THE COLLECTED WARTIME MESSAGES
OF GENERALISSIMO CHIANG KAI-SHEK
Volume One
PROLOGUE
CHINA RESISTS JAPAN
1937-1938
CHINA FIGHTS ON
1938-1940
CHINA FIGHTS AND BUILDS
1940-1941
Volume Two
CHINA FIGHTS AND BUILDS
(Continued)
CHINA FIGHTS ON WITH ALLIES
1941-1943
CHINA FIGHTS ON TO VICTORY
1943-1945
EPILOGUE
The Collected " :
Wartime Messages of
Generalissimo
CHIANG KAI-SHEK
1937-1945
Compiled by
CHINESE MINISTRY OF INFORMATION
m|
ri'j
Volume Two
1940 - 1945
THE JOHN DAY COMPANY NEW YORK
Generalissimo Chiang addresses Army officers
Contents
VOLUME ONE
A Note on the Translation xiii
Foreword xv
A Glossary of Terms xx
Chronology xxiii
PROLOGUE
1 Resistance to Aggression and Renaissance of the Nation.
?(?> ^934 page i
I. CHINA RESISTS JAPAN (1937-1938)
2 The Limit of China's Endurance. July 17, 7937 21
3 On National Reconstruction. July 18, 7937 26
4 Drive Out the Invader. July, 1937 36
5 National Solidarity. September 24, 7937 41
6 Fight to Win. October 9, 7937 44
7 After the Fall of Nanking. December 16, 7937 49
8 Avenge This Great Wrong. February 79, 7938 53
9 My Religious Faith. April 16, 1938 59
10 The Responsibilities of China's Youth. July 16, 1938 63
11 China's Path to Victory. July 6, 1938 71
12 The Choice Before Us. July 7, 1938 76
13 Japan: Enemy of Humanity. July 7, 7938 83
14 An Appeal to Japan. July 7, 1938 89
15 Our Successes. August 73, 7938 93
1 6 Revolutionary Education. August 28, 1938 99
17 To the People of Manchuria. September 18, 1938 1 10
18 Worldwide Significance of China's Struggle. October
10,1938 116
II. CHINA FIGHTS ON (1938-1940)
19 Our Power of Resistance Grows Stronger. October
10, 1938 123
CONTENTS
20 A Turning Point in Our Struggle. October 25, 1938 page 125
2 1 The Second Stage of the War. November 28, 1938 132
22 Japan's So-Galled New Order. December 26, 1938 134
23 Wholesome Recreation. December 31, 1938 148
24 Responsibility of Local Leaders. January 19, 1939 153
25 China Cannot Be Conquered. January 26, 1939 158
26 Reply to Tribute from Oxford. February 3, 1939 174
27 Mobilizing Our Spiritual Forces. February is, 1939 176
28 Japanese Landing on Hainan Island. February 12, 1939 184
29 The New Life Movement in Wartime. February 18, 1939 187
30 Message to the Christians of America. February 20, 1939 194
31 China's March Towards Democracy. February 21, 1939 195
32 Educators and the War. March 5, 1939 206
33 Spiritual Mobilization and Victory. April 17, 1939 216
34 The Basis for Peace. April 18, 1939 219
35 The Citizen's Pact. May i, 1939 221
36 Wartime Production. May 75, 1939 225
37 Bombing of Civilian Areas and Open Towns. May i6 f
'939 231
38 China's Struggle and International Peace. May si,
*939 236
39 A Call to Overseas Chinese. June 21, 1939 238
40 The Only Answer to Aggressors. July 7, 7939 245
41 Prepare for Victory. July 7, 1939 247
42 A Common Front Against Aggression. July 7, 1959 255
43 Pensioning the Families of the War Dead. July 7, 1939 259
44 Resistance in the Enemy's Rear. July 7, 1939 262
45 To the People of Japan. July 7, 1939 266
46 No Far Eastern Munich. July 24, 1939 298
47 Appreciation of the Y.M.C.A. July 28, 1939 303
48 Chinese Mohammedans and the War. July 29, 1939 305
49 Appeal to Britain. July 29, 1939 307
50 Laying the Foundations of Local Self-Government.
August 12, 1939 309
51 Mission of the People of Shanghai. August 13, 1939 312
52 Justice and Equality. August 18, 1939 320
53 Effect of the World Crisis on Chinese Resistance.
August 29, 1939 322
54 China and the European War. September 9, 1939 324
CONTENTS
55 Rights and Obligations of the Chinese People. September
18, 1939 page 329
56 Wang Ching-wei, the Traitor. October i, 1939 336
57 The People's War. October 10, 1939 - 341
58 Japan's Dilemma. November ia, 1939 345
59 Wang Ching-wei's Secret Agreement with Japan.
January 93, 1940 358
60 We Will Not Be Slaves. January 23, 1940 364
III. CHINA FIGHTS AND BUILDS (1940-1941)
61 New Life in Wartime. February 18, 1940 377
62 The Educator's Mission in China Today. February so,
f940 383
63 Citizens' Education. March u, 1940 388
64 Spiritual Ramparts and Weapons. March 12, 1940 392
65 Education in Uniform. March 19, 1940 399
66 The Responsibilities of Modern Journalists. March 22,
1940 401
67 No Relaxation of Our Efforts. April i, 1940 405
68 Prototype of China's Democratic Institutions. April 10,
1940 416
69 The Way to Local Autonomy. May i, 1940 426
70 Opium the National Enemy. June 3, 1940 443
71 How to Bring a New China into Existence. June 4, 1940 447
VOLUME TWO
Chronology xiii
III. CHINA FIGHTS AND BUILDS (1940-1941)
Continued
72 A Just War. July 7, 1940 451
73 The Unmistakable Issues. July 7, 1940 463
74 Crimes and Corruption of the Japanese Militarists.
July 7, 1940 467
75 The Forces of Truth and Justice. July 8 f 1940 482
76 Japanese Phrases and Pretensions. July 8, 1940 485
77 The Day of Deliverance Shall Come. August 13, 1940 493
78 The Power of Thrift. September 7, 1940 500
79 Manchuria: Hell on Earth. September 18, 1940 505
CONTENTS
80 The International Role of the Republic. October 10,
1940 page 514
8 1 The Nadir of Konoye's Career. December 2, 1940 524
82 Light of New Hope. January i, 1941 534
83 Burma-Chinese Relationship. January iS 9 1941 54 1
84 The Function of Revolutionary Discipline. January 97,
1941 543
85 National Defense First. March i, 1941 555
86 Solidarity Defeats the Enemy. March 6, 1941 565
87 Future Objectives of Spiritual Mobilization. March 12,
194* 573
88 The Kuomintang and National Leadership. March 24,
194* 57 8
89 Bonds Between China and America. May 10, 1941 584
90 A Balanced Development in National Finances. June 16,
194^ 59
9 1 Stronger Co-operation of Democracies Against Aggression.
July 7, 1941 600
92 That All May Not Be Lost in the Hour of Triumph.
July 7, 1941 604
93 The Time Sets Against the Aggressor. August 13, 1941 61 1
94 The Northeast and Territorial Integrity. September i8 9
I94f 6l 5
95 Vigilance and Discipline. October 10, 1941 622
96 The Engineer's Role in National Crisis. October 20,
1941 625
97 Growing Unity Among Anti-Aggression Nations.
November 7, 1941 628
IV. CHINA FIGHTS ON WITH ALLIES ( 1941-1943)
98 America's Chance to Strike at Japan. November 17, 1941 631
99 In Defense of Freedom. November 17, 1941 637
100 All We Are and All We Have. December B, 1941 640
101 The Common Struggle Against the Axis. December io 9
1941 641
1 02 Assistance to Friendly Governments. December n, 1941 644
103 Increase Our Fighting Strength. December /j, 1941 646
104 A New Outlook and New Efforts. December 31, 1941 650
105 Solidarity Between Burma and China 653
CONTENTS
106 Chinese and Indians Have the Same Destiny. February
9, 1942 P a 8 e 658
107 A Wartime Way of Life. February 18, 1942 662
108 One Half of the World's People. February 21, 1942 665
109 To the Flying Tigers, Salute. February 28, 1942 669
1 10 The Duties of a Vanguard. March 12, 1942 675
1 1 1 Strike the Enemy from Every Vantage Point. March
20, 1942 68 1
112 Of Man and Material. May 4, 1942 683
113 Morale Plus Equipment. May 31, 1942 688
1 14 The Importance of Food Policy in Wartime. June 2,
1942 690
115 China's War, A World War. July 7, 794* 697
1 1 6 To the Chinese Expeditionary Forces in India. August 4,
1942 7*
117 A Friend from Distant Lands. October 3, 1942 703
118 Loyalty and Reciprocity. October io f 1942 707
119 Beautiful and Touching Gesture. October 13, 1942 710
120 National and Allied Co-operation. October 22, 1942 712
1 2 1 The End of Unequal Treaties in China. October 31, 1942 7 1 7
122 From Man's Oldest Parliament. November 12, 1942 722
123 China's After- War Aims. November 17, 1942 727
124 The Comradeship of the United Nations. December J,
194* 73
125 A New World Order Built on Christian Love. December
*5> *94* 732
126 New Treaties: New Responsibilities. January n, 1943 734
V. CHINA FIGHTS ON TO VICTORY (i943-'945)
127 Our Spiritual Force. February 18, 1943 738
128 To the People of Thailand. February 26, 1943 742
129 Six Years of Sacrifices. July 7, 1943 745
130 To the People of the United Nations. July 7, 1943 750
131 A Political Problem. September 13, 1943 756
132 The State of the Nation. September 18, 1943 758
133 The People and the State. October 10, 1943 762
134 Toward Constitutionalism. November 12, 1943 766
135 The Truth of Life. December 24, 1943 771
136 A Solid Foundation for Victory. January i, 1944 776
xi
CONTENTS
137 From Students to Soldiers. January H, 1944 page 782
138 China and the United States. June 34, 1944 785
139 Our Seven Years' Fight. July 7, 1944 787
140 Before Final Victory. September 5, 1944 792
141 Basis for Political Settlement. September 16, 1944 798
1422 Success in War and Revolution. October 10, 1944 800
143 The Party and the Nation. November 12, 1944 804
144 Faith in Victory. December 24, 1944 81 1
145 Victory and Democracy. December 31, 1944 814
146 The Task Before Us. January 5, 1945 818
147 A Road to Victory. January 28, 1945 821
148 Unity and Constitutionalism. March i, 1945 826
149 A Great Loss to the World. April 13, 1945 831
150 Building a New China. May 5, 7945 833
151 This Unprecedented Triumph. May io 9 1945 836
152 Victory in Europe. May 12, 1945 838
153 Eight Years of War. July 7, 1945 841
154 Our Government's Two Obligations. July 7, 1945 844
155 A New Ally Against Japan. August 9, 1945 849
156 This Day of Victory. August 75, 1945 850
157 Our Complete Victory. August 75, 7945 853
158 National Independence and Racial Equality. August 24*
^945 854
159 The Attainment of Final Victory. September 3, 1945 86 1
EPILOGUE
1 60 The Northeast Fourteen Years After. September 18,
'945 867
Index of Titles 873
Bibliographical Index 877
Index 883
Chronology
1937-1945
(Continued from Volume One)
FOURTH YEAR
July 7, 1940 Third anniversary of war.
A Just War. Message to the army and people.
The Unmistakable Issues. Message to friendly na-
tions.
Crimes and Corruption of the Japanese Militarists.
Message to the Japanese people.
July 8, 1940 The Forces of Truth and Justice. Broadcast to the
American people.
Japanese Phrases and Pretensions. Qosing address
at Seventh Plenary Session of the Central Execu-
tive Committee and the Central Supervisory Com-
mittee of the Kuomintang.
July 17, 1940 Britain under Churchill's new government, yields to
Japanese demands, closes Burma Road for three
months.
July 27, 1940 China concludes new trade treaty with Russia.
Aug. 13, 1940 The Day of Deliverance Shall Come. Message to
people in the occupied areas.
Sept. 7, 1940 The Power of Thrift. Appeal to the nation to sup-
port the Thrift and Savings Movement.
Sept. 9, 1940 Chungking proclaimed the auxiliary capital.
Sept. 18, 1940 Manchuria: Hell on Earth. Message on ninth an-
niversary of Japan's invasion of Manchuria.
Sept. 23, 1940 Japanese army marches into French Indo-China.
Sept. 25, 1940 Third U.S. commercial loan to China of $25,000,000.
Sept. 27, 1940 Japan signs triple military alliance pact with Ger-
many and Italy.
Oct. 10, 1940 The International Role of the Republic. Message
on the twenty-ninth anniversary of the Chinese Re-
public.
xiii
CHRONOLOGY
Oct. 16, 1940 U.S. embargoes all forms of iron and steel to Japan.
Oct. 18, 1940 Japan's attempt to secure a "negotiated peace"
fails and Britain reopens Burma Road.
Oct. 28, 1940 China recaptures Nanning, Kwangsi Province.
Nov. 30, 1940 U.S. extends to China $100,000,000 credit, half for
general purposes, half for currency stabilization.
Hull disapproves Japan's recognition of Wang
Ching-wei.
Dec. 2, 1940 The Nadir of Konoye's Career. Report at the
weekly memorial service of the National Govern-
ment.
Dec. 10, 1940 London announces new loan of 10,000,000 to
China.
Jan. 1, 1941 Light of New Hope. New Year's message.
Jan. 12, 1941 Chungking announces a third Chinese-Soviet trade
pact.
Jan. 18, 1941 Burma-Chinese Relationship. Reply to a letter of
greeting written by U Ba Lwin, Burmese leader.
Jan. 27, 1941 The Function of Revolutionary Discipline. Speech
at weekly assembly of the National Government.
March 1, 1941 National Defense First. Speech at inaugural ses-
sion of Second People's Political Council.
March 6, 1941 Again National Solidarity. Report to People's
Political Council on the Government's attitude
toward the demands of the Chinese Communist
Party.
March 11, 1941 President Roosevelt signs Lend-Lease Bill.
March 12, 1941 Future Objectives of Spiritual Mobilisation.
Broadcast on second anniversary of the Spiritual
Mobilization Movement.
March 24, 1941 The Kuomintang and National Leadership. Open-
ing address at the Eighth Plenary Session of the
Central Executive and Central Supervisory com-
mittees of the Kuomintang Party.
April 6, 1941 Germany invades Yugoslavia.
April 13, 1941 Russia and Japan sign a four-point neutrality pact.
April 27, 1941 Greece falls.
xiv
CHRONOLOGY
May 10, 1941 Bonds Between China and America. Address at
farewell dinner to Ambassador Nelson T. Johnson.
May 31, 1941 Hull-Quo exchange of letters states U.S. intention
of relinquishing extraterritorial rights and other
special privileges in China.
June 16, 1941 A Balanced Development in National Finances.
Address at the Third National Financial Confer-
ence.
June 22, 1941 Germany invades Soviet Union.
July 1, 1941 Chungking severs diplomatic relations with Berlin
and Rome after Axis recognition of Wang Ching-
wei regime.
FIFTH YEAR
July 7, 1941 Fourth anniversary of war.
Stronger Co-operation of Democracies Against
Aggression. Message to friendly nations.
That All May Not Be Lost in the Hour of Triumph.
Message to the army and people.
July 14, 1941 British-Chinese notes reaffirm Britain's willingness
to abolish extraterritoriality.
July 25, 1941 Washington freezes all Japanese assets in America.
Britain takes similar action a day later.
Aug. 13, 1941 The Time Sets Against the Aggressor. Message
marking fourth anniversary of fighting in Shang-
hai.
Aug. 14, 1941 Roosevelt and Churchill proclaim Atlantic Charter
and eight-point peace program.
Sept. IS, 194130,000 puppet Nanking troops mutiny.
Sept. 18, 1941 The Northeast and Territorial Integrity. Message
on tenth anniversary of Japanese occupation of
Manchuria.
Oct. 1, 1941 Chinese score big victory in Second Battle of
Changsha,
Oct. 10, 1941 Vigilance and Discipline. Message to the nation'
on thirtieth anniversary of the founding of the
Chinese Republic.
CHRONOLOGY
Oct. 11, 1941 Chinese reoccupy Ichang; forced to abandon it two
days later after enemy's use of poison gas.
Oct 20, 1941 Engineers' Role in National Crisis. Message to
meeting of Association of Chinese Engineers.
Nov. 1, 1941 Chinese reoccupy Chengchow.
Nov. 7, 1941 Growing Unity Among Anti-aggression Nations.
Interview with a group of foreign correspondents.
Nov. 17, 1941 Roosevelt confers with Kurusu.
America's Chance to Strike at Japan. Opening
address to Second Session of Second People's
Political Council.
In Defense of Freedom. Messages to the United
States, Britain and Australia.
Nov. 24, 1941 China objects to limited Pacific settlement.
Dec. 7, 1941 Japanese naval and air forces launch surprise at-
tack on Pearl Harbor.
Dec. 8, 1941 All We Are and All We Have. Exchange with
President Roosevelt on day after Pearl Harbor.
Dec. 9, 1941 China declars war on Japan, Germany and Italy,
pledges full aid to Allies.
Dec. 10, 1941 The Common Struggle Against the Axis. Message
to the army and people at home and abroad.
Dec. 11, 1941 Assistance to Friendly Governments. Message
to members of Chinese communities overseas.
Dec. 15, 1941 Increase Our Fighting Strength. Opening address
at Ninth Plenary Session of the Kuomintang Cen-
tral Executive Committee.
Dec. 25, 1941 Hong Kong surrenders.
Pacific military council called in Chungking by
Generalissimo Chiang with Major-Gen. George H.
Brett (U.S.) and Gen. Sir Archibald P. Wavell
(Britain) attending.
Dec. 31, 1941^4 New Outlook and New Efforts. New Year's
message to the Chinese people and army.
Solidarity Between Burma and China. Message
to the people of Burma.
Jan. 2, 1942 "Declaration by United States" signed in Washing-
xvi
CHRONOLOGY
ton by U.S., Britain, Russia, China and twenty-two
other nations.
Jan. 4, 1942 China frustrates a third time Japan's attempt to
take Changsha; enemy suffers debacle.
Feb. 9, 1942 Chinese and Indians Have the Same Destiny. Two
speeches made in India during his visit there.
Feb. 12, 1942 New U.S. $500,000,000 loan made to China.
Feb. 15, 1942 Singapore surrenders to Japan.
Feb. 18, 1942^4 Wartime Way of Life. Message to the nation on
eighth anniversary of the New Life Movement.
Feb. 21, 1942 One Half of the World's People. Farewell mes-
sage to the Indian people.
Feb. 28, 1942 To the Flying Tigers, Salute. Speech at dinner for
the American Volunteer Group.
March 7, 1942 Bandung, Java, falls.
March 9, 1942 Rangoon falls.
March 12, 1942 The Duties of a Vanguard. Broadcast to the na-
tion on third anniversary of the Spiritual Mobili-
zation Movement.
March 19, 1942 U.S. Lieut-Gen. Joseph W. Stilwell, appointed
commander of 5th and 6th Chinese armies fighting
in Burma.
March 20, 1942 Strike From Every Vantage Point. Message to
the people of Australia.
April 9, 1942 Bataan falls after three months' fighting.
April 18, 1942 Tokyo and other cities bombed by U.S. planes.
April 30, 1942-Lashio falls.
May 4, 1942 Of Man and Material. Broadcast on National
Mobilization Act.
May 15, 1942 Japan opens new drive in Chekiang Province to
destroy Allied air bases in China.
May 17, 1942 Chinese check Japanese attempt to invade Yunnan
Province via Burma Road.
May 19, 1942 Government spokesman issues urgent appeal to
U.S. for bombers and pursuit planes.
May 31, 1942 Morale plus Equipment. Broadcast to America at
the invitation of the U.S. War Department.
xvii
CHRONOLOGY
June 2, 1942 The Importance of Food Policy in Wartime. Ad-
dress at the National Food Administration Con-
ference.
June 27, 1942 Japanese take Lishui in Chekiang Province, the
last of three important "bomb- Japan" bases.
June 29, 1943 Japanese routed from Shansi-Honan border.
July 4, 1942 A.V.G. reorganized as United States Army Air
Force in China.
SIXTH YEAR
July 7, 1942 Fifth anniversary of war.
China's War, A World War. Broadcast to the
Chinese people and army.
Aug. 11, 1942 U.S. Air Force in China raids five major Japanese
bases at Canton, Hankow, Nanchang, Hsienning
and Yochow.
Aug. 14, 1942 To the Chinese Expeditionary Forces in India. In-
structions to the officers and men of the Chinese
Expeditionary Forces in India.
Aug. 29, 1942 Chinese retake Chuhsien and Lishui, climaxing a
series of victories in counter-offensive along
Kiangsi-Chekiang Railway.
Oct. 3, 1942 A Friend from Distant Lands. Speech at dinner
to welcome Wendell L. Willkie.
Oct. 9, 1942 U.S. and Britain announce readiness to negotiate
for abolition of extraterritorial rights in China.
Oct. 10, 1942 Loyalty and Reciprocity. Message to the nation
on thirty-first anniversary of the Chinese Republic.
Oct. 13, 1942 A Beautiful and Touching Gesture. Message to
President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill
on relinquishment of extraterritorial rights in China.
Oct. 22, 1942 National and Allied Co-operation. Opening ad-
dress at Third People's Political Council.
Oct. 31, 1942 The End of Unequal Treaties in China. Closing
address at Third People's Political Council.
Nov. 12, 1942 From Man's Oldest Parliament. Speech at dinner
to welcome the British Parliamentary Mission.
xviii
CHRONOLOGY
Nov. 17, 1942 China's After-War Aims. Message to the New
York Herald Tribune Forum on Current Problems.
Nov. 27, 1942 Madame Chiang Kai-shek arrives in U.S.
Dec. 7, 1942 First anniversary of Pearl Harbor.
The Comradeship of the United Nations. Messages
to President Roosevelt and Prime Ministers Church-
ill, Curtin and King.
Dec. 25, 1942 vl New World Built on Christian Love. Christmas
message to Allied officers and men in Chungking.
Dec. 31, 1942 Chinese Military Mission to U.S. recalled.
Jan. 11, 1943 U.S. and Britain sign treaties with China abolish-
ing extraterritorial rights and special privileges.
New Treaties: New Responsibilities. Message to
the people and army of China.
Jan. 27, 1943 President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill
conclude ten day conference near Casablanca.
Feb. 9, 1943 Battle for Guadalcanal ends in Allied victory.
Feb. 18, 1943 Mme. Chiang addresses both houses of U.S. Con-
gress.
Our Spiritual Force. Broadcast to the nation on
ninth anniversary of the New Life Movement.
Feb. 26, 1943 To the People of Thailand. Message to the armed
forces and people of Thailand.
April 20, 1943 Details of Doolittle raid revealed by U.S. War
Department.
April 28, 1943 Generalissimo Chiang reveals that entire popula-
tions of Chinese coastal areas were wiped out by
Japanese troops for giving succor to Doolittle's
men.
May 12, 1943 Battle in North Africa ends with complete Allied
victory in Tunisia.
May 19, 1943 Hearings begin before House Immigration and
Naturalization Committee on repeal of Chinese
exclusion laws.
May 20, 1943 Japanese start all-out offensive along Hupeh-Hunan
border, southwest from Ichang and northwest from
Tungting Lake.
xix
CHRONOLOGY
May 30, 1943 Chinese counter-offensive stops Japanese drives
toward Chungking.
June 1, 1943 Aided by Chinese and U.S. Army Air Forces,
Chinese route five enemy divisions southwest of
Ichang.
June 10, 1943 Washington announces agreement reached among
China, U.S., Britain and U.S.S.R. on Inter-Allied
Relief and Rehabilitation Administration.
June 16, 1943 Mme. Chiang addresses both houses of Canadian
Parliament.
June 17, 1943 Chinese military spokesman announces conclusion
of western Hupeh and northern Hunan campaign
with 40,000 Japs dead and wounded.
SEVENTH YEAR
July 7, 1943 Sixth anniversary of war.
Six Years of Sacrifices. Message to the nation.
To the Peoples of the United Nations.
July 9, 194310,000 Japs attack Chinese positions in Taiheng
Mountains.
July 19, 1943 U.S. planes bomb Paramushiro Island for first time
in the war.
Aug. 1, 1943 China severs diplomatic relations with Vichy
France.
Aug. 2, 1943 Lin Sen, 79-year-old President of China, dies.
Aug. 18, 1943 President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill
meet in Quebec, Canada, for their sixth conference
of the war, participated in by Foreign Minister
T. V. Soong of China.
Aug. 24, 1943 Joint Roosevelt-Churchill statement at close of
Quebec Conference dedars that military discussions
"turned very largely upon the war against Japan
and the bringing of effective aid to China. 1 '
Aug. 25, 1943 Allied Southeast Asia Command created under
Lord Mountbatten.
Sept. 9, 1943 Italy's unconditional surrender to Allies announced.
Armistice was signed on September 3.
xx
CHRONOLOGY
Sept. 12, 1943 Decision to convene a People's Congress within
one year after the conclusion of the war announced
by the Eleventh Plenary Session of the Fifth Cen-
tral Executive Committee of the Kuomintang.
Sept. 13, 1943 Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek unanimously elected
President of China.
A Political Problem. Instructions for the settle-
ment of the problem of the Chinese Communist
Party.
Sept. 18, 1943 The State of the Nation. Address at inaugural
sessions of the second convention of the Third
People's Political Council.
Oct. 10, 1943 The People and the State. Message on the thirty-
second anniversary of the Republic and upon his
inauguration as President of the Republic of China.
Oct. 29, 1943 Chinese stop Japanese in East China drive begun
October 1, retaking Siaofeng, northwest of Hang-
chow.
Nov. 1, 1943 Joint four-power (U.S., Britain, Russia and China)
declaration issued at conclusion of Moscow Con-
ference (Oct. 20-30).
Japanese launch new drive into Hunan "rice bowl"
region.
Chinese forces under General Stilwell move into
north Burma, guarding construction of Ledo Road.
Nov. 5, 1943 Generalissimo Chiang concludes five-day military
conference with American and British war leaders.
Nov. 12, 1943 Toward Constitutionalism. Address at inaugural
meeting of Committee for Establishment of Con-
stitutional Government on Sun Yat-sen's birthday
anniversary.
Nov. 21, 1943 Japanese make determined effort to encircle Chang-
teh, west of Tungting Lake, Hunan.
Dec. 1, 1943 Cairo Conference (Nov. 22-26) of Chiang, Roose-
velt and Churchill announced.
Dec. 3, 1943 Moscow- announces meeting of Roosevelt and
Churchill with Stalin at Teheran as terminated.
xxi
CHRONOLOGY
Changteh lost to enemy after fifteen-day siege.
Dec. 9, 1943 Chinese recapture Changteh, with support of U.S.
14th Air Force, pushing enemy back in northern
Hunan.
Dec. 17, 1943 President Roosevelt signs bill repealing 60-year-old
Chinese Exclusion Laws.
Dec. 24, 1943 The Truth of Life. Christmas Eve broadcast to
wounded and sick soldiers.
Jan. 1, 1944 A Solid Foundation for Victory. Radio address to
Chinese army and people.
Jan. 2, 1944 Chinese push through Hukawng Valley, North
Burma.
Jan. 11, 1944 From Students to Soldiers. Speech to five hundred
student volunteers.
Jan. 20, 1944 116-mile road-link connecting Ledo Road from
India with roads in North Burma completed.
Feb. 1, 1944 President Roosevelt issues statement on American
objectives in Asia.
U.S. forces invade Marshall Islands, fighting on
Japanese territory for first time in the war.
Feb. 4, 1944 U.S. naval task force attacks Paramushiro for
the first time.
Feb. 16, 1944 Truk, Japanese base in South Pacific, attacked by
task forces of U.S. Pacific Fleet.
March 6, 1944 Chinese capture Maingkwan, strategic town in
Hukawng Valley, Burma.
March 17, 1944 Four enemy columns open drive across upper
Chindwin River toward India.
April 1, 1944 Soviet Union renews agreement on fishing rights
with Japan.
April 18, 1944 Japanese open major offensive in Honan, near
Chengchow (Chenghsien), to clear Chinese-held
sections of Peiping-Hankow line.
April 30, 1944 Japanese open new offensive in Anhwei, about 190
miles northwest of Nanking.
May 10, 1944 Chinese forces strike across Salween River in
Yunnan to join Gen. Stilwell's Chinese-American
troops in Burma,
xxii
CHRONOLOGY
May 12, 1944 Japanese win control of entire length of Peiping-
Hankow Railway after three-week offensive, sur-
round Loyang on east-west Lunghai Railway.
May 17, 1044 Lin Tsu-han, Chinese Communist representative,
arrives in Chungking to confer with President
Chiang.
May 18, 1944 Allies seize Myitkyina airdrome and attack city,
main Japanese base in North Burma.
May 24, 1944 Chinese break enemy drive in Honan, recapture
sectors of Peiping-Hankow Railway.
May 29, 1944 Japanese open new offensive in Hunan in attempt
to seize control of Hankow-Canton Railroad.
May 30, 1944 U.S. invites Britain, Russia and China to partici-
pate in informal conversations on formation of an
international organization to maintain post-war se-
curity.
June 6, 1944 Allies invade western Europe.
June 11, 1944 Chinese occupy Lungling, second major enemy
base in Yunnan.
June 14, 1944 American forces land on Saipan Island.
June 15, 1944 President Roosevelt advances plan for post-war
international security calling for the formation of
"a fully representative organization of peace-loving
countries."
June 15, 1944 Japan bombed for the second time in the war.
B-29 Superfortresses of the newly formed 20th U.S.
Air Force used for the first time; also first direct
attack on Japan Proper from China bases.
June 16, 1944 Chinese capture Kamaing, North Burma.
June 17, 1944 Japanese bypass besieged Changsha, push on toward
Hengyang, key city on Hankow-Canton Railroad.
June 18, 1944 Changsha falls following concentrated attack by
more than 50,000 enemy troops under cover of
planes and artillery.
June 20, 1944 U.S. Vice-President Henry A. Wallace arrives in
Chungking for conference with President Chiang.
June 24, 1944 China and the United States. Joint release issued
xxiii
CHRONOLOGY
by Gen. Chiang and Vice-President Wallace at the
. conclusion of the latter's visit in Chungking.
June 27, 1944 Chinese and British-Indian forces capture Mo-
gaung, North Burma.
July 1, 1944 Japanese launch offensive northward from Canton.
July 2, 1944 Vice-President Wallace leaves Lanchow for U.S.
EIGHTH YEAR
July 7, 1944 Seventh anniversary of war.
Our Seven Years' Fight. Message to the nation.
July 9, 1944 U.S. forces complete conquest of Saipan.
July 20, 1944 Japanese Tojo Cabinet resigns.
July 21, 1944 U.S. forces land on Guam.
July 22, 1944 Japanese Cabinet under General Koiso formed.
Aug. 1, 1944 Habeas Corpus Act enforced.
Sino-Mexican Treaty of Amity signed in Mexico
City.
Aug. 4, 1944 Allies capture Myitkyina, important North Burma
town.
Aug. 8, 1944 Hengyang falls to enemy after 47-day siege.
Aug. 20, 1944 Washington Conversations on International Or-
ganization open at Dumbarton Oaks.
Sept. 1, 1944 Seven Japanese divisions launch major offensive
along 80-mile front from Hengyang toward Kweilin.
Sept. 5, 1944 Before Final Victory. Opening address at Third
Plenary Session of the Third People's Political
Council.
Sept. 6, 1944 Donald M. Nelson, American WPB chairman, and
Major-Gen. Patrick J. Hurley arrive in Chungking
on mission for President Roosevelt.
Sept. 9, 1944 Gen. Stilwell's Chinese-American forces and
Chinese units from Salween area make their first
juncture between Myitkyina and Tengchung.
Sept. 11, 1944 President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill
arrive in Quebec for second conference.
Sept. 14, 1944 Chinese recapture Tengchung, Yunnan, first large
city liberated in seven years of war.
xxiv
CHRONOLOGY
Sept. 16, 1944 Basis for Political Settlement. Address at Third
Plenary Session of the Third People's Political
Council.
Sept. 29, 1944 Chinese phase of Dumbarton Oaks Conference
opens.
Oct. 10, 1944 Success in War and Revolution. Message to the
nation on thirty-third anniversary of the Chinese
Republic.
Oct. 19, 1944 U.S. forces under Gen. MacArthur land on the
Philippines.
Oct. 28, 1944 Gen. Stilwell recalled to the U.S.; Major-Gen.
Albert C. Wedemeyer appointed commander of
U.S. forces in China, and Lt.-Gen. Daniel I. Sultan,
commander of Burma-India forces.
Nov. 1, 1944 President Roosevelt confirms report of resignation
of Clarence E. Gauss, U.S. Ambassador to China
since 1941.
Nov. 3, 1944 Chinese recapture Lungling, Burma Road city.
Nov. 12, 1944 Kweilin lost to enemy.
The Party and the Nation. Message on the fiftieth
anniversary of the Kuomintang.
Nov. 20, 1944 Changes in Chinese Government in move to
strengthen war effort.
Nov. 26, 1944 Nanning ( Yungning) in Kwangsi, falls to Japanese.
Nov. 27, 1944 Major-Gen. Patrick J. Hurley made U.S. Ambas-
sador to China.
Dec. 2, 1944 Chinese recapture Chefang, last important Japa-
nese-held town on Burma Road in Yunnan Prov-
ince.
Dec. 11, 1944 Chinese clear Kweichow Province of Japanese.
Dec. 15, 1944 Chinese capture enemy base of Bhamo, Burma.
Dec. 24, 1944 Faith in Victory. Broadcast message on Christ-
mas Eve.
Dec. 31, 1944 Victory and Democracy. Message to the people on
New Year's Eve.
Jan. 5, 1945 -The Task Before Us. Address at New Year din-
ner to Allied officers.
XXV
CHRONOLOGY
Jan. IS, 1945 Chinese take Namhkam, last Burma town on Ledo-
Burma Road.
Jan. 20, 1945 Chinese retake Wanting; new Myitkyina-Teng-
chung road opens.
Jan. 22, 1945 Ledo-Burma Road entirely cleared of Japs.
Jan. 28, 1945 First convoy to China in almost three years rolls
into Wanting over Leo-Burma Road. President
Chiang names highway Stilwell Road.
Kukong, Kwangtung provisional capital, on Canton-
Hankow Railway, falls.
A Road to Victory. Broadcast to the United States
on the opening of the Stilwell Road.
Feb. 9, 1945 Chinese Army Headquarters established in Kun-
ming. General Ho Ying-chin named commander-
in-chief of ground forces.
Feb. 10, 1945 Koiso Cabinet again reshuffled.
Feb. 12, 1945 Big Three Crimea (Yalta) Conference announced.
Feb. 15, 1945 U.S. naval task force attacks Tokyo.
China announces plans for conscripting 500,000
men.
Feb. 21, 1945 Second Koiso Cabinet reshuffle in eleven days.
March 1, 1945 Unity and Constitutionalism. Address at opening
meeting of Preparatory Commission for Inaugura-
tion of Constitutional Government.
March 5, 1945 U.S. Government, on behalf of the other sponsor-
ing powers Britain, Russia and China invites
thirty-nine nations to San Francisco Conference.
March 7, 1945 Chinese recapture old Burma Road terminus of
Lashio.
March 16, 1945 Battle of Iwo Jima ends.
March 18, 1945 Chinese take Hsipaw, Burma Road junction.
March 20, 1945 Mandalay falls to British and Indian troops after
twelve-day siege.
March 29, 1945 Nanchang recaptured by Chinese.
April 1, 1945 U.S. troops land on Okinawa, main island of
Liuchius (Ryukyus).
XXVI
CHRONOLOGY
April 2, 1945 Exchange of ratifications of Sino-Canadian Treaty
in Chungking.
April 5, 1945 Soviet Russia denounces its neutrality past with
Japan. MacArthur and Nimitz named U.S. com-
manders, respectively, of army and navy forces in
Pacific. Japanese open drive in Shensi.
April 6, 1945 Chinese launch counter-offensive in Shensi.
April 7, 1945 New Japanese Premier Admiral Suzuki forms
"battle" cabinet.
April 12, 1945 President Franklin Delano Roosevelt dies at Warm
Springs, Ga.
Vice-President Harry S. Truman takes office.
April 13, 1945 Chinese recapture of Laohokow announced; its loss
was admitted day before.
A Great Loss to the World. Message of con-
dolence on the death of President Roosevelt.
April 25, 1945 United Nations Conference on International Or-
ganization opens in San Francisco.
May 5, 1945 Building a New China. Opening address at Sixth
National Congress of the Kuomintang.
May 7, 1945 Germany surrenders unconditionally to the Allies.
May 8, 1945 V-E Day proclaimed.
May 10, 1945 This Unprecedented Triumph. V-E Day messages
to Allied leaders.
Chinese troops smash enemy drive on Chihkiang,
Hunan.
May 12, 1945 Victory in Europe. Address at reception celebrat-
ing the Allied victory in Europe.
May 13, 1945 Chinese troops enter Foochow.
May 17, 1945 President Chiang reelected Tsungtsai (Director-
General) of Kuomintang.
May 27, 1945 Chinese recapture Nanning, southern Kwangsi.
May 31, 1945 T. V. Soong appointed President of the Executive
Yuan (Premier).
June 18, 1945 Chinese recapture port of Wenchow.
June 21, 1945 U.S. forces conquer Okinawa.
June 22, 1945 Chinese troops enter Liuchow, Kwangsi Province.
xxvii
CHRONOLOGY
June 26, 1945 San Francisco Conference closes after signing ol
World Charter by fifty nations.
June 27, 1945 General MacArthur declares conquest of Luzon
complete.
June 29, 1945 Chinese forces recapture Liuchow.
June 30, 1945 Premier T. V. Soong arrives in Moscow for con-
versations with Premier Stalin.
July 5, 1945 Gen. MacArthur announces liberation of entire
Philippines.
NINTH YEAR
July 7, 1945 Eighth anniversary of war.
Eight Years of War. Message to the Chinese
people and army.
Our Government's Two Obligations. Opening ad-
dress at Fourth People's Political Council.
July 12, 1945 Gen. George Stratemeyer named commanding gen-
eral of U.S. Air Forces in the China Theater.
July 14, 1945 Gen. Claire L. Chennault retires as commander of
U.S. 14th Air Force. '
July 17, 1945 American Third Fleet, joined by British Pacific
Fleet, attacks Tokyo area.
July 18, 1945 Chinese completely recapture Kanhsien, Kiangsi.
July 20, 1945 Chinese take Yiyang, south of Lake Tungting.
July 26, 1945 China, U.S. and Britain issue the Potsdam Decla-
ration, calling on Japan to quit now or be destroyed.
July 27, 1945 Chinese recapture Kweilin, Kwangsi.
July 31, 1945 Supreme National Defense Council approves
China's adherence to the United Nations Charter
and the Bretton Woods Agreement.
Aug. 6, 1945 President Truman announces use of atomic bomb
on Hiroshima, sixteen hours after attack.
Aug. 7, 1945 Chinese recapture South China port of Yeungkong
on "invasion coast."
Aug. 8, 1945 Soviet Union declares war on Japan, attacks enemy
on Manchurian border.
Aug. 9, 1945 Second atomic bomb dropped on Nagasaki.
xxviii
CHRONOLOGY
A New Ally Against Japan. Message to General-
issimo Stalin on Soviet declaration of war against
Japan.
Aug. 10, 1945 Japan offers to accept Potsdam surrender terms
provided Allies give assurance regarding sovereignty
of emperor.
Aug. 11, 1945 U.S., China, Britain and Russia agree to Jap sur-
render proposal if emperor takes orders from
supreme Allied commander.
Aug. 14, 1045 China and Soviet Union sign 30-year Treaty of
Friendship and Alliance and series of supplemen-
tary agreements.
Japan surrenders, ending World War II and China's
eight-year War of Resistance against Japanese
agression.
Aug. 15, 1945 This Day of Victory. Radio messages to the peace-
loving nations of the world and the soldiers and
civilians of China on the surrender of Japan.
Our Complete Victory. Congratulatory message
to President Truman on the surrender of Japan.
Aug. 16, 1945 Generalissimo Chiang invites Chinese Communist
leader Mao Tse-tung to come to Chungking for
conference, issues orders to Gen. Yasutsugu Oka-
mura, supreme commander of Japanese forces in
China, to cease all hostilities.
Aug. 17, 1945 Prince Naruhiko Higashi-kuni named to head new
Japanese Cabinet.
Aug. 19, 1945 Japanese surrender emissaries fly to Manila to re-
ceive instructions from Gen. MacArthur, Supreme
Allied Commander.
Aug. 21, 1945 Japanese emissaries arrive at Chihkiang to receive
instructions from Gen. Ho Ying-chin for surrender
to China.
Aug. 23, 1945 Soviet Union announces entire Japanese Kwantung
Army surrendered on August 19.
Aug. 24, 1945 A/Mono/ Independence and Racial Equality. Ad-
dress to joint session of Supreme National Defense
xxix
CHRONOLOGY
Coundl and Kuomintang Central Executive Com-
mittee.
Aug. 26, 1945 Texts of Chinese-Soviet Treaty of Friendship and
Alliance and related agreements, ratified on Aug.
25, made public.
Communist leader Mao Tse-tung agrees to come
to Chungking in response to third invitation.
Aug. 28, 1945 First American landing in Japan made at Atsugi
airdrome, sixteen miles southwest of Tokyo.
Aug. 30, 1945 Occupation of Japan by American troops begins.
Aug. 31, 1945 Chinese First Army liberates Canton.
Sept. 2, 1945 Formal unconditional surrender of Japan to the
Allies signed on board the U.S.S. "Missouri" in
Tokyo Bay. Gen. MacArthur signs as Supreme
Allied Commander; Gen. Hsu Yung-chang signs
as representative of China.
Sept 3, 1945 V-J Day.
Chungking begins three-day celebration.
The Attainment oj Final Victory. V-J Day mes-
sage to the nation.
EPILOGUE
Sept. 5, 1945 First Chinese troops arrive in Nanking to take over
city.
Sept. 8, 1945 Gen. MacArthur enters Tokyo.
Sept. 9, 1945 Gen. Yo Ying-chin receives formal surrender of
the Japanese in China from Gen. Okamura in
Nanking.
Sept. 10, 1945 Gen. MacArthur orders dissolution of the Japanese
Imperial General Headquarters, effective Sept. 13.
Sept. 11, 1945 Gen. MacArthur issues first list of Pacific War
criminals, orders arrest of forty.
Sept. 12, 1945 Chinese take over control of Shanghai, complete
reoccupation of Canton.
Sept. 18, 1945 The Northeast Fourteen Years After. Message
to the nation on fourteenth anniversary of the
Mukden incident.
XXX
Ill
CZ?!iLiraeL FigHts and Builds
72
A Just War
A message to the army and people on the third
anniversary of the war, July 7, 1940.
JULY 7, 1940.
HPHE Chinese people's sacred War of Resistance enters today upon
A its fourth year. The enemy said at first that three months would
be sufficient for the conquest of China. Now they have been fighting
for three years and their illusory hopes of an early conclusion to the
war have been smashed by the heroic striving of our whole army and
people. The Japanese militarists' dallying with shameless traitors
and their organization of several puppet administrations have availed
them nothing toward escape from their disillusioned and shiftless
state of mind. Our stout and persevering resistance has compelled
the Japanese to watch the European war now in progress for ten
months without moving a finger to fish in those troubled waters, and
now they have reason to fear the war will come to an end before
they have any chance to try their luck in that field. Recently there
has been a general outcry in Japan for a speedy conclusion to the
"China Incident" a clear indication of the alarm whether we ob-
serve the situation at home, in Japan, or in the world at large, the
enemy is seen to be reduced to a degree of embarrassment and ex-
haustion in singular contrast to our confidence in final victory. This
is to be put down to the hard struggle and magnanimous sacrifices
of our soldiers and other countrymen. I, in the position of supreme
leader entrusted me by my fellow-countrymen, looking back over the
past three years of fighting, place at the very head of all I have to
say today a commemorative salute of respect for all those who have
laid down their lives for the country and resistance.
Our resistance is fought to defend our national independence and
world justice, to right a great wrong, and to oppose aggression. It
is pre-eminently worthy among modern wars of being called a
"just war." Directly it began we solemnly resolved to stop nowhere
short of the goal we saw before us ; no hardships were to be avoided,
451
A JUST WAR
no sacrifices held too great: all were prepared to do the utmost
required by loyalty to the Three Principles of the People and if
necessary to give their lives for the Republic. Vainly seeking to
conceal his weaknesses by means of blind inroads and indiscriminate
bombing, the enemy only reveals his anxiety and despair the more
clearly, making himself a laughing-stock for the world. He suc-
ceeds only in increasing the indignation of our people and intensifying
the sufferings of his own people.
All of us, whether at the front, in the rear or even abroad, have
only to strive on with one heart and one will, mindful of the blood-
won lessons these years of war have afforded us, resolve not to
slacken our efforts until the enemy is driven from our soil thus the
enemy's utter ruin will inescapably overtake him in due course of
time. On this significant anniversary I wish to express the hope that
you will all keep in mind the greatness of the revolutionary direc-
tions bequeathed us by the Tsungli and the rich heritage left us by
our ancestors, so that the moment when we were compelled to resist
three years ago may remain decisive in our national policy, and that
by fulfilling it with all vigor we may maintain the character of the
nation and keep alive the spirit of rectitude among men. I hope
still more that our army and people will recall the tragic history
of all that has been suffered during the past three years, each man
bethinking himself of what he owes himself, of whether he need feel
shame to call himself a citizen of this age, a descendant of Hwang Ti
and a disciple of Dr. Sun, Father of the Republic.
During the past three years I have repeatedly done my best to
inform you of the facts about resistance ; with what I have said you
may correlate your own observations of events. Today, at the
opening of this fourth year of war, let us review the past situation
at home and abroad, and more especially the phenomena of the year
just gone by in order that we may take stock of the decline of the
enemy's strength, of the rapid approach of victory and the necessity*
of our struggling steadily on. In surveying the situation on the
enemy side we must especially mark the statement regarding the
"New Order in East Asia" made at the time of the first Konoye
Cabinet. It has been a main factor in the production of internal
anomalies in Japan and her isolation among the nations. A sequel
to it was the so-called "Outline of Provisions for Readjustment of
452
A JUST WAR
Relations between Japan and China/' the secret pact concluded by the
Japanese with Wang Ching-wei. Since the Mukden Incident, the
Japanese militarists have been continually on the watch for cracks
in our defenses of which to take advantage, but before the statement
appeared their lust for domination found only fragmentary expres-
sion, their ambitions were half-veiled and not wholly apparent.
When the day of the Konoye statement came, however, they were
seen to be absolutely without decency in the complete avowal of their
determination to trample on freedom in the world. From it we
understood clearly it was their intention entirely to deprive us of our
territory and enslave all succeeding generations of our race. Sub-
sequently the revelation of the Wang agreement showed the Konoye
plan advanced another stage in concrete application. It demon-
strated the enemy's intention of making himself master of our
country body and soul, as it were. Our whole people were to become
their slaves and chattels, with no freedom of action whatever. This
complete revelation of a prodigious scheme of conquest angered the
Chinese people as much as it shocked the world. It intensified our
determination to defend ourselves and added to the internal disagree,
ments and contradictions in Japan. From that time the merest
child among the Chinese people knew that it was necessary to fight
to the death if our independence and existence were to be maintained.
Let us take one of the simplest and apparently least important
of the points in Konoye's statement the so-called demand for
freedom of residence and commercial transactions of Japanese
subjects in China. This would amount in practice to the cluttering
up of every district and village in the country with Japanese ronin
and spies; everywhere there would be Japanese special service men
under whose surveillance the Chinese people would have no freedom
of mind or body. Only such traitors as Wang Ching-wei pretend
to be ignorant of the obvious facts. No individual among our people
or those abroad fails to see the truth with perfect clarity. All coun-
tries having relations with the Far East know that Konoye's plan
would imply the domination of Eastern Asia, the exclusion of
European and American interests and the reduction of Pacific affairs
to a state of chaos. When Konoye resigned he was succeeded by
Hiranuma and Yonai. These successors, being all dependent upon
the militarists, naturally took up Konoye's lead and outdid him in
453
A JUST WAR
his own line. For the war-oppressed Japanese people there was
despair of release from their sufferings.
The program and aims of our resistance are clear. They consist
of nothing beyond the preservation of our people's existence and
independence. What we are putting our whole strength to strive
for is the complete evacuation of the enemy forces from our soil and
the restoration of our territorial and administrative integrity. Much
as we hate the Japanese militarists, we have no intention of harbor-
ing undying hatred for the innocent Japanese people. Since the
Japanese ambitions became clear for what they are through the ex-
posure of the notorious treaty signed by Wang Ching-wei and his
recognition of the "New Order in East Asia" we had no other course
than to rise up to strike at this heaven-flouting ringleader of aggres-
sors, against whom every nation in the world is on its guard. The
Japanese people, meanwhile, have known no better than to follow
blindly wherever the militarists have led them, throwing themselves
into the grave prepared for them. Among them, therefore, and in
the ranks of the Japanese armies anti-war feeling and disgust with the
war have grown more intense from day to day. While the morale
of the invaders has thus been sinking, political conditions in Japan
have been as steadily deteriorating. In foreign relations Japan's
isolation has become perilous. All this is due to the Konoye state-
ment.
The military, political, economic and diplomatic symptoms of
the enemy's critical plight are clearer now than even a year previously.
Speaking of the military aspect, it may be remarked that the enemy's
capacity for the offensive in both the south and north war areas has
notably declined. The appointment of Nishio as Commander-in-
Chief of the Japanese Expeditionary Forces in an attempt to secure
unity of command failed to achieve the desired effect, for morale
was already too badly impaired. For our part, our fighting experi-
ence has been enriched and we have frequently been able to deal
the enemy blows of unexpected force with troops very poorly
equipped. During the year past the enemy has succeeded in taking
from us only one strategic point, Manning and that at great expense.
Elsewhere in the Yellow, Yangtze and Pearl river areas they have
gained nothing. In southern Shansi at Luliang, in the T'aihang and
Chungt'iao hills the enemy has tasted the sting of our counter-
454
A JUST WAR
mopping-up operations and has been unable to withstand them.
Apart from this there was the victory of last September to November
in northern Hunan, that of March and April this year at Wuyuan
in Suiyuan, and that of April and May in Honan and Hupeh. On
each occasion the enemy casualties were severe. Recently the battles
fought on the west bank of the Han River, at Ichang and Hsiangyang,
have been proceeding for two months or more. The enemy has
not definitely occupied any point of real value: he has everywhere
been foiled by our "magnetic tactics." The repeated loss and recap-
ture of Kaifeng and Hsinyang has displayed our hold on the initia-
tive. A year of fighting has again and again revealed the vast dis-
crepancy between the comparative strengths of the Japanese and
ourselves in the past and now. This is at bottom to be put down to
the vagueness of the ideas the Japanese have of what they ard
fighting for with the result that a degeneration of discipline and the
will to fight has set in among their soldiery, while we have proved
able to exchange a passive attitude for an active one in our strategy
we have taken to attacking where once we only stood on the de-
fensive. At the same time our fighting experience has been en-
riched, our hostility to the Japanese has been intensified, the topo-
graphical element in the field has increasingly favored us, so that
we have continually employed our peculiar tactics of drawing out?
the enemy with success. In short, our power and morale have been
growing and improving, while the enemy's man power and resources
have been reduced almost to an end. On this momentous day at
the opening of the fourth year of this War of Resistance, I am in a
position to assure all my fellow-countrymen that we now can be fully
confident of final victory.
In reference to politics and economics. Our political scene
has since resistance began shown features of great significance; de-
velopments have taken place with a steady order of procedure toward
an appointed goal. In Japan, on the other hand, where the founda-
tion of political health had long been undermined, the war has caused
chaotic confusion to attain an unheard-of degree. With us Resistance
and Reconstruction have been proceeding in step: together they form
a national policy subscribed to by all members of the community.
This year past has seen great progress in the unification of the
national will, in co-operation between army and people, in their
455
A JUST WAR
detestation of the enemy and his puppets, and this has been due to
the formative influence of this national policy. The multiform efforts
we have put into fundamental political reform and our resolution
to build a new constitutionally sound San Min Chu I China are
features of it. In Japan political rifts have grown more striking;
many cabinets have come and gone; discontent has been spreading
among the people. The recent movement set on foot by Konoye
for the organization of a so-called New Party is only a device where-
by to achieve the enslavement of all the parties once having a separate
existence, and the destruction of all the old constitutional checks
on the absolutism of the militarists. The tendency that will un-
doubtedly result is bound to be one of extreme reaction and total
lawlessness. A comparison of the effects of the war upon the enemy
and ourselves shows, therefore, on our side gradual constitutional
advance and on the Japanese side the further deterioration of an
already decadent constitutionalism into a state of utter anarchy.
Economically speaking, China is a country of unique natural
endowments, while the Japanese have made piracy their trade.
Nature has provided us with the requisite conditions for fighting
a protracted War of Resistance. The land is not only large in area,
rich in the variety of its products and highly populous; its people
are also naturally hard-working and self-denying. We need not
fear blockade. Moreover we early prepared to meet the threat of
blockade. Had the enemy blockaded us a year earlier than he did
we should certainly have experienced considerably greater diffi-
culties than we actually have. By the present time we have largely
made our industry self-sufficient and its foundations are now secure
from any effect of the Japanese blockade. We are a people finding
new life in the efforts our situation calls from us; as it oppresses
us more and more our production creates newer and greater achieve-
ments. I once said : "Resistance will prove beneficial to the develop-
ment of our whole economic system and its success." We have just
resolved upon a second "three-year plan for wartime economy." I
believe that men of all ranks and classes throughout the land will
respond to the grave needs of the time by enhancing their enthusiasm
in working for the rapid completion of the plan. The opening up
of new communications, the increase of rural credit loans, the
building of new factories, the increase of mining production, the
456
A JUST WAK
building up of our financial system, are all enterprises bearing on the
development of healthy economic conditions in the rear. In Japan
we see dearth of rice, coal and electricity producing effects clearly
marked in the country's everyday life. The budget forced through
the Diet session held this year ran to a figure as vast as 10,300,000,000
Yen. The frequent droughts, typhoons and earthquakes that have
shaken Japan have further accentuated the burdens weighing upon
her people. Her national debt long ago exceeded the figure supposed
to mean ruin by twice as much again and more. Though they cry
out for mobilization of resources they are really like men trying to
fish in a dried-up pond. Paralysis of industry and social unrest
are daily more acute. The contrast in this respect is, therefore, of a
Japan on the one hand destined to economic collapse and a China
about to achieve in the midst of difficulties an economic rebirth.
With regard to the international situation, our resistance has all
along been a stabilizing force in the Far East. Had there not been
these three years of resistance Japan would certainly have fished in
the troubled waters of Europe after the outbreak of the war there,
by carrying into effect some predatory design or other. What
might have become of Far Eastern affairs policy was early deter-
mined upon not long after the war began, and it has since under-
gone no change. We have consistently resisted the aggression of
the Japanese and we have consistently observed our international
undertakings ; we have consistently maintained our right to determine
our foreign relations autonomously, without tolerating restrictive
interference from others ; we have consistently refused to join in the
Anti-Comintern pact. We have held our end and duty to be the
preservation for China of a free and equal status among the nations.
No peace-loving nation in the world would attack us, for countries
to which that name may be applied are all our friends. Multi-
tudinous vicissitudes have convulsed the face of world affairs, but
our guiding principle has remained unshaken. Our stout and reso-
lute attitude has made us worthy of the reputation of "one standing
for a righteous cause who receives much assistance." During the
past year all friendly countries have continued to afford us moral
and material assistance and have won our gratitude. The Japanese,
on the other hand, have frequently varied the trend of their foreign
policy. Their procedure in relation to other countries has grown
457
A JUST WAB
increasingly haphazard. Speaking only of the year just past, they
began by talking of closer relations with the "Axis" Powers, then
they were equally emphatic about adjusting their relations with
Soviet Russia; next they were vociferating about improvement of
relations with America. All of this proved nugatory. Their schem-
ing mind was long ago seen through by the world. Now that Japan
has no reserve of strength sufficient to permit her intervention in
the European war she is powerless to obtain the partnership of any
other country.
Today the diplomatic isolation of Japan is even more marked
than a year ago. She was hard hit by the abrogation of the Com-
mercial Treaty with America and the passing of the Embargo Leg-
islation by the U. S. Congress. Since the American decision to build
up armaments Japan's military preparedness has been confronted
with a hitherto unprecedented challenge. The very basis of her
national existence has been shaken, since Japanese economy depends
on the one hand upon the exploitation of Chinese resources and on
the other upon the purchase of machinery from America to keep up
her production and military supplies. As things are, China's unceas-
ing resistance in the occupied areas as elsewhere has prevented her
obtaining raw materials from China, while the application of all
her fighting forces is perturbing the Japanese in a way they can ill
conceal. In the last analysis her unhappy situation and the bonds
she has herself fitted to her limbs are all products of her aggression
in China.
Taking all the above points together we can affirm that our
resistance has by now in all respects, military, political, economic,
and diplomatic, reduced the enemy to prostration. Our army and
people, however, must bear clearly in mind that while self-confidence
is indispensable, any slackening of effort is equally inadmissible.
The more truly confident a man is the more cautious and strenuous
he should be. Everybody in China realizes that if the Japanese
militarists' designs were to succeed there would follow not only the
destruction of our nation but also that of our race. Let us take
advantage of this occasion to recall the atrocities and barbarous con-
duct perpetrated by the Japanese in the occupied areas. It has
been such that the human mind finds it diffcult to conceive. There
have been cases enough in history of enmity between nations and it
458
A JUST WAR
has often led to war; but there is no historical precedent for the
brutality and vileness of the Japanese invaders. Since the Mukden
Outrage wherever they have gone they have left a trail of drugs,
opium, heroin, and prostitution, banditry and roguery of all kinds.
The aim of it all is to ruin the minds, morals and physique of our
people. They are now carrying this behavior from the Northeastern
provinces and North China into Central and South China. The un-
scrupulous villainy of the Japanese is beyond the power of verbal
description. If we fail to exert ourselves in this struggle to the
death and drive the invaders from our soil we and our descendants
will lose not merely freedom but even any hope of survival. The
whole people must therefore prepare to maintain, under all circum-
stances, the strength of a stout heart to fight the enemy to the bitter
end without a day or moment of relaxation.
For three years we have been resisting ; a revolutionary war is of
its nature of no definite period of duration; time has, as it were,
to be wrested from the struggle, fresh energy being laid in as it
proceeds. In this war we have as much need to reconstruct as to
drive back the enemy. I wish today once again solemnly to em-
phasize a number of points that demand your united efforts.
(1) The practice of Spiritual Mobilization, the strict enforce-
ment of the Citizen's Pact, loyal observance of the Three Principles
of the People, and support of the National Government, obedience
to the dictates of honesty, decency, and discipline; to the end that
everybody may make the interests of the nation supreme with him
and be ready to sacrifice his own accordingly. The more catastrophic
the changes that convulse the world, the more urgent the situation
grows, the firmer and bolder we must be, building up an unshakable
citadel of the spirit wherein every descendant of Hwang Ti may do
his part in the hard trials that must yet precede final victory.
(2) There must be unanimous support of the military plans of
the Government, acceptance of the military service regulations and
ready response to the call for enlistment. Officers and men alike,
and especially high ranking commanders, should feel no undue
exuberance at successes nor discouragement at reverses, maintaining
strict discipline and doing their full duty no matter whether their
place be at the front or in the rear of the enemy, striking relentless
459
A JUST WAB
blows according to plan and rendering constantly more formidable the
military foundation already laid.
(3) Unanimous support of the Government's political plans.
We have everyone of us a share in the responsibility for advancing
local autonomy and carrying into practice the new system of hsien
administration, thus establishing a firm basis for the constitutional
law of the Five Rights. This is necessary work for the building
up of national strength and the concentration of the power of the
people required as much for protracted resistance as for the lasting
prosperity of the country. The leaders of all Party and social or-
ganizations, influential figures in local districts, and teachers in uni-
versities and schools must make themselves exemplary in all they
do and say in this respect. They have to take upon themselves as
their own responsibility the fulfillment of the Three Principles of
the People, opposing to the Japanese and puppet schemes of political
domination an indivisible loyalty and solidarity.
(4) Unanimous support of the Government's economic plans,
for the concentration of resources, technical knowledge, and labor
power among fellow-countrymen both at home and abroad. Pro-
duction and reconstruction in the rear must be pushed forward and
completed in due time. There must be endurance and self-denial
in order to achieve genuine frugality and conservation of resources,
the expansion of co-operative enterprises, the elimination of specu-
lative hoarding and cornering of goods, the prevention of profiteering,
getting from the soil all it can yield, and procuring an unhindered
flow of commerce. At the front and in the rear it is even more im-
perative strictly to blockade the enemy and expand the scope of
non-co-operation with the enemy and the puppets. It must be real-
ized that the Japanese, now at the end of their tether in mind and
body, and reduced to indiscriminate bombing as a mere means of
intimidation, will tend to turn more and more to the expedient of.
economic spoliation. We must, therefore, redouble our efforts to
suppress smuggling and eradicate enemy goods and to preserve our
own resources from falling into enemy hands. The importance of
these counter-measures is not smaller than that of frontline warfare.
(5) Unanimous reliance upon, and support of, the Govern-
ment's foreign policy. Our foreign policy has been one of consistent
support for justice and equity: of seeking with other nations har-
460
A JUST WAB
monious relations based on good faith. Ever since the Mukden
Outrage there has been no change in it. With the outbreak of the
war in July of 1937 we established the principle that only violators
of our national and territorial sovereignty were our enemies, while
those who sympathized with us or aided us were our friends. Hold-
ing fast to this central idea, we have never wavered. Every soldier
and citizen must grasp this and support this national policy, that the
China of Resistance may be worthy of the world's respect and not
fail the expectations of friendly nations. Then will sympathy and
co-operation from others be forthcoming in greater abundance for
the destruction of the aggressor and the establishment of peace in
the Far East and the world,
I am charged with a weighty trust by Party and nation and in
accordance with it for three years I have been leading the War of
Resistance. Whenever I reflect on the sacrifices made by our courage-
ous officers and men and upon the sufferings and misery of so many
of my fellow-countrymen, and of the melancholy plight of those
in the occupied areas, I feel that every day that passes without vic-
tory and revenge is a day of my own personal failure to discharge
my responsibility. What, however, I can reassure you all of is
that the policy of resistance we have been pursuing for these three
years past is absolutely sound and proper. Carried to its logical
conclusion it will undoubtedly mean the victory of our revolutionary
Three Principles of the People. In this faith I immerse myself in
the great task.
At this time, when victory and success are near at hand, caution
and circumspection are the more especially needed; and proposals
favorable to Resistance and Reconstruction must be embraced and
all criticism so favorable must be accepted for the guidance of
responsible officials, who must exert themselves to see valuable sug-
gestions put into practice. Thus may the souls in heaven of the
Tsungli and the revolutionary martyrs be consoled and the fervent
longings of millions of fellow-countrymen be satisfied. It is to be
hoped that all in positions of military and civil responsibility, and
leaders of all sections of society, will realize that the War of Re-
sistance having come to its present stage is due to the power of the
Three Principles of the People. We must, therefore, with one
heart and one will adhere to those principles and personally fulfill
46J
A JUST WAB
their requirements. Our duty is not only resistance to Japan for
the salvation of China but also for the salvation of Asia and the
world. "With pure motives there can be no yielding." So must we
conceive our mission and hence draw our confidence in success.
We are now on the eve of victory and at the same time at the
gravest stage of our struggle. Forward then, with enthusiasm
increasing in proportion to the dimensions of the struggle; for the
sake of China and of humanity we are to create a lasting prosperity
for the future. Our solidarity and our efforts go to the fulfillment
of a sacred mission which has historically fallen to be ours.
462
73
The Unmistakable Issues
A message to friendly nations on aid to China,
delivered on the third anniversary of the war, July
7, 1940.
JULY 7, 1940.
fPHIS is the third anniversary of the day on which China began
to resist the military aggression of Japan. I desire on this
occasion to give friendly nations a terse account of the light in which
the Sino- Japanese War and the world situation are viewed by the
Chinese Government and people.
From the very beginning of our resistance we have held that
the scope of our cause is not limited only to a defense of China's
existence and independence; it also comprehends a service of the
greatest value to the future of world order and human prosperity.
The recent great changes in the European situation have fully proved
the complete accuracy of this belief of ours.
The Japanese militarists have long entertained an ambition of
world conquest, and their attack on China is but the first step in
their whole scheme of aggression. Had China not fought for the
past three years, Japan would early have taken advantage of the
opportunity to be found in the European war by directly attacking
friendly nations' territory and rights on the shores of the Pacific.
As things are, however, China, notwithstanding her original deficien-
cies in point of military equipment, has, by virtue of her people's
united spirit of resolution and sacrifice, brought Japan in three
years near the point of exhaustion and collapse.
In contending with China's stout resistance, Japan has been
steadily drained of her military and economic strength, while the
fighting morale of both her people and army has seen an even more
acute decline. The result is that Japan has by now lost the power
to act as an arbiter of Pacific affairs and all her schemes of conquest
and monopoly have become unrealizable. We may congratulate our-
selves upon this fact which is no less satisfactory to friendly nations
than to us.
463
THE UNMISTAKABLE ISSUES
Our resistance having achieved the effects I have just described,
the confidence of our whole nation in the future of the war is ever
mounting. During the past year, such have been the reverses suf-
fered by the armed forces of the Japanese militarists that they have
turned to political devices, hoping by the employment of puppets
to shatter the unity of our people.
Since the revelation of the so-called "Outline of Provisions for
Readjustment of Relations between Japan and China" or private com-
pact concluded by Wang Ching-wei with the enemy on December 30
of last year, the merest child among us has become aware of the
shameless treachery and hypocrisy of the Japanese motives. The
unanimous solidarity of the Chinese nation has grown only the
stronger and its detestation of that treachery and hypocrisy only the
more vigorous. This is apparent to all observers both Chinese and
foreign.
No threats or tricks from Japanese quarters can now disturb
the course of this crusade-like struggle for our national independence
and world justice. Until the enemy has entirely cast off his aggres-
sive policy and withdrawn his forces from our soil, resistance will
never halt. This I feel in a position solemnly to reiterate on behalf
of my Government and people, in this present message to citizens
of friendly nations.
The sympathy and aid extended to China by friendly nations
during the past three years have impressed upon our people a sense
of obligation they will never lose. In this respect there are two
points I wish frankly to put before my readers.
The first is: Militarily and economically, Japan is already
plunged deep into a quagmire from which she cannot struggle free.
The Japan of today is quite powerless to make war on any third
nation. The threats she has recently offered the Netherlands East
Indies, Indo-China and Burma are nothing but bullying and base-
less words aimed at the gaining of her predatory and opportunist
ends without resort to war. Let the Powers meet such threats with
discernment and stern resolution, while they collaborate in devising
efficacious means of checking any encroachment. They will thus be
discharging a moral and legal responsibility toward China and
the Far East from which nothing can absolve them. It is the
464
THE UNMISTAKABLE ISSUES
imperative duty of all friendly nations thus to defend the future
order of the world. *
At the outbreak of the Mukden Incident there were some among
the governments of friendly nations that were hesitant and discon-
certed, which inaction has resulted in the present state of disorder
prevailing in the world. If friendly nations now treat the Japanese
threats to Indo-China, Burma, and the Netherlands East Indies with
the same indifference or tolerance, the outcome will prove unthink-
ably grave. China, for her part, will not hesitate to oppose with
force any future aggressive acts of the Japanese in Indo-China or
other Asiatic areas, both with a view to her own security and in
pursuance of her consistent policy of working against aggression.
As a matter of fact, all Japan's moves have for the present as their
central and governing motive the destruction of our country's ex-
istence and independence.
Secondly, despite the war in Europe, Soviet Russia and the
United States have not as yet been involved and they are therefore
fully at liberty to exert themselves in China's favor and in opposi-
tion to Japan. Such action constitutes, I believe, not only the bounden
duty but also the responsibility and right of those two countries.
Japan is peculiarly dependent upon America for the supply of
her military and economic needs. This is a fact universally known.
The recent enactment of embargo legislation by the United States
Congress was an indication of the popular demand for economic
sanctions against Japan. If America and Soviet Russia can speedily
take adequate steps to provide China with material assistance, there
would be little doubt of an early clarification and stabilization of
Pacific affairs such as would not by any means benefit China alone.
Finally, in regard to possible future developments in the world
situation, we have one observation on recent occurrences clearly
and emphatically to make. It is this. For the success of future
efforts for world peace it is essential to change self-sufficient and
short-sighted habits of mind in favor of the notion of collaboration
between all peace-loving nations toward the creation of a strong
international organization built into an effective system of collective
security.
The last two months of experience gained from the European
war lead us to think that without effective organization of collective
465
THE UNMISTAKABLE ISSUES
security among the nations of the world, not only the small and weak
countries, but even the large and strong will lack guarantee for their
safe existence. This lesson we ought to take to heart and never
forget. We ought to exploit every suitable opportunity for realizing
this ideal.
In making this appeal, I am speaking for the four hundred and
fifty million Chinese people, who wish to strive in company with
the citizens of all friendly nations toward this goal, for the establish-
ment of permanent peace in the world and the increase of the pros-
perity of all mankind.
74
Crimes and Corruption of the
Japanese Militarists
A message to the Japanese people issued on the
third anniversary of the war, July 7, 1940.
JULY 7, 1940.
CITIZENS OF JAPAN :
nnODAY is the third anniversary of your militarists' commencing
the war of aggression. On this day of last year I addressed a
message to you, wherein every conception and fact I spoke of has been
proved true by the course of events in the year now past. What I
said then I need not repeat. I wish today to go into some far-
reaching and fundamental questions.
During the past year militarists have attacked China by all
manner of methods, military, political, and economic. They have
exploited to the full every device their ingenuity could suggest,
without success. While you have been in a state of vacillation and
depression, a year of great world changes has passed. These changes
have had their effect on every nation, and the face of world affairs for
fifty or a hundred years to come will bear their imprint. In carrying
on our War of Resistance to aggression, we have frequently had
occasion to consider the status and responsibilities of China in the
light of those changes, while Japan's position has engaged our atten-
tion in a similar sense.
What I wish first to bring up today is this point. The follow-
ning is my simple but relevant view of the matter. History shows
that nations rise or fall accordingly as they hold to, or depart from,
the way of truth. The history of a nation's fortunes is always fash-
ioned after its own nature. During three years of your cruel oppres-
sion, we have constantly reflected upon our own state of mind to
guard against committing the errors history warns us to avoid.
I need not hesitate to declare that China's philosophy of the Three
Principles of the People is absolutely sound morally. However the
work! situation may alter, China is, therefore, certain of national
467
CRIMES AND CORRUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MILITARISTS
survival. In the case of your country it is far otherwise, for to
put it in a single phrase, Japan has by now lost the basis of her
national 1 existence.
I cannot go at length into matters of theory : the merest analysis
of the facts concerning your international policy will enable you to
see the true status of Japan in the world today, and whether your
future is likely to be happy or tragic, secure or unsettled. The first
question I would ask you is : With whom among the nations of the
world is Japan on terms of real friendship? In a moment of sober
meditation, you may well be alarmed, for Japan today has really
not a single true friend in the world.
This is the result of the world policy pursued by your ruling class
a policy of flattering the strong and insulting the weak, making
profit the only consideration, thinking military force omnipotent,
and disregarding good faith. Your extreme contempt for your
immediate neighbors has been an especially important factor in
weakening your national prestige. Toward America and the coun-
tries of Europe you have lacked sincerity, violated your pledged
word, always seeking your own advantage, never helping others in
distress, and devoting yourselves entirely to methods of deception
and selfishness. All the Powers have thus been led to be on their
guard against Japan, and to regard her as a potential enemy. The
nations of Eastern Asia directly affected by Japanese depredation
are naturally disposed to combine with all forces in the world op-
posed to Japanese aggression. This has long been the situation,
but during the past year the case has been rendered even clearer.
Let me refer to one incident in particular. During the last
European war Japan declared war on Germany without any proper
reason or necessity whatever. Nominally, she was assisting the
Allies, but in fact she was out to seize Tsingtao and achieve other
aggressive aims in China. At the time of the Peace Conference,
she was one of the five great Powers sharing the responsibility
of drawing up the Versailles Treaty. By becoming a member of
the League of Nations, your country posed as a foundation-stone
of world peace. Post-war Germany made an equitable agreement
with China, then incapacitated by the laissez-jaire attitude of the
Peking government from taking any part in European affairs. In
Germany's darkest hour Japan was not heard to express any sym-
468
CRIMES AND CORRUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MILITARISTS
pathy for her, nor was she heard to express dissatisfaction with the
principles of the League. Only when the League had something to
say in disapproval of her occupying four of China's provinces at
the time of the Mukden Outrage did Japan indignantly withdraw
from it, breaking her obligations, rejecting all criticism, and feeling
no shame but rather hate for others. From that time the countries
having dose concern with the Far East America, Russia, Britain,
and France looked more and more askance at Japan. Germany,
before she had completed her rearmament, she consistently slighted,
until three or four years ago, when she began to press China to join
an anti-Comintern front, and China was unwilling to do so. Ger-
many was by then very strong, and Russo-German relations were
at their worst. When you succeeded in wheedling Germany into
the organization of the Three-Power Anti-Comintern Bloc, she was
clearly your country's dupe in the matter, for your aim was to make
her useful to you, in no way to assist her. All that Germany got out
of the arrangement consisted of beans from the northeast of China,
bartered for airplanes and finished industrial products.
Japan's gain, on the other hand, apart from such machinery,
has been the moral support Germany has accorded her in the matter
of threatening British and American interests in China, 'and coercing
Russia to withdraw her garrisons from Siberia. Japan has never
entertained any notion of lending Germany a helping hand in
Europe : when last year Germany hoped for a military alliance with
her, she fought shy of the proposal. Germany, aware of Japan's
intrigue, resolved immediately to change her policy by resuming
amicable relations with the Soviet Union. You people of Japan
must realize that the conclusion of the Russo-German Non-Aggres-
sion Pact last year was an indication of the total bankruptcy of your
foreign policy, for, since your militarists started their war on China,
with its accompanying attack on European and American interests
in China, they have again and again declared the Anti-Comintern
Pact to be the axis of Japanese foreign policy. When that Pact
became virtually obsolete, Japan was left without a leg to stand on
internationally. Your country fell into an unsteady and worried state
of mind, but its ambitions, together with its policy, remained.
When the European war began, your government declared it
would not participate in it, but made no declaration of neutrality.
469
CRHIB* AND CORRUPTION OF THK JAPANESE MILITARISTS
This was tantamount to a confession to the belligerents that Japan
intended to take full advantage of the war and play the role of an
opportunist. Its intention was, of course, to blackmail Britain and
France, without giving Germany any real assistance. Japan was
out to gain anything she could from the war, toward the attainment
of her desire to conquer Asia and control the Pacific. In reality,
however, Japan is so hampered by her war of aggression that she is
powerless to make any further gamble. She also apprehends the
might of the United States in the Pacific. Since September of last
year she has been tantalized by hopes of gaining more and fears of
losing more.
Japan will never, I assure you, find an opportunity for profiting
substantially by the changes in the European situation. If you
manage to make some slight and transient gains, you will find they
bear you only evil fruit. In the world, modified as it is by recent
disturbances, Japan will stand in greater peril rather than otherwise.
You are approaching a crisis of extreme gravity, to which, how-
ever, your embarrassed militarists are blind. They have now cre-
ated the new phrase "Asiatic autonomy/ 1 apparently supposing their
design of conquering China and controlling the Far East may
stand a better chance of success under yet another name. In fact,
they have already made themselves the laughing-stock of the world,
and with every fresh absurdity only further expose themselves to its
ridicule. Japan has fallen into a state of isolation for which she
will find no remedy. This, and the consequences, you will have
brought upon yourselves. Not only isolation, but opposition from
all sides is menacing you. A glance at world affairs will show you
that small and weak countries are not the only ones to lose their
independence and existence; the strong and populous may equally
meet that fate.
What of you and of your militarists, with their contempt of
moral considerations and their baseless confidence of ability to
conquer Asia and dominate the world? Since the time of the
Mukden Outrage they have believed that by the occupation of China
they could build up a continental empire and drive out British,
American and Russian influence from Asia. In this way your so-
called "Asiatic Monroe Doctrine" was to be put into effect. On
the contrary, Japan's national strength has been irremediably weak-
470
CRIMES AND CORRUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MILITARISTS
ened by her aggressive continental policy. You promote your
"Monroe Doctrine" of "Asiatic autonomy" by the contradictory
process of denying every Asiatic nation its right to exist inde-
pendently, or to exist as anything but a slave to you. Does anyone
suppose the American Monroe Doctrine has any such meaning?
With this sort of topsy-turvy thinking, your militarist rulers are,
as it were, "painting food to satisfy hunger."
For fifty years or more your militarists have been attacking
your neighbors. The latter's resistance is now shaking your country
to its foundations. I may freely say on behalf of the oppressed
nations of Eastern Asia that they are all calling down upon Japan
her speedy ruin. For scores of years Japan will be no military match
for any strong country, while her impaired prestige will deprive
her of friends. A great storm arising out of the vicissitudes the
world is now passing through may at any moment find you unequal
to maintaining a foothold. This cheerless outlook for your future
comes of your militarists' flouting of the fact that nations must
adhere to consistent principles if they are to stand.
If your ruling group is aware of the perils I have spoken of, they
nevertheless persist in their vicious errors, plunging ever deeper
into their conflict with truth and fact. At present your militarists are
still dreaming of finding in the European war means of quickly de-
stroying Chinese independence and subsequently employing Chinese
manpower and resources against the world. Would not three years
of bloody warfare have sufficed to conquer China, if she were to be
conquered? By now China has been proved capable perhaps
uniquely capable of keeping up genuinely prolonged resistance in
defiance of aggression. For one thing you must not forget that,
being the world's largest agricultural country, she can render herself
absolutely self-sufficient and unaffected by blockade ; that she has vast
masses of soldiers, of whom every recruit knows what he is to
fight for; that she possesses a 5,000-year-old civilization and that
the spirit of the Three Principles of the People animates her. These
are factors that determine her invincibility.
I once read a book by a Japanese on the subject of human
geography, and I remember it began with these phrases: "Events are
not to be explained apart from men; men are not to be explained
apart from geography. For a knowledge of human events make
471
GRIMES AND CORRUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MILITARISTS
your first approach to geography/' It is a pity your militarists
have paid no attention to this advice. I said last year that they had
taken no account of the spirit of our people; today I am inclined
to say that they have taken still less account of that important
element in war geography. With a country of such area and popu-
lation as China's there can be no question of success for your mili-
tarists' plans of "speedy victory in a short war," save perhaps at a
period such as that of the declining Ching Dynasty or that of the
corrupt and cowardly Peiping warlords, whereas China has now
been long under the influence of the Three Principles of the People;
the nationalist principle in particular holds sway over the minds of
the entire people. As for a protracted war with China, the mili-
tarists knew that they had no reason to expect victory in such a war.
Had Japan never insulted China, but pulled up short of the
precipice of war, prepared to work together with her on terms of
equality, she would have secured her appropriate place and legiti-
mate interests in Eastern Asia. Or, if your rulers would now recog-
nize the error of their ways and unconditionally withdraw their
forces from Chinese soil, giving up all occupied territory and extraor-
dinary privileges, Japan might again claim to have statesmen, to be
truly seeking good relations with China, and ready to contrive,
in company with her, lasting peace and prosperity in Eastern Asia.
Your militarists, however, clung to the dream of a dictated peace
under the fallen walls of Nanking and Wuhan. Thus they demon-
strated their impolitic failure to understand the new China they were
fighting, and the fact that their war strategy was quite disharmonious
with their policy as a whole. They continued to pile mistake upon
mistake.
In their overweening pride and conceit, they present a spectacle
of ignorance both of themselves and others. When they decided
on large-scale military operations at the commencement of the war,
they belittled it first with the term "North China Incident" and
then later, after the outbreak of hostilities at Shanghai, the "China
Incident/' as though this unprecedentedly long and wearisome war
were for them a mere local incident. This was partly due to their
old habit of making light of China and disregarding her as an inde-
pendent country worthy of equality with others. At the same time
h was clear enough that their intention was to use this word "incident"
CRIMES AND CORRUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MILITARISTS
to deceive you by suggesting that there would be little difficulty in
disposing of the war in a short time at small expense. As things
have turned out, however, the war has already been going on for
three years, your sons and brothers and friends have been compelled
steadily to flow into the battlefields of China, whereon for all the
exceedingly heavy casualties among them no decision has been
reached. Have all the hardships you have endured at the behest
of your militarists brought you any nearer to a solution of the
"China Incident"?
Let me remind you that your rulers have, during this year
gone by, heaped additional outrages upon China and created for you
circumstances even more desperate than before. They concluded,
at last, the secret agreement with the traitor Wang Ching-wei whereby
they hoped cheaply to destroy independent China, draw wool over
the eyes of the world, and extricate themselves from their critical
predicament. Actually, the world has neither swallowed this fraud,
nor has the so-called "China Incident" been by its means brought
any nearer to an end. On the contrary, Chinese determination to
resist has been intensified. Generations of your people to come will
have to face the evil consequences of a future ruined by nothing
but these ideas of a "conquest of China" and "enslavement of China."
You can avoid unimaginable disaster only by repenting and fore-
going those ideas.
Under the agreement with Wang, your militarists planned to
split China into several fragments, all to be controlled by Japanese
agents behind various forms of nominal puppet Chinese administra-
tions. Chinese territory, manpower and resources were thus to be
put at Japan's disposal, while the traitor slaves held up to the world
placards, inscribed with their valueless titles of power. The world
has surely never seen a viler design for subjecting and enslaving
a people. While Wang may, conscienceless as he is, do the bidding
of his Japanese masters, our whole army and people unanimously
recognize the truth. The invaders are no longer confident of being
able to subdue China; they desire to cover a virtual capitulation
with some deceptive trick. Holding, however, to their fundamental
conceptions of right and wrong, the Chinese people will be content
to be nothing but the splendid independent nation they have the
right to be, and are not to be deceived by your misguided politicians
473
CRIMES AND CORRUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MILITARISTS
and barbarous army men. As for the traitors and puppets* in
moments of calm reflection they cannot but feel remorse and in-
effectual regret at the thought of the various forms of injury they
have to endure under the control of the enemy.
The world has by now received full proof of the fact that China
is no country that can be conquered in a few days or weeks; three
years of resistance have seen us overcome many difficulties and
disabilities, while the spirits of our army and people have gone on
mounting. Transformations in the world scene serve only to em-
phasize the significance and importance of China's status. Perhaps
you will say ; "China overestimates Japan's economic difficulties and
underestimates her military strength." I declare that our first con-
sideration is right and wrong, not strength and weakness. We
strive to advance on the straight road before us, holding fast to
justice and equity and undeterred by thoughts of Japanese strength.
Your militarists will find that no tricks will bring them a conclusion
to the war: only a change of heart on their part can do that.
Your politicians do not understand the China of today and they
have no really consistent policy. They merely follow the invading
militarists blindly, being dragged by them to fly in the face of facts
and realities. I have often remarked that with Japan it is not
"strategy governed by policy" but "passive policy toyed with by
violence." You will do well to realize that this tendency is a fatal
injury to your country.
Your militarists know full well that their war of aggression
in China is already a failure, and that the longer the war lasts the
more terrible will be the resultant evils. Why, then, will they still
not consent to withdraw their troops, but continue floundering in the
mud of this quagmire? Are they acting in the interests of their
country, or rather are they not entirely given up to their own private
designs? They are certainly not acting in the interests of Japan,
nor for the sake of her renown. They are out for their own enrich-
ment at the cost of your ruin and distress. At the time of the Boxer
Rebellion there was the silver corruption case; in 1917 there was
the bullion scandal for which Tanaka was responsible instances of
venality on a scale not of course sufficient to plunge Japan into danger
of extinction.
What is now going on is of a more serious nature,
474
GRIMES AND CORRUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MILITARISTS
Your officers of the expeditionary forces are robbing our people
wholesale of money, antiques, and property of all kinds to send
back to Japan. They are everywhere engaged in the exploitation of
their power for their private gain, in smuggling and similar ways.
More than one thousand documents have been published bearing on
these activities. Some of this may be passed over as relatively petty.
But there are also your high commanding officers and special service
men conniving with traitorous merchants at home and abroad,
scheming by stealth or force for their own gain, affording protection
to vice, drug-traffic, gambling, illegitimate forms of taxation, and
so on. Enriched thereby, they often resort to a life of pleasure
and license, depositing their money in foreign banks under assumed
names, and putting out of mind all thought of returning to work in
Japan. Ozaki Shiro writes: "On arriving in Peiping one is im-
mediately struck by the evidence of corruption among the reformed
warriors and their liaison with the opportunists." He also writes:
"In North China the Japanese who become possessed of large
houses seem bound to start running brothels: there is no commoner
phenomenon in North China today. On account of this I once had
a great argument with Matsumura." Stranger still: "The name
assumed by the Japanese brothels is 'Committee for Cultural Work
Among the Resident Population/ This sort of thing naturally
draws the contempt of the Chinese people." If this is how a Japanese
writes of North China, you may imagine what other places under
Japanese occupation are like. We have experienced and witnessed
much that is far worse.
In Japanese documents I have seen much evidence of your
army men's delight in violence and outrage. "Murders," we read,
"have resulted from the practice of barbarities against Chinese
women." Again, "Raping, robbery and incendiarism committed by
Japanese soldiers goes unpunished." And, "In many cases of
soldiers' pillaging Chinese people's property, their superior officers
pretend ignorance of the offences." "Officers will permit stealing
from Chinese people as a means of supplying pay they should have
given out to their men." These are examples taken from documents
originating from your War Office.
Because of the corruption and degeneracy prevalent among
your armies, discipline and self-control have been scattered to the
475
CRIMES AND CORRUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MILITARISTS
winds. The indignation of those of you with consciences has roused
you to report the truth or plan improvement, but your War Office
has stigmatized, oppressed, or arrested those who have sought a
change. I have seen the regulations imposed upon returned soldiers'
words and conduct. One reads : "Army men on leave must carefully
consider all they have seen and heard in the war areas, and in all
they say to others in comment thereon they must take care lest their
words have any adverse effect on the cause." Another reads:
"What effect complete adhesion to fact in what is said might have
on the minds of people at home, must be taken into account, a line
being drawn between what may and what may not be said." A
glance at these regulations will show how your authorities contrive
to hide defeat from you: any news unfavorable to Japan, even
though it may be true in fact, cannot be reported ; anyone reporting
it becomes an "anti-war element." Little wonder, then, that you
do not realize the ghastly truth about the failure of the Japanese
army in China.
Your War Office, in order to conceal its defeats, not only forbids
talk of Japanese reverses, but even of facts regarding the sufferings
and losses among your men at the front and casualties sustained in
the field. They have even put a stop to correspondence and the
sending of "comfort" packs for fear of their containing anti-war
literature. This is symptomatic of the gravity of the situation
continuing to develop, of the excessive degree of repression practiced
by militarists upon their subordinates and the people, and of the utter
falsity of the "Imperial Army's" victories, its fine morale, and the
immense defeats of the Chinese army which they have repeatedly
announced. There are the utterances let fall by Japanese prisoners
of war, from which we have learned of the unequal treatment given
men serving in your armies and of the hardships in their homes.
Innumerable varieties of unjust and outrageous conduct are to be
heard of : the shooting on false charges of straight-minded men, the
burning and burying alive of their own wounded a veritable hell
on earth goes with the Imperial Army, both within it and without it.
Yet it is supposed to be conducting a crusade!
You are constantly told of your army's fighting to liberate
China. I think it is rather your own army and people who await
liberation from the grip of the militarists. What I have said is fully
476
CRIMES AND CORRUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MILITARISTS
substantiated by Japanese documents; it is no invention of "Chinese
propaganda." Unless you withdraw your imperilled Imperial Army
from China in its entirety, not only will it perish but the whole
Japanese nation will follow it to ruin. The men in authority over
you know this too, but they will not consent to that withdrawal for
the following reasons : First, the chiefs of the Japanese forces in China
are mostly engaged in corrupt practices from which they are making
profits on a great scale. To return home would mean for them
not only the loss of what they have already gained, but also the risk
of punishment. Attached to them are their money-grubbing tools,
such as the Special Service organs, pacification corps and so on, who
are still less ready for withdrawal and the consequent certain end of
their pickings. You must realize that these corrupt elements stand
absolutely aloof from the common run of your soldiery, for whose
survival or death they care nothing. They are totally preoccupied
with the business of filling their own pockets with swag. Second,
the militarists are careless of their nation's peril. To maintain their
position they must dissemble their vices and wrong-doing. They
are, therefore, afraid of the honest men who on their return home
en masse would eventually find some organized way of revealing
the truth and impeaching their leaders. The latter leave no device
or pretext untried to effect postponement of withdrawal and a day
of reckoning. They have meanwhile also to keep in check those
soldiers who have already returned home and cut off those in
China from contact with Japan. China, in her attitude toward
enlightened Japanese soldiers, requires of them only a gesture of
sincerity and co-operation for us to treat them with trust and good
will. Since the war began a number of Japanese enthusiasts have
joined in the work of saving Japan and the people of Asia in this way.
These are two reasons for your militarists' consistent opposition
to a withdrawal from China. They adopt various plausible excuses
to cover the motives they dare not avow. It is not that they are
unaware of Japan's peril or of the fact that withdrawal is the one
and only way of saving her or of the certainty of their armies' being
destroyed if they remain indefinitely in China. They know equally
well that China, while she is seeking nothing beyond the restitution
of her territorial and administrative sovereignty, will never consent
to pay Japan reparations in any form. The line they take, there-
477
CRIMES AND CORRUPTION OF THE JAPANBBB MILITARISTS
fore, in excusing their reluctance to withdraw with a pretense of not
being opposed to it, is in these terms: Japan, having sacrificed so
much in lives and treasure, must demand of China reparations and
until these are to be had no withdrawal can take place. Troops
must be stationed permanently at least in North China and Mon-
golia to guarantee the payment of these reparations, so that there
they would still have a base for their dirty dealings. China will not,
however, permit any area to remain garrisoned by Japanese troops,
otherwise she would never have begun resistance. Yet your mili-
tarists do not shrink from deliberately prolonging the war and in-
tensifying the national crisis facing Japan by appeal to these argu-
ments, ready for the sake of their own personal advantage to bring
about their country's collapse. The mere fact that their ill-gotten
gains are put away in foreign banks and not invested at home suffices
to show the nature of their designs. In short, the militarists are not
acting as they are because of ignorance of the facts but from purely
selfish motives.
Consider: With your country inextricably involved in war with
China and as isolated as it is diplomatically, can you still fail to
unite against these self-seeking men, to denounce their evil doings?
There lies your only way of salvation.
In conclusion, I have something more to say of the causes for
your militarists' failure in their conduct of the war in China. They
have no fixed principles or policy ; they simply pursue aggression as
the only trade they know. War, however, necessitates a policy of
some sort. In this conflict they have displayed no such consistent
policy as they had in the times of the Sino- Japanese War of 1894
and the Russo-Japanese War of 1904. During the last three years
you have poured more than two and a half million men into China.
Your leaders started out with the slogan "a rapid decision in a
short war." They had not been fighting more than six months before
they were talking of "protracted warfare." This amounted to an
admission of their inability to bring about that "rapid decision."
When they summoned up their strength for the attack on Wuhan
by five routes, they reverted once again to the "early decision" theme.
Coming to the present day, when the fronts have lengthened and the
casualties sustained have grown to such dimensions, any thought of
their destroying our revolutionary armies at a single stroke is an
478
CRIMES AND COBRUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MILITARISTS
absurd dream. On the contrary, your manpower is being steadily
reduced by us.
I have heard of a proposal to complete a strategic line from
Wuyuan, through Sian, Ichang and Hengyang to Pakhoi longer
than the breadth of Europe. "A long-delayed end to a long drawn-
out war' 1 would appear to be the more appropriate description of
such a strategy as this. For some time the Japanese militarists have
been alternating between the use of the old phrase and talk of a
prolonged war. Then after confusing everybody's minds in this
way they suddenly come out with a great cry of blitzkrieg war-
fare! You may judge for yourselves whether this "lightning" has
been withheld for three years, or one flash of it has lasted for that
lengthy period of time! The degree of mechanization prevailing in
the Japanese army, the state of your heavy industry, and your tech-
nical equipment are all far short of German standards. In addition,
China's topography and communications present obstacles that dis-
pose altogether of any talk of blitzkrieg tactics. Only in our mag-
netic warfare lies the key to victory.
From the first time your militarists made mention of a pro-
tracted war I felt that China had already, strategically speaking,
won an outright victory, for it meant they were to be compelled to
fight in the manner we chose. A belligerent fighting wholly on
hostile territory is indeed compelled to adopt short-term offensive
tactics ; if he has to hold long lines on the defensive he is at a great
disadvantage. China is a land of immense area and rich in natural
resources ; once her attacker is aware of the defeat of his plans for
an early conclusion to the war, her victory is assured. Your com-
manders have themselves invited strategic defeat, for they have con-
ducted the war without any systematic strategy whatever. They can
afford no admission of defeat, however; they are quite prepared
to stake the whole destiny of Japan on a last venture.
On this third anniversary of the outbreak of war, I feel confi-
dent of our preparations to smash whatever fresh attack may come
and attain by no very distant date complete liberation from the ag-
gressor. Of your own sufferings I need scarcely speak of how
hardly won and insecure are your livelihoods, of the purposeless death
of so many among your neighbors and relatives. Why it should be
so, is a question to be answered only by your politicians and army
479
CRIMES AND COEEUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MILITARISTS
men. First of all, ask it of Konoye and his cabinet, responsible as
they are for the whole evil of the war that began on July 7, 1937.
Recollect the time when three years ago your militarists brought
about the "Lukouchiao Incident," and the Konoye Cabinet immedi-
ately dispatched troops on a great scale, and later, when the conflict
was under way, declared that it would be prosecuted until China
submitted. Has that aim been achieved? What glory has been
gained? Can Konoye's "New Order in East Asia" be accomplished
after all that has been sacrificed ? Actually, you may have precipitated
a century of chaos in Eastern Asia by creating hatred between the
Chinese and Japanese peoples. Ask Konoye whether his policy of
puppet administrations and the employment of the traitor Wang
Ching-wei, now eighteen months in his pay, has done anything
toward reducing the proportions of your casualties and other losses?
Have the puppet administrations brought a solution to the "China
Incident"? And finally you had best ask: "What national policy
is Japan to pursue in the world of the future, transformed by violent
changes? What of Japan's status in two or three years to come?"
If she is to rely on armed force, she will be badly off, for in the list
of modern Powers she is steadily declining in rank. She is hampered
by restricted resources and industry. If this politician, so largely
answerable for the aggressive policy of his country, cannot or will not
answer questions, you must seek your own answers.
These words of mine are spoken with the best of intentions,
for your ancestors were students of Chinese classical philosophy for
two thousand years and our hatred is for aggression, not for your
people, for whom we feel sympathy rather than animosity, and with
whom we are ready to work together for the welfare of Eastern
peoples. Resolutely determined to resist, we are aiming only to
drive your armies out of China. We wish you no evil; indeed,
we hope that you yourselves will achieve a reform of your country
and make of Japan a nation of peace and good faith, ready to treat
us on terms of equality and respect, and enjoy with us a common
prosperity.
This is the principle of our San Min Chu I foreign policy; it
is the established national ideal of China. It is an ideal that gives
us confidence in final victory, and it also gives us a certain serenity
of mind in the midst of catastrophic world changes. You must bestir
480
CRIMES AND COBEUPTION OF THE JAPANESE MHJTABI3T8
yourselves to a realization of your friendlessness in the world, in
contrast to our position. We have as our sole enemy your militarists.
And whereas you cannot stand alone and be self-sufficient, we can.
I once again warn you that your country has lost the rudder of its
national existence. To recover it you must start, as I said last year,
by rooting out the idea of enslaving the peoples of Eastern Asia. I
trust that you will give your most earnest consideration to what I
have said.
481
75
The Forces of Truth and Justice
A special broadcast to the American people deliv-
ered on July 8, 1940, at the invitation of the Na-
tional Broadcasting Company of New York. This
English version was read for the Generalissimo by
Madame Chiang.
JULY 8, 1940.
l^HINA stands today on the threshold of the fourth year of
resistance against Japanese aggression. On this significant
occasion, I am glad to avail myself of the invitation of the National
Broadcasting Company to say a few words to you, our American
friends.
America and China, facing each other across the broad expanse
of the Pacific, share intimate and indivisible mutual interests. Upon
our two nations falls equal responsibility in the defense of peace,
justice and civilization in the Far East.
The import of China's resistance is clear enough to the American
people, whose sympathy and support have greatly heartened the
entire Chinese nation. To you all, we are deeply grateful.
I need not here review the course of events of the past three
years of war. Suffice it to say, we in China have fought under great
difficulties, but always with fortitude and perseverance. As a result
of our resolute stand we have, in a large measure, exhausted Japan's
military strength so that today, although she cherishes an inordinate
ambition to control the Pacific, in reality she has lost already her
freedom of action. Thus the sacrifice and the struggle of the
Chinese people have not been in vain.
As you well know, three years ago, at the beginning of hostilities,
we in China were resolved to use all our resources not only to
ensure our own national survival but also to preserve international
faith, human justice, and world order.
In the minds of all Chinese the best way that we can requite the
assistance given to us by the American Government and people is to
482
THB FORCES OF TBUTH AMD JUBTIOB
resist to the bitter end. We are resolutely determined to continue
resistance until the Japanese militarists are thoroughly awakened to
the folly of their present course, until they lay down their arms of
aggression and are ready to honor international pacts, especially the
Nine-Power Treaty. So long as this is not realized, we will continue
fighting. Whatever sacrifices may be entailed, we will not shrink
from them. We owe it to our ancestors to defend our heritage;
we owe it to posterity to work for enduring amity.
The sympathy and good will shown to China by the world at
large are not indications of partiality ; they emanate from a common
will to safeguard human rights against the aggressor.
At this moment of world upheaval, when Japan's lust for
conquest recognizes no limits, we are impressed anew with the
singular value of China's past resistance, and with the weight of
responsibilities yet incumbent upon us.
I dare assure you that China shall not fail in her task ; she shall
acquit herself with dignity and honor. At the same time, it is my
hope that all friendly states will realize their obligations to China'
and live up to them accordingly.
I strongly believe that our request to the American people for
concerted action to restrain Japan's evil desires is fully justified, and
will meet with a favorable response.
Since the Japanese attack on Manchuria in 1931, I have noted
two outstanding features of American opinion and policy.
First, America has consistently disapproved of Japan's brutal
invasion. Despite the preoccupation in the European war of nations
friendly to China, Japan has not felt wholly free from the presence
of a powerful force capable of curbing her wild ambitions in the
Pacific.
Second, before taking definite action, America is always cau-
tious and reserved, but once she is committed to a certain course
she is exceedingly firm and forthright. As President Roosevelt
has stated: "Peace is not to be had for mere aspirations and
empty words." From this it can be seen that America's cautious-
ness is a token of firmness.
The day has arrived for America to take decisive action. Japan
deliberately ignores the statement made by your Secretary of State,
Mr. Cordell Hull, on March 30, 1940, that the United States rejects
483
THE FORCES OF TRUTH AND JUSTICE
"the use of armed force as an instrument of national policy." She
is bent on defying the seriousness of the American Embargo Act.
Thus, if America's fixed policy of opposing aggression is to be truly
effective, if the course of conflagration in the Pacific is ever to be
extinguished, now is the time. There should be no further delay in
putting a stop to the export of war materials to Japan, and in giving
a corresponding increase of support to China.
It is my hope that the people of America should not only support
their government's policy, but should further exert themselves to see
that it is effectively carried out. As the leader of China's resistance,
I wish to repeat for the benefit of our American friends what I said
in 1937, that "the forces of truth and justice, once set in motion,
must emerge triumphant."
484
76
Japanese Phrases and Pretensions
Closing address delivered before the Seventh Plen-
ary Session of the Central Executive Committee
and the Central Supervisory Committee of the Kuo-
mintanff, July 8, 1940.
JULY 8, 1940.
TjjTE ARE now arrived at the closing ceremony of this Session.
For eight days past all of you present have worked under the
great summer heat and in defiance of the enemy's constant raiding at-
tacks, and have brought the Session to a satisfactory conclusion,
despite all difficulties. I believe that any obstacle in our way can he
surmounted if faced with such a spirit. My conviction that our revo-
lutionary task of war and reconstruction will be successfully accom-
plished as we have expected is further fortified. On this occasion
there has been an extraordinary degree of enthusiasm among you
here; the Session, too, has been prolonged beyond the usual period.
Apart from the daily main sittings various committees have
carefully examined particular problems. You have devoted your
whole time each day to the work of the Session. Every proposal
has been given your concentrated powers of mind and discussed in
the light of all your knowledge and experience before being reduced
to a concrete resolution. In the quality of the spirit displayed and
of the results achieved, this Session may be said to be superior to
any previous one. The resolutions passed must be put into effect
with similar zeal. A manifesto has been issued to express the full
mind of the Session. Hence, it calls for no reiteration on my part.
I wish now to take advantage of this opportunity and make some
remarks on various topics of current importance.
First of all, let me give some description of the circumstances
in which the war now finds us. Previous to and during the Session,
the international situation has undergone many violent changes, which
have encouraged Japan to indulge in increasingly extravagant utter-
ances and aggressive gestures in the Pacific. In view of the unusually
485
JAPANESE PHRASES AND PRETENSIONS
great attention which you have paid to international problems,
let me once again repeat to you my belief that whatever shape inter-
national developments may take, our concern must ever remain with
our own unyielding and unresting spirit of resistance. If our own
mental and moral position has a sound foundation, international
changes will bring only benefit and not harm to our cause. Our
revolutionary spirit of resistance, being persistent and courageous,
is not to be deterred from its set course by favorable or unfavorable
turns taken by world affairs. In fact, the present international scene
possesses features especially favorable to us, and in closer and closer
harmony with the course and the goal we have mapped out and set
for our national struggle. Allow me to quote an instance from recent
events.
In Japan a great deal of talk was heard last month of "autonomy
for Eastern Asia." Subsequently, Mr. Stephen Early, Secretary
to President Roosevelt, made a statement on the subject of the
Monroe Doctrine. It has been a common practice with the Japanese
to press into service catch-phrases and terms current in the world.
They do this in order to camouflage their traditional aggressive policy
of "conquering China in order to conquer the world," as embodied
in the Tanaka Memorial. Since the time of the Mjukden Outrage,
the tag "Asia for the Asiatics" has been constantly on Japanese
lips. Even the phrase "Asiatic Monroe Doctrine" has now made its
appearance in Japanese propaganda publications. The motive for
the use of these expressions has been simply and solely to expel
European and American influence conceived as an obstacle to
Japanese aggression in China and elsewhere in Asia. It is particularly
America, with her policy of non-recognition and rigid observance of
the Nine-Power Pact, that the coiners of these slogans have in mind.
If the American continent has its Monroe Doctrine, the Japanese
suggest, why should not Asia have the like with Japan as its pro-
ponent?
Of late, following the abrupt transformations in the European
scene, the Japanese have become more menacing in their attitude
toward the Netherlands East Indies, French Indo-China, and other
areas in the South Seas. In the latter part of June immense pub-
licity was given to a reported intention of the Japanese government
to publish a statement on a so-called "Asiatic Monroe Doctrine."
- 486
JAPANESE PHRASES AND PRETENSIONS
Then, on June 29, following a meeting of the inner cabinet of four
ministers, Arita at last came out with an informal broadcast address
in which he made bold to suggest a sort of Japanese proprietorship
over Eastern Asia. In reference to China and the South Seas,
he held the Japanese must regard these areas as "subject to regional
division for purposes of co-existence." He went so far as to claim
for Japan the title of "stabilizing force in Eastern Asia." He added
that he was expressing a conception already current in Europe and
America.
The whole of Arita's address is a mass of claptrap of which the
only perceptible content is a fresh apology for the "New Order in
East Asia," so long dinned in the world's ears to its infinite disgust.
The Japanese Foreign Minister showed himself utterly oblivious
to the peculiar circumstances of time and place under which the
original Monroe Doctrine came into being and of its essence. The
American Monroe Doctrine was the product of a specific period
of one hundred years ago. The United States possessed the neces-
sary qualifications for assuming leadership over the other nations of
the American Continent, being prepared to treat them on terms of
equality and cultivate with them relations of peace and mutual assist-
ance. The doctrine proved lastingly practicable on this account.
What is the present period? What kind of a country is Japan? In
particular, what are the circumstances in Asia at present and the
geographical features of the continent? Completely ignoring such
important factors as history, culture, population and race, the
Japanese believe they can create a Monroe Doctrine at random.
They do not realize that the success of the United States' Monroe
Doctrine has been due to the fact that its spirit fulfills a need on
the part of the various free and independent states concerned as a
means to mutual assistance and self-defense. It was no product of
armed force and aggression. In modern times, at all events, the
permanent establishment of world peace requires conceptions ex-
tending beyond arrangements of a regional and partial nature and
their replacement by a broader, truly equal, rational and efficacious
organization for collective security among all the nations of the world.
In respect to Asia, only China, with her predominantly ancient
civilization, with her great population and area, and with her his-
torically close relations with the other countries of Asia, could con-
487
JAPANESE PHRASES AND PRETENSIONS
stitute the stabilizing influence in Asia. She would proceed on the
basis of her traditional moral conceptions and of the Three Principles
of the People to work together with all other nations in the interests
of general progress in any way conducive to peace in Asia and the
world.
Japan, for her part, is today a nation wholly given up to force
and aggression, devoid of good faith and principled conduct. She
became long ago an object of disgust and contempt to the nations
of Asia. In any discussion of the terms "Asiatic autonomy" and
"Asiatic Monroe Doctrine" it must be realized that Asia is to be
distinguished from other continents for its own peculiar and char-
acteristic culture. It has, too, its complex and intimate geographical
relations with other countries of the world. To the north, there is
Soviet Russia stretching over both the European and Asiatic con-
tinents; in the Pacific and Indian oceans, relations between the
various areas cause Asia to be connected not only with Europe but
with the Eastern and Western hemispheres alike. All these are factors
of which Japan takes no account in claiming to be an arbiter of
Asiatic affairs. Dispensing for the moment with moral and cultural
considerations, and speaking of military prowess only, it is problemat-
ical whether Japan has ever made an estimate of her real strength.
Nor is it known whether she has sat down and pondered over all
the relevant facts. What makes her think that she is fit to talk
of an "Asiatic Monroe Doctrine*'?
Following upon the broadcast made by Arita, came the state-
ment made by President Roosevelt's secretary on July 6 to the
effect that the American government would like to see "a Monroe
Doctrine applied for each continent and each part of the world/'
This was taken by the short-sighted Japanese as a response to the
Arita statement. The actual meaning is to be found in Mr. Early 's
words: "There should be applications of the Monroe Doctrine in
Europe and Asia similar to its interpretation and application for this
hemisphere." In other words, they should be based on mutual
help, self-defense, equality and independence among the nations
concerned. A careful study of the statement as a whole reveals
its center of interest to be rather in the settlement of the European
conflict and in the problems arising in connection with the status of
defeated nations' possessions in the American continent. In so far
488
JAPANESE PHRASES AND PRETENSIONS
as Asia was referred to, Mr. Early was clearly voicing opposition to
Japan's armed oppression of other nations and to all manifesta-
tions of Japanese aggression. In regard to French Indo-China,
a straightforward appeal was made by him for its status to be agreed
upon by a conference of all Asiatic countries. So far from recog-
nizing any Japanese right to control Indo-China, the American
attitude is plainly one of absolute opposition to Japan's unilateral
application of force to work her will there.
It is apparent to all that America must not abandon her tra-
ditional policy and attitude in the Far East. She is a promoter of
the Nine-Power Pact; her respect for other nations' independence
and her belief in the open-door policy are her chief reasons for
opposition to the armed aggression and monopolistic ambitions of
Japan. Her recent measures of armaments expansion and increased
military expenditure form a guarantee of her security and give
weight to her words in the affairs both of the West and the East.
Historically, America may be more intimately bound up with
European affairs than with Asiatic ; in point of the present and future,
however, the United States is obliged to view Asia with more con-
cern than Europe. Japan is well aware of this and finds it dis-
concerting food for thought.
This is merely the mention of one recent example of the diplo-
matic ineptitude of the Japanese. We, for our part, have secured
increased assistance; since the problems of China are those of
Asia and have their bearing upon the well-being of the whole world,
there is scarcely a single country that does not hope for our victory.
A glance at the glowing and emphatic terms in which Soviet Russian
newspapers and those of many other countries described our July
Seventh anniversary tells one how much the world appreciates the
value of our three years of resistance.
I wish, however, to remind you that international sympathy can
best and chiefly be attracted to our cause only by the energy we
ourselves show in it. Dependence upon others would but disqualify
China for their assistance. The nations that during the last ten
years or so have achieved their rehabilitation have all done so by
their own self-reliant and energetic efforts to master unfavorable
elements in their environment. In the absence of such a spirit, the
finest inherited qualities or the greatest natural wealth of resources
489
JAPANESE PHRASES AND PBETEN8ION8
can avail a nation nothing. No nation can exist with reliance on
external help alone. In studying the world situation, we should pay
particular attention to such points and be benefited thereby in our
own struggle.
I have gone at length into the enemy's diplomatic, military,
political, and economic condition in the documents I issued on the
occasion of the July Seventh anniversary. At the moment, the
Japanese are in a state of diplomatic bankruptcy ; no one any longer
pays much regard either to their blandishments or to their threats.
Among the difficulties that weigh heaviest on them is that of man-
power. The Japanese population is but one-sixth of ours, and after
three years of war, a state of extreme embarrassment for lack of
men has overtaken them. In addition, there have been endless
natural calamities and mounting human sufferings in Japan. The
Japanese are entering upon the final stage of their collapse; their
thinking now of extending their activities to Indo-China and the
South Seas shows only a gross over-estimation of themselves. We
may say that even if they should succeed in occupying Indo-China
and the South Seas, it would only increase their troubles. It would
be like digging graves to hasten their own destruction.
It has been particularly gratifying to me to see all of you work
persistently and at high tension for eight successive days in com j
plete disregard of the sweltering summer heat and repeated enemy
bombings. This spirit forecasts our inevitable victory. It behooves
a revolutionary party like ours to have such a spirit. At three
o'clock this afternoon Japanese planes dropped a number of heavy
bombs around this place. An hour later, we gathered again at the
same place to carry on with our program. Not a single member was
absent. This constitutes another proof of our soaring revolutionary
fervor in the midst of difficulties.
More than two months have elapsed since the Japanese resumed
their extensive indiscriminate bombings. Though subjected to such
a brutal menace, our people remain uncoerced. Instead, they are
calm and industrious, carrying on their usual activities as if nothing
untoward had happened. No one can help being moved at seeing
children and youngsters singing war songs, rendering service and
waiting on their parents and elders in the air-raid shelters. The
490
JAPANESE PHRASES AMD PRETENSIONS
courage, calmness and willingness to undergo hardships on the part
of our people should be a source of encouragement to us all.
One thing is evident. This determination to see the war through
despite heavy casualties both in our armed forces and among the
civilians during the last three years is due to our Tsungli's teachings.
It also goes to show that our Three Principles of the People have
taken deep root in the people's heart. Meanwhile, it explains the
increasing solidarity between the government and the people. The
existence of these great revolutionary principles and such an ex-
cellent national spirit should serve as a stimulus for great efforts
on our part so as to make ourselves worthy of our Tsungli and the
entire nation. We must all realize that three years of sanguinary
warfare has greatly enhanced our self-confidence. If it should be
impossible for such a hard-working and hard-fighting nation as ours
to continue its independent existence, then not a single nation in the
world is fit to be independent, nay, even to exist at all. Having
familiarized ourselves with the enemy's and our own conditions, we
gain a new insight in our increasing strength as the war goes on,
and a new faith in our eventual victory.
Meanwhile, it should be remembered that though the present
situation is favorable to our resistance, we must constantly prepare
for the emergence of a most serious and most difficult period. As
in other human endeavors, our task of Revolution and Reconstruction
will be confronted with more and more exacting demands as it draws
nearer and nearer to a successful conclusion. Steel of high quality
can be produced only by purifying heat of great intensity; so it is
with nations. Similarly, victory and national rejuvenation can
only follow unprecedented hardships. Likewise, the light of day is
preceded by a period of deeper darkness than the foregoing hours of
night. Therefore, it will be incorrect to conclude that since no un-
usual difficulties have risen during the first three years of our re-
sistance, none will in the future. On the contrary, in order to attain
our goal we must strive harder and be ready to overcome all
obstacles that may confront us.
Resistance is being carried on with strength derived from the
Three Principles of the People. Our Party is charged with so
great a measure of the responsibility for leading the nation that
every one of you should regard the life of the Party as your own,
491
JAPANESE PHRASES AMD PRETENSIONS
determined personally to share in its rise or fall, putting your own
individual life and death, honor and dishonor, happiness and misery
at the disposal of the Party, obeying all orders and upholding the
discipline of the Party. So long as we can do this, our nation will
surely remain free and independent, and our resistance will surely
be rewarded with triumph.
All of you, especially those who have left your important Party,
political and military duties in distant places to attend the Session,
will now return to your respective posts to popularize the spirit dis-
played, and enforce the important resolutions adopted at this
Session, at the front, in the rear and in all areas of the land. You
will inspire all Party members, stimulate your subordinates and
guide all fellow-countrymen toward single-hearted devotion to their
revolutionary and war work. A solid foundation for victory has
already been laid during the last three years. We must constantly
keep in mind the loyalty and bravery of our war martyrs as well
as the heavy responsibility resting on our shoulders. Intensify our
struggle, for light and victory are now in sight. It is hoped that all
comrades in the Party and our people as a whole will strive together
and will stop at no sacrifices. Thus, the aims of our Revolution and
Reconstruction, and the realization of the Three Principles of the
People will be achieved.
492
77
Tke Day of Deliverance Shall Come
A ' message to people in the occupied areas on
August 13, 1940, on the occasion of the third anni-
versary of the day hostilities began on the Shanghai
front.
AUGUST 13, 1940.
JTVDDAY is the third anniversary of the day when three years
* ago we started fighting at Shanghai with an initial armed strength
of only three divisions, pitting a resolute and daring revolutionary
spirit against the enemy land, sea and air forces some two hundred
thousand strong. We smashed the Japanese boast of their ability
to secure China's submission within three months, established for the
revolutionary armies of China a new reputation in the eyes of the
world, and put the nation's status and character on a higher footing
by proving the capability of our people to strive vigorously in
defense of their invaded soil. August 13 is certainly one of the
most memorable days in the course of our sacred enterprise of
Resistance and Reconstruction. Let us recall the way in which the
Japanese, after occupying Peiping and Tientsin, turned the force
of their arms against the Southwest, fully confident that China had
not formed the determination to make sacrifices for resistance and
supposing they need have absolutely no doubt of their success in con-
quering her. Little did they think that this third anniversary of
that day would find China's fighting spirit and power doubly
effective, her courage firm, with no thought of submission, and
enjoying high prestige among the nations of the world. August 13
is, therefore, the date when China's self-defensive endeavor was set
on foot and Japan's aggression became a thing destined to fail;
from that day the future of the position between China and Japan
and the future of East Asiatic affairs was defined. I think that all
my fellow-countrymen should annually give earnest thought to the
significance of this occasion and solemnly commemorate the glorious
sacrifices of all those soldiers and other citizens who died or suffered
493
TOT DAY OF DELIVERANCE SHALL COMB
for the cause of defending Shanghai. We should make it an oppor-
tunity for realizing the great truth that spirit outweighs matter and
appreciating the strength of the irrefragable conception of rectitude
animating our nation, gaining finer proportions as the war proceeds
and leading us to victory. I wish to take advantage of this impor-
tant anniversary to address a few words to fellow-countrymen in
Shanghai and other occupied areas, expressing the fervent hopes I
cherish of them.
The very mention of the phrase "occupied areas" causes me
acute and lasting distress. To think of the vast expanse of our land
trodden by the heel of the invader and the number of my fellow-
countrymen suffering from his oppression in conditions of utter
hopelessness makes me feel that every day that passes without the
enemy's withdrawing and without the liberation of those people is
a day my duty remains unfulfilled. I, therefore, cannot permit myself
to forget for a single moment the ills endured by those living in
the occupied areas; nor can I shrink from my heavy responsibility
or fail to exert myself to the utmost that I may not fail the expec-
tations of my fellow-countrymen. The Chinese people has a cultural
history of the greatest splendor and antiquity ; it has an unshakable
national spirit; it has a rigid sense of rectitude. People in the
occupied areas must realize that there can be no question of our
giving up a single inch of our territory and they must grasp the
facts that show the enemy's defeat to be inevitable. They must
rest assured that at the front and in the rear the greatest efforts arc
being exerted toward our final victory and they must understand
how all-important is the contribution they themselves have to make
to the work of resistance.
I am provided with regular reports on conditions in the occu-
pied areas, but owing to inadequacy of communication facilities there
may be points on which I am not clearly informed. But I can say
without the slightest hesitation that the Japanese attempt to enslave
and corrupt our people has been intensified, while the devices whereby
the latter are withstanding it have been rendered correspondingly
more effective. A single illustration will suffice to make this clear.
During the past three years the number of ronin and merchants
which follow in the wake of the enemy invasion has gradually in-
creased until there are now estimated to be some 400,000 of them,
494
THE DAT OF DELIVEHANCE SHALL COMB
This figure is not inclusive of the Koreans and Formosans working
for the Japanese, nor of those colonized in the northeastern provinces.
More than thirty stations of their so-called "national policy com-
pany" have been established, by means of which they aim to suck
the economic life-blood of the Chinese people. We can easily imagine
the dehumanized existence led by our fellow-countrymen in the
occupied areas under such conditions of three-fold slavery imposed
by first the Japanese soldiery, secondly the Japanese colonists, and
thirdly the Korean and Formosan ronin. In addition there are still
the tricks and extortions of the traitors and puppets. This piteous
scene must inspire us with determination to rescue the sufferers
in time; if we are too tardy they will have lost their very hold on
life and generations of our people to come will be squeezed out of
existence. How, then, shall we have acquitted ourselves in the
eyes of our ancestors and descendants?
Another point is this: the enemy is now aware of the unyielding
firmness of our spirit. The only expedient he has therefore to resort
to is that of trying to cure it with a show of violence in an attempt
to destroy our integrity. To illustrate this from the events of the
past month: toward the end of July they burned down more than
seventy villages in the Tsingpu and Hangchiang area west of
Shanghai, more than ten thousand families were rendered homeless;
nothing remained of the houses but ruins, no living things but
a few cattle. This sort of barbarity appalls the imagination of
humanity. Again, only a few days ago, on the island of Tsungming,
the enemy gave another display of frightfulness, die crudest inci-
dents of which consisted of the shutting up of people in houses to
be burned therein, and the massacre by machine-gun fire of people
assembled under false pretenses. I cannot now go into other examples
of the Japanese atrocities in detail. Suffice it to say that all our
fellow-countrymen in the occupied areas are exposed to such brutality
and rapine. This behavior is to be regarded as natural to the
Japanese when they are at their wit's end to know what to do;
it occurs to them as the only possible means of suppressing the people's
will to resist. Let us all reflect that it is nearly three years since
such areas as I have spoken of Tsingpu, Sungkiang and Tsungming
Island have been subject to the not only ceaseless but increasing
violence of the Japanese, and ask ourselves to what extent they
495
THE DAT OF DELIVERANCE SHALL COME
would carry their taskmasters' cruelty were we to abandon resistance
and accept their domination. The result would be that in addition
to those of our fellow-countrymen in the occupied areas whose
lives and property are now at their disposal, all the rest of the Chinese
population would have neither space in which to live nor graves
for the repose of their dead bodies: the whole 11,000,000 square K
of China would have no patch of undefiled soil. You must all realize
that to deal with the Japanese design to exterminate our race and
to dispel their fantastic conceptions of aggression there is no other
way than that of resistance. There is no evasion to be found in a
speculative acceptance of terms and the easy way of submission.
In the face of an enemy so merciless only the development of our
great capacity to resist will effectively teach him the error of his
ways. The more barbarous he waxes the stouter must our resistance
be.
Let us reflect for whom those of our fellow-countrymen already
dead have so sacrificed their lives. They gave up everything for the
sake of the nation and also those of us who remain living. If we
cannot make up our minds to contend with the enemy until we secure
an honorable conclusion to the struggle, we may some day find our-
selves like the northeasterners, disarmed and defenseless victims
of the slaughterer. The traditional spirit of the Chinese people
subjected to the inroads of foreign aggressors has been expressed
in the saying: "rather jade in fragments than a tile entire" and the
phrase: "The meanest fellow cannot be robbed of his resolve."
"The man of quality can be killed but he cannot be affronted with
impunity" is also an expression of our national character. Finding
ourselves born in this age, it falls to us to leave some sort of historical
example to inspire succeeding generations and add a noble chapter
to the story of our five thousand years' old nation.
To my fellow-countrymen in the occupied areas I would say
that I do not feel it necessary to use more emphatic terms in urging
upon them the extent of their responsibilities because I am absolutely
confident that the Chinese people can never be conquered. We are a
people with a special capacity for endurance of hardship and pain,
fearless of affliction and death; we shall certainly carry on the
struggle to the bitter end. I would have you clearly realize that the
Japanese are now near the weary end of their resources; it is the
496
THE DAY OF DELIVERANCE SHALL COME
moment for redoubled exertion on our part. The sons an4 daughters
among us must never lose sight of the sufferings of injured and
oppressed fathers and mothers; the fathers and mothers among us
must keep in mind the cruelties done to the young, the killing of so
many children. Husbands should think of their wives as threatened
with foul outrage; wives should think of their husbands as living
under the menace of death and slavery. There is manly vigor among
us; we all have homes; we all have neighbors, relatives and friends;
we all have the shrines of our beloved ancestors; there can surely
be no room on earth for one of us who fails to rise up and avenge
the boundless injuries done us.
Many have been the wars between nations in ages past and
present; but the aim countries normally put before themselves in
war is merely military victory, whereas the enemy we oppose seeks
to take from us not only our nationhood but also our very existence
as a people. A survey of all history will reveal no parallel to the
viciousness and irrationality of the Japanese. Under the very
supervision of their military authorities their officers and men publicly
recognize the courageous tenacity of the resistance put up by our
people and soldiers and express astonishment at the fearlessness of
our armies. They feel that such conduct is not to be seen in other
countries at war, and that the greatest of their difficulties lies in the
preference of death to submission prevalent in our ranks. They
do not realize, however, that it is because of their outrageous scheme
to destroy our whole people and sever the vital thread of our millions'
livelihood and because there is none amongst us who does not see
through their hypocrisy to their real motives. The sense of his
life being at stake drives an individual to otherwise unimaginable
exertions. With the corporate life of the whole people with its
thousand years' old traditions of rectitude in thought and deed and
the recent influence of the ideal of nationhood brought into all
citizens' lives by the teachings of the Three Principles of the People-
it is all the more so.
I have not been speaking with the people under Japanese ag-
gression exclusively in mind, but they should realize how essential
to an understanding of the situation are these points I have made.
The invincibility of the Chinese people depends upon our sense of
moral integrity and our spirit. The greater the pressure of our
497
TR1 DAT OP DELIVERANCE SHALL COME
difficulties the higher that spirit must soar, our boldness growing in
proportion to the danger. Integrity and spirit are irrepressible; no
blockade can strangle them nor bombs and burning wither them.
The sturdy striving of people in the occupied areas during the past
three years has put many an impervious obstacle in the way of the
enemy; his feet are sunk in a slough through which he can make no
progress; all this has been a very substantial contribution to the
total effect of resistance. Whenever I hear of the killing of the
enemy in the occupied areas, the burning of his stores, the destruc-
tion of his means of communication and other splendid feats of the
kind I am not only personally inspired; I even feel a sense of
satisfaction at the thought of justice done to the memory of our
ancestors and the rights of our descendants. The sufferings you have
endured and the inhuman conditions under which you live, the
longing with which you look to see the return of the national stand-
ards and the- eagerness with which you strain to hear the news of
victory are never absent from the minds of all your fellow-country-
men, in other parts of the country nor do their minds ever fail to be
stirred by the thought of you. Your liberation can come only with
the total victory of the nation. Therefore your efforts are expected
and required as a part of the integral resources of resistance until
the complete collapse of the enemy can be brought about.
In conclusion I would like to assure you in the occupied areas
of my personal sense of responsibility for your liberation, as for that
of the nation. Every individual should discipline himself to an
austere regimen of life and thought, faithfully fulfilling the tenets
of National Spiritual Mobilization. Let fathers instruct their sons,
and brothers give one another good counsel. Let us all swear to
do nothing at the enemy's bidding and to present uncompromising
defiance to the wiles and oppression of the Japanese and the puppets.
Not all of us can take up arms, but every one of us has the sense
of rectitude implanted in him with the life he owes to his ancestors.
In order to perpetuate the excellence of the Chinese tradition of
moral integrity we must show a spirit of preference for death to
capitulation. In regard, for instance, to the various low forms of
temptation put in your way by the Japanese luxury and vice, opium
and drugs we must have the uprightness to partake of no such
inducements to put in their hands the keys to our souls. They willj
498
THE DAT OF DELIVERANCE SHALL COMB
scarcely then be able to force the drugs into our mouths or compel
us to enter their brothels and gambling-dens. Those living in the
areas controlled by the Japanese, and especially the youth in such
places cut off from Free China as the Shanghai and Tientsin con-
cessions, need the defense of particularly high character, firm
resolution, austerity of habits of life and stern self-oblation. They
cannot afford the slightest indulgence or slackness, the slightest pur-
suit of ease and sloth at the expense of the nation's good name.
So much for the negative side. Positively, I even more urgently
expect of my fellow-countrymen in the occupied areas organized
or individual action in co-ordination with the movements of our
forces to smash the enemy's economic measures, and attack him
wherever he shows lack of vigilance, leading him such a dance that
he can neither eat nor sleep in peace, upsetting all his activities
to such an extent that nervousness and apprehension sap his morale.
Immense effectiveness will thus accrue to the forces of resistance
and the so-called ''occupied areas" will become his inescapable
shackles, frustrating his political and economic aggression. I have
no hesitation in saying that such efforts have inestimable value in
the general scheme of resistance. You must realize that our nation
has now reached the most vital turning point in its history. All
the pain and sacrifices of the past, all the injuries and hatred aroused,
must have their price exacted in this final period of effort. Every-
one, whether in the war areas or the rear, civilians and soldiers, must
resolve with one mind and one purpose to do their duty on the rough
remaining part of the road to be trod. I am confident that victory
may thus be had and success achieved in reconstruction. In this
confused and troubled world and in this period of the approach
of the enemy's defeat the Chinese people have come to the moment
of their highest possible achievement and the highest expression of
their glorious nationhood.
499
78
The Power of Thrift
An appeal to the nation to support the Thrift and
Savings Movement, delivered on September 7,
1940.
SEPTEMBER 7, 1940.
FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN :
rjPHERE is an old saying in our language : "State and homes alike
have thrived with thrift and fallen through prodigality." The
words seem trite enough, but they really declare a great principle
and a rule from which no individual or country can ever be exempt.
The Government's object in promoting this "Reconstruction by
Thrift and Savings Movement" is to cause all Chinese people by
daily frugality and saving to develop a new greatness and power by
simultaneously strengthening in this way the foundation for both
individual and national progress.
Three years ago, when resistance was at its beginning, I de-
clared: "By sustained resistance the final victory shall surely be
ours." I was confident in making that statement in view of the
fact that China has territory stretching from the cold to the torrid
zone, in which are to be found all the resources necessary to the
economy and defense of the nation. We possess vast hidden wealth
which awaits only the concentration of our financial and human
power for its exploitation. It is not to be picked up, used and then
be gone : it is inexhaustible ; as long as men and money do not fail
there is no fear of their ever failing to find this natural abundance
there. Relying on our being so excellently circumstanced by nature,
we may be sure of our ability to wear out the Japanese to the
day when they collapse exhausted. The goal of final victory is,
therefore, obviously to be sought along a road of hardship and self-
denial and there must also be organization and planning at every
stage. If the potentialities of our rich resources are collectively ex-
ploited and day in day out are adding fresh weight to the blows we
strike the enemy he will eventually succumb utterly worn out.
500
TBtE POWtffc OF
More than three years of resistance have failed to overstrain the
strength of nation and people and the unshakable nature of our first
determination has been fully demonstrated. We have only to put
forth further efforts to husband our financial strength for the building
up of our equipment and the advance of our productive methods and
we shall arrive at a point where we shall be self-sufficient both in
military materiel and the necessities of the people's existence. We
shall then have in our hands a cast-iron guarantee of "final victory."
In passing through this period of endeavor, moreover, we shall be
putting our country into better mental and material shape and order.
With the coming of the day of victory we shall find the enterprise of
reconstruction well on the way to success. I earnestly hope that
all my dear fellow-countrymen will realize this point and resolve to
do their best to make thrift the way to saving as not only a great con-
tribution to victory, but also to the glory of the country as an inde-
pendent nation and the happiness of its generations of citizens yet
unborn. Present saving can lay the foundation of prosperity for
thousands of years to come.
When all this is said, there may yet remain in some people's
minds doubt as to the value of the movement. Some may think that
talk of saving now in the final stage of the war for the purpose of
acquiring better equipment is over-belated. Others may think that
money scattered among the people is in effect deposited in the country
and see no need to concentrate it in savings. Such ideas are funda-
mentally wrong. The enemy is, true enough, gasping with fatigue,
but in the present international situation this semi-industrialized
country is exerting itself to summon up all its remaining productive
capacity and it will naturally be able to some extent to patch up the
holes in its finances. Helpless to find any really effective solution
to their difficulties as a whole, the Japanese can nevertheless spin out
their struggle for some time. We, on our part, must necessarily
prepare to meet their efforts at prolonging the war. Our position,
moreover, is such that we cannot but make ourselves independent of
others' assistance. Only capital is required for the exploitation of
our rich resources and the smooth attainment of that state. With
a population of 450,000,000 the saving of one cent per person per
day would result in the acquisition of $135,000,000 in a month or
$1,600,000,000 in a year. If everyone saved a dollar a month
501
THE POWER OF THRIFT
$450,000,000 could be put at the disposal of the Government each
month, or the vast sum of $5,000,000,000 a year. The result would
be the completion of every project bearing on the mighty enterprise
of national reconstruction. Secondly, reports show that people in
all parts of the country have at their disposal reserves of money
which they have no 'suitable means of making serve any good pur-
pose. In Shanghai alone there is estimated to be several hundred
million dollars of such floating capital. It is largely employed in
the surreptitious buying of foreign exchange and in other forms of
selfish speculation. Huge amounts of hoarded capital exist every-
where in the interior, some of it used in private business enterprise,
but some in the illegitimate pursuit of hoarding and cornering goods.
Strangest of all, there are many people who simply store up cash
in their houses, "dead" money that might be doing good work for
the nation.
There are also great numbers of Chinese people living abroad,
most of whom are of course engaged in some legitimate form of
commerce, but among whom there is an immense amount of reserve
capital subject to whatever legal restrictions a particular country
may impose. Much of it is thus put away in foreign banks, to
serve foreign interests.
All this reserve capital is doing neither its owners nor the
country any good and in some cases is doing positive harm. Apart
from the obvious evils of speculation and hoarding, the purchase
of foreign exchange and its deposit in foreign banks is against
government regulations, while in the present rapidly and constantly
changing international scene, it is highly precarious even if the
country chosen be victorious. At the same time it is injurious to the
stability of Chinese national currency. Note should be taken of the
fall in the value of the franc after the last European war and of
the recent announcement made by the Bank of England that it
would repudiate all notes not presented for exchange within a
period of three days. There will undoubtedly be many who through
their possession of those notes and their inability to exchange them
in due time must suffer a complete loss. This is a warning to those
who deposit their money in foreign banks. They must realize that
their money is under the control of the foreign government and is
not a whit safer than it would be in a Chinese bank. In fact it is more
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THE POWER OV THMFT
likely to be the object of unfair discrimination.
I feel sure that it has been lack of comprehension as to the use
to which savings can be put and of where their true interests lie that
has led Chinese people into such unprofitable and unpatriotic conduct.
Let us now, therefore, throw ourselves with new energy into this
movement, the success of which must mean the success of national
reconstruction. Mutual confidence and assistance between govern-
ment and people must be cultivated as a condition for the rapid
and continuous generation of this great force.
I wish solemnly to inform all my fellow-citizens that, although
this savings movement is managed by the Government's financial
institutions the Central Bank, the Bank of China, the Bank of Com-
munications and the Farmers' Bank of China, it is also personally
promoted by myself and I shall give my very particular attention
to the ways in which the money subscribed is put to work. The
officials sent out to supervise and promote the movement in various
places are all directly selected and dispatched by myself. I com-
mend them to your unreserved confidence and assure you that you
may regard them as though you saw myself in their persons. I
expect people in all walks of life unanimously to respond, sub-
scribing without discrimination of amounts but with especial em-
phasis on perseverance; everyone may join in, old and young, man
and woman; and in all districts of town and country parties must
be organized for the promotion of the movement. Let individuals'
financial resources be considered and according to their ability sums
of one, five, ten or more dollars be held their fitting regular con-
tribution. Where exceptional zeal is displayed the case must be
reported in order that it may receive commendation and reward.
To speak of people in the guerrilla areas living under the op-
pressive shadow of the invaders' presence and full of patriotic en-
thusiasm which in some cases they have no means of expressing,
they now have precisely the opportunity they have awaited. Rich
merchants and financiers, Chinese people with large reserves of
capital abroad are especially desired to transfer their stocks of
foreign exchange to Chinese banks which are fully provided with
all the necessary facilities for treating such money with special
favor and guarantees of its security while it is serving to build up
the motive power of national reconstruction. I too shall give my
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THE POWER OF THRIFT
closest attention to the way in which such patriotically subscribed
funds are employed; it must be in the advancement of various ex-
pertly directed and surely profitable enterprises, such as the opening
up of mines, the establishment of light and heavy industries, or the
co-ordination of consumption and production, land reclamation and
afforestation, water conservancy and the development of communi-
cations. All these undertakings are intimately connected with
Resistance and Reconstruction in their economic aspect and there will
be absolutely no question of a cent being devoted to any extraneous
object. The Government will no less scrupulously hold itself re-
sponsible for the security of capital and interest ; in no event can the
investor lose by his financial participation in these productive under-
takings.
As time goes on, and the capital subscribed mounts up, the
Government will devise means of consulting investors regarding the
disposal of their money. Our country has made the Three Principles
of the People its supreme guide and according to them, while masses
of capital put to uses injurious to society must be controlled, the
power of capital as it can be applied to the development and enrich-
ment of the people's life is to be in all possible ways utilized. The
present movement may be considered a great step toward the
creation of national capital power and the increase of the people's
wealth. It is my hope that at home and abroad our people will
not fail to grasp the great significance of this movement, in regard
to which the Central Government is inspired with very great deter-
mination and confidence and prepared to spare no effort to obtain
satisfactory results from it. It intends that it shall form an eco-
nomic bridge between government and people. Response from all
is expected not only by immediate purchase of the bonds but also
by the continued and unslackening pursuit of thrift and saving. This
movement will prove a touchstone of our people's capacity for
mobilizing their economic strength. If a striking result can be ob-
tained within a short time China's prestige among the nations will
be enhanced and she will be considered the more worthy of friend-
ship and assistance. This is yet another important aspect of the
movement. It can give us victory, establish a new foundation for a
strong and prosperous nation of the future and strengthen the
permanent basis of every individual citizen's livelihood.
504
79
Manchuria: Hell on Earth
A message to the people of the Japanese-occupied
Northeastern Provinces of China, and to the nation
in general, published September 18, 1940, on the
occasion of the ninth anniversary of Japan's in-
vasion of Manchuria.
SEPTEMBER 18, 1940.
FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN:
nnODAY is the ninth anniversary of the day on which the Japanese
* invasion and occupation of our northeastern territories began.
Since that thunder of gunfire in the north and the fall of Mukden,
since that outrage and affront was laid on our entire people, nine
years have rapidly passed away. The babies in arms of that time
are now school children, while the school children of then have
reached adult years. Yet the liberation of our northeastern fellow-
countrymen and the recovery of our territorial sovereignty over the
lost land have still to be achieved. This means resistance has not
gained its ultimate goal, and the souls of those martyred lack con-
solation. We find ourselves on this anniversary day with the same
uncured pain at heart and the same heavy responsibilities on our
shoulders; I take this opportunity of speaking to all of you and
especially to northeasterners about certain matters of the utmost im-
portance. I trust you will engrave on your hearts the determination
to strive together in the cause.
I have frequently had occasion to remark on the sort of hell-on-
earth life has become for our fellow-countrymen in the Northeast
under the enslaving and debasing oppression of the enemy. A
month ago I heard a friend just returned from actual observation
of the conditions describing what he had seen and heard with his own
eyes and ears. The people now living under the puppet Manchurian
regime have no security for life and property and no freedom of
movement; the whole power of giving and taking life or anything
else rests in the hands of the Japanese. The slightest motion can-
505
MANCHURIA: HELL ON EARTH
not escape their strict surveillance and control. Here are some of
the more striking features of the situation :
(1) It is estimated that there are now some 5;400 adminis-
trative officials of the puppet regime. Of these 3,300 are Japanese,
and among the higher ranking officials there are only a small num-
ber of subservient puppet figures. All the law-making authority
of the regime lies in the grasp of the Japanese whose most lightly
expressed desires define the scope of laws. In local districts vice-
mayors are always Japanese and in police posts the greater number
of men are Japanese. The officials presiding over smaller adminis-
trative units, the "street" and the village, are selected by the
Japanese from among the most servile traitors. They heap upon the
people further repression and supervision. Any individual wishing
merely to move from one village to another must obtain the requisite
permission and even movement within a village is subject to sur-
veillance. Census-taking is usually done at night so that it is for-
bidden to fasten doors. This gives the Japanese freedom to pass
in and out of houses at will and commit acts of indecency and rape.
Special permits have to be obtained by the people for marriage and
giving in marriage. Women married and unmarried are equally at
the mercy of the lusting Japanese: there have been cases without
number of those who have died or killed themselves for shame, and
of others who have known the even cruder plight of desiring death
but failing to obtain it.
(2) There is in Manchuria a so-called "national system of
military service" under which the Japanese regard all men over 19
years of age as liable to compulsory service. On being called up
the more robust are set to hard labor like convicts, and sent off to
unknown destinations beyond all reach of inquiry after their fate.
As for those recruited into the puppet troops, they are watched over
by Japanese instructors. The observer mentioned saw a detachment
of puppet troops one day drawn up at a railway station. The
corporals were all Japanese and orders were given in Japanese. The
men seemed between the ages of 16 to 20; their features bore an im-
press of suffering intolerable to behold. The Japanese officers would
strike them at random as though they were so much cattle. There is
also the practice of pressing men for work on fortifications upon
the completion of which their names are inscribed on wooden slips
506
MANCHURIA: HELL ON EARTH
and they are held answerable indefinitely for the repair of any dam-
age their work may afterwards sustain.
(3) The Japanese inquisitors established in all the puppet
police stations imprison and kill innocent people as a daily occurrence.
In their dark dens there is no room for talk of law or humanity; ill-
usage of every description, torture by unheard-of instruments, leave
the questioned half-dead or crippled at the end of their ordeal. The
search for members of the volunteer anti- Japanese armies offers a
pretext for all manner of oppression and atrocities. People may be
herded into one village, or village A amalgamated with village B,
or several small villages made into one, and then the whole property
of the falsely accused unit burned. Firearms in the possession of the
people were long ago thoroughly rummaged out by the Japanese,
but the discovery of a single remaining cartridge case means a death
sentence.
(4) The people are good for nothing but labor service, as
beasts of burden; it is not for them to carry on private business
enterprise. Industry, small and big alike, has been removed from the
hands of indigenous owners by compulsory purchase or confiscation,
until it is now all under the control of Japanese "trusts." The
treatment of the rural populace has been even more relentless.
The farmers' land has been confiscated without any pretense of
rhyme or reason. The rather more fertile tracts along the South
Manchurian Railway line have been entirely seized for the settle-
ment of the so-called Japanese "colonists." Wherever these "colo-
nists" appear, in their wake arise opium and gambling dens, brothels
and wineshops, and trade and the professions, down to hairdressing,
laundering, cooking, and errand running, are totally monopolized by
Japanese. The original inhabitantsthat is, our fellow-countrymen
are driven into the cold climate of Jehol, there to take to soldiering
or manual labor. Not only their land but also their houses are taken
from them : the very ground is cut from under their feet : even burial
space is denied them.
(5) All commodities come under the control and manipulation
of the Japanese. Control over industrial products is exercised by a
so-called "Daily Necessities Trust" and an "Import Trade Alliance."
Weighed down by oppressive and extortionate taxation, the people
have little capacity to buy from them; even so, they are faced by
507
MANCHTJKIA: HELL ON EABTH
all sorts of restrictions if they make the attempt even cloth, shoes,
and stockings are virtually debarred them. Among comestibles for
instance, Chinese people are absolutely deprived of the right to
purchase rice and flour. Even maize and kaoliang are rigidly re-
stricted in the quantities allowed. In the larger cities and towns
a common sight is the face dehumanized with hunger. Near Liaoyang
a certain peasant whispered to this traveler that for three years he
had not set his eyes on white flour. Only at the New Year was it
permitted to purchase a nominal amount of nine ounces of flour
per household. The state of things in other respects may be readily
imagined. The Three Eastern Provinces are rich in soy bean pro-
duction, yet the country people find themselves without bean oil
to eat or lamp-oil to burn. The wretchedness of our northeastern
fellow-countrymen being like this, each day that passes before we
can deliver them is a day of responsibility undischarged.
(6) In the sphere of education, most intellectuals have been
arrested or done to death. In educational institutions above the
middle-school the teachers are Japanese. Many of the schools
conducted by missionaries have been forced to close. The puppet
administration has initiated a so-called "Teachers' Training Qass"
for the carrying into effect of slave-education. Teachers in primary
schools are required to have a thorough knowledge of Japanese
and in such schools there must be eight or more hours weekly de-
voted to Japanese lessons. The qualifications for entrance to the
primary schools are subject to rigid restriction. Films come under
the control of the "Japanese Cinematographic Trust." In libraries
none but slave-literature can find a place. Two years ago the
Japanese set up a "Committee for Investigation into the Manchurian
Language," for the purpose of designing a system of phonetic
symbols similar to the Japanese "kana," to be given the misnomer of
a "Kana for East Asia." In August of this year the committee
issued an approved system and this was conveyed to all puppet
organizations and to schools for compulsory use and study. The
Japanese are clearly out to destroy the Chinese language and culture
in their extinction of the Northeast as a part of China.
The above points are but a sketch of the features of life in the
Northeast. In short, the Japanese treatment of Chinese people there
has exceeded the brutality and malignity of even their treatment of
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MANCHURIA: HELL ON BAETH
the Korean people. Beneath this foul oppression the northeasterners
have no freedom of residence, livelihood, speech, education, or of
carrying and burying: the slightest movement, and what is more
ghastly to relate, even life and death are not of an individual's choice.
One northeasterner said to the investigator I have quoted : "I would
have you convey a message to fellow-countrymen south of the Wall :
we too desire, tell them, to die as befits Chinese, but it may be judged
how imperative it is to make one's sacrifice for the country in due
time by the fact that we in our position find it no simple matter to
die an honorable death fighting against the enemy." These words,
in their simplicity and reserve, give us a picture of the minds of
more than thirty million northeasterners.
On this important day of commemoration I want to call upon
all of you to give thought to the sufferings of the people of the
Northeast, and I especially recommend to your attention the solemn
words I have just quoted. Of course we are all concerned about
the situation of northeasterners; for the nine years of struggle of
which the last three of resistance are but a part, our aim has been
to recover our national independence, sovereignty, and territory,
thus delivering them. Cut off from us by distance and the Japanese
hordes as they are, we know, perhaps, only a tenth or so of the?
truth about them. We must, however, take their fate as a warning
in the sense that "sacrifice to save the country must be made in due
time"; those who would give their lives for their country must give
them while they still have weapons in hand; if you would kill the
Japanese, it must be under the leadership of the Government that you
serve; the giving of strength and money to the national cause must
be done while you yet have freedom and time, With the north-
easterners the case is that all their weapons have been taken from
them, control and supervision over troops is infallibly thorough, so
that, though their spirit is not dead and many an heroic death-blow
has been struck, they have little else but bare fists wherewith jto
strike. Infinite dangers and difficulties confront them in any such
move, and under these conditions the driving out of the enemy
from within is a task all but to be despaired of. Therefore we must
realize, subject as we are to the enemy's bombing, his incendiarism
and destruction from the air, how much better we are situated than
the northeasterners who, as it were, gaze up to us from earth to
509
MANCHURIA: HELL ON EABTH
heaven. Our sympathy for them and our sense of our responsibilities
toward them should be correspondingly intense; now or never
must we exert ourselves and omit no sacrifice for the sake of the
happiness and freedom of succeeding generations of our people.
The Japanese slogan "New Order in East Asia" covers only a
design to reduce all the population of China to the same state of
slavery as the northeasterners find themselves in: it means Japanese
control of East Asia by means of the annexation of China. Actually,
however, the Japanese are forging for themselves fetters from which
they will never free themselves; they are moving toward their
own destruction and collapse. The beginning of that collapse will
mark the deliverance of the Northeast. It is for us to do all we can
by the firm and courageous prosecution of resistance to hasten the
approach of the hour of Japan's collapse.
What I can reassure our northeastern fellow-countrymen of is
the constant thought of them and the resolution not to fail them
in the minds of our entire army and people. Three years of war
have established a noble and splendid record of achievement. More
than 1,500,000 of the proud and reckless Japanese armies have been
laid low; Japan has been plunged into a profound abyss of peril.
Such is the achievement of the undaunted, all-enduring, unyielding
spirit with which our soldiers and people have devoted themselves
to resistance and which gives them their title to hold themselves the
"hands and feet" of you northeasterners. The outrageous conduct
of the enemy wherever he has penetrated has been faced with stub-
born composure by men, women and children alike, who for the
sake of final victory have resigned themselves to whatever sufferings
, were asked of them.
In recent months the embarrassment and frustration of the
enemy have led him to resort to a policy of intensive bombing and
incendiary air attacks with a view to intimidating the heart of our
people. These prodigal raids have been aimed exclusively at such
non-military centers as Sian, Paochi, and Ankang in Shensi Province ;
Chian, lyang, Kweihsi and Yingtan in Kiangsi; Hengyang, Yuan-
ling, and Chihchiang in Hunan; Kweilin, Liuchow and Ishan in
Kwangsi ; Shaokwan in Kwangtung ; Lanchow in Kansu ; Loyang in
Honan; Chuchi, Kinhwa, Ningpo, Chenhai, and Shenghsien in
Chekiang; Chengtu, Luhsien, Chichiang, Hochwan and Nanchung
510
MANCHUEIA: HELL ON EAKTH
in Szechwan. The ferocity and frequency of these raids have pro*
duced enormous damage, yet rather a stimulating than a frightening
effect has resulted, rather increased firmness than submission, so
far as the mind of the populace is concerned. In the stricken areas
there are those who have lost home and all else, who have suffered
exposure and hunger, yet with calm and equanimity. People of
all ages and both sexes have merely borne in mind the account to be
settled with the Japanese, but remain unconscious of panic or fear.
All those serving in relief work among air-raid victims have thrown
themselves into their duties with extraordinary vigor and disregard
of personal safety, in supporting the old and weak and succoring
the dying and injured. This display of robust and steady national
striving imparts a unique and unprecedented distinction to all con-
cerned.
There will undoubtedly be felt by fellow-countrymen in the
Northeast and in the war areas anxiety as to the effect of the enemy's
bombing of our rear; in fact it has served only to steel us to greater
national unity and a deeper sense of indignation. Since the Govern-
ment began last year to evacuate the cities and expand the rural
living capacity, the city populations have widely experienced the
horrors of air attack, but in point of spirit the more we are bombed
the stronger we grow, and in point of material considerations we
have come lightly to regard our losses. We bid the enemy go on
squandering his aerial strength in the blind and indiscriminate drop-
ping of costly projectiles. His menaces and his destructiveness fall
flat and we are content to await the time when he has used up all his
American oil, engines and parts. The real measure of his strength
is a matter of common knowledge; no one is any longer intimidated
by his threats. Our shattered walls and charred remains of buildings
may for the moment stand as a striking reminder for us of the
cause for which we must fight, and as a monument to the senseless
barbarity of the Japanese. Those whose homes have been destroyed
have moved out into the far-flung countryside; indeed we are pre-
sented with an opportunity to achieve a great development of pro-
ductive power in the rural areas, and thus attain the objectives
of our people's economic reconstructive movement. You north-
easterners and people living in the war areas need not, therefore,
be disturbed or anxious on account of the news you hear of bombing
511
MANCHURIA: HELL ON EARTH
in the rear. It has proved only evidence of the strength of the
people's spirit there; that it is not inferior to that being shown by
officers and men at the front. With the exception of a few wretched
traitors such as Wang Ching-wei, the entire nation is inspired with
an inflexible spirit of "preference for jade in fragments to a tile
entire"; everyone is prepared for suffering and sacrifice for the
sake of final victory; at the thought of our northeastern fellow-
countrymen's sufferings, we discount our own ; at the thought of how
they seek both life and death in vain, we feel we ought to accept
whatever sacrifice may be imposed upon us. We are one and the
same people as they; we are as the hands and feet of one body
breathing the same breath we all bear the same responsibility for
national salvation, but it is we "south of the Wall" who must feel it
weighs most directly upon us. This is a point on which I wish
especially to reassure northeastern fellow-countrymen.
Since the loss of the Northeastern Provinces nine years have
elapsed, and during that period we have to recall unprecedented
calamity not only for you but also for the whole country. Before final
victory is won there may well be a time of still greater difficulty,
but with the experiences of the present and the past in mind, we
are in a position to grasp the supreme truths upon which success and
failure, victory and defeat, depend; to have confidence in final vic-
tory; and to be aware of our responsibility as seen in the vast per-
spective of history.
I have three points to make in what remains for me to say today.
Firstly : The occurrence of September 18 nine years ago formed
a prime factor in upsetting international peace and order in the world.
The present war in Europe may be put down to the Japanese mili-
tarists as the prime movers responsible. Now, the wilder they wax
the more diplomatically isolated the Japanese become, and the course
before them the more perilous. The saying, "The perpetrator of
many wrongs must at last bring on his own ruin," will apply to the
inevitable outcome of Japan's actions her boundless ambition will
issue in self-destruction. It is for us at once to be revenged and to
rid the world of this universal enemy.
Secondly: During these nine years past and especially since the
European conflict began, international events have proved that any
people, if only capable of exerting itself to develop its own strength,
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MANCHURIA: HELL ON EARTH
and of confronting all the difficulties in the path of its national re-
habilitation, can in time convert its weakness into strength. An
unyielding spirit has been shown to be the main element in over-
coming a foe and commanding victory. Once the spirit submits, a
nation is laid open to boundless pillage and irrevocable submergence
in the tide of fate. If we, therefore, look out into the world of today
and are aware of the duties naturally imposed upon us, we cannot
but observe that of all experiences submission is the most painful.
The only result of it is destruction. It is only necessary to look at
the situation of the northeasterners. On the one hand there is the
solid resistance of Free China; and on the other their constrained
and tragic struggle against impossible odds. In the light of this
contrast we must conceive the efforts we are putting into resistance
not only as our appointed duty but even as matter for rejoicing. Even
if we die of cold and hunger, or perish in battle, it is not to be
reckoned cause for sorrow while the spirit is unsubdued. Only the
loss of the nation's vantage ground from which to re-establish its
freedom and equality with other countries, only the descent to
utter dispossession of its rights, may be called genuine pain. When
the northeasterners desire to seek opportunities of killing the enemy
and dying honorable deaths, they find such hard to come by. I would
have you think this over repeatedly.
Thirdly: There is evidence to be found in recent international
events for the belief that nations reap as they sow in victory or
defeat. Behind us we have the five thousand glorious years of our
history ; before us, there are the untold generations of our descend-
ants. A little more hardship endured and energy expended today will
mean as much more happiness and well-being for our descendants.
Another year of persevering resistance will mean at least a hundred
years of freedom for them. Now the victory that will bring recovery
of the Northeastern Provinces is at hand. It is my fervent desire
to see all China's people and soldiers, whether north or south of the
Great Wall, at the front or in the rear, advancing with one purpose
toward that victory and the wiping away of disgrace from the
country's name, for the accomplishment of the mission imposed by
history upon us.
513
80
The International Role of the Republic
A Double Tenth message to the army and the
people, October 10, 1940.
OCTOBER 10, 1940.
HHHIS is the twenty-ninth anniversary of the day when the Republic
* came into existence. We celebrate the occasion this year with
resistance in its fourth year and at a time when tremendous changes
are sweeping over East Asia and the whole world. These circum-
stances charge the day with a significance out of all proportion to
that it bears in normal times. It is all the more necessary for us to
be deeply aware of the aims of China's nation-building and to go
about the fulfillment of our duties with the mighty spirit of the
revolutionary martyrs.
Recalling the course of the establishment of the Chinese Re-
public, we are all bound to think first of our late Tsungli, Dr. Sun
Yat-sen, who strove his whole life for the Revolution and whose
great leadership, together with the magnanimous sacrifices of num-
berless martyrs twenty-nine years ago, brought about the overthrow
of the Imperial system and the creation of the Republic. The events
of 1911, however, only set in motion the enterprise of national con-
struction; they were but the first step, in the course of the Revolution.
The aim of that national construction and that Revolution is the
realization of the Three Principles of the People. On the one hand,
the goal is to secure for China independence and freedom and give
her a permanent place in the world as a strong and prosperous
country. On the other hand, "having attained a good for oneself,
desiring to convey it to others," we proceed to bring to bear on the
advancement of peace and happiness for all mankind the great
moral ideas our people possess, in order to fulfill China's responsi-
bility toward the world.
Since our country belongs geographically to East Asia our first
desire is to ensure its tranquillity. Peace in the world at large can
be assured only if tranquillity prevails in the Pacific Ocean. Simply,
514
THE INTERNATIONAL BOLE OF THE REPUBLIC
therefore, we aim at home to build up our national defenses that
China may have the means to freedom and equality with other nations,
and abroad to stabilize the affairs of the Asiatic continent with a
view to true world peace. Such are the aims the Tsungli set him-
self in his life-long struggle, and such are the ideals of 1911.
Nearly thirty years have passed, but the aspirations of Dr.
Sun and the revolutionaries are yet unattained. We cannot but feel
immense compunction at our vacillations and inconclusive efforts.
However, the greatest obstacles in the way of the still halting and
delayed progress of the Revolution have been and are due to ex-
ternal causes, above all, to the Japanese militarists. They are the
mortal enemies of national construction in China; their aggressive
policy and the Three Principles of the People are incompatible
forces, one of which must yield to the other. Their aims are the
destruction of China, the enslavement of East Asia, and the con-
quest of the world. The first step in the Tanaka plan* was the
conquest of China, and "what is most to be feared/' wrote Tanaka,
"is the awakening of China; if China were to become united the
consequence would be industrial development; it is necessary to
control Manchuria and Mongolia and then to use them as a base
for the seizure of all China's wealth and resources." These are
not merely the wild words of an individual. They represent the
consistent and fundamental policy of the Japanese militarists. Ever
since the Revolution of 1911 they have been ceaselessly interfering
with and obstructing the unification, economic revival and national
defensive measures of China. Previous to the time of the Northern
Expedition they practiced political sabotage, produced civil strife,
sold drugs, and promoted smuggling in China. They left no device
untried for the injury of our national unity. After 1928, the violence
with which they went to work and the obvious nature of their inten-
tions were only the more striking.
Nine years ago they invaded our Northeastern Provinces and
then the climax came with the Lukouchiao Incident of 1937 when
they commenced aggression on a scale calculated to strike at the
very foundation of China's national existence. It is clear enough
that the present slaughter and pillage perpetrated by the enemy is
*The Tanaka Memorial, presented to the Emperor of Japan on July 25, 1927,
by Premier Baron Giichi Tanaka.
515
THE INTERNATIONAL BOLE OF THE REPUBLIC
due to the Japanese militarists ; but the same is no less true of all
the chaos and tragic suffering our country has endured for the last
thirty years. We are fighting now not only to clear and revenge
ourselves of disgrace, but as a necessary means of attaining our
national ideals, for the completion of the revolutionary enterprise
set on foot in 1911 and the realization of the Three Principles of
the People. Out of this war must come the recovery of our sov-
ereignty, independence and territorial and administrative integrity
and the contribution we have to make toward the strengthening of
standards of international conduct, human equity and world peace.
The former is absolutely the most essential and most elementary
condition for national construction, while as I have often brought to
your attention, the indestructibility of the conception of equity and
the inevitable victory of justice in the world are facts of which
we can never obtain too close a grasp.
The Japanese themselves avow the boundlessness of their am-
bitions. The center of those ambitions is the conquest of China but
they include the overrunning of all East Asia, the carving up of
the whole Pacific area, and unlimited aggression throughout the
world. The attack on China, therefore, cannot be considered apart
from the worldwide aggression contemplated by the Japanese mili-
tarists. Whether they say "a conclusion to the China Incident," or
"to the south the defensive; to the north the offensive," or "to the
north the defensive; to the south the offensive," it is all only a
matter of sequence in the steps of their great scheme. Tanaka
declared: "If China be completely conquered by us, Central Asia and
Asia Minor, India and the South Seas, with their heterogeneous
peoples, will certainly fear and yield to us ; the world will be given
to understand that East Asia is in our possession. 1 ' He also spoke
of the inevitability of war between Japan and America and Russia.
"The rich resources of China," he wrote, "will become instrumental
to the conquest of India, the South Seas, Central Asia and Asia
Minor and Europe."
The minds of the Japanese militarists are crazed with this sort
of dream. Their so-called "New Order in East Asia" is the phrase
in which they express their determination to see all the countries
on the shores of the Pacific and all the peoples of Asia acknowledge
their overlordship. So they plunge into mad adventures and throw
516
THE INTERNATIONAL ROLE OF THE REPUBLIC
themselves toward ruin. Their nature, however, is such that save
on the point of extinction they will never realize the error of their
ways. Aware of this, China is resolved to fight not only to smash
their scheme of conquest insofar as it applies to her, but also to
shatter their hope of subduing the rest of Asia. China is the most
ancient and the largest Asiatic country. Without her, East Asia
would dissolve. She has not, therefore, shrunk from assuming
responsibility for the stability of East Asia.
Since the outbreak of the European war the Japanese, despite
the little strength left them after fighting three years with China,
have been thinking constantly how they may take advantage of the
situation for purposes of expansion southwards. Following the
reverses suffered by Britain and France their "New Order in East
Asia" suddenly became a "New Order for Greater Asia." The
announcement was made that "Greater Asia" included the South
Seas and frequent mention was made of a "new world order." Then
came the compact engineered with Germany and Italy. Action no
less extravagant than the mental ebullitions of the Japanese is
clearly to be expected. It matters little to us whether they expand
northward or southward; all their moves spell danger to China.
China is inveterately opposed to both the "New Order in East Asia"
and the "New Order for Greater Asia," and she will never cease
her struggle, whatever the future difficulties, until her people have
attained their national ideals.
Any country recognizing Japan's right to a "leading role in a
New Order for East Asia," I unhesitatingly declare, will come even-
tually to regret having been a tool of Japan. Any treaty concluded
with Japan in regard to Eastern Asiatic affairs, if China opposes it,
will prove as worthless a scrap of paper as the treaty made between
the Nanking puppets and their Japanese masters. I also declare
that if only we persevere in resistance the Japanese scheme behind the
Triple Alliance will be utterly frustrated. Every day that passes
without a pause in Chinese resistance is another day without a solu-
tion for the grave emergency in Japanese affairs. The main Japanese
motive, indeed, for entering into this alliance lies in the "urgent
desire to bring the China Incident to a close." China, however, is
engaged in a life-and-death struggle. As long as we have not reached
the goal of resistance, no matter whatsoever threats and tricks he
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TBS INTERNATIONAL BOLE OF THE KKPUBUC
may employ, the enemy will never succeed in causing us to swerve
a hair's-breadth from our purpose. If we analyze it objectively, this
Triple Alliance is seen to be, as it were, a pit of self-destruction
in addition to the shackles the enemy has already forged for himself
with the "New Order in East Asia/ 1
Everyone must understand that into whatever part of East
Asia the enemy leaders may carry their aggression, it is all part of
their criminal design to destroy China. Every move is a mortal blow
aimed at the nation which we are planning to build and which will
never be built without the dissipation of the Japanese dream of a
"New Order in East Asia." At a time when the Japanese are
exposing themselves to fresh risks it is opportune to strike them with
the utmost severity. Thus we shall not fail to observe the directions
left us by the Tsungli, as well as China's responsibility toward East
Asia.
In this period of urgency for resistance and of unprecedented
convulsions for the world, it behooves our devoted army and people,
holding fast to the Tsungli's teachings, with firm faith in their
cause, to exert intensified effort. To drive out the enemy and carry
to completion the unfinished work of the revolutionary martyrs we
must draw on their revolutionary and fighting spirit. Recall the
circumstances of their heroism: those circumstances were certainly
no less arduous than ours, yet they were infinitely the worse off.
They defied death, returned ever to the charge, and fought even
with bare fists and weaponless in creating the Republic.
Dr. Sun said: "At Huanghuakang three hundred men faced
thirty thousand, pitting pistols and grenades against rifles and
artillery. In the rising at Wuchang the odds were five hundred to
one. Such contests are unknown in the annals of ancient and
modern times, in the military art at home and abroad. Only revo-
lutionary history could have put them on record. ... If we would
bring China into line with other nations and secure for the Chinese
people an everlasting existence among mankind, we must emulate
the revolutionary martyrs' conduct, make them our standard, be
ready like them to sacrifice everything in single-hearted devotion to
national salvation. There is no other recipe for the spirit that should
animate the Kuomintang but this : fearlessness of death." This spirit
518
THE INTERNATIONAL ROLE OF THE REPUBLIC
of selfless patriotism dwells in the foundations of the Chinese Re-
public.
No revolutionary endeavor in the world that answered natural
and human needs and laws has failed. The building of a nation,
however, is always attended by numberless trials and sufferings.
With other nations it has ever been that revolutionary endeavor has
met immense obstacles and steady endurance has been required.
American independence encountered numerous setbacks and material
difficulties greater than China's today. Eight years of bloody con-
flict went to the making of the present spectacle of a strong and
prosperous United States. The Russian revolution was hindered
from without by foreign intervention and blockade and internally
by reactionary elements, with the addition of grave natural calamities.
It kept, however, to a steady course toward a defined goal, and at
last repelled the foreign invader and pacified the land, leading to
the construction of the imposing state of today. The revival of
Turkey, again, took place when the Powers had just imposed upon
her crushing terms of peace. Mustapha Kemal Pasha set about the
salvation of his country at a time when its territory was daily
diminishing, its economic strength was steadily declining, the army
was falling to pieces and internal administration was in confusion.
He cut a way through these overwhelming difficulties, leading the
Turkish army and people to war for the recovery of the lost territory
and national liberation. Subsequently, he threw himself into ten
years of intense work to reconstruct the country and army and to
institute all kinds of reforms, until the great enterprise of rehabilita-
tion was at last completed.
These are all examples worthy of our emulation. The present
European war may serve to impress on us the importance of con-
centrating our resources for the strengthening of national defense,
but also the fact that such efforts must be seconded by the ability
to maintain a struggle without wavering, no matter how long it
lasts. At the same time, we should observe how any nation, to
whatever degree favorably circumstanced, if it falls into ways of
dissipation and easygoing self-seeking may perish in a flash. On
the other hand, in circumstances the most perilous unity and deter-
mination of a people's heart can save the situation. Our nation now
519
THE INTERNATIONAL BOLE OF THE REPUBLIC
hangs between life and death. Resistance is at a critical and arduous
stage of its course; yet we are far better off than were the revo-
lutionary martyrs or the builders of other nations at the commence-
ment of their task. There is little difficulty in comprehending this
truth: we confront a foe who has on all sides of him enemies other
than ourselves the rapidly weakening Japanese; while at our
side are ranged the nations working for justice and existence in co-
operation with others. In the last resort, all these nations desire to
see in Asia a free and ascendant new China which, after winning
the War of Resistance, will be able to assist in world economic co-
operation and in the establishment of true world peace. The question
now is, therefore, whether we have confidence in ourselves, whether
we still possess the revolutionary spirit of 1911, and such a spirit
as all countries have displayed in their periods of national con-
struction.
Long ago I expressed my acute sense of the dangers and diffi-
culties that must beset resistance. I have been equally emphatic
in asserting that resistance is bound to be victorious, reconstruction
bound to be successful. I have pointed out that the fundamental error
of the Japanese permits of no good coming of whatever they under-
take. Dr. Sun said: "Conduct that goes against the dictates of
justice and humanity will sooner or later be defeated." Let the
enemy contort himself as he may, his ruin will be only the more
catastrophic the greater the adventures in which he indulges. On
another occasion I said: "No matter what changes may take place
in the international situation, they will be found essentially favorable
to our resistance." For we have all along maintained the initiative;
we have put the war on a basis of self-reliance and self-help. Ad-
vantageous to our cause have been the recent increase of other
countries' assistance to China and measures against Japan, but they
belong merely to the outwardly apparent indications of a trend
in the international situation the impalpable significance of which
is even more important for us to realize. That trend is day by day
more closely approximating the aims of resistance in its direction.
During this period of resistance and world upheaval the Tsunglfs
ideal of national and world salvation will gain universal recognition
and eventually be wholly realized. We are resolved to exert our-
520
THE INTERNATIONAL ROLE OF THE REPUBLIC
selves only the more vigorously should international events appear
to turn an unfavorable face on our cause.
With the Triple Alliance the Japanese seem to have emptied
their box of tricks. The Chinese people stand sublimely aloof mean-
while, growing stronger as the war proceeds. Our part in respon-
sibility for the security of East Asia and the world lies heavily upon
us; but, unless we are remiss ourselves no force can injure us, no
power prevent the attainment of our national ideals. On the Double
Tenth of the first year of resistance I remember telling you that
"this war will not be a matter of six or twelve months." Today, our
struggle is still in progress while the whole world has begun the
general settlement of accounts that must precede the dawn of new
hope. Rereading the teachings bequeathed us by the Tsungli we
cannot but feel that our road is lengthy in proportion to the
importance of the journey we are making. Thousands of years of
Chinese history show that as a people we are peculiarly gifted with a
capacity for endurance and the overcoming of all descriptions of
difficulty. It is not for us to waver in the face of trials, to be be-
wildered by perils, to lose heart at reverses, to be weakly fascinated
by world changes and fall in the midst of difficulties into laisser-faire,
irresponsible and compromising habits of mind.
For China to accomplish her own task of resistance is for her
to discharge her responsibility to the world. For the individual to
stand to his post and energetically do his particular duty is his way
of making the greatest possible contribution to the nation. From
the whole army and people there must be loyalty to the nation,
loyalty to duty, loyalty to the Principles, loyalty to the law; and
courage in unselfish patriotism, courage in bearing pain to serve
the public interest.
In life a man's self is both his greatest friend and his greatest
enemy. With self-reliance and self-exertion he has no enemy he
cannot put to rout ; while if he lets himself slide he courts his own
destruction. Similarly, the ghastly injuries we have been subject to
may be put down to the dissipation, folly, and selfishness of the past,
while the rigor, bloodshed and striving of the present will go to the
making of future prosperity and happiness. This gravest crisis in
the history of our nation is also an experience fateful for Asia and
521
THE INTERNATIONAL BOLE OF THE REPUBLIC
mankind. It is the most serious trial history has ever made of the
Chinese people's qualities. Extraordinary times have their extraor-
dinary difficulties and these require extraordinary pdwer to overcome.
The strength and splendor of the national character must come into
evidence now if ever. Our people will assuredly be steeled in this
blood and fire; they will develop a pioneering spirit of endeavor for
the opening up of the way to national construction and revival. I
demand of army and people : at the front, vigorous fighting ; in the
occupied areas, sabotage and frustration of the enemy and sworn
resolution not to compromise with the enemy and his puppets ; and in
the rear, self-denial and frugality, sturdiness and enthusiasm.
The Tsungli, in painstakingly setting down the plans for na-
tional construction, anticipated such a unique opportunity as presents
itself today. This is the time for us to concentrate our will and
strength and lay a sound political foundation for the country. The
blockade we must turn to advantage by striving to counter it with
the energetic development of production, and the promotion of
research and invention with a view to establishing a robust and
independent economy. We must exert ourselves in building up the
army, in social training, in the completion of the new system of
hsien administration and local autonomy, in stimulating industry and
developing communications, all in order to reinforce the founda-
tions of national defense.
The whole army and people, and especially those individuals
gifted with special knowledge and technical skill holding positions
of leadership in the various spheres of life, must realize the nature
of our responsibility which extends to the fate of East Asia and the
world. It is a responsibility not to be shirked but to be upheld
with a courage equal to the immense and noble enterprise. The
ancients called thirty years a generation and with next year the
Republic will have attained that age. It finds itself still menaced
and the work of reconstruction still lacks an adequate foundation.
A barbarous enemy confronts it meanwhile. Things being so, we
have to reflect upon our unworthiness of the sacrifices made and the
distress suffered by the Tsungli, the revolutionary martyrs and
innumerable other fellow-countrymen. The situation with us and in
the world is now at a turning point. Our efforts and devotion were
522
THE INTERNATIONAL BOLE OF THE REPUBLIC
never more urgently required. I trust that you will all display a
spirit such as may benefit those tq whom has fallen the duty of execut-
ing the Will* and following in the steps of the Tsungli and those
who created the Republic twenty-nine years ago and initiated the
noble mission we have to bring to completion.
*Dr. Sun Yat-sen's Will reads:
"For forty years I have devoted myself to the cause of the people's revolution
with but one end in view, the elevation of China to a position of freedom and
equality among the nations. My experiences during these forty years have firmly
convinced me that to attain this goal we must bring about a thorough awakening
of our own people and ally ourselves in a common struggle with those peoples of
the world who treat us on the basis of equality.
"The work of the Revolution is not yet done. Let all our comrades follow
my 'Plans for National Reconstruction,' 'Fundamentals of National Reconstruction,'
'Three Principles of the People,' and the 'Manifesto' issued by the First National
Convention of our Party, and strive on earnestly for their consummation. Above
all, our recent declarations in favor of the convocation of a National Convention
and the abolition of unequal treaties should be carried into effect with the least
possible delay. This is my heartfelt charge to you."
523
81
The Nadir of Konoye's Career
A report made at the Weekly Memorial Service oj
the National Government on Monday, December
2,1940.
DECEMBER 2, 1940.
IT IS my intention today to make to all of you present a simple
report on the important features of the war situation during the
past week, on the Japanese recognition of Wang Ching-wei's puppet
administration, on the circumstances attending their conclusion of a
so-called treaty with him, and on the possible future repercussions
of these events.
Commencing from the 23rd of last month, the Japanese, by way
of preparatory fanfare to precede their recognition of Wang Ching-
wei, overhauled their manpower in all the war areas for the purpose
of raising a force to attempt an offensive on our positions in central
and northern Hupeh. The attack was planned with the object of
boosting their prestige and dissembling the actual vulgar and shame-
less nature of the transaction. The outcome, however, has been the
Japanese forces' complete reverse at the hands of our stout defense
in less than ten days. The casualties they have sustained exceed
their losses in the previous campaign in western Hupeh. This is
another substantial victory for our forces.
Meanwhile on the very same day the Japanese militarists recog-
nized the Wang regime, President Roosevelt pointedly made a simul-
taneous announcement of his government's intention to extend to
China a credit loan and a currency loan amounting to 100,000,000
American dollars. During the past eight months of the present year
American loans to China make a total of more than 150,000,000
dollars. Mr. Cordell Hull, Secretary of State, has also made a
solemnly worded statement to the effect that the United States
was absolutely determined not to recognize any puppet regime and
to continue indefinitely to consider the present Central Govern-
ment in Chungking as the only legally constituted Chinese govern-
524
THE NADIR OF KONOYE'S CAREER
ment. From Britain there has come an indication of a similar atti-
tude. With Soviet Russia there has been no change in her con-
sistent policy of support for Chinese resistance. These are the events
at home and abroad of the last few days which demand the closest
study of all in their relation to the war.
Next, to comment on the Japanese recognition of the Wang
Ching-wei regime and their publication of the "treaty" he and they
have signed, I conceive this action as the perverse and outrageous
product of the defeat of their recent peace offensive. The dummy
treaty is tricked out with all sorts of features such as "Funda-
mental Conditions," "Annexed Protocol" and "Understandings."
It simply consists of the parts the Japanese have seen fit to publish
of the secret "Wang- Japan" treaty long ago exposed by Kao Tsung-
wu and T'ao Hsi-sheng.* Throughout its contents there is abso-
lutely nothing novel to be found. This rehash of the former treaty
is a scrap of paper representing the willingness of the puppets to be
"recognized" by Japan as the totally submissive slaves they are.
As such it scarcely deserves passing notice. It will, however, become
a part of the record of estrangement between the two countries.
It will contribute to a prolongation of the evils of the war they are
fighting; it will be remembered for centuries as a symbol of the
mortal issue dividing the two nations.
In this lies the tremendous crime of the Konoye Cabinet.
Konoye is, in fact, as you all must know, the monumental criminal
figure in the history of relations between China and Japan. On
referring to the statement I made on December 26, 1938,* in refuta-
tion of the Konoye Statement and to my message addressed to army
and people when the "Secret Pact" was revealed in January,* you
will find a full and clear account of the function of the puppets in
the Japanese design to destroy China. You will also observe the
fact that this comedy just enacted in Nanking is in no way anything
fresh. It is merely the reappearance on the boards of a play already
*See pages 358, 134, and 364, respectively.
525
THE NADIR OF KONOYE'S CAREER
presented in the form of the traitorous secret treaty for the "readjust-
ment of relations between Japan and China" signed by Wang
Ching-wei in December of last year and in the form of the inaugura-
tion of the "Nanking Regime" in March of this year.
I have always regarded the former occasion as the date of the
announcement of Wang Ching-wei's decease, and the latter as the
date of his funeral. And now Abe, on his visit to Nanking, has
put the finishing touch to the obsequies of Traitor Wang, by reading
an oration over the tomb. Abe's return to Nanking during the period
of mourning made doubly sure that Wang Ching-wei was finally at
rest in his burial place. The antics of the Japanese and the puppets
on this occasion were merely in the nature of a ghastly insistence
on past revolting scenes in the story of their relations. The affair
is devoid of any new interest: I need not speak of it at any great
length. I shall turn to the subject of the cause for the Japanese
recognition of Wang Ching-wei and to the future consequences of
their action.
When Konoye became Prime Minister for the second time in
July of this year many were his friends who thought he must have
a great determination during his term of office to bring the Sino-
Japanese War to a conclusion. The war had started during his first
premiership and all his successors, Hiranuma, Abe and Yonai, had
failed to stop it. With the European war in furious progress he
imagined there was a good chance personally to wind up the horrors
of war for which he was responsible. This was his general view
and in the heads of his entire Cabinet this idea was no doubt
present : the idea of at last seeing a satisfactory fulfillment of their
aggressive dreams. At that time, however, I declared it my opinion
that Konoye, no matter how high he might be rated by the politicians
and people of Japan, would not prove able to override the militarists
and free his country from the shackles of war.
In the Bible we read : "A corrupt tree cannot bring forth good
fruit." The Sino- Japanese War is an illustration of this. Because
this war came of the wrongheaded and impulsive aggression of the
Japanese militarists, because it came of the evil seed sown by Konoye,
with Konoye again in power, the militarists still in existence, there
being no genuine admission of their guilt among them, there is
obviously no possibility of an end of the war. At the time of the
526
THE NADIR OF KONOYE'S CAREER
Lukouchiao Incident I gave explicit definition of China's fundamen-
tal standpoint in foreign affairs. I held that if the incident could not
be amicably settled a breaking point would be reached. I said:
"We desire peace, but we do not seek evasion of the issue ; we pre-
pare for war, but it is not our will that it should be. ... To war with
the warmaker is the inevitable means of acting up to the issue in-
volved. . , . With hostilities in progress our weakness as a nation
precludes any further chance of compromise. . , . Whether the
Lukouchiao Incident evolves into a Sino- Japanese War depends
entirely on the attitude of the Japanese government; the answer
to the question whether there is still hope of peace is to be sought
in the actions of the Japanese military. Until the very last moment
before the final extinction of the hope of peace, we shall continue to
desire a peaceful, diplomatic means of solving the incident/' I
followed these words with a statement of the four minimum Chinese
requirements for a satisfactory solution of the incident, adding a
warning to Konoye in these terms : "If you can take a detached and
far-sighted view of the affairs of Far Eastern peoples, if it is not
your wish to precipitate a final crisis between the two countries,
if it is not your will to create imperishable hatred between them, then
you will certainly do ill to turn a deaf ear to these four minimum
requirements of ours."
Now we have been fighting for nearly three years and a half,
and China's final victory is perceptibly drawing near. In retrospect,
the Konoye Cabinet has been responsible for the present embarrass-
ment of the Japanese. Toward the end of 1938 I attacked the
Konoye Statement in these terms: "The efforts of the Japanese mili-
tarists to destroy China will inevitably bring about the destruction
of Japan. During the past year and a half we have succeeded in
establishing a foundation for national rebirth regardless of difficulties
and fearless of danger. We pause to regret the fall of Japan, with
her history of reformers' magnificent sacrifices, into the grip of
the 'Junior Officers' group who play ducks and drakes with her
resources and manpower, leading her to barbaric ruin. Japan is
on the brink of an unthinkable end." These words of mine spoken
two years ago are seen in the light of present events to be in no
way mistaken. Konoye, despairing both of his headlong design to
annex China by force and of his peace offensive, has willy-nilly
527
THE NADIR OF KONOYE'fl CAREER
resorted to the pis-oiler of recognizing the puppet administration
in an attempt to persuade the Japanese people to believe that a sort
of conclusion to the Sino- Japanese War has been achieved. In fact,
however, his ostrich-like behavior, his poor endeavor to deceive
himself and us and others, constitutes an insult to the integrity of
the Chinese people as well as to that of his own people. For this
act of recognition further lowers the prestige and good name of
Japan. In practice it will contribute to the prolongation of the war,
so far from bringing about an end to it; it will intensify hatred
between China and Japan; and it will add impetus to Japan's descent
to irretrievable ruin.
Observation of the conduct and measures of Konoye's two
cabinets makes clear their quality as puppets of the militarists, in
which capacity they have committed all their iniquities. Konoye
did three things during his first tenure of office. Firstly, he brought
about war between China and Japan with all the consequent loss
of life and treasure to Japan, while now he still finds himself power-
less to extricate himself from the slough into which he has dragged
his country. Secondly, he made it his policy to strengthen the "Anti-
Comintern Agreement/' making an enemy of Soviet Russia in pur-
suance of his wild continental policy of aggression. Thirdly, he
published his statement on the "New Order in East Asia/' showing
therein that his ambition was not limited to the destruction of China
but extended to the expulsion of American and European influence
from Asia. He conceived Japanese domination over all Asia as a step
to conquest of the world. These three moves form the most im-
portant elements in the fatal course Japan is treading. Especially
by the idea of the "New Order in East Asia" did Konoye do his
country deadly injury.
During his second period of premiership Konoye has also
done three things of particular note. The first was his introduction
of the so-called "New Structure" into the politics of Japan. The
second was his bringing of Japan into the Triple Alliance with
Germany and Italy. The third was his recognition of Wang Ching-
wei's puppet government together with his publication of a "Joint
Manifesto" subscribed to by Japan, "Manchukuo," and the puppet
China. In regard to his motives for these three moves I do not
hesitate to make this great distinction: when he was first Premier,
528
THE NADIR OF KONOYE'S CAREER
his one object was to defeat China in the field, while now that he is
again Premier his whole aim is to procure an end to the war in any
way. Today he has no other thought but release from the bonds of
his "China Incident."
Let us examine the first of the series of three moves taken since
he again became Prime Minister. He finds himself obliged, in order
to wrest a solution from the hard facts of the war situation, to unify
public opinion and concentrate Japan's national resources for the
effort. You must all be aware that since the war began not only
has public opinion in Japan shown itself boisterous and formless
but the minds of the people have also been at a loss to understand
the situation. As time goes on, and the war seems endless, con-
flicting views multiply. Anti-war sentiment spreads further and
further both at the front and in the rear. On the one hand the
antagonism between the militarists and the people deepens and on the
other hand divisions among the former themselves, groups for war
and for peace, for biding time and for taking vigorous action, pro-
Russian and anti-Russian, friendly to America and inimical to
America, for southward expansion and against it such are the
loudly dissentient voices to be heard in the enemy camp.
This was a state of affairs which the "Junior Officers 1 ' Group
could not ameliorate, but which Konoye tried to improve by means
of his "New Structure." In practice this hope of his must prove
vain. Another aspect of the thing is that it represents the overthrow
of the whole political, economic, social and even military basis of
Japanese life as it was built up by loyal ministers and highminded
men during the sixty years of Japanese history following the Meiji
Reform. Konoye did not shrink from such action as a device for
the attainment of his longing for some solution for the war which
he hoped would still bring about China's ruin ; yet his hope for success
for this and other of his tricks has proved utterly illusory.
Coming now to the second of the recent moves of Konoye men-
tioned above, the conclusion of the Tripartite Alliance, we need con-
sider only the motive of Japan for entering into the compact, a
motive undoubtedly different from those of the other signatories.
I have not the slightest hesitation in saying that her aim was cer-
tainly not born of any love for her new allies; nor was it one of
contributing anything to their cause. The idea was to borrow
529
THK NABffi OF KONOYTO GABEB*
prestige from them and hold out the alliance as a threat to Soviet
Russia, England and America, and to provide an obstacle to assist-
ance for China from these nations. The Japanese aspiration was to
find in the Alliance a chance of executing the southward expansion
policy and of bringing the war to a conclusion. In fact they have
gained nothing by their unprincipled conduct.
One naturally recalls Konoye's policy of strengthening the
Anti-Comintern Pact, where the motive was similar. Then he was
thinking of leaning on others' support in the "northward expansion"
adventure, preparing for simultaneous war with China and Russia,
all as a part of the Continental Policy. Such are the selfish motives
behind the Japanese adhesion to these agreements with other coun-
tries which they have no intention of helping. With the non-
aggression pact between Germany and Russia and the resulting
virtual annulment of the Anti-Comintern Pact Japan suffered a
diplomatic shock she had prepared for herself by her self-centered
designs. She then executed a volte-face, turning from a policy of
enmity toward Russia to one of search for grounds of diplomatic
rapprochement. Simultaneously, Japan strove to appease the United
States and threaten Great Britain. The aim was still that of de-
priving China of assistance from Soviet Russia, Britain and America
as a necessary measure for the solution of the "China Incident."
These countries, entirely sensible to the nature of the transactions,
have watched the complete failure of each device.
Behind all the recent Japanese moves, the Triple Alliance with
its threat to America, Britain and Soviet Russia, the "Japan-'Man-
chukuo'-'China' Manifesto/' the signature of the treaty with Wang
and recognition of him the treaty containing the clause defining
Japan's right to carry out the provisions of the Anti-Comintern
Pact in Mongolia and to station troops in certain areas of North
China there is the same unchanging tendency of Japan to work
against Russia and at the same time pursue her traditional policy
of aggression in China.
The obvious purpose of the Triple Alliance in her eyes was to
make way for expansion to the south; yet she is still unwilling to give
up her northward project. I leave it to your intelligence to decide
whether it is likely Japan can simultaneously dominate Soviet Russia
530
THE NADIR OF JCONOYS'S CAREER
and menace America, expanding both to the north and south at once.
By so doing she would be virtually annulling the Tripartite Pact,
she would be even acting to the injury of her allies' interests for
speculative ends of her own. Or her action would portend a radical
change in the original nature and purpose of the pact. The spec-
tacle of Japan's diplomatic contortions is one of self-deception, dis-
honesty and faithlessness so unscrupulous that there can now surely
be no country that trusts her or regards her as a worthy partner
in alliance.
Next, of Konoye's third political move during his present
premiership I have already spoken. To quote what I said last
year: "The puppet organizations are bound to appear, but no
matter how many of them Japanese produce, no matter what tides
they may give them, we shall ever regard them as nothing but the
slaves of Japan, of no validity in relation to China herself or other
countries and powerless to injure our Party or nation in the
slightest." However, behind the scenes there lies a darker aspect
of the puppet show. There is the thought present in the minds of
the Japanese that the puppet government may possibly serve in the
enslavement of all China by the use of its false name as a subtle
vehicle for the termination of the war and the real annexation of
China. The Japanese peace offensive of the past two weeks has been
a weird and amazing affair indeed. First various peace rumors
are circulated; then the pretense is that the Chinese Government
has refused peace proposals even inclusive of a Japanese with-
drawal, compelling Japan to resort to recognition of the Wang
Ching-wei Administration. I can, however, declare that the Chinese
Government has neither been aware of any of these imaginary peace
proposals nor has it perceived the smallest hint of a sincere desire
on the part of Japan to abandon aggression and seek peace. In
view, moreover, of the declaration made by the Konoye Cabinet
in January of 1938 to the effect that Japan no longer recognized the
Central Government as a possible participant in negotiations with
her, our Government and every citizen in the land will place no faith
in reports of Japan's seeking peace with the Government, and we
are even more skeptical of the ability of the Japanese militarists
to impose peace. There is not a primary school student in China
who would put rash trust in the rumors. They are futilely directed
531
THE NADIR OF KONOYE'S CAKKBB
at the Japanese people and the rest of the world in an endeavor to
hoodwink them.
Finally, the recognition of the Wang regime was conducted
under the grandiose nomenclature of the "Manifesto" the "Im-
perial Government of Japan/ 1 the "Imperial Government of Man-
chukuo" and the "Republican Government of China." These absurd
terms are a great insult to the Chinese people that will be forever
remembered by descending generations of the race. Beneath con-
tempt as is the vulgar conduct of the Japanese, it is totally harmless
so far as we are concerned. For three years and six months we
have fought without thought of submission to enemy threats; we have
sustained the national honor of China against his insolence and
insults. Today we are as resolved as ever to resist to the end;
but this is not all: we intend China shall issue from the war in all
the splendor of a freedom and independence more real than she has
previously known a new San Min Chu I China. All that has
come of this recognition of Wang Ching-wei on our side, therefore,
has been stimulation of our national spirit and a clearer demonstra-
tion of the soundness of our national integrity, and of its inviolability
in the face of Japanese trickery.
On the other hand, the damage done to Japanese national
integrity and prestige by the actions of the Konoye Cabinet is of
incalculable extent. The effect is to depress the reputation of Japan
to the level of the slave governments created by her. The Mani-
festo is not a manifesto of three countries, but it is a document pro-
claiming the formation of a tripartite puppet body and the con-
fluence of two puppet streams represented by Wang Ching-wei and
Konoye. For the "Japan, Manchukuo and China" of the Manifesto
are conceived as having attained "indivisible unity" and "amalga-
mation/' and all the other phrases to be found in the declaration on
the "New Order in East Asia." If I am to speak of the effect of this
enemy move on the course of Resistance and Reconstruction, I can
only say that it has added to the indignation of the whole country, and
heightened the fighting spirit of our soldiers at the front. As I
said when the Secret Pact was revealed: "Not to strive is to be
ruined ; not to resist is to sit waiting for death. Are we slaves whom
the traitor Wang Ching-wei can sell? We have only to think of how
we are to avenge these insults and secure the existence of the nation,
532
THE NADIR OF KONOYE'S CAEEER
snatching the good name of China out of the hands of those who
would destroy it." In the enemy's present resourceless situation we
have only to keep up a continuous rain of effective blows at him in
order to bring about his final collapse. When victory comes and the
militarists are driven from our soil the Wang Administration will
resemble in its fate the wretched end of the reactionary puppet
regimes of Denikin, Kolchak and Wrangel that the Imperialists set
up in the time of the Russian Revolution. It will find the ground cut
away from under its feet and it will become the object of just pun-
ishment at the hands of Chinese law.
In conclusion, the present Konoye Cabinet is given up to one
great aim the bringing of an end in some way or other to the
Sino-Japanese War. With that purpose in mind it devised the
"New Structure" although it entailed breaking the spine of Japan's
national being built up over half a century the destruction of the
Constitution, and the dissolution of the parties. And it caused
Japan's participation in the Triple Alliance although this has brought
her enemies on all sides. The upshot of all the recent Japanese
political and diplomatic activity has been failure to put an end to
the war and deepening of the gulf between the two nations. Such is
the final outcome of the crime of aggression committed by the
Konoye Cabinet and the ultimate expression of Japan's military and
political defeat. One of the clearest features of the situation is the
way in which the Japanese Constitution as the depository of law
and the spirit of national institutions has been done away with.
The utter destruction of the political, social, economic and even mili-
tary basis of Japanese national life will inevitably follow. Whereas
I remarked upon the ineffectiveness of the Wang Ching-wei regime
as machinery for the pillage of all China, the Konoye Cabinet is
indeed an all too effective instrument in the destruction of Japan.
Fellow-countrymen, the decisive day for the defeat of the
enemy's aggression has arrived, the day of Konoye's recognition
of Wang's government. The Japanese and their puppets are climbing
into a common grave. China owes the victory in sight to the efforts
and sacrifices of her army and people throughout the past three years
and a half; she sees its approach only accelerated by this paltry
event. We have now to meet the final demands the last stages of the
struggle make upon our strength and endurance.
533
82
Light of New Hope
A New Year's Message delivered on January 1,
1941.
JANUARY 1, 1941.
To ALL OFFICERS AND MEN OF THE ARMED FORCES AND FELLOW-
COUNTRYMEN AT HOME AND ABROAD:
HPHE thirtieth year of the Republic begins today. Resistance has
. attained its fifth year of age. From this turning point in the
years' revolving course, the work of Resistance and Reconstruction
should go forward impelled by fresh efforts born of the significant
and inspiring moment. Dr. Sun Yat-sen looked forward to the
accomplishment of the Revolution within thirty years; in China we
call thirty years a "generation" ; and as a rule a man at the age of
thirty attains his full physical and mental maturity, becoming master
of himself and his destiny in the most creative and constructive
period of his life. The Republic is now thirty years old, and yet the
Revolution is still short of complete success. For nearly ten years
the enemy has been in possession of the 1,300,000 square kilometers
of our Northeastern Provinces. The nation and the people are
passing through a time of trouble and affliction and, though the
dawning light of victory is visible, great areas of our land remain
under the heel of the invader and countless numbers of our fellow-
countrymen are still suffering the worst cruelties his oppression can
devise. When and how liberation is to come, the foundations of
national reconstruction to be well and truly laid, the Three Principles
of the People to be carried into practice, and China to achieve inde-
pendence, freedom and equality among the nations these are ques-
tions we must ask ourselves today. Seeing things as they are and in
retrospect, we cannot fail to make a searching examination of our
hearts and record, and resolve to intensify our efforts.
A review of the whole war situation shows us the enemy at
the end of his tether ; he has worked evil to his own satiety and the
limit of his ingenuity. His failure is now a foregone conclusion,
534
LIGHT OF NEW HOPE
while international events are constantly tending more to favor our
cause. I need not make detailed mention of the facts composing
this situation. I must have you all realize, however, that the enemy's
fated ruin does not imply the real attainment of our victory. Our
country and our people are not yet out of danger. The future of
resistance has yet to encounter greater setbacks and difficulties. Our
victory in this War of Resistance will consist in the completion of the
task of reconstruction as a permanent guarantee of our people's
existence and a substantial contribution to the good of humanity
and the world. It is a war fought to complete the great enterprise
of national revolution. For Resistance and Reconstruction are a
single enterprise, two indivisible aspects of the same undertaking.
We fight to remove obstacles to reconstruction, while at the same time
we reconstruct in order to have the requisite strength to fight. We
have to develop the potential energies of the nation before we can
be sure of a success of lasting value and the final realization of revo-
lutionary ideals. The work in which we are engaged is too vast
and arduous to permit of the minutest defection, of the slightest
speculative over-confidence in adventitious aid.
In the world of today the nations are everywhere pitting their
integral forces in mortal competition with one another, striving
to out-race and outlast one another. The energy which progressive
nations are putting into their schemes of national defense and eco-
nomic reconstruction should arouse in us a spirit of emulation and
the determination to advance no less rapidly than they. The fact
of China's unique wealth of natural resources should encourage us
still more. Dr. Sun said: "A population of four hundred millions
living in a land 42,700,000 square miles in area constitutes a source
of wealth unequaled elsewhere in the world: an era of promise
opens before men of promise possessed of a land of promise." Our
present general backwardness has invited the aggression of the
Japanese with the acute sufferings it has brought upon our citizens
young and old, men and women alike. When we read over this
extract from the teachings of Dr. Sun it must surely make us take
thought for our past failings and the means of repairing them.
I would have you all take note that our work is now entering
a new phase, wherein, after establishing in the past three and a half
years of resistance a foundation for reconstruction, we have now
535
LIGHT OF NEW HOPE
to make reconstruction itself the center of our concern. Many people
think of Resistance and Reconstruction in terms of two separate
stages. By doing so they display misapprehension of the essential
and special characteristics of the Chinese Revolution. A worse error
still consists in thinking, as some others do, that the success of re-
sistance is to be followed by a period of ease and inactivity. The fact
is that the work of reconstruction will prove even more exacting and
important than resistance; it will call for a lengthier period of
painstaking effort and of persevering endeavor if the difficulties are
to be overcome and the constraints to be borne. During this time
of war, therefore, we must press forward on the one hand with
measures of reconstruction, while the object of these measures must
be to actualize the Three Principles of the People and to create a
China mistress of her soul and body, an independent nation fit to be
a stone in the foundations of world peace. The Chinese people will
then havfe fulfilled their great mission. That result will not be had
without their grasping the significance of reconstruction and the
factors indispensable to its success.
Dr. Sun expressed his revolutionary purpose in the words
"To found and erect the Republic" and from the very first hours
of Republican rule he untiringly promoted reconstruction that China
might become a modern nation. In our Chinese phrase for "recon-
struction" Men-she the elementary meaning of the word "chien"
is that we see in those words "chien-li min-ki4o" and all that
appertains to the establishment of the country's well-being is recon-
struction. Of all its aspects the most important is that of the economic
requirements of national defense. In his outline of plans for indus-
trial development written twenty- three years ago Dr. Sun projected
a wholly adequate scheme for economic reconstruction which is also
the best of designs for defensive reconstruction. To put national
defense on a sound basis may be said to be the first step in the general
reconstruction of the country. Look at Soviet Russia. How is it she
has the strength to give practical effect to her peace policy, as she
is commonly held to be doing? That strength she owes to the un-
remitting perseverance with which she has carried out her two five-
year plans. We are not merely concerned to build up our capacity
to meet the present destructive power of the enemy; in positively
devoting ourselves to the work of economic reconstruction we have
536
LIGHT OF NEW HOPE
in view the permanent protection of our independence, freedom, and
existence in order that we may give what we can toward World
peace. It is more with this higher ideal in mind that in the midst of
war we should exert ourselves to put into good shape the economic
groundwork of defense. The economic is, however, not the only
side of reconstruction, nor is the material its only aspect. There is
also the reconstruction of the mind, of personal relationships, of
society and of politics that demand equally close attention for the
strengthening and sound organization of national life. Ultimately
the goal is complete realization of the Three Principles of the
People and the establishment of the Five-Rights Constitution. Dr.
Sun's "Outline of National Construction" and "Plans for National
Reconstruction," his conceptions of the approach to democratic rule
and the initiation of local autonomy must be systematically executed
in an ordered sequence of procedure. I would impress upon you
that the undertaking may be achieved the more easily rather than
otherwise for its being attempted in war time, just as it is the more
imperatively needed. We require only determination and awareness
of the true significance of resistance, together with unanimous and
wholehearted assent to Dr. Sun's philosophic conception of the power
of knowledge to produce action. If, with that assent, we are of
one mind and one purpose we shall be sure of complete success.
The work of reconstruction being even more arduous than re-
sistance and its bearing on the future prosperity or decline, the sur-
vival or ruin of the nation, so important, we shall stand in need of
a spirit of sacrifice and strict discipline. Not only at the front where
soldiers have not to shrink from the hardship and peril of bloody
combat is the spirit of sacrifice a necessity but also each citizen at
whatever may be his post has to regard his duty and work as the
first consideration in life, and his personal advantage a secondary
matter, in all readiness to be self-denying and frugal to an extreme.
In a word, the individual has to reduce his standard of living to
the lowest .point he can, while on the other hand he develops his
ability to serve the State to the highest degree he can. We shall do
well to take as models those democratic nations that took shape in
periods of stress, each individual among us preparing to sacrifice
his all, not to the exclusion of his life. Discipline consists in obedience
to the laws and ordinances of the State, the maintenance of public
537
JLtGttT OF NEW HOPE
order and the offering up of personal liberty toward the attain-
ment of freedom for the nation,-^the removal from our name of its
disgraceful reputation for laxity and disorder, and the creation of
a new capacity for coherent and harmonious activity. Let us realize
that the main reason for the success during the past thirty years of
die Japanese policy of inciting separatism for the splitting of our
country into fragments the easier to consume has been due to our
own lack of order and discipline and to our inability to achieve
unity, regularity and progress in our ways of living, thinking and
acting. We failed to make our work accord with the demands of a
new age, with the result that the enemy has subjected us to his in-
sults and aggression. Insensibility and corruption exposed the
nation to this ordeal.
We must one and all resolve to repair this injury to our honor,
on the one hand in social life by putting Spiritual Mobilization into
practice and on the other hand in the life of the individual by carry-
ing out the precepts of the New Life Movement. This simply means
that when every fellow-countryman is aware of the moral values of
propriety and justice, honesty and honor, fulfilling his responsibilities
and observing discipline, playing the part of a new man living in a
new age then shall we be able to create a new China.
The year to come wiU be a most trying and momentous period
in our history: in it may be decided our fate, but that decision it is
for us ourselves alone to make. With unity of thought and will,
with sufficient devotion and zeal, we can make it record the laying
of an immovable foundation for our future national life. If on the
contrary we rest in false confidence on our oars, putting selfish
interests before national ones, we shall court irreparable disaster,
and earn undying obloquy. The nation's fate depends on our capacity
for personal sacrifice, on our will to smash through obstacles. The
time, loaded with its possibilities of infinite good and evil, may
slip by us while we vacillate ; it is for each of us to seize the matchless
opportunity for exertion. The way to a great end is long; there
can be no alienation of responsibility to others; only energy inspired
by absolute awareness of the facts and issues is enough.
In conclusion, we are now fighting for nothing less than the
success of the Revolution; in the course of this war we are striving
to accomplish the rehabilitation of our nation. We have just read
538
LlGtiT OF NEW HOPE
President Roosevelt's speech of Sunday evening. He said that the
f6rces of States leagued against all peoples living in freedom were
being held back from the shores of America, and that China was
fighting a great war in defense of freedom. He went on to empha-
size the necessity of facing a danger that could not be escaped by
frightened evasion; there could be, he said, no appeasement with
ruthlessness, no reasoning with incendiary bombs. He warned the
American people that to survive in the world today they stood in
need of an economy on a war footing and permanent military pre-
paredness. His penetrating and memorable words record the place
of importance Chinese resistance has in regard to the world situation,
and they lay down the essential principles that must guide the mod-
ern nation's policy. We cannot but feel stimulated and encouraged
in no ordinary way to hear the American President address his
people in such terms of solemn admonition and express at the same
time so lofty a conception of our struggle. It is indeed a fact that
resistance must be carried on regardless of whatever sacrifices it
may require until it achieves the aim of rendering secure the freedom
of China, and reconstruction must with us too provide permanent
military preparedness. That is necessary if, in Dr. Sun's similar
words, "the nation is to be assured of permanent existence in the
world."
The point I wish particularly to impress upon you today is
that the work of reconstruction must proceed simultaneously with the
conflict in the field, strengthening as it proceeds the forces of resist-
ance until they are able to attain a complete victory. Only thus
will a proper response be made to the sacrifices of the men who have
died and suffered for the cause, and to the sympathy and assistance
extended to us by friendly nations. The war is fought to drive out
the invader and restore the integrity of our territorial and adminis-
trative sovereignty; but it is also fought to assert the ideals of
justice and fair dealing, to make possible the actualization of the
Three Principles of the People and to establish a lasting peace in the
Orient and the world. For thousands of years our people have
been devoted to peace; after China has secured a place of inde-
pendence and equality among the nations she will undoubtedly have
much to contribute to the peace of the world. Were it not so we
should not have been able so courageously to match ourselves against
539
LIGHT OP MEW HOPE
the aggressor, to maintain our resolve through so many trials or to
display such a spirit of sacrifice for the sake of constructing a new
nation.
I have often said that we are waging a war of good against
evil, of right against wrong and of equity against force, upholding
justice and peace against a destroyer of justice and peace. The world
scene is now illuminated by a light of new hope; the cause of justice
is everywhere gaining new adherents. We see the Japanese ring-
leaders of aggression exhausted and faltering at every step, they are
rushing on their ruin, and with them the powers of evil are declining.
The coming year will assuredly find justice and peace making their
voices heard with increasing clarity and effect. The situation is such
as to justify what I have said and hoped in the past ; my declarations
are proved as having been based on fact and no mere idealism ; and
the national policy is vindicated as thoroughly sound.
From this hour, however, the responsibility in which every
citizen shares will grow heavier. I look to you all wherever you
may be, at the front or in the rear or in distant lands overseas, to
rouse yourselves to new enthusiasm in the working out of the sacred
mission bequeathed us by the national martyrs and the Father of
the Republic.
540
83
Burma-Chinese Relationship
Reply to a letter of greeting written by U Ba Lwin
on the eve of the departure from Rangoon of the
Second Goodwill Mission of the leading journalists
of Burma. U Ba Lwin was President and Leader
of the First Goodwill Mission to China.
JANUARY 18, 1941.
MY DEAR SIR:
TT WAS a great pleasure to have your letter of December 22. It
brought to my recollection the days when in 1940 you paid your
quite epoch-making visit to China at the head of the first goodwill
mission ever organized as a means of deepening and enriching rela-
tions between Burma and China. We have observed much of the
good fruit your enterprise has borne; the journalists' mission now
in China is in itself an example. We are finding the presence of
these successors of yours no less pleasant and profitable than our
meeting with you.
The importance of the two countries' knowledge and understand-
ing of each other can scarcely be exaggerated. Historically, geo-
graphically and economically the relationship of Burma with China
is rightly to be considered intimate. References to your country
occur in the earliest historical records of Chinese literature.
Facts regarding the peculiar kinship of our neighboring lands
are not far to seek. The frontier between Burma and Yunnan is as
open as that dividing Canada from the United States; there are
no guards or fortifications. Your country is the only one in the
world that imposes no immigration restrictions on Chinese citizens.
The war has been the indirect means of bringing us closer to-
gether. It has emphatically recalled both to you and us our mutual
dependence upon one another. For while you recognized our cause
as the cause of all Oriental nations, freedom and independence, we
make no secret of the degree to which we rely on the Burma route
to the west ; the blockade has rendered it indispensable to us. Your
541
BURMA-CHINESE RELATIONSHIP
contribution to the promotion of friendship between the two coun-
tries is indeed the intellectual an<J spiritual counterpart of the feat
of the builders of the Yunnan-Burma Road. In the victory you
wish us you and your colleagues will share as men who have worked
for it.
U Tun Than, the leader of the Press Party now on its way home,
has expressed in the most gratifying terms his satisfaction with the
purpose served by the journey he and his companions have made.
We have been as much instructed by them as they can have been
by their observations of wartime China.
I heartily reciprocate the aspiration you express as to an early
repetition of your visit, and I think I may assure you a welcome at
least as warm as that we tried to give you in 1940. Wishing you
every success in your valuable work and a prosperous New Year,
I am,
Yours faithfully,
(Signed) CHIANG KAI-SHEK.
542
84
The Function of Revolutionary Discipline
A speech delivered at fhe Weekly Memorial Service
of January 27, 1941, being Generalissimo Chiang's
first public reference to the New Fourth Army In-
cident.
JANUARY 27, 1941.
TT IS the 27th of January ; the rapidly passing days have already car-
* ried us far from the New Year's Day of the thirtieth year of the
Republic. In the few days that yet remain of this month all Party,
government and army men must, no matter how busily occupied
they may be, scrutinize the record of their past year's work and duly
report upon it. In regard to the work of the year before you it is
still more important for you to lay down solid and definite plans
preparatory to pressing forward to accomplish more and make better
progress than last year. Our advance to victory has arrived at a
highly critical stage that requires of us more than ordinary vigilance
and circumspection. It calls for unusual exertions if the final success
of Resistance and Reconstruction is to be secured. Only by eliminat-
ing all negligence and irresponsibility that put the issue in jeopardy
can we do our duty by the nation's soldiers and citizens who have bled
and suffered for the cause, and solace the departed souls of the
Tsungli and every martyr of the Revolution.
Speaking of the international situation it is no exaggeration to
say that scarcely a day passes without some development to the
advantage of our cause. With the Japanese the recent reassembly of
their Diet has afforded a dismal spectacle of dumb acquiescence,
evidencing only the almost utter destruction of its constitutional
framework. In the speeches delivered by Konoye and Matsuoka
we can readily discern their sense of impending ruin. Matsuoka
made clear only the tendency of his dreams of aggrandizement to
grow in extravagance with the approach of the day when disaster
and defeat will shatter them all; this time he expatiated on the
phrase "co-prosperity sphere of greater Asia," saying this sphere
must be taken to embrace the South Seas generally, and yesterday
S43
THE FUNCTION OF REVOLUTIONARY DISCIPLINE
he went so far as to declare Japan requires control of the whole
western Pacific area: the Philippines, Guam and Midway Islands,
Australia, Vladivostok, the northern part of Sahkalin and the mari-
time province of Siberia were all to be brought within the sphere
of Japanese influence.
During the past two weeks the Japanese have been playing up
the New Fourth Army incident by the fabrication of a great batch
of fantastic rumors aimed both at sapping the strength of our fighting
spirit and at misleading world opinion with insinuations of dis-
union in our ranks. These rumors may be divided roughly into two
categories. In the first place they state that since the Government
took action in regard to the New Fourth Army there has been result-
ing dissension to the point of civil war. In the second place they
claim that on account of the incident nations favoring and assisting
us are about to change their attitude toward China. A close ex-
amination of the incident concerned and of its falsified interpretation
in the rumors will show that the motive really lies in the apprehension
aroused among the enemy by the determination we have displayed
in the strict maintenance of military discipline. Everybody knows
that since the war began the whole Chinese army and people have
unanimously devoted themselves to struggle and sacrifice with a com-
mon allegiance to one command, one discipline and one policy. Only
a negligible minority of degenerate traitors such as Wang Ching-wei
have chosen to throw themselves under the dominion of the enemy
and organize their slavish puppet regimes, dressing up their treachery
the while in talk of feud and faction. The traitors and puppets, how-
ever, are now all living under the aegis of their masters 1 power.
With the defeat of the Japanese, we shall also have procured their
destruction.
Apart from them there are no phenomena in the China of today
to which the name of internal disruption could be given and still
less anything that could be called civil war. Questions of wartime
discipline and obedience to military commands have nothing what-
ever to do with such possibilities. The Government's disposal of
the problem presented by the conduct of the New Fourth Army was
simply and solely a matter of enforcing military discipline: there
can be no room for doubt on this point in the minds of Chinese or
foreigners. The affair was unambiguous ; the issue was uninvolved ;
544
THE FUNCTION OF REVOLUTIONARY DISCIPLINE
the incident not abnormal. Disobedience and insubordination among
army men naturally bring down punishment upon them. Acts of
revolt, attacks on comrades-in-arms, the forceful occupation of
territory and other actions obstructive to the prosecution of the
war still more certainly demand the disembodiment of the troops
concerned. The most rudimentary conception of the principles
essential to military command would require it. Only minds to
which the ideas of law and discipline are equally foreign such as
those of the Japanese Junior Officers' Group would perceive anything
extraordinary in action so obviously necessary ; none but they would
think of exploiting it as material for malicious exaggeration in
propaganda.
Turning to the international aspect, I may observe that the record
of four years' sympathy and assistance from friendly nations has
shown them uniformly desirous of seeing strict discipline enforced
in our armies as a means of rendering them efficient in resistance.
There has been no instance of their finding cause for suspicion and
dubiety in our checking insubordination for the sake of that very
object. On the contrary, they will be gratified to see us do so. Per-
spicacious statesmen of nations friendly to China will express only
approbation for action lending strength and progress to our national
armies. For those nations help us because they hope we can display
a spirit of robust self-mastery; they expect to see us able to carry
our own laws into full effect and keep order in our armies. Reckless
disorder in civil life or lawlessness and insubordination among our
soldiers would mean a people without national spirit and an army
without discipline; were we deserving of this description no one
would care to assist us, and resistance would have been quite out of
the question for us. The various rumors propagated by the enemy
are such, in the light of these facts, that nobody of the slightest
intelligence can fail to understand the nature of the motives for their
fabrication, not to speak of swallowing them. Since the war began
a number of cases of disobedience to orders and defiance of discipline
have had to be dealt with ; Han Fu-chu, Li Fu-ying and Shih Yu-san
were three instances.* The behavior of the New Fourth Army,
*General Han Fu-chu, Governor of Shantung Province and Commander of the
3rd Route Army, and two other generals, courtmartialed and executed in 1938 for
dereliction of duty in the War of Resistance.
THE FUNCTION OF BEVOLUTIONAHY DfflOJPUNB ,
its disregard of orders, attacks on comrades-in-arms and even acts
of mutiny and sabotage had necessarily to be put an end to ; it was
purely a matter of the assertion of military law. There was not the
minutest admixture of issues belonging to the sphere of politics and
party relationships. This is the first point that must be clear to the
minds of all.
With the three men I have just mentioned, the offense began
and ended in the person of the individual. Let us now inquire why
in the case of the New Fourth Army punishment had to extend to
its abolition as a unit of the national forces. I will explain the dis-
tinction. Han Fu-chu, Li Fu-ying and Shih Yu-san acted solely
on their own responsibility when they disobeyed orders. They did
not incite their men to mutiny or lead them against another section
of the national armies. The first of them was executed because he
failed to obey the Government's order to hold his ground in eastern
Shantung and instead wanted to withdraw westward into Shansi.
Li Fu-ying was shot for his persisting in retreat when retreat had
been forbidden him. Shih Yu-san was ordered to move his forces
into western Honan, whereas he remained in the eastern parts of the
province, imposing meanwhile upon the people of the area. The
officers and men serving under these three offenders took no part
in the insubordination of their superiors; they fully comprehended
the principles at stake and concurred in the change of command,
and' the Government accordingly preserved them intact.
With the New Fourth Army it was otherwise; in November
it was ordered by the High Command to move northward to engage
the enemy in a certain appointed area. It elected not to respond,
but waited until after the expiry of the period of time allotted, then
made an arbitrary move southward, executing a premeditated man-
euver leading to an attack in broad daylight upon the headquarters
of General Shang-kuan Yun-hsiang in command of the 40th Divi-
sion. This plainly mutinous proceeding caused its disbandment as
a disciplinary necessity. The incident has its place in the category
of similar action taken on other occasions during the war. There
are now a dozen or so high-ranking commanders in confinement
as a result of sentences passed on them for acts of insubordination,
and of these some are men distinguished for their former zeal and
merit who could be in no way thereby exempted from the penalty due
546
THB FUNCTION OF REVOLUTIONARY DISCIPLINE
their guilt This is evidence of the undiscriminating severity of
measures taken to maintain discipline in our armies. They depend
for their very life, the nation depends for its very existence, and
resistance for victory, upon the allowance of no indulgence to
violators of that discipline, upon the Government's never overlooking
such offenses. At the same time we have to avoid all over-hasty
conviction of those under suspicion of bad intentions lest injustice
should be done them. The Government, therefore, limited itself last
year to adjurations, calling upon the New Fourth Army to have done
with its constant failure to comply with orders. It obstinately per-
sisted, however, in its evil courses and at last went beyond all
bounds. The situation developed in a way imperatively demanding
the most rigorous action.
My own feelings were of acute pain and shame, for the errors
and failings of subordinates are to be laid at the door of their com-
manding officer. I felt personally responsible for this unhappy
affair, wherein you must none of you find any cause for gratifica-
tion. Although the incident has been disposed of, it remains a blot
on the glorious record of resistance. In my capacity of Commander-
in-Chief I am sensible of a distress exceeding that of any other per-
son concerned. This is the second point I would have you all
clearly understand.
Now let us ask what is the value of the rigid maintenance of
military discipline. In it reposes a principle vital to the preserva-
tion of an army and a nation. Victory or defeat for resistance
will turn upon the state of discipline in our armies. The mutinous
attempt of the New Fourth Army to break away from the restraint
of that discipline is a test of the Government's ability to keep it
inviolate: it is, therefore, also an episode fraught with immense
consequence to the nation's being. I acted as I did with the deter-
mination to protect army and nation from a threatening disaster.
The alternative of letting things take their course, of giving mutineers
their head, could but have resulted in military defeat and national
ruin. Should I, charged with the duties of Commander-in-Chief,
for the sake of a transitory avoidance of the disagreeable, nourish
in my bosom the viper of disaffection, imperiling the integrity of
the national forces, I should be guilty not only of dereliction of my
duty but also of betraying every fighting man and every citizen who
547
THE FUNCTION OF EEVOLUTIONABY DI80IPLINB
has made sacrifices for the cause of resistance. In the strictest
sense of the words I should be leading my followers to destruction;
my offense would be the greatest a Commander-in-Chief could
commit. I am resolved to demonstrate to the nation the essential
qualities of sound discipline. It applies to all equally; it is a rule
to which no exceptions are permissible. This is my third point.
At the beginning of the war several friends spoke to me in the
following sense: "The unification of the country is not yet complete,
its military preparedness is inadequate, the international situation
is unfavorable, there are many doing lip-service to the idea of resist-
ance who are not really ready to support the Government's policy.
We cannot fight Japan; for such a venture defeat is to be expected."
My reply was to the effect that their attitude was wrong: they
failed to realize the revolutionary character of our present Govern-
ment and fighting forces. Our armies drew their strength not only
from their weapons and equipment in matching themselves against
the Japanese. We need not concern ourselves with difficulties that
might possibly arise after the war. The relevant question was
whether we possessed revolutionary principles and revolutionary
discipline; what was the quality of our revolutionary spirit and
determination. If we were confident, I said, of having such principles
and discipline, such a spirit, and the determination to make sacri-
fices, if we had ascertained the sincerity of our intention to fight
for the existence of our nation, we need not hesitate to throw our-
selves into the struggle. As for the international situation, the
hope of favorable changes in that must depend on our own showing;
to wait for them to come before entering upon resistance would
mean the indefinite postponement of success for the Revolution.
We have ourselves to compel modifications in the attitude of the
world toward us. A policy of wait-and-see in circumstances of
such national peril would have meant waiting helplessly for death
to claim us. For resistance is a stage in the process of Revolution :
it is not some merely incidental adventure. At that time I expressed
myself in these concise terms : "Essential to resistance is deliverance
from fear of internal strife; fear of it would incapacitate us for
resistance." When those friends observed my resolution they
offered their unfaltering support, and now that the war has been in
progress for nearly four years, the enemy is well on the way to
548
THE FUNCTION OF REVOLUTIONARY DISCIPLINE
defeat and we are within sight of victory, the complete soundness
of my views and decision has been vindicated.
You must all grasp the two elements of our attitude: Toward
the world, a proper dignity and self-respect, and efforts to deserve
well of friendly nations; towards home affairs, strict discipline,
the building up of our strength by all means with the aim of standing
firmly on our own feet, our minds purged of any apprehension of
internal disputes. In the event of an instance of rebellious conduct
in the army it must be rigorously checked and the whole affair put in
order, so that the evil may not impair the integral health of army and
nation. I trust that no individual or party with the cause of national
salvation and regeneration at heart will entertain any doubts as
to the propriety of action taken by the Government to enforce
discipline. While we oppose to the enemy the fullest possible meas-
ure of our strength, our serried ranks must answer to but one
source of command, observe a common discipline. That is a basic
condition for the attainment of victory.
You are all aware that the Government of China is a revo-
lutionary one that can shatter any outward obstacles and suppress
any internal rising against its authority. Had we during the years
1924-1926 laid aside our revolutionary mission for fear of internal
opposition the Northern Expedition would never have been em-
barked upon. Every true revolutionary meets the obstacles and
setbacks in his path with calm confidence in the fullness of his
preparations. Revolutionary armies anywhere in the world have
rarely been exempt from insurrectionary episodes; we need only
ask whether a government claiming to be revolutionary has the
ability to deal effectively with disaffection. If it is seen to go about
the matter with a revolutionary vigor, especially where rebels are in
arms, and uproot the evil, it will have achieved a victory that will
contribute to the general success of its revolutionary endeavors. Now
I can solemnly assure you our Government has both the determina-
tion and the ability to put down any incipient rebellion long before
it could develop into civil war. That determination and ability are
all the more certain at such a time as this when the whole people is
pervaded with patriotic enthusiasm and loyalty to their fighting
Government. We all share in the national life and honor we defend,
with the exception only of traitors like Wang Ching-wei who pre-
549
THE FUNCTION OF REVOLUTIONARY DISCIPLINE
tend to represent a faction of opinion in the country while they go
about the purely private pursuit of gain at its expense. Apart
from these criminals, there are none so mad as to will the defeat
of resistance.
There is yet another reason for the fact that the action taken
against the New Fourth Army was unavoidable. Since the inci-
dent occurred the Japanese militarists have been rejoicing over the
opportunity they think it provides them of fomenting sedition in
our ranks. They are always on the look-out for signs of slack disci-
pline and insubordination among us that might lead to national
instability and eventual collapse. If we had not acted resolutely
an indirect result would have been encouragement of the Japanese
contempt for our national integrity and revolutionary spirit and a
fillip to their lust for conquest. Actually the course we took was a
downright shock for them, putting their tricks at naught and giving
them disagreeably clear evidence of the revolutionary discipline and
spirit, and the conception of nationhood prevailing in our armies,
in contrast to the enervation of which they hoped to take advantage.
Let me assure the Japanese militarists that their interests will in no
way be served by the Government's procedure in regard to the
New Fourth Army and that on the contrary it will brace up our dis-
cipline and invigorate our fighting spirit. The outcome will be
quite the reverse of their expectations and all to their disadvantage.
Speaking in terms of our internal necessities, the Government had
necessarily to assert its authority in an unequivocal manner to safe-
guard the essential conditions for successful prosecution of the war.
By now I think you will all have absolutely clear in your minds
the outstanding fact that the incident under discussion was a normal,
ordinary and indispensable case of the functioning of military
authority. I am convinced that all exaggerative and malicious de-
ductions representing it as something more are to be attributed to
the enemy. I also trust that no citizen with love of his country and
loyalty to the cause of resistance will permit himself to be fooled by
the Japanese rumors or be influenced by them to take any dis-
proportionately grave view of the affair. When the order for the
disbandment of the New Fourth Army was about to be issued attempts
were made in quarters connected with it to extenuate its offense
by means of a variety of insidious and far-fetched arguments. I
550
THE FUNCTION OF REVOLUTIONARY DISCIPLINE
then dispatched representatives to make an indirect appeal to them .
not to add error to error but to lend the true support due from all
Chinese citizens to the interests of national resistance. The Gov-
ernment at first refrained from publishing the facts concerning the
New Fourth Army's culpable disregard of orders and this I told
them was out of consideration for them, not weak procrastination
or fear of consequences. If they were to add to their former mis-
demeanors the mendacious vilification of superior commanders and
the Government without thought for the good name of their country
in the world's eyes their conduct would be universally condemned
as conduct to be expected only from China's enemies and traitors,
or at least calculated to give the Japanese every satisfaction. They
would not only fail, I warned them, to justify their misdeeds thereby
but would also make themselves abominated by all their fellow-
countrymen. True patriots among us must respect the law and obey
commands, conform to discipline and free ourselves of all disingenu-
ous dealings in our devotion to the cause, I declared. Subsequently
the vindictive talk ceased, and I now believe no son of Han will
serve the interests of the Japanese by echoing their exaggerated
versions of the incident.
You must all realize that we did not immediately make the matter
public because the New Fourth Army was a section of the national
revolutionary army, of which I am the Commander-in-Chief. I
have often compared the army to a family wherein I look upon the
soldiers under me as a father regards his children. If his children
behave well the father feels they reflect honor upon him; if badly,
they disgrace him. I attempted to discharge my responsibility toward
the New Fourth Army in the past by repeatedly warning it and
imploring it to make a fresh start in the genuine service of the nation.
I feared a premature revelation of its misdeeds might cut off its way
to reform. My solicitude failed, however, to move them; -they
interpreted it as weakness and even timidity, on the ground of their
threats of precipitating civil war. Who will say that there could
be any possibility of tolerating the perversity and reckless selfishness
of men prepared deliberately to expose to the sight of the enemy the
weaknesses of their own army as a means of intimidating their
superior officers? In point of fact, however, the Japanese w$re
no doubt well informed, perhaps better informed than we, regarding
551
THE FUNCTION OF REVOLUTIONARY DISCIPLINE
the actions of the New Fourth Army. It was certainly not, there-
fore, for fear of letting them or the world know that we abstained
from publishing the state of things for so long. All along the
motive lay in the moral precept, held so important in Chinese society,
of "keeping evil out of sight and bringing good to the fore." I have
always observed this principle in my dealings with men in general
and only the more studiously in dealing with soldiers under my
command, to whom I feel bound in an intimacy equal to that of
family relationship. The honor of my subordinates is as my own;
their merit or demerit as my own. With this sense of personal re-
sponsibility for their misconduct I am ever reluctant to make it known.
On this occasion, however, there came a point beyond which it was
totally impossible to conceal the ugly facts. All of you will recall
the New Testament teaching of forgiveness unto seventy times
seven. The misdeeds of the New Fourth Army even exceeded that
number ; there was no further room for pardon, if I mysel'f ,were
not to become criminally negligent of my country's welfare.
Discipline is to be thought of as a bond of faith uniting all
ranks of the army; its nature permits of no exceptions or partial
treatment. So far as it is concerned all soldiers from Commander-
in-Chief to private are on an equal footing. To feign blindness
to its violation would mean my complete unworthiness of the trust
reposed in me by the army. Only under the guarantee of its in-
violability can all strive together for the sacred cause of resistance.
You are all acquainted with the fact that Japan finds herself
in her present plight simply because her army men have set legality
at naught and made a sport of discipline while her government
has been powerless to uphold the law and enforce discipline. The
Mukden Outrage came about as a result of the arbitrary action of
the Japanese Junior Officers* Group who disobeyed their Emperor's
commands and disregarded their government's directions pursuing
their ambitious schemes free from all restraint. Consequently there
followed the Tokyo incident of May IS, 1932, still without the gov-
ernment exercising any check on those responsible for the bloody
event of that day. Then again in 1938 there was open rebellion
in the Japanese capital, the killing of elder statesmen and cabinet
ministers and the overthrow of the government. Finally, with the
Lukouchiao Incident war on a scale unprecedented in the Orient
552
THE FUNCTION OF REVOLUTIONARY DISCIPLINE
was brought about, threatening the destruction of world civilization.
All this can be put down to the Japanese government's inability to
maintain its authority and punish insubordination. The fact that the
Japanese army can still continue its war of aggression in China,
however, is due to the measure of disciplined habits preserved by the
High Command. War-weary as they may be and ill-disposed to
continue the war, they must make the best shift they can to obey
orders. This indicates the vital character of the observance due
to orders that suffices to keep the spiritless Japanese army in the
field as nothing else could. With the very different motives and
spirit animating our forces it is nevertheless imperative that we
show the same unquestioning obedience to commands.
If henceforth all sections of our forces carry out their orders,
adhere strictly to the plans laid down by the High Command
and fulfill the precise duties allotted them, the Government will
naturally look upon them with undiscriminating solicitude for their
well-being, providing each an opportunity to make its full contribu-
tion to a victory in the glory of which all will share equally. Now
the New Fourth Army has been abolished, the question has been
settled and no other question remains. Our Government has always
been liberal and considerate toward all sections of the national
forces, while I regard my soldiers as the members of a family of
which I am head. An affair involving unbeseeming action causes
me pain and shame, and all of you too will, I hope, consider this
incident as a great disgrace to the Revolution, an incomparably
regrettable page in the history of resistance, and take it as a warning
example of the consequences inevitable to such conduct, encroach-
ment upon areas not assigned to you, obstruction of the movements
of other troops, the seizure of their arms, the confiscation of the
people's weapons and food, and so on. You must moreover see to it
that, on the contrary, troops function to the advantage of the people
and give stability to the social order, especially in areas behind the
enemy lines where solidarity of army and people is so essential.
Let this affair be a stimulus to our faith in Resistance and Recon-
struction ; let good come of evil.
In conclusion, the incident is not to be considered as some-
thing negative, but as of positive value. Firstly, it has proved a
sharp disappointment to the enemy's hopes of seeing internal dis-
553
THE FUNCTION OF BBVOLtJTlONABT DIBCftPLINB
rtiption weaken the strength of the nation's will and ability to resist.
Secondly, it has produced a vindication of the quality of our dis-
cipline, with an invigorating and salutary effect upon the morale
of our forces. Had the action not been taken the Japanese would
have felt more sure than ever of our worthlessness and of the
feasibility of their aggressive designs. All our troops having been
made aware of the motives of the Government in at first refraining
from publication of the facts and of its subsequent severe procedure,
they will know that all was done in the interests of resistance and
they will be warned of its determination to act with similar reso-
lution in any similar case.
Discipline is a criterion whereby the efficiency of the Govern-
ment as a revolutionary and fighting government may be judged
and the degree of soldiers' sincerity in devotion to the defense of
their country be assessed. Apart from the preservation of sound
discipline, no other issue whatever was involved in the Govern-
ment's action. Nor did the behavior of the New Fourth Army have
any connection with other parts of the national forces. The incident
was entirely free from any political character. The Government
is absolutely committed to the respect of all groups and parties
that conform to the provisions of the program for Resistance and
Reconstruction; it legally safeguards their rights of freedom and
independence. An infringement of the law by them would of course
require the exercise of the law to restrain them. I constantly say
to friends that though victory is near the country is not yet past the
period of danger and while the crisis lasts people in all positions
throughout the land should observe particular caution to avoid giving
rise to obstructions to national unity and effort. The Government,
however, cannot neglect its most important duties or fail in its
responsibilities for the sake of such caution, though to the limited
extent possible it kept silence for this reason in regard to the activities
of the New Fourth Army.
My hope is that the whole country will of one accord observe
strict discipline, obey orders and throw its whole weight into the
strength to accomplish our revolutionary mission.
554
83
National Defense First
A speech given at the inaugural session of the
Second People's Political Council, March 1, 1941.
MARCH 1, 1941.
'T'HE second session of the People's Political Council assembles to-
* day for the first time. I am here as the representative of the
Supreme National Defense Council to say a few introductory words
and first of all to extend a warm welcome to all you Councilors
present. We may well congratulate ourselves upon the patriotic
and public-spirited enthusiasm that, with the war in its fifth year
and all the national energies concentrated upon the struggle for
survival, has brought Councilors together from all parts of the
country, some, in particular, having made their difficult and danger-
ous way here from provinces in the occupied areas. Scarcely any-
thing more glorious and memorable will be recorded in the history
of resistance. The Council has met five times since it was originally
convened on the occasion of the first anniversary of the outbreak
of war and during these three years it has afforded the Government
highly valuable assistance in the execution of the national policy of
Resistance and Reconstruction. It has been a great force working
for solidarity which has attracted the attention of the whole world
and inspired our whole army and people.
The world situation is now more critical than ever and the
importance of resistance looms larger from day to day. The present
session of the Council, therefore, has not only to carry on the work of
the previous session but also to anticipate and provide for the needs
of a new situation. Your fellow-citizens and the Government cherish
correspondingly greater expectations of you.
I propose today to present you a succinct report on the course
of government administrative measures since the Council last met
and on the more significant aspects of the current phase of the war.
I wish also to take this opportunity of voicing my own personal
faith regarding the future.
555
NATIONAL DEFENSE FIRST
Since the Provisional National Assembly of the Kuomintang
passed its resolution sanctioning the Outline Program of Resistance
and Reconstruction and the first meeting of the People's Political
Council unanimously expressed its approval and support of the
Government's policy, the Program has become a creed universally
subscribed to by the entire army and people, and the basis of all
national policy. On each occasion it has met, the Council has framed
important resolutions in accordance with the requirements of that
Program. For three years, it may be said, the work of the Govern-
ment has been exclusively guided by its provisions and by the desire
strictly to adhere to the suggestions of the Council. Ministers and
other responsible officials will give you detailed reports of what
has been undertaken and achieved since the Council last adjourned.
Generally speaking, the main aim of all the Government's measures
has been the strengthening of the country's power to resist and the
establishment of a sound framework for reconstruction. 'Among
the preliminaries in reconstruction much has been done to hasten the
day of rule by law, to prepare the way to constitutional government
and to build up the system of local autonomy in districts smaller than
the hsien; production has been stimulated, communications devel-
oped, economic control rendered more effective. Objective limita-
tions and fluctuating war circumstances have caused our achieve-
ments in many respects to fall short of what had been hoped. These
deficiencies the Government is determined to do its best to remedy
and in its efforts to do so it is eager to have the full co-operation
of this Council.
Of the situation as things stand between the enemy and ourselves
it may be truly said that it conforms now, and has conformed during
the past two years or more, to the course we anticipated. From the
time when the war entered its second stage with the fall of Hankow
the Japanese have gradually come to find themselves at a military dis-
advantage. We on the contrary have been constantly recruiting fresh
strength, acquiring the will and the ability to take the offensive.
It is true that after the winter of 1939 the enemy made two reckless
forward moves in his penetration of southern Kwangsi and western
Hupeh, but in the autumn of last year he was compelled to with-
draw ignominiously from Kwangsi and in Hupeh he has fallen
into a position wherein he has the utmost difficulty in maintaining
556
NATIONAL DEFENSE FIRST
himself. Taking a comprehensive view of the military situation,
we see the enemy debilitated and discouraged by the long-drawn-out
inconclusiveness of his operations, while the Chinese fighting strength
and spirit are still mounting. The defeat of the Japanese is all but
consummated, both in the field of battle and in the sphere of diplo-
macy. Their refusal to admit and realize their military failure has
enhanced their diplomatic ineptitude; in vain have they thought to
find a way out of their difficulties in diplomatic trickery, by alter-
nately threatening and bribing various countries of Eastern Asia.
All Powers on friendly terms with China have come fully to realize
that there is no room for compromise with such insatiable aggressors
as the Japanese. They also now have fresh faith in the certainty of
Chinese victory. So far from yielding to the bullying or blandish-
ments of Japan they are increasing their aid for China's cause.
All nations whose interests are affected by events in the Pacific are
by now aware of the boundless extent of the Japanese ambitions,
they are taking firm and concerted action, and there is consequently
a rapid clarification of the Pacific situation proceeding such as the
Japanese militarists have always feared. And this, is, moreover,
a sign of a coming worldwide clarification of issues.
In his political offensive the enemy for two years or more past
has, both by the continual manufacture of peace rumors and by re-
cruiting the services of traitors, tried to shake the will of the Chinese
people and influence the established policy of the Government.
In March of last year he formally set up the puppet administration
in Nanking having a short time previously published the long "secret"
pact with Wang Ching-wei. China, however, is united in purpose
and growing in strength; her whole army and people stand four-
square and proof against insidious Japanese tricks and rumor of-
fensives. The world's contempt for the Japanese militarists has
increased in proportion to its better acquaintance with their motives.
Because in the first period of the war we strove alone but undis-
mayed, confident we were fighting a force that imperilled justice
and peace throughout the world, we now find our resistance the con-
centration point of efforts exerted by many other countries in the
Pacific area.
Coming to speak of internal events and conditions in Japan,
we observe that political bankruptcy has led to the appearance of a
557
NATIONAL DEFENSE FIRST
"new political structure" and economic bankruptcy has produced
a "new economic structure" both names for desperate remedies
that are bound to prove quite ineffectual as means of averting Japan's
national ruin or even prolonging her uncertain hold on life. The
likelier effect of these devices will be to render the final collapse
of the militarists more shocking and catastrophic. During the
twenty-four or so months past we have succeeded in laying the foun-
dation of victory and that has not been the work of any limited
group of men but the outcome of all the courageous efforts and sacri-
fices of army and people. To this achievement have contributed
numberless episodes, recorded and unrecorded, of heroic devotion
to the cause, at the thought of which I, as Commander-in-Chief , am
profoundly stirred, and long worthily to act up to my fellow-country-
men's hopes of me.
The facts I desire now to call your attention to are: the in-
evitability of the enemy's defeat and the general advantageousness
of the present situation in all its aspects. We cannot permit these
facts, however, to weaken our determination to be prepared to face
the worst eventualities conceivable; we must rather intensify both
our caution and vigor as the day of victory draws near. We need
a thorough grasp of the significance of the present world scene, and
it is with that necessity in view that I propose to give you an account
of my own beliefs regarding the future founded on my observations
of that scene. Following the outbreak of the European conflict
the evil of war has been steadily extending its shadow over a greater
area, and the horrors produced by the use of modern weapons and
the overthrow of countries small and large have astounded the
mind of humanity. Nations everywhere have been impressed with
the urgency of defensive measures to preserve their independence
and freedom. A tide of nationalistic feeling is rising and as yet
has only begun to inundate the world. We are convinced that the
tendencies apparent in the march of world events accord with the
traditional conceptions of the Chinese nation and that they are certain
eventually to advantage our cause.
At the same time we must not lose sight of the fact that in this
warring world survival is impossible to a nation not resolute and
strong enough to defend itself. In Eastern Asia there can be no
taking Japan's designs and ambitions lightly or ignoring the way in
558
NATIONAL DEFENSE FIRST
which she is constantly scheming to make the European war the
means of giving substance to her dream of conquest despite failure
in China. The recent tentative steps of the Japanese toward in-
vasion of the South Seas should put us on our guard ; we must bear
in mind that this is only a feint, their real object still being the de-
struction of China. They will certainly make a final attack on us
during the initial stages of the southward move; in fact, the new
campaign would be inseparable from the old. The creation of
"Manchukuo" and the recognition of Wang Ching-wei outraged
us sufficiently, but the so-called "New Order for 'Greater' Eastern
Asia" and the " 'Greater' Eastern Asiatic sphere of co-prosperity"
are still more atrocious insults to China and the whole of Eastern
Asia. The addition of this word "greater" to these phrases has
been made presumably to forewarn all concerned of Japanese claims
to proprietorship over the vast resources and territories of the
South Seas, of their intention to tighten the blockade of China and
carry out other parts of their program for domination in the Pacific.
You are all aware that for us the South Seas are not merely the sec-
ond fatherland of some ten million fellow-countrymen resident there ;
their fate is bound up with our own existence and security. A
Japanese attack on the South Seas would undoubtedly imply a grave
menace to China. The enemy, despite his non-success, is yet far
from regretting his folly; and the European conflict has whetted
his appetite anew. He is speculating upon the chances of a bold
throw, by risking all perhaps to gain all. We have not only firmly
to maintain resistance in the defense of our soil but also to protect
the world and the Orient from the most vicious of aggressors. The
present time is a period of transition in the development of the
world situation and it is also the final stage of our struggle with the
Japanese.
We find ourselves at this historic point of time possessed of
prestige won in more than three years of bloody warfare, and
charged with responsibility heavier than ever before. For the past
ten years China has been repeatedly warning the world that the
maintenance of world peace depends upon the restraint of Japanese
aggression. Because the warning went unheeded the world has
been plunged into the present ocean of calamity. When China
took up arms in solitary opposition to the Japanese militarists*
559
NATIONAL DEFENSE FIRST
formidable power and succeeded in pinning down forces of which
they might otherwise have made predatory use elsewhere in the
Pacific, she was playing the part of prophetical leader in the cause
of peace and at the same time was the vanguard of action to vindicate
that cause. That is now an evident fact. The world has awarded
us its sympathy and confidence and our relations with countries
sharing interests in common with us have been rendered closer.
Chinese resistance has ceased being isolated and unilateral, becom-
ing rather a pivotal factor in world security and order. Under these
fresh circumstances, I ask all you Councilors to carry your efforts
a step further, keeping before your minds a clear conception of the
great goal to be attained.
Let me describe that goal. Firstly, resistance must issue in
victory, in the final victory that will smash the "New Order for
Eastern Asia" together with the "New Order for 'Greater' Eastern
Asia." Our standpoint has never shifted. We intend to fight
Japanese aggression to the point of exhaustion, restore the integrity
of our territorial sovereignty and permit ourselves no rest until the
day of the extinction of the Japanese militarists' ability to threaten
the peace of the world. There is no room for compromise with our
present antagonist. Secondly, national reconstruction must give the
country such defensive preparedness as can guarantee it absolute
security. The Three Principles of the People demand a State with
solid provision for national defense, with developed democratic
institutions and a prosperous livelihood for its whole people. The
Principles conceive of national defense as having only the protection
of the State as its object; it cannot possibly conflict with the people's
authority and livelihood which indeed it exists to safeguard. Today
our national strength is making rapid strides and the international
situation seems entirely favorable to us, but in order to win final
victory, respond to the demands of our part in world affairs and
fully acquit ourselves of our weighty responsibilities, we have yet
to work for the. thorough awakening of our people to the realities
of their position. Our past efforts, we must realize, are inadequate
in the face of the needs of today and tomorrow. The completion
of our national defenses is an indispensable prerequisite for the
completion of the work of national reconstruction as a whole. There-
fore all reconstructive activities at present must be subordinated to
560
NATIONAL DEFENSE FIRST
the requirements of national defense and the entire people must
adopt a military cast of life.
Only the capability for self-defense can safeguard democracy;
without the will to strive there can be no real democracy. Taking
these maxims as a text I wish to bring forward the following views
which I hope will find their way through you to the ears of my fellow-
countrymen generally.
In matters political, all my fellow-countrymen must have their
minds quite clear regarding the fact that political partisanship and
ideological bias to the so-called "left" or "right" are now the out-
worn and useless lumber of a past age and utterly incompatible with
the realities of the day. Let us face those stern realities and learn
from our experience in this way to make our first aim the building
of absolutely reliable national defenses. The European war has
demonstrated that only nations with the will and the ability to strive
can be sure of survival and avoid conquest and enslavement. A
modern nation moreover when once conquered by an alien power
finds, by reason of the present highly developed technical nature
of the military art and the inexorable rigidity possible to modern
methods of economic control, that it will never be able unaided to
recover its lost independence. Nations conquered today are power-
less ever again to assert themselves; this is a point of dissimilarity
between conditions now and those obtaining twenty or thirty years
ago. Only a political system adapted to the strains of war is service-
able in this new age. A democracy unable to defend itself is a con-
tradiction in terms. What democratic institutions remain to a
conquered nation? The capital and labor alike of a conquered
country belong to the conqueror, and in such a country all political
opinions and programs are equally valueless. The Kuomintang is
working for a republican revolution of which the aim is national
salvation. It is seeking to secure for China freedom and equality
of status among the nations of the world and its consistent policy
is to solidify the strength of the people and build up national defense.
It has always loudly declared to the public the importance of na-
tional defense and it is now leading the nation in a tremendous
campaign of national self-defense such as has never before been
seen. In order properly to fulfill this duty it has freed itself of all
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NATIONAL DEFENSE FIRST
party prejudice, appealing to all citizens simply and solely for action
to protect their country. It is adjusting the functioning of Govern*
ment with a view to raising the standard of administrative efficiency;
it is hastening the institution of local autonomy with a view to
establishing a sound basis of democracy. The postponement of
the meeting of a national convention only renders the more pressing
the Government's responsibility of bringing into existence a strong
basic political organization of local representative machinery. The
tide of events forces upon the Party an unprecedentedly heavy burden
of responsibility. It has to call upon everyone to recognize the
supremacy of the nation's interests and abandon old notions out of
place in these days in order to make the nation a strong and unified
fighting body a China equal to the task of defending herself and
vindicating justice.
The Party demands of everyone better knowledge an4 faith,
fitter thought and action, in all that concerns national security. The
very center of national reconstruction in future must be the building
up of the army and it is necessary to organize the political, economic,
educational and cultural life of the nation and even private life on
a war footing. On the one hand, the training of troops will be
strengthened, the conscription system improved, military training
rendered universal, and fighting technique raised to a higher stand-
ard. On the other hand, the people's sense for the needs of national
defense will be sharpened and fighting discipline better enforced.
This is the time to establish an economic basis for national defense.
Economic measures taken for this purpose now are not to be limited
to the present period of resistance but carried forward until the
day the nation can feel perfectly safe in its defensive preparedness.
The Government must take steps to adjust production and finance,
improve communications and methods of transportation, ask of the
people frugality and hard work, and concentrate the country's capital
resources. The Government and the people must work in unison
to conserve those resources, develop war industry, raise the national
power of production, extend effective control over all economic ac-
tivity, nourish and stabilize the people's means to subsistence. Beyond
the needs of our own defense and progress, I believe that the rein-
forcing and development of China's economy will be of immense
benefit to the whole world. At the end of the first European war
562
NATIONAL DEFENSE FIRST
Dr. Sun drew up an industrial plan* which can not only serve the
Government well as a fundamental policy for the reconstruction of
national defense, but is also, when the broadest and longest view of
affairs is taken, seen to be indispensable as a guide to future economic
policy in general. Today a war of dimensions far greater than those
of the last European war is in progress and it will bring about cor-
respondingly more far-reaching changes. If at its conclusion China
can obtain modern machinery and technical skill for the development
of her economic possibilities she will be in a position to relieve the
distress and chaos produced by world economic maladjustment and
give the Orient a foundation for lasting peace. For this, however,
to come about it is first necessary to make sure of her ability to
stand the economic strains of the present time. A nation incapable
of bestirring itself on its own behalf has no right to expect foreign
financial and technical assistance and collaboration on a basis of
equal and reciprocal advantage. We must be absolutely clear on
this point.
In matters of education and culture, of private and public life,
greater efforts are required to conform to this conception of the
dominant needs of national defense. We must elevate the moral
quality of national life, stimulate the pursuit of scientific knowledge
and skill, make elementary education universally available, and en-
courage labor and service until every citizen is able and willing to
play his full and proper part in national defense and reconstruction.
Support for the wounded and relatives of the fallen, relief of distress,
protection of those unable to shift for themselves, improvement of
public health and physique are aspects of the work necessary for
the security and soundness of the population. Without effective
national defense there can be no State, no livelihood for the people.
The whole spirit of the Three Principles of the People lies in their
emphasis upon national defense as the guarantee for national pros-
perity ; it must be the focus of all policy and planning, the criterion
for all political activity. The individual must restrict his personal
needs as far as possible and develop his energy to the utmost. We
must throw aside all out-of-date and narrow ideas of the conflicting
interests of groups and reform habits of indulgence, slackness and
*Dr. Sun's plan was embodied in a book entitled The International Develop-
mint of China, published in 1922.
563
NATIONAL DEFENSE FIRST
idleness. I am convinced the nation is capable of far greater con-
centration of purpose and action in mobilizing and organizing its
strength. At the same time it is no less imperative for us to work
in the closest possible co-operation with all other countries that
oppose Japanese aggression.
Looking at the world today we see vast changes going on : the
moral and material life of humanity will undoubtedly be profoundly
modified by them and all political and economic theories will be recast
as a result. One thing, however, appears certain: that a nation
must be armed and organized with modern efficiency if it is to
survive, while thought and action incompatible with national fighting
strength stand to be eliminated by the demands of the times. Looking
at China we are aware of her excellent natural advantages, the
fighting spirit of her people, and the generous aid and sympathy for
her cause extended by countries friendly to her. Japan we see in-
ternally exhausted and externally menaced on all sides. Our na-
tional future may be said to be richly promising. Tlie key to
victory, however, remains in our ability to grasp the new realities
and make new efforts. On this occasion of the Council's meeting
I have given you this account of my beliefs in the hope that this
session will work with a due sense of the present state of world
affairs and national needs, contributing to the best of its ability to
national leadership to the end of final victory by the completion of
the task of building up national defense.
564
86
Solidarity Defeats the Enemy
In this message, delivered on March 6, 1941,
Generalissimo Chiang explained to the People's
Political Council the Government's attitude toward
the Communists' demands, the satisfaction of which
they required as a condition for the attendance of
their members of the Council.
MARCH 6, 1941.
T INTEND, as a representative of the Government, to explain today
its attitude toward the conditions laid down by the Communist
members of the Council. Before I make any report I wish to state
that the Government did not originally intend to declare publicly
its stand on its relations with the Chinese Communist Party. Now
that the latter has, however, formally telegraphed these demands
to the Council, which is an organ of national opinion, it has acted
in a manner quite unlike that usually characterizing its words and
deeds. It is, therefore, incumbent upon the Government and the
Council to make a formal declaration of their attitude in the interests
of the nation, the War of Resistance and the future of national
reconstruction. A nation, and more especially when it is engaged in
mortal combat with an aggressor, depends for its very life upon
the maintenance of discipline, order and the necessity of the Govern-
ment's writ being obeyed. Given a sound framework of discipline
and legality it will be able to overcome whatever perils and difficulties
come in its way. If, on the other hand, its military command is not
unified and its authority questioned, it will meet with defeat no
matter how strong its armed forces may be. We are now pitting
the whole strength of the nation against the Japanese militarists in
a life-and-death struggle. The fate of our nation is hanging in the
balance. It is a time when we must give the most scrupulous atten-
tion to the upholding of order and authority in the State. In all
matters whether political, social or party problems not involving
conflict with, or obstruction to national order and authority, there
565
SOLIDARITY DEFEATS THE EKEMY
is room for frank and open adjustment of differences in search of
rational solutions. This has always been the policy and attitude
of the Government in relation to the Chinese Communist Party : the
achievement of unity by means of mutual concessions in the face
of external aggression and the attainment of success in Resistance
and Reconstruction.
I understand that the Secretariat of the Council has received
two sets of demands from the Chinese Communist Party entitled:
firstly, "rehabilitation measures"; and secondly, "measures for a
provisional settlement" each set containing twelve points. I can
assert that though these demands were received by members of the
Council before it assembled, no government institution or individual
member of the Government, nor I myself, received them. Now that
we. have seen them we are, first of all, astonished at the wording
of the titles and next, at the formal resemblance of the contents to the
demands made by the Japanese prior to the Lukouchiao Incident.
One is particularly and painfully reminded of the so-called "Three
Principles" announced by the Japanese at that unhappy time. The
Chinese Communists are as much citizens of the Chinese Republic as
we all are, and yet their presentation of such demands at such a time
as this would seem dearly to indicate their intention of taking up
a hostile attitude to the National Government and the People's Politi-
cal Council. We think, therefore, the least said the better, and do
not regard it as necessary to rebut each point in detail. It is
sufficient to classify the sense of the demands into three main cate-
gories of "military," "political" and "party" affairs. The first
eight points of the first set of demands regarding "rehabilitation
measures" and the first, sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth
points of the second set regarding "measures for a provisional settle-
ment" belong to the category of military affairs. The ninth and
twelfth points of the first set and the third, fourth and fifth points
of the second set belong to the category of political affairs, while
the tenth and eleventh points of the first set and the eleventh and
twelfth points of the second set belong to the category of party
affairs. A brief explanation of the bearing of the sense of the de-
mands under each of these three heads upon Resistance and Recon-
struction is indispensable.
Firstly, the demand is, in effect, that the Government should not
566
SOLIDARITY DEFEATS THE ENEMY
suppress disobedient and rebellious troops, that government authori-
ties should be punished for so doing and that the losses of the
mutineers in such rebellions should be compensated.
Secondly, the implication is that the Government should establish
special areas outside the sphere of its authority, recognize the
existence of anomalous political organizations and restrict its power
to check illegal activities on the part of organizations or individuals.
Recognition of a so-called "democratic authority in the enemy's rear"
is also demanded. The logical outcome of all this would be disaster,
such a disaster as must invariably follow any attempt by a party
to take advantage of enemy invasion in order to seize supreme power.
Thirdly, the sense of the demands is that the Communist
Party should enjoy a special status and special rights and that the
Government should not deal with the Communist members of. the
Council on the same footing as it deals with all other members belong-
ing to other parties or to none. The Government not being ready to
comply, the Communists have refused to attend the present meeting
of the People's Political Council. In essence this is really what the
demands amount to. I think that when the Communist Party pro-
duced them it did not perhaps realize they were of so drastic a
nature. But were the Government to accept them without protest,
China would scarcely be any longer worthy of being called a nation
or the People's Political Council an organ of the national will.
Now I shall further expound the attitude of the Government
toward these three categories of demands.
In the category of military affairs the consistent policy of the
Government has been to nationalize our armies. That is, under the
supreme command of the National Government there is but one
system of national armies, and there can be no second system of
armies under the control of individual parties or private persons.
I can categorically assure the Council that the national revolutionary
army is the army of the State and in no way the army of any par-
ticular party whatever. It is, therefore, absolutely out of the ques-
tion to regard a section of it as belonging to the Communist Party.
There can be but one source of command. Should a second presume
to assert itself, it would be indistinguishable from the "military
council" of Wang Ching-wei's puppet regime and accordingly de-
567
SOLIDARITY DEFEATS THE ENEMY
tested and abjured by the whole country. It is inconceivable that
the Communists, if devoted to the cause of resistance, should take
up such a position.
Next, the political principle of the Government is to democratize
the national political system. All citizens, individually or in organ-
ized bodies, while they conform to discipline, should shoulder their
responsibilities, fulfill their duties and enjoy their rights, possess all
due freedom of action, but sovereignty is indivisible. If a second
source of political authority were to be allowed to exist outside the
Government such, for example, as might be called by the name of a
"democratic authority behind the enemy lines," mentioned in these
demands it would not differ from the traitorous administrations
in Nanking and Manchuria. Not only would the Government find it
intolerable, but the whole country would see in it an irreconcilable
enemy.
Although as a result of the nation's historical development there
is now but one party exercising administrative power, while others
of varying size and permanency are "in opposition," yet all parties
exist in a spirit of equality with one another, this being nowhere
more markedly visible than in this democratic institution, the
People's Political Council. Here all are equal rather as citizens
than as parties. There could be no room for a special status of
one party or demands for special rights, such as would vitiate the
sprouting of our democratic institutions. I hope that all of you
councilors will fully comprehend the nature of this considered and
unvarying stand of the Government regarding its relationship with
political parties.
Now I would like to elaborate somewhat upon the military aspect
of the matter. From the time in 1938 when the 18th Army Corps, in
defiance of the orders of the High Command, arbitrarily withdrew
to the right bank of the Yellow River and forcibly carried out an
illegal occupation of the Sui-Teh district, the Government has been
loath to consider this move as instigated solely by the Communist
Party, or to hold that party guilty of sabotaging resistance; nor
did it think that any such motive was necessarily behind the 18th
Army Corps' insubordination. Nevertheless, the effect extended
even to the rear where it created general uneasiness on account of
the potential dangers it threatened. The result was highly damaging
568
SOLIDARITY DEFEATS THE ENEMY
to the whole prosecution of the war, putting a weapon into the hands
of the enemy and imperiling the nation in the gravest manner.
During the past two years or more the Government has been simul-
taneously unifying the fighting efforts of the whole army at the
front and stabilizing the internal condition of the nation in the
southwest and northwest of the rear. It is an exceedingly distressing
fact that while all other countries in the world present a united front
to external aggression, with us the Government finds added to the
task of waging war on an invader that of settling internal troubles.
Surely such a state of affairs is not to be paralleled in the history
of any other revolutionary country. However, the precautions taken
by the Government have been such as to avert any disaster either
at the front or in the rear and the country may reckon this as great
good fortune. Despite this danger, we find our capacity to with-
stand the enemy strong enough to ensure our final victory and also
a sound and formidable foundation laid for stability in the rear.
Had it been otherwise and had timely measures not been taken,
by now the provinces of the south and northwest, if not long over-
run by the enemy, would have been ruined by the escapades of rebels
and anti-social elements; and the people in the rear would be living
in such insecurity as those that suffer in provinces behind the enemy
lines, in Hopei, Chahar, Shantung and Kiangsu where the National
Government and its armed forces cannot protect them from the
double oppression of the Japanese and the puppets.
However, the fact remains that the forces of resistance are con-
siderably weakened by the enforced retention in the rear of large
numbers of troops who might be fighting at the front. This also
imposes a grievously depressing weight upon the spirits of the whole
army and people. The problem is one that is really not difficult to
solve. All that is required is a complete change in the attitude and
actions of the Communist Party, in no longer regarding the 18th
Army Corps as its peculiar possession or as an instrument for the
obstruction of other sections of the national forces to the detriment
of resistance. Let the Communists carry out the declaration they
themselves made in 1937 wherein they said: (1) Dr. Sun's Three
Principles of the People serve the needs of present-day China and
the Chinese Communist Party is prepared to strive for their com-
plete fulfillment; (2) they would abandon all violent action and
569
80UDAICT7 DEFEATS THE ENBXY
policy aimed at the overthrow of the Kuomintang, the movement
for the propagation of communism in China, and the policy of
violent confiscation of landowners 1 holdings; (3) they would abolish
the then Chinese Soviet government in the Northwest and work
toward a united democratic government for the whole country;
(4) they would abolish the name and status of the Red Army and
permit its incorporation into the national revolutionary army under
the command of the National Military Council of the National Gov-
ernment.* If they would now but faithfully carry out their original
intention to comply with these conditions and move all the troops
connected with their party according to the plans laid down by the
National Military Council into the areas appointed for them to defend,
the whole country could be united to meet the invader, there would
be an end of internal obstacles and anxieties, and it would be pos-
sible to deal the exhausted enemy a tremendous blow which I am
convinced would bring about within a short time a most sensational
victory. At least we could restore the lines held in the autumn of
1938; of this the military authorities are in no doubt. Then lost
territory would be recovered and our fellow-countrymen delivered
from their sufferings. This would be an immense contribution of
the 18th Army Corps to the national cause and the whole country
would admire the patriotism of the Communists. Our Government
has no other demand to make of the Communist Party and the troops
connected with it save this one fervent wish that they will carry out
the obligations into which they themselves freely entered and support
the Program of Resistance and Reconstruction to which the People's
Political Council gave its unanimous endorsement. It merely hopes
that the Communists will cast off all party prejudice and put the
interests of the nation first by obeying orders, maintaining discipline
and working in harmony with all their comrades-in-arms.
There are also two other groups of these demands which have
an intimate relation with military affairs : what the Communists call
the "prevention of provocation," the "withdrawal of the anti-
Communist forces in Central China" and the "immediate cessation
of all attacks on us." These three points call for some remark.
See Generalissimo Chiang's statement on "National Solidarity/' issued on
September 24, 1937, subsequent to the United Front pledge given by the Chinese
Communist Party, page 41.
570
SOLIDARITY DEFEATS THE ENEMY
This sort of senseless, mendacious, misleading and malicious propa-
ganda vilifies our Government and deliberately injures the sacred
mission of resistance, but, more than that, it offers insult to the
pure spirit of the whole country's united battle against aggression.
I need scarcely assert that our Government is solely concerned with
leading the nation against the Japanese invaders and extirpating the
traitors, and is utterly without any notion of again taking up arms to
"suppress the Communists." It desires never again to hear of that
ill-omened term which now has a place only in Chinese history. Let
them obey orders, give up their attacks on their comrades-in-arms
and cease all their provocative acts ; the Government will then treat
them with all possible consideration. The Government is, more-
over, desirous of showing generosity and of letting bygones be by-
gones. In defense of our national interest it cannot, however, fail to
punish and check insubordination, for it would otherwise fail in its
duty to the nation. For loyal soldiers it has such a loving solicitude
that the charge of provocation and attack is absurd. I can make
myself responsible for the statement in your presence that at no future
time could there conceivably be another campaign for the suppres-
sion of the Communists. I hope that you will address an appeal to
Mao Tse-tung, Tung Pi-wu and the other Communist members of
this Council to effect a change in the attitude of their party so that
we can discuss here all together the questions they have raised and
arrive at some reasonable solution of them. You represent the will
of the nation and your bounden duty is to strive for the success of
Resistance and Reconstruction and national unity. If the Com-
munist Party will only accept your advice, and say and do nothing
in future contrary to the Program of Resistance and Reconstruction
and their own manifesto of 1937, the Government will undoubtedly
respect whatever resolutions you may adopt for the settlement of the
incident and see that they are carried fully into effect without delay.
In conclusion, provided unity can be preserved and resistance
carried on to the end, the Government will be ready to follow your
directions in the settlement of all outstanding questions. I call upon
the Communist members of the Council to realize the national danger
at this time of mortal combat with the invader and, acting in the spirit
of the saying "brothers quarrel at home but go out together to repel
assault from without," to accept the judgment of this Council and
571
SOLIDARITY DEFEATS THE ENEMY
make their contribution to national solidarity. This is the fervent
prayer of the whole people, and it would moreover deal the enemy
a mighty blow. Out of solicitude for the Communist Party and in
the desire to see it play its full part in the history of this life-and-death
struggle of our country, we beg it to continue in its mission of
Reconstruction and Resistance against aggression.
S72
87
Future Objectives of Spiritual Mobilization
An address broadcast on March 12, 1941, on the
occasion of the second anniversary of the inaugura-
tion of the Spiritual Mobilisation Movement.
MARCH 12, 1941.
is the sixteenth anniversary of the death of Dr. Sun Yat-sen,
Father of the Republic, and also the second anniversary of the
inauguration of the Spiritual Mobilization Movement. On this day
that we commemorate the great revolutionary mentor we shall do
well to recall his dying admonition that "the Revolution has not yet
succeeded," reflecting that the invaders are still on our soil and the
vast undertaking of Resistance and Reconstruction yet awaits com-
pletion at our hands. We must also more fully realize the sense of
our slogans "the nation first, the people first" and "the army first,
victory first." "Concentration of will and strength, the full expres-
sion of our people's great and unyielding tenacity of spirit," is an
equally sure requirement if final victory is to be won. Today let us
make a searching review of the work of the movement, thus prepar-
ing the way for renewed efforts.
During the three years and eight months of war gone by our
fighting men and civilians alike have furnished a splendid demonstra-
tion of the Chinese people's revolutionary spirit. Since the issuance
of the Spiritual Mobilization Program the whole country has mani-
fested an elevated enthusiasm and firm resolution that marks a
striking advance on the past. Especially notable have been the ftats
of people in the occupied areas struggling against the enemy's oppres-
sion and of the overseas Chinese communities in their loyal and
patriotic contributions to the national cause. Our spirit has discom-
forted the Japanese and their traitor tools ; and it has proved the solid
foundation of the Chinese nation, the vast strength it is capable of
developing. It is writing for humanity one of the most glorious
pages in the history of victories gained by justice over brute force.
We cannot afford, however, by any means to be self-satisfied
573
FUTURE OBJECTIVES OF SPIRITUAL MOBILIZATION
about the achievements of Spiritual Mobilization during the past two
years. Last year on this day I suggested four lines of effort for the
activities of the movement. Now I hope that all my listeners will
closely examine themselves as to what degree the program of the
movement has been translated into concrete fact. How much have
we done to intensify economic war on the enemy? To what extent
have we spread the movement for working competitions? Have we
made as much as we planned of the Cititzens' Monthly Meetings?
Has there been complete fulfillment of the provisions of the Citizen's
Pact? Today the success or failure of China's Resistance and Re-
construction involves the welfare of the whole world and with the
nearer approach of victory we must further fortify our resolution
to overcome whatever obstacles we encounter, making of the whole
country one fighting unit. Everyone of us and especially those of
us in positions of command and leadership must realize that the
struggle has reached its final and decisive stage, and that ;n this stage
the issue will be decided by the relative effectiveness of the action pro-
duced by the spiritual strength of our side and the enemy's. I, there-
fore, wish to make three points to which I hope you will give your
attention.
One: Let us confirm one another in the faith we hold in com-
mon, assert our capacity for collective thought and feeling, and
introduce a more disciplined order into our society. By disciplined
I mean organized. Wartime mobilization of a nation's resources is
organized action carried to the highest possible degree of efficiency ;
without a sound organization of society it is impossible to attain a
full degree of wartime mobilization ; without a faith held in common
and a collective way of thinking there cannot be sound social organi-
zation and unanimity of action. The whole significance of our
Spiritual Mobilization Movement lies in "bringing the spirit of the
whole people to bear on the pursuit of a simple common aim, rally-
ing the whole people to a single moral conception of sacrifice and
struggle for a single faith." It was launched to bring about a better
discipline and organization of society and to create a unified national
mind free from outworn individualistic ideas of party and private
gain and obeying the commands of the whole nation's will by giving
up individual freedom for the sake of national freedom. All our
private life and actions should be permeated by strict discipline to
574
FUTURE OBJECTIVES OF SPIRITUAL MOBILIZATION
the exclusion of all slack and futile behavior. We must give our
lives a consistent and regular form, treating life and death as one
for the sake of the one cause. Everyone of us has his or her fighting
function to fulfill ; society is an army wherein every citizen is a
soldier obliged implicitly to obey orders and unconditionally to con-
form to discipline. Where we stand today it is a matter of "victory
or destruction''; and to gain that victory the whole country must
show unswerving loyalty to the Three Principles of the People carry-
ing out the Citizen's Pact to the letter. The demands of the Program
of Spiritual Mobilization should penetrate all public bodies and social
organizations, becoming an element in the general constitution of
national life. In this way we can build tremendous spiritual fortifi-
cations upon the erection of which a truly organized and disciplined
order of society will naturally follow.
Two: Let us cultivate a scientific spirit and develop scientific
technique with a view to the completion of Dr. Sun's Industrial Plans.
The present age is a scientific age and moreover the age of scientific
and mechanized national defense. The central theme of all national
reconstruction must be defense; the highest quality of scientific
spirit and technique is required in ail that pertains to material recon-
struction. "Without science, there will be no national defense, and
without that no nation." During the past forty-four months of
armed resistance we have had full opportunity to realize the scientific
character of modern warfare. Our sense of the power of science
has been consequently deepened. In the past we opposed to the
enemy forces merely our revolutionary spirit, but now to compass
the complete victory of the future we must increasingly emphasize
the scientific technique in building up a system of national defense
that can permanently ensure the safety of the nation. We shall then
have arrived at our goal of final victory. Our war preparations
and fighting methods call for development along scientific lines, for
mechanization and industrialization. This can be achieved on the
one hand by means of the Government's comprehensive planning
and on the other hand by way of enthusiastic efforts in the fields of
invention, research and training put forth by experts and educators
possessed of the requisite qualifications and special knowledge. Dr.
Sun has laid down in his plans the design for a national economy
devoted to production and the Principle of the People's Livelihood.
575
FUTURE OBJECTIVES OF SPIRITUAL MOBILIZATION
Let us recall today his teaching embodied in the phrase "the omnip-
otence of a pair of hands/ 1 and his untiring promotion of science.
Respect for science and the new spirit of devoted attachment to
machinery should be inculcated as a part of education and training
with the object of rendering our people familiar with the use and
care of machines and aware of the national need of progress in the
application of scientific and technical skill to the solution of modern
economic problems. Spiritual Mobilization must include the awaken-
ing of the people to a fresh consciousness of the value of science
and technical studies.
Three: Let us make music and physical culture play a greater
part in stimulating the national spirit and modernizing national life.
Music is a means of elevating citizens' minds to noble thought and
emotion ; physical culture is a means of steeling citizens' bodily con-
stitution. Both are important conditions for the raising of the
nation's standard of spiritual efficiency. "Neither rites x nor music
can be negelected" is an ancient teaching of our land. Mens sana in
corpore sano is also a famous maxim of great wisdom. The essen-
tial intention underlying all of the five main points of the Program
of Spiritual Mobilization consists in a thorough regeneration of the
national spirit. Firstly, the aim is to enrich the ordinary citizen's
life with a new fervor and courage equal to the task of dominating
his environment and standing up to all his difficulties. Secondly,
the aim is to effect a concentration of the national mind leading to
an ordered solidarity and a united devotion to one ideal before which
all ideas of personal and group advantage are swept away and the
one issue of vital consequence is universally recognized. Thirdly,
the aim is to revolutionize the national mind in such a way that
every man renounces his selfish ends and is ready to make any sacri-
fice for the success of the Revolution.
To achieve these three aims the most essential work lies in the
purgation of the people's emotions and the steeling of their physique.
Community singing will serve to enliven our spirits and enrich our
emotional life, to give us an upward-soaring and optimistic attitude
of mind. Physical culture will serve to fortify our constitutions and
give us the ability to endure fatigue and toil. The community
singing and mass athletic demonstration held here today have been
the distinguishing characteristic of this year's celebration of the anni-
576
FUTURE OBJECTIVES OF SPIRITUAL MOBILIZATION
versary. I hope that hereafter there will be positive efforts all over
the country to spread the custom of such athletic and musical exer-
cises. There is no doubt that the result would be highly beneficial
in the strengthening of the driving force behind Resistance and Re-
construction.
The "social discipline' 1 of which I have spoken implies the devel-
opment of a military cast of social life; by my emphasis on science
in relation to national defense I meant the devotion of the national
energies to production; what I said of the "modernization" of na-
tional life meant the aesthetic transformation of the face of national
life. These three aspects of the government we shall do well to
make the guiding lines of our future efforts. They are incidentally
entirely concordant with the essentials of the New Life Movement
which I founded seven years ago.
You must all bear in mind that the scope of all our efforts,
striving and sacrifice is not limited to the overthrow of the bar-
barous Japanese invaders but includes all that will go to the making
of a free and independent China. The foundation for victory is well
laid; it is taking shape before our eyes. For this very reason the
events of this year will be charged with unprecedented significance.
We have to act up to the urgency of the time by rendering all our
work reliable and realistic as we go forward to the completion of our
revolutionary mission. Thus shall we prove ourselves worthy of
those soldiers and others who have made great sacrifices for the
cause and comfort the soul of the Tsunglv in Heaven above. This
movement, my fellow-countrymen, is a phenomenon of our national
rebirth ; it is not to be lightly regarded as something in the ordinary
run of things. The nation demands of you unqualified loyalty and
to do your full duty as patriots you must constantly draw strength
from the virtues of propriety, justice, honesty and integrity that in
you may be manifest the spirit of our national traditions.
577
88
The Kuomintang and National Leadership
An address delivered by Generalissimo Chiang on
March 24, 1941, in his capacity as Tsungtsai
(Director-General) oj the Kuomintang at the open-
ing of the Eighth Plenary Session of the Central
Executive and Central Supervisory Committees oj
the Party.
MARCH 24, 1941.
THHE eighth plenary session of this Committee is beginning today,
* eight months after the close of the seventh session. The period
between the last session and the end of last year constituted a most
perilous and difficult stage of our Party's revolutionary career.
Looking back on the experience we can appreciate the fact that it
was no easy matter to bring the Party and nation safely through the
dangers of those six months.
All you comrades here today and especially those who have
traveled great distances in order to confer with fellow-members not
seen for one or two years must be conscious of great pleasure and
elation at this opportunity for us to pool our abilities and energies
in a common endeavor to achieve progress in party, political, eco-
nomic and social work. I have frequently said that our Revolution
fears no dangers or difficulties; that as long as the Party leads a
united country towards a single goal there will be no dangers or
difficulties we cannot overcome. Proof of this is to be found in the
past history of the Party. Every time it has encountered danger
and difficulty has been the occasion for progress and achievement
proportionate to the danger or difficulty ; it requires only effort now,
as in the past, to reap success from the disaster that was imminent.
The situation that existed eight or more months ago was gray and
bleak in the extreme ; yet today you and all your fellow-countrymen
will be justified in taking the most optimistic of views of the fort of
resistance as you observe the brighter and reassuring features of
578
KUOMINTANQ AMD NATIONAL T.KAPIBBimTP
the present military and diplomatic situation that indicate the crisis
is already past.
The crisis is indeed largely over, but that does not mean that
the future holds no perils or that we can permit ourselves the slightest
carelessness or indolence. Before victory is ours we will meet much
trouble and make many sacrifices. It is, therefore, all the more
important that we should learn by the experience gained in passing
through each period of crisis. In smooth waters today let us not
forget the storms of yesterday. The responsibility of the present
plenary session lies in taking stock of the lessons of the past and sum-
moning up fresh resolution to face the future. We must turn what
might have meant defeat into the means of victory.
Our duties at this session are, you must realize, peculiarly
onerous. The very fact of the favorable turn in events that is bring-
ing victory into ever clearer view should cause us to be impressed
anew with the immensity of the enterprise upon which we are
engaged. We should gather fresh impetus from reflection upon the
momentous charge entrusted us. If in passing through this war,
of dimensions unprecedented in history, that has cost so many soldiers
and citizens their lives and property, that has entailed so much tragic
suffering, we cannot complete the work of the Revolution and se-
cure premanent freedom and independence, then we shall fail the
memory of the Father of our Republic and those who have made
sacrifices in the cause of resistance.
If we observe the present state of the Party we shall be at once
aware of the criticism it has aroused from the public and of the
faults and mistakes apparent to our own eyes. None can deny
that there are comrades who are merely perfunctory in the execu-
tion of their duties and who lose sight of the difficulties and dangers
facing the nation. The responsibility of this plenary session of the
Committee being to bring to fruition the legacy of the past and to
initiate the undertakings of the future, we must first and foremost
make a thorough review of our past failings and errors, asking our-
selves why there is such general suspicion of us, how it is we have
exposed ourselves to dissenting and sarcastic censure. From the
personnel of Party Headquarters down to the least of individual
party members we must all exercise the greatest possible sincerity
in scrutinizing our record, and proceed to turn over a new leaf.
579
KUOMINTANG AND NATIONAL LEADERSHIP
Then there will be hope for the future of the Revolution and the
success of Resistance and Reconstruction, which have now reached
a stage of supreme importance. Not only does the nation demand
and expect this of us: the welfare of the world is also involved.
A searching analysis of immediate party, political, military, eco-
nomic and social problems is necessary, together with the determina-
tion of future policy in both internal and foreign affairs.
Speaking of military affairs, in three years and eight months
of hard struggle our armies have displayed a spirit and strength that
are the inspiration of the Chinese people and have won the admira-
tion of the world. Even the Japanese themselves have been forced
to admit that the conquest of China by force of arms is an impos-
sibility. We may, therefore, say that the military crisis has passed
by and a considerable measure of success has been achieved. We
must take account, however, of the factors that have contributed
to that success the power of our spirit and principles, the revolu-
tionary forms of military policy and strategy that have enabled us
to survive so many grave crises and smash the Japanese design to
annex China by force. If, however, our troops are to attain in the
future an efficiency comparable to that of the fighting services of
the great Powers and our defenses to be really adequate for the pro-
tection of the country, our Party must exert itself many times more
effectively than it has in the past. Though there is room for
optimism concerning the military position this is no time to rest on
our oars or to be satisfied with our present ability to hold the enemy
at arm's length.
Another point to which I wish to call your closest attention is
the fact that the victory of resistance cannot be won on the field of
battle alone; there is also the issue of our economic warfare with
the enemy to be considered. Such is the nature of modern warfare
that one may safely say victory will be determined seventy per cent
by economic factors and only thirty per cent by purely military ones.
It is imperative that all of you should grasp this point and accord-
ingly approach the economic problems of the future with the same
attitude and energy with which three years ago you approached mili-
tary problems. For now the issue of the war very largely depends
on the way we handle those economic problems, upon our capacity
for protracted economic resistance and the removal of the remaining
580
KUOMINTANG AND NATIONAL LEADBBSHIP
obstacles of this period of resistance. Those of you whose duty it is
to give the people leadership, whether as civilians or army men, at
the front or in the rear, must treat the economic aspect of the war
as no less important than the military. The range of economic
weapons is greater and they are more easily brought to bear than
'the military. If we can but free ourselves from the superficial and
laissez-faire habits of the past and display a positive spirit of en-
deavor we shall certainly find in the rich economic resources of our
country the wherewithal to break down the obstructions in our
course. On the contrary, if those habits prevail the finest possible
objective conditions will not serve to ward off a failure the gravity
of which must far exceed that of any military reverse.
There are now sections of public opinion that entertain excessive
anxiety over certain economic problems of the day. According to
my own observation there is really no ground for such anxiety save
in the question whether we can henceforth devote ourselves austerely,
energetically and positively to reconstruction. There are people
who are criticizing and ridiculing the Party for what they call its
slackness and there are some who even say that we are corrupt and
declining. We must give due consideration to all such criticism
and set out to mend our ways and deserve better of the country. In
all our enterprises we must draw on our revolutionary spirit in the
study of new methods, seeking the continual breaking of fresh ground.
This session is being held just when the work of reconstruction is
beginning. We must lead the nation in pioneering the path it is to
follow. If we fail to rouse our fellow-citizens to strive in the tasks
of reconstruction the sacrifices and efforts of the past three and more
years will all have been in vain.
Let us, however, observe the record of the past forty- four months
and we shall see that, especially during the last six months or so,
there has been a steady falling off of our spirit of endeavor in both
Party and Government, among both central and local authorities.
There has been a lack of new spirit and fresh strength in all fields.
This, I believe, represents an acute danger. The thought should
strike woe into our hearts. How is it, we should ask ourselves,
that at the beginning of the war when we fully realized we were a
weak country opposing a strong invader we were full of high resolve,
while now with resistance at its present momentous stage and victory
581
KUOMINTAKG AND NATIONAL LEAD!
at hand we have grown lax and negligent? The responsibility is
not to be laid at the door of the Government, still less to be attributed
to the masses of the people; nor are circumstances to be blamed.
The whole responsibility rests with this Party, charged as it is
with the task of national leadership, and in particular with you
Central Committee members. "The Revolution is not yet com-
plete" are words that should be ever ringing in our ears. There can
be no excuse for complacency at a time so crucial as this. If the
one hundred and fifty or more comrades present can bestir them-
selves to recapture the noble impulses and austere integrity mani-
fested in your ranks until recently, the whole country will respond
to our spiritual appeal and advance courageously along the rough
road of new achievement. Neglect, on the other hand, even in matters
of detail, will result in the enervation of the whole nation's spirit
with consequent unimaginable peril to its future. My hope is that
you will all take action to meet this inward menace and revitalize
the quality of the leadership you give your subordinates and the
nation, thus causing a renewal of their faith in the Party and the
Government. Nothing less will meet the people's expectations of us
and justify the sympathy of other countries for our cause.
The course of the Revolution depends upon our conduct of
Party and political affairs. The fundamental problem is how we
can create a new political atmosphere and infuse a new spirit into
Party life. The first step to finality in reconstruction is reform of
administrative procedure, but introductory to that is the attainment
of a sound Party life. It is, therefore, in respect to Party affairs
that I wish to make certain simple emphatic remarks on this occasion.
It is essential that both central and local Party representatives
should have a lucid conception of the general situation at home. and
abroad. They should realize that the Kuomintang as the ruling
Party of China is dissimilar to dominant parties in other countries
such as the National Socialist Party in Germany, the Fascist Party
in Italy and the Communist Party in Russia. We are still in the
revolutionary period of our modern history. Every member of
the Party must play a practical part in the struggle to actualize the
Three Principles of the People by working up from the bottommost
strata of political organization and putting his heart into social
undertakings. Let no one worry about the stability of our regime ;
582
KUOMINTANG AND NATIONAL LBADEBSHIP
let our concern be to see that the Party does not drift away from
society with the result that our political dispositions lack any deep
foundation in the national life and consciousness. The Party mem-
bers in general, and you Committee members in particular, exist
to serve the ends of the Revolution, not to carve out fine official
careers and exercise personal power for individual ends. We
must be ever attentive to the voice of the people and keep in mind
the sufferings of the fighting men so that we are ready to exhaust
our strength in the service of society and fuse our existence with
that of the masses. If everyone of us can bring his influence to
bear at the base of the political and social structure and maintain
close contact with the people, we shall be treading the truest road
of revolutionary service. But while the Party is without a firm
foothold in popular life and the roots of its faith not yet thrust
deep into the soil, the misconception will continue to prevail that
as Party members we are a sort of privileged autocrats a vast mis-
take indeed ! We must ever be reminding ourselves that the Revo-
lution is yet short of success, the Principles have yet to be put into
practice, the nation's honor has yet to be vindicated, and our duty
is yet unfulfilled. The responsibility for stirring the hearts of our
people rests upon our shoulders. On us also entirely depends the
vital work of building a sound social basis for the Party.
The Tsungli has bequeathed us his comprehensive design for
the progressive development of the Revolution. Every concrete act
of social service performed by Party members will add something
to the strength of the Party's social foundation, which will be
rendered the more stable the deeper we penetrate into the daily life
of the masses. At this session all of you engaged in activities re-
lated to local autonomy and social service must form a steadfast
resolve to see the organization and discipline of the Party and its
spirit enriched and elevated, to institute a new era in the working
out of revolutionary reconstruction. What I have said consists of
only a few simple observations, yet in them lies the key to the success
of the Revolution. It is my hope that all present here today will
bend every resource of mind and will to the accomplishment of the
mission of this assembly to fulfill the promise of the past and usher
in an age of better things.
583
89
Bonds Between China and America
An address given at the farewell dinner to Am-
bassador Nelson T. Johnson on May 10, 1941.
MAY 10, 1941.
A FTER thirty-three years in China Ambassador Johnson is about
to leave the country to take up a fresh post. For the valued
guest and his hosts alike this time of parting is fraught with many
and varied thoughts and feelings. Mr. Johnson has been American
diplomatic representative in China for more than ten years, since,
in fact, the National Government was set up in Nanking. His re-
lationship with the Chinese Government has been peculiarly' intimate,
his acquaintance with the Chinese people far-reaching and profound.
My revolutionary colleagues and I deeply regret that so good a friend
is leaving us. I propose this evening to make the traditional friend-
ship between the Chinese and American nations and the responsibili-
ties that today and in the future must be discharged in common by
the two great peoples who dwell on the eastern and western shores
of the Pacific Ocean the theme of these words of farewell.
China and the United States have common interests in the
Pacific Ocean. More cogent still is the consideration of their re-
sponsibility for the maintenance of an order of peace and justice in
the Pacific and the characteristic attachment to upright and peaceful
conduct that they have both made the spirit of their nationalism.
In America that spirit is expressed in the principle of government
of the people, by the people, for the people. In China it consists
of the Three Principles enunciated by Dr. Sun of nationalism, democ-
racy and livelihood that demand China's independence, equality
and freedom among the nations of the world. As Dr. Sun ex-
plained, independence means the people in possession, equality the
people as sovereign, and freedom the people satisfied, or in other
words government of the people, by the people, for the people. In
short, in both countries political principles turn upon the will and
the interests of the people. The Three Principles of the People
584
BONDS BETWEEN CHINA AND AMERICA
arc really one with the democratic principles of America. Because
both China and the United States are devoted to this democratic
spirit of independence, freedom and equality they have never for all
their vast area, resources and population given thought to any
attack on others, but have rather presented positive opposition to
aggression. In the Eastern and Western hemispheres they have be-
come two pillars supporting the peace and well-being of humanity
and a unique foundation whereon may be built the universal brother-
hood that was Dr. Sun's highest ideal. Such is the spirit of the two
nations and such their responsibility. It is the great mission they
are striving together to fulfill.
Peaceful order in the Pacific has been utterly shattered by the
Japanese militarists. At a time when her armed preparedness was
inadequate China became the object of their aggression, but she
has sworn to persevere indefinitely in her endeavor to answer their
challenge to peace and justice. The government and citizens of the
United States have from the beginning made clear their deep sym-
pathy with our cause. In the face of this unbridled aggression the
historical and geographical relationship of the two countries, the
international agreements to which they have both subscribed, and
their common interests and responsibilities, all make a blow struck
at one also an injury to the other. Neither can conceivably be
an indifferent spectator of the other's distress. That is a matter
of plain and indubitable fact. There is no occasion to have
recourse to any remote historical proof of this. As recently as
the 30th of last month an official mouthpiece of the Japanese
Foreign Office, the Japan Times and Advertiser, came out with a
"World Peace Plan." We need not concern ourselves with what
this had to say of the European and African continents; let us
merely note its references to the Pacific and the United States
and we shall observe that Japan's aggression in China is but a
preliminary to attack on America. The first point of the "Plan"
calls for the demilitarization of British and American naval bases
in the Pacific. The second is that the United States shall not seek
hegemony on the American Continent. The third demands that
American influence shall not extend further west than the Hawaiian
Islands. The fourth suggests that all Pacific islands shall be incor-
porated in the Japanese sphere of co-prosperity. These four points
585
BONDS BBTWHBN CHINA AMD AMERICA
are sufficient to show that Japan, with China still an unsettled issue,
is already busying herself with American territory and rights in
the Pacific and planning to achieve a complete nullification of Ameri-
can power. While this Japanese dream-talk is beneath the contempt
of any intelligent person, Japan having grown steadily weaker in her
years of inconclusive war with China, it is the expression of a firmly
established policy and traditional scheme of aggression. Could the
Japanese militarists manage in some way to dispose of their China
problem, they would certainly proceed to attack America. If we
imagine the eventuality of a Chinese defeat, we see in this Japanese
paper's "Plan" the way in which Japan would then set about dealing
with America.
We are, therefore, justified in holding that victory or defeat for
Chinese resistance will be also an American victory or defeat, and
a victory or defeat for every nation in the Pacific. A Chinese defeat
would result in the expulsion of British and American apned forces
from that ocean and of Soviet arms from Vladivostok and Siberia.
The "World Peace Plan' 1 resembles the Konoye Statement on a
"New Order for East Asia" issued on November 3, 1938. As
that was addressed to China, the present "Plan" might be called a
"New Order for the Pacific" addressed to America. The proposal
to bring all Pacific islands within Japan's "sphere of co-prosperity"
simply means that all American territory in the Pacific should be
brought under Japanese control. The aggressive policy of Japan is
revealed in its every feature and each practical measure she under-
takes corresponds to some specific part of that policy. The Japanese
official organ also mentions in this "Plan" the banishment of Soviet
Russian influence from the Pacific; Siberia and Vladivostok are to
come under Japanese control. Britain, fully occupied as she is with
the European war, is of course the object of more measureless exac-
tions. Australia, New Zealand, Malaya, Burma, India and all her
Far Eastern territories and rights are to be stripped from her. Such
being the character of the Japanese scheme of aggression, it is
clearly imperative that all friendly nations should thoroughly com-
prehend and squarely face this menace.
Nearly four years of Chinese resistance, however, have so ex-
hausted Japan that at present she is powerless to move further
toward the attainment of the fantastic goal of aggrandizement I have
586
BONDS BETWEEN CHINA AND AMEBIOA
just described. She is therefore resorting more and more to bluff
and all manner of devious devices to procure disunity among the
peoples of the Pacific. By threats and blandishments she is seeking
to gain her ends by disintegrating the ranks of her desired victims
to facilitate a process of gradual absorption. Every nation concerned
should be on its guard against this insidious design.
If all nations friendly to us will, in the name of justice, live up
to what is expected of them in supporting Chinese resistance by
supplying us with war material and economic aid, China is prepared
to undertake singlehanded the task of putting down this enemy of
all who would dwell in peace on the shores of the Pacific. Expe-
ditionary forces or naval action is not asked of them. This claim
is no mere verbal boast ; it is the resolve and the faith of the whole
Chinese army and people. It rests moreover on the solid showing
of four years 1 fighting. At the same time the support we need forms,
whether we think of the interests common to China and America
or of the status the two nations have to maintain in the Pacific, an
inalienable responsibility for those who are in a position to give it.
Chinese observers of the world situation as it has developed
during the last eighteen months of the European conflict see among
the dozen or more shipwrecked and ruined nations of the West
the imposing and solitary survival of Britain. They compare the
spectacle to that of China's stand in the East. The two countries
share a unique record of inflexible determination to defend them-
selves and their independence. They both have interests in common
with America and their fortunes are bound up in such a manner that
the distinction of East and West has virtually disappeared. The
world war of today has become a simple struggle between equity
and force, between liberty and evil. Our confidence in victory for
resistance comes of the principles of national independence, liberty
and sovereignty for which we are fighting and the ideal ground of
human welfare, right-dealing and peace in which our faith is rooted.
This confidence in our own cause leads us to believe that America
also is bound to stand forth as a protector of the same ideals. The
greatest respect has been engendered in the hearts of the Chinese
army and people by the present policy of the American Government,
by the firm and upright attitude and its courageous determination.
The mind pf the American people is becoming more and more clearly
587
BONDS BETWEEN CHINA AND AMERICA
made up to check aggression: their resolve to defend the spirit of
democracy against the forces of tyranny is now such that they will
support the policy of their government to the point of war. One
need not hesitate to assert that America has thus brought perceptibly
nearer the day when the world will again enjoy peace. That she is
a decisive force working for peace in the Pacific is still more obvious.
Japanese aggression has now neither the strength nor the audacity to
risk a clash with this American buttress of peace. I am prepared
to express the conviction that any country in the world matching
itself against American democracy would meet with certain destruc-
tion. The inconsiderable caliber of Japan would make nonsense
of an attempt on her part to grapple with the United States.
The unequivocal assurance which I can today give Ambassador
Johnson is this: the Chinese army and people regard the situation
in the Pacific created by the preparations underway in various coun-
tries, by the present policy of the American Government, and by what
we have ourselves achieved in four years of war, as affording full
grounds for confidence that Japan can be overthrown without any
direct naval action on the part of any nation or nations comfriitted
to the support of our cause. We believe our ultimate victory can
be secured on the mainland of Eastern Asia alone provided the
American people second their government's policy without reserve
and bring their full weight to bear in support of Chinese resistance.
If, on the other hand, the nations of the Pacific are careless of their
responsibilities, each waiting for others to move first, exhibiting
afresh the laissez-faire and slothful conduct of the past, ignoring
Japanese designs and ambitions and failing positively to assist
Chinese resistance then a great war involving the whole Pacific area
will ensue with consequences that do not bear thinking about.
Mr. Johnson has had more than thirty years' experience of life
in China and he is a loyal friend of China. Following the estab-
lishment of the National Government in Nanking one of the first
issues it took up was that of the annulment of the unequal treaties
whereby our Customs administration was lodged in foreign hands.
At that time America lent the force of her example to this end by first
concluding with us a treaty providing for our autonomy in Customs
administration. We remember Mr. Johnson's efforts during the
time of his ambassadorship to bring about cooperation between
588
BONDS BETWEEN CHINA AND AMERICA
China and America efforts that laid the foundation for the present
development of that cooperation. At some future time when China
and America again play their part in a peaceful order of Pacific
affairs Ambassador Johnson's contribution to the traditional friend-
ship of China with America will be recalled with a due sense of the
value of his services. He will undoubtedly convey to his people
on his return home, previous to assuming his new post, the fervent
expectations entertained of them by the whole Chinese army and
people. He will thus add still more to the close and friendly rela-
tions existing between the two countries. That responsibility re-
mains with him and we are convinced of his will and ability to fulfill
it. At this moment of separation I have only to add an expression
of my best wishes for the prosperity of American and Chinese
national fortunes, for the health of President Roosevelt and of the
departing Ambassador.
589
90
A Balanced Development in
National Finances
An address delivered at the Third National Finan-
cial Conference in Chungking, June 16, 1941.
JUNE 16, 1941.
JTK3DAY we are present at the opening ceremony of the Third
National Financial and Pacification Conferences. You have
just heard the President describe the great significance and weighty
responsibilities of these conferences and you will certainly be fully
aware of the importance of your duties here. I have a few words
to add to the President's remarks and some views to Which I wish
to call your attention.
The Financial and the Pacification Conferences have much in
common and the work of each has considerable bearing on that of
the other. Both are concerned with the harmonization of military
and political affairs in the rear and the strengthening of the foun-
dation of Resistance and Reconstruction. I desire to bring up today
certain fundamental issues and it is my hope that those of you
delegated to the Pacification Conference will also be attentive to
what I have to say and active in lending your assistance.
Since the Central Government was established there have been
two financial conferences, the first of which achieved the abolition
of the "/ifem,"* while the second dealt with other local oppressive and
multifarious taxes. These two undertakings removed immense ob-
stacles from the path of national economy: the people's livelihood
was enabled to develop freely; a great reform profoundly affecting
national reconstruction was achieved. The good fruit of those two
conferences, however, was of a negative character, consisting in the
"removal of abuses." The nature of our duties at this Third Financial
Conference differs; it is the work of positive reconstruction, the
putting of national finance and economy on a thoroughly firm foun-
A tax oo goods in transit first levied in the imperial days and abolished
by the Government in 1931.
590
BALANCED DEVELOPMENT IN NATIONAL FINANCES
dation. We have to devise comprehensive planning of national
finance and its rational control. We have to remove from national
economy and provincial reconstruction in general the irregularities of
the past which permitted of excessive wealth in one place and exces-
sive poverty in another. The aim is to reduce all to uniformity
and set in motion a balanced development. The Government has
therefore set itself two immediate objectives: (1) the balancing of
the national budget and (2) the equalization of the burden of tax-
ation on the shoulders of the people. These are fundamental features
of the Government's policy in Resistance and Reconstruction. All of
you must accordingly keep clear in your minds the way in which this
conference differs from others called in normal times. It is dis-
tinguished not only by its determination to apply the policy of
nationalizing land taxes and to set up a national fiscal system, im-
portant as these two undertakings are, but also by the whole spirit
and fundamental quality its deliberations must display and which
will relate them to the future of the people's livelihood and national
reconstruction.
Looking back over the time that has elapsed since the National
Government was established, we see the great difficulties and perils
through which Chinese finance has passed and yet now after almost
four years of war it is not merely sound but growing more and more
robust. This spectacle should reassure us of the vast - potential
economic strength of our people. It proves on the other hand the
worth and accuracy of the policy the Government has been pursuing.
You must not fail to realize that this precious and hard-won gain as
well as the achievements of prolonged resistance we owe in large
measure to the success of the monetary policy, which in turn may be
defined as the success of Dr. Sun's "monetary revolution." When
I came to Szechwan on a tour of inspection in 1935 I was appalled
at the chaos of local currencies to be observed. It led me to a con-
sideration of the distress and squalor for which this chaos was largely
responsible, and thence to the thought that should war come eco-
nomic catastrophe must result. Unity of currency was imperative;
only by making one monetary writ run the land could the people be
released from the exploitation to which they were subject and in
war time from the effects of the chaotic currency and finance. At
that time, therefore, as soon as I had arrived in the province I de-
591
BALANCED DEVELOPMENT IN NATIONAL FINANCES
cided that it must accept the same currency as the rest of the country.
The policy of unified national currency had been in operation since
1921, but it was generally viewed with misgivings and doubts of
its practicability. What no financier had dared attempt before our
financial authorities then set indefatigably about doing in accordance
with the principles of Dr. Sun's monetary revolution. And at last
they fully succeeded with the result that resistance had been able to
attain all it has. When this policy was in its beginnings there was
apprehension among financiers, monetary experts and commercial
bankers that it would be sure to damage their interests. All sorts
of rumors were heard, and great opposition manifested. Public
confidence was shaken. And yet when the policy had been translated
into fact it was discovered that so far from doing the bankers and
dealers in exchange any harm, business was intensely stimulated and
commerce expanded. Public and private enterprise alike was so
benefitted that the country seemed to have derived a new lease of
economic life from the unification of the currency. We ate close to
victory now, but the difficulties that yet remain to be overcome re-
quire our attacking them with penetrating vigor. Let us recall the
obstacles we have already surmounted and the unification of currency
achieved in 1935 that for centuries had been impossible. Bad con-
ventions of long standing were successfully broken down ; one money
flowed through the financial and commercial veins of the country.
Confronted by such a scabrous and tangled problem we were yet
able to solve it to complete satisfaction. How then can there be
any further problem so arduous as to daunt us?
We must bear in mind that this progress has been a general
advance of the standard of national intelligence and of financiers'
and businessmen's breadth of vision, of their sense of justice and
support for the Government's policy. From our experience in the
matter of unified currency we can form the axiom that "everything
making for the good of the people is necessarily to the good of the
individual." The Government is bound, therefore, whatever may be
the difficulties encountered, to pursue to its logical conclusion any
policy conducive to the advantage and happiness of the country
and the people. Any such policy is likewise bound to succeed.
If we are to set up a sound basis for financial reconstruction,
all revenue from taxation of the land must accrue to the State. A
592
BALANCED DEVELOPMENT IN NATIONAL FINANCES
sharp distinction must be drawn between the national fiscal system
and the locally autonomous ones. Thereafter the State may be mod-
ernized. With regard to land taxation, I shall speak later. With
regard to fiscal systems, if a clear line of demarcation can be drawn
between them there will be an assured source of finance for the
public enterprises of local autonomous units, and the way will be
smoothed for the full application of the new system of hsien admin-
istration to the destruction of the old conformity in name but not in
substance. At the same time when a national fiscal system is in-
augurated not only will the Central Government's financial position
be strengthened but provincial enterprises, especially those connected
with economic defense, will be able to make real progress. There
will be an elimination of the unstable and unsound conditions of the
past that rendered remote and sparsely populated districts incapable
of contributing anything to the forces of reconstruction. These
two measures are therefore essential to the whole livelihood of the
people. They will have effects beyond the scope of finance; you
and all central and provincial officials must realize those effects will
extend to the questions most closely touching the lives of workers,
farmers, students and all other members of society.
Resistance and Reconstruction are essentially one and the same
thing. We are fighting the war for the sake of reconstruction and
it may be equally well said that we are reconstructing for the sake
of resistance. When the war first began we laid the groundwork
of reconstruction, and while it has been proceeding we have done our
best to continue the work. Three concrete lines of policy were re-
solved upon : ( 1 ) The application of the new system of hsien admin-
istration and the advancement of the local autonomy. If the new
system of hsien administration can be applied as its plans and ob-
jectives dictate and local autonomy made genuinely effective the
State will be provided with a firm political foundation, and the whole
work of national reconstruction will be brought to success. (2) Bal-
ancing of the national budget and the equitable distribution of tax
burden. To achieve the former end the Government has simply
to keep strictly within the limits of its budgets and final fiscal state-
ments and to do its utmost in developing sources of revenue and
restricting public expenditure. The latter duty is of immense im-
portance: in this time of war we cannot tolerate refusal of the
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BALANCED DEVELOPMENT IN NATIONAL FINANCES
wealthy to make their contribution to the cause while the indigent
masses are obliged to support the finances of the State. This thor-
oughly unfair state of things must be radically reformed and to bring
about the desired equalization of tax burdens taxation must be regu-
larized according to a comprehensive plan put into universal execution
by the Government. (3) The application of Dr. Sun's land and food
policies. In the teachings bequeathed us by Dr. Sun there are de-
nned three essential courses of action in regard to financial and
economic policy during the revolutionary period: (i) For the fulfill-
ment of the Principle of People's Livelihood there must be a "mone-
tary revolution/' or unification of the currency system, (ii) In both
peace and war time there must be "food control" with a special bureau
in charge of this. A country without food control will be without
assured supplies of food for people and army, and will never attain
the status of a modern nation and will lose its independent existence.
(iii) Equitable disposition of land ownership, and the implementa-
tion of land policy. The land policy must be thoroughly applied
in order that the Three Principles of the People may be fully realized.
These three revolutionary tasks the Tsungli expounded in a way that
leaves me no necessity of going into details here. Since 1935 when
the present national currency came into use the first of these tasks
the monetary revolution has been in the main completed with suc-
cess. The other two tasks, the control of food and the equitable
distribution of land ownership, are focal ones for both peace and
wartime finance and economy and demand our strongest efforts. If
we cannot now carry them into effect, there will never be a second
chance. Moreover all should know that if the land policy is not put
into effect and food not controlled, our people's livelihood will de-
dine from bad to worse and eventually to ruin. No matter what
hardships we may have to suffer, we must realize these are tasks
calling for the utmost striving on the part of the nation, society and
the individual, in the same spirit as that displayed in the process of
unifying the national currency, until we can truly say: "My neighbor's
interests are mine and mine his; the home and the nation exist for
each other's good." Then the leaders of the nation will worthily
bear the name of leaders of a nation equal in stature to the urgency
of the hour. Otherwise our national economy and political system
will be perpetually condemned to remain that of a semi-colony and
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BALANCED DEVELOPMENT IN NATIONAL FINANCES
our descendants will never raise their heads again. Perhaps land
and food are the most important of the matters before the Conference.
Success with regard to them will be a proof of China's capacity to
become a truly independent and free nation. I trust you will exert
yourselves to the utmost over them.
Next, in regard to land taxation I have some points to make.
From ancient times China's State revenue has been derived from
land taxation. So it was with the Republican government until the
establishment of the present Central Government when it was decided
to allot revenue from the land to the provincial authorities a decision
that in retrospect gives rise to much regret. The essentials of a
State, after sovereignty, are land and people. And these two ele-
ments are bound up with each other, just as the people cannot leave
the land, for it depends on them for tillage. If land taxes are allotted
to the local governments, this virtually separates the people and the
land from the State; it leaves them with only a local consciousness,
without a national one. In order to make citizens understand that
the reason for their payment of land taxes lies in the welfare of the
nation as a whole and that the rights of citizenship belong to them
by virtue of the contribution they make to the maintenance of the
State, the revenue from land taxation must go to the Central Govern-
ment. This is essential for the development of the people's sense of
nationhood and constitutes a fundamental principle of policy. Two
other great sources of State revenue in the past were the customs
and the salt tax, which have, with the exception of a small portion
still obtainable from the interior, passed out of the control of the
central authorities since the enemy attacked the coast where the
lack of naval power made inevitable this loss. But China is an
agricultural country. The national finances should in both peace
and war time rest upon agricultural sources of revenue. During this
war national finance has made, as it were, two discoveries of the
land and of food and they have become its strong supports. The
depth and wisdom of Dr. Sun's teaching has been fully revealed and
vindicated. I have already said that this Conference must be one
devoted to positive reconstruction. You must devise concrete methods
of improving the food situation and the administration of the land.
A point I desire to impress upon you with especial emphasis is that
this move of appropriating the land tax to the Central Government
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BALANCED DEVELOPMENT IN NATIONAL FINANCES
is taken with a view to the good of the whole fabric of national
economy and for the security of the people's livelihood. The aim
is not merely to increase the Government's income. For during these
four years of war, had China been financially circumstanced as most
countries at war are, she would have already been bankrupt. In
fact, Chinese finance through the efforts of our financial authorities
and your exertions, and with the assistance of friendly nations has
been maintained and it never stood on a firmer basis than it does
today. That being so, the future may be faced with confidence. In
your work here you must treat these two undertakings of change in
the system of land taxation and the strengthening of the fiscal system
as essential features of future policy involving the success of national
reconstruction in its entirety rather than as mere financial expedients.
With regard to the food problem I have some suggestions to
make. Local feeling on the issues is diverse, but there is universal
agreement upon the gravity and urgency of the question. Every-
one's attention is fixed upon the question how food supplies are to
be collected, and what standard is to be followed in collecting them,
but there is a lack of clear conception as to the central essence of the
matter. I hold that it is a question of how we are to put into practice
the Tsungli's teachings on the methods of food control in a rational
and profitable way. All comrades must understand that the success
or failure of Resistance and Reconstruction is deeply concerned in
this as well as the well-being and very existence of the people. All
social problems depend for their solution upon the solution of this
food problem. Those who possess land and food will not be able
indefinitely to go on eating with indifference to those others who
have nothing to eat. It is for those who possess to give whether at
the front or in the rear, but especially rich landowners in the rear
who depend upon the protection of the armies of resistance and of
the Government's administration of the law for the freedom in which
they live and freely express their views. What freedom of expres-
sion have people in the Northeastern Provinces, in Hopei, Shantung,
Suiyuan, and Shansi? There they restrict the supply of food abso-
lutely necessary to your sustenance and they confiscate your own
food. Perhaps our wealthy proprietors in the rear have not thought
of these sufferings. Should we be defeated the people both in the
war areas and the rear will lose all security of existence, be robbed
596
BALANCED DEVELOPMENT IN NATIONAL FINANCES
of all their possessions and fall into the same state of slavery as
the inhabitants of the Northeastern Provinces. We must realize that
the present security of our lives and property comes entirely from
the Government and revolutionary armies and if you will not obey
government orders and support the Government's policy, you are
pulling down the very fences that stand between you and the arbi-
trary ruthlessness of the enemy and the puppets. You and your
descendants will be enslaved forever.
The Government is preoccupied with its strenuous efforts to
win the war, but it desires in the interests of the whole people and
of those of our fellow-countrymen who are suffering affliction and
poverty to avail itself of public opinion and it wishes wealthy land-
owners to understand that in levying a quota of ten or twenty per
cent on their stocks of food it is doing this not to damage their inter-
ests but to afford them protection. If they balk at this contribution
and display indifference to the hunger of the people and army, and
the defeat of resistance they will find their food confiscated in entirety
by the enemy. They must fully comprehend this point and then
they will understand the Government's present policy and how it is
directed to the protection of the interests of the ordinary man and
landowner alike.
If however those holding stocks of provisions think only of
their own selfish gain and ignore the demands of patriotism, disre-
garding the Government's food regulations, the Government will be
obliged to take strong action against them whether they hoard,
speculate or indulge in any other illegal proceedings. It will act
fearlessly of any evil forces arrayed in its path. I have long resolved
upon a final solution of this food problem; I shall not be hindered
by any further uncertainties. The Northwest and Southwest are
agricultural areas fully capable of producing all the food required;
there is no fear of our being unable to obtain the quota exacted. The
Government hopes and expects, however, that local landowners will
spontaneously do their best to fulfill the provisions of the mandates
issued, that they will all act as duty and the high interests of the nation
dictate. The Government has resolved upon this food policy with
unmixed concern for the public good. It will bring it into operation
without fail when the autumn harvest comes round ; there can be no
delay until next year. The maxims set for the citizen's patriotic
597
BALANCED DEVELOPMENT IN NATIONAL FINANCES
duty in the past were "those with money, give money" and "those
with strength, give strength/' To these we must now add "those
with food, give food." If landowners selfishly fail to give the food
demanded of them they will be acting criminally. They will put them-
selves in the same class with oppressive landlords and corrupt officials.
The Government will show no clemency towards them.
With regard to the control and management of food, the course
adopted may be the issuance of "food treasury notes/ 1 a subject upon
which there is also a great division of opinion. Some landholders
lacking patriotic vision will insist upon equating these notes to
national currency. At this time of national crisis it is utterly dis-
tressing that there should be people capable of minutely calculating
their own gain rather than thinking of the country's good and the
giving of an example to society. Whether we issue such notes or
collect taxes in kind the object is to obtain a specific amount of food
for the purpose of adjusting the supply of food for people and army.
In the future the Government will redeem the notes, which will con-
stitute what may be called a "compulsory loan." They will not,
however, legitimately be reckoned functionally equivalent to national
currency.
At this time, if we are to call ourselves worthy citizens of an
independent country we must respond with implicit obedience to
the Government's commands. In the execution of both its food and
land policies the Government is out to put army and victory first and
take measures of the fairest and soundest kind ; the duty of all citi-
zens is magnanimously to obey the letter and the spirit of these meas-
ures. To methods of food control the Government has given its
especially dose and earnest attention. Its demands of the land-
owners and food-dealers in the rear are lenient, and when we com-
pare the food control measures of other countries at war with ours,
the latter appear kindly and tolerant in the extreme. It is to be
hoped that fellow-countrymen generally will take account of the
Government's solicitude and carry out all government orders with
punctilious loyalty, with the ultimate object of bringing to fulfill-
ment the Three Principles of the People.
The Central Government is now engaged on the one hand in
leading the revolutionary forces of the nation in resistance at the
front to drive out the invaders, and on the other hand in directing
598
BALANCED DEVELOPMENT IN NATIONAL FINANCES
the efforts of the masses of die people in the rear in the work of re-
construction for the establishment of a firm foundation for a new
San Min Chu I nation. It is therefore not to be deterred by any
sacrifices or obstacles. My hope is that the whole country will act
with a full sense of this truth and everyone will urge obedience in
a spirit of revolutionary and patriotic zeal to the Government's
provisions, eliminating all evasion and connivance at evasion. Hence-
forth if there can be a thorough solution of agrarian and food prob-
lems, other wartime military, political, financial, economic and social
questions will be readily solved. The ancients said: "Enough food
and enough soldiers" were the two essentials upon which equal em-
phasis should be placed. In our present War of Resistance, to have
"enough soldiers" will not suffice if we have not also "enough food."
So it is that we have created this maxim, "Those with food must
give food." Supplies of food for the army alone will not do if those
of the people are inadequate. The work of fanners, industrial
workers, merchants and students should be thought of as identical
to that of soldiers. The sustenance of the whole people must neces-
sarily engage the attention of the Government as closely as that of
the army. All citizens with common knowledge of modern conditions
will be aware of this. In regard to the solution of the present food
problems everyone is most concerned with the security of the people's
food supply, because arrangements to feed the army had long already
been made. In fact there is really no reason to separate military and
public supplies. To allow uncontrolled business dealings in food
in these days is quite incompatible with modern ideas.
The above observations regarding the appropriation of land
taxation by the Central Government, the establishment of a national
fiscal system, and the institution of measures of food control are
all fundamental issues in Resistance and Reconstruction and policies
essential to the fulfillment of the Three Principles of the People. I
look to all of you here today to follow out the points I have made
in your close study of the situation and take effective action. More-
over all responsible men in Party, Government, army and other posi-
tions must diligently and courageously devote themselves to the
completion of the great task of Resistance and Reconstruction that
we may worthily fulfill our revolutionary mission.
599
91
Stronger Co-operation of Democracies
Against Aggression
A message to friendly nations on the fourth anni-
versary of the war, July 7, 1941.
JULY 7, 1941.
War of Resistance has now reached the fourth anniversary
of its outbreak. Then we realized that if Japanese aggression
went unchecked it would threaten more than the existence of China ;
it would prove calamitous for the whole world. We rose up accord-
ingly with fearless resolution to wrestle with this formidable enemy.
We thought it no time to count the cost. These four years' of war
have seen Japanese military strength immensely reduced and the full
enormity of Japanese ambitions made clear to the world.
From the very beginning we were prepared to fight alone to
the end. We were, and are, confident that China is strong enough
to master Japan; but if countries friendly to our cause will but
assist us to the best of their ability in our military and economic
necessities, the progress of our armies will be accelerated and the
world be the sooner rid of one of the greatest dangers to its welfare.
The Chinese people are supremely aware of the cruelties of warfare
and they are second to none in their reluctance to see any nation under-
go the sufferings that war entails. The Chinese Army and people
will consider their sacrifices adequately rewarded if the cause of
justice triumphs and humanity is spared, at least from one quarter,
the terrible experiences we have had to endure. I have frequently
made this statement and the truth of it is evident to all observers
from countries friendly to China.
During the past twelve months violent changes have taken
place in both the Far Eastern and world situations. The last few
weeks have been particularly crowded with developments following
one another in rapid succession. The manner in which the Axis
Powers have emulated and seconded the lead of Japan has resulted
in the division of the world into two great domains, that on the one
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CO-OPERATION OF DEMOCRACIES AGAINST AGGRESSION
hand of the bloc of nations the instrument of whose policy is aggres-
sion, and that, on the other hand of a bloc of nations resolved to
oppose aggression. As things stand today, the war in the Far East
is no longer to be viewed as merely a conflict between two nations, for
the European and Asiatic wars have now become closely interrelated.
Scarcely a single country remains unaffected because this predatory
group of Powers excludes no country from the scope of its design
to dominate the world by force. So much has become quite clear.
A mighty conflagration is sweeping the world, and after the nature
of fire it will continue to burn up all in its path until and unless it is
extinguished. To control this ghastly evil the only course is to strike
down the foe while there is yet time. As to how this is effectively
to be done I have three points to make.
Firstly, every fire has a starting point and the historical source
of this present worldwide war was undoubtedly Japan's attack on our
Northeastern Provinces launched in total disregard of all treaty
obligations. By that act of aggression a decade ago Japan displayed
the course upon which she was bent. Later in 1936 she lent fresh
impetus to the forces of aggression with the Anti-Comintern Pact
she was then foremost in promoting. She was obviously resolved
to see the world plunged into chaos. Within the past year she has
entered into a tripartite alliance with Germany and Italy and subse-
quently announced her conception of an "Order for Greater East
Asia" under her hegemony, formally declaring the term to embrace
Oceania. As steps to the expansion of her power southward she has
established naval bases on Hainan Island and in Indo-China. Japan
has thus been outstandingly instrumental in magnifying the scale
of the war, in feeding the flames she was the first to light. She is to
be regarded as more than the villainous originator of the Far Eastern
War; she is responsible for the universal character of the strife
we now see spreading over the earth. Until this primal spring of
evil is stopped up there can be no hope of permanent peace for
mankind at large.
Secondly, the issue of the conflict will depend upon the efficiency
with which the forces working against aggression can make them-
selves felt. Asia is the center of the globe's greatest masses of popu-
lation and of its richest resources. If therefore the democracies of
Asia, America and Europe can truly concentrate their energies in
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CO-OPBBATION OF DKMOORACHS AGAINST AGGRESSION
the pursuit of their common endeavor against the aggressors their
co-operation can ensure victory and the destruction of the Powers
devoted to the rule of force. Let the nations concerned with the
various territories that compose the Pacific land areas make a revo-
lutionary change in their attitude, and view the importance of the
Pacific with fresh insight Then they will realize that the ocean
and the continent of Asia weigh at least in equal importance with
the Atlantic and Europe and the urgency of the task of crushing the
power of Japan will appear to them proportional to the gravity of
the situation in Europe. China has fought four years of gruelling
war as much for the good of the world as for her own. The nations
friendly to her should regard it as imperative both for the protec-
tion of their own interests and for the sake of the world's future
that an end be put to the outrageous depredations of Japan. That
done, Asia, America, Australia and Africa can bring their combined
weight to bear on the enterprise of imposing a settlement of the
European hostilities. If they wishfully think the Japanese may
experience a change of heart and suppose it safe to let them have
their way for the time being, they will find their error as disastrous
as the policy of appeasement pursued until recently by European
countries towards Germany. If they conceive it possible to dis-
tinguish between the Axis Powers and Japan, striking at the former
and letting the latter have rein, the consequences are likely to be
shocking. I am convinced that no democratic country can afford
to view with the unconcern of a spectator the fierce flames of war
in Asia until they find their own territory ablaze.
Thirdly, the present division of the world into two camps is
perfectly clear. Japan, Germany and Italy compose a bloc the sole
policy and purpose of which is aggrandizement at the expense of
the rest of the world. As a result all peoples loving peace and free-
dom have drawn themselves up in an opposing front. We Chinese
firmly hold that that front is potentially far stronger than the aggres-
sor's. In order to insure victory its strength must however be de-
veloped to the utmost by close cooperation with one another in the
course of the life-and-death contest that has now begun. The vision
must not be narrowed by attention to trivial and merely immediate
features of the situation. Indecision and vacillation must be elim-
inated. They must make up for lost time and wrest the initiative
CO-OPERATION OF DEMOCRACIES AGAINST AGGRESSION
from the aggressors. They must not give the latter enough time to
consolidate their gains and strike with strategic advantage. It is now
widely argued whether Japan will move southward or northward.
Some people seem to assume that she is not in a position to strike
in either or both directions and will possibly devote her further effort
of aggression to attacking China alone. To my mind, we must care-
fully guard ourselves against any calculation based upon such argu-
ment or assumption, because the aggressors are both opportunists and
adventurers, and therefore are capable of all sudden and unpre-
dictable actions. Any miscalculation on our part may entail grave
consequences.
I would conclude by expressing a certain point of view in respect
to the assistance rendered China by her friends among the nations.
The Chinese people will ever remember it with gratitude. Our neigh-
bor Soviet Russia, America of the Western Hemisphere, and England,
contending herself with the greatest adversity of circumstances,
have all contributed generously to our support in resistance, thus
encouraging and inspiring us. The Chinese Government and people
will certainly act up to the trust put in them, for not to do so would
be to fail the ideals animating their own strivings and sacrifices.
At the time when the War of Resistance began I said that we were
engaged in a conflict of good with evil, or equity and justice with
brute force. Now we hope and believe that there will be more
effective collaboration between China and her friends. The aim is
the same for all of us : President Roosevelt expressed it in terms of
four freedoms which all humanity has the right to enjoy. It is my
privilege to declare that the Chinese people are combating Japan
not only for the negative purpose of putting an end to Japanese
aggression, but also as their means of contributing to a free world
order of the future, to the civilization and prosperity of mankind.
That is their great determination.
603
92
That AH May Not Be Lost in the
Hour of Triumph
A message to the Army and people on the fourth
anniversary of the war, July 7, 1941.
JULY 7, 1941.
SOLDIERS AND FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN:
T^HE War of Resistance has now been fought through four full
years. We have recently witnessed a rapid and luminous series
of developments in the international situation and may count ourselves
highly privileged to belong to a people whose service is wholly dedi-
cated to the world's good in an age so extraordinary. Tlie future
holds out for us a glory only equaled by the immensity of the task
still confronting us; a due sense of our situation should exalt and
purify our minds. With the Japanese it is otherwise: in increasing
trepidation they plunge on into ever deeper toils of their own rash
and reckless courses. Now the world finds itself divided by a
rigidly drawn line into two camps, the one practicing aggression,
the other withstanding the forces of aggression. The Axis Powers
have extended the range of their aggression in both Europe and
Asia while in opposition to them the peace-loving nations make
common cause in the defence of justice and human civilization. As
I have said before, "we are fighting to discharge a responsibility
that involves the whole trend of world affairs; in that light are
to be seen final victory and true success." A comprehensive review
of international developments shows us laid bare the pernicious
plans of the aggressors and a strengthened co-operation among the
powers pitted against them. We had anticipated the direction events
would take. Now the powers concerned with the Pacific are each
undertaking an appropriate share of the burden and acting in close
collaboration with one another. Japanese aggression is arrived at a
day of reckoning with those determined to check it; its exhausted
leaders are groping their way along the last stretch of their road to
ruin. That ruin will be one with the ruin of the Axis Powers and
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THAT ALL MAY NOT BE LOST IN THE HOUR OF TRIUMPH
the clearing up of the world horizon. So striking a reshaping of
the situation has not come about without due cause. It has been
won in bloody combat by our soldiers and by the sacrifices of the
whole people. Today we should commemorate with poignant sorrow
the price paid. At the same time we have ourselves to renew our
exertions to carry to completion the unfinished task.
I need not dwell on the weaknesses military, political and eco-
nomic that the past year has brought to light on the enemy's side.
To mention however a few of the salient points : there was the con-
clusion of the Tripartite Pact, followed by the treaty with Wang
Ching-wei, the declaration of a "New Order for Greater Eastern
Asia," threats to the South Seas and a grand display of outrageous
proposals for expansion. Subsequently Matsuoka triumphantly re-
turned from his European travels, swaggering and as proud as
Punch, giving himself all the airs in which men of little character
indulge when pleased with themselves. Within the past six months,
however, in the South Pacific, Britain, America, Australia and the
Netherlands have established a system of joint defense ; in the North,
Soviet Russia, no dupe of Japanese tricks and professions, has in no
way relaxed her vigilance; and in the United States we have seen
enacted the Lend-Lease legislation and the measures taken to defend
Guam and the Samoan Islands. With the introduction of two-ocean
distribution of the American Navy a further step was taken in the
steady prosecution of the policy of setting bounds to Japanese ag-
grandizement. In short the Island Empire is today encircled by a
tightening defensive cordon formed by the Powers interested in the
Pacific a cordon no struggles will avail it to shake off. The case
with Japan has always been an utter inadequacy of strength to
second the measureless ambitions she conceived. The present cir-
cumstances are terrifying and perplexing for her. Ever since the
Russo-German conflict began, a succession of hastily convened con-
ferences of cabinet ministers and military chiefs has been observed
in Tokyo. The outside world has been treated to ambiguous utter-
ances, the Japanese public to all sorts of apologetic assurances. A
crowning touch to the picture of resourcelessness was added with the
Tokyo visit of Wang Ching-wei.
This Wang regime has never been more substantial than an ani-
mated wax work; all the world has turned its back upon it and
60S
THAT ALL MAT MOT BE LOST IN THE HOUR OF TRIUMPH
in itself it docs not merit our attention, confident as we are of its
powerlessness to obstruct the War of Resistance, however many
scoundrels Wang may add to his entourage. This visit of his to
Tokyo, however, his audience with the Emperor, all the bowing and
scraping that attended the granting of his 300,000,000-dollar loan
makes up a page of history without parallel in the gross display of
shameless treachery afforded. Disgust and indignation fill us at
this outrage both to the reputation of the Chinese nation and to the
moral sensibility of all mankind. From another point of view, this
fishing out of the long-neglected Wang is indicative of the straits
in which the Japanese find themselves. Wang will be dragged down
together with them when they come to their destined end; meanwhile
he has basked in this last delusive caress of the rays of their sinking
sun.
The whole nation should realize that it is these four years'
striving to which are due the advancement of the War of Resistance
and the clarification of the international scene. Everything has
occurred as we anticipated. For this vital period of four years we
have held back the enemy and dissipated the strength he might have
employed to work his evil will elsewhere in the world. Friendly
nations were thus afforded time in which to make their preparations.
In this respect it may be said we have already achieved a prelimin-
ary success that assures us of the ultimate defeat of the Japanese
and brings us within sight of the glorious day of victory. We ought
nevertheless to be on our guard, remembering that in human affairs
failure frequently overtakes enterprises on the very point of con-
summation. Latent peril attends the near approach of a favorable
issue. The Japanese are still intent upon further military action
against China ; they are also, it seems certain, about to summon up
their last remaining energies for inroads into other regions of the
globe. They may strike north or south or simultaneously in both
directions, but we must not permit the apparent multiplicity of their
objectives to mislead us into any slackening of our attacks or lack of
vigilance, letting slip the finest of opportunities for counter-offensive
operations. Whichever way they move their objective remains as
much in China as elsewhere ; the slightest laxity on our part might
lose us all the ground gained in the years. The shocking and
amazing vicissitudes we have seen convulse the face of world affairs
606
THAT ALL MAT NOT BE LOST IK THE HOUR OF TRIUMPH
during the year past can leave us in no doubt that the alternative to
victory is destruction, and that if we cannot be masters of our fate
we must fall into ignominious slavery.
Today Asia outweighs Europe in importance as a factor in
world developments. We are a great Asiatic nation and the war in
the Orient revolves about us; we are called upon to shoulder re-
sponsibility for the security and well-being of Asia. Our mission
is no less a matter of nation-building than of armed resistance;
failing the completion of both tasks there can be no worthy vindica-
tion of the sacrifices that have been made for the cause. My desire
is to appeal to every man of you for a severer consciousness of the
dictates of duty, with especial reference to the three points I am
about to make.
First: By unity of will and purpose to intensify our fighting
strength : Since the war began the whole country has subscribed to
the maxims "nation above all" and "victory first/' Now we have
entered a new period wherein the outcome of resistance will affect
the interests of all mankind as well as decide the survival of our
own people. Our sense of this tremendous responsibility can but
impel us to explore every possibility of augmenting our strength.
To that end, weapons and material of war and the will to strike are
of course considerations of primary moment; yet of even greater
importance I hold solidarity, a pervading unanimity of intention
binding us all one to another, whether it be in the work of recon-
struction or of the prosecution of the war. In the midst of bewilder-
ing fluctuations of world events that toss men and nations this way
and that, we are compelled to realize the respect of others is only
to be won by a due measure of self-respect; and only thus can our
heads be kept above water and the aggressors overthrown. Let us
reflect that nothing will be left if the nation goes under ; if national
freedom be lost, there will be no supporting life. Solidarity is to be
built upon the basis of the whole nation's interests. In our revolution-
ary work of reconstruction we already have the necessary singleness
of aim; we have only to center our minds in all sincerity upon the
realization of the Three Principles of the People in order to assume
worthily the mission this age has made ours.
Second: By development of the national genius to build up
the basis for its regeneration. Reconstruction has to take a definite
607
THAT ALL MAY NOT BE LOST IN THE HOUR OF TRIUMPH
shape during the period of resistance. In my view it is recon-
struction in the domain of the mind that should take precedence in
our concern even over the material aspect. Deficiencies in material
circumstances can be made up for by the resources of the spirit. At
present we are behindhand as much in the quality of our spirit as in
the scientific and technical spheres of national activity. What is
termed psychological reconstruction turns upon the citizen's ability
to bring home to himself the sacred nature of his responsibilities
and duties and to maintain constant progress towards a greater aware-
ness of his personal obligation to make every sacrifice they demand
of him. The individual's sense of responsibility and observance of
discipline are the essential keys to success for reconstruction; the
quickening of his moral perceptions is the way to remedy for the
defects of the past and the reclamation of dissipated and abused
energies. I am particularly anxious to rouse all servants of the state
in positions of responsibility to a keener appreciation of* what their
positions entail in terms of obligation to serve the public interest
scrupulously and diligently. They have to live up to the trust
placed in them by nation and people. The mass of other citizens
have at the same time to maintain discipline, doing each his duty
to the best of his or her ability, with the one aim of setting the nation
well and surely on the road to rehabilitation. Do not, I enjoin
upon you, take my words as uttered by way of routine. Realize that
if now after the unprecedented sacrifices made and the lessons taught
us of late years we still fail to achieve internal reformation and
revival of the national spirit, the nation will cease to be such, the
people will perish as one unworthy of the name : even victory in war
will not dispel the certainty of failure in reconstruction. So may
all the labor be wasted in the very hour of triumph and we betray
a thousand unborn generations of our kind.
Third: By making sure of the essentials in reconstruction to
complete the enterprise of revolution. Complex as the work of
reconstruction is, its three most important elements are the military,
educational and economic; the life of a modern nation hangs upon
what it achieves in these three fields. Commanding officers, edu-
cators, technicians and economists are therefore the backbone of
personnel directing the undertakings of reconstruction. The develop-
ment of the strength, and the pioneering of the future of the nation
608
THAT ALL MAY NOT BE LOST IN THE HOUR OF TRIUMPH
are rather peculiarly their responsibility. In military, educational
and economic affairs there are certain salient points de depart due
recognition of which can yield double the reward of effect to exer-
tions made, and which I propose to deal with under the following
heads :
(1) As regards the conduct of military affairs, morale and
discipline have a prior claim upon our attention. The will to sacrifice,
to defy odds, to dispute every inch of ground, to stand to one's post at
peril of death, and moreover such discipline as renders the move-
ments of men advancing or retreating entirely coherent and co-
ordinated, discipline that allows no order to go unobeyed or par-
tially executed. Sound morale and strict discipline ensure that
full advantage is had of the skill, weapons and manpower available,
(2) In education the chief emphasis should fall on the culti-
vation of character and physique. Scientific instruction and vocational
training are a secondary consideration; above all, the aim should
be the tempering of moral fibre, the forging of students 1 character
to the end that they may do justice to themselves as young citizens
of modern China. The traditional philosophy and morality of our
country should be exploited as a means to this steeling of the young
in mind and body, this fitting of them to endure hardship and under-
take onerous tasks. The success of our education depends upon
the attainment of this dual aim of molding the moral and physical
constitution of our youth.
(3) In economic affairs efforts should be primarily directed
along the two lines of production and communications. The back-
wardness of the country on the material side of reconstruction neces-
sitates the concentration of our best energies on the advance of
mining, agricultural and industrial production with the fullest co-
operation between government and individuals, state and private
enterprise. By management, planning and the granting of subsidies
a particular preference should be accorded branches of production
affording scope for unskilled labor. All available means of com-
munication by land and water must be developed to the full in order to
realize Dr. Sun's conception of the "free flow of goods" as a funda-
mental requisite of economic reconstruction. For the nation both
at war and after in time of peace adequate production and efficient
provision for transport are essential to economic health.
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THAT ALL MAY MOT BE LOST IN THE HOUR OF TRIUMPH
I pass on to express the hope that all administrative legislation
and provisions, the new system of hsien administration with its
profound bearing on local autonomy and the people's livelihood, and
the recently enacted legislation regarding land policy and food
control, will meet with the wholehearted readiness of all fellow-
countrymen to forward their execution. They are fundamental to
the very existence of the state; the country imperatively requires
their smooth and rapid translation into practice ; the souls of a host
of dead demand it.
Soldiers, fellow-countrymen: Today the War of Resistance
enters upon its fifth year, events in the world are moving ever more
rapidly, survival and freedom are to be won out of this last remaining
bout of the struggle. The world is about to undergo a general
resettlement of its affairs, and the first of necessities for that will
clearly be the overthrow of the Japanese aggressor. Therefore while
we employ our whole strength in the endeavor to wrest victory out
of this conflict with that aggressor we are discharging toward the
world a responsibility that forms our proper contribution towards
that settlement. While the War of Resistance continues we shall, in
addition to that, be building up a nation such as may render secure
the happiness of our descendants. On this New Year's Day I
declared : "The year to come will be a most trying and momentous
period in our history." The whole army and people ought to conceive
the endurance these past four years have demanded of us as incon-
siderable beside what is to come in the course of bringing our mission
to its final fruition. As we advance towards the light bearing up
this heavy load of duty all the freedom-loving peoples of the world
accord us their sympathy and wish us success and progress. Vig-
orously and courageously, my fellow-countrymen, forward !
610
93
The Time Sets Against the Aggressor
A message marking the fourth anniversary of the
outbreak of fighting in Shanghai on August 13,
1937.
AUGUST 13, 1941.
ON THIS day a year ago I asked my fellow-countrymen to consider
the tremendous significance of the Battle for Shanghai that
began on August 13, 1937. I said : "That campaign set in motion our
national effort to defend ourselves and our independence; for the
enemy it was his first step in a career of ruin. The day the fighting
at Shanghai began determined the way things were to go with the
Japanese and Chinese peoples and the future course of Oriental
affairs." You may remember these words. Today we are arrived at
the fourth anniversary of the eventful day, the glorious history of
which, together with the current features and possible future develop-
ments of the situation, I wish briefly to touch upon here, my concern
being as much to put myself in mind of the stern nature of my own
responsibilities as to instruct you.
The Japanese militarists set out on the path of aggression with
the aim of world conquest in view ; the subjugation of Eastern Asia
forms a stage in the development of that great plan. The seizure
of Manchuria was the prelude to the latter undertaking, the Shanghai
fighting of 1937 the actual beginning of it. China then fought to
protect her territory and, fully aware of the wider issue, for the
lasting security of peace in the Pacific. For four years we have
called upon the world to realize the necessity of united efforts to
check the rapacity of this aggressor if any genuine relief for the
world's troubles is to be had. Sensible, however, of our status as a
weak country, we were apprehensive of distrust; we preferred to
prove our contention by deeds and the maintenance of our rightful
purpose with the unaided strength of our arms. Now, after more
than four years of war we witness the beginnings of collective action
against Japan on the part of countries friendly to our cause; the
611
TIME SETS AGAINST THE AGGRESSOR
assertion we made is acclaimed on all sides as prophetically correct.
The enemy meanwhile, though desperately at a loss to make the
choice, no longer attempt any concealment of their lusting design
to attack other nations to north or south.
Following the submission of Indo-China, the Japanese appeared
bent, recklessly and brazenly, and to the exclusion of any other
thought, upon the expansion of their so-called "co-prosperity sphere"
to Thailand, Burma and the Dutch East Indies, and beyond even
over Oceania. With the outbreak of the Russo-German conflict
and the abrupt change it caused in the world situation, Japan instead
saw a better opening for a northward move and accordingly began
moving troops to the northeast in preparation for an attack on
Siberia the attainment of her predatory designs on the Continent
being the end in view. During the past month she coerced French
Indo-China into an agreement for joint defense and garrisoned the
country with her forces, turning then with scarcely a puse to Thai-
land and exerting all manner of pressure upon that country in order
to seize the resources and dominate the trade and utilize the bases
of a land whence she could make a bid for mastery of the whole
Pacific, driving out British and American influence and at last
establishing the "New Order for Greater Eastern Asia." At the
present moment, however, Britain, America, the Dutch East Indies
and other countries, their anger aroused at the Japanese annexation
of Indo-China and threat to Thailand, are making, in consultation
with one another, thorough and formidable preparations to restrain
the aggressor. They have begun with economic sanctions and are
proceeding to measures of armed defense. Soviet Russia, though
preoccupied with war in the west, has never relaxed her defensive
vigilance in the East. To the south therefore the Japanese find the
powers in their path united to defend the South Seas; and their
navy, they know, is no match for the navies of Britain and America.
In the north their recourse would have to be an army disqualified
by its immersion in the slough of China from serving in a fresh
adventure. They see the opportunity passing and their Continental
and Pacific policies rendered unrealizable. At the same time China's
war of self-defense has entered upon a stage wherein our high re-
sponsibility for the protection of the Pacific is about to be fulfilled.
What I would impress upon you is: the freezing of Japanese
612
TIME SETS AGAINST THE AGGRESSOR
assets by the British, American and Dutch governments, the abolition
of Japan's commercial treaty with Britain, the tightening of the
American embargo on export of oil to Japan, the Dutch suspension
of the financial agreement between the Netherlands East Indies and
Japan this series of economic sanctions imposed upon the enemy
as a check to their recent threats of aggression in the Pacific has
reduced them to a state of prostration they cannot conceal. In
casting about for some means to effect a temporary patching up of
their affairs they will turn to the occupied areas of China and try
to get their puppets to squeeze for them larger profits from the ex-
ploitation of the resources and the markets in those areas. The
people there will be subjected to new extremities of their base and
brutal methods of plunder. My sympathy for fellow-countrymen in
the occupied areas and in particular for those who live in the evil
atmosphere of Shanghai, is more profound than I can express. They
must bear in mind that all they do now to second the economic
action of the powers against Japan by waging relentless economic
strife with the invader will have a value immeasurably greater than
was the case in the past. If they are ready to endure and sacrifice
for the sake of frustrating the exploitation of the Japanese, inter-
rupting their communications, hindering the sale of their products,
and in every other possible way striving to bring to nought their
hope of economic relief from the areas of China under their control,
the contribution thus made to the cause will equal that of the men
confronting the enemy force in the field. Such is the nature of the
responsibility all people in the occupied areas and workers and
merchants in Shanghai should realize their efforts must be bent to
discharge, if their duty as citizens is to be done.
Of the world situation it only remains to say that the division
of the contending forces into two clearly distinguishable camps of
the aggressors on the one hand and those fighting aggression on the
other and the consequently heightened tension in the Pacific have
brought Japan perceptibly nearer the day of her collapse. Victory
however is not to be passively awaited; into the final battles to
come our whole weight must be thrown. China is the country most
directly affected by Japanese aggression and we stand most deeply
committed to the task of defeating it; all peace-loving peoples watch
the manner in which we are acquitting ourselves. It must be deai*
613
THIB SITS AGAINST THE AGGRESSOR
to you all that what I called on New Year's Day the "most trying
and momentous period" has now begun. On the field of battle, in
the rear, in town and countryside, the response oi redoubled efforts
is required by the exigencies of the time. Here I address in par-
ticular my fellow-countrymen in the occupied areas and of them
is demanded utter indifference to the menace and bribery of the
Japanese and to the puppets' attempts to introduce defection in their
ranks, and inflexible determination to maintain solidarity in the face
of the common enemy. I am convinced the hour is now soon to
strike when we shall see our mission of Resistance and Reconstruction
achieved and the deaths avenged of so many who have nobly laid
down their lives for that cause. There is the saying, "to work in
due season matters more than to possess the tools. 91 The season
of victory is at hand; Jet us all be at work!
614
94
The Northeast and Territorial Integrity
A message to the nation on September 18, 1941,
on the tenth anniversary of occupation of the
Northeastern Provinces (Manchuria) by Japan.
SEPTEMBER 18, 1941.
we commemorate the day of national humiliation that
occurred on September 18 just ten years ago. For a decade our
Northeastern fellow-countrymen have endured under the oppression
of the Japanese a hellish life of spoliation and outrage. In indig-
nation at the intolerable wrongs done them, the whole people under
the leadership of their government went through a period of energetic
preparation to the point of entering upon their crusade of resistance.
Losses without parallel in history have since been incurred and
today the war continues, the will of the nation unanimously prepared
to make all the sacrifices required. This is because we are resolved
to assert and maintain the absolute inviolacy of China's territorial
sovereignty, to recover the lost territory of the Northeastern Prov-
inces and to release their inhabitants from the atrocious miseries of
invasion. There will be no cessation of resistance until the Japanese
armies are wholly expelled from the land and the thought of conquest
utterly eradicated from the minds of the Japanese, until the freedom
of the Northeasterners is regained and their provinces restored. It
is a matter of the loss to China of an area geographically essential
to her national defenses, where there are resources equally indis-
pensable to us. We can go so far as to say that if liberty and inde-
pendence cannot be won for the thirty million Northeasterners the
whole country will eventually also be enslaved beyond all hope of
deliverance. Their lives are one with the lives of all other citizens
and the soil whereon they live is one with the rest of the country;
there can be no separating any portion of Chinese territory from the
whole. Surviving, we shall survive together; or, if we perish, we
shall perish as one man. This we must hold an unassailable axiom
of our policy.
615
NORTHEAST AMD TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY
The boundless sacrifices of the past decade have been made for
the sake of achieving the complete liberation of the Chinese nation
and people and of securing for them a status of true independence
and equality among the nations of the world.
In the Northeast there dwell thirty millions of a fine and sturdy
population; there are 240,000,000 moiu* of farmlands; there are
200,000,000 mow of fertile land yet uncultivated ; there are 600,000,000
mow of standing timber; there are 2,000,000,000 tons of unmined
metal and other minerals. Some of the resources most important
to our people's livelihood are to be found there; all the conditions
essential to the reconstruction of a modern nation prevail there.
The ports, strategic positions, mines, railways and other lines of
communication detailed by Dr. Sun in his plan for industrial develop-
ment were largely centered about the Northeast. Its abundant ma-
terial and human resources touch the life of the nation closely;
without them it can scarcely be preserved. They are certainly not
to be given up to the enemy for use against China and the world.
Taking a world view of things, we see that the Northeast, apart from
its bearing upon Chinese national survival, is of the first consequence
to the safety of East Asia and the entire world. As long as the
Northeast remains under the control of the Japanese the peace-
loving nations of the world can know no immunity from their acts
of aggression. The proposal to "disarm the aggressor nations" will
all the more obviously be impracticable while Japan is still in pos-
session of such a source of strength.
The prolonged hardships and heroic deeds of the Northeasterners
are of a significance and value to the whole nation as it strives to
bring them relief. In fact the sum of all that the rest of the nation
has endured and lost may a thousand times exceed that of their
sacrifices. They should be thereby inspired to greater efforts in
the struggle against the enemy in his rear, in the endeavor to render
his occupation of the territory as little profitable as possible to him.
That is the minimum measure of responsibility which they can hold
as theirs. If they can fulfill it they will be effectively seconding the
splendid work of resistance in all other parts of the country, and we
shall all be marching together on the sure road to our goal.
*Onc mow is equivalent to one-sixth of an acre.
616
NORTHEAST AND TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY
It must be realized how closely relevant the fate of the four
Northeastern Provinces is to the advance of the Revolution and
the development of world events. In 1914 I had an opportunity for
careful study of Northeastern conditions, and in a memorandum I
then presented to Dr. Sun I wrote: "The Northeast is rather the
destination of the Revolution than a starting-point for it. The area
involves problems affecting the whole international situation. Its
problems are not to be solved during the initial stages of the Revo-
lution but to be approached as the Revolution nears completion."
I again emphasized the international character of the Northeastern
question at the time the Mukden Incident occurred, and since re-
sistance began I have frequently reminded you that "the life of the
entire nation being committed to this bid for survival, there can be
no compromise short of the goal." I further made clear that "the
duration of the war and the nature of its conclusion will be deter-
mined in conjunction with the general restoration of world peace
and security." When I said that, it was fully evident that Japanese
ambition and European quarrels had rendered inevitable a second
world war. I also said : "China's resistance will be resolutely fought
on, becoming a part of the world conflict, and concluding when Far
Eastern and European problems find a common and integral solu-
tion." These words of mine command the assent of the entire nation.
The decade that has elapsed seems to me but as the passage of a
day, for from that time I have considered it my peculiar responsibility
to see the nation's honor vindicated and vengeance for the outrage
exacted. It became my conviction that a long war must be waged
if a genuine settlement of the issue was to be had. On the one
hand I perceived the extremities of enemy ambition and brutality;
on the other I reviewed the geographical, international and other
features of our national position. Then I defined the national policy
of resistance to Japan as follows: Firstly, China's territorial sov-
ereignty and administrative integrity must be preserved intact;
secondly, respect for international justice and equity must be en-
forced and the forces of aggression overthrown in order to establish
permanent peace in the Orient and the world. For ten years our
attachment to these principles has brought with it confidence in their
attainability.
The origins of the Japanese ambition to conquer China are to
617
NORTHEAST AND TBBBttOBIAL INT1GWTT
be traced far further back than September 18, 1931. Even in Ming
tunes the predatory proclivities of the Japanese had become fully
apparent. In those days Toyotami Hidekichi gave expression to the
idea of "crossing the mountains and the seas, entering the land of
Ming and making ours its four hundred counties." Later there was
wild talk from one Shusin Soejima of "seizing lands from Ching (the
Manchu Empire)" and of "making one province of the Ching domains
a base on the Continent. 1 ' So we see that the covetous desire for
Chinese soil took root some three hundred or more years ago. At the
time of the invasion of Korea and during the subsequent war with
China the Japanese made the possession of our Northeast their
objective. When in 1904 they entered upon the war with Russia
they were intent on the same prize. The humiliation to which they
have subjected China goes back three centuries to the days when
their pirates marauded on our coasts; tales of their deeds are still
current among the people of those districts.
September 18, 1931, however, is a date that marks the point
at which Japanese aggression took on full definition of its enormous
scope, being seen, as the Tanaka Memorial put it, to seek "the con-
quest of China, Asia, India and the South Seas" and "the domina-
tion of East Asia as a means to conquest of the world." The first
step was the seizure of the Northeast to serve as a field headquarters
in the campaign of global aggression. The history of conflict be-
tween China and Japan is written about the theme of the Northeast.
Those powers resolved to prevent Japan's encroachment upon Asia
and other parts of the world can ill afford to neglect the importance
of the Northeast. That the leaders and publics of all countries should
be properly aware of the relevant facts is as necessary as knowledge
of them among the Chinese people. The loss of the provinces to
China would inhibit her national reconstruction, and in Japanese
hands they would be utilized not only in the destruction of China
but also in the prosecution of aggressive expansion elsewhere in the
world. Our survival and world security alike demand the expulsion
of the invader from the Northeast and its integral restoration to the
Chinese state.
These ten years have been years of trial and sacrifice for our
armies and people. Today we find our cause has won due apprecia-
tion of its merits among the peoples of the world. Great indeed is
618
NORTHEAST AND TEBBITOBIAL INTEGRITY
the contrast between China's circumstances in 1931 and the position
in which she stands today. Since then the nations friendly to us have
added practical action to verbal expressions of sympathy. America in
particular, under the leadership of President Roosevelt and Mr. Cor-
dell Hull, has proceeded from the "non-recognition principle" to one
of drastic sanctions against Japan and material aid on a large scale for
China. Other countries, such as Britain and Soviet Russia, are act-
ing with a proper sense of their common interests in a similar manner
and in collaboration one with another. All this has deeply gratified
and elated us.
Though it has been resistance that has drawn the acclaim of
the just-minded and consigned the Japanese to irremediable isolation
in the Pacific, this state of affairs is to be referred at bottom to the
action of the Japanese themselves in making enemies of China and
the powers when they set out on the career of aggression that began
with the Mukden Incident. At that time, in a letter to the then War
Minister Minami, Honjo wrote: "China's revival and the progress
of America and Russia are equally inimical to the national policy of
Japan. Preparatory to war with the United States, China and Russia
must be crushed and a separate country made of Manchuria and
Mongolia under Japanese occupation. The next step must be in-
vasion of Siberia in order to convert both the Seas of Okhotsk and
of Japan into Japanese territorial waters. Going on, we must drive
the Americans east of Hawaii and the English west of Singapore.
In this way the Dutch East Indies, Australia and New Zealand shall
all come under our hegemony." So we observe that Japan was in
those days already bent upon bringing Britain, America, Russia and
the Netherlands within the scope of her aggression. On September
18, 1931, the Japanese initiated the unfolding of a tremendous
scheme comprising their Continental and Oceanic policies, the de-
velopment of which whether to north or south has been prohibited
by our resistance. They are pinned down and deprived of all free-
dom of movement as a result of the spiritual and military endeavors
we have made in this decade of struggle. Today there is no "divine
breath" to blow them the good fortune they experienced at the con-
clusion of the previous European war; they are irresolute and per-
plexed; they dare not repeat their former reckless feats of outrage
to the interests of the Pacific powers. We ought therefore to keep
619
NORTHEAST AND TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY
in mind how great is the achievement that has rewarded the exer-
tions of resistance, how immense the contribution made to the good
of the nation and the world. On the one hand we are full of confi-
dence in the nations friendly to us and supremely optimistic regard-
ing the future of the fight against the aggressors. On the other
hand we believe a place of high honor and renown in the pages of
human history is reserved for the part we are playing in that enter-
prise.
Fellow-countrymen, resistance has now reached a stage we an-
ticipated three years ago, and we have in our grasp the destiny of
the Northeast. I wish you fully to apprehend the meaning of the
phrase I used: "the Northeast is the destination of the Revolution/'
The success of the Revolution and all that will attend upon it can be
attained only through united and persevering devotion of the na-
tional energies to that end ; indolence or complacency cannot be per-
mitted to impair that constant devotion. Remember : "Heaven helps
those who help themselves" and "others always help him who helps
himself." Until all lost territory is recovered victory will not have
been gained. The favored aspect of international affairs should only
move us to enhanced self-mastery and self-reliance, so far from in-
ducing any mood of relaxation and sanguine expectations of the
best. We must continue in the spirit of independent renascence
evoked by this war, being prepared at all times for the worst possible
eventualities. From height to height, slipping only to regain a new
foothold, we must press forward to the realization of our unvarying
policy and the fulfilment of our responsibilities.
On so solemn a day as this I would have every citizen search
his heart and reflect upon the record of action and endurance this
decade and especially the years since 1937 have laid up. It is a
record of blood and tears shed without distincion of place or person.
The waves of a flood of national wrath have beaten on the aggressor's
ranks and are washing away the miasma of invasion and the fetor of
treachery, dispersing the vapors that would threaten to obscure the
hope of peace for Asia and the world. The story is one of the
noblest and most moving in the annals of mankind and it has been
written, we can plainly inform both friends and enemies, that the
independent existence of the Chinese people as a nation may be pre-
served together with our territorial sovereignty and administrative
620
NORTHEAST AND TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY
integrity. Death shall not daunt us nor difficulties obstruct our utter
determination to free the Northeast and its inhabitants from the op-
pression under which the land has groaned since 1931. With a status
of true freedom and equality China shall take her place in a system of
lasting peace in the Orient and the world re-established on foundations
of justice and equity. Failing that end, there can be no cessation of
resistance. While a single man of the invader's forces remains upon
our soil and the slightest infraction of our territorial sovereignty
persists, resistance cannot halt. I am sure that the Pacific powers
friendly to us will continue a steady tightening and strengthening
of the cordon of restraining pressure they have drawn about Japan ;
that in no case will they slacken it. For our part we shall go un-
waveringly upon our way. In the course of the ten years past and
under the blows of our prolonged resistance the criminal initiator
of aggression in the Far East has been weakened to the point of
collapse and awaits the consummation of his ruin. That is the re-
flection that should hearten and spur us on as we commemorate this
day of national mourning. Fellow-countrymen, let us endeavor for
every day each of us has to live to show our sense of the sacrifices
made by those who have died for the cause, and worthily to display
our feeling for the loyal citizens laboring under the tyrannies of the
enemy in all we do to discharge our responsibility towards mankind
and its ideal of justice among nations.
621
93
Vigilance and Discipline
A message issued to the nation on October 10, 1942,
the thirtieth anniversary of the founding oj the
Chinese Republic.
OCTOBER 10, 1941.
K THIS thirtieth anniversary of the founding of the Republic we
shall do well earnestly to reflect upon the glories of the revo-
lutionary past and the tremendous possibilities of the future that lies
before our country. We have to carry forward the greatpurpose for
which the revolutionary martyrs gave their lives.
I have often spoken of the Revolution in terms of the internal
and the international significance, and I am accustomed to consider
its development as having two periods, the first being the course of
internal unification and the second being devoted to the attainment
of national independence, freedom and equality of status for China
among the nations of the world.
Five years of resisance have laid the foundations of victory
and steadily raised us in the opinion of the world. The cooperation
of friendly nations with us has taken on a definite shape. There are
two outstanding features of the affairs during the past twelve months.
First the true road to international peace has been recognized and
the powers opposed to the aggressors have dosed their ranks; the
peace-loving nations have ranged themselves in the Pacific against
Japan, throwing a restraining cordon about her a cordon designed
to halt any further aggressive adventure she may attempt. Secondly,
China has placed herself on an equal footing with other nations.
The age of the unequal treaties that began in 1840 lasted a century
and may be said to have closed with the declarations of the British
and American governments regarding their intention to relinquish
all extraterritorial rights in China. The first step toward the real-
ization of Dr. Sun's life-long aspiration has thus been taken; that is
622
VIGILANCE AND DISCIPLINE
indeed a matter for congratulation today. Vast obstacles have yet
to be encountered and overcome, but no evil forces can obstruct
our bright future.
A glance into history is sufficient to show that nations rise or
fall according as they stand firm and vigilant or relapse into ways of
ease and sloth. To be secure of a bright future a nation must not
permit itself to be blinkered by trivial and transient issues but must
gaze forward into the boundless spaces of the future. Today
we observe the vacillation and trepidation of the Japanese as they cast
desperately about for some means of dissembling their defeat. On 1
the other hand we see the great enterprise of our national reconstruc-
tion fairly set in motion upon the sure road to success.
At this juncture, our soldiers should fight all the more bravely
to fulfill our share of responsibility as a member of the anti-aggression
bloc. All citizens should serve the country with increased determina-
tion to endure and sacrifice, and loyally observe the Citizen's Pact
and wartime ordinances, thereby doing their duty as citizens of a
nation at war. All intellectuals and leaders of society should grasp
with fresh insight the special character of the Chinese revolution,
form the loftiest conception of their responsibilities, and direct their
fellow-citizens in the work of production and in the application of
scientific methods to national defense and economic development.
Professional men and public servants must keep in mind the suffer-
ings of our soldiers and people, bestirring themselves to eliminate
habits of laxity and approximation, cultivating those of precision
and honesty, purging abuses and enhancing the efficiency of their
work, to the end that the foundations of reconstruction may be well
built and criteria established to guide its future progress. Party
men should hold their lives consecrated to the revolution and be
ready to brave peril in course of action contributing to realization
of the Three Principles of the People and success in the restoration
of China's national status. In this way they can do justice to the
unfinished task of the revolutionary martyrs.
In conclusion, I would have you all reflect upon Dr. Sun's
declared belief that the revolution could be carried to completion
within thirty years. To our shame it has not proved so. I never-
theless firmly believe that by now enough has been done to ensure
eventual success; I hold that there is no longer room for doubt.
623
VIGILANCE AND DISCIPLINE
In these days of dawning victory circumspection and vigilance are
especially required of all ; standing each at his post of duty we must
outdo one another in the race to reach the perfection we envisage.
The slightest negligence might jeopardize the issue and cause us to
fail the dead and incur the opprobrium of generations unborn. On
this anniversary day I would have all my fellow-countrymen think,
as I do, of the great act of revolution begun at Wuchang thirty
years ago, and swear service to the ideals and aims cherished by the
Father of the Republic and by every man who has given his life for
the cause of the Revolution and of resistance.
624
96
The Engineer's Role in National Crisis
A telegram dispatched to the Tenth Annual Meet-
ing of the Association of Chinese Engineers held at
Kweiyang, Kweichow, on October 20, 1941.
OCTOBER 20, 1941.
To THE PRESIDENT AND MEMBERS OF THE ASSOCIATION OF CHINESE
ENGINEERS :
TT HAS been a great pleasure to hear that you are holding the Tenth
Annual Meeting and simultaneously commemorating the thirtieth
anniversary of the founding of your Association. Valuable results
are sure to come of this gathering of engineering experts from all
parts of the country for the purpose of discussing the present phase
of national reconstruction.
Although modern Chinese engineering began in days prior to
the Republican era, it was really with the founding of the Republic
and the inauguration of your Association that serious progress com-
menced. During the thirty years that have since elapsed China,
despite the handicaps that have prevented her development on a scale
comparable with other modern nations, has at least laid the ground-
work of her material reconstruction. Communications, mines, ship-
building and water conservancy, and the industries related to national
defense, have engaged the active attention of our engineers, with
results they deserve to be well congratulated upon.
Our deficiencies of men and resources, oUr poverty of experience
in scientific research, retarded industrial development and rendered
the country economically and militarily unprepared to withstand
invasion. Four years of war have vividly impressed on us the
importance of defense industries and caused us to make great efforts
to advance industrial reconstruction work. Success will require
unceasing continuance of these efforts. Reconstruction will not be
achieved in a day. China has lagged far behind the rest of the world
in modern scientific progress. In the future there will be the in-
creasing need of discovering and training engineering talents, en-
625
ENGINEER'S BOLE IN NATIONAL CRISIS
outraging collaboration between the business and technical sides of
industrial enterprise, stimulating the spirit of original research, and
bringing into closer contact workers in different fields of science.
We must also seek academic and technical co-operation in our rela-
tions with other countries. Progress in research work will lead to
greater efficiency in industrial enterprises. National economy will
benefit proportionately.
A nation in the world today depends for its existence as much
upon its preparedness to defend itself as upon a high quality of
national morale. The development of engineering theory and prac-
tice is an indispensable requirement of national defense. During
the past year I have repeatedly called upon my fellow-countrymen to
realize the importance of national defense, for without national de-
fense no nation can exist. I have therefore said that we must put
two great aims before us now : victory in resistance and, in recon-
struction, absolute security in national defense. The equipment of
all the armed services demands the skill of engineers in its produc-
tion; communications and transportation unceasingly require it. A
nation can in no respect be strong unless its engineers can constantly
be pressing forward to fresh and greater achievements. National
defense requires, as Dr. Sun taught, full and general realization of
the importance of science and the acquisition of mechanical ability
and aptitudes among our people.
The Government has issued its "General Scheme of National
Reconstruction," and for the implementation of most of its provisions
for the economic reconstruction of the country the whole-hearted
co-operation of engineers will be indispensable. Dr. Sun's Plan for
Industrial Development remains the most comprehensive and final
statement of our national policy in this respect. Last year you
organized a committee for the study of this Plan and the drawing up
of minute, practicable projects. I am informed that some of the
main points have already been sketched, and will be presented for
discussion at this annual meeting. I am confident that this product
of expert opinion will be a sound contribution to the groundwork
of national defense and reconstruction. Nothing could be more
valuable today.
Your Association was founded at the time of the birth of the
Republic; the labors attendant on its growth have been contem-
626
ENGINEER'S ROLE IN NATIONAL CRISIS
poraneous with those whereby the Republic has been fashioned.
It is noteworthy that a far greater number of men entering universi-
ties this year are taking courses in engineering ; this is a reflection
of a national change of attitude. It means that there will be no lack
of recruits for the profession in future years, and to guide them in
their service to the country is the mission of your Association. I
feel confident that you will not fail to appreciate the significance of
the hour and discharge your responsibilities to the nation and to the
engineering sciences.
CHIANG CHUNG-CHENG (Chiang Kai-shek)
97
Growing Unity Among Anti-Aggression Nations
An interview granted to more than a score of
foreign correspondents at his home in Chungking
on November 7, 1941.
NOVEMBER 7, 1941.
TT IS not often that I have the opportunity to meet all the repre-
sentatives of the press from friendly nations. I remember one
such occasion in Nanking in the third month of our War of Re-
sistance, and another in Chungking in 1939. You will all under-
stand that there are responsibilities which make it difficult for me
to discuss every phase and every detail of the long and cruelly ex-
hausting War of Resistance against Japanese aggression.
I am all the more glad to have this opportunity of meeting so
many of the representatives of the press of so many of the countries
which are like China actually fighting against aggression and in-
vasion, or like America courageously supporting the struggle against
aggression. This is a very significant point in our united struggle.
The initiative is still with the aggressors. Resistance is now fully
aroused, in the West and in the East, but it is still the aggressors
who plan where to strike the next blow. At this moment, however,
there is a greater degree of organized unity among the democratic,
anti-aggression countries in the steps they are taking to parry each
new blow and forestall each new threat. We Chinese have been
acutely conscious of this growing unity. We have served the
longest in the front lines; we see clearly that on each and every
front the opportunity to pass from defense to counterattack and
final victory will depend on the degree of unity and co-ordination
between all our fronts in the world.
We believe that after the present world war there will come
about a fundamental reform of the life and thought of humanity.
The following are facts that may serve to corroborate this contention.
Let me recall that there was a time when only we Chinese*
ourselves and a few foreign friends were fully aware of our will
628
GROWING UNITY AMONG ANTI-AGGRESSION NATIONS
and strength to hold out. Most others thought we could not pos-
sibly endure the punishment inflicted on our flesh and blood by
the superior armaments of Japan. But we held out, and it is because
we have held out for more than four years that Japan is so im-
mobilized in China as to be unable to launch any fresh adventure
elsewhere. We have come to constitute an essential part of the
front-line defense of friendly territories beyond the borders of
China, and particularly of territories bordering the Pacific.
There followed a time when few outside of Britain felt that
she could avert the invasion of English soil. Knowing what it is
to fight against such odds, all the free citizens of China, and especially
our front-line veterans, offer unstinted tribute to the heroism that
has defended the English Channel. We honor especially the daring
and self-sacrifice that went out to meet the aggressors in Norway,
in Greece, in Crete and in Libya.
Again there followed a time when few, outside of Soviet Russia,
felt that on a battlefield ideally suited to the German armored
columns it would be possible to resist for long the German armies
which had already won victory after victory elsewhere. Our veterans
at the front and our citizens in the rear are unanimous in their
conviction that the heroic spirit of Russian resistance is bound to
achieve final victory by exchanging space for time as we ourselves
did in the first phase of our successful resistance.
Each of these phases repeats the lesson that we Chinese learned
in 1931 ; when resistance begins on one front, it must be kept up.
Otherwise, new fronts are threatened. When there is resistance on
more than one front, it must be co-ordinated with that on others if
united action to overthrow the common enemy is to succeed. Other-
wise, the initiative rests with the aggressors. The importance of this
lesson is emphasized by the fact that behind all of us who are fighting
there stands a country whose people and great leader are ready to
support the victims of aggression with economic resources and mili-
tary strength, and assist them at the cost of material and human
sacrifices. America's efforts and adherence to principle have been
most fully understood and deeply appreciated the longest in China,
where we know that in the modern world the front extends all the
way from the factory to the trenches. .
From four years of Chinese resistance and from the facts I
629
GEOWINQ UNITY AMONG ANTI-AGGMSSION NATIONS
have adduced all men may know that armed force is not a thing in-
ordinately to be feared and hereafter there will be none oppressed
by the fear of armed aggression and the threats of aggressors, and
their doctrine that might is right will accordingly be banished from
the earth.
All peoples must follow the Christian way of universal love in
their treatment of one another. We believe that the true equality
of man with man and a genuine world peace will be realized through
the victory of justice and equity in this war.
Military effort is closely related to productive effort. The
military and economic missions of friendly countries which are
actively co-operating with our whole defense effort at the front,
in our arsenals, on our lines of communications, where their work
extends throughout the economic and financial fields are one of
the strongest bases upon which is being built the unity of the nations
fighting aggression. The benefit of the unity already achieved is
apparent. On several fronts the aggressors are now arrived at an
impasse forbidding further progress. Consequently they have re-
sorted to intimidation, but in vain, for no one is any longer afraid
of the "paper tiger" to which they may be compared. This means
that the initiative is almost within our grasp. In the very near
future, I believe that you will find my words proved true by events.
Then I shall have the pleasure of seeing you again.
630
IV
China Fights On With Allies
(1941-1943)
98
America's Chance to Strike at Japan
Opening address before the Second Session of the
Second People's Political Council on November
17, 1941.
NOVEMBER 17, 1941.
TIJX)RE than six months have passed since the first session of
this Council, and during this time some of you have been on a
tour of inspection in the war areas, some of you have been taking
part in the work of the Kangting-Sichang Investigation Mission,
some of you have been canvassing subscriptions to the national bonds,
and others of you have been engaged in all sorts of economic, educa-
tional, cultural and relief activities in various places. Now you have
gathered here from far and wide with the intention of devoting all
your energies to the public good. This is matter for profound
gratification.
During this period the Government has been concentrating its
efforts upon the development of local autonomy, financial adjust-
ments, the general strengthening of national economy and the open-
ing up of new lines of communication, all with a view to building up
the forces of resistance. Detailed reports will be made for you to
comment upon. In the present address I wish first of all to describe
the supremely important and decisive phase upon which the War of
Resistance and the international situation have now entered.
First. The most striking feature of events during the past six
months has been the division of the whole world into two great
camps, with the Nazi-dominated Axis countries aligned on the one
side against the democratic nations on the other. The conflicts in the
Orient and in Europe are now seen to involve one and the same
issue. Solidarity of the forces resisting aggression had been ma-
terialized. The passage of the American Lend-Lease Bill, the heroic
achievements of the Soviet armies, the progress made in co-ordinating
defense in the Pacific, and President Roosevelt's repeated declaration
of his country's determination to assist China, Britain and Russia
631
AMERICA'S CHANGS TO BTBIKE AT JAPAN
all this is evidence of the genuine co-operation achieved by the demo-
cratic nations.
The past three months have seen the Japanese initiate negotia-
tions with America only to proceed simultaneously to devote them-
selves to all manner of preparations for future acts of aggression.
They have established a so-called "Headquarters of National De-
fense" at home, while abroad in Indo-China and in Manchuria they
have steadily increased the strength of their armies. The present
Tojo Cabinet has announced its intention of "disposing of the
China Incident and breaking down the encirclement of Japan by
hostile powers" and of bringing to bear to that end "granitic
resolution and lightning activity." Sufficient proof of the Japanese
resolve to embark on a fresh campaign in concert with the Axis
is to be found in the recent revision of the conscription law whereby
men between the ages of 40 and 50 and those of third-rate physique
are being called to the colors, and the increase of military expendi-
ture to 3,800,000,000 yen for the next four months.
Second. Chinese resistance has greatly exhausted the enemy's
strength. His losses during the period between the Shangkao
campaign in April and Second Changsha Battle in September were
immense. His recent offensives against North Hupeh and Chengchow
were on a very limited scale and brought him disastrous defeats.
He has likewise been compelled to withdraw from many garrisoned
points of the first importance. The, war in China after more than
four, years has delayed Japan's scheme for attacks on other countries
of the world. Germany has now been fighting with Soviet Russia for
nearly five months and the European war is more than two years old.
Had it not been for Chinese resistance Japan would certainly have
seized the priceless opportunity to launch some predatory enterprise.
The Tojo Cabinet is now summoning up its courage to pierce the
lines of encirclement and making a show of determination to strike
at the Yunnan-Burma Road as the virtual beginning of southward
expansion. A Japanese invasion of Yunnan would lead to attacks on
Thailand, Singapore and other parts of the Southern Pacific region.
The primary object would be to sever contact between the armies of
resistance in China and the forces of the democratic powers without,
as a necessary preliminary to further moves southward. China will
632
AMERICA'S CHANCE TO STRIKE AT JAPAN
naturally defend every inch of her territory and spare no effort to
deal the enemy a blow hard enough to remove with his defeat the
greatest obstacle to peace in the Far East. You will all be aware
that the preparations for united democratic defense in the Far East
are now complete. That happy circumstance is to be considered the
fruit of China's four years of resistance. It is the achievement given
the world by China's dogged efforts, by her resilient and selfless
spirit, and in continuing to display that spirit we shall lend our
full strength to the forces fighting aggression.
Third. As to the responsibility of Britain and America toward
the Far East, I am sure they have no intention of dealing lightly
with any one of the aggressors. The time is ripe for them to deal
with Japan and they will not be diverted from their purpose by any
such negotiations as those undertaken by Kurusu. My reasons for
affirming this are as follows:
Firstly, the Japanese massing of troops in Indo-China with the
object of cutting China's lines of communication contravenes two of
the principles declared by President Roosevelt and Mr. Churchill
regarding the use and threat of armed force and the freedom of the
seas and of trade.
Secondly, Japan has for ten years been violating her international
undertakings and especially those of the Nine- Power Treaty, of which
America is the leading signatory. She is not to be thought capable
of deserting the principles that have determined the whole develop-
ment of her national policy. Moreover by declaring herself the
arsenal of the democracies America has signified her readiness to
assert the cause of justice against the law-breaking ambitions of the
aggressors. With Anglo-American military preparations in the
Far East complete, she will all the more readily take action to
that end.
Thirdly, despite all the honeyed words of the Japanese, America
will not forget Konoye's assertion of last October, when he said:
"If America cannot accommodate herself to the contentions of Japan
and the Axis powers, there will definitely be war." Nor can America
forget the words of Matsuoka: "If America persists in the attempt to
maintain the status quo in the Pacific, there will be nothing for it
633
AMERICA'S CHANCE TO STRIKE AT JAPAN
but war." Again, Mabuchi, a spokesman for the Army, declared
a month or so ago that Japan must break through the encirclement
of the ABCD bloc of powers and undertake a protracted war with
Britain and America as the chief powers that compose that bloc.
Fourthly, the long list of incidents that have occurred since the
war in China began, such as the wounding of the British Ambassador,
the sinking of the Panay and the insulting treatment of British and
American men and women at Peiping, Tientsin, Tsingtao and
Shanghai, have left no room for doubt of the intention of the Japanese
to assail Britain and America in the course of their campaign of
aggression in China.
I am therefore certain that compromise with Japan on the part
of Britain and America is impossible both on grounds of interest
and principle, while I am equally confident that they will not let slip
the present excellent opportunity of discharging their moral re-
sponsibility for the defense of peace in the Far East.
Fourth. Whereas the Japanese dream in vain of the settlement
of "the China incident," I think it may rightly be said that now is
the time when the powers fighting aggression can best, and most
urgently ought to, liquidate "the Japan incident." Those powers
command the strength of about nine-tenths of the world's popula-
tion. In Russia the situation on the central front has been stabilized
and the Nazi forces are at a standstill, confronted by unfavorable
weather conditions. Britain has gained the mastery of the Medi-
terranean following successes won against the German and Italian
naval forces. This winter is clearly a period that ought to be devoted
to the smashing of Japan as a potential danger to the rear of the
democratic forces in the world conflict. President Roosevelt predicts
that 1943 will see the end of that conflict. I believe he has good
reason for saying this.
It is unthinkable that the democracies should permit the Axis
to threaten their rear and next spring see the Japanese launch an
attack on Russia co-ordinated with a German offensive. Nor can
they stand idle while Germany triumphs in the Near East and Japan
strikes toward the Indian Ocean. A traditional maxim of the
Chinese art of war is "first to crush the weakest member of an
634
AMERICA'S CHANGE TO STRIKE AT JAPAN
alliance of enemies/' Japan is the weakest link of the chain of
aggressor nations but if time is allowed her to recuperate strength
and maneuver as she pleases the consequence may very well he
eventual defeat for the democracies. Now is the vital moment and
opportunity that must by no means be neglected. Britain and America
are no doubt fully aware of the facts.
Japan is now resorting to blandishments and intimidation.
Abroad, the Japanese militarists trample upon mankind's conceptions
of justice and equity; at home they flout the rights of their own
people. By such conduct they are simply courting destruction. The
Japanese are now conscious of the fact that they are hemmed in on
all sides and face imminent ruin. To continue in their reckless
courses will inevitably bring them to disaster ; their national existence
can only be preserved by their complete abandonment of thoughts of
aggrandizement in submission to the demands of justice and equity.
In doing so there would be two points of the first importance in
the conditions to be fulfilled: (1) The abandonment of the policy
of aggression, with the withdrawal of all forces from Chinese soil,
including the Northeastern Provinces, and a similar withdrawal from
Indo-China. Garrisons in the Northeast are equivalent to forces
posted as a menace to Siberia and garrisons in Indo-China equivalent
to forces posted as a menace to the Philippines and Malaya. In
neither case are they to be tolerated. The never-changing aim of
our resistance has been the total preservation of China's territorial
sovereignty and the Japanese must realize that we shall never accede
to its infringement by a single Japanese remaining on our soil.
(2) Japan's detachment from the Axis alliance. The utter
incompatibility of the aims pursued by the Axis powers and those
opposing them necessitates for Japan's salvation her withdrawal from
the Axis camp and the rejection of its aggressive principles and ac-
tivities. Failing the willingness of the Japanese militarists to take
this course there is nothing for it but their overthrow by the Japanese
people. There is yet time for Japan to repent. She has now to
choose between sincere allegiance or avowed opposition to the powers
fighting aggression. There is no third course. The mind of those
powers is irrevocably made up.
635
AMERICA'S GHAKGB TO BTBIEK AT JAPAN
Finally, let all of you here at this session realize that the issue
of our War of Resistance is one with that of the struggle between
the forces of light and darkness throughout the world, a struggle
now approaching its climax. In the Far East the forces of justice
and brute force are about to dash in decisive combat. It is the
moment for us to exert our greatest efforts. The enemy is intent
upon the destruction of China and we upon her preservation. He
would plunge the Pacific into the darkness of Hell, while we strive
to make it a lighthouse for mankind. That being the nature of the
task we have undertaken, we shall surely stint no effort or sacrifice
to accomplish it.
636
99
In Defense of Freedom
Messages dispatched to the United States through
the North American Newspaper Alliance, and to
England and Australia around November 17, 1941.
NOVEMBEE 17, 1941.
To THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA :
"OT7HEN President Roosevelt recently paid tribute to the American
" workers who are making sacrifices in order that America may
send planes to China, his words found an echo in every Chinese
heart. We have passed through so much suffering that we are in-
stantly sympathetic to any sacrifice made by others.
Moreover we know that in return for sacrifices made in common
we shall share in common the rewards of victory, liberation, and
democracy. Lincoln said that America could not exist half slave and
half free. Today we know that the whole world cannot survive half
slave and half free. America has just shown its continuing faith in
this great principle declared by Lincoln, by responding to President
Roosevelt's call for revision of the Neutrality Act. It is now clear
to all that the freedom of the world and the freedom of America
are inseparable.
The same faith is part of the very substance of the thought and
idealism of China today. It is for that idea of a world standard of
liberty and justice that hundreds of thousands of our young men have
given their lives in battle, and fifty million people have abandoned
their homes and withdrawn to Free China, rather than retreat from
the freedom we have been building for thirty years, and especially
for the last fifteen years, since the unification of the Republic.
The victory to which we are pledged will not be ours alone.
The rising standard of living, the new production, the new needs and
wants of 450,000,000 people eager for progress, will repay in busy
American factories and expanding American trade the material and
military and financial aid so generously extended to us.
When that time comes, continued friendly co-operation between a
637
IN DEFENSE OF FREEDOM
prosperous America on the eastern side of the Pacific and a secure,
rapidly developing China on the western side can provide the frame-
work of a stable world peace. In that peace all the nations that
have made a common stand against aggression will have their part.
Beside them will stand the brave peoples whose nations have for
the grim present been blotted out by aggression. Once freed of
militarism and racial hate, there is no reason why every people and
nation in the world should not take part in that peace, if it is to be
worth our sacrifices.
If we now, in the time of trial and suffering, lay the foundations
of that peace in honest recognition of the common rights and interests
of all humanity, it will last for generations. Let us make that our
task, for it expresses the ideals of the noble-minded men who
founded the United States, the first of the great modern democracies ;
and it will also realize the inspiration which guided the life work of
Dr. Sun Yat-sen, who created the modern nation of China.
To ENGLAND:
Each month that the war lasts emphasizes the growing unity of
purpose between China and Britain. All the countries that are fight-
ing against aggression have learned the truth of the words once said
by an American patriot and recently quoted by Mr. Churchill:
"United we stand, divided we fall." Mr. Churchill's latest bold and
prompt response to a new threat of spreading aggression in South-
east Asia has especially come like a reinforcement of morale to the
Chinese troops who for nearly four and a half years have held the
oldest and most unequally equipped front against aggression.
Here in Asia the Burma Road is a visible symbol of unity in the
defense of democracy and determination to extend the frontiers of
democracy. It links the many hundred miles of China's battle lines
with the bases of Britain's air power and sea power in Southwest Asia.
Safeguarded by Britain's citadel at Singapore, our supplies reach
us over the Burma Road ; while we, in turn, by defending our native
soil, defend Burma and Malaya from an attack by land.
This road is also a symbol of the future. When we have fought
our way back to the sea, we shall have behind us in the heart of
the Asiatic continent new communications and new industries as the
638
IN DEFENSE OF FREEDOM
foundation of our new productive economy and restored political
integrity.
All of this is part of the vision of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, Father
of our country, whose anniversary we have just been celebrating all
over China. He looked far into the future to see all the nations
which believe in liberty and progress participating in the develop-
ment of a liberated and independent China. For that future, as well
as in the ordeal of today, we welcome the partnership of Britain,
whose people are making such great sacrifices for the sake of saving
democracy and opening the whole world to democratic ideals.
To AUSTRALIA :
For four years and four months China has been fighting for
survival. It is not the mere idea of survival, however, which has
inspired our 450,000,000 people to suffer the greatest sacrifices in all
our many centuries of history. What we are fighting for, and what
we shall win, is liberty.
Our long fight has made us keenly conscious of the way in which
others besides ourselves meet danger and defend their freedom. We
have seen creeping toward Australia the same shadow of aggression
that has darkened China for so many years. The soldiers of China,
and the men and women who carry on the work of the nation behind
the lines, often under merciless bombing, have been heartened by the
way in which Australia is responding to the challenge.
Just as Australians of their own free will have crossed the
ocean to fight for Britain on many fronts, so hundreds of thousands
of Chinese in many lands have given unstintingly to the defense of
China. Many have returned to the mother country to serve on the
military, economic, and technical fronts. Australians and Chinese
have answered the same call in the same way because the liberty
which you are creating in the vast continent of Asia is the same
liberty which you are ready to defend far south of us in the Pacific,
and ready to leave Australia to defend on any front where the ag-
gressor strikes. We share ideas of honor and independence which
are an earnest of a bright future for the whole world of the Pacific,
when the light of freedom has prevailed over the darkness of ag-
gression.
639
100
All We Are and AH We Have
An exchange between Generalissimo Chiang Kai-
shek and President Franklin D. Roosevelt on the
day after Pearl Harbor.
DECEMBER 8, 1941.
TN THIS tragic hour when you too are assailed by the treacherous
aggressor the people of China renew their gratitude to the people
of the United States for the understanding and help that have been
given us.
To our now common battle we offer all we are and all we have
to stand with you until the Pacific and the world are freed from
the curse of brute force and endless perfidy.
CHIANG KAI-SHEK
JAPAN first treacherously attacked and then declared war upon the
United States. The Congress has declared the existence of a
state of war between the United States and Japan.
In the valiant struggle of resistance which China has carried on
for four and a half years against the invading forces of a predatory
neighbor China has been made aware of this country's sympathy in
principle and in practice. China is now being joined in her resistance
to aggression by a host of other nations that have been menaced by
Japan and the movement of conquest in which Japan is a major
participant.
The struggle cannot be easily or quickly brought to a successful
end. It will demand of all who are entering it, as it has demanded
and will demand of you and your courageous people, concentrated
effort and intensive devotion to the common cause of vanquishing
the enemy and thereafter establishing a just peace.
I take pride in my country's association with you and the great
nation which you lead. I am wholly confident that the struggle in
which we are engaged in common with other gallant nations will
forge stronger the bonds of traditional friendships and will result
inevitably in complete elimination of the lawless forces against which
your effort, our effort and the efforts of our associates are now indi-
vidually and collectively directed. FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT
640
101
The Common Struggle Against the Axis
A message to the Chinese people at home and
abroad, and to the Chinese Army on December
10, 1941, following China's declaration of war on
Japan, Germany and Italy.
DECEMBER 10, 1941.
TN OBDURATE pursuit of their evil courses the Japanese have
now, in concert with the Axis powers of Europe and in fulfillment of
the undertakings laid upon them by the Tripartite Pact, suddenly
attacked in dastardly and treacherous fashion our friends Great
Britain and the United States, striking with the same piratical rapidity
of the raid on Mukden ten years ago. In this way they have brought
upon the Pacific the afflictions of war and exposed mankind to un-
precedented losses and distress. You will be aware that the Chinese
Government has, in the desire to vindicate international justice and
preserve human civilization, formally declared war on Japan and
at the same time upon Germany and Italy.
Since the invasion of the Northeastern Provinces by the Japa-
nese our whole nation has been undauntedly striving and, during
the past four years of war, with resolution and steadfast devotion
only the more marked. We set out to chastise the outrageous ambi-
tion of the Japanese, recover the territory lost to them, and by bring-
ing about the downfall of this ringleader, check the scourge of ag-
gression. Today the Japanese so far from repenting of their conduct
have taken fresh steps toward the fulfillment of the abominable
designs they share with the Axis powers. The democratic nations
of the two hemispheres have now, however, arisen to act in unison,
with the result that the world is divided into two clearly distinguished
camps of the aggressors on the one hand and those who oppose them
on the other.
Ours was the first country to suffer the inroads of aggression
and also the first to assume responsibility for the vital task of putting
bounds to the evil. Our faith is firm in the continuity of man's des-
641
THE COMMON STRUGGLE AGAINST THE AXIS
tiny and the indestructibility of his conceptions of equity. Nine-
tenths of mankind are striving to defend justice, peace and the right
to national freedom. The eventual overthrow of the aggressors
is therefore a matter of certainty. Up to now our sacrifices have
been made to the end of merely driving the invaders from our own
soil. Henceforth we shall be fighting shoulder to shoulder with
Great Britain, the United States, Soviet Russia and other friendly
nations in a united endeavor to suppress the enemies of civilization
and establish lasting peace in the world.
The Chinese people, possessed of their heritage of five thousand
years' civilization and the Three People's Principles designed to
save both their own nation and the world, are now charged with a
mission of unprecedented magnitude. Now our efforts will go
beyond the aim of success for resistance and the restoration of our
territorial sovereignty and also have the goal of speedy victory for
the cause of justice in the world at large. But should our spirit
slacken and the enemy be permitted to extend the term of his ill-
doing indefinitely we shall fail not only all those who have sacrificed
their lives for resistance but also our friends in the common struggle.
In this momentous hour I expect of army and people ten times the
strength of will displayed during the past years of war in the execu-
tion of the sacred duty that is now ours.
Citizens at home and abroad must keep in mind the greatness
of the national genius that our sages and heroes have handed down to
us and realize the supreme value that victory in resistance will have
for the world,' and how decisive for the welfare of future generations
and of mankind our coming exertions will be. The foundation for
victory has been laid, but the task before us is the more arduous in
proportion to the vast conflict in which we are now engaged, the scale
of the forces with whom we are allied and the immense vista of new
significance added to our national fate. Henceforth we must be
more severe in our self-respect and take a more serious view of our
responsibility, each to the best of his ability and at his particular post
of duty, fearless of all hardship and sacrifice and selfless in response
to the extreme urgency of the issue that is to be decided.
Fellow-countrymen overseas are no less descendants of Hwang
Ti, the progenitor of our race, than those at home, and it is for them
wherever they may be to exert their great potential strength for the
642
THE COMMON STRUGGLE AGAINST THB AXIS
destruction of the common enemy and thereby add luster to the
good name of their country. For our soldiers the present occasion
makes a unique demand for their resolution and bravery in bringing
fruition to the hard-won gains of a decade of warfare. The whole
nation must advance with unfaltering determination to avenge the
wrongs of this decade and deliver from outrage and injury those
under the oppression of the enemy. At home the aim is the preserva-
tion of our territorial sovereignty as the primary aim of our re-
sistance : in terms of world affairs we seek to vindicate international
justice and win for our nation such renown as it has never enjoyed.
From the limited scope of the beginnings of our enterprise we are
moving toward the weightier implications of its final development.
643
102
Assistance to Friendly Governments
A message addressed to members of the Chinese
communities overseas on December 11, 1941.
DECEMBER 11, 1941.
FOR CONVEYANCE BY THE BOARD OF OVERSEAS AFFAIRS, THE COM-
MISSION FOR THE AFFAIRS OF CHINESE RESIDENTS OVERSEAS, AND
ALL EMBASSIES, LEGATIONS AND CONSULATES TO FELLOW-COUNTRY-
MEN OVERSEAS :
'T^HE Chinese Government has now formally declared war on Japan
and at the same time upon Germany and Italy. Henceforth the
Chinese Republic will be ranged with all other nations in the world
opposed to the aggressors in a common endeavor and resolve to
destroy the predatory forces of the German, Italian and Japanese
Axis alliance, and thus to gain our one great aim of preserving
human civilization. I have already in a previous message set forth
in outline the significance attaching to the exertions which our army
and people must now make.
At this time of widespread Pacific hostilities I wish however to
express my especial concern for you fellow-countrymen overseas
and my earnest expectations of those particularly who are living in
the territory or possessions of Great Britain, the United States,
Australia, the Netherlands East Indies, New Zealand, Canada and
other friendly nations.
Our countrymen overseas have rendered highly distinguished
service in building the Republic and seconding the work of the Revo-
lution. Their contributions in money and strength to the cause of
resistance have been even more considerable. The people of friendly
nations have also witnessed the splendid expression and testimony
they have given to the traditional spirit of Chinese culture. Today
the flames of war envelop the whole globe ; the aggressors and those
opposing them are divided into clearly and irreconcilably denned
camps. An absolute community of interest and attitude now insep-
arably unites the nations that have set their faces against aggression.
644
ASSISTANCE TO FRIENDLY GOVERNMENTS
Our allies' enemies are our enemies; their victory or defeat will be
our victory or defeat. By long years of toil Chinese people overseas
have used the rich gifts of their national genius in developing the
lands which have become to them as a second homeland and now it
is to be hoped of them that they will loyally devote their energies
and resources to the assistance of those friendly nations among
whom they dwell, striving with all courage and vigor for the destruc-
tion of the common enemy and the attainment of final victory. They
must throw themselves according to their abilities into all descrip-
tions of war work, undertaking eagerly and without dissent what-
ever tasks may be allotted them by the governments under whose
authority they live. Their efforts may well prove not of less value
than the devotion of our soldiers on the battlefields of the Fatherland.
I am confident that all my fellow-countrymen abroad will worthily
respond to the hopes of their Fatherland, that they will demonstrate
the Chinese zeal for the cause of justice and accomplish the mission
that falls to us in this momentous period of human history.
CHIANG CHUNG-CHENG (Chiang Kai-shek)
645
103
Increase Our Fighting Strength
An address delivered at the opening of the Ninth
Plenary Session of the Central Executive Commit-
tee of the Kuomintang on December 15, 1941.
DECEMBER 15, 1941.
TW7E FIND this Session assembled within a few days of the begin-
ning of the Pacific war launched by Japan. Chinese resistance
and the world war against aggression have now merged into one con-
flict. China's position has consequently been very favorably affected.
Looking back over the past ten years we recall that China first suffered
from the enemy's attack and now after four years of furious combat
has at last gained the comradeship of other peace-loving nations in
the struggle against aggression. The story is one which is written
on a glorious page of our national history. Every member of the
Party should appreciate its significance and be inspired thereby.
It must not be thought that the Revolution is yet complete or the
national future without its perils; on the contrary, the present
moment sees the country in the throes of a crisis which it will either
survive or perish. If we do not achieve success in our revolutionary
work, we shall meet with failure. When we think of our failings in
the past and the heroic magnitude of the sacrifices made by our
fellow-citizens and soldiers, we must redouble our efforts to continue
our struggle that began ten years ago.
The work that faces this Session is of unusual moment. In a
spirit of comradeship and with complete sincerity we must take stock
of the errors of the past and devise measures of amendment. AH
outstanding Unsolved problems must be given solutions and unfinished
tasks carried to completion. Alt the same time, in relation to the
immediate needs during this period of Resistance and Reconstruction
there are two points to which our attention must be especially de-
voted. In the first place, we have to increase our fighting strength
to a point that will enable us worthily to play our part as one of the
powers fighting shoulder to shoulder against aggression. In the
646
INCREASE OUR FIGHTING STRENGTH
second place, a firm foundation for national reconstruction has to be
laid. Now is the time to fix our fundamental policy of reconstruc-
tion on the basis of the general principles already established. These
are two great aims for our work at this Session. We hope to arrive
at satisfactory decisions through careful deliberations.
In order to increase our fighting strength it is necessary more
fully to develop the total strength of the nation. This total strength
may be expressed in the armed forces, in the political, economic,
and social life of the country. During the past four and a half years
of war, however, the results obtained in the political, economic and
social spheres have not been ideal. A searching review of the situa-
tion reveals that the spiritual and material strength of the nation
remains at least fifty per cent and possibly as much as eighty or
ninety per cent undeveloped. Now that we find ourselves allied
to other friendly countries in a common cause, it is inconceivable
that we should continue in such slackness. Conscious of this, every
Party member and citizen should rouse himself to new and more
vigorous efforts. The survival of the nation depends upon whether
our military, political, economic and social affairs can be directed
along modern lines to yield their maximum strength. The moderniza-
tion of the national life and its adjustment in all respects to wartime
needs requires of us all a unanimous revitalization of our revolu-
tionary spirit, and such increased efficiency in our work as shall
assure the thorough execution of all the resolutions we shall arrive
at here.
In this time of war we must not think to defer reconstruction.
The war is for reconstruction, and reconstruction will contribute to
our fighting strength. The present period of national awakening is
singularly propitious for redoubled efforts in establishing the basis
for the political system of the Three People's Principles and the
Five Constitutional Rights. We have no immediate duty more im-
portant than that of carrying out the fundamental provisions of our
policy in reconstruction along the lines laid down in Dr. Sun's
Program of Reconstruction and our Program of Resistance and Re-
construction. Everything must be undertaken with a broad considera-
tion of the fundamental issues ; this is no time for short-sighted pre-
occupation with inessential details. On the one hand, we must set
about adjusting the functions of existing organizations ; on the other,
647
INCREASE DUE FIGHTING STRENGTH
we must observe the bearing of the present situation upon the basic
policy and system now operative in military, political and economic
affairs with a view to instituting necessary reforms. In this connec-
tion I have three points to make :
(1) Building up the basis of national strength. This is the
most important of the tasks essential to reconstruction. You must
all strive to train the people in the exercise of the four political rights
in preparation for the institution of popular sovereignty. Progress
with the new system of hsien (district or county) administration and
the introduction of local autonomy to all grades of administrative
districts must command your resolute efforts, to the end that after
the war the country can proceed immediately to a system of govern-
ment of the people, for the people and by the people.
(2) Utilizing the country's talented persons. For the pur-
pose of achieving success in Resistance and Reconstruction the Party
must draw into collaboration all non-Party men of ability who are
loyal to the country and the Three People's Principles. Another
point of great importance is the necessity of unifying the source of
military and political authority ; otherwise, if the attempt is made to
assert authority independently of the Central Government the resulting
disunity and disorder cannot but be highly injurious to the cause of
Resistance and Reconstruction. Disloyalty to nation and people is
intolerable in the eyes of every citizen, whether a member of the
Party or not. All patriotic and gifted fellow-countrymen, however,
are to be sought out and enlisted in the service of the nation. This
is one of the indispensable lines of action we have to discuss at
this Session.
(3) Carrying total mobilization into a new stage. The Central
Government has been promoting General National Mobilization since
the war began. The results of four years' work in this respect have
not, however, been entirely satisfactory. Now we find ourselves
ranged with the other great powers of the world in the struggle
against aggression and only determined replenishment of our strength
can suffice to meet the great call upon it. How the nation's resources
of all kinds are to be developed most effectively and how the social,
political and economic standards prevailing in our national life are
to be raised to a new level : these are questions this Session has to
deal with. China is one of the most ancient, extensive, densely popu-
648
INCREASE OUR FIGHTING STRENGTH
lated and potentially rich country in the world. That after four years
of resistance she is still so weak, and backward is wholly due to
our failure to develop our strength and concentrate our human and
material resources. With the consolidation of the anti-aggression
front, all the nations which compose it will have to achieve not
only military co-ordination but also effective sharing and interchange
of their human, and particularly, financial and material resources.
If we can now exploit the potential resources of our land with foreign
technical assistance, we shall certainly be victorious in war and suc-
cessful in building the strong and healthy new China which was Dr.
Sun's ideal.
I trust that this Session will also give its attention to the ad-
justment of administrative machinery and the simplification of legis-
lation to suit the wartime needs. In those affairs which are the Party's
own province we must be still more thorough in weeding out failings
and developing our revolutionary spirit of sacrifice and taking all
possible progressive measures. All of us here present must concen-
trate our powers of mind and spirit and decide upon the future policies
and administrative procedure governing our program of Resistance
and Reconstruction.
649
104
A New Outlook and New Efforts
New Year's message broadcast to the Chinese
people and army on New Year's Eve, 1941.
DECEMBER 31, 1941.
CINCE the Japanese precipitated war in the Pacific on December 8
Chinese resistance has entered upon a new phase. The war in
China has become a part of the world war. Our mission has taken
on fresh importance and the duties we have to fulfill will be much
heavier. We should have a new sense of cognizance and make new
efforts.
But the confidence of our people in the eventual defeat of Japan
has been rendered only the more secure. The Japanese adventure in
the Pacific may be likened to a draught of poison taken to quench
thirst. Their thirst for conquest was so acute that it induced them
to drink what they were perfectly well aware was poison. They have
thus gained a momentary alleviation of that thirst but the poison
will ultimately kill them. The successes of which they are now boast-
ing are that alleviation. Their final destruction will nevertheless in-
evitably overtake them.
In support of this assertion I wish to make three points. Firstly,
the three main policies of the Japanese their continental policy,
their policy of encroachment and dismemberment in China, and their
policy of non-participation in the European war have all been
defeated by our resistance. Their national policy having failed there
can be no question of their success in war.
Secondly, Japan formerly had but one enemy, China, but now
she faces four more : Great Britain, the United States, Australia and
the Soviet Union (for the latter being allied to Great Britain is to
be considered the enemy of Japan). China on the other hand has
acquired as many allies and has entered into the fullest possible
collaboration with them. Her strength has been increased more than
fourfold. In contrast, moreover, to the impossibility of Japan's direct
contact with her allies of the Axis, China enjoys satisfactory means
650
A NEW OUTLOOK AND NEW EFFORTS
of maintaining close contact with her allies. Thirdly, the strength of
Japan's four enemies, Great Britain, the United States, China and
the Soviet Union, far exceeds that of Japan in every respect. The
territory of any one of them is ten times greater than Japan's. She
would be no match for any one of them individually, not to speak
of an alliance of them all.
Though these are the facts the Chinese armies and people should
not permit themselves to form too low an estimate of the strength
of Japan. There are no good grounds for sanguine expectations of
an early victory over her. During the next few months vigorous
activity on the part of the Japanese is to be anticipated and bad news
may continue to come of the progress of operations in the Pacific.
The shadow of Japanese aggression is now looming over the Indian
Ocean and in time Burma and India may be threatened or even over-
run. It will of course prove no easy undertaking to cut our lines of
communication with the outside world as the enemy plans and desires
to do, and with the further extension of the fronts on which he fights
and the excessive demands upon his manpower involved he will
experience greater and greater embarrassment in maintaining his
lines of communication and supply and become exposed to the danger
of piecemeal destruction at the hands of the allies. Nevertheless we
ought to prepare ourselves for the worst possible situation that can
arise.
I believe that when a certain stage has been reached the allies
will find themselves in a position to inflict overwhelming punishment
upon the enemy on the sea and in the air as the preliminary to a
decisive rout of his forces on land. This is the hope which we need
have no doubt will be fulfilled in due course of time.
We must, however, on no account give ourselves up to over-
optimistic illusions as to the difficulties and perils of the future. "Men
help those who help themselves" remains a truth that knows no
change. We must endeavor to stand firm upon our own feet and
achieve the greatest possible measure of self-sufficiency. Then when
unexpected difficulties are encountered we shall not be disconcerted
or our success jeopardized. It is only upon a solid foundation built
now that success in the future can rest. Such a foundation will not
exist unless our society, administration, economy and education are
really adapted to the needs of war time, and without it even victory
651
A NEW OUTLOOK AND NEW EFFORTS
would be no guarantee of future well-being. Now therefore is the
time to renew our spirit and efforts and go forward with persever-
ance and endurance toward the realization of the Three People's
Principles.
I hope that all my fellow-countrymen will strive to render na-
tional mobilization more complete and effective, and eliminate all
slack conduct, going energetically about all that has to be done, and
exercising economy. No man but should be doing something of value
to the national war effort and none engaged in activities useless or
disadvantageous to it. All our wills and strength should be con-
centrated and our resources made to yield the maximum of utility
to the cause. We must prove worthy of our place in the ranks of
the forces fighting aggression and make of China a modern nation.
Thus we shall be able to drive out the invaders, overthrow the might
of the aggressors, establish the reign of justice and peace in the world,
fulfill the hopes of those who have suffered and died for the cause
and obey the teachings of Dr. Sun, the Father of the Republic.
I trust that my fellow-countrymen will welcome the New Year
with such a resolve and advance with unbounded enthusiasm and faith
toward the victory that will assuredly be ours.
652
103
Solidarity Between Burma and China
A message to the people of Burma,
nnWO years ago I had the pleasure of receiving and talking with
* members of the Burmese Goodwill Mission to China during
their visit in Chungking. I was then deeply impressed with the
sincerity of the Burmese people as friends and neighbors while it
was realized that co-operation and mutual assistance between our two
countries is a matter of prime importance.
Since the conclusion by all peace-loving nations of the world of
alliance against their common enemies following the outbreak of the
Pacific war, I have had the opportunity of visiting Burma on several
occasions as supreme commander directing military operations in the
Far East. While in your midst I witnessed with profound admiration
the colossal mountains and beautiful rivers as well as the rich re-
sources of various kinds in your beloved land. And above all I
found out the many virtues of your people similar to those of my own
which will always remind us of the solidarity between your country
and mine.
Now that the Japanese militarists have carried their war of ag-
gression into Burma with battles raging on land and sea and in the
air, I wish to bring you a message to tell you, my Burmese friends,
what I know to be for your own good.
Firstly: China has continued her armed resistance for nearly
.five years and during this period of time she has been able to hold
the enemy at bay while growing stronger in the meantime not be-
cause of her possession of superior weapons or extra financial power
but owing, first and foremost, to her indomitable spirit of Revolution
and abiding faith in Truth.
The Chinese Revolution, which aims at the achievement of
China's liberty on the one hand and her equality in the family of
nations on the other, has been proceeding unceasingly under the sole
guidance and inspiration of the Three Principles of the People as laid
down by Sun Yat-sen, Father of our Republic. These three basic
653
SOLIDARITY BETWEEN BURMA AND CHINA
Chinese revolutionary principles are, in English translation, called
"Nationalism," "Democracy" and "People's Livelihood/'
Promoting Nationalism, China strives for mutual assistance based
on Equality among all nations of the world, who are not to be divided
into aggressors and victims of aggression. We have thus been work-
ing over fifty years for co-operation with all nations treating us as
equal partners and at the same time trying to give to the weaker ones
in a common struggle against aggression.
In promoting Democracy we stand for the equal status before
law of all people in the land, who are not to be divided into oppressors
and oppressed but who are to exercise in full measure their rights of
Vote, Initiation, Repudiation and Referendum under a true Gov-
ernment of the People.
In promoting, further, the Principle of People's Livelihood we
labor for the realization of economic equality of the rank and file by
eliminating exploitation while laying the foundation for building
up a society of happiness for all through the use of scientific methods
in production as well as in distribution.
It is our firm conviction that all the turmoil from which the na-
tions of the world have been suffering is due to lack of a rational
solution of their respective questions pertaining to Nationalism,
Democracy and the People's Livelihood. It is precisely for this
reason that we have been striving all these years for the liberation
of China in particular and for the reconstruction of the world order
in general by incorporating the ancient Chinese virtues of Loyalty to
the State and Filial Piety, Benevolence, Faithfulness and Propriety,
and Peace on the one hand and such teachings as "Mending broken
lines of the worthy, raising the retired, suppressing disorder, and
sustaining those in danger" on the other, in the modern ideas and
ideals of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. These fundamental
human aspirations are, in our belief, shared by all nations of the
world without exception. It may truly be said that from this belief
China, as a nation, derives her characteristic strength and courage.
I am sure that the people of Burma, with their splendid Buddhist
tradition stressing Equality and Compassion, readily understand this
spiritual foundation of our nation.
Secondly : we are deeply convinced that Freedom is obtainable
only through acquisition of Truth plus vigorous action to let it assert
654
SOLIDARITY BETWEEN BURMA AMD CHINA
itself. For this principle millions of our people have martyred them-
selves during the past fifty years. These revolutionary martyrs have
gladly and unhesitatingly offered their lives for supreme sacrifice as
their duty as well as a privilege. China, as a matter of fact, owes
her present position in the world to the blood of her innumerable sons
and daughters who have fought for the nation's freedom instead of
waiting for miracles to take place as mere dreamers or opportunists
would do.
We are sure that our world can only be emancipated from all
things unfair and incompatible with Truth by the united efforts of
truth-defending peoples everywhere. All forces opposed to them,
however formidable they may be, can never succeed in keeping the
tide of Truth from rising in the world or in silencing the call of human
conscience when it rises. It is inevitable, in the belief of the Chinese
people, that all old forces of Evil will be replaced by the world's new
forces of Good. Looking back over our past achievements we gather
fresh vigor and courage for carrying forward the Revolution. It is
my earnest hope that the people of Burma will from now on march
abreast with us fighting for our common victory.
Thirdly : we are equally convinced that this war is by no means
like any of the past human conflicts in which a number of strong
nations sought military supremacy for themselves. Rather it is one
between Right and Might, between Good and Evil. The aggressor
and anti-aggression camps are now, more than ever, clearly divided
while the eight-point joint declaration made by President Roosevelt
of the United States and Prime Minister Winston Churchill of Britain
has become the generally accepted basis for the reconstruction of
world peace. All those peace-loving and justice-upholding nations
who are able to do their share in defeating the Axis will have their
own freedom and all that the future world has to give them guaran-
teed which no one can keep them from getting.
Like individual persons, however, the nations now fighting ag-
gression together have much to learn from the Chinese saying, that
"to keep a high purpose in view, one must not allow one's mind to be
upset." For, in this war, any nation fallen an easy prey to the
enemy's promise of false benefits or to his weight of temporary force
in the vain hope of getting to its goal by chance that may be found
in the hand of a devil, with no desire to make an effort of its own
655
SOLIDARITY BETWEEN BURMA AMD CHINA
for the sake of Truth in pursuit of its cherished freedom, is but like
opening its door to the proverbial wolf from whose deadly jaws it will
soon find it impossible to escape.
If, for instance, Germany, Italy and Japan whose notorious
nationalistic theories place their own peoples as superior to all other
races, should win this war and if their so-called new order should
ever prevail in the world, it would naturally follow that all other
nations will be thrown into enslavement from which they can never
expect to emerge. The sad plight of all Frenchmen, Belgians and
Poles under German domination today, the Italian tyranny in Abys-
sinia yesterday, and Japan's cruel and callous treatment of the people
of Korea and Formosa in recent decades are too familiar examples
to cite*
For many years Japan has employed all conceivable means of
treachery in order to subjugate China and during the past five years
she has committed every crime of brutality against our people in
areas under her military occupation. Having seen and, on the part
of many of the less fortunate ones, tasted the lot of peoples under
Japanese rule for so long, the Chinese people well know that if a
country should ever be completely conquered by the Japanese militar-
ists its people would not as they could not have even a semblance of
the freedom as the Burmese people still have today in carrying on
their own political activities. It is unimaginable that any thoughtful
person could fail to see this point and be deceived by the enemy.
Hence, I am confident that leaders of the Burmese people will be able
to give serious consideration to this issue and act accordingly.
Chinese troops are now arriving in Burma in increasing numbers
and as they continue to fight shoulder to shoulder with our Allied
forces it is of imperative importance that they have the sympathy and
assistance of the Burmese people.
For more than twenty years I have led the Chinese Army and in
training my officers and men I have always emphasized the Three
Principles of the People, making sure that soldiers join hands with
the civilian population wherever they may go and thus become the
armed strength of the people themselves. Our troops are now in your
midst for the purpose of helping the Burmese people to put the Japa-
nese invaders out of your borders. They are never to be allowed to
do any damage to your civilian property as any acts on their part that
656
SOLIDARITY BETWEEN BURMA AMD CHINA
might inconvenience the people would, in every case, be severely dealt
with. It is hoped that you, my Burmese friends, will thoroughly
understand the mission of our men fighting on your soil and extend
to them your full co-operation.
The Chinese people and the people of JBurma are now, like
two brothers, bound to help each other. Already we are prepared to
receive some of your leading Buddhist scholars coming over as
visiting exponents of Buddhism in this country. I trust that you will
also appreciate our welcome to students from Burma whose education
has been interrupted by war but who can, when they are with us,
resume their school life in China enjoying the same privileges as our
own boys and girls.
People of Burma : it is your sacred duty to rise now in defense
of your beloved fatherland. It is your duty to resist the enemy's
intensified operations, giving every possible assistance to the other
Allied forces white denouncing with the rest of the world the few
who have betrayed the cause of your country by serving the enemy in
fifth-column activities.
China is determined, in carrying out the principles in which she
holds her faith, to help Burma attain the freedom she deserves after
the conclusion of war. To this I call the attention of all the people
of Burma.
657
106
Chinese and Indians Have the Same Destiny
The Generalissimo and Madame Chiang Kai-shek
paid a visit to India in February, 1942. An eye-
witness of their arrival in New Delhi said, "Never
before had India had the opportunity of greeting so
great a statesman, who was yet a man of the people.
It was an event, unique and historic." The first
speech here is the Generalissimo's reply to the Vice-
roy's address of welcome at the reception held in
the Durbar Hall of the Viceroy's house. The sec-
ond is his reply to the toast proposed by the Vic^e-
roy at the banquet on February 10.
FEBRUARY 9, 1942.
BEHALF of the people of China, I wish to thank you for this
cordial welcome which you have extended to Madame Chiang and
myself. I am happy to have this opportunity of visiting India, one
of our allies, and China's brotherly neighbor. The subject of my
visit is to have personal exchange of views with Your Excellency,
the members of your Government and prominent men in Indian public
life in order to secure more effective united efforts against aggression.
I fully appreciate the importance of our meeting.
As Your Excellency has pointed out, the spiritual bonds be-
tween our two countries are no new development ; no mere growth of
yesterday. In days almost legendary, Chinese seekers after truth
found their way to India after years of perilous travel through arid
deserts and over sky-reaching mountains to drink at the inexhaustible
fountain of Indian philosophy. They took back to their motherland,
in the face of indescribable dangers and difficulties, the priceless
volumes which embodied the wisdom of India.
I am appreciative of Your Excellency's reference to the cultural
background between the two peoples. Without doubt, it was partly
owing to its existence that the Indian nation was moved to express
deep sympathy with us from the moment that we began our war of
658
CHINESE AND INDIANS HAVE THE SAME DESTINY
resistance. The enemy now the common enemy tried every ex-
pedient to divert that sympathy to himself. India was not misled
for a moment. When Japan made perfidious offers of friendship, the
illustrious Poet Tagore in noble language voiced the burning indig-
nation which India felt in being asked to grasp in amity a blood-
stained hand.
I am further grateful to Your Excellency for the tribute you
paid to the Founder of the Republic of China, Dr. Sun Yat-sen. The
principles which he has bequeathed to us have been responsible for the
new spirit that has inspired the Chinese people to do their share in
making a better world for mankind.
It is now China's turn to show her appreciation of what India
has done for her in a realistic way. The extension of the war to the
South Pacific has brought the invasion of this country within the
realm of possibility. Any attempted attack on India by Japan would
have to be through Burma. The threat through Burma was one of
the subjects discussed by me and General Sir Archibald Wavell, when
he paid his flying visit to Chungking a month ago. An arrangement
has already been made for the dispatch of Chinese troops to Burma
to assist in its defense. The first steps have thus been jointly taken
to safeguard India from a landwise invasion from the east by using
Chinese experience and manpower. On the north and east, China is
India's shield from land invasion. China is proud and glad that it
is so.
Excellency, you have very kindly mentioned that China has been
the first to take up arms in this world struggle for freedom. While
this is true, I wish to point out that during the last four and a half
years of our resistance to aggression, we have been spiritually sus-
tained and materially assisted by His Majesty's Government, and by
the people of the British Empire. I bring to Your Excellency, His
Majesty's Representative in India, the heartfelt thanks of the Chinese
Army and people.
Now that we are comrades-in-arms, standing shoulder to
shoulder against aggression, Your Excellency's enlightened lead
