Treaties: New Responsibilities
THE VOICE OF CHINA (Hutchinson, London, 1943)
104 A New Outlook and New Efforts
(A New Year Message)
1 06 Chinese and Indians Have the Same Destiny
(India Welcomes the Generalissimo)
107 A Wartime Way of Life
1 08 One Half of the World's People
(Peaceful Neighbours for Two Thousand Years)
109 To the Flying Tigers, Salute
(Salute to the "Flying Tigers")
112 Of Man and Material
(A Nation Mobilized)
1 14 The Importance of Food Policy in Wartime
(Food and Victory)
1 15 China's War, A World War
(Five Years' Resistance)
118 Loyalty and Reciprocity
(Equality of Nations)
1 20 National and Allied Co-operation
(Endurance and Conscientiousness)
121 The End of Unequal Treaties in China
(The Principle of Nationhood)
122 From Man's Oldest Parliament
(An Historic Visit)
123 China's After- War Aims
(Towards World Unity)
126 New Treaties: New Responsibilities
880
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX
1 28 To the People of Thailand
(China's Enslaved Neighbour)
129 Six Years of Sacrifices
(Prerequisites of Peace)
133 The People and the State
(A Servant of the People)
BEFORE FINAL VICTORY (Chinese News Service, 1944)
126 New Treaties: New Responsibilities
127 Our Spiritual Force
128 To the People of Thailand
129 Six Years of Sacrifices
130 To the People of the United Nations
131 A Political Problem
132 The State of the Nation
133 The People and the State
134 Toward Constitutionalism
135 The Truth of Life
136 A Solid Foundation for Victory
(Turning Point in the War)
137 From Students to Soldiers
138 China and the United States
139 Our Seven Years' Fight
1 40 Before Final Victory
141 Basis for Political Settlement
142 Success in War and Revolution
143 The Party and the Nation
881
Index
ABGD powers, 634
Abe, 347, 348, 409, 4*o
Ailwyn, Lord, 723
Air Force, Chinese, 91
Alexander (Albert V.), 245
All India Radio, 665
American Baptist Foreign Mission
Society, 194
American Volunteer Group, 669, 688
Amoy, 361
Andaman Islands, 788
Anhwei, 85, 125, 127, 776
Anking, Anhwei, I25n, 234
Anti-Comintern bloc, 140
Anti-Comintern pact, 140, 327, 349,
469* 60 1
Anti-War Pact, 332
Arita, Foreign Minister, 135, 137, 487
"Asia Development Bureau, 138, 161
"Asiatic Monroe Doctrine," 470, 486
Atlantic Charter, 667, 689, 727, 824,
858
Attu Island, 746
Australia, 184, 605, 639, 644, 650, 681,
697 73i
Axis Powers, 604, 633, 635, 650, 714,
733, 742, 745
Belgium, 838
Berlin, 839
Bismarck Sea, 776
Book of Music, 149
Book of Odes, 202
Book of Rites, 178, 204
Boxer Rebellion, 474
British Commonwealth of Nations, 785
British Parliamentary Mission, 722
Burma, 465, 54l, 612, 638, 651, 653,
713,751,788,815,819,821,858
Burma Road, I26n, 638, 821
"Bushido," 90
Cairo Conference, 778
Cairo declaration, 867
Canada, 644, 697, 73', 837
Canton, 85, 91, 127, 244, 326
Canton-Hankow railway, 133, 789, 803
Canton insurrection 1931, 338
Casualties, Japanese, 91, 12511, 132,
160, 163, 249, 4<*, 478, 5o;
Chinese, 49, 834, 858
Cavell, Edith, 729
Cecil, Lord, 320
Central China Development Company,
137
Central Europe, 118, 120
Central Political Academy, 401
Central Political Training Institute, 99
Chahar, 54, 85; eastern, 5
Chang Chih-cnung, 798
Chang Pang-ch'ang, 418
Changsha, 326
Changkufeng Affair, 140
Changsha Battle, second, 632
Changteh Battle, 776
Changting, 231
Chaochow, 326
Chekiang, 54, 85, 127, 5' o, 690, 776
Chen Chiung-ming, 338
Chen Li-fu, 388
Chengchow, 632
Chennault, Gen. Glair L., 669, 672,
824
Chiang Kai-shek, Mrae., 658, 660, 665,
^,.
Ch'in Ku'ei, 418
China Shall Rise Again, Madame
Chiang Kai-shek, Preface to, 447
Chinese Exclusion Act, 777
Chinese Expeditionary Forces, 701,
819, 823
Chinhsien, Liaoning, 1 1 2
Chou En-lai, 828
Chow Duke, 201, 202, 435
Chung Hwa Jih Poo, 372
Churchill, Winston, 633, 638, 655, 660,
710, 724, 730, 752, 778, 779, 836
Citizen's Pact, 218, 221-224, 264;
text of, 223
Committee for the Promotion of
Constitutional Government, 795
Committee for the Promotion of
Economic Reconstruction, 796
Communications, 609
Communism, 139
Confucius, 150, 191, 764, 818
Conscription, 155
Constitutionalism, 329, 333, 415, 423,
761, 766, 795, 816, 826, 834, 846,
Coral Sea, 698, 713
Covenant of the League of Nations,
245, 248, 256, 257
Crete, 629
883
INDEX
Curtin, John, 731
Czechoslovakia,
999, 697, 838
Davidson, Howard, 824
De Gaulle, Gen. Charles, 837
Decker, Dr. J. W., 194
Democracy, 73, 195-204, 654
Democracy, Principle of, 196, 285, 763
Denmark, 838
Dnieper, 776
Domei News Agency, 350
Dutch East Indies, 612
Dutch Harbor, 698, 713
Early, Stephen, 486, 488
"East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere," 729
Eastern Europe, 751
Education, 99-109, 206, 383, 388, 399,
609
Egypt, 706
Eighteenth Army Corps, 568
Eighteenth Group Army, 799
Embargo Legislation, U. S., 458, 613
England, 249
Essay on Learning, 210, 211
European War, 327, 332, 339, 451,
463,469,517,561,632
Extraterritoriality, 622, 7lo, 713, 734
Fancheng, 231
Fangchen, 326
"Far Eastern Munich," 299
Federal Reserve Bank, 302
Five Constitutional Rights, 647
Foochow, 231, 244
Food control, 594
Formosa, 275, 778, 855
Formosans, 667
France, 130, 283, 333, 349, 837, 838
Freedom of Speech, 864
French Revolution, 200
"Friends of the Wounded" Movement,
379
Fukien, 776
Fukuji, 235
Fukuoka, 235
George VI, King, 724
German-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact,
322
Germany, 249, 349, 468, 582, 632, 641,
656, 836
Great Britain, 282, 299, 307, 333, 349,
55, 586, 587, 603, 605, 612, 619,
029, 633, 634, 638, 641, 644, 650,
668, 697, 710, 713, 717, 723, 734,
759, 836, 839, 859
Greece, 629, 838
Grew, (Ambasador Joseph C.), 35
Guam, 184, 185, 1 86, 792
Guerrillas, Chinese, 123
"Habeas Corpus Act," 795
Hainan Island, 184, 36 1, 60 1
Han Dynasty, 169
Han Fu-chu, 545
Hangchung, 231
Hankow, 125, 127
Hawaii, 184, 819
Heilungkiang, 1 1 2, 870
Hengyang, I26n, 231
Hidekichi, Toyotami, 618
Himalayas, 822
Hiranuma, (Baron Kiichiro), 347
Hirota (Koki), 142
Hitler, 787, 838
Hochi Shimbun, 350
Honan, 125, 127, 455, 510, 788, 792,
841
Hongkong, 184, 713, 859
Honjo, Gen. Shigeru, 619
Hopei, 54, 112, 127, 776
Hsien, administration new system of,
426, 593, 648
Hsing Chung Hui, 776, 804
Hsuchow, 12511
Hsun Tzu, Exhortations to Students,
214
Hua Chiao Hsien Feng, 238
Huai Valleys, 133
Hull, Cordell, 412, 483, 524, 619
Hunan, 85, 99, 346, 406, 455, 510,
75l, 776, 788, 792, 841
Hunan-Kwangsi railway, 789
Hupeh, 127, 244, 325, 406, 455, 524,
556,632, 751, 776
Hurley, Patrick J., 824
Hwa Hsing Bank, 302
India, 651, 658, 660, 697, 788
Indian Ocean, 184
Indo-China, 184, 645, 486, 60 1, 612,
632,633,858
Industrial plants, removal of, 126
Inner Mongolia, 140
International Development of China,
The, Dr. Sun Yat-sen, 563n, 807
International organization, 465, 428,
754, 833
International Peace Campaign, 236,
320
Italy, 249, 582, 641, 644, 656, 759, 776
884
INDEX
Japan, 641, 656, 785; government, 779,
manifesto of, Nov. 3, 1938, 134, 137;
education, 1-2; war conduct, 79, 9!,
495, people, 89, 966-297, 269, 467,
851, strategy, 49, 161 ; conception of
Chinese Army, 6; narcotics policy,
93; "minimum demands," 142; war
expenditures, 156, 160, 409, 457, 632
Japan Times and Advertiser, 585
Japanese bombing, 231-235, 490, 510
Japanese ronin, 494
Japanese spies, 8, 10-11
Jehol, 112, 507
Jesus Christ, 59, 732, 772, 81 1, 851
Johnson, Nelson T., 584
Joint Office for the Four Government
Banks, 408
Journalism, 401
Journalists, 315
Kaifeng, 234
Kamaing, 788
Kangting-Sichang Investigation
Mission, 631
Kansu, 510, 705
Kaoan, 326
Kellogg Peace Pact, 256
Kiangsi, no, 125, 510, 776
Kiangsu, 54, 85, i25n, 127
Kiaochi (Tsingtao-Tsinan) railway,
34
King Cheng, 20 1 ,202
King, Mackenzie, 731, 837
Kinghwa, 231
Khitans, 162
Kirin, 112, 870
Kiska, 788
Kiungchow, 231
Konoye, (Fumimaro), 137, 138, 139,
140, 141, 142, 146, 159, 165, 249,
250, 364, 453, 480, 525, 528, 633;
declarations of, 135, 219
Korea, 139, 143, 169, 274, 778, 855
Koreans, 667
Kowloon, 859
Kunlunkuan, 406
Kunming, 669
Kuomintang, 270, 804, 826, 855, 865;
Fifth National Congress of, 333 ;
Sixth National Congress of, 833
Kuomintang C.E.C., 21, 854; Third
Plenary Session of, 42 ; Fifth Plenary
Session of, 158, 179, 239; Sixth
Plenary Session of, 345; Seventh
Plenary Session of, 485; Eighth
Plenary Session of, 578; Ninth Plen-
ary Session of, 646, 663 ; Tenth Plen-
ary Session of, 725 ; Eleventh Plenary
Session of, 756, 761
Kuomintang Code, Twelve Maxims of,
loon; Foreword, 107
Kuriles, 788
Kurusu, (Saburo), 633
Kwangsi, 374, 406, 510, 556
Kwangtung, 127, 132, 374, 46, 776,
859
Kwantung Army, 275
Kweilin, i26n
Kyushu, 788
Laborers, 317
Land ownership, 594
Land taxation, 595, 862
Leader, late (See Sun Yat-sen), 9, 1 18,
259
League Covenant, 87, 146, 248, 327
League of Nations, 87, 332, 333, 4 68
Ledo-Burma Road, 821
Lend-Lease legislation, 605, 631
Leningrad, 839
Li Fu-ying, 545
Liaoning, 112, 870
Liaotung Peninsula, 279
Libya, 629, 776
Lin Piao, 799
Lin Tse-hsu, Viceroy, 443
Lin Tsu-han, 798
Lincoln, Abraham, 637
Linlithgow, Lady, 660
Linlithgow, Viceroy, 658
Liuchow, 845
Lo Cho-ying, Gen., 701
Local Self-government, 310, 426
Loyang, 231
Lukouchiao, 234
Lukouchiao Incident, 21, 22, 84, 89,
Lunching Middle School, Fenghua,
128
T
Lunghai, 231
Lungling, 788
Lushan (Kuling), Kiangsi, i,
Mabuchi, 634
MacArthur, General Douglas, 824
Malaya, 635, 638
Magnetic tactics, 455, 479f 688
Manchester Guardian, 174
"Manchukuo", 136, 269, 340
Manchuria, 89, 90, 110-115, 632, 867
Manchus, 162
Mao Tse-tung, 571
885
INDEX
Marshall, Gen. George C., 831
Massacres, Manchus, at Yangchow and
Kiating, 935; Japanese, at Tsinan
and Nanking, 035
Matsuoka, Yosuke, 543, 605, 633
Mediterranean Sea, 184, 706, 759
Meiji doctrine, 142
Meiji Restoration, 277, 278
Mentius, 723, 764
Menzies, Robert Gordon, 245
Methods of Initiating Local Self-Gov-
ernment, Dr. Sun Yat-sen, 31
Mexico, 697
Midway Island, 698, 713
Middle East, 706
Min Chuan Chu I (see Democracy,
Principle of,)
Min Sheng Chu I (see People's Live-
lihood, Principle of,)
Min Tsu Chu I (see Nationalism,
Principle of,)
Minami, War Minister, 619
Ming Dynasty, 164, 165, 18i, 238
Ministry of Finance, 846
Ministry of Food, 691
Ministry of War, 846
Missionaries, 194
Missouri, U.S.S., 86 1
Mogaung, 788
Mohammedans, 305
Mongolia, 360
Mongols, 162
Morale, 81, 609, 688
Moscow Declaration, 778
Mukden Incident, 83 ; seventh anniver-
sary of, no
Mussolini, 759
Mustapha Keraal Pasha, 519
Nanchang, 325
Nanking, 130, 667, 842; fall of, 49
Nanning, 374, 845
Nanyang, 325
Napoleon, 163
National Assembly, 329, 333, 816, 826,
863
National currency, 301, 302, 315, 592
National Federation of Chinese Chris-
tians, 59
National Food Administration, 690
National Independence, Principle of,
(see Nationalism, Principle of)
National Military Council, 799, 870;
Pension Committee of, 260
National Mobilization, 663
National Mobilization Act, 683, 708,
714, 717
National Production Conference, 225
National Revolution, progress of, 50
National Thrift Movement, 229
National unity, 78
Nationalism, Principle of, 118, 169,
267, 333, 654, 708, 855
Netherlands, 349, 619, 697, 838
Netherlands East Indies, 465, 486, 644
Neutrality Act, 637
New Britain, 776
New Fourth Army, 544
New Guinea, ^13
New Life Movement, 30, 62, 148, 150,
187-193, 303, 377 662, 738; fourth
anniversary of, 53; purpose of, 53
"New Order in East Asia/' 135, 250,
255, 256, 263, 365
New York Herald Tribune, 727
New Zealand, 644
Mews Chronicle, London, 307
Nimitz, Admiral Chester, 824
Nine-Power Treaty, 87, 146, 245, 256,
257, 282, 300, 327, 332, 333, 349,
359, 633
Ningpo, 231
Nishio, Commander-in-Chief, Japanese
Expeditionary Forces, 454
Normandy, 819
North Africa, 713, 745, 75', 776
North American Newspaper Alliance,
637
North China, 140, 360
North China Development Company,
137
Northeast China (Manchuria), 110-
"5, 275, 505, 615, 758, 778, 855,
867
Northern Expedition, 718, 794
Norway, 629, 838
Northwest China, 168, 760
Nu River, 777
Oceania, 60 1, 612
Officers Training Camp, i
Open Door principle, 146, 349, 359
Opium-suppression, 380, 443
Osaka, 235
Outer Mongolia, 855
Outline of National Reconstruction,
Dr. Sun Yat-sen, 28, 31, 198
Oxford University, 174
Pacific Ocean, 184
Pakhoi, 185, 1 86
Panay, 634
Pao chta system, 192, 205, 310, 433,
445
INDEX
Paoting, 783
Paris Pact, 87
Patriotism, Chinese, 284; Japanese,
284
Peace Pact, 327
Peiping, 85, 140, 234, 634
Peipmg-Hankow railway, 133, 789, 803
Peking Government, 856
People's Assembly ( see National
Assembly)
People's Congress (see National
Assembly)
People's Economic Reconstruction
Movement, 227
People's Livelihood, Principle of,
285, 654, 786
People's Monthly Political Meetings,
221, 224
People's Political Council, 71, 195, 826,
829; First P.P.C., 132, I76n, 324,
389, 330, 33i, 353, 405, 4i6; Second
P.P.C., 555, 631 ; Third P.P.C., 712,
717, 758 79, 798; Fourth P.P.C.,
844
People's Sovereignty, Principle of,
(see Democracy, Principle of,)
Pescadores Islands, 778, 855
Philippine Islands, 184, 185, 635, 746,
819
Poland, 697, 838
Potsdam declaration, 867
Poyang Lake, Kiangsi, 1 10
Preparatory Commission for Inaugura-
tion of Constitutional Government.
826
Principle of the People's Livelihood,
Dr. Sun Yat-sen, 28
Production, 609
Program of National Reconstruction,
Dr. Sun Yat-sen, 169
Puppets, 314, 328, 33i
Rangoon, 822
Resistance, armed, program and policy
of, 128; aims of, 147
Revolution, 120
Roland, Mme., 200
Roosevelt, Franklin D., 483, 524, 539,
603, 619, 631, 633, 634, 637, 640,
655, 66 9, 689, 703, 7io, 727, 73<>,
75, 778, 779, 899, 841, 853
Russo-German conflict, 605, 612
Russo-Japanese War, 90, 105, 279, 783 Stalingrad, 745, 839
Stimson, Colonel, 185
Saghalien Island, 184 Stilwell, Gen. Joseph, 701, 822
Saipan, 788, 792 Student volunteers, 782
Saito, 409 Suiyuan, 54, 85, 455, 776
887
Salween River, 788
San Francisco Conference, 835, 841,
San Min Chu I (see Three Principles
of the People)
San Min Chu I Youth Corps, 63;
reasons for organization of, 64-67;
responsibilities of, 67-70
Second Front, 787, 819
Shanghai, 84, 86, 89, 130, 312, 6n,
634
Shanghai-Nanking railway, 234
Shanghai-Hankow railway, 234
Shangkao campaign, 632
Shang-kwan Yun-hsiang, Gen., 546
Shansi, 54, 85, 325, 406, 454, 776
Shantung, 54, 85, 125, i25n, 127
Shensi, 510
Shigemitsu, Ambassador, 140
Shih Yu-san, 545
Shinbo Preparatory Military School,
783
Shiro, Ozaki, 475
Shiukwan, 231
Shu Ching (Book of History), 763
Sian, 231, 813
Sian affair, 338
Siberia, 612
Sicily, 776
Sikang, 325, 329
Singapore, 184, 632, 638
Sinkiang, 705
Sino- Japanese War (1894-1895), 80
Soejima, Shusin, 618
Solomons, 713, 776
South China, 125, 132
South Manchurian Railv
South Pacific, 751
South Seas, 559, 612, 699, 751
Southwest China, 133, 168, 760
Soviet Revolution, 340
Soviet Russia, 15, 130, 140, 163, 283,
298, 333, 349, 36i, 407, 410, 465,
5i9, 525, 536, 582, 586, 603, 605,
612, 619, 629, 634, 642, 650, 697,
703, 713, 76o, 780, 785, 787, 801,
837, 838, 867, 871
Spiritual Mobilization, 216-218, 238,
240, 379; Spiritual Mobilization Bill,
209; Movement of, 221-224, 252,
392, 573, 675
Stalin, Generalissimo Joseph, 837, 849
ilway, 507
INDB
Sultan, Gen. Daniel I, 819, 893
Sumatra, 788
Sun, Gen. Li-jen, 823
Sun Tzu, i6m, 163, 165, 166, 171
Sun Yat-sen, Dr., 3, 9, 55, 61, 66, 1 l8 ,
146, 153, 169, 196-203, 212, 216,
227, 259, 311, 42, 4i5, 5i8, 535.
575, 584, 639, 683, 708, 727, 762,
768, 773, 784, 804, 807, 810
Sung Dynasty, 162, 164, 165, 181, 418
Sunwai, 326
Superfortresses, 788
Supreme National Defense Council,
854
Surrender of Japan, unconditional,
753,850,853,86i
Swatow, 231
Szechwan, 325, 329, 51 1, 705
Szechwan-Sikang Reconstruction Com-
mission, 415
Szechwan Training Academy, 426
Tagore, 659
Tai Chia, 201
Taierhchwang, I25n
TaiChi-tao, 401
Takada Regiment, 783
Tanaka, Baron, 6, 140, 146, 268, 474;
memorial of, 142, 358, 486, 515, 6 18
Tangku Truce, 22, 23, 84, i7on
T'ao Hsi-sheng, 525
Teheran Conference, 778
Tengchung, 788
Thailand, 612, 632, 742, 858
Three Principles of the People, (San
Min Chu /) 41, 50, 66, 270, 285,
286, 786, 806
Tibet, 855
Tientsin, 85, 234, 307, 634
Tientsin incident, 249
Tojo, 632, 746
Tokyo, 235
Tokyo Military College, 783
Traitors and puppets, 79
Treaty of Shimonoseki, 139
Tripartite Alliance, 529, 60 1, 641
Truman, Harry S., 831, 836, 840, 841,
853
Tseng Kuo-fan, 399
Tsinan, 140
Tsinan Incident, 794
Tsing Dynasty, 162, 167
Tsingcheng, 325
Tsingtao, 634
Tsungfa, 326
Tungan, 231
Tung Meng Hui, 805
Tung Pi-wu, 571
Turkey, 136, 298, 519, 80 1
Twenty-one Demands, 146, 979, 359
United Aid to China Fund, 723
United China Relief, 703
United Nations, 697, 699, 703, 706,
710, 712, 719, 723, 7a8, 730, 73
750, 75, 759, 776, 778, 814, 840
United Nations Declaration, 844
United States, 130, 162, 282, 333, 349,
361, 407, 410, 465, 486, 519, 584,
603, 605, 612, 619, 629, 632, 633,
637, 641, 644, 650, 694, 697, 7io,
713, 717, 734, 76o, 777, 785, 836,
839
U. S. War Department, 688
V-E Day, 836, 838
V-JDay,86i
Wallace, Henry A., 785
Wang, An-shih, 435
Wang Ching-wei, 298, 329, 331, 332,
336-340, 410, 418, 524, 605; secret
agreement with Japan, 358-363, 364
War, first stage of, 134, 158; second
stage of, 133, 134, 158
War aim, 77
War Area Service Corps, 188
War expenditures, Japanese, 156, 160,
409, 457, 632
Wavell, General Archibald, 659, 660
Washington Conference, 279
Washington, George, 784
Wedemeyer, General Albert C., 822
Wei Li-huang, 823
Whampoo Academy, 386
Willkie, Wendell, 703, 704
Women's movement, 381
World Charter, 841
Wuchang and Hankow, 814
Wuhan, 78, 97, 120, 125, 126, 127
Wuhan government 1926, 338
"Yamato," 90
Yangtze River, 125, 132
Yi Yin, 201 ; Singleness of Virtue, 203
Y.M.C.A. International Committee of,
303
Yugoslavia, 838
Yonai, 409
Yoshinori Adagami, 268
Youth, 316, 782
Yuan Dynasty, 162, 167
Yuan Shih-kai, 80, 146, 826
Yuanling, 231
Yunnan, 541, 632, 777, 788, 819
888
1 27 390
