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THE  COLLECTED  WORKS  OF 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 


THE  COLLECTED  WORKS  OF 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

THE  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  ASSOCIATION 
SPRINGFIELD,  ILLINOIS 

IV 

ROY  P.  BASLER,  EDITOR 

MARION   DOLORES   PRATT  AND   LLOYD   A.   DUNLAP 
ASSISTANT   EDITORS 


RUTGERS   UNIVERSITY   PRE^S 

NEW   BRUNSWICK,   NE^  :£EKSEY 

1953 


COPYRIGHT,    1953?    BY 
THE   ABRAHAM    LINCOLN   ASSOCIATION 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA 
BOOK  MANOT^CTTJRING   COMPANY,  INC  ,  NEW  YORK 


SOURCES 
AND    LOCATION    SYMBOLS 


DESCRIPTION    OF    SOURCES 

THE  folio-wing  symbols  provide  a  description  of  sources  as  cited  at 
the  beginning  of  the  first  footnote  to  each  item.  In  addition  to  the 
customary  symbols  for  describing  manuscripts,  the  editors  have 
employed  symbols  or  single  words  to  identify  other  sources  which 
have  been  cited  repeatedly  in  the  first  footnote. 

AD  Autograph  Document 

ADS  Autograph  Document  Signed 

ADf  Autograph  Draft 

ADf S  Autograph  Draft  Signed 

AE  Autograph  Endorsement 

AES  Autograph  Endorsement  Signed 

AL  Autograph  Letter 

ALS  Autograph  Letter  Signed 

ALS  copy     Autograph  Letter  Signed,  copied  by  Lincoln  and  pre- 
served in  his  papers 

Copy  Copy  not  by  Lincoln 

D  Document 

DS  Document  Signed 

Df  Draft 

DfS  Draft  Signed 

ES  Endorsement  Signed 

F  Facsimile — following  any  of  the  preceding  symbols 

LS  Letter  Signed 

P  Photostat — following  any  of  the  preceding  symbols 

Angle  Neuj  Letters  and  Papers  of  Lincoln.  Compiled  by  Paul 

M.  Angle.  Boston  and  New  York:   Houghton  Mifflin 

Company,  1930. 
Heradon       Herndon's  Lincoln:  The  True  Story  of  a  Great  Life.  By 

William  H.  Herndon  and  Jesse  W.  Weik.  3  volumes. 

Chicago,  New  York,  and  San  Francisco:  Belf  ord,  Clarke 

&  Company,  [1889]. 
Hertz  Abraham  Lincoln:  A  New  Portrait.  By  Emanuel  Hertz. 

2  volumes.  New  York:  Horace  Liveright,  Inc.,  1931. 
Lapsley         The  Writings  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  Edited  by  Arthur 

Brooks  Lapsley.  8  volumes.  New  York:  P.  F.  Collier  and 

Son,  19o5.  445072 


OR 


Tarbell 

Tracy 

Wilson 


CCamStJ 
CLCM 

CSmH 

CoHi 

CoU 

Ct 

CtHi 

CtLEB 

CtSoP 

CtWat 

CtY 

DLC 

DLC-HW 

DLC-RTL 

DLM 
DNA 


DNM 


SOURCES 

Complete  Works  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  Edited  by  John 
G.  Nicolay  and  John  Hay.  12  volumes.  New  York: 
Francis  D.Tandy  Company,  1905-  . 

The  War  of  the  Rebellion:  A  Compilation  o/  the  Official 
Records  of  the  Union  and  Confederate  Armies.  4  series; 
7o  "volumes";  128  books.  Washington-  Government 
Printing  Office,  1880-1901.  Roman  numerals  are  used 
for  Series,  Volume,  and  Part  (if  any);  pages  are  in 

arabic. 

The  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  .  .  .  By  Ida  M.  Tarbell. 

2  volumes.  New  York:   The  Doubleday  &  McClure 

Company,  1900. 

Uncollected  Letters  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  Edited  by 

Gilbert  A.  Tracy.  Boston  and  New  York:  Houghton 

Mifflin  Company,  1917. 

Uncollected  Works  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  Edited  by  Ru- 

fus  Rockwell  Wilson.  2  volumes.  Elmira,  New  York: 

Primavera  Press,  1947-1948. 

LOCATION   SYMBOLS 

St.  John's  Seminary  Library,  Camarillo,  Calif. 

Los  Angeles  County  Museum  Library,  Los  Angeles, 

Calif. 

Henry  E.  Huntington  Library,  San  Marino,  Calif. 

State  Historical  Society  of  Colorado,  Denver,  Colo. 

University  of  Colorado  Library,  Boulder,  Colo. 

Connecticut  State  Library,  Hartford,  Conn. 

Connecticut  Historical  Society,  Hartford,  Conn. 

Litchfield  Historical  Society,  Litchfield,  Conn. 

Pequot  Library,  Southport,  Conn. 

Watertown  Library  Association,  Watertown,  Conn. 

Yale  University  Library,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

Library  of  Congress,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Herndon-Weik  Collection,  Library  of  Congress 

The  Robert  Todd  Lincoln  Collection  of  the  Papers  of 

Abraham  Lincoln,  Library  of  Congrers 

Lincoln  Museum,  Ford's  Theatre,  National  Park  Serv- 

ice, Washington,  D.  C. 

National  Archives,  Washington,  D.  C.  All  additional 

abbreviations  and  numbers  given  with  this  symbol  are 

those  employed  by  the  National  Archives  at  the  time 

the  manuscript  was  located. 

National  Museum  Library,  Washington,  D.  C. 


SOURCES 

DeHi  Historical  Society  of  Delaware  Library,  Wilmington, 

Del. 

DeWI  Wilmington  Institute  Free  Library,  Wilmington,  Del. 

I-Ar  Archives  Division,  Illinois  State  Library,  Springfield, 

111. 

IBloHi  McLean  County  Historical  Society,  Bloomington,  111. 

ICHi  Chicago  Historical  Society,  Chicago,  111. 

ICU  University  of  Chicago  Library,  Chicago,  111. 

IDecJ  James  Millikin  University  Library,  Decatur,  111. 

IFre  Freeport  Public  Library,  Freeport,  111. 

IHi  Illinois  State  Historical  Library,  Springfield,  111. 

LIT  Illinois  College  Library,  Jacksonville,  111. 

ISLA  The  Abraham  Lincoln  Association,  Springfield,  111. 

IU  University  of  Illinois  Library,  Urbana,  111. 

laCrM  Iowa  Masonic  Library,  Cedar  Rapids,  Iowa 

laDaM  Davenport  Public  Museum,  Davenport,  Iowa 

laHA  Iowa  State  Department  of  History  and  Archives,  Des 

Moines,  Iowa 

In  Indiana  State  Library,  Indianapolis,  Ind. 

InFtwL  Lincoln  National  Life  Foundation,  Fort  Wayne,  Ind. 

InHi  Indiana  Historical  Society,  Indianapolis,  Ind. 

InLTHi  Tippecanoe  County  Historical  Association,  Lafayette, 

Ind. 

InU  Indiana  University  Library,  Bloomington,  Ind. 

KyBC  Berea  College  Library,  Berea,  Ky. 

KyU  University  of  Kentucky  Library,   Lexington,  Ky. 

LU  Louisiana  State  University  Library,  Baton  Rouge,  La. 

MB  Boston  Public  Library,  Boston,  Mass. 

MCon  Free  Public  Library,  Concord,  Mass. 

MFai  Millicent  Library,  Fairhaven,  Mass. 

MH  Harvard  University  Library,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

MHi  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  Boston,  Mass. 

MS  Springfield  Library  Association,  Springfield,  Mass. 

MSHi  Connecticut    Valley    Historical    Society,    Springfield, 

Mass. 

MdAA  Hall  of  Records,  State  of  Maryland,  Annapolis,  Md. 

MdHi  Maryland  Historical  Society,  Baltimore,  Md. 

MeHi  Maine  Historical  Society,  Portland,  Me. 

MiD  Detroit  Public  Library,  Detroit,  Mich. 

MiK-M  Kalamazoo  Public  Library  Museum,  Kalamazoo,  Mich. 

MiU-C  William  L.  Clements  Library,  University  of  Michigan, 

Ann  Arbor,  Mich. 

[vii] 


SOURCES 

MiU-Hi  Michigan  Historical   Collection,  University  of  Mich- 
igan, Ann  Arbor,  Mich. 

MnHi  Minnesota  Historical  Society,  St.  Paul,  Minn. 

MnSM  Macalester  College  Library,  St.  Paul,  Minn. 

MoHi  State  Historical  Society  of  Missouri,  Columbia,  Mo. 

MoSHi  Missouri  Historical  Society,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

N  New  York  State  Library,  Albany,  N.  Y. 

NAuE  Fred  L.  Emerson  Foundation,  Auburn,  N.  Y. 

NBLiHi  Long  Island  Historical  Society,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

NBuG  Grosvenor  Library,  Buffalo,  New  York 

NBuHi  Buffalo  Historical  Society,  Buffalo,  N.  Y. 

NDry  Southworth  Library,  Dryden,  N.  Y. 

NHi  New- York  Historical  Society,  New  York  City 

NIC  Cornell  University  Library,  Ithaca,  N.  Y. 

NN  New  York  Public  Library,  New  York  City 

NNC  Columbia  University  Library,  New  York  City 

NNP  Pierpont  Morgan  Library,  New  York  City 

NRU  University  of  Rochester  Library,  Rochester,  N  Y 

NSh  John  Jermain  Memorial  Library,  Sag  Harbor,  N.  Y. 

NSk  Skaneateles  Library  Association,  Skaneateles,  N.  Y. 

NWM  U.  S.  Military  Academy  Library,  West  Point,  N.  Y. 

NbO  Omaha  Public  Library,  Omaha,  Nebr. 

NcGu  Guilford  College  Library,  Guilford,  N.  C. 

NhExP  Phillips  Exeter  Academy,  Exeter,  N.  H. 

NjP  Princeton  University  Library,  Princeton,  N.  J. 

OCHP  Historical  and  Philosophical  Society  of  Ohio,  Cincin- 
nati, Ohio 

OC1CS  Case  Institute  of  Technology,  Cleveland,  Ohio 

OClWHi  Western  Reserve  Historical  Society,  Cleveland,  Ohio 

OFH  Hayes  Memorial  Library,  Fremont,  Ohio 

OMC  Marietta  College  Library,  Marietta,  Ohio 

ORB  Oliver  R.  Barrett  Collection,  Chicago,  111.* 

OSHi  Clark  County  Historical  Society,  Springfield,  Ohio 

OrHi  Oregon  Historical  Society,  Portland,  Ore. 

PHC  Haverford  College  Library,  Haverford,  Pa. 

PHi  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

*  After  the  Collected  Works  was  in  press,  the  collection  of  the  late  Oliver  R. 
Barrett  was  sold  at  auction  by  Parke-Bernet  Galleries  (Catalog  1315)  on  Feb- 
ruary 19-20,  1952.  It  has  been  impossible  to  trace  all  new  owners  of  the  moie 
than  two  hundred  items,  and  impracticable  to  change  the  source  citations  for 
those  which  are  known,  but  many  of  the  more  important  items  went  to  such 
well-known  collections  as  those  in  the  Library  of  Congress  (Debates  Scrapbook, 
purchased  for  the  Alfred  Whital  Stern  Collection)  and  Illinois  State  Historica 
.Library  (letters  to  Joshua  F.  Speed,  etc.). 

[  viii  ] 


SOURCES 

PMA  Allegheny  College  Library,  Meadville,  Pa. 

PP  Free  Library  of  Philadelphia,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

PPDrop  Dropsie  College  Library,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

PSt  Pennsylvania  State  College  Library,  State  College,  Pa. 

PU  University  of  Pennsylvania  Library,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

RPAB  Annmary  Brown  Memorial  Library,  Providence,  R.  L 

RPB  Brown  University  Library,  Providence,  R.  I. 

THaroL  Lincoln  Memorial  University,  Harrogate,  Tenn. 

THi  Tennessee  Historical  Society,  Nashville,  Tenn. 

ViU  University  of  Virginia  Library,  Charlottesville,  Va. 

VtU  University  of  Vermont  Library,  Burlington,  Vt. 

WBeloHi  Beloit  Historical  Society,  Beloit,  Wis. 

WHi  State  Historical  Society  of  Wisconsin,  Madison,  Wis. 

WvU  West  Virginia  University  Library,  Morgantown,  W. 
Va. 


[ix] 


JUNE  3,  1860 
By  Alexander  Hesler 


THE  COLLECTED  WORKS   OF 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 


THE  COLLECTED  WORKS  OF 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 


Notes  for  Speech  at  Hartford,  Connecticut1 

[March  5,  1860] 

SIGINTS  OF  DECAY  —  BUSHWHACKING  — 
IRREPRESSIBLE  CONFLICT  — 

JOHIST 


SBCOE»TRADE  — 

True,  or  not  true. 
If  true,  what? 
Mason 
Plasters. 

If  not  true,  what? 
[Illegible]  is  the  question. 
We  must  deal  with  it. 
Magnitude  of  question. 
What  prevents  just  now? 
Right  —  wrong  —  indifference 
Indifference  unphilosophical 

Because  nobody  is  indifferent 
Must  be  converted  to 
Can  be,  or  can  not  be  done. 
I  suppose  can  not. 
But  if  can,  what  result? 
Indifference,  then,  must  be  rejected. 
And  what  supported? 
Sectionalism 
Conservatism 
John  Brown 

Conclusion 

i  Angle,  pp.  239-40.  According  to  Angle's  note  a  newspaper  reporter  found 
the  sheet  of  notes  lying  on  a  table  in  the  City  Hall  after  the  speech  and  pre- 
served it. 

[i] 


Speech  at  Hartford,  Connecticut1 

March  5,  1860 
[Daily  Courant  Version] 

Whether  we  will  have  it  so  or  not,  the  slave  question  is  the  pre- 
vailing question  before  the  nation.  Though  it  may  be  true,  and 
probably  is  true,  that  all  parties,  factions  and  individuals  desire  it 
should  be  settled,  it  still  goes  on  unsettled — the  all-prevailing  and 
all-pervading  question  of  the  day.  Hardly  any  other  great  ques- 
tion, however  important  it  may  have  appeared,  has  been  before 
the  country  several  years,  that  had  the  power  so  to  excite  the  pub- 
lic mind  as  this  question  of  slavery.  It  has  been  so  for  six  years, 
and  before  this  received  considerable  consideration.  It  is  in  reality, 
older.  It  was  rife  before  the  Revolution,  even.  But  it  was  settled, 
apparently.  It  has  been  settled  many  times;  but  each  time  it  has 
risen  it  has  come  higher  and  higher.  It  has  been  coming  up  and 
going  down.  Its  last  rise  was  in  January,  1854;  it  rose  then  higher 
than  any  former  time,  but  this  has  never  subsided.  Otherwise  than 
this,  it  grows  more  and  more  in  magnitude  and  importance. 

Two  years  ago,  I  said  in  a  speech  in  Illinois,  "We  are  now  in 
the  fifth  year  of  an  inauguration  of  a  policy  which  was  to  settle 
this  question  satisfactorily,  but  we  have  not  seen  the  end."  It  may 
now  be  added  that  since  the  winter  of  1857-8,  when  the  Lecornp- 
ton  imbroglio  was  created,  those  who  then  brought  up  the  ques- 
tion have  never  been  able  to  see  the  end.  It  characterized  all  the 
speeches,  that  the  policy  they  had  adopted  "was  working  well,  and 
we  were  just  at  the  end  of  it,  notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  Aboli- 
tionists to  continue  it  along.  We  are  just  getting  rid  of  this  vexed 
question;  and  the  tail  of  this  hideous  creature  is  just  going  out  of 
sight." 

Now  we  hear  no  more  of  this;  and  the  question  arises,  "Why 
can't  this  question  which  we  all  desire  so  much  to  be  settled,  be 
satisfactorily  arranged?"  The  reason  is,  that  while  we  all  agree 
that  we  want  it  settled,  one  faction  wants  to  settle  it  one  way,  a 
second  has  a  different  plan,  and  a  third  still  another.  Each  pulls  in 
a  different  direction.  All  desire  its  settlement,  but  differ  in  the 
method  of  doing  it;  and  none  of  them  being  in  a  decided  majority 
have  ever  been  able  to  accomplish  the  object. 

1  Hartford  Daily  Courant,  March  6,  1860;  Hartford  Evening  Press,  March  6, 
1860.  Both  versions  are  reproduced.  Neither  is  clearly  superior  to  the  other  as  a 
whole,  and  each  contains  passages  not  in  the  other.  An  attempt  to  collate  the  two 
versions  proved  to  he  so  unwieldy  and  saved  so  little  space  that  it  has  been  aban- 
doned in  favor  of  reproduction  of  both  sources.  Typographical  errors  have  been 
corrected  by  the  editors,  but  the  reports  are  otherwise  unchanged. 

[2] 


MARCH     5,      i860 

I  think  one  great  mistake  is  made  by  them  all.  I  think  our  wisest 
men  have  made  this  mistake.  They  underrate  its  importance,  and 
a  settlement  can  never  be  effected  until  its  magnitude  is  properly 
estimated.  Until  we  do  this,  the  means  of  settlement  will  never  be 
properly  estimated.  Now  what  is  the  difficulty?  One-sixth  of  the 
population  of  the  United  States  is  slave.  One  man  of  every  six,  one 
woman  of  every  six,  one  child  of  every  six,  is  a  slave.  Those  who 
own  them  look  upon  them  as  property,  and  nothing  else.  They 
contemplate  them  as  property,  and  speak  of  them  as  such.  The 
slaves  have  the  same  "property  quality,"  in  the  minds  of  then- 
owners,  as  any  other  property.  The  entire  value  of  the  slave  popu- 
lation of  the  United  States,  is,  at  a  moderate  estimate,  not  less  than 
$2,000,000,000.  This  amount  of  property  has  a  vast  influence  upon 
the  minds  of  those  who  own  it.  The  same  amount  of  property 
owned  by  Northern  men  has  the  same  influence  upon  their  minds. 
In  this  we  do  not  assume  that  we  are  better  than  the  people  of  the 
South — neither  do  we  admit  that  they  are  better  than  we.  We  are 
not  better,  barring  circumstances,  than  they.  Public  opinion  is 
formed  relative  to  a  property  basis.  Therefore,  the  slaveholders 
battle  any  policy  which  depreciates  their  slaves  as  property.  What 
increases  the  value  of  this  property,  they  favor.  When  you  tell 
them  that  slavery  is  immoral,  they  rebel,  because  they  do  not  like 
to  be  told  they  are  interested  in  an  institution  which  is  not  a  moral 
one.  When  you  enter  into  a  defence  of  slavery,  they  seize  upon  it, 
for  they  like  justification.  The  result  is,  that  public  opinion  is 
formed  among  them  which  insists  upon  the  encouragement  or  pro- 
tection, the  enlargement  or  perpetuation  of  slavery — and  secures 
them  property  in  the  slave. 

Now  this  comes  in  conflict  with  this  proposition  that  we  at  the 
North  view  slavery  as  a  wrong.  We  understand  that  the  "equality 
of  man"  principle  which  actuated  our  forefathers  in  the  establish- 
ment of  the  government  is  right;  and  that  slavery,  being  directly 
opposed  to  this,  is  morally  wrong.  I  think  that  if  anything  can  be 
proved  by  natural  theology,  it  is  that  slavery  is  morally  wrong. 
God  gave  man  a  mouth  to  receive  bread,  hands  to  feed  it,  and  his 
hand  has  a  right  to  carry  bread  to  his  mouth  without  controversy. 

We  suppose  slavery  is  wrong,  and  that  it  endangers  the  perpe- 
tuity of  the  Union.  Nothing  else  menaces  it.  Its  effect  on  free  labor 
makes  it  what  Seward  has  been  so  roundly  abused  for  calling,  an 
irrepressible  conflict.  Almost  every  man  has  a  sense  of  certain 
things  being  wrong,  and  at  the  same  time,  a  sense  of  its  pecuniary 
value.  These  conflict  in  the  mind,  and  make  a  riddle  of  a  man.  If 
slavery  is  considered  upon  a  property  basis,  public  opinion  must 

T31 


MARCH      5,       i860 

be  forced  to  its  support.  The  alternative  is  its  settlement  upon  the 
basis  of  its  being  wrong.  Some  men  think  it  is  a  question  of  neither 
right  or  wrong;  that  it  is  a  question  of  dollars  and  cents,  only;  that 
the  Almighty  has  drawn  a  line  across  the  country,  south  of  which 
the  land  is  always  to  be  cultivated  by  slave  labor;  when  the  ques- 
tion is  between  the  white  man  and  the  nigger,  they  go  in  for  the 
white  man;  when  it  is  between  the  nigger  and  the  crocodile,  they 
take  sides  with  the  nigger.  There  is  effort  to  make  this  feeling  of 
indifference  prevalent  in  the  country,  and  this  is  one  of  the  things, 
perhaps,  that  prevents  the  sudden  settlement  of  the  question.  Is  it 
possible  that  a  national  policy  can  be  sustained  because  nobody 
opposes  or  favors  it?  It  may  answer  to  serve  the  ends  of  politicians 
for  a  while,  but  it  falls  at  last.  There  may  be  one  way,  however, 
to  make  it  stand,  and  that  is  to  make  the  opinion  of  the  people 
conform  to  it;  must  be  made  to  conclude  that  those  who  want  slav- 
ery shall  have  it,  and  that  it  is  simply  a  matter  of  dollars  and  cents. 
I  do  not  believe  a  majority  of  the  people  of  this  nation  can  be  made 
to  take  this  view  of  it. 

Is  there  any  man  of  the  Democratic  party,  especially  the  "Doug- 
las wing,"  but  will  say  that  in  his  opinion  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence has  no  application  to  the  negro?  I  have  asked  this 
question  many  times  during  the  past  three  years,  and  no  Democrat 
has  yet  denied  that  this  was  his  belief,  though  I  have  asked  it  al- 
ways where  people  are  in  the  habit  of  answering  their  speakers 
when  they  please.  So  I  assume  this  to  be  their  belief  to-day;  and  I 
tell  you,  you  are  safe  to  offer  a  premium  to  any  man  who  will  show 
you  a  Democrat  who  said  so  five  years  ago,  I  avow  I  never  heard 
it  from  any  man  until  I  heard  it  from  the  lips  of  Judge  Douglas. 
I  had,  to  be  sure,  in  certain  portions  of  the  country,  heard  men 
say  something  to  this  effect,  but  they  didn't  sneak  around  it  with 
any  statement  like  this.  They  took  the  bull  by  the  horns,  and  said 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  wasn't  true!  Judge  Taney  might 
have  first  broached  the  doctrine.  Perhaps  he  did;  but  I  heard  it 
first  from  Judge  Douglas,  though  it  was  after  Taney's  Dred  Scott 
decision.  If  so,  Douglas  possibly  got  it  from  him.  Here's  half  the 
people  of  this  nation  saying  what  they  would  -not  have  said  five 
years  ago;  taking  man  from  his  kind  and  placing  him  among  the 
brutes.  This  is  a  long  stride  towards  bringing  about  this  feeling 
of  indifference  in  the  minds  of  the  people  of  this  country.  One 
more  such  stride  and  the  object  would  be  reached. 

The  proposition  that  there  is  a  struggle  between  the  white  man 
and  the  negro  contains  a  falsehood.  There  is  no  struggle  between 
them.  It  assumes  that  unless  the  white  man  enslaves  the  negro,  the 

[4] 


MARCH      59      i860 

negro  will  enslave  the  white  man.  In  that  case,  I  think  I  would  go 
for  enslaving  the  black  man,  in  preference  to  being  enslaved  my- 
self. As  the  learned  Judge  of  a  certain  Court  is  said  to  have  de- 
cided— "When  a  ship  is  wrecked  at  sea,  and  two  men  seize  upon 
one  plank  which  is  capable  of  sustaining  but  one  of  them,  either 
of  them  can  rightfully  push  the  other  off!"  There  is,  however,  no 
such  controversy  here.  They  say  that  between  the  nigger  and  the 
crocodile  they  go  for  the  nigger.  The  proportion,  therefore,  is,  that 
as  the  crocodile  to  the  nigger  so  is  the  nigger  to  the  white  man. 

They  tell  us  that  they  desire  the  people  of  a  territory  to  vote 
slavery  out  or  in  as  they  please.  But  who  will  form  the  opinion  of 
the  people  there?  The  territories  may  be  settled  by  emigrants  from 
the  free  States,  who  will  go  there  with  this  feeling  of  indifference. 
The  question  arises,  "slavery  or  freedom?"  Caring  nothing  about 
it,  they  let  it  come  in,  and  that  is  the  end  of  it.  It  is  the  surest  way 
of  nationalizing  the  institution.  Just  as  certain,  but  more  danger- 
ous because  more  insidious;  but  it  is  leading  us  there  just  as  cer- 
tainly and  as  surely  as  Jeff.  Davis  himself  would  have  us  go. 

If,  then,  we  of  the  Republican  party  who  think  slavery  is  a 
wrong,  and  would  mould  public  opinion  to  the  fact  that  it  is 
wrong,  should  get  the  control  of  the  general  government,  I  do  not 
say  we  would  or  should  meddle  with  it  where  it  exists;  but  we 
could  inaugurate  a  policy  which  would  treat  it  as  a  wrong,  and 
prevent  its  extension. 

For  instance,  out  in  the  street,  or  in  the  field,  or  on  the  prairie 
I  find  a  rattlesnake.  I  take  a  stake  and  kill  him.  Everybody  would 
applaud  the  act  and  say  I  did  right.  But  suppose  the  snake  was  in 
a  bed  where  children  were  sleeping.  Would  I  do  right  to  strike  him 
there?  I  might  hurt  the  children;  or  I  might  not  kill,  but  only 
arouse  and  exasperate  the  snake,  and  he  might  bite  the  children. 
Thus,  by  meddling  with  him  here,  I  would  do  more  hurt  than  good. 
Slavery  is  like  this.  We  dare  not  strike  at  it  where  it  is.  The  man- 
ner in  which  our  constitution  is  framed  constrains  us  from  making 
war  upon  it  where  it  already  exists.  The  question  that  we  now 
have  to  deal  with  is,  "Shall  we  be  acting  right  to  take  this  snake 
and  carry  it  to  a  bed  where  there  are  children?"  The  Republican 
party  insists  upon  keeping  it  out  of  the  bed. 

Again:  I  met  Mr.  Cassius  M.  Clay  in  the  cars  at  New  Haven 
one  day  last  week,  and  it  was  my  first  opportunity  to  take  him 
by  the  hand.  There  was  an  old  gentleman  in  the  car,  seated  in 
front  of  us,  whose  coat  collar  was  turned  far  down  upon  the  shoul- 
ders. I  saw  directly  that  he  had  a  large  wen  on  his  neck.  I  said  to 
Mr.  Clay,  That  wen  represents  slavery;  it  bears  the  same  relation 

[5] 


MARCH     5,     i  8  b  o 

to  that  man  that  slavery  does  to  the  country.  That  wen  is  a  great 
evil;  the  man  that  bears  it  will  say  so.  But  he  does  not  dare  to  cut 
it  out.  He  bleeds  to  death  if  he  does,  directly.  If  he  does  720*  cut 
it  out;  it  will  shorten  his  life  materially. 

This  is  only  applicable  to  men  who  think  slavery  is  wrong. 
Those  who  think  it  right,  of  course  will  look  upon  the  rattlesnake 
as  a  jewel,  and  call  the  wen  an  ornament.  I  suppose  the  only  way 
to  get  rid  of  it  is,  for  those  who  think  it  wrong,  to  work  together, 
and  to  vote  no  longer  with  the  Democracy  who  love  it  so  well. 

Do  you  who  think  slavery  is  wrong,  but  still  vote  with  the  De- 
mocracy, act  towards  it  as  you  do  towards  any  other  thing  yoxi 
consider  wrong?  I  think  not;  on  the  contrary,  you  find  fault  with 
those  who  denounce  it.  In  your  view  of  the  case  it  must  not  be 
discussed  at  all.  In  your  view  it  must  not  be  spoken  of  in  the  free 
States,  because  slavery  is  770;?  there;  nor  in  the  slave  States,  becaxise 
it  is  there;  you  do  not  want  it  brought  into  politics  because  it  stirs 
up  agitation;  you  do  not  want  to  hear  of  it  from  the  pulpit  be- 
cause it  is  not  religion;  you  do  not  want  to  take  it  into  your  Tract 
Societies  because  it  creates  disturbance  there. 

Are  you  consistent  in  this?  You  say  that  if  the  South  themselves 
desire  to  stir  the  question,  you  wish  them  God-speed  in  it.  Are  you 
certain  of  that?  In  1858  Frank  P.  Blair  of  Missouri  did  just  this 
thing  for  his  State.  He  went  into  the  fight,  and  was  a  candidate  for 
Congress.  He  was  beaten;  and  when  you  heard  of  his  defeat  did 
you  hang  your  heads  in  sorrow?  I  reckon  not!  I  guess \  that  you 
threw  your  hat  into  the  air  and  shouted,  "Hurrah!  for  Democ- 
racy!" (Mr.  Lincoln  then  proceeded  to  speak  of  the  provision  in 
the  constitution  which  permitted  the  slave  trade  to  continue  20 
years.  Although  it  was  not  expressly  so  stated,  it  was  understood 
by  the  framers  of  that  instrument  that  it  was  to  have  been  abol- 
ished at  the  end  of  that  time.  He  argued  that  if  they  had  not  con- 
sidered slavery  a  wrong,  they  would  not  have  thus  limited  the 
time  of  supply.)  He  continued: 

I  think  the  Democracy  are  pretty  generally  getting  into  a  sys- 
tem of  bushwhackery  in  this  controversy.  You  all  know  how  Sew- 
ard  has  been  abused  for  his  "irrepressible  conflict"  doctrine.  The 
Democracy  have  repeated  it  over,  and  over,  and  over  again;  I  call 
this  bushwhackery  because  they  have  been  reminded  time  after 
time,  but  could  never  be  made  to  admit,  that  the  old  fathers  said 
the  same  thing.  They  dare  not  deny  it  because  they  know  the  proof 
is  ready  at  your  hands  to  meet  their  denial.  Jefferson  said  it;  Wash- 
ington said  it.  Before  Seward  said  it,  the  same  statement  was  made 
by  Pryor  of  Virginia  in  his  Richmond  Enquirer,  the  leading  paper 

[6] 


MARCH      5,       i860 

of  his  State.  Pryor  is  sent  to  Washington  and  Douglas  hugs  him  to 
his  bosom,  but  goes  into  fits  of  hydrophobia  at  Seward's  enuncia- 
tion of  the  same  doctrine  which  was  preached  by  his  Virginia 
friend. 

Another  species  of  bushwhacking  is  exhibited  in  their  treatment 
of  the  John  Brown  and  Harper's  Ferry  affair.  They  insist  upon 
it  that  the  Republican  party  incites  insurrections.  Did  they,  can 
they  ever  prove  their  statement?  They  tried  it  in  the  Senate  Inves- 
tigation Committee  and  failed,  but  they  keep  saying  it.  "We  have 
not  been  fairly  dealt  with  in  this  matter.  We  need  not  [have]  ex- 
pected that  we  would  have  been.  There  was  some  State  elections 
to  come  off  soon  afterwards.  They  had  just  passed  through  elec- 
tions in  other  States,  and  been  whipped  out.  They  were  glad  this 
occurred  at  Harper's  Ferry.  They  said  to  each  other — "Jump  in — 
noufs  your  chance!"  They  were  sorry  there  were  not  more  killed; 
but  taking  it  as  they  found  it,  they  howled  over  it.  The  elections 
came  off,  but  they  did  not  result  as  the  Democracy  had  expected. 
Each  Republican  knew  that  the  charge  that  his  party  had  incited 
the  insurrection  was,  so  far  as  he  was  concerned,  a  slander  upon 
him.  That  is  ray  philosophy  of  the  result  of  the  elections  which 
ensued.  The  Democracy  is  still  at  work  upon  John  Brown  and 
Harper's  Ferry,  charging  the  Republicans  with  the  crime  of  in- 
stigating the  proceedings  there;  and  if  they  think  they  are  able  to 
slander  a  woman  into  loving  them,  or  a  man  into  voting  with 
them,  they  will  learn  better  presently. 

Now  they  are  going  to  work  at  the  shoe  strike.  I  don't  know  that 
it  comes  into  Connecticut.  It  goes  into  New  Hampshire.  A  Demo- 
cratic Senator  gets  up  in  the  Senate  Chamber  and  pompously 
announces  that  "I  cannot  dawt  thot  this  strike  is  the  thresult  of  the 
onforchunit  wahfar  brought  aboat  boy  this  sucktional  contro- 
vussy!"  Now  whether  this  is  so  or  not,  I  know  one  thing — there  is 
a  strikel  And  I  am  glad  to  know-  that  there  is  a  system  of  labor 
where  the  laborer  can  strike  if  he  wants  to!  I  would  to  God  that 
such  a  system  prevailed  all  over  the  world. 

Now  this  strike  is  caused  by  a  withdrawal  of  Southern  trade, 
or  it  is  not.  If  it  is,  what  can  you  do  to  help  it?  Have  you  ever 
made  war  upon  the  South?  No.  Then  how  can  you  help  yourselves? 
They  withdraw  their  trade  on  a  false  accusation,  because  you 
never  warred  upon  them,  and  consequently  cannot  stop  the  war 
they  charge  you  with.  You  can,  however,  conform  to  their  idea 
that  slavery  is  right.  This  will  satisfy  them,  but  what  is  the  effect 
on  you?  Why  slavery  comes  in  upon  youl  Public  opinion  against  it 
gives  way.  The  barriers  which  protected  you  from  it  are  down; 

[7] 


MARCH      5,       i860 

slavery  comes  in,  and  white  free  labor  that  can  strike  will  give 
way  to  slave  labor  that  cannot  I 

******* 

The  Republicans  want  to  see  all  parts  of  the  Union  in  harmony 
with  one  another.  Let  us  do  our  duty,  but  let  us  look  to  what  our 
duty  is,  and  do  nothing  except  after  due  deliberation.  Let  us  de- 
termine, if  we  can,   what  will  satisfy  the   South.   Will   they  be 
satisfied  that  we  surrender  the  territories  to  them  unconditionally? 
No.  If  we  promise  never  to  instigate  an  invasion  upon  slavery?  No. 
Equally  without  avail  is  the  fact  that  they  have  found  nothing  to 
detect  us  in  doing  them  any  wrong.  "What  then?  We  must  say  that 
slavery  is  right;  we  must  vote  for  Douglas's  new  Sedition  laws;  we 
must  withdraw  our  statement  that  slavery  is  wrong.  If  a  slave  runs 
away,  they  overlook  the  natural  causes  which  impelled  him  to  the 
act;  do  not  remember  the  oppression  or  the  lashes  he  received,  but 
charge  us  with  instigating  him   to   flight.    If   he    screams   when 
whipped,  they  say  it  is  not  caused  by  the  pains  he  suffers,  but  he 
screams  because  we  instigate  him  to  outcrying.  We  do  let  them 
alone,  to  be  sure,  but  they  object  to  our  saying  anything  against 
their  system.  They  do  not  ask  us  to  change  our  free  State  constitu- 
tions, but  they  will  yet  do  that.  After  demanding  "what  they  do, 
and  as  they  do,  they  cannot  stop  short  of  this.  They  may  be  justi- 
fied in  this,  believing,  as  they  do,  that  slavery  is  right,  and  a  social 
blessing.  We  cannot  act  otherwise  than  we  do,  believing  that  slav- 
ery is  wrong.  If  it  is  right,  we  may  not  contract  its  limits.  If  it  is 
wrong,  they  cannot  ask  us  to  extend  it.  Upon  these  different  views, 
hinges  the  whole  controversy.  Thinking  it  right,  they  are  justified 
in  asking  its  protection;  thinking  it  wrong,  we  cannot  consent  to 
vote  for  it,  or  to  let  it  extend  itself.  If  our  sense  of  duty  forbids  this 
extension,  let  us  do  that  duty.  This  contrivance  of  a  middle  ground 
is  such  that  he  who  occupies  it  is  neither  a  dead  or  a  living  man. 
Their  "Union"  contrivances  are  not  for  us,  for  they  reverse   the 
scriptural  order  and  call  the  righteous,  not  sinners  to  repentance. 
They  ask  men  who  never  had  an  aspiration  except  for  the  Union, 
to  swear  fealty  to  the  Union.  Let  us  not  be  slandered  from  our 
duties,  or  intimidated  from  preserving  our  dignity  and  our  rights 
by  any  menace;  but  let  us  have  faith  that  Bight,  Eternal  Right 
makes  might,  and  as  we  understand  our  duty,  so  do  it! 

[Evening  Press  Version] 

Slavery  is  the  great  political  question  of  the  nation.  Though  all 
desire  its  settlement,  it  still  remains  the  all-pervading  question  of 

[8] 


MARCH      5,       i860 

the  day.  It  has  been  so  especially  for  the  past  six  years.  It  is  in- 
deed older  than  the  revolution,  rising,  subsiding,  then  rising  again, 
till  '54,  since  which  time  it  has  been  constantly  augmenting.  Those 
who  occasioned  the  Lecompton  imbroglio  now  admit  that  they  see 
no  end  to  it.  It  had  been  their  cry  that  the  vexed  question  was  just 
about  to  be  settled — "the  tail  of  this  hideous  creature  is  just  going 
out  of  sight."  That  cry  is  "played  out,"  and  has  ceased. 

Why,  when  all  desire  to  have  this  controversy  settled,  can  we 
not  settle  it  satisfactorily?  One  reason  is,  we  want  it  settled  in 
different  ways.  Each  faction  has  a  different  plan — they  pull  dif- 
ferent ways,  and  neither  has  a  decided  majority.  In  my  humble 
opinion,  the  importance  and  magnitude  of  the  question  is  under- 
rated, even  by  our  wisest  men.  If  I  be  right,  the  first  thing  is  to 
get  a  just  estimate  of  the  evil — then  we  can  provide  a  cure. 

One-sixth,  and  a  little  more,  of  the  population  of  the  United 
States  are  slaves — looked  upon  as  property,  as  nothing  but  prop- 
erty. The  cash  value  of  these  slaves,  at  a  moderate  estimate,  is 
$2,000,000,000.  This  amount  of  property  value  has  a  vast  influence 
on  the  minds  of  its  owners,  very  naturally.  The  same  amount  of 
property  would  have  an  equal  influence  upon  us  if  owned  in  the 
North.  Human  nature  is  the  same — people  at  the  South  are  the 
same  as  those  at  the  North,  barring  the  difference  in  circum- 
stances. Public  opinion  is  founded,  to  a  great  extent,  on  a  property 
basis.  What  lessens  the  value  of  property  is  opposed,  what  en- 
hances its  value  is  favored.  Public  opinion  at  the  South  regards 
slaves  as  property  and  insists  upon  treating  them  like  other  prop- 
erty. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  free  states  carry  on  their  government  on 
the  principle  of  the  equality  of  men.  We  think  slavery  is  morally 
wrong,  and  a  direct  violation  of  that  principle.  We  all  think  it 
wrong.  It  is  clearly  proved,  I  think,  by  natural  theology,  apart 
from  revelation.  Every  man,  black,  white  or  yellow,  has  a  mouth 
to  be  fed  and  two  hands  with  which  to  feed  it — and  that  bread 
should  be  allowed  to  go  to  that  mouth  without  controversy.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

Slavery  is  wrong  in  its  effect  upon  white  people  and  free  labor; 
it  is  the  only  thing  that  threatens  the  Union.  It  makes  what  Sen- 
ator Seward  has  been  much  abused  for  calling  an  "irrepressible 
conflict."  When  they  get  ready  to  settle  it,  we  hope  they  will  let 
us  know.  Public  opinion  settles  every  question  here — any  policy  to 
be  permanent  must  have  public  opinion  at  the  bottom — something 
in  accordance  with  the  philosophy  of  the  human  mind  as  it  is.  The 
property  basis  will  have  its  weight — the  love  of  property  and  a 

[9] 


MARCH      5,      i860 

consciousness  of  right  or  wrong  have  conflicting  places  in  our  or- 
ganization, which  often  make  a  man's  course  seem  crooked — his 
conduct  a  riddle. 

Some  men  would  make  it  a  question  of  indifference — neither 
right  nor  wrong — merely  a  question  of  dollars  and  cents — the  Al- 
mighty has  drawn  a  line  across  the  land,  below  which  it  must  be 
cultivated  by  slave  labor,  above  which  by  free  labor.  They  would 
say:  "If  the  question  is  between  the  white  man  and  the  negro,  I 
am  for  the  white  man;  if  between  the  negro  and  the  crocodile,  I 
am  for  the  negro."  There  is  a  strong  effort  to  make  this  policy  of 
indifference  prevail,  but  it  can  not  be  a  durable  one,  A  "don't  care" 
policy  won't  prevail,  for  every  body  does  care. 

Is  there  a  Democrat,  especially  one  of  the  Douglas  wing,  but 
will  declare  that  the  Declaration  of  Independence  has  no  applica- 
tion to  the  negro?  It  -would  be  safe  to  offer  a  moderate  premium 
for  such  a  man.  I  have  asked  this  question  in  large  audiences  where 
they  were  in  the  habit  of  answering  right  out,  but  no  one  would 
say  otherwise.  Not  one  of  them  said  it  five  years  ago.  I  never  heard 
it  till  I  heard  it  from  the  lips  of  Judge  Douglas.  True,  some  men 
boldly  took  the  bull  by  the  horns  and  said  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence was  not  true!  They  didn't  sneak  around  the  question. 
I  say  I  heard  first  from  Douglas  that  the  Declaration  did  not  apply 
to  black  men.  Not  a  man  of  them  said  it  till  then — they  all  say  it 
now.  This  is  a  long  stride  towards  establishing  the  policy  of  in- 
difference— one  more  such  stride,  I  think,  would  do  it. 

The  proposition  that  there  is  a  struggle  between  the  white  man 
and  the  negro  contains  a  falsehood.  There  is  no  struggle.  //  there 
was,  I  should  be  for  the  white  man.  If  two  men  are  adrift  at  sea 
on  a  plank  which  will  bear  up  but  one,  the  law  justifies  either  in 
pushing  the  other  off.  I  never  had  to  struggle  to  keep  a  negro  from 
enslaving  me,  nor  did  a  negro  ever  have  to  fight  to  keep  me  from 
enslaving  him.  They  say,  between  the  crocodile  and  the  negro  they 
go  for  the  negro.  The  logical  proportion  is  therefore;  as  a  white 
man  is  to  a  negro,  so  is  a  negro  to  a  crocodile;  or,  as  the  negro  may 
treat  the  crocodile,  so  the  white  man  may  treat  the  negro.  The 
don't  care  policy  leads  just  as  surely  to  nationalising  slavery  as 
Jeff.  Davis  himself,  but  the  doctrine  is  more  dangerous  because 
more  insidious. 

If  the  Republicans,  who  think  slavery  is  wrong,  get  possession 
of  the  general  government,  we  may  not  root  out  the  evil  at  once, 
but  may  at  least  prevent  its  extension.  If  I  find  a  venomous  snake 
lying  on  the  open  prairie,  I  seize  the  first  stick  and  kill  him  at  once. 
But  if  that  snake  is  in  bed  with  my  children,  I  must  be  more  cau- 

[10] 


MARCH      5,       i860 

tious — I  shall,  in  striking  the  snake,  also  strike  the  children,  or 
arouse  the  reptile  to  bite  the  children.  Slavery  is  the  venomous 
snake  in  bed  with  the  children.  But  if  the  question  is  whether  to 
kill  it  on  the  prairie  or  put  it  in  bed  ivith  other  children.,  I  think 
we'd  kill  it!  (Cheers  and  laughter.) 

Another  illustration.  When  for  the  first  time  I  met  Mr.  Clay,  the 
other  day  in  the  cars,  in  front  of  us  sat  an  old  gentleman  with  an 
enormous  wen  upon  his  neck.  Everybody  would  say  the  wen  was 
a  great  evil,  and  would  cause  the  man's  death  after  a  while — but 
you  couldn't  cut  it  out,  for  he'd  bleed  to  death  in  a  minute.  But 
would  you  engraft  the  seeds  of  that  iven  on  the  necks  of  sound  and 
healthy  men?  He  must  endure  and  be  patient,  hoping  for  possible 
relief.  The  wen  represents  slavery  on  the  neck  of  this  country. 
This  only  applies  to  those  who  think  slavery  is  wrong.  Those  who 
think  it  right  would  consider  the  snake  a  jewel,  and  the  wen  an 
ornament. 

"We  want  those  (democrats)  who  think  slavery  wrong  to  quit 
voting  with  those  who  think  it  right.  They  don't  treat  it  as  they 
do  other  wrongs — they  won't  oppose  it  in  the  free  states  for  it 
isn't  there,  nor  in  the  slave  states  for  it  is  there;  don't  want  it  in 
politics,  for  it  makes  agitation;  not  in  the  pulpit,  for  it  isn't  reli- 
gion; not  in  a  Tract  Society,  for  it  makes  a  fuss — there  is  no  place 
for  its  discussion.  Are  they  quite  consistent  in  this? 

If  those  democrats  really  think  slavery  wrong  they  will  be  much 
pleased  when  earnest  men  in  the  slave  states  take  up  a  plan  of 
gradual  emancipation  and  go  to  work  energetically  and  very  kind- 
ly to  get  rid  of  the  evil.  Now  let  us  test  them.  Frank  Blair  tried  it; 
and  he  ran  for  Congress  in  '58,  and  got  beaten.  Did  the  democracy 
feel  bad  about  it?  I  reckon  not — I  guess  you  all  flung  up  your  hats 
and  shouted  "Hurrah  for  the  Democracy!"  (Laughter — three 
cheers  for  Blair  and  three  for  Clay.) 

He  went  on  to  speak  of  the  manner  in  which  slavery  was  treated 
by  the  Constitution.  The  word  "slave"  is  no  where  used;  the  supply 
of  slaves  was  to  be  prohibited  after  1808;  they  stopped  the  spread 
of  it  in  the  territories;  seven  of  the  states  abolished  it.  He  argued 
very  conclusively  that  it  was  then  regarded  as  an  evil  which 
would  eventually  be  got  rid  of,  and  that  they  desired,  once  rid  of 
it,  to  have  nothing  in  the  constitution  to  remind  them  of  it.  The 
Republicans  go  back  to  first  principles  and  deal  with  it  as  a  wrong. 
Mason,2  of  Va.,  said  openly  that  the  framers  of  our  government 
were  anti-slavery.  Hammond3  of  S.  C.,  said  "Washington  set  this 
evil  example."  Bully  Brooks4  said:  "At  the  time  the  Constitution 

2  James  M.  Mason.  B  James  H.  Hammond.  4  Preston  S.  Brooks. 


MARCH      5,       i860 

was  formed,  no  one  supposed  slavery  would  last  till  now."  We 
stick  to  the  policy  of  our  fathers. 

The  Democracy  are  given  to  "bushwhacking."  After  having  their 
errors  and  mis-statements  continually  thrust  in  their  faces,  they 
pay  no  heed,  but  go  on  howling  about  Seward  and  the  "irrepres- 
sible conflict."  That  is  "bushwhacking."  So  with  John  Brown  and 
Harper's  Ferry.  They  charge  it  upon  the  Republican  party  and 
ignominiously  fail  in  all  attempts  to  substantiate  the  charge.  Yet 
they  go  on  with  their  bushwhacking,  the  pack  in  full  cry  after 
John  Brown. 

The  democrats  had  just  been  whipped  in  Ohio  and  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  seized  upon  the  unfortunate  Harper's  Ferry  affair  to 
influence  other  elections  then  pending.  They  said  to  each  other, 
"Jump  in— now's  your  chance;"  and  were  sorry  there  were  not 
more  killed.  But  they  didn't  succeed  well.  Let  them  go  on  with 
their  howling.  They  will  succeed  when  by  slandering  women  you 
get  them  to  love  you,  and  by  slandering  men  you  get  them  to  vote 
for  you.  (Great  applause.) 

Mr.  Lincoln  then  took  up  the  Massachusetts  shoemakers'  strike, 
treating  it  in  a  humorous  and  philosophical  manner,  and  exposing 
to  ridicule  the  foolish  pretence  of  Senator  Douglas — that  the  strike 
arose  from  "this  unfortunate  sectional  warfare."  Mr.  Lincoln 
thanked  God  that  we  have  a  system  of  labor  where  there  can  be  a 
strike.  Whatever  the  pressure,  there  is  a  point  where  the  workman 
may  stop.  (Applause  and  cheers  for  free  labor.) 

He  didn't  pretend  to  be  familiar  with  the  subject  of  the  shoe 
strike — probably  knew  as  little  about  it  as  Senator  Douglas  him- 
self. This  strike  has  occurred  as  the  Senator  says,  or  it  has  not. 
Shall  we  stop  making  war  upon  the  South?  We  never  have  made 
war  upon  them.  If  any  one  has,  [he]  better  go  and  hang  himself 
and  save  Virginia  the  trouble.  If  you  give  up  your  convictions  and 
call  slavery  right  as  they  do,  you  let  slavery  in  upon  you — instead 
of  white  laborers  who  can  strike,  you'll  soon  have  black  laborers 
who  carft  strike. 

I  have  heard  that  in  consequence  of  this  "sectional  warfare,"  as 
Douglas  calls  it,  Senator  Mason  of  Va.,  had  appeared  in  a  suit  of 
homespun.  Now  up  in  New  Hampshire,  the  woolen  and  cotton 
mills  are  all  busy,  and  there  is  no  strike — they  are  busy  making 
the  very  goods  Senator  Mason  has  quit  buying!  To  carry  out  his 
idea,  he  ought  to  go  barefoot]  If  that's  the  plan,  they  should  begin 
at  the  foundation,  and  adopt  the  well-known  "Georgia  costume"  of 
a  shirt-collar  and  pair  of  spurs!  ("Irrepressible"  laughter  and  ap- 
plause.) 

[12] 


MARCH      6,      i860 

It  reminded  him  of  the  man  who  had  a  poor  old  lean,  bony,  spav- 
ined horse,  with  swelled  legs.  He  was  asked  what  he  was  going 
to  do  with  such  a  miserable  beast — the  poor  creature  would  die. 
"Do?"  said  he.  'Tm  going  to  fat  him  up;  don't  you  see  that  I  have 
got  him  seal  fat  as  high  as  the  knees?"  (Roars  of  laughter.)  Well, 
they've  got  the  Union  dissolved  up  to  the  ankle,  but  no  farther! 
(Applause  and  laughter.) 

All  portions  of  this  confederacy  should  act  in  harmony  and 
with  careful  deliberation.  The  democrats  cry  John  Brown  invasion. 
We  are  guiltless  of  it,  but  our  denial  does  not  satisfy  them.  Noth- 
ing will  satisfy  them  but  disinfecting  the  atmosphere  entirely  of 
all  opposition  to  slavery.  They  have  not  demanded  of  us  to  yield 
the  guards  of  liberty  in  our  state  constitutions,  but  it  will  naturally 
come  to  that  after  a  while.  If  we  give  up  to  them,  we  cannot  re- 
fuse even  their  utmost  request.  If  slavery  is  right,  it  ought  to  be 
extended;  if  not,  it  ought  to  be  restricted — there  is  no  middle 
ground.  Wrong  as  we  think  it,  we  can  afford  to  let  it  alone  where 
it  of  necessity  now  exists;  but  we  cannot  afford  to  extend  it  into 
free  territory  and  around  our  own  homes.  Let  us  stand  against 
it! 

The  "Union"  arrangements  are  all  a  humbug — they  reverse  the 
scriptural  order,  calling  the  righteous  and  not  sinners  to  repent- 
ance. Let  us  not  be  slandered  or  intimidated  to  turn  from  our  duty. 
Eternal  right  makes  might — as  we  understand  our  duty,  let  us  do 
it! 


Speech,  at  New  Haven-,  Connecticut1 

March  6,  1860 

MR.  PRESIDENT  AND  FELLOW-CITIZENS  OF  NEW  HAVEN:  If  the 
Republican  party  of  this  nation  shall  ever  have  the  national  house 
entrusted  to  its  keeping,  it  will  be  the  duty  of  that  party  to  attend 
to  all  the  affairs  of  national  house-keeping.  Whatever  matters  of 
importance  may  come  up,  whatever  difficulties  may  arise  in  the 
way  of  its  administration  of  the  government,  that  party  will  then 
have  to  attend  to.  It  will  then  be  compelled  to  attend  to  other  ques- 

1  New  Haven  Daily  Palladium,  March  7,  1860.  The  editors  have  corrected  a 
few  typographical  errors  in  the  remarkably  well  printed  Palladium  text.  Brackets 
are  in  the  source  unless  otherwise  noted.  Newspaper  comment  on  the  speeches  at 
Meriden,  Connecticut  (March  7),  Woonsocket,  Rhode  Island  (March  8),  Norwich 
and  Bridgeport,  Connecticut  (March  9  and  io)7  indicate  that  Lincoln  repeated 
this  speech  substantially  at  each  place,  and  the  only  complete  report  of  any  of 
them. — the  speech  at  Norwich  printed  in  the  Norwich  Weekly  Courier ,  March  15 
— is  admittedly  a  copy  of  the  Palladium's  report  of  the  New  Haven  speech. 

[13] 


MARCH      69      i860 

tions,  besides  this  question  which  now  assumes  an  overwhelming 
importance— the  question  of  Slavery.  It  is  true  that  in  the  organi- 
zation of  the  Republican  party  this  question  of  Slavery  was  more 
important  than  any  other;  indeed,  so  much  more  important  has  it 
become  that  no  other  national  question  can  even  get  a  hearing  just 
at  present.  The  old  question  of  tariff — a  matter  that  will  remain 
one  of  the  chief  affairs  of  national  housekeeping  to  all  time — the 
question  of  the  management  of  financial  affairs;  the  question  of 
the  disposition  of  the  public  domain — how  shall  it  be  managed  for 
the  purpose  of  getting  it  well  settled,  and  of  making  there  the 
homes  of  a  free  and  happy  people — these  will  remain  open  and 
require  attention  for  a  great  while  yet,  and  these  questions  will 
have  to  be  attended  to  by  whatever  party  has  the  control  of  the 
government.  Yet,  just  now,  they  cannot  even  obtain  a  hearing,  and 
I  do  not  purpose  to  detain  you  upon  these  topics,  or  what  sort  of 
hearing  they  should  have  when  opportunity  shall  come. 

For,  whether  we  will  or  not,  the  question  of  Slavery  is  the  ques- 
tion, the  all  absorbing  topic  of  the  day.  It  is  true  that  all  of  us — 
and  by  that  I  mean,  not  the  Republican  party  alone,  but  the  whole 
American  people,  here  and  elsewhere — all  of  us  wish  this  question 
settled — wish  it  out  of  the  way.  It  stands  in  the  way,  and  prevents 
the  adjustment,  and  the  giving  of  necessary  attention  to  other 
questions  of  national  house-keeping.  The  people  of  the  whole  nation 
agree  that  this  question  ought  to  be  settled,  and  yet  it  is  not  settled. 
And  the  reason  is  that  they  are  not  yet  agreed  how  it  shall  be  set- 
tled. All  wish  it  done,  but  some  wish  one  way  and  some  another, 
and  some  a  third,  or  fourth,  or  fifth;  different  bodies  are  pulling  in 
different  directions,  and  none  of  them  having  a  decided  majority, 
are  able  to  accomplish  the  common  object. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1854  a  new  policy  was  inaugurated 
with  the  avowed  object  and  confident  promise  that  it  would  entire- 
ly and  forever  put  an  end  to  the  Slavery  agitation.  It  was  again 
and  again  declared  that  under  this  policy,  when  once  successfully 
established,  the  country  would  be  forever  rid  of  this  whole  ques- 
tion. Yet  under  the  operation  of  that  policy  this  agitation  has  not 
only  not  ceased,  but  it  has  been  constantly  augmented.  And  this 
too,  although,  from  the  day  of  its  introduction,  its  friends,  who 
promised  that  it  would  wholly  end  all  agitation,  constantly  insisted, 
down  to  the  time  that  the  Lecompton  bill  was  introduced,  that  it 
was  working  admirably,  and  that  its  inevitable  tendency  was  to 
remove  the  question  forever  from  the  politics  of  the  country.  Can 
you  call  to  mind  any  Democratic  speech,  made  after  the  repeal  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise,  down  to  the  time  of  the  Lecompton  bill, 

[14] 


MARCH      6,       i860 

in  which  it  was  not  predicted  that  the  Slavery  agitation  was  just 
at  an  end;  that  "the  abolition  excitement  was  played  out,"  "the 
Kansas  question  was  dead,"  "they  have  made  the  most  they  can 
out  of  this  question  and  it  is  now  forever  settled."  But  since  the 
Lecompton  bill  no  Democrat,  within  my  experience,  has  ever  pre- 
tended that  he  could  see  the  end.  That  cry  has  been  dropped.  They 
themselves  do  not  pretend,  now,  that  the  agitation  of  this  subject 
has  come  to  an  end  yet.  [Applause.] 

The  truth  is,  that  this  question  is  one  of  national  importance, 
and  we  cannot  help  dealing  with  it:  we  must  do  something  about 
it,  whether  we  will  or  not.  We  cannot  avoid  it;  the  subject  is  one 
we  cannot  avoid  considering;  we  can  no  more  avoid  it  than  a  man 
can  live  without  eating.  It  is  upon  us;  it  attaches  to  the  body  pol- 
itic as  much  and  as  closely  as  the  natural  wants  attach  to  our 
natural  bodies.  Now  I  think  it  important  that  this  matter  should 
be  taken  up  in  earnest,  and  really  settled.  And  one  way  to  bring 
about  a  true  settlement  of  the  question  is  to  understand  its  true 
magnitude. 

There  have  been  many  efforts  to  settle  it.  Again  and  again  it  has 
been  fondly  hoped  that  it  was  settled,  but  every  time  it  breaks  out 
afresh,  and  more  violently  than  ever.  It  was  settled,  our  fathers 
hoped,  by  the  Missouri  Compromise,  but  it  did  not  stay  settled. 
Then  the  compromises  of  1850  were  declared  to  be  a  full  and  final 
settlement  of  the  question.  The  two  great  parties,  each  in  Na- 
tional Convention,  adopted  resolutions  declaring  that  the  settle- 
ment made  by  the  Compromise  of  1850  was  a  finality — that  it 
would  last  forever.  Yet  how  long  before  it  was  unsettled  again!  It 
broke  out  again  in  1854,  and  blazed  higher  and  raged  more  furi- 
ously than  ever  before,  and  the  agitation  has  not  rested  since. 

These  repeated  settlements  must  have  some  fault  about  them. 
There  must  be  some  inadequacy  in  their  very  nature  to  the  pur- 
pose for  which  they  were  designed.  We  can  only  speculate  as  to 
where  that  fault — that  inadequacy,  is,  but  we  may  perhaps  prof- 
it by  past  experience. 

I  think  that  one  of  the  causes  of  these  repeated  failures  is  that 
our  best  and  greatest  men  have  greatly  underestimated  the  size  of 
this  question.  They  have  constantly  brought  f orward  small  cures 
for  great  sores — plasters  too  small  to  cover  the  wound.  That  is  one 
reason  that  all  settlements  have  proved  so  temporary — so  evanes- 
cent. [Applause.] 

Look  at  the  magnitude  of  this  subject!  One  sixth  of  our  popula- 
tion, in  round  numbers — not  quite  one  sixth,  and  yet  more  than 
a  seventh, — about  one  sixth  of  the  whole  population  of  the  United 

[15] 


MARCH      6?      i860 

States  are  slaves!  The  owners  of  these  slaves  consider  them  prop- 
erty. The  effect  upon  the  minds  of  the  owners  is  that  of  property, 
and  nothing  else— it  induces  them  to  insist  upon  all  that  will  favor- 
ably affect  its  value  as  property,  to  demand  laws  and  institutions 
and  a  public  policy  that  shall  increase  and  secure  its  value,  and 
make  it  durable,  lasting  and  universal.  The  effect  on  the  minds  of 
the  owners  is  to  persuade  them  that  there  is  no  wrong  in  it.  The 
slaveholder  does  not  like  to  be  considered  a  mean  fellow,  for  hold- 
ing that  species  of  property,  and  hence  he  has  to  struggle  within 
himself  and  sets  about  arguing  himself  into  the  belief  that  Slav- 
ery is  right.  The  property  influences  his  mind.  The  dissenting  min- 
ister, who  argued  some  theological  point  with  one  of  the  established 
church,  was  always  met  by  the  reply,  "I  can't  see  it  so."  He  opened 
the  Bible,  and  pointed  him  to  a  passage,  but  the  orthodox  minister 
replied,  "I  can't  see  it  so."  Then  he  showed  him  a  single  word — 
"Can  you  see  that?"  "Yes,  I  see  it,"  was  the  reply.  The  dissenter 
laid  a  guinea  over  the  word  and  asked,   "Do  you  see  it  now?" 
[Great  laughter.]  So  here.  Whether  the  owners  of  this  species  of 
property  do  really  see  it  as  it  is,  it  is  not  for  me  to  say,  but  if  they 
do,  they  see  it  as  it  is  through  12,000,000,000  of  dollars,  and  that  is 
a  pretty  thick  coating.   [Laughter.]  Certain  it  is,  that  they  do  not 
see  it  as  we  see  it.  Certain  it  is,  that  this  two  thousand  million  of 
dollars,  invested  in  this  species  of  property,  all  so  concentrated  that 
the  mind  can  grasp  it  at  once — this  immense  pecuniary  interest, 
has  its  influence  upon  their  minds. 

But  here  in  Connecticut  and  at  the  North  Slavery  does  not  exist, 
and  we  see  it  through  no  such  medium.  To  us  it  appears  natural 
to  think  that  slaves  are  human  beings;  men,  not  property;  that 
some  of  the  things,  at  least,  stated  about  men  in  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  apply  to  them  as  well  as  to  us.  [Applause.]  I  say, 
we  think,  most  of  us,  that  this  Charter  of  Freedom  applies  to  the 
slave  as  well  as  to  ourselves,  that  the  class  of  arguments  put  for- 
ward to  batter  down  that  idea,  are  also  calculated  to  break  down 
the  very  idea  of  a  free  government,  even  for  white  men,  and  to 
undermine  the  very  foundations  of  free  society.  [Continued  ap- 
plause.] We  think  Slavery  a  great  moral  wrong,  and  while  we  do 
not  claim  the  right  to  touch  it  where  it  exists,  we  wish  to  treat  it 
as  a  wrong  in  the  Territories,  where  our  votes  will  reach  it.  We 
think  that  a  respect  for  ourselves,  a  regard  for  future  generations 
and  for  the  God  that  made  us,  require  that  we  put  down  this  wrong 
where  our  votes  will  properly  reach  it.  We  think  that  species  of 
labor  an  injury  to  free  white  men — in  short,  we  think  Slavery  a 
great  moral,  social  and  political  evil,  tolerable  only  because,  and 

[16] 


MARCH      6,       i860 

so  far  as  its  actual  existence  makes  it  necessary  to  tolerate  it,  and 
that  beyond  that,  it  ought  to  be  treated  as  a  wrong. 

Now  these  two  ideas,  the  property  idea  that  Slavery  is  right, 
and  the  idea  that  it  is  wrong,  come  into  collision,  and  do  actually 
produce  that  irrepressible  conflict  which  Mr.  Seward  has  been  so 
roundly  abused  for  mentioning.  The  two  ideas  conflict,  and  must 
conflict. 

Again,  in  its  political  aspect,  does  anything  in  any  way  endanger 
the  perpetuity  of  this  Union  but  that  single  thing,  Slavery?  Many 
of  our  adversaries  are  anxious  to  claim  that  they  are  specially 
devoted  to  the  Union,  and  take  pains  to  charge  upon  us  hostility 
to  the  Union.  Now  we  claim  that  we  are  the  only  true  Union  men, 
and  we  put  to  them  this  one  proposition:  What  ever  endangered 
this  Union,  save  and  except  Slavery?  Did  any  other  thing  ever 
cause  a  moment's  fear?  All  men  must  agree  that  this  thing  alone  has 
ever  endangered  the  perpetuity  of  the  Union.  But  if  it  was  threat- 
ened by  any  other  influence,  would  not  all  men  say  that  the  best 
thing  that  could  be  done,  if  we  could  not  or  ought  not  to  destroy  it, 
would  be  at  least  to  keep  it  from  growing  any  larger?  Can  any 
man  believe  that  the  way  to  save  the  Union  is  to  extend  and  in- 
crease the  only  thing  that  threatens  the  Union,  and  to  suffer  it  to 
grow  bigger  and  bigger?  [Great  applause.] 

"Whenever  this  question  shall  be  settled,  it  must  be  settled  on 
some  philosophical  basis.  No  policy  that  does  not  rest  upon  some 
philosophical  public  opinion  can  be  permanently  maintained.  And 
hence,  there  are  but  two  policies  in  regard  to  Slavery  that  can  be 
at  all  maintained.  The  first,  based  on  the  property  view  that  Slav- 
ery is  right,  conforms  to  that  idea  throughout,  and  demands  that 
we  shall  do  everything  for  it  that  we  ought  to  do  if  it  were  right. 
We  must  sweep  away  all  opposition,  for  opposition  to  the  right  is 
wrong;  we  must  agree  that  Slavery  is  right,  and  we  must  adopt  the 
idea  that  property  has  persuaded  the  owner  to  believe — that  Slav- 
ery is  morally  right  and  socially  elevating.  This  gives  a  philo- 
sophical basis  for  a  permanent  policy  of  encouragement. 

The  other  policy  is  one  that  squares  with  the  idea  that  Slavery 
is  wrong,  and  it  consists  in  doing  everything  that  we  ought  to  do 
if  it  is  wrong.  Now,  I  don't  wish  to  be  misunderstood,  nor  to  leave 
a  gap  down  to  be  misrepresented,  even.  I  don't  mean  that  we  ought 
to  attack  it  where  it  exists.  To  me  it  seems  that  if  we  were  to  form 
a  government  anew,  in  view  of  the  actual  presence  of  Slavery  we 
should  find  it  necessary  to  frame  just  such  a  government  as  our 
fathers  did;  giving  to  the  slaveholder  the  entire  control  where  the 
system  was  established,  while  we  possessed  the  power  to  restrain 

[17] 


MARCH      6,      i860 

it  from  going  outside  those  limits.  [Applause.]  From  the  necessities 
of  the  case  we  should  be  compelled  to  form  just  such  a  govern- 
ment as  our  blessed  fathers  gave  us;  and,  surely,  if  they  have  so 
made  it,  that  adds  another  reason  why  we  should  let  Slavery  alone 
where  it  exists. 

If  I  saw  a  venomous  snake  crawling  in  the  road,  any  man  would 
say  I  might  seize  the  nearest  stick  and  kill  it;  but  if  I  found  that 
snake  in  bed  with  my  children,  that  would  be  another  question. 
[Laughter.]  I  might  hurt  the  children  more  than  the  snake,  and 
it  might  bite  them.  [Applause.]  Much  more,  if  I  found  it  in  bed 
with  my  neighbor's  children,  and  I  had  bound  myself  by  a  solemn 
compact  not  to  meddle  with  his  children  under  any  circumstances, 
it  would  become  me  to  let  that  particular  mode  of  getting  rid  of 
the  gentleman  alone.  [Great  laughter.]  But  if  there  was  a  bed 
newly  made  up,  to  which  the  children  were  to  be  taken,  and  it 
was  proposed  to  take  a  batch  of  young  snakes  and  put  them  there 
with  them,  I  take  it  no  man  would  say  there  was  any  question  how 
I  ought  to  decide!  [Prolonged  applause  and  cheers.] 

That  is  just  the  case!  The  new  Territories  are  the  newly  made 
bed  to  which  our  children  are  to  go,  and  it  lies  with  the  nation  to 
say  whether  they  shall  have  snakes  mixed  up  with  them  or  not. 
It  does  not  seem  as  if  there  could  be  much  hesitation  what  our 
policy  should  be!  [Applause.] 

Now  I  have  spoken  of  a  policy  based  on  the  idea  that  Slavery  is 
wrong,  and  a  policy  based  upon  the  idea  that  it  is  right.  But  an 
effort  has  been  made  for  a  policy  that  shall  treat  it  as  neither  right 
or  wrong.  It  is  based  upon  utter  indifference.  Its  leading  advocate 
has  said  "I  don't  care  whether  it  be  voted  up  or  down." 
[Laughter.]  "It  is  merely  a  matter  of  dollars  and  cents."  "The 
Almighty  has  drawn  a  line  across  this  continent,  on  one  side  of 
which  all  soil  must  forever  be  cultivated  by  slave  labor,  and  on  the 
other  by  free;"  "when  the  struggle  is  between  the  white  man  and 
the  negro,  I  am  for  the  white  man;  when  it  is  between  the  ne- 
gro and  the  crocodile,  I  am  for  the  negro."  Its  central  idea  is 
indifference.  It  holds  that  it  makes  no  more  difference  to  us 
whether  the  Territories  become  free  or  slave  States,  than  whether 
my  neighbor  stocks  his  farm  with  horned  cattle  or  puts  it  into  to- 
bacco. All  recognize  this  policy,  the  plausible  sugar-coated  name 
of  which  is  "popular  sovereignty'9  [Laughter.] 

This  policy  chiefly  stands  in  the  way  of  a  permanent  settlement 
of  the  question.  I  believe  there  is  no  danger  of  its  becoming  the 
permanent  policy  of  the  country,  for  it  is  based  on  a  public  indif- 
ference. There  is  nobody  that  "don't  care."  ALL  THE  PEOPLE  BO 

[18] 


MARCH      6,      i860 

CARE!  one  way  or  the  other.  [Great  applause.]  I  do  not  charge  that 
its  author,  when  he  says  he  "don't  care,"  states  his  individual  opin- 
ion; he  only  expresses  his  policy  for  the  government.  I  understand 
that  he  has  never  said,  as  an  individual,  whether  he  thought  Slav- 
ery right  or  wrong — and  he  is  the  only  man  in  the  nation  that 
has  not!  Now  such  a  policy  may  have  a  temporary  run;  it  may 
spring  up  as  necessary  to  the  political  prospects  of  some  gentle- 
man; but  it  is  utterly  baseless;  the  people  are  not  indifferent;  and 
it  can  therefore  have  no  durability  or  permanence. 

But  suppose  it  could!  Then  it  could  be  maintained  only  by  a 
public  opinion  that  shall  say  "we  don't  care."  There  must  be  a 
change  in  public  opinion,  the  public  mind  must  be  so  far  de- 
bauched as  to  square  with  this  policy  of  caring  not  at  all.  The 
people  must  come  to  consider  this  as  "merely  a  question  of  dollars 
and  cents,"  and  to  believe  that  in  some  places  the  Almighty  has 
made  Slavery  necessarily  eternal.  This  policy  can  be  brought  to 
prevail  if  the  people  can  be  brought  round  to  say  honestly  "we 
don't  care;"  if  not,  it  can  never  be  maintained.  It  is  for  you  to  say 
whether  that  can  be  done.  [Applause.] 

You  are  ready  to  say  it  cannot,  but  be  not  too  fast!  Remember 
what  a  long  stride  has  been  taken  since  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise!  Do  you  know  of  any  Democrat,  of  either  branch  of 
the  party — do  you  know  one  who  declares  that  he  believes  that 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  has  any  application  to  the  negro? 
Judge  Taney  declares  that  it  has  not,  and  Judge  Douglas  even 
vilifies  me  personally  and  scolds  me  roundly  for  saying  that  the 
Declaration  applies  to  all  men,  and  that  negroes  are  men. 
[Cheers.]  Is  there  a  Democrat  here  who  does  not  deny  that  the 
Declaration  applies  to  a  negro?  Do  any  of  you  know  of  one?  Well, 
I  have  tried  before  perhaps  fifty  audiences,  some  larger  and  some 
smaller  than  this,  to  find  one  such  Democrat,  and  never  yet  have 
I  found  one  who  said  I  did  not  place  him  right  in  that.  I  must 
assume  that  Democrats  hold  that,  and  now,  not  one  of  these  Demo- 
crats can  show  that  he  said  that  five  years  ago\  [Applause.]  I  ven- 
ture to  defy  the  whole  party  to  produce  one  man  that  ever  uttered 
the  belief  that  the  Declaration  did  not  apply  to  negroes,  before  the 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise!  Four  or  five  years  ago  we  all 
thought  negroes  were  men,  and  that  when  "all  men"  were  named, 
negroes  were  included.  But  the  whole  Democratic  party  has  de- 
liberately taken  negroes  from  the  class  of  men  and  put  them  in 
the  class  of  brutes.  [Applause.]  Turn  it  as  you  will,  it  is  simply  the 
truth!  Don't  be  too  hasty  then  in  saying  that  the  people  cannot 
be  brought  to  this  new  doctrine,  but  note  that  long  stride.  One 

[19] 


MARCH      6,      i860 

more  as  long  completes  the  journey,  from  where  negroes  are  es- 
timated as  men  to  where  they  are  estimated  as  mere  brutes — as 
rightful  property! 

That  saying,  "in  the  struggle  between  the  white  man  and  the 
negro,"  &c.,  which  I  know  came  from  the  same  source  as  this 
policy — that  saying  marks  another  step.  There  is  a  falsehood 
wrapped  up  in  that  statement.  "In  the  struggle  between  the  white 
man  and  the  negro"  assumes  that  there  is  a  struggle,  in  which 
either  the  white  man  must  enslave  the  negro  or  the  negro  must 
enslave  the  white.  There  is  no  such  struggle!  It  is  merely  an  in- 
genious falsehood,  to  degrade  and  brutalize  the  negro.  Let  each  let 
the  other  alone,  and  there  is  no  struggle  about  it.  If  it  was  like  two 
wrecked  seamen  on  a  narrow  plank,  when  each  must  push  the 
other  off  or  drown  himself,  I  would  push  the  negro  off  or  a  white 
man  either,  but  it  is  not;  the  plank  is  large  enough  for  both.  [Ap- 
plause.] This  good  earth  is  plenty  broad  enough  for  white  man  and 
negro  both,  and  there  is  no  need  of  either  pushing  the  other  off. 
[Continued  applause.] 

So  that  saying,  "in  the  struggle  between  the  negro  and  the  croco- 
dile," &c.,  is  made  up  from  the  idea  that  down  where  the  crocodile 
inhabits  a  -white  man  can't  labor;  it  must  be  nothing  else  but  croco- 
dile or  negro;  if  the  negro  does  not  the  crocodile  must  possess  the 
earth;  [laughter;]  in  that  case  he  declares  for  the  negro.  The 
meaning  of  the  whole  is  just  this:  As  a  white  man  is  to  a  negro, 
so  is  a  negro  to  a  crocodile;  and  as  the  negro  may  rightfully  treat 
the  crocodile,  so  may  the  white  man  rightfully  treat  the  nogro. 
This  very  dear  phrase  coined  by  its  author,  and  so  dear  that  he 
deliberately  repeats  it  in  many  speeches,  has  a  tendency  to  still 
further  brutalize  the  negro,  and  to  bring  public  opinion  to  the  point 
of  utter  indifference  whether  men  so  brutalized  are  enslaved  or 
not.  When  that  time  shall  come,  if  ever,  I  think  that  policy  to 
which  I  refer  may  prevail.  But  I  hope  the  good  freemen  of  this 
country  will  never  allow  it  to  come,  and  until  then  the  policy  can 
never  be  maintained. 

Now  consider  the  effect  of  this  policy.  We  in  the  States  are  not 
to  care  whether  Freedom  or  Slavery  gets  the  better,  but  the  people 
in  the  Territories  may  care.  They  are  to  decide,  and  they  may  think 
what  they  please;  it  is  a  matter  of  dollars  and  cents!  But  are  not 
the  people  of  the  Territories  detailed  from  the  States?  If  this  feel- 
ing of  indifference — this  absence  of  moral  sense  about  the  ques- 
tion— prevails  in  the  States,  will  it  not  be  carried  into  the  Terri- 
tories? Will  not  every  man  say,  "I  don't  care,  it  is  nothing  to  me?" 
If  any  one  comes  that  wants  Slavery,  must  they  not  say,  "I  don't 

[20] 


MARCH      6,       i860 

care  whether  Freedom  or  Slavery  be  voted  up  or  voted  down?"  It 
results  at  last  in  naturalizing  [nationalizing?]2  the  institution  of 
Slavery.  Even  if  fairly  carried  out,  that  policy  is  just  as  certain  to 
naturalize  [nationalize]  Slavery  as  the  doctrine  of  Jeff  Davis  him- 
self. These  are  only  two  roads  to  the  same  goal,  and  "popular  sov- 
ereignty" is  just  as  sure  and  almost  as  short  as  the  other.  [Ap- 
plause.] 

What  we  want,  and  all  we  want,  is  to  have  with  us  the  men 
who  think  slavery  wrong.  But  those  who  say  they  hate  slavery, 
and  are  opposed  to  it,  but  yet  act  with  the  Democratic  party — 
where  are  they?  Let  us  apply  a  few  tests.  You  say  that  you  think 
slavery  is  wrong,  but  you  denounce  all  attempts  to  restrain  it.  Is 
there  anything  else  that  you  think  wrong,  that  you  are  not  will- 
ing to  deal  with  as  a  wrong?  Why  are  you  so  careful,  so  tender  of 
this  one  wrong  and  no  other?  [Laughter.]  You  will  not  let  us  do  a 
single  thing  as  if  it  was  wrong;  there  is  no  place  where  you  will 
allow  it  to  be  even  called  wrong!  We  must  not  call  it  wrong  in  the 
Free  States,  because  it  is  not  there,  and  we  must  not  call  it  wrong 
in  the  Slave  States  because  it  is  there;  we  must  not  call  it  wrong 
in  politics  because  that  is  bringing  morality  into  politics,  and  we 
must  not  call  it  wrong  in  the  pulpit  because  that  is  bringing  poli- 
tics into  religion;  we  must  not  bring  it  into  the  Tract  Society  or 
the  other  societies,  because  those  are  such  unsuitable  places,  and 
there  is  no  single  place,  according  to  you,  where  this  wrong  thing 
can  properly  be  called  wrong!  [Continued  laughter  and  applause.] 

Perhaps  you  will  plead  that  if  the  people  of  Slave  States  should 
themselves  set  on  foot  an  effort  for  emancipation,  you  would  wish 
them  success,  and  bid  them  God-speed.  Let  us  test  that!  In  1858, 
the  emancipation  party  of  Missouri,  with  Frank  Blair  at  their 
head,  tried  to  get  up  a  movement  for  that  purpose,  and  having 
started  a  party  contested  the  State.  Blair  was  beaten,  apparently 
if  not  truly,  and  when  the  news  came  to  Connecticut,  you,  who 
knew  that  Frank  Blair  was  taking  hold  of  this  thing  by  the  right 
end,  and  doing  the  only  thing  that  you  say  can  properly  be  done 
to  remove  this  wrong — did  you  bow  your  heads  in  sorrow  because 
of  that  defeat?  Do  you,  any  of  you,  know  one  single  Democrat 
that  showed  sorrow  over  that  result?  Not  one!  On  the  contrary 
every  man  threw  up  his  hat,  and  hallooed  at  the  top  of  his  lungs, 
"hooray  for  Democracy!"  [Great  laughter  and  applause.] 

Now,  gentlemen,  the  Republicans  desire  to  place  this  great  ques- 
tion of  slavery  on  the  very  basis  on  which  our  fathers  placed  it, 

2  Brackets  not  in  the  source.  The  Palladium  text  is  possible,  "but  Lincoln  prob- 
ably said  "nationalizing." 

[21] 


MARCH      6,      i860 

and  no  other.  [Applause.]  It  is  easy  to  demonstrate  that  "our 
Fathers,  who  framed  this  government  under  which  we  live,"  looked 
on  Slavery  as  wrong,  and  so  framed  it  and  everything  about  it  as 
to  square  with  the  idea  that  it  was  wrong,  so  far  as  the  necessities 
arising  from  its  existence  permitted.  In  forming  the  Constitution 
they  found  the  slave  trade  existing;  capital  invested  in  it;  fields  de- 
pending upon  it  for  labor,  and  the  whole  system  resting  upon  the 
importation  of  slave-labor.  They  therefore  did  not  prohibit  the 
slave  trade  at  once,  but  they  gave  the  power  to  prohibit  it  after 
twenty  years.  Why  was  this?  What  other  foreign  trade  did  they 
treat  in  that  way?  Would  they  have  done  this  if  they  had  not 
thought  slavery  wrong? 

Another  thing  was  done  by  some  of  the  same  men  who  framed 
the  Constitution,  and  afterwards  adopted  as  their  own  act  by  the 
first  Congress  held  under  that  Constitution,  of  which  many  of  the 
framers  were  members;  they  prohibited  the  spread  of  Slavery  into 
Territories.  Thus  the  same  men,  the  framers  of  the  Constitution, 
cut  off  the  supply  and  prohibited  the  spread  of  Slavery,  and  both 
acts  show  conclusively  that  they  considered  that  the  thing  was 
wrong. 

If  additional  proof  is  wanting  it  can  be  found  in  the  phraseology 
of  the  Constitution.  When  men  are  framing  a  supreme  law  and 
chart  of  government,  to  secure  blessings  and  prosperity  to  untold 
generations  yet  to  come,  they  use  language  as  short  and  direct  and 
plain  as  can  be  found,  to  express  their  meaning.  In  all  matters  but 
this  of  Slavery  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  used  the  very  clear- 
est, shortest,  and  most  direct  language.  But  the  Constitution  alludes 
to  Slavery  three  times  without  mentioning  it  once!  The  language 
used  becomes  ambiguous,  roundabout,  and  mystical.  They  speak  of 
the  "immigration  of  persons,"  and  mean  the  importation  of  slaves, 
but  do  not  say  so.  In  establishing  a  basis  of  representation  they 
say  "all  other  persons,"  when  they  mean  to  say  slaves — why  did 
they  not  use  the  shortest  phrase?  In  providing  for  the  return  of 
fugitives  they  say  "persons  held  to  service  or  labor."  If  they  had 
said  slaves  it  would  have  been  plainer,  and  less  liable  to  miscon- 
struction. Why  didn't  they  do  it.  We  cannot  doubt  that  it  was 
done  on  purpose.  Only  one  reason  is  possible,  and  that  is  supplied 
us  by  one  of  the  framers  of  the  Constitution — and  it  is  not  possible 
for  man  to  conceive  of  any  other — they  expected  and  desired  that 
the  system  would  come  to  an  end,  and  meant  that  when  it  did,  the 
Constitution  should  not  show  that  there  ever  had  been  a  slave  in 
this  good  free  country  of  ours!  [Great  applause.] 

I  will  dwell  on  that  no  longer.  I  see  the  signs  of  the  approaching 

[22] 


MARCH     6,      i860 

triumph  of  the  Republicans  in  the  bearing  of  their  political  adver- 
saries. A  great  deal  of  their  war  with  us  now-a-days  is  mere  bush- 
whacking. [Laughter.]  At  the  battle  of  Waterloo,  when  Napoleon's 
cavalry  had  charged  again  and  again  upon  the  unbroken  squares 
of  British  infantry,  at  last  they  were  giving  up  the  attempt,  and 
going  off  in  disorder,  when  some  of  the  officers  in  mere  vexation 
and  complete  despair  fired  their  pistols  at  those  solid  squares.  The 
Democrats  are  in  that  sort  of  extreme  desperation;  it  is  nothing 
else.  [Laughter.]  I  will  take  up  a  few  of  these  arguments. 

There  is  "THE  IRREPRESSIBLE  CONFLICT."  [Applause.]  How  they 
rail  at  Seward  for  that  saying!  They  repeat  it  constantly;  and  al- 
though the  proof  has  been  thrust  under  their  noses  again  and  again, 
that  almost  every  good  man  since  the  formation  of  our  government 
has  uttered  that  same  sentiment,  from  Gen.  Washington,  who 
"trusted  that  we  should  yet  have  a  confederacy  of  Free  States," 
with  Jefferson,  Jay,  Monroe,  down  to  the  latest  days,  yet  they  re- 
fuse to  notice  that  at  all,  and  persist  in  railing  at  Seward  for  saying 
it.  Even  Roger  A.  Pryor,  editor  of  the  Richmond  Enquirer,  uttered 
the  same  sentiment  in  almost  the  same  language,  and  yet  so  little 
offence  did  it  give  the  Democrats  that  he  was  sent  for  to  Washing- 
ton to  edit  the  States — the  Douglas  organ  there,  while  Douglas  goes 
into  hydrophobia  and  spasms  of  rage  because  Seward  dared  to 
repeat  it.  [Great  applause.]  This  is  what  I  call  bushwhacking,  a 
sort  of  argument  that  they  must  know  any  child  can  see  through. 

Another  is  JOHN  BROWN!  [Great  laughter.]  You  stir  up  insurrec- 
tions, you  invade  the  South!  John  Brown!  Harper's  Ferry!  Why, 
John  Brown  was  not  a  Republican!  You  have  never  implicated  a 
single  Republican  in  that  Harper's  Ferry  enterprise.  We  tell  you 
that  if  any  member  of  the  Republican  party  is  guilty  in  that  mat- 
ter, you  know  it  or  you  do  not  know  it.  If  you  do  know  it,  you  are 
inexcusable  not  to  designate  man  and  prove  the  fact.  If  you  do 
not  know  it,  you  are  inexcusable  to  assert  it,  and  especially  to  per- 
sist in  the  assertion  after  you  have  tried  and  failed  to  make  the 
proof.  You  need  not  be  told  that  persisting  in  a  charge  which  one 
does  not  know  to  be  true  is  simply  malicious  slander.  Some  of  you 
admit  that  no  Republican  designedly  aided  or  encouraged  the 
Harper's  Ferry  affair;  but  still  insist  that  our  doctrines  and  dec- 
larations necessarily  lead  to  such  results.  We  do  not  believe  it.  We 
know  we  hold  to  no  doctrines,  and  make  no  declarations,  which 
were  not  held  to  and  made  by  our  fathers  who  framed  the  Gov- 
ernment under  which  we  live,  and  we  cannot  see  how  declarations 
that  were  patriotic  when  they  made  them  are  villainous  when 
we  make  them.  You  never  dealt  fairly  by  us  in  relation  to  that 

[23] 


MARCH      6,      i860 

affair— and  I  will  say  frankly  that  I  know  of  nothing  in  your  char- 
acter that  should  lead  us  to  suppose  that  you  would.  You  had  just 
been  soundly  thrashed  in  elections  in  several  States,  and  others 
were  soon  to  come.  You  rejoiced  at  the  occasion,  and  only  were 
troubled  that  there  were  not  three  times  as  many  killed  in  the  af- 
fair. You  were  in  evident  glee — there  was  no  sorrow  for  the  killed 
nor  for  the  peace  of  Virginia  disturbed — you  were  rejoicing  that 
by  charging  Republicans  with  this  thing  you  might  get  an  ad- 
vantage of  us  in  New  York,  and  the  other  States.  You  pulled  that 
string  as  tightly  as  you  could,  but  your  very  generous  and  worthy 
expectations  were  not  quite  fulfilled.  [Laughter.]  Each  Republican 
knew  that  the  charge  was  a  slander  as  to  himself  at  least,  and 
was  not  inclined  by  it  to  cast  his  vote  in  your  favor.  It  was  mere 
bushwhacking,  because  you  had  nothing  else  to  do.  You  are  still 
on  that  track,  and  I  say,  go  on!  If  you  think  you  can  slander  a 
woman  into  loving  you  or  a  man  into  voting  for  you,  try  it  till  you 
are  satisfied!  [Tremendous  applause.] 

Another  specimen  of  this  bushwhacking,  that  "shoe  strike." 
[Laughter.]  Now  be  it  understood  that  I  do  not  pretend  to  know 
all  about  the  matter.  I  am  merely  going  to  speculate  a  little  about 
some  of  its  phases.  And  at  the  outset,  /  am  glad  to  see  that  a  system 
of  labor  prevails  in  Neu?  England  under  uthich  laborers  CATST  strike 
when  they  want  to  [Cheers,]  where  they  are  not  obliged  to  work 
under  all  circumstances,  and  are  not  tied  down  and  obliged  to  labor 
whether  you  pay  them  or  not!  [Cheers.]  I  like  the  system  which 
lets  a  man  quit  when  he  wants  to,  and  wish  it  might  prevail  every- 
where. [Tremendous  applause.]  One  of  the  reasons  why  I  am  op- 
posed to  Slavery  is  just  here.  What  is  the  true  condition  of  the 
laborer?  I  take  it  that  it  is  best  for  all  to  leave  each  man  free  to 
acquire  property  as  fast  as  he  can.  Some  will  get  wealthy,  I  don't 
believe  in  a  law  to  prevent  a  man  from  getting  rich;  it  would  do 
more  harm  than  good.  So  while  we  do  not  propose  any  war  upon 
capital,  we  do  wish  to  allow  the  humblest  man  an  equal  chance  to 
get  rich  with  everybody  else.  [Applause.]  When  one  starts  poor, 
as  most  do  in  the  race  of  life,  free  society  is  such  that  he  knows  he 
can  better  his  condition;  he  knows  that  there  is  no  fixed  condition 
of  labor,  for  his  whole  life.  I  ana  not  ashamed  to  confess  that 
twenty  five  years  ago  I  was  a  hired  laborer,  mauling  rails,  at  work 
on  a  flat-boat — just  what  might  happen  to  any  poor  man's  son! 
[Applause.]  I  want  every  man  to  have  the  chance — and  I  believe 
a  black  man  is  entitled  to  it — in  which  he  can  better  his  condition 
— when  he  may  look  forward  and  hope  to  be  a  hired  laborer  this 
year  and  the  next,  work  for  himself  afterward,  and  finally  to  hire 

[24] 


MARCH      6,      i860 

men  to  work  for  him!  That  is  the  true  system.  Up  here  in  New 
England,  you  have  a  soil  that  scarcely  sprouts  black-eyed  beans, 
and  yet  where  will  you  find  wealthy  men  so  wealthy,  and  poverty 
so  rarely  in  extremity?  There  is  not  another  such  place  on  earth! 
[Cheers.]  I  desire  that  if  you  get  too  thick  here,  and  find  it  hard 
to  better  your  condition  on  this  soil,  you  may  have  a  chance  to 
strike  and  go  somewhere  else,  where  you  may  not  be  degraded,  nor 
have  your  family  corrupted  by  forced  rivalry  with  negro  slaves. 
I  want  you  to  have  a  clean  bed,  and  no  snakes  in  it!  [Cheers.] 
Then  you  can  better  your  condition,  and  so  it  may  go  on  and  on 
in  one  ceaseless  round  so  long  as  man  exists  on  the  face  of  the 
earth!  [Prolonged  applause.] 

Now,  to  come  back  to  this  shoe  strike, — if,  as  the  Senator  from 
Illinois  asserts,  this  is  caused  by  withdrawal  of  Southern  votes, 
consider  briefly  how  you  will  meet  the  difficulty.  You  have  done 
nothing,  and  have  protested  that  you  have  done  nothing,  to  injure 
the  South.  And  yet,  to  get  back  the  shoe  trade,  you  must  leave  off 
doing  something  that  you  are  now  doing.  What  is  it?  You  must  stop 
thinking  slavery  wrong!  Let  your  institutions  be  -wholly  changed; 
let  your  State  Constitutions  be  subverted,  glorify  slavery,  and  so 
you  will  get  back  the  shoe  trade — for  what?  You  have  brought 
owned  labor  with  it  to  compete  with  your  own  labor,  to  under- 
work you,  and  to  degrade  you!  Are  you  ready  to  get  back  the  trade 
Dn  those  terms? 

But  the  statement  is  not  correct.  You  have  not  lost  that  trade; 
orders  were  never  better  than  now!  Senator  Mason,  a  Democrat, 
xxmes  into  the  Senate  in  homespun,  a  proof  that  the  dissolution 
>f  the  Union  has  acttially  begun!  but  orders  are  the  same.  Your  fac- 
tories have  not  struck  work,  neither  those  where  they  make  any- 
Jhing  for  coats,  nor  for  pants,  nor  for  shirts,  nor  for  ladies'  dresses. 
Vtr.  Mason  has  not  reached  the  manufacturers  who  ought  to  have 
nade  him  a  coat  and  pants!  To  make  his  proof  good  for  anything 
le  should  have  come  into  the  Senate  barefoot!  (Great  laughter.) 

Another  bushwha eking  contrivance;  simply  that,  nothing  else! 

find  a  good  many  people  "who  are  very  much  concerned  about 
he  loss  of  Southern  trade.  Now  either  these  people  are  sincere  or 
hey  are  not.  (Laughter.)  I  will  speculate  a  little  about  that.  If 
hey  are  sincere,  and  are  moved  by  any  real  danger  of  the  loss  of 
Southern  trade,  they  will  simply  get  their  names  on  the  white  list,3 

3  Lincoln  refers  to  a  movement  on  the  part  of  certain  business  interests  to  take 
dvantage  of  the  Southern  boycott  of  New  England  manufactures  by  preparing 

list  of  "white"  (Democrat)  rather  than  "black"  (Republican)  manufacturing 
oncerns  for  the  guidance  of  Southern  purchasers. 

[25] 


MARCH      6,      i860 

and  then,  instead  of  persuading  Republicans  to  do  likewise,  they 
will  be  glad  to  keep  you  away!  Don't  you  see  they  thus  shut  off 
competition?  They  would  not  be  whispering  around  to  Republicans 
to  come  in  and  share  the  profits  with  them.  But  if  they  are  not 
sincere,  and  are  merely  trying  to  fool  Republicans  out  of  their 
votes,  they  will  grow  very  anxious  about  your  pecuniary  pros- 
pects; they  are  afraid  you  are  going  to  get  broken  up  and  ruined; 
they  did  not  care  about  Democratic  votes — Oh  no,  noy  no!  You 
must  judge  which  class  those  belong  to  whom  you  meet;  I  leave  it 
to  you  to  determine  from  the  facts. 

Let  us  notice  some  more  of  the  stale  charges  against  Repub- 
licans. You  say  we  are  sectional.  We  deny  it.  That  makes  an  issue; 
and  the  burden  of  proof  is  upon  you.  You  produce  your  proof;  and 
what  is  it?  Why,  that  our  party  has  no  existence  in  your  section — 
gets  no  votes  in  your  section.  The  fact  is  substantially  true;  but 
does  it  prove  the  issue?  If  it  does,  then  in  case  we  should,  without 
change  of  principle,  begin  to  get  votes  in  your  section,  we  should 
thereby  cease  to  be  sectional.  You  cannot  escape  this  conclusion; 
and  yet,  are  you  willing  to  abide  by  it?  If  you  are,  you  will  prob- 
ably soon  find  that  we  have  ceased  to  be  sectional,  for  we  shall  get 
votes  in  your  section  this  very  year.  [Applause.]  The  fact  that  we 
get  no  votes  in  your  section  is  a  fact  of  your  making,  and  not  of 
ours.  And  if  there  be  fault  in  that  fact,  that  fault  is  primarily 
yours,  and  remains  so  until  you  show  that  we  repel  you  by  some 
wrong  principle  or  practice.  If  we  do  repel  you  by  any  wrong 
principle  or  practice,  the  fault  is  ours ;  but  this  brings  you  to  where 
you  ought  to  have  started — to  a  discussion  of  the  right  or  wrong  of 
our  principle.  If  our  principle,  put  in  practice,  would  wrong  your 
section  for  the  benefit  of  ours,  or  for  any  other  object,  then  our 
principle,  and  we  with  it,  are  sectional,  and  are  justly  opposed  and 
denounced  as  such.  Meet  us,  then,  on  the  question  of  whether  our 
principle,  put  in  practice,  would  wrong  your  section;  and  so  meet 
it  as  if  it  were  possible  that  something  may  be  said  on  our  side. 
Do  you  accept  the  challenge?  No?  Then  you  really  believe  that  the 
principle  which  our  fathers  who  framed  the  Government  under 
which  we  live  thought  so  clearly  right  as  to  adopt  it,  and  indorse  it 
again  and  again,  upon  their  official  oaths,  is,  in  fact,  so  clearly 
wrong  as  to  demand  your  condemnation  without  a  moment's  con- 
sideration. 

Some  of  you  delight  to  flaunt  in  our  faces  the  warning  against 
sectional  parties  given  by  Washington  in  his  Farewell  address. 
Less  than  eight  years  before  Washington  gave  that  warning,  he 
had,  as  President  of  the  United  States,  approved  and  signed  an 

[26] 


MARCH      6,       i860 

act  of  Congress,  enforcing  the  prohibition  of  Slavery  in  the  north- 
western Territory,  which  act  embodied  the  policy  of  Government 
upon  that  subject,  up  to  and  at  the  very  moment  he  penned  that 
warning;  and  about  one  year  after  he  penned  it  he  wrote  LaFayette 
that  he  considered  that  prohibition  a  wise  measure,  expressing  in 
the  same  connection  his  hope  that  we  should  some  time  have  a 
confederacy  of  Free  States. 

Bearing  this  in  mind,  and  seeing  that  sectionalism  has  since 
arisen  upon  this  same  subject,  is  that  warning  a  weapon  in  your 
hands  against  us,  or  in  our  hands  against  you?  Could  Washington 
himself  speak,  would  he  cast  the  blame  of  that  sectionalism  upon 
us,  who  sustain  his  policy,  or  upon  you  who  repudiate  it?  "We  re- 
spect that  warning  of  Washington,  and  we  commend  it  to  you,  to- 
gether with  his  example  pointing  to  the  right  application  of  it. 
[Applause.] 

But  you  say  you  are  conservative — eminently  conservative — 
while  we  are  revolutionary,  destructive,  or  something  of  the  sort. 
What  is  conservatism?  Is  it  not  adherence  to  the  old  and  tried, 
against  the  new  and  untried?  We  stick  to,  contend  for,  the  iden- 
tical old  policy  on  the  point  in  controversy  which  was  adopted  by 
our  fathers  who  framed  the  Government  under  which  we  live; 
while  you  with  one  accord  reject,  and  scout,  and  spit  upon  that  old 
policy,  and  insist  upon  substituting  something  new.  True,  you  dis- 
agree among  yourselves  as  to  what  that  substitute  shall  be.  You 
have  consider  able  ^variety  of  new  propositions  and  plans,  but  you 
are  unanimous  in  rejecting  and  denouncing  the  old  policy  of  the 
fathers.  Some  of  you  are  for  reviving  the  foreign  slave-trade;  some 
for  a  Congressional  Slave-Code  for  the  Territories;  some  for  Con- 
gress forbidding  the  Territories  to  prohibit  Slavery  within  their 
limits;  some  for  maintaining  Slavery  in  the  Territories  through 
the  Judiciary;  some  for  the  "gur-reat  pur-rin-ciple"  that  "if  one 
man  would  enslave  another,  no  third  man  should  object/'  fan- 
tastically called  "Popular  Sovereignty;"  [great  laughter,]  but 
never  a  man  among  you  in  favor  of  Federal  prohibition  of  Slavery 
in  Federal  Territories,  according  to  the  practice  of  our  fathers  who 
framed  the  Government  under  which  we  live.  Not  one  of  all  your 
various  plans  can  show  a  precedent  or  an  advocate  in  the  century 
within  which  our  Government  originated.  And  yet  you  draw  your- 
selves up  and  say  "We  are  eminently  conservative!"  [Great 
laughter.] 

It  is  exceedingly  desirable  that  all  parts  of  this  great  Confeder- 
acy shall  be  at  peace,  and  in  harmony,  one  with  another.  Let  us 
Republicans  do  our  part  to  have  it  so.  Even  though  much  pro- 

[27] 


MARCH      6,      i860 

voked,  let  us  do  nothing  through  passion  and  ill  temper.  Even 
though  the  Southern  people  will  not  so  much  as  listen  to  us,  let  us 
calmly  consider  their  demands,  and  yield  to  them  if,  in  our  delib- 
erate view  of  our  duty,  we  possibly  can.  Judging  by  all  they  say 
and  do,  and  by  the  subject  and  nature  of  their  controversy  with 
us,  let  us  determine,  if  we  can,  what  will  satisfy  them? 

Will  they  be  satisfied  if  the  Territories  be  unconditionally  sur- 
rendered to  them?  We  know  they  will  not.  In  all  their  present 
complaints  against  us,  the  Territories  are  scarcely  mentioned.  In- 
vasions and  insurrections  are  the  rage  now.  Will  it  satisfy  them  if, 
in  the  future,  we  have  nothing  to  do  with  invasions  and  insurrec- 
tions? We  know  it  will  not.  We  so  know  because  we  know  we 
never  had  anything  to  do  with  invasions  and  insurrections; 
and  yet  this  total  abstaining  does  not  exempt  us  from  the  charge 
and  the  denunciation. 

The  question  recurs,  what  will  satisfy  them?  Simply  this:  we 
must  not  only  let  them  alone,  but  we  must,  somehow,  convince 
them  that  we  do  let  them  alone.  [Applause.]  This,  we  know  by 
experience,  is  no  easy  task.  We  have  been  so  trying  to  convince 
them,  from  the  very  beginning  of  our  organization,  but  with  no 
success.  In  all  our  platforms  and  speeches,  we  have  constantly 
protested  our  purpose  to  let  them  alone;  but  this  has  had  no  tend- 
ency to  convince  them.  Alike  unavailing  to  convince  them  is  the 
fact  that  they  have  never  detected  a  man  of  us  in  any  attempt  to 
disturb  them.  « 

These  natural  and  apparently  adequate  means  all  failing,  what 
will  convince  them?  This,  and  this  only;  cease  to  call  slavery 
wrong,  and  join  them  in  calling  it  right.  And  this  must  be  done 
thoroughly — done  in  acts  as  well  as  in  ivords.  Silence  will  not  be 
tolerated — we  must  place  ourselves  avowedly  with  them.  Douglas's 
new  sedition  law  must  be  enacted  and  enforced,  suppressing  all 
declarations  that  Slavery  is  wrong,  whether  made  in  politics,  in 
presses,  in  pulpits,  or  in  private.  We  must  arrest  and  return  their 
fugitive  slaves  with  greedy  pleasure.  We  must  pull  down  our  Free 
State  Constitutions.  The  whole  atmosphere  must  be  disinfected  of 
all  taint  of  opposition  to  Slavery,  before  they  will  cease  to  believe 
that  all  their  troubles  proceed  from  us.  So  long  as  we  call  Slavery 
wrong,  whenever  a  slave  runs  away  they  will  overlook  the  obvi- 
ous fact  that  he  ran  because  he  was  oppressed,  and  declare  he  was 
stolen  off.  Whenever  a  master  cuts  his  slaves  with  the  lash,  and 
they  cry  out  under  it,  he  will  overlook  the  obvious  fact  that  the 
negroes  cry  out  because  they  are  hurt,  and  insist  that  they  were 
put  up  to  it  by  some  rascally  abolitionist.  [Great  laughter.] 

[28] 


MARCH      6,       i860 

I  am  quite  aware  that  they  do  not  state  their  case  precisely  in 
this  way.  Most  of  them  would  probably  say  to  us,  "Let  us  alone, 
do  nothing  to  us,  and  say  what  you  please  about  Slavery."  But 
we  do  let  them  alone — have  never  disturbed  them — so  that,  after 
all,  it  is  what  we  say,  which  dissatisfies  them.  They  will  continue 
to  accuse  us  of  doing,  until  we  cease  saying. 

I  am  also  aware  they  have  not,  as  yet,  in  terms,  demanded  the 
overthrow  of  our  Free  State  Constitutions.  Yet  those  Constitutions 
declare  the  wrong  of  Slavery,  with  more  solemn  emphasis  than  do 
all  other  sayings  against  it;  and  when  all  these  other  sayings  shall 
have  been  silenced,  the  overthrow  of  these  Constitutions  will  be 
demanded,  and  nothing  be  left  to  resist  the  demand.  It  is  nothing  to 
the  contrary,  that  they  do  not  demand  the  whole  of  this  just  now. 
Demanding  what  they  do,  and  for  the  reason  they  do,  they  can 
voluntarily  stop  nowhere  short  of  this  consummation.  Holding  as 
they  do,  that  Slavery  is  morally  right,  and  socially  elevating,  they 
cannot  cease  to  demand  a  full  national  recognition  of  it,  as  a  legal 
right,  and  a  social  blessing. 

Nor  can  we  justifiably  withhold  this,  on  any  ground  save  our 
conviction  that  Slavery  is  wrong.  If  Slavery  is  right,  all  words, 
acts,  laws,  and  Constitutions  against  it,  are  themselves  wrong,  and 
should  be  silenced,  and  swept  away.  If  it  is  right,  we  cannot  justly 
object  to  its  nationality — its  universality;  if  it  is  wrong,  they  can- 
not justly  insist  upon  its  extension — its  enlargement.  All  they 
ask,  we  could  readily  grant,  if  we  thought  Slavery  right;  all  we 
ask,  they  could  as  readily  grant,  if  they  thought  it  -wrong.  Then- 
thinking  it  right,  and  our  thinking  it  wrong,  is  the  precise  fact  up- 
on which  depends  the  whole  controversy.  Thinking  it  right  as  they 
do,  they  are  not  to  blame  for  desiring  its  full  recognition,  as  being 
right;  but,  thinking  it  wrong,  as  we  do,  can  we  yield  to  them?  Can 
we  cast  our  votes  with  their  view,  and  against  our  own?  In  view  of 
our  moral,  social,  and  political  responsibilities,  can  we  do  this? 

"Wrong  as  we  think  Slavery  is,  we  can  yet  afford  to  let  it  alone 
where  it  is,  because  that  much  is  due  to  the  necessity  arising  from 
its  actual  presence  in  the  nation;  but  can  we,  while  our  votes  will 
prevent  it,  allow  it  to  spread  into  the  National  Territories,  and  to 
overrun  us  here  in  these  Free  States? 

If  our  sense  of  duty  forbids  this,  then  let  us  stand  by  our  duty, 
fearlessly  and  effectively.  Let  us  be  diverted  by  none  of  those 
sophistical  contrivances  wherewith  we  are  so  industriously  plied 
and  belabored — contrivances  such  as  groping  for  some  middle 
ground  between  the  right  and  the  wrong,  vain  as  the  search  for  a 
man  who  should  be  neither  a  living  man  nor  a  dead  man — such  as 

[29] 


MARCH      1  4t>      i860 
a  policy  of  "don't  care"  on  a  question  about  which  all  true  men  do 

care such  as  Union  appeals  beseeching  true  Union  men  to  yield 

to  Disunionists,  reversing  the  divine  rule,  and  calling,  not  the  sin- 
ners, but  the  righteous  to  repentance — such  as  invocations  of 
Washington,  imploring  men  to  unsay  what  Washington  did. 

Neither  let  us  be  slandered  from  our  duty  by  false  accusations 
against  us,  nor  frightened  from  it  by  menaces  of  destruction  to 
the  Government,  nor  of  dungeons  to  ourselves.  Let  us  have  faith 
that  right  makes  might;  and  in  that  faith,  let  us,  to  the  end,  dare  to 
do  our  duty,  as  we  understand  it. 


To  William  A.  Beers  and  Sereno  Mansfield1 

Messrs.  Beers  &  Mansfield          Springfield,  Ills.  March  14,  1860 

Gentlemen  Your  request  to  take  a  Photographic  likeness  of  me, 
while  in  your  City,  was  duly  received;  but  at  a  time  when  my  ar- 
rangements were  so  made  that  I  could  not  call  upon  you  before 
leaving.  I  would  have  written  sooner,  but  the  matter  passed  out 
of  my  mind;  and  is  now  recalled  by  the  sight  of  your  note.  I  beg 
you  will  believe  me  guilty  of  no  intentional  disrespect.  Very  Re- 
spectfully A.  LmcoLisr 

1  ALS,  OClWHi.  Beers  and  Mansfield  were  photographers  at  New  Haven, 
Connecticut. 


To  A.  Chester1 

A.  Chester,  Esq  Springfield  Ills. 

Dear  Sir:  March  14,  1860 

Your  very  kind  and  flattering  letter,  inclosing  an  invitation  to 
the  Connecticut  editors  to  accept  the  hospitalities  of  those  giving 
the  invitation,  while  attending  the  Chicago  convention,  was  re- 
ceived by  me  at  New-Haven.  I  was  the  guest  of  an  editor  at  the 
time  —  Mr.  Jas.  F.  Babcock2  —  and  to  whom  I  delivered  to  [the?! 
document,  perceiving  no  better  way  to  dispose  of  it.  I  suppose  it 
was  published  at  once  Yours  truly  A. 


1  ALS,  ICHi.  The  identity  of  A.  Chester  is  somewhat  obscure.  The  inference  is 
that  he  was  a  newspaper  man  at  Chicago,  but  Chicago  directories  list  only  "Au- 
gustine Chester"  as  a  lawyer  in  1858,  "Augustus  Chester"  (at  the  same  address) 
in  1860,  and  again  the  same  as  "Augustin  Chester"  in  1862.  An  "A.  Chester" 
edited  the  Kankakee  Gazette  (1853-1856),  but  that  he  was  Lincoln's  correspond- 
ent has  not  been  verified. 

2  James  R  Babcock  was  editor  of  the  New  Haven  Palladium. 

[30] 


To  Alexander  W.  Harvey1 

Alexr.  W.  Harvey,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

Dear  Sir  March  14,  1860 

Your  despach  of  the  27th.  ult.  to  Mr.  Greely,  asking  if  you 
could  not  have  a  speech  from  me  on  my  return,  "was  f  orwarded  to 
me  by  Mr.  G.  reaching  me  at  Exeter  N.H. 

The  appointments  I  had  then  already  made  carried  me  so  far 
beyond  my  allotted  time  that  I  could  not  consistently  add  another. 

I  hope  I  may  yet  be  allowed  to  meet  the  good  people  of  Buffalo 
before  the  close  of  the  struggle  in  which  we  are  engaged.  Yours 
Respectfully  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  RPB.  Alexander  W.  Harvey  was  an  attorney  at  Buffalo,  New  York. 

To  Rufus  W.  Miles1 

Rufus  W.  Miles,  Esq  Springfield, 

My  dear  Sir:  March  15-  1860 

Reaching  home  yesterday  from  the  East,  I  found  your  letter 
urging  the  necessity  of  my  making  a  speech  of  a  particular  sort; 
and  while  I  was  considering  it,  your  second  note  came  in  the  morn- 
ing, telling  me  I  had  already  made  the  speech  you  were  wanting, 
and  thus  relieving  me  considerably. 

Thanking  you  for  your  kind  feelings  towards  me,  and  your  good 
opinion  of  my  late  speech,  allow  me  to  subscribe  myself.  Yours 
very  truly  A. 


1  ALS,  owned  by  Joseph  W.  Miles,  Gilson,  Illinois.  Rufus  W.  Miles  was  repre- 
sentative from  Knox  County  in  the  Illinois  House  of  Representatives 

To  Mark  W.  Delahay1 

Dear  Delahay  —  Springfield,  Ills—Mar—  16,  1860 

I  have  just  returned  from  the  East.  Before  leaving,  I  received 
your  letter  of  Feb.  6;  and  on  my  return  I  find  those  of  the  i/th.  & 
igth.  with  GenL  Lane's2  note  inclosed  in  one  of  them. 

I  sincerely  wish  you  could  be  elected  one  of  the  first  Senators 
for  Kansas;  but  how  to  help  you  I  do  not  know.  If  it  were  per- 
tnissable  for  me  to  interfere,  I  am  not  personally  acquainted  with 
i  single  member  of  your  Legislature.  If  my  known  friendship  for 
pxm  could  be  of  any  advantage,  that  friendship  was  abundantly 
xianifested  by  me  last  December  while  in  Kansas.  If  any  member 
aad  written  me,  as  you  say  some  have  Trumbull,  I  would  very 
•eadily  answer  him.  I  shall  write  Trumbull  on  the  subject  at  this 
dtting. 

[31] 


MARCH     l6,      i860 

I  understood,  while  in  Kansas,  that  the  State  Legislature  will 
not  meet  until  the  State  is  admitted.  Was  that  the  right  under- 
standing? 

As  to  your  kind  wishes  for  myself,  allow  me  to  say  I  can  not 
enter  the  ring  on  the  money  basis — first,  because,  in  the  main,  it 
is  wrong;  and  secondly,  I  have  not,  and  can  not  get,  the  money.  I 
say,  in  the  main,  the  use  of  money  is  wrong;  but  for  certain  ob- 
jects, in  a  political  contest,  the  use  of  some,  is  both  right,  and  in- 
dispensable. With  me,  as  with  yourself,  this  long  struggle  has  been 
one  of  great  pecuniary  loss.  I  now  distinctly  say  this.  If  you  shall 
be  appointed  a  delegate  to  Chicago,  I  will  furnish  one  hundred  dol- 
lars to  bear  the  expences  of  the  trip.3 

Present  my  respects  to  Genl.  Lane;  and  say  to  him,  I  shall  be 
pleased  to  hear  from  him  at  any  time.  Your  friend,  as  ever 

A.  LINCOLN — 

ES.  I  have  not  yet  taken  the  newspaper  slip  to  the  Journal.  I 
shall  do  that  to-morrow;  and  then  send  you  the  paper  as  requested. 

A.  L. 

i  ALS,  DLC-HW.  2  James  H.  Lane 

3  See  Lincoln  to  Delahay,  April  14,  infra 

To  Lyman  TrumbulP 

Hon:  L.  Trumbull  Springfield,  Mar-  16,  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  When  I  first  saw  by  the  despaches  that  Doug- 
las had  run  from  the  Senate  while  you  were  speaking  I  did  not 
quite  understand  it;  but  seeing  by  the  report  that  you  were  cram- 
ming down  his  throat  that  infernal  stereotyped  lye  of  his  about 
"negro  equality"  the  thing  became  plain. 

Another  matter.  Our  friend  Delahay  wants  to  be  one  of  the 
Senators  from  Kansas.  Certainly  it  is  not  for  outsiders  to  obtrude 
their  interference.  Delahay  has  suffered  a  great  deal  in  our  cause, 
and  been  very  faithful  to  it,  as  I  understand.  He  writes  me  that 
some  of  the  members  of  the  Kansas  Legislature  have  written  you 
in  a  way  that  your  simple  answer  might  help  him.  I  wish  you 
would  consider  whether  you  can  not  assist  him  that  far,  without 
impropriety.  I  know  it  is  a  delicate  matter;  and  I  do  not  wish  to 
press  you  beyond  your  own  judgment.2  Yours  as  ever 

A.  LINCOLN — 

1  ALS,  CSmH. 

2  Trumbull  replied,  March  26,  that  he  would  Ibe  glad  to  help  "our  friend  Dela- 
hay, if  I  knew  how  to  do  it.  .  .  ."  but  that  the  Kansans  who  had  written  him 
had  not  inquired  about  Delahay  and  that  he  could  write  something  in  his  behalf 
only  if  they  asked  (DLC-RTL) . 

[32] 


To  James  W.  Somers1 

fames  W.  Somers,  Esq  Springfield, 

V[y  dear  Sir:  March  17,  1860 

Reaching  home  from  the  East  three  days  ago,  I  found  your  let- 
er  of  Feb.  2  6th. 

Considering  your  difficulty  of  hearing  I  think  you  would  better 
;ettle  in  Chicago,  if  as  you  say,  a  good  many  already  in  fair  prac- 
ice  there  will  take  you  into  partnership.  If  you  had  not  that  diffi- 
culty I  still  should  think  it  an  even  ballance  whether  you  would 
lot  better  remain  in  Chicago,  with  such  a  chance  for  a  co-partner- 
hip. 

If  I  went  West,  I  think  I  would  go  to  Kansas  —  to  Leavenworth, 
»r  Atchison.  Both  these  are,  and  will  continue  to  be  fine  growing 
>laces. 

I  believe  I  have  said  all  I  can,  and  I  have  said  it  with  the  deep- 
•st  interest  for  your  welf  are  Yours  truly  A. 


1  ALS-F,  Henry  C.  Whitney,  Life  on  the  Circuit  ivith  Lincoln,  1892,  p.  266. 
omers  wrote  that  he  wanted  to  leave  Urbana,  and  asked  Lincoln's  advice  as 
:>  going  into  partnership  with  Henry  C.  Whitney  in  Chicago,  or  going  to 
Missouri  or  Kansas  (DLC-RTL)  .  See  also  Lincoln's  letter  of  recommendation, 
/larch  28,  infra. 

To  E.  Stafford1 

Springfield,  Illinois,  March  17,  1860. 

Dear  Sir:  Reaching  home  on  the  ±4th  instant,  I  found  yours  of 
he  ist.  Thanking  you  very  sincerely  for  your  kind  purposes  to- 
ward me,  I  am  compelled  to  say  the  money  part  of  the  arrange- 
ment you  propose  is,  with  me,  an  impossibility.  I  could  not  raise 
en  thousand  dollars  if  it  would  save  me  from  the  fate  of  John 
Jrown.  Nor  have  my  friends,  so  far  as  I  know,  yet  reached  the 
ioint  of  staking  any  money  on  my  chances  of  success.  I  "wish  I 
ould  tell  you  better  things,  but  it  is  even  so.  Yours  very  truly, 

A. 


l  NH,  VI,  7.  There  are  no  letters  from  E.  Stafford  in  the  Lincoln  Papers,  and 
Eforts  to  identify  him  have  been  unsuccessful. 

To  Samuel  Galloway1 

Ion.  Samuel  Galloway  Chicago,  March  24  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  I  am  here  attending  a  trial  in  court.  Before  leav- 
ig  home  I  received  your  kind  letter  of  the  ±5th.  Of  course  I  am 
ratified  to  know  I  have  friends  in  Ohio  who  are  disposed  to  give 

[33] 


MARCH      26,      i860 

me  the  highest  evidence  of  their  friendship  and  confidence.  Mr 
Parrott2  of  the  Legislature,  had  written  me  to  the  same  effect.  If 
I  have  any  chance,  it  consists  mainly  in  the  fact  that  the  whole 
opposition  would  vote  for  me  if  nominated.  (I  dont  mean  to  in- 
clude the  pro-slavery  opposition  of  the  South,  of  course.)  My  name 
is  new  in  the  field;  and  I  suppose  I  am  not  the  first  choice  of  a 
very  great  many.  Our  policy,  then,  is  to  give  no  offence  to  others 
— leave  them  in  a  mood  to  come  to  us,  if  they  shall  be  compelled 
to  give  up  their  first  love.  This,  too,  is  dealing  justly  with  all,  and 
leaving  us  in  a  mood  to  support  heartily  whoever  shall  be  nomi- 
nated. I  believe  I  have  once  before  told  you  that  I  especially  wish 
to  do  no  ungenerous  thing  towards  Governor  Chase,  because  he 
gave  us  his  sympathy  in  1858,  when  scarcely  any  other  distin- 
guished man  did.  Whatever  you  may  do  for  me,  consistently  with 
these  suggestions,  will  be  appreciated,  and  gratefully  remembered. 
Please  write  me  again.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LHNTCOLIST 

1  Copy,  DLC-R.TL.  The  copy  is  in  Nicolay's  handwriting  and  bears  his  cer- 
tification as  being-  "From  the  original,  in  the  possession  of  Dr.    Guy   Coulter, 
Columbus  Ohio."  The  original  is  presumably  extant  but  has  not  been  located 

2  Edwin  A.  Parrott,  representative  in  the  Ohio  legislature  from  Montgomery 
County,  who  had  met  Lincoln  at  Dayton  in  September,  1859. 


To  Lyman  Trumbull1 

Hon:  L.  Trumbull  Chicago,  March  26.  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  They  are  having  a  desperate  struggle  in  Connecti- 
cut; and  it  would  both  please,  and  help  our  friends  there,  if  you 
could  be  with  them  in  the  last  days  of  the  fight.  Having  been  there, 
I  know  they  are  proud  of  you  as  a  son  of  their  own  soil,  and  would 
be  moved  to  greater  exertion  by  your  presence  among  them.  Can 
you  not  go?  Telegraph  them,  and  go  right  along.  The  fiendish  at- 
tempt now  being  made  upon  Connecticut,  must  not  be  allowed  to 
succeed.  Yours  as  ever  A. 

i  ALS,  CSroH. 


To  Ward  EL  Lamon1 

Hon:  W.  H.  Lamon.  Chicago,  March  28-  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  Yours  about  motion  to  quash  an  indictment,  was 
received  yesterday.  I  think  I  had  no  authority  but  the  Statute 
when  I  wrote  the  Indictment.  In  fact,  I  remember  but  little  about 
it.  I  think  yet  there  is  no  necessity  for  setting  out  the  letter  in 

[34] 


APRIL      1,       i860 

haec  verba.  Our  Statute,  as  I  think,  relaxes  the  high  degree  of 
technical  certainty  formerly  required. 

I  am  so  busy  with  our  case  on  trial  here,2  that  I  can  not  examine 
authorities  near  as  fully  as  you  can  there. 

If,  after  all,  the  indictment  shall  be  quashed,  it  will  only  prove 
that  ray  forte  is  as  a  Statesman,  rather  than  as  a  Prossecutor. 
Yours  as  ever  A. 


1  ALS,  CSmH.  As  prosecuting  attorney,  Lamon  wrote  from  Lincoln,  Illinois, 
on  March  26,  about  Lincoln's  motion  to  quash  the  indictment  against  his  client 
for  sending  a  threatening  letter.  On  Lincoln's  suggestion  the  indictment  had  not 
included  the  letter.  The  motion  declared  that,  the  letter  was  not  set  out  in  the 
indictment,  and  Lamon  wished  Lincoln  to  investigate  authorities  and  find  reason 
to  sustain  the  indictment,  since  "Quashing  an  Indct.  written  by  a  prominent  can- 
didate for  the  Presidency  of  the  U.S.  by  a  little  court  like  Col.  [David]  Davis' 
will  not  sound  well  in  history."  Names  of  litigants  are  not  given,  and  no  other 
references  to  the  case  have  been  found  (DLC-RTL). 

2  Johnston  v.  Jones  and  Marsh,  the  famous  "Sandbar  Case."  See  Lincoln  to 
Robert  A.  Kinzie,  January  5,   1858,  supra. 


Recommendation  for  James  W.  Somers1 

Whom  it  may  concern —  Chicago.  March  28.  1860 

My  young  friend  James  W.  Somers,  the  bearer  of  this,  I  have 
known  from  boyhood,  and  I  can  truly  say  that  in  my  opinion  he  is 
entirely  faithful,  and  fully  competent  to  the  performance2  of  any 
business  he  will  undertake.  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS-F,  Whitney,   The  Lincoln  Autographic  Album    [0.1891],   p.   44    See 
letter  to  Somers,  March  17,  supra. 

2  "Discharge"  deleted  and  "performance"  inserted  by  Lincoln. 


Endorsement  on  an  Express  Company  Envelope1 

[April  i,  1860] 

This  brought  me  Fifteen  dollars,  without  any  intimation  as  to 
whom  it  came  from.  It  probably  came  from  Mr.  Patterson  to  whom 
I  loaned  that  amount  a  few  weeks  ago. 


1  AES,  DLC-RTL.  This  endorsement  is  written  on  an  envelope  of  the  United 
States  Express  Company,  sent  from  Homer,  Illinois.  The  date  April  i,  1860,  is 
not  in  Lincoln's  hand,  but  may  be  that  of  the  agent.  The  date  September  25, 
1858,  given  to  this  endorsement  by  Helen  Nicolay  (Personal  Traits  of  Abra- 
ham Lincoln,  p.  no)  and  followed  by  Angle  (New  Letters  and  Papers  of 
Abraham  Lincoln.,  p.  196)  is  obviously  an  error  of  transposition  —  the  date  be- 
longing with  the  preceding  item  concerning  Henry  Chew.  "Mr.  Patterson"  was 
probably  one  of  two  brothers,  William  and  Golden  Patterson  of  Champaign 
County,  Illinois.  In  April,  1859,  Lincoln  had  defended  a  third  brother,  Thomas 
Patterson,  in  a  murder  trial.  See  Lincoln's  endorsement,  August  14,  infra. 

[35] 


To  Richard  M.  Corwine1 

Hon.  R.  M.  Corwine.  Springfield,  111.,  April  6th.  1860. 

My  Dear  Sir  Reaching  home  yesterday  after  an  absence  of 
more  than  two  weeks,  I  found  your  letter  of  the  241*1  of  March. 
Remembering  that  when  not  a  very  great  man  begins  to  be  men- 
tioned for  a  very  great  position,  his  head  is  very  likely  to  be  a  little 
turned,  I  concluded  I  am  not  the  fittest  person  to  answer  the  ques- 
tions you  ask.  Making  due  allowance  for  this,  I  think  Mr.  Seward 
is  the  very  best  candidate  we  could  have  for  the  North  of  Illinois, 
and  the  very  worst  for  the  South  of  it.  The  estimate  of  Gov.  Chase 
here  is  neither  better  nor  worse  than  that  of  Seward,  except  that 
he  is  a  newer  man.  They  are  regarded  as  being  almost  the  same, 
seniority  giving  Seward  the  inside  track.  Mr.  Bates,  I  think,  would 
be  the  best  man  for  the  South  of  our  State,  and  the  worst  for  the 
North  of  it.  If  Judge  McLean  was  fifteen,  or  even  ten  years 
younger,  I  think  he  would  be  stronger  than  either,  in  our  state, 
taken  as  a  whole;  but  his  great  age,  and  the  recollection  of  the 
deaths  of  Harrison  and  Taylor  have,  so  far,  prevented  his  being 
much  spoken  of  here. 

I  really  believe  we  can  carry  the  state  for  either  of  them,  or  for 
any  one  who  may  be  nominated;  but  doubtless  it  would  be  easier 
to  do  it  with  some  than  with  others. 

I  feel  myself  disqualified  to  speak  of  myself  in  this  matter.  I 
feel  this  letter  will  be  of  little  value  to  you;  but  I  can  make  it  no 
better,  imder  the  circumstances.  Let  it  be  strictly  confidential,  not 
that  there  is  any  thing  really  objectionable  in  it,  but  because  it 
might  be  misconstrued.  Yours  very  truly,  A. 


1  Tracy,  pp.  138-39.  Richard  M.  Corwine,  a  lawyer  at  Cincinnati,  wrote 
that  the  delegates  from  Ohio  were  divided  on  Chase,  Bates,  Seward,  and  Mc- 
Lean, and  asked  whether  Illinois  would  support  McLean,  Bates  or  Seward.  He 
added,  "I  am  pretty  sure  we  could  unite  more  votes  on  you  than  on  Seward" 
(DLC-RTL). 

To  William  Gooding1 

Wm.  Gooding,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  April  6,  1860 

Reaching  home  yesterday,  I  found  your  very  kind  and  compli- 
mentary letter  of  March  aist.;  and  for  which,  I  sincerely  thank 
you.  Our  down  East  friends  did,  indeed,  treat  me  with  great  kind- 
ness, demonstrating  what  I  before  believed,  that  all  good,  inteli- 
gent  people  are  very  much  alike.  Yours  very  truly 

A.   LINCOXJNT 
[36] 


APRIL      69       i860 

1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  William  Gooding  was  an  old  acquaintance  at  Lockport,  Ill- 
inois, who  had  been  chief  engineer  for  the  construction  of  the  Illinois-Michigan 
Canal,  and  in  1860  was  still  connected  with  the  canal  as  secretary. 


To  William  C.  Hobbs  and  William  H.  Hanna1 

Dr.  W.  C.  Hobbs,  &  Springfield, 

W.  H.  Hanna,  Esq  April  6,  1860 

Gentlemen  Your  despach,  requesting  me  to  deliver  a  speech 
at  Bloomington  is  received.  I  very  much  prefer  to  make  no  more 
speeches  soon;  but  if,  as  friends  of  mine,  you  can  not  excuse  me,  it 
is  not  much  odds  when  —  say,  the  evening  of  Tuesday  the  loth. 
Inst.  Yours  as  ever  A. 


1  ALS,   ICU.   William   C.   Hobbs  was   a  schoolteacher   and   county   clerk   at 
Bloomington,  Illinois. 


To  Richard  V.  B.  Lincoln1 

Richd.  V.  B.  Lincoln,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  April  6.  1860 

Owing  to  absence  from  home,  yours  of  March  igth.  was  not  re- 
ceived till  yesterday.  You  are  a  little  mistaken.  My  grand-father 
did  not  go  from  Berks  Co.  Pa;  but,  as  I  learn,  his  ancesters  did, 
some  time  before  his  birth.  He  was  born  in.  Rockingham  Co  Va; 
went  from  there  to  Kentucky,  and  there  was  killed  by  Indians 
about  1 784.  That  the  family  originally  came  from  Berks,  I  learned 
a  dozen  years  ago,  by  letter,  from  one  of  them,  then  residing  at 
Sparta,  Rockingham  Co.  Va.  His  name  was  David  Lincoln.2  I  re- 
in [em]  ber,  long  ago,  seeing  Austin  Lincoln,  &  Davis  Lincoln,  said 
to  be  sons  of  Hannaniah,  or  Annaniah  Lincoln,  who  was  said  to 
have  been  a  cousin  of  my  grand-father.3  I  have  no  doubt  you  and 
I  are  distantly  related.  I  should  think  from  what  you  say,  that  you 
and  my  father  were  second  cousins. 

I  shall  be  glad  to  hear  from  you  at  any  time.  Yours  very  truly 

A.  LiisrcorjNr 

1ALS-F,  Ervin  S.  Chapman,  Latest  Light  on  Abraham  Lincoln  and  War- 
Time  Memories  [0.1917],  p.  510.  Richard  V.  B.  Lincoln  was  a  farmer  and 
county  commissioner  at  Laurelton,  Pennsylvania.  His  letter  of  March  19  is  not 
in  the  Lincoln  Papers.  2  Vide  supra.,  March  24,  1848. 

3  Hannaniah  Lincoln's  sons  Austin  and  Davis  migrated  from  Kentucky  to 
Perry  County  and  Spencer  County,  Indiana,  probably  a  year  or  two  before 
Abraham's  father  took  his  family  to  Spencer  County. 

[37] 


To  Cornelius  F,  McNeill1 

C.  F.  McNeill,  Esq.-  Springfield,  April  6,  1860. 

Dear  Sir:  Reaching  home  yesterday,  I  found  yours  of  the  23d. 
March,  inclosing  a  slip  from  The  Middleport  Press.  It  is  not  true 
that  I  ever  charged  anything  for  a  political  speech  in  my  life  —  but 
this  much  is  true:  Last  October  I  was  requested,  by  letter,  to  de- 
liver some  sort  of  speech  in  Mr.  Beechers2  church,  in  Brooklyn, 
$200  being  offered  in  the  first  letter.  I  wrote  that  I  could  do  it  in 
February,  provided  they  would  take  a  political  speech,  if  I  could 
find  time  to  get  up  no  other.  They  agreed,  and  subsequently  I  in- 
formed them  the  speech  would  have  to  be  a  political  one.  When  I 
reached  New  York,  I,  for  the  first  [time],  learned  that  the  place 
was  changed  to  "Cooper  Institute."  I  made  the  speech,  and  left  for 
New  Hampshire,  where  I  have  a  son  at  school,  neither  asking  for 
pay  nor  having  any  offered  me.  Three  days  after,  a  check  for 
$200-  was  sent  to  me,  at  N.H.,  and  I  took  it,  and  did  not  knout  it 
was  wrong.  My  understanding  now  is,  though  I  knew  nothing  of  it 
at  the  time,  that  they  did  charge  for  admittance,  at  the  Cooper  In- 
stitute, and  that  they  took  in  more  than  twice  $200. 

I  have  made  this  explanation  to  you  as  a  friend;  but  I  wish  no 
explanation  made  to  our  enemies.  What  they  want  is  a  squabble 
and  a  fuss;  and  that  they  can  have  if  we  explain;  and  they  can  not 
have  if  we  don't. 

When  I  returned  through  New  York  from  New  England  I  was 
told  by  the  gentlemen  who  sent  me  the  check,  that  a  drunken  vaga- 
bond in  the  Club,  having  learned  something  about  the  $200,  made 
the  exhibition  out  of  which  The  Herald  manufactured  the  article 
quoted  by  The  Press  of  your  town. 

My  judgment  is,  and  therefore  my  request  is,  that  you  give  no 
denial,  and  no  explanations. 

Thanking  you  for  your  kind  interest  in  the  matter,  I  remain, 
Yours  truly,  A. 


CSmH-Lamon  Papers;  copy  (incomplete),  DLC-HW.  Cornelius  F. 
McNeill  was  editor  of  the  Middleport  Press  and  an  attorney  at  Middleport, 
Iroquois  County,  Illinois  —  a  town  no  longer  in  existence,  having  become  a  part 
of  Watseka,  Illinois.  2  Henry  W.  Beecher. 

To  John  Pickering1 

John  Pickering,  Esq.  Springfield,  Ills.,  April  6,  1860. 

My  Dear  Sir:  Reaching  home  yesterday  after  an  absence  of  two 
weeks,  I  foiond  your  letter  of  March  24th.  Pamphlet  copies  of  my 
late  speech  at  Cooper  Institute,  N.Y.,  can  be  had  at  the  office  of  the 

[38] 


APRIL      7,       i860 

N.Y.  Tribune;  at  the  Republican  Club  Room  at  Washington,  and 
at  the  office  of  the  Illinois  Journal  at  this  place.  At  which  place 
they  are  cheapest,  I  do  not  certainly  know. 

I  have  no  difficulty  in  knowing  who  you  are,  by  the  fact  that  I 
knew  your  father  so  very  well.  I  shall  be  glad  to  hear  from  you  at 
any  time.  Yours  truly,  A. 


l  Printed  in  Walter  Colyer,  "Times  When  Lincoln  Remembered  Albion," 
Journal  of  the  Illinois  State  Historical  Society  -9  IX  (January,  1917),  494-95. 
John  Pickering  was  the  son  of  William  Pickering,  Whig  state  representative 
from  Edwards  County  (±842-1852). 

To  John  M.  Carson1 

John  M.  Carson,  Esq., 

Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Lectures  Springfield, 

Of  the  Harrison  Literary  Institute.  April  7,  1860 

Dear  Sir:  Yours  of  March  14  addressed  to  me  at  Chicago  seek- 
ing to  arrange  with  me  to  lecture  for  the  Harrison  Literary  Insti- 
tute has  been  received.  I  regret  that  I  cannot  make  such  an  ar- 
rangement. I  am  not  a  professional  lecturer.  Have  never  got  up  but 
one  lecture,  and  that  I  think  rather  a  poor  one.  Besides,  what  time 
I  can  spare  from  my  own  business  this  season  I  shall  be  compelled 
to  give  to  politics.  Respectfully  yours,  A.  LnNrcoosr. 

1  Tracy,  p.  141.  The  Harrison  Literary  Institute  was  at  Philadelphia.  See 
also  the  almost  identical  letter  to  F.  C.  Herbruger,  infra.  The  fact  that  there  is 
no  letter  of  invitation  from  Carson  in  the  Lincoln  Papers  is  strange,  especially 
since  Herbruger's  letter  is  preserved.  The  original  letter  to  Carson  has  not 
been  located,  and  in  view  of  the  almost  identical  text  in  Tracy,  the  editors  have 
wondered  whether  the  letter  to  Carson  actually  exists.  A  letter  from  Carson, 
July  19,  1860  (DLC-RTL),  in  which  he  introduces  himself,  as  if  for  the  first 
time,  and  offers  to  deliver  150  or  200*  votes  which  he  claims  to  control,  in  con- 
sideration of  his  appointment  to  a  job  in  the  postoffice  or  customs,  is  so  written 
as  to  suggest  that  he  had  never  before  written  to  or  received  a  letter  from 
Lincoln. 

To  Harvey  G.  Eastman1 

H.  G.  Eastman,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

Dear  Sir  April  7.  1860 

Yours  of  March  i8th.  addressed  to  me  at  Chicago,  and  request- 
ing my  photograph  is  received.  I  have  not  a  single  one  now  at  my 
control;  but  I  think  you  can  easily  get  one  at  New-  York.  While  I 
was  there  I  was  taken  to  one  of  the  places  where  they  get  up  such 
things,  and  I  suppose  they  got  my  shaddow,  and  can  multiply 
copies  indefinitely.2  Any  of  the  Republican  Club  men  there  can 
show  you  the  place.  Yours  truly  A.  LiisrcoxjNr 

[39] 


APRIL    7,    i860 

1  ALS    owned  by  Miss  Mary  Bowditch  Forbes,  Milton,  Massachusetts.  Har- 
vey G.  Eastman  was  an  abolitionist  operating  a  business  college  at  Poughkeep- 
sie,  New  York. 

2  The  photographs  made  by  Mathew  Brady,  February  27,  1860. 


To  F.  C.  Herbruger1 

F.  C.  Herbruger,  Secy  &c  Springfield,  Ills. 

Dear  Sir  April  7.   1860 

Yours  of  March  14th.  addressed  to  me  at  Chicago,  and  seeking 
to  arrange  with  me  to  Lecture  for  the  Harrison  Literary  Institute, 
has  been  received.  I  regret  to  say  I  can  not  make  such  arrange- 
ment. I  am  not  a  professional  lecturer — have  never  got  up  but  one 
lecture;  and  that,  I  think,  rather  a  poor  one.  Besides,  what  time  I 
can  spare  from  my  own  business  this  season,  I  shall  be  compelled 
to  give  to  politics.  Respectfully  Yours  A.  LIISTCOLIST 

1  ALS,  ORB.  Herbruger's  letter  is  on  the  letterhead  of  the  "Hall  of  Harrison 
Literary  Institute,"  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania,  and  he  signs  himself  as  "Sec- 
retary of  Committee  on  Lectures"  (DLC-RTL).  See  also  the  almost  identical 
letter  to  Carson,  supra. 


To  Lyman  Trumbull1 

Hon:  L.  Trumbull  Springfield,  Ills.  April  7—  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  Reaching  home  from  Chicago,  where  I  have  been 
engaged  two  weeks  in  the  trial  of  a  lawsuit,  I  found  your  letter  of 
March  26th. 

Of  course  you  can  do  no  better  for  Delahay  than  you  promise.2 
I  am  trying  to  keep  out  of  the  contest  among  our  friends  for  the 
Gubernatorial  nomination;8  but  from  what  I  hear,  the  result  is  in 
considerable  doubt. 

We  have  just  had  a  clear  party  victory  in  our  city  election;  and 
our  friends  are  more  encouraged,  and  our  enemies  more  cowed  by 
it,  than  by  anything  since  the  organization  of  the  Republican 
party.  Last  year  we  carried  the  city;  but  we  did  it,  not  by  our  own 
strength;  but  by  an  open  feud  among  our  enemies.  This  year  their 
feud  was  healed;  and  we  beat  them  fairly  by  main  strength. 

I  can  scarcely  give  an  opinion  as  to  what  effect  a  nomination  of 
Judge  McLean,  by  the  Union  convention,  would  have.4  I  do  not 
believe  he  would  accept  it;  and  if  he  did,  that  fact  alone,  I  think, 
would  shut  him  out  of  the  Chicago  convention.  If  he  were  ten 
years  younger  he  would  be  our  best  candidate.  Yours  as  ever 

A. 

[40] 


APRIL      10,      i860 

1  ALS,  CSmH.  2  Vide  supra,  Lincoln  to  Trumbull,  March  16,  n.a. 

3  Richard  Yates  received  the  Republican  nomination  and  was  elected. 

4  Trumbull  had  written  March  26  that  he  had  heard  the  Union  Convention 
would  nominate  Judge  John  McLean  (DLC-RTL). 

Speech  at  Bloomington,  Illinois1 

April  10,  1860 

On  Tuesday  evening  last,  Hon.  Abram  Lincoln  delivered  a 
speech  at  Phoenix  Hall  in  this  city,  of  which  we  took  tolerably 
full  note,  and  of  -which  we  should  be  pleased  to  give  a  fuller  no- 
tice than  the  crowded  state  of  our  columns  today  will  permit.  "We 
shall,  however,  endeavor  to  state  his  points  distinctly,  and  in  such 
a  manner  as  to  do  him  no  injustice. 

After  a  few  apologetic  remarks,  the  speaker  proceeded  to  com- 
ment upon  polygamy  in  Utah,  and  the  recent  action  in  the  United 
States  house  of  representatives  on  that  subject.2  He  said  his  main 
object  in  doing  so  was  to  call  attention  to  the  views  and  action  of 
gentlemen  who  held  to  the  doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty,  as  re- 
lated to  the  suppression  of  polygamy.  These  gentlemen,  he  said, 
were  less  than  half  the  democratic  members  of  the  house — south- 
ern democrats  voting  for  the  anti-polygamy  bill,  because  it  favored 
the  doctrine  that  congress  could  control  the  subject  of  slavery  in 
the  territories.  But  the  Illinois  democrats,  although  as  much  op- 
posed to  polygamy  as  any  body  else,  dare  not  vote  for  the  bill,  be- 
cause it  was  opposed  to  Mr.  Douglas. 

Mr.  McClernand,  of  Illinois,  had  proposed  to  suppress  the  evil 
of  polygamy  by  dividing  up  the  territory,  and  attaching  the  differ- 
ent portions  to  other  territories.  He  admitted  that  he  had  not  seen 
Col.  McClernand's  speech  on  the  subject;  but  proceeded  to  com- 
ment upon  his  action,  nevertheless.  McClernand's  proposition  was 
in  harmony  with  the  views  formerly  suggested  by  Mr.  Douglas  in 
a  speech  at  Springfield;  and  he  gave  him  credit  for  consistency,  at 
least.  But,  inquired  the  speaker,  how  much  better  was  it  to  divide 
up  the  territory  and  attach  its  parts  to  others?  It  was  effecting  in- 
directly that  which  Mr.  McClernand  denied  could  be  done  di- 
rectly. This  inconsistency,  Mr.  Lincoln  illustrated  by  a  classic  ex- 
ample of  a  similar  inconsistency:  "If  I  cannot  rightfully  murder  a 
man,  I  may  tie  him  to  the  tail  of  a  kicking  horse,  and  let  him  kick 
the  man  to  death!" 

But  why  divide  up  the  territory  at  all?  continued  he.  Something 
must  be  -wrong  there,  or  it  would  not  be  necessary  to  act  at  all.  And 
if  one  mode  of  interference  is  wrong,  why  not  the  other?  Why  is 
not  an  act  dividing  the  territory  as  much  against  popular  sover- 

[41] 


APRIL      10,      i860 

eignty  as  one  for  prohibiting  polygamy?  If  you  can  put  down 
polygamy  in  that  way,  why  may  you  not  thus  put  down  slavery? 

Mr.  Lincoln  said  he  supposed  that  the  friends  of  popular  sover- 
eignty would  say — if  they  dared  speak  out — that  polygamy  was 
wrong  and  slavery  right;  and  therefore  one  might  thus  be  put 
down  and  the  other  not;  and  after  supposing  several  other  things 
of  northern  democrats,  he  proceeded  to  notice,  what  he  called,  Mr. 
Douglas's  sedition  law.3 

On  the  subject  of  the  proposed  law,  he  began  by  reading  Mr. 
Douglas's  resolution  as  offered  to  the  senate.  Everything  prohibited 
in  the  resolution,  said  he,  is  wrong,  and  ought  to  be  prohibited  and 
punished.  There  was  now  no  such  law  against  them,  simply,  as  he 
supposed,  because  nobody  had  thought  the  crimes  enumerated  in 
the  resolution  would  ever  be  committed.  And,  moreover,  he  de- 
clared, not  one  of  them  ever  had  been  committed!  He  defied  any 
one  to  point  to  a  single  instance  where  the  authorities  or  the 
people  of  one  state  had  invaded  another:  or  where  there  had  been 
a  conspiracy  or  combination  to  interfere  with  the  institutions  or 
property  of  the  people  in  one  state  by  citizens  of  another!  John 
Brown,  to  be  sure,  had  made  a  raid  into  Virginia;  but  Virginia  had 
been  competent  to  deal  with  him  and  his  confederates  without  a 
congressional  law;  and  hence  no  such  law  was  necessary.  Insur- 
rections had  always  been  put  down;  hence  no  law  was  necessary 
against  them.  What,  then,  inquired  the  speaker,  was  the  real  ob- 
ject of  Mr.  Douglas's  proposition?  He  then  quoted  from  that  gen- 
tleman's speech  on  the  subject,  in  which  he  says  that  Brown's  raid 
into  Virginia,  and  similar  outrages,  were  the  legitimate  and  logical 
result  of  the  abolition  teachings  of  the  day.  Then,  said  Mr.  Lin- 
coln, I  conceive  the  real  object  of  the  proposed  bill  was  to  put 
down  republicanism;  to  prevent  republican  meetings,  and  to  shut 
men's  mouths!  If,  however,  he  added,  the  only  object  is  to  punish 
negro-dealers,  he  had  no  objection.  But  he  denied  that  any  body 
had  ever  conspired  to  steal  negroes. 

The  speaker  then  went  on  to  comment  on  the  proposed  law,  as 
if  it  was  only  meant  to  suppress  free  speech;  addressed  his  re- 
marks chiefly  to  Mr.  Douglas,  and  throughout  the  speech  seemed 
to  consider  him  as  the  only  man  in  the  democratic  party  who  was 
worthy  of  attention.  A  few  words  on  the  question  why,  if  states 
and  territories  may  introduce  slavery,  McLean  county,  or  any  in- 
dividual may  not,  according  to  popular  sovereignty,  do  the  same, 
concluded  the  speech. 

1  Illinois  State  Register.,  April  17,  1860,  copied  from  Bloomington  Statesman 
(undated) . 

[42] 


APRIL      14,      i860 

2H.R.  7,  introduced  by  Representative  Justin  S.  Morrill  of  Vermont,  to 
punish  the  practice  of  polygamy,  etc  ,  passed  the  House  April  5,  but  died  in 
the  Senate. 

3  Douglas'  resolution  introduced  in  the  Senate  January  16,  calling  on  the 
Committee  on  the  Judiciary  to  introduce  a  bill  to  protect  a  state  or  territory 
against  invasion,  etc.,  was  tabled  February  i. 


To  James  F.  Babcock1 

Jas.  F.  Babcock,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  April  14.  1860 

Reaching  home,  after  a  short  absence,  I  find  your  obliging  letter 
of  the  8th.  I  was  very  anxious  for  the  result  in  Connecticut,  and 
am  much  gratified  that  it  is  all  safe. 

As  to  the  Presidential  nomination,  claiming  no  greater  exemp- 
tion from  selfishness  than  is  common,  I  still  feel  that  my  whole  as- 
piration should  be,  and  therefore  must  be,  to  be  placed  anywhere, 
or  nowhere,  as  may  appear  most  likely  to  advance  our  cause. 

As  to  the  names  of  confidential  friends  here,  with  whom  you 
might  correspond,  I  give  you  David  Davis,  Bloomington,  His. 

Julius  White,2  Chicago, 
Dr.  I.  A.  W.  Buck,  Aurora,  " 
A.  Sympson,  Carthage  " 

I  will  add  that  Hon  J.  W.  Grimes  &  Hon.  S.  R.  Curtis,  Senator 
&  Representative  from  Iowa,  are  very  friendly  to  me,  though  I 
do  not  know  that  they  favor  my  nomination.  The  f ollowing  named 
gentlemen  are  probably  for  me — and  would  like  to  correspond 
with  you. 

Hon:  Saml.  Galloway,  Columbus,  O. 
"     Robt.  C.  Schenck,  Dayton,  O 
cc     j   -yv  Gorden,3  Indianapolis,  la. 
W.  T.  Page,  Esq.  Evansville,  la. 
Hawkins  Taylor,  Esq.  Keokuk,  Iowa 

Please  do  not  understand  that  I  wish  to  task  you  with  the  open- 
ing of  a  correspondence  with  all  these  gentlemen;  I  mean  no  more 
than  to  furnish  you  the  names,  and  leave  the  rest  to  your  own 
pleasure. 

Please  make  my  respects  to  your  family,  and  believe  me  Yours 
very  truly  A.  LmcoLisr — 

1  ALS,  IHi.  Babcock's  letter  of  April  8  asked  for  names  of  prominent  Re- 
publicans "who  are  your  confidential  friends,  to  whom  I  can  write.  .  .  ."  (DLC- 
RTL). 

2  Not  previously"  identified,  Julius  White  was  an  insurance  agent  at  Chicago, 
and  Ira  A,  W.  Buck  was  in  the  real  estate  and  insurance  business  at  Aurora, 
[llinois. 

[43] 


APRIL      ±4,       i860 

3  Not  previously  identified,  Jonathan  W.  Gordon,  whose  name  Lincoln  mis- 
spelled, was  a  lawyer  and  a  doctor  at  Indianapolis,  and  William  T.  Page  was 
cashier  of  the  Canal  Bank  at  Evansville,  Indiana. 

To  Mark  W.  Delahay1 

M.  W.  Delahay,  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  April  14,  1860 

Reaching  home  last  night  I  find  your  letter  of  the  /th.  You 
know  I  was  in  New-England.  Some  of  the  acquaintances  I  made 
while  there,  write  me  since  the  elections  that  the  close  vote  in 
Conn.  &  the  quasi  defeat  in  R.I.  are  a  drawback  upon  the  prospects 
of  Gov.  Seward;  and  Trumbull  writes  Dubois  to  the  same  effect. 
Do  not  mention  this  as  coming  from  me.  Both  those  states  are  safe 
enough  for  us  in  the  fall.  I  see  by  the  despaches  that  since  you 
wrote,  Kansas  has  appointed  Delegates  and  instructed  them  for 
Seward.  Dont  stir  them  up  to  anger,  but  come  along  to  the  con- 
vention, &  I  will  do  as  I  said  about  expenses.2  Yours  as  ever 

A. 


1  ALS,  DLC-HW.  Delahay  wrote  on  April  9  that  the  Kansas  delegates  were 
not  instructed,  but  that  a  resolution  was  passed  declaring  Seward  first  choice 
(DLC-RTL). 

2  See  Lincoln  to  Delahay,  March  16,  supra.  Delahay  was  not  appointed  dele- 
gate, but  Lincoln  took  the  hint  that  he  should  have  "some  discreet  friends'*  at 
the  convention  early. 

To  Solomon  Sturges1 

Mr.  Solomon  Sturges  Springfield, 

Dear  Sir:  April  14,  1860 

Yours  of  the  gth.  is  received;  and,  allow  me  to  say,  I  should  not 
disagree  with  you  in  many  of  the  opinions  therein  expressed. 

"Whether  I  shall  be  able  to  attend  the  Chicago  convention,  I  have 
not  yet  determined;  and  so,  of  course,  I  can  not  yet  say  whether  I 
can  accept  your  very  kindly  proffered  hospitality.  Yours  very  truly 

A,   LINCOLN 

1  AL.S,  owned  by  Burton  Sturges,  Chicago,  Illinois.  Solomon  Sturges,  a  Chi- 
cago banker,  wrote  his  views  on  slavery  and  offered  Lincoln  a  room  in  his  home 
during  the  convention, 

To  WTaom  It  May  Concern1 

Whom  it  may  concern.  Springfield,  April  14,  1860 

The  bearer  of  this,  Dr.  Theodore  Canissius,  is  the  editor  and 
proprietor  of  the  Republican  newspaper,  published  in  German 

[44] 


APRIL     29,      i860 

here;  and  is  a  true  and  worthy  man.  Any  kindness  and  attention 
shown  him  will  be  appreciated  by  me.  A.  LINCOLN 

i  ALS,  owned  by  M.  L.  Wilson,  Chevy  Chase,  Maryland. 

To  Hawkins  Taylor1 

Hawkins  Taylor,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  April  2 1 ,  1 860 

Yours  of  the  igth.  is  just  received.  It  surprises  me  that  you 
have  written  twice,  without  receiving  an  answer.  I  have  answered 
all  I  ever  received  from  you;  and  certainly  one  since  my  return 
from  the  East. 

Opinions  here,  as  to  the  prospect  of  Douglas  being  nominated, 
are  quite  conflicting — some  very  confident  he  will.,  and  others  that 
he  will  not  be.  I  think  his  nomination  possible;  but  that  the 
chances  are  against  him. 

I  am  glad  there  is  a  prospect  of  your  party  passing  this  way  to 
Chicago.  Wishing  to  make  your  visit  here  as  pleasant  as  we  can, 
we  wish  you  to  notify  us  as  soon  as  possible,  whether  you  come 
this  way,  how  many,  and  when  you  will  arrive.  Yours  very  truly 

A.  LINCOLN 

!ALS,  laHA.  Taylor's  letters  dated  February  15  and  25  and  that  of  April 
15  are  in  the  Lincoln  Papers,  but  there  is  no  record  of  Lincoln's  replying  prior 
to  April  21.  Taylor's  answer  of  April  25  states  that  since  the  railroads  will  not 
give  half  fare  Keokuk  will  not  send  a  full  delegation,  but  that  he  himself  will 
attend  (DLG-RTL). 

To  Lyman  Trambull1 

Hon:  L.  Trumbull:  Springfield, 

My  dear  Sir:  April  29.  1860 

Yours  of  the  24th.  was  duly  received;  and  I  have  postponed  an- 
swering it,  hoping  by  the  result  at  Charleston,  to  know  who  is  to 
lead  our  adversaries,  before  writing.  But  Charleston  hangs  fire,  and 
I  wait  no  longer. 

As  you  request,  I  will  be  entirely  frank.  The  taste  is  in  my 
mouth  a  little;  and  this,  no  doubt,  disqualifies  me,  to  some  extent, 
to  form  correct  opinions.  You  may  confidently  rely,  however,  that 
by  no  advice  or  consent  of  mine,  shall  my  pretentions  be  pressed 
to  the  point  of  endangering  our  common  cause. 

Now,  as  to  my  opinions  about  the  chances  of  others  in  Illinois. 
I  think  neither  Seward  nor  Bates  can  carry  Illinois  if  Douglas 
shall  be  on  the  track;  and  that  either  of  them  can,  if  he  shall  not 
be.  I  rather  think  McLean  could  carry  it  with  D.  on  or  off — in 

[45] 


MAY      1,       i860 

other  words,  I  think  McLean  is  stronger  in  Illinois,  taking  all  sec- 
tions of  it,  than  either  S.  or  B;  and  I  think  S.  the  weakest  of  the 
three.  I  hear  no  objection  to  McLean,  except  his  age;  but  that  ob- 
jection seems  to  occur  to  every  one  9  and  it  is  possible  it  might  leave 
him  no  stronger  than  the  others.  By  the  way,  if  we  should  nomi- 
nate him,  how  would  we  save  to  ourselves  the  chance  of  filling  his 
vacancy  in  the  Court?  Have  him  hold  on  up  to  the  moment  of  his 
inaugeration?  Would  that  course  be  no  draw-back  upon  us  in  the 
canvass? 

Recurring  to  Illinois,  we  want  something  here  quite  as  much  as, 
and  which  is  harder  to  get  than,  the  electoral  vote — the  Legisla- 
ture. And  it  is  exactly  in  this  point  that  Seward's  nomination 
would  be  hard  upon  us.  Suppose  he  should  gain  us  a  thousand 
votes  in  Winnebago,  it  would  not  compensate  for  the  loss  of  fifty 
in  Edgar. 

A  word  now  for  your  own  special  benefit.  You  better  write  no 
letters  which  can  possibly  be  distorted  into  opposition,  or  quasi  op- 
position to  me.  There  are  men  on  the  constant  watch  for  such 
things  out  of  which  to  prejudice  my  peculiar  friends  against  you. 
While  I  have  no  more  suspicion  of  you  than  I  have  of  my  best 
friend  living,  I  am  kept  in  a  constant  struggle  against  suggestions 
of  this  sort.  I  have  hesitated  some  to  write  this  paragraph,  lest  you 
should  suspect  I  do  it  for  my  own  benefit,  and  not  for  yours;  but 
on  reflection  I  conclude  you  will  not  suspect  me. 

Let  no  eye  but  your  own  see  this — not  that  there  is  anything 
wrong,  or  even  ungenerous,  in  it;  but  it  would  be  misconstrued. 
Your  friend  as  ever  A. 

i  ALS,  CSmH. 


To  Cyrus  M.  Allen1 

Hon:  C.  M.  Allen:  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  May  i.  1860. 

Your  very  kind  letter  of  the  a  7th.  was  received  yesterday.  This 
writing  being  early  in  the  morning,  Douglas  is  not  yet  nominated; 
but  we  suppose  he  certainly  will  be  before  sun-set  to-day,  a  few 
of  the  smaller  Southern  states  having  seceded  from  the  convention 
— just  enough  to  permit  his  nomination,  and  not  enough  to  hurt 
him  much  at  the  election.  This  puts  the  case  in  the  hardest  shape 
for  us.  But  fight  we  must;  and  conquer  we  shall;  in  the  end. 

Our  friend  Dubois,  and  Judge  David  Davis,  of  Bloomington,  one 
or  both,  will  meet  you  at  Chicago  on  the  12th. 

[46] 


MAY     25     i860 

If  you  let  Usher  &  Griswold2  of  Terre-Haute  know,  I  think  they 
will  co-operate  with  you.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS-F,  ISLA.  Cyrus  M.  Allen  was  a  lawyer  at  Vincennes,  Indiana. 

2  John  P.  Usher,  lawyer,  who  became  Secretary  of  the  Interior  in  1862;  and 
William  D.  Griswold,  lawyer,  and  later  president  of  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi 
Railroad. 


To  Lyman  Trumbull1 

PRIVATE 

Hon:  L.  Trumbull  Springfield,  May  i.  1860 

Dear  Sir:  In  my  last  letter  to  you  I  believe  I  said  I  thought  Mr. 
Seward  would  be  weaker  in  Illinois  than  Mr.  Bates.  I  write  this 
to  qualify  that  opinion  so  far  as  to  say  I  think  S.  weaker  than  B. 
in  our  close  Legislative  districts;  but  probably  not  weaker  taking 
the  whole  State  over. 

We  now  understand  that  Douglas  will  be  nominated  to-day  by 
what  is  left  of  the  Charleston  convention.  All  parties  here  dislike 
it.  Republicans  and  Danites,  that  he  should  be  nominated  at  all; 
and  Doug.  Dem's  that  he  should  not  be  nominated  by  an  undi- 
vided convention.  Yours  as  ever  A.  LINCOLN 

*  ALS,  CSmH. 

To  Richard  M.  Corwine1 

PRIVATE 

Hon:  R.  M.  Corwine  Springfield,  Ills.  May  2.  1860. 

Dear  Sir:  Yours  of  the  3Oth.  ult.  is  just  received.  After  what  you 
have  said,  it  is  perhaps  proper  I  should  post  you,  so  far  as  I  am 
able,  as  to  the  "lay  of  the  land."  First  then,  I  think  the  Illinois 
delegation  will  be  unanamous  for  me  at  the  start;  and  no  other 
delegation  will.  A  few  individuals  in  other  delegations  would  like 
to  go  for  me  at  the  start,  but  may  be  restrained  by  their  colleagues. 
It  is  represented  to  me,  by  men  who  ought  to  know,  that  the  whole 
of  Indiana  might  not  be  difficult  to  get.  You  know  how  it  is  in 
Ohio.  I  am  certainly  not  the  first  choice  there;  and  yet  I  have  not 
heard  that  any  one  makes  any  positive  objection  to  me.  It  is  just 
so  everywhere  so  far  as  I  can  perceive.  Everywhere,  except  in  Illi- 
nois, and  possibly  Indiana,  one  or  another  is  prefered  to  me,  but 
there  is  no  positive  objection.  This  is  the  ground  as  it  now  appears. 
I  believe  you  personally  know  C.  M.  Allen,  of  Vincennes,  la.2  He 
is  a  delegate,  and  has  notified  me  that  the  entire  la.  delegation  will 

[47] 


MAY      29      i860 

be  in  Chicago  the  same  day  you  name  —  Saturday  the  12th.  My 
friends  Jesse  K.  Dubois,  our  Auditor,  &  Judge  David  Davis,  will 
probably  be  there  ready  to  confer  with  friends  from  other  States. 
Let  me  hear  from  you  again  when  anything  occurs.  Yours  very 

A. 


1  ALS,  owned  by  Mrs.  Lewis  S.  Thompson,  Red  Bank,  New  Jersey.  A  copy 
of  Corwine's  letter  of  April  30  in  Lincoln's  handwriting  is   preserved  in  the 
Lincoln  Papers,  perhaps  because  Lincoln  turned  the  original  over  to  his  cam- 
paign managers.  Gorwine  states  his  positive  preference  for  Lincoln  and  his  be- 
lief that  ".  .  .  we  can  not  elect  extreme  men.  Moderation  in  their  past  life  & 
their  present  views,  must  mark  them,  or  we  can  not  elect.   .   .   ."    (DLG-RTL)  . 

2  Abbreviation  for  Indiana. 

To  James  G.  Wilson1 

Mr.  James  G.  Wilson.  Springfield,  May  2,  1860. 

My  Dear  Friend:  I  am  greatly  obliged  for  the  volume  of  your 
friend  Fitz  Greene  Halleck's  poems.  Many  a  month  has  passed 
since  I  have  met  with  anything  more  admirable  than  his  beautiful 
lines  on  Burns.  With  Alnwick  Castle,  Marco  Bozzaris,  and  Red 
Jacket,  I  am  also  much  pleased. 

It  is  wonderful  that  you  should  have  seen  and  known  a  sister  of 
Robert  Burns.  You  must  tell  me  something  about  her  when  we 
meet  again.  Yours  very  truly,  A. 


1  Tracy,  p.  147.  James  G.  Wilson  was  editor  of  the  Chicago  Record,  a  monthly 
devoted  to  religion,  literature,  and  fine  arts. 

Remarks  to  Republican  State  Convention, 
Decatur,  Illinois1 

May  9,  1860 

He  stated  that,  some  thirty  years  ago,  then  just  emigrating  to 
the  State,  he  stopped  with  his  mother's  family,  for  one  season,  in 
what  is  now  Macon  County;  that  he  built  a  cabin,  split  rails,  and 
cultivated  a  small  farm  down  on  the  Sangamon  River,  some  six  or 
eight  miles  from  Decatur.  These,  he  was  informed,  were  taken 
from  that  fence;  but,  whether  they  were  or  not,  he  had  mauled 
many  and  many  better  ones  since  he  had  grown  to  manhood.  The 
cheers  were  renewed  with  the  same  vigor  when  he  concluded  his 
remarks. 

1  New  York  Tribune,  May  22,  1860  Lincoln's  brief  remarks  were  made  in 
response  to  a  spontaneous  call  which  arose  from  the  floor  of  the  convention 
when  John  Hanks  carried  two  rails  into  the  convention  hall,  bearing  the  fol- 
lowing inscription:  "ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  The  Rail  Candidate  FOR  PRESI- 

[48] 


MAY       12,      i860 

IINT  1860.  Two  rails  from  a  lot  of  3,000  made  in  ±830  by  Thos.  Hanks  and 
Abe  Lincoln — whose  father  was  the  first  pioneer  of  Macon  County."    {I 
The  Tribune  report  of  the  inscription  is  in  error  concerning  Hanks'  name. 


To  Mark  W.  Delahay1 

Hon:  M.  W.  Delahay  Springfield, 

My  dear  Sir  May  12.  1860 

Yours  informing  me  of  your  arrival  in  Chicago  was  duly  re- 
ceived. Dubois,  our  A[uditor,  goes]  to  Chicago  to-day;  and  he 
will  hand  you  $  [?  .  The]  remainder  will  come  before  you  leave 
the  s[tate.]2 

Look  to  Minnesota  and  Iowa  rather,  esp  [ecially  Iowa.  Be]  care- 
ful to  give  no  offence,  and  keep  cool  under  all  circumstances 
Yours  in  haste  A.  LINCOLN. 

1 ALS,  RPB.   The  original  is  mutilated.  Words  restored  in  brackets  follow 
Angle,  p.  243.  2  See  Lincoln  to  Delahay,  March  16  and  April  14,  supra. 


To  Edward  Wallace1 

Dr.  Edward  Wallace:  Springfield,  Ills.  May  12.  1860 

My  dear  Sir  Your  brother,  Dr.  W.  S.  Wallace,  shows  me  a 
letter  of  yours,  in  which  you  request  him  to  inquire  if  you  may 
use  a  letter  of  mine  to  you,  in  which  something  is  said  upon  the 
Tariff  question.2  I  do  not  precisely  remember  what  I  did  say  in 
that  letter;  but  I  presume  I  said  nothing  substantially  different 
from  what  I  shall  say  now. 

In  the  days  of  Henry  Clay  I  was  a  Henry  Clay-tariff -man;  and 
my  views  have  undergone  no  material  change  upon  that  subject.  I 
now  think  the  Tariff  question  ought  not  to  be  agitated  in  the  Chi- 
cago convention;  but  that  all  should  be  satisfied  on  that  point,  with 
a  presidential  candidate,  whose  antecedents  give  assurance  that  he 
would  neither  seek  to  force  a  tariff -law  by  Executive  influence; 
nor  yet  to  arrest  a  reasonable  one,  by  a  veto,  or  otherwise.  Just 
such  a  candidate  I  desire  shall  be  put  in  nomination.  I  really  have 
no  objection  to  these  views  being  publicly  known;  but  I  do  wish  to 
thrust  no  letter  before  the  public  now,  upon  any  subject.  Save  me 
from  the  appearance  of  obtrusion;  and  I  do  not  care  who  sees  this, 
or  my  former  letter.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  ALS  copy,  DLC-RTL.  Lincoln  preserved  a  copy  in  an  envelope  addressed 
to  Dr.  "Wallace  at  Chicago,  where  Wallace  "was  attending  the  convention. 

2  Vide  supra,  October  11,  1859. 

[49] 


To  Carl  Schurz1 

Hon:  Carl  Schurz.  Springfield,  Ills. 


My  dear  Sir  Ma^  44-  1860 

AUow  me  to  introduce  my  friend,  Jesse  K.  Dubois,  our  Illinois 
State  Auditor.  Yours  truly  A-  LINCOLN 

1ALS,  DLC-Schurz  Papers  Carl  Schurz  was  at  the  time  chairman  of  the 
Wisconsin  delegation  at  the  Republican  National  Convention,  pledged  to  vote 
for  the  nomination  of  William  H.  Seward. 


Endorsement  on  the  Margin  of 
the  Missouri  Democrat* 

[May  17,  1860] 

I  agree  with  Seward  in  his  "Irrepressible  Conflict,"  "but  I  do  not 
endorse  his  "Higher  Law"  doctrine.  Make  no  contracts  that  will 
bind  me. 

1  Herndon,  III,  462.  According  to  Herndon,  "The  day  before  the  nomination 
the  editor  [Edward  L.  Baker]  of  the  Springfield  Journal  arrived  in  Chicago 
with  a  copy  of  the  Missouri  Democraty  in  which  Lincoln  had  marked  three 
passages  referring  to  Seward's  position  on  the  slavery  question.  On  the  margin 
of  the  paper  he  had  written  in  pencil  .  .  .  .  "  the  communication  as  above. 


Response  to  a  Serenade1 

May  18,  1860 

Mr.  Lincoln  said  that  he  did  not  suppose  the  honor  o£  such  a 
visit  was  intended  particularly  for  himself,  as  a  private  citizen, 
but  rather  to  the  representative  of  a  great  party;  and  in  reference 
to  his  position  on  the  political  questions  of  the  day,  he  referred  his 
numerous  and  enthusiastic  hearers  to  his  previous  public  letters 
and  speeches.  His  speech  was  a  perfect  model  in  its  way,  and  the 
loud  applause  with  which  it  was  greeted  shows  that  it  struck  the 
right  place  in  the  minds  of  his  hearers.  Just  previous  to  the  con- 
clusion of  his  speech,  Mr.  Lincoln  said  he  would  invite  the  whole 
crowd  into  his  house  if  it  was  large  enough  to  hold  them,  (A  voice, 
"We  will  give  you  a  larger  house  on  the  fourth  of  next  March") 
but  as  it  could  not  contain  more  than  a  fraction  of  those  who  were 
in  front  of  it,  he  would  merely  invite  as  many  as  could  find  room.2 

*  Illinois  State  Journal,  May  19,  1860.  The  serenade  concluded  an  enthusi- 
astic Republican  parade  to  the  Lincoln  home,  following  adjournment  of  a  rally 
in  the  State  House  at  nine  o'clock,  P.M. 

2  The  Journal  continues,   "Deafening  cheers  greeted  the  invitation,   and  in 

[50] 


MAY      21,      i860 

less  than  a  minute  Mr.  Lincoln's  house  was  invaded  by  as  many  as  could 
'squeeze  in!'  .  .  .  When  the  crowd  had  partially  dispersed,  a  number  of  ladies 
called  upon  Mr.  Lincoln  and  wished  him  success  in  the  coming  campaign." 

Reply  to  Committee  of  the  Republican 
National  Convention1 

May  19,  1860 

Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen  of  the  committee,  I  tender  [to] 
you,  and  through  you  [to]  the  Republican  National  Convention, 
and  all  the  people  represented  in  it,  my  profoundest  thanks  for 
the  high  honor  done  me,  which  you  now  formally  announce. 

Deeply,  and  even  painfully  sensible  of  the  great  responsibility 
which  is  inseparable  from  that  [this  high]  honor — a  responsibility 
which  I  could  almost  wish  had  fallen  upon  some  one  of  the  far 
more  eminent  men  and  experienced  statesmen  whose  distinguished 
names  were  before  the  Convention,  I  shall,  by  your  leave,  consider 
more  fully  the  resolutions  of  the  Convention,  denominated  the 
platform,  and  without  unseasonable  [unnecessary  or  unreason- 
able] delay,  respond  to  you,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  writing — not  doubt- 
ing now,  that  the  platform  will  be  found  satisfactory,  and  the 
nomination  [gratefully]  accepted. 

And  now,  I  will  not  longer  defer  the  pleasure  of  taking  you,  and 
each  of  you,  by  the  hand. 

1  Illinois  State  Journal,  May  21,  1860;  New  York  Tribune,  May  25,  1860* 
The  Tribune  variations  in  the  text  are  bracketed.  The  committee  consisting  of 
the  president  of  the  convention  George  Ashmun  of  Massachusetts  and  the  chair- 
men of  the  various  state  delegations  arrived  at  the  Lincoln  home  sometime  after 
eight  o'clock,  P.M.  Gathered  in  the  "large  north  parlor,"  they  heard  a  brief 
notification  speech  by  Ashmun  and  Lincoln's  reply.  Afterwards  Ashmun  intro- 
duced the  delegates  personally  to  Lincoln. 

To  Joshua  R.  Giddings1 

COPT. 

Hon:  J.  R.  Giddings:  Springfield,  Ills.  May  21.  1860 

My  good  friend:  Your  very  kind  and  acceptable  letter  of  the 
igth.  was  duly  handed  me  by  Mr.  Tuck.2  It  is  indeed,  most  grate- 
ful to  my  feelings,  that  the  responsible  position  assigned  me,  conies 
without  conditions,  save  only  such  honorable  ones  as  are  fairly  im- 
plied. I  am  not  wanting  in  the  purpose,  though  I  may  fail  in  the 
strength,  to  maintain  my  freedom  from  bad  influences.  Your  letter 
comes  to  my  aid  in  this  point,  most  opportunely.  May  the  Al- 
mighty grant  that  the  cause  of  truth,  justice,  and  humanity,  shall 
in  no  wise  suffer  at  my  hands. 

[si]      445072 


MAY      23,       i860 

Mrs  L  joins  me  in  sincere  wishes  for  your  health,  happiness, 
and  long  life.  A  LINCOLN. 

1  ALS  copy,  DLC-RTL.  Although  marked  "copy"  by  Lincoln,  the  document 
appears  because  of  a  few  transpositions  and  emendations  to  be  the  first  draft 
Giddings  wrote  from  Chicago  that  Lincoln  had  been  nominated  because  of  his 
honesty  and  freedom  from  corrupt  men  and  that  he  should  place  himself  under 
obligations  to  no  one. 

2  Amos   Tuck,   former  U.S.    representative    (1847-1853)    from   Exeter,    New 
Hampshire,  who  filled  a  speaking  engagement  at  Springfield  on  May  21. 

To  George  Ashrnun1 

Hon:  George  Ashmun:  Springfield,  Ills.  May  23.  1860 

President  of  the  Republican  National  Convention. 

Sir:  I  accept  the  nomination  tendered  me  by  the  Con- 
vention over  which  you  presided,  and  of  which  I  am  formally  ap- 
prized in  the  letter  of  yourself  and  others,  acting  as  a  committee  of 
the  convention,  for  that  purpose. 

The  declaration  of  principles  and  sentiments,  which  accom- 
panies your  letter,  meets  my  approval;  and  it  shall  be  my  care  not 
to  violate,  or  disregard  it,  in  any  part. 

Imploring  the  assistance  of  Divine  Providence,  and  with  due 
regard  to  the  views  and  feelings  of  all  who  were  represented  in  the 
convention;  to  the  rights  of  all  the  states,  and  territories,  and  peo- 
ple of  the  nation;  to  the  inviolability  of  the  constitution,  and  the 
perpetual  union,  harmony,  and  prosperity  of  all,  I  am  most  happy 
to  co-operate  for  the  practical  success  of  the  principles  declared  by 
the  convention.  Your  obliged  friend,  and  fellow  citizen 

A. 


1  ALS-P,  ISLA;  ADfS,  DLC-R.TL.  The  letter  is  accompanied  by  a  copy  in 
Lincoln's  handwriting  of  the  letter  of  Ashmun  and  others  to  Lincoln,  May  18, 
1860,  which  copy  Ashmun  requested  in  a  letter  dated  May  ai,  for  purposes  of 
publication  (DLC-RTL).  Apparently  Ashmun  had  not  preserved  a  complete 
copy  of  his  letter  written  as  chairman  and  bearing  the  signature  of  the  othor 
members  of  the  convention  committee,  and  therefore  asked  Lincoln  to  furnish 
a  copy  along  with  his  answer.  Lincoln  to  Ashmun.,  May  26,  infra.,  indicates  that 
both  Lincoln's  answering  letter  dated  May  23  and  his  copy  of  Ashmun's  letter 
dated  May  18  were  sent  on  May  26.  Whether  Lincoln  had  mailed  an  earlier 
copy  of  his  letter  of  acceptance  on  May  23,  the  day  it  was  writ  ton,  is  not  cer- 
tain, since  no  other  original  ALS  is  known.  One  infers,  however,  that  Lincoln 
had  composed  the  draft  preserved  in  the  Lincoln  Papers  on  May  23,  that  in 
reply  to  Ashmun's  request  of  May  21,  he  copied  it,  together  with  a  copy  of 
Ashmun's  letter  of  notification,  and  mailed  them  on  May  26.  If  so,  the  addi- 
tional letter  of  May  23,  infra,,  presents  a  further  puzzle.  The  original  has  not 
been  located,  and  there  is  some  question  of  its  authenticity,  unless  the  original 
is  forthcoming.  It  appears,  however,  to  have  a  place  and  function  only  if  Lin- 
coln did  not  compose  his  final  reply  until  May  26,  and  then  dated  it  back  to 
May  23  both  in  the  draft  and  the  letter  sent.  The  brevity  and  haste  apparent 
in  the  contents  of  the  short  letter  {infra)  may  indicate  this  conclusion. 

[52] 


To  George  Ashmuzi1 

Hon.  George  Ashmun:  Springfield,  Ills.  May  23  1860 

Sir:   Your  letter  I  have  just  received.  The  principles  as  repre- 

sented has  my  approval.  It  is  my  purpose  upon  my  nomination  to 

issue  a  Statement. 

I  will  be  happy  to  co-operate  for  the  practical  success  of  the 

principles  as  put  forth  by  the  Convention.  Yours  very  truly 

A.  LirrcoiJNr. 
1  Hertz,  II,  773.  For  discussion  of  this  letter  see  the  note  to  letter  supra. 

To  George  Ashmun1 

Private 

Hon:  Geo.  Ashmun  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  May  26.  1860 

Herewith  is  a  copy  of  the  Committe's  letter  to  me,  as  you  re- 
quested; together  "with  my  answer.  The  answer,  I  hope,  is  suffi- 
ciently brief  to  do  no  harm.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOUNT 

1  ALS-P,  I  SLA.  The  letter  is  written  on  the  bottom  of  the  page  which  bears 
Lincoln's  transcription  of  Ashmun's  letter  of  notification,  May  18,  1860.  For 
discussion  of  the  letter,  see  the  note,  Lincoln  to  Ashmun,  May  23,  supra. 

To  Salmon  R  Chase1 

Hon.  S.  E  Chase.  Springfield,  Ills.  May  26,  1860. 

My  dear  Sir:  It  gave  me  great  pleasure  to  receive  yours,  mis- 
takenly dated,  May  1  7.  Holding  myself  the  humblest  of  all  "whose 
names  were  before  the  convention,  I  feel  in  especial  need  of  the  as- 
sistance of  all;  and  I  am  glad  —  very  glad  —  of  the  indication  that 
you  stand  ready.  It  is  a  great  consolation  that  so  nearly  all  —  all  ex- 
cept Mr.  Bates  &  Mr.  Clay,2  I  believe,  —  of  those  distinguished  and 
able  men,  are  already  in  high  position  to  do  service  in  the  common 
cause.  Your  Obt  Servt  A. 


1  Copy,  DLC-RTL.  Although  Chase's  letter  is  dated  May  17,  the  envelope  is 
postmarked  May  19,  indicating  that  it  was  not  sent  until  the  day  following  the 
nomination  (DLC-RTL). 

2  Cassius  M.  Clay,  the  noted  Kentucky  abolitionist,  had  run  second  to  Senator 
Hannibal  Hamlin  of  Maine  in  the  balloting  for  candidate  for  vice-president. 

To  Cassius  M.  Clay1 

Hon.  C.  M.  Clay.  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  May  26,  1860 

Yours  of  the  2ist.  is  received,  and  for  which  I  sincerely  thank 
you.  The  humblest  of  all  whose  names  were  before  the  convention, 

[53] 


MAY     26,      i860 

I  shall,  in  the  canvass,  and  especially  afterwards,  if  the  result  shall 
devolve  the  administration  upon  me,  need  the  support  of  all  the 
talent,  popularity,  and  courage,  North  and  South,  which  is  in  the 
party;  and  it  is  with  sincere  gratification  that  I  receive  this  early 
indication  of  your  unwavering  purpose  to  stand  for  the  right.  Your 
Obt.  Servt.  A-  LINCOLN 

i  ALS-F,  ISLA. 

To  Schuyler  Colfax1 

Private 

Hon.  Schuyler  Colfax  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  May  26.  1860 

Your  very  kind,  and  acceptable  letter  of  the  i8th.  was  received 
two  or  three  days  since. 

You  distinguish  between  yourself  and  my  original  friends2 — a 
distinction  which,  by  your  leave,  I  propose  to  forget. 

I  have  acted  upon  your  suggestion,  and  also  upon  my  own  im- 
pulse, in  relation  to  our  old  friend  R.  W.  T.8  Yours  very  truly 

A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS-F,  ISLA. 

2  A  supporter  of  Edward  Bates  for  the  presidential  nomination,  Colfax  had 
written,  "I  need  not  say  how  heartily  I  join  with  your  original  friends  in  their 
greetings  to  you"  (DLC-RTL) . 

3  Colfax  had  suggested  that  Lincoln  write  Richard  W.  Thompson,  leader  of 
the  Union  Party  in  Indiana,  candidates  of  which  were  John  Bell  and  Edward 
Everett.  Lincoln's  letter  to  Thompson  is  presumably  not  extant. 

To  S.  Wells  Cone1 

S.  Wells  Cone,  Esq  Springfield, 

Dear  Sir:  May  26.  1860 

Yours  of  the  24th.  with  newspaper  slips,  is  received;  and  in  an- 
swer, I  have  to  say  I  expect  to  be  at  home  constantly  for  some 
weeks.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1ALS,  owned  by  R.  A.  Ramsdell,  Wilmington,  Delaware.  Sylvester  Wells 
Cone  was  associated  with  his  brother  David  D.  Cone  in  publishing  the  Sumner, 
Kansas,  Gazette.  His  letter  of  May  24,  1860,  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers. 

To  C.  F.  Mitchell1 

C.  F.  Mitchell,  Esq.  Springfield,  HI,  May  26,  1860. 

Dear  Sir — Yours  of  the  23  with  your  business  card,  and  news- 
paper extracts,  is  received,  and  for  which  I  have  only  time  to  say 
I  thank  you.  Yours  etc.,  A  LINCOLN 

[54] 


MAY     26,      i860 

1  Hertz,  II,  774.  The  original  letter  has  not  been  found,  and  there  is  no  letter 
from  Mitchell  dated  May  23,  1860,  in  the  Lincoln  Papers.  There  are,  however, 
letters  from  C.  F.  Mitchell  of  Flemingsburg,  Kentucky,  November  15,  1860,  and 
January  27,  1861.  He  describes  himself  as  a  Quaker  and  Republican,  almost 
alone  in  his  region. 

To  Caleb  B.  Smith1 

Hon:  C.  B.  Smith —  Springfield,  Ills.  May  26.  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  Yours  of  the  2ist.  was  duly  received;  but  I  have 
found  no  time  till  now,  to  say  a  word  in  the  way  of  answer.  I  am, 
indeed,  much  indebted  to  Indiana;  and,  as  my  home  friends  tell 
me,  much  to  you  personally.  Your  saying  you  no  longer  consider 
la.2  a  doubtful  state,  is  very  gratifying.  The  thing  starts  well  every- 
where— too  well,  I  almost  fear,  to  last.  But  we  are  in,  and  stick  or 
go  through,  must  be  the  word. 

Let  me  hear  from  Indiana  occasionally.  Your  friend,  as  ever 

A.  LINCOLN. 

i  ALS,  PMA.  2  Indiana. 

To  Leonard  Swett1 

Dear  Swett  Springfield,  May  26,  1860 

I  see  no  objection  to  the  letter  you  have  written  to  Shaffer.  Send 
it  to  him,  but  do  not  let  him  know  I  have  seen  it;  and,  by  a  post- 
script, tell  him  to  come  down  and  see  me.  Yours  as  ever 

A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  owned  by  David  Davis  IV,  Bloomington,  Illinois.  Swett  had  written 
Lincoln  (no  date,  but  probably  May  25)  enclosing  a  letter  from  John  W. 
Shaffer  of  Freeport  and  also  the  letter  he  intended  to  send  in  reply  to  Shaffer, 
concerning  party  jealousies.  Swett  had  promised  certain  Illinois  and  Pennsyl- 
vania delegates  who  were  for  Seward  and  Cameron  that  if  they  went  for  Lin- 
coln they  would  be  treated  fairly.  Swett  thought  these  delegates  later  worked 
for  Lincoln  (DLC-RTL). 

To  Lyman  Trumbull1 

Hon:  L.  Trumbull:  Springfield,  May  26,  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  I  have  received  three  letters  from  you  since  the 
nomination,  for  all  which  I  sincerely  thank  you.  As  you  say,  if  we 
can  not  get  our  state  up  now,  I  do  not  see  when  we  can.  The  nomi- 
nations start  well  here,  and  everywhere  else,  so  far  as  I  have  heard. 
We  may  have  a  back-set  yet.  Give  my  respects  to  the  Republican 
Senators;  and  especially  to  Mr.  Hamlin,  Mr.  Seward,  Gen.  Cam- 
eron, and  Mr.  Wade. 
Also  to  your  good  wife. 

[55] 


MAY      26,       i860 

Write  again;  and  do  not  write  so  short  letters  as  I  do.  Your 
friend,  as  ever'  A-  Lmcou* 

i  ALS,  CSmH. 

To  Elihu  B.  Washburne1 

Hon:  E.  B.  Washburne  Springfield,  Ills.  May  26,  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  I  have  several  letters  from  you  written  since  the 
nomination;  but,  till  now,  have  found  no  moment  to  say  a  word 
by  way  of  answer.  Of  course  I  am  glad  that  the  nomination  is 
well  received  by  our  friends,  and  I  sincerely  thank  you  for  so  in- 
forming me.  So  far  as  I  can  learn,  the  nominations  start  well 
everywhere;  and,  if  they  get  no  back-set,  it  would  seem  as  if  they 
are  going  through. 

I  hope  you  will  write  often;  and  as  you  write  more  rapidly 
than  I  do,  dont  make  your  letters  so  short  as  mine.  Yours  very 
truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  owned  by  Hempstead  Wasliburne,  Chicago,  Illinois. 

To  Samuel  Haycraft1 

Hon.  Saml.  Haycraft  Springfield,  Ills. 

Dear  Sir:  May  28.  1860 

Your  recent  letter,  without  date,  is  received.  Also  the  copy  of 
your  speech  on  the  contemplated  Daniel  Boone  monument,  which 
I  have  not  yet  had  time  to  read.  In  the  main  you  are  right  about 
my  history.  My  father  was  Thomas  Lincoln,  and  Mrs.  Sally 
Johnston,  was  his  second  wife.  You  are  mistaken  about  my  mother 
— her  maiden  name  was  Nancy  Hanks.2  I  was  not  born  at  Eliza- 
bethtown;  but  my  mother's  first  child,  a  daughter,  two  years  older 
than  myself,  and  now  long  since  deceased,  was.  I  was  born  Feb.  12. 
1809,  near  where  Hogginsville  [Hodgenville]  now  is,  then  in 
Hardin  county.  I  do  not  think  I  ever  saw  you,  though  I  very  well 
know  who  you  are — so  well  that  I  recognized  your  hand-writing, 
on  opening  your  letter,  before  I  saw  the  signature.  My  recollec- 
tion is  that  Ben.  Helm  was  first  Clerk,  that  you  succeeded  him, 
that  Jack  Thomas  and  "William  Farleigh3  graduated  in  the  same 
office,  and  that  your  handwritings  were  all  very  similar.  Am  I 
right? 

My  father  has  been  dead  near  ten  years;  but  my  step-mother, 
(Mrs.  Johnson)  is  still  living. 

I  am  really  very  glad  of  your  letter,  and  shall  be  pleased  to  re- 
ceive another  at  any  time.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

[56] 


MAY      31,      i860 

*  ALS-P,  ISLA.  Samuel  Haycraft  was  circuit  clerk  at  Elizabethtown,  Ken- 
tucky. The  letter  to  which  Lincoln  replied  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers,  the  ear- 
liest letter  from  Haycraft  being  the  one  of  August  19,  1860. 

2  It  is  unfortunate  that  Haycraft's  letter  is  not  extant,  for  Lincoln  scholars 
have  long  wondered  about  his  mistake.  His  later  testimony  to  Herndon  about 
Nancy  Hanks'  identity  seems  not  to  have  been  clear.  It  has  been  assumed  that 
Haycraft's  letter  referred  to  Sally  Bush  Johnston  as  Lincoln's  mother,  but  the 
assumption   is   hardly  tenable    since  Haycraft   knew   about  Thomas    Lincoln's 
early  residence  at  Elizabethtown  and  could  scarcely  have  identified  her  as  the 
mother  of  Thomas  Lincoln's  first  child,  whom  he  supposed  to  have  been  Abra- 
ham instead  of  Sarah.  Probably  Haycraft  did  not  know  Nancy  Hanks  at  all, 
and  in  common  with  others  among  his  Kentucky  contemporaries,  who  began 
cudgeling  their  brains  after  Lincoln's  nomination,  confused  her,  as  well  as  her 
mother   with   another  notorious    "Nancy"  whose   reputation   has    survived   the 
years  because  of  its  unsavory  quality.  In  spite  of  diligent  research  and  scholarly 
criticism  of  sources,  the  status  of  research  on  the  lineage  of  Nancy  Hanks  must 
be  summarized  as  inconclusive.   The  best  sources   are  Louis  A.  Warren,  Lin- 
coln's Parentage  &  Childhood   (c  1926)    and  William  E.  Barton,  The   Lineage 
of  Lincoln   (1929)    and  The  Paternity  of  Abraham  Lincoln    (1920).   See   also 
Warren's   excellent  statement  of  the   case  for  Nancy  Hanks  in   The   Lincoln 
Kinsman,  No.  33. 

3  All  three  men  were  lawyers  practicing  in  Hardin  County,  Kentucky. 

To  Leonard  Swett1 

Hon.  L.  Swett:  "  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  May  30.  1860 

Your  letter,  written  to  go  to  N.Y.  is  long,  but  substantially  right, 
I  believe.  You  heard  Weed  converse  with  me,2  and  you  now  have 
Putnams  letter.  It  can  not  have  failed  to  strike  you  that  these  men 
ask  for  just,  the  same  thing  —  fairness.,  and  fairness  only.  This,  so 
far  as  in  my  power,  they,  and  all  others,  shall  have.  If  this  suggests 
any  modification  of,  or  addition  to,  your  letter,  make  it  accord- 
ingly. Burn  this,  not  that  there  is  any  thing  wrong  in  it;  but  be- 
cause it  is  best  not  to  be  known  that  I  write  at  all.  Yours  as  ever 

A. 


1  AL.S,  owned  by  David  Davis  IV,  Bloomington,  Illinois.  Swett  wrote  to  Lin- 
coln May  27,  enclosing  his  reply  to  James  O.  Putnam  (postmaster  at  Buffalo, 
New  York,  under  Fillmore,  and  several  times  member  of  the  New  York  Senate) 
and  commenting,  "I  am  afraid  my  letter  will  be  regarded  as  reflecting  your 
sentiments  &.  .  .  thought  it  but  prudent  to  let  you  peruse  it"  (DLC-RTL)  , 

2  Thurlow  Weed,  publisher  of  the  Albany,  New  York,  Evening  Journal  and 
Seward's  political  manager,  visited  Lincoln  on  May  24. 

To  Schuyler  Colfax1 

Hon.  Schuyler  Colfax.  Springfield,  Ills, 

My  dear  Sir:  May  31.  1860 

Yours  of  the  2  6th.  is  received;  and  so  far  from  regarding  it  as 
presumptuous,  I  should  be  right  glad  to  have  one  from  you  every 

[57] 


MAY      31-,      i860 

maH.  Bear  this  in  mind,  and  act  accordingly.  You  will  readily  un- 
derstand and  appreciate  why  I  write  only  very  short  letters.  Yours 
very  truly  A-  Lincoln 

i  ALS  The  Rosenbacb.  Company,  Philadelphia  and  New  York.  Coif  ax's  let- 
ter of  May  26,  began  "Although  you  may  regard  my  writing  you  again  as 
rather  presumptious,  when  I  do  not  know  whether  my  letters  are  accepta- 
ble. .  .  ."  and  gave  a  summary  of  information  gleaned  from  New  York  poli- 
ticians^ to  the  effect  that  the  opposition's  only  hope  in  that  state  was  for  disaf- 
fection in  Republican  ranks  resulting  from  Seward's  failure  (DLC-RTL) . 

To  Charles  C.  Nott1 

Charles  C.  Nott,  Esq.  Springfield,  Ills,  May  31,  1860. 

My  Dear  Sir:  Yours  of  the  23rd,  accompanied  by  a  copy  of  the 
speech  delivered  by  me  at  the  Cooper  Institute,  and  upon  which 
you  have  made  some  notes  for  emendations,  was  received  some 
days  ago.  Of  course  I  -would  not  object  to,  but  would  be  pleased 
rather,  with  a  more  perfect  edition  of  that  speech. 

I  did  not  preserve  memoranda  of  my  investigations ;  and  I  could 
not  now  re-examine,  and  make  notes,  without  an  expenditure  of 
time  which  I  can  not  bestow  upon  it.  Some  of  your  notes  I  do  not 
understand. 

So  far  as  it  is  intended  merely  to  improve  in  grammar,  and  ele- 
gance of  composition,  I  am  quite  agreed;  but  I  do  not  wish  the 
sense  changed,  or  modified,  to  a  hair's  breadth.  And  you,  not  hav- 
ing studied  the  particular  points  so  closely  as  I  have,  can  not  be 
quite  sure  that  you  do  not  change  the  sense  when  you  do  not  in- 
tend it.  For  instance,  in  a  note  at  bottom  of  first  page,  you  pro- 
posed to  substitute  "Democrats"  for  "Douglas."  But  what  I  am 
saying  there  is  true  of  Douglas,  and  is  not  true  of  "Democrats" 
generally;  so  that  the  proposed  substitution  would  be  a  very  con- 
siderable blunder.  Your  proposed  insertion  of  "residences"  though 
it  would  do  little  or  no  harm,  is  not  at  all  necessary  to  the  sense  I 
was  trying  to  convey.  On  page  5  your  proposed  grammatical 
change  would  certainly  do  no  harm.  The  "impudently  absurd"  I 
stick  to.  The  striking  out  "he"  and  inserting  "ive"  turns  the  sense 
exactly  wrong.  The  striking  out  "upon  if  leaves  the  sense  too  gen- 
eral and  incomplete.  The  sense  is  "act  as  they  acted  upon  that 
question" — not  as  they  acted  generally. 

After  considering  your  proposed  changes  on  page  7,  I  do  not 
think  them  material,  but  I  am  willing  to  defer  to  you  in  relation 
to  them. 

On  page  9,  striking  out  "to  us"  is  probably  right.  The  word 
"lawyer's"  I  wish  retained.  The  word  "Courts"  struck  out  twice,  I 

[58] 


MAY      3  1,      i860 

wish  reduced  to  "Court"  and  retained.  "Court"  as  a  collection 
more2  properly  governs  the  plural  "have"  as  I  understand.  "The" 
preceding  "Court,"  in  the  latter  case,  must  also  be  retained.  The 
words  "quite,"  "as,"  and  "or"  on  the  same  page,  I  wish  retained. 
The  italicising,  and  quotation  marking,  I  have  no  objection  to. 

As  to  the  note  at  bottom,  I  do  not  think  any  too  much  is  ad- 
mitted. What  you  propose  on  page  1  1  is  right.  I  return  your  copy 
of  the  speech,  together  with  one  printed  here,  under  my  own  hasty 
supervising.  That  at  New  York  was  printed  without  any  super- 
vision by  me.  If  you  conclude  to  publish  a  new  edition,  allow  me 
to  see  the  proof-sheets. 

And  now  thanking  you  for  your  very  complimentary  letter,  and 
your  interest  for  me  generally,  I  subscribe  myself.  Your  friend 
and  servant,  A. 


1  George  H.   Putnam,   Abraham  lAncoln:   The  People's  Leader    (1909),   pp. 
225-27.  Nott's  letter  of  May  23  is  also  given  by  Putnam,  but  the  original  is  not 
among  the  Lincoln  Papers.   See  also  the  note  to  Lincoln's  address   at   Cooper 
Institute,  February  27,  supra. 

2  Tracy,  p.  150,  is  probably  incorrect  in  giving  "collective  noun"  instead  of 
"collection  more." 


To  Lyman  Trumbull1 

Hon.  L.  Trumbull.  Springfield,  Ills.  May  31.  1860. 

My  dear  Sir:  Yours  of  the  28th.  inclosing  that  which  I  have 
carefully  read,  and  now  return,  is  received.  Please  say  to  Mr.  Ham- 
lin  that  nay  letter  of  acceptance  is  already  written  and  forwarded 
to  Mr.  Ashmun,  at  Springfield,  Mass;  that  I  would  send  him,  Mr. 
Hamlin,  a  copy,  only  that  Mr.  Ashmun,  when  here,  sought  and 
obtained  a  promise  from  me  that  I  would  furnish  a  copy  to  no  one; 
that  the  letter  is  very  short,  and,  I  think,  conflicts  with  none  of 
Mr.  Morey's  suggestions,  except  that  it  may  be  published  by  Mr. 
Ashmun  before  the  Baltimore  convention.  Perhaps  it  would  be 
best  for  Mr.  Hamlin  and  yourself  not  to  communicate  the  fact 
that  the  letter  of  acceptance  is  already  written.  I  am  glad  to  learn 
the  Philadelphia  meeting  had  force  enough  to  not  be  spoiled  by  the 
storm.  I  loot  with  great  interest  for  your  letters  now.  Your  friend 
as  ever,  A. 


1  ALS,  CSmH.  Trumbull's  letter  of  May  28  is  in  the  Lincoln  Papers,  but 
the  enclosure  is  not,  and  Trumbull's  letter  indicates  nothing  of  its  nature  ex- 
cept that  it  had  been  handed  to  him  by  Hannibal  Hamlin  "with  a  request  that 
I  forward  it  to  you.  Mr.  Hamlin  tells  me  the  writer  of  the  letter  is  an  eminent 
politician  of  Mass.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL)  .  Probably  the  author  was  George  Morey, 
a  wealthy  lawyer  at  Boston,  Massachusetts, 

[59] 


Form  Letter  to  Applicants  for  Biographical  Data1 

(Biography) 
Dear  Sir  Springfield,  Ills  [c.  June]  1860 

Your  letter  to  Mr.  Lincoln  of  [blank]  and  by  which  you  seek 
his  assistance  in  getting  up  a  biographical  sketch  of  him,  is  re- 
ceived. Applications  of  this  class  are  so  numerous  that  it  is  simply 
impossible  for  him  to  attend  to  them.  Yours  &c 

J.   G. 


i  AD,  DLC-RTL.  Lincoln  obviously  prepared  this  form  for  Nicolay  following 

the  nomination. 

Form  Reply  to  Requests  for  Political  Opinions1 

(Doctrine) 
Dear  Sir  Springfield  Ills.  [c.  June]  1860 

Your  letter  to  Mr.  Lincoln  of  [blank]  and  by  which  you  seek  to 
obtain  Ms  opinions  on  certain  political  points,  has  been  received 
by  him.  He  has  received  others  of  a  similar  character;  but  he  also 
has  a  greater  number  of  the  exactly  opposite  character.  The  latter 
class  beseech  him  to  write  nothing  whatever  upon  any  point  of  po- 
litical doctrine.  They  say  his  positions  were  well  known  when  he 
was  nominated,  and  that  he  must  not  now  embarrass  the  canvass 
by  undertaking  to  shift  or  modify  them.  He  regrets  that  he  can 
not  oblige  all,  but  you  perceive  it  is  impossible  for  him  to  do  so. 
Yours  &c  J.  G.  NICOLAY. 

i  AD,  DLC-RTL. 

Autobiography  Written  for  John  L.  Scripps1 

[c.  June,  1860] 

Abraham  Lincoln  was  born  Feb.  12,  1809,  then  in  Hardin,  now 
in  the  more  recently  formed  county  of  Larue,  Kentucky.  His 
father,  Thomas,  &  grand-father,  Abraham,  were  born  in  Rocking- 
ham  county  Virginia,  whither  their  ancestors  had  come  from 
Berks  county  Pennsylvania.  His  lineage  has  been  traced  no  farther 
back  than  this.2  The  family  were  originally  quakers,  though  in 
later  times  they  have  fallen  away  from  the  peculiar  habits  of  that 

1  AD,  DLC-RTL.  Lincoln  prepared  this  sketch  for  the  guidance  of  John  L. 
Scripps,  who  was  writing  a  campaign  biography  to  be  published  by  the  Chicago 
Press  and  Tribune.  Scripps'  Life  was  also  issued  by  Horace  Greeley  as  Tribune 
Tracts  No.  6. 

2  This  sentence  is  inserted  between  lines.  Several  of  Lincoln's  correspondents 
had  pointed  out  the  possibility  of  connections  with  the  Lincolns  of  Hingham, 
Massachusetts,  but  the  links  had  not  been  fully  established  at  the  time, 

[60] 


jr  TJ  3NT  E-,      i860 

people.  The  grand-father  Abraham,  had  four  brothers — Isaac, 
Jacob,  John  &  Thomas.  So  far  as  known,  the  descendants  of  Jacob 
and  John  are  still  in  Virginia.  Isaac  went  to  a  place  near  where 
Virginia,  North  Carolina,  and  Tennessee,  join;  and  his  decend- 
ants  are  in  that  region.  Thomas  came  to  Kentucky,  and  after  many 
years,  died  there,  whence  his  decendants  went  to  Missouri. 
Abraham,  grandfather  of  the  subject  of  this  sketch,  came  to  Ken- 
tucky, and  "was  killed  by  Indians  about  the  year  1784.  He  left  a 
widow,  three  sons  and  two  daughters.  The  eldest  son,  Mordecai,  re- 
mained in  Kentucky  till  late  in  life,  when  he  removed  to  Hancock 
county,  Illinois,  where  soon  after  he  died,  and  where  several  of  his 
descendants  still  reside.  The  second  son,  Josiah,  removed  at  an 
early  day  to  a  place  on  Blue  River,  now  within  Harrison  [Han- 
cock] county,  Indiana;  but  no  recent  information  of  him,  or  his 
family,  has  been  obtained.  The  eldest  sister,  Mary,  married  Ralph 
Grume  and  some  of  her  descendants  are  now  known  to  be  in 
Breckenridge  county  Kentucky.  The  second  sister,  Nancy,  mar- 
ried William  Brumfield,  and  her  family  are  not  known  to  have 
left  Kentucky,  but  there  is  no  recent  information  from  them. 
Thomas,  the  youngest  son,  and  father  of  the  present  subject,  by  the 
early  death  of  his  father,  and  very  narrow  circumstances  of  his 
mother,  even  in  childhood  was  a  wandering  laboring  boy,  and 
grew  up  litterally  without  education.  He  never  did  more  in  the 
way  of  writing  than  to  bunglingly  sign  his  own  name.  Before  he 
was  grown,  he  passed  one  year  as  a  hired  hand  with  his  uncle 
Isaac  on  Wata[u]ga,  a  branch  of  the  Holsteen  [Holston]  River. 
Getting  back  into  Kentucky,  and  having  reached  his  2, 8th.  year,  he 
married  Nancy  Hanks — mother  of  the  present  subject — in  the  year 
1806.  She  also  was  born  in  Virginia;  and  relatives  of  hers  of  the 
name  of  Hanks,  and  of  other  names,  now  reside  in  Coles,  in  Ma- 
con,  and  in  Adams  coLinties,  Illinois,  and  also  in  Iowa.  The  present 
subject  has  no  brother  or  sister  of  the  whole  or  half  blood.  He  had 
a  sister,  older  than  himself,  who  was  grown  and  married,  but  died 
many  years  ago,  leaving  no  child.  Also  a  brother,  younger  than 
himself,  who  died  in  infancy.  Before  leaving  Kentucky  he  and  his 
sister  were  sent  for  short  periods,  to  A.B.C.  schools,  the  first  kept 
by  Zachariah  Riney,  and  the  second  by  Caleb  Hazel. 

At  this  time  his  father  resided  on  Knob-creek,  on  the  road  from 
Bardstown  Ky.  to  Nashville  Tenn.  at  a  point  three,  or  three  and  a 
half  miles  South  or  South- West  of  Atherton's  ferry  on  the  Rolling 
Fork.  From  this  place  he  removed  to  what  is  now  Spencer  county 
Indiana,  in  the  autumn  of  1816,  A.  then  being  in  his  eigth  year. 
This  removal  was  partly  on  account  of  slavery;  but  chiefly  on  ac- 

[61] 


JTUrsTE,       i860 

count  of  the  difficulty  in  land  titles  in  Ky.3  He  settled  in  an  un- 
broken forest;  and  the  clearing  away  of  surplus  wood  was  the 
great  task  a  head.  A.  though  very  young,  was  large  of  his  age, 
and  had  an  axe  put  into  his  hands  at  once;  and  from  that  till 
within  his  twentythird  year,  he  was  almost  constantly  handling 
that  most  useful  instrument — less,  of  course,  in  plowing  and  har- 
vesting seasons.  At  this  place  A.  took  an  early  start  as  a  hunter, 
which  was  never  much  improved  afterwards.  (A  few  days  before 
the  completion  of  his  eigth  year,  in  the  absence  of  his  father,  a 
flock  of  wild  turkeys  approached  the  new  log-cabin,  and  A.  with  a 
rifle  gun,  standing  inside,  shot  through  a  crack,  and  killed  one  of 
them.  He  has  never  since  pulled  a  trigger  on  any  larger  game.)  In 
the  autumn  of  1818  his  mother  died;  and  a  year  afterwards  his 
father  married  Mrs.  Sally  Johnston,  at  Elizabeth-Town,  Ky — a 
widow,  with  three  children  of  her  first  marriage.  She  proved  a 
good  and  kind  mother  to  A.  and  is  still  living  in  Coles  Co.  Illinois. 
There  were  no  children  of  this  second  marriage.  His  father's  resi- 
dence continued  at  the  same  place  in  Indiana,  till  1830.  While 
here  A.  went  to  A.B.C.  schools  by  littles,  kept  successively  by  An- 
drew Crawford, Sweeney,4  and  Azel  W.  Dorsey.  He  does 

not  remember  any  other.  The  family  of  Mr.  Dorsey  now  reside  in 
Schuyler  Co.  Illinois.  A.  now  thinks  that  the  agregate  of  all  his 
schooling  did  not  amount  to  one  year.  He  was  never  in  a  college 
or  Academy  as  a  student;  and  never  inside  of  a  college  or  accad- 
emy  building  till  since  he  had  a  law-license.  What  he  has  in  the 
way  of  education,  he  has  picked  up.  After  he  was  twenty  three,  and 
had  separated  from  his  father,  he  studied  English  grammar,  im- 
perfectly of  course,  but  so  as  to  speak  and  write  as  well  as  he  now 
does.  He  studied  and  nearly  mastered  the  Six-books  of  Euclid,  since 
he  was  a  member  of  Congress.  He  regrets  his  want  of  education, 
and  does  what  he  can  to  supply  the  want.  In  his  tenth  year  he  was 
kicked  by  a  horse,  and  apparantly  killed  for  a  time.  When  he  was 
nineteen,  still  residing  in  Indiana,  he  made  his  first  trip  upon  a 
flat-boat  to  New-Orleans.  He  was  a  hired  hand  merely;  and  he 
and  a  son  of  the  owner,5  without  other  assistance,  made  the  trip. 
The  nature  of  part  of  the  cargo-load,  as  it  was  called — made  it 
necessary  for  them  to  linger  and  trade  along  the  Sugar  coast — and 
one  night  they  were  attacked  by  seven  negroes  -with  intent  to  kill 
and  rob  them.  They  were  hurt  some  in  the  melee,  but  succeeded 
in  driving  the  negroes  from  the  boat,  and  then  "cut  cable" 
"weighed  anchor"  and  left. 

3  This  sentence  is  an  insertion.  4  James  Swaney,  not  Sweeney. 

5  Allen  Gentry,  son  of  James  Gentry. 

[62] 


JTU2NTE.,       i860 

March  ist.  1830 — A.  having  just  completed  his  2  ist.  year,  his 
father  and  family,  with  the  families  of  the  two  daughters  and 
sons-in-law,  of  his  step-mother,  left  the  old  homestead  in  Indiana, 
and  came  to  Illinois.  Their  mode  of  conveyance  was  waggons 
drawn  by  ox-teams,  or  A.  drove  one  of  the  teams.  They  reached 
the  county  of  Macon,  and  stopped  there  some  time  within  the 
same  month  of  March.  His  father  and  family  settled  a  new  place 
on  the  North  side  of  the  Sangamon  river,  at  the  junction  of  the 
timber-land  and  prairie,  about  ten  miles  Westerly  from  Decatur. 
Here  they  built  a  log-cabin,  into  which  they  removed,  and  made 
sufficient  of  rails  to  fence  ten  acres  of  ground,  fenced  and  broke 
the  ground,  and  raised  a  crop  of  sow[n]  corn  upon  it  the  same 
year.  These  are,  or  are  supposed  to  be,  the  rails  about  which  so 
much  is  being  said  just  now,  though  they  are  far  from  being  the 
first,  or  only  rails  ever  made  by  A. 

The  sons-in-law,  were  temporarily  settled  at  other  places  in  the 
county.  In  the  autumn  all  hands  were  greatly  afflicted  with  augue 
and  fever,  to  which  they  had  not  been  used,  and  by  which 
they  were  greatly  discouraged — so  much  so  that  they  determined 
on  leaving  the  county.  They  remained  however,  through  the  suc- 
ceeding winter,  which  was  the  winter  of  the  very  celebrated  "deep 
snow"  of  Illinois.  During  that  winter,  A.  together  with  his  step- 
mother's son,  John  D.  Johnston,  and  John  Hanks,  yet  residing  in 
Macon  county,  hired  themselves  to  one  Denton  Offutt,  to  take  a 
flat  boat  from  Beardstown  Illinois  to  New-Orleans;  and  for  that 
purpose,  were  to  join  him — Offut — at  Springfield,  Ills  so  soon 
as  the  snow  should  go  off.  Wlien  it  did  go  off  which  was  about  the 
ist.  of  March  1831 — the  county  was  so  flooded,  as  to  make  travel- 
ing by  land  impracticable;  to  obviate  which  difficulty  the[y]  pur- 
chased a  large  canoe  and  came  down  the  Sangamon  river  in  it. 
This  is  the  time  and  the  manner  of  A's  first  entrance  into  Sanga- 
mon County.  They  found  Offutt  at  Springfield,  but  learned  from 
him  that  he  had  failed  in  getting  a  boat  at  Beardstown.  This  lead 
to  their  hiring  themselves  to  him  at  $12  per  month,  each;  and 
getting  the  timber  out  of  the  trees  and  building  a  boat  at  old  San- 
gamon Town  on  the  Sangamon  river,  seven  miles  N.W.  of  Spring- 
field, which  boat  they  took  to  New-Orleans,  substantially  upon 
the  old  contract.  It6  was  in  connection  with  this  boat  that  occurred 

6  The  remainder  of  this  paragraph  was  omitted  by  Nicolay  and  Hay  from 
the  Complete  Works  in  deference  to  Robert  Todd  Lincoln.  In  the  margin  of 
Hay's  manuscript  of  Abraham  Lincoln:  A  History,  which  was  sent  to  Robert  for 
approval,  there  is  written  beside  Hay's  account  of  this  episode  the  query  "Leave 
out  (?)"  followed  by  "I  say  leave  out —  R.  T.  L."  (Nicolay  and  Hay  Papers, 
IHi). 

[63] 


JTUISTE,     1860 

the  ludicrous  incident  of  sewing  up  the  hogs  eyes.  Offutt  bought 
thirty  odd  large  fat  live  hogs,  but  found  difficulty  in  driving  them 
from  where  [he]  purchased  them  to  the  boat,  and  thereupon  con- 
ceived the  whim  that  he  could  sew  up  their  eyes  and  drive  them 
where  he  pleased.  No  sooner  thought  of  than  decided,  he  put  his 
hands,  including  A.  at  the  job,  which  they  completed — all  but  the 
driving.  In  their  blind  condition  they  could  not  be  driven  out  of 
the  lot  or  field  they  were  in.  This  expedient  failing,  they  were  tied 
and  hauled  on  carts  to  the  boat.  It  was  near  the  Sangamon  River, 
within  what  is  now  Menard  county. 

During  this  boat  enterprize  acquaintance  with  Offutt ,  who  was 
previously  an  entire  stranger,  he  conceved  a  liking  for  A.  and 
believing  he  could  turn  him  to  account,  he  contracted  with  him  to 
act  as  clerk  for  him,  on  his  return  from  New-Orleans,  in  charge  of 
a  store  and  Mill  at  New-Salem,  then  in  Sangamon,  now  in  Menard 
county.  Hanks  had  not  gone  to  New-Orleans,  but  having  a  family, 
and  being  likely  to  be  detained  from  home  longer  than  at  first 
expected,  had  turned  back  from  St.  Louis.  He  is  the  same  John 
Hanks  who  now  engineers  the  "rail  enterprize"  at  Decatur;  and 
is  a  first  cousin  to  A's  mother.  A's  father,  with  his  own  family  & 
others  mentioned,  had,  in  pursuance  of  their  intention,  removed 
from  Macon  to  Coles  county.  John  D.  Johnston,  the  step-mother's 
son,  went  to  them;  and  A.  stopped  indefinitely,  and,  for  the  first 
time,  as  it  were,  by  himself  at  New-Salem,  before  mentioned.  This 
was  in  July  1831.  Here  he  rapidly  made  acquaintances  and 
friends.  In  less  than  a  year  Offutt's  business  was  failing — had  al- 
most failed, — when  the  Black-Hawk  war  of  1832 — broke  out.  A 
joined  a  volunteer  company,  and  to  his  own  surprize,  was  elected 
captain  of  it.  He  says  he  has  not  since  had  any  success  in  life 
which  gave  him  so  much  satisfaction.  He  went  the  campaign, 
served  near  three  months,  met  the  ordinary  hardships  of  such  an 
expedition,  but  was  in  no  battle.  He  now  owns  in  Iowa,  the  land 
upon  which  his  own  warrants  for  this  service,  were  located.  Return- 
ing from  the  campaign,  and  encouraged  by  his  great  popularity 
among  his  immediate  neighbors,  he,  the  same  year,  ran  for  the 
Legislature  and  was  beaten — his  own  precinct,  however,  casting 
it's  votes  277  for  and  7,  against  him.  And  this  too  while  he  was 
an  avowed  Clay  man,  and  the  precinct  the  autumn  afterwards, 
giving  a  majority  of  115  to  Genl.  Jackson  over  Mr.  Clay.  This  was 
the  only  time  A  was  ever  beaten  on  a  direct  vote  of  the  people.  He 
was  now  without  means  and  out  of  business,  but  was  anxious  to 
remain  with  his  friends  who  had  treated  him  with  so  much  gener- 

[64] 


jr  U  IV  E,       i860 

osity,  especially  as  he  had  nothing  elsewhere  to  go  to.  He  studied 
what  he  should  do — thought  of  learning  the  black-smith  trade — 
thought  of  trying  to  study  law — rather  thought  he  could  not  suc- 
ceed at  that  without  a  better  education.  Before  long,  strangely 
enough,  a  man  offered  to  sell  and  did  sell,  to  A.  and  another7  as 
poor  as  himself,  an  old  stock  of  goods,  upon  credit.  They  opened 
as  merchants;  and  he  says  that  was  the  store.  Of  course  they  did 
nothing  but  get  deeper  and  deeper  in  debt.  He  was  appointed  Post- 
master at  New-Salem — the  office  being  too  insignificant,  to  make 
his  politics  an  objection.  The  store  winked  out.  The  Surveyor  of 
Sangamon,8  offered  to  depute  to  A  that  portion  of  his  work  which 
-was  within  his  part  of  the  county.  He  accepted,  procured  a  com- 
pass and  chain,  studied  Flint,  and  Gibson  a  little,  and  went  at  it. 
This  procured  bread,  and  kept  soul  and  body  together.  The  elec- 
tion of  1834  came,  and  he  was  then  elected  to  the  Legislature  by 
the  highest  vote  cast  for  any  candidate.  Major  John  T.  Stuart,  then 
in  full  practice  of  the  law,  was  also  elected.  During  the  canvass, 
in  a  private  conversation  he  encouraged  A.  [to]  study  law.  After 
the  election  he  borrowed  books  of  Stuart,  took  them  home  with 
him,  and  went  at  it  in  good  earnest.  He  studied  with  nobody.  He 
still  mixed  in  the  surveying  to  pay  board  and  clothing  bills.  When 
the  Legislature  met,  the  law  books  were  dropped,  but  were  taken 
up  again  at  the  end  of  the  session.  He  was  re-elected  in  1836,  1838, 
and  1840.  In  the  autumn  of  1836  he  obtained  a  law  licence,  and 
on  April  15,  1837  removed  to  Springfield,  and  commenced  the 
practice,  his  old  friend,  Stuart  taking  him  into  partnership.  March 
3rd.  1837,  by  a  protest  entered  upon  the  Ills.  House  Journal  of 
that  date,  at  pages  817,  818,  A.  with  Dan  Stone,  another  repre- 
sentative of  Sangamon,  briefly  defined  his  position  on  the  slavery 
question;  and  so  far  as  it  goes,  it  was  then  the  same  that  it  is  now. 
The  protest  is  as  follows — (Here  insert  it)9  In  1838,  &  1840  Mr.  L's 
party  in  the  Legislature  voted  for  him  as  Speaker;  but  being  in  the 
minority,  he  was  not  elected.  After  1840  he  declined  a  re-election 
to  the  Legislature.  He  was  on  the  Harrison  electoral  ticket  in  1 840, 
and  on  that  of  Clay  in  1844,  and  spent  much  time  and  labor  in 
both  those  canvasses.  In  Nov.  1842  he  was  married  to  Mary, 
daughter  of  Robert  S.  Todd,  of  Lexington,  Kentucky.  They  have 
three  living  children,  all  sons — one  born  in  1843,  one  in  1850,  and 
one  in  1853.  They  lost  one,  who  was  born  in  1846.  In  1846,  he  was 
elected  to  the  lower  House  of  Congress,  and  served  one  term  only, 

7  William  F.  Berry.  &  John  Calhoun. 

9  Vide  supra.  March  3,  1837. 

[65] 


jr  IT  3\r  E,     1860 

commencing  in  Dec.  1847  and  ending  with  the  inaugeration  of 
Gen.  Taylor,  in  March  1849.  All  the  battles  of  the  Mexican  war 
had  been  fought  before  Mr.  L.  took  his  seat  in  congress,  but  the 
American  army  was  still  in  Mexico,  and  the  treaty  of  peace  was 
not  fully  and  formally  ratified  till  the  June  afterwards.  Much  has 
been  said  of  his  course  in  Congress  in  regard  to  this  war.  A  careful 
examination  of  the  Journals  and  Congressional  Globe  shows,  that 
he  voted  for  all  the  supply  measures  which  came  up,  and  for  all  the 
measures  in  any  way  favorable  to  the  officers,  soldiers,  and  their 
families,  who  conducted  the  war  through;  with  this  exception  that 
some  of  these  measures  passed  without  yeas  and  nays,  leaving  no 
record  as  to  how  particular  men  voted.  The  Journals  and  Globe 
also  show  him  voting  that  the  war  was  unnecessarily  and  unconsti- 
tutionally begun  by  the  President  of  the  United  States.  This  is  the 
language  of  Mr.  Ashmun's  amendment,  for  which  Mr.  L.  and 
nearly  or  quite  all,  other  whigs  of  the  H.  R.  voted. 

Mr.  L's  reasons  for  the  opinion  expressed  by  this  vote  were 
briefly  that  the  President  had  sent  Genl.  Taylor  into  an  inhabited 
part  of  the  country  belonging  to  Mexico,  and  not  to  the  U.S.  and 
thereby  had  provoked  the  first  act  of  hostility — in  fact  the  com- 
mencement of  the  war;  that  the  place,  being  the  country  border- 
ing on  the  East  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  was  inhabited  by  native 
Mexicans,  born  there  under  the  Mexican  government;  and  had 
never  submitted  to,  nor  been  conquered  by  Texas,  or  the  U.S.  nor 
transferred  to  either  by  treaty — that  although  Texas  claimed  the 
Rio  Grande  as  her  boundary,  Mexico  had  never  recognized  it,  the 
people  on  the  ground  had  never  recognized  it,  and  neither  Texas 
nor  the  U.S.  had  ever  enforced  it — that  there  was  a  broad  desert 
between  that,  and  the  country  over  which  Texas  had  actual  con- 
trol— that  the  country  where  hostilities  commenced,  having  once 
belonged  to  Mexico,  must  remain  so,  until  it  was  somehow  legally 
transferred,  which  had  never  been  done. 

Mr.  L.  thought  the  act  of  sending  an  armed  force  among  the 
Mexicans,  was  unnecessary,  inasmuch  as  Mexico  was  in  no  way 
molesting,  or  menacing  the  U.S.  or  the  people  thereof;  and  that  it 
was  unconstitutional.,  because  the  power  of  levying  war  is  vested 
in  Congress,  and  not  in  the  President.  He  thought  the  principal 
motive  for  the  act,  was  to  divert  public  attention  from  the  surren- 
der of  "Fifty-four,  forty,  or  fight"  to  Great  Brittain,  on  the  Oregon 
boundary  question. 

Mr.  L.  was  not  a  candidate  for  re-election.  This  was  determined 
upon,  and  declared  before  he  went  to  Washington,  in  accordance 
with  an  understanding  among  whig  friends,  by  which  Col,  Hardin, 

[66] 


JUNE,      i860 

and  Col.  Baker  had  each  previously  served  a  single  term  in  the 
same  District.10 

In  1 848,  during  his  term  in  congress,  he  advocated  Gen.  Taylor's 
nomination  for  the  Presidency,  in  opposition  to  all  others,  and  also 
took  an  active  part  for  his  election,  after  his  nomination — speak- 
ing a  few  times  in  Maryland,  near  Washington,  several  times  in 
Massachusetts,  and  canvassing  quite  fully  his  own  district  in  Illi- 
nois, which  was  followed  by  a  majority  in  the  district  of  over 
1500  for  Gen.  Taylor. 

Upon  his  return  from  Congress  he  went  to  the  practice  of  the  law 
with  greater  earnestness  than  ever  before.  In  1852  he  was  upon 
the  Scott  electoral  ticket,  and  did  something  in  the  way  of  can- 
vassing, but  owing  to  the  hopelessness  of  the  cause  in  Illinois,  he 
did  less  than  in  previous  presidential  canvasses. 

In  1854,  his  profession  had  almost  superseded  the  thought  of 
politics  in  his  mind,  when  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  compromise 
aroused  him  as  he  had  never  been  before. 

In  the  autumn  of  that  year  he  took  the  stump  with  no  broader 
practical  aim  or  object  that  [than?]  to  secure,  if  possible,  the  re- 
election of  Hon  Richard  Yates  to  congress.  His  speeches  at  once 
attracted  a  more  marked  attention  than  they  had  ever  before  done. 
As  the  canvass  proceeded,  he  was  drawn  to  different  parts  of  the 
state,  outside  of  Mr.  Yates'  district.  He  did  not  abandon  the  law, 
but  gave  his  attention,  by  turns,  to  that  and  politics.  The  State  agri- 
cultural fair  was  at  Springfield  that  year,  and  Douglas  was  an- 
nounced to  speak  there. 

In  the  canvass  of  1856,  Mr.  L.  made  over  fifty  speeches,  no  one 
of  which,  so  far  as  he  remembers,  was  put  in  print.  One  of  them 
was  made  at  Galena,  but  Mr.  L.  has  no  recollection  of  any  part  of 
it  being  printed;  nor  does  he  remember  whether  in  that  speech  he 
said  anything  about  a  Supreme  court  decision.  He  may  have 
spoken  upon  that  subject;  and  some  of  the  newspapers  may  have 
reported  him  as  saying  what  is  now  ascribed  to  him;  but  he  thinks 
he  could  not  have  expressed  himself  as  represented.11 

10  The  manuscript  is  asterisked  at  this  point  for  the  insertion  of  the  next 
paragraph,  which  appears  on  a  separate  page. 

11  Vide  supra,  July  23,  1856.  The  report  of  the  Galena  speech  in  the  Galena 
Weekly  N  orth-W estern  Gazette.,  July  29,  1856,  quotes  Lincoln  as  saying,  "The 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  is  the  tribunal  to  decide  such  questions 
[the  constitutionality  of  a  law  restricting  slavery],  and  we  will  submit  to  its 
decisions.  .   .  ."   Lincoln  may  never  have  seen  the   Gazette  report.  His  later 
position  on  the  Dred  Scott  decision  was  that  Republicans  should  abide  by  the 
decision  until  they  could  get  a  reversal  by  the   court.  Referring  to  Lincoln's 
earlier  speech  at   Galena,   the  Democrats   construed   Lincoln's   statement   as   a 
contradiction  of  his  later  position. 

[67] 


To  F.  A.  Wood1 

F.  A.  Wood,  Esq.  Springfield,  Ills, 

Dear  sir  June  *•  l86° 

Yours  of  May  24th.  is  received.  You  say  you  are  not  a  Lincoln 
man;  "but  still  would  like  to  have  Mr.  L's  autograph."  Well,  here 
it  is.  Yours  with  respect  A.  LINCOLN. 

i  ALS?  RPB.  Wood's  letter  is  not  among  the  Lincoln  Papers,  and  he  has  not 
been  identified. 

To  H.  Buck,  Jr. 

Form  Reply  to  Request  for  Autograph1 

Lieut.  H.  Buck,  Jr  Springfield,  Ills. 

Dear  Sir  June  2.  1860 

You  request  an  autograph,  and  here  it  is.  Yours  truly 

A.    LI3NTCOL3NT. 

i  ALS,  CSmH.  There  is  a  similar  letter  of  this  date  to  Edward  Herrick,  Jr. 
(ALS,  MH-Nolen  Collection),  and  numerous  others  of  later  date.  Since  the 
wording  in  such  letters  is  identical,  or  so  similar  as  to  make  repetition  super- 
fluous, later  examples  have  not  been  included  in  the  body  of  The  Collected 
Works,  but  each  will  be  found  listed  in  the  chronological  index  to  these  vol- 


To  Joseph  C.  Abbott1 

Joseph  C.  Abbott,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills.  June  4.  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  Yours  of  the  22nd.  was  duly  received;  but,  till 
now,  I  have  not  found  leisure  to  so  much  as  acknowledge  the  re- 
ceipt of  it.  Of  course  I  very  well  remember  you;  and  I  shall  be 
pleased  to  hear  from  you  at  any  time.  Yours  very  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,  CSmH.  Joseph  C.  Abbott  was  editor  of  the  Boston  Atlas  and  Bee.  His 
letter  of  May  22  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers. 

To  George  Ashmun1 

Hon:  George  Ashmun  Springfield,  Ills.  June  4  1860 

My  dear  Sir  It  seems  as  if  the  question  whether  my  first  name 
is  "Abraham"  or  "Abram"  will  never  be  settled.  It  is  "Abraham" 
and  if  the  letter  of  acceptance  is  not  yet  in  print,  you  may,  if  you 
think  fit,  have  my  signature  thereto  printed  "Abraham  Lincoln." 
Exercise  your  own  judgment  about  this.  Yours  as  ever, 

A. 

[68] 


JTU1STE      4,      i860 

1  AL-F,  ISLtA.  The  present  location  of  the  original  letter  is  not  known.  The 
facsimile,  printed  from  an  electrotype  plate  some  years  ago,  does  not  include 
the  close  and  signature,  but  earlier  printings  [Tarbell  (Appendix),  p,  338;  NH, 
VI,  38]  have  been  followed  By  accident  this  letter  got  into  print  before  the 
official  letter  of  acceptance.  Ashmun  wrote  in  explanation  on  June  18,  that  the 
official  letters  had  been  set  in  type  awaiting  Hamlin's  reply  and  that  upon  re- 
ceiving Lincoln's  note  of  June  4  he  had  called  at  the  newspaper  office  to  author- 
ize the  change  in  the  full  name,  leaving  the  note  for  an  editor  who  wished  an 
autograph  The  senior  editor,  returning  in  the  absence  of  his  colleague  and 
seeing  the  letter,  had  assumed  it  was  to  be  published  (DL.C-R.TL) . 

To  William  A.  Buckingham1 

Springfield,  Illinois, 
Hon.  Wm.  A.  Buckingham  June  4,  1860. 

My  Dear  Sir:  Your  kind  letter  of  congratulation  was  duly  re- 
ceived, and  I  beg  you  will  believe  that  necessity  alone  has  delayed 
the  acknowledgement  of  its  receipt  so  long.  I  am  truly  glad  to  learn 
that  you  have  recovered  your  voice  and  that  your  general  health 
is  better. 

Please  present  my  respects  to  Mrs.  B.  and  believe  me.  Very  truly 
yours,  A.  LiisrcorjNT 

1  Tracy,  p.  152.  Governor  Buckingham  of  Connecticut  wrote  a  brief  letter  of 
congratulation  and  closed  with  the  comment  that  he  was  a  much  better  man 
than  "when  you  were  here  and  have  fully  recovered  my  voice"  (DLC-RTL). 

To  John  Eddy1 

John  Eddy,  Esq  Springfield,  His. 

My  dear  Sir:  June  4.  1860 

Your  very  gratifying  letter  of  the  agth.  ult;  and  although  you 
considerately  I  [.sic]  say  I  need  not  answer  it,  I  will  at  least  ac- 
knowledge it's  receipt. 

Present  my  respects  to  Mr.  James,2  to  all  friends,  and  to  "Little 
Rhoda"  generally.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LiisrcoLisr 

1  ALS,  The  Rosenbach  Company,  Philadelphia  and  New  York.  Lincoln  had 
met  John  Eddy  of  Providence,  Bhode  Island,  during  his  visit  of  February  28. 
Eddy's  letter  of  May  29  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers,  but  there  are  later  ones. 

2  Charles  T.  James  of  Providence,  owner  of  cotton  mills  and  a  member  of  the 
U.S.  Senate  1851-1857,  was  Eddy's  brother-in-law. 

To  Samuel  Haycraft1 

PRIVATE 

Hon.  Saml.  Haycraft.  Springfield,  Ills.  June  4,  1860 

Dear  Sir:  Your  second  letter,  dated  May  sist.  is  received.  You 
suggest  that  a  visit  to  the  place  of  my  nativity  might  he  pleasant 

[69] 


JUNE    4,    1860 

to  me.  Indeed  it  would.  But  would  it  be  safe?   Would  not  the 
people  Lynch  me? 

The  place  on  Knob  Creek,  mentioned  by  Mr.  Read,2  I  remember 
very  well;  but  I  was  not  born  there.  As  my  parents  have  told  me, 
I  was  born  on  Nolin,  very  much  nearer  Hodgin's-Mill  than  the 
Knob  Creek  place  is.  My  earliest  recollection,  however,  is  of  the 
Knob  Creek  place. 

Like  yourself  I  belonged  to  the  whig  party  from  it's  origin  to  it's 
close.  I  never  belonged  to  the  American  party  organization;  nor 
ever  to  a  party  called  a  Union  party;  though  I  hope  I  neither  am, 
or  ever  have  been,  less  devoted  to  the  Union  than  yourself,  or  any 
other  patriotic  man. 

It  may  not  be  altogether  without  interest  to  let  you  know  that 
my  wife  is  a  daughter  of  the  late  Robert  S.  Todd,  of  Lexington  Ky 
—  and  that  a  half  sister3  of  hers  is  the  wif  e  of  Ben.  Hardin  Helm, 
born  and  raised  at  your  town,  but  residing  at  Louisville  now,  as  I 
believe.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  ALS,  CSmH.  Haycraft's  letter  of  May  31  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers. 

2  In  his  letter  of  August  19,  Haycraft  mentions  showing  Lincoln's  letter  to 
W.  B.  Read,  probably  the  same  man  (DLC-RTL)  .  3  Emilie  Todd. 

To  Mordecai  Mobley1 

Major  M.  Mobley  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir.  June  4.  1860 

Your  kind  letter  of  May  3oth.  is  received.  I  can  not  answer  all 
I  am  receiving;  but  I  can  do  no  less  than  acknowledge  the  receipt 
of  one  from  an  old  friend  like  yourself.  Present  my  respects  to 
Mrs.  Mobley,  &  believe  me.  Sincerely  your  friend  A.  LINCOLN 

1ALS,  owned  by  Mrs.  R.  M.  LaDue,  Sioux  City,  Iowa. 

To  Charles  E.  Troutman1 

Chas.  E.  Troutman,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills.  June  4.  1860 

Dear  Sir  The  Washington  Agricultural  Litterary  Society  of  the 
Farm  School,  Pennsylvania,  will  please  accept  my  thanks  for  the 
honor  done  me  in  electing  me  an  honorary  member  of  the  same. 
Very  Respectfully  A. 


PSt.  Charles  E.  Troutman  was  a  member  of  the  first  class  to  enter 
Farmer's  High  School  in  1859  and  graduated  in  1861.  In  1862  the  name  of  the 
school  was  changed  to  the  Agricultural  College  of  Pennsylvania  and  in  1874  it 
became  Pennsylvania  State  College.  President  James  Buchanan  was  also  made 
an  honorary  member  of  the  Washington  Agricultural  Literary  Society. 

[70] 


To  Digby  V.  Bell1 

Judge  D.  V.  Bell:  Springfield,  111., 

My  dear  Sir:  June  5,  1860. 

The  chair  which  you  designate  as  the  "Chair  of  State,"  is  duly 
at  hand  and  gratefully  accepted.  In  view  of  what  it  symbolizes, 
might  it  not  be  called  the  "Chair  of  State  and  the  Union  of 
States?"  The  conception  of  the  maker  is  a  pretty,  a  patriotic,  and 
a  national  one. 

Allow  me  to  thank  both  you  and  him  much,  for  the  chair,  and 
more  for  the  sentiment  which  pervades  the  structure.  Your  obedi- 
ent servant,  A. 


1  Illinois  State  Journal,  June  11,  1860.  According  to  Bell's  presentation  letter, 
also  printed  in  the  Journal,  the  chair  had  been  made  by  J.  D.  Meese  of  Osseo, 
Michigan,  expressly  "for  the  person  who  should  be  nominated  as  a  candidate 
...  by  the  National  Republican  Convention."  It  consisted  of  "thirty-four  dif- 
ferent kinds  of  wood  .  .  .  symbolizing  the  union  of  the  several  States,  including 
Kansas."  During  the  convention  the  chair  occupied  a  prominent  place  on  the 
platform  and  at  the  close  was  turned  over  to  Bell  for  delivery.  The  Chicago  Di- 
rectory for  1860  lists  Bell  as  professor  of  commercial  science  at  the  University 
of  Chicago. 

To  Lyman  TrumbulP 

Hon.  L.  Trumbull  Springfield,  Ills.  June  5,  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  Yours  of  May  31,  inclosing  Judge  Read's  letter,  is 
received. 

1  see  by  the  papers  this  morning,  that  Mr,  Fillmore  refuses  to 
go  -with  us.  "What  do  the  New-Yorkers  at  Washington  think  of  this? 
Gov.  Reeder2  was  here  last  evening  direct  from  Pennsylvania.  He 
is  entirely  confident  of  that  state,  and  of  the  general  result.  I  do 
not  remember  to  have  heard  Gen.   Cameron's  opinion  of  Penn. 
Weed  was  here,  and  saw  me;  but  he  showed  no  signs  whatever  of 
the  intriguer.  He  asked  for  nothing;  and  said  N.Y.  is  safe,  without 
condition. 

Remembering  that  Peter  denied  his  Lord  with  an  oath,  after 
most  solemnly  protesting  that  he  never  would,  I  will  not  swear  I 
will  make  no  committals;  but  I  do  think  I  will  not. 

Write  me  often.  I  look  with  great  interest  for  your  letters  now. 
Y"ours  as  ever,  A.  LiisrcoL-isr 

*  ALS,  CSmH.  Trumbull's  letter  of  May  31  reported  that  Benjamin  F.  Wade 
•vould  speak  for  Lincoln,  that  Seward  had  returned  to  Washington  looking  and 
alking  right,  and  that  some  Republicans  were  disturbed  by  reports  that  Thur- 
ow  Weed  had  talked  with  Lincoln.  Trumbull  enclosed  a  letter  from  John  M. 
\ead  of  Pennsylvania,  which  described  prospects  as  good  (DLORTL). 

2  Andrew  H.  Reeder  of  Kansas  had  returned  to  Easton,  Pennsylvania,  to  prac- 
ice  law. 

[71] 


To  William  M.  Dickson1 

Hon:  W.  M.  Dickson.  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  J™ne  7-  1860 

Your  telegraphic  despatch,  the  day  of  the  nomination,  was  re- 
ceived; as  also  was,  in  due  course,  your  kind  letter  of  May  2ist. 
with  Cousin  Annie's  note  at  the  end  of  it.2 

I  have  just  now  received  a  letter  from  Cincinnati,  of  which  the 
f ollowing  is  a  copy. 

"Hon.  A.  Lincoln  Cincinnati,  June  5.  1860 

Dr.  Sir:  We  are  extremely  sorry  to  be  under  the  necessity  of 
calling  your  attention  to  the  inclosed  bill  during  your  sojourn  at 
the  "Burnet"  in  Sept.  last;  but  it  appears  there  is  no  remedy  left 
us  other  than  to  advise  you  of  it's  never  having  been  paid.  We  re- 
lied upon  the  Republican  committee,  but  as  yet  have  not  been  able 
to  find  any  one  being  willing  to  take  the  responsibility  of  paying 
same — consequently  advise  you  in  the  premises.  Very  Respy. 
Yours,  Johnson,  Saunders  &  Co["] 

The  inclosed  bill  is  as  follows: 

"Burnet  House 

Cincinnati,  Sept.  19—  1859 
Hon:  A.  Lincoln 

To  Johnson,  Saunders  &  Co.  Dr. 

Board  &  Parlor  self  &  family  37-5° 

Extra  Suppers.  3.50.  Wines,  Liquors  &  cigars  7.50.     i  i.oo 
Occupancy  of  room  No.  15.  committee.  5*oo 


$53-50" 

Now  this  may  be  right,  but  I  have  a  slight  suspicion  of  it,  for 
two  or  three  reasons.  First,  when  I  left,  I  called  at  the  office  of  the 
Hotel,  and  was  there  distinctly  told  the  bill  "was  settled"  "was  all 
right"  or  words  to  that  effect.  Secondly,  it  seems  a  little  steep  that 
"Board  &  parlor["]  from  Saturday  7*4  P-M.  to  Monday  10%  A.M. 
for  a  man  woman  and  one  small  child,  should  be  $37.50.  Thirdly, 
we  had  no  extra  suppers,  unless  having  tea  at  our  room  the  first 
evening,  was  such.  We  were  in  the  house  over  the  time  of  five 
meals,  three  only  of  which  we  took  in  the  house.  We  did  not  once 
dine  in  the  house.  As  to  wines,  liquors  &  cigars,  we  had  none — 
absolutely  none.  These  last  may  have  been  in  room  15,  by  order 
of  Committee,  but  I  do  not  recollect  them  at  all. 

Please  look  into  this,  and  write  me.  I  can  and  will  pay  it  if  it  is 

[72] 


JUJNTE      Q,      i860 

right;  but  I  do  not  wish  to  be  "diddled  !["]  Please  do  what  you  do 
quietly,  having  no  fuss  about  it.3  Yours  very  truly   A. 


1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  Dickson's  letter  of  congratulations  enclosed  clippings  from 
the  Cincinnati  Gazette  and  warned  Lincoln  to  beware  of  Ohio  politicians. 

2  Dickson's  wife,  who  was  Mrs.  Lincoln's  cousin. 

3  See  Lincoln  to  Dickson,  June  15,  infra. 


Endorsement:  Recommendation  for  Pardon 
of  Emanuel  Fowler1 

Believing  that  Judge  Emerson  knows  what  is  right  in  this  case,  I 
join  in  the  recommendation  he  makes.  A.  LIISTCOLIN* 

June  8—  1860 

1  AES,  I-Ar.  Lincoln's  endorsement  follows  the  endorsement  of  Judge  Charles 
Emerson.  Governor  John  "Wood,  who  had  succeeded  to  the  governorship  upon 
the  death  of  William  H.  Bissell,  March  18,  1860,  wrote  Secretary  of  State 
Ozias  M.  Hatch  on  June  10,  1860,  granting  the  pardon  (ALS,  I-Ar). 


To  John  A.  Jones1 

J.  A.  Jones,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  June  8,  1860 

I  can  only  find  time,  just  now,  to  gratefully  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  your  kind  congratulatory  note.  Your  friend,   as   ever 

A.    LfI3NTCOL3NT 

1  ALS,  owned  by  Mrs.  Roy  W.  Ide,  Springfield,  Illinois.  John  A.  Jones  was  an 
attorney  at  Tremont,  Illinois. 


To  James  E.  Harvey1 

Fames  E.  Harvey,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

VEy  dear  Sir:  June  9.   1860 

Your  very  acceptable  letter  of  the  5th.  is  received;  and  I  repeat 
vhat  I  said  before,  that  I  am  glad  to  have  one  from  you  as  often 
is  you  can  conveniently  write.  Yours  truly  A. 


1  ALS,  PHi.  A  native  South  Carolinian  who  had  made  a  name  in  the  North 
s  editor  of  the  Philadelphia  North  American  and  United  States  Gazette  and 
orrespondent  of  the  New  York  Tribune,  James  E.  Harvey  was  appointed  by 
oncoln  in  1861  as  minister  to  Portugal.  His  letters  (May  21,  27,  and  June  5) 
Dntain  reports  on  politics  in  Pennsylvania  and  general  political  advice  (DLC- 
.TL).  Lincoln's  letter  to  Harvey  of  May  31  is  presumably  not  extant. 

[73] 


To  Charles  Lanman1 

Charles  Lanman  Esq  Springfield,  Ills.  June  9.  1860 

My  dear  Sir:   Yours  of  the  4th.  is  duly  received;   and  I  shall 

gratefully  accept  the  book2  when  it  arrives,  as  it  has  not  yet  done. 

I  already  have  a  copy,  which  I  purchased  near  a  year  ago,  and 

which  I  have  found  both  interesting  and  valuable. 

I  thank  you  for  both  your  letter  and  the  book,  and  shall  be 

pleased  to  meet  you  at  any  time.  Yours  respectfully 

A. 


*  ALS,  CSmH.  Charles  Lanman  of  Monroe,  Michigan,  was  a  newspaper  man 
and  writer  who  later  served  as  librarian  of  the  House  of  Representatives  and 
librarian  of  the  War  Department.  His  letter  of  June  4  is  not  in  the  Lincoln 
Papers. 

2  Probably  Lanman's  Dictionary  of  the  United  States  Congress  (1859). 


To  Mrs.  Deziah  Vance1 

Mrs.  Deziah  Vance  Springfield, 

Madam  June  9,  1860 

Your  letter  of  June  5th.  is  received.  I  have  no  money  collected 
by  me  for  Mr.  Vance,  and  I  had  ceased  trying  to  collect  any  for 
him  long  before  his  death.  You  speak  of  my  letters  to  Mr.  Vance; 
and  if  I  remember,  they  will  show  that  the  charge  of  Mr.  Vance's 
claim  here  was  transferred  to  Mr.  W.  H.  Herndon.  I  think  his 
claim  was  against  a  man,  or  men,  by  the  name  of  Vannaeter.  I 
never  keep  any  body's  money,  which  I  collect,  an  hour  longer  than 
I  can  find  a  chance  to  turn  it  over  to  him.  If  you  doubt  this,  get 
some  of  the  busy  bodies  who  are  imposing  on  you  in  this  matter, 
to  find  somebody  who  will  swear  he  paid  me  money  for  Mr.  Vance. 
If  there  is  any  such  man  he  can  be  found. 

If,  as  you  say,  Mr.  Trimble  spoke  to  me,  and  I  gave  him  no  sat- 
isfaction, it  was  because  the  truth  was  not  satisfactory.  Let  Mr. 
Trimble  or  any  one  else  come  here  and  see  the  man  or  men,  of 
whom  they  or  you,  think  I  received  money  for  Mr.  Vance,  and 
learn  of  them  how  the  truth  is.  I  have  no  papers  in  my  hands,  be- 
longing to  Mr.  Vance.  I  do  not  certainly  know,  but  my  opinion  is 
that  nothing  can  be  got  on  those  old  claims,  or  that  old  claim  of 
Mr.  Vance.  Yours  &c  A. 


1  ALS,  owned  by  William  H.  Townsend,  Lexington,  Kentucky.  Since  Mrs. 
Vance's  letter  of  June  5  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers,  it  is  not  possible  to  clarify 
entirely  the  matter  about  which  she  wrote,  but  it  probably  concerned  claims 
similar  to  those  about  which  Lincoln  wrote  to  her  husband,  John  W.  Vance, 
on  July  7,  1844  (q.v.,  supra). 


[74] 


To  J.  Mason  Haight1 

PRIVATE    &    CONFIDENTIAL. 

J.  Mason  Haight,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  —  June  11.  1860 

I  think  it  would  be  improper  for  me  to  write,  or  say  anything  to, 
or  for,  the  public,  upon  the  subject  of  which  you  inquire.  I  there- 
fore wish  the  letter  I  do  write  to  be  held  as  strictly  confidential. 
Having  kept  house  sixteen  years,  and  having  never  held  the  "cup" 
to  the  lips  of  my  friends  then,  my  judgment  was  that  I  should  not, 
in  my  new  position,  change  my  habit  in  this  respect.  What  actual- 
ly occurred  upon  the  occasion  of  the  Committee  visiting  me,  I 
think  it  would  be  better  for  others  to  say  Yours  Respectfully 

A. 


1  ALS-F,  ISLA.  John  Mason  Haight,  a  newspaper  man  at  Madison,  Wiscon- 
sin, was  an  active  member  of  the  temperance  society  named  Good  Templars. 
His  letter  to  Lincoln  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers.  The  facsimile  of  Lincoln's 
reply  was  first  reproduced  in  the  New  York  Voice,  a  prohibition  publication, 
on  October  10,  1889,  and  the  Chicago  Voice.,  reproduced  it  a  few  days  later  on 
October  16. 


To  J.  E.  Tilton1 

To  J.  E.  Tilton.  Springfield,  111., 

Boston.  June  11,  1860. 

Dear  Sir:  I  have  received  your  note  .  .  .  and  also  the 
book.  .  .  . 

I  have  not  yet  had  time  to  examine  the  book,  but  when  I  shall 
have  done  so,  I  probably  shall  present  it  it  \sic\  to  the  younger 
Lincoln,  as  you  request.  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  Tracy,  pp.  154-55.  In  the  absence  of  Lincoln's  original  letter,  only  the  in- 
complete text  from  Tracy  is  available.  J.  E.  Tilton  and  Company  were  pub- 
lishers at  Boston,  Massachusetts.  Since  their  letter  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers 
the  book  cannot  be  positively  identified,  but  letters  from  Tilton  (March  4  and 
March  23,  1864)  offering  complimentary  copies  of  John  T.  Trowbridge's 
Cudjo's  Cave  warrants  the  assumption  that  it  was  one  of  the  same  author's  pop- 
ular stories  for  boys. 


Memorandum  Concerning  His  Birthplace1 

June  14,  1860 

I  was  born  Feb.  12,  1809  in  then  Hardin  county  Kentucky,  at 
i  point  within  the  now  recently  formed  county  of  Larue,  a  mile, 
>r  a  mile  &  a  half  from  where  Hodgin'sville  now  is.  My  parents 

[75] 


JXJJNTE       14,       i860 

being  dead  and  my  own  memory  not  serving,  I  know  no  means  of 
identifying  the  precise  locality.  It  was  on  Nolin  Creek. 
June  14.  1860.  A- 

3-ADS-F,  Allen  T.  Rice,  ed.,  Reminiscences  of  Abraham  Lincoln  (1888),  p. 
607.  According  to  the  artist  Thomas  Hicks,  who  had  painted  Lincoln's  portrait 
in  June,  1860,  the  memorandum  was  jotted  down  at  his  request  as  he  was 
leaving  Springfield. 

To  Charles  Sumner1 

Hon.  C.  Sumner  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  June  14.  1860 

Your  note  of  the  8th.  ,  and  the  copy  of  your  recent  speech,  are 
received;  and  for  both  of  which,  please  accept  my  thanks.  I  have 
not  yet  found  time  to  peruse  the  speech;  but  I  anticipate  much 
both  of  pleasure,  and  instruction  from  it.  Your  Obt.  Servt, 

A. 


1  ALS,  CSmH.  Sumner  presumably  enclosed  a  copy  of  his  speech  in  the  Sen- 
ate, June  4,  "The  Barbarism  of  Slavery,"  but  there  is  no  copy  with  his  letter 
of  June  8.  He  describes  the  speech  as  an  endeavor  "to  expose  the  true  character 
of  the  assumptions  now  made  by  the  Slave-masters"  (DLC-RTL). 

To  Jasper  E.  Brady1 

Hon.  J.  E.  Brady  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  June  15,  1860 

Your  very  kind  letter  of  the  /th  was  duly  received;  and,  until 
receiving  it,  I  do  not  remember  to  have  known  of  your  being  lo- 
cated at  Pittsburgh.  Your  kind  remembrance  of  me  gratifies  me, 
as  well  as  the  flattering  prospect  which  you  give  of  the  old  "Key 
Stone." 

I  shall  be  much  pleased  to  hear  from  you  again.  Very  truly  your 
friend,  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  Hertz,  II,  778.  Brady  was  a  Whig  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
with  Lincoln  in  1847-1849  who  afterwards  practiced  law  at  Pittsburgh  and  be- 
came a  clerk  in  the  Paymaster  General's  Office  1861-1869.  His  letter  of  June  7 
is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers. 


To  William  M.  Dickson1 

Hon:  W.  M.  Dickson  Springfield,  His. 

My  dear  Sir  June  15.   l86o 

Yours  inclosing  receipt  of  "Burnet  House"  is  received;  and  I  sin- 
cerely thank  you  for  your  attention  to  this  business.  Let  it  stand 

[76] 


jrui^E     17,     1860 

as  it  is  for  the  present,  with  the  distinct  understanding  that  you 
are  not  to  ultimately  lose  the  money. 

Give  my  love  to  Cousin  Annie.  Yours  very  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,  CSmH.  Dickson's  letter  of  June  9,  replying  to  Lincoln's  of  June  7,  supra^ 
enclosed  a  receipt  made  out  in  Lincoln's  name,  and  related  the  following:  "It 
seems  that  Messrs.  Corwine  &  Eggleston  [Richard  M.  Corwine  and  Benjamin 
Eggleston,  members  of  the  Ohio  State  Republican  Committee]  ordered  an  extra 
parlor  and  bed  room  .  .  .  dined  or  supped  with  you  and  they  ordered  the 
liquor  and  cigars  for  the  musicians,  the  extra  suppers  were  for  some  of  them. 
.  .  .  Now  the  best  course  is  to  have  it  paid  at  once  without  a  word  so  I  have 
paid  it,  ....  but  dont  you  send  me  any  money  whatever.  At  a  proper  time 
and  quietly  some  of  my  particular  friends,  republicans  will  share  the  matter 
with  me.  For  the  honor  of  our  city  dont  send  me  the  money.  I  would  not 
have  it  said  that  we  have  invited  you  here  &  then  made  you  pay  the  expenses 
not  only  of  yourself  but  of  the  committee  too.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL). 


To  John  L.  Scripps1 

John  L.  Scripps,  Esq.  Springfield, 

My  dear  Sir  June  16.  1860 

In  the  Peoria  speech  of  1854,  I  have  said  the  prohibition  of  slav- 
ery in  the  N.W.  Territory  "was  made  a  condition  in  the  Virginia 
leed  of  cession.  That  is  an  error.  Such  prohibition  is  not  a  condi- 
ion  of  the  deed;  and  in  any  reprint  of  the  speech,  the  text  should 
>e  preserved,  but  there  should  be  a  note  stating  the  error.  Yours 
ruly  A. 


1  ALS,  IHi.  In  his  letter  of  June  ±8,  Scripps  said  he  'was  working  hard  on 
is  biography  of  Lincoln,  but  no  mention  of  reprinting  the  Peoria  speech  is 
iade  in  any  of  his  letters  (June  2,  ±8,  and  20)  in  the  Lincoln  Papers  (DLC~ 
TL). 


To  Elihu  B.  Washburne1 

[on.  E.  B.  Washburne  Springfield,  Ills, 

ly  dear  Sir:  June  17.  1860 

This  will  barely  reach  you  before  your  leaving  for  the  West; 
id  I  write  it  merely  to  say  I  received  yours  of  the  13th.;  that  I 
cpect  to  be  at  home  all  summer;  and  that  I  shall  be  glad  to  see 
>u  as  soon  as  convenient  to  yourself.  Yours  very  truly 

A.  LrisrcoLiNr — 

l  ALS,  owned  by  Hempstead  Washburne,  Chicago,  Illinois.  Washburne's  let- 
•  of  June  13,  related  that  he  had  "many  things,  including  a  hitch  in  N.Y." 
3ut  which  he  wished  to  talk  to  Lincoln,  and  proposed  that  he  come  to  Spring- 
Id  after  his  return  home  (DLC-RTL) .  Congress  was  to  adjourn  June  25. 

[77] 


To  Oran  Follett1 

PRIVATE 

O.  Follett,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

Dear  Sir:  June  l8-  l86° 

Your  long  letter  of  the  gth.  was  received  only  this  morning.  I 
write  this  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  yours;  to  thank  you  for 
the  interest  you  take  in  the  cause;  and  to  say  that  I  previously  had 
had  my  attention  turned  in  the  same  direction.  Yours  very  truly 

A  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  OCHP.  Oran  Follett  wrote  from  Sandusky,  Ohio,  detailing  incidents  in 
earlier  campaigns  which  he  believed  indicated  that  William  H.  Seward  was 
surrounded  by  friends  who  used  politics  to  secure  financial  advantages  to 
themselves  (DLC-RTL). 

To  Carl  Schurz1 

Carl  Schurz,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  June  18.  1860 

Yours  of  May  22nd.  was  duly  received;  and  now,  on  a  careful 
re-perusal  of  it,  I  am  much  mortified  that  I  did  not  attend  to  it  at 
once.  I  fear  I  have  no  sufficient  apology.  I  received  it  with  multi- 
tudes of  others,  glanced  over  it  too  hastily  to  properly  appreciate 
its'  importance,  laid  it  by,  and  it  passed  from  my  mind,  till  Gov. 
Koerner  mentioned  it  to-day.  In  a  general  bringing  up  of  my  cor- 
respondence, I  perhaps  should  have  reached  it  to-day. 

The  main  object  of  the  letter  —  time  —  so  far  as  it  depended  on 
me,  is  lost.  I  hope  you  have  gone  f  orward  on  your  plan  without  my 
advice.  To  me  it  appears  an  excellent  plan;  and  I  have  no  sufficient 
experience  to  suggest  any  improvement  of  it.  I  think  it  would  be 
desireable  to  have  the  opinion  of  the  National  committee  upon  it, 
if  it  can  be  obtained  without  too  much  loss  of  time. 

And  now,  upon  this  bad  beginning,  you  must  not  determine  to 
write  me  no  more;  for  I  promise  you,  that  no  letter  of  yours  to 
me,  shall  ever  again  be  neglected. 

I  beg  you  to  be  assured  that  your  having  supported  Gov.  Seward, 
in  preference  to  myself  in  the  convention,  is  not  even  remembered 
by  me  for  any  practical  purpose,  or  the  slightest  u[n]  pleasant  feel- 
ing. I  go  not  back  of  the  convention,  to  make  distinctions  among 
its'  members;  and,  to  the  extent  of  our  limited  acquaintance,  no 
man  stands  nearer  my  heart  than  yourself.  Very  truly  your  friend 

A. 


1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  Schurz  had  written  as  a  member  of  the  National  Republican 
Committee  in  charge  of  the  foreign  department,  proposing  a  list  of  all  "Ger- 


[78] 


JUNE       ig,       i860 

mans,  Norwegians,  Hollanders,  etc.  who  can  serve  our  cause  in  the  way  of 
public  speaking.  .  .  ."  His  plan  was  to  organize  them  into  squads  to  send  to 
doubtful  states,  in  the  belief  that  the  foreign  vote  of  1856  could  be  doubled  in 
the  North,  and  he  wished  to  consult  with  Lincoln  before  leaving  for  Pennsyl- 
vania during  the  first  or  second  week  in  June  (DLC-RTL). 

To  Richard  W.  Thompson1 

PRIVATE 

Hon:  R.  W.  Thompson:  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  June  18.  1860 

Your  long  letter  of  the  lath,  is  just  received,  and  read.  I  write 
this  to  thank  you  for  it;  and  to  say  I  would  lite  for  you  to  converse 
freely  with  Hon:  Henry  Winter  Davis.2  And  lest  he  be  compro- 
mitted,  by  inference  from  this,  let  me  say  that  he  and  I  never  met, 
or  corresponded.  Very  truly  your  friend.  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  InFtwL.  Thompson's  letter  of  June  12,  in  reply  to  Lincoln's  non-ex- 
tant letter  of  May  26,  expressed  gratification  at  Lincoln's  nomination  and  gave 
the  opinion  in  regard  to  running  a  Bell  ticket  in  Indiana  that  "We  should  by 
holding  off  in  the  doubtful  states  let  you  carry  them.  .   .   .  You  must  not  infer 
from  the  above  that  I  shall  vote  for  you,  although  if  it  should  turn  out  that 
we  have  no  electoral  ticket  .   .   .  that  I  may  do  so  is  possible."  (DLC-RTL). 

2  Henry  Winter  Davis,  a  cousin  of  Lincoln's  friend  David  Davis,  was  Re- 
publican   representative    in    Congress    from    Baltimore,    Maryland.    A    former 
Know-Nothing,   and   earlier  a  Whig,   his    Southern   extraction   as   well   as   his 
marked  ability  gave  him  a  considerable  following  and  influence  in  the  border 
states. 

Endorsement:  James  W.  Somers  to  Lincoln1 

[June  19,   1860] 

Just  got  home  and  found  this  letter.  You  are  abundently  wel- 
come to  use  my  name  by  way  of  reference;  and  I  wish  you  great 
success  besides.  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AES-F,  Henry  C.  Whitney,  The  Lincoln  Autographic  Album  [0.1891],  p. 
43.  Apparently  Lincoln  wrote  the  endorsement  on  Somers'  letter  of  June  10 
and  returned  it.  Somers'  letter  of  June  22  (DLC-B.TL)  thanks  Lincoln  for 
replying  to  a  letter  of  June  10. 

To  Samuel  Galloway1 

Especially  Confidential 

Hon:  Saml.  Galloway:  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  June  19,  1860 

Your  very  kind  letter  of  the  i5th.  is  received.  Messrs.  Follett, 
Foster  &  Go's  Life  of  me  is  not  by  my  authority;  and  I  have  scarce- 
ly been  so  much  astounded  by  anything,  as  by  their  public  an- 

[79] 


JTUISTE       19,       i860 

nouncement  that  it  is  authorized  by  me.  They  have  fallen  into 
some  strange  misunderstanding.  I  certainly  knew  they  contem- 
plated publishing  a  biography,  and  I  certainly  did  not  object  to 
their  doing  so,  upon  their  oivn  responsibility.  I  even  took  pains  to 
facilitate  them.  But,  at  the  same  time,  I  made  myself  tiresome,  if 
not  hoarse,  with  repeating  to  Mr.  Howard,  their  only  agent  seen 
by  me,  my  protest  that  I  authorized  nothing  —  would  be  responsible 
for  nothing.  How,  they  could  so  misunderstand  me,  passes  com- 
prehension. As  a  matter,  wholly  my  oivn,  I  would  authorize  no 
biography,  without  time,  and  opertunity  to  carefully  examine 
and  consider  every  word  of  it;  and,  in  this  case,  in  the  nature  of 
things,  I  can  have  no  such  time  and  opertunity.  But,  in  my  present 
position,  when,  by  the  lessons  of  the  past,  and  the  united  voice  of 
all  discreet  friends,  I  am  neither  [to]  write  or  speak  a  word  for  the 
public,  how  dare  I  to  send  forth,  by  my  authority,  a  volume  of 
hundreds  of  pages,  for  adversaries  to  make  points  upon  without 
end.  Were  I  to  do  so,  the  convention  would  have  a  right  to  re- 
assemble, and  substitute  another  name  for  mine. 

For  these  reasons,  I  would  not  look  at  the  proof  sheets.  I  am 
determined  to  maintain  the  position  of  truly  saying  I  never  saw 
the  proof  sheets,  or  any  part  of  their  work,  before  it's  publication. 

Now,  do  not  mistake  me.  I  feel  great  kindness  for  Messrs.  F.  F. 
&  Co  —  do  not  think  they  have  intentionally  done  wrong.  There 
may  be  nothing  wrong  in  their  proposed  book.  I  sincerely  hope 
there  will  not.  I  barely  suggest  that  you,  or  any  of  the  friends 
there,  on  the  party  account,  look  it  over,  &  exclude  -what  you  may 
think  would  embarrass  the  party  —  bearing  in  mind,  at  all  times, 
that  I  authorize  nothing  —  will  be  responsible  for  nothing.  Your 
friend,  as  ever  A. 


1ALS,  IHi.  Galloway  had  suggested  that  proof  sheets  of  the  biography  be- 
ing published  by  Follett,  Foster,  and  Company  should  be  looked  over  by  some 
of  Lincoln's  friends  because  James  Q.  Howard  was  too  radical  in  his  anti-slav- 
ery views  and  might  possibly  wnte  something  offensive  to  conservative  Re- 
publicans (DLC-RTL).  Howard  had  visited  Springfield  in  May  following  Lin- 
coln's nomination,  to  collect  material  for  the  biography  which  William  Dean 
Howells  would  write,  but  in  addition  to  the  Howells  book  the  publishers  de- 
cided to  issue  a  biography  by  Howard. 

To  Joshua  R.  Giddings1 

Hon.  J.  R.  Giddings.  Springfield,  Ills.  June  26.  1860. 

My  dear  Sir  Yours  of  June  igth  was  received  in  due  course, 
and  its  receipt  would  have  been  sooner  acknowledged  but  for  ill- 
ness in  my  family.  The  suggestions  you  make  are  very  important, 

[80] 


JULY     4,      i860 

and  are  duly  appreciated  by  me.  If  I  fail,  it  will  be  for  lack  of 
ability.,  and  not  of  purpose. 

Your  note,  sent  by  Mr.  Tuck,  was  received,  and  answered;2  but 
as  you  make  no  mention  of  my  answer,  I  fear  you  did  not  receive 
it. 

Mrs.  L.  joins  me  in  remembrances  and  good  wishes  for  you. 
Yours  very  truly,  A.  LINCOLN 

i  Copy,  DLC-HW.  Giddings  letter  of  June  19  suggested  that  Lincoln  follow 
the  example  set  by  John  Quincy  Adams  in  not  answering  any  questions  upon 
which  he  was  expected  to  act  as  President  until  he  was  elected,  and  further 
that  he  should  say  to  applicants  for  office  that  at  the  proper  time  he  would 
select  his  cabinet  and  leave  each  secretary  responsible  for  appointments  in  his 
department  (DLC-RTL).  2  Vide  supra,  May  ai. 

To  WiUiam  C.  Bryant1 

Mr.  Wm.  C.  Bryant:  Springfield,  Ills.  June  28.  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  Please  accept  ray  thanks  for  the  honor  done  me  by 
your  kind  letter  of  the  1 6th.  I  appreciate  the  danger  against  which 
you  would  guard  me;  nor  am  I  wanting  in  the  purpose  to  avoid  it. 
I  thank  you  for  the  additional  strength  your  words  give  me,  to 
maintain  that  purpose.  Your  friend  &  servant  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  Bryant  MSS.  in  custody  of  Conrad  G.  Goddard,  Roslyn,  Long  Island, 
New  York  Bryant's  letter  warned  Lincoln  against  politicians  interested  only 
in  their  own  advancement  and,  reminding  him  that  the  candidate  who  makes 
pledges  most  cautiously  has  the  greatest  chance  for  success,  suggested  that  Lin- 
coln make  no  speeches  and  write  no  letters  for  publication  (DLC-RTL). 

Tb  Whom  It  May  Concern:  For  David  L.  Phillips1 

Whom  it  may  concern  Springfield,  Ills.  July  2.  1860 

The  bearer  of  this,  Mr.  D.  L.  Phillips,  is  one  of  our  most  active 
and  efficient  republicans  in  Illinois.  He  is  doing  good  service  in  our 
cause;  and  will  ask  nothing  not  needed,  and  misapply  nothing  re- 
ceived by  him.  Yours  &c  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS-F,  Los  Angeles  Times,  February  12,  1931. 

To  Anson  G.  Henry1 

My  dear  Doctor:  Springfield,  Ills.  July  4,  1860 

Your  very  agreeable  letter  of  May  15th.  was  received  three  days 
ago.  We  are  just  now  receiving  the  first  sprinkling  of  your  Oregon 
election  returns — not  enough,  I  think,  to  indicate  the  result.  We 
should  be  too  happy  if  both  Logan  and  Baker  should  triumph.2 

[81] 


JTULY     i  o,     1860 

Long  before  this  you  have  learned  who  was  nominated  at  Chi- 
cago. We  know  not  what  a  day  may  bring  forth;  but,  to-day,  it 
looks  as  if  the  Chicago  ticket  will  be  elected.  I  think  the  chances 
were  more  than  equal  that  we  could  have  beaten  the  Democracy 
united.  Divided,  as  it  is,  it's  chance  appears  indeed  very  slim.  But 
great  is  Democracy  in  resources;  and  it  may  yet  give  it's  fortunes 
a  turn.  It  is  under  great  temptation  to  do  something;  but  what  can 
it  do  which  was  not  thought  of,  and  found  impracticable,  at 
Charleston  and  Baltimore?.  The  signs  now  are  that  Douglas  and 
Breckenridge  will  each  have  a  ticket  in  every  state.  They  are 
driven  to  this  to  keep  up  their  bombastic  claims  of  nationality  -y  and 
to  avoid  the  charge  of  sectionalism  which  they  have  so  much 
lavished  upon  us. 

It  is  an  amusing  fact,  after  all  Douglas  has  said  about  national- 
ity., and  sectionalism,  that  I  had  more  votes  from  the  Southern 
section  at  Chicago,  than  he  had  at  Baltimore!  In  fact,  there  was 
more  of  the  Southern  section  represented  at  Chicago,  than  in  the 
Douglas  rump  concern  at  Baltimore!! 

Our  boy,3  in  his  tenth  year,  (the  baby  when  you  left)  has  just 
had  a  hard  and  tedious  spell  of  scarlet-fever;  and  he  is  not  yet  be- 
yond all  danger.  I  have  a  head-ache,  and  a  sore  throat  upon  me 
now,  inducing  me  to  suspect  that  I  have  an  inferior  type  of  the 
same  thing. 

Our  eldest  boy,  Bob,  has  been  away  from  us  nearly  a  year  at 
school,  and  will  enter  Harvard  University  this  month.  He  promises 
very  well,  considering  we  never  controlled  him  much. 

Write  again  when  you  receive  this.  Mary  joins  in  sending  our 
kindest  regards  to  Mrs.  H.  yourself,  and  all  the  family.  Your 
friend,  as  ever  A. 


1  ALS-P,  ISLA. 

2  Edward  D.  Baker,  candidate  for  the  U.S.  Senate,  and  David  Logan   (son  of 
Stephen  T.  Logan),  who  was  a  candidate  for  the  U.S.  House  of  Representatives. 

3  William  Wallace  Lincoln. 

To  Richard  W.  Thompson1 

PRIVATE 

Hon.  R.  W.  Thompson:  Springfield,  Ills, 

Dear  Sir:  july  1(X   l86o 

Yours  of  the  6th.  is  received,  and  for  which  I  thank  you.  I  write 
this  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  it,  and  to  say  I  take  time  (only 
a  little)  before  answering  the  main  matter. 

If  my  record  would  hurt  any,  there  is  no  hope  that  it  will  be 

[82] 


JTULY     16,     1860 

over-looked;  so  that  if  friends  can  help  any  with  it,  they  may  as 
well  do  so.  Of  course,  due  caution  and  circumspection,  "will  be  used. 

With  reference  to  the  same  matter,  of  which  you  write,  I  wish 
you  would  watch  Chicago  a  little.  They  are  getting  up  a  movement 
for  the  i  /th.  Inst.  I  believe  a  line  from  you  to  John  Wilson,2  late 
of  the  Genl.  Land  Office  (I  guess  you  know  him  well)  would  fix 
the  matter. 

When  I  shall  have  reflected  a  little,  you  will  hear  from  me 
again.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN. 

Burn  this. 

1  ALS,  InFtWL    Thompson's  letter  of  July  6  recounted  plans  of  the  Indiana 
Constitutional  Unionists  to  run  a  Bell  electoral  ticket,  which  he  opposed,  and 
said  that  one  of  his  chief  arguments  was  that  Lincoln,  if  elected,  would  not 
be  "led  into  ultraism  by  radical  men,  but  your  administration  will  be  national. 
If  I  could  succeed  in  fixing  this  influence  upon  their  mind,  I  should  have  little 
difficulty."  He  added  that  he  wished  to  see  Lincoln  and  *etalk  about  some  things 
that  you  ought  not  to  write  about,"  but  that  if  he  came  to  Springfield  it  would 
"get   into   the    papers"    (DLC-RTL).    Lincoln    sent    Nicolay    to    Terre    Haute, 
Indiana,  to  interview-  Thompson  a  few  days  later.   See  Lincoln  to  Thompson 
and  instructions  to  Nicolay,  July   16,  infra. 

2  John  Wilson  was  appointed  commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office  under 
President  Fillmore. 


Instructions  for  John  G.  Nicolay1 

[c.  July  16,   1860] 
Ascertain  "what  he  wants. 

On  what  subjects  he  would  converse  with  me. 
And  the  particulars  if  he  will  give  them. 
Is  an  interview  indispensable? 
Tell  him  my  motto  is  "Fairness  to  all," 
But  commit  me  to  nothing, 

1  Copy,  DLC-Nicolay  Papers.  The  copy  is  marked  "Unpublished  MS.,"  but 
Lincoln's  autograph  manuscript  is  not  in  the  Nicolay  Papers.  Nicolay  carried 
the  instructions  for  his  interview  "with  Richard  W.  Thompson,  introducing 
Nicolay,  infra.,  and  the  letter  of  July  10,  supra. 


To  Leonard  Swett1 

Dear  Swett:  Springfield,  Ills.  July  16.  1860 

Herewith  I  return  the  letters  of  Messrs:  Putnam  &  Casey.2  I 
thank  you  for  sending  them — in  the  main,  they  bring  good  news. 
And  yet  that  matter,  mentioned  by  Mr.  Casey,  about  want  of  con- 
fidence in  their  Centrl.  Com.  pains  me.  I  am  afraid  there  is  a  germ 
of  difficulty  in  it.  Will  not  the  men  thus  suspected,  and  treated  as 

[83] 


JTULY       ±6,       i860 

proposed,  rebel,  and  make  a  dangerous  explosion?3  When  you 
write  Mr.  Casey,  suggest  to  him  that  great  caution  and  delicacy  of 
action,  is  necessary  in  that  matter. 

I  would  like  to  see  you  &  the  Judge,4  one  or  both,  about  that 
matter  of  your  going  to  Pa.  Yours  as  ever,  A.   LINCOLN. 

1  ALS,  owned  by  David  Davis,  IV,  Bloomington,  Illinois. 

2  James  O.  Putnam  of  Buffalo,  New  York,  and  Joseph  Casey,  representative  in 
congress  from  Pennsylvania,    1849-1851,   appointed  by  Lincoln,    Judge   of  the 
Court  of  Claims,  1861.  Putnam's  letter  pleased  Lincoln  so  much  that  he  copied 
the  following  extract  and  filed  it  in  the  envelope  of  Swett's  letter:   "They  have 
had  large  meetings;  and  they  begin  to  feel  that  'Old  Abe*  is  a  great  fellow.  This 
opinion  I  share,  as  you  see.  Do  you  know,  Swett,  I  think  him  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  speakers  of  English,  living?  In  all  that  constitutes  logical  eloquence, 
straight-forwardness,    clearness    of    statement,    sincerity    that    commands    your 
admiration  and  assent,   and  a  compact  stren[g]th  of  argument,  he  is  infinitely 
superior  to  Douglas,  I  think.  The  truth  is,  I  have  read  every  thing  I  have  been 
able  to  find  he  has  written  or  said,  and  the  ring  of  the  best  metal  is  in  them  all 
I  dont  wonder  at  your  admiration."  (DLC-RTL). 

3  The  Pennsylvania  State  Central  Committee  was  controlled  by  followers  of 
Andrew  G.  Curtin,  Republican  candidate  for  governor,  and  the  faction  support- 
ing Simon  Cameron  were  suspicious  of  their  loyalty.  See  Lincoln  to  John  M. 
Pomeroy,  August  31,  infra.  4  Judge  David  Davis. 


To  Richard  W.  Thompson1 

Hon.  R.  W.  Thompson  Springfield,  Ills., 

My  dear  Sir:  July  16,  1860. 

This  introduces  my  friend,  J.  G.  Nicolay.  Converse  as  freely 

with  him  as  you  would  with  me.  Yours  truly,  A. 


1  Copy,  David  W.  Henry,  "Richard  Wigginton  Thompson,"  MS  ,  In,  The 
original  letter  was  formerly  in  the  Thompson  Papers,  but  has  not  been  located 
among  the  manuscripts  now  at  The  Lincoln  National  Life  Foundation,  Fort 
Wayne,  Indiana. 


To  Hannibal  Hamlin1 

Springfield,  Illinois,  July  18,  1860, 

My  dear  Sir:  It  appears  to  me  that  you  and  I  ought  to  be  ac- 
quainted, and  accordingly  I  write  this  as  a  sort  of  introduction  of 
myself  to  you.  You  first  entered  the  Senate  during  the  single  term 
I  was  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  but  I  have  no 
recollection  that  we  were  introduced.  I  shall  be  pleased  to  receive 
a  line  from  you. 

The  prospect  of  Republican  success  now  appears  very  flattering, 
so  far  as  I  can  perceive.  Do  you  see  anything  to  the  contrary? 
Yours  truly,  A. 

[84] 


JULY      21,      i860 

1  NH,  VI,  44.  Hamlin  replied,  July  23,  that  although  he  was  not  sure,  his 
recollection  "was  that  they  had  been  formally  introduced.  He  reported  that 
Maine  would  do  her  whole  duty  and  that  New  England  looked  well  (DLG- 
RTL). 


To  Cassius  M.  Clay1 

Hon:  Cassius  M.  Clay:  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  July  20,  1860 

I  see  by  the  papers,  and  also  learn  from  Mr.  Nicolay,  -who  saw 
you  at  Terre-Haute,  that  you  are  filling  a  list  of  speaking  appoint- 
ments in  Indiana.  I  sincerely  thank  you  for  this;  and  I  shall  be 
still  further  obliged  if  you  will,  at  the  close  of  the  tour,  drop  me 
a  line,  giving  your  impression  of  our  prospects  in  that  state. 

Still  more  will  you  oblige  us  if  you  -will  allow  us  to  make  a  list 
of  appointments  in  our  State,  commencing,  say,  at  Marshall,  in 
Clark  county,  and  thence  South  and  West,  along  our  Wabash  and 
Ohio  river  border. 

In  passing,  let  me  say,  that  at  Rockport  you  will  be  in  the  county 
within  which  I  was  brought  up  from  my  eigth  year — having 
left  Kentucky  at  that  point  of  my  life.  Yours  very  truly 

A.  LiisrcoiJNr. 

1  ALS,  THaroL.  See  also  Lincoln  to  Clay,  August  10,  infra. 

To  Abraham  Jonas1 

Confidential 

Hon.  A.  Jonas:  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  July  21,  1860 

Yours  of  the  2Oth.  is  received.  I  suppose  as  good,  or  even  better, 
men  than  I  may  have  been  in  American,  or  Know-Nothing  lodges; 
but  in  point  of  fact,  I  never  was  in  one,  at  Quincy,  or  elsewhere. 
I  was  never  in  Quincy  but  one  day  and  two  nights,  while  Know- 
Nothing  lodges  were  in  existence,  and  you  were  with  me  that  day 
and  both  those  nights.  I  had  never  been  there  before  in  my  life; 
and  never  afterwards,  till  the  joint  debate  with  Douglas  in  1858. 
It  was  in  1854,  when  I  spoke  in  some  Hall  there,2  and  after  the 
speaking,  you,  with  others,  took  me  to  an  oyster  saloon,  passed  an 
hour  there,  and  you  walked  with  me  to,  and  parted  with  me  at, 
the  Quincy-House,  quite  late  at  night.  I  left  by  stage  for  Naples 
before  day-light  in  the  morning,  having  come  in  by  the  same  route, 
after  dark,  the  evening  previous  to  the  speaking,  when  I  found 
you  waiting  at  the  Quincy  House  to  meet  me.  A  few  days  after  I 

[85] 


JTJLT      21,      i860 

was  there,  Richardson,3  as  I  understood,  started  this  same  story 
about  my  having  been  in  a  Know-Nothing  lodge.  When  I  heard 
of  the  charge,  as  I  did  soon  after,  I  taxed  my  recollection  for  some 
incident  which  could  have  suggested  it;  and  I  remembered  that 
on  parting  with  you  the  last  night,  I  went  to  the  Office  of  the 
Hotel  to  take  my  stage  passage  for  the  morning,  was  told  that  no 
stage  office  for  that  line  was  kept  there,  and  that  I  must  see  the 
driver,  before  retiring,  to  insure  his  calling  for  me  in  the  morning; 
and  a  servant  was  sent  with  me  to  find  the  driver,  who  after  taking 
me  a  square  or  two,  stopped  me,  and  stepped  perhaps  a  dozen  steps 
farther,  and  in  my  hearing  called  to  some  one,  who  answered  him 
apparantly  from  the  upper  part  of  a  building,  and  promised  to  call 
with  the  stage  for  me  at  the  Quincy  House.  I  returned  and  went 
to  bed;  and  before  day  the  stage  called  and  took  me.  This  is  all. 

That  I  never  was  in  a  Know-Nothing  lodge  in  Quincy,  I  should 
expect,  could  be  easily  proved,  by  respectable  men,  who  were  al- 
ways in  the  lodges  and  never  saw  me  there.  An  affidavit  of  one 
or  two  such  would  put  the  matter  at  rest. 

And  now,  a  word  of  caution.  Our  adversaries  think  they  can 
gain  a  point,  if  they  could  force  me  to  openly  deny  this  charge,  by 
which  some  degree  of  offence  would  be  given  to  the  Americans. 
For  this  reason,  it  must  not  publicly  appear  that  I  am  paying  any 
attention  to  the  charge.  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1 ALS,  IHi.  Jonas'  letter  of  July  20  (miscataloged  under  date  of  July  25, 
DLC-RTL)  related  that  "Isaac  N.  Morris  is  engaged  in  obtaining  affadavits 
and  certificates  of  certain  Irishmen  that  they  saw  you  in  Quincy  come  out  of  a 
Know  Nothing  Lodge — the  intention  is  to  send  the  affadavits  to  Washington 
for  publication.  .  .  ." 

2  Lincoln  spoke  at  Quincy  in  Kendall's  Hall,  November  i,  1854.  Vide  supra. 

3  William  A.  Richardson. 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

[July  21,  1860] 

I  join  in  the  foregoing  invitation;  and  if  a  compliance  with  it 
will  be  no  inconvenience  to  Gov.  Seward,  I  shall  be  personally 
much  gratified  to  meet  him  here.  A.  LirsrcoLisr. 

1 AES,  NAuE.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  of  Governor  John 
Wood  and  others  to  Seward,  July  21,  1860: 

"We  notice  this  morning  [in  the  Chciago  Press  and  Tribune]^  with  pleasure, 
your  letter  to  the  Hon  Aaron  Goodrich  of  Minnessota,  in  which  you  promise  to 
address  the  People  of  that  gallant  State,  at  a  future  day. 

"On  the  Eighth  day  of  August-  there  will  be  a  State  Convention,  held  in 
this  city,  to  nominate  a  candidate  to  be  elected,  to  the  office  of  Lieutenant 
Governor-  together  with  a  Mass  Meeting  of  the  Republicans  of  this  state.  We 
anticipate  a  very  large  gathering — probably  as  large  as  any  that  will  be  held 

[86] 


JULY      23,       i860 

in  the  state — upon  that  occasion,  and  we  cordially  and  urgently  invite  you  to 
be  present,  and  address  the  assembled  multitude. 

"We  feel  assured  that  you  will  come,  if  you  possibly  can,  and  request  you 
to  answer,  by  telegraph^  addressed  to  John  Wood,  this  city — that  you  will  come, 
so  that  proper  measures  may  be  taken  to  make  all  who  may  attend  the  meet- 
ing as  comfortable  as  we  can." 

Seward  spoke  in  St.  Paul  on  September  18,  then  went  to  Kansas.  On  Oc- 
tober i,  he  passed  through  Springfield  on  his  way  to  Chicago  and  spoke  from 
the  platform  of  the  tram  to  a  crowd  of  two  to  three  thousand  (Illinois  State 
Journal,  October  2,  1860). 

To  George  C.  Latham1 

My  dear  George  Springfield,  Ills.  July  22.  1860. 

I  have  scarcely  felt  greater  pain  in  my  life  than  on  learning 
yesterday  from  Bob's  letter,  that  you  had  failed  to  enter  Harvard 
University.  And  yet  there  is  very  little  in  it,  if  you  will  allow  no 
feeling  of  discouragement  to  seize,  and  prey  upon  you.  It  is  a  cer- 
tain truth,  that  you  can  enter,  and  graduate  in,  Harvard  Univer- 
sity; and  having  made  the  attempt,  you  must  succeed  in  it.  "Must" 
is  the  word. 

I  know  not  how  to  aid  you,  save  in  the  assurance  of  one  of  ma- 
ture age,  and  much  severe  experience,  that  you  can  not  fail,  if 
you  resolutely  determine,  that  you  will  not. 

The  President  of  the  institution,  can  scarcely  be  other  than  a 
kind  man;  and  doubtless  he  would  grant  you  an  interview,  and 
point  out  the  readiest  way  to  remove,  or  overcome,  the  obstacles 
which  have  thwarted  you. 

In  your  temporary  failure  there  is  no  evidence  that  you  may  not 
yet  be  a  better  scholar,  and  a  more  successful  man  in  the  great 
struggle  of  life,  than  many  others,  who  have  entered  college  more 
easily. 

Again  I  say  let  no  feeling  of  discouragement  prey  upon  you,  and 
in  the  end  you  are  sure  to  succeed. 

"With  more  than  a  common  interest  I  subscribe  myself  Very 
truly  your  friend,  A.  LmcoiJN'. 

1 ALS,  owned  by  Mrs.  H.  S.  Dickerman,  Springfield,  Illinois.  George  C. 
Latham,  who  had  attended  Phillips  Exeter  Academy  with  Robert  Todd  Lincoln, 
was  a  Springfield  boy,  the  son  of  Philip  C.  Latham. 


To  Caleb  B.  Smith1 

Springfield,   [July  23],  1860. 

My  dear  Sir:      Yours  of  the  aoth  was  duly  received,  and  for 
which  I  sincerely  thank  you.  From  present  appearances  we  might 

[87] 


JULY      27,       i860 

succeed  in  the  general  result,  without  Indiana;  but  with  it,  failure 
is  scarcely  possible.  Therefore  put  in  your  best  efforts.  I  see  by  the 
despatches  that  Mr.  Clay  had  a  rousing  meeting  at  Vincennes. 
Yours  very  truly,  A-  LINCOLN. 

1  NH,  VI,  47.  The  date  of  this  letter  in  Nicolay  and  Hay's  Complete  Works 
(August  10,'  1860)  seems  to  be  incorrect.  Lincoln's  reference  to  newspaper  re- 
ports of  Cassius  Clay's  speech  at  Vincennes  would  put  the  date  more  than  two 
weeks  earlier.  Smith's  letter  of  July  20  also  reports  on  Clay's  Indiana  tour 
(DLC-RTL).  Although  Lincoln's  manuscript  letter  has  not  been  located,  auc- 
tion records  of  its  sale  (Parke-Bernet  Sale  493,  November  3,  1943)  give  the 
date  of  the  letter  as  July  23,  1860. 

To  Francis  E.  Spinner1 

Hon.  F.  E.  Spinner.  Springfield,  Ills.  July  27,  1860. 

Dear  Six:  You  will  perhaps  be  pleased,  as  I  have  been,  to  know 
that  many  good  men  have  tendered  me  substantially  the  same  ad- 
vice that  you  do  (excepting  as  to  re-election)  and  that  no  single 
man  of  any  mark  has,  so  far,  tempted  me  to  a  contrary  course. 
.  .  .  Yours  very  truly,  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  Tracy,  pp.  156-57.  Francis  E.  Spinner,  banker  at  Mohawk,  New  York, 
congressman  1855-1861,  and  later  treasurer  of  the  U.S.  (1861-1875),  wrote 
Lincoln  July  23  that  administration  men  were  joining  the  Republicans  to  as- 
sist in  spoils  distribution,  and  warned  that  Lincoln  should  even  "resist  the 
importunities  of  your  own  political  and  personal  friends."  Such  a  course  would 
"compel  your  reelection."  In  a  postscript  he  promised  to  send  Com.  Perry's  Ex- 
pedition to  Japan  (1854)  and  reported  that  he  could  also  send  the  "Pacific  Rail 
Road  Survey  Reports"  and  the  "Mexican  Boundary  Survey  Reports"  (DLC- 
RTL).  See  Lincoln  to  Spinner,  September  24,  infra. 

To  Carl  Schurz1 

Hon.  Carl  Schurz.  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  July  28.   1860 

By  the  hand  of  J.  G.  Nicolay,  whom  you  know,  I  send  you  the 
Scrap-boot,  containing  the  New-Orleans  speech  you  desire.  It  also 
contains  the  speeches  made  at  Chicago,  St.  Louis,  and  Memphis, 
immediately  after  the  election  of  1858.  If  the  Scrap-book  will  be 
of  much  further  service  to  you,  you  can  keep  it,  till  oppertunity 
occurs  to  return  it;  otherwise,  let  Mr.  Nicolay  bring  it  with  him. 
Yours  very  truly  A. 


1  ALS,  DLC-Schurz  Papers.  Schurz  Had  visited  Lincoln  on  July  24,  and 
doubtless  expressed  his  wish  for  a  copy  of  Douglas'  speech  at  New  Orleans.  On 
August  22  he  wrote  Lincoln  from  New  Albany,  Indiana,  that  he  had  been  "for 
about  three  weeks  .  .  .  working  the  state  of  Ind.  .  .  ."  and  that  he  was  return- 
ing the  scrapbook  (DLC-RTL). 

[88] 


To  James  O.  Putnam1 

Hon.  James  O.  Putnam  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  July  29.  1860 

I  have  just  read  the  speech  you  sent  me,  with  your  note  of  the 
23rd.  attached.2  I  do  not  mean  to  flatter  you  when  I  say  it  is,  in- 
deed, a  very  excellent  one.  The  manner  in  which  you  point  out  to 
Gov.  Hunt  that  his  objections  to  the  election  of  the  Republican 
candidate  apply  with  manifold  force  to  the  candidate  he  would 
elect  instead,  is  truly  admirable. 

And  now  allow  me  to  name  one  error.  John  Adams  was  not 
elected  over  Jefferson  by  the  H.R;  but  Jefferson  was  over  Burr. 
Such  is  my  recollection.3  Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS-F,  New  York  Times,  February  12,  1928.  Putnam's  note  of  July  23  is 
not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers. 

2  Putnam  spoke  at  Lockport,  New  York,  on  July  19,  in  reply  to  ex-Governor 
Washington  Hunt,  who  was  a  Bell  supporter. 

3  Putnam  wrote  Lincoln  on  September  8  that  he  had  corrected  the  error  in 
the  pamphlet  edition  of  his  speech.  See  Lincoln  to  Putnam,  September  13,  infra 
(DLC-RTL). 

To  Thomas  Doney1 

Thomas  Doney,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  July  30,  1860 

The  picture  (I  know  not  the  artistic  designation)  was  duly  and 
thankfully  received.  I  consider  it  a  very  excellent  one;  though, 
truth  to  say,  I  am  a  very  indifferent  judge. 

The  receipt  of  it  should  have  been  acknowledged  long  ago;  but 
it  had  passed  from  my  mind  till  reminded  of  it  by  the  letter  of 
our  friend.  Dr.  Dodson.2  Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  ORB.  Thomas  Doney  was  an  engraver  at  Elgin,  Illinois. 

2  There  is  no  letter  from  Dr.  Dodson  in  the  Lincoln  Papers,  but  Lincoln  prob- 
ably referred  to  Dr.  B.  E.  Dodson  of  Dundee,  Illinois. 

To  Simeon  Francis1 

Friend  Francis —  Springfield,  Ills.  Aug.  4.  1860 

I  have  had  three  letters  from  you — one,  a  long  one,  received  in 
February;  one,  telling  me  of  the  deputation  of  Mr.  Greely  to 
cast  the  vote  of  Oregon,  in  the  Chicago  convention,  received  a  few 
days  before  that  convention;  and  one  written  since  you  knew  the 
result  of  your  Oregon  election,  received  a  few  days  ago.  I  have  not, 
till  now,  attempted  an  answer  to  any  of  them,  because  I  disliked 

[89] 


AUGUST      6,       i860 

to  write  you  a  mere  note,  and  because  I  could  not  find  time  to  -write 
at  length. 

Your  brother  Allen  has  returned  from  California.,  and,  I  under- 
stand, intends  remaining  here.  Josiah2  is  running  his  J.  P.  court, 
about  as  when  you  left.  We  had  a  storm  here  last  night  which  did 
considerable  damage,  the  largest  single  instance  of  which,  was  to 
the  Withies.3  A  wall  of  their  brick  shop  building  was  thrown  in, 
and,  it  is  said  destroyed  ten  thousand  dollars  worth  of  carriages.  I 
have  heard  of  no  personal  injury  done. 

When  you  wrote,  you  had  not  learned  of  the  doings  of  the  demo- 
cratic convention  at  Baltimore;  but  you  will  be  in  possession  of  it 
all  long  before  this  reaches  you.  I  hesitate  to  say  it,  but  it  really 
appears  now,  as  if  the  success  of  the  Republican  ticket  is  inevitable. 
We  have  no  reason  to  doubt  any  of  the  states  which  voted  for 
Fremont.  Add  to  these,  Minnesota,  Pennsylvania,  and  New-  Jersey, 
and  the  thing  is  done.  Minnesota  is  as  sure  as  such  a  thing  can  be; 
while  the  democracy  are  so  divided  between  Douglas  and  Brecken- 
ridge  in  Penn.  &  N.J.  that  they  are  scarcely  less  sure.  Our  friends 
are  also  confident  in  Indiana  and  Illinois.  I  should  expect  the  same 
division  would  give  us  a  fair  chance  in  Oregon.  Write  me  what  you 
think  on  that  point. 

"We  were  very  anxious  here  for  David  Logan's  election.  I  think 
I  wall  write  him  before  long.  If  you  see  Col.  Baker,4  give  him  my 
respects.  I  do  hope  he  may  not  be  tricked  out  of  what  he  has  fairly 
earned. 

Make  my  kindest  regards  to  Mrs.  Francis;  and  tell  her  I  both 
hope  and  believe  she  is  not  so  unhappy  as  when  I  saw  her  last. 
Your  friend,  as  ever  A. 


1  ALS,  OrHi.  In  1859,  Simeon  Francis  had  removed  from  Springfield  to  Port- 
land, Oregon,  where  he  published  The  Oregon  Farmer. 
%  Josiah  Francis,  brother  of  Simeon. 

3  William  H.  Withey  and  George  Withey,  carriage  and  wagon  manufactur- 
ers. 

4  Lincoln's  old  friend  Edward  D.  Baker.  The  verso  of  the  last  page  of  Lin- 
coln's letter  bears  a  note  by  Francis  as  follows:  "Gave  this  letter  to  Col.  Baker 
to  be  shown  at  Salem  when  the  Senator  was  to  be  chosen  to  stop  some  foolish 
lies  in  circulation." 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

PRIVATE 

Hon.  Simon  Cameron.  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  Aug.  6.  1860 

Yours  of  the  ist.  is  duly  received,  and  for  which  I  sincerely 
thank  you.  Good  news,  from  a  reliable  source,  is  always  welcome. 

[90] 


AUGUST      8,      i860 

Before  this  reaches  you,  my  very  good  friend.  Judge  Davis,2  will 
have  called  upon  you,  and,  perhaps,  shown  you  the  "scraps"  men- 
tioned to  you  by  Mr.  Leslie.3  Nothing  about  these,  must  get  into 
the  news-papers.  Yours  very  truly  A. 


1  ALS,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Cameron  wrote  on  August  i  that  Pennsylvania 
was  safe  and  needed  no  help  "My  young  friend,  Mr.  Lesley,  who  saw  you  the 
other  day  says  you  showed  him  your  notes  of  speeches  made  in  1844,  on  the 
subject  of  protection,  and  his  account  of  them  gratifies  us,  all,  very  much." 
(DLC-RTX).  2  David  Davis. 

3  James  Lesley,  Jr.,  of  Philadelphia.  The  "scraps"  were  the  same  notes  pre- 
served in  the  Lincoln  Papers.  Vide  supra,  December  i,  1847.  Although  Cameron 
refers  to  them  as  written  in  1844,  Lincoln  dated  them  as  written  between  1846 
and  December,  1847. 

Remarks  at  a  Republican  Rally, 
Springfield-,  Illinois1 

August  8,  1860 

My  Fellow  Citizens:  —  I  appear  among  you  upon  this  occasion 
with  no  intention  of  making  a  speech. 

It  has  been  my  purpose,  since  I  have  been  placed  in  my  present 
position,  to  make  no  speeches.  This  assemblage  having  been  drawn 
together  at  the  place  of  my  residence,  it  appeared  to  be  the  wish 
of  those  constituting  this  vast  assembly  to  see  me;  and  it  is  certain- 
ly my  wish  to  see  all  of  you.  I  appear  upon  the  ground  here  at  this 
time  only  for  the  purpose  of  affording  myself  the  best  opportunity 
of  seeing  you,  and  enabling  you  to  see  me. 

I  confess  with  gratitude,  be  it  understood,  that  I  did  not  suppose 
my  appearance  among  you  would  create  the  tumult  which  I  now 
witness.  I  am  profoundly  gratified  for  this  manifestation  of  your 
feelings.  I  ana  gratified,  because  it  is  a  tribute  such  as  can  be  paid 
to  no  man  as  a  man.  It  is  the  evidence  that  four  years  from  this 
time  you  will  give  a  like  manifestation  to  the  next  man  who  is  the 
representative  of  the  truth  on  the  questions  that  now  agitate  the 
public.  And  it  is  because  you  will  then  fight  for  this  cause  as  you 
do  now,  or  with  even  greater  ardor  than  now,  though  I  be  dead  and 
gone.  I  most  profoundly  and  sincerely  thank  you. 

Having  said  this  much,  allow  me  now  to  say  that  it  is  my  wish 
that  you  will  hear  this  public  discussion  by  others  of  our  friends 
who  are  present  for  the  purpose  of  addressing  you,  and  that  you 
will  kindly  let  me  be  silent. 

1  Illinois  State  Journal,  August  9,  1860.  This  speech  is  misdated  by  Nicolay 
and  Hay  in  the  Complete  Works  (VI,  49)  on  August  14.  The  Journal  devoted 
more  than  three  columns  to  the  mammoth  occasion  at  the  Fair  Grounds,  head- 
ing the  first  column  "with  an  elephant  bearing  in  its  trunk  a  banner  inscribed 

[91] 


AUGUST      8,       i860 

"WE  ARE  COMING!"  and  caparisoned  in  another  which  announced  "CLEAR 
THE  TRACK!"  _  the  first  known  use  of  the  elephant  as  symbol  of  the  Repub- 
lican party.  Headlines  followed  "A  Political  Earthquake'"  "THE  PRAIRIES 
ON  FIRE/FOR  LINCOLN!"  The  rally  was  described  in  superlatives.  Five 
speakers'  stands  (other  papers  said  "six")  were  filled  simultaneously.  Lincoln's 
arrival  on  the  grounds  occasioned  a  stampede  for  his  carriage,  whence  he  was 
lifted  and  carried  above  the  crowd  to  one  of  the  stands.  After  his  brief  remarks 
he  escaped  by  stratagem  on  horseback  while  the  expectant  crowd  massed 
around  the  carriage.  The  Cincinnati  Gazette  reporter  admitted  that  "Immense 
is  the  only  word  that  describes  to-day's  demonstration.  .  .  .  The  enthusiasm 
was  beyond  all  bounds.  ...  I  never  saw  so  dense  and  large  a  crowd.  .  .  .  Mr. 
Lincoln's  bearing  to-day,  under  such  a  tribute  of  personal  popularity  and  ad- 
miration as  I  have  never  before  seen  paid  to  any  human  being,  more  and  more 
convinces  me  of  the  real  greatness  of  his  character.  .  .  ."  (Peoria  Daily  Tran- 
script., August  13,  1860,  copied  from  the  Gazette.} 

Endorsement:  Buckner  S.  Morris  to  John  Wood 
Concerning  Pardon  of  Patrick  Cunningham1 

[August  8,  1860] 

I  think  it  is  almost  always  safe  to  pardon  a  convict,  when,  as  in 
this  case,  the  Judge  before  whom  he  was  convicted.,  recommends  it. 

A. 


1  AES,  I-Ar.  Judge  Buckner  S.  Morris,  who  had  presided  over  the  Lake 
County  Circuit  Court  which  convicted  one  Patrick  Cunningham  of  man- 
slaughter, gave  Mary  Cunningham,  a  sister,  a  letter  dated  August  7,  recom- 
mending pardon.  An  endorsement  on  the  verso  indicates  that  Mary  Cunning- 
ham brought  the  letter  to  Springfield  in  person  on  August  8,  at  which  time 
she  probably  secured  Lincoln's  endorsement  also. 

To  Cassius  M.  Clay1 

Springfield,  Illinois,  August  10,  1860, 

My  dear  Sir:  Your  very  kind  letter  of  the  6th  was  received  yes- 
terday. It  so  happened  that  our  State  Central  Committee  -was  in 
session  here  at  the  time;  and,  thinking  it  proper  to  do  so,  I  sub- 
mitted the  letter  to  them.  They  were  delighted  -with  the  assurance 
of  having  your  assistance.  For  what  appear  good  reasons,  they, 
however,  propose  a  change  in  the  program,  starting  you  at  the 
same  place  (Marshall  in  Clark  County),  and  thence  northward. 
This  change,  I  suppose,  will  be  agreeable  to  you,  as  it  will  give 
you  larger  audiences,  and  much  easier  travel  —  nearly  all  being  by 
railroad.  They  will  be  governed  by  your  time,  and  when  they  shall 
have  fully  designated  the  places,  you  will  be  duly  notified. 

As  to  the  inaugural,  I  have  not  yet  commenced  getting  it  up; 
while  it  affords  me  great  pleasure  to  be  able  to  say  the  cliques  have 
not  yet  commenced  upon  me.  Yours  very  truly,  A. 

[92] 


AUGUST       14,       i860 

1  NH,  VI,  47-48.  In  reply  to  Lincoln's  letter  of  July  20,  supra,  Clay  wrote  on 
August  6,  that  he  had  been  through  Southern  Indiana  and  found  the  Fillmore 
party  dissolved,  with  "our  ticket  .  .  .  surely  winner  in  Indiana."  He  agreed 
to  speak  at  Marshall  on  August  28  and  "run  on  till  Sept  gth  when  I  must 
return.  ...  I  will  advise  you  in  two  respects  —  put  Andrew  Jackson's  'union* 
speech  in  your  inaugural  address:  and  stay  clear  of  all  cliques^  His  next  letter 
of  August  12,  agrees  to  the  appointments  made  for  him  by  the  Illinois  State 
Central  Committee  (DLC-RTL)  . 

To  M.  B.  Miner1 

M.  B.  Miner,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills  — 

Dear  Sir  Aug.  11.  1860 

Yours  of  the  7th.  -with  newspaper  slip  attached,  is  received;  and 
for  which  I  thank  you.  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  laHA.  Miner's  letter  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers,  and  he  cannot  be 
positively  identified.  It  seems  probable,  however,  that  Martin  B.  Miner,  an 
attorney  at  Jerseyville,  Illinois,  was  the  man. 

To  T.  Apolion  Cheney1 

T.  A.  Cheney,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills.,  Aug.  14,  1860 

Dear  Sir  Yours  of  the  loth,  is  received  and  for  which  I  thank 
you.  I  would  cheerfully  answer  your  questions  in  regard  to  the 
Fugitive  Slave  law',  were  it  not  that  I  consider  it  would  be  both 
imprudent,  and  contrary  to  the  reasonable  expectation  of  friends 
for  me  to  write,  or  speak  anything  upon  doctrinal  points  now.  Be- 
sides this,  my  published  speeches  contain  nearly  all  I  could  will- 
ingly say.  Justice  and  fairness  to  all.,  is  the  utmost  I  have  said,  or 
will  say.  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AL/S-P,  ISLA.  Cheney's  letter  of  August  10  is  not  among  the  Lincoln  Pa- 
pers, but  his  reply  of  August  19,  written  from  Cherry  Creek,  New  York,  in- 
dicates that  he  was  probably  an  abolitionist. 

Endorsement:  David  Davis  to  John  Wood 
Concerning  Pardon  of  Thomas  Patterson1 

August  14,  i86o2 

Considering  the  absence  of  previous  bad  character  of  Patterson 
himself,  the  necessities  of  his  family,  the  excellent  character  of  all 
his  family  connections,  and  the  very  numerously  signed  petition  of 
his  neighbors,  I  recommend  that  he  be  pardoned  at  once. 

A. 


1  AES,  I-Ar.  Judge  David  Davis*  letter  to  Governor  Wood  concerning  tlie 
pardon  of  Thomas  Patterson  of  Vermilion  County,  convicted  of  manslaughter, 
is  dated  June  12,  1860.  Patterson  was  pardoned  August  30,  ±860. 

2  This  date  is  not  in  Lincoln's  handwriting. 

[93] 


To  George  G.  Fogg1 

George  G.  Fogg,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  Aug.  14.  1860 

According  to  a  printed  notice  attached  to  a  letter  of  Gov.  Mor- 
gan,2 I  suppose  you  have  been  at  New-  York  since  the  2  3rd.  of  July. 
How  does  it  look  noiv?" 

I  am  invited  to  a  horse-show,  at  Springfield,  Mass,  beginning,  I 
believe,  on  the  4th.  of  September. 

Would  it  help,  or  hurt.,  our  cause,  if  I  were  to  go? 

I  am  not  itching  to  go,  and  seeking  to  be  advised  thereto.  Yours 
very  truly  A. 


1  ALS,  owned  by  Elwin  L.  Page,  Concord,  New  Hampshire.  George  G.  Fogg, 
a  lawyer  of  Concord,  New  Hampshire,  secretary  of  the  Republican  National 
Committee,  replied  August  18  that  a  trip  to  Springfield,  Massachusetts,  would 
not  help  (DLC-RTL).  2  Edwin  D.  Morgan  of  New  York. 

To  Samuel  Galloway1 

Hon.  Saml.  Galloway  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Aug.  14.  1860 

I  should  be  very  glad  indeed  to  see  you  here;  but  if  coming  will 
lessen  your  chance  of  success  in  your  own  election,  do  not  come. 

Mr.  Dill  Wiegand2  has  not  yet  presented  his  letter;  but  when  he 
shall  do  so,  I  shall  show  him  the  attention  you  request.  Yours  very 
truly  A. 


1  ALS,  IHi.  Galloway's  letter  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers.  Although  his  per- 
sonal campaign  for  a  seat  in  Congress  was  intensive   (he  was  defeated  by  a 
narrow  margin),  the  Illinois  State  Journal,  October  15,  1860,  lists  seven  speak- 
ing engagements  for  him  in  Illinois,  October  18-25. 

2  No  person  of  this  name  has  been  identified,  but  the  possibility  seems  to  be 
that  Lincoln  misread  Galloway's  handwriting  for  "Dr.  H.  Wigand,"  a  Chase 
supporter  of  Springfield,  Ohio,  who  thus  signed  his  name  in  a  letter  to  Lincoln 
in  November,  1860  (DLC-RTL). 

To  James  E.  Harvey1 

Private. 

James  E.  Harvey,  Esq.,  Springfield,  111., 

My  dear  Sir,  Aug.  14,  1860. 

Yours  of  the  gth  inclosing  the  Spalding  letter,  is  received.  As  to 
our  uneasy  friends  in  New  York,  (if  there  be  such)  all  that  can  be 
said  is  "Justice  and  fairness  to  all."  More  than  this  has  not  been, 
and  can  not  be,  said  to  any. 

Whether  you  go  to  Tennessee  must  depend  upon  your  own 

[94] 


AUGUST       15,       i860 

judgment.  I  expect  to  be  constantly  here;   and  I  shall  be  much 
pleased  to  see  you  at  any  time.  Yours  very  truly, 

A. 


1  Hertz,  II,  782.  Neither  Harvey's  letter  of  August  9,  nor  the  enclosure  of 
Spaldang  (Elbridge  G.  Spaulchng  of  Buffalo,  New  York?)  is  in  the  Lincoln 
Papers. 

To  William  Fithian1 

Dr.  Wm.  Fithian  Springfield, 

My  dear  Sir,  Aug.  15,  1860 

I  understand  there  is  trouble  in  Old  Vermilion  about  it's  next 
Representative  to  the  Legislature.  I  have  learned  nothing  as  to  the 
grounds  of  the  difficulty;  but  I  will  be  greatly  obliged  if  you  will 
find  a  way  of  so  adjusting  it,  that  we  do  not  lose  that  member.  To 
lose  Trumbull's  re-election  next  winter  would  be  a  great  disaster. 
Please  do  not  let  it  fall  upon  us.  I  appeal  to  you  because  I  can  to 
no  other,  with  so  much  confidence.  Yours  as  ever  A. 


1  ALS,  IHi.  There  is  no  reply  from  Fithian  in  the  Lincoln  Papers.  Apparent- 
ly the  "trouble  in  Old  Vermilion"  -was  not  settled,  for  Samuel  G.  Craig,  a 
Democrat,  'was  elected  representative  from  that  county. 

To  John  B.  Fry1 

Private 

John  B.  Fry,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills.  August  15.  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  Yours  of  the  Qth.  inclosing  the  letter  of  Hon.  John 
M.  Botts,  was  duly  received.  The  latter  is  herewith  returned  ac- 
cording to  your  request.  It  contains  one  of  the  many  assurances 
I  receive  from  the  South  that  in  no  probable  event  will  there  be 
any  very  formidable  effort  to  break  up  the  Union.  The  people 
of  the  South  have  too  much  of  good  sense,  and  good  temper,  to  at- 
tempt the  ruin  of  the  government,  rather  than  see  it  administered 
as  it  was  administered  by  the  men  who  made  it.  At  least,  so  I  hope 
and  believe. 

I  thank  you  both  for  your  own  letter,  and  a  sight  of  that  of  Mr. 
Botts.  Yours,  very  truly  A.  LIINTCOLIST 

1  Copy,  DLC-Jeremiah  S.  Black  Papers.  John  B.  Fry  wrote  from  New  York 
City,  reminding  Lincoln  of  his  acquaintance  in  1846  when  he  had  been  in- 
troduced to  Lincoln  by  John  J.  Hardin.  He  would  campaign  for  Lincoln  in 
Pennsylvania  and  New  York  beginning  September  10,  and  enclosed  a  letter 
which  indicated  "the  wish  of  the  writer  [John  M.  Botts  of  Virginia  who  had 
been  in  Congress  with  Lincoln]  that  you  may  be  elected,  although  situated 
as  he  is,  it  would  not  do  for  him  to  say  so.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL). 

[95] 


To  George  G.  Fogg1 

P  RI  V  A  TE 

Hon.  George  G.  Fogg  —  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  Aug.  16,  1860 

I  am  annoyed  some  by  the  printed  paragraph  below,  in  relation 
to  myself,  taken  from  the  N.Y.  Herald's  correspondence  from  this 
place  of  August  8th. 

He  had,  he  said,  on  one  occasion  been  invited  to  go  into  Kentucky 
and  revisit  some  of  the  scenes  with  whose  history  his  father  in  his  life- 
time had  been  identified.  On  asking  by  letter  whether  Judge  Lynch 
would  be  present,  he  received  no  response;  and  he  therefore  came  to 
the  conclusion  that  the  invitation  was  a  trap  laid  by  some  designing 
person  to  inveigle  him  into  a  slave  State  for  the  purpose  of  doing  vio- 
lence to  his  person.2 

This  is  decidedly  wrong.  I  did  not  say  it.  I  do  not  impugn  the  cor- 
respondent. I  suppose  he  misconceived  the  statement  from  the  fol- 
lowing incident.  Soon  after  the  Chicago  nomination  I  was  written 
to  by  a  highly  respectable  gentleman  of  Hardin  County,  Ky,  in- 
quiring if  I  was  a  son  of  Thomas  Lincoln,  whom  he  had  known 
long  ago,  in  that  county.  I  answered  that  I  was,  and  that  I  was 
myself  born  there.  He  wrote  again,  and,  among  other  things,  (did 
not  invite  me  but)  simply  inquired  if  it  would  not  be  agreeable  to 
me  to  revisit  the  scenes  of  my  childhood.  I  replied,  among  other 
things,  "It  would  indeed;  but  would  you  not  Lynch  me?"  He  did 
not  write  again. 

I  have,  playfully.,  (and  never  otherwise)  related  this  incident 
several  times;  and  I  suppose  I  did  so  to  the  Herald  correspondent, 
though  I  do  not  remember  it.  If  I  did,  it  is  all  that  I  did  say,  from 
which  the  correspondent  could  have  inferred  his  statement. 

Now,  I  dislike,  exceedingly,  for  Kentuckians  to  understand  that 
I  am  charging  them  with  a  purpose  to  inveigle  me,  and  do  violence 
to  me.  Yet  I  can  not  go  into  the  newspapers.  Would  not  the  editor 
of  the  Herald,  upon  being  shown  this  letter,  insert  the  short  correc- 
tion, which  you  find  upon  the  inclosed  scrap? 

Please  try  him,  unless  you  perceive  some  sufficient  reason  to 
the  contrary.  In  no  event,  let  my  name  be  publicly  used.  Yours 
very  truly  A. 


CORRECTION 

We  have  such  assurance  as  satisfies  us  that  our  correspondent 
writing  from  Springfield,  Ills,  under  date  of  Aug.  8—  was  mistaken 
in  representing  Mr.  Lincoln  as  expressing  a  suspicion  of  a  design  to 
inveigle  him  into  Kentucky  for  the  purpose  of  doing  him  violence. 

[96] 


AUGUST      I/,       i860 

Mr.  Lincoln  neither  entertains,  nor  has  intended  to  express  any 
such  suspicion. 

1  ALS,  CSmH.  For  further  discussion  of  the  subject  of  this  letter,  see  Lincoln 
to  Fogg,  August  29,  and  Lincoln  to  Haycraft,  August  16  and  23,  infra. 

2  The  clipping  is  pasted  on  the  letter. 

To  Samuel  Haycraft1 

Hon.  Saml.  Haycraft  Springfield,  Ills.  Aug.  16.  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  A  correspondent  of  the  New- York  Herald,  who 
was  here  a  week  ago,  writing  to  that  paper,  represents  me  as  say- 
ing I  had  been  invited  to  visit  Kentucky,  but  that  I  suspected  it  was 
a  trap  to  inveigle  me  into  Kentucky,  in  order  to  do  violence  to  me. 
This  is  wholly  a  mistake.  I  said  no  such  thing.  I  do  not  remem- 
ber, but  possibly  I  did  mention  my  correspondence  with  you.  But 
very  certainly  I  was  not  guilty  of  stating,  or  insinuating,  a  sus- 
picion of  any  intended  violence,  deception,  or  other  wrong,  against 
me,  by  you,  or  any  other  Kentuckian.  Thinking  this  Herald  cor- 
respondence might  fall  under  your  eye,  I  think  it  due  to  myself 
to  enter  my  protest  against  the  correctness  of  this  part  of  it.  I 
scarcely  think  the  correspondent  was  malicious;  but  rather  that 
he  misunderstood  what  was  said.  Yours  very  truly 

A.    LINCOLN. 

1  ALS,  CSmH.   See  Lincoln  to  Haycraft,  August  23,   infra. 

To  James  F.  Simmons1 

PRIVATE 

Hon.  J.  F.  Simmons  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Aug.  17.  1860 

I  had  not  heard  a  word  from  Rhode-Island  for  a  long  time,  till 
this  morning,  when  I  received  a  letter  intimating  that  Douglas  is 
inlisting  some  rich  men  there,  who  know  how  to  use  money,  and 
that  it  is  endangering  the  State.2  How  is  this?  Please  write  me. 
Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  IHi.  James  F.  Simmons  was  U.S.  Senator  from  Rhode  Island.  There 
is  no  reply  from  Simmons  in  the  Lincoln  Papers. 

2  See  Lincoln  to  Weed,  infra,  n.i. 

To  Thurlow  Weed1 

PRIVATE 

Hon.  T.  Weed —  Springfield,  Ills-  Aug.  17,  1860. 

My  dear  Sir — Yours  of  the  13th.  was  received  this  morning. 
Douglas  is  managing  the  Bell-element  with  great  adroitness.  He 

[97] 


AUGUST       l8,       i860 

had  his  men,  in  Kentucky,  to  vote  for  the  Bell  candidate,  producing 
a  result  which  has  badly  alarmed  and  damaged  Breckinridge,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  has  induced  the  Bell  men  to  suppose  that  Bell 
will  certainly  be  President,  if  they  can  keep  a  few  of  the  North- 
ern States  away  from  us,  by  throwing  them  to  Douglas.  But  you, 
better  than  I,  understand  all  this. 

I  think  there  will  be  the  most  extraordinary  effort  ever  made, 
to  carry  New-  York  for  Douglas.  You,  and  all  others  who  write  me 
from  your  state,  think  the  effort  can  not  succeed;  and  I  hope  you 
are  right;  still  it  will  require  close  watching,  and  great  effort  on 
the  other  side. 

Herewith  I  send  you  a  copy  of  a  letter,2  written  at  New-  York, 
which  sufficiently  explains  itself,  and  which  may,  or  may  not,  give 
you  a  valuable  hint. 

You  have  seen  that  Bell  tickets  have  been  put  on  the  track,  both 
here,  and  in  Indiana.  In  both  cases,  the  object  has  been,  I  think, 
the  same  as  the  Hunt3  movement  in  N.  Y  —  to  throw  the  States  to 
Douglas.  In  our  state  we  know  the  thing  is  engineered  by  Douglas 
men;  and  -we  do  not  believe  they  can  make  a  great  deal  out  of  it. 
Yours  very  truly  A. 


1  ALS,  NRU-Thurlow  Weed  Papers  on  deposit.  "Weed  wrote  on  August   13 
that  the  fusion  between  the  Douglas  and  Bell  factions  in  New  York  would  not 
affect  the  result,  which  would  be  the  same  "if  all  the  factions  were  to  unite 
against  us."  The  Douglas  men  were  absurdly  confident  because  they  believed 
Seward  men  would  work  against  Lincoln.  Fusion  in  Pennsylvania  would  fail. 
Rhode  Island  was  in  danger  because  Douglas  had  got  hold  of  some  rich  manu- 
facturers who  "know  how  to  use  money."   (DLC-RTL). 

2  The  copy,  not  in  Lincoln's  handwriting,  is  without  signature,  but  bears  the 
heading  "167  Broadway  N.Y.   13th  Aug./6o."  The  writer  relayed  information 
from  John  Hardy,  secretary  of  the  Democratic  National  Executive  Committee, 
that  the  Douglas  party  in  New  York  would  attempt  no  union  with  Breckin- 
ridge forces  and  that  Bell  men  would  go  for  Douglas.  He   added  that  three- 
fourths  of  the  Fillmore  vote  would  go  for  Lincoln  and  that  "if  Hunt  Brooks  & 
Co.  keep  up  [the]ir  engineering,  all  the  Bell  voters  in  [the]   State  can  be  put 
in  an  omnibus.   .  .  .'*   (NRU-Weed  Papers). 

3  Washington  Hunt  and  James  Brooks  were  former  Whigs  and  ex-representa- 
tives in  Congress,  actively  leading  the  Bell  movement  in  New  York. 

To  Charles  H.  Fisher1 

C.  H  Fisher,  Esq  Springfield  111  Aug  i8th  1860. 

Dear  Sir  —  Your  letter  of  the  14th  inst.  came  duly  to  hand,  to- 
gether with  the  book  written  by  your  brother  which  you  are  kind 
enough  to  send  me.  Please  accept  my  thanks  for  the  same.  "While 
I  have  not  yet  found  time  to  examine  it,  I  doubt  not  I  shall  find 
much  pleasure  in  its  perusal.  Yours  Truly  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  LS,  PHi,  Fisher's  letter  of  August  14  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers,  but  see 
Lincoln  to  Fisher,  August  27,  infra. 

[98] 


To  George  Bliss  and  Others1 

Messrs.  Geo.  Bliss,  &  others.  Springfield,  Ills. 

Man[a]gers  &c.  Aug.  22,  1860 

Gentlemen  —  Yours  of  the  8th.  inviting  my  attendance  at  your 
National  Exhibition  of  Imported  Blood,  &  American  breeds  of 
Horses,  on  the  4th.  5th.  6th.  &  /th.  days  of  September,  at  Spring- 
field, Mass,  was  received  in  due  course,  and  should  have  been 
answered  sooner. 

For  reasons  not  neccessary  to  be  mentioned,  I  am  constrained  to 
decline  the  honor  which  you  so  kindly  tender  me.  Your  Obt.  Servt. 

A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  IHi.  See  Lincoln  to  Fogg,  August  ±4,  supra.  George  Bliss  "was  a  law- 
yer at  Springfield,  Massachusetts,  president  of  the  Worcester  and  Albany  Rail- 
road, and  for  several  terms  a  member  of  the  Massachusetts  legislature. 

To  Samuel  Hay  craft1 

[Hon  Sam  Haycraft  [Springfield,  111 

My  dear  S]  Aug  23  1860] 

Yours  of  the  igth.  is  just  received.  I  now  fear  I  may  have  given 
you  some  uneasiness  by  my  last  letter.  I  did  not  mean  to  intimate 
that  I  had,  to  any  extent,  been  involved,  or  embarrassed,  by  you; 
nor  yet,  to  draw  from  you  anything  to  relieve  myself  from  diffi- 
culty. My  only  object  was  to  assure  you  that  I  had  not,  as  repre- 
sented by  the  Herald  correspondent,  charged  you  with  an  attempt 
to  inveigle  me  into  Kentucky  to  do  me  violence.  I  believe  no  such 
thing  of  you,  or  of  Kentuckians  generally;  and  I  dislike  to  be  rep- 
resented to  them  as  slandering  them  in  that  way.  [Yours  truly 

A 


1  AL,  CSmJEL  The  letter  has  been  mutilated  by  cutting  away  the  top  of  the 
page,  the  close,  and  signature,  and  the  removed  portions  have  been  restored 
in  another  hand.  The  restored  date  is  somewhat  difficult  to  read,  but  appears  to 
be  "Aug.  23."  The  envelope  is  postmarked  but  the  numeral  "3"  is  not  clear. 
Hay-craft's  endorsement  on  the  envelope  seems  to  establish  the  date,  however, 
as  follows:  "Aug.  23.  i86o/This  not  answrd/s6.  Aug.  answrd."  Haycraft  had 
written  on  August  19,  that  he  fully  understood  the  playfulness  of  Lincoln's 
language  in  the  letter  of  June  4,  and  that  he  wished  to  clear  himself  of  any 
knowledge  of  the  New  York  correspondent's  statement.  He  had  taken  the  fact 
that  Lincoln's  letter  was  marked  "private"  to  mean  "not  for  publication,"  but 
had  showed  it  to  a  few  friends.  If  Lincoln  desired  him  to  make  a  statement  to 
the  New  York  Herald.,  he  would  be  pleased  to  do  so  (DLC-RTL). 

To  Robert  C.  Schenck1 

Hon.  Robert  C.  Schencfc  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Aug,  23.  1860 

Yours  of  the  i6th.  was  received  two  days  ago,  and  that  of  the 
i8th.  inclosing  Mr.  Judd's  note,  was  received,  last  evening.  I  am 

[99] 


AUGUST      24,      i860 

very  glad  you  are  coming  among  us.  The  time  we  must  fix  accord- 
ing to  your  own  suggestion;  and  the  places,  I  wish  to  have  a  hand 
in  fixing  myself.  My  judgment  is  to  have  you  in  this  old  whig  re- 
gion, I  shall  consult  with  Judd,  have  the  appointments  made,  and 
you  duly  notified.  We  really  tvant  you.  Will  notify  you  at  Dayton. 
Yours  very  truly  A. 


1ALS,  IHi.  Robert  C.  Schenck  of  Dayton,  Ohio,  representative  in  congress 
(1843-1851,  1863-1871),  and  also  a  major  general  in  the  Union  army  until  he 
resigned  to  run  for  congress  in  1863,  had  written  August  ±6  and  18  of  his  willing- 
ness to  take  the  stump  in  Illinois  (DLC-RTL), 

To  John  Hanks1 

John  Hanks,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  Aug.  24.  1860 

Yours  of  the  2  3rd.  is  received.  My  recollection  is  that  I  never 
lived  in  the  same  neighborhood  with  Charles  Hanks  till  I  came  to 
Macon  county,  Illinos,  after  I  was  twenty-one  years  of  age.  As  I 
understand,  he  and  I  were  born  in  different  counties  of  Kentucky, 
and  never  saw  each  other  in  that  State;  that  while  I  was  a  very 
small  boy  my  father  removed  to  Indiana,  and  your  father  with  his 
family  remained  in  Kentucky  for  many  years.  At  length  you,  a 
young  man  grown,  came  to  our  neighborhood,  and  were  at  our 
house,  off  and  on,  a  great  deal  for  three,  four,  or  five  years;  and 
during  the  time,  your  father,  with  his  whole  family,  except  Wil- 
liam, Charles,  and  William  Miller,  who  had  married  one  of  your 
sisters,  came  to  the  same  neighborhood  in  Indiana,  and  remained  a 
year  or  two,  and  then  went  to  Illinois.  William,  Charles,  and  Wil- 
liam Miller,  had  removed  directly  from  Kentucky  to  Illinois,  not 
even  passing  through  our  neighborhood  in  Indiana. 

Once,  a  year  or  two  before  I  came  to  Illinois,  Charles,  with  some 
others,  had  been  back  to  Kentucky,  and  returning  to  Illinois,  passed 
through  our  neighborhood  in  Indiana.  He  stopped,  I  think,  but  one 
day,  (certainly  not  as  much  as  three)  ;  and  this  was  the  first  time 
I  ever  saw  him  in  my  life,  and  the  only  time,  till  I  came  to  Illinois, 
as  before  stated.  The  year  I  passed  in  Macon  county  I  was  with 
him  a  good  deal  —  mostly  on  his  own  place,  where  I  helped  him  at 
breaking  prarie,  with  a  joint  team  of  his  and  ours,  which  in 
turn,  broke  some  on  the  new  place  we  were  improving. 

This  is,  as  I  remember  it.  Dont  let  this  letter  be  made  public  by 
any  means.  Yours  very  truly  A. 


1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  John  Hanks  wrote  on  August  23  that  he  had  been  thinking 
about  answering  his  brother  Charles  Hanks*  letter  and  wished  to  know  when 
and  where  Lincoln  first  saw  Charles.  He  also  promised  not  to  use  Lincoln's 
letter  (DLC-RTL).  Charles  Hanks  had  published  a  letter  in  the  Decatur  Mag- 

[100] 


AUGUST      27,       i860 

net  (copied  by  the  Fulton  County  Ledger,  July  31,  1860),  in  which  he  disputed 
the  authenticity  of  the  rails  brought  into  the  Decatur  convention  on  May  9 
by  John  Hanks  and  posed  as  an  intimate  relation  who  was  politically  opposed 
to  Lincoln's  principles. 

To  Charles  H.  Fisher1 

Private 

C.  H.  Fisher  Springfield,  Ills-  Aug.  27,  1860 

Dear  Sir:  Your  second  note,  inclosing  the  supposed  speech  of 
Mr.  Dallas  to  Lord  Brougham,  is  received.  I  have  read  the  speech 
quite  through,  together  with  the  real  author's  introductory,  and 
closing  remarks.  I  have  also  looted  through  the  long  preface  of  the 
book  to-day.  Both  seem  to  be  well  written,  and  contain  many 
things  with  which  I  could  agree,  and  some  with  which  I  could  not. 
A  specimen  of  the  latter  is  the  declaration,  in  the  closing  remarks 
upon  the  "speech"  that  the  institution  is  a  necessity  imposed  on  us 
by  the  negro  race.  That  the  going  many  thousand  miles,  seizing  a 
set  of  savages,  bringing  them  here,  and  making  slaves  of  them,  is 
a  necessity  imposed  on  us  by  them,  involves  a  species  of  logic  to 
which  my  mind  will  scarcely  assent.2 

1  ADf,  DLC-RTL.  Fisher  wrote  from  Philadelphia,  August  22,  enclosing  a 
clipping  from  the  North  American  and  U.S.  Gazette  "signed  *CeciT  —  who  is  my 
brother,  giving  his  idea  of  what  Mr.   Dallas    [George  M.   Dallas,  minister  to 
Great  Britain]  might  have  replied  to  Lord  Brougham."  The  clipping  refers  to 
a  meeting  of  an  international  statistical  congress  in  London  attended  by  a  Ne- 
gro delegate  from  Canada.  Henry  Peter  Brougham  had  made  a  speech  chiding 
the  United  States  for  slavery,  and  Minister  Dallas  had  said  nothing  in  reply. 
The  book  referred  to  was  probably  one  of  two  written  by  Sidney  G.    (pseudo- 
nym "Cecil")   Fisher:  Law  of  the  Territories  (1859)  and  "Kanzas  and.  the  Con- 
stitution (1856). 

2  Lincoln  did  not  finish  the  letter.   The  envelope  containing  Fisher's  letter 
bears  Nicolay's  endorsement:   "needs  no  answer";  but  Lincoln  apparently  was 
tempted  to  reply. 

To  Amory  Holbrook1 

Amory  Holbrook,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Aug.  27.  1860 

Your  very  agreeable  letter  of  July  2ist.  was  duly  received.  It  is 
matter  of  much  regret  here  that  Logan2  failed  of  his  election.  He 
grew  up  and  studied  law  in  this  place,  and  his  parents  and  sisters 
still  reside  here.  We  are  also  anxious  for  the  result  of  your  two 
U.S.  Senatorial  elections. 

I  shall  be  pleased  to  hear  from  you  again.  Yours  very  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,  OrHL  Amory  Holbrook,  who  had  met  Lincoln  in  Massachusetts  in 
September,  1848,  wrote  from  Oregon  City,  Oregon,  where  he  had  migrated  in 
1849,  concerning  the  political  scene  in  Oregon.  He  was  a  member  of  the 
Oregon  legislature  (DLC-RTL)  .  2  David  Logan. 

[101] 


To  John  M.  Read1 

Hon.  John  M.  Read:  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Aug.  27.  1860 

The  miniature  likeness  of  myself  ,  taken  by  your  friend,  J.  Henry 
Brown,  is  an  excellent  one,  so  far  as  I  can  judge.  To  my  unprao 
ticed  eye,  it  is  without  fault.  Yours  very  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,  DLC-Read  Papers.  A  similar  letter  from  Mrs.  Lincoln  dated  August 
25  is  in  the  Read  Papers.  Judge  John  M.  Read  of  the  Pennsylvania  Supreme 
Court,  a  prominent  Philadelphia  Republican,  had  sent  a  young  Philadelphia 
artist  to  paint  a  portrait  of  Lincoln  to  be  engraved  by  John  Sartain  for  use  in 
the  campaign.  Read  and  other  Eastern  Republicans  were  dissatisfied  with  the 
photographs  of  Lincoln  which  were  in  circulation  during  the  campaign  (see 
Lincoln  to  Babcock,  September  13,  infra). 

To  George  G.  Fogg1 

Hon.  George  G.  Fogg.  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Aug.  29,  1860 

Yours  of  the  23rd.  was  only  received  yesterday  evening. 

You  have  done  precisely  right  in  that  matter  with  the  Herald. 
Do  nothing  further  about  it.  Although  it  "wrongs  me,  and  annoys 
me  some,  I  prefer  letting  it  run  it's  course,  to  getting  into  the  papers 
over  my  own  name.  I  regret  the  trouble  it  has  given  you,  and 
thank  you  also  for  having  performed  your  part  so  cheerfully  and 
correctly. 

What  you  say  of  the  Empire  state  is  of  a  piece  with  all  the  news 
I  receive  from  there.  The  whole  field  appears  reasonably  well. 
Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  CSmH.  On  August  23,  Fogg  replied  to  Lincoln's  letter  of  August  16, 
supra,  that  he  had  called  on  James  G.  Bennett  of  the  Herald  and  found  him 
well  inclined  to  Lincoln  personally.  Bennett  would  permit  the  corrections  to 
appear  over  Fogg's  name,  or  any  responsible  name,  or  dated  at  Springfield 
without  name,  but  would  not  allow  it  to  appear  editorially  or  by  a  corre- 
spondent, which  would  be  admitting  an  error,  unless  he  could  say  it  was  by 
Lincoln's  request.  Fogg  thought  the  correction  under  such  stipulations  was  not 
desirable,  and  Norman  Judd,  who  was  in  New  York,  agreed.  Fogg  concluded 
by  stating  that  in  his  opinion  the  Republican  nomination  of  Edwin  D.  Morgan 
for  governor  of  New  York  was  the  strongest  that  could  be  made  (DLC-RTL)  . 

To  Zachariah  Chandler1 

Hon.  Z.  Chandler  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Aug.  31,  1860 

Your  kind  letter  of  the  2  8th  is  duly  received.  I  very  well  re- 
member meeting  you  at  Kalamazoo  in  1856.  I  very  well  remember 

[102] 


AUGUST     31,      i860 

the  jovial  elderly  lady,  and  wife  of  an  M.  C.  with  whom  we  took 
tea,  calling  you  "Zach  Chandler." 

Your  kind  invitation  I  suppose  I  must  decline.  It  is  the  opinion 
of  friends,  backed  by  my  own  judgment,  that  I  should  not  really, 
or  apparently,  be  showing  myself  about  the  country. 

Please  accept  my  thanks  for  the  kindness  of  your  invitation. 
Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  Copy,  ISLA.  Chandler  wrote  from  Detroit,  August  28,  inviting  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Lincoln  to  be  his  guests  on  October  2,  at  the  time  of  the  Michigan  State 
Fair  (DLC-RTL). 

To  Benjamin  F.  James1 

B.  F.  James,  Esq.  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  Aug.  31.  1860 

Your  kind  letter  of  congratulation,  dated  the  2/th.  was  duly  re- 
ceived. How  time  gallops  along  with  us!  Look  at  these  great  big 
boys  of  yours  and  mine,  when  it  is  but  yesterday  that  we  and  their 
mothers  were  unmarried. 

Make  my  respects  to  Mrs.  James  &  Louis,  and  believe  me 
Yours  as  ever  A. 


1  ALS,  IHi,  The  Lincoln  Papers  contain  no  letters  from  Lincoln's  old  friend 
Benjamin  F.  James  written  in  1860.  James  was  practicing  law  in  Chicago  at  this 
time. 

To  John  M.  Pomeroy1 

Private 

Hon.  John  -  ,  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  Aug.  31.  1860 

Yours  of  the  27th.  is  duly  received.  It  consists  almost  exclusive- 
ly of  a  historical  detail  of  some  local  troubles  among  some  of  our 
friends  in  Pennsylvania;  and  I  suppose  it's  object  is  to  guard  me 
against  forming  a  prejudice  against  Mr.  McC  -  .  I  have  not 
heard  near  so  much  upon  that  subject  as  you  probably  suppose; 
and  I  am  slow  to  listen  to  criminations  among  friends,  and  never 
expouse  their  quarrels  on  either  side.  My  sincere  wish  is  that  both 
sides  will  allow  by-gones  to  be  by-gones,  and  look  to  the  present  & 
future  only.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LIKCOLK 

1  ALS,  PHC.  Pomeroy's  name  and  that  of  Alexander  K.  McClure,  chairman 
of  the  Pennsylvania  State  Committee,  have  been  eradicated  from  the  letter  and 
replaced  by  lines.  Pomeroy's  letter  of  August  27  (DLC-RTL)  establishes  the 
identity  of  both  men,  and  traces  the  quarrel  between  Cameron  and  Curtin  fac- 
tions of  Pennsylvania  Republicans,  which  at  the  time  of  his  writing  centered  in 
the  effort  of  the  Cameron  faction  to  "get  up  a  Committee  ostensibly  auxiliary 
to  the  State  Committee  but  which  was  really  intended  to  supersede  &  destroy 

[103] 


SEPTEMBER,       i860 

it.  The  .  .  .  movement  is  now  virtually  broken  up  &  henceforth  cordial  coop- 
eration with  the  State  Committee  may  be  expected  from  all  but  Cameron  <fe  his 
immediate  friends.  .  .  ."  Pomeroy  wrote  as  a  member  of  the  state  committee 
who  had  been  a  delegate  to  the  Chicago  convention. 

To  John  Hill1 

John  Hill,  Esq.  Springfield,  Ills. 

Petersburg,  Ills.  Sep.      1860 

Sir:  A  pamphlet,  over  name,  bearing  the  title  of  "Opposing  prin- 
ciples of  Henry  Clay,  and  Abraham  Lincoln"  is  being  circulated 
among  the  people.  I  quote  from  it  as  follows,  towit: 

SLAVERY  IN  THE  DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA. 

In  1837,  as  a  member  of  the  Illinois  Legislature,  Mr.  Liisr COUNT,  with 
only  four  others,  voted  against  the  following  resolution: 

"Resolved,  That  the  Government  cannot  abolish  slavery  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia  against  the  consent  of  the  citizens  of  said  District 
without  a  manifest  breach  of  good  faith."  [See  House  Jour.,  1836-7,  p. 
240.] 

In  Congress,  at  the  session  of  1848-49,  he  voted  to  institute  measures 
for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District.  In  1839,  in  the  Illinois  Leg- 
islature, he  voted  against  a  resolution  to  the  effect — 

"That  as  the  General  Government  cannot  do,  directly,  what  it  is 
clearly  prohibited  from  doing  indirectly,  that  it  is  the  openly  declared 
design  of  the  Abolitionist  of  this  nation  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia,  with  a  view  to  its  ultimate  abolishment  in  the 
States;  ....  and  that,  therefore,  Congress  ought  not  to  abolish  slav- 
ery in  the  District  of  Columbia."  [House  Jour.,  1838-9,  p.  329. ]2 

It  is  seen  in  this  that  you  arraign  Mr.  Lincoln,  first,  for  a  vote  in 
the  Illinois  Legislature  of  1836-7 — secondly  for  a  vote  in  Congress 
in  1848-9,  and  thirdly  for  a  vote  in  the  Illinois  Legislature  of  1839. 

i  AL,  DLC-RTL.  John  Hill  was  the  son  of  Samuel  Hill,  Lincoln's  old  friend 
of  New  Salem  days.  John's  pamphlet  was  reprinted  from  a  signed  article 
printed  in  the  Missouri  Republican,  July  24,  1860.  Lincoln's  letter  seems  not  to 
have  been  completed  or  sent.  Its  manner  suggests  his  intention  that  it  be  pub- 
lished or  copied  as  a  communication  from  some  one  else  than  himself,  and  the 
two  fragments  (infra}  dealing  with  the  charges  made  in  Hill's  pamphlet  sug- 
gest that  an  article  may  have  been  prepared  for  publication  in  lieu  of  the  letter. 
Lincoln's  resentment  of  Hill's  lack  of  respect  for  truth  is  all  the  more  interest- 
ing m  view  of  the  fact  that  Hill  became  the  prime  source  of  the  Ann  Rutledge 
story,  the  tradition  of  Lincoln's  infidelity,  and  a  number  of  other  spurious  or 
dubious  traditions  concerning  Lincoln's  New  Salem  years,  when  in  the  Menard 
Axis,  February  15,  1862,  he  published  an  article  entitled  "A  Romance  of 
Reality,"  composed  largely  of  family  gossip.  It  was  this  article  which  led  Hern- 
don  to  elaborate  on  the  Ann  Rutledge  episode  when  he  began  collecting  material 
for  his  biography  of  Lincoln  in  1866,  and  Hill  rather  than  Herndon  deserves 
recognition  for  primary  irresponsibility  in  Erst  publishing  stories  which  have 
been  perpetuated  in  popular  belief. 

2  This  excerpt,  including  bracketed  references,  appears  in  the  source  as  a  clip- 
ping from  the  pamphlet,  pasted  on  the  manuscript  page. 

[104] 


SEPTEMBER,       i860 

As  authority  for  the  first  arraignment,  you  say  ("See  House 
Jour,  p  240").  Now,  I  have  that  Journal,  at  this  moment  open  be- 
fore me,  at  page  240—  and  there  is,  upon  that  page,  absolutely 
nothing  upon  that  subject.  But  on  pages  243  &  244  there  is  a  series 
of  resolutions,  four  in  number,  the  third  of  which  is  very  nearly, 
but  not  quite,  such  as  you  set  out.  But  they  were  not  voted  upon 
that  day;  on  the  contrary,  as  appears  by  the  same  Journal,  at  pages 
248  &  249,  they  were  referred  to  a  select  committee.  Seven  days 
afterwards,  as  shown  by  the  same  Journal,  at  pages  309-310  &  311. 
the  committee  reported  the  resolutions  back  to  the  House,  with  an 
amendment  proposed  to  each  one  of  them;  which  amendments 
were  all  adopted  by  the  House;  and  then  the  series,  as  amended, 
passed  the  House  by  Yeas  and  Nays,  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  five  others 
voting  against  them. 

Now,  the  point  is,  John,  that  the  Journal  does  not  show  in  what 
shape  any  of  those  resolutions  stood,  when  Mr.  Lincoln  voted 
against  them.  It  does  show  that  they  were  all  amended — were  all 
changed  from  their  original  form;  but  what  new  shape  they  took 
does  nowhere  appear  in  the  Journal.  And  hence,  John,  in  stating 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  voted  against  a  resolution,  in  the  shape  you  al- 
ledge  he  did,  you  state  what  is  almost  certainly  false,  and  certainly 
what  you  do  not  know  to  be  true. 

But,  more  than  this,  John:  These  resolutions  went  to  the  senate, 
and  were  passed  by  that  body,  as  appears  by  the  Senate  Journal, 
of  that  session,  at  pages  277  &  297.  They  were  not  spread  upon 
the  Senate  Journal  either,  so  that  their  substance  and  form  remains 
entirely  uncertain. 

But  again,  John,  Mr.  Lincoln,  with  his  colleague,  Dan  Stone,  at 
the  same  session,  and  with  reference  to  these  identical  resolutions, 
defined  his  position  in  relation  to  Slavery  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia, by  a  written  protest,  entered  upon  the  same  Journal  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  at  pages  817-818,  and  which  entry  and 
protest  is  as  follows,  towit. 

The  following  protest  was  presented  to  the  House  which  was  read 
and  ordered  to  be  spread  on  the  Journals,  to-wit: 

Resolutions  upon  the  subject  of  domestic  slavery  having  passed  both 
branches  of  the  General  Assembly  at  its  present  session,  the  under- 
signed hereby  protest  against  the  passage  of  the  same. 

They  believe  that  the  institution  of  slavery  is  founded  on  both  in- 
justice and  bad  policy;  but  that  the  promulgation  of  abolition  doctrines 
tend  rather  to  increase  than  to  abate  its  evils. 

They  believe  that  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  has  no  power, 
under  the  constitution  to  interfere  with  the  institution  of  slavery  in 
the  different  States. 

[105] 


SEPTEMBER,       i860 

They  believe  that  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  has  the  power 
under  the  constitution  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia; 
but  that  that  power  ought  not  to  be  exercised,  unless  at  the  request  of 
the  people  of  said  District. 

The  difference  between  these  opinions  and  those  contained  in  the 
said  resolutions,  is  their  reason  for  entering  this  protest. 

DAN".    STOINTE 
A.     LINCOLN 

Representatives  from  the  County  of  Sangamon.3 

And  now,  John,  we  know  you  had  these  Journals  in  your  hands — 
were  ransacking  them,  and  know  of  all  these  things — and  yet  you 
suppressed  them.  Why  did  you  suppress  them? 

Your  second  arraignment  of  Mr.  Lincoln  is  seen  to  be  in  these 
words,  towit. 

"In  Congress,  at  the  session  of  1848-49  he  voted  to  institute 
measures  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District." 

For  this  arraignment,  you  refer  to  no  authority  whatever;  and 
with  the  Congressional  Globe,  for  that  session,  now  before  me,  I 
venture  to  say  Mr.  Lincoln  gave  no  such  vote.  At  page  38  of  that 
volume  of  the  congressional  Globe,  I  find  that  on  the  question  of 
granting  leave  to  Mr.  Palfrey4  to  introduce  a  bill  "to  repeal  all  acts, 
or  parts  of  acts,  of  congress,  establishing  or  maintaining  slavery,  or 
the  slave-trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia"  taken  by  yeas  and 
nays,  Mr.  Lincoln  voted  against  granting  the  leave.  And  further 
on,  at  pages  55  &  56  on  the  question  of  laying  upon  the  table,  a  bill 
already  before  the  House,  "to  authorize  the  people  of  the  District 
of  Columbia  to  express  their  desires  as  to  the  existence  of  slavery 
therein"  taken  by  yeas  and  nays,  Mr.  Lincoln  voted  to  lay  the  bill 
on  the  table.  And  these  are  the  only  instances  of  votes,  on  questions 
of  abolishing  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  being  taken  by 
yeas  and  nays,  during  that  session. 

You  were  not  very  prudent,  John,  in  stating  a  falsehood  in  this 
instance:  but  you  were  as  prudent  as  possible,  under  the  circum- 
stances, to  quote  no  authority  by  which  to  prove  it. 

Although  Mr.  Lincoln  gave  no  other  votes  on  the  question,  it  is 
true,  that  he  drew  up,  and  sought  to  get  before  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, at  that  session,  a  bill  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  upon  the  conditions  that  the  abolition 
should  be  gradual,  and  only  upon  a  vote  of  the  majority  of  the  peo- 
ple of  the  District,  and  with  compensation  to  unwilling  owners, 
and  also  embracing  a  fugitive  slave  clause,  and  an  exception  in 

3  The  protest,  not  in  Lincoln's  handwriting,  is  a  separate  page  inserted  in  the 
manuscript.  It  appears  in  the  present  edition  under  date  of  March  3,  1837,  supra. 

4  John  G.  Palfrey,  representative  from  Massachusetts. 

[106] 


SEPTEMBER,       i860 

favor  of  Officers  of  the  Government,  while  in  the  District  on  the 
public  business;  all  which  appears  in  the  same  volume  of  the  con- 
gressional Globe,  at  pages  212-244.5 

As  to  your  third  arraignment  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  referring  to  the 
Ills.  House  Journal  of  1838-9.  page  329,  I  find  on  pages  322  &  323 
of  that  Journal,  that  to  a  "resolution  from  the  Senate  requiring  the 
Engrossing  clerks  of  the  Senate  and  House,  respectively  to  make 
out  copies  of  memorials  and  resolutions  to  be  transmitted  to  con- 
gress &c."  Mr.  Calhoun  (Candle-box)6  offered,  as  an  amendment, 
a  long  preamble,  and  five  resolutions  about  slavery,  one  of  which 
resolutions  contains  language  substantially  as  you  have  quoted; 
that  on  motion,  the  preamble  and  resolutions  -were  laid  on  the  table 
by  yeas  and  nays,  shown  at  page  329-330 — Mr.  Lincoln  voting  to 
lay  them  on  the  table.  Whether  they  were  thus  laid  upon  the  table, 
with  any  reference  to  their  merits,  or  because  of  their  incongruity, 
as  an  amendment  to  a  resolution  from  the  Senate,  prescribing  the 
duty  of  the  Engrossing  clerks,  fair  minded  men  will  judge;  or,  per- 
haps N.  W.  Edwards,  now  a  Douglas  man,  and  Gen.  W.  F.  Thorn- 
ton, one  of  the  Douglas  delegates  to  the  late  Charleston  and  Balti- 
more conventions  can  tell — they  being  two  of  the  fortyfour  who 
with  Mr.  Lincoln — voted  to  lay  them  on  the  table. 

August  27.  1858.  In  his  joint  debate  with  Senator  Douglas  at 
Freeport,  in  answer  to  certain  questions  which  had  been  pro- 
pounded by  Douglass,  Mr.  Lincoln  said:  "The  fourth  one  is  in  re- 
gard to  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  In  relation  to  that,  I 
have  my  mind  very  distinctly  made  up.  I  should  be  exceedingly 
glad  to  see  slavery  abolished  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  I  believe 
that  congress  possesses  the  constitutional  power  to  abolish  it.  Yet 
as  a  member  of  congress  I  should  not,  with  my  present  views,  be 
in  favor  of  endeavoring  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia, unless  it  would  be  upon  these  conditions:  First,  that  the  aboli- 
tion should  be  gradual.  Second,  that  it  should  be  on  a  vote  of  the 

5  Vide  supra,  January  10,  1849. 

6  John  Calhoun  of  Sangamon  County  was  nicknamed  "Candle-box"  as  the  re- 
sult  of   an   episode   during  his   later  career   as   Surveyor   General   of  Kansas. 
Elected  president  of  tjhe  Lecompton  Convention,   Calhoun  was   charged   with 
counting  and  reporting  the  vote  on  the  Lecompton  Constitution.  Departing  for 
"Washington  soon  after  the  election,  he  left  the  papers  in  charge  of  the  chief 
clerk  in  the  surveyor  general's  office.  In  the  investigation  which  ensued,  the 
clerk  refused  access  to  the  returns  and  falsely  stated  that  Calhoun  had  carried 
them  to   Washington.   After  considerable  intrigue   and   an  investigation  by  a 
committee  of  the  territorial  legislature,  the  clerk,  L.  A.  McLane,  was  revealed 
to  have  hidden  the  returns  in  a  candle-box  buried  under  a  woodpile.   When 
McLane  fled  from  the  territory,  his  superior,  Calhoun,  bore  the  chief  odium  of 
the  episode. 

[107] 


SEPTEMBER,       i860 

majority  of  the  qualified  voters  of  the  District;  and  third  that  com- 
pensation should  be  made  to  unwilling  owners.  With  these  three 
conditions,  I  confess  I  would  be  exceedingly  glad  to  see  congress 
abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and,  in  the  language  of 
Henry  Clay,  "sweep  from  the  capitol  that  foul  blot  upon  our  na- 
tion." (Joint  Debates,  page  89 — 7 

7  The  manuscript  ends  abruptly  before  the  bottom  of  the  page,  suggesting  that 
it  was  never  completed. 

Fragments  of  an  Answer  to  John  Hill1 

[September,  1860] 

The  protest,  before  mentioned,  placed  on  the  Journal  of  the 
Illinois  House  of  Representatives  more  than  twenty  three  years 
ago;  the  draft  of  a  bill,  spread  on  the  Congressional  Globe  more 
than  eleven  years  ago;  and  his  declaration  in  the  Freeport  debate 
not  quite  two  years  ago,  are  all  in  harmony  with  each  other,  and 
show  conclusively  what  Mr.  Lincoln's  views  are  in  regard  to  Slav- 
ery in  the  District  of  Columbia.  They  show  that  he  thinks  congress 
has  the  constitutional  power  to  abolish  it;  and  that  the  power 
might  properly  be  exercised,  ivith  substantially  such  conditions  as 
set  out  in  the  bill  drawn  by  himself;  and  that  it  ought  not  to  be 
exercised  without  such  conditions. 

The  foregoing  is  the  whole  (excepting  the  report  as  indicated) 
which,  after  full  examination,  can  be  found  on  the  subject  of  slav- 
ery, in  the  Journals  of  the  Illinois  Senate  and  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, for  the  session  of  1836-7. 

It  is  seen  that  the  form  in  which  the  resolutions  passed,  and 
were  voted  against  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  nowhere  appears — the  Journal 
showing  that  all  of  them  were  changed  from  the  original  form,  by 
amendments,  without  showing  what  they  were  in  the  amended 
form. 

Nor  is  this  of  the  least  consequence  in  determining  Mr.  Lincoln's 
views  upon  the  subject,  at  that  time;  since,  by  the  protest,  he 
placed  upon  the  same  Journal,  his  own  views  upon  the  subject,  in 
his  own  well  considered  language,  which  stand  of  record  for  the 
inspection  of  all  who  choose 

1  AD,  DLC-RTL.  In  the  Lincoln  Papers  these  two  fragments  are  separated 
from  the  draft  of  a  letter  to  John  Hill  (supra) .  They  have  been  linked  with  the 
reply  to  Hill  "because  of  their  obvious  similarity  of  reference.  Possibly  the  frag- 
ments were  intended  for  an  editorial  in  the  Illinois  State  Journal  which  Lin- 
coln changed  his  mind  about  writing.  The  Journal  had  already  answered  Hill 
in  part  in  the  issue  of  August  25,  and  in  the  issue  of  September  19  printed  the 
extracts  from  the  House  Journal,  1836-1837,  to  which  Lincoln  referred. 

[108] 


To  Henry  Wilson1 

Hon.  Henry  Wilson  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  -  Sep.  i.  1860 

Yours  of  August  sgth.  was  received  yesterday. 

The  point  you  press — the  importance  of  thorough  organization — 
is  felt,  and  appreciated  by  our  friends  everywhere.  And  yet  it  in- 
volves so  much  more  of  dry,  and  irksome  labor,  that  most  of  them 
shrink  from  it — preferring  parades,  and  shows,  and  monster  meet- 
ings. I  know  not  how  this  can  be  helped.  I  do  what  I  can  in  my 
position,  for  organization;  but  it  does  not  amount  to  so  much  as  it 
should. 

I  shall  be  pleased  to  hear  from  you  at  all  times.  Yours  very  truly 

A.  LINCOLN. 

1  ALS,  owned  by  Edward  C.  Stone,  Boston,  Massachusetts.  Henry  Wilson, 
shoe  manufacturer  and  U.S.  Senator  from  Massachusetts  (1855-1873),  wrote 
that  he  feared  Republicans  were  overconfident  and  were  neglecting  organiza- 
tion in  New  England  and  New  York  (DLC-RTL) . 

To  John  Coulter1 

Private 

John  Coulter,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills- 

Dear  Sir:  Sept.  4.  1860 

Yours  of  the  2Qth.  is  received;  and  I  presume  I  understand  what 
has  prompted  you  to  write  it.  In  1832  I  was  first  a  candidate  for 
the  Legislature,  with  some  ten  or  a  dozen  other  candidates.  Peter 
Cartwright,  and  three  others  were  elected,  of  whom  I  was  not  one, 
In  1834  he,  and  I,  and  several  others,  again  become  candidates;  he 
declined  before  the  election,  I  saw  the  race  through,  and,  with 
three  others,  was  elected.  In  1835  he  became  a  candidate  to  fill  a 
vacancy  in  the  State  Senate,  and  his  sole  competitor,  Job  Fletcher, 
beat  him  by  near  six  hundred  majority. 

In  1836,  1838,  &  1840,  I  was  successively  elected  to  the  Legis- 
lature— he  not  being  a  candidate  at  either  of  those  elections. 

I  then  ceased  to  be  a  candidate  for  anything  till  1846,  when  I 
ran  for  Congress.  Mr.  Cartwright  was  my  competitor,  and  I  beat 
him,  as  I  recollect  1511  majority,  being  about  double  the  party  ma- 
jority of  the  District. 

I  was  never  a  candidate  for  congress  at  any  other  time,  and 
never  had  any  contest  with  Mr.  Cartwright  other  than  as  I  have 
stated. 

Please  do  not  make  this  public     Yours  truly          A.  LINCOLN 

iALS,  CCamStJ-Doheny  Collection.  John  Coulter  was  a  resident  of  Niles, 
Michigan.  His  letter  of  August  29  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers. 

[109] 


To  Hannibal  Hamlin1 

Springfield,  Illinois,  September  4,  1860. 

My  dear  Sir:  I  am  annoyed  some  by  a  letter  from  a  friend  in 
Chicago,  in  which  the  folio-wing  passage  occurs:  "Hamlin  has  writ- 
ten Colfax2  that  two  members  of  Congress  will,  he  fears,  be  lost  in 
Maine  —  the  first  and  sixth  districts;  and  that  Washburne's3  major- 
ity for  governor  will  not  exceed  six  thousand." 

I  had  heard  something  lite  this  six  weeks  ago,  but  had  been 
assured  since  that  it  was  not  so.  Your  secretary  of  state,  —  Mr. 
Smith,4  I  think,  —  whom  you  introduced  to  me  by  letter,  gave  this 
assurance;  more  recently,  Mr.  Fessenden,5  our  candidate  for  Con- 
gress in  one  of  those  districts,  wrote  a  relative  here  that  his  election 
was  sure  by  at  least  five  thousand,  and  that  Washburne's  majority 
would  be  from  14,000  to  17,000;  and  still  later,  Mr.  Fogg,  of  New 
Hampshire,  now  at  New  York  serving  on  a  national  committee, 
wrote  me  that  we  were  having  a  desperate  fight  in  Maine,  which 
would  end  in  a  splendid  victory  for  us. 

Such  a  result  as  you  seem  to  have  predicted  in  Maine,  in  your 
letter  to  Colfax,  would,  I  fear,  put  us  on  the  down-hill  track,  lose  us 
the  State  elections  in  Pennsylvania  and  Indiana,  and  probably  ruin 
us  on  the  main  turn  in  November. 

You  must  not  allow  it.  Yours  very  truly,  A. 


1  NH,  VI,  54-55. 

2  See  Lincoln  to  Medill,  infra.  Hamlin  replied  to  Lincoln  on  September  8: 
"I  have  not  wriitten  to  Colfax  at  all,  nor  to  any  one  any  thing  like  the  extract 
in  your  letter.  .  .  ."  He  explained,  however,  that  the  third  and  sixth  congres- 
sional districts  were  doubtful,  since  the  majority  in  both  in  the  last  election  had 
been  less  than  a  hundred  (DLC-R.TL). 

3  Israel  Washburn,  Jr.,  who  spelled  his  name  without  an  "e." 

4  Noah  Smith  of  Calais,  Maine.  Hamlin's  letter  introducing  him  is  not  in  the 
Lincoln  Papers. 

5  Samuel  C.  Fessenden,  brother  of  Senator  William  P.  Fessenden. 


To  Joseph  Medill1 

PB.IV  A  TE 

J.  Medill,  Esq  Springfield, 

My  dear  Sir  Sep.  4.  1860 

Yours  of  Aug.  3oth.  for  some  cause,  only  reached  me  last  night. 
As  to  Pennsylvania,  I  have  a  letter  from  Gen.  Cameron,2  dated 
Aug.  2Qth.  in  which,  among  other  things,  he  says: 

"You  may  as  well  be  getting  your  inaugeral  address  ready,  so  as 
to  have  plenty  time  to  make  it  short.  If  possible  we  are  daily  be- 
coming stronger  in  Pennsylvania,  and  in  New- Jersey  all  is  right." 

[110] 


SEPTEMBER      5,      i860 

Last  night,  just  as  I  had  read  your  letter,  Mr.  David  Taggart 
called  upon  me.  He  is  a  very  intelligent  gentleman,  lately  was 
Speaker  of  the  Penn.  Senate,  and  is  now  upon  our  electoral  ticket, 
and  residing  at  Northumberland.  He  left  home  Thursday  the 
3Oth.;  and  he  is  very  confident  that  Penn.  is  abun[dan]tly  safe, 
both  for  Curtin3  in  Oct-  &  the  National  ticket  in  Novr.  This  from 
Cameron  &  Taggart,  constitute  [s]  my  latest  news  from  Penn. 

I  am  more  annoyed  by  what  you  write  me  of  Maine.  Long  ago 
I  had  heard  about  danger  of  two  members  of  congress  there;  but 
at  least  six  weeks  since  Mr.  Hamlin4  wrote  me  "all  is  safe  in  New- 
England  ["]  ;  and  very  recently  Mr.  Fogg5  of  N.H.  wrote  from  N. 
York  saying:  "We  are  having  a  desperate  fight  in  Maine;  but  it 
will  end  in  a  splendid  triumph  for  us."  He  had  just  come  from 
Maine. 

What  you  say  about  the  Northern  30  counties  of  Illinois  pleases 
me.  Keep  good  your  promise  that  they  will  give  as  much  majority 
as  they  did  for  Fremont.,  and  we  will  let  you  off.  We  can  not  be 
beaten,  nor  even  hard  run,  in  the  state,  if  that  holds  true.  Yours 
as  ever  A 


1  ALS,  owned  by  the  Chicago  Tribune,  Chicago,  Illinois.  Medill's  letter  of 
August  30  expressed  fear  that  "our  folks  are  resting  in  false  security  as  to  Pa.," 
and  reported  that  Hamlin  had  written  Coif  ax  the  first  and  sixth  congressional 
districts  in  Maine  would  "be  lost,  but  that  "We  are  stirring  up  Northern  Illinois, 
and  will  give  you  the  Fremont  majority  in  30  Northern  counties."  He  enclosed 
a  letter  from  E.  Ethridge  to  Schuyler  Colfax  expressing  worry  about  Indiana 
(DLC-RTL).  2  Simon  Cameron. 

3  Andrew  G.  Curtin,  candidate  for  governor. 

4  Hannibal  Hamlin  to  Lincoln,  July  23—  "All  is  well  in  New  England.  .  .  ." 
(DLC-RTL). 

5  George  G.  Fogg  to  Lincoln,  August  23—  "Our  friends  in  Maine  are  having 
a  great  fight  -which  is  to  be  f  ollowed  by  a  great  victory.   .   .   ."   (DLC-BTL)  . 

To  Anson  G.  Chester1 

Private 
Anson  G.  Chester,  Esq.  Springfield,  Ills.,  Sept  5,  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  Yours  of  the  ist  is  received.  The  extract  upon  a 
newspaper  slip  which  you  sent,  and  which  I  herewith  return,  is  a 
base  forgery,  so  far  as  its  authorship  is  imputed  to  me.  I  never  said 
anything  like  it,  at  any  time  or  place.  I  do  not  recognize  it  as  any- 
thing I  have  ever  seen  bef  9re,  emanating  from  any  source.  I  wish 
my  name  not  to  be  used;  but  my  friends  will  be  entirely  safe  in 
denouncing  the  thing  as  a  forgery,  so  far  as  it  is  ascribed  to  me. 
Yours  very  truly  A.  LIJNTCOILIN" 

1  Tracy,  pp.  161-62.  Anson  G.  Chester  was  editor  of  the  Buffalo,  New  York, 
Commercial  Advertiser*  In  1864  he  left  journalism  for  a  commission  as  major 

[in] 


SEPTEMBER      55       i860 

and  appointment  as  New  York  military  agent  at  Buffalo,  and  in  later  life  en- 
tered the  Presbyterian  ministry.  His  letter  of  September  i  is  not  in  the  Lincoln 
Papers.  See  the  note,  Lincoln  to  A.  Chester,  March  14,  supra.  The  newspaper 
clipping  was  undoubtedly  from  the  Chicago  Times  and  Herald.  The  Illinois 
State  Journal,  September  6,  1860,  denounced  the  forgery  in  the  following  ar- 
ticle, which  may  have  been  written  by  Lincoln  and  was  certainly  authorized  by 
him: 

"In  the  Chicago  Times  and  Herald  of  the  4th  we  find  the  following,  purport- 
ing to  be  *a  quotation  from  a  speech  made  by  Mr.  Lincoln  in  1844,*  as  taken 
from  the  Macomb  Eagle: 

'Mr.  Jefferson  is  a  statesman  whose  praises  are  never  out  of  the  mouths  of 
the  Democratic  party.  Let  us  attend  to  this  uncompromising  friend  of  freedom 
whose  name  is  continually  invoked  against  the  Whig  party.  The  character  of 
Jefferson  was  repulsive.  Continually  puling  about  liberty,  equality,  and  the 
degrading  curse  of  slavery,  he  brought  his  own  children  to  the  hammer,  and 
made  money  of  his  debaucheries.  Even  at  his  death  he  did  not  manumit  his 
numerous  offspring,  but  left  them  soul  and  body  to  degradation  and  the  cart 
whip.  A  daughter  of  this  vaunted  champion  of  Democracy  was  sold  some  years 
ago  at  public  auction  in  New  Orleans,  and  purchased  by  a  society  of  gentlemen, 
who  wished  to  testify  by  her  liberation  their  admiration  of  the  statesman,  who 
"Dreamt  of  freedom  in  a  slave's  embrace." 

'This  single  line  I  have  quoted  gives  more  insight  to  the  character  of  the 
man  than  whole  volumes  of  panegyric.  It  will  outlive  his  epitaph,  write  it 
who  may.' 

"This  is  a  bold  and  deliberate  forgery,  whether  originating  with  the  Chicago 
Times  and  Herald  or  the  Macomb  Eagle.  Mr  Lincoln  never  used  any  such  lan- 
guage in  any  speech  at  any  time.  Throughout  the  whole  of  his  political  life,  Mr. 
Lincoln  has  ever  spoken  of  Mr.  Jefferson  in  the  most  kindly  and  respectful 
manner,  holding  him  up  as  one  of  the  ablest  statesmen  of  his  own  or  any  other 
age,  and  constantly  referring  to  him  as  one  of  the  greatest  apostles  of  freedom 
and  free  labor.  This  is  so  well  known  that  any  attempt,  by  means  of  fraud  or 
forgery,  to  create  the  contrary  impression,  can  only  react  upon  the  desperate 
politicians  who  are  parties  to  such  disreputable  tactics." 

To  George  S.  Lester1 

George  S.  Lester,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  Sep.  5.  1860 

Your  very  kind  letter  of  Aug.  sist.  is  duly  received,  and,  for 
which,  I  sincerely  thank  you. 

Please  make  my  respects  to  Mr.  Babcock  &  family.  Yours  truly 

A. 


1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  George  S.  Lester  was  a  resident  of  New  Haven,  Connecticut, 
whom  Lincoln  doubtless  met  while  stopping  at  the  home  of  James  F.  Babcocfc 
in  the  fall  of  1860.  Lester's  letter  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers. 

To  Alexander  K.  McCliire1 

A.  K.  McClure,  Esq.,  Springfield,  Ills.,  Sept.  6,  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  Inclosed  I  send  you  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  New 
York,  stating  a  matter,  which,  if  true,  deeply  concerns  our  inter- 

[112] 


SEPTEMBER      Q,       i860 

ests  in  Pennsylvania.  The  writer  does  not  wash  to  be  known;  but 
some  revelations  of  his  in  a  former  letter  have  subsequently  been 
verified.  Yours  truly,  A. 


1  Tracy,  p.  162.  McClure  answered  September  12  that  he  was  aware  of  the 
danger  indicated  by  Lincoln's  unnamed  correspondent  —  a  change  in  Democratic 
policy  which  is  not  specified  but  which  vaguely  implies  an  effort  to  split  the 
Republican  vote,  perhaps  by  means  of  a  deal  with  the  Cameron  clique  who 
were  at  odds  with  the  Curtin  faction  led  by  McClure.  (RTL-DLC).  See  Lincoln 
to  John  M.  Pomeroy,  August  31,  infra. 

To  Charles  C.  Nott1 

Charles  C.  Nott,  Esq.  Springfield  Ills.  Sep.  6.  1860 

My  dear  Sir  Your  note  of  the  ist,  with  the  accompanying 
sheets,  reached  me  this  morning.  I  have  looked  over  the  sheets 
hastily,  and  herewith  return  them.  You  perceive  I  have  touched 
them  only  very  lightly.  The  notes  you  add  I  have  not  attempted  to 
compare  with  originals,  leaving  that  entirely  to  you.  I  think  the 
notes  are  exceedingly  valuable. 

Before  this  reaches  you,  you  will  have  received  my  letter  in  re- 
lation to  "Abraham  Baldwin."2 

And  now  please  accept  for  yourself,  and  present  to  the  "Young 
Men's  Republican  Union"  my  grateful  acknowledgements,  for  your 
and  their  exceeding  kindness  towards  me  in  this  matter.  Yours 
very  truly  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  AILS,  IHi.  Nott's  letter  of  September  i  accompanied  proof  sheets  of  the  new 
pamphlet  printing  of  the  address  at  Cooper  Institute   (DLC-RTL).  See  Lincoln 
to  Nott,  May  31,  supra. 

2  Lincoln  seems  to  imply  that  he  had  already  written  a  letter  about  Abraham 
Baldwin  in  reply  to  Nott's  query  of  August  28,  concerning  Baldwin.  But  the 
letter  is  not  extant,  and  Nott's  letter  of  September  17  indicates  that  he  had  not 
received  it.   Lincoln  to   Nott,    September   22,   infra,   gives  the  substance  of  his 
reply.  On  August  28  Nott  had  written  as  follows:  "...  I  have  made  no  altera- 
tions other  than  those  you  sanctioned,  except  — 

"i.  I  do  not  find  that  Abraham  Baldwin  voted  on  the  Ordinance  of  '87.  On 
the  contrary  he  appears  no*  to  have  acted  with  Congress  during  the  sitting  of 
the  Convention.  Wm.  Pierce  seems  to  have  taken  his  place  then;  and  his  name 
is  recorded  as  voting  for  the  Ordinance.  ...  I  will  therefore  (unless  you  write 
to  the  contrary)  strike  out  his  name  in  that  place  and  reduce  the  number  from 
'four*  to  'three*  where  you  sum  up  the  number  of  times  he  voted."  (DLC-RTL)  . 
Nott's  corrections  were  allowed  to  stand. 

To  Elihu  B.  Washbiirne1 

Hon.  E.  B.  Washburne  —  Springfield,  Ills.  Sep.  9,  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  Yours  of  the  5th.  was  received  last  evening.  I  was 
right  glad  to  see  it.  It  contains  the  freshest  "posting"  which  I  now 

[113] 


SEPTEMBER      1  O,      i860 

have.  It  relieved  me  some  from  a  little  anxiety  I  had  about  Maine. 
Jo.  Medill,  on  Aug.  soth.  wrote  me  that  Coif  ax  had  a  letter  from 
Mr.  Hamlin  saying  we  were  in  great  danger  of  losing  two  mem- 
bers of  Congress  in  Maine,  and  that  your  brother  would  not  have 
exceeding  6000  majority  for  Governor.  I  addressed  you  at  once,  at 
Galena,  asking  for  your  latest  information.  As  you  are  at  Washing- 
ton, that  letter  you  will  receive  some  time  after  the  Maine  elec- 
tion. Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOUNT 

1  ALS,  owned  by  Hempstead  Washburne,  Chicago,  Illinois. 

To  Charles  G.  Wilson1 

Charles  G.  Wilson,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Sep.  10.  1860 

Yours  of  the  6th.  is  just  received.  I  have  pleasure  in  assuring  you 
that  there  is  no  great  pressure  upon  me  for  the  offices  in  prospect. 
If,  as  you  say,  the  newspapers  &  leading  politicians,  are  intent 
upon  schemes  for  the  obtaining  of  office,  they  do  not  bring  them- 
selves within  the  range  of  my  power  to  discourage  them.  Yours 
truly  A.  Lii^coLisr. 

1  ALS-F,  Stan.  V.  Henkels  Catalog  1430,  April  24,  1929.  The  original  letter 
has  not  been  located.  In  the  collection  of  R.  E.  Burdick  of  New  York  City  is 
what  purports  to  be  the  original  of  this  letter.  Comparison  of  the  catalog  fac- 
simile with  a  photostat  of  this  manuscript,  however,  reveals  that  they  cannot 
both  be  genuine.  There  is  no  letter  from  "Wilson,  September  10,  1860,  in  the 
Lincoln  Papers,  but  the  New  York  Herald,  January  17,  1861,  in  a  dispatch  from 
Springfield  dated  January  12,  lists  Charles  G.  Wilson  of  New  York  City  as 
among  Lincoln's  callers. 

To  James  F.  Babcock1 

Hon  James  F.  Babcock  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  Sep.  13.  1860 

Your  two  letters  of  the  8th.,  with  newspaper  slips,  containing  the 
proceedings  of  the  Conn.  Republican  State  Convention,  and  a  con- 
sideration of  our  prospects  in  New- York,  are  received. 

The  original  of  the  picture  you  inclose,2  and  which  I  return,  was 
taken  from  life,  and  is,  I  think,  a  very  true  one;  though  my  wife, 
and  many  others,  do  not.  My  impression  is  that  their  objection 
arises  from  the  disordered  condition  of  the  hair.  My  judgment  is 
worth  nothing  in  these  matters.  If  your  friend  could  procure  one 
of  the  "heads"  "busts"  or  whatever  you  call  it,  by  Volk3  at  Chi- 
cago, I  should  think  it  the  thing  for  him.  Yours  truly 

A. 

[114] 


S  E  P  T  E  M  B  ER     1  4,     1  8  6  O 

1  ALS,  DLC. 

2  The  photograph  preserved  with  the  letter  is  one  made  by  Alexander  Hesler 
in  Chicago,  February,  1857  (Meserve  No.  6). 

3  Leonard  W.  Volk,  a  young  sculptor  at  Chicago  for  whom  Lincoln  sat  in  his 
spare  time  while  attending  court  at  Chicago  in  March,  1860. 


To  James  O.  Putnam1 

Hon.  James  O.  Putnam  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Sep.   13.   1860 

Your  short  letter,  with  the  newspaper  containing  your  late  ex- 
cellent speech  at  Rochester,  was  duly  received,  and  for  which  I 
thank  you  sincerely. 

You  must  not  lay  much  stress  on  the  blunder  about  Mr.  Adams; 
for  I  made  a  more  mischievous  one,  in  the  first  printed  speech  of 
mine,  on  the  Slavery  question — Oct.  1 854 — I  stated  that  the  prohi- 
bition of  slavery  in  the  North  West  Territory  was  made  a  condi- 
tion in  the  Virginia  deed  of  cession — while,  in  fact,  it  was  not.  Like 
yourself,  I  have  since  done  what  I  could  to  correct  the  error.  Yours 
very  truly  A.  LHNTCOUNT. 

1 ALS-P,  ISLA.  Putnam  wrote  on  September  8,  following  his  speech  at 
Rochester  on  September  7.  Referring  to  Lincoln's  letter  of  July  29,  supra.,  he 
said,  "That  mistake  in  nay  Lockport  speech  as  to  John  Adams,  was  a  great  blun- 
der. After  receiving  your  letter,  a  pamphlet  edition  of  the  speech  was  published 
&  the  error  corrected."  (DLC-BTL). 


To  John  Pettit1 

Private 

Hon.  John  Pettit  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  Sep.  14.  1860 

Yours  of  the  loth,  is  received.  I  have  a  good  deal  o£  news  from 
New-  York;  but,  of  course,  it  is  from  friends.,  and  is  one-sided.  They 
declare  that  no  combination  can  deprive  of  us  of  [sz*c]  the  Empire 
State.  It  -would  seem  that  assurances  to  this  point  could  not  be 
better  than  I  have.  And  yet  it  may  be  delusive. 

If  it  would  not  be  dishonorable,  of  which  you  can  best  judge,  I 
wish  you  would  name  the  sources  of  your  information.  Yours  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,  The  Rosenbach  Company,  Philadelphia  and  New  York.  Chief  Justice 
John  Pettit  of  the  U.S.  Courts  in  Kansas  Territory  and  former  U.S.  representa- 
tive (1843-1849)  and  senator  (1853-1855)  from  Indiana,  answered  from  Leav- 
enworth,  Kansas,  September  29,  that  he  was  much,  relieved  about  news  from 
New  York  (DLC-RTL). 

[115] 


To  Nathaniel  Grigsby1 

Nathaniel  Grigsby,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills.  Sep.  20,  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  Your  letter  of  July  igth.  was  received  only  a  few 
days  ago,  having  been  mailed  by  your  brother2  at  Gentryville,  la.3 
on  the  i2th.  of  this  month.  A  few  days  ago,  Gov.  Wood,  of  Quincy 
told  me  he  saw  you,  and  that  you  said  you  had  written  me.  I  had 
not  then  received  your  letter. 

Of  our  three  families  who  removed  from  Indiana  together,  my 
father,  Squire  Hall,  and  John  D.  Johnston,  are  dead — and  all  the 
rest  of  us  are  yet  living.  Of  course  the  younger  ones  are  grown  up, 
marriages  contracted,  and  new  ones  born.  I  have  three  boys  now, 
the  oldest  of  which  is  seventeen  years  of  age. 

There  is  now  a  Republican  electoral  ticket  in  Missouri,  so  that 
you  can  vote  for  me  if  your  neighbors  will  let  you.  I  would  advise 
you  not  to  get  into  any  trouble  about  it.  Give  my  kindest  regards  to 
your  brother  Charles.4 

Within  the  present  year  I  have  had  two  letters  from  John  Gor- 
den,5  who  is  living  somewhere  in  Missouri, — I  forget  exactly 
where — and  he  says  his  father  and  mother  are  both  still  living 
near  him.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  Grigsby 's  letter  of  July  19  Is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers.  He 
was  a  boyhood  friend  of  Lincoln's  in  Spencer  County,  Indiana,  who  was  living 
in  Missouri  at  the  time  of  the  letter.  2  William  Grigsby? 

3  Abbreviation  for  Indiana. 

4  Charles  Grigsby  had  bought  Thomas  Lincoln's  farm  in  1830  when  the  Lin- 
coins  left  Indiana  for  Illinois. 

5  John  Gorden  wrote  from  Buffalo,  Missouri,  February  7  and  June  15,  1860 
(DLC-RTL). 

To  Edwin  D,  Morgan1 

Hon.  E.  D.  Morgan  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Sep.  20.  1860 

Yours  of  the  i  /th.  is  just  received.  Here,  in  Illinois,  we  are  pre- 
cisely in  the  condition  you  seem  to  understand — safe,  as  we  think, 
on  the  National  and  State  tickets,  but  in  danger  as  to  the  Legisla- 
ture. How  the  National  committee  can  do  anything  in  the  prem- 
ises I  do  not  quite  understand;  tho,  on  this  point  I  would  refer  to 
Mr.  Judd.  I  shall  confer  with  some  friends,  and  write  you  again 
soon — saying  no  more  now  thant  [szc]  that,  in  my  opinion,  no  one 
thing  will  do  us  so  much  good  in  Illinois.,  as  the  carrying  of  In- 
diana at  the  October  election.  The  whole  surplus  energy  of  the 
party  throughout  the  nation,  should  be  bent  upon  that  object  up 
to  the  close  of  that  election.  I  should  say  the  same  of  Pennsylvania, 

[116] 


SEPTEMBER      21,       i860 

were  it  not  that  our  assurances  seem  so  abundant  of  Curtin's  elec- 
tion there. 

If  I  might  advise,  I  would  say,  bend  all  your  energies  upon  In- 
diana now.  Yours  very  truly  A. 


1  ALS,  N.  Morgan's  letter  of  September  17  asked  for  advice  as  to  the  situa- 
tion in  Illinois.  He  had  heard  that  the  Republicans  might  not  secure  the  legis- 
lature while  carrying  the  electoral  vote  (DLC-RTL). 


To  Nathan  Sargent1 

My  dear  Sir:  Springfield,  Ills.  Sep.  20-  1860 

Your  very  kind  letter  of  the  i^th.  was  received  yesterday;  and 
I  have  just  time  to  acknowledge  it's  receipt,  and  to  say  I  thank  you 
for  it;  and  that  I  shall  be  pleased  to  hear  from  you  again  when- 
ever it  is  convenient  for  you  to  write.  Yours  very  truly 
Hon.  N.  Sargent  —  A 


1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  Sargent's  letter  of  September  15  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers. 
He  had  been  sergeant-at-arms  of  the  House  of  Representatives  during  Lincoln's 
term  in  congress. 


To  John  Chrisman1 

John  Chrisman,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills.  Sep.  21   1860 

My  dear  Sir  Yours  of  the  13th.  was  duly  received.  I  have  no 
doubt  that  you  and  I  are  related.  My  grand-father's  Christian 
name  was  "Abraham."  He  had  four  brothers  —  Isaac,  Jacob,  John 
&  Thomas.  They  were  born  in  Pennsylvania,  and  my  grand-father, 
and  some,  if  not  all  the  others,  in  early  life  removed  to  Rocking- 
ham  Co.  Virginia.  There  my  father  —  named  Thomas  —  was  born. 
From  there  my  grand-father  removed  to  Kentucky,  and  was  killed 
by  Indians,  about  the  year  1784.  His  brother  Thomas,  who  was 
my  father's  uncle  —  also  removed  to  Kentucky  —  to  Fayette  Co.  I 
think  —  where,  as  I  understand  he  lived,  and  died.  I  close,  by  re- 
peating, I  have  no  doubt  you  and  I  are  related.  Yours  very  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,  DLC-RTL.  There  are  no  letters  from  Chrisman  in  the  Lincoln  Papers, 
but  an  envelope  postmarked  "Waverly,  Mo.,  March  15,"  containing  Lincoln's 
letter  of  September  21,  1860,  bears  the  following  endorsement:  "John  Chrisman 
Mo.  encloses  an  autograph  letter  of  the  President  to  him,  and  asks  that  his 
brother  Jos.  Chrisman,  banished  as  a  rebel,  be  allowed  to  return  to  Mo."  Chris- 
man's  letter  was  probably  referred  to  the  proper  authority,  but  no  trace  of  it 
has  been  found.  John  Chrisman,  born  at  Linville,  Virginia,  was  the  son  of 
Joseph  Chrisman  and  Elizabeth  Lincoln  (daughter  of  Jacob  who  -was  the 
brother  of  Lincoln's  grandfather  Abraham). 

[117] 


To  Mrs.  M.  J.  Green1 

Mrs.  M.  J.  Green  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Madam.  Sep.  22.  1860 

Your  kind  congratulatory  letter,  of  August,  was  received  in  due 
course — and  should  have  been  answered  sooner.  The  truth  is  I 
have  never  corresponded  much  with  ladies;  and  hence  I  postpone 
writing  letters  to  them,  as  a  business  which  I  do  not  understand. 
I  can  only  say  now  I  thank  you  for  the  good  opinion  you  express 
of  me,  fearing,  at  the  same  time,  I  may  not  be  able  to  maintain  it 
through  life.  Yours  very  truly  ,  A.  LIMCOLFT. 

lALS,  CSmH.  There  is  no  letter  from  Mrs.  M.  J,  Green  in  the  Lincoln 
Papers,  and  efforts  to  identify  her  have  been  unsuccessful. 

To  Anson  G.  Henry1 

Springfield,  Ills.  Sep.  22.  1860 

Dear  Doctor  Yours  of  July  i8th.  was  received  some  time  ago. 
When  you  wrote,  you  had  not  learned  the  result  of  the  Democratic 
conventions  at  Charleston  &  [Bajltimore.  With  the  two  tickets  in 
the  field  I  should  think  it  possible  for  our  friends  to  carry  Oregon. 
But  the  general  result,  I  think,  does  not  depend  upon  Oregon.  No 
one,  this  side  of  the  mountains,  pretends  that  any  ticket  can  be 
elected  by  the  People,  unless  it  be  ours.  Hence  great  efforts  to  com- 
bine against  us,  are  being  made,  which,  however,  as  yet,  have  not 
had  much  success. 

Besides  what  we  see  in  the  newspapers,  I  have  a  good  deal  of 
private  correspondence;  and,  without  giving  details,  I  will  only 
say,  it  all  looks  very  favorable  to  our  success. 

Make  my  best  respects  to  Mrs.  H.  and  the  rest  of  your  family. 
Your  friend  as  ever  A.  LINCOLN 

i  ALS-P,  ISLA. 

To  Charles  C.  Nott1 

Charles  C.  Nott,  Esq.,  Springfield,  Ills.,  Sept.  22,  1860. 

My  Dear  Sir:  Yours  of  the  17th  was  duly  received.  The  250 
copies  have  not  yet  arrived.  I  am  greatly  obliged  to  you  for  what 
you  have  done,  and  what  you  propose  to  do. 

The  "Abraham  Baldwin  letter"  in  substance  was  that  I  could 
not  find  the  Journal  of  the  Confederation  Congress  for  the  session 
at  which  was  passed  the  Ordinance  of  1787 — and  that  in  stating 
Mr.  Baldwin  had  voted  for  its  passage,  I  had  relied  on  a  communi- 

[118] 


SEPTEMBER      22,      i860 

cation  of  Mr.  Greeley,  over  his  own  signature,  published  in  the 
New  York  Weekly  Tribune  of  October  15,  1859.  If  you  will  turn 
to  that  paper,  you  will  there  see  that  Mr.  Greeley  apparently 
copies  from  the  Journal,  and  places  the  name  of  Mr.  Baldwin 
among  those  of  the  men  who  voted  for  the  measure. 

Still,  if  the  Journal  itself  shows  differently,  of  course  it  is  right. 
Yours  very  truly,  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  George  H.  Putnam,  Abraham  Lincoln:  The  People's  Leader  (1909),  pp. 
229-30.  Nott's  letter  of  September  17  specified  that  "the  'Abraham  Baldwin 
letter'  referred  to  in  your  last  I  regret  to  say  has  not  arrived.  From  your  not 
touching  the  proofs  in  that  regard,  I  inferred  (and  hope)  that  the  correction 
was  not  itself  an  error."  (DLC-RTL).  See  Lincoln  to  Nott,  September  6,  supra. 

To  G.  Yoke  Tarns1 

Private  &  confidential 
G.  Yoke  Tarns,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills—  Sep.  22.  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  Your  letter  asking  me  "Are  you  in  favor  of  a 
Tariff  &  Protection  to  American  Industry?"  is  received.  The  con- 
vention which  nominated  me,  by  the  1 2th.  plank  of  their  platform, 
selected  their  position  on  this  question;  and  I  have  declared  my 
approval  of  the  platform,  and  accepted  the  nomination.  Now,  if 
I  were  to  publicly  shift  this  position,  by  adding  or  subtracting  any- 
thing, the  convention  would  have  the  right,  and  probably  would 
be  inclined,  to  displace  me  as  their  candidate.  And  I  feel  confident 
that  you,  on  reflection,  would  not  wish  me  to  give  private  assur- 
ances to  be  seen  by  some,  and  kept  secret  from  others. 

I  enjoin  that  this  shall,  by  no  means  be  made  public.  Yours 
Respectfully  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS  copy,  DLC-RTL.  Entirely  in  Lincoln's  handwriting,  the  manuscript 
appears  to  be  a  copy  retained  by  Lincoln  for  his  file.  G.  Yoke  Tarns  •wrote  from 
Manayunk,  Pennsylvania,  September  15,  "I  take  the  liberty  of  asking  you  one 
plain  question.  Are  you  in  favour  of  a  Tarriff  &  Protection  to  American  In- 
dustry. .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL). 

To  John  Van  Dyke1 

Hon.  John  Van  Dyke  Springfield,  Ills, 

My  dear  Sir:  Sep.  22.  1860 

Your  very  kind  letter  of  the  i  /th.  is  duly  received;  and  for  which 
I  sincerely  thank  you.  Hon.  Moses  Hampton2  has  written  me  one 
under  similar  circumstances,  he  now  being  a  Judge  at  Pittsburgh. 

Please  make  my  best  respects  to  Mrs.  V.  D.  of  whom  I  have  very 
pleasant  recollections.  Yours  very  truly  A. 

[119] 


S  E  P  T  E  M  B  ER     24,       1   8  6  O 

1ALS-P,  ISLA.  John  Van  Dyke  was  judge  of  the  New  Jersey  Supreme 
Court.  His  letter  of  September  17  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers 

2  Moses  Hampton,  Whig  congressman  from  Pennsylvania  1847-1851,  and  an 
admirer  of  Lincoln's  abilities  as  raconteur  during  their  acquaintance  in  Con- 
gress, wrote  a  letter  of  congratulations  on  May  23  (DLC-RTL),  but  no  later 
letter  is  in  the  Lincoln  Papers. 

To  John  T.  Hanks1 

Dear  John  Springfield,  Ills.  Sep.  24,   1860 

Your  letter  of  July  22—  was  received  a  few  days  ago.  If  your 
Father  and  Mother  desire  you  to  come  home,  it  is  a  delicate  matter 
for  me  to  advise  you  not  to  do  it.  Still,  as  you  ask  my  advice,  it  is 
that  if  you  are  doing  well,  you  better  stick  to  it.  If  you  have  a  good 
start  there,  and  should  give  it  up,  you  might  not  get  it  again,  here, 
or  elsewhere.  It  can  not  be  other  than  their  first  wish  that  you  shall 
do  well. 

And  now,  as  to  politics,  I  am  very  much  obliged  to  you  for  what 
you  offer  to  do  for  me  in  Oregon.  This  side  of  the  Rocky  Mountains 
things  appear  reasonably  well  for  the  general  result.  In  opposing 
David  Logan,  at  the  late  congressional  election  in  Oregon,  I  sup- 
pose you  did  what  you  thought  was  right;  and  when  a  man  does 
what  he  thinks  is  right,  he  does  the  best  he  can.  Still,  I  am  sorry 
you  did  not  think  differently,  as  I  knew  David  from  his  childhood, 
and  he  studied  law  in  our  office  when  his  father  and  I  were  part- 
ners. 

I  heard  from  our  relations  over  at  Charleston,  about  three  weeks 
ago,  and  they  were  well  then. 

Write  me  again  when  you  receive  this.  Your  Uncle 

A. 


1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  John  T.  Hanks,  the  son  of  Dennis  F.  Hanks,  had  migrated  to 
California  and  later  to  Oregon.  Writing  from  Canyon  ville,  Oregon,  July  22,  he 
reviewed  Oregon  politics  and  his  personal  affairs  (DLC-RTL)  . 

To  Francis  E.  Spinner1 

Hon.  F.  E.  Spinner  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  Sep.  24.   1860 

Yours  of  the  igth.  was  received  in  due  course,  the  Bag  of  books 
having  been  received  two  days  before.  I  am  much  obliged  for 
both  the  books  and  the  letter. 

You  are  right  in  the  suspicion  that  our  foes  are  now  driving  at 
Pennsylvania;  but  our  friends  there  are  fully  apprized  of  this,  and 
say  they  can  and  will  repulse  them.  Yours  very  truly 

A. 

[120] 


SEPTEMBER      26,     i860 

1 ALS,  owned  by  H.  K.  Crofoot,  Moravia,  New  York.  Francis  E.  Spinner 
•wrote  that  he  had  sent  a  bag  containing  the  first  ten  volumes  of  the  "Pacific 
Rail  Road  Survey  Report"  and  would  send  the  supplement,  not  yet  received,  at 
a  later  date  (DLC-RTL) .  See  also  Lincoln  to  Spinner,  July  27,  supra. 


To  John  M.  Brockman1 

J.  M.  Brockman,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills.  Sep.  25.  1860 

Dear  Sir-  Yours  of  the  24th.  asking  "the  best  mode  of  obtaining 
a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  law"  is  received.  The  mode  is  very 
simple,  though  laborious,  and  tedious.  It  is  only  to  get  the  books, 
and  read,  and  study  them  carefully.  Begin  with  Blackstone's  Com- 
mentaries, and  after  reading  it  carefully  through,  say  twice,  take 
up  Chitty's  Pleading,  Greenleaf's  Evidence,  &  Story's  Equity  &c. 
in  succession.  \Vork,  work,  work,  is  the  main  thing.  Yours  very 
truly  A. 


1  ALS,  owned  by  Mrs.  Ida  Brockman  Cornelius,  Humboldt,  Nebraska.  Brock- 
man's  letter  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers.  He  was  a  young  school  teacher  of 
Pleasant  Plains,  Illinois,  whose  plans  for  studying  law  were  abandoned  after 
he  had  moved  to  Brownville,  Nebraska,  and  enlisted  in  the  Fifth  Iowa  Cavalry. 
Following  the  Civil  War  he  settled  in  Nebraska  as  a  farmer  and  stockman  and 
later  served  two  terms  in  the  state  legislature. 

To  Benjamin  F.  James1 

B.  F.  James,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Sep.  26.  1860 

I  have  now  had  your  kind  letter  for  near  a  month,  without  an- 
swering it.  Nor  have  I  much  to  communicate,  even  now,  beyond, 
what  you  know  quite  as  well  as  I,  by  the  public  prints.  So  far  as  I 
have  private  information,  the  prospect  for  the  election  looks  quite 
encouraging. 

Please  make  my  respects  to  Mrs.  J.  and  Louis;  and  also  to  your 
Father.  Your  friend  as  ever  A.  LirsrcoLisr 

1  ALS,  IHi.  See  Lincoln  to  James,  August  31,  supra.  Lincoln  may  have  for- 
gotten that  he  had  acknowledged  James'  letter  of  congratulation. 

To  Nehemiah  D.  Sperry1 

N.  D.  Sperry,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  Sep.  26.  1860 

Yours  of  the  igth.  is  duly  received;  and  for  which  I  sincerely 
thank  you. 

My  intelligence  from  Penn.  &  from  the  whole  field,  is  very 

[121] 


SEPTEMBER      27,      i860 

much  the  same  as  you  seem  to  have.  As  to  my  forgiving  you  for 
detaining  me  last  Spring,  I  certainly  do  not  hold  you,  and  the  Re- 
publicans of  Connecticut,  my  debtors  in  anything.  Yours  very  truly 


A. 

i  ALS,  CSmH.  Sperry's  letter  of  September  19  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers. 
A  former  Know-Nothing  who  had  become  a  Republican,  he  was  appointed 
postmaster  at  New  Haven,  Connecticut,  in  1861  and  remained  in  office  until 
1886.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Republican  National  Committee  during  Lin- 
coln's administration  and  served  eight  terms  as  U.S.  representative  beginning 
in  1886. 

To  James  E.  Harvey1 

(Private.} 

Springfield,  111.,  September  27,  1860. 

My  dear  Sir:  Yesterday  I  was  gratified  by  the  receipt  of  yours  of 
the  22d.  There  is  no  reality  in  that  suspicion  about  Judge  Kelley. 
Neither  he  nor  any  other  man  has  obtained  or  sought  such  a  rela- 
tion with  me.  Yours  very  truly,  A.  LiisrcoLiNr. 

1  NH,  VI,  59.  Harvey's  letter  of  September  22  gave  political  news,  includ- 
ing a  rumor  that  Judge  William  D.  Kelley,  Democratic  candidate  for  congress 
".  .  .  was  represented  to  be  the  personal  exponent  of  your  views  &  wishes,  & 
in  the  event  of  success  would  be  so  regarded.**  (DLC-RTL.)  .  See  Lincoln  to 
Kelley,  October  13,  infra. 

To  George  B.  Lincoln1 

G.  B.  Lincoln,  Esq.,  Springfield,  111., 

My  dear  Sir:  Sept  27,   1860 

Yours  of  the  22nd  with  the  accompanying  presents,  by  the  hand 
of  Mr.  Alvey,  is  received.  They  are  all  good  and  one  is  a  great 
curiosity.  Please  accept  nay  sincere  thanks  for  them.  Yours  very 
truly  A  LiKrcoLr<r. 

1  Copy,  ISL.A.  Specifying  that  ne  was  not  related,  George  B.  Lincoln  of  New 
York  City  wrote  on  September  22  that  he  was  sending  "By  the  kindness  of 
your  worthy  neighbour  Mr.  Alvey  who  is  returning  to  Springfield  ...  as  a 
present  to  your  Boys  a  few  specimens  the  [campaign]  medals  ....  a  small 
unique  Photograph  .  .  .  also  for  the  Boys  —  and  for  Mrs.  Lincoln  the  larger 
Photograph  —  under  glass.  .  .  .'*  (DILC-B.TL.)  .  James  W.  Alvey  was  a  traveling 
salesman  living  at  Springfield. 

To  Daniel  E  Gardner1 

Professor  Gardner  Springfield,  Ills. 

Dear  Sir:  Sep.  28.  1860 

Some  specimens  of  your  Soap  have  been  used  at  our  house  and 
Mrs.  L.  declares  it  is  a  superb  article.  She  at  the  same  time,  pro- 

[122] 


SEPTEMBER    2  Q.,     i860 

tests  that  /  have  never  given  sufficient  attention  to  the  "soap  ques- 
tion" to  be  a  competent  judge.  Yours  truly  A. 


1  ALS-F,  Genuine  Autograph  Letters  from  the  Most  Distinguished  Men  of 
Our  Country,  Presented  to  Prof.  Gardner.,  the  New  England  Soap  Man  (1870). 
"Professor"  Daniel  Pierce  Gardner  was  an  itinerant  soap  manufacturer  and 
vendor  who  distributed  his  wares  by  means  of  humorous  lectures  to  which  the 
purchase  of  a  bar  of  soap  was  the  price  of  admission.  He  claimed  to  be  "a  lineal 
descendant,  in  an  an*  line,  of  that  glorious  Puritan,  Awful  Gardner,  who  landed 
on  the  everlasting  hills  of  New  England  from  a  desolate  fishing  smack  .  ,  .  ." 
presumably  referring  to  Thomas  Gardner  (1592?-  1677),  one  of  a  number  of 
fishermen  who  established  in  1624  a  settlement  at  the  mouth  of  the  Naumkeag 
Biver  which  later  became  Salem,  Massachusetts  (see  Frank  A.  Gardner,  Gard- 
ner Memorial,  A  Biographical  and  Genealogical  Record  ....  1933;  and  Jo- 
seph B.  Felts,  Annals  of  Salem,  2,  vols.,  1845-1849).  Although  Daniel  P.  Gard- 
ner was  announced  in  the  Illinois  State  Journal  (September  28,  1860)  as  a 
professor  of  Brown  University,  he  is  not  of  record  at  that  institution. 


Dialogue  between  Stephen  A.  Douglas  and 
John  C.  Breckinridge1 

Louisville,  Ky—  Sep.  29.  1860 
Meeting  &  Dialogue  of  Douglas  &  Breckenridge — 

DOUG —  Well,  you  have  succeeded  in  breaking  up  the  Democratic 
party. 

BRECK. —  Certainly,  for  the  time  being,  the  party  is  under  a  cloud, 
to  say  the  least;  but  why  you  should  say  /  did  it,  I  do  not  com- 
prehend. 

DOUG —  Perhaps  I  should  charge  it  to  your  supporters,  rather  than 
to  you. 

BRECK —  The  blame,  as  I  conceive,  is  neither  upon  my  friends  or 
me. 

DOUG — They  insisted  on  having  a  plat-form,  upon  "which  I  could 
not  stand. 

BRECK: —  Aye,  and  you  insisted  on  having  a  platform  upon  which 
they  could  not  stand. 

DOUG — But  mine  was  the  true  Democratic  platform. 

BRECK: —  That  presents  the  exact  point  in  dispute;  my  friends  in- 
sist that  theirs  is  the  true  Democratic  platform. 

DOUG —  Let  us  argue  it,  then. 

BRECK: —  I  conceive  that  argument  is  exhausted;  you  certainly 
could  advance  nothing  new,  and  /  know  not  that  I  could.  There 
is,  however,  a  colatteral  point,  upon  which  I  would  like  the  ex- 
change of  a  f ew  words. 

DOUG — What  is  it? 

[123] 


OCTOBER       1,       i860 

BRECK  —  It  is  this:  We  insisted  on  Congressional  protection  of 
Slave  property  in  the  national  teritories;  and  you  broke  with 
us  professedly  because  of  this. 

DOUG  —  Exactly  so;  I  insisted  upon  non-intervention. 

BRECK  —  And  yet  you  are  forming  coalitions,  wherever  you  can, 
with  Bell,  who  is  for  this  very  congressional  protection  of  slav- 
ery —  f  or  the  very  thing  which  you  pretend,  drove  you  from  us  — 
for  Bell,  with  all  his  Know-Nothingism,  and  anti-democracy  of 
every  sort. 

DOUG  —  Bell  is  a  good  Union-man;  and  you,  and  your  friends,  are 
a  set  of  disunionists. 

BRECK.  —  Bah!  You  have  known  us  long,  and  intimately;  why  did 
you  never  denounce  us  as  disunionists,  till  since  our  refusal  to 
support  you  for  the  Presidency?  Why  have  you  never  warned 
the  North  against  our  disunion  schemes,  till  since  the  Charleston 
and  Baltimore  sessions  of  the  National  convention?  Will  you  an- 
swer, Senator  Douglas? 

DOUG  —  The  condition  of  my  throat  will  not  permit  me  to  carry 
this  conversation  any  further. 

1  AD,  DLC-RTL  Lincoln's  jeu  d'esprit,  written,  in  pencil,  was  probably  sug- 
gested by  Douglas'  speech  at  Louisville,  September  29,  in  which  Douglas  made 
the  points  included  in  Lincoln's  imaginary  dialogue. 

To  Moses  Fowler1 

Moses  Fowler,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Oct.  i.  1860 

This  introduces  our  friend  Hon.  S.  A.  Hurlbut,  one  of  our  best 
Illinois  Republican  Speakers.  It  happens  oppertunely  that  he  can 
be  with  you,  at  Lafayette,  on  the  5th.  Inst.  Yours  very  truly 

A. 


^•ALS,  owned  by  Cecil  Fowler,  Lafayette,  Indiana.  Moses  Fowler  was  a 
prominent  Republican  in  the  mercantile  and  banking  business  at  Lafayette,  In- 
diana. 

To  James  H.  Reed1 

J.  H.  Reed,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills.  Oct.  i.  1860 

My  dear  Sir  Yours  of  Sep.  2ist.  was  received  some  time  ago; 
but  I  could  not,  till  now,  find  time  to  answer  it.  I  never  was  in 
McDonough  county  till  1858.  I  never  said  anything  derogatory  of 
Mr.  Jefferson,  in  McDonough  county,  or  elsewhere.  About  three 
weeks  ago,2  for  the  first  time  in  my  life,  did  I  ever  see,  or  hear,  the 

[124] 


OCTOBER      2,       i860 

language,  attributed  to  me,  as  having  been,  used  towards  Mr. 
Jefferson;  and  then  it  was  sent  to  me,  as  you  now  send,  in  order 
that  I  might  say  whether  it  came  from  me.  I  never  used  any  such 
language  at  any  time  You  may  rely  on  the  truth  of  this;  although 
it  is  my  wish  that  you  do  not  publish  it.  Yours  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,  ORB.  Reed's  letter  of  September  21,  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers.  He 
was  co-publisher  with  Horace  Bigelow  of  the  Aledo,  Illinois,  Record. 

2  See  Lincoln  to  Anson  G.  Chester,  September  5,  supra. 


To  James  E.  Harvey1 

(Private  and  confidential*} 

October  2,  1860. 

My  dear  Sir:  To  comply  with  your  request  to  furnish  extracts 
from  my  tariff  speeches  is  simply  impossible,  because  none  of  those 
speeches  were  published.  It  was  not  fashionable  here  in  those  days 
to  report  one's  public  speeches.  In  1844  I  was  on  the  Clay  electoral 
ticket  in  this  State  (i.e.,  Illinois)  and,  to  the  best  of  my  ability, 
sustained,  together,  the  tariff  of  1842  and  the  tariff  plank  of  the 
Clay  platform.2  This  could  be  proven  by  hundreds  —  perhaps 
thousands  —  of  living  witnesses;  still  it  is  not  in  print,  except  by 
inference.  The  WHhig  papers  of  those  years  all  show  that  I  was 
upon  the  electoral  ticket;  even  though  I  made  speeches,  among 
other  things  about  the  tariff,  but  they  do  not  show  ivhat  I  said 
about  it.  The  papers  show  that  I  was  one  of  a  committee  which  re- 
ported, among  others,  a  resolution  in  these  words: 

"That  we  are  in  favor  of  an  adequate  revenue  on  duties  from 
imports  so  levied  as  to  afford  ample  protection  to  American  in- 
dustry." 

But,  after  all,  was  it  really  any  more  than  the  tariff  plank  of  our 
present  platform?  And  does  not  my  acceptance  pledge  me  to  that? 
And  am  I  at  liberty  to  do  more,  if  I  were  inclined?  Yours  truly, 

A. 


1  NH,  VI,   61-62.   Harvey's  letter  of  September  25   referred  to  the  visit   of 
James  Leslie,  Jr  ,   as   correspondent  of  Harvey's   paper,   the   North  American 
and  U.S.  Gazette   (see  Lincoln  to   Cameron,  August  6,  supra)    and  his  search 
for  newspaper  reports  of  Lincoln's  speeches  of  1844:    "It  is  of  very  great  im- 
portance to  us,  to  have  extracts  from  these  speeches,  as  pointed  as  possible,  with 
the  dates  and  attending  circumstances.   .   .   ."    (DLC-RTL). 

2  Vide  supra,  June  19,  1844.  See  also  the  reports  of  Lincoln's  speech  at  Sugar 
Creek,   March    i,   1844,   and  his   debates   with   John   Calhoun    and   Alfred   W. 
Cavarly,  March  20-25,   1844,  supra.  These  reports  are  so  fragmentary  and  bi- 
ased that  even  if  Lincoln  knew  of  them  he  would  scarcely  have  used  them. 

[125] 


To  Jesse  W.  FeU1 

[Hon.  J.  W.  Fell.]  Springfield, 

My  dear  Sir  Oct.  5.   1860 

Yours,  inclosing  the  letter  I  now  return,  was  duly  received,  and 
for  which  I  sincerely  thank  you.  Our  friends  all  understand,  as 
you  do,  the  importance  of  carrying  one  of  the  three  Districts  you 
mention.  Whatever  can  be  will  be  done.  [Yours  very  truly 

A.  LINCOLN] 

1  ALS,  DLC.  The  bracketed  portions  of  this  letter  have  been  clipped  and 
pasted  at  the  end  of  the  autobiographical  sketch  sent  to  Fell  with  the  letter 
of  December  20,  1859  (q..v.,  supra).  Fell's  letter  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers. 

To  William  H.  Herndon1 

Springfield  Ills  Oct.  loth  1860 

Dear  William:  I  cannot  give  you  details,  but  it  is  entirely  cer- 
tain that  Pennsylvania  and  Indiana  have  gone  Republican  very 
largely,  Penn  25,000  &  Indiana  5  to  10.  Ohio  of  course  is  safe. 
Yours  as  ever  A.  Liisrcorjxr. 

1  Copy,  DLC-HW.  Herndon  sent  the  copy  to  Jesse  W.  Weik  and  added  the 
following  explanation,  here  somewhat  abridged:  "The  history  of  the  letter  is 
as  follows.  I  was  making  a  speech  for  Lincoln  in  Petersburg  on  the  evening 
of  Oct.  loth  and  had  fairly  got  into  the  spirit  of  the  hour  when  some  one 
rushed  into  the  court  room  and  handed  me  the  letter.  I,  at  first,  thought  that 
it  might  contain  sad  news  from  my  family.  I  opened  the  letter  and  read  it 
over  to  myself  before  reading  to  the  people  and  then  I  read  it  aloud  to  the 
crowd.  I  never  finished  that  speech.  The  crowd  yelled — screamed — threw  up 
their  hats — ran  out  of  doors — made  bonfires — &c.  &c.  ...  I  gave  the  letter 
in  *8i  to  a  Mr.  Parker,  President  of  the  Englewood  soldiers  memorial  associa- 
tion near  Chicago.  .  .  ." 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

Hon.  W.  H.  Seward.  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Oct.  12.  1860 

Your  kind  note  of  the  8th.  is  received.  I  am  quite  satisfied  with 
what  you  said,  at  Chicago.,  upon  the  point  I  mentioned  to  you; 
and  I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  saying  it.  I  hope  it  did  not  give 
you  much  trouble  weaving  it  into  the  general  web  of  your  dis- 
course. 

I  shall  look  up  the  speech  made  at  DuBuque  and  published  in 
the  N.Y.  Times. 

I  have  had  no  fears  of  New- York  recently;  though,  of  course, 
I  am  glad  to  have  the  expression  of  your  continued  confidence.  It 
now  really  looks  as  if  the  Government  is  about  to  fall  into  our 

[126] 


OCTOBER      13,       i860 

hands.  Pennsylvania,  Ohio.,  and  Indiana  have  surpassed  all  expec- 
tation,  even  the  most  extravagant.    Most   sincerely   Your  friend 

A.  LIJNTCOIJN* — 

1 ALS,  NAuE.  On  October  8,  Seward  wrote  Lincoln  from  Auburn,  New- 
York: 

"I  do  not  know  how  successfully  I  met  your  wishes  in  what  I  said  at  Chi- 
cago on  the  point  you  indicated  to  me.  I  was  less  fully  reported  on  that  point 
than  I  spoke.  But  I  find  a  report  of  my  speech  at  Dubuque  in  the  N.  York 
Times  in  which  the  subject  which  had  given  you  uneasiness  was  presented 
freely  and  strongly. 

"We  arrived  here  on  Saturday  night  and  I  find  no  reason  to  doubt  this 
State  will  redeem  all  the  promises  we  have  made.  .  .  .**  (DLC-B.TL.) . 

Seward  spoke  at  Dubuque,  Iowa,  on  September  21. 


To  William  D.  Kelley1 

Private 

Hon.  William  D.  Kelly  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  Oct—  13.  1860 

Yours  of  the  6th.  asking  permission  to  inscribe  your  new  legal 
work  to  me,  is  received.  Gratefully  accepting  the  proffered  honor, 
I  give  the  leave,  begging  only  that  the  inscription  may  be  in  mod- 
est terms,  not  representing  me  as  a  man  of  great  learning,  or  a 
very  extraordinary  one  in  any  respect.  Yours  very  truly 

A. 


i  ALS,  owned  by  A.  H.  Greenly,  Hoboken,  New  Jersey.  William  D.  Kelley, 
judge  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  at  Philadelphia  (1846-1856)  and  later  U.S. 
representative  from  Pennsylvania  (1861-1890)  asked  Lincoln's  permission 
to  inscribe  his  two-volume  work  on  international  law. 


To  John  M.  Read1 

Hon.  John.  M.  Read  Springfield  111 

Dear  Sir —  Oct  13th  1860. 

The  box  containing  the  tw6  framed  engravings,  sent  me  by 
yourself.,  came  safely  to  hand.  Please  to  accept  my  thanks  for  the 
same. 

We  are  indulging  in  much  rejoicing  over  the  late  splendid  vic- 
tories in  Pennsylvania,  Indiana,  and  Ohio,  which  seem  to  fore- 
shadow the  certain  success  of  the  Republican  cause  in  November. 
Yours  Truly  A.  LUSTGOLI^ 

i  LS,  DLC-Read  Papers.  The  letter  is  in  Nicolay's  handwriting  except  for  the 
signature.  The  engravings  mentioned  were  by  the  artist  John  Sartain.  See 
Lincoln  to  Read,  August  27,  supra. 

[127] 


To  L.  Montgomery  Bond1 

PRIVATE 

L.  Montgomery  Bond,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  Oct-  15.  1860 

Yours  of  the  ist.  has  been  at  hand  some  days  You  ask  "In  the 
event  of  your  election  to  the  Presidency,  and  of  the  election  of  a 
majority  of  Republicans  to  the  next  congress  would  you  counte- 
nance radicalism  to  the  extent  of  embittering  the  feelings  of  our 
Southern  bretheren."  I  certainly  am  in  no  temper,  and  have  no 
purpose,  to  embitter  the  feelings  of  the  South;  but  whether  I  am 
inclined  to  such  a  course  as  would,  in  fact,  embitter  their  feelings, 
you  can  better  judge  by  my  published  speeches,  than  by  anything  I 
would  say  in  a  short  letter,  if  I  were  inclined  now,  as  I  am  not, 
to  define  my  position  anew.  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS-P,  I  SLA.  Lewis  Montgomery  Bond  was  a  tea  merchant  at  Philadel- 
phia who  had  formerly  been  in  business  in  New  Orleans.  His  letter  is  not  in  the 
Lincoln  Papers. 

The  Canal-Scrip  Fraud1 

[c.  October  16,  1860] 

It  is  now  less  than  three  weeks  to  the  election.  For  months  we 
have  been  trying  to  get  an  unequivocal  declaration  from  demo- 
cratic newspaper's  and  democratic  candidates  for  the  Legislature, 
whether  it  is,  or  is  not  their  purpose,  at  the  next  session,  to  release 
Gov  Matteson  from  the  payment  of  the  money  obtained  by  him 
through  the  canal  script-fraud.  But  we  have  tried  in  vain.  There 
is  nothing  left  for  us,  but  an  appeal  to  the  tax-payers.  We  say  to 
them  "it  is  your  business."  By  your  votes  you  can  hold  him  to  it, 
or  you  can  release  him."  "Every  year  a  part  of  the  price  of  all 
you  sell,  from  beef -cat  tie  down,  to  butter  and  eggs,  is  wrung  from 
you  in  gold,  to  replenish  a  State  Treasury"  "To  a  certain  extent, 
this  is  indispensable;  but  it  is  for  you  to  say  whether  it  shall  be 
thus  wrung  from  you  to  be  litterally  stolen,  and  applied  to  es- 
tablishing banks,  and  building  palaces  for  nabobs."  "Will  you  at- 
tend to  it?" 

Several  years  ago,  the  Auditor  sold  certain  state  lands,  receiving 
therefor,  as  the  law  required,  certain  internal  improvement  script. 
This  script  was  deposited  with  the  then  Governor,  not  being  can- 
celled, or  destroyed.  Recently  it  has  been  discovered  that  a  portion 
of  this  script  has  found  it's  way  out  of  the  Governor's  custody,  to 
New- York,  where  it  has  been  funded  and  State  bonds  issued  for  it 

[128] 


OCTOBER       1   Q.,       i860 

payable  to  Peter  O  Strang.  Thus  this  script  was  once  paid  for  with 
state  lands,  and  then  again  with  State  bonds.  But  this  is  not  the  end. 
The  bonds  are  brought  to  the  Treasury  here,  and  bought  in  with 
the  gold  of  the  tax-payers.  One  Lowe  brings  them  and  gets  the  gold 
for  them.  It  turns  out  that  the  bonds  are  filled  up  in  this  Lowe's 
handwriting,  and  then  transferred  from  Peter  O  Strang  to  Lowe, 
also  in  Lowe's  handwriting.  Who  is  Peter  O.  Strang^  and  how  he 
got  the  script  out  of  the  Governor's  custody,  to  treat  it  as  his  own, 
get  State  bonds  for  it,  nobody  seems  to  know.  But  this  much  is 
known.  Matteson  was  Governor  when  the  script  may  have  gone 
from  the  executive  custody,  and  Lowe  was  his  agent  at  New- York, 
to  fill  up  state  bonds  in  rightful  cases.  Only  a  few  days  ago  Lowe 
was  in  Springfield,  and  a  suit  was  commenced  against  him  for  the 
money  obtained  from  the  State  on  the  bonds.  For  a  time  the  Sher- 
iff could  not  find  him;  but  at  last  he  was  found  concealed  in  Mat- 
teson's  house.  And  this  too,  after  the  Sheriff  had  been  once  turned 
away  from  the  house,  by  Matteson  himself. 

1  ADf,  DLC-RTL.  The  Illinois  State  Journal  editorialized  numerous  times 
during  the  weeks  prior  to  the  election  concerning  the  discovery  of  "redeemed 
coupons  and  canal  scrip,  in  large  quantities,  funded  fraudulently"  {Journal., 
September  20,  1860).  Although  in  July,  1859,  a  grand  jury  had  failed  to  find 
a  true  bill  against  ex-Governor  Joel  A.  Matteson  in  connection  with  the  pur- 
ported fraud,  the  discovery  of  further  irregularities  in  September,  ±860,  was 
made  a  political  issue  by  the  Republican  press.  Perhaps  the  present  manuscript 
was  intended  as  an  article  for  the  Journal  or  another  Republican  organ.  If  so 
the  editors  have  not  been  able  to  locate  it  in  print.  Quite  likely  Lincoln  thought 
better  of  using  it  at  all  and  merely  filed  it  away.  The  date  [Oct.  1854?]  as- 
signed to  the  document  in  the  Lincoln  Papers  cannot  be  supported. 

To  Grace  Bedell1 

Private 

Miss.  Grace  Bedell  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  little  Miss.  Oct  19.  1860 

Your  very  agreeable  letter  of  the  15th.  is  received. 

I  regret  the  necessity  of  saying  I  have  no  daughters.  I  have  three 
sons — one  seventeen,  one  nine,  and  one  seven,  years  of  age.  They, 
with  their  mother,  constitute  my  whole  family. 

As  to  the  whiskers,  having  never  worn  any,  do  you  not  think 
people  would  call  it  a  piece  of  silly  affection  if  I  were  to  begin  it 
now?  Your  very  sincere  well-wisher  A.  Liisrcousr. 

1 ALS,  owned  by  H.  D.  Billings,  Delphos,  Kansas.  The  original  letter  to 
which  Lincoln  replied,  now  owned  by  George  Dondero,  Royal  Oak,  Michigan, 
is  an  historic  document  that  the  editors  can  scarcely  do  otherwise  than  repro- 
duce in  full: 

[129] 


OCTOBER      23,       i860 

N  Y 

Hon  A  B  Lincoln  Westfield  Chatauque  Co 

Dear  Sir  Oct  15.  1860 

My  father  has  just  home  from  the  fair  and 

brought  home  your  picture  and  Mr.  Hamlin's.  I  am  a  little  girl  only  eleven 
years  old,  but  want  you  should  be  President  of  the  United  States  very  much 
so  I  hope  you  wont  think  me  very  bold  to  write  to  such  a  great  man  as  you 
are.  Have  you  any  little  girls  about  as  large  as  I  am  if  so  give  them  my  love 
and  tell  her  to  write  to  me  if  you  cannot  answer  this  letter.  I  have  got  4 
brother's  and  part  of  them  will  vote  for  you  any  way  and  if  you  will  let  your 
whiskers  grow  I  will  try  and  get  the  rest  of  them  to  vote  for  you  you  would 
look  a  great  deal  better  for  your  face  is  so  thin.  All  the  ladies  like  whiskers  and 
they  would  tease  their  husband's  to  vote  for  you  and  then  you  would  be 
President.  My  father  is  a  going  to  vote  for  you  and  if  I  was  a  man  I  would 
vote  for  you  to  but  I  will  try  and  get  every  one  to  vote  for  you  that  I  can 
I  think  that  rail  fence  around  your  picture  makes  it  look  very  pretty  I  have 
got  a  little  baby  sister  she  is  nine  weeks  old  and  is  just  as  cunning  as  can  be. 
When  you  direct  your  letter  dir[e]ct  to  Grace  Bedell  Westfield  Chatauque 
County  New  York 

I  must  not  write  any  more         answer  this  letter  right  off          Good  bye 

Grace  Bedell 

To  William  S.  Speer1 

Confidential. 
Win.  S.  Speer  Esq  Springfield,  111.  Oct  aad  1860. 

My  dear  Sir  Yours  of  the  13th  "was  duly  received.  I  appreciate 
your  motive  when  you  suggest  the  propriety  of  my  •writing  for 
the  public  something  disclaiming  all  intention  to  interfere  with 
slaves  or  slavery  in  the  States;  but  in  my  judgment,  it  would  do 
no  good.  I  have  already  done  this  many — many,  times;  and  it  is 
in  print,  and  open  to  all  who  will  read.  Those  who  will  not  read, 
or  heed,  what  I  have  already  publicly  said,  would  not  read,  or  heed, 
a  repetition  of  it. 

"If  they  hear  not  Moses  and  the  prophets,  neither  will  they  be 
persuaded  though  one  rose  from  the  dead."  Yours  Truly 

A.    LI3NTCOL3N" 

1  Copy,  DLC-RTL.  Speer's  letter  of  October  13  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers, 
but  later  letters  from  him  are  written  from  Shelbyville,  Tennessee.  He  had 
bought  a  printing  press  and  ".  .  .  for  three  months  .  .  .  worked  day  and  night 
to  ascertain,  to  help  form,  and  to  correct  public  opinion."  (Speer  to  Lincoln, 
December  24,  1860,  DLC-RTL). 

To  David  Turnham1 

David  Turnham,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  old  friend:  Oct.  23.  1860 

Your  kind  letter  of  the  1 7th.  is  received.  I  am  indeed  very  glad 
to  learn  you  are  still  living  and  well,  I  well  remember  when  you 

[130] 


OCTOBER      24,       i860 

and  I  last  met,  after  a  separation  of  fourteen  years,  at  the  cross- 
road voting  place,  in  the  fall  of  1844.  It  is  now  sixteen  years  more 
and  we  are  both  no  longer  young  men.  I  suppose  you  are  a  grand- 
father; and  I,  though  married  much  later  in  life,  have  a  son  nearly 
grown. 

I  would  much  like  to  visit  the  old  home,  and  old  friends  of  my 
boyhood,  but  I  fear  the  chance  for  doing  so  soon,  is  not  very  good. 
Your  friend  &  sincere  well-wisher  A.  LINCOLN" 

1  ALS,  Evansville  Public  Museum,  Evansville,  Indiana.  This  letter  is  mis- 
dated November  19,  1860,  in  Hertz,  II,  792.  David  Turnham  was  an  old  friend 
and  neighbor  of  the  Lincolns  in  Spencer  County,  Indiana,  whom  Lincoln  had 
last  seen,  November  4,  1844,  on  his  visit  to  Indiana.  Turnham's  letter  is  not 
in  the  Lincoln  Papers. 

Guarantee  to  Pay  Freight  Charges  for  a  Lady1 

Springfield,  Oct.  24.  1860 

The  lady-bearer  of  this,  says  she  has  freight  at  the  depot,  which 
she  can  not  get  without  four  dollars.  If  this  be  correct,  let  her  have 
the  freight,  and  I  will  pay  you  any  amount  not  exceeding  four 
dollars  on  presentation  of  this  note  A. 


1  ADS,  DLC-RTL.  The  document  bears  at  bottom  the  receipt  dated  October 
2.Q  and  signed  by  (Edward  B.)  Egbert,  clerk  at  the  Great  Western  Railroad 
freight  office.  There  is  no  conjecture  as  to  the  lady's  identity. 

To  J.  C.  Lee1 

Confidential 

J.  C.  Lee,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

Dear  Sir  Oct.  24,  1860 

Yours  of  the  14th.  was  received  some  days  ago,  and  should  have 
been  answered  sooner. 

I  never  gave  fifty  dollars,  nor  one  dollar,  nor  one  cent,  for  the 
object  you  mention,  or  any  such  object. 

I  once  subscribed  tv^entyfive  dollars,  to  be  paid  whenever  Judge 
Logan  would  decide  it  was  necessary  to  enable  the  people  of  Kan- 
sas to  defend  themselves  against  any  force  coining  against  them 
from  without  the  Territory,  and  not  by  authority  of  the  United 
States.  Logan  never  made  the  decision,  and  I  never  paid  a  dollar 
on  the  subscription.  The  whole  of  this  can  be  seen  in  the  files  of  the 
Illinois  Journal,  since  the  first  of  June  last.  Yours  truly 

A.    LI3NTCOL3ST 

1  ALS,  RPB.  J.  C.  Lee's  letter  of  October  14,  1860,  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Pa- 
pers, but  it  seems  probable  that  he  was  John  C.  Lee,  president  of  the  Young 
Men's  Republican  Association  of  Jacksonville,  Illinois.  It  also  seems  probable 

[131] 


OCTOBER      2  6.,      i860 

that  the  subject  of  his  letter  to  Lincoln  was  the  charge  that  Lincoln  had  con- 
tributed money  to  John  Brown's  cause,  which  Democrats  were  using  against 
Lincoln  in  the  campaign. 

To  H.  E.  Hoelke1 

H.  E.  Hoelke,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Oct.  26.  1860 

Yours  of  the  25th.  accompanied  by  the  likenesses  of  Hon:  T.  H. 
Benton,  Hon.  Edward  Bates,  and  Hon.  F.  P.  Blair,  Jr,  and  also  the 
Photograph  of  my  residence,  is  duly  to  hand,  and  for  all  which, 
please  accept  my  thanks.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  ALS,  IHL  H.  E.  Hoelke  was  a  photographer  at  St.  Louis,  Missouri. 

To  David  Hunter1 

Private  &  confidential 
Maj.  David  Hunter:  Springfield,  Ills.  Oct.  26.  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  Your  very  kind  letter  of  the  soth.  was  duly  re- 
ceived, and  for  which,  please  accept  my  thanks. 

I  have  another  letter  from  a  writer  unknown  to  me,  saying  the 
officers  of  the  Army  at  Fort  Kearney,  have  determined,  in  case  of 
Republican  success,  at  the  approaching  Presidential  election,  to 
take  themselves,  and  the  arms  at  that  point,  South,  for  the  purpose 
of  resistance  to  the  government.  While  I  think  there  are  many 
chances  to  one  that  this  is  a  hum-bug,  it  occurs  to  me  that  any 
real  movement  of  this  sort  in  the  army  would  leak  out  and  be- 
come known  to  you.  In  such  case,  if  it  would  not  be  unprofessional, 
or  dishonorable  (of  which  you  are  to  be  judge)  I  shall  be  much 
obliged  if  you  will  apprize  me  of  it.  Yours  very  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,  CSmH.  Major  David  Hunter,  stationed  at  Fort  Leavenworth,  Kansas, 
wrote  on  October  20  that  on  a  visit  East  he  had  received  a  report  that  a  num- 
ber of  young  men  in  Virginia  had  bound  themselves  "by  oaths  most  solemn" 
to  assassinate  Lincoln  if  he  were  elected.  Granting  the  absurdity  of  the  report,  he 
warned  Lincoln  to  remember  that  "on  *the  institution*  these  good  people  are 
most  certainly  demented.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL). 

To  George  T.  M.  Davis1 

Private  <&  confidential. 

Geo.  T.  M.  Davis,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  Oct.  27.  1860 

Mr.  Dubois  has  shown  me  your  letter  of  the  soth.;  and  I  prom- 
ised him  to  write  you.  What  is  it  I  could  say  which  would  quiet 

[132] 


OCTOBER      2  85       i860 

alarm?  Is  it  that  no  interference  by  the  government,  with  slaves  or 
slavery  within  the  states,  is  intended?  I  have  said  this  so  often 
already,  that  a  repetition  of  it  is  but  mockery,  bearing  an  appear- 
ance of  weakness,  and  cowardice,  which  perhaps  should  be  avoided. 
Why  do  not  uneasy  men  read  what  I  have  already  said?  and  what 
our  platform  says?  If  they  will  not  read,  or  heed,  then  [these?], 
would  they  read,  or  heed,  a  repetition  of  them?  Of  course  the  dec- 
laration that  there  is  no  intention  to  interfere  with  slaves  or  slav- 
ery, in  the  states,  with  all  that  is  fairly  implied  in  such  declara- 
tion, is  true;  and  I  should  have  no  objection  to  make,  and  repeat 
the  declaration  a  thousand  times,  if  there  were  no  danger  of  en- 
couraging bold  bad  men  to  believe  they  are  dealing  with  one  who 
can  be  scared  into  anything. 

I  have  some  reason  to  believe  the  Sub-National  committee,  at  the 
Astor  House,  may  be  considering  this  question;  and  if  their  judg- 
ment should  be  different  from  mine,  mine  might  be  modified  by 
theirs.  Yours  very  truly  A. 


1  AL.S,  IHi.  Davis  was  an  old  friend  who  had  practiced  law  at  Alton  in  the 
iSso's  and  following  a  distinguished  career  in  the  War  with  Mexico  and 
later  in  the  War  department  had  become  a  prominent  New  York  businessman. 
His  letter  to  Jesse  K.  Dubois  reported  a  plan  hatching  in  New  York  and  various 
Southern  cities  to  cause  a  general  money  and  stock  panic  in  the  event  of  Lin- 
coln's election.  He  suggested  that  leading  merchants  write  a  public  letter  to 
Lincoln,  who  in  his  reply  would  give  such  assurances  as  would  block  the  move- 
ment (DLC-RTL).  His  reply  of  October  31,  admitted  that  Lincoln  could  say 
nothing  more  than  he  had  already  said,  but  insisted  that  repeating  it  as  presi- 
dent-elect would  carry  weight  and  would  not  be  regarded  as  cowardice  or 
timidity  (DLC-RTL).  See  also  Lincoln  to  Truman  Smith,  November  10,  infra. 


To  Richard  W.  Thompson1 

Hon  R.  W.  Thompson  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Oct.  28.  1860. 

Your  very  acceptable  letter  of  the  2Oth  sent  by  Express,  was  re- 
ceived only  yesterday.  I  am  indeed  grateful  for  your  generous 
course  towards  me  so  far;  and  I  doubt  not  what  you  are  doing,  and 
will  do,  to  the  end  of  the  contest  is,  and  will  be,  the  most  judicious. 

Your  suggestions  are  all  worthy  of  consideration,  and  shall  re- 
ceive it.  The  eyes  of  some  of  our  best  sentinels  are  already  upon 
that  matter  of  forged  naturalization  papers  to  be  issued  as  from 
your  court;  and,  if  possible,  the  use  of  such  papers  will  be  pre- 
vented. Yours  very  truly  A.  LusrcoLr*. 

1  Hertz,  II,  788.  Thompson's  letter  of  October  20  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers. 

[133] 


To  Mrs.  Eliza  A.  Hamilton1 

Mrs.  E.  A.  Hamilton  Springfield,  Ills.  Oct.  29.  1860 

Your  very  kind  letter  of  the  igth.  was  received  a  few  days  ago. 
Your  Father2  calls  on  me  almost  every  day,  and  I  have  mentioned 
your  letter  to  him,  and  presented  your  affectionate  regards,  as  re- 
quested. Your  sister,  Mrs.  Johnston,3  I  have  not  seen  since  receiv- 
ing your  letter. 

The  health  of  my  family  &  self,  for  which  you  kindly  inquire, 
is  reasonably  good.  Please  present  my  respects  to  your  good  hus- 
band. Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  IHi.  Eliza  Ann  Hamilton  was  the  wife  of  Reverend  John,  A.  Hamil- 
ton of  Keene,  New  Hampshire. 

2  Erastus  Wright,  who  was   a  land  and   general   agent   in  partnership   with 
his  son-in-law,  Robert  P.  Johnston,  at  Springfield. 

s  Mrs.  Robert  P.  Johnston  (Maria  Jane  Wright). 

To  Mrs.  Stephen  A.  Hurlbut1 

Mrs.  S.  A.  Hurlbutt  Springfield,  Ills., 

My  dear  Madam  Oct.  29,  1860 

Your  good  Husband,  who  is  making  speeches  for  us  in  this 
county,  has  desired  me  to  write  you  that  he  is  well,  which  I  take 
great  pleasure  in  doing.  I  will  add,  too,  that  he  is  rendering  us  very 
efficient  service.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

i  ALS,  RPB. 

To  George  D.  Prentice1 

(Copy)  Private  &  confidential 

Geo.  D.  Prentice,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills.  Oct.  29.  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  Yours  of  the  2  6th.  is  just  received.  Your  suggestion 
that  I,  in  a  certain  event,  shall  write  a  letter,  setting  forth  my 
conservative  views  and  intentions,  is  certainly  a  very  worthy  one. 
But  would  it  do  any  good?  If  I  were  to  labor  a  month,  I  could  not 
express  my  conservative  views  and  intentions  more  clearly  and 
strongly,  than  they  are  expressed  in  our  plat-form,  and  in  my 
many  speeches  already  in  print,  and  before  the  public.  And  yet 
even  you,  who  do  occasionally  speak  of  me  in  terms  of  personal 
kindness,  give  no  prominence  to  these  oft-repeated  expressions  of 
conservative  views  and  intentions;  but  busy  yourself  with  appeals 
to  all  conservative  men,  to  vote  for  Douglas — to  vote  any  way 
which  can  possibly  defeat  me — thus  impressing  your  readers  that 
you  think,  I  am  the  very  worst  man  living.  If  what  I  have  already 

[134] 


OCTOBER      3  1,       i860 

said  has  failed  to  convince  you,  no  repetition  of  it  would  convince 
you.  The  writing  of  your  letter,  now  before  me,  gives  assurance 
that  you  would  publish  such  a  letter  from  me  as  you  suggest;  but, 
till  now,  what  reason  had  I  to  suppose  the  Louisville  Journal,  even, 
would  publish  a  repe\_ti~]tion  of  that  which  is  already  at  it's  com- 
mand, and  which  it  does  not  press  upon  the  public  attention? 

And,  now  my  friend  —  for  such  I  esteem  you  personally  —  do 
not  misunderstand  me.  I  have  not  decided  that  I  will  not  do  sub- 
stantially what  you  suggest.  I  will  not  forbear2  doing  so,  merely 
on  punctilio  and  pluck.  If  I  do  finally  abstain,  it  will  be  because 
of  apprehension  that  it  would  do  harm.  For  the  good  men  of  the 
South  —  and  I  regard  the  majority  of  them  as  such  —  I  have  no  ob- 
jection to  repeat  seventy  and  seven  times.  But  I  have  bad  men  also 
to  deal  with,  both  North  and  South  —  men  who  are  eager  for  some- 
thing new  upon  which  to  base  new  misrepresentations  —  men  who 
would  like  to  frighten  me,  or,  at  least,  to  fix  upon  me  the  charac- 
ter of  timidity  and  cowardice.  They  would  seize  upon  almost  any 
letter  I  could  write,  as  being  an  "awful  coming  down"  I  intend 
keeping  my  eye  upon  these  gentlemen,  and  to  not  unnecessarily 
put  any  weapons  in  their  hands.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

[The  following  endorsement  appears  on  the  back:  ] 

Confidential 

The  within  letter  was  written  on  the  day  of  it's  date,  and,  on  re- 
flection, withheld  till  now.  It  expresses  the  views  I  still  entertain. 

A. 


1  ALS  copy,  DLC-RTL.  George  D.  Prentice,  editor  of  the  Louisville,  Ken- 
tucky, Journal  wrote  October  26,  that  while  he  had  no  doubt  of  Lincoln's  per- 
sonal and  political  integrity  he  was  opposed  to  his  election.  Recognizing  that 
Lincoln  would  be  elected,  however,  he  would  suggest  that  Lincoln  "...  pre- 
pare   a    letter  .   .   .  setting    forth    your    conservative    views   .   .   .  and  therefore 
calculated  to  assure  all  the  good  citizens  of  the   South  and  to  take  from  the 
disunionists  every  excuse  or  pretext  for  treason."  (DLC-RTL). 

2  Lincoln  deleted  "abstain  from**  and  substituted  "forbear." 

To  George  G.  Fogg1 

George  G.  Fogg.  Esq  Springfield,  Ills.  Oct.  31.  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  I  sincerely  thank  yon  for  yours  of  the  26th.  It  is 

the  first  I  have  had  from  any  of  our  knowing  friends  at  the  City, 

for  several  days. 

Allow  me  to  beg  that  you  will  not  live  in  much  apprehension  of 

my  precipitating  a  letter  upon  the  public.  Yours  very  truly 

A.  Liisrcousr 

[135] 


NOVEMBER      3,      i860 

1  ALS,  CSmH.  Fogg's  letter  of  October  26  enclosed  a  clipping  from  the  New 
York  Times  which  stated  that  upon  election  Lincoln  would,  or  should,  issue  a 
statement  concerning  the  institutions  of  the  South.  Fogg  urged  that  Lincoln  be 
silent  until  inaugurated  (DLC-RTL). 

To  John  G.  Nicolay1 

November  3,   [1860] 

I  wish  Mr.  Nicolay  would  invite  the  following  gentlemen  to  tea 
at  ray  house,  at  5  P.M.  to-morrow. 

Mr.   Schenck  Mr.  Philips 

Mr.  Piatt  Mr.  Hatch 

Mr.   Cartter  Mr.  Dubois  & 

Mr.  Ogden  Mr.  Nicolay — himself — 

Saturday,  Nov.  3.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  DLC-Nicolay  Papers.  Robert  C.  Schenck,  Bonn  Piatt,  and  David  K. 
Cartter,  of  Ohio,  were  being  mentioned  as  possible  appointees  to  the  cabinet 
in  the  event  of  Chase's  declination,  and  Lincoln  probably  wished  to  have  them 
meet  the  Illinois  party  leaders  William  B.  Ogden,  David  L.  Phillips,  Ozias  M. 
Hatch,  and  Jesse  K.  Dubois.  A  check  mark  preceding  each  name,  except  Og- 
den's,  probably  indicates  Nicolay's  performance  of  instructions 


To  David  Chambers1 

Hon.  David  Chambers  Springfield  111  Nov  5th  1860. 

Dear  Sir  —  Your  kind  letter  of  the  3±st  ult.  came  duly  to  hand. 
Please  accept  ray  thanks  for  the  favor.  Yours  Truly 

A. 


1  LS,  DLC.  David  Chambers  of  Zanesville,  Ohio,  was  U.S.  representative 
1821-1823  and  for  several  terms  a  member  of  the  Ohio  legislature.  His  letter  of 
October  31  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers. 


To  Hannibal  Hamlin1 

Confidential 
Hon.  H.  Hamlin.  Springfield,  Ills.  Nov.  8,  1860 

My  dear  Sir.  I  am  anxious  for  a  personal  interview  with  you 
at  as  early  a  day  as  possible.  Can  you,  without  much  inconveni- 
ence, meet  me  at  Chicago?  If  you  can,  please  name  as  early  a  day 
as  you  conveniently  can,  and  telegraph  me;  unless  there  be  suffi- 
cient time,  before  the  day  named,  to  communicate  by  mail.  Yours 
very  truly  A,  LmcoLisr. 

1  ALS,  IHi.  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  met  at  Chicago,  November  21-26,  to  discuss 
the  formation  of  Lincoln's  cabinet. 

[136] 


To  John  Comstock1 

John  Comstock,  Esq.  Springfield,  111., 

My  Dear  Sir:  Nov.  9,  1860. 

The  barrel  of  flour,  mentioned  in  your  letter  of  the  2d,  was  duly 
received,  and  for  which  Mr.  Peterfish,  Messrs.  Geo.  Field  &  Co., 
and  yourself,  will  please  accept  my  sincere  thanks.  Yours  very 
truly,  A. 


1  Peoria  Daily  Transcript,  November  14,  1860.  John  Comstock  was  a  land 
agent  and  president  of  the  Republican  Club  at  Peoria  who  had  sent  Lincoln  a 
barrel  of  flour  "manufactured  in  the  procession  at  the  dedication  of  the  Wig- 
wam in  this  city  on  the  3ist  Aug.  last  ....  Mr.  W.  Peterfish  made  and 
presents  the  barrel  &  Messrs,  George  Field  &  Co.  the  flour  .  .  ."  (DLC-R.TL). 
The  Peoria  Directory  lists  William  Petefish  as  a  cooper  and  doubtless  this  is 
the  correct  spelling  of  his  name. 

To  Nathan  Sargent1 

N.  Sargent,  Esq  Springfield  111.  Nov  gth  1860. 

Dear  Sir  —  I  have  duly  received  your  letter  of  the  4th  inst.  Will 
you  please  to  write  to  me  by  return  mail  and  give  me  the  name  of 
the  Republican  whom  Judge  Campbell  suggested  for  Secretary  of 
State?  Yours  Truly  A.  Lmcouxr 

1  LS,  IHi  Sargent's  letter  of  November  4  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers,  but 
his  reply  on  November  12  states  that  Judge  Campbell  had  suggested  Thomas 
Ewing  of  Ohio.  Writing  from  Washington,  Sargent  may  have  referred  to  Judge 
John  A.  Campbell  of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court,  who  was  trying  to  as- 
suage hostile  feelings  in  the  South,  but  in  view  of  Sargent's  Philadelphia  con- 
nections, he  may  have  meant  the  prominent  Democrat  James  Campbell,  who 
had  been  judge  of  the  Philadelphia  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  1842-1850 

To  Winfield  Scott1 

Springfield,  Ills.  Nov.  9.  1860 
For  Lieut.  Gen.  Scott,  with  the  respects  of          A.  LirsrcoijNr. 

Mr.  Lincoln  tenders  his  sincere  thanks  to  Gen.  Scott,  for  the 
copy  of  his  "views  &c,"  which  is  received;  and  especially  for  this 
renewed  manifestation  of  his  patriotic  purposes  as  a  citizen,  con- 
nected, as  it  is,  with  his  high  official  position,  and  most  dis- 
tinguished character,  as  a  military  captain.  A.L. 

iADfS,  DLC-RTL.  General  Scott's  memorandum  "Views  suggested  by  the 
imminent  danger  of  a  disruption  of  the  Union  by  the  secession  of  one  or  more 
Southern  States,"  October  29,  1860,  gave  his  opinion  that  secession  would  lead 
to  four  confederacies,  that  Lincoln  should  point  out  the  unprofitable  nature  of 
slavery  in  the  western  territories,  that  seizure  of  Southern  forts  would  precede 
secession,  that  a  policy  of  moderation  and  firmness  for  the  next  twelve  months 
would  perhaps  prevent  secession,  and  that  although  he  had  no  political  interests 
he  preferred  the  Bell-Everett  ticket  (DLC-B.TL). 

[137] 


Views  on  Commercial  and  Financial  Uneasiness1 

[c.  November  9,  1860] 

I  find  Mr.  Lincoln  is  not  insensible  to  any  uneasiness  in  the 
minds  of  candid  men,  nor  to  any  commercial,  or  financial,  de- 
pression, or  disturbance,  in  the  country  if  there  be  such;  still  he 
does  not,  so  far  as  at  present  advised,  deem  it  necessary,  or  proper 
for  him  to  make,  or  authorize,  any  public  declaration.  He  thinks 
candid  men  need  only  to  examine  his  views  already  before  the 
public. 

1  AD£,  DLC-RTL.  This  document  is  obviously  contemporary  with  the  let- 
ters to  Truman  Smith,  November  10,  and  Nathaniel  P.  Paschall,  November  16, 
infra.  Possibly  Lincoln  jotted  down  the  statement  for  Henry  S.  Sanford  to  copy 
and  take  back  with  him  (see  letter  to  Smith).  It  is  also  possible  that  Lincoln 
jotted  it  down  for  the  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Tribune,  whose  dispatch 
of  November  g  reads  in  part  as  follows:  "I  believe  it  is  correct  to  say  that,  al- 
though he  is  not  at  all  unmindful  of  the  uneasiness  which  may  exist  in  many 
parts  of  the  country,  nor  of  the  unfortunate  commercial  troubles  that  may  have 
been  threatened,  he  still  does  not  discover  any  cause  for  specially  developing 
his  policy,  or  offering  any  public  expression  of  his  views."  (New  York  Tribune 9 
November  10,  1860). 

To  Truman  Smith1 

Private  &  confidential. 
Hon.  Truman  Smith  Springfield  111  Nov  loth  1860. 

My  dear  Sir  This  is  intended  as  a  strictly  private  letter  to  you, 
and  not  as  an  answer  to  yours  brought  me  by  Mr.  Sanford.2  It  is 
with  the  most  profound  appreciation  of  your  motive,  and  highest 
respect  for  your  judgment  too,  that  I  feel  constrained,  for  the  pres- 
ent, at  least,  to  make  no  declaration  for  the  public. 

First,  I  could  say  nothing  which  I  have  not  already  said,  and 
which  is  in  print,  and  open  for  the  inspection  of  all.  To  press  a 
repetition  of  this  upon  those  who  have  listened,  is  useless;  to  press 
it  upon  those  who  have  refused  to  listen,  and  still  refuse,  would  be 
wanting  in  self-respect,  and  would  have  an  appearance  of  syco- 
phancy and  timidity,  which  would  excite  the  contempt  of  good 
men,  and  encourage  bad  ones  to  clamor  the  more  loudly. 

I  am  not  insensible  to  any  commercial  or  financial  depression 
that  may  exist;  but  nothing  is  to  be  gained  by  fawning  around  the 
"respectable  scoundrels"  who  got  it  up.  Let  them  go  to  work  and 
repair  the  mischief  of  their  own  making;  and  then  perhaps  they 
will  be  less  greedy  to  do  the  like  again.  Yours  very  truly 

A.  LiisrcoLrc. 

1  Copy,  DLC-RTL.  Ex-representative  (1839-1843,  1845-1849)  and  Senator 
(1849-1854)  Truman  Smith  of  Stamford,  Connecticut,  wrote  on  November  7, 
urging  Lincoln  to  make  a  public  statement  *'.  .  .  to  disarm  mischief  makers,  to 

[138] 


NOVEMBER      16,      i860 

allay  causeless  anxiety,  to  compose  the  public  mind  and  to  induce  all  good 
citizens  to  ...  'judge  the  tree  by  it's  fruit'.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL).  See  also  Lin- 
coln to  George  T.  M.  Davis,  October  27,  supra. 

2  Henry  S.  Sanford  of  Derby,  Connecticut,  charge  d'affaires  at  Paris  during 
President  Taylor's  administration,  had  carried  a  letter  of  introduction  dated 
October  30,  1860  (DLC-RTL),  but  there  is  no  other  letter  from  Smith  prior  to 
that  of  November  7.  Probably  Sanford's  mission  was  concerned  with  the  same 
subject  as  Smith's  letter  of  November  7. 

To  [Albert?]  Hale1 

Springfield,  Nov.  12.  1860 

Mr.  Hale  will  oblige  me,  if  he  will  send  by  the  bearer,  the  Chi- 
cago Tribune  we  were  looking  at  this  morning.  Yours  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,  owned  by  the  Chicago  Tribune,  Chicago,  Illinois.  Although  "Mr.  Hale" 
cannot  be  positively  identified,  the  probability  is  that  Reverend  Albert  Hale, 
pastor  of  Springfield's  Second  Presbyterian  Church,  was  the  possessor  of  the 
newspaper  sought  by  Lincoln. 

To  Samuel  Haycraft1 

Private^  and  confidential 
Hon.  Samuel  Haycraft  Springfield,  Ills.  Nov.  13.  1860 

My  dear  Sir.  Yours  of  the  gth.  is  just  received.  I  can  only  an- 
swer briefly.  Rest  fully  assured  that  the  good  people  of  the  South 
who  will  put  themselves  in  the  same  temper  and  mood  towards  me 
which  you  do,  will  find  no  cause  to  complain  of  me. 

While  I  can  not,  as  yet,  make  any  committal  as  to  offices,  I  sin- 
cerely hope  I  may  find  it  in  my  power  to  oblige  the  friends  of  Mr. 
Winter  smith.  [Yours  very  truly,  A.  LINCOLN.] 

1  ALS,  CSmH.  The  close  and  signature  have  been  cut  from  the  manuscript. 
Haycraft's  letter  of  November  9  expressed  hope  for  Lincoln's  administration  and 
the  belief  that  ".  .  .  our  Southern  fire  eaters  will  find  .  .  .  you  a  con- 
servative cheif  of  the  nation  in  a  national  point  of  view.  .  .  ."  and  noted  that 
the  people  of  Elizabethtown,  Kentucky,  hoped  Robert  L.  Wintersmith,  a  Lincoln 
elector,  would  be  "remembered  while  favours  are  being  dispensed."  (DLC- 
RTL). 

To  Nathaniel  E  PaschalF 

Private  (&  confidential. 
N.  P.  Paschall  Esq  Springfield  Nov  i6th.  1860. 

My  dear  Sir  Mr.  Ridgely2  showed  me  a  letter  of  yours  in  which 
you  manifest  some  anxiety  that  I  should  make  some  public  declara- 
tion with  a  view  to  favorably  affect  the  business  of  the  country.  I 
said  to  Mr.  Ridgely  I  would  write  you  to-day,  which  I  now  do. 

I  could  say  nothing  which  I  have  not  already  said,  and  which  is 

[139] 


ISTOVEMBER       ±9,       i860 

in  print  and  accessible  to  the  public.  Please  pardon  me  for  suggest- 
ing that  if  the  papers,  like  yours,  which  heretofore  have  persist- 
ently garbled,  and  misrepresented  what  I  have  said,  will  now  fully 
and  fairly  place  it  before  their  readers,  there  can  be  no  further  mis- 
understanding. I  beg  you  to  believe  me  sincere  when  I  declare  I  do 
not  say  this  in  a  spirit  of  complaint  or  resentment;  but  that  I  urge 
it  as  the  true  cure  for  any  real  uneasiness  in  the  country  that  my 
course  may  be  other  than  conservative.  The  Republican  news- 
papers now,  and  for  some  time  past,  are  and  have  been  republish- 
ing  copious  extracts  from  my  many  published  speeches,  which 
would  at  once  reach  the  whole  public  if  your  class  of  papers  would 
also  publish  them. 

I  am  not  at  liberty  to  shift  my  ground — that  is  out  of  the  ques- 
tion. If  I  thought  a  repetition  would  do  any  good  I  would  make  it. 
But  my  judgment  is  it  would  do  positive  harm.  The  secessionists, 
per  se  believing  they  had  alarmed  me,  would  clamor  all  the  louder. 

Yours  &C  A.     Ll3NTCOL3NT. 

1  Copy,  DLC-RTL..  Paschall,  editor  of  the  Missouri  Republican.,  replied,  No- 
vember 18,  that  his  paper  had  advocated  that  Lincoln,  being  elected,  be  given 
a  fair  trial,  but  he  added  that  if  Missouri  was  to  be  kept  in  the  Union  a  state- 
ment from   Lincoln   would  be   needed.    Lincoln's   previous   speeches   had   little 
effect  in  the   South  because   they   came   from  papers   such   as   the   New   York 
Tribune  and  Times  and  the  Chicago  Tribune  and  Democrat,  all  enemies  of  the 
South.  Paschall  suggested  that  Lincoln  authorize  Herndon  or  some  other  friend 
to  condense  all  his  speeches  of  the  past  three  years  for  publication  (DLC-RTL). 

2  Probably  Nicholas  H.  Ridgely  or  Charles  Ridgely,  Springfield  bankers. 

To  Henry  Asbury1 

Henry  Asbury  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Nov.  19.  1860 

Yours  of  the  gth.  was  received  in  due  course;  but,  till  now,  I 
have  not  found  time  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  it. 

It  is  a  little  curious,  and  not  wholy  uninteresting,  to  look  over 
those  old  letters  of  yours  and  mine.  I  would  like  to  indulge  in  some 
comments,  but  really  I  have  not  the  time.  Yours  very  truly 

A.  Lirrcousr 

1 ALS,  RPB.  Asbury's  letter  of  November  9  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers. 

To  Park  Benjamin1 

Park  Benjamin,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir.  Nov.  19.  1860 

Your  kind  note  of  congratulation  was  received  in  due  course;  and 
you  are  not  disappointed  in  the  hope  you  express  that  I  may  set 
some  value  upon  it. 

[140] 


1STOVKMBER      2O,     i860 

That  my  political  position.,  and  personal  history,  are  such  as  to 
meet  the  unselfish  approval  of  one  possessing  your  high  literary 
fame  and  character,  is  matter  of  sincere  pride  with  me.  Yours  very 
truly  A. 


l  ALS,  owned  by  Henry  R  Benjamin,  New  York  City.  New  York  journalist 
and  man  of  letters,  Park  Benjamin  -wrote  on  November  7  that  he  hoped  Lincoln 
would  set  some  value  on  the  congratulations  ".  .  .  of  a  literary  man  and  not 
a  party  -politician;  but  your  firm,  fast  and  constant  friend  during  the  con- 
test. .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL). 

To  Joshua  F.  Speed1 

Dear  Speed  —  Springfield.  Ills.  Nov.  19.  1860 

Yours  of  the  14th.  is  received.  I  shall  be  at  Chicago  Thursday 
the  22nd.  Inst.  and  one  or  two  succeeding  days.  Could  you  not  meet 
me  there? 

Mary  thinks  of  going  with  me;  and  therefore  I  suggest  that  Mrs. 
S.  accompany  you. 

Please  let  this  be  private,  as  I  prefer  a  very  great  crowd  should 
not  gather  at  Chicago. 

Respects  to  Mrs.  S.  Your  friend,  as  ever  A.  LIINTCOLINT 

1  ALS,  ORB.  Speed's  letter  written  at  Louisville,  Kentucky,  November  14, 
sent  congratulations  and  offered  ".  .  .  .  if  it  would  be  agreeable  to  you  I  will 
come  <&  see  you  —  and  I  think  I  can  impart  to  you  some  information  as  to  men 
and  public  sentiment  here  which  may  be  valuable."  (DLC-RTL).  Speed  met 
Lincoln  at  Chicago,  more  or  less  secretly  at  Speed's  hotel,  and  according  to 
Speed's  later  testimony,  Lincoln  led  up  to  an  offer  of  a  place  in  the  cabinet, 
which  Speed  forestalled  by  declaring  that  he  wanted  no  appointment.  Lincoln 
then  asked  Speed  to  sound  out  James  Guthne  of  Louisville,  secretary  of  the 
treasury  under  Franklin  Pierce,  as  a  possible  secretary  of  war  (Herndon,  III, 
477). 

Passage  Written  for  Lyman  Trumbull's  Speech 
at  Springfield,  Illinois1 

November  20,  1860 

I  have  labored  in,  and  for,  the  Republican  organization  with  en- 
tire confidence  that  whenever  it  shall  be  in  power,  each  and  all  of 
the  States  will  be  left  in  as  complete  control  of  their  own  affairs 
respectively,  and  at  as  perfect  liberty  to  choose,  and  employ,  their 
own  means  of  protecting  property,  and  preserving  peace  and  order 
within  their  respective  limits,  as  they  have  ever  been  under  any 
administration.  Those  who  have  voted  for  Mr.  Lincoln,  have  ex- 
pected, and  still  expect  this;  and  they  would  not  have  voted  for  him 
had  they  expected  otherwise.  I  regard  it  as  extremely  fortunate  for 
the  peace  of  the  whole  country,  that  this  point,  upon  which  the  Re- 

[141] 


NOVEMBER      2  (X,     i860 

publicans  have  been  so  long,  and  so  persistently  misrepresented,  is 
now  to  be  brought  to  a  practical  test,  and  placed  beyond  the  possi- 
bility of  doubt.2  Disunionists  per  se*  are  now  in  hot  haste  to  get 
out  of  the  Union,  precisely  because  they  perceive  they  can  not, 
much  longer,  maintain  apprehension  among  the  Southern  people 
that  their  homes,  and  firesides,  and  lives,  are  to  be  endangered  by 
the  action  of  the  Federal  Government.  With  such  "Noiv,  or  never" 
is  the  maxim.4 

I  am  rather  glad  of  this  military  preparation  in  the  South.  It 
will  enable  the  people  the  more  easily  to  suppress  any  uprisings 
there,  which  their  misrepresentations  of  purposes  may  have  en- 
couraged. 

1  AD,  IHi.  Trumbull's  note,  written  in  pencil  at  the  top  of  the  page,  is  as 
follows:  "Furnished  by  Mr.  Lincoln  &  copied  into  my  remarks  ...  at  Spring- 
field, 111.  Nov.  20 —  1860."  Although  Lincoln  felt  constrained  not  to  express 
publicly  in  his  own  person  the  assurance  which  so  many  of  his  correspondents 
were  demanding,  he  undertook  by  means  of  Trumbull's  speech  to  try  the  effect 
of  a  quasi-official  statement  of  his  views.  That  his  anticipation  of  failure  for  the 
effort  did  not  lessen  his  disappointment  is  indicated  in  his  letter  to  Henry  J. 
Raymond,  November  28,   infra.  As  will  be  seen  in  the  succeeding  footnotes, 
Trumbull  went  even  beyond  Lincoln's  assurance,  and  yet  the  secessionists  ig- 
nored the  statement. 

2  In  Trumbull's  speech  as  reported  in  the  Illinois  State  Journal,  November 
21,     1860,  the  following  passage  is  inserted  at  this  point:  "It  should  be  a  matter 
of  rejoicing  to  all  true  Republicans,  that  they  will  now  have  an  opportunity 
of  demonstrating  to  their  political  adversaries  and  to  the  world,  that  they  are 
not  for  interfering  with  the  domestic  institutions  of  any  of  the  States,  nor  the 
advocates  of  negro-equality  or  amalgamation,  with  which  political  demagogues 
have  so  often  charged  them.  When  this  is  shown,   a  re-action  will   assuredly 
take  place  in  favor  of  Republicanism,  the  Southern  mind  even  will  be  satisfied, 
the  rights  of  Northern  men  will  be  respected,  and  the  fraternal  feeling  existing 
in  olden  times,  when  men  from  all  parts  of  the  country  went  forth  together 
to  battle  for  a  common  cause,  against  a  common  enemy,  will  be  restored." 

s  Trumbull's  speech  inserted  as  follows:  "of  whom,  unfortunately,  there  have 
been  a  few  in  the  country  for  some  years,  .  .   .  .* 
4  The  next  paragraph  was  not  used  by  Trumbull. 


Remarks  at  Springfield-,  Illinois1 

November  20,  1860 

FRIENDS  A:NTD  FELLOW- CITIZENS: — Please  excuse  me,  on  this  oc- 
casion, from  making  a  speech.  I  thank  you  for  the  kindness  and 
compliment  of  this  call.  I  thank  you,  in  common  with  all  others, 
who  have  thought  fit,  by  their  votes,  to  indorse  the  Republican 
cause.  I  rejoice  with  you  in  the  success  which  has,  so  far,  attended 
that  cause.  Yet  in  all  our  rejoicing  let  us  neither  express,  nor 
cherish,  any  harsh  feeling  towards  any  citizen  who,  by  his  vote, 
has  differed  with  us.  Let  us  at  all  times  remember  that  all  Amer- 

[142] 


ISTOVEMBER      21,       i860 

lean  citizens  are  brothers  of  a  common  country,  and  should  dwell 
together  in  the  bonds  of  fraternal  feeling. 

Let  me  again  beg  you  to  accept  my  thanks,  and  to  excuse  me 
from  further  speaking  at  this  time. 

1  Illinois  State  Journal,  November  21,  1860.  Lincoln  made  his  remarks  when 
called  out  by  a  parade  of  Wide-A wakes  which  passed  the  Lincoln  home  on  the 
way  to  the  Wigwam  where  Senator  Tn rm bull  and  others  were  to  address  a 
Republican  victory  celebration. 


Remarks  at  Lincoln.,  Illinois1 

November  21,  ±860 

FELLOW  CITIZENS: — I  thank  you  for  this  mark  of  your  kindness 
toward  me.  I  have  been  shut  up  in  Springfield  for  the  last  few- 
months,  and  therefore  have  been  unable  to  greet  you,  as  I  was  for- 
merly in  the  habit  of  doing.  I  am  passing  on  my  way  to  Chicago, 
and  am  happy  in  doing  so  to  be  able  to  meet  so  many  of  my  friends 
in  Logan  County,  and  if  to  do  no  more,  to  exchange2  with  you  the 
compliments  of  the  season,  and  to  thank  you  for  the  many  kind- 
nesses you  have  manifested  toward  me.  I  am  not  in  the  habit  of 
making  speeches  now,  and  I  would  therefore  ask  to  be  excused 
from  entering  upon  any  discussion  of  the  political  topics  of  the  day. 
I  am  glad  to  see  so  many  happy  faces,  and  to  listen  to  so  many 
pleasant  expressions.  Again  thanking  you  for  this  honor,  I  will  pass 
on  my  journey. 

1  New  York   Tribune,  November  23,   1860.   Lincoln's  party,   including  Mrs. 
Lincoln,  Senator  and  Mrs.  Trumbull,  and  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Dorm  Piatt  of  Onio,  left 
Springfield  on  the  morning  train  for  Chicago.  Three  short  speeches  were  made 
en  route,  at  Lincoln,  Bloomington,  and  Lexington. 

2  The  New  York  Herald,  November  22,  reported  this  phrase  as  follows:  ".  .   . 
even  if  to  do  no  more  than  exchange  with  you.   .  .   ." 


Remarks  at  Bloomington-,  Illinois1 

November  21,  1860 

FELLOW-CITIZENS  OF  BLoojvmsrGTOisr  AND  McLEAN  COUNTY:  I 
am  glad  to  meet  you  after  a  longer  separation  than  has  been  com- 
mon between  you  and  me.  I  thank  you  for  the  good  report  you 
made  of  the  election  in  Old  McLean.  The  people  of  the  country- 
have  again  fixed  up  their  affairs  for  a  constitutional  period  of  time. 
By  the  way,  I  think  very  much  of  the  people,  as  an  old  friend  said 
he  thought  of  woman.  He  said  when  he  lost  his  first  wife,  who  had 
been  a  great  help  to  him  in  his  business,  he  thought  he  -was  ruined 

[143] 


NOVEMBER      21,       i860 

— that  he  could  never  find  another  to  fill  her  place.  At  length,  how- 
ever, he  married  another,  who  he  found  did  quite  as  well  as  the 
first,  and  that  his  opinion  now  was  that  any  woman  would  do  well 
who  was  well  done  by.  So  I  think  of  the  whole  people  of  this  na- 
tion— they  will  ever  do  well  if  well  done  by.  We  will  try  to  do  well 
by  them  in  all  parts  of  the  country,  North  and  South,  with  entire 
confidence  that  all  will  be  well  with  all  of  us. 

1  New  York  Tribune.,  November  23,  1860   The  Illinois  State  Journal,  Novem- 
ber 23,  and  the  New  York  Herald.,  November  22,  have  identical  wording. 


Remarks  at  Lexington,  Illinois1 

November  21,1 860 

....  "Old  Abe"  came  out,  showed  himself  and  made  a  little 
speech,  thanking  his  fellow  citizens  for  the  honor  of  their  presence, 
and  reminding  them  that  soon  after  the  Sixth  of  November  he 
heard  good  news  from  this  portion  of  McLean  County. 

1  Lexington  Weekly  Globe.,  November  22,  1860.  The  Globe  further  com- 
mented, "Old  Abe  looks  as  though  the  campaign  had  worn  lightly  upon  him. 
He  is  commencing  to  raise  a  beautiful  pair  of  whiskers,  and  looks  younger  than 
usual.  Still  there  is  no  disguising  the  fact  that  he  is  homely.  .  .  ." 


Endorsement:  Thomas  B.  Bryan  to  Lincoln1 

[November  22,  1860] 

I  now  fear  I  can  not  find  leisure  to  avail  myself  of  this  Mr. 
Bryan's  kindness.  A. 


1  AES,  ICHi.  On  November  22,  1860,  Thomas  B.  Bryan,  proprietor  of  Bryan 
Hall,  Chicago,  invited  President-elect  and  Mrs.  Lincoln  to  visit  his  establish- 
ment to  view  the  "Gallery  of  the  Presidential  Portraits  from  Washington  to 
Lincoln  inclusive.  .  .  ."  Lincoln's  reply  is  written  in  pencil  on  the  back  of 
Bryan's  invitation. 


Endorsement:   Caspar  Butz  to  Lincoln1 

[November  23,  1860] 

We  expect  to  leave  for  home  on  the  morning  of  the  24th.  I  there- 
fore regret  to  say  I  can  not  see  Mr.  Schurz  here  to-morrow. 

A  LlINTCOLN 

1  AES,  DLC-RTL.  Caspar  Butz's  letter  dated  November  23,  1860,  requests  an 
interview  for  Carl  Schurz  who  will  come  to  Chicago  on  the  24th  on  his  way 
East  "in  passing  through  this  city.  .  .  ."  Butz  was  a  prominent  Chicago  Re- 
publican, former  representative  in  the  state  legislature  from  Cook  County. 

[144] 


To  Henry  C.  Whitney1 

H.  C.  Whitney,  Esq  Chicago, 

My  dear  Sir.  Nov.  26.  1860 

Your  note  in  behalf  of  Mr.  Alshuler  was  received.  I  gave  him 
a  sitting. 

I  regret  not  having  an  oppertunity  to  see  more  of  you. 

Please  present  my  respects  to  Mrs.  W.  &  to  your  good  Father  & 
Mother  Yours  very  truly  A  LusrcoLisr 

1  ALS,  IHI.  The  letter  is  written  on  stationery  of  the  Tremont  House.  Whit- 
ney had  requested  Lincoln  to  allow  his  friend  Samuel  G.  Alschuler,  a  photog- 
rapher formerly  at  Urbana,  Illinois,  to  take  a  photograph.  The  resulting  photo- 
graph is  unique  in  showing  Lincoln  with  half -whiskers. 

To  Hannibal  Hamlin1 

Springfield,  Illinois,  November  27,  1860. 

My  dear  Sir:  On  reaching  home  I  find  I  have  in  charge  for  you 
the  inclosed  letter. 

I  deem  it  proper  to  advise  you  that  I  also  find  letters  here  from 
very  strong  and  unexpected  quarters  in  Pennsylvania,  urging  the 
appointment  of  General  Cameron  to  a  place  in  the  cabinet. 

Let  this  be  a  profound  secret,  even  though  I  do  think  best  to  let 
you  know  it.  Yours  very  sincerely,  A.  Liisrcousr. 

1  NH,  VI,  72-73.  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  had  discussed  cabinet  appointments  at 
Chicago.  There  is  nothing  in  Hamlin's  letter  of  December  4,  to  indicate  the 
nature  of  Lincoln's  enclosure.  See  Lincoln  to  Hamlin,  December  8,  infra. 

To  Fred  R.  Jackson1 

Fred  R.  Jackson,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills.  Nov.  27.  1860 

My  dear  Sir  Your  kind  letter  of  congratulation  is  received,  and 
for  which,  please  accept  my  thanks.  Below  is  my  autograph,  ac- 
cording to  your  request.  Yours  truly  A.  LiisrcoLisr. 

1  ALS,  RPB.  Jackson's  letter  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers.  He  was  a  resident 
of  Stillwater,  New  York. 

To  Henry  J.  Raymond1 

Private  &  confidential 

Hon.  H,  J.  Raymond  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Nov.  28.  1860 

Yours  of  the  14th.  was  received  in  due  course.  I  have  delayed  so 
long  to  answer  it,  because  my  reasons  for  not  coming  before  the 

[145] 


[NOVEMBER      3O9       i860 

public  in  any  form  just  now,  had  substantially  appeared  in  your 
paper  (The  Times),  and  hence  I  feared  they  were  not  deemed  suf- 
ficient by  you,  else  you  would  not  have  written  me  as  you  did. 

I  now  think  we  have  a  demonstration  in  favor  of  my  view.  On 
the  20th.  Inst.  Senator  Trumbull  made  a  short  speech  which  I  sup- 
pose you  have  both  seen  and  approved.2  Has  a  single  newspaper, 
heretofore  against  us,  urged  that  speech  [upon  its  readers]  with  a 
purpose  to  quiet  public  anxiety?  Not  one,  so  far  as  I  know.  On  the 
contrary  the  Boston  Courier,  and  its'  class,  hold  me  responsible  for 
the  speech,  and  endeavor  to  inflame  the  North  with  the  belief  that 
it  foreshadows  an  abandonment  of  Republican  ground  by  the  in- 
coming administration;  while  the  "Washington  Constitution,  and 
its'  class  hold  the  same  speech  up  to  the  South  as  an  open  declara- 
tion of  war  against  them. 

This  is  just  as  I  expected,  and  just  what  would  happen  with  any 
declaration  I  could  make.  These  political  fiends  are  not  half  sick 
enough  yet.  "Party  malice"  and  not  "public  good"  possesses  them 
entirely.  "They  seek  a  sign,  and  no  sign  shall  be  given  them."  At 
least  such  is  my  present  feeling  and  purpose.  [Yours  very  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,  IHi.  An  accompanying  note  by  Raymond  explains  that  he  had  cut 
off  the  signature  to  oblige  a  friend  with  Lincoln's  autograph. 

2  See  Lincoln's  statement  incorporated  in  TrumbuH's  speech,   November  20, 
supra. 

Note  for  John  H.  Littlefield1 

Springfield,  Nov—  30.  1860 

I  will  pay  five  dollars  to  whomever  will  loan  that  sum  to  the 
bearer,  Mr.  Littlefield.  A. 


1  ADS,  CSmH.  John  H.  Littlefield  was  a  law  student  in  the  Lincoln  & 
Herndon  office. 

To  Alexander  H.  Stephens1 

Hon,  A.  H.  Stephens  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir.  Nov.  30,  1860 

I  have  read,  in  the  newspapers,  your  speech  recently  delivered 
(I  think)  "before  the  Georgia  Legislature,  or  it's  assembled  mem- 
bers. If  you  have  revised  it,  as  is  probable,  I  shall  be  much  obliged 
if  you  will  send  me  a  copy.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LmcoLisr. 

1ALS,  CSmH.  Stephens  replied,  December  14,  that  he  had  not  revised  the 
speech  but  that  the  newspaper  reports  were  substantially  correct  (ibid.). 

[146] 


Certified  Transcript  of  Passage  from 
the  House  Divided  Speech1 

December  7,  1860 

"We  are  now  far  into  the  fifth  year  since  a  policy  -was  initiated, 
with  the  avowed  object,  and  confident  promise,  of  putting  an  end 
to  slavery  agitation.  Under  the  operation  of  that  policy,  that  agi- 
tation has  not  only  not  ceased,  but  has  continually  augmented. 
I  believe  it  will  not  cease  till  a  crisis  shall  have  been  reached  and 
passed.  A  house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand.  I  believe  this 
government  cannot  endure  permanently  half  slave  and  half  free. 
I  do  not  expect  the  Union  to  be  dissolved.  I  do  not  expect  the  house 
to  fall;  but  I  do  expect  it  will  cease  to  be  divided.  It  will  become 
all  one  thing  or  all  the  other.  Either  the  opponents  of  slavery  will 
arrest  the  further  spread  of  it,  and  place  it  where  the  public  mind 
shall  rest  in  the  belief  that  it  is  in  course  of  ultimate  extinction; 
or  its  advocates  will  push  it  forward  till  it  will  become  alike  lawful 
in  all  the  States  old  as  well  as  new — North  as  well  as  South." 

The  foregoing,  in  pencil,  in  my  own  hand,  is  a  copy  of  an  extract 
of  a  speech  of  mine  delivered  June  16.  1858,  which  I  now  state  at 
the  request  of  Mr.  E.  B.  Pease.2  A.  Lirsrcousr 

Dec.  7.  1860. 

1  The  Rosenbach  Company,  The  History  of  America  in  Documents  (1951), 
III,  15.  According  to  the  catalog  description  this  is  an  autograph  document 
signed.  2  Edward  B.  Pease  was  a  hardware  dealer  at  Springfield. 


To  Hannibal  Hamlin1 

(Private.) 

Springfield,  Illinois,,  December  8,  1860. 

My  dear  Sir:  Yours  of  the  4th  was  duly  received.  The  inclosed 
to  Governor  Seward  covers  two  notes  to  him,  copies  of  which  you 
find  open  for  your  inspection.2  Consult  with  Judge  Trumbull;  and 
if  you  and  he  see  no  reason  to  the  contrary,  deliver  the  letter  to 
Governor  Seward  at  once.  If  you  see  reason  to  the  contrary,  write 
me  at  once. 

I  have  had  an  intimation  that  Governor  Banks  would  yet  accept 
a  place  in  the  cabinet.  Please  ascertain  and  write  me  how  this  is. 
Yours  very  truly.  A,  LmcoLisr. 

1  NH,  VI,  75-76.  Hamlin's  letter  of  December  4  concerns  his  going  to  Seward 
to  learn  his  wishes  about  a  cabinet  post  (DLC-RTL).  Hamlin  replied  Decem- 
ber 14  that  he  had  consulted  with  Trombull  and  then  delivered  the  letters  to 

[147] 


DECBMBER      8,       i860 

Seward.  He  answered  Lincoln's  question  regarding  Nathaniel  P.  Banks  by  say- 
ing that  Gideon  Welles  or  John  A  Andrew,  governor-elect  of  Massachusetts, 
would  be  a  better  appointment:  "Mr.  B.  is  a  man  of  decided  ability,  but  he  is 
wonderfully  cold  and  selfish.  I  do  not  hear  him  talked  of  by  our  N.  E.  friends." 
(DLC-RTL).  2  Vide  infra. 


To  William  EL  Seward1 

Springfield,  Ills.  Dec.  8  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  With,  your  permission,  I  shall,  at  the  proper  time, 
nominate  you  to  the  Senate,  for  confirmation,  as  Secretary  of  State, 
for  the  United  States. 

Please  let  me  hear  from  you  at  your  own  earliest  convenience 
Your  friend  and  obedient  servant  A. 

Hon.  William  H.  Seward, 
Washington     D.C. 


NAuE;  ALS  copy,  MeHi.  Hamlin  wrote  on  the  bottom  of  the  copy 
"The  above  letter  with  another  in  the  same  words,  which  I  was  to  deliver  to 
Mr  Seward  were  reed  by  me  from  Mr  Lincoln  The  one  to  Mr  Seward  was 
duly  delivered,  and  that  was  the  first  information  he  had  that  the  position  of 
Secy  of  State  would  be  offered  to  him  The  letters  were  both  in  the  hand  writ- 
ing of  Mr  Lincoln  H.  HAMLIIST." 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

Private  &  Confidential 

Springfield  Ills.  Dec.  8.  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  In  addition  to  the  accompanying,  and  more  formal 
note,  inviting  you  to  take  charge  of  the  State  Department,  I  deem 
it  proper  to  address  you  this.  Rumors  have  got  into  the  newspapers 
to  the  effect  that  the  Department,  named  above,  would  be  tendered 
you,  as  a  compliment,  and  with  the  expectation  that  you  would 
decline  it.  I  beg  you  to  be  assured  that  I  have  said  nothing  to  justify 
these  rumors.  On  the  contrary,  it  has  been  my  purpose,  from  the 
day  of  the  nomination  at  Chicago,  to  assign  you,  by  your  leave, 
this  place  in  the  administration.  I  have  delayed  so  long  to  com- 
municate that  purpose,  in  deference  to  what  appeared  to  me  to  be 
a  proper  caution  in  the  case.  Nothing  has  been  developed  to  change 
my  view  in  the  premises;  and  I  now  offer  you  the  place,  in  the 
hope  that  you  will  accept  it,  and  with  the  belief  that  your  position 
in  the  public  eye,  your  integrity,  ability,  learning,  and  great  ex- 
perience, all  combine  to  render  it  an  appointment  pre-eminently 
fit  to  be  made. 

[148] 


DECEMBER       1O,       i860 

One  word  more.  In  regard  to  the  patronage,  sought  with  so  much 
eagerness  and  jealousy,  I  have  prescribed  for  myself  the  maxim, 
"Justice  to  all";  and  I  earnestly  beseech  your  co-operation  in  keep- 
ing the  maxim  good.  Your  friend,  and  obedient  servant 

Hon.  William  H.  Seward  A.  LINCOLN — 

Washington     D.C. 

1 ALS,  NAuE.  Seward  replied  to  Lincoln's  longer  and  more  informal  let- 
ter on  December  13,  asking  "...  a  little  time  to  consider  whether  I  possess 
the  qualifications  and  temper  of  a  minister  and  whether  it  is  in  such  a  capacity 
that  my  friends  would  prefer  that  I  should  act  if  I  am  to  continue  at  all  in  the 
public  service.  .  .  .  Whatever  may  be  my  conclusion  you  may  rest  assured  of 
my  hearty  concurrence  in  your  views  in  regard  to  the  distribution  of  the  public 
offices  as  you  have  communicated  them.  .  .  ."  (DLG-RTL).  On  December  28 
Seward  sent  a  brief,  formal  letter  of  acceptance. 

To  Lyman  Trumbull1 

Private 
Hon.  Lyman  Trumbull —  Springfield,  Ills.  Dec.  8.  1860. 

My  dear  Sir:  Yours  of  the  2nd.  is  received.  I  regret  exceedingly 
the  anxiety  of  our  friends  in  New- York,  of  whom  you  write;  but 
it  seems  to  me  the  sentiment  in  that  state  which  sent  a  united  dele- 
gation to  Chicago  in  favor  of  Gov.  S.  ought  not,  and  must  not  be 
snubbed,  as  it  would  be  by  the  omission  to  offer  Gov.  S.  a  place  in 
the  cabinet.  I  will,  myself,  take  care  of  the  question  of  "corrupt 
jobs"  and  see  that  justice  is  done  to  all,  our  friends,  of  whom  you 
write,  as  well  as  others.  I  have  written  Mr.  Hamlin,  on  this  very 
subject  of  Gov.  S.  and  requested  him  to  consult  fully  with  you.  He 
will  show  you  my  note,  and  inclosures  to  him;  and  then  please  act 
as  therein  requested.  Yours  as  ever  A.  LiisrcoLisr 

1  ALS,  ICHi.  Trumbull  wrote  on  December  2  that  a  committee  headed  by 
William  C.  Bryant  had  called  on  him  with  reports  of  corruption  in  the  New 
York  legislature  which  might  lose  the  next  state  elections  if  not  repudiated,  and 
that  since  Seward's  friends  were  implicated  the  committee  "...  did  not  think  it 
advisable  for  Gov.  S.  to  go  into  the  cabinet,  lest  his  going  should  bring  with  it 
a  set  of  dishonest  men."  (DLC-RTL) . 

To  Lyman  Trrnnbull1 

Private,  &  confidential 
Hon.  L.  Trumbull.  Springfield,  Ills.  Dec.  10.   1860 

My  dear  Sir:  Let  there  be  no  compromise  on  the  question  of 
extending  slavery.  If  there  be,  all  our  labor  is  lost,  and,  ere  long, 
must  be  done  again.  The  dangerous  ground — that  into  which  some 
of  our  friends  have  a  hankering  to  run — is  Pop.  Sov.  Have  none 

[149] 


DECEMBER       11,       i860 

of  it.  Stand  firm.  The  tug  has  to  come,  &  better  now,  than  any 
time  hereafter.  Yours  as  ever  A.   LINCOLN. 

3-ALS,  CSmH.  TrumbulFs  letter  of  December  4  voiced  surprise  "that  the 
House  voted  to  raise  a  committee  on  the  State  of  the  Union.  It  seems  to  me 
that  for  Republicans  to  take  steps  towards  getting  up  committees  on  proposing 
new  compromises  .  .  .  would  be  wrong.  .  .  ."  (DLC-R.TL).  See  Lincoln  to 
Kellogg,  December  11,  infra. 


To  William  Kellogg1 

Private  &  confidential. 

Hon.  William  Kellogg.  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  —  Dec.  11.  1860 

Entertain  no  proposition  for  a  compromise  in  regard  to  the  ex- 
tension of  slavery.  The  instant  you  do,  they  have  us  under  again; 
all  our  labor  is  lost,  and  sooner  or  later  must  be  done  over.  Douglas 
is  sure  to  be  again  trying  to  bring  in  his  "Pop.  Sov."  Have  none  of 
it.  The  tug  has  to  come  &  better  now  than  later. 

You  know  I  think  the  fugitive  slave  clause  of  the  constitution 
ought  to  be  enforced  —  to  put  it  on  the  mildest  form,  ought  not  to 
be  resisted.  In  haste  Yours  as  ever  A. 


1  ALS,  ORB.  Kellogg  wrote  on  December  6,  advising  Lincoln  of  the  action  of 
the  House  in  raising  a  committee,  of  which  he  was  a  member,  ".  .  .  to  consider 
that  part  of  the  President's  Message  in  relation  to  the  secession  of  the  Cotton 
States.  .  .  ."  and  asking  Lincoln's  suggestions  "...  in  relation  to  the  remedy 
for  the  present  difficulties.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL)  . 


Editorial  in  the  Illinois  State  Journal 

December  12,  1860 

We  see  such  frequent  allusion  to  a  supposed  purpose  on  the  part 
of  Mr.  Lincoln  to  call  into  his  cabinet  two  or  three  Southern  gen- 
tlemen, from  the  parties  opposed  to  him  politically,  that  we  are 
prompted  to  ask  a  f ew  questions. 

ist.  Is  it  known  that  any  such  gentleman  of  character,  would  ac- 
cept a  place  in  the  cabinet? 

2 —  If  yea,  on  what  terms?  Does  he  surrender  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  or 
Mr.  Lincoln  to  him,  on  the  political  difference  between  them?  Or 
do  they  enter  upon  the  administration  in  open  opposition  to  each 
other? 

What  is  the  understanding  on  these  questions? 

1  AD,  DLC-RTL.  The  editorial  appeared  in  the  Journal  on  December   12, 
1860. 

[150] 


To  Elihu  B.  Washburne1 

Private  &  confidential 
Hon.  E.  B.  Washburne  Springfield,  Ills.  Dec.  13.  1860 

My  dear  Sir.  Your  long  letter  received.  Prevent,  as  far  as  pos- 
sible., any  of  our  friends  from  demoralizing  themselves,  and  our 
cause,  by  entertaining  propositions  for  compromise  of  any  sort,  on 
"slavery  extention"  There  is  no  possible  compromise  upon  it,  but 
which  puts  us  under  again,  and  leaves  all  our  work  to  do  over 
again.  Whether  it  be  a  Mo.  line,  or  Eli  Thayer's  Pop.  Sov.  it  is  all 
the  same.  Let  either  be  done,  &  immediately  filibustering  and  ex- 
tending slavery  recommences.  On  that  point  hold  firm,  as  with  a 
chain  of  steeL  Yours  as  ever  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  owned  by  Clarke  Washburne,  Winnetka,  Illinois.  Washburne  wrote  on 
December  9  of  the  imminent  peril  of  secession,  his  fear  that  President  Bu- 
chanan would  let  Charleston  forts  go  by  not  sending  a  defending  force,  and  his 
belief  that  Republicans  should  stay  out  of  the  debate  in  Congress  and  that  in 
particular  the  Committee  of  Thirty-three  would  do  little  good,  but  would  re- 
sult "...  in  distracting  our  friends.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL) . 


Endorsement:   Richard  M.  Corwine  to  Lincoln1 

[c.  December  14,  1860] 
See  if  there  is  anything  in  this. 

1  AE,  DLC-Nicolay  Papers.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  on  the  envelope  of  Cor- 
wine's  long  letter  of  December  14,  1860,  expressing  the  opinion  that  the  South 
will  quiet  down  if  handled  firmly. 


To  John  A.  Gilmer1 

Strictly  confidential. 
Hon.  John  A.  Gilmer:  Springfield,  111.  Dec  15,  1860. 

My  dear  Sir —  Yours  of  the  loth  is  received.  I  am  greatly  disin- 
clined to  write  a  letter  on  the  subject  embraced  in  yours;  and  I 
would  not  do  so,  even  privately  as  I  do,  were  it  not  that  I  fear  you 
might  misconstrue  my  silence.  Is  it  desired  that  I  shall  shift  the 
ground  upon  which  I  have  been  elected?  I  can  not  do  it.  You  need 
only  to  acquaint  yourself  with  that  ground,  and  press  it  on  the  at- 
tention of  the  South.  It  is  all  in  print  and  easy  of  access.  May  I  be 
pardoned  if  I  ask  whether  even  you  have  ever  attempted  to  pro- 
cure the  reading  of  the  Republican  platform,  or  my  speeches,  by 
the  Southern  people?  If  not,  what  reason  have  I  to  expect  that  any 
additional  production  of  mine  would  meet  a  better  fate?  It  would 

[151] 


DECEMBER       ±5,       i860 

mate  me  appear  as  if  I  repented  for  the  crime  of  having  been 
elected,  and  was  anxious  to  apologize  and  beg  forgiveness.  To  so 
represent  me,  would  be  the  principal  use  made  of  any  letter  I 
might  now  thrust  upon  the  public.  My  old  record  cannot  be  so 
used;  and  that  is  precisely  the  reason  that  some  new  declaration  is 
so  much  sought. 

Now,  my  dear  sir,  be  assured,  that  I  am  not  questioning  your 
candor;  I  am  only  pointing  out,  that,  while  a  new  letter  would 
hurt  the  cause  which  I  think  a  just  one,  you  can  quite  as  well  effect 
every  patriotic  object  with  the  old  record.  Carefully  read  pages  18, 
19,  74,  75,  88,  89,  &  267  of  the  volume  of  Joint  Debates  between 
Senator  Douglas  and  myself,  with  the  Republican  Platform  adopted 
at  Chicago,  and  all  your  questions  will  be  substantially  answered. 
I  have  no  thought  of  recommending  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia,  nor  the  slave  trade  among  the  slave  states, 
even  on  the  conditions  indicated;  and  if  I  were  to  make  such  rec- 
ommendation, it  is  quite  clear  Congress  would  not  follow  it. 

As  to  employing  slaves  in  Arsenals  and  Dockyards,  it  is  a  thing  I 
never  thought  of  in  my  life,  to  my  recollection,  till  I  saw  your  let- 
ter; and  I  may  say  of  it,  precisely  as  I  have  said  of  the  two  points 
above. 

As  to  the  use  of  patronage  in  the  slave  states,  where  there  are 
few  or  no  Republicans,  I  do  not  expect  to  inquire  for  the  politics  of 
the  appointee,  or  whether  he  does  or  not  own  slaves.  I  intend  in 
that  matter  to  accommodate  the  people  in  the  several  localities,  if 
they  themselves  will  allow  me  to  accommodate  them.  In  one  word, 
I  never  have  been,  am  not  now,  and  probably  never  shall  be,  in  a 
mood  of  harassing  the  people,  either  North  or  South. 

On  the  territorial  question,2  I  am  inflexible,  as  you  see  my  posi- 
tion in  the  book.  On  that,  there  is  a  difference  between  you  and  us; 
and  it  is  the  only  substantial  difference.  You  think  slavery  is  right 
and  ought  to  be  extended;  we  think  it  is  wrong  and  ought  to  be 
restricted.  For  this,  neither  has  any  just  occasion  to  be  angry  with 
the  other. 

As  to  the  state  laws,  mentioned  in  your  sixth  question,  I  really 
know  very  little  of  them.  I  never  have  read  one.  If  any  of  them  are 
in  conflict  with  the  fugitive  slave  clause,  or  any  other  part  of  the 
constitution,  I  certainly  should  be  glad  of  their  repeal;  but  I  could 
hardly  be  justified,  as  a  citizen  of  Illinois,  or  as  President  of  the 
United  States,  to  recommend  the  repeal  of  a  statute  of  Vermont,  or 
South  Carolina. 

With  the  assurance  of  my  highest  regards  I  subscribe  my- 
self Your  obt.  Servt.,  A.  LUNTCOUST 

[152] 


DECEMBER       1   7,     1   8  6  O 

ES.  The  documents  referred  to,  I  suppose  you  will  readily  find 
in  Washington.  A.  L. 

1  Copy,  DLC-RTL.   Gilmer's  letter  of  December  10,  enclosed  with  Corwin's 
letter  of  December  11    (DLC-RTL),  asked  Lincoln  to  make  a  public  statement 
answering  specific  questions,  the  nature  of  which  is  indicated  by  Lincoln's  re- 
plies. Although  Lincoln  marked  his  letter  "strictly  confidential,"  an  article  ap- 
peared shortly  afterward  in  the  Missouri  Democrat  (copied  by  Cincinnati  Daily 
Commercial,  January  10,  1861),  which  recounted  an  interview  in  the  parlor  of 
Lincoln's  home  while  he  was  in  the  midst  of  writing  "to  some  Southern  gentle- 
men "  In  the  interview  the  identical  points  are  made  in  almost  identical  lan- 
guage. Probably  Francis  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  wrote  the  article.  See  Lincoln  to  Blair, 
December  18,   infra.  Lincoln  to  Trumbull  and  to  Weed,   December  17,   infra, 
indicate  that  the  letter  to  Gilmer  was  enclosed  to  Thomas  Corwin  for  delivery 
to  Gilmer.  A  second  letter  to  Gilmer  broaching  the  question  of  his  accepting  a 
place  in  the  cabinet,  written  on  or  after  December  21,  is  presumably  not  extant. 
Gilmer  to  Lincoln,  December  29,  refers  to  receipt  of  a  telegram  dated  Decem- 
ber 21,  and  a  letter  received  December  26,  requesting  Gilmer  to  come  to  Spring- 
field   Gilmer  replied  that  such  a  visit  ".   .  .  would  not  be  useful.   .   .   ."   (DLC- 
RTL). 

2  Gilmer's  question  read  ".   .  .  whether,  on  the  application  of  any  new  State 
for  admission  into  the  Union,  you  would  veto  an  act  of  Congress  admitting  the 
same  because  slavery  was  tolerated  in  her  constitution  .   .   .  also  indicate  the 
policy  ...  to  settle  .   .   .  the  disturbmg  question  of  slavery  in  the  Territories." 
(DLC-RTL). 


To  Lyman  Trumbull1 

Confidential 
Hon.  Lyman  Trumbull  Springfield,  Ills.  Dec.  17.  1860 

My  dear  Sir:  Yours  inclosing  Mr.  Wade's  letter,  which  I  here- 
with return,  is  received. 

If  any  of  our  friends  do  prove  false,  and  fix  up  a  compromise  on 
the  territorial  question,  I  am  for  fighting  again — that  is  all.  (It  is 
but  repetition  for  me  to  say  I  am  for  an  honest  inf orcement  of  the 
constitution — fugitive  slave  clause  included.)  Mr.  Gilmer  of  N.C. 
wrote  me;  and  I  answered  confidentially,  inclosing  my  letter  to 
Gov.  Corwin,2  to  be  delivered  or  not,  as  he  might  deem  prudent.  I 
now  inclose  you  a  copy  of  it. 

[The  signature  has  been  cut  off.] 

1  ALS,  CSmH.  Trumbull  wrote  on  December  14,   enclosing  an  "old  letter" 
from  Benjamin  F.  Wade,  ".   .   .  but  you  -will  see  from  it,  what  his  views  are." 
He  added  that  he  understood  some  people  "high  up"  in  the  South  were  to  write 
Lincoln  for  a  statement  and  that  if  they  were  sufficiently  prominent  Lincoln's 
answer  might  do  good  (DLC-RTL). 

2  No  letter  of  this  period  to  Thomas  Corwin  seems  to  "be  extant,  but  Lincoln 
here  implies  that  his  letter  to  John  A.  Gilmer  (December  15,  supra)  was  sent 
to  Corwin,  and  Corwin's  letter  of  December  11  enclosing  Gilmer's  letter  of  De- 
cember 10  requested  that  Lincoln's  reply  be  enclosed  in  care  of  Corwin. 

[153] 


To  Thurlow  Weed1 

Private  &  confidential. 
Hon.  Thurlow  Weed  Springfield,  Ills-  Dec.  17-  1860 

My  dear  Sir  Yours  of  the  nth.  was  received  two  days  ago. 
Should  the  convocation  of  Governors,  of  which  you  speak,  seem  de- 
sirous to  know  my  view's  on  the  present  aspect  of  things,  tell  them 
you  judge  from  my  speeches  that  I  will  be  inflexible  on  the  terri- 
torial question;  that  I  probably  think  either  the  Missouri  line  ex- 
tended, or  Douglas'  and  Eli  Thayer's  Pop.  Sov.  would  lose  us  every- 
thing -we  gained  by  the  election;  that  filibustering  for  all  South  of 
us,  and  making  slave  states  of  it,  would  follow  in  spite  of  us,  under 
either  plan. 

Also,  that  I  probably  think  all  opposition,  real  and  apparant,  to 
the  fugitive  slave  [clause]  of  the  constitution  ought  to  be  with- 
drawn. 

I  believe  you  can  pretend  to  find  but  little,  if  any  thing,  in  my 
speeches,  about  secession;  but  my  opinion  is  that  no  state  can,  in 
any  way  lawfully,  get  out  of  the  Union,  without  the  consent  of  the 
others;  and  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  President,  and  other  govern- 
ment functionaries  to  run  the  machine  as  it  is.  Yours  very  truly 

A.   LINCOLN — 

1  ALS,  NRU-Thurlow  Weed  Papers  on  deposit.  Weed  wrote  on  December  1 1 
that  he  and  others  had  thought  it  a  good  plan  to  invite  the  governors  to  meet  at 
New  York  City  on  Thursday,  December  20,  so  that  ".  .  if  possible,  there 
should  be  harmony  of  views  and  action  between  them."  (DLC-RTL). 

To  Edward  Bates1 

Confidential. 

Springfield,  111  Dec  i8th  1860. 

My  dear  sir:  Yours  of  to-day  is  just  received.  Let  a  little  editorial 
appear  in  the  Missouri  Democrat,  in  about  these  words: 

"We  have  the  permission  of  both  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Bates  to 
say  that  the  latter  will  be  offered,  and  will  accept,  a  place  in  the 
new  Cabinet,  subject  of  course  to  the  action  of  the  Senate.  It  is  not 
yet  definitely  settled  which  Department  will  be  assigned  to  Mr. 
Bates." 

Let  it  go  just  as  above,  or  with  any  modification  which  may 
seem  proper  to  you.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

Hon.  Edward  Bates 

1  Copy,  DLC-RTL.  Bates  wrote  on  December  18  that  upon  returning  to  St. 
Louis  from  his  conference  with  Lincoln  he  and  judicious  friends  had  concluded 

[154] 


DECEMBER      1  8,       1   8  6  O 

that  "a  good  effect  might  be  produced  on  the  public  mind — especially  in  the 
border  Slave  States — by  letting  the  people  know  (substantially)  the  relations 
which  now  subsist  between  us.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL). 


To  Montgomery  Blair1 

Hon.  M.  Blair  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Dec.  18.  1860 

Yours  of  the  14th.  is  just  received.  I  have  just  sent  a  confidential 
letter  to  Hon.  Mr.  Gilmer2  of  N.C.  a  copy  of  which  I  have  inclosed 
to  Senator  Trumbull.  In  order  that  you  may  see  why  I  think  a 
public  letter  from  me  would  do  harm,  and  how  all  proper  objects 
which  could  be  effected  by  it,  can  be  as  well  effected  without,  I  au- 
thorize Judge  Trumbull  to  show  you  the  copy, — confidentially,  of 
course.  Yours  truly  A. 

1  ALS,  DLC-Blair  Papers. 

2  See  letter  to  John  A.  Gilmer,  December  15,  supra. 


To  John  D.  Defrees1 

Confidential 

Hon.  Jno.  D,  Defrees.  Springfield  His. 

My  dear  Sir  Dec.  18.  1860 

Yours  of  the  15th,  is  received.  I  am  sorry  any  republican  inclines 
to  dally  with  Pop.  Sov.  of  any  sort.  It  acknowledges  that  slavery 
has  equal  rights  with  liberty,  and  surrenders  all  we  have  contended 
for.  Once  fastened  on  us  as  a  settled  policy,  filibustering  for  all 
South  of  us,  and  making  slave  states  of  it,  follows  in  spite  of  us, 
with  an  early  Supreme  court  decision,  holding  our  free-state  consti- 
tutions to  be  unconstitutional. 

Would  Scott  or  Stephens  go  into  the  cabinet?  And  if  yea,  on 
what  terms?  Do  they  come  to  me?  or  I  go  to  them?  or  are  we  to 
lead  off  in  open  hostility  to  each  other?  Yours  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,  IHi.  John  D.  Defrees,  chairman  of  the  Indiana  State  Republican  Com- 
mittee, wrote  from  Washington,  December  15,  that  the  threat  of  secession  was 
greater  than  the  West  realized:  "The  fartherest  any  of  our  Republicans  are 
willing  to  go  is  to  secure  genuine  popular  sovereignty  to  the  people  of  our  Ter- 
ritories —  not  the  Douglas  sham.  .  .  ."  He  added  that  many  Republicans  thought 
Scott  of  Virginia  should  be  secretary  of  war  and  Stephens  of  Georgia  should  be 
secretary  of  the  navy  (DLC-RTL)  .  Both  Robert  E.  Scott  and  General  Winfield 
Scott  were  being  mentioned  for  the  cabinet. 

[155] 


To  Henry  J.  Raymond1 

Confidential 

Hon.  H.  J.  Raymond  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Dec.  18,  1860 

Yours  of  the  14th.  is  received.  What  a  very  mad-man  your  cor- 
respondent, Smedes  is.  Mr.  Lincoln  is  not  pledged  to  the  ultimate 
extinctinction  [szc]  of  slavery;  does  not  hold  the  black  man  to  be 
the  equal  of  the  white,  unqualifiedly  as  Mr.  S.  states  it;  and  never 
did  stigmatize  their  white  people  as  immoral  &  unchristian;  and 
Mr.  S.  can  not  prove  one  of  his  assertions  true. 

Mr.  S.  seems  sensitive  on  the  questions  of  morals  and  Christian- 
ity. What  does  he  think  of  a  man  who  makes  charges  against  an- 
other -which  he  does  not  know  to  be  true,  and  could  easily  learn  to 
be  false? 

As  to  the  pitcher  story,  it  is  a  forgery  out  and  out.  I  never  made 
but  one  speech  in  Cincinnati — the  last  speech  in  the  volume  con- 
taining the  Joint  Debates  between  Senator  Douglas  and  myself.2 
I  have  never  yet  seen  Gov.  Chase.  I  was  never  in  a  meeting  of  ne- 
groes in  my  life;  and  never  saw  a  pitcher  presented  by  anybody  to 
anybody. 

I  am  much  obliged  by  your  letter,  and  shall  be  glad  to  hear  from 
you  again  when  you  have  anything  of  interest.  Yours  truly 

A.  LmcouNr 

1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  Raymond's  letter  of  December  14  enclosed  a  rabid  communi- 
cation from  William  C.  Smedes,  Vicksburg,  Mississippi,  December  8,   1860,  in 
which  that  member  of  the  Mississippi  legislature  vowed  he  **.   .  .  would  regard 
death  by  a  stroke  of  lightning  to  Mr  Lincoln  as  but  a  just  punishment  from  an 
offended  deity.  .  .  ."  Smedes  was  particularly  aroused  by  a  speech  purported  to 
have  been  made  by  Lincoln  when  some  free  negroes  presented   a  pitcher  to 
Salmon  P.  Chase  at  Cincinnati  (DLC-R.TL).  The  speech  has  appeared  in  collec- 
tions of  Lincoln's  works    (Hertz,  II,  531),  as  purportedly  delivered  at  Cincin- 
nati, Ohio,  May  6,  1842.  Raymond's  letter  mentioned  his  having  read  it  recently 
in  the  New  York  Herald,  and  asked  whether  it  was  authentic.  According  to  bi- 
ographies of  Chase  the  occasion  was  authentic,  but  Lincoln  was  not  present;  the 
speech  in  question  having  been  made  by  Chase  himself. 

2  Vide  supra,  September  17,  1859.  Governor  Chase  was  not  present  on  any 
occasion  during  Lincoln's  Ohio  trip  in  September,  1859.  See  Lincoln  to  Chase, 
September  21,  1859,  supra. 

Resolutions  Drawn  up  for  Republican  Members 
of  Senate  Committee  of  Thirteen1 

Resolved:  [December  20,  1860] 

That  the  fugitive  slave  clause  of  the  Constitution  ought  to  be  en- 
forced by  a  law  of  Congress,  with  efficient  provisions  for  that  ob- 

[156] 


DECEMBER      21,       i860 

ject,  not  obliging  private  persons  to  assist  in  it's  execution,  but 
punishing  all  who  resist  it,  and  with  the  usual  safeguards  to  liberty, 
securing  free  men  against  being  surrendered  as  slaves  — 

That  all  state  laws,  if  there  be  such,  really,  or  apparantly,  in 
conflict  with  such  law  of  Congress,  ought  to  be  repealed;  and  no 
opposition  to  the  execution  of  such  law  of  Congress  ought  to  be 
made  — 

That  the  Federal  Union  must  be  preserved. 


,  NAuE.  See  Bancroft,  Life  of  William  H.  Seiuard  (1900)  II,  10  See 
letter  to  Trumbull,  December  21,  infra,  for  circumstances  under  which  the  reso- 
lutions were  composed.  Seward  wrote  on  December  26  that  on  December  24  he 
had  offered  first  to  the  Republican  members  of  the  Committee  of  Thirteen,  and 
afterwards  the  whole  Committee,  ".  .  .  three  propositions  which  seemed  to  me 
to  cover  the  ground  of  the  suggestion  made  by  you  through  Mr  Weed  as  I  un- 
derstood it.  First.  That  the  constitution  should  never  be  altered  so  as  to  authorize 
Congress  to  abolish  or  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  states.  This  was  accepted. 
Second.  That  the  Fugitive  slave  law  should  be  amended  by  granting  a  jury  trial 
to  the  fugitive.  .  .  .**  This  was  amended  so  as  to  name  the  jury  from  the  state 
which  the  fugitive  had  fled,  and  was  voted  down  by  the  Republicans.  The  third 
resolution  —  that  Congress  should  recommend  that  the  states  revise  legislation 
concerning  persons  recently  resident  in  the  state  and  repeal  all  in  conflict  with 
the  constitution  —  was  rejected.  At  another  meeting  on  December  26,  Seward 
continued,  he  had  offered  a  fourth  proposition  to  the  effect  that  Congress  should 
pass  a  law  to  prevent  invasion  of  a  state,  which  was  amended  and  rejected. 
Whereupon  the  Republican  members  of  the  committee,  together  with  Trum- 
bull and  Fessenden,  met  to  consider  Lincoln's  resolutions:  "While  we  think  the 
ground  has  already  been  covered  we  find  that  in  the  form  you  give  it  it  would 
divide  our  friends  not  only  in  the  Committee  but  in  Congress,  a  portion  being 
unwilling  to  give  up  their  old  opinion  that  the  duty  of  executing  the  constitu- 
tional provisions  concerning  fugitives  from  service  belongs  to  the  States,  and 
not  at  all  to  Congress.  But  we  shall  confer  —  and  act  wisely  as  we  can."  (DLC- 
RTL). 


To  Francis  R  Blair,  Sr.1 

Confidential 

Hon.  F.  E  Blair,  Ser.  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Dec.  21.  1860 

Yours  giving  an  account  of  an  interview  with  Gen.  Scott,  is  re- 
ceived, and  for  which  I  thank  you.  According  to  my  present  view, 
if  the  forts  shall  be  given  up  before  the  inaugeration,  the  General 
must  retake  them  after  wards.  Yours  truly  A. 


1  ALS,  owned  by  Blair  Lee,  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania.  Blair  wrote  on  De- 
cember 18  of  his  interview  with  James  H.  Van  Alen  of  New  York,  who  was  on 
his  way  to  Springfield  with  a  letter  from  General  Winfield  Scott  to  Lincoln. 
Blair  thought  Lincoln  might  assure  the  country  through  Scott  that  he  meant  to 
defend  the  country  against  conspirators.  The  letter  which  Van  Alen  carried  to 
Lincoln  was  probably  the  copy  of  Scott  to  President  Buchanan,  December  15, 

[157] 


DECEMBER      2   19       i860 

1860,  endorsed  by  Scott  with  a  note  supplying  what  he  omitted  to  say  "this 
morning  at  the  interview  with  .  .  .  the  President.  .  .  ."  The  gist  of  this  was 
that  President  Jackson  had  caused  reinforcements  to  be  sent  to  Fort  Moultrie 
and  Charleston  Harbor,  and  had  remarked  that  he  was  not  making  war  on 
South  Carolina,  but  that  if  South  Carolina  attacked,  she  would  be  warring  on 
the  United  States  (DLC-RTL). 


To  Andrew  G.  Curtin1 

Confidential 

Hon.  A.  G.  Curtin  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Dec.  21.  1860 

Yours  of  the  14th.  was  only  received  last  night.  I  am  much 
obliged  by  your  kindness  in  asking  my  views  in  advance  of  pre- 
paring your  inaugeral.  I  think  of  nothing  proper  for  me  to  suggest 
except  a  -word  about  this  secession  and  disunion  movement.  On 
that  subject,  I  think  you  would  do  well  to  express,  without  passion, 
threat,  or  appearance  of  boasting,  but  nevertheless,  with  firmness, 
the  purpose  of  yourself,  and  your  state  to  maintain  the  "Union  at  all 
hazzards.  Also,  if  you  can,  procure  the  Legislature  to  pass  resolu- 
tions to  that  effect.  As  \_sic"]  [I]  shall  be  very  glad  to  see  your 
friend,  the  Attorney  General,2  that  is  to  be;  but  I  think  he  need 
scarcely  make  a  trip  merely  to  confer  with  me  on  the  subject  you 
mention.  Yours  very  truly  A. 


1  ALS-P,  I  SLA.   Curtin's   letter  of  December   14  is   in  the   Nicolay  Papers 
(DLC)  .  2  Samuel  A.  Purviance. 


To  Lyman  Trumbull1 

Confidential 

Hon.  Lyman  Trumbull  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir.  Dec.  21,  1860 

Thurlow  Weed  was  with  me  nearly  all  day  yesterday,  &  left  at 
night  with  three  short  resolutions  which  I  drew  up,2  and  which,  or 
the  substance  of  which.,  I  think  would  do  much  good,  if  introduced, 
and  unanamously  supported  by  our  friends.  They  do  not  touch  the 
territorial  question.  Mr.  'Weed  goes  to  Washington  with  them;  and 
says  he  will,  first  of  all,  confer  with  you  and  Mr.  Hamlin.8  I  think 
it  would  be  best  for  Mr.  Seward  to  introduce  them,  &  Mr.  Weed 
will  let  him  know  that  I  think  so.  Show  this  to  Mr.  Hamlin;  but 
beyond  him,  do  not  let  my  name  be  known  in  the  matter.  Yours 
as  ever  A. 

[158] 


DECEMBER      22,       i860 

1  ALS,  ICHi.  Trumbull's  letters  of  December  24  and  3 1  do  not  mention  the 
resolutions,  probably  because  lie  knew  of  Seward's  detailed  letter  of  Decem- 
ber 26.  2  Vide  supra. 

3  Hamlin  wrote  on  December  27  that  Weed  had  showed  "him,  the  resolutions 
and  that  he  approved  them,  excepting  the  word  "apparently"  in  the  second  para- 
graph, which  should  be  omitted  (DLC-R.TL). 


To  Elihu  B.  Washburne1 

Confidential 

Hon.  E.  B.  Washburne  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  Dec.  21.  1860 

Last  night  I  received  your  letter  giving  an  account  of  your  inter- 
view with.  Gen.  Scott.,  and  for  which  I  thank  you.  Please  present 
my  respects  to  the  General,  and  tell  him,  confidentially,  I  shall  be 
obliged  to  him  to  be  as  well  prepared  as  he  can  to  either  hold,  or 
retake^  the  forts,  as  the  case  may  require,  at,  and  after  the  in- 
augeration.  Yours  as  ever  A.  LUNTCOUNT 

1  ALS,  IHi.  Washburne  wrote  on  December  1 7  summarizing  an  interview 
with  General  Winfield  Scott  to  the  effect  that  Scott  had  recommended  rein- 
forcement of  the  Charleston  forts  in  October,  that  Fort  Moultrie  was  practically 
defenseless,  and  that  Fort  Sumter  with  only  five  workmen  in  it  was  the  key  to 
the  harbor. 


To  David  Huziter1 

Confidential 

Major  David  Hunter,  Springfield,  Ills.,  Dec.  22,  1860. 

My  dear  Sir:  I  am  much  obliged  by  the  receipt  of  yours  of  the 
i8th.  The  most  we  can  do  now  is  to  watch  events,,  and  be  as  well 
prepared  as  possible  for  any  turn  things  may  take.  If  the  forts  fall, 
my  judgment  is  that  they  are  to  be  retaken.  When  I  shall  deter- 
mine definitely  my  time  of  starting  to  Washington,  I  will  notify 
you.  Yours  truly,  A. 


1  Copy,  DLC-Nicolay  Papers.  Major  Hunter  wrote  again  (vide  supray  Oc- 
tober 2,6}  on  December  18  from  Fort  Leavenworth,  Kansas,  recounting  the  pur- 
ported scheme  of  Governor  Henry  A.  Wise  of  Virginia  in  1856  to  prevent  the 
inauguration  of  John  C.  Fremont  in  the  event  of  his  election,  and  suggesting 
the  likelihood  of  a  similar  plan  to  employ  force  to  prevent  Lincoln's  inaugura- 
tion. As  a  precaution  he  recommended  that  100,000  Wide-  Awakes  be  assem- 
bled in  Washington  to  prevent  such  an  incident.  He  also  thanked  Lincoln  for 
an  invitation  to  attend  the  inaugural. 

[159] 


To  Peter  H.  Silvester1 

Confidential 

Hon.  E  H.  Silvester  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Dec.  22.  1860 

Your  kind  letter  of  Nov.  1 6th.  was  duly  received.  Want  of  time 
has  delayed  me  so  long  before  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  it. 
This,  even  now,  is  the  most  I  can  do. 

The  political  horizon  looks  dark  and  lowering;  but  the  people, 
under  Providence,  will  set  all  right. 

If  Mr.  B.  surrenders  the  forts,  I  think  they  must  be  retaken. 
Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  owned  by  Mrs.  Townsend  Morey,  Albany,  New  York.  Silvester  was  a 
lawyer  of  Coxsackie,  New  York,  and  Whig  congressman  from  New  York,  1847- 
1851. 


To  Alexander  H.  Stephens1 

For  your  oiun  eye  only. 

Hon.  A.  H.  Stephens —  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Dec,  22,  1860 

Your  obliging  answer  to  my  short  note  is  just  received,  and  for 
which  please  accept  my  thanks.  I  fully  appreciate  the  present  peril 
the  country  is  in,  and  the  weight  of  responsibility  on  me. 

Do  the  people  of  the  South  really  entertain  fears  that  a  Repub- 
lican administration  would,  directly,  or  indirectly,  interfere  with 
their  slaves,  or  with  them,  about  their  slaves?  If  they  do,  I  wish  to 
assure  you,  as  once  a  friend,  and  still,  I  hope,  not  an  enemy,  that 
there  is  no  cause  for  such  fears. 

The  South  would  be  in  no  more  danger  in  this  respect,  than  it 
was  in  the  days  of  Washington.  I  suppose,  however,  this  does  not 
meet  the  case.  You  think  slavery  is  right  and  ought  to  be  extended; 
while  we  think  it  is  ivrong  and  ought  to  be  restricted.  That  I  sup- 
pose is  the  rub.  It  certainly  is  the  only  substantial  difference  be- 
tween us.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  CSmH.  Stephens'  reply  of  December  30  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers, 
but  a  portion  of  it  is  given  in  Recollections  of  Alexander  H.  Stephens.,  edited  by 
Myrta  L.  Avary  (1910),  p.  60,  as  follows:  "Personally,  I  am  not  your  enemy — 
far  from  it;  and  however  widely  we  may  differ  politically,  yet  I  trust  we  both 
have  an  earnest  desire  to  preserve  and  maintain  the  Union.  .  .  .  When  men 
come  under  the  influence  of  fanaticism,  there  is  no  telling  where  their  impulses 
or  passions  may  drive  them.  This  is  what  creates  our  discontent  and  apprehen- 
sions, not  unreasonable  when  we  see  .  .  .  such  reckless  exhibitions  of  madness 

[160] 


DECEMBER      24,       i860 

as  the  John  Brown  raid  into  Virginia,  which  has  received  so  much  sympathy 
from  many,  and  no  open  condemnation  from  any  of  the  leading  members  of  the 
dominant  party.  ...  In  addressing  you  thus,  I  would  have  you  understand  me 
as  being  not  a  personal  enemy,  but  as  one  who  would  have  you  do  what  you 
can  to  save  our  common  country.  A  word  fitly  spoken  by  you  now  would  be 
like  'apples  of  gold  in  pictures  of  silver.*  " 


To  Hannibal  Hamlin1 

Springfield,  Illinois,  December  24,  1860. 

My  dear  Sir:  I  need  a  man  of  Democratic  antecedents  from  New 
England.  I  cannot  get  a  fair  share  of  that  element  in  without.  This 
stands  in  the  way  of  Mr.  Adams.2  I  think  of  Governor  Banks,  Mr. 
Welles,  and  Mr.  Tuck.3  Which  of  them  do  the  New  England  dele- 
gation prefer?  Or  shall  I  decide  for  myself?  Yours  as  ever, 

A. 


1  NH,  VI,  86-87.  Hamlin  replied  December  29  that  he  had  ".   .   .  no  hesita- 
tion in  saying  that  .   .   .  Mr.  Wells  is  the  better  man  for  New  England    .   .   ." 
(DLC-RTL). 

2  Charles  Francis  Adams,  member  of  congress  from  Massachusetts. 

3  Amos  Tuck,  member  of  congress  from  New  Hampshire,  1847-1853,  who  had 
been  chairman  of  the  New  Hampshire  delegation  at  the  Chicago  convention. 


To  Isaac  N.  Morris1 

Confidential 

Hon.  I.  N.  Morris  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  Dec.  24,  1860 

"Without  supposing  that  you  and  I  are  any  nearer  together,  po- 
litically, than  heretofore,  allow  me  to  tender  you  my  sincere  thanks 
for  your  Union  resolution,  expressive  of  views  upon  which  we 
never  were,  and,  I  trust,  never  will  be  at  variance.  Yours  very 
truly  A.  LiNCOLiNr. 

1  AL.S,  owned  by  Edward  C.  Stone,  Boston,  Massachusetts.  On  December  17, 
Isaac  N.  Morris,  Democratic  member  of  congress  from  Quincy,  Illinois,  had 
offered  a  resolution  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  reading  in  part  as  follows: 
".  .  .  That  we  properly  estimate  the  immense  value  of  our  national  Union  to 
our  collective  and  individual  happiness  .  .  .  cherish  a  cordial  .  .  .  attachment 
to  it  ...  will  watch  its  preservation  with  jealous  anxiety  .  .  .  that  we  have 
seen  nothing  in  the  past,  nor  .  .  .  present,  either  in  the  election  of  Abraham 
Lincoln  to  the  Presidency  ...  or  from,  any  other  existing  cause,  to  justify  its 
dissolution;  that  we  regard  its  perpetuity  as  of  more  value  than  the  temporary 
triumph  of  any  party  or  any  man.  .  .  ."  (Illinois  State  Journal,  December  19, 
1860).  The  resolution  passed  115  to  44. 

[161] 


To  Lyman  Trumbull1 

Hon.  Lyman  Trumbull  Springfield,  Ills.  Dec.  24,  1860 

My  dear  Sir     I  expect  to  be  able  to  offer  Mr.  Blair  a  place  in  the 

cabinet;  but  I  can  not,  as  yet,  be  committed  on  the  matter,  to  any 

extent  whatever. 

Despaches  have   come   here   two   days   in   succession,   that   the 

Forts  in  South  Carolina,  will  be  surrendered  by  the  order,  or  con- 

sent at  least,  of  the  President. 

I  can  scarcely  believe  this;  but  if  it  prove  true,  I  will,  if  our 

friends  at  Washington  concur,  announce  publicly  at  once  that  they 

are  to  be  retaken  after  the  inaugeration.  This  will  give  the  Union 

men  a  rallying  cry,  and  preparation  will  proceed  somewhat  on 

their  side,  as  well  as  on  the  other.  Yours  as  ever 

A. 


1  ALS,  CSmH.  Trumbull  wrote  December  18,  proposing  that  Montgomery 
Blair  be  made  secretary  of  war  (DL.C-RTL)  . 


To  Duff  Green1 

Gen.  Duff  Green.  Springfield,  111.  Dec  28th  1860. 

My  dear  Sir —  I  do  not  desire  any  amendment  of  the  Constitu- 
tion. Recognizing.,  however,  that  questions  of  such  amendment 
rightfully  belong  to  the  American  People,  I  should  not  feel  justi- 
fied, nor  inclined,  to  withhold  from  them,  if  I  could,  a  fair  oppor- 
tunity of  expressing  their  will  thereon,  through  either  of  the  modes 
prescribed  in  the  instrument. 

In  addition  I  declare  that  the  maintainance  inviolate  of  the 
rights  of  the  States,  and  especially  the  right  of  each  state  to  order 
and  control  its  own  domestic  institutions  according  to  its  own 
judgment  exclusively,  is  essential  to  that  balance  of  powers  on 
which  the  perfection,  and  endurance  of  our  political  fabric  depends 
— and  I  denounce  the  lawless  invasion,  by  armed  force,  of  the  soil 
of  any  State  or  Territory,  no  matter  under  what  pretext,  as  the 
gravest  of  crimes. 

I  am  greatly  averse  to  writing  anything  for  the  public  at  this 
time;  and  I  consent  to  the  publication  of  this,  only  upon  the  con- 
dition that  six  of  the  twelve  United  States  Senators  for  the  States 
of  Georgia,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  Florida,  and  Texas 
shall  sign  their  names  to  what  is  written  on  this  sheet  below  my 
name,  and  allow  the  whole  to  be  published  together.  Yours  truly 

A. 

[162] 


DECEMBER      2  Q,       i860 

We  recommend  to  the  people  of  the  States  -we  represent  respec- 
tively, to  suspend  all  action  for  dismemberment  of  the  Union,  at 
least,  until  some  act,  deemed  to  be  violative  of  our  rights,  shall  be 
done  by  the  incoming  administration 

1  Copy,  DLC-R.TL.  This  letter  was  enclosed  with  the  letter  to  Trumbull, 
infra.  It  was  never  made  public,  and  TrumbulPs  letters  in  the  Lincoln  Papers 
(December  31,  1860,  January  3,  7,  and  16,  1861)  make  no  mention  of  it.  Green 
came  to  Springfield  as  an  emissary  of  President  Buchanan.  The  fact  that  his 
visit  went  unnoticed  in  the  press  suggests  that  great  secrecy  was  observed  by 
both  sides.  According  to  his  later  account  given  to  the  N"ew  York  Herald  (Jan- 
uary 8,  1861),  he  was  satisfied  that  Lincoln  sincerely  wished  "to  administer  the 
government  in  such  a  manner  as  to  satisfy  the  South.  .  .  ."  Green  wrote  Lin- 
coln on  January  7,  1861,  that  he  had  received  "...  your  letter  of  the  3ist  Dec 
I  regret  your  unwillingness  to  recommend  an  amendment  to  the  constitution 
which  will  arrest  the  progress  of  secession.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL).  Undoubtedly 
Green  refers  to  this  letter.  Perhaps  Trumbull  handed  him  a  copy  under  the 
later  date. 


To  Lyman  Trurnbull1 

Hon.  Lyman  Trumbull  Springfield  111  Dec  2 8th  1860. 

My  dear  Sir —  Gen.  Duff  Green  is  out  here  endeavoring  to  draw 
a  letter  out  of  me.  I  have  written  one,  which  herewith  I  inclose 
to  you,  and  which  I  believe  could  not  be  used  to  our  disadvantage. 
Still,  if,  on  consultation  with  our  discreet  friends,  you  conclude 
that  it  may  do  us  harm,  do  not  deliver  it. 

You  need  not  mention  that  the  second  clause  of  the  letter  is 
copied  from  the  Chicago  Platform.  If,  on  consultation,  our  friends, 
including  yourself,  think  it  can  do  no  harm,  keep  a  copy  and  de- 
liver the  letter  to  Gen.  Green.  Yours  as  ever  A.  LUNTCOUNT. 

1  Copy,  DLC-RTL.  See  note  to  Green  letter,  supra. 


To  William  C.  Bryant1 

Springfield,  Illinois,  December  29,  1860. 

My  dear  Sir:  Yours  of  the  25th  is  duly  received.  The  "well- 
known  politician"  to  whom  I  understand  you  to  allude  did  write 
me,  but  not  press  upon  me  any  such  compromise  as  you  seem  to 
suppose,  or,  in  fact,  any  compromise  at  all. 

As  to  the  matter  of  the  cabinet,  mentioned  by  you,  I  can  only 
say  I  shall  have  a  great  deal  of  trouble,  do  the  best  I  can. 

I  promise  you  that  I  shall  unselfishly  try  to  deal  fairly  with  all 
men  and  all  shades  of  opinion  among  our  friends.  Yours  very  truly, 

A. 

[163] 


DECEMBER     2  Q,      i860 

1  NH,  VI,  89.  Bryant  wrote  on  December  25:  "The  rumor  having  got  abroad 
that  you  have  been  visited  by  a  well  known  politician  of  New  York  who  has  a 
good  deal  to  do  with  the  stock  market  and  who  took  with  him  a  plan  of  com- 
promise manufactured  in  Wall  Street,  it  has  occurred  to  me  that  you  might 
like  to  be  assured  of  the  manner  in  which  those  Republicans  who  have  no  con- 
nections with  Wall  Street  regard  a  compromise  on  the  slavery  question.  .  .  . 
The  restoration  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  would  disband  the  Republican 
party.  ..."  Bryant  added  that  he  was  glad  the  cabinet  would  have  some  Re- 
publicans of  Democratic  antecedents  (DLC-RTL) .  The  "well  known  politician" 
was  probably  Thurlow  Weed,  who  conferred  with  Lincoln  on  December  20. 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

Private 

Hon.  W.  H.  Seward:  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Dec.  29.  1860 

Yours  of  the  25th.  suggesting  the  names  of  Col.  Fremont,  and 
Messrs.  Hunt,  Raynor,  and  Gilmer  for  places  in  the  Cabinet  is  re- 
ceived. I  had  thought  of  all  of  them  before,  but  not  very  definitely 
of  any  except  Mr.  Gilmer.  I  wrote  him,  requesting  him  to  visit  me 
here;  and  my  object  was  that  if,  on  full  understanding  of  my  po- 
sition, he  would  accept  a  place  in  the  cabinet,  to  give  it  to  him.  He 
has  neither  come,  nor  answered  me.  If  you  will  ascertain  his  feel- 
ings, and  write  me,  I  shall  be  obliged.  Our  german  friends  might 
not  be  quite  satisfied  with  his  appointment,  but  I  think  we  could 
appease  them.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

iALS,  NAuE.  On  December  25,  Seward  wrote  Lincoln:  "I  feel  it  my  duty 
to  submit  for  your  consideration  the  names  of  Col.  Fremont  for  Secretary  of 
War,  Randall  Hunt  of  Louisiana —  and  John  A  Gilmer  or  Kenneth  Raynor  of 
North  Carolina  for  other  places.  Should  you  think  that  any  of  these  gentlemen 
would  be  likely  to  be  desirable  in  the  Administration,  I  should  find  no  diffi- 
culty I  think  in  ascertaining  whether  they  would  accept,  without  making  the 
matter  public.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL) . 

See  Lincoln  to  Gilmer,  December  15,  supra,  and  to  Seward,  January  3  and 
12,  1861,  infra. 

To  James  W.  Webb1 

Private 

Col.  J.  W.  Webb.  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  Dec.  29.  1860 

Yours  kindly  seeking  my  view  as  to  the  proper  mode  of  dealing 
with  secession,  was  received  several  days  ago,  but,  for  want  of 
time  I  could  not  answer  it  till  now.  I  think  we  should  hold  the 
forts,  or  retake  them,  as  the  case  may  be,  and  collect  the  revenue. 
We  shall  have  to  forego  the  use  of  the  federal  courts,  and  they  that 
of  the  mails,  for  a  while.  We  can  not  fight  them  in  to  holding 
courts,  or  receiving  the  mails. 

[164] 


DECEMBER      3  1,      i860 

This  is  an  outline  of  my  view;  and  perhaps  suggests  sufficiently, 
the  whole  of  it.  Yours  very  truly  A. 


1  ALS,  CtY.  James  W.  Webb  wrote  from  N"ew  York,  December  24,  seeking 
Lincoln's  views  and  stating  that  he  was  editor  of  the  New  York  Courier  and  En- 
quirer (DLC-RTL). 

Memorandum  on  the  Charges 
against  Simon  Cameron1 

[c.  December  31,  1860] 

At  the  election  of  Senator  in  Pennsylvania  in  1857  General  C. 
bribed  three  members  of  the  Legislature  Lebo,  Mancer,  and 
Wagonsella;  and  part  of  the  consideration  paid  is  now  in  the 
hands  of  William  B.  Mann  of  Philadelphia.  Bonds  —  A  Mr.  Mo 
Aber,  received  the  Bonds  from  General  C.  for  the  purpose  of  cor- 
rupting the  Legislature.  The  bonds  in  Mann's  hands  were  either 
paid  to  members,  or  or  [szc]  retained  by  McAber,  for  compensa- 
tion as  a  go  between.  McAber  will  swear  to  all  this.  The  witness 
was  afterward  bribed  by  General  C.  through  John  B.  Beck,  brother- 
in-law  of  the  witness.  A  Mr.  Johns,  a  member  at  the  next  session, 
moved  to  investigate  this  matter,  and  was  bribed  out  of  it  by  Gen- 
eral C. 
Witness  J.  C.  Bonbager  —  Cashiered. 

If  Pollock  will  give  his  word  that  he  believes  General  C.  to  be 
personally  and  politically  an  honest  man  and  whether  he  believes 
his  ?  is  the  result  of  honest  dealing,2 

Look  to  report  of  investigation  of  1855  —  and  Protest  —  Winne- 
bago  matter. 

In  1849,  i*1  Q-  Democratic  Convention,  he  attempted  to  bribe  a 
convention. 

1  Copy,  DLC-Nicolay  Papers.  Nicolay's  copy  of  this  memorandum  is,  together 
with    the   copy    of   the    memorandum    summarizing    the    recommendations    in 
Cameron's  favor  (infra)  labeled  "aut.  MS.,"  and  given  a  headnote  as  follows: 
"Orig.  in  envelope  'Presidential  Dec.  1860.'  ("Written  in  pencil  and  endorsed  on 
back,  'In  regard  to  Cameron')    (Pinned  to  other  sheets.)"  "Written  in  the  left- 
hand  margin  of  the  first  page  is  an  additional  note,  "W".  B.  Mann  and  C.  C. 
Gary  know  of  this/also  Dr.  Eckart."  Whether  this  notation  was  Nicolay's  or  a 
copy  of  Lincoln's  notation  is  uncertain.  Although  Lincoln's  autograph  memo- 
randum of  the  favorable  recommendations  as  reproduced  infra,  is  still  in  the 
Lincoln  Papers,  the  original  from  which  Nicolay  made  his  copy  of  the  unfavor- 
able memorandum  has   disappeared  and  may  have  been  destroyed  by  Robert 
Todd  Lincoln 

2  The  sentence  is  left  incomplete,  followed  by  a  vacant  line.  The  question 
mark  is  in  the  source. 

[165] 


Memorandum  on  the  Appointment 
of  Simon  Cameron1 

[c.  December  31,  1860] 
/.  K.  Moor  head — M.C. 

"I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  if  Penna.  receives  the  honor, 
it  should  be  in  the  person  of  Genl.  Cameron." 

Wm.  Nichols. 

G.  Rush  Smith.         ^.  ^         Joint  letter  from  Philada. 

Jno.  H.  Parker 
Geo.  Conwell 

"He  (Cameron)  is  the  universally  acknowledged  head  and  rep- 
resentative man  of  the  'Peoples  Party'  of  the  State;  and  it  is  not 
only  the  desire  of  the  people  of  the  State,  in  view  of  the  position  he 
thus  occupies,  as  well  as  his  practical  business  qualifications  and 
life  devotion  to  the  material  interests  of  the  state,  that  he  should 
be  at  the  head  of  the  Treasury  Department  under  your  administra- 
tion, but  also  of  the  great  body  of  your  friends  in  this  city" 

",      "7        T^  77  Joint  letter  from,  Germans,  Propri[e]tor,  Ed- 

TheodoreKell  .          D     ^       .,     '       ~   -,  A          r--i   *• 

„   „->   T  \-          itor   &   President   or    Rep.    Assoc li  I ation    at 

P.!.    JUOeS  TYI    -1       3 

n  _*      7-r      7  Pmlada. 

Peter  Ford        J 

"Feeling  assured  as  we  do  that  the  appointment  of  the  Hon 
Simon  Cameron  would  be  hailed  with  joy  by  the  citizens  of  this 
state,  and  that  it  would  secure  to  our  city  and  our  state  future  tri- 
umphs for  the  Republican  party,  we  respectfully  present  his  name 
for  your  kind  and  favorable  consideration. 
Jos.  Casey — Harrisburg — Ex.  M.C.  &  Del.  to  Chicago. 

Many  letters  from  him. 
/.  S.  Haldeman — Fairview.  Former  Pa.  Pres.  of  State  Ag.  Soc.  & 

Del.  to  Chicago.  Long  letter. 
/.  P.  Sanderson — Philada. 
Wm.  F.  Small — Philada.  Long  Letter. 
John  Z.  Goodrich — Stockbridge,  Mass.  Long  letter 
Charles  T.  Jones — Philada.  Letter. 
Russell  Essett — Pittsburgh.  Letter. 

Francis  Blackburne,  Philada. — Del.  to  Chicago.  Long  letter. 
Levi  Kline — Lebanon,  Pa.  Del  to  C.  &  Corn-man.  Long  letter. 

Hazelhurst,  Philada.  Letter. 
Isaac.  G.  Gordon — Brookville,  Pa.  Rep  in  Leg.  Letter 

[166] 


DECEMBER      31,      i860 

David  Wilmot.  Towanda.  Pa.  Letter. 

A.  H.  Reeder — Eastern,  Pa.  Letters  &  visit. 

Leonard  Ulmer.  Williamsport,  Pa.  Letter 

7.  W.  Killinger,  M.C.  Lebanon,  Pa.  Letter 

John  M.  Butler,  M.C.  almost,  Philada.  Letter 

Henry  D.  Moore.  State.  Treasurer,  that  is  to  be.  Phil.  Letter. 

/.  L.  Rightmyer  1 

Jesse  Hillman  -r^r--,-,.  ^      -*  - 

•r    TJJ  >  W illiamsport,  Pa.  Joint  letter. 

S.  H.  "Walters        J 

Jno.  A  Hiestand.  Editor — Lancaster,  Pa.  Letter. 

Geo.  A.  Coffey — Phil —  Letter 

A.  R.  Mcllvaine.  Ex.  M.C.  Brandywine  Manor  Pa.  Letter. 

Geo.  R.  Hendrichson — Mountjoy — Lancaster  Co.  Pa.  Letter. 

John  M.  Butler     1 

Wm.  Elliott  T  •    *  i  +4-      f          -D-u-i 

T          7    o    7i  /r  r-  Joint  letter  from  Phil. 

Joseph  S.  jvLorey 

E.  Ward  } 

John  W.  Wallace.  New  Castle,  Pa.  Letter 
G.  L.  Vliet.  Woodbury  N.J.  Letter. 
Robert  M.  Palmer "] 

Jacob  G.  Frick          \    T\  -i     +    ^T,*  T    *.*.      *          T>  **     -n     -D 

0     A     n  I  Dels,  to  Chicago.  Letter  from  Pottsville  Pa. 

S.  A.  Bergstresser    f  & 

Wm.  C.  Laiuson     J 

G.  Rush  Smith — Phil — Letter. 

John  C.  Myers.  Editor — Reading  Pa.  Letter 

John  Strohm,  Ex.  M.C.  Lancaster  Co.  Pa.  Letter 

E.  Rush  Petrikin.  Pa.  Letter 

Wm.  B.  Thomas — Pres.  of  Rep.  Cent  Club,  Phil.  Letter. 

Wm.  H.  Kerr.  Sheriff  of  Phil.  City  &  Co.  Letter — 

Daniel  G.  Thomas.  Rep.  in  Leg.  Phil.  Letter 

R.  P.  King — Elector — Phil.  Letter. 

James  M.  Moore.  Phil — Letter. 

David  Taggarty  Elector — Northumberland,  Pa.  Letter 

Joseph  Buffington.  Kittaning  Pa.  Letter 

John  F.  Long — Lancaster  Pa.  Letter. 

Hon.  F.  P.  Stanton.  Letter. 

James  Pollock.  Ex.  MC.  &  Ex.  Gov.  Milton,  Pa.  Letter. 

David  Mumma.  Jr.  Head  elector,  Harrisburg,  Pa.  Letter. 

1  AD,  DLC-RTL.  The  approximate  date  of  this  memorandum,  like  that  of  the 
preceding  one,  is  supplied  on  the  basis  of  Lincoln's  letter  to  Cameron  (infrci) 
and  of  the  fact  that  during  December  he  had  considered  the  pros  and  cons  of 
the  appointment  as  summarized  in  the  memoranda  themselves. 

[167] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Simon  Cameron  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  Dec.  31,  1860 

I  think  fit  to  notify  you  now,  that  by  your  permission,  I  shall, 
at  the  proper  time,  nominate  you  to  the  U.S.  Senate,  for  confirma- 
tion as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  or  as  Secretary  of  War — which 
of  the  two,  I  have  not  yet  definitely  decided.  Please  answer  at  your 
own  earliest  convenience.  Your  Obt.  Servt.  A.  LINCOLN — 

i  ALS,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  There  is  no  reply  to  this  in  the  Lincoln  Papers. 
Cameron  had  visited  Lincoln  together  with  Edward  Bates  the  day  before.  See 
Lincoln  to  Cameron,  January  3,  1861,  for  Lincoln's  withdrawal  of  his  offer. 

To  Salmon  K  Chase1 

Hon.  S.  P.  Chase  Springfield,  111,,  December  31,  1860. 

My  dear  Sir:  In  these  troublous  times,  I  would  [much]2  like  a 
conference  with  you.  Please  visit  me  here  at  once.  Yours  very 
truly,  A.  LINCOLN. 

i  NH,  VI,  90;  Robert  B.  Warden,  Account  of  the  Private  Life  and  Public 
Services  of  Salmon  Portland  Chase  (1874),  p.  364.  Chase  replied  January  2  that 
he  would  come  to  Springfield  the  next  day  (DLC-RTL).  On  January  5,  he  con- 
ferred with  Lincoln  about  his  appointment  to  the  cabinet,  and  left  without  ac- 
cepting or  rejecting  the  offer  2  Not  in  Warden. 

Endorsement  : 
Jesse  K.  Dubois  and  William  Butler  to  Lincoln1 

[January  ?  1861] 

Do  not  think  any  objection  to  Turner  of  enough,  importance  to 
have  a  squabble  over.  A.  LINCOLN 

1 AES,  IHi.  Dubois7  undated  letter,  signed  also  by  Butler,  recommended 
Stephen  T.  Logan,  John  Wood,  John  M.  Palmer,  Burton  C.  Cook,  and  David 
Davis  as  the  Illinois  delegates  to  the  Peace  Convention  to  be  held  in  Washing- 
ton in  February,  but  noted  that  Governor  Richard  Yates  wanted  "to  select 
[Thomas  J.]  Turner  in  place  of  Davis.  .  .  .  We  want  your  personal  friends  on 
the  commission  and  not  men  opposed  to  you."  (ALS,  IHi).  Thomas  J.  Turner 
of  Freeport,  Illinois,  was  a  Democrat,  U.S.  representative  1847-1849  and  speaker 
of  the  Illinois  House  of  Representatives  1854-1856. 

Fragment  on  the  Constitution  and  the  Union1 

[c.  January",  1861] 

All  this  is  not  the  result  of  accident.  It  has  a  philosophical  cause. 
Without  the  Constitution  and  the  Union.,  we  could  not  have  at- 

[168] 


JANUARY      3,       l86l 

tained  the  result;  but  even  these,  are  not  the  primary  cause  of  our 
great  prosperity.  There  is  something  back  of  these,  entwining  it- 
self more  closely  about  the  human  heart.  That  something,  is  the 
principle  of  "Liberty  to  all" — the  principle  that  clears  the  path  for 
all — gives  hope  to  all — and,  by  consequence,  enterprise,  and  in- 
dustry to  all. 

The  expression  of  that  principle,  in  our  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence, was  most  happy,  and  fortunate.  Without  this,  as  "well 
as  ivith  it,  we  could  have  declared  our  independence  of  Great  Brit- 
tain;  but  ivithout  it,  we  could  not,  I  think.,  have  secured  our  free 
government,  and  consequent  prosperity.  No  oppressed,  people  will 
fight,  and  endure,  as  our  fathers  did,  without  the  promise  of  some- 
thing better,  than  a  mere  change  of  masters. 

The  assertion  of  that  principle,  at  that  time,  was  the  word,  "fitly 
spoken"  which  has  proved  an  "apple  of  gold"  to  us.  The  Union, 
and  the  Constitution,  are  the  picture  of  silver,  subsequently 
framed  around  it.  The  picture  was  made,  not  to  conceal,  or  destroy 
the  apple;  but  to  adorn,  and  preserve  it.  The  picture  was  made  for 
the  apple — not  the  apple  for  the  picture. 

So  let  us  act,  that  neither  picture,  or  apple  shall  ever  be  blurred, 
or  bruised  or  broken. 

That  we  may  so  act,  we  must  study,  and  understand  the  points 
of  danger. 

1  AD,  ORB.  This  fragment  may  have  been  written  earlier  than  January, 
1861.  The  only  clue  in  the  context  as  to  a  date  is  Lincoln's  allusion  to  the 
metaphor  in  Proverbs  25:11,  which  Alexander  Stephens  had  used  in  his  letter 
to  Lincoln  of  December  30,  1860  (vide  supra.,  Lincoln  to  Stephens,  December 
22,  note).  No  speech  which  employs  the  language  of  the  fragment  has  been 
found,  but  it  seems  probable  that  Lincoln  wrote  the  passage  some  time  prior  to 
or  during  the  preparation  of  his  First  Inaugural  Address. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Private  (Copy) 

Hon.  Simon  Cameron  Springfield,  Ills.  Jan.  3,  1861 

My  dear  Sir  Since  seeing  you  things  have  developed  which 
make  it  impossible  for  me  to  take  you  into  the  cabinet.  You  will 
say  this  comes  of  an  interview  with  McClure;  and  this  is  partly, 
but  not  wholly  true.  The  more  potent  matter  is  wholly  outside  of 
Pennsylvania;  and  yet  I  am  not  at  liberty  to  specify  it.  Enough 
that  it  appears  to  me  to  be  sufficient.  And  now  I  suggest  that  you 
write  me  declining  the  appointment,  in  which  case  I  do  not  object 

[169] 


JANUARY      3,       l86l 

to  its  being  known  that  it  was  tendered  you.  Better  do  this  at  once, 
before  things  so  change,  that  you  can  not  honorably  decline,  and 
I  be  compelled  to  openly  recall  the  tender.  No  person  living  knows, 
or  has  an  intimation  that  I  write  this  letter.  Yours  truly 

A.  LirccorjNT 

P.S.  Telegraph,  me  instantly,  on  receipt  of  this,  saying  "All 
right"  A.  L. 

1  AJ,$  copy,  DLC-RTL.  Lincoln  apparently  sent  a  telegram  at  the  time  he 
wrote  the  letter,  for  Cameron  replied  January  5  that  he  had  received  the  dis- 
patch and  was  awaiting  the  letter  (DLC-RTL).  There  are  no  further  letters 
from  Cameron  in  the  Lincoln  Papers  prior  to  March  4,  1861.  See  Lincoln's  sec- 
ond letter  under  date  of  January  3,  which  was  actually  written  on  January  13 
and  enclosed  with  Lincoln's  letter  to  Cameron  of  January  13,  infra. 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

Private 
Hon.  W.  H.  Seward  Springfield,  Ills.  Jan.  3.  1861 

My  dear  Sir:  Yours  without  signature  was  received  last  night.  I 
have  been  considering  your  suggestions  as  to  my  reaching  Wash- 
ington somewhat  earlier  than  is  usual.  It  seems  to  me  the  inauge- 
ration  is  not  the  most  dangerous  point  for  us.  Our  adversaries  have 
us  more  clearly  at  disadvantage,  on  the  second  Wednesday  of  Feb- 
ruary, when  the  votes  should  be  officially  counted.  If  the  two 
Houses  refuse  to  meet  at  all,  or  meet  without  a  quorum  of  each, 
where  shall  we  be?  I  do  not  think  that  this  counting  is  constitu- 
tionally essential  to  the  election;  but  how  are  we  to  proceed  in 
absence  of  it? 

In  view  of  this,  I  think  it  is  best  for  me  not  to  attempt  appear- 
ing in  Washington  till  the  result  of  that  ceremony  is  known. 

It  certainly  would  be  of  some  advantage  if  you  could  know  who 
are  to  be  at  the  heads  of  the  War  and  Navy  Departments;  but 
until  I  can  ascertain  definitely  whether  I  can  get  any  suitable  men 
from  the  South?  and  who?  and  how  many?  I  can  not  -well  decide. 
As  yet,  I  have  no  word  from  Mr.  Gilmer,  in  answer  to  my  request 
for  an  interview  with  him.  I  look  for  something  on  the  subject, 
through  you,  before  long.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN. 

1 ALS,  NAuE.  Seward's  letter  of  December  29,  without  signature,  informed 
Lincoln  of  a  plot  to  seize  the  capital  on  or  before  March  4,  and  added  "...  I 
am  not  giving  you  opinions  and  rumors.  Believe  that  I  know  what  I  write.  .  .  . 
I  therefore  renew  my  suggestion  of  your  coming  here  earlier  than  you  other- 
wise would — and  coming  in  by  surprise — without  announcement."  Seward  fur- 
ther suggested 'that  he  be  informed  of  Lincoln's  choice  of  secretaries  for  War  and 

[170] 


JANUARY      7,       l86l 

INTavy  and  that  they  be  advised  to  come  to  Washington  as  soon  as  possible.  On 
January  i,  he  wrote  that  Gilmer  had  gone  home  but  that  he  would  see  "him 
".  .  .  as  soon  as  he  returns."  (DLC-RTL). 


To  Lyman  Trumbull1 

Very  Confidential 

Hon.  Lyman  Trumbull  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Jan.  7.  1861 

Yours  of  the  3rd.  is  just  received.  The  democrats  of  our  H.B..  re- 
fused to  make  a  quorum  today,  trying,  as  I  understand,  to  prevent 
your  re-election.  I  trust  that  before  this  reaches  you,  the  telegraph 
will  have  informed  you  that  they  have  failed,  and  you  have  tri- 
umphed. 

Gen.  C.  has  not  been  offered  the  Treasury,  and,  I  think,  will  not 
be.  It  seems  to  me  not  only  highly  proper,  but  a  necessity.,  that 
Gov.  Chase  shall  take  that  place.  His  ability,  firmness,  and  purity 
of  character,  produce  the  propriety;  and  that  he  alone  can  recon- 
cile Mr.  Bryant,  and  his  class,  to  the  appointment  of  Gov.  S.  to 
the  State  Department  produces  the  necessity.  But  then  comes  the 
danger  that  the  protectionists  of  Pennsylvania  will  be  dissatisfied; 
and,  to  clear  this  difficulty,  Gen.  C.  must  be  brought  to  co-operate. 
He  would  readily  do  this  for  the  V^ar  Department.  But  then  comes 
the  fierce  opposition  to  his  having  any  Department,  threatening 
even  to  send  charges  into  the  Senate  to  procure  his  rejection  by 
that  body.  Now,  what  I  would  most  like,  and  what  I  think  he 
should  prefer  too,  under  the  circumstances,  would  be  to  retain  his 
place  in  the  Senate;  and  if  that  place  has  been  promised  to  another, 
let  that  other  take  a  respectable,  and  reasonably  lucrative  place 
abroad.  Also  let  Gen.  C's  friends  be,  with  entire  fairness,  cared  for 
in  Pennsylvania,  and  elsewhere. 

I  may  mention  before  closing  that  besides  the  very  fierce  op- 
position to  Gen.  C.  he  is  more  amply  recommended  for  a  place  in 
the  cabinet,  than  any  other  man. 

I  have  a  great  notion  to  post  Judd  fully  in  this  matter,  and  get 
him  to  visit  Washington,  and  in  his  quiet  way,  try  to  adjust  it  satis- 
factorily. Yours  as  ever  A. 


1  ALS,  ICHi.  Trumbull  -wrote  on  December  31  that  the  probable  appointment 
of  Cameron  as  ".  .  .  Sec.  of  Treasury  meets  with  the  decided  opposition  of  our 
truest  friends  in  the  Senate.  .  .  ."  On  January  3,  he  wrote  that  the  appoint- 
ment of  Cameron  was  regarded  as  an  accomplished  fact,  but  that  **.,.!  shall 
not  be  surprised  if  a  very  strong  protest  against  it  reaches  you  from  Pa.  .  .  ." 
(DLC-RTL). 

[171] 


To  James  T.  Hale1 

Confidential. 

Hon.  J.  T.  Hale  Springfield,  111.  Jan'y.  nth  1861. 

My  dear  Sir — Yours  of  the  6th  is  received.  I  answer  it  only  be- 
cause I  fear  you  would  misconstrue  my  silence.  What  is  our  pres- 
ent condition?  We  have  just  carried  an  election  on  principles  fairly 
stated  to  the  people.  Now  we  are  told  in  advance,  the  government 
shall  be  broken  up,  unless  we  surrender  to  those  we  have  beaten, 
before  we  take  the  offices.  In  this  they  are  either  attempting  to  play 
upon  us,  or  they  are  in  dead  earnest.  Either  way,  if  we  surrender, 
it  is  the  end  of  us,  and  of  the  government.  They  will  repeat  the 
experiment  upon  us  ad  libitum.  A  year  will  not  pass,  till  we  shall 
have  to  take  Cuba  as  a  condition  upon  which  they  will  stay  in  the 
Union.  They  now  have  the  Constitution,  under  which  we  have 
lived  over  seventy  years,  and  acts  of  Congress  of  their  own  fram- 
ing, with  no  prospect  of  their  being  changed;  and  they  can  never 
have  a  more  shallow  pretext  for  breaking  up  the  government,  or 
extorting  a  compromise,  than  now.  There  is,  in  my  judgment,  but 
one  compromise  which  would  really  settle  the  slavery  question,  and 
that  would  be  a  prohibition  against  acquiring  any  more  territory. 
Yours  very  truly,  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  Copy,  DLC-R.TL*  James  T.  Hale,  Republican  congressman  from  Bellefonte, 
Pennsylvania,  wrote  January  6  as  a  member  of  a  committee  of  congressmen 
from  the  Border  states,  recommending  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  deny- 
ing the  right  of  Congress  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  states,  a  joint  resolution  de- 
claring that  abolition  could  not  take  place  in  the  District  of  Columbia  without 
consent  of  Maryland  and  citizens  of  the  District,  an  amendment  of  the  fugitive 
slave  law  and  that  states  repeal  all  personal  liberty  bills,  and  that  the  U.S.  be 
divided  at  36°  30',  all  territories  north  of  that  line  to  be  free  and  all  those 
south  of  it  to  be  free  or  slave  as  they  chose  (DLC-BTL) . 


To  Winfield  Scott1 

Springfield,  111. 
Lieutenant  General  Winfield  Scott:  Jany  nth  1861. 

My  dear  Sir — I  herewith  beg  leave  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of 
your  communication  of  the  4th  inst.  enclosing  (documents  Nos.  i, 
2?  3?  4?  5?  and  6)  copies  of  correspondence  and  notes  of  conver- 
sation with  the  President  of  the  United  States  and  the  Secretary 
of  War,  concerning  various  military  movements.,  suggested  by 
yourself 5  for  the  better  protection  of  the  Government  and  the  main- 
tainance  of  public  order. 

[172] 


JTAINTUARY       12,       l86l 

Permit  me  to  renew  to  you  the  assurance  of  my  high  apprecia- 
tion of  the  many  past  services  you  have  rendered  the  Union,  and 
of  my  deep  gratification  at  this  evidence  of  your  present  active 
exertions  to  maintain  the  integrity  and  honor  of  the  nation. 

I  shall  be  highly  pleased  to  receive  from  time  to  time,  such  com- 
munications from  yourself  as  you  may  deem  it  proper  to  make  to 
me.  Very  truly  your  obt.  servt.  A.  LINCOLN 

1  Copy,  DLC-RTL.  General  Scott's  letter  of  January  4  is  not  in  the  Lincoln 
Papers.  The  numbered  documents  referred  to  in  Lincoln's  letter  are  copies  of 
communications  (No.  i)  to  President  Buchanan,  December  15,  1860;  (No.  2) 
to  the  Secretary  of  War,  December  28,  1860;  (No.  3)  Buchanan  to  Scott,  De- 
cember 30,  1860;  (No.  4)  Scott  to  Buchanan,  December  31,  1860;  (No.  5) 
Scott  to  Buchanan,  December  30,  1860;  (No.  6)  Buchanan  to  Scott,  December 
31,  1860 — all  cataloged  by  date  and  dealing  with  the  holding  of  Fort  Sumter 
(DLC-RTL). 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

Private 

Hon.  W.  H.  Seward  Springfield,  Ills.  Jan.  12.  1861 

My  dear  Sir  Yours  of  the  8th  received.  I  still  hope  Mr.  Gilmer 
will,  on  a  fair  -understanding  with  us,  consent  to  take  a  place  in  the 
Cabinet.  The  preference  for  him  over  Mr.  Hunt  or  Mr.  Gentry,2  is 
that,  up  to  date,  he  has  a  living  position  in  the  South,  while  they 
have  not.  He  is  only  better  than  Winter  Davis  in  that  he  is  farther 
South.  I  fear  if  we  could  get,  we  could  not  safely  take  more 
than  one  such  man — that  is,  not  more  than  one  who  opposed  us  in 
the  election — the  danger  being  to  lose  the  confidence  of  our  own 
friends. 

Your  selection  for  the  State  Department  having  become  public, 
I  am  happy  to  find  scarcely  any  objection  to  it.  I  shall  have  trouble 
with  every  other  Northern  cabinet  appointment — so  much  so  that 
I  shall  have  to  defer  them  as  long  as  possible,  to  avoid  being  teased 
to  insanity  to  make  changes.  Your  obt.  servt  A.  LINCOLN — 

1  ALS,  NAuE.  Seward  had  written  on  January  4:   "Mr  G.  of  N.C.  says  lie 
will  consider  of  the  proposition  and  that  he  trusts  that  before  giving  an  answer 
he  will  be  able  to  name  a  person  better  calculated  than  himself  for  the  purpose 
indicated.  .  .   .  He  will  not  reply  further  until  required  to  do  so  by  you  directly 
or   indirectly.  .  .   ."   Again   on   January    8    Seward  "wrote:    "Mr.    Gilmer   has 
written  home  confidentially  and  will  give  me  an  answer  in  a  few  days.   ..." 
(DLC-RTL). 

2  Randall  Hunt,  a  New  Orleans  attorney  who  later  became  President  of  the 
University  of  Louisiana    (1867-1884)    and  Meredith  P.  Gentry,  "Whig  ex-con- 
gressman (1839-1843;  1845-1853)  from  Tennessee. 

[173] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Private  <&  confidential. 

Hon.  Simon  Cameron  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  Jan.  13.  1861 

At  the  suggestion  of  Mr.  Sanderson,2  and  with  hearty  good-will 
besides,  I  herewith  send  you  a  letter  dated  Jan.  3rd.  —  the  same  in 
date,  as  the  last  you  received  from  me.  I  thought  best  to  give  it 
that  date,  as  it  is,  in  some  sort,  to  take  the  place  of  that  letter.  I 
learn,  both,  by  a  letter  of  Mr.  Swett,  and  from  Mr.  Sanderson,  that 
your  feelings  were  wounded  by  the  terms  of  ray  letter  really  of  the 
3rd.  I  wrote  that  letter  under  great  anxiety,  and  perhaps  I  was  not 
as  guarded  in  it's  terms  as  I  should  have  been;  but  I  beg  you  to 
be  assured,  I  intended  no  offence.  My  great  object  was  to  have 
you  act  quickly  —  if  possible,  before  the  matter  should  be  com- 
plicated with  the  Penn.  Senatorial  election.  Destroy  the  offensive 
letter,3  or  return  it  to  me. 

I  say  to  you  now  I  have  not  doubted  that  you  would  perform 
the  duties  of  a  Department  ably  and  faithfully.  Nor  have  I  for  a 
moment  intended  to  ostracise  your  friends.  If  I  should  make  a  cabi- 
net appointment  for  Penn.  before  I  reach  Washington,  I  will  not 
do  so  without  consulting  you,  and  giving  all  the  weight  to  your 
views  and  wishes  which  I  consistently  can.  This  I  have  always  in- 
tended. Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN. 

[Enclosure"] 

Hon.  Simon  Cameron  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  Jan.  3.  1861 

When  you  were  here  about  the  last  of  December,  I  handed  you 
a  letter  saying  I  should  at  the  proper  time,  nominate  you  to  the 
Senate  for  a  place  in  the  cabinet.  It  is  due  to  you,  and  to  truth,  for 
me  to  say  you  were  here  by  my  invitation,  and  not  upon  any  sug- 
gestion of  your  own.  You  have  not,  as  yet,  signified  to  me,  whether 
you  would  accept  the  appointment;  and,  with  much  pain,  I  now 
say  to  you,  that  you  will  relieve  me  from  great  embarrassment  by 
allowing  me  to  recall  the  offer.  This  springs  from  an  unexpected 
complication;  and  not  from  any  change  of  my  view  as  to  the  abil- 
ity or  faithfulness  with  which  you  would  discharge  the  duties  of 
the  place. 

I  now  think  I  will  not  definitely  fix  upon  any  appointment  for 
Pennsylvania  until  I  reach  Washington.  Your  Obt.  Servt. 

A. 


1  ALS,  DLG-Cameron  Papers. 

2  John  P.  Sanderson,  state  senator  and  one  of  Cameron's  confidential  friends, 

[174] 


JANUARY      ig,       l86l 

who  Had  visited  Lincoln  on  January  12  to  reinforce  Cameron's  claim  to  an  ap- 
pointment. 

3  Apparently  Cameron  did  destroy  this  letter,  but  Lincoln  had  preserved  a 
copy  (q  v.9  January  3,  supra) . 


To  John  E.  Wool1 

General  John  E.  Wool  Springfield,  Ills.  Jany.  14.  1861 

My  dear  Sir:  Many  thanks  for  your  patriotic  and  generous  letter 
of  the  nth.  Inst.  As  to  how  far  the  military  force  of  the  govern- 
ment may  become  necessary  to  the  preservation  of  the  Union;  and, 
more  particularly,  how  that  force  can  best  be  directed  to  the  ob- 
ject, I  must  rely  chiefly  upon  Gen.  Scott  and  yourself.  It  affords  me 
the  profoundest  satisfaction  to  know,  that  with  both  of  you,  judg- 
ment and  feeling,  go  heartily  with  your  sense  of  professional  and 
official  duty,  to  the  work. 

It  is  true  that  I  have  given  but  little  attention  to  the  Military 
Department  of  government;  but,  be  assured,  I  can  not  be  ignorant 
as  to  who  is  Gen.  Wool,  or  what  he  has  done. 

With  nay  highest  esteem  and  gratitude,  I  subscribe  myself 
Your  Obt.  Servt.  A. 


1  ALS,  IHi;  copy,  DLC-BTL.  General  Wool  wrote  on  January  11  enclosing 
two  printed  letters  containing  his  views,  and  added  ".  .  .  with  me  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  Union  is  paramount;  and  ...  I  am.  prepared  against  all  threats  to 
see  you  safely  placed  in  the  Presidential  chair  ...  if  my  services  as  military 
commander  ...  be  deemed  necessary."  He  added  in  a  postscript,  "Lest  you 
may  not  know  the  part  I  have  acted  in  behalf  of  my  country,  I  send  you  ...  a 
pamphlet.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL). 

To  John  G.  Nicolay1 

[January  14,  1861] 

Mr.  Nicolay  will  please  make  two  copies  of  Gen,  Wool's  letter, 
and  one  copy  of  my  answer  to  it.  Li^srcoLisr 

i  AES,  DLC-RTL. 

Remarks  Concerning  Concessions  to  Secession1 

[c.  January  19-21,  1861] 

I  learn  from  a  gentleman  who  had  an  interview  with  Mr.  Lin- 
coln, at  Springfield,  within  the  past  week  that  the  latter  in  dis- 
cussing the  existing  state  of  affairs  expressed  himself  as  follows: 
—  "I  will  suffer  death  before  I  will  consent  or  will  advise  my 
friends  to  consent  to  any  concession  or  compromise  which  looks  like 

[175] 


JANUARY      19,       l86l 

buying  the  privilege  of  taking  possession  of  this  government  to 
which  we  have  a  constitutional  right;  because,  whatever  I  might 
think  of  the  merit  of  the  various  propositions  before  Congress,  I 
should  regard  any  concession  in  the  face  of  menace  the  destruction 
of  the  government  itself,  and  a  consent  on  all  hands  that  our  system 
shall  be  brought  down  to  a  level  with  the  existing  disorganized 
state  of  affairs  in  Mexico.  But  this  thing  will  hereafter  be  as  it  is 
now,  in  the  hands  of  the  people;  and  if  they  desire  to  call  a  Con- 
vention to  remove  any  grievances  complained  of,  or  to  give  new 
guarantees  for  the  permanence  of  vested  rights,  it  is  not  mine  to 
oppose." 

1  New  York  Herald^  January  28,  1861.  Although  not  a  public  pronouncement, 
these  remarks,  dated  at  Washington,  January  27,  were  given  such  prominence 
in  the  press  that  they  assumed  the  proportions  of  a  public  statement.  Both  the 
New  York  Tribune  (February  4-28)  and  Chicago  Tribune  (February  9-21) 
carried  the  opening  statement  under  "Mottoes  for  the  Day"  as  a  more  or  less 
official  pronouncement.  Representative  William  Kellogg  who  had  conferred 
with  Lincoln  on  compromise,  January  19-21,  was  probably  the  "gentleman" 
who  gave  the  text  of  Lincoln's  remarks  to  the  Herald. 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

Private 

Hon.  W.  H.  Seward  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Jan.   19.   1861 

Your  two  letters  in  relation  to  Gen.  Cameron,  are  received.  I 
have  written  him,  by  the  hand  of  a  confidential  friend  of  his,  in  a 
way  which  I  suppose  will  be  satisfactory  to  him. 

Your  recent  speech2  is  well  received  here;  and,  I  think,  is  doing 
good  all  over  the  country. 

I  am  glad  of  the  opinion,  expressed  in  your  letter  that  the  se- 
cessionists are  already  in  danger  of  reaction.  Yours  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,    NAuE.    Seward  had   written   on   January    13   that   Cameron  —  "very 
much  grieved  by  the  result  of  the  proposition  to  him  of  a  Cabinet  place.   .   .   ." 
—  would  now  insist  that  neither  New  Jersey  nor  Pennsylvania  have  a  place  in 
the  cabinet,  and  that  "by  some  explanation  to  be  made  to  him  he  shall  ...  be 
put  before  the  public  in  a  position  as  strong  as  he  was  before  he  was  invited  to 
go  to    Springfield    .   .   ."   Again   on   January    15,    Seward   wrote,    "...  I    now 
learn  that  there  is  a  movement  to  satisfy  you  that  it  would  be  wise  to  appoint 
a    gentleman   in   N   Jersey  .   .  .   desired   also   by    Pennsylvania.   ...  I    should 
dread   exceedingly   the   army   of   Camerons    friends   in   hostility.   ..."    (DLC- 
RTL). 

2  Seward's  speech  in  the   Senate  on  January    12,   outlining  his   conciliatory 
views  on  enforcement  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  the  admission  of  territories,  and 
the  passing  of  laws  to  prevent  invasion  of  states. 

[176] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Simon  Cameron.  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Jan.  21.  1861 

I  shall  be  obliged  if  you  will  visit  me  again  at  this  place.  Your 
Obt.  Servt.  A. 


1  ALS,  DLC-RTL.  Evidently  this  letter  was  not  sent.  The  envelope  bears 
Nicolay's  notation:  "Found  sealed  and  opened/by  me  Sept  26th  iS/S/Jno.G. 
Nicolay." 

To  Peter  Page1 

Private 

Peter  Page,  Esq.  Springfield,  Jany.  2ist,  1861. 

Dear  Sir:  While  an  almost  overvv-helniing  amount  of  business 
and  correspondence  has  prevented  my  sooner  answering  your  let- 
ter of  the  3d  inst.,  you  may  rest  assured  that  it  has  neither  been 
forgotten  nor  overlooked.  Permit  me  now  to  return  you  my  heart- 
felt thanks  for  your  very  generous  offer  of  both  personal  service 
and  pecuniary  aid,  to  secure  my  inauguration.  While  it  is  a  very 
gratifying  personal  compliment  to  myself,  I  prize  it  more  highly 
as  an  evidence  of  the  public  loyalty  and  devotion  to  our  Govern- 
ment which  I  am  confident  almost  unanimously  pervades  the  peo- 
ple of  this  state.  Happily,  I  think  there  is  no  immediate  necessity 
for  employing  the  proffered  help,  and  while  I  hope  the  ten  thou- 
sand dollars  you  propose  to  give  may  always  be  employed  in  the 
peaceful  channels  of  business  or  commerce,  I  am  pleased  to  have 
the  assurance  that  in  the  event  of  trouble  or  danger,  you  and  others 
stand  ready  to  give  both  your  lives  and  your  fortunes  to  the  de- 
fense and  maintenance  of  the  government  and  the  Union.  Your 
obedient  Servant,  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  Hertz,  II,  802.  Peter  Page,  a  real  estate  dealer  in  Chicago,  wrote  January 
3  to  offer  his  personal  services  as  a  bodyguard  and  to  be  "one  of  one  hundred 
in  Chicago  to  raise  ten  thousand  dollars  each,  rather  than  to  submit  to  the  hu- 
miliating demands  of  the  South.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL). 


To  Matias  Romero1 

Mr.  Matias  Romero.  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir:  Jan.  21.  1861 

Allow  me  to  thank  you  for  your  polite  call,  as  Charge  d' Affaires 
of  Mexico.  While,  as  yet  I  can  do  no  official  act  on  behalf  of  the 
United  States,  as  one  of  it's  citizens,  I  tender  the  expression  of  my 

[177] 


JTAJNTtJARY      22,       l86l 

sincere  wishes  for  the  happiness,  prosperity,  and  liberty  of  your- 
self, your  government,  and  its  people.  Your  Obt.  Servt 

A.  LIISTCOUN* 

1  ALS,  IHi.  Upon  instructions  from  President  Benito  P.  Juarez  to  **.  .  .  pro- 
ceed to  the  place  of  residence  of  President-elect  Lincoln  and  in  the  name  of 
this  government  ...  to  make  clear  .  .  .  the  desire  which  animates  President 
Juarez,  of  entering  into  the  most  cordial  relations.  .  .  .",  Romero  made  a  trip 
from  Washington  to  Springfield  and  conferred  with  Lincoln  on  January  19  and 
21  (Ocampo  to  Romero,  December  22,  1860,  Reservada,  Numero  17,  Archivo  de 
Relationes  Esteriores,  Mexico,  D.F.). 

To  S.  Austin  Allibone1 

S.  Austin  Allibone,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Jan.  22/61 

Yours  of  the  i8th.  with  the  manuscript  letter  of  Genl.  Wool, 
herewith  returned,  and  newspaper  slips,  is  received;  and  for  all 
which,  please  accept  my  thanks.  A  few  days  since  I  received  a 
highly  valued  letter  from  Gen.  Wool  himself,  which,  being  marked 
"private"  perhaps  it  were  better  not  to  speak  of  publicly.  Yours 
truly  A.  LirsrcoLiNT  — 

1  ALS,  MH-Nolen  Collection.  Samuel  Austin  Allibone,  author  and  merchant 
at  Philadelphia,  wrote  January  8  quoting  recent  letters  from  General  John  E. 
Wool  and  enclosing  clippings.  Since  there  is  no  letter  of  January  18,  Lincoln 
was  probably  in  error  as  to  the  date  (DLC-RTL). 

To  Diplomatic  Agents  of  the  United  States1 

United  States  of  America 
State  of  Illinois 

Springfield,  Jany.  22,  1861 

To   all  Diplomatic  Agents   of  the  United   States   of  America   in 
Europe. 

Gentlemen:  This  will  introduce  to  you  C.  M.  Hardy  Esq,  a  citi- 
zen of  the  State  of  Illinois,  and  United  States  of  America,  who  goes 
on  a  tour  of  travel  through  Europe  during  the  coming  summer. 

Mr.  Hardy  is  reliably  recommended  to  me  as  a  highly  intelli- 
gent, worthy  and  honorable  gentleman;  and  any  assistance  or 
favor  you  may  render  him.  will  be  kindly  remembered  by  himself 
and  give  me  much  gratification. 

With  high  consideration  I  subscribe  myself     Your  obt.   Servt. 

A. 


1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  Charles  M.  Hardy  of  Rock  Island,  Illinois,  wished  to  spend  a 
summer  in  Europe  (Hardy  to  Lincoln,  January  i,  1861,  DLC-RTL). 

[178] 


To  Isaac  Fenno1 

Private 

Isaac  Fenno  Esq  Springfield  111. 

Dear  Sir  Jany  22  1861 

Your  note  of  the  ist  inst.,  together  with  a  very  substantial  and 
handsome  overcoat  which  accompanied  it  by  Express,  were  duly 
received  by  me,  and  would  both  have  been  acknowledged  sooner 
but  for  the  multifarious  demands  upon  my  time  and  attention. 

Permit  me  now  to  thank  you  sincerely  for  your  elegant  and 
valuable  New  Year's  Gift,  and  the  many  kind  expressions  of  per- 
sonal confidence  and  regard  contained  in  your  letter.  Your  obt 
Servt.  A. 


1  LS,  ICU.  No  correspondence  from  Fenno  is  in  the  Lincoln  Papers,  but  he 
has  been  identified  as  a  wholesale  clothing  dealer  at  Boston,  Massachusetts. 


Remarks  to  an  Indiana  Delegation1 

January  22,  1861 

Another  Indiana  delegation  made  their  appearance  this  morn- 
ing, consisting  of  a  legislative  committee,  appointed  under  a  joint 
resolution,  to  invite  Mr.  Lincoln  to  pass  through  the  capital  of  the 
Hoosier  State  while  on  his  way  to  Washington.  They  were  re- 
ceived by  the  President  elect  in  the  course  of  the  forenoon.  In  reply 
to  their  invitation,  he  stated  that  circumstances  had  as  yet  pre- 
vented him  from  definitely  selecting  any  particular  route;  that  he 
had  seriously  thought  of  going  via  Indianapolis,  and  would  let 
them  know  his  final  decision  in  the  course  of  the  next  fortnight. 

1  New  York  Herald.,  January  28,  1861. 


Remarks  to  a  Pennsylvania  Delegation1 

January  24,  1861 

Dr.  SMITH,  Chairman  of  the  Committee,2  stated  to  Mr.  LINCOLN 
the  purpose  of  the  resolutions  intrusted  to  the  care  of  the  Commit- 
tee, and  had  reached  the  point  where  it  was  stated  that  Pennsyl- 
vania desired  to  have  in  the  Cabinet  one  who  had  ever  "been  true 
to  her  interests,  when  Mr.  LmcouNT  interrupted  him  by  saying: 

"Yes,  I  know  who  you  allude  to — Gen.  CAMEROK.  This  subject 
has  already  engaged  a  large  share  of  my  attention,  and  I  have 
every  reason  to  hope  that  your  wishes  will  be  gratified.  I  feel  a 

[179] 


JANUARY      24,      l86l 

strong  desire  to  do  something  for  your  big  State,  and  I  am  de- 
termined she  shall  be  satisfied,  if  I  can  do  it." 

The  resolutions  were  read  to  him,  when  he  continued,  nearly  in 
this  language: 

"Gentlemen,  in  the  formation  of  my  Cabinet,  I  shall  aim  as 
nearly  as  possible  at  perfection.  Any  man  whom  I  may  appoint  to 
such  a  position,  must  be,  as  far  as  possible,  like  Caesar's  wife,  pure 
and  above  suspicion,  of  unblemished  reputation,  and  undoubted 
integrity.  I  have  already  appointed  Senator  SEWARD  and  Mr. 
BATES,  of  Missouri,  and  they  are  men  whose  characters  I  think  the 
breath  of  calumny  cannot  impeach.  In  regard  to  Gen.  CAMERON, 
I  have  received  assurances  without  limit  from  gentlemen  whose 
word  is  entitled  to  credit,  that  he  is  eminently  fitted  for  the  posi- 
tion which  his  friends  desire  him  to  fill,  and  that  his  appointment 
would  give  great  satisfaction  to  Pennsylvania.  I  have  a  great  desire 
to  appoint  Gen.  CAMERON,  for  the  reason  that  he  was  formerly  a 
Democrat,  and  I  wish  to  give  that  element  a  fair  representation  in 
the  distribution  of  the  offices.  Both  Mr.  SEWARD  and  Mr.  BATES 
were  formerly  old  line  "Whigs,  and,  for  this  reason,  I  feel  a  dispo- 
sition to  appoint  Gen.  CAMERON.  But  on  the  other  hand,  there  is  a 
strong  opposition  to  him;  not  from  his  own  State,  it  is  true,  for  the 
opposition  to  him  there  is  so  slight  that  it  is  scarcely  worth  men- 
tioning. The  feeling  against  him  appears  to  come  from  Ohio,  and 
one  or  two  of  the  other  Western  States.  His  opponents  charge  him 
with  corruption  in  obtaining  contracts,  and  contend  that  if  he  is 
appointed  he  will  use  the  patronage  of  his  office  for  his  own  pri- 
vate gain.  I  have  no  knowledge  of  the  acts  charged  against  him,  but 
I  intend  to  make  an  investigation  of  the  whole  matter,  by  allowing 
his  opponents  to  submit  their  proof,  and  I  shall  give  him  an  op- 
portunity of  explaining  any  part  he  may  have  had  in  the  transac- 
tions alleged  against  him.  For  my  own  part,  I  can  see  no  impropri- 
ety in  his  taking  contracts,  or  making  money  out  of  them,  as  that 
is  mere  matter  of  business.  There  is  nothing  wrong  in  this,  unless 
some  unfairness  or  dishonesty  is  shown,  which  supposition  I  have 
no  doubt  Gen.  CAMERON  will  be  able  to  disprove.  I  shall  deal  fairly 
with  him,  but  I  say  to  you,  gentlemen,  frankly,  that  if  the  charges 
against  him  are  proven,  he  cannot  have  a  seat  in  my  Cabinet,  as  I 
will  not  have  any  man  associated  with  me  whose  character  is  im- 
peached. I  will  say  further,  that  if  he  vindicates  himself,  I  have 
the  strongest  desire  to  place  him  in  the  position  you  wish  him  to 
fill,  and  which  you  think  the  interests  of  your  State  demand.  If, 
after  he  has  been  appointed,  I  should  be  deceived  by  subsequent 
transactions  of  a  disreputable  character,  the  responsibility  will  rest 

[180] 


JANUARY      2  89       l86l 

upon  you  gentlemen  of  Pennsylvania  ivho  have  so  strongly  pre- 
sented his  claims  to  my  consideration.  But  this  is  supposing  a  state 
of  things  which  may  never  occur." 


York  Times,  February  7,  1861,  copied  from  the  Philadelphia  Mercury. 
2  H.  G.  Smith,   CX  H.  P.  Parker,  Peter  Ford,   and  Charles  Adams  were  the 
committee  representing  the  Republican  Club  of  Philadelphia. 

To  R.  A.  Cameron,  Walter  March, 
and  David  C.  Branham1 

Springfield  Jany  26th  1861. 
Messrs  Cameron,  Marsh  &  Branham     Committee 

Gentlemen  —  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt,  by 
your  hands,  of  a  copy  of  a  Joint  Resolution,  adopted  by  the  Legisla- 
ture of  the  State  of  Indiana,  on  the  ±5th.  inst  inviting  me  to  visit 
that  honorable  body  on  my  way  to  the  Federal  Capital. 

Expressing  my  profound  graitude  for  this  flattering  testimonial 
of  their  regard  and  esteem,  be  pleased  to  bear  to  them  my  accept- 
ance of  their  kind  invitation,  and  inform  them  that  I  will  en- 
deavor to  visit  them,  in  accordance  with  their  expressed  desire,  on 
the  12th  of  February  next. 

With  feelings  of  high  consideration,  I  remain  Your  humble 
servant  A  Lirsrcousr 

1  Copy,  DLC-RTL.  The  letter  from  the  committee  asldng  to  see  Lincoln,  dated 
at  Springfield,  January  22,  bears  the  names  "D.  C.  Branam"  and  "W.  Marsh." 
Other  sources  give  the  spelling  as  Branham  and  March. 

To  John  Hanks1 

Dear  John  Springfield,  Jan.  2,8.  1861 

I  now  think  I  -will  pass  Decatur,  going  to  Coles,  on  the  day  after 
to-morrow  —  Wednesday,  the  3Oth.  of  the  month.  Be  ready,  and  go 
along.  Yours  as  ever  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AL.S-F,  ISLA.  Lincoln  spent  January  31  "with  his  stepmother  in  Coles 
County. 

To  James  Sulgrove,  Eric  Locke,  'William  Wallace, 

and  John  F.  Wood1 

Springfield  111.  Jan.  28,  1861. 

Messrs.  James  Sulgrove,  Eric  Locke,  William  Wallace,  and  John 
F.  Wood  Committee 

Gentlemen:  I  received  to-day  from  the  hands  of  Mr.  Locke,  a 

T181  1 


JT  A  3NT  TJ  A  R  T      29,      l86l 

transcript  of  the  Resolutions  passed  at  a  meeting  of  the  citizens  of 
Indianapolis,  inviting  me  to  visit  that  city  on  my  route  to  Wash- 
ington. 

Permit  me  to  express  to  the  citizens  of  Indianapolis,  through  you, 
their  committee,  my  cordial  thanks  for  the  honor  shown  me.  I  ac- 
cept with  great  pleasure  the  invitation  so  kindly  tendered,  and  will 
be  in  your  city  on  the  12th  day  of  February  next.  Your  obt.  Servt. 

A.  LINCOLN 

*  LS  copy,  DLC-RTL. 

Endorsement:  Thomas  Reynolds  to  Lincoln1 

[c.  January  29,  1861] 
Answer  this  respectfully. 

1  AE,  DLC-RTL.  Reynolds'  letter  of  January  29  invited  Lincoln  to  use  the 
Great  Western  Railway  in  Illinois  on  3ns  trip  to  Washington. 

Remarks  at  Charleston,  Illinois1 

January  31,  1861 

He  held  a  public  reception  in  the  town  hall  at  Charleston,  at- 
tended by  hundreds  of  people.  Being  called  upon  to  make  a  speech, 
he  stated  that  the  time  for  a  public  definition  of  the  policy  of  his 
administration  had  not  come,  and  that  he  could  but  express  his 
gratification  at  seeing  so  many  of  his  friends  and  give  them  a 
hearty  greeting.  Most  of  those  in  attendance  then  shook  hands  with 
him  and  dispersed,  amidst  enthusiastic  cheering. 
1  New  York  Herald,  February  4,  1861. 

To  Benjamin  Eggleston,  Charles  L.  Moore 
and  A.  McAlpin1 

Springfield,  111.,  Feb,  i,  1861. 
Messrs.  Benj.  Eggleston,  Charles  L.  Moore  and  A.  McAlpin: 

Gentlemen:  Yours  of  to-day,  communicating  two  resolutions — 
one  of  a  Citizens'  Meeting,  and  the  other  [of]  the  City  Council, 
both  of  the  City  of  Cincinnati,  and  inviting  me  to  make  that  city  a 
[stopping]  point  on  my  way  to  Washington — is  received.  With  my 
grateful  acknowledgments  to  the  citizens,  City  Council  and  your- 
selves, gentlemen,  I  accept  the  kind  invitation,  with  the  under- 
standing, however,  that  all  ceremonies  which  would  occupy  much 
time,  must  be  dispensed  with.  Your  obedient  servant, 

A. 

1  New  York  Times,  February  8,  1861. 

[182] 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

Private  &  confidential. 
Hon.  W.  H.  Seward  Springfield,  Ills.  Feb.  ±.  1861 

My  dear  Sir  On  the  2ist.  ult.  Hon.  W.  Kellogg,  a  Republican 
M.C  of  this  state  whom  you  probably  know,  was  here,  in  a  good 
deal  of  anxiety,  seeking  to  ascertain  to  what  extent  I  would  be 
consenting  for  our  friends  to  go  in  the  way  of  compromise  on  the 
now  vexed  question.  While  he  was  with  me  I  received  a  despatch 
from  Senator  Trumbull,  at  Washington,  alluding  to  the  same 
question,  and  telling  me  to  await  letters.  I  thereupon  told  Mr. 
Kellogg  that  when  I  should  receive  these  letters,  posting  me  as  to 
the  state  of  affairs  at  Washington,  I  would  write  you,  requesting 
you  to  let  him  see  my  letter.  To  my  surprise  when  the  letters  men- 
tioned by  Judge  Trumbull  came,  they  made  no  allusion  to  the 
"vexed  question"  This  baffled  me  so  much  that  I  was  near  not 
writing  you  at  all,  in  compliance  with  what  I  had  said  to  Judge 
Kellogg. 

I  say  now,  however,  as  I  have  all  the  while  said,  that  on  the 
territorial  question — that  is,  the  question  of  extending  slavery 
under  the  national  auspices, — I  am  inflexible.  I  am  for  no  compro- 
mise which  assists  or  permits  the  extension  of  the  institution  on 
soil  owned  by  the  nation.  And  any  trick  by  which  the  nation  is  to 
acquire  territory,  and  then  allow  some  local  authority  to  spread 
slavery  over  it,  is  as  obnoxious  as  any  other. 

I  take  it  that  to  effect  some  such  result  as  this,  and  to  put  us 
again  on  the  high-road  to  a  slave  empire  is  the  object  of  all  these 
proposed  compromises.  I  am  against  it. 

As  to  fugitive  slaves,  District  of  Columbia,  slave  trade  among 
the  slave  states,  and  whatever  springs  of  necessity  from  the  fact 
that  the  institution  is  amongst  us,  I  care  but  little,  so  that  what  is 
done  be  comely,  and  not  altogether  outrageous.  Nor  do  I  care  much 
about  New-Mexico,  if  further  extension  were  hedged  against. 
Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN — 

1ALS,  NAuE. 

To  Daniel  Ullmann1 

Hon.  Daniel  Ullmann:  Springfield,  111.,  Feb.  i,  1861. 

Dear  Sir: — Your  kind  letter  of  the  25th  ult.,  and  the  express 
package  containing  the  bronze  medal'of  Mr.  Clay,  both  came  safely 
to  hand  this  morning. 

Permit  me,  in  the  first  place,  to  return  you  my  heartfelt  thanks 
for  your  goodness  in  sending  me  this  valuable  present;  and  second- 

[183] 


FEBRUARY      2,      l86l 

ly,  to  express  the  extreme  gratification  I  feel  in  possessing  so  beau- 
tiful a  memento  of  him  whom,  during  my  whole  political  life,  I 
have  loved  and  revered  as  a  teacher  and  leader.  Your  ob't  servant, 

A. 


l  Chicago  Tribune,  February  14,  1861.  Daniel  Ullmann,  a  New  York  attorney 
who  had  been  the  Know-Nothing  candidate  for  governor  in  1854,  wrote  on  Jan- 
uary 25,  that  he  was  sending  a  bronze  medal  of  Henry  Clay  —  one  of  150  which 
had  been  made  some  years  before  —  which  he  had  reserved  "...  with  the  in- 
tention ...  of  presenting  it  to  the  citizen  of  the  school  of  Henry  Clay,  who 
should  first  be  elected  to  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States.  .  .  ."  (DLC- 
RTL). 

To  George  D.  Prentice1 

Private 
Geo.  D.  Prentice,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills.  Feb.  2,  1861 

My  dear  Sir  Yours  of  the  sist.  ult.  requesting  a  copy  of  the  in- 
augeral  is  received.  I  have  the  document  already  blocked  out;  but 
in  the  now  rapidly  shifting  scenes,  I  shall  have  to  hold  it  subject 
to  revision  up  to  near  the  time  of  delivery.  So  soon  as  it  shall  take 
what  I  can  regard  as  it's  final  shape,  I  shall  remember,  if  I  can,  to 
send  you  a  copy.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

i  ALS,  CSmH. 

To  Andrew  G.  Curtin1 

Hon.  Andrew  G.  Curtin  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir.  Feb.  4.  1861 

Mr.  S.  Newton  Pettis2  handed  me  your  letter  introducing  him, 
to-day.  He  tells  me  he  thinks  you  suspect  that  an  impression  un- 
favorable to  you,  has  somehow  been  made  upon  me.  I  beg  you  to 
be  assured  this  is  a  mistake.  When  I  have  friends  who  disagree 
with  each  other,  I  am  very  slow  to  take  sides  in  their  quarrel.  I 
expect,  on  my  winding  way  to  Washington,  to  make  brief  stops  at 
Pittsburgh,  Philadelphia,  and  Harrisburg;  and  I  shall  be  glad  to 
meet  you  at  any  or  all  those  places;  or  in  fact,  at  any  other  place. 
Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  IHi. 

2  Solomon  Newton  Pettis  was  an  attorney  at  Meadville,  Pennsylvania,  wnom 
Lincoln  appointed  associate  justice  for  Colorado  Territory  -in  1861. 

Endorsement:  Geza  Mihalotzy  to  Lincoln1 

[c.  FebrLiary  4,  1861] 
I  cheerfully  grant  the  request  above  made.  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  ICHi.  Captain  Geza  IVIilialotzy  of  a  newly  organized  company  of 
militia  in  Chicago  wrote  on  February  4  asking  permission  to  **.  .  .  entitle  our- 
selves 'Lincoln  Riflemen,*  of  Slavonic  Origin." 


To  Edwin  D.  Morgan1 

Springfield  IU  Feby  4th  1861. 

Sir:  Your  letter  of  the  soth  ult.  inviting  me  on  behalf  of  the 
Legislature  of  New  York  to  pass  through  that  State  on  my  route  to 
Washington,  and  tendering  me  the  hospitalities  of  her  authorities 
and  people,  has  been  duly  received. 

With  feelings  of  deep  gratitude  to  you  and  them,  for  this  testi- 
monial of  regard  and  esteem,  I  beg  you  to  notify  them  that  I  ac- 
cept the  invitation  so  kindly  extended.  Your  obt.  Servt. 

His  Excellency  E.  D.  Morgan  A.  LINCOLN 

Governor  of  New  York 

ES. — Please  let  ceremonies  be  only  such  as  to  take  the  least  time 
possible.     A.  L. 

1  LS,  N.  The  letter  is  in  Nicolay's  handwriting  and  probably  was  composed 
by  him,  but  the  postscript  was  added  by  Lincoln,  Nicolay  had  written  Morgan 
on  Lincoln's  mstruction,  February  i,  1861,  that  Lincoln  had  not  replied  to  Mor- 
gan's invitation  of  January  19  only  because  he  had  thought  the  legislature 
might  pass  a  resolution  inviting  him  and  wished  to  reply  to  both  at  the  same 
time  (DLC-RTL). 

To  Thurlow  Weed1 

Private 
Thurlow  Weed,  Esq  Springfield,  Ills.  Feb.  4,  1861 

My  dear  Sir.  I  have  both  your  letter  to  myself,  and  that  to  Judge 
Davis,  in  relation  to  a  certain  gentleman  in  your  state  claiming  to 
dispense  patronage  in  my  name,  and  also  to  be  authorized  to  use 
my  name  to  advance  the  chances  of  Mr.  Greely  for  an  election 
to  the  U.S.  Senate.  It  is  very  strange  that  such  things  should  be 
said  by  any  one.  The  gentleman  you  mention,  did  speak  to  me  of 
Mr.  Greely,  in  connection  with  the  Senatorial  election,  and  I 
replied  in  terms  of  kindness  towards  Mr.  Greely  which  I  really 
feel,  but  always  with  an  express  protest  that  my  name  must  not  be 
used  in  the  Senatorial  election,  in  favor  of,  or  against  any  one.  Any 
other  representation  of  me,  is  a  misrepresentation. 

As  to  the  matter  of  dispensing  patronage,  it  perhaps  will  sur- 
prise you,  to  learn,  that  I  have  information  that  you  claim  to  have 
my  authority  to  arrange  that  matter  in  N.Y.  I  do  not  believe  you 
have  so  claimed;  but  still  so  some  men  say.  On  that  subject  you 
know  all  I  have  said  to  you  is  "justice  to  all,"  and  I  beg  you  to  be- 
lieve I  have  said  nothing  more  particular  to  any  one.  I  say  this  to 
re-assure  you  that  I  have  not  changed  my  purpose;  in  the  hope 
however,  that  you  will  not  use  my  name  in  the  matter.  Yours  truly 

A.  LINCOLN. 

T1851 


FEBRUARY      6,       l86l 

i  ALS,  NRU-Weed  Papers  on  deposit.  Weed  wrote  both  Lincoln  and  David 
Davis  on  January  28  that  New  York  Tribune  stockholder  and  state  representa- 
tive from  Westchester,  Benjamin  F.  Camp,  was  representing  that  Lincoln  fa- 
vored Greeley's  election  to  the  Senate,  and  that  he  (Camp)  would,  in  the 
event  of  Greeley's  election,  have  the  disposal  of  New  York  patronage.  Davis  en- 
closed Weed's  letter  with  one  of  his  own,  February  2,  suggesting  that  it  might 
be  wise  to  telegraph  or  write  Weed  ".  .  .  to  set  yourself  right."  (DLC-RTL). 

To  Charles  S.  Olden1 

Springfield  111  Feby  6th  1861. 

Sir:  Your  letter  of  the  ist  inst.  inviting  me,  in  compliance  with 
the  request  of  the  Legislature  of  New  Jersey,  to  visit  your  State 
Capital  while  on  my  journey  to  Washington,  has  been  duly  re- 
ceived. 

I  accept  the  invitation,  with  much  gratitude  to  you  and  them  for 
the  kindness  and  honor  thus  offered.  Your  obt.  Servt. 

His  Excellency  Chas.  S  Olden  A.  LINCOLN 

Governor  of  New  Jersey 

ES.  Please  arrange  no  ceremonies  that  will  waste  time. 

i  Copy,  DLC-RTL. 

To  John  A.  Andrew  and  the  Senate  and  House 
of  Representatives  of  Massachusetts1 

Springfield,  nis.  Feb.  7,  1861 

His  Excellency,  the  Governor,  the  President  of  the  Senate,  and  the 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  for  the  Commonwealth  of 
Massachusetts — 

Gentlemen  Your  kind  letter  of  Feb.  ist.,  with  a  copy  of  the 
resolution  of  the  General  Court,  inviting  me,  in  the  name  of  the 
government  and  People  of  Massachusetts,  to  visit  the  State,  and  ac- 
cept its  hospitality,  previous  to  the  time  of  the  Presidential  in- 
augeration,  is  gratefully  received  by  the  hand  of  Col.  Horace  Bin- 
ney  Sargent;  and,  in  answer,  I  am  constrained  to  say  want  of  time, 
denies  me  the  pleasure  of  accepting  the  invitation  so  generously 
tendered.  Your  Obedient  Servant  A.  LINCOLN. 

l  ALS  copy,  DLC-RTL;  LS,  CSmH.  The  letter  sent  is  copied  in  Nicolay's 
hand  and  signed  by  Lincoln. 

To  William  Dennison1 

Springfield  111  Feb  7th  1861. 

Sir:  Your  letter  of  the  3±st  ult.  inviting  me,  on  behalf  of  the 
Legislature  of  Ohio,  to  visit  Columbus,  on  my  way  to  Washington, 
has  been  duly  received. 

[186] 


FEBRUARY      /,       l86l 

With  profound  gratitude  for  the  mark  of  respect  and  honor  thus 
cordially  tendered  me  by  you  and  them,  I  accept  the  invitation. 
Your  obt  Servt.  A  LINCOLN 

His  Excellency  W.  Dennison 

Governor  of  Ohio 
Please  arrange  no  ceremonies  which  -will  waste  time. 

i  Copy,  DLC-RTL. 


To  Norman  B.  Judd1 

Hon.  N.  B.  Judd —  Springfield,  Ills. 

My  dear  Sir  Feb.  7,  1861 

If  it  shall  not  incommode  you,  your  company,  on  the  whole,  or 
any  part  of  my  journey  to  Washington,  will  be  very  agreeable  to 
me.  Yours  as  ever  A. 

1  ALS,  owned  by  Verne  Miners,  Chicago,  Illinois. 


To  John  G.  Lowe,  Thomas  A.  Phillips, 
and  W.  H.  GiUespie1 

Springfield  111.  Feby  /th  1861, 

Gentlemen:  Your  note  of  to-day,  inviting  me  while  on  my  way 
to  Washington,  to  pass  through  the  town  and  accept  the  hospitali- 
ties of  the  citizens  of  Dayton,  Ohio,  is  before  me. 

A  want  of  the  necessary  time  makes  it  impossible  for  me  to  stop 
in  your  town.  If  it  will  not  retard  my  arrival  at  or  departure  from 
the  city  of  Columbus,  I  will  endeavor  to  pass  through  and  at  least 
bow  to  the  friends  there;  if,  however  it  would  in  any  wise  delay 
me,  they  must  not  even  expect  this,  but  be  content  instead  to  re- 
ceive through  you,  my  warmest  thanks  for  the  kindness  and  cor- 
diality with  which  they  have  tendered  this  invitation.  Your  obt 
Servt.  A.  LmcoLrT 

Messrs.  J.  G.  Lowe,  T  A.  Phillips  &  W  H  Gillespie 
committee. 

1  Copy,  DLC-RTL.  That  Nicolay  composed  Lincoln's  reply  is  indicated  by 
Lincoln's  autograph  note  on  the  verso  of  the  letter  of  invitation  from  Lowe, 
Phillips,  and  Gillespie:  "Mr.  Nicolay  will  answer  this  that  I  will  pass  through 
Dayton,  and  bow  to  the  friends  there,  if  I  can  get  to  and  from  Columbus  just 
as  soon;  otherwise  not.  Lincoln,"  John  G.  Lowe  was  an  attorney;  Thomas  A. 
Phillips,  a  cotton  manufacturer;  and  W.  H.  Gillespie,  the  mayor,  of  Dayton, 
Ohio. 

[187] 


To  Darwin  A.  Finney  and  Others1 

Hon.  D.  A.  Finly  &  others  Springfield,  Ills. 

Committee.  Feb.  8,  1861 

Gentlemen:  Yours  of  the  4th.,  inviting  me,  on  behalf  of  the  Leg- 
islature of  Pennsylvania,  to  visit  Harrisburg  on  my  way  to  the 
Federal  Capital,  is  received;  and,  in  answer,  allow  me  to  say,  I 
gratefully  accept  the  tendered  honor. 

The  time  of  arrival,  and  other  details,  are  subject  to  future  ar- 
rangement Your  Obt.  Servt.  A.  LINCOLN — 

1  ALS  copy,  DLC-RTL.  Darwin  A.  Finney,  wnose  name  Lincoln  misspelled, 
was  state  senator  from  Crawford  County,  Pennsylvania. 

To  George  B.  Senter  and  Others1 

Geo.  B.  Senter  &  others,  Springfield,  Ills. 

Committee  Feb.  8,  1861 

Gentlemen  Yours  of  the  6th.  inviting  me,  in  compliance  with 
a  resolution  of  the  city  council,  of  the  City  of  Cleveland,  Ohio,  to 
visit  that  city  on  my  contemplated  journey  to  Washington,  is  duly 
to  hand;  and,  in  answer,  I  have  the  honor  to  accept  the  invitation. 
The  time  of  arrival,  and  other  details,  are  subject  to  future  ar- 
rangement. Your  Obt.  Servt.  A.  LINCOLN — 

*  ALS  copy,  DLC-RTL;  LS,  OClWHi.  George  B.  Senter  was  mayor  of  Cleve- 
land, Ohio. 

Receipt  for  Notes  Left  with  Robert  Irwin 
for  Collection1 

[February  9?  1861] 

Abraham  Lincoln  leaves  with  the  under-signed  for  safe-keeping, 
and  to  receive  interest,  the  f ollowing  papers — 

One  note  of  A.  J.  Van  Deren,  J.  M.  Vanderen,  Cyrus  W.  Van 
Deren,  security,  and  Lewis  Johnson,  for  one  thousand  dollars,  bal- 
lance  due,  interest  at  ten  per  cent,  paid  up  to  March  18—  1861. 

TIDO  notes  of  N.  W.  Edwards,  together  amounting  to  fifteen 
hundred  and  eighty  seven  dollars  and  ninety  cents,  interest  at  ten 
per  cent  due  from  Jan  16.  1860. 

Tivo  notes  of  Smith,  Edwards  &  Co,  for  aggregate  ballance  of  one 
thousand  dollars,  and  interest  at  ten  per  cent  from  Jan.  16.  1861. 

One  note  of  J.  K.  Lewis  and  Thomas  Lewis,  for  one  hundred  and 
fifty  dollars,  interest  at  ten  per  cent  due  from  April  22,  1860. 

One  note,  and  mortgage  of  Isaac  Lindsay,  for  six  hundred  dol- 
lars, interest  at  [te]n  per  cent,  due  from  August  28.  1860. 

[188] 


FEBRUARY      Q,       l86l 

One  note  &  mortgage,  of  William  Cline,  for  Seven  hundred  and 
fifty  dollars,  interest  at  ten  per  cent  from  Nov.  22.  1859. 

One  note  &  mortgage  of  J.  Ruckel,  for  five  hundred  dollars,  in- 
terest at  ten  per  cent,  due  from  Sep  28—  1860. 

One  note  of  John  Cook,  for  seven  hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  in- 
terest due,  from  April  1  7,  1  860. 

One  Springfield  City  bond,  for  one  thousand  dollars  reduced  by 
two  payments  to  $666.67. 

One  Certificate  of  Six  shares  of  Alton  &  Sangamon  Railroad 
stock 

One  certificate  of  Scholarship  in  Illinois  State  University. 

One  note  of  N.  B.  Judd,  for  three  thousand  dollars,  with  interest 
at  ten  per  cent  from  Sep  i.  1859. 
Policy  of  Insurance 
Lease  of  house 
Notes  on  Haines,2  ROB. 


1  AD,  owned  by  Springfield  Marine  Bank,  Springfield,  Illinois.  Only  the  sig- 
nature is  not  in  Lincoln's  hand.  With  the  receipt  is  a  certification  by  David 
Davis,  administrator  of  Lincoln's  estate,  that  all  the  notes  were  collected  in  the 
amount  of  $9,044.41,  ".   .  .  except  the  note  on  N"  B.  Judd,  &  the  shares  in  the 
Alton  &   Sangamon   B.   R.   .  .   ."   The  notes   represented   loans   to   residents   of 
Sangamon  County,  with  the  exception  of  Norman  B.  Judd's  of  Chicago.  Previ- 
ously unidentified  are  Archibald  J.,  John  M.,  and  Cyrus  W.  Van  Deren,  broth- 
ers,  and  their  brother-in-law,  Lewis  Johnson;   Joseph  EL.   Lewis  and  William 
Cline,   Sangamon   County  farmers;    and   Thomas   Lewis,   brother  of  Joseph,   a 
Springfield  banker.  Smith,  Edwards  &  Company  was  John  T.  Smith  and  Ninian 
W.  Edwards  (later  Smith,  Wickersham  &  Company),  dry  goods  merchants. 

2  A.  and  Jonathan  Haines  of  Pekin,  Illinois,  for  legal  fees. 

Receipt  to  Samuel  H.  Melvin1 

S.  H.  Melvin.  February  9,  1861 

Bot.  of  A.  Lincoln. 

6  Chairs  2  oo                    12  oo 

i  Spring  Mattress  26  oo 

i  Wardrobe  20  oo 

i  "Whatnot  10  oo 

±  Stand  i  50 

9%  yds  Stair  Carpet  50                      4  75 

4  Comforters  2  oo                       8  oo 

$82.25 

Reed  payment 

Springfield  A.  LmcouNT 

Feby  gth  1861 

1  DS,  owned  by  E.  E  Melvin,  Pasadena,  California.  Samuel  H.  Melvin  was  a 
wholesale  and  retail  dealer  in  drugs  and  medical  supplies  in  Springfield. 

[189] 


Farewell  Address  at  Springfield,  Illinois1 

[A.  Version] 

February  11,  1861 

My  friends — No  one,  not  in  my  situation,  can  appreciate  my 
feeling  of  sadness  at  this  parting.  To  this  place,  and  the  kindness  of 
these  people,  I  owe  every  thing.  Here  I  have  lived  a  quarter  of  a 
century,  and  have  passed  from  a  young  to  an  old  man.  Here  my 
children  have  been  born,  and  one  is  buried.  I  now2  leave,  not  know- 
ing when,  or  whether  ever,  I  may  return,  with  a  task  before  me 
greater  than  that  which  rested  upon  Washington.  Without  the  as- 
sistance of  that  Divine  Being,  who  ever  attended  him,  I  cannot  suc- 
ceed. With  that  assistance  I  cannot  fail.  Trusting  in  Him,  who  can 
go  with  me,  and  remain  with  you  and  be  every  where  for  good,3  let 
us  confidently  hope  that  all  will  yet  be  well.  To  His  care  commend- 
ing you,  as  I  hope  in  your  prayers  you  will  commend  me,  I  bid  you 
an  affectionate  farewell 

[B.  Version]4 
My  Friends: 

No  one  not  in  my  position  can  appreciate  the  sadness  I  feel  at 
this  parting.  To  this  people  I  owe  all  that  I  am.  Here  I  have  lived 
more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century;  here  my  children  were  born, 
and  here  one  of  them  lies  buried.  I  know  not  how  soon  I  shall  see 
you  again.  A  duty  devolves  upon  me  which  is,  perhaps,  greater 
than  that  which  has  devolved  upon  any  other  man  since  the  days 
of  Washington.  He  never  would  have  succeeded  except  for  the  aid 
of  Divine  Providence,  upon  which  he  at  all  times  relied.  I  feel  that 
I  cannot  succeed  without  the  same  Divine  aid  which  sustained  him, 
and  on  the  same  Almighty  Being  I  place  my  reliance  for  support, 
and  I  hope  you,  my  friends,  will  all  pray  that  I  may  receive  that 
Divine  assistance  without  which  I  cannot  succeed,  but  with  which 
success  is  certain.  Again  I  bid  you  an  affectionate  farewell. 

[G.  Version]5 
Friends, 

No  one  who  has  never  been  placed  in  a  like  position,  can  under- 
stand my  feelings  at  this  hour,  nor  the  oppressive  sadness  I  feel  at 
this  parting.  For  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  I  have  lived 
among  you,  and  during  all  that  time  I  have  received  nothing  but 
kindness  at  your  hands.  Here  I  have  lived  from  my  youth  until 
now  I  am  an  old  man.  Here  the  most  sacred  ties  of  earth  were  as- 
sumed; here  all  my  children  were  born;  and  here  one  of  them  lies 
buried.  To  you,  dear  friends,  I  owe  all  that  I  have,  all  that  I  am. 

[190] 


FEBRUARY       11,       l86l 

All  the  strange,  chequered  past  seems  to  crowd  now  upon  my 
mind.  To-day  I  leave  you;  I  go  to  assume  a  task  more  difficult  than 
that  which  devolved  upon  General  Washington.  Unless  the  great 
God  who  assisted  him,  shall  be  with  and  aid  me,  I  must  fail.  But  if 
the  same  omniscient  mind,  and  Almighty  arm  that  directed  and 
protected  him,  shall  guide  and  support  me,  I  shall  not  fail,  I  shall 
succeed.  Let  us  all  pray  that  the  God  of  our  fathers  may  not  for- 
sake us  now.  To  him  I  commend  you  all — ^permit  me  to  ask  that 
with  equal  security  and  faith,  you  all  will  invoke  His  wisdom  and 
guidance  for  me.  With  these  few-  words  I  must  leave  you — for  how 
long  I  know  not.  Friends,  one  and  all,  I  must  now  bid  you  an  af- 
fectionate farewell. 

1  AD,  DLC-RTL.  Written  down  in  pencil  after  tike  event,  as  tne  train  was 
leaving  Springfield,  the  manuscript  begins  in  Lincoln's  Handwriting  and  con- 
cludes in  Nicolay's.  Both  Lincoln's  and  Nicolay's  portions  are,  though  cramped 
and  irregular,  very  legibly  and  deliberately  written.  Henry  Villard's  story  that 
he  at  one  time  had  the  pencilled  manuscript  and  lost  it,  may  or  may  not  be  true. 
His  statement  that  John  Hay  took  notes  and  that  a  stenographer  was  present, 
may  also  be  true,  but  these  documents  have  not  been  found.  The  other  versions 
given  below-  may  stem  from  these  sources.  For  Villard's  account  see  Lincoln  on 
the  Eve  of  *6iy  A  Journalist's  Story,  edited  by  Harold  G.  and  Oswald  Garrison 
Villard  (1941)  and  Memoirs  of  Henry  Villard  (1904). 

2  Lincoln's  handwriting  ends  and  Nicolay's  begins. 

3  The  remainder  of  this  sentence  is  in  Lincoln's  handwriting 

4  This    version    is    from    a    broadside    distributed    in    April,    1865,    by    The 
American  News  Company  of  New  York    (PHi;   IHi),   It  is  in  all  but  a  few 
marks  of  punctuation  identical  with  that  which  appeared  in  Harper's  Weekly 
and  various  eastern  newspapers  on  February  12,  1861. 

5  Illinois  State  Journal,  February  12,  1861.  Some  authorities,  beginning  with 
Herndon,  regard  this  text  as  the  most  accurate  one.  If  this  version  was  taken 
down  as  Lincoln  spoke,  this  may  be  so.  Unfortunately,  however,  no  verification 
of  this  possibility,  earlier  than  Villard's,   exists,   and  his   account  contains  too 
many  discrepancies  to  be  accepted  verbatim. 

Remarks  at  Tolono,  Illinois1 

February  11,  1861 

I  am  leaving  you  on  an  errand  of  national  importance,  attended, 
as  you  are  aware,  with  considerable  difficulties.  Let  us  believe,  as 
some  poet  has  expressed  it:  — 

Behind  the  cloud  the  sun  is  still  shining. 
I  bid  you  an  affectionate  f arewell. 
1  New  York  Tribune  and  New  York  Herald?  February  12,  1861. 

Remarks  at  Danville-,  Illinois1 

February  11,  1861 

Mr.  Lincoln  again  stepped  out,  and  addressing  himself  to  the 
enthusiastic  gathering,  remarked,  that  if  he  had  any  blessings  to 

[191] 


FEBRUARY      11,       l86l 

dispense,  he  would  certainly  dispense  the  largest  and  roundest  to 
his  good  old  friends  o£  Vermillion  county. 
*  New  York  Herald.,  February  12,  1861. 

Remarks  at  Indiana  State  Line1 

February  11,  1861 

Gentlemen  of  Indiana;  I  am  happy  to  meet  you  on  this  occasion, 
and  enter  again  the  state  of  my  early  life,  and  almost  of  maturity. 
I  am  under  many  obligations  to  you  for  your  kind  reception,  and 
to  Indiana  for  the  aid  she  rendered  our  cause  which,  I  think,  a  just 
one.  Gentlemen,  I  shall  address  you  at  greater  length  at  Indian- 
apolis, but  not  much  greater.  Again  gentlemen,  I  thank  you  for 
your  warm  hearted  reception. 

1  The  Courier,  Lafayette,  Indiana,  February  12,  1861. 

Speech  at  Lafayette.,  Indiana1 

February  11,  1861 

FELLOW  CITIZENS: — We  have  seen  great  changes  within  the 
recollection  of  some  of  us  who  are  the  older.  When  I  first  came  to 
the  west,  some  44  or  45  years  ago,-  at  sundown  you  had  completed 
a  journey  of  some  30  miles  which  you  had  commenced  at  sunrise, 
and  thought  you  had  done  well.  Now  only  six  hours  have  elapsed 
since  I  left  my  home  in  Illinois  where  I  was  surrounded  by  a  large 
concourse  of  my  fellow  citizens,  almost  all  of  whom  I  could  recog- 
nize, and  I  find  myself  far  from  home  surrounded  by  the  thou- 
sands I  now  see  before  me,  who  are  strangers  to  me.  Still  we  are 
bound  together,  I  trust  in  Christianity,  civilization  and  patriotism, 
and  are  attached  to  our  country  and  our  whole  country.  TVliile 
some  of  us  may  differ  in  political  opinions,  still  we  are  all  united  in 
one  feeling  for  the  Union.  We  all  believe  in  the  maintainance  of 
the  Union,  of  every  star  and  every  stripe  of  the  glorious  flag,  and 
permit  me  to  express  the  sentiment  that  upon  the  union  of  the 
States,  there  shall  be  between  us  no  difference.  My  friends,  I  meet 
many  friends  at  every  place  on  my  journey,  and  I  should  weary 
myself  should  I  talk  at  length,  therefore  permit  me  to  bid  you  an 
affectionate  f arewell. 

1  The  Courier,  Lafayette,  Indiana,  February  12,  1861. 

Remarks  at  Thorntown  and  Lebanon.,  Indiana1 

February  11,  1861 

At  Thorntown  he  was  betrayed  into  an  anecdote  to  illustrate  a 
point,  and  the  train  started  before  he  got  to  the  place  where  the 

[192] 


FEBRUARY       11,       l86l 

laugh  came  in,  and  the  people  were  left  to  wonder  what  the  mean- 
ing might  be.  He  was  apologizing  for  not  making  a  speech.  He  had 
heard  of  a  man  who  was  a  candidate  for  a  county  office,  who  owned 
a  horse  that  he  set  great  store  by,  but  he  was  a  slow  animal  and 
sure  footed.  He  had  canvassed  extensively  -with  a  good  chance  for 
the  nomination.  On  the  morning  of  the  day  of  the  convention,  he 
mounted  his  favorite  to  go  to  the  county  seat,  but  in  spite  of  whip 
and  spur,  his  horse  lagged  on  the  road,  biting  at  every  bush,  and 
when  he  arrived  late  in  the  evening,  the  convention  was  over  and 
he  was  defeated.  So  of  him,  if  he  stopped  at  every  station  to  make 
a  stump  speech  he  would  not  arrive  at  Washington  until  the  in- 
auguration was  over.  The  Thorntown  folks  only  heard  the  first 
part  of  the  story,  where  the  candidate  was  xirging  his  steed  to  pass 
the  juicy  bushes.  He  laughed  over  the  cutting  short  of  his  yarn,  and 
when  the  train  arrived  at  Lebanon  he  was  jocularly  told  that  some 
of  the  Thorntown  folks  had  followed  the  train  on  foot,  and  were 
panting  outside  to  hear  the  conclusion  of  the  story.  He  told  it  over 
good-humoredly  to  the  crowd  at  Lebanon.  Every  station  along  the 
road  had  its  crowd — all  anxious  to  see  the  man  -whose  election  to 
the  first  office  in  the  gift  of  a  free  people  has  been  the  cause 
(whether  with  reason  or  not)  of  the  distracted  state  of  the  country. 

1  Indianapolis  ID  ally  Sentinel,  February  12,  1861. 

Reply  to  Oliver  E  Morton 
at  Indianapolis.,  Indiana1 

February  11,  1861 

Gov.  Morton  and  Felloiv  Citizens  of  the  State  of  Indiana: 
Most  heartily  do  I  thank  you  for  this  magnificent  reception,  and 
while  I  cannot  take  to  myself  any  share  of  the  compliment  thus 
paid,  more  than  that  which  pertains  to  a  mere  instrument,  an  acci- 
dental instrument,  perhaps  I  should  say,  of  a  great  cause,  I  yet 
must  look  upon  it  as  a  most  magnificent  reception,  and  as  such, 
most  heartily  do  I  thank  you  for  it. 

You  have  been  pleased  to  address  yourselves  to  me  chiefly2  in  be- 
half of  this  glorious  Union  in  which  we  live,  in  all  of  which  you 
have  my  hearty  sympathy,  and,  as  far  as  may  be  within  my  power, 
will  have,  one3  and  inseparably,  my  hearty  consideration.  While  I 
do  not  expect,  upon  this  occasion,  or  on  any  occasion,  till  after4  I 
get  to  "Washington,  to  attempt  any  lengthy  speech,  I  will  only  say 
that  to  the  salvation  of  this  Union  there  needs  but  one  single  thing 
— the  hearts  of  a  people  like  yours.  [Applause.]  When  the  people5 

[193] 


FEBRUARY       11,       l86l 

rise  in  masses  in  behalf  of  the  Union  and  the  liberties  of  their 
country,  truly  may  it  be  said,  "The  gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail 
against  them."  [Rene-wed  applause.] 

In  all  the  trying  positions  in  which  I  shall  be  placed,  and  doubt- 
less I  shall  be  placed  in  many  trying  ones,6  my  reliance  will  be 
placed  upon  you  and  the  people  of  the  United  States — and  I  wish 
you  to  remember  now  and  forever,  that  it  is  your  business,  and  not 
mine;  that  if  the  union  of  these  States,  and  the  liberties  of  this 
people,  shall  be  lost,  it  is  but  little  to  any  one  man  of  fifty-two 
years  of  age,  but  a  great  deal  to  the  thirty  millions  of  people  who 
inhabit  these  United  States,  and  to  their  posterity  in  all  coming 
time.  It  is  your  business  to  rise  up  and  preserve  the  Union  and 
liberty,  for  yourselves,  and  not  for  me.  I  desire  they  shall  be  con- 
stitutionally preserved. 

I,  as  already  intimated,  am  but  an  accidental  instrument,  tem- 
porary, and  to  serve  but  for  a  limited  time,  but  I  appeal  to  you 
again  to  constantly7  bear  in  mind  that  with  you,  and  not  with  poli- 
ticians, not  with  Presidents,  not  with  office-seekers,  but  with  you,  is 
the  question,  "Shall  the  Union  and  shall  the  liberties  of  this  coun- 
try be  preserved  to  the  latest  generation?"  [Loud  and  prolonged  ap- 
plause.] 

1  Indianapolis  Journal  and  Cincinnati  Daily  Gazette.,  February  12;  and  Cin- 
cinnati Daily  Commercial,  February  13,  1861.  These  papers  report  the  speech 
better  than  the  Indianapolis  Daily  Sentinel,  but  no  one  of  the  three  reports  is 
wholly  reliable.  Our  text  is  a  collation  of  all  three.  Although  we  have  chosen 
the  most  probable  reading,  in  instances  where  the  variant  word  or  phrase  may 
have  some  claim,  it  is  given  in  a  footnote.  Lincoln  spoke  from  the  rear  platform 
in  reply  to  Governor  Morton,  who  welcomed  him  from  an  open  barouche  drawn 
up  beside  the  train.  2  Gazette  has  "cheerily.** 

3  Commercial  has  "now." 

4  Journal  and  Commercial  have  "or  until"  and  omit  the  preceding  "or  on  any 
occasion." 

5  Journal  and  Commercial  have  "The  people,  when  they  rise.   .   .   ." 
G  Journal  and  Commercial  have  "such"  instead  of  "trying  ones." 

7  Gazette  has  "continue  to"  instead  of  "constantly." 

Speech  from  the  Balcony  of  the  Bates  House 
at  Indianapolis,  Indiana1 

February  11,  1861 

It  is  not  possible,  in  my  journey  to  the  national  capital,  to  ad- 
dress assemblies  like  this  which  may  do  me  the  great  honor  to  meet 
me  as  you  have  done,  but  very  briefly.  I  should  be  entirely  worn 
out  if  I  were  to  attempt  it.  I  appear  before  you  now  to  thank  you 
for  this  very  magnificent  welcome  -which  you  have  given  me,  and 
still  more  for  the  very  generous  support  which  your  State  recently 

[194] 


FEBRUARY      11,       l86l 

gave  to  the  political  cause  of  the  whole  country,  and  the  whole 
world.  [Applause.]  Solomon  has  said,  that  there  is  a  time  to  keep 
silence.  [Renewed  and  deafening  applause.]  *  *  *  *  *2  We 
know  certain  that  they  mean  the  same  thing  while  using  the  same 
words  now,  and  it  perhaps  would  be  as  well  if  they  would  keep 
silence. 

The  words  "coercion"  and  "invasion"  are  in  great  use  about 
these  days.  Suppose  we  were  simply  to  try  i£  we  can,  and  ascer- 
tain what,  is  the  meaning  of  these  words.  Let  us  get,  if  we  can,  the 
exact  definitions  of  these  words — not  from  dictionaries,  but  from 
the  men  who  constantly  repeat  them — what  things  they  mean  to 
express  by  the  words.  What,  then,  is  "coercion"?  What  is  "inva- 
sion"? Would  the  marching  of  an  army  into  South  Carolina,  for 
instance,  without  the  consent  of  her  people,  and  in  hostility  against 
them,  be  coercion  or  invasion?  I  very  frankly  say,  I  think  it  would 
be  invasion,  and  it  would  be  coercion  too,  if  the  people  of  that 
country  were  forced  to  submit.  But  if  the  Government,  for  in- 
stance, but  simply  insists  upon  holding  its  own  forts,  or  retaking 
those  forts  which  belong  to  it, —  [cheers,] — or  the  enforcement  of 
the  laws  of  the  United  States  in  the  collection  of  duties  upon  for- 
eign importations, —  [renewed  cheers,] — or  even  the  withdrawal  of 
the  mails  from  those  portions  of  the  country  where  the  mails  them- 
selves are  habitually  violated;  would  any  or  all  of  these  things  be 
coercion?  Do  the  lovers  of  the  Union  contend  that  they  will  resist 
coercion  or  invasion  of  any  State,  understanding  that  any  or  all 
of  these  would  be  coercing  or  invading  a  State?  If  they  do,  then  it 
occurs  to  me  that  the  means  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union  they 
so  greatly  love,  in  their  own  estimation,  is  of  a  very  thin  and  airy 
character.  [Applause.]  If  sick,  they  would  consider  the  little  pills 
of  the  homoepathist  as  already  too  large  for  them  to  swallow.  In 
their  view,  the  Union,  as  a  family  relation,  would  not  be  anything 
like  a  regular  marriage  at  all,  but  only  as  a  sort  of  free-love  ar- 
rangement,—  [laughter,] — to  be  maintained  on  what  that  sect  calls 
passionate  attraction,  [Continued  laughter.]  But,  my  friends, 
enough  of  this. 

What  is  the  particular  sacredness  of  a  State?  I  speak  not  of  that 
position  which  is  given  to  a  State  in  and  by  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  for  that  all  of  us  agree  to — we  abide  by;  but  that 
position  assumed,  that  a  State  can  carry  with  it  out  of  the  Union 
that  which  it  holds  in  sacredness  by  virtue  of  its  connection  with 
the  Union.  I  am  speaking  of  that  assumed  right  of  a  State,  as  a  pri- 
mary principle,  that  the  Constitution  should  rule  all  that  is  less 
than  itself,  and  ruin  all  that  is  bigger  than  itself.  [Laughter.]  But, 

[195] 


FEBRUARY       11.,       l86l 

I  ask,  wherein  does  consist  that  right?  If  a  State,  in  one  instance, 
and  a  county  in  another,  should  be  equal  in  extent  of  territory,  and 
equal  in  the  number  of  people,  wherein  is  that  State  any  better 
than  the  county?  Can  a  change  of  name  change  the  right?  By  what 
principle  of  original  right  is  it  that  one-fiftieth  or  one-ninetieth  of 
a  great  nation,  by  calling  themselves  a  State,  have  the  right  to 
break  up  and  ruin  that  nation  as  a  matter  of  original  principle? 
Now,  I  ask  the  question — I  am  not  deciding  anything — [laughter,] 
— and  -with  the  request  that  you  will  think  somewhat  upon  that 
subject  and  decide  for  yourselves,  if  you  choose,  when  you  get 
ready, — where  is  the  mysterious,  original  right,  from  principle,  for 
a  certain  district  of  country  with  inhabitants,  by  merely  being 
called  a  State,  to  play  tyrant  over  all  its  own  citizens,  and  deny 
the  authority  of  everything  greater  than  itself.  [Laughter.]  I  say  I 
am  deciding  nothing,  but  simply  giving  something  for  you  to  re- 
flect upon;  and,  with  having  said  this  much,  and  having  declared, 
in  the  start,  that  I  will  make  no  long  speeches,  I  thank  you  again 
for  this  magnificent  welcome,  and  bid  you  an  affectionate  farewell. 
[Cheers.] 

1  Indianapolis  Daily  Sentinel^  February  12,  1861.  Although  the  text  printed  in 
the  Indianapolis  Journal^  February  12,  Cmcinnati  Daily  Commercial  and  New 
York  Tribune,  February  13,  purports  to  have  been  revised  by  Lincoln,  it  omits 
colorful  sentences  and  even  necessary  phrases  undoubtedly  spoken  by  Lincoln. 
Space  scarcely  justifies  inclusion  of  both  versions,  and  on  the  ground  that  Lin- 
coln's revision,  if  made,  must  have  been  exceedingly  hurried,  the  editors  have 
chosen  the  Sentinel  text  as  the  better  of  the  two. 

2  Asterisks  are  in  the  original.  No  other  report  supplies  the  omitted  passage, 
which  was  apparently  lost  by  the  reporter  in  the  cheering. 

Remarks  from  the  Balcony  at  Bates  House, 
Indianapolis,  Indiana1 

February  11,  1861 

Last  night,  previous  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  departure  from  the  Bates 
House,  he  was  again  introduced  from  the  balcony,  by  the  Hon.  Sol. 
Meredith.  Mr.  Lincoln  said  he  had  no  speech  to  make.  If  he  made 
speeches  whenever  his  friends  desired,  he  would  not  be  able  to 
reach  the  National  Capital  at  the*appointed  time.  He  once  more 
thanked  the  assemblage  for  the  reception,  and  trusted  we  all  might 
meet  again  under  one  flag  of  one  Union.  He  bade  them  affectionate 
farewell. 

1  New  York  Tribune,  February  13,  1861.  The  next  morning  prior  to  his  de- 
parture from  the  Bates  House,  Lincoln  -was  introduced  again  from  the  balcony 
and  made  practically  the  same  remarks  (Cincinnati  Daily  Commercial,  Feb- 
ruary 13,  1861). 

[196] 


Remarks  at  Lawrenceburg,  Indiana1 

February  12,  1861 

My  f  enow-countrymen.  You  call  upon  me  for  a  speech;  I  have 
none  to  give  to  you,  and  have  not  sufficient  time  to  devote  to  it  if  I 
had.  I  suppose  you  are  all  Union  men  here,  (cheers  and  cries  of 
"Bight")  and  I  suppose  that  you  are  in  favor  of  doing  full  justice 
to  all,  whether  on  that  side  of  the  river  (pointing  to  the  Kentucky 
shore),  or  on  your  own,  (Loud  cheering  and  cries  of  "We  are.")  If 
the  politicians  and  leaders  of  parties  were  as  true  as  the  PEOPLE, 
there  would  be  little  fear  that  the  peace  of  the  country  would  be 
disturbed.  I  have  been  selected  to  fill  an  important  office  for  a  brief 
period,  and  am  now,  in  your  eyes,  invested  with  an  influence 
which  will  soon  pass  away;  but  should  my  administration  prove 
to  be  a  very  wicked  one,  or  what  is  more  probable,  a  very  foolish 
one,  if  you,  the  PEOPLE,  are  but  true  to  yourselves  and  to  the  Con- 
stitution, there  is  but  little  harm  I  can  do,  thank  Godl 

1  Cincinnati  Daily  Commercial^  February  13,  1861.  Of  the  several  newspaper 
reports  of  this  speech,  this  seems  to  be  the  only  attempt  at  a  complete  verbatim 
report. 

Reply  to  Robert  Hosea,  Cincinnati.,  Ohio1 

February  12,  1861 

Mr.  CHAIRMAN: — I  thank  you,  citizens  of  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  and 
Kentucky,  for  this  reception.  As  I  understand  it  is  a  part  of  the 
programme  that  I  will  address  you  a  little  more  at  length  at  the 
Burnet  House,  I  will,  for  the  present,  postpone  the  mating  of  any 
remarks.  I  will  proceed  at  once  from  here.  I  remark  here  that  it  is 
not  my  purpose  to  make  a  lengthy  speech. 

1  Cincinnati  Daily  Commercial,  February  13,  1861.  Robert  Hosea,  chairman 
of  the  reception  committee,  made  a  speech  of  welcome  at  the  station  where 
an  immense  throng  had  gathered. 

Speech  at  Cincinnati,  Ohio1 

February  12,  1861 

Mr.  Mayor,  ladies  and  gentlemen:  Twenty-four  hours  ago,  at 
the  Capital  of  Indiana,  I  said  to  myself  I  have  never  seen  so  many 
people  assembled  together  in  winter  weather.  I  am  no  longer  able 
to  say  that.  But  it  is  what  might  reasonably  have  been  expected — 
that  this  great  city  of  Cincinnati  would  thus  acquit  herself  on  such 
an  occasion.  My  friends,  I  am  entirely  overwhelmed  by  the  mag- 
nificence of  the  reception  which  has  been  given,  I  will  not  say  to 

[197] 


FEBRUARY       12,       l86l 

me,  but  to  the  President  elect  of  the  United  States  of  America. 
[Loud  cheering.]  Most  heartily  do  I  thank  you,  one  and  all  for 
it.  [Applause.] 

I  am  reminded  by  the  address  of  your  worthy  Mayor,  that  this 
reception  is  given  not  by  any  one  political  party,  and  even  if  I 
had  not  been  so  reminded  by  His  Honor  I  could  not  have  failed  to 
know  the  fact  by  the  extent  of  the  multitude  I  see  before  me  now. 
I  could  not  look  upon  this  vast  assemblage  without  being  made 
aware  that  all  parties  were  united  in  this  reception.    [Applause.] 
This  is  as  it  should  be.  It  is  as  it  should  have  been  if  Senator  Doug- 
las had  been  elected.  It  is  as  it  should  have  been  if  Mr.  Bell  had 
been  elected — as  it  should  have  been  if  Mr.  Breckinridge  had  been 
elected — as   it   should   ever  be  when   any   citizen   of  the   United 
States  is  constitutionally  elected  President  of  the  United  States. 
(Great  applause.)  Allow  me  to  say  that  I  think  what  has  occurred 
here  to-day  could  not  have  occurred  in  any  other  country  on  the 
face  of  the  globe,  without  the  influence  of  the  free  institutions 
which  we  have  unceasingly  enjoyed  for  three-quarters  of  a  cen- 
tury. (Applause.)  There  is  no  country  where  the  people  can  turn 
out  and  enjoy  this  day  precisely  as  they  please,  save  under  the 
benign  influence  of  the  free  institutions  of  our  land.    [Applause.] 
I  hope  that,  although  we  have  some  threatening  National  diffi- 
culties now — I  hope  that  while  these  free  institutions  shall  con- 
tinue to  be  in  the   enjoyment  of  millions  of  free   people  of  the 
United  States,  we  will  see  repeated  every  four  years  what  we  now 
•witness.  [Applause.] 

In  a  few  short  years,  I  and  every  other  individual  man  who  is 
now  living  will  pass  away.  I  hope  that  our  national  difficulties  will 
also  pass  away,  and  I  hope  we  shall  see  in  the  streets  of  Cincinnati 
— good  old  Cincinnati — for  centuries  to  come,  once  every  four 
years  her  people  give  such  a  reception  as  this  to  the  constitutionally 
elected  President  of  the  whole  United  States.  [Applause.]  I  hope 
you  shall  all  join  in  that  reception,  and  that  you  shall  also  welcome 
your  brethren  far  across  the  river  to  participate  in  it.  "We  will  wel- 
come them  in  every  State  of  the  Union,  no  matter  -where  they  are 
from.  From  away  South  we  shall  extend  them  a  cordial  good  will 
when  our  present  differences  shall  have  been  forgotten  and  blown 
to  the  winds  forever.  [Applause.] 

I2  have  spoken  but  once,  before  this,  in  Cincinnati.  That  was 
a  year  previous  to  the  late  Presidential  election.  On  that  occa- 
sion, in  a  playful  manner,  but  with  sincere  words,  I  addressed 
much  of  what  I  said,  to  the  Kentuckians.  I  gave  my  opinion  that 
we,  as  Republicans,  would  ultimately  beat  them  as  democrats;  but 

[198] 


FEBRUARY       12,       l86l 

that  they  could  postpone  that  result  longer  by  nominating  Senator 
Douglas  for  the  Presidency  than  they  could  in  any  other  way. 
They  did  not,  in  any  true  sense  of  the  word,  nominate  Douglas, 
and  the  result  has  come  certainly  as  soon  as  even  I  expected.  I  also 
told  them  how  I  expected  they  would  be  treated,  after  they  should 
have  been  beaten;  and  I  now  wish  to  re-call  their  attention  to  what 
I  then  said  upon  that  subject.  I  then  said:  "When  we  do,  as  we 
say,  beat  you,  you  perhaps  want  to  know  what  we  will  do  with 
you.  I  will  tell  you,  so  far  as  I  am  authorized  to  speak  for  the  op- 
position, what  we  mean  to  do  with  you.  We  mean  to  treat  you,  as 
near  as  we  possibly  can,  as  Washington,  Jefferson,  and  Madison 
treated  you.  We  mean  to  leave  you  alone,  and  in  no  way  to  inter- 
fere with  your  institution;  to  abide  by  all  and  every  compromise 
of  the  constitution,  and,  in  a  word,  coming  back  to  the  original 
proposition,  to  treat  you,  so  far  as  degenerated  men  (if  we  have  de- 
generated) may,  according  to  the  examples  of  those  noble  fathers 
— Washington,  Jefferson  and  Madison.  We  mean  to  remember  that 
you  are  as  good  as  we;  that  there  is  no  difference  between  us,  other 
than  the  difference  of  circumstances.  We  mean  to  recognize,  and 
bear  in  mind  always,  that  you  have  as  good  hearts  in  your  bosoms 
as  other  people,  or  as  we  claim  to  have,  and  treat  you  accordingly." 
Fellow  citizens  of  Kentucky — friends — bretheren,  may  I  call  you 
— in  my  new  position,  I  see  no  occasion,  and  feel  no  inclination,  to 
retract  a  word  of  this.  [Applause,]  If  it  shall  not  be  made  good,  be 
assured,  the  fault  shall  not  be  mine.  [Applause.] 

And  now,  fellow  citizens  of  Ohio,  have  you,  who  agree  with  him 
who  now  addresses  you,  in  political  sentiment — have  you  ever  en- 
tertained other  sentiments  towards  our  brethren  of  Kentucky  than 
those  I  have  expressed  to  you.  [Loud  and  continued  cries  of  "No."] 
If  not,  then  why  shall  we  not,  as  heretofore,  be  recognized  and  ac- 
knowledged as  brethren  again,  living  in  peace  and  harmony  one 
with  another?  [Cries  of  "We  will."]  I  take  your  response  as  the 
most  reliable  evidence  that  it  may  be  so,  along  with  other  evidence, 
trusting  that  the  good  sense  of  the  American  people,  on  all  sides  of 
all  rivers  in  America,  under  the  Providence  of  God,  who  has  never 
deserted  us,  that  we  shall  again  be  brethren,  forgetting  all  parties 
— ignoring  all  parties.  My  friends  I  now  bid  you  farewell.  [Long 
continued  applause.] 

1  Cincinnati  Daily  Gazette,  February  13,  1861;  AD,  DLC-B.TL.  The  Cincin- 
nati Daily  Commercial,  February  13,  reports  the  speech  with  considerable 
verbal  variation  from  the  Gazette,  but  -without  substantial  difference.  Collation 
being  impossible  because  of  the  wide  differences  and  there  being  little  to  justify 
printing  both  texts,  the  editors  have  chosen  the  Gazette  as  the  better  because 
it  adheres  closely  to  the  three  extant  manuscript  pages  of  the  speech,  Lincoln 

C199] 


FEBRUARY       12,       l86l 

spoke  from  the  balcony  of  the  Burnet  House  in  reply  to  an  introduction  hy 
Mayor  Richard  M.  Bishop. 

-  This  and  the  next  paragraph  follow  the  autograph  manuscript. 

Fragment  of  Speech  Intended  for  Kentuckians1 

[c.  February  12,  1861] 

I  am  grateful,  for  the  oppertunlty  your  invitation  affords  me  to 
appear  before  an  audience  of  my  native  state.  During  the  present 
winter  it  has  been  greatly  pressed  upon  me  by  many  patriotic  citi- 
zens, Kentuckians  among  others,  that  I  could  in  my  position,  by  a 
word,  restore  peace  to  the  country.  But  what  word?  I  have  many 
words  already  before  the  public;  and  my  position  was  given  me  on 
the  faith  of  those  words.  Is  the  desired  word  to  be  confirmatory  of 
these;  or  must  it  be  contradictory  to  them?  If  the  former,  it  is  use- 
less repe[ti]tion;  if  the  latter,  it  is  dishonorable  and  treacherous. 

Again,  it  is  urged  as  if  the  word  must  be  spoken  before  the 
fourth  of  March.  Why?  Is  the  speaking  the  word  a  "sine  qua  non" 
to  the  inaugeration?  Is  there  a  Bell-man,  a  Breckinridge-man,  or  a 
Douglas  man,  who  would  tolerate  his  own  candidate  to  make  such 
terms,  had  he  been  elected?  Who  amongst  you  would  not  die  by 
the  proposition,  that  your  candidate,  being  elected,  should  be  in- 
augerated,  solely  on  the  conditions  of  the  constitution,  and  laws, 
or  not  at  all.  What  Kentuckian,  worthy  of  his  birth  place,  would 
not  do  this?  Gentlemen,  I  too,  am  a  Kentuckian. 

Nor  is  this  a  matter  of  mere  personal  honor.2  No  man  can  be 
elected  President  without  some  opponents,  as  well  as  supporters; 
and  if  when  elected,  he  can  not  be  installed,  till  he  first  appeases 
his  enemies,  by  breaking  his  pledges,  and  and  [sic]  betraying  his 
friends,  this  government,  and  all  popular  government,  is  already 
at  an  end.  Demands  for  such  surrender,  once  recognized,  and 
yielded  to,  are  without  limit,  as  to  nature,  extent,  or  repetition. 
They  break  the  only  bond  of  faith  between  public,  and  public 
servant;  and  they  distinctly  set  the  minority  over  the  majority. 
Such  demands  acquiesced  in,  would  not  merely  be  the  ruin  of  a 
man,  or  a  party;  but  as  a  precedent  they  would  ruin  the  govern- 
ment itself. 

I  do  not  deny  the  possibility  that  the  people  may  err  in  an  elec- 
tion; but  if  they  do,  the  true  [remedy]  is  in  the  next  election,  and 
not  in  the  treachery  of  the  person  elected. 

During3  the  winter  just  closed,  I  have  been  greatly  urged,  by 
many  patriotic  men,  to  lend  the  influence  of  my  position  to  some 
compromise,  by  which  I  was,  to  some  extent,  to  shift  the  ground 

[200] 


FEBRUARY      12,       l86l 

upon  which  I  had  been  elected.  This  I  steadily  refused.  I  so  re- 
fused, not  from  any  party  wantonness,  nor  from  any  indifference 
to  the  troubles  of  the  country.  I  thought  such  refusal  was  demanded 
by  the  view  that  if,  when  a  Chief  Magistrate  is  constitutionally 
elected,  he  cannot  be  inaugurated  till  he  betrays  those  who  elected 
him,  by  breaking  his  pledges,  and  surrendering  to  those  who  tried 
and  failed  to  defeat  him  at  the  polls,  this  government  and  all  popu- 
lar government  is  already  at  an  end.  Demands  for  such  surrender, 
once  recognized,  are  without  limit,  as  to  nature,  extent  and  repe- 
tition. They  break  the  only  bond  of  faith  between  public  and  pub- 
lic servant;  and  they  distinctly  set  the  minority  over  the  majority. 

I  presume  there  is  not  a  man  in  America,  (and  there  ought  not 
to  be  one)  who  opposed  my  election,  who  would,  for  a  moment, 
tolerate  his  own  candidate  in  such  surrender,  had  he  been  success- 
ful in  the  election.  In  such  case  they  would  all  see,  that  such  sur- 
render would  not  be  merely  the  ruin  of  a  man,  or  a  party;  but,  as  a 
precedent,  would  be  the  ruin  of  the  government  itself. 

I  do  not  deny  the  possibility  that  the  people  may  err  in  an  elec- 
tion; but  if  they  do,  the  true  cure  is  in  the  next  election;  and  not 
in  the  treachery  of  the  party  elected. 

1  AD,   DLC-RTL.   The  five   small  pages   of   this   manuscript   and  the  three 
pages  of  manuscript  of  the  Cincinnati  speech   (supra)  in  which  Lincoln  speaks 
to  the  Kentuckians,  are  written  on  the  same  lined  note  paper.  On  the  back  of 
the  fifth  page  is  pasted  a  clipping  from  the  first  edition  of  the  First  Inaugural 
Address  (vide  infra,  p.  259,  n.  77)  which  was  printed  in  Springfield  before  Lin- 
coln's departure  for  Washington.  This  indicates  that  Lincoln  prepared  the  frag- 
ment prior  to  February  12,  and  that  he  contemplated  a  brief  visit  to  his  native 
state  -while  at  Cincinnati,  the  nearest  point  in  his  itinerary. 

2  Lincoln  revised  this  sentence  to  the  form  given.  As  first  written  it  read:  "If 
when  a  Chief  Magistrate  is  constitutionally  elected,  he   can  not  be  installed, 
till  he  betrays  those  who  elected  Trim.,  by  breaking  his  pledges,  and  surrendering 
to  his  opponents,  this  government,  and  all  popular  government,  is  already  at 
an  end." 

3  The  remainder  of  the  fragment  is  a  clipping  from  the  First  Inaugural  as 
printed  in  Springfield,  pasted  on  the  back  of  the  last  page. 

Speech  to  Germans  at  Cincinnati.,  Ohio1 

February  12,  1861 
[Commercial  Version] 

MR.  CHAIRMAN:  I  thank  you  and  those  whom  you  represent,  for 
the  compliment  you  have  paid  me,  by  tendering  me  this  address. 
In  so  far  as  there  is  an  allusion  to  our  present  national  difficulties, 
which  expresses,  as  you  have  said,  the  views  of  the  gentlemen 
present,  I  shall  have  to  beg  pardon  for  not  entering  fully  upon 
the  questions,  which  the  address  you  have  now  read,  suggests. 

[201] 


FEBRUARY       12,      l86l 

I  deem  it  my  duty — a  duty  which  I  owe  to  my  constituents — to 
you,  gentlemen,  that  I  should  wait  until  the  last  moment,  for  a 
development  of  the  present  national  difficulties,  before  I  express 
myself  decidedly  what  course  I  shall  pursue.  I  hope,  then,  not  to 
be  false  to  anything  that  you  have  to  expect  of  me. 

I  agree  with  you,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  working  men  are  the 
basis  of  all  governments,  for  the  plain  reason  that  they  are  the 
most  numerous,  and  as  you  added  that  those  were  the  sentiments 
of  the  gentlemen  present,  representing  not  only  the  working  class, 
but  citizens  of  other  callings  than  those  of  the  mechanic,  I  am 
happy  to  concur  with  you  in  these  sentiments,  not  only  of  the 
native  born  citizens,  but  also  of  the  Germans  and  foreigners  from 
other  countries. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  hold  that  while  man  exists,  it  is  his  duty  to 
improve  not  only  his  own  condition,  but  to  assist  in  ameliorating 
mankind;  and  therefore,  without  entering  upon  the  details  of  the 
question,  I  will  simply  say,  that  I  am  for  those  means  which 
will  give  the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number. 

In  regard  to  the  Homestead  Law,  I  have  to  say  that  in  so  far 
as  the  Government  lands  can  be  disposed  of,  I  am  in  favor  of  cut- 
ting up  the  wild  lands  into  parcels,  so  that  every  poor  man  may 
have  a  home. 

In  regard  to  the  Germans  and  foreigners,  I  esteem  them  no  bet- 
ter than  other  people,  nor  any  worse.  [Cries  of  good.]  It  is  not  my 
nature,  when  I  see  a  people  borne  down  by  the  weight  of  their 
shackles — the  oppression  of  tyranny — to  make  their  life  more  bit- 
ter by  heaping  upon  them  greater  burdens;  but  rather  would  I 
do  all  in  my  power  to  raise  the  yoke,  than  to  add  anything  that 
would  tend  to  crush  them. 

Inasmuch  as  our  country  is  extensive  and  new,  and  the  countries 
of  Europe  are  densely  populated,  if  there  are  any  abroad  who  de- 
sire to  make  this  the  land  of  their  adoption,  it  is  not  in  my  heart 
to  throw  aught  in  their  way,  to  prevent  them  from  coming  to  the 
United  States. 

Mr.  Chairman,  and  Gentlemen,  I  will  bid  you  an  affectionate 
farewell. 

\Gazette  Version] 

Mr.  Chairman:  I  thank  you  and  those  you  represent,  for  the 
compliment  paid  me  by  the  tender  of  this  address.  In  so  far  as 
there  is  an  allusion  to  our  present  national  difficulties,  and  the  sug- 
gestion of  the  views  of  the  gentlemen  who  present  this  address,  I 
beg  you  will  excuse  me  from  entering  particularly  upon  it.  I  deem 
it  due  to  myself  and  the  whole  country,  in  the  present  extraordi- 

[202] 


FEBRUARY       13,       l86l 

nary  condition  of  the  country  and  o£  public  opinion,  that  I  should 
wait  and  see  the  last  development  of  public  opinion  before  I  give 
my  views  or  express  myself  at  the  time  of  the  inauguration. 
[Cheers.]  I  hope  at  that  time  to  be  false  to  nothing  you  have  been 
taught  to  expect  of  me.  [Cheers.] 

I  agree  with  you,  Mr.  Chairman,  and  -with  the  address  of  your 
constituents,  in  the  declaration  that  working  men  are  the  basis  of 
all  governments.  That  remark  is  due  to  them  more  than  to  any 
other  class,  for  the  reason  that  there  are  more  of  them  than  of 
any  other  class.  And  as  your  address  is  presented  to  me  not  only 
on  behalf  of  workingmen,  but  especially  of  Germans,  I  may  say 
a  word  as  to  classes.  I  hold  the  value  of  life  is  to  improve  one's 
condition.  "Whatever  is  calculated  to  advance  the  condition  of  the 
honest,  struggling  laboring  man,  so  far  as  my  judgment  will  en- 
able me  to  judge  of  a  correct  thing,  I  am  for  that  thing. 

An  allusion  has  been  made  to  the  Homestead  Law.  I  think  it 
worthy  of  consideration,  and  that  the  wild  lands  of  the  country- 
should  be  distributed  so  that  every  man  should  have  the  means 
and  opportunity  of  benefitting  his  condition.  [Cheers.]  I  have 
said  I  do  not  desire  to  enter  into  details,  nor  will  I. 

In  regard  to  Germans  and  foreigners,  I  esteem  foreigners  no 
better  than  other  people,  nor  any  worse,  [Laughter  and  cheers.] 
They  are  all  of  the  great  family  of  men,  and  if  there  is  one  shackle 
upon  any  of  them,  it  would  be  far  better  to  lift  the  load  from  them 
than  to  pile  additional  loads  upon  them.  [Cheers.]  And  inasmuch 
as  the  continent  of  America  is  comparatively  a  new  country,  and 
the  other  countries  of  the  world  are  old  countries,  there  is  more 
room  here,  comparatively  speaking,  than  there  is  there;  and  if 
they  can  better  their  condition  by  leaving  their  old  homes,  there  is 
nothing  in  my  heart  to  forbid  them  coming;  and  I  bid  them  all 
God  speed.  [Cheers.] 

Again,  gentlemen,  thanking  you  for  your  address,  I  bid  you 
good  night. 

1  Cincinnati  Daily  Commercial  and  Daily  Gazette,  February  13,  1861.  Since 
the  two  versions  vary  considerably,  Loth  are  reproduced.  Brackets  in  the  text 
are  from  the  sources.  Lincoln  spoke  in  reply  to  a  speech  by  Frederick  Oberkline 
(the  Gazette  gives  "Oberkleine"),  chairman  of  a  committee  representing  eight- 
een German  industrial  associations  that  called  in  a  body  to  pay  their  respects. 

Remarks  at  London.,  Ohio1 

February  13,  1861 

Fellow  citizens,  I  do  not  appear  before  you  to  make  a  speech,  and 
have  not  strength  nor  time  to  do  so.  If  I  were  to  undertake  to  make 

[203] 


FEBRUARY       13,       1   8  6  1 

a  speech  at  every  station,  I  should  be  completely  tuckered  out 
(not  Mr.  L's  term,  but  its  equivalent)  before  I  reached  the  capital. 
I  perceive  a  band  of  music  present,  and  while  the  iron  horse 
stops  to  water  himself,  I  would  prefer  they  should  discourse  in 
their  more  eloquent  music  than  I  am  capable  of. 

*  London,  Ohio,  National  Democrat.,  February  14,  1861.  Although  Lincoln 
made  similar  short  speeches  at  other  stops  between  Cincinnati  and  Columbus, 
Ohio,  this  is  the  only  text  which  has  been  located  in  a  contemporary  newspaper. 


Address  to  the  Ohio  Legislature, 
Columbus,  Ohio1 

February  13,  1861 

MR.  PRESIDENT  AISTD  MR.  SPEAKER  AISTD  GENTLEIVCEIN"  OF  TBCE  GEN- 
ERAL ASSEMBLY- — It  is  true,  as  has  been  said  by  the  President  of 
the  Senate,  that  very  great  responsibility  rests  upon  me  in  the  po- 
sition to  which  the  votes  of  the  American  people  have  called  me. 
I  am  deeply  sensible  of  that  weighty  responsibility.  I  cannot  but 
know  what  you  all  know,  that,  without  a  name,  perhaps  without  a 
reason  why  I  should  have  a  name,  there  has  fallen  upon  me  a  task 
such  as  did  not  rest  even  upon  the  Father  of  his  country,  and  so 
feeling  I  cannot  but  turn  and  look  for  the  support  without  which 
it  will  be  impossible  for  me  to  perform  that  great  task.  I  turn,  then, 
and  look  to  the  American  people  and  to  that  God  who  has  never 
forsaken  them.  Allusion  has  been  made  to  the  interest  felt  in  re- 
lation to  the  policy  of  the  new  administration.  In  this  I  have  re- 
ceived from  some  a  degree  of  credit  for  having  kept  silence,  and 
from  others  some  deprecation.  I  still  think  that  I  was  right.  In  the 
varying  and  repeatedly  shifting  scenes  of  the  present,  and  with- 
out a  precedent  which  could  enable  me  to  judge  by  the  past,  it  has 
seemed  fitting  that  before  speaking  upon  the  difficulties  of  the 
country,  I  should  have  gained  a  view  of  the  whole  field,  to  be  sure, 
after  all,  being  at  liberty  to  modify  and  change  the  course  of  pol- 
icy, as  future  events  may  make  a  change  necessary.  I  have  not 
maintained  silence  from  any  want  of  real  anxiety.  It  is  a  good 
thing  that  there  is  no  more  than  anxiety,  for  there  is  nothing  go- 
ing wrong.  It  is  a  consoling  circumstance  that  when  we  look  out 
there  is  nothing  that  really  hurts  anybody.  We  entertain  different 
views  upon  political  questions,  but  nobody  is  suffering  anything. 
This  is  a  most  consoling  circumstance,  and  from  it  we  may  con- 
clude that  all  we  want  is  time,  patience  and  a  reliance  on  that  God 
who  has  never  forsaken  this  people.  Fellow  citizens,  what  I  have 

[204] 


FEBRUARY       13,       l86l 

said,  I  have   said  altogether  extemporaneously,   and  I  will  now 
come  to  a  close. 

i  New  York  Herald.,  February  14,  1861.  Other  papers  reported  this  speech 
without  substantial  variation  from  this  text. » Lincoln  was  introduced  by  Lieu- 
tenant Governor  Robert  C.  Kirk. 

Speech  from  the  Steps  of  the  Capitol 
at  Columbus,  Ohio1 

February  13,  1861 

LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN: — I  appear  before  you  only  to  address 
you  briefly.  I  shall  do  little  else  than  to  thank  you  for  this  very- 
kind  reception,  to  greet  you  and  bid  you  farewell.  I  should  not  find 
strength,  if  I  were  otherwise  inclined,  to  repeat  speeches  of  very 
great  length,  upon  every  occasion  similar  to  this — although  few 
so  large — which  will  occur  on  my  way  to  the  Federal  Capitol.  The 
General  Assembly  of  the  great  State  of  Ohio  has  just  done  me  the 
honor  to  receive  me,  and  to  hear  a  f ew  broken  remarks  from  my- 
self. Judging  from  what  I  see,  I  infer  that  that  reception  was  one 
without  party  distinction,  and  one  of  entire  kindness — one  that 
had  nothing  in  it  beyond  a  feeling  of  the  citizenship  of  the  United 
States  of  America.  Knowing,  as  I  do,  that  any  crowd,  drawn  to- 
gether as  this  has  been,  is  made  up  of  the  citizens  near  about,  and 
that  in  this  county  of  Franklin  there  is  great  difference  of  political 
sentiment,  and  those  agreeing  with  me  having  a  little  the  shortest 
row,  (laughter,)  from  this,  and  the  circumstances  I  have  men- 
tioned, I  infer  that  you  do  me  the  honor  to  meet  me  here  without 
distinction  of  party,  I  think  this  is  as  it  should  be.  Many  of  you 
who  were  not  favorable  to  the  election  of  myself  to  the  Presidency 
were  favorable  to  the  election  of  the  distinguished  Senator  from 
the  State  in.  which  I  reside.  If  Senator  Douglas  had  been  elected 
to  the  Presidency  in  the  late  contest,  I  think  my  friends  would 
have  joined  heartily  in  meeting  and  greeting  him  on  his  passage 
through  your  Capital,  as  you  have  me  to-day.  If  any  of  the  other 
candidates  had  been  elected,  I  think  it  would  have  been  altogether 
becoming  and  proper  for  all  to  have  joined  in  showing  honor, 
quite  as  well  to  the  office,  and  the  country,  as  to  the  man.  The 
people  are  themselves  honored  by  such  a  concentration.  I  am 
doubly  thankful  that  you  have  appeared  here  to  give  me  this  greet- 
ing. It  is  not  much  to  me,  for  I  shall  very  soon  pass  away  from 
you;  but  we  have  a  large  country  and  a  large  future  before  us, 
and  the  manifestations  of  good-will  towards  the  government,  and 
affection  for  the  Union  which  you  may  exhibit  are  of  immense 

[205] 


FEBRUARY       14,      l86l 

value  to  you  and  your  posterity  forever.  (Applause.)  In  this  point 
of  view  it  is  that  I  thank  you  most  heartily  for  the  exhibition  you 
have  given  me,  and  with  this  allow  me  to  bid  you  an  affectionate 
farewell.  (Deafening  applause  and  cheers.) 

1  The  Crisis  (Columbus),  February  21,  1861.  Lincoln  addressed  the  crowd  in 
front  of  the  Capitol  following  his  appearance  before  the  legislature. 

Remarks  at  Newark,  Ohio1 

February  14,  1861 

I  understand  that  arrangements  were  made  for  something  of 
a  speech  from  me  here,  when  the  train  moved  down,  but  it  has 
gone  so  far  that  it  has  deprived  me  of  addressing  the  many  fair 
ladies  assembled,  while  it  has  deprived  them  of  observing  my  very 
interesting  countenance.  It  is  impossible  for  me  to  make  you  a 
speech:  there  is  not  time,  so  I  bid  you  farewell. 
1  Newark  North  American.,  February  14,  1861. 

Remarks  at  Cadiz  Junction,  Ohio1 

February  14,  1861 

After  the  tumult  had  subsided  he  spoke  a  few  words  to  the 
people,  thanking  them  for  their  kind  reception,  and  stated  that 
there  were  a  great  many  stopping  places  between  his  home  and 
Washington,  and  if  he  stopped  at  every  one  he  would  not  get  to 
Washington  until  after  the  Inauguration  and  that  would  not  suit 
him.  He  had  but  time  to  thank  them  heartily  for  this  kind  and 
cordial  farewell,  when  he  was  ushered  into  the  dining  room  of 
the  Parks  House  .... 

.  .  .  .After  dinner,  Mr.  Lincoln  appeared  on  the  platform  of 
the  car,  and  told  the  people  that  he  could  not  make  a  speech,  "as 
he  was  too  full  for  utterance,"  but  if  they  had  time  they  would 
organize  the  train,  and  pass  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the  people  of 
Harrison  County  for  the  excellent  dinner  they  had  received,  and 
especially  to  the  lady  of  the  house. 

1  Cadiz  Republican,  February  20,   1861;   Cadiz  Sentinel,  February  20,   1861. 

Speech  at  Steubenville,  Ohio1 

February  14,  1861 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Fellow-Citizens: — The  subject  of  the  short 
address  which  has  been  made  to  me,  though  not  an  unfamiliar 
one,  involves  so  many  points,  that  in  the  short  time  allotted  to 

[206] 


FEBRUARY       ±4.,      l86l 

me,  I  shall  not  be  able  to  make  a  full  and  proper  response.  Though 
the  people  have  made  me  by  electing  me,  the  instrument  to  carry 
out  the  wishes  expressed  in  the  address,  I  greatly  fear  that  I  shall 
not  be  the  repository  of  the  ability  to  do  so.  Indeed  I  know  I  shall 
not,  more  than  in  purpose,  unless  sustained  by  the  great  body  of 
the  people,  and  by  the  Divine  Power,  without  whose  aid  we  can 
do  nothing.  We  everywhere  express  devotion  to  the  Constitution.  I 
believe  there  is  no  difference  in  this  respect,  whether  on  this  or 
on  the  other  side  of  this  majestic  stream.  I  understand  that  on  the 
other  side,  among  our  dissatisfied  brethren.,  they  are  satisfied  with 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  if  they  can  have  their  rights 
under  the  Constitution.  The  question  is,  as  to  what  the  Constitu- 
tion means — "What  are  their  rights  under  the  Constitution?"  That 
is  all.  To  decide  that,  who  shall  be  the  judge?  Can  you  think  of 
any  other,  than  the  voice  of  the  people?  If  the  majority  does  not 
control,  the  minority  must — would  that  be  right?  Would  that  be 
just  or  generous?   Assuredly  not!   Though  the  majority  may  be 
wrong,  and  I  will  not  undertake  to  say  that  they  were  not  wrong 
in  electing  me,  yet  we  must  adhere  to  the  principle  that  the  ma- 
jority shall  rule.  By  your  Constitution  you  have  another  chance 
in  four  years.  No  great  harm  can  be  done  by  us  in  that  time — in 
that  time  there  can  be  nobody  hurt.  If  anything  goes  wrong,  how- 
ever, and  you  find  you  have  made  a  mistake,  elect  a  better  man 
next  time.  There  are  plenty  of  them. 

(Here  the  Engine  whistled.)  These  points  involve  the  discussion 
of  many  questions  which  I  have  not  time  to  consider.  I  merely 
give  them  to  you  for  your  reflection.  I  almost  regret  that  I  alluded 
to  it  at  all. 

Ladies,  gentlemen  and  friends,  I  thank  you  for  this  kind  and 
overv^helming  reception,  and  bid  you  farewell. 
1  The  American  Union  (Steubenville),  February  20,  1861. 

Remarks  at  Wellsville,  Ohio1 

February  14,  1861 

Mr.  Lincoln  came  out  on  the  bind  platform  of  the  rear  car  and, 
after  the  cheering  had  ceased,  said  that  he  made  his  appearance 
merely  to  pass  a  word  of  greeting,  and  then  to  bid  f arewell,  as  he 
said  he  had  been  informed  that  the  train  would  halt  just  a  minute 
and  a  half,  consequently  he  would  not  be  able  to  make  a  speech 
even  if  he  were  prepared  to  do  so;  that  if  he  should  make  a  speech 
at  every  station  stopped  at,  he  would  not  be  able  to  reach  Wash- 
ington until  after  the  4th  of  March.  Here  some  old,  drunken  chap 

[207] 


FEBRUARY       14,       l86l 

rushed  up  with  his  paw  extended,  and  asked  if  he  would  shake 
hands  with  him,  saying  at  the  same  time,  that  he  had  not  voted 
for  him  but  for  Douglas — a  sad  representative  by  the  way — of 
Douglas  Democracy.  Mr.  Lincoln  shook  hands  with  him  and  said 
if  he  and  the  other  friends  of  Mr.  Douglas  would  assist  in  keep- 
ing the  ship  of  state  afloat,  that  perhaps  Mr.  Douglas  might  be 
selected  to  pilot  it  sometime  in  the  future,  but  if  it  were  allowed 
to  go  to  pieces  now,  Mr,  Douglas  would,  of  course,  stand  no  chance 
hereafter.  He  said  he  would  do  what  he  could  to  preserve  the 
Union  and  if  the  people  would  do  the  same,  the  thing  would  be 
accomplished. 

1  New  Lisbon,  Ohio,  The  Buckeye  State,  February  21,   1861. 

Remarks  at  Rochester,  Pennsylvania1 

February  14,  1861 

He  remarked  that  he  had  no  speech  to  make,  as  it  was  impos- 
sible to  speak  at  every  point  where  his  fellow  citizens  greeted  Mm, 
and  thanked  them  for  this  expression  of  their  wishes  toward  him. 
He  was  now  on  his  way  to  ^Washington,  and  about  the  4th  of 
March  he  would  speak  to  all  who  chose  to  hear  him.  A  voice  in 
the  crowd  enquired  "What  will  you  do  with  the  secessionists 
then?"  Turning  toward  the  direction  of  the  voice,  Mr.  Lincoln  re- 
plied, "My  friend,  that  is  a  matter  which  I  have  under  very  grave 
consideration. " 

1  Beaver,  Pennsylvania,  Argus,  February  20,  1861. 

Remarks  at  the  Monongahela  House., 
Pittsburgh,  Pennsylvania1 

February  14,   1861 

Welloiv  Citizens:  We  had  an  accident  upon  the  road  to-day,  and 
were  delayed  till  this  late  hour.  I  am  sorry  for  this,  inasmuch  as 
it  was  my  desire  and  intention  to  address  the  citizens  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, briefly,  this  evening,  on  what  is  properly  styled  their  pe- 
culiar interest.  And  I  still  hope  that  some  arrangement  may  be 
made  to-morrow  morning  which  will  afford  me  the  pleasure  of 
talking  to  a  larger  number  of  my  friends  than  can  assemble  in 
this  hall.  ["Go  on  now;  there's  enough  here.'*]  I  have  a  great  re- 
gard for  Allegheny  county.  It  is  "the  banner  county  of  the  Un- 
ion," [cheers,]  and  rolled  xip  an  immense  majority  for  what  I,  at 
least,  consider  a  good  cause.  By  a  mere  accident,  and  not  through 

[208] 


FEBRUARY       14,       l86l 

any  merit  of  mine,  it  happened  that  I  was  the  representative  o£ 
that  cause,  and  I  acknowledge  with  all  sincerity  the  high  honor 
you  have  conferred  on  me.  ["Three  cheers  for  Honest  Abe/7  and  a 
voice  saying,  "It  was  no  accident  that  elected  you,  but  your  own 
merits,  and  the  worth  of  the  cause."]  I  thank  you,  my  fellow  citi- 
zen, for  your  kind  remark,  and  trust  that  I  feel  a  becoming  sense 
of  the  responsibility  resting  upon  me.  ["We  know  you  do."] 

I  could  not  help  thinking,  my  friends,  as  I  traveled  in  the  rain 
through  your  crowded  streets,  on  my  way  here,  that  if  all  that 
people  were  in  favor  of  the  Union,  it  can  certainly  be  in  no  great 
danger — it  will  be  preserved.  [A  voice — "We  are  all  Union  men." 
Another  voice — "That's  so."  A  third  voice — "No  compromise."  A 
fourth — "Three  cheers  for  the  Union."]  But  I  am  talking  too  long, 
longer  than  I  ought.  ["Oh,  no!  go  on;  split  another  rail."  Laugh- 
ter.] You  know  that  it  has  not  been  my  custom,  since  I  started  on 
the  route  to  Washington,  to  make  long  speeches;  I  am  rather  in- 
clined to  silence,  ["That's  right"]  and  whether  that  be  wise  or 
not,  it  is  at  least  more  unusual  now-a-days  to  find  a  man  who  can 
hold  his  tongue  than  to  find  one  who  cannot.  [Laughter,  and  a 
voice — "No  railery  Abe."]  I  thank  you,  sincerely,  for  the  warm 
reception  I  have  received,  and  in  the  morning,  if  an  arrangement 
can  be  made,  of  which  I  am  not  yet  certain,  I  may  have  some- 
thing to  say  to  you  of  that  "peculiar  interest  of  Pennsylvania"  be- 
fore mentioned.  ["Say  it  now,  we  are  all  attention."]  V^ell,  my 
friends,  as  it  is  not  much  I  have  to  say,  and  as  there  may  be  some 
uncertainty  of  another  opportunity,  I  will  utter  it  now,  if  you 
will  permit  me  to  procure  a  few  notes  that  are  in  my  overcoat 
pocket.  ["Certainly  we  will,"  and  cheers.]2 

1  Pittsburgh  Dispatch,  February  15,  1861.  Lincoln  spoke  standing  on  a  chair 
to  the  crowd  assembled  in  the  lobby. 

2  According  to  the  Dispatch,  Lincoln  retired  to  get  his  notes  and  later  ap- 
peared on  the  balcony  outside  the  hotel  to  make  the  brief  remarks  (infra)   an- 
nouncing postponement  of  the  speech  until  the  next  morning. 


Remarks  from  Balcony  of  the  Monongahela 
House,  Pittsburgh,  Pennsylvania1 

February  14,  1861 

Fellow-citizens,  I  have  been  prevailed  upon  by  your  committee 
to  postpone  my  intended  remarks  to  you  until  to-morrow,  when 
we  hope  for  more  favorable  weather,  and  I  have  made  my  appear- 
ance now  only  to  afford  you  an  opportunity  of  seeing,  as  clearly 
as  may  be,  my  beautiful  countenance!  [Loud  laughter,  and 

[209] 


FEBRUARY       1  59       l86l 

cheers.]  In  the  morning  at  half -past  eight  o'clock  I  purpose 
speaking  to  you  from  this  place.  Until  then,  I  bid  you  all  good 
night. 

*  Pittsburgh  Dispatch,  February  15,  1861. 

Speech  at  Pittsburgh-,  Pennsylvania1 

February  15,  1861 

Mayor  Wilson  and  Citizens  of  Pennsylvania:  I  most  cordially 
thank  his  Honor  Mayor  Wilson,  and  the  citizens  of  Pittsburg  gen- 
erally for  this  flattering  reception.  It  is2  the  more  grateful,  because 
I  know  that,  while  it  is  not  given  to  me  alone,  but  to  the  cause 
which  I  represent,  yet  it  is  given  under  circumstances  which  clear- 
ly prove  to  me  that  there  is  good  will  and  sincere  feeling  at  the 
bottom  of  it. 

And  here,  fellow  citizens,  I  may  remark  that  in  every  short 
address  I  have  made  to  the  people,  and  in  every  crowd  through 
which  I  have  passed  of  late,  some  allusion  has  been  made  to  the 
present  distracted  condition  of  the  country.  It  is  naturally  expect- 
ed that  I  should  say  something  upon  this  subject,  but  to  touch  upon 
it  at  all  would  involve  an  elaborate  discussion  of  a  great  many 
questions  and  circumstances,  would  require  more  time  than  I  can 
at  present  command,  and  'would  perhaps  unnecessarily  commit  me 
upon  matters  which  have  not  yet  fully  developed  themselves. 
[Immense  cheering,  and  cries  of  "good!"  "that's  right!"] 

The  condition  of  the  country,  f  ellow-citizens,  is  an  extraordinary 
one,  and  fills  the  mind  of  every  patriot  with  anxiety  and  solicitude. 
My  intention  is  to  give  this  subject  all  the  consideration  which  I 
possibly  can  before  I  speak  fully  and  definitely  in  regard  to  it — 
so  that,  when  I  do  speak,  I  may  be  as  nearly  right  as  possible.  And 
when  I  do  speak,  fellow-citizens,  I  hope  to  say  nothing  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution,  contrary  to  the  integrity  of 
the  Union,  or  which  will  in  any  way  prove  inimical  to  the  liber- 
ties of  the  people  or  to  the  peace  of  the  whole  country.  And,  fur- 

1  Pittsburgh  Dispatch,  February   16,  1861.  Tlie  Dispatch  version  lias  been  se- 
lected in  preference  to  that  of  the  New  York  Tribune  of  the  same  date  because 
it  more  closely  parallels  the  incomplete  manuscript  in  that  portion  of  the  speech 
and  because  it  sounds  more  like  Lincoln  throughout.  In  some  instances,  how- 
ever, where  the  Dispatch  reporter  seems  to  have  missed  a  phrase,  the  Tribune 
variant  is  given  in  a  footnote.  The  New  York  Herald,  February  16,  gives  the 
same  version  as  the  Tribune  and  follows  it  -with  a  shorter  version  taken  from 
Lincoln's  manuscript.  The  manuscript,  preserved  in  the  Lincoln  Papers,  is  here 
printed  following  the  Dispatch  version.  All  brackets  are  in  the  source.  Lincoln 
was  introduced  by  Mayor  George  Wilson. 

2  Tribune  reads  "I  am,"  probably  correctly. 

[210] 


FEBRUARY       ±5,       l86l 

thermore,  when  the  time  arrives  for  me  to  speak  on  this  great 
subject,  I  hope  to  say  nothing  which  will  disappoint  the  reasonable 
expectations  o£  any  man,  or  disappoint  the  people  generally 
throughout  the  country,  especially  if  their  expectations  have  been 
based  upon  anything  which  I  may  have  heretofore  said. 

Notwithstanding  the  troubles  across  the  river,  [the  speaker 
pointing  southwardly,  and  smiling]  there  is  really  no  crisis,  spring- 
ing from  anything  in  the  government  itself.  In  plain  words,  there 
is  really  no  crisis  except  an  artificial  one\  What  is  there  now  to 
warrant  the  condition  of  affairs  presented  by  our  friends  "over 
the  river?"  Take  even  their  own  view  of  the  questions  involved, 
and  there  is  nothing  to  justify  the  course  which  they  are  pursuing. 
I  repeat  it,  then — there  is  no  crisis.,  excepting  such  a  one  as  may 
be  gotten  up  at  any  time  by  designing  politicians.3  My  advice, 
then,  under  such  circumstances,  is  to  keep  cool.  If  the  great  Amer- 
ican people  will  only  keep  their  temper,  on  both  sides  of  the  line, 
the  troubles  will  come  to  an  end,  and  the  question  which  now  dis- 
tracts the  country  will  be  settled  just  as  surely  as  all  other  difficul- 
ties of  like  character  which  have  originated  in  this  government 
have  been  adjusted.  Let  the  people  on  both  sides  keep  their  self-pos- 
session, and  just  as  other  clouds  have  cleared  away  in  due  time, 
so  will  this,  and  this  great  nation  shall  continue  to  prosper  as  here- 
tofore. But,  fellow  citizens,  I  have  spoken  longer  on  this  subject 
than  I  had  intended  in  the  outset — and  I  shall  say  no  more  at 
present. 

Fellow  citizens,  as  this  is  the  first  opportunity4  which  I  have  had 
to  address  a  Pennsylvania  assemblage,  it  seems  a  fitting  time  to 
indulge  in  a  few  remarks  upon  the  important  question  of  a  tariff — 
a  subject  of  great  magnitude,  and  one  which  is  attended  with  many 
difficulties,  owing  to  the  great  variety  of  interests  which  it  in- 
volves. So  long  as  direct  taxation  for  the  support  of  government  is 
not  resorted  to,  a  tariff  is  necessary.  The  tariff  is  to  the  government 
what  a  meal  is  to  the  family;  but,  while  this  is  admitted,  it  still 
becomes  necessary  to  modify  and  change  its  operations  according  to 
new  interests  and  new  circumstances.  So  far  there  is  little  differ- 
ence of  opinion  among  politicians,  but  the  question  as  to  how  far 
imposts  may  be  adjusted  for  the  protection  of  home  industry,  gives 
rise  to  various  views  and  objections.  I  must  confess  that  I  do  not 
understand  this  subject  in  all  its  multiform  bearings,  but  I  promise 
you  that  I  will  give  it  my  closest  attention,  and  endeavor  to  com- 
prehend it  more  fully.  And  here  I  may  remark  that  the  Chicago 

3  Tribune  reads  "by  turbulent  men,  aided  by  designing  politicians." 

4  Compare  the  remainder  of  the  speeck  with,  the  prepared  manuscript,  infra. 

[211] 


FEBRUARY       15,       l86l 

platform  contains  a  plank  upon  this  subject,  which  I  think  should 
be  regarded  as  law  for  the  incoming  administration.  In  fact,  this 
question,  as  well  as  all  other  subjects  embodied  in  that  platform, 
should  not  be  varied  from  what  we  gave  the  people  to  understand 
would  be  our  policy  when  we  obtained  their  votes.  Permit  me., 
fellow  citizens,  to  read  the  tariff  plank  of  the  Chicago  platform, 
or  rather,  to  have  it  read  in  your  hearing  by  one  who  has  younger 
eyes  than  I  have. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  private  Secretary  then  read  section  twelfth  of  the 
Chicago  platform,  as  follows: 

That,  while  providing  revenue  for  the  support  of  the  General  Gov- 
ernment by  duties  upon  imposts,  sound  policy  requires  such  an  adjust- 
ment of  the  imposts  as  to  encourage  the  development  of  the  industrial 
interest  of  the  whole  country,  and  we  commend  that  policy  of  national 
exchanges  which  secures  to  the  working  men  liberal  wages,  to  agricul- 
ture remunerating  prices,  to  mechanics  and  manufacturers  an  adequate 
reward  for  their  skill,  labor  and  enterprise,  and  to  the  nation  commer- 
cial prosperity  and  independence. 

Mr.  Lincoln  continued — Now,  fellow-citizens,  I  must  confess 
that  there  are  shades  of  difference  in  construing  even  this  plank 
of  the  platform.  But  I  am  not  now  intending  to  discuss  these  differ- 
ences, but  merely  to  give  you  some  general  ideas  upon  this  subject. 
I  have  long  thought  that  if  there  be  any  article  of  necessity  which 
can  be  produced  at  home  with  as  little  or  nearly  the  same  labor  as 
abroad,  it  would  be  better  to  protect  that  article.  Labor  is  the  true 
standard  of  value.  If  a  bar  of  iron,  got  out  of  the  mines  of  England, 
and  a  bar  of  iron  taken  from  the  mines  of  Pennsylvania,  be  pro- 
duced at  the  same  cost,  it  f  ollows  that  if  the  English  bar  be  shipped 
from  Manchester  to  Pittsburg,  and  the  American  bar  from  Pitts- 
burg  to  Manchester,  the  cost  of  carriage  is  appreciably  lost. 
[Laughter.]  If  we  had  no  iron  here,  then  we  should  encourage  its 
shipment  from  foreign  countries;  but  not  when  we  can  make  it  as 
cheaply  in  our  own  country.  This  brings  us  back  to  our  first  pro- 
position, that  if  any  article  can  be  produced  at  home  with  nearly 
the  same  cost  as  abroad,  the  carriage  is  lost  labor. 

The  treasury  of  the  nation  is  in  such  a  low  condition  at  present 
that  this  subject  now  demands  the  attention  of  Congress,  and  will 
demand  the  immediate  consideration  of  the  new  Administration. 
The  tariff  bill  now  before  Congress  may  or  may  not  pass  at  the 
present  session.  I  confess  I  do  not  understand  the  precise  provisions 
of  this  bill,  and  I  do  not  know  whether  it  can  be  passed  by  the 
present  Congress  or  not.  It  may  or  may  not  become  the  law  of  the 
land — but  if  it  does,  that  will  be  an  end  of  the  matter  until  a  modi- 

[212] 


FEBRUARY       ±5,       l86l 

fication  can  be  effected,  should  it  be  deemed  necessary.  If  it  does 
not  pass  (and  the  latest  advices  I  have  are  to  the  effect  that  it  is 
still  pending)  the  next  Congress  "will  have  to  give  it  their  earliest 
attention. 

According  to  my  political  education,  I  am  inclined  to  believe 
that  the  people  in  the  various  sections  of  the  country  should  have 
their  own  views  carried  out  through  their  representatives  in  Con- 
gress, and  if  the  consideration  of  the  Tariff  bill  should  be  postponed 
until  the  next  session  of  the  National  Legislature,  no  subject  should 
engage  your  representatives  more  closely  than  that  of  a  tariff.  And 
if  I  have  any  recommendation  to  make,  it  will  be  that  every  man 
who  is  called  upon  to  serve  the  people  in  a  representative  capacity, 
should  study  this  whole  subject  thoroughly,  as  I  intend  to  do  my- 
self, looting  to  all  the  varied  interests  of  our  common  country,  so 
that  when  the  time  for  action  arrives  adequate  protection  can  be 
extended  to  the  coal  and  iron  of  Pennsylvania,  the  corn  of  Illinois, 
and  the  "reapers  of  Chicago."  Permit  me  to  express  the  hope  that 
this  important  subject  may  receive  such  consideration  at  the  hands 
of  your  representatives,  that  the  interests  of  no  part  of  the  country 
may  be  overlooked,  but  that  all  sections  may  share  in  common  the 
benefits  of  a  just  and  equitable  tariff.  [Applause.] 

But  I  am  trespassing  upon  your  patience — [cries  of  "no!"  "no!" 
"Go  on — we'll  listen!"]  and  must  bring  my  remarks  to  a  close. 
Thanking  you  most  cordially  for  the  kind  reception  which  you 
have  extended  me,  I  bid  you  all  adieu.  [Enthusiastic  applause.] 

[Manuscript  Prepared  for  the  Pittsburgh  Speech]5 
For  the  first  time  I  now  have  the  honor  to  appear  before  a  Penn- 
sylvania audience.6 

It  is  often  said  that  the  tariff  is  the  specialty  of  Pennsylvania. 
Assuming  that  direct  taxation  is  not  to  be  adopted,  the  tariff  ques- 
tion must  be  as  durable  as  the  government  itself.  It  is  a  question  of 
national  house-keeping.  It  is  to  the  government  what  replenishing 
the  meal-tub  is  to  the  family.  Ever- varying  circumstances  will  re- 
quire frequent  modifications,  as  to  amounts  needed,  and  sources 
of  supply.  So  far  there  is  little  difference  of  opinion  among  the 
people.  It  is  as  to  whether,  and  how  far,  duties  on  imports,  shall  be 
adjusted  to  favor  home  production  in  the  home  market,  that  con- 
troversy begins.  One  party  insists  that  such  adjustment  oppresses 
one  class  for  the  advantage  of  another;  while  the  other  party  ar- 

5  AD,  DLC-RTL. 

6  This  sentence  has  been  crossed  out,  but  the  Dispatch  version  corroborates 
its  inclusion. 

[213] 


FEBRUARY       15,       l86l 

gues  that  with  all  its  incidents,  and  in  the  long  run,  all  classes  are 
benefitted.  In  the  Chicago  Platform  there  is  a  plank  upon  this  sub- 
ject, which  should  be  a  general  law,  to  the  incoming  administra- 
tion. We  should  do  neither  more  nor  less  than  we  gave  the  people 
reason  to  believe  we  would,  when  they  gave  us  their  votes.  That 
plank  is  as  I  now  read. 

[The  i2th  plank  of  the  Chicago  platform  was  here  read.]7 
As  with  all  general  propositions,  doubtless  there  will  be  shades 
of  difference  in  construing  this.  I  have,  by  no  means,  a  thoroughly 
matured  judgment  upon  this  subject — especially  as  to  details 
Some  general  ideas  are  about  all.  I  have  long  thought  that  to  pro- 
duce any  necessary  article  at  home,  which  can  be  made  of  as  good 
quality,  and  with  as  little  labor  at  home  as  abroad,  would  better  be 
made  at  home,  at  least  by  the  difference  of  the  carrying  from 
abroad.  In  such  case,  the  carrying  is  demonstrably  a  dead  loss  of 
labor.  For  instance,  labor  being  the  true  standard  of  value,  is  it 
not  plain,  that  if  equal  labor  get  a  bar  of  rail-road  iron  out  of  a 
mine  in  England,  and  another  out  of  a  mine  in  Pennsylvania,  each 
can  be  laid  down  in  a  track  at  home,  cheaper  than  they  could  ex- 
change countries,  at  least  by  the  cost  of  carriage.  If  there  be  a  pres- 
ent cause  why  one  can  be  both  made  and  carried,  cheaper,  in 
money  price.,  than  the  other  can  be  made  without  carrying,  that 
cause  is  an  unnatural,  and  injurious  one,  and  ought,  gradually, 
if  not  rapidly,  to  be  removed.8 

The  condition  of  the  Treasury  at  this  time  would  seem  to  render 
an  early  revision  of  the  tariff  indispensable.  The  Morrill  bill,  now 
pending  before  congress,  may,  or  may  not  become  a  law.  I  am  not 
posted  as  to  it's  particular  provisions;  but  if  they  are  generally 
satisfactory,  and  the  bill  shall  now  pass,  there  will  be  an  end  for 
the  present.  If,  however,  it  shall  not  pass,  I  suppose  the  whole  sub- 
ject will  be  one  of  the  most  pressing  and  important,  for  the  next 
congress.  By  the  constitution,  the  executive  may  recommend 
measures  which  he  may  think  proper;  and  he  may  veto  those  he 
thinks  improper;  and  it  is  supposed  he  may  add  to  these,  certain 
indirect  influences  to  affect  the  action  of  congress.  My  political 
education  strongly  inclines  me  against  a  very  free  use  of  any  of 
these  means,  by  the  Executive,  to  control  the  legislation  of  the 
country.  As  a  rule,  I  think  it  better  that  congress  should  originate, 
as  well  as  perfect  its  measures,  without  external  bias.  I  therefore 
would  rather  recommend  to  every  gentleman  who  knows  he  is  to 

7  Not  in  Lincoln's  handwriting. 

8  The  remainder  of  the  manuscript  is  in  pencil  and  was  probably  written  later 
than  the  first  portion. 

[214] 


FEBRUARY       ±5,       l86l 

be  a  member  of  the  next  congress,  to  take  an  enlarged  view,  and 
post  himself  thoroughly  so  as  to  contribute  his  part  to  such  an 
adjustment  of  the  tariff,  as  shall  produce  a  sufficient  revenue,  and 
in  in  [szc]  its  other  bearings,  so  far  as  possible,  be  just  and  equal 
to  all  sections  of  the  country  &  classes  of  the  people. 

Remarks  at  Alliance,  Ohio1 

February  15,  1861 

LADIES  AND  GEISTTLEIME]^:  I  appear  before  you  merely  to  greet 
you  and  say  farewell.  I  have  no  time  for  long  speeches,  and  could 
not  make  them  at  every  stopping  place  without  wearing  myself 
out.  If  I  should  make  a  speech  at  every  town,  I  would  not  get  to 
Washington  until  some  time  after  the  inauguration,  [Laughter.] 
But  as  I  am  somewhat  interested  in  the  inauguration,  I  would  like 
to  get  there  a  few  days  before  the  4th  of  March. 

1  Salem,  Ohio,  Republican,  February  20,  1861.  Substantially  the  same  as  the 
resume  given  in  the  Canton,  Ohio,  Stark  County  Democrat 9  February  20,  1861. 


Speech  at  Cleveland,  Ohio1 

February  15,  1861 

MR.  CHAIRMAN  A3srr>  FELLOW  CITIZEISTS  OF  CLEVELAND: — We 
have  been  inarching  about  two  miles  through  snow,  rain  and  deep 
mud.  The  large  numbers  that  have  turned  out  under  these  circum- 
stances testify  that  you  are  in  earnest  about  something  or  other. 
But  do  I  think  so  meanly  of  you  as  to  suppose  that  that  earnestness 
is  about  me  personally?  I  would  be  doing  you  injustice  to  suppose 
you  did.  You  have  assembled  to  testify  your,  respect  to  the  Union, 
the  constitution  and  the  laws,  and  here  let  me  say  that  it  is  with 
you,  the  people,  to  advance  the  great  cause  of  the  Union  and  the 
constitution,  and  not  with  any  one  man.  It  rests  with  you  alone. 
This  fact  is  strongly  impressed  on  my  mind  at  present.  In  a  com- 
munity like  this,  whose  appearance  testifies  to  their  intelligence, 
I  am  convinced  that  the  cause  of  liberty  and  the  Union  can  never 
be  in  danger.  Frequent  allusion  is  made  to  the  excitement  at  pres- 
ent existing  in  our  national  politics,  and  it  is  as  well  that  I  should  also 
allude  to  it  here.  I  think  that  there  is  no  occasion  for  any  excite- 
ment. The  crisis,  as  it  is  called,  is  altogether  an  artificial  crisis.  In 
all  parts  of  the  nation  there  are  differences  of  opinion  and  politics. 
There  are  differences  of  opinion  even  here.  You  did  not  all  vote 
for  the  person  who  now  addresses  you.  What  is  happening  now 
will  not  hurt  those  who  are  farther  away  from  here.  Have  they 
not  all  their  rights  now  as  they  ever  have  had?  Do  they  not  have 

[215] 


FEBRUARY       ±5,       l86l 

their  fugitive  slaves  returned  now  as  ever?  Have  they  not  the  same 
constitution  that  they  have  lived  under  for  seventy  odd  years? 
Have  they  not  a  position  as  citizens  of  this  common  country,  and 
have  we  any  power  to  change  that  position?  (Cries  of  "No.") 
What  then  is  the  matter  with  them?  "Why  all  this  excitement? 
Why  all  these  complaints?  As  I  said  before,  this  crisis  is  all  arti- 
ficial. It  has  no  foundation  in  facts.  It  was  not  argued  up,  as  the 
saying  is,  and  cannot,  therefore,  be  argued  down.  Let  it  alone  and 
it  will  go  down  of  itself  (Laughter).  Mr.  Lincoln  said  they  must 
be  content  with  but  a  few  words  from  him.  He  was  very  much 
fatigued,  and  had  spoken  so  frequently  that  he  was  already  hoarse. 
He  thanked  them  for  the  cordial  and  magnificent  reception  they 
had  given  him.  Not  less  did  he  thank  them  for  the  votes  they  gave 
him  last  fall,  and  quite  as  much  he  thanked  them  for  the  efficient 
aid  they  had  given  the  cause  which  he  represented — a  cause  which 
he  would  say  "was  a  good  one.  He  had  one  more  word  to  say.  He 
was  given  to  understand  that  this  reception  was  not  tendered  by 
his  own  party  supporters,  but  by  men  of  all  parties.  This  is  as  it 
should  be.  If  Judge  Douglas  had  been  elected  and  had  been  here 
on  his  way  to  Washington,  as  I  am  to-night,  the  republicans  should 
have  joined  his  supporters  in  welcoming  him,  just  as  his  friends 
have  joined  with  mine  to-night.  If  all  do  not  join  now  to  save  the 
good  old  ship  of  the  Union  this  voyage  nobody  will  have  a  chance 
to  pilot  her  on  another  voyage.  He  concluded  by  thanking  all  pres- 
ent for  the  devotion  they  have  shown  to  the  cause  of  the  Union. 

1  New  York  Herald,  February  16,  1861.  The  text  of  this  speech  as  printed  in 
the  Cleveland  Commercial  differs  verbally  to  some  degree,  but  is  substantially 
the  same  as  that  reproduced  here.  Other  New  York  papers  and  the  Cincinnati 
Gazette  have  the  same  text  as  the  Herald. 

To  William  E  Hacker  and  Others1 

Cleveland,  Ohio,  Feb.  15,  1861. 

Gentlemen: — I  have  to-day  received  the  invitation  you  extend  to 
me  on  behalf  of  the  Select  and  Common  Councils  of  the  City  of 
Philadelphia,  to  visit  the  same  and  partake  of  its  hospitalities,  while 
on  my  way  to  the  Federal  capital. 

I  accept  with  much  gratitude  the  proffered  honor,  and  hope  to 
arrive  in  your  society  on  Thursday,  the  aist  instant,  at  four 
o'clock,  P.M.  Your  obedient  servant,  A.  LINCOLN. 

Wm.  P.  Hacker,  Esq.,  Chairman,  and  members 
of  the  Committee,  &c. 

1  Philadelphia  Inquirer,  February  18,  1861.  William  P.  Hacker  was  chairman 
of  the  committee  to  make  arrangements  for  the  reception  at  Philadelphia. 

[216] 


To  Elihu  B.  Washburne1 

Hon.  E.  B.  Washburne  Cleveland,  O. 

My  dear  Sir  Feb  15th  1861. 

I  have  decided  to  stop  at  a  public,  rather  than  a  private  house, 
when  I  reach  Washington;  and  Mrs.  L.  objects  to  the  National  on 
account  of  the  sickness  four  years  ago.2  With  this  to  guide  you, 
please  call  to  your  assistance  all  our  Republican  members  from 
Illinois,  and  select  and  engage  quarters  for  us.  Yours  as  ever 

A.  LINCOLN 

1  LS,  IHi. 

2  At  the  time  of  President  Buchanan's  inauguration,  a  severe  intestinal  mal- 
ady afflicted  guests  at  the  National  Hotel.  Buchanan  himself  became  ill,  and  in 
pro-Southern  circles  there  were  rumors  of  a  Republican  plot  to  poison  Demo- 
cratic leaders. 

Remarks  at  Ravenna,  Ohio1 

February  15,  1861 

LADIES  AINTD  GENTLEMEN: — I  appear  before  you  merely  to  greet 
you  and  say  farewell.  I  have  DO  time  for  long  speeches,  and  could 
not  make  them  at  every  stopping  place  without  wearing  myself 
out.  If  I  should  make  a  speech  at  every  town,  I  should  not  get  to 
Washington  until  some  time  after  the  inauguration.  (Laughter.)  I 
am,  however,  all  the  time  sensible  of  the  deepest  gratitude  to  the 
people  of  Ohio  for  their  large  contribution  to  the  cause  -which  I 
think  is  the  just  one.  There  are  doubtless  those  here  who  did  not 
vote  for  me,  but  I  believe  we  make  common  cause  for  the  Union 
("That's  so."  "We  are  with  you  there,"  &c.)  But  let  me  tell  to 
those  who  did  not  vote  for  me,  an  anecdote  of  a  certain  Irish  friend 
that  I  met  yesterday.  He  said  he  did  not  vote  for  me,  but  went  for' 
Douglas.  "Now,"  said  I  to  him,  "I  will  tell  you  what  you  ought  to 
do  in  that  case.  If  we  all  turn  in  and  keep  the  ship  from  sinking 
this  voyage,  there  may  be  a  chance  for  Douglas  on  the  next;  but 
if  we  let  it  go  down  now,  neither  he  nor  anybody  else  will  have 
an  opportunity  of  sailing  in  it  again."  Now,  was  not  that  good 
advice?  ("Yes,  yes,"  "that's  the  talk.")  Once  more,  let  me  say 
good-bye. 

1  Portage,  OHio,  Sentinel,  February  20,  1861. 

Remarks  at  Hudson,  Ohio1 

February  15,  1861 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen: — I  stepped  upon  this  platform  to  see 
you,  and  to  give  you  an  opportunity  of  seeing  me,  which  I  suppose 

[217] 


FEBRUARY       1  6,       l86l 

you  desire  to  do.  You  see  by  my  voice  that  I  am  quite  hoarse.  You 
will  not,  therefore,  expect  a  speech  from  me. 

1  Akron,  Ohio,  Summit  County  Beacon,  February  21,  1861. 

Remarks  at  Painesville,  Ohio1 

February  16,  1861 

LADIES  ATXV  GEi^TLEiMEisr — I  have  stepped  out  upon  this  plat- 
form that  I  may  see  you  and  that  you  may  see  me,  and  in  the  ar- 
rangement I  have  the  best  of  the  bargain.  The  train  only  stops  for 
a  few  minutes,  so  that  I  have  time  to  make  but  few  remarks,  and 
the  condition  of  my  voice  is  such  that  I  could  not  do  more  if  there 
were  time.  We  are  met  by  large  crowds  of  people  at  almost  every 
ten  miles,  but  in  few  instances  where  there  are  so  many  as  here, 
or  where  there  are  so  many  (turning  towards  them  and  bowing) 
good-looking  ladies.  I  can  only  say  now  that  I  bid  you  good  morn- 
ing and  farewell. 

Then  turning  towards  it  he  said,  "let  us  have  the  better  music 
from  the  Band." 

1  Paines-ville  Telegraph,  February  21,  1861.  The  Cleveland  Plain  Dealer, 
February  16,  gives  a  shorter  but  similar  report. 


Remarks  at  Ashtabula,  Ohio1 

February  16,  1861 

.  .  .  .  "I  can  only  say  how  do  you  do,  and  farewell,  as  my  voice 
you  perceive  will  warrant  nothing  more.  I  am  happy  to  see  so 
many  pleasant  faces  around  me  and  to  be  able  to  greet  you  as 
friends." 

As  he  bowed  in  conclusion,  some  one  on  behalf  of  the  ladies, 
called  for  Mrs.  Lincoln,  to  which  the  president  replied  that  "he 
should  hardly  hope  to  induce  her  to  appear,  as  he  had  always  found 
it  very  difficult  to  make  her  do  what  she  did  not  want  to." 
1  Ashtabula  Weekly  Telegraph,  February  23,  1861. 

Remarks  at  Conneaut,  Ohio1 

February  16,  1861 

I  have  lost  my  voice  and  cannot  make  a  speech,  but  my  inten- 
tions are  good.  He  then  thanked  the  people  for  the  kindly  demon- 
stration, and  as  the  cars  commenced  to  move  slowly  forward 
through  the  crowd  which  lined  both  sides  of  the  track,  Capt.  Apple- 
by,  our  fellow-townsman,  called  out  to  him,  "Don't  give  up  the 

[218] 


FEBRUARY       1  6?       l86l 

ship!"  To  which  Mr.  Lincoln  responded  "with  your  aid  I  never 
will  as  long  as  life  lasts." 

1  Conneaut  Reporter ;  February  21,  1861. 

Remarks  at  Erie,  Pennsylvania1 

February  16,  1861 

Being  hoarse  and  fatigued,  he  excused  himself  from  speaking  at 
any  length  or  expressing  his  opinions  on  the  exciting  questions  of 
the  day.  He  trusted  that  when  the  time  for  speaking,  fully  and 
plainly,  should  come,  he  would  say  nothing  not  in  accordance  with 
the  Constitution  and  the  Laws  and  the  manifest  interests  of  the 
whole  country.  Counselling  all  to  firmness,  forbearance,  and  pa- 
triotic adherence  to  the  Constitution  and  the  Union,  he  retired 
amidst  applause. 

1  Erie  Weekly  Gazette,  February  21,  1861. 

Remarks  at  Westfield,  New  York1 

February  16,  1861 

At  Westfield,  Mr.  LusrcoLisr  greeted  a  large  crowd  of  ladies,  and 
several  thousand  of  the  sterner  sex.  Addressing  the  ladies,  he  said, 
"I  am  glad  to  see  you;  I  suppose  you  are  to  see  me;  but  I  certainly 
think  I  have  the  best  of  the  bargain.  (Applause,)  Some  three 
months  ago,  I  received  a  letter  from  a  young  lady  here;  it  was  a 
very  pretty  letter,  and  she  advised  me  to  let  my  whiskers  grow, 
as  it  would  improve  my  personal  appearance;  acting  partly  upon 
her  suggestion,  I  have  done  so;  and  now,  if  she  is  here,  I  would 
like  to  see  her;  I  think  her  name  was  Miss  BARLEY."2  A  small  boy, 
mounted  on  a  post,  with  his  mouth  and  eyes  both  wide  open,  cried 
out,  "there  she  is,  Mr.  LINCOLN,"  pointing  to  a  beautiful  girl,  with 
black  eyes,  who  was  blushing  all  over  her  fair  face.  The  President 
left  the  car,  and  the  crowd  making  way  for  him,  he  reached  her, 
and  gave  her  several  hearty  kisses,  and  amid  the  yells  of  delight 
from  the  excited  crowd,  he  bade  her  good-bye,  and  on  we  rushed. 

1  Philadelphia  Inquirer,  February  20,  1861. 

2  Grace  Bedell.  See  Lincoln's  letter,  October  19,  ±860,  supra. 

Remarks  at  Dunkirk,  New  York1 

February  16,  1861 

At  Dunkirk,  at  least  12,000  or  15,000  were  assembled,  a  tri- 
umphal arch  was  erected  over  the  track,  with  Union  mottoes  upon 
it,  music  and  military  surrounded  us,  fair  ladies  waved  their 

[219] 


FEBRUARY       1  6,       l86l 

handkerchiefs,  and  a  platform  around  a  flag  staff,  covered  -with 
velvet  carpet,  was  prepared  for  Mr.  LINCOLN  to  speak  from.  He 
stepped  from  the  cars  upon  it,  and  as  the  tumult  subsided,  said,  "I 
am  glad  to  meet  you  all;  I  regret  I  cannot  stop  to  speak  to  you, 
but  were  I  to  stop  and  make  a  speech  at  every  station,  I  would  not 
reach  Washington  until  after  the  inauguration.  Standing  as  I  do, 
luith  my  hand  upon  this  staff.,  and  under  the  folds  of  the  American 

flag*>  I  ASK:  YOU  TO  STA3NTD  BY  1ME  SO  LONG  AS  I  STAND  BY  IT. 
1  Philadelphia  Inquirer^  February  20,  1861. 

Speech  at  Buffalo-,  New  York1 

February  16,  1861 

Mr.  Mayor,  and  Fellow  Citizens  of  Buffalo  and  the  State  of  New 
York: — I  am  here  to  thank  you  briefly  for  this  grand  reception 
given  to  me,  not  personally,  but  as  the  representative  of  our  great 
and  beloved  country.  (Cheers.)  Your  worthy  Mayor  has  been 
pleased  to  mention  in  his  address  to  me,  the  fortunate  and  agree- 
able journey  which  I  have  had  from  home,  on  my  rather  circui- 
tous route  to  the  Federal  Capital.  I  am  very  happy  that  he  was  en- 
abled in  truth  to  congratulate  myself  and  companions  [company] 
on  that  fact.  It  is  true  we  have  had  nothing,  thus  far,  to  mar  the 
pleasure  of  the  trip.  We  have  not  been  met  alone  by  those  who  as- 
sisted in  giving  the  election  to  me — I  say  not  alone — but  by  the 
whole  population  of  the  country  through  which  we  have  passed. 
This  is  as  it  should  be. 

Had  the  election  fallen  to  any  other  of  the  distinguished  candi- 
dates instead  of  myself,  under  the  peculiar  circumstances,  to  say 
the  least,  it  would  have  been  proper  for  all  citizens  to  have  greeted 
him  as  you  now  greet  me.  It  is  evidence  of  the  devotion  of  the 
whole  people  to  the  Constitution,  the  Union,  and  the  perpetuity  of 
the  liberties  of  this  country.  (Cheers.)  I  am  unwilling,  on  any  oc- 
casion, that  I  should  be  so  meanly  thought  of,  as  to  have  it  supposed 
for  a  moment  that  I  regard  these  demonstrations  as  tendered  to  me 
personally.  They  should  be  tendered  to  no  individual  man.  They 
are  tendered  to  the  country,  to  the  institutions  of  the  country,  and 
to  the  perpetuity  of  the  [liberties  of  the]  country  for  which  these 
institutions  were  made  and  created. 

Your  worthy  Mayor  has  thought  fit  to  express  the  hope  that  I 
may  be  able  to  relieve  the  country  from  its  present — or  I  should 
say,  its  threatened  difficulties.  I  am  sure  I  bring  a  heart  true  to 
the  work.  (Tremendous  applause.)  For  the  ability  to  perform  it,  I 
must  trust  in  that  Supreme  Being  who  has  never  forsaken  this 

[220] 


FEBRUARY      1   8,      1  8  6  1 

favored  land,  through  the  instrumentality  of  this  great  and  intelli- 
gent people.  Without  that  assistance  I  shall  surely  fail.  With  it  I 
cannot  fail. 

When  we  speak  of  threatened  difficulties  to  the  country,  it  is 
natural  that  there  should  be  expected  from  me  something  with 
regard  to  particular  measures.  Upon  more  mature  reflection,  how- 
ever, others  "will  agree  with  me  that  when  it  is  considered  that 
these  difficulties  are  without  precedent,  and  have  never  been  acted 
upon  by  any  individual  situated  as  I  am,  it  is  most  proper  I 
should  wait,  see  the  developments,  and  get  all  the  light  I  can,  so 
that  when  I  do  speak  authoritatively  I  may  be  as  near  right  as 
possible.  (Cheers.)  When  I  shall  speak  authoritatively,  I  hope  to 
say  nothing  inconsistent  with  the  Constitution,  the  Union,  the 
rights  of  all  the  States,  of  each  State,  and  of  each  section  of  the 
country,  and  not  to  disappoint  the  reasonable  expectations  of  those 
who  have  confided  to  me  their  votes. 

In  this  connection  allow  me  to  say  that  you,  as  a  portion  of  the 
great  American  people,  need  only  to  maintain  your  composure. 
Stand  up  to  your  sober  convictions  of  right,  to  your  obligations  to 
the  Constitution,  act  in  accordance  with  those  sober  convictions, 
and  the  clouds  which  now  arise  in  the  horizon  will  be  dispelled, 
and  we  shall  have  a  bright  and  glorious  future;  and  when  this 
generation  has  passed  away,  tens  of  thousands  will  inhabit  this 
country  where  only  thousands  inhabit  [it]  now. 

I  do  not  propose  to  address  you  at  length — I  have  no  voice  for 
it.  Allow  me  again  to  thank  you  for  this  magnificent  reception, 
and  bid  you  farewell. 

1  Buffalo  Morning  Express,  February  18,  1861;  New  York  Herald,  February 
17,  1861.  The  Express  and  Herald  texts  are  substantially  the  same.  At  a  few 
points  important  variations  in  the  Herald  are  given  in  brackets. 

Remarks  at  Batavia,  New  York1 

February  18,  1861 

At  Batavia,  gray  as  was  the  light  and  deep  as  was  the  snow, 
there  was  a  very  large  gathering  of  people,  who  saluted  Mr.  LIN- 
COLN with  cheers  and  with  the  firing  of  cannon.  Of  course  they 
wanted  to  hear  him  speak,  but  to  their  calls  he  replied  that  he  did 
not  appear  before  them  or  the  country  as  a  talker,  nor  did  he  desire 
to  obtain  a  reputation  as  such.  He  thanked  them  for  the  kind  at- 
tention manifested  by  their  rising  at  so  inconvenient  an  hour,  and 
bade  them  farewell  amidst  a  burst  of  genuine  enthusiasm. 

1  New  York  Times,  February  19,  1861. 

[221] 


Remarks  at  Rochester,  New  York1 

February  18,  1861 

I  confess  myself,  after  having  seen  large  audiences  since  leaving 
home,  overwhelmed  with  this  vast  number  of  faces  at  this  hour  of 
the  morning.  I  am  not  vain  enough  to  believe  that  you  are  here 
from  any  wish  to  see  me  as  an  individual,  but  because  I  am,  for 
the  time  being,  the  representative  of  the  American  people.  I  could 
not,  if  I  would,  address  you  at  any  length.  I  have  not  the  strength, 
even  if  I  had  the  time,  for  a  speech  at  these  many  interviews  that 
are  afforded  me  on  my  way  to  Washington.  I  appear  merely  to  see 
you,  and  to  let  you  see  me,  and  to  bid  you  farewell.  I  hope  it  will 
be  understood  that  it  is  from  no  disposition  to  disoblige  anybody, 
that  I  do  not  address  you  at  greater  length. 

!New  York  Times,,  Tribune,  and  Herald,  February  19,  1861. 

Remarks  at  Clyde,  New  York1 

February  18,  1861 

At  Clyde  an  enthusiastic  crowd  was  gathered,  who  welcomed 
Mr.  Lincoln  with  a  salute  and  cheers.  He  thanked  the  people  for 
the  welcome,  but  had  no  speech  to  make,  and  no  time  to  make  it  in. 
He  was  glad  to  see  them,  and  bade  them  good  morning. 
*New  York  Tribune,  February  19,  1861. 

Remarks  at  Syracuse,  New  York1 

February  18,  1861 

LADIES  AND  GEISTTLEMEIN":  I  see  you  have  erected  a  very  fine  and 
handsome  platform  here  for  me,  and  I  presume  you  expected  me 
to  speak  from  it.  If  I  should  go  upon  it  you  would  imagine  that  I 
was  about  to  deliver  you  a  much  longer  speech  than  I  am.  I  wish 
you  to  understand  that  I  mean  no  discourtesy  to  you  by  thus  de- 
clining. I  intend  discourtesy  to  no  one.  But  I  wish  you  to  under- 
stand that  though  I  am  unwilling  to  go  upon  this  platform,  you 
are  not  at  liberty  to  draw  any  inferences  concerning  any  other 
platform  with  which  my  name  has  been  or  is  connected.  [Laughter 
and  applause.]  I  wish  you  a  long  life  and  prosperity  individually, 
and  pray  that  with  the  perpetuity  of  those  institutions  under  which 
we  have  all  so  long  lived  and  prospered,  our  happiness  may  be  se- 
cured, our  future  made  brilliant,  and  the  glorious  destiny  of  our 
country  established  forever.  I  bid  you  a  kind  farewell. 
1  New  York  Times,  February  19,  1861. 

[222] 


Remarks  at  Utica,  New  York1 

February  18,  1861 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen — I  have  but  a  short  speech  to  make  you. 
I  have  no  time  to  make  remarks  of  any  length.  I  appear  before 
you  to  bid  you  farewell — to  see  you,  and  to  allow  you  all  to  see  me. 
At  the  same  time  I  acknowledge,  ladies,  that  I  think  I  have  the  best 
of  the  bargain  in  the  sight.  I  only  appear  to  greet  you,  and  to  say 
farewell.  I  will  come  out  again  on  the  platform  before  the  train 
leaves,  so  that  you  may  see  me. 

(Mr.  Lincoln  was  then  introduced  to  a  number  of  gentlemen  on 
the  car,  passing  around  at  the  same  time,  until  he  reached  the 
north  side,  when  he  made  the  following  remarks) : 

Gentlemen — I  come  around  to  say  to  you  what  I  did  to  those 
on  the  other  side,  which  was  but  a  f  ew  words,  and  little  more  than 
good  morning,  as  it  were,  and  farewell.  I  can't  however  say  here, 
exactly  what  I  did  on  the  other  side,  as  there  are  no  ladies  on  this 
side.  I  said  that  there  were  so  many  ladies  present  that  I  had  the 
best  part  of  the  sight,  but  bear  in  mind  I  don't  make  any  such  ad- 
mission now.  Farewell! 

1  Utica  Evening  Telegraphy  February  18,  1861. 

Remarks  at  Little  Falls,  New  York1 

February  18,  1861 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen:  I  appear  before  you  merely  for  the  pur- 
pose of  greeting  you,  saying  a  few  words  and  bidding  you  farewell. 
I  have  no  speech  to  make,  and  no  sufficient  time  to  make  one  if  I 
had;  nor  have  I  the  strength  to  repeat  a  speech,  at  all  the  places 
at  which  I  stop,  even  if  all  the  other  circumstances  were  favorable. 
I  have  come  to  see  you  and  allow  you  to  see  me  (Applause)  and 
in  this  so  far  [as]  regards  the  Ladies,  I  have  the  best  of  the  bargain 
on  my  side.  I  don't  make  that  acknowledgement  to  the  gentlemen, 
(Increased  laughter)  and  now  I  believe  I  have  really  made  my 
speech  and  am  ready  to  bid  you  farewell  when  the  cars  move  on. 
1  Herkimer,  New  York,  Democrat,  February  20,  1861. 

Remarks  at  Fonda,  New  York1 

February  18,  1861 

At  Fonda,  in  response  to  enthusiastic  greetings,  Mr.  Lincoln 
made  a  short  speech,  and,  in  declining  to  mount  a  platform  pre- 
pared for  him,  said  that,  though  he  would  not  get  upon  zY,  he  wished 

[223] 


FEBRUARY       1   8,       l86l 

it  to  be  distinctly  understood  that  he  would  never  shrink  from  a 
platform  on  which  he  properly  belonged. 
1  New  York  Times,  February  19,  1861. 

Remarks  at  Schenectady,  New  York1 

February  18,  1861 

Mr.  Lincoln,  appearing  at  the  rear  end  of  the  car,  being  intro- 
duced by  Hon.  Judge  Potter,2  said  that  he  saw  they  had  done  him 
the  honor  of  erecting  a  very  handsome  platform  here,  but  he 
should  be  obliged  to  decline  using  it,  not  that  he  repudiated  plat- 
forms, but  because  he  had  refused  to  speak  on  one  at  other  places. 
He  really  had  no  speech  to  make,  no  time  to  make  one,  and  no 
sufficient  strength  to  make  one.  You  are  all  here  to  see  and  to  be 
seen,  but  where  there  are  so  many  assembled  he  thought  that  he 
obtained  the  best  view.  And  now  he  must  bid  them  all  farewell  as 
the  train  would  soon  start.  We  were  only  able  to  obtain  a  f  ew  dis- 
jointed sentences  of  what  the  President  said. 

1  Schenectady  Daily  Evening  Star,  February  19,  1861. 

2  Platt  Potter,  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  New  York  (1856-1873). 

Reply  to  Mayor  George  H.  Thacher 
at  Albany,  New  York1 

February  18,  1861 

MR.  MAYOR:  I  can  hardly  appropriate  to  myself  the  flattering 
terms  in  which  you  communicate  the  tender  of  this  reception,  as 
personal  to  ray  self,  I  most  gratefully  accept  the  hospitalities  ten- 
dered to  me,  and  will  not  detain  you  or  the  audience  with  any  ex- 
tended remarks  at  this  time.  I  presume  that  in  the  two  or  three 
courses  through  which  I  shall  have  to  go,  I  shall  have  to  repeat 
somewhat,  and  I  will  therefore  only  repeat2  to  you  my  thanks  for 
this  kind  reception. 

1  New  York  Herald  and  Times,  February  19,  1861. 

2  New  York  Tribune,  February  19,  1861,  reads  "express." 

Reply  to  Governor  Edwin  D.  Morgan 
at  Albany.,  New  York1 

February  18,  1861 

Mr.  GOVERNOR — I  was  pleased  to  receive  an  invitation  to  visit 
the  capital  of  the  great  Empire  State  of  this  nation  on  my  way  to 

[224] 


FEBRUARY       18,       l86l 

the  federal  capital,  and  I  now  thank  you,  Mr.  Governor,  and  the 
people  of  this  capital  and  the  people  of  the  State  of  New  York,  for 
this  most  hearty  and  magnificent  welcome.  If  I  am  not  at  fault,  the 
great  Empire  State  at  this  time  contains  a  greater  population  than 
did  the  United  States  of  America  at  the  time  she  achieved  her  na- 
tional independence.  I  am  proud  to  be  invited  to  pass  through  your 
capital  and  meet  them,  as  I  now  have  the  honor  to  do.  I  am  noti- 
fied by  your  Governor  that  this  reception  is  given  without  distinc- 
tion of  party.  I  accept  it  more  gladly  because  it  is  so.  Almost  all 
men  in  this  country,  and  in  any  country  where  freedom  of  thought 
is  tolerated,  attach  themselves  to  political  parties.  It  is  but  ordinary 
charity  to  attribute  this  to  the  fact  that  in  so  attaching  himself  to 
the  party  which  his  judgment  prefers,  the  citizen  believes  he  there- 
by promotes  the  best  interests  of  the  whole  country;  and  when  an 
election  is  passed,  it  is  altogether  befitting  a  free  people,  that  until 
the  next  election,  they  should  be  as  one  people.  The  reception  you 
have  extended  to  me  to-day  is  not  given  to  me  personally.  It  should 
not  be  so,  but  as  the  representative  for  the  time  being  of  the  ma- 
jority of  the  nation.  If  the  election  had  resulted  in  the  selection  of 
either  of  the  other  candidates,  the  same  cordiality  should  have 
been  extended  him,  as  is  extended  to  me  this  da}^  in  their  testi- 
mony of  the  devotion  of  the  whole  people  to  the  Constitution  and 
to  the  whole  Union,  and  of  their  desire  to  perpetuate  our  institu- 
tions, and  to  hand  them  down  in  their  perfection  to  succeeding 
generations.  I  have  neither  the  voice  nor  the  strength  to  address 
you  at  any  greater  length.  I  beg  you  will  accept  my  most  grateful 
thanks  for  this  devotion,  not  to  me,  but  to  this  great  and  glorious 
free  country. 

1  New  York  Herald  and  Times,  February  19,  1861.  The  New  York  Tribune 
text,  same  date,  is  at  considerable  verbal  variance,  but  the  variations  are  not 
sufficiently  significant  to  merit  collation. 

Address  to  the  Legislature 
at  Albany,  New  York1 

February  18,  1861 

MR.  PRESIDENT  AND  GENTLEMEN  OP  THE  LEGISLATURE  OF  THE 
STATE  OF  NEW  YORK:  It  is  with  feelings  of  great  diffidence,  and  I 
may  say  with  feelings  of  awe,  perhaps  greater  than  I  have  recent- 
ly experienced,  that  I  meet  you  here  in  this  place.  The  history  of 
this  great  State,  the  renown  of  those  great  men  who  have  stood 
here,  and  spoke  here,  and  been  heard  here,  all  crowd  around  my 
fancy,  and  incline  me  to  shrink  from  any  attempt  to  address  you. 

[225] 


FEBRUARY       1   8,       l86l 

Yet  I  have  some  confidence  given  me  by  the  generous  manner  in 
which  you  have  invited  me,  and  by  the  still  more  generous  man- 
ner in  which  you  have  received  me  to  speak  further.  You  have  in- 
vited and  received  me  without  distinction  of  party.  I  cannot  for 
a  moment  suppose  that  this  has  been  done  in  any  considerable  de- 
gree with  reference  to  my  personal  services,  but  that  it  is  done  in 
so  far  as  I  am  regarded  at  this  time  as  the  representative  of  the 
majesty  [majority]  of  this  great  nation.  I  doubt  not  this  is  the 
truth  and  the  whole  truth  of  the  case,  and  this  is  as  it  should  be. 
It  is  much  more  gratifying  to  me  that  this  reception  has  been  given 
to  me  as  the  representative  of  a  free  people  than  it  could  possibly 
be  if  tendered  me  [merely]  as  an  evidence  of  devotion  to  me,  or 
to  any  one  man  personally,  and  now  I  think  it  were  more  fitting 
that  I  should  close  these  hasty  remarks.  It  is  true  that  while  I  hold 
myself  without  mock  modesty,  the  humblest  of  all  individuals  that 
have  ever  been  elevated  to  the  Presidency,  I  have  a  more  difficult 
task  to  perform  than  any  one  of  them.  You  have  generously  ten- 
dered me  the  united  support  of  the  great  Empire  State.  For  this,  in 
behalf  of  the  nation,  in  behalf  of  the  present  and  future  of  the 
nation,  in  behalf  of  the  civil  and  religious  liberty  for  all  time  to 
come,  most  gratefully  do  I  thank  you.  I  do  not  propose  to  enter  in- 
to an  explanation  of  any  particular  line  of  policy  as  to  our  present 
difficulties  to  be  adopted  by  the  incoming  administration.  I  deem 
it  just  to  you,  to  myself  and  to  all  that  I  should  see  everything,  that 
I  should  hear  everything,  that  I  should  have  every  light  that  can 
be  brought  within  my  reach,  in  order  that  when  I  do  so  speak,  I 
shall  have  enjoyed  every  opportunity  to  take  correct  and  true 
ground;  and  for  this  reason  I  don't  propose  to  speak  at  this  time  of 
the  policy  of  the  Government;  but  when  the  time  comes  I  shall 
speak  as  well  as  I  am  able  for  the  good  of  the  present  and  future 
of  this  country — for  the  good  both  of  the  North  and  the  South  of 
this  country — for  the  good  of  the  one  and  the  other,  and  of  all 
sections  of  the  country.  [Rounds  of  applause.]  In  the  mean  time, 
if  we  have  patience;  if  we  restrain  ourselves;  if  we  allow  ourselves 
not  to  run  off  in  a  passion,  I  still  have  confidence  that  the  Al- 
mighty, the  Maker  of  the  Universe  will,  through  the  instrumental- 
ity of  this  great  and  intelligent  people,  bring  us  through  this  as 
He  has  through  all  the  other  difficulties  of  our  country.  Relying  on 
this,  I  again  thank  you  for  this  generous  reception.  [Applause  and 
cheers.] 

1  New  York  Times,  Herald,  and  Tribune,  February  19,  1861.  The  Times  and 
Herald  have  practically  the  same  text.  Bracketed  words  are  variants  in  the 
Herald  or  Tribune. 

[226] 


Reply  to  M.  I.  Townsend  and  Committee1 

February  18,  1861 

I  shall  be  obliged  to  go  by  way  of  Troy  in  pursuing  my  journey 
to-morrow  morning.  It  is  with  pleasure,  therefore,  that  I  accept 
your  invitation.  I  shall  only  be  able  to  remain  a  f ew  moments  "with 
you.  But  I  appreciate  the  compliment  of  the  invitation.  I  will  spend 
just  as  much  time  with  you  as  the  train  permits.  In  this,  as  in  other 
matters,  it  is  my  intention  as  it  shall  be  my  purpose  to  do  everything 
possible  to  gratify  my  friends. 

1  Troy,  New  York,  Daily  Times ^  February  19,  1861.  Townsend  and  members 
of  a  committee  from  Troy  called  upon  Lincoln  at  the  Delavan  House,  Albany, 
New  York,  to  invite  Tiitn  to  visit  Troy  the  next  day. 


Remarks  at  Troy,  New  York1 

February  19,  1861 

Mr.  Mayor  and  Felloiv  Citizens  of  Troy,  Neiu  York: — I  am  here 
to  thank  you  for  this  noble  demonstration  of  the  citizens  of  Troy, 
and  I  accept  this  flattering  reception  with  feelings  of  profound 
gratefulness.  Since  having  left  home,  I  confess,  sir,  having  seen 
large  assemblages  of  the  people,  but  this  immense  gathering  more 
than  exceeds  anything  I  have  ever  seen  before.  Still,  fellow  citi- 
zens, I  am  not  so  vain  as  to  suppose  that  you  have  gathered  to  do 
me  honor  as  an  individual,  but  rather  as  the  representative  for 
the  fleeting  time  of  the  American  people.  I  have  appeared  only 
that  you  might  see  me  and  I  you,  and  I  am  not  sure  but  that  I 
have  the  best  of  the  sight. 

Again  thanking  you,  fellow  citizens,  I  bid  you  an  affectionate 
farewell. 

1  Troy  Daily  Budget,  February  19,  1861.  THe  New  York  Herald  and  Tribune,, 
February  20,  report  Lincoln's  remarks  at  Troy  "with,  considerable  verbal  vari- 
ance from  the  Budget,  and  between  themselves.  The  import  is  the  same,  how- 
ever, and  the  variations  are  scarcely  worth  collating.  Lincoln  was  welcomed 
by  Mayor  Isaac  McConihe. 


Remarks  at  Hudson,  New  York1 

February  19,  1861 

FELLOW  CITIZENS:  I  see  that  you  have  provided  a  platform, 
but  I  shall  have  to  decline  standing  on  it.  (Laughter  and  ap- 
plause.) The  Superintendent  tells  me  I  have  not  time  during  our 
brief  stay  here  to  leave  the  train.  I  had  to  decline  standing  on  some 

[227] 


FEBRUARY      IQ,      l86l 

very  handsome  platforms  prepared  for  me  yesterday.  But  I  say  to 
you,  as  I  said  to  them,  you  must  not  on  this  account  draw  the  infer- 
ence that  I  have  any  intention  to  desert  any  platform  I  have  a  le- 
gitimate right  to  stand  on.  I  do  not  appear  before  you  for  the  pur- 
pose of  making  a  speech,  I  come  only  to  see  you  and  to  give  you  the 
opportunity  to  see  me;  and  I  say  to  you,  as  I  have  before  said  to 
crowds  where  there  were  so  many  handsome  ladies  as  there  are 
here,  I  have  decidedly  the  best  of  the  bargain.  I  have  only,  there- 
fore, to  thank  you  most  cordially  for  this  kind  reception,  and  bid 
you  all  f arewell. 

*  New  York  Herald,  February  20,  1861.  The  New  York  Tribune  version  is 
shorter  but  substantially  the  same. 

Remarks  at  Poughkeepsie,  New  York1 

February  19,  1861 

I  cannot  expect  to  make  myself  heard  by  any  considerable  num- 
ber of  you,  my  friends,  but  I  appear  here  rather  for  the  purpose  of 
seeing  you  and  being  seen  by  you.  (Laughter.)  I  do  not  believe 
that  you  extend  this  welcome — one  of  the  finest  I  have  ever  re- 
ceived— to  the  individual  man  who  now  addresses  you  but  rather 
to  the  person  who  represents  for  the  time  being  the  majesty  of  the 
constitution  and  the  government.  (Cheers.)  I  suppose  that  here, 
as  everywhere,  you  meet  me  without  distinction  of  party,  but  as 
the  people.  (Cries  of  "yes/'  "yes.")  It  is  with  your  aid,  as  the 
people,  that  I  think  we  shall  be  able  to  preserve — not  the  country, 
for  the  country  will  preserve  itself,  (cheers),  but  the  institutions 
of  the  country — (great  cheering);  those  institutions  which  have 
made  us  free,  intelligent  and  happy — the  most  free,  the  most  in- 
telligent and  the  happiest  people  on  the  globe.  (Tremendous  ap- 
plause.) I  see  that  some,  at  least,  of  you  are  of  those  who  believe 
that  an  election  being  decided  against  them  is  no  reason  why  they 
should  sink  the  ship.  ("Hurrah.")  I  believe  with  you,  I  believe  in 
sticking  to  it,  and  carrying  it  through;  and,  if  defeated  at  one  elec- 
tion, I  believe  in  taking  the  chances  next  time.  (Great  laughter 
and  applause.)  I  do  not  think  that  they  have  chosen  the  best  man 
to  conduct  our  affairs,  now — I  am  sure  they  did  not — (here  the 
speaker  was  interrupted  by  noise  and  confusion  in  another  part  of 
the  crowd) — but  acting  honestly  and  sincerely,  and  with  your  aid, 
I  think  we  shall  be  able  to  get  through  the  storm.  (Here  Mr.  Sloan 
caught  hold  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  arm  and  pulled  him  around  to  see 
the  locomotives — the  Union  and  Constitution — which  passed  gaily 
dressed  with  flags.  Turning  hastily,  Mr.  Lincoln  continued) — In 

[228] 


FEBRUARY       1   Q,       1   8  6  1 

addition  to  what  I  have   said,  I  have  only  to  bid  you  farewell. 
(Cheers  and  a  salute,  amid  which  the  train  moved  on.) 

1  New  York  Herald,  February  20,  1861.  Tlie  New  York  Tribune  version  is 
considerably  more  verbose,  but  substantially  the  same. 

Remarks  at  Fishkill,  New  York1 

LADIES  AINT>  GErsTTLEiMEKT :  February  19,  1861 

I  appear  before  you  not  to  make  a  speech.  I  have  no  sufficient 
time,  if  I  had  the  strength,  to  repeat  speeches  at  every  station  where 
the  people  kindly  gather  to  welcome  me  as  we  go  along.  If  I  had 
the  strength,  and  should  take  the  time,  I  should  not  get  to  Wash- 
ington until  after  inauguration,  which  you  must  be  aware  "would 
not  fit  exactly.  (Laughter.)  That  such  an  untoward  event  might 
not  transpire,  I  know  you  will  readily  forego  any  further  remarks; 
and  I  close  by  bidding  you  farewell.  (Loud  cheers.) 

1  New  York  Tribune,  February  20,  1861. 

Remarks  at  PeekskilL,  New  York1 

February   19,    1861 

LADIES  ATSTD  GEisrTLEMErNT:  I  have  but  a  moment  to  stand  before 
you  to  listen  to  and  return  your  kind  greeting.  I  thank  you  for 
this  reception  and  for  the  pleasant  manner  in  which  it  is  tendered 
to  me  by  our  mutual  friends.  I  will  say  in  a  single  sentence,  in  re- 
gard to  the  difficulties  that  lie  before  me  and  our  beloved  country, 
that  if  I  can  only  be  as  generously  and  unanimously  sustained  as 
the  demonstrations  I  have  witnessed  indicate  I  shall  be,  I  shall  not 
fail;  but  without  your  sustaining  hands  I  am  sure  that  neither  I 
nor  any  other  man  can  hope  to  surmount  those  difficulties.  I  trust 
that  in  the  course  I  shall  pursue  I  shall  be  sustained,  not  only  by 
the  party  that  elected  me,  but  by  the  patriotic  people  of  the  whole 
country, 

1  New  York  Herald,  February  20,  1861.  The  New  York  Tribune  version  dif- 
fers verbally,  but  is  substantially  the  same. 

Remarks  upon  Arriving  at  the  Astor  House, 

New  York  City1 

February  19,  1861 

FELLOW  CITIZENS — I  have  stepped  before  you  merely  in  com- 
pliance with  what  appeared  to  be  your  wish,  and  with  no  purpose 

[229] 


FEBRUARY       lQ->      l86l 

of  making  a  speech.  In  fact,  I  do  not  propose  making  a  speech  this 
afternoon.  I  could  not  be  heard  by  any  but  a  very  small  fraction 
of  you  at  best;  but  what  is  still  worse  than  that  is,  that  I  have 
nothing  just  now  to  say  worth  your  hearing.  (Loud  applause.)  I 
beg  you  to  believe  that  I  do  not  now  refuse  to  address  you  through 
any  disposition  to  disoblige  you,  but  the  contrary.  But  at  the  same 
time  I  beg  of  you  to  excuse  me  for  the  present. 

1  New  York  Herald,  February  20,  1861.  The  New  York  Tribune  version  is 
substantially  the  same. 

Speech  at  the  Astor  House.,  New  York  City1 

February  19,  1861 

Mr.  CHAIRMAN  AISTD  GEINTTLEMETST: — I  am  rather  an  old  man  to 
avail  myself  of  such  an  excuse  as  I  am  now  about  to  do,  yet  the 
truth  is  so  distinct  and  presses  itself  so  distinctly  upon  me  that  I 
cannot  well  avoid  it,  and  that  is  that  I  did  not  understand  when  I 
was  brought  into  this  room  that  I  was  brought  here  to  mate  a 
speech.  It  was  not  intimated  to  me  that  I  was  brought  into  the 
room  where  Daniel  Webster  and  Henry  Clay  had  made  speeches,2 
and  where  one  in  my  position  might  be  expected  to  do  something 
like  those  men,  or  do  something  unworthy  of  myself  or  my  audi- 
ence. I  therefore  will  beg  you  to  make  very  great  allowance  for 
the  circumstances  under  which  I  have  been  by  surprise  brought 
before  you.  Now,  I  have  been  in  the  habit  of  thinking  and  speak- 
ing for  some  time  upon  political  questions  that  have  for  some  years 
past  agitated  the  country,  and  if  I  were  disposed  to  do  so,  and  we 
could  take  up  some  one  of  the  issues  as  the  lawyers  call  them,  and 
I  were  called  upon  to  make  an  argument  about  it  to  the  best  of  my 
ability,  I  could  do  that  without  much  preparation.  But  that  is  not 
what  you  desire  to  be  done  here  to-night.  I  have  been  occupying 
a  position,  since  the  Presidential  election,  of  silence,  of  avoiding 
public  speaking,  of  avoiding  public  writing.  I  have  been  doing  so 
because  I  thought,  upon  full  consideration,  that  was  the  proper 
course  for  me  to  take.  (Great  applause.)  I  am  brought  before  you 
now  and  required  to  make  a  speech,  when  you  all  approve,  more 
than  anything  else,  of  the  fact  that  I  have  been  silent — (loud 
laughter,  cries  of  "Good — good,"  and  applause) — and  now  it  seems 
to  me  from  the  response  you  give  to  that  remark  it  ought  to  justify 
me  in  closing  just  here.  (Great  laughter.)!  have  not  kept  silent 
since  the  Presidential  election  from  any  party  wantonness,  or  from 
any  indifference  to  the  anxiety  that  pervades  the  minds  of  men  about 
the  aspect  of  the  political  affairs  of  this  country.  I  have  kept  si- 

[230] 


FEBRUARY       1Q,       l86l 

lence  for  the  reason  that  I  supposed  it  was  peculiarly  proper  that 
I  should  do  so  until  the  time  came  when,  according  to  the  customs 
of  the  country,  I  should  speak  officially.  (Voice,  partially  inter- 
rogative, partially  sarcastic,  "Custom  of  the  country?")  I  heard 
some  gentleman  say,  "According  to  the  custom  of  the  country;"  I 
alluded  to  the  custom  of  the  President  elect  at  the  time  of  taking 
his  oath  of  office.  That  is  what  I  meant  by  the  custom  of  the 
country.  I  do  suppose  that  while  the  political  drama  being  enacted 
in  this  country  at  this  time  is  rapidly  shifting  in  its  scenes,  for- 
bidding an  anticipation  with  any  degree  of  certainty  to-day  what 
we  shall  see  to-morrow,  that  it  was  peculiarly  fitting  that  I  should 
see  it  all  up  to  the  last  minute  before  I  should  take  ground,  that 
I  might  be  disposed  by  the  shifting  of  the  scenes  afterwards  again 
to  shift.  (Applause.)  I  said  several  times  upon  this  journey,  and  I 
now  repeat  it  to  you,  that  when  the  time  does  come  I  shall  then 
take  the  ground  that  I  think  is  right — (interruption  by  cries  of 
"Good,"  "good,"  and  applause) — the  ground  I  think  is  right  for 
the  North,  for  the  South,  for  the  East,  for  the  "West,  for  the  whole 
country — (cries  of  "Good,"  "Hurrah  for  Lincoln,"  and  great  ap- 
plause) .  And  in  doing  so  I  hope  to  feel  no  necessity  pressing  upon 
me  to  say  anything  in  conflict  with  the  constitution,  in  conflict 
with  the  continued  union  of  these  States — (applause) — in  conflict 
with  the  perpetuation  of  the  liberties  of  these  people — (cheers)  — 
or  anything  in  conflict  with  anything  whatever  that  I  have  ever 
given  you  reason  to  expect  from  me.  (Loud  cheers.)  And  now,  my 
friends,  have  I  said  enough.  (Cries  of  "No,  no,"  "Go  on,"  &c.) 
Now,  my  friends,  there  appears  to  be  a  difference  of  opinion  be- 
tween you  and  me,  and  I  feel  called  upon  to  insist  upon  deciding 
the  question  myself.  (Enthusiastic  cheers.) 

1  New  York  Herald,  February  20,  1861.  The  New  York  Tribune  text  is  sub- 
stantially the  same,  but  omits  some  phrases   and  sentences.  The  reception  at 
which  Lincoln  spoke  was  held  on  the  night  of  February   19. 

2  In  introducing  Lincoln,  E.   Delafield  Smith  had   alluded  to   the   fact  that 
the   reception   room    at    the   Astor   House   had  been   the    scene    of   receptions 
honoring  "Webster  and  Clay. 


To  the  People  of  Newark,  New  Jersey1 

[February  19,  1861] 

I  shall  be,  able  to  do  no  more  than  to  bow  to  the  people  of  New 
Ark  from  the  train  A 


1  ALS-F,  ISLA.  This  brief  note  was  written  at  the  Astor  House,  probably 
in  response  to  an  inquiry  from  Newark  Republicans. 

[231] 


Reply  to  the  Brooklyn  Common  Council 
Committee,  New  York  City1 

February  19,  1861 

....  Mr.  Lincoln  thanked  the  authorities  of  Brooklyn  for  their 
kind  attention,  and  regretted  that  his  engagements,  during  his 
brief  stay  in  New  York,  would  not  permit  him  to  visit  the  city  of 
churches,  though  it  would  have  afforded  him  much  pleasure  to 
have  done  so,  had  circumstances  permitted. 

1  Philadelphia  Inquirer,  February  21,  1861. 


Announcement  in  the  Illinois  State  Journal 

February  20,  1861 

The  notes  and  papers  of  Mr.  Liisrcomsr  are  left  with  Mr.  ROBERT 
IRWIIST,  where  persons  interested  can  find  them.  If  any  of  his  ac- 
counts are  left  unpaid,  Mr.  iRwm  will  pay  them  on  being  satis- 
fied of  their  correctness.  A. 
Feb.  20,  1861. 

1  Illinois  State  Journal,  February  21,  1861. 


Reply  to  Mayor  Fernando  Wood 
at  New  York  City1 

February  20,  1861 

Mr.  MAYOR — It  is  with  feelings  of  deep  gratitude  that  I  make 
my  acknowledgment  for  this  reception  which  has  been  given  me  in 
the  great  commercial  city  of  New  York.  I  cannot  but  remember 
that  this  is  done  by  a  people  who  do  not  by  a  majority  agree 
with  me  in  political  sentiments.  It  is  the  more  grateful  [to 
me]  because  in  this  reception  I  see  that,  in  regard  to  the  great 
principles  of  our  government,  the  people  are  very  nearly  or  quite 
unanimous. 

In  reference  to  the  difficulties  that  confront  us  at  this  time,  and 
of  which  your  Honor  thought  fit  to  speak  so  becomingly,  and  so 
justly  as  I  suppose,  I  can  only  say  that  I  fully  concur  in  the  senti- 
ments expressed  by  the  Mayor.  In  my  devotion  to  the  Union  I  hope 
I  am  behind  no  man  in  the  Union;  but  as  to  the  wisdom  with  which 
to  conduct  affairs  tending  to  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  I  fear 

[232] 


FEBRUARY      21,       l86l 

that  even  too  great  confidence  may  have  been  reposed  [placed]  in 
me.  I  am  sure  I  bring  a  heart  devoted  to  the  work. 

There  is  nothing  that  can  ever  bring  me  willingly  to  consent 
to  the  destruction  of  this  Union,  tinder  which  not  only  the  commer- 
cial city  of  New  York,  but  the  whole  country  has  acquired  its 
greatness,  unless  it  were  to  be  that  thing  for  which  the  Union  it- 
self was  made.  I  understand  a  ship  to  be  made  for  the  carrying 
and  preservation  of  the  cargo,  and  so  long  as  the  ship  can  be  saved, 
with  the  cargo,  it  should  never  be  abandoned.  This  Union  should 
likewise  never  be  abandoned  "unless  it  fails  and  the  probability 
of  its  preservation  shall  cease  to  exist  -without  throwing  the  pas- 
sengers and  cargo  overboard.  So  long,  then,  as  it  is  possible  that 
the  prosperity  and  the  liberties  of  the  people  can  be  preserved  in  the 
Union,  it  shall  be  my  purpose  at  all  times  to  preserve  it.  Thanking 
you  for  the  reception  given  me,  allow  me  to  come  to  a  close. 

1  New  York  Herald,  February  21,  1861.  The  significant  verbal  variations  in 
the  New  York  Tribune  report  have  been  inserted  in  brackets.  Lincoln  spoke  at 
City  Hall. 


Remarks  from  the  Balcony  of  City  Hall, 
New  York  City1 

February  20,  1861 

FRIENDS:  I  do  not  appear  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  speech.  I 
design  to  make  no  speech.  I  came  merely  to  see  you,  and  allow 
you  to  see  me.  [Cheers.]  And  I  have  to  say  to  you,  as  I  have  said 
frequently  to  audiences  on  my  journey,  that,  in  the  sight,  I  have 
the  best  of  the  bargain.  [Tremendous  cheers.]  Assuming  that  you 
are  all  for  the  Constitution,  the  Union  [renewed  cheering],  and 
the  perpetual  liberties  of  this  people,  I  bid  you  farewell.  [Cheers.] 

1  New  York  Tribune  and  Herald,  February  21,  1861.  The  texts  are  prac- 
tically identical. 


Remarks  at  Jersey  City,  New  Jersey1 

February  21,   1861 

Ladies  and  gentlemen  of  the  State  of  New- Jersey,  I  shall  only 
thank  you  briefly  for  this  very  kind  and  cordial  reception — not  as 
given  to  me  individually,  but  as  to  the  representative  of  the  chief 
magistracy  of  this  great  nation.  I  cannot  make  any  speech  now  to 

[233] 


FEBRUARY       21,      l86l 

you,  as  I  shall  be  met  frequently  to-day  in  the  same  manner  as 
you  have  received  me  here,  and,  therefore,  have  not  the  strength 
to  address  you  at  length.  I  am  here  before  you  care-worn,  for  little 
else  than  to  greet  you,  and  to  say  farewell.  You  have  done  me  the 
very  high  honor  to  present  your  reception  of  me  through  your  own 
great  man — a  man  with  whom  it  is  an  honor  to  be  associated  any- 
where— a  man  with  whom  no  State  could  be  poor.  [Applause,  long 
continued.]  His  remarks  of  welcome,  though  brief,  deserve  an 
hour's  well-considered  reply;  but  time,  and  the  obligations  before 
me,  render  it  necessary  for  me  to  close  my  remarks — allow  me  to 
bid  you  a  kind  and  grateful  farewell. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  remarks  were  received  with  demonstrations  of 
applause,  and  the  waving  of  handkerchiefs. 

Loud  calls  were  then  made  for  Vice-President  Hamlin;  but  it 
was  announced  that  he  was  not  present,  and  would  be  detained  in 
New- York  till  to-morrow. 

Then  followed  a  rush  to  shake  hands  with  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  in 
the  rush  and  crush  the  policemen  and  reporters  were  nearly  anni- 
hilated. Loud  cries  were  kept  up  for  "Lincoln,  Lincoln,"  and  to 
quiet  the  crowd  Mr.  Lincoln  once  more  came  to  the  front  of  the 
platform  and  said: 

There  appears  to  be  a  desire  to  see  more  of  me,  and  I  can  only 
say  that  from  my  position,  especially  when  I  look  around  the  gal- 
lery (bowing  to  the  ladies),  I  feel  that  I  have  decidedly  the  best 
of  the  bargain,  and  in  this  matter  I  am  for  no  compromises  here. 
[Applause  and  much  laughter.] 

1  New  York  Tribune,  February  22,  1861.  William  L.  Dayton,  attorney  gen- 
eral of  New  Jersey,  introduced  Loncoln. 


Remarks  at  Newark,  New  Jersey1 

February  21,  1861 

MAYOR:  I  thank  you  for  the  reception  to  your  city,  and 
would  say  in  response,  that  I  bring  a  heart  sincerely  devoted  to  the 
work  you  desire  I  should  do.  With  my  own  ability  I  cannot  suc- 
ceed, without  the  sustenance  of  Divine  Providence,  and  of  this 
great,  free,  happy,  and  intelligent  people.  Without  these  I  cannot 
hope  to  succeed;  with  them  I  cannot  fail.  Again  I  return  you  my 
thanks.  [Cheers.] 

1  New  York  Tribune,  February  22,   1861.  Other  papers  reported  the  speech 
with  wide  latitude  of  verbal  differences,  but  the  substance  is  the  same.  Follow- 

[234] 


FEBRUARY      21,       l86l 

ing  the  remarks,  Lincoln  was  driven  through  town  in  an  open  barouche  to  the 
"upper  depot"  where  the  train  had  proceeded,  and  where  he  was  agam  intro- 
duced and  "made  a  few  remarks,  thanking  the  townspeople  for  their  com- 
plimentary turnout.  .  .  ."  (New  York  World,  February  22). 


Remarks  at  New  Brunswick.,  New  Jersey1 

February  21,  1861 

Mr.  L.  then  made  a  few  remarks,  saying  substantially  that  "he 
was  gratified  with  the  manifestations  of  respect  and  kind  feelings 
which  his  fellow-citizens  were  pleased  to  give  so  frequently;  that 
he  did  not  appear  before  them  to  make  a  speech,  because  he  had 
none  to  make,  and  didn't  know  that  it  would  be  proper  to  make  a 
speech  even  if  he  had  one  to  make  and  the  disposition  to  make  it. 
He  appeared  to  see  them  and  give  them  an  opportunity  to  see  him; 
to  say  good  morning  to  them,  and,  when  the  cars  started  off,  to 
say  farewell." 

1  New  Brunswick  Fredonian,  February  21,  1861.  Lincoln  was  introduced  from 
the  rear  platform  of  the  last  car  by  Judge  John  Van  Dyke. 


Address  to  the  New  Jersey  Senate 
at  Trenton-,  New  Jersey1 

February  21,    1861 

MR.  PRESIDENT  AND  GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  SENATE  OF  THE  STATE 
OF  NEW- JERSEY:  I  am  very  grateful  to  you  for  the  honorable 
reception  of  which  I  have  been  the  object.  I  cannot  but  remember 
the  place  that  New- Jersey  holds  in  our  early  history.  In  the  early 
Revolutionary  struggle,  few  of  the  States  among  the  old  Thirteen 
had  more  of  the  battle-fields  of  the  country  within  their  limits  than 
old  New- Jersey.  May  I  be  pardoned  if,  upon  this  occasion,  I  men- 
tion that  away  back  in  my  childhood,  the  earliest  days  of  my  being 
able  to  read,  I  got  hold  of  a  small  book,  such  a  one  as  few  of  the 
younger  members  have  ever  seen,  "Weem's  Life  of  Washington."  I 
remember  all  the  accounts  there  given  of  the  battle  fields  and 
struggles  for  the  liberties  of  the  country,  and  none  fixed  themselves 
upon  my  imagination  so  deeply  as  the  struggle  here  at  Trenton, 
New- Jersey.  The  crossing  of  the  river;  the  contest  with  the  Hes- 
sians; the  great  hardships  endured  at  that  time,  all  fixed  them- 
selves on  my  memory  more  than  any  single  revolutionary  event; 
and  you  all  know,  for  you  have  all  been  boys,  how  these  early  im- 

[235] 


FEBRUARY   W21,       l86l 

pressions  last  longer  than  any  others.  I  recollect  thinking  then, 
boy  even  though  I  was,  that  there  must  have  been  something  more 
than  common  that  those  men  struggled  for.  I  am  exceedingly 
anxious  that  that  thing  which  they  struggled  for;  that  something 
even  more  than  National  Independence;  that  something  that  held 
out  a  great  promise  to  all  the  people  of  the  world  to  all  time  to 
come;  I  am  exceedingly  anxious  that  this  Union,  the  Constitution, 
and  the  liberties  of  the  people  shall  be  perpetuated  in  accordance 
with  the  original  idea  for  which  that  struggle  was  made,  and  I 
shall  be  most  happy  indeed  if  I  shall  be  an  humble  instrument  in 
the  hands  of  the  Almighty,  and  of  this,  his  almost  chosen  people, 
for  perpetuating  the  object  of  that  great  struggle.  You  give  me  this 
reception,  as  I  understand,  without  distinction  of  party.  I  learn 
that  this  body  is  composed  of  a  majority  of  gentlemen  who,  in  the 
exercise  of  their  best  judgment  in  the  choice  of  a  Chief  Magis- 
trate, did  not  think  I  was  the  man.  I  understand,  nevertheless,  that 
they  came  forward  here  to  greet  me  as  the  constitutional  President 
of  the  United  States — as  citizens  of  the  United  States,  to  meet  the 
man  who,  for  the  time  being,  is  the  representative  man  of  the  na- 
tion, united  by  a  purpose  to  perpetuate  the  Union  and  liberties  of 
the  people.  As  such,  I  accept  this  reception  more  gratefully  than  I 
could  do  did  I  believe  it  was  tendered  to  me  as  an  individual. 

1  New  York  Tribune,  February  22,  1861. 


Address  to  the  New  Jersey  General  Assembly 
at  Trenton-,  New  Jersey1 

February  21,  1861 

MR.  SPEAKER  AISTD  GEisrTLEivEEiNr:  I  have  just  enjoyed  the  honor 
of  a  reception  by  the  other  branch  of  this  Legislature,  and  I  return 
to  you  and  them  my  thanks  for  the  reception  which  the  people  of 
New- Jersey  have  given,  through  their  chosen  representatives,  to 
me,  as  the  representative,  for  the  time  being,  of  the  majesty  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States.  I  appropriate  to  myself  very  little  of 
the  demonstrations  of  respect  with  which  I  have  been  greeted.  I 
think  little  should  be  given  to  any  man,  but  that  it  should  be  a 
manifestation  of  adherence  to  the  Union  and  the  Constitution.  I 
understand  myself  to  be  received  here  by  the  representatives  of 
the  people  of  New- Jersey,  a  majority  of  whom  differ  in  opinion 
from  those  with  whom  I  have  acted.  This  manifestation  is  there- 
fore to  be  regarded  by  me  as  expressing  their  devotion  to  the 

[236] 


FEBRUARY       21,       l86l 

Union,  the  Constitution  and  the  liberties  of  the  people.  You,  Mr. 
Speaker,  have  -well  said  that  this  is  a  time  when  the  bravest  and 
wisest  look  with  doubt  and  awe  upon  the  aspect  presented  by  our 
national  affairs.  Under  these  circumstances,  you  will  readily  see 
why  I  should  not  speak  in  detail  of  the  course  I  shall  deem  it  best 
to  pursue.  It  is  proper  that  I  should  avail  myself  of  all  the  informa- 
tion and  all  the  time  at  my  command,  in  order  that  when  the  time 
arrives  in  which  I  must  speak  officially,  I  shall  be  able  to  take  the 
ground  which  I  deem  the  best  and  safest,  and  from  which  I  may 
have  no  occasion  to  swerve.  I  shall  endeavor  to  take  the  ground  I 
deem  most  just  to  the  North,  the  East,  the  West,  the  South,  and  the 
whole  country.  I  take  it,  I  hope,  in  good  temper — certainly  no 
malice  toward  any  section.  I  shall  do  all  that  may  be  in  my  power 
to  promote  a  peaceful  settlement  of  all  our  difficulties.  The  man. 
does  not  live  who  is  more  devoted  to  peace  than  I  am.  [Cheers.] 
None  who  would  do  more  to  preserve  it.  But  it  may  be  necessary 
to  put  the  foot  down  firmly.  [Here  the  audience  broke  out  into 
cheers  so  loud  and  long  that  for  some  moments  it  was  impossible 
to  hear  Mr.  L.'s  voice.]  He  continued:  And  if  I  do  my  duty,  and 
do  right,  you  "will  sustain  me,  will  you  not?  [Loud  cheers,  and 
cries  of  "Yes,"  "Yes,"  "We  will."]  Received,  as  I  am,  by  the  mem- 
bers of  a  Legislature  the  majority  of  whom  do  not  agree  with  me 
in  political  sentiments,  I  trust  that  I  may  have  their  assistance  in 
piloting  the  ship  of  State  through  this  voyage,  surrounded  by  perils 
as  it  is;  for,  if  it  should  suffer  attack  now',  there  will  be  no  pilot 
ever  needed  for  another  voyage. 

Gentlemen,  I  have  already  spoken  longer  than  I  intended,  and 
must  beg  leave  to  stop  here. 

1  New  York  Tribune,  February  22,  1861. 


Remarks  at  Trenton  House, 
Trenton,  New  Jersey1 

February  21,  1861 

I  have  been  invited  by  your  representatives  to  the  Legislature, 
to  visit  this,  the  capital  of  your  honored  State,  and  in  acknowledg- 
ing their  kind  invitation,  compelled  to  respond  to  the  welcome  of 
the  presiding  officers  of  each  body,  and  I  suppose  they  intended  I 
should  speak  to  you  through  them,  as  they  are  the  representatives 
of  all  of  you;  and  if  I  was  to  speak  again  here,  I  should  only  have 
to  repeat  in  a  great  measure  much  that  I  have  said,  which  would 

[237] 


FEBRUARY      21,      l86l 

be  disgusting  to  my  friends  around  me  who  have  met  here.  I  have 
no  speech  to  make  ["that's  right"],  but  merely  appear  to  see  you 
and  let  you  look  at  me;  and  as  to  the  latter,  I  think  I  have  greatly 
the  best  of  the  bargain.  [Laughter.]  My  friends,  allow  me  to  bid 
you  farewell. 

1  New  York  Tribune  and  World,  February  22,  1861.  The  texts  are  similar. 

Reply  to  Mayor  Alexander  Henry 
at  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania1 

February  21,   1861 

Mr.  Mayor  and  Fellow  Citizens  of  Philadelphia — I  appear  be- 
fore you  to  make  no  lengthy  speech.  I  appear  before  you  to  thank 
you  for  the  reception.  The  reception  you  have  given  me  to-night  is 
not  to  ixie.,  the  man,  the  individual,  but  to  the  man  who  tempora- 
rily represents^  or  should  represent,  the  majesty  of  the  nation.  (Ap- 
plause.) It  is  true,  as  your  worthy  Mayor  has  said,  that  there  is 
great  anxiety  amongst  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  at  this  time. 
I  say  I  deem  it  a  happy  circumstance  that  the  dissatisfied  portion 
of  our  fellow  citizens  do  not  point  us  to  anything  in  which  they 
are  being  injured,  or  about  to  be  injured,  from  which  I  have  felt 
all  the  while  justified  in  concluding  that  the  crisis,  the  panic,  the 
anxiety  of  the  country  at  this  time  is  artificial.  If  there  be  those 
who  differ  with  me  upon  this  subject,  they  have  not  pointed  out  the 
substantial  difficulty  that  exists.  (Tremendous  cheering.) 

I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  this  artificial  panic  has  not  done 
harm.  That  it  has  done  much  harm  I  do  not  deny.  The  hope  that 
has  been  expressed  by  your  worthy  Mayor,  that  I  may  be  able  to 
restore  peace  and  harmony  and  prosperity  to  the  country,  is  most 
worthy  in  him;  and  most  happy  indeed  shall  I  be  if  I  shall  be  able 
to  fulfill  and  verify  that  hope.  (Cheers.) 

I  promise  you  in  all  sincerity,  that  I  bring  to  the  work  a  sincere 
heart.  Whether  I  will  bring  a  head  equal  to  that  heart,  will  be 
for  future  time  to  determine.  It  were  useless  for  me  to  speak  of  the 
details  of  the  plans  now.  I  shall  speak  officially  on  next  Monday 
week,  if  ever.  If  I  should  not  speak,  then  it  were  useless  for  me 
to  do  so  now.  [If  I  do  speak,  then  it  is  useless  for  me  to  do  so  now.]2 
When  I  do  speak,  as  your  worthy  Mayor  has  expressed  the  hope,  I 
will  take  such  grounds  as  I  shall  deem  best  calculated  to  restore 
peace,  harmony  and  prosperity  to  the  country,  and  tend  to  the 
perpetuity  of  the  nation,  and  the  liberty  of  these  States  and  all 
these  people.  (Applause.) 

[238] 


FEBRUARY       21,       l86l 

Your  worthy  Mayor  has  expressed  the  wish,  in  which  I  join 
with  him,  that  if  it  were  convenient  for  me  to  remain  with  you  in 
your  city  long  enough  to  consult,  [your  merchants  and  manufac- 
turers;]3 or,  as  it  were,  to  listen  to  those  breathings  rising  within 
the  consecrated  walls  where  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
and,  I  will  add,  the  Declaration  of  American  Independence  was 
originally  framed,  I  "would  do  so. 

I  assure  you  and  your  Mayor  that  I  had  hoped  on  this  occasion, 
and  upon  all  occasions  during  my  life,  that  I  shall  do  nothing 
inconsistent  with  the  teachings  of  those  holy  and  most  sacred 
-walls. 

I  have  never  asked  anything  that  does  not  breathe  from  those 
walls.  All  my  political  warfare  has  been  in  favor  of  the  teachings 
coming  forth  from  that  sacred  hall.  May  my  right  hand  forget  its 
cunning  and  my  tongue  cleave  to  the  roof  of  my  mouth,  if  ever  I 
prove  false  to  those  teachings. 

Fellow  citizens,  I  have  addressed  you  longer  than  I  expected  to 
do,  and  allow  me  now  to  bid  you  good  night. 

1  Philadelphia   Inquirer?   February   22,    1861.    The   New   York   Tribune   and 
other  papers  give  similar  texts.  Lincoln  spoke  from  the  balcony  of  the  Continen- 
tal Hotel  upon  arrival. 

2  Bracketed  words  are  in  the  New  York  Tribune  but  not  in  the  Inquirer. 

3  Bracketed  words  are  in  the  New  York  Tribune  and  World  but  not  in  the 
Inquirer. 


Reply  to  a  Delegation  from 
Wilmington,  Delaware1 

February  21,  1861 

Mr.  CHCAiniycArsr: — I  feel  highly  flattered  by  the  encomiums  you 
have  seen  fit  to  bestow  upon  me.  Soon  after  the  nomination  of 
Gen.  TAYLOR  I  attended  a  political  meeting  in  the  city  of  Wilming- 
ton, and  have  since  carried  with  me  a  fond  remembrance  of  the  hos- 
pitalities of  the  city  on  that  occasion.2  The  programme  established 
provides  for  my  presence  in  Harrisburg  in  twenty-four  hours  from 
this  time. 

I  expect  to  be  in  Washington  on  Saturday.  It  is,  therefore,  an 
impossibility  that  I  should  accept  your  kind  invitation.  There  are 
no  people  whom  I  would  more  gladly  accommodate  than  those  of 
Delaware;  but  circumstances  forbid,  gentlemen.  With  many  re- 
grets for  the  character  of  the  reply  I  am  compelled  to  give  you,  I 
bid  you  adieu. 

[239] 


FEBRUARY      22,      l86l 

l  Philadelphia  Inquirer,  February  22,  1861.  Lincoln  replied  to  a  speech  of 
invitation  by  William  S.  McCaulley,  chairman  of  the  delegation  from  Wil- 
mington, in  the  reception  parlor  of  the  Continental  Hotel.  This  speech  has  ap- 
peared in  other  editions  (Lapsley)  of  Lincoln's  works,  incorrectly  dated  Febru- 
ary 22.  2  See  June  10,  1848,  supra. 


Speech  in  Independence  Hall, 
Philadelphia.,  Pennsylvania1 

February  22,  1861 

Mr.  CUTLER: — I  am  filled  with  deep  emotion  at  finding  myself 
standing  here  in  the  place  where  were  collected  together  the  wis- 
dom, the  patriotism,  the  devotion  to  principle,  from  which  sprang 
the  institutions  under  which  we  live.  You  have  kindly  suggested 
to  me  that  in  my  hands  is  the  task  of  restoring  peace  to  our  dis- 
tracted country.  I  can  say  in  return,  sir,  that  all  the  political  sen- 
timents I  entertain  have  been  drawn,  so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to 
draw  them,  from  the  sentiments  which  originated,  and  were  given 
to  the  world  from  this  hall  in  which  we  stand.  I  have  never  had 
a  feeling  politically  that  did  not  spring  from  the  sentiments  em- 
bodied in  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  (Great  cheering.)  I 
have  often  pondered  over  the  dangers  which  were  incurred  by  the 
men  who  assembled  here  and  adopted2  that  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence—  I  have  pondered  over  the  toils  that  were  endured  by 
the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  army,  who  achieved  that  Independ- 
ence. (Applause.)  I  have  often  inquired  pf  myself,  what  great 
principle  or  idea  it  was  that  kept  this  Confederacy  so  long  together. 
It  was  not  the  mere  matter  of  the  separation  of  the  colonies  from 
the  mother  land;  but  something  in  that  Declaration  giving  liberty,3 
not  alone  to  the  people  of  this  country,  but  hope  to  the  world  for 
all  future  time.  (Great  applause.)  It  was  that  which  gave  promise 
that  in  due  time  the  weights  should  be  lifted  from  the  shoulders 
of  all  men,  and  that  all  should  have  an  equal  chance.  (Cheers.) 
This  is  the  sentiment  embodied  in  that  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence. 

Now,  my  friends,  can  this  country  be  saved  upon  that  basis?  If 
it  can,  I  will  consider  myself  one  of  the  happiest  men  in  the  world 
if  I  can  help  to  save  it.  If  it  can't  be  saved  upon  that  principle,  it 
will  be  truly  awful.  But,  if  this  country  cannot  be  saved  without 
giving  up  that  principle — I  was  about  to  say  I  would  rather  be 
assassinated  on  this  spot  than  to  surrender  it,4  (Applause.) 

Now,  in  my  view  of  the  present  aspect  of  affairs,  there  is  no 
need  of  bloodshed  and  war.  There  is  no  necessity  for  it.  I  am  not 

[240] 


FEBRUARY      22,       l86l 

in  favor  of  such  a  course,  and  I  may  say  in  advance,  there  will  be 
no  blood  shed  unless  it  be  forced  upon  the  Government.  The  Gov- 
ernment will  not  use  force  unless  force  is  used  against  it.5  (Pro- 
longed applause  and  cries  of  "That's  the  proper  sentiment.") 

My  friends,  this  is  a  wholly  unprepared  speech.  I  did  not  expect 
to  be  called  upon  to  say  a  word  when  I  came  here — I  supposed  I 
was  merely  to  do  something  towards  raising  a  flag.  I  may,  there- 
fore, have  said  something  indiscreet,  (cries  of  "no,  no"),  but  I 
have  said  nothing  but  what  I  am  willing  to  live  by,  and,  in6  the 
pleasure  of  Almighty  God,  die  by. 

1  Philadelphia  Inquirer.,  February  23,   1861.  Important  variations  of  the  text 
in  the  New  York  Tribune  are  given  in  footnotes.  Lincoln  was  welcomed  by 
Theodore  L.  Cuyler,  president  of  the  Select  Council  of  Philadelphia. 

2  New  York  Tribune  reads,  "and  framed  and  adopted." 

3  Tribune   reads,   "but   that   sentiment   in   the   Declaration   of   Independence 
which  gave  liberty." 

4  Lincoln's  allusion  may  have  been  suggested  by  the  •warning  which  he  had 
received  of  a  plot  to  assassinate  him,  when  the  presidential  train  passed  through 
Baltimore. 

5  Tribune  reads  in  place  of  this  sentence,  ".  .  .  ,  and  then  it  -will  be  compelled 
to  act  in  self-defense."  6  Tribune  reads,  "and  if  it  be  the  pleasure." 

Speech  at  the  Flag-raising  before 
Independence  Hall,  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania1 

February  22,  1861 

FELLOW  CITIZENS: —  I  am  invited  and  called  before  you  to  par- 
ticipate in  raising  above  Independence  Hall  the  flag  of  our  country, 
with  an  additional  star  upon  it.  (Cheers.)  I  propose  now,  in  ad- 
vance of  performing  this  very  pleasant  and  complimentary  duty, 
to  say  a  few  words.  I  propose  to  say  that  when  that  flag  "was  origi- 
nally raised  here  it  had  but  thirteen  stars.  I  wish  to  call  your  atten- 
tion to  the  fact,  that,  under  the  blessing  of  God,  each  additional  star 
added  to  that  flag  has  given  additional  prosperity  and  happiness  to 
this  country  until  it  has  advanced  to  its  present  condition;  and  its 
welfare  in  the  future,  as  well  as  in  the  past,  is  in  your  hands. 
(Cheers.)  Cultivating  the  spirit  that  animated  our  fathers,  who 
gave  renown  and  celebrity  to  this  Hall,  cherishing  that  fraternal 
feeling  which  has  so  long  characterized  us  as  a  nation,  excluding 
passion,  ill-temper  and  precipitate  action  on  all  occasions,  I  think 
we  may  promise  ourselves  that  not  only  the  new  star  placed  upon 
that  flag  shall  be  permitted  to  remain  there  to  our  permanent  pros- 
perity for  years  to  come,  but  additional  ones  shall  from  time  to 
time  be  placed  there,  until  we  shall  number  as  was  anticipated  by 

[241] 


FEBRUARY      22,       l86l 

the  great  historian,  five  hundred  millions  of  happy  and  prosperous 
people.  (Great  applause.)  With  these  few  remarks,  I  proceed  to 
the  very  agreeable  duty  assigned  me. 

l  Philadelphia  Inquirer,  February  23,  1861.  Immediately  following  the 
speech  in  Independence  Hall,  Lincoln  was  accompanied  to  a  platform  outside 
where  he  was  introduced  to  the  assembled  crowd  by  Stephen  Benton,  chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  City  Property,  in  charge  of  the  ceremonies.  The  new  flag 
contained  thirty-four  stars,  the  thirty-fourth  representing  Kansas,  admitted  into 
the  Union  on  January  29,  1861. 


Remarks  at  Leaman  Place.,  Pennsylvania1 

February  22,  1861 

Mr.  Lincoln  appeared  and  said  he  was  too  unwell  to  say  much 
to  them.  He  expressed  his  pleasure  on  entering  the  great  county  of 
Lancaster,  and  thanked  them  for  their  friendly  greeting,  conclud- 
ing by  saying  that  he  had  merely  come  out  to  see  them  and  let 
them  see  him,  in  which  he  thought  he  had  the  best  of  the  bargain! 
To  this  the  crowd  responded  "no  you  haven't!" 

Loud  calls  being  made  for  Mrs.  Lincoln,  Mr.  L.  brought  her  out, 
and  said  he  had  concluded  to  give  them  "the  long  and  the  short 
of  it!"  This  remark — with  the  disparity  between  the  length  of  him- 
self and  wife — produced  a  loud  burst  of  laughter,  followed  by  en- 
thusiastic cheers  as  the  train  moved  off. 

1  Lancaster,  Pennsylvania,  Evening  Express,  February  22,  1861. 


Remarks  at  Lancaster,  Pennsylvania1 

February  22,  1861 

LADIES  AND  GEISTTLEMEKT  OF  OLD  LANCASTER:  I  appear  not  to 
make  a  speech.  I  have  not  time  to  make  them  at  length,  and  not 
strength  to  make  them  on  every  occasion,  and,  worse  than  all,  I 
have  none  to  make.  I  come  before  you  to  see  and  be  seen  and, 
as  regards  the  ladies,  I  have  the  best  of  the  bargain;  but,  as  to  the 
gentlemen,  I  cannot  say  as  much.  There  is  plenty  of  matter  to 
speak  about  in  these  times,  but  it  is  well  known  that  the  more  a 
man  speaks  the  less  he  is  understood — the  more  he  says  one  thing, 
his  adversaries  contend  he  meant  something  else.  I  shall  soon  have 
occasion  to  speak  officially,  and  then  I  will  endeavor  to  put  my 
thoughts  just  as  plain  as  I  can  express  myself,  true  to  the  Consti- 
tution and  Union  of  all  the  States,  and  to  the  perpetual  liberty 
of  all  the  people.  Until  I  so  speak,  there  is  no  need  to  enter  upon 

[242] 


FEBRUARY       22,       l86l 

details.  In  conclusion,  I  greet  you  most  heartily,  and  "bid  you  an 
affectionate  farewell. 

1  New  York  Tribune  and  Times >  February  23,  1861.  Other  versions  are  sub- 
stantially the  same. 

Reply  to  Governor  Andre w  J.  Curtin 
at  Harrisbiirg,  Pennsylvania1 

February  22,  1861 

Gov.  Curtin  and  citizens  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania:  Perhaps 
the  best  thing  that  I  could  do  would  be  simply  to  endorse  the  pa- 
triotic and  eloquent  speech  which  your  Governor  has  just  made 
in  your  hearing.  [Applause.]  I  am  quite  sure  that  I  am  unable 
to  address  to  you  anything  so  appropriate  as  that  which  he  has 
uttered. 

Reference  has  been  made  by  him  to  the  distraction  of  the  pub- 
lic mind  at  this  time  and  to  the  great  task  that  lies  before  me  in 
entering  upon  the  administration  of  the  General  Government. 
With  all  the  eloquence  and  ability  that  your  Governor  brings  to 
this  theme,  I  am  quite  sure  he  does  not — in  his  situation  he  can- 
not— appreciate  as  I  do  the  weight  of  that  great  responsibility.  I 
feel  that,  under  God,  in  the  strength  of  the  arms  and  wisdom  of 
the  heads  of  these  masses,  after  all,  must  be  my  support.  [Immense 
cheering.]  As  I  have  often  had  occasion  to  say,  I  repeat  to  you — 
I  am  quite  sure  I  do  not  deceive  myself  when  I  tell  you  I  bring  to 
the  work  an  honest  heart;  I  dare  not  tell  you  that  I  bring  a  head 
sufficient  for  it.  [A  voice — "we  are  sure  of  that."]  If  my  own 
strength  should  fail,  I  shall  at  least  fall  back  upon  these  masses, 
who,  I  think,  under  any  circumstances  will  not  fail. 

Allusion  has  been  made  to  the  peaceful  principles  upon  which 
this  great  Commonwealth  was  originally  settled.  Allow  me  to  add 
my  meed  of  praise  to  those  peaceful  principles.  I  hope  no  one  of 
the  Friends  who  originally  settled  here,  or  who  lived  here  since 
that  time,  or  who  live  here  now,  has  been  or  is  a  more  devoted 
lover  of  peace,  harmony  and  concord  than  my  humble  self. 

While  I  have  been  proud  to  see  to-day  the  finest  military  array, 
I  think,  that  I  have  ever  seen,  allow  me  to  say  in  regard  to  those 
men  that  they  give  hope  of  what  may  be  done  when  war  is  inevi- 
table. But,  at  the  same  time,  allow-  me  to  express  the  hope  that  in 
the  shedding  of  blood  their  services  may  never  be  needed,  espe- 
cially in  the  shedding  of  fraternal  blood.  It  shall  be  my  endeavor 
to  preserve  the  peace  of  this  country  so  far  as  it  can  possibly  be 
done,  consistently  with  the  maintenance  of  the  institutions  of  the 

[243] 


FEBRUARY      22,      l86l 

country.  With  my  consent,  or  without  my  great  displeasure,  this 
country  shall  never  witness  the  shedding  of  one  drop  of  blood  in 
fraternal  strife. 

And  now,  my  fellow-citizens,  as  I  have  made  many  speeches, 
will  you  allow  me  to  bid  you  farewell? 

*  Harrisburg,  Pennsylvania  Daily  Telegraph.,  February  22,  1861.  Variant 
texts  in  New  York  Tribune  and  New  York  Times.,  February  23,  1861.  Lincoln 
spoke  from  the  balcony  of  the  Jones  House. 

Address  to  the  Pennsylvania  General  Assembly 

at  Harrisburg1 

February  22,  1861 

Mr.  Speaker  of  the  Senate  and  also  Mr.  Speaker  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  and  Gentlemen  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania.,  I  appear  before  you  only  for  a  very  few 
brief  remarks  in  response  to  what  has  been  said  to  me.  I  thank  you 
most  sincerely  for  this  reception,  and  the  generous  words  in  which 
support  has  been  promised  me  upon  this  occasion.  I  thank  your 
great  Commonwealth  for  the  overwhelming  support  it  recently 
gave — not  me  personally — but  the  cause  which  I  think  a  just  one, 
in  the  late  election.  [Loud  applause.] 

Allusion  has  been  made  to  the  fact — the  interesting  fact  perhaps 
we  should  say — that  I  for  the  first  time  appear  at  the  Capitol  of 
the  great  Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania,  upon  the  birthday  of 
the  Father  of  his  Country.  In  connection  with  that  beloved  anni- 
versary connected  with  the  history  of  this  country,  I  have  already 
gone  through  one  exceedingly  interesting  scene  this  morning  in  the 
ceremonies  at  Philadelphia.  Under  the  kind  conduct  of  gentlemen 
there,  I  was  for  the  first  time  allowed  the  privilege  of  standing  in 
old  Independence  Hall,  [enthusiastic  cheering],  to  have  a  few 
words  addressed  to  me  there  and  opening  up  to  me  an  opportunity 
of  expressing  with  much  regret  that  I  had  not  more  time  to  express 
something  of  my  own  feelings  excited  by  the  occasion — somewhat 
to  harmonize  and  give  shape  to  the  feelings  that  had  been  really 
the  feelings  of  my  whole  life. 

Besides  this,  our  friends  there  had  provided  a  magnificent  flag 
of  the  country.  They  had  arranged  it  so  that  I  was  given  the  honor 
of  raising  it  to  the  head  of  its  staff  [applause] ;  and  when  it  went 
up,  I  was  pleased  that  it  went  to  its  place  by  the  strength  of  my 
own  feeble  arm.  When,  according  to  the  arrangement,  the  cord  was 
pulled  and  it  flaunted  gloriously  to  the  wind  without  an  accident, 
in  the  light  [bright]2  glowing  sun-shine  of  the  morning,  I  could 

[244] 


FEBRUARY      22,       ±86l 

not  help  hoping  that  there  was  in  the  entire  success  of  that  beauti- 
ful ceremony,  at  least  something  of  an  omen  of  what  is  to  come. 
[Loud  applause.]  Nor  could  I  help,  feeling  then  as  I  often  have 
felt,  that  in  the  whole  of  that  proceeding  I  was  a  very  humble  in- 
strument. I  had  not  provided  the  flag;  I  had  not  made  the  arrange- 
ment for  elevating  it  to  its  place;  I  had  applied  but  a  very  small 
portion  of  even  my  feeble  strength  in  raising  it.  In  the  whole  trans- 
action, I  was  in  the  hands  of  the  people  who  had  arranged  it,  and 
if  I  can  have  the  same  generous  co-operation  of  the  people  of  this 
nation,  I  think  the  flag  of  our  country  may  yet  be  kept  flaunting 
gloriously.  [Enthusiastic,  long  continued  cheering.] 

I  recur  for  a  moment  but  to  repeat  some  words  uttered  at  the 
hotel  in  regard  to  what  has  been  said  about  the  military  support 
which  the  general  government  may  expect  from  the  Common- 
wealth  of  Pennsylvania,  in  a  proper  emergency.  To  guard  against 
any  possible  mistake  do  I  recur  to  this.  It  is  not  with  any  pleasure 
that  I  contemplate  the  possibility  that  a  necessity  may  arise  in  this 
country  for  the  use  of  the  military  arm.  [Applause.]  While  I  am 
exceedingly  gratified  to  see  the  manifestation  upon  your  streets  of 
your  military  force  here,  and  exceedingly  gratified  at  your  prom- 
ise here  to  use  that  force  upon  a  proper  emergency,  while  I  make 
these  acknowledgments,  I  desire  to  repeat,  in  order  to  preclude  any 
possible  misconstruction,  that  I  do  most  sincerely  hope  that  we 
shall  have  no  use  for  them — [loud  applause] — that  it  will  never 
become  their  duty  to  shed  blood,  and  most  especially  never  to  shed 
fraternal  blood.  I  promise  that,  (in  so  far  as  I  may  have  wisdom  to 
direct,)  if  so  painful  a  result  shall  in  any  wise  be  brought  about, 
it  shall  be  through  no  fault  of  mine.  [Cheers.] 

Allusion  has  also  been  made,  by  one  of  your  honored  Speakers, 
to  some  remarks  recently  made  by  myself  at  Pittsburgh,  in  regard 
to  what  is  supposed  to  be  the  especial  interest  of  this  great  Com- 
monwealth of  Pennsylvania.  I  now  wish  only  to  say,  in  regard  to 
that  matter,  that  the  f  ew  remarks  which  I  uttered  on  that  occasion 
were  rather  carefully  worded,  I  took  pains  that  they  should  be  so. 
I  have  seen  no  occasion  since  to  add  to  them  or  subtract  from  them. 
I  leave  them  precisely  as  they  stand;  [applause]  adding  only  now 
that  I  am  pleased  to  have  an  expression  from  you,  gentlemen  of 
Pennsylvania,  significant  that  they  are  satisfactory  to  you. 

And  now,  gentlemen  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Common- 
wealth of  Pennsylvania,  allow  me  again  to  return  to  you  my  most 
sincere  thanks. 

[Mr.  Lincoln  took  his  seat  amid  rapturous  and  prolonged  cheer- 
ing.] 

[245] 


FEBRUARY      26,       1  8  6   1 

lHarrisburg,   Pennsylvania  Daily   Telegraph,    February    22,    1861.   Variant 
texts  in  New  York  Tribune  and  New  York  Times.,  February  23,   1861. 
2  "Bright"  appears  in  Tribune. 

Reply  to  Committee  of  Congress  Reporting 
the  Electoral  Count1 

February  26,  1861 

With  deep  gratitude  to  my  countrymen  for  this  mark  of  their 
confidence;  with  a  distrust  of  my  own  ability  to  perform  the  re- 
quired duty  under  the  most  favorable  circumstances,  now  rendered 
doubly  difficult  by  existing  national  perils;  yet  with  a  firm  reliance 
on  the  strength  of  our  free  government,  and  the  ultimate  loyalty 
of  the  people  to  the  just  principles  upon  which  it  is  founded,  and 
above  all  an  unshaken  faith  in  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  nations,  I 
accept  this  trust.  Be  pleased  to  signify  my  acceptance  to  the  respec- 
tive Houses  of  Congress. 

1  Copy,  DLC-RTL.  The  copy  is  in  Nicolay's  handwriting,  but  bears  the  in- 
correct date  "Feb.  9,  1864"  in  another  hand.  There  is  also  in  the  Lincoln  Papers 
a  rough  copy  or  draft  in  another  hand,  which  may  be  the  transcript  made  at 
the  time  of  Lincoln's  reply,  and  revised  by  Nicolay  for  the  press.  The  text 
in  the  New  York  Herald,  February  27,  1861,  ^is  verbally  the  same. 

Reply  to  Mayor  James  G.  Berret 
at  Washington,  D.C.1 

February  27,  1861 

Mr.  MAYOR — I  thank  you,  and  through  you  the  municipal  au- 
thorities of  this  city  by  whom  you  are  accompanied  for  this  wel- 
come; and  as  it  is  the  first  time  in  my  life,  since  the  present  phase 
of  politics  has  presented  itself  in  this  country,  that  I  have  said  any- 
thing publicly  within  a  region  of  country  where  the  institution  of 
slavery  exists,  I  will  take  this  occasion  to  say,  that  I  think  very 
much  of  the  ill  feeling  that  has  existed  and  still  exists  between  the 
people  of  the  section  from  whence  I  came  and  the  people  here,  is 
owing  to  a  misunderstanding  bet-ween  each  other  which  unhappily 
prevails.  I  therefore  avail  myself  of  this  opportunity  to  assure  you, 
Mr.  Mayor,  and  all  the  gentlemen  present,  that  I  have  not  now, 
and  never  have  had,  any  other  than  as  kindly  feelings  towards  you 
as  to  the  people  of  my  own  section.  I  have  not  now,  and  never  have 
had,  any  disposition  to  treat  you  in  any  respect  otherwise  than  as 
my  own  neighbors.  I  have  not  now  any  purpose  to  withhold  from 
you  any  of  the  benefits  of  the  constitution,  under  any  circum- 
stances, that  I  would  not  feel  myself  constrained  to  withhold  from 
my  own  neighbors;  and  I  hope,  in  a  word,  when  we  shall  become 

[246] 


FKBRUARY       28,       l86l 

better  acquainted — and  I  say  it  with  great  confidence — we  shall 
like  each  other  the  more.  Again  I  thank  you  for  the  kindness  of  this 
reception. 

1  New  York  Herald,  February  28,  1861  Mayor  Berret  and  the  Common 
Council  of  Washington  visited  President  Buchanan  at  the  White  House  and 
then  called  to  welcome  President-elect  Lincoln  at  Willard's  Hotel. 

Response  to  a  Serenade1 

February  28,  1861 

MY  FRIENDS — I  suppose  that  I  may  take  this  as  a  compliment 
paid  to  me,  and  as  such  please  accept  my  thanks  for  it.  I  have 
reached  this  city  of  Washington  under  circumstances  considerably 
differing  from  those  under  which  any  other  man  has  ever  reached 
it.  I  have  reached  it  for  the  purpose  of  taking  an  official  position 
amongst  the  people,  almost  all  of  whom  were  opposed  to  me,  and 
are  yet  opposed  to  me,  as  I  suppose.    (Several  voices,  "No,  no." 
Other  voices  "Go  on,  sir;  you  are  mistaken  in  that,  indeed  you 
are.")  I  propose  no  lengthy  address  to  you  now.  I  only  propose  to 
say,  as  I  did  say  on  yesterday,  I  believe,  when  your  worthy  Mayor 
and  Board  of  Aldermen  called  upon  me,  that  I  thought  much  of  the 
ill  feeling  that  has  existed  between  you  and  the  people  of  your  sur- 
roundings and  that  people  from  amongst  whom  I  come,  has  de- 
pended,  and  now   depends,   upon   a   misunderstanding.    (Several 
voices — "That's  so;"  and  applause.)  I  hope  that  if  things  shall  go 
along  as  prosperously  as  I  believe  we  all  desire  they  may,  I  may 
have  it  in  my  power  to  remove  something  of  this  misunderstand- 
ing—  (cries  of  "Good,"  "Good,"  and  loud  applause) — that  I  may 
be  enabled  to  convince  you,  and  the  people  of  your  section  of  the 
country,  that  we  regard  you  as  in  all  things  being  our  equals — in 
all  things  entitled  to  the  same  respect  and  to  the  same  treatment 
that  we  claim  for  ourselves — (cries  of  "Good,"  and  applause)  — 
that  we  are  in  no  wise  disposed,  if  it  were  in  our  power,  to  oppress 
you  or  deprive  you  of  any  of  your  rights  under  the  constitution  of 
the  United  States  or  even  narrowly  to  split  hairs  with  you  in  re- 
gard to  these  rights.  (Loud  and  prolonged  cheering.)  But  are  deter- 
mined to  give  you,  so  far  as  lies  in  our  hands,  all  your  rights  under 
the  constitution,  not  grudgingly,  but  fully  and  fairly.    (Cries  of 
"Good,"  and  applause.)  I  hope  that  by  thus  dealing  with  you  we 
will  become  better  acquainted  and  be  better  friends.    (Cries   of 
"Good,"  and  applause.)  And  now  my  friends  with  these  very  few 
remarks,  I  again  return  my  thanks  for  this  compliment,  and  ex- 
pressing my  desire  to  hear  a  little  more  of  your  good  music,  I  bid 
you  good  night. 

[247] 


3VEARC3EI,       l86l 

iNew  York  Herald,  March  i,  1861.  The  U.S.  Marine  Band  and  a  great 
crowd  had  gathered  outside  Willard's  Hotel  while  President  and  Mrs.  Lincoln 
were  holding  a  levee  in  the  hotel  parlors.  Lincoln  responded  to  Hail  to  the 
Chief." 

To  Gideon  Welles1 

[March,  1861?] 

Sec.  of  the  Navy,  please  see  Mr.  Williams,  who  can  give  some  in- 
formation about  the  defences  [of  Charleston.  A.  LINCOLN] 

1ALS,  owned  hy  Stephen  V.  Feeley,  Washington,  D.C.  Mr.  "Williams  has 
not  been  identified.  The  card  on  which  this  note  is  written  has  heen  burned, 
and  the  date  is  illegible,  but  the  conclusion  and  signature  are  legible  in  part. 

List  of  Senators'  Preferences  for 
Cabinet  Appointment1 


Trumbull-  [Lyman  B.] 
Anthony  [Henry  B.] 
Baker  [Edward  D.] 
Bingham  [Kinsley  S.] 
Chandler  [Zachariah] 
Clark  [Daniel] 
Collamer  [Jacob] 
Dixon    [James] 
Doolittle  [James  R.] 
Durkee    [Charles] 
Fessenden  [William  P.] 
Foote  [Solomon  Foot] 
Foster   [Lafayette  S.] 
Grimes  [James  W.] 
Hale   [John  P.] 
Morrell  [Lot  M.  Morrill] 
Harlin  [James  Harlan] 
King  [Preston] 
Simmons   [James  F.] 
1  AD,  DLC-RTL. 


[March  i?  1861] 

Chase  x 

Simmons 
Cameron 
Chase- 
Cameron 

Chase—     Simmons  x 

Simmons 
Cameron 

Chase—     Fessenden—  Sherman- 
Chase 

Chase—  x 

Dayton  x 

Dayton.  Against  Chase  &  Cameron  x 
Dayton 

Chase  x 

Chase 
Chase- 
Chase  &  Sherman.  x 
Chase 


To  WiDiam  H.  Seward1 

Private 
Hon.  W.  H.  Seward  Willard's.  Feb.  [rfc]  March  i.  1861 

Dear  Sir  If  a  successor  to  Gen.  Twiggs  is  attempted  to  be  ap- 
pointed, do  not  allow  it  to  be  done.  Yours  in  haste 

A.  LriNrcouNr. 

3-ALS,  NAtiE.  General  David  E.  Twiggs  in  command  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Texas,  disbanded  his  forces  in  February,  1861,  and  accepted  a  major 
general's  commission  from  Georgia. 

[248] 


First  Inaugural  Address — First  Edition 
and  Revisions1 

March  4,  1861 

In2  compliance  with  a  custom  as  old  as  the  government  itself,  I 
appear  before  you  to  address  you  briefly,  and  to  take,  in  your  pres- 
ence, the  oath  prescribed  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
to  be  taken  by  the  President  "before  he  enters  on  the  execution  of 
his  office."3 

1  Documents,  DLC-RTL.  The  original  manuscript  was  composed  during  Jan- 
udry,  1861,  but,  with  the  exception  noted  below  (note  2)   is  presumably  not 
extant.  It  was  set  in  type  at  the  office  of  the  Illinois  State  Journal  and  printed 
in  eight  numbered  pages.  How  many  copies  were  struck  off  is  not  known,  but 
there  are  two  extant  copies  in  the  Lincoln  Papers,  both  labeled  "First  Edition" 
by  Lincoln.  One  of  these  copies,  which  bears  no  corrections,  is  herein  repro- 
duced. The  revisions  in  Lincoln's  hand  on  the  second  copy,  as  well  as  subsequent 
revisions,  by  Lincoln,  Seward,  and  Browning,  are  indicated  by  means  of  foot- 
notes. For  the  final  text,  see  First  Inaugural  Address — Final  Text,  infra. 

Lincoln  must  have  made  further  revisions  in  proof  sheets  of  the  First  Edi- 
tion before  the  printing  of  the  Second  Edition,  for  the  Second  Edition  omits 
some  paragraphs  and  shows  verbal  changes  from  his  corrected  First  Edition. 
No  source  of  these  corrections  has  been  found. 

There  are  five  extant  copies  of  the  Second  Edition:  one  copy  (in  the  Lincoln 
Papers)  bears  further  corrections  in  Lincoln's  handwriting,  some  of  which,  at 
least,  were  adopted  after  Lincoln  had  studied  Seward's  suggestions  for  revision 
in  late  February;  a  second  copy  (in  the  Henry  E.  Huntington  Library)  which 
was  given  to  Orville  H.  Browning  bears  his  single  suggestion  for  revision;  a 
third  copy  (in  the  Lincoln  Papers)  with  lines  numbered  by  Seward  is  accom- 
panied by  six  pages  (including  a  verso)  of  Seward's  manuscript  suggestions  for 
revision  keyed  to  the  line  numbering  (footnotes  herein  show  Seward's  sug- 
gestions relegated  to  their  appropriate  places  in  text) ;  a  fourth  copy  (in  the 
Lincoln  Papers)  bears  Nicolay's  transcription  of  Seward's  suggestions;  and  a 
fifth  copy  was  cut  up  into  clippings  which  were  used  in  the  preparation  of  the 
final  text  {infra). 

In  addition  to  the  clippings  from  the  fifth  copy  of  the  second  edition,  the 
final  text  (infra)  includes  passages  inserted  in  Lincoln's  handwriting,  incorpo- 
rating but  not  closely  following  the  preceding  revisions  and  suggestions;  many 
passages  were  completely  rewritten.  Two  other  copies  of  this  final  text  were 
made  up.  One  (in  the  Harvard  Library)  with  Lincoln's  rewritten  portions 
copied  in  Nicolay's  hand,  was  prepared  by  Nicolay  for  the  press;  the  other 
(owned  by  Crosby  N.  Boyd  of  Washington,  D.C.)  was  prepared  by  an  uniden- 
tified hand  specifically  for  the  Washington  Star  as  the  earliest  paper  to  go  to 
press  after  the  inaugural  ceremonies. 

Footnotes  3-99  indicate  the  revisions  which  were  made  or  suggested  up  to  the 
draft  of  the  final  text.  Sources  of  revisions  are  indicated  as  follows:  (L-isx) 
indicates  Lincoln's  revision  of  the  First  Edition,  and  (L-2m>)  his  revision  of 
the  second  edition;  (S-2ND)  indicates  Seward's  suggestions  for  revision  of  the 
second  edition;  and  (B-2ND)  indicates  Browning's  one  suggestion. 

2  The  autograph  manuscript  of  what  appears  to  be  an  earlier  draft  of  this 
paragraph  is  as  follows:  "In  compliance  with  a  custom  as  old  as  the  govern- 
ment, I  appear  before  you  to  address  you  briefly,  and,  in  your  presence,  to  take 
the  oath  prescribed  by  the  Constitution  and  laws  to  be  taken  by  whomever 
["enters  upon"  deleted]   assumes  to  perform  the  ["discharge*'  deleted]   duties 
of  our  national  chief  magistrate."  (DLC-RTL). 

3  (S-2KD)  "Omit  the  inverted  commas." 

[249] 


MARCH      4,      l86l 

The  more  modern  custom  of  electing4  a  Chief  Magistrate  upon 
a  previously  declared  platform5  of  principles,  supercedes,  in  a  great 
measure,  the  necessity  of  repeating6  those  principles  in  an  inaugu- 
ral address.7  Upon  the  plainest  grounds  of  good  faith,  one  so  elected 
is  not  at  liberty  to  shift  his  position.8  It  is  necessarily  implied,  if  not 
expressed,  that,  in  his  judgment,  the  platform  which  he  thus  ac- 
cepts,9 binds  him  to  nothing  either  unconstitutional  or  inexpedient. 

Having10  been  so  elected  upon  the  Chicago  Platform,  and  while 
I  would  repeat  nothing  in  it,  of  aspersion  or  epithet  or  question  of 
motive  against  any  man  or  party,  I  hold  myself  bound  by  duty,  as 
well  as  impelled  by  inclination  to  follow,  within  the  executive 
sphere,  the  principles  therein  declared.  By  no  other  course  could  I 
meet  the  reasonable  expectations  of  the  country.11 

I  do  not  consider  it  necessary  at  present  for  me  to12  say  more 
than  I  have,  in  relation  to  those  matters  of  administration,  about 
which  there  is  no  special  excitement. 

Apprehension  seems  to  exist  among  the  people  of  the  Southern 
States,  that  by  the  accession  of  a  Republican  Administration,  their 
property,  and  their  peace,  and  personal  security,  are  to  be  endan- 
gered. There  has  never  been  any  reasonable  cause  for  such  appre- 
hension. Indeed,  the  most  ample  evidence  to  the  contrary  has  all 
the  while  existed,  and  been  open  to  their  inspection.  It  is  found  in 
nearly  all  the  published  speeches  of  him  who  now  addresses  you. 
I  do  but  quote  from  one  of  those  speeches  when  I  declare  that  "I 
have  no  purpose,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  interfere  with  the  insti- 
tution of  slavery  in  the  States  where  it  exists.  I  believe  I  have  no 
lawful  right  to  do  so,  and  I  have  no  inclination  to  do  so."  Those 
who  nominated  and  elected  me  did  so  with  full  knowledge  that  I 
had  made  this  and  many  other  similar  declarations,  and  had  never 
recanted  them.  And  more  than  this,  they  placed  in  the  platform, 
for  my  acceptance,  and  as  a  law  to  themselves,  and  to  me,  the  clear 
and  emphatic  resolution  which  I  now  read: 

4  (S-2ND)  "Instead  of   [*]  electing  [']   write   'nominating.'" 

5  (S-2ND)  "Instead  of  [*lplatform[*]  write  'summary.*'* 

6  (L-isT)  "Repeating"  deleted,  "re-stating"  inserted. 

7  (L-isT)  "Inaugural"   deleted,   "of  this   character"  inserted   following   "ad- 
dress." 

8  (S-2ND)  "Strike  out  all  between  'Upon*  and  'position*  both  included." 

9  (S-23NTD)  "After  the  word  'that*   strike  out  'in  his  judgment  the  platform 
which  he  thus  accepts  [*]  and  insert  [']  the  summary  binds  the  officer  elected.  ['1 " 

10  (S-23sno)  "Strike  out  all  these  lines  [paragraph  beginning  with  "Having"] 
and  write  tWith  this  explanation  I  deem  it  my  duty  as  I  am  disposed  in  feeling 
to  follow  so  far  as  they  apply  to  the  Executive  sphere  the  principles  on  which  I 
was  brought  before  the  American  People,'  " 

11  (L-aixxO  Paragraphs  two  and  three  are  marked  for  deletion. 

12  (L.-2ND)  "Say  more  than  I  have,  in  relation  to"  deleted,  "discuss"  inserted. 

[250] 


MARCH      4,       l86l 

"Resolved,  That  the  maintenance  inviolate  of  the  rights  of  the 
States,  and  especially  the  right  of  each  State  to  order  and  control 
its  own  domestic  institutions  according  to  its  own  judgment  exclu- 
sively, is  essential  to  that  balance  of  power  on  which  the  perfection 
and  endurance  of  our  political  fabric  depend;  and  we  denounce  the 
lawless  invasion  by  armed  force  of  the  soil  of  any  State  or  Ter- 
ritory, no  matter  under  what  pretext,  as  among  the  gravest  of 
crimes." 

I  now  reiterate  these  sentiments:  and  in  doing  so,  I  only  press 
upon  the  public  attention  the  most  conclusive  evidence  of  which 
the  case  is  susceptible,  that  the  property,  peace  and  security  of  no 
section  are  to  be  in  anywise  endangered  by  the  now  incoming  Ad- 
ministration. I  add  too,  that  all  the  protection  which,  consistently 
with  the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  can  be  given,  will  be  cheerfully 
given13  to  all  the  States — as  cheerfully  to  one  section  as  to  another. 

There  is  much  controversy  about  the  delivering  up  of  fugitives 
from  service  or  labor.  The  clause  I  now  read  is  as  plainly  written 
in  the  Constitution  as  any  other  of  its  provisions: 

"No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under  the  law's 
thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or 
regulation  therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but 
shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service 
or  labor  may  be  due." 

It  is  scarcely  questioned  that  this  provision  -was  intended  by 
those  who  made  it,  for  the  reclaiming  of  what  we  call  fugitive 
slaves;  and  the  intention  of  the  law-giver  is  the  law.  All  members 
of  Congress  swear  their  support  to  the  whole  Constitution — to  this 
provision  as  much  as  to  any  other.  To  the  proposition,  then,  that 
slaves  whose  cases  come  within  the  terms  of  this  clause,  "shall  be 
delivered  up,"  their  oaths  are  unanimous.  Now,  if  they  would  all 
begin14  in  good  temper,  could  they  not,  with  something  like15 
nearly  equal  unanimity,  frame  and  pass  a  law,16  through  which  to 
keep  good  that  unanimous  oath? 

There  is  some  difference  of  opinion  whether  this  clause  should 
be  enforced  by  national  or  by  state  authority;  but  surely  that  dif- 
ference is  not  a  very  material  one.  If  the  slave  is  to  be  surrendered, 
it  can  be  of  but  little  consequence  to  him,  or  to  others,  by  which 
authority  it  is  done.  And  should  any  one,  in  any  case,  be  content 

13  (S-23NTD)  "After  the  -words  'cheerfully  given*  insert  'in  every  case  and 
under  all  circumstances/  " 

(Lr-arro)  "When  lawfully  demanded,  for  whatever  cause"  inserted, 
i*  (L-isx)    "All  begin"  deleted,  "make  the  effort"  inserted, 
is  (L-isx)    "Something  like"  deleted. 
16  (L-iST)    "Through"  deleted,   "by  means  of"  inserted. 

[251] 


MARCH      4,      l86l 

that  his  oath  shall  go  unkept,  on  a  merely  unsubstantial  contro- 
versy as  to  hoiv  it  shall  be  kept? 

Again,  in  any  law  upon  this  subject,  ought  not  all  the  safeguards 
of  liberty  known  in  human  and17  civilized  jurisprudence  to  be  in- 
troduced, so  that  a  free  man  be  not,  in  any  case,  surrendered  as  a 
slave? 

I  take  the  official  oath  to-day,  with  no  mental  reservations,  and 
with  no  purpose  to  construe  the  Constitution  or  laws,  by  any  hyper- 
critical rules.  And  while  I  do  not  think  proper18  now  to  specify 
particular  acts  of  Congress  as  proper  to  be  enforced,  I  do  suggest 
that  it  will  be  much  safer  for  all,  both  in  official  and  private  sta- 
tions, to  conform  to  and  abide  by  all  those  acts  which  stand  unre- 
pealed,  than  to  violate  any  of  them,  trusting  to  find  impunity  in 
having  them  held  to  be  unconstitutional. 

It  is  now19  seventy-two  years  since  the  first  inauguration  of  a 
President  under  our  national  Constitution.  During  the20  period  be- 
tween then  and  now,21  fifteen  different  and  greatly  distinguished 
citizens,  have  in  succession,  administered  the  executive  branch  of 
the  government.  They  have  conducted  it  through  many  perils;  and, 
on  the  whole,22  with  great  success.  Yet,  with  all  this  scope  for 
precedent,  I  now  enter  upon  the  same  task  for  the  brief  constitu- 
tional term  of  four  years,  under  great  and  peculiar  difficulty.  A 
disruption  of  the  Federal  Union23  is  menaced,  and,  so  far  as  can 
be  on  paper,  is  already  effected.  The  particulars  of  what  has  been 
done  are  so  familiar  and  so  fresh,  that  I  need24  to  waste  no25  time 
in  recounting  them. 

I  hold,  that  in  contemplation  of  universal  law,  and  of  the  Con- 
stitution, the  Union  of  these  States  is  perpetual.  Perpetuity  is  im- 
plied, if  not  expressed,  in  the  fundamental  law  of  all  national  gov- 
ernments. It  is  safe  to  assert  that  no  government  proper,  ever  had 
a  provision  in  its  organic  law  for  its  own  termination.  Continue  to 
execute  all  the  express  provisions  of  our  national  Constitution,  and 
the  Union  will  endure  forever — it  being  impossible  to  destroy  it, 
except  by  some  action  not  provided  for  in  the  instrument  itself. 

17  (L-isT)   "Human  and"  deleted,  "and  humane"  inserted  after  "civilized." 

18  (L-2ND)  "Think  proper"  deleted,  "choose"  inserted. 
*9  (S-2ND)  "Strike  out  'now.'  " 

(L-aisrD)    Deletion  adopted. 

20  (L-IST)  "The"  deleted,  "that"  inserted. 

21  (Lr-isT)  "Between  then  and  now"  deleted. 

22  (S-2ND)  "Strike  out  *on  the  whole*  and  write  'generally.*  " 
(L-23STD)  Substitution  adopted. 

23  (S-2ND)   "After  the  word  'Union*  strike  out  the  rest  of  the  sentence,  and 
insert,  'heretofore  only  menaced  is  now  formidably  attempted."  " 

24  (L-isT)  "Not"  inserted.  2^  (L-isx)  "No"  deleted,  "any"  inserted. 

[252] 


MARCH      4,      l86l 

Again,  if  the  United  States  be  not  a  government  proper,  but  an 
association  of  States  in  the  nature  of  contract  merely,  can  it,  as  a 
contract,  be  peaceably  unmade,  by  less  than  all  the  parties  who 
made  it?  One  party  to  a  contract  may  violate  it — break  it,  so  to 
speak;  but  does  it  not  require  all  to26  rescind  it? 

Descending  from  these  general  principles,  we  find  the  proposi- 
tion that,  in  legal  contemplation,  the  Union  is  perpetual,  confirmed 
by  the  history  of  the  Union  itself.  The  Union  is  much  older  than 
the  Constitution.  It  was  formed  in  fact,  by  the  Articles  of  Associa- 
tion in  1774.  It  was  matured  and  continued  by  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  in  1776.  It  was  further  matured  and  expressly  de- 
clared and  pledged,27  to  be  perpetual,  by  the  Articles  of  Confedera- 
tion in  1778.  And  finally,  in  1787,  one  of  the  declared  objects  for 
ordaining  and  establishing  the  Constitution,  was  ccto  form  a  more 
perfect  union." 

But  if  destruction  of  the  Union,  by  one,  or  by  a  part  only,  of  the 
States,  be  lawfully  possible,  the  Union  is  less  perfect  than  before, 
which28  contradicts  the  Constitution,  and  therefore  is  absurd.29 

It  f ollows  from  these  views  that  no  State,  upon  its  own  mere  mo- 
tion, can  lawfully  get  out  of  the  Union, — that  resolves  and  ordi- 
nances to  that  effect  are  legally  nothing;30  and  that  acts  of  violence, 
within  any  State  or  States,31  are  insurrectionary  or  treasonable,32 
according  to  circumstances. 

I  therefore  consider  that33  the  Union  is  unbroken;  and,  to  the 
extent  of  my  ability,  I  shall  take  care34  that  the  laws  of  the  Union 
be  faithfully  executed  in  all  the  States.  Doing  this  I  deem  to  be 
only  a  simple  duty  on  my  part;  and  I  shall  perform  it,35  unless  my 
rightful  masters,  the  American  people,  shall  withhold  the  requisite 
means,  or,  in  some  tangible  way,36  direct  the  contrary.  I  trust  this 
will  not  be  regarded  as  a  menace,  but  only  as  the  declared  purpose 

26  (X-isT)   "Lawfully"  inserted. 

2T  (L-23NTD)   "And  pledged"  deleted,  "plighted,  and  engaged,"  inserted. 

28  (L-23NTD)    "Which   contradicts   the"    deleted    [deletion   of   "the"   was    ohvi- 
ously  unintentional] ,  "and  therefore  is  absurd"  deleted,  "having  lost  the  vital 
element  of  perpetuity"  inserted. 

29  (S-2ND)  "Strike  out  the  whole  line  [£.<=?.,  "therefore  is  absurd."]." 

3°  (S-2m>)    "For  'nothing*  write  Void.'  "  (L-arro)   Substitution  adopted. 

31  (L-isx)   "Against  the  [deletion]  authority,  of  the  United  States"  inserted. 

32  (S-2ND)   "For  [']  treasonable,  [']  write  'revolutionary,'" 
(L-23Nn>)  Substitution  adopted. 

33  (S-2iST>)    "After  the  word  'that*  write    [*]in  the  view  of  the  constitution 
and  the  laws.  [']"  (L.-23NTD)  Insertion  adopted. 

34  (5-21*0)    "After  the  word    [']care[']    insert  'as  the   constitution  itself  ex- 
pressly enjoins  upon  me.[*]"  (L-2PTD)  Insertion  adopted. 

35  (L-IST)  "So  far  as  practicable"  inserted. 

36  (S-20STD)   "Instead  of  'tangible  way*  write  'authoritative  manner.  [*]" 
(L.-2Kro)  Substitution  adopted. 

[253] 


MARCH      4,      l86l 

of  the  Union  that  it  will37  have  its  own,  and  defend  itself.38 
In  doing  this  there  needs  to  be  no  bloodshed  or  violence;  and 
there  shall  be  none,  unless39  forced  upon  the  national  authority. 
All40  the  power  at  my  disposal  will  be  used  to  reclaim41  the  public 
property  and  places  which  have  fallen;  to  hold,  occupy  and  pos- 
sess these,42  and  all  other  property  and  places  belonging  to  the  gov- 
ernment, and  to  collect  the  duties  on  imports;43  but  beyond  what 
may  be  necessary  for  these,44  there  will  be  no  invasion  of  any 

State.45 

37  (L-IST)  "Will"  and  "defend"  underlined. 

38  (S-2ND)    "Instead  of  'will  have  its   own,   and  defend  itself*  write    [']will 
constitutionally  defend  and  maintain  itself.'  "  39  (L-isr)  "It  be"  inserted. 

4°  (S-2isrD)  "Strike  out  the  whole  [sentence]  and  insert,  'The  power  confided 
to  me  shall  be  used  indeed  with  efficacy  but  also  with  discretion  in  every  case 
and  exigency  according  to  the  circumstances  actually  existing  and  with  a  view 
and  a  hope  of  a  peaceful  solution  of  the  national  troubles  and  the  restoration  of 
fraternal  sympathies  and  affections.  [']" 

41  (B-2KTD)   Orville  H.  Browning  suggested  revision  of  this  sentence  to  omit 
"to  reclaim  the  public  property  and  places  which  have  fallen"  and  to  continue 
".  .  .  to  hold,  occupy  and  possess  the  property  and  places  belonging  to  the  gov- 
ernment. .  .   ."  (L-23sr>)  Deletion  adopted. 

Browning  to  Lincoln  February  17,  1861,  explained  that  "On  principle  the 
passage  is  right  as  it  now  stands.  The  fallen  places  ought  to  be  reclaimed.  But 
cannot  that  be  accomplished  as  well,  or  even  better  without  announcing  the 
purpose  in  your  inaugural?"  (DLC-BTL).  On  the  back  of  Browning's  letter 
Lincoln  wrote  the  following  sentence,  probably  as  a  tentative  insertion  to  be 
made  in  the  Address:  "Americans,  all,  we  are  not  enemies,  but  friends.  "We 
have  sacred  ties  of  affection  which,  though  strained  by  passion,  let  us  hope  can 
never  be  broken."  (DLC-RTL).  Part  of  this  phrasing  went  into  Lincoln's  con- 
cluding paragraph  added  to  the  final  copy  following  Seward's  suggestion.  See 
note  99  and  compare  Lincoln's  last  paragraph  in  the  final  text  infra. 

42  (L-2ND)  "These"  changed  to  "the,"  "and  all  other"  deleted. 

43  (L-IST)  "Imports"  deleted,  "imposts"  inserted. 

44  (L-isT)  "Objects"  inserted. 

45  (L-23STD)   "State"  deleted,  "part  of  the  country — no  using  of  force  against, 
or  among  the  people"  inserted. 

(L-IST)  Passages  inserted  as  follows:  "Where  hostility  to  the  government 
[United  States],  in  any  interior  locality  shall  be  so  great  and  so  universal,  as 
to  forbid  [prevent]  competent  citizens  of  their  own,  to  hold,  and  exercise  [resi- 
dent citizens  from  holding]  the  federal  offices,  there  will  be  no  attempt  to  force 
obnoxious  strangers  among  them  [the  people]  for  that  object.  While  the  strict 
legal  right,  may  exist  in  the  government  to  enforce  the  exercise  of  the  [these] 
offices  under  such  circumstances,  ["under  .  .  .  circumstances"  deleted]  the  at- 
tempt [to  do  so]  would  be  so  irritating,  and  so  nearly  impracticable,  with  all, 
that  I  deem  it  better  to  forego,  for  the  time,  the  uses  of  such  offices."  Bracketed 
variants  represent  further  changes  which  appear  in  the  second  edition  as  finally 
struck  off. 

(S-21NTD)  "Strike  out  the  whole  sentence  [i.e.,  Lincoln's  insertion  actually 
including  two  sentences]  and  insert  'There  are  in  this  government  as  in  every 
other  emergencies  when  the  exercise  of  power  lawful  in  itself  is  less  certain  to 
secure  the  just  ends  of  administration,  than  a  temporary  forbearance  from  it 
with  reliance  on  the  voluntary  though  delayed  acquiescence  of  the  people  in 
the  laws  which  have  been  made  by  themselves  and  for  their  own  benefit.  I 
shall  not  lose  sight  of  this  obvious  maxim.*  **  Suggestion  not  adopted. 

[254] 


MARCH      4,       l86l 

The  mails,  unless  refused,  will  continue  to  be  furnished  in  all 
parts  of  the  Union.  So  far  as  possible,  the  people  everywhere  shall 
have  that  sense  of  perfect  security  which  is  most  favorable  to  calm 
thought  and  reflection.46 

That  there  are  persons47  who  seek  to  destroy  the  Union  at  all 
events,  and  are  glad  of  any  pretext  to  do  it,  I  will  neither  affirm  or 
deny;  but  if  there  be  such,  I  need  address  no  word  to  them.48  To 
those,  however,  who  really  love  the  Union,  may  I  not  speak? 

Before  entering  upon  so  grave  a  matter  as  the  destruction  of  our 
national  Union,49  would  it  not  be  wise  to  ascertain  precisely  why 
we  do  it?  Will  you  hazard  so  desperate  a  step,  while  there  is  any 
possibility  that  any  portion  of  the  ills  you  fly  from  have  no  real 
existence?  Will  you  while  the  certain  ills  you  fly  to,  are  greater 
than  all  the  real  ones  you  fly  from?  Will  you  risk  the  commission 
of  so  fearful  a  mistake? 

All  profess  to  be  content  in  the  Union,  if  all  constitutional  rights 
can  be  maintained.  Is  it  true,  then,  that  any50  right,  plainly  writ- 
ten in  the  Constitution,  has  been  denied?  I  think  not.  Happily  the 
human  mind  is  so  constructed,  that  no  party  can  reach  to  the  au- 
dacity of  doing  this.  Think,  if  you  can,  of  a  single  instance  in 
which  a  plainly  written  provision  of  the  Constitution  has  ever  been 
denied.  If,  by  the  mere  force  of  numbers,  a  majority  should  de- 
prive a  minority  of  any  clearly  written  constitutional  right,  it 
might,  in  a  moral  point  of  view,  justify  revolution — certainly 
would,  if  such  right  were  a  vital  one;51 — but  such  is  not  our  case. 
All  the  vital  rights  of  minorities,  and  of  individuals,  are  so  plainly 
assured  to  them,  by  affirmations  and  negations52  in  the  Consti- 
tution, that  controversies  never  arise  concerning  them.  But  no 
organic  law  can  ever  be  framed  with  a  provision  specifically  ap- 
plicable to  every53  question  which  may  occur  in  practical  admin- 

46  (L-iST)  "This  course  will  be  pursued,  unless  current  experience  shall  show 
a  modification,  or  change  to  "be  proper'*  inserted. 

47  (S-am>)  "After  the  word  [']  persons  [']  insert  'in  one  section  as  'well  as  in 
the  other.*  "  (L-aasro)  "Either  North  or  South"  inserted. 

48  (S-23NTD)    "After  the  'word  'them'  insert  'because  I  am  sure  they  must  be 
few  in  number  and  of  little  influence  when  their  pernicious  principles  are  fully 
understood.  [']  " 

4»  (Lr-isx)    "Union"  deleted,  "fabric"  inserted. 

(Lr-aisno)   "Union"  deleted,  and  "fabric,  with  all  its  benefits,  it's  memories, 
and  it's  hopes,"  inserted. 

50  (S-23NTD)    "After  the  word  'any*  write  'distinct.*  " 

51  (L-isT)  Punctuation  changed  to  period  and  "but"  capitalized. 

52  (S-23STD)    "After   the   word    'negations'    "write    [']  guarantees    and    prohibi- 
tions. [*]"  (L-23sn>)   Insertion  adopted. 

53  (S-SND)  "After  the  word  'every*  write  'possible.*  " 
(L-23STD)  Insertion  adopted. 

[255] 


MARCH      4,      ±86l 

istration.  No  foresight  can  anticipate,  nor  any  document  of  rea- 
sonable length  contain  express  provisions  for  all  possible  questions. 
Shall  fugitives  from  labor  be  surrendered  by  national  or  by  State 
authority?  The  Constitution  does  not  expressly  say.  May  Congress 
prohibit  slavery  in  the  territories?  The  Constitution  does  not  ex- 
pressly say.  Must  Congress  protect  slavery  in  the  territories?  The 
Constitution  does  not  expressly  say. 

From  questions  of  this  class  spring  all  our  constitutional  con- 
troversies, and  we  divide  upon  them  into  majorities  and  minori- 
ties. If  the  minority  will  not  submit,54  the  majority  must,  or  the 
government  must  cease.  There  is  no  other  alternative;  for  con- 
tinuing the  government,  is  submission55  on  one  side  or  the  other. 
If  a  minority,  in  such  case,  will  secede  rather  than  submit,56  they 
make  a  precedent  which,  in  turn,  will  divide  and  ruin  them;  for 
a  minority  of  their  own  number57  will  secede  from  them  whenever 
a  majority  refuses  to  be  controlled  by  such  minority.58  For  instance, 
why  may  not  South  Carolina,59  a  year  or  two  hence,  arbitrarily, 
secede  from60  a  new  Southern  Confederacy,  just  as  she61  now 
claims  to  secede  from  the  present  Union?  Her  people,  and,  indeed, 
all  secession  people,62  are  now  being  educated  to  the  precise  temper 
of  doing  this.  Is  there  such  perfect  identity  of  interests  among  the 
States  to  compose  a  Southern  Union,  as  to  produce  harmony  only, 
and  prevent  renewed  secession?  "Will63  South  Carolina  be  found 
lacking  in  either  the  restlessness  or  the  ingenuity  to  pick  a  quar- 
rel with  Kentucky? 

Plainly,  the  central  idea  of  secession,  is  the  essence  of  anarchy.64 
A  constitutional65  majority  is  the  only  true  sovereign  of  a  free 

54  (S-23NTD)  "Strike  out  'submit'  and  insert  'acquiesce.'  " 
(L.-23STD)  Substitution  adopted. 

55  (S-2KTD)   "Strike  out  'submission*  &  insert  'acquiescence.'  " 
(L-2ND)  Substitution  adopted. 

56  (S-23NTD)   "For  'submit'  write  'acquiesce.*  " 

(L-2ND)  Substitution  adopted.  57  (L-23STD)  "Number"  deleted. 

58  (L-2isrD)  "Such  minority"  deleted,  "them"  inserted. 

59  (S-2KTD)  "For  'South  Carolina'  write  'Alabama  or  Florida.'  " 

(L-23STD)  "South  Carolina"  deleted,  "any  portion  of  a  new  confederacy"  in- 
serted. 

60  (L-23STD)  "From  a  new  Southern  Confederacy"  deleted,  "again"  inserted. 

61  (L-23NTD)   "She  now  claims"  changed  to   "the  larger  number  now  claim." 

62  (S-23NTD)  "For  [*]  People  [']  write  'communities.'" 

(L-2ND)  "Her  people,  and,  indeed,  all  secession  people,"  deleted,  "All  who 
cherish  secession  ideas"  inserted.  63  (L-is-r)  This  sentence  deleted. 

64  (S-21STD)  "After  the  word  'anarchy*  strike  out  the  next  sentence  and  write 
[*]A  majority  held  in  restraint  by  constitutional  checks  and  limitations  and  al- 
ways changing  easily  with  deliberate  changes  of  popular  opinions  and  senti- 
ments is  &c.[']" 

(L-2T-TD)  " — of  disintegration"  inserted  following  "anarchy  " 

65  (L-2ND)   "Constitutional"  changed  to  "constitutionally  expressed." 

[256] 


MARCH      4,       l86l 

people.  Whoever  rejects  it,  does,  of  necessity,  fly  to  anarchy  or  to 
despotism.  Unanimity  is  impossible;  the  rule  of  a  minority,  as  a 
permanent  arrangement,  is  wholly  inadmissable;  so  that,  rejecting 
the  majority  principle,  anarchy  or  despotism66  is  all  that  is  left.67 
Some,  if  not  all  of  the  States  which  claim  to  have  withdrawn 
from  the  Union,  have  declared  the  supposed  grievances  which  im- 
pelled them  to  the  separation.  Most  prominent  among  these  is  the 
charge,  in  substance,  that  the  Republican  party  have  avozued  the 
purpose  to  destroy  the  property  of  the  Southern  people.  "With  all 
due  deference  and  respect,  allow  me  to  declare  that  the  Republican 
party  have  made  no  such  avowal.  The  Republican  party  of  the  na- 
tion have  spoken  but  twice;  and  in  both  instances  they  expressly 
avowed  what  necessarily  implies  the  exact  contrary — in  1860,  as 

66  (L-isx)   "In  some  form"  inserted. 

67  (L-isx)    The  folio-wing  paragraph  is  inserted   at  this  point    (variants   en- 
closed in  brackets  are  from  the  second  edition  as  printed,  and  superior  italic  let- 
ters are  the  key  to  further  revisions  -which  immediately  follow  the  text) :  "I  do 
not  forget  the  position  assumed  by  some,  that  constitutional  questions  are  to  be 
decided  by  the  Supreme  Court;  nor  do  I  question    [deny]    that  such  decisions 
must  be  binding  and  conclusive   ["and  conclusive"  deleted,  "in  any  case,"  in- 
serted] upon  the  parties  to  a  suit  as  to  the  subject  [object]   of  that  [the]0-  suit.* 
And,  -while  it  is  obviously  possible,  that  such  decision  may  be  erroneous  in  any 
given  case,   still  the  evil  effect  following  it,  being  limited  to  the    [that]    par- 
ticular case,  with  the  chances   [chance]   that  it  may  be  over-ruled,  and  never 
become  a  precedent  for  other  cases,  can  better  be  borne,  than  could  the  greater 
evils  of  a  different  rule.c  But*2  if  the  whole    ["whole"  deleted]    policy  of  the 
government  upon  vital  questions,   extending  to    [affecting]    the  -whole  people, 
is  to  be  irrevocably  fixed  by  decisions  of  the  Supreme  court,6  it  is  plain  that  the 
people  will  have  ceased  to  be  their  own  rulers,  having^  turned  their  govern- 
ment  over   to    the    despotism^7    of   the  few   men    [life-officers]    composing   the 
court.  ISTor  is  there,  in  this  view,  any  assault  upon  the  court,  or  the  judges.  It 
is  a  duty  from  which  they  may  not  shrink,  to   decide   cases,  -when    ["when" 
deleted]   properly  brought  before  them;  and,  it  is  no  fault  of  theirs,  if  others 
seek  to  turn  their  decisions  to  political  purposes." 

*  (L-aisrD)  "The"  deleted,  "that"  inserted. 

6  (S-23ND)  "After  the  words  'the  suit,*  [£.#.,  at  the  end  of  the  first  sen- 
tence of  Lincoln's  insertion]  insert  [c]  while  they  are  entitled  to  very  high  re- 
spect and  consideration  in  all  parallel  cases  by  all  other  departments  of  the 
government.  [*]  " 

c  (S-23NTD)  "Strike  out  'rule'  [£,#.,  at  end  of  second  sentence  in  Lincoln's 
insertion]  and  insert  'practice.*  "  (L-2ND)  "Rule"  deleted,  "practice"  inserted. 

&  (S-2ND)  "Strike  out  'But*  [i.e.,  first  -word  in  third  sentence  of  Lincoln's 
insertion]  and  insert  [c]At  the  same  time  the  candid  citizen  must  confess 
that.[*]" 

e  (S-2]NT>)  "After  the  -word  [*]  Court,  [*]  [z.^.3  in  the  third  sentence  of 
Lincoln's  insertion]  strike  out  the  words  *it  is  plain  that*  and  insert  'made  in 
the  ordinary  course  of  litigation  between  parties  in  personal  actions.*  " 

f  (S-2iNrD)  "After  the  word  [*]  having  [']  [z.#.,  in  the  third  sentence  of 
Lincoln's  insertion]  strike  out  the  rest  of  the  sentence  and  -write  [*]  practically 
resigned  their  government  into  the  hands  of  that  eminent  tribunal.'  "  (L-23sro) 
"Pro  tanto"  inserted  after  "having." 

ff  (L-arn?)  "Despotism"  deleted,  "arbitrary  control"  inserted. 

[257] 


1VTARCHC      4,       l86l 

already  quoted  in  this  discourse;  and,  in  1856,  in  their  National 
Convention  at  Philadelphia,  as  I  now  read. 

"Resolved,  That  the  maintenance  of  the  principles  promulgated 
in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  embodied  in  the  Federal 
Constitution,  is  essential  to  the  preservation  of  Republican  institu- 
tions, and  that  the  Federal  Constitution,  the  rights  of  the  States., 
and  the  Union  of  the  States,  shall  be  preserved." 

In  addition  to  this,  I  aver  that,  to  my  knowledge,  no  sub-division, 
or  individual,  of  the  Republican  party  has  ever  avowed,  or  enter- 
tained, a  purpose  to  destroy  or  to  interfere  with  the  property  of 
the  Southern  people.  For  myself,  I  can  declare,  with  perfect  cer- 
tainty, that  I  have  never  avowed,  or  entertained  any  such  purpose; 
and  I  have  never  used  any  expression  intended  to  convey  such  a 
meaning.68 

The69  Republican  party,  as  I  understand,  have  avowed  the  pur- 
pose to  prevent,  if  they  can,  the  extension  of  slavery,  under  the 
national  auspices;  and  upon  this  arises  the  only70  dispute  between 
the  sections. 

One  section71  believes  slavery  is  right,  and  ought  to  be  extended, 
while  the  other  believes  it  is  wrong,  and  ought  not  to  be  extended. 
This  is  the  only  substantial  dispute.  The  fugitive  slave  clause  of 
the  Constitution,  and  the  law  for  the  suppression  of  the  foreign 
slave  trade,  are  each  as  well  enforced,72  as  any  law  can  ever  be  in 
a  community  where  the  moral  sense  of  the  people  is  against73  the 
law  itself.  The  great  body  of  the  people  abide  by  the  dry  legal 
obligation  in  both  cases,  and  a  few  break  over  in  each.  This,  I  think, 
cannot  be  perfectly  cured;  and  it  would  be  worse  in  both  cases 
after  the  separation  of  the  sections,  than  before.  The  foreign  slave 
trade,  now  imperfectly  suppressed,  would  be74  revived  without 

68  (L-IST)    The  following  passage  is  inserted  at  this  point:    "The   supposed 
purpose,  then,  of  one  section  to  destroy  the  property  of  the  other,  has  no  real 
existence;  and  to  break  up  the  government  for  that  imaginary  cause,  would  be 
a  most  melancholy  mistake."  At  some  point  after  his  revision  of  the  first  edi- 
tion, and  before  the  printing  of  his  second  edition,  Lincoln  decided  to  omit  this 
paragraph,  as  well  as  the  preceding  quotation  from  the  Republican  resolution 
of    1856,   and  the   sentence  which   introduced   it.    Neither   they   nor   Lincoln's 
further  insertion  appear  in  the  second  edition. 

69  (S-2m>)  "Strike  out  the  whole  paragraph.** 

70  (L-2ND)  "Material"  inserted. 

71  (S-2ND)   "After  the  word  'section'  insert   [*]of  our  country.  [']" 

72  (S-a^TD)  "After  the  word  'enforced'  write  'perhaps.'  " 
(L-2ND)   Insertion  adopted. 

73  (S-airo)    "Strike   out   the  words  'is   against'   and   insert   'imperfectly   sup- 
ports.!']" 

(S-2isrD)  "After  the  word  *be'  insert  'ultimately.*  »* 
Insertion  adopted. 

[258] 


MARCH      4,       l86l 

restriction,  in  one  section;  while  fugitive  slaves,  now  only  partially 
surrendered,  would  not  be  surrendered  at  all,  by  the  other. 

Physically  speaking,  we  cannot  separate.  We  cannot  remove 
our  respective  sections  from  each  other,  nor  build  an  impassable 
wall  between  them.  A  husband  and  wife  may  be  divorced,  and  go 
out  of  the  presence,  and  beyond  the  reach  of  each  other;  but  the 
different  parts  of  our  country  cannot  do  this.  They  cannot  but  re- 
main face  to  face;  and  intercourse,  either  amicable  or  hostile,  must 
continue  between  them.  Is  it  possible75  to  make  that  intercourse 
more  advantageous  or76  satisfactory,  after  separation  than  before? 
Can  aliens  make  treaties  easier  than  friends  can  make  laws?  Can 
treaties  be  more  faithfully  enforced  between  aliens  than  laws  can 
among  friends?  Suppose  you  go  to  war,  you  cannot  fight  always; 
and  when,  after  much  loss  on  both  sides,  and  no  gain  on  either, 
you  cease  fighting,  the  identical  old  questions,  as  to  terms  of  inter- 
course, are  again  upon  you. 

During77  the  winter  just  closed,  I  have  been  greatly  urged,  by 
many  patriotic  men,  to  lend  the  influence  of  my  position  to  some 
compromise,  by  which  I  was,  to  some  extent,  to  shift  the  ground 
upon  which  I  had  been  elected.  This  I  steadily  refused.  I  so  refused, 
not  from  any  party  wantonness,  nor  from  any  indifference  to  the 
troubles  of  the  country.  I  thought  such  refusal  was  demanded  by 
the  view  that  if,  when  a  Chief  Magistrate  is  constitutionally  elected, 
he  cannot  be  inaugurated  till  he  betrays  those  who  elected  him, 
by  breaking  his  pledges,  and  surrendering  to  those  who  tried  and 
failed  to  defeat  him  at  the  polls,  this  government  and  all  popular 
government  is  already  at  an  end.  Demands  for  such  surrender, 
once  recognized,  are  without  limit,  as  to  nature,  extent  and  repe- 
tition. They  break  the  only  bond  of  faith  between  public  and  pub- 
lic servant;  and  they  distinctly  set  the  minority  over  the 
majority. 

I  presume  there  is  not  a  man  in  America,  (and  there  ought  not 
to  be  one)  who  opposed  my  election,  who  would,  for  a  moment, 
tolerate  his  own  candidate  in  such  surrender,  had  he  been  success- 
ful in  the  election.  In  such  case  they  would  all  see,  that  such  sur- 
render would  not  be  merely  the  ruin  of  a  man,  or  a  party;  but,  as 
a  precedent,  would  be  the  ruin  of  the  government  itself. 

I  do  not  deny  the  possibility  that  the  people  may  err  in  an  elec- 
tion; but  if  they  do,  the  true  cure  is  in  the  next  election;  and  not 
in  the  treachery  of  the  party  elected. 

7*5  (X-2ND)  "Then,"  inserted.  76  (L-aism)  "More"  inserted. 

77  (L-isT)  The  next  three  paragraphs  have  been  deleted  by  clipping  them  out 
of  the  revised  first  edition. 

[259] 


MARCH      4,       l86l 

Why78  should  there  not  be  a  patient  confidence  in  the  ultimate 
justice  of  the  people?  Is  there  any  better  or  equal  hope,  in  the 
world?  In  our  present  differences,  is  either  party  without  faith79 
in  the  right?  If  the  Almighty  Ruler  of  nations,  with  his  eternal 
truth  and  justice,  be80  on  our81  side,  or  on  yours,  that  truth  and 
that  justice  will  surely  prevail,  by  the  judgment  of  this  great  tri- 
bunal, the  American  people. 

By  the  frame  of  the  government  under  which  we  live,  this  same 
people  have  widely  given  their  public  servants  but  little  power  for 
mischief;  and  have,  with  equal  wisdom,  provided  for  the  return 
of  that  little  to  their  own  hands  at  very  short  intervals. 

While82  the  people  remain  patient,  and  true  to  themselves,  no 
man,  even  in  the  presidential  chair,  by  any  extreme  of  wickedness 
or  folly,  can83  very  seriously  injure  the  government  in  the  short 
space  of  four  years. 

This84  country,  with  its  institutions,  belongs  to  the  people  who 
inhabit  it.  Whenever  they  shall  grow  weary  of  the  existing  gov- 
ernment, they  can  exercise  their  constitutional  right  of  amending 
it,  or  their  revolutionary  right  to  dismember  or  overthrow  it.  As85 
I  am  not  much  impressed  with  the  belief  that  the  present  Consti- 
tution can  be  improved,  I  make  no  recommendations  of  amend- 
ments. I  am,  rather,  for  the  old  ship,  and  the  chart  of  the  old  pilots. 
If,  however,  the  people  desire  a  new,  or86  an  altered  vessel,  the 
matter  is  exclusively  their  own,  and  they  can  move  in  the  prem- 
ises, as  well  without  as  with  an  executive  recommendation.87  I 
shall  place  no  obstacle  in  the  way  of  what  may  appear  to  be  their 
wishes. 

The  Chief  Magistrate  derives  all  his  authority  from  the  people, 
and  they  have  conferred  none  upon  him  to  fix  terms  for  the  sepa- 

78  (L-isx)  The  next  three  paragraphs  have  been  clipped  and  inserted  two 
paragraphs  later.  79  (L-2ND)  "Of  being"  inserted. 

80  (S-2ND)  "Strike  out  the  words  'be  on  our  side  or  on  yours'  and  insert  'be 
on  the  side  of  the  North,  or  of  the  South,  of  the  East  or  of  the  West.'  " 

81  (L-23STD)  "Our"  deleted,  "your"  inserted;  probably  this  is  an  error. 

82  (S~2]NT>)    "Strike   out   all   the   words   to    and  including    'chair*    and   insert 
'While    the   people   retain    their   virtue    and   vigilance   no    legislature    and    no 
administration  can.[']"  8S  (S-2iro)  "Strike  out  'can.'  " 

84  (L-isx)  The  next  two  paragraphs  have  been  clipped  and  moved  up  three 
paragraphs  to  follow  the  sentence  ending  "are  again  upon  you." 

85  (S-2Ni>)  "Strike  out  the  whole  sentence  and  insert  'While  so  great  a  diver- 
sity of  opinion  exists  on  the  question  what  amendments,  if,  indeed  any  would 
be  effective  in  restoring  peace  and  safety,  it  would  only  tend  to  aggravate  the 
dispute  if  I  were  to  attempt  to  give  direction  to  the  public  mind  in  that  re- 
spect. [']"  86  (L-21TO)  "A  new  or"  deleted. 

87  (L.-2ND)  "The  constitution  itself  prescribes  two  distinct  modes,  either  of 
which  they  can  pursue"  inserted. 

[260] 


MARCH      4,       l86l 

ration  of  the  States.  The  people  themselves  can  do  this88  if  they 
choose;  but  the  executive.,  as  such,  has  nothing  to  do  with  it.  His 
duty  is  to  administer  the  present  government,  as  it  came  to  his 
hands,  and  to  transmit  it,89  unimpaired  by  him,  to  his  successor. 

My  countrymen,  one  and  all,  take  time®0  and  think  well?  upon 
this  whole  subject.  Nothing91  valuable  can  be  lost  by  taking  time. 
No  thing92  worth  preserving  is  either  breaking  or  burning.  If  there 
be  an  object  to  hurry  any  of  you,  in  hot  haste,  to  a  point  where83 
you  would  never  go94  deliberately,  that  object  will  be  frustrated 
by  taking  time;  but  no  good  object  can  be  frustrated  by  it.  Such 
of  you  as  are  now  dissatisfied,  still  have  the  old  Constitution  un- 
impaired, and,  on  the  sensitive  point,  the  laws  of  your  own  framing 
under  it;  while  the  new  administration  will  have  no  immediate 
power,  if  it  would,  to  change  either.  If  it  were  admitted  that  you 
who  are  dissatisfied,  hold  the  right  side  in  the  dispute,  there  still 
is  no  single  good  reason  for  precipitate  action.  Intelligence,  patriot- 
ism,  Christianity,  and  a  firm  reliance  on  Him,  who  has  never  yet 
forsaken  this  favored  land,  are  still  competent  to  adjust,  in  the 
best  way,  all  our  present  difficulty. 

In  your  hands,  my  dissatisfied  fellow  countrymen,  and  not  in 
mine,  is  the  momentous  issue  of  civil  war.  The  government  -will 
not  assail  you,  unless95  you  first  assail  it.  You  can  have  no  con- 
flict, without  being  yourselves  the  aggressors.  You  have  no  oath 
registered  in  Heaven  to  destroy  the  government,  while  7  shall  have 
the  most  solemn  one  to  "preserve,  protect,  and  defend"  it.  You  can 
forbear  the  assault  upon  it;96  I  can  not  shrink  from  the  defense  of 
it.97  "With  yoUy  and  not  "with  me,  is  the  solemn  question  of98  "Shall 
it  be  peace,  or  a  sword?"99 

ss  (L-21N-D)  "Too"  inserted. 

89  (S-2ND)    "After  the  words  'transmit  it*  insert  'if  possible.*  ** 

90  (S-srro)  "Strike  out  the  words  'take  time*  and  insert  'think  calmly.*  ** 

91  (S-23NTD)    "Strike  out  all  from  'Nothing  valuable [*]   to    [']  burning  [']   both 
inclusive.  92  (L.-23STD)  This  sentence  deleted. 

93  (L-isT)  "Point  where"  deleted,  "step  which"  inserted. 

9*  (L-isT)  "Go"  deleted,  "take"  inserted. 

95  (S-22STD)   "Strike  out  the  words  'unless  you  first  assail  it.[*]** 

9<5  (L-isT)  "Upon  it"  deleted. 

9?  (L-isT)  "Of  it"  deleted. 

(S-23NT>)  "Strike  out  all  after  the  word  'defense.'  " 

9s  (L~2isrD)  "Of"  deleted. 

99  (S-2:NT>)  On  the  back  of  the  fourth  page  of  Seward's  list  of  suggestions  ap- 
pears the  following  suggestion  for  a  closing  paragraph:  "I  close.  "We  are  not  we 
must  not  be  aliens  or  enemies  but  ["countrym"  deleted]  fellow  countrymen  and 
brethren.  Although  passion  has  strained  our  bonds  of  affection  too  hardly  they 
must  not  ["be  broken  they  will  not"  deleted],  I  am  sure  they  will  not  be  broken. 
The  mystic  chords  -which  proceeding  from  ["every  ba"  deleted]  so  many  battle 
fields  and  ["patriot"  deleted]  so  many  patriot  graves  ["bind"  deleted]  pass 

[261] 


MARCH     4,      l86l 

through  all  the  hearts  and  ["hearths"  deleted]  all  the  hearths  in  this  broad  con- 
tinent of  ours  will  yet  ["harmon"  deleted]  again  harmonize  in  their  ancient 
music  when  ["touched  as  they  surely"  deleted]  breathed  upon  ["again"  deleted] 
by  the  ["better  angel"  deleted]  guardian  angel  of  the  nation." 

In  addition  to  this  suggestion,  a  manuscript  page  in  the  handwriting  of  Fred- 
erick W.  Seward,  who  was  his  father's  secretary,  headed  "Suggestions  for  a 
closing  paragraph,"  reads  as  follows: 

"However  unusual  it  may  be  at  such  a  time  to  speak  of  sections  or  to  sections, 
yet  in  view  of  the  misconception  &  agitations  which  have  strained  the  ties  of 
brotherhood  so  far,  I  hope  it  will  not  be  deemed  a  departure  from  propriety, 
whatever  it  may  be  from  custom,  to  say  that  if  in  the  criminations  and  miscon- 
structions which  too  often  imbue  our  political  contests,  any  man  south  of  this 
capital  has  been  led  to  believe  that  I  regard  with  a  less  friendly  eye,  his  rights, 
his  interests  or  his  domestic  safety  and  happiness,  or  those  of  his  State,  than  I 
do  those  of  any  other  portion  of  my  country  or  that  I  would  invade  or  disturb 
any  legal  right  or  domestic  institution  in  the  South,  he  mistakes  both  my  prin- 
ciples and  feelings,  and  does  not  know  me.  I  aspire  to  come  in  the  spirit,  how- 
ever far  below  the  ability  and  the  wisdom,  of  Washington,  of  Madison,  of  Jack- 
son and  of  Clay.  In  that  spirit  I  here  declare  that  in  my  administration  I  shall 
know  no  rule  but  the  Constitution,  no  guide  but  the  laws,  and  no  sentiment  but 
that  of  equal  devotion  to  my  whole  country,  east,  west,  north  and  south." 

First  Inaugural  Address — Final  Text1 

March  4,  1861 
Fellow  citizens  of  the  United  States:2 

In  compliance  with  a  custom  as  old  as  the  government  itself,  I 
appear  before  you  to  address  you  briefly,  and  to  take,  in  your  pres- 
ence, the  oath  prescribed  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
to  be  taken  by  the  President  "before  he  enters  on  the  execution  of 
his  office." 

I  do  not  consider  it  necessary,  at  present,  for  me  to  discuss  those 
matters  of  administration  about  "which  there  is  no  special  anxiety, 
or  excitement.3 

Apprehension  seems  to  exist  among  the  people  of  the  Southern 
States,  that  by  the  accession  of  a  Republican  Administration,  their 
property,  and  their  peace,  and  personal  security,  are  to  be  endan- 
gered. There  has  never  been  any  reasonable  cause  for  such  appre- 
hension. Indeed,  the  most  ample  evidence  to  the  contrary  has  all 
the  while  existed,  and  been  open  to  their  inspection.  It  is  found  in 
nearly  all  the  published  speeches  of  him  who  now  addresses  you. 

1  D  and  AD,  DLC-RTL.  The  text  is  reproduced  from  Lincoln's  final  copy.  All 
insertions  and  revised  passages  in  Lincoln's  handwriting  are  indicated  in  foot- 
notes. Lincoln's  capitalization  and  use  of  the  apostrophe  have  been  made  to  con- 
form, in  Lincoln's  insertions,  with  the  usage  in  the  printed  portions,  otherwise 
Lincoln's  usage  is  preserved. 

2  The  salutation  does  not  appear  in  Lincoln's  final  copy,  but  was  written  in  by 
Nicolay  on  the  press  copy. 

3  Paragraph  in  Lincoln's  handwriting,  replacing  paragraphs  2,  3,  and  4  of  the, 
preceding  drafts 

[262] 


MARCH      4,       l86l 

I  do  but  quote  from  one  of  those  speeches  when  I  declare  that  "I 
have  no  purpose,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  interfere  with  the  insti- 
tution of  slavery  in  the  States  where  it  exists.  I  believe  I  have  no 
lawful  right  to  do  so,  and  I  have  no  inclination  to  do  so."  Those 
who  nominated  and  elected  me  did  so  with  full  knowledge  that  I 
had  made  this,  and  many  similar  declarations,  and  had  never  re- 
canted them.  And  more  than  this,  they  placed  in  the  platform,  for 
my  acceptance,  and  as  a  law  to  themselves,  and  to  me,  the  clear 
and  emphatic  resolution  which  I  now  read: 

"Resolved,  That  the  maintenance  inviolate  of  the  rights  of  the 
States,  and  especially  the  right  of  each  State  to  order  and  control 
its  own  domestic  institutions  according  to  its  own  judgment  ex- 
clusively, is  essential  to  that  balance  of  power  on  which  the  per- 
fection and  endurance  of  our  political  fabric  depend;  and  we 
denounce  the  lawless  invasion  by  armed  force  of  the  soil  of  any 
State  or  Territory,  no  matter  under  what  pretext,  as  among  the 
gravest  of  crimes." 

I  now  reiterate  these  sentiments:  and  in  doing  so,  I  only  press 
upon  the  public  attention  the  most  conclusive  evidence  of  which 
the  case  is  susceptible,  that  the  property,  peace  and  security  of  no 
section  are  to  be  in  anywise  endangered  by  the  now  incoming  Ad- 
ministration. I  add  too,  that  all  the  protection  which,  consistently 
with  the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  can  be  given,  will  be  cheer- 
fully given  to  all  the  States4  when  lawfully  demanded,  for  what- 
ever cause — as  cheerfully  to  one  section,5  as  to  another. 

There  is  much  controversy  about  the  delivering  up  of  fugitives 
from  service  or  labor.  The  clause  I  now  read  is  as  plainly  written 
in  the  Constitution  as  any  other  of  its  provisions: 

"No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under  the  laws 
thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or 
regulation  therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but 
shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service 
or  labor  may  be  due." 

It  is  scarcely  questioned  that  this  provision  was  intended  by 
those  who  made  it,  for  the  reclaiming  of  what  we  call  fugitive 
slaves;  and  the  intention  of  the  law-giver  is  the  law.  All  members 
of  Congress  swear  their  support  to  the  whole  Constitution — to  this 
provision  as  much  as  to  any  other.  To  the  proposition,  then,  that 
slaves  whose  cases  come  within  the  terms  of  this  clause,  "shall  be 
delivered  up,"  their  oaths  are  unanimous.  Now,  if  they  would 
make  the  effort  in  good  temper,  could  they  not,  with  nearly  equal 

4  "When  lawfully  demanded,  for  whatever  cause"  inserted. 

5  Comma  inserted. 

[263] 


MARCH      45       l86l 

unanimity,  frame  and  pass  a  law,  by  means  of  which  to  keep  good 
that  unanimous  oath? 

There  is  some  difference  of  opinion  whether  this  clause  should 
be  enforced  by  national  or  by  state  authority;  but  surely  that  dif- 
ference is  not  a  very  material  one.  If  the  slave  is  to  be  surrendered, 
it  can  be  of  but  little  consequence  to  him,  or  to  others,  by  which 
authority  it  is  done.  And  should  any  one,  in  any  case,  be  content 
that  his  oath  shall  go  unkept,  on  a  merely  unsubstantial  contro- 
versy as  to  how  it  shall  be  kept? 

Again,  in  any  law  upon  this  subject,  ought  not  all  the  safeguards 
of  liberty  known  in  civilized  and  humane  jurisprudence  to  be 
introduced,  so  that  a  free  man  be  not,  in  any  case,  surrendered  as 
a  slave?  And6  might  it  not  be  well,  at  the  same  time,  to  provide  by 
law  for  the  enforcement  of  that  clause  in  the  Constitution  which 
guarranties  that  "The  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all 
previleges  and  immunities  of  citizens  in  the  several  States?" 

I  take  the  official  oath  to-day,  with  no  mental  reservations,  and 
with  no  purpose  to  construe  the  Constitution  or  laws,  by  any  hy- 
percritical rules.  And  while  I  do  not  choose7  now  to  specify  par- 
ticular acts  of  Congress  as  proper  to  be  enforced,  I  do  suggest,8 
that  it  will  be  much  safer  for  all,  both  in  official  and  private  sta- 
tions, to  conform  to,  and  abide  by,  all  those  acts  which  stand  un- 
repealed,  than  to  violate  any  of  them,  trusting  to  find  impunity  in 
having  them  held  to  be  unconstitutional. 

It  is9  seventy-two  years  since  the  first  inauguration  of  a  Presi- 
dent under  our  national  Constitution.  During  that  period  fifteen 
different  and  greatly  distinguished  citizens,  have,  in  succession, 
administered  the  executive  branch  of  the  government.  They  have 
conducted  it  through  many  perils;  and,  generally,10  with  great 
success.  Yet.,  with  all  this  scope  for  precedent,  I  now  enter  upon 
the  same  task  for  the  brief  constitutional  term  of  four  years,  under 
great  and  peculiar  difficulty.  A  disruption  of  the  Federal  Union11 
heretofore  only  menaced,  is  now  formidably  attempted. 

I  hold,  that  in  contemplation  of  universal  law,  and  of  the  Con- 
stitution, the  Union  of  these  States  is  perpetual.  Perpetuity  is  im- 
plied, if  not  expressed,  in  the  fundamental  law  of  all  national  gov- 
ernments, It  is  safe  to  assert  that  no  government  proper,  ever  had 
a  provision  in  its  organic  law  for  its  own  termination.  Continue  to 

6  The  rest  of  this  paragraph,  inserted. 

7  "Think  proper"  deleted,  "choose"  inserted.  8  Comma  inserted. 

«  "Now"  deleted.  10  "On  the  whole"  deleted,  "generally"  inserted 

1*  "Is  menaced,  and,  so  far  as  can  he  on  paper,  is  already  effected.  The 
particulars  of  what  has  heen  done  are  so  familiar,  and  so  fresh,  that  I  need  not 
to  waste  any  time  in  recounting  them."  deleted,  and  revision  inserted  as  ahove. 

[264] 


MARCH      4,      l86l 

execute  all  the  express  provisions  of  our  national  Constitution,  and 
the  Union  will  endure  forever — it  being  impossible  to  destroy  it, 
except  by  some  action  not  provided  for  in  the  instrument  itself. 

Again,  if  the  United  States  be  not  a  government  proper,  but  an 
association  of  States  in  the  nature  of  contract  merely,  can  it,  as  a 
contract,  be  peaceably  unmade,  by  less  than  all  the  parties  who 
made  it?  One  party  to  a  contract  may  violate  it — break  it,  so  to 
speak;  but  does  it  not  require  all  to  lawfully  rescind  it? 

Descending  from  these  general  principles,  -we  find  the  proposi- 
tion that,  in  legal  contemplation,  the  Union  is  perpetual,  confirmed 
by  the  history  of  the  Union  itself.  The  Union  is  much  older  than 
the  Constitution.  It  was  formed  in  fact,  by  the  Articles  of  Associa- 
tion in  1774.  It  was  matured  and  continued  by  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  in  1776.  It  was  further  matured12  and  the  faith  of 
all  the  then  thirteen  States  expressly  plighted  and  engaged  that  it 
should  be  perpetual,  by  the  Articles  of  Confederation  in  1778.  And 
finally,  in  1787,  one  of  the  declared  objects  for  ordaining  and 
establishing  the  Constitution,  was  "to  form  a  more  perfect  union." 

But  if  destruction  of  the  Union,  by  one,  or  by  a  part  only,  of 
the  States,  be  lawfully  possible,  the  Union  is  less  perfect  than  be- 
fore13 the  Constitution,14  having  lost  the  vital  element  of  per- 
petuity. 

It  follows  from  these  views  that  no  State,  upon  its  own  mere 
motion,  can  lawfully  get  out  of  the  Union, — that  resolves  and  ordi- 
nances to  that  effect  are  legally  void;15  and  that  acts  of  violence, 
within  any  State  or  States,  against  the  authority  of  the  United 
States,  are  insurrectionary  or  revolutionary,16  according  to  circum- 
stances. 

I17  therefore  consider  that,  in  view  of  the  Constitution  and  the 
laws,  the  Union  is  unbroken;  and,  to  the  extent  of  nay  ability,  I 
shall  take  care,  as  the  Constitution  itself  expressly  enjoins  upon 
me,  that  the  laws  of  the  Union  be  faithfully  executed  in  all  the 
States.  Doing  this  I  deem  to  be  only  a  simple  duty  on  my  part; 
and  I  shall  perform  it,  so  far  as  practicable,  unless  my  rightful 
masters,  the  American  people,  shall  withhold  the  requisite  means, 
or,  in  some  authoritative  manner,18  direct  the  contrary.  I  trust  this 

12  "And  expressly  declared  and  pledged,  to  be"  deleted,  "and  the  f aith  of  all 
the  then  thirteen  States  expressly  plighted  and  engaged  that  it  should  be"  in- 
serted. 18  "Which  contradicts"  deleted. 

14  "And  therefore  is  absurd"  deleted,  "Having  lost  the  vital  element  of  per- 
petuity" inserted.  15  "Nothing"  deleted,  "void"  inserted. 

16  "Treasonable"  deleted,  "revolutionary"  inserted. 

17  This  sentence  written  on  a  slip  pasted  on  the  verso,  replaces  the  sentence  in 
preceding  drafts. 

18  "Tangible  way"  deleted,  "authoritative  manner"  inserted, 

[265] 


MARCH      4,       l86l 

will  not  be  regarded  as  a  menace,  but  only  as  the  declared  purpose 
of  the  Union  that  it  z^z'ZZ19  constitutionally  defend,  and  maintain 
itself. 

In  doing  this  there  needs  to  be  no  bloodshed  or  violence;  and 
there  shall  be  none,  unless  it  be  forced  upon  the  national  authority. 
The20  power  confided  to  me,  will  be  used  to  hold,  occupy,  and 
possess  the  property,  and  places  belonging  to  the  government,  and 
to  collect  the  duties  and  imposts;  but  beyond  what  may  be  neces- 
sary for  these  objects,  there  will  be  no  invasion — no  using  of  force 
against,  or  among  the  people  anywhere.  "Where  hostility  to  the 
United  States,  in  any  interior  locality,  shall  be  so  great  and  so 
universal,  as  to  prevent  competent  resident  citizens  from  holding 
the  Federal  offices,  there  will  be  no  attempt  to  force  obnoxious 
strangers  among  the  people  for  that  object.  While  the  strict  legal 
right  may  exist  in  the  government  to  enforce  the  exercise  of  these 
offices,  the  attempt  to  do  so  would  be  so  irritating,  and  so  nearly 
impracticable  with  all,  that  I  deem  it  better  to  forego,  for  the  time, 
the  uses  of  such  offices. 

The  mails,  unless  repelled,21  will  continue  to  be  furnished  in  all 
parts  of  the  Union.  So  far  as  possible,  the  people  everywhere  shall 
have  that  sense  of  perfect  security  which  is  most  favorable  to  calm 
thought  and  reflection.  The22  course  here  indicated  will  be  fol- 
lowed, unless  current  events,  and  experience,  shall  show  a  modi- 
fication, or  change,  to  be  proper;  and  in  every  case  and  exigency, 
my  best  discretion  will  be  exercised,  according  to  circumstances 
actually  existing,  and  with  a  view  and  a  hope  of  a  peaceful  solu- 
tion of  the  national  troubles,  and  the  restoration  of  fraternal  sym- 
pathies and  affections. 

That  there  are  persons  in  one  section,  or  another23  who  seek  to 
destroy  the  Union  at  all  events,  and  are  glad  of  any  pretext  to  do 
it,  I  -will  neither  affirm  or  deny;  but  if  there  be  such,  I  need  address 
no  word  to  them.  To  those,  however,  who  really  love  the  Union, 
may  I  not  speak? 

Before  entering  upon  so  grave  a  matter  as  the  destruction  of  our 
national  fabric,24  with  all  its  benefits,  its  memories,  and  its  hopes, 
would  it  not  be  wise  to  ascertain  precisely  why  we  do  it?  Will  you 

19  "Have  Its  own,   and  defend  itself"   deleted,   "constitutionally  defend,   and 
maintain  itself"  inserted. 

20  This  sentence  inserted  on  a  slip  replacing  the  sentence  in  the  preceding 
drafts.  21  "Refused"  deleted,  "repelled"  inserted, 

22  The  rest  of  this  paragraph  is  inserted,  replacing  the  sentence  in  preceding 
drafts.  23  "ln  one  section,  or  another"  inserted. 

24  "Union"  deleted,  "fabric,  with  all  its  benefits,  it's  memories,  and  it's  hopes," 
inserted. 

[266] 


MARCH      4,       l86l 

hazard  so  desperate  a  step,  while  there  is  any  possibility  that  any 
portion  of  the  ills  you  fly  from,  have  no  real  existence?  "Will  you, 
while  the  certain  ills  you  fly  to,  are  greater  than  all  the  real  ones 
you  fly  from?  Will  you  risk  the  commission  of  so  fearful  a  mistake? 

All  profess  to  be  content  in  the  Union,  if  all  constitutional  rights 
can  be  maintained.  Is  it  true,  then,  that  any25  right,  plainly  written 
in  the  Constitution,  has  been  denied?  I  think  not.  Happily  the 
human  mind  is  so  constituted,26  that  no  party  can  reach  to  the 
audacity  of  doing  this.  Think,  if  you  can,  of  a  single  instance  in 
which  a  plainly  written  provision  of  the  Constitution  has  ever  been 
denied.  If,  by  the  mere  force  of  numbers,  a  majority  should  de- 
prive a  minority  of  any  clearly  written  constitutional  right,  it 
might,  in  a  moral  point  of  view,  justify  revolution — certainly 
would,  if  such  right  were  a  vital  one.27  But  such  is  not  our  case. 
All  the  vital  rights  of  minorities,  and  of  individuals,  are  so  plainly 
assured  to  them,  by  affirmations  and  negations,  guarranties  and 
prohibitions,28  in  the  Constitution,  that  controversies  never  arise 
concerning  them.  But  no  organic  law  can  ever  be  framed  with  a 
provision  specifically  applicable  to  every29  question  which  may 
occur  in  practical  administration.  No  foresight  can  anticipate,  nor 
any  document  of  reasonable  length  contain  express  provisions  for 
all  possible  questions.  Shall  fugitives  from  labor  be  surrendered  by 
national  or  by  State  authority?  The  Constitution  does  not  expressly 
say.  May  Congress  prohibit  slavery  in  the  territories?  The  Consti- 
tution does  not  expressly  say.  Must  Congress  protect  slavery  in 
the  territories?  The  Constitution  does  not  expressly  say. 

From  questions  of  this  class  spring  all  our  constitutional  contro- 
versies, and  we  divide  upon  them  into  majorities  and  minorities. 
If  the  minority  will  not  acquiesce,30  the  majority  must,  or  the  gov- 
ernment must  cease.  There  is  no  other  alternative;  for  continuing 
the  government,  is  acquiescence31  on  one  side  or  the  other.  If  a 
minority,  in  such  case,  will  secede  rather  than  acquiesce,32  they 
make  a  precedent  which,  in  turn,  will  divide  and  ruin  them;  for 
a  minority  of  their  own33  will  secede  from  them,  whenever  a  ma- 
jority refuses  to  be  controlled  by  such  minority.  For  instance,34 

25  "Distinct**  inserted  and  deleted. 

26  "Constructed"  deleted,  "constituted"  inserted. 

27  Punctuation  and  capital  inserted  to  "begin  a  new  sentence. 

28  "Guarranties  and  prohibitions,"  inserted. 
2!*  "Possible"  inserted  and  deleted. 

30  "Submit"  deleted,  "acquiesce"  inserted. 

31  "Submission"  deleted,  "acquiescence**  inserted. 

32  "Submit"  deleted,  "acquiesce"  inserted.  33  "Number"  deleted. 

34  This  sentence  and  the  next  are  inserted  on  a  slip  replacing  two  sentences  in 
the  preceding  drafts. 

[267] 


3vrAB.cu    4?     i  8  6  i 

why  may  not  any  portion  of  a  new  confederacy,  a  year  or  two 
hence,  arbitrarily  secede  again,  precisely  as  portions  of  the  present 
Union  now  claim  to  secede  from  it.  All  who  cherish  disunion  sen- 
timents, are  now  being  educated  to  the  exact  temper  of  doing  this. 
Is  there  such  perfect  identity  of  interests  among  the  States  to  com- 
pose a  new35  Union,  as  to  produce  harmony  only,  and  prevent 
renewed  secession? 

Plainly,  the  central  idea  of  secession,  is  the  essence  of  anarchy. 
A36  majority,  held  in  restraint  by  constitutional  checks,  and  limi- 
tations, and  always  changing  easily,  with  deliberate  changes  of 
popular  opinions  and  sentiments,  is  the  only  true  sovereign  of  a 
free  people.  Whoever  rejects  it,  does,  of  necessity,  fly  to  anarchy 
or  to  despotism.  Unanimity  is  impossible;  the  rule  of  a  minority, 
as  a  permanent  arrangement,  is  wholly  inadmissable;  so  that,  re- 
jecting the  majority  principle,  anarchy,  or  despotism  in  some 
form,  is  all  that  is  left. 

I  do  not  forget  the  position  assumed  by  some,  that  constitutional 
questions  are  to  be  decided  by  the  Supreme  Court;  nor  do  I  deny 
that  such  decisions  must  be  binding  in  any  case,  upon  the  parties 
to  a  suit,  as  to  the  object  of  that37  suit,  while38  they  are  also  en- 
titled to  very  high  respect  and  consideration,  in  all  paralel  cases, 
by  all  other  departments  of  the  government.  And  while  it  is  obvi- 
ously possible  that  such  decision  may  be  erroneous  in  any  given 
case,  still  the  evil  effect  following  it,  being  limited  to  that  particu- 
lar case,  with  the  chance  that  it  may  be  over-ruled,  and  never 
become  a  precedent  for  other  cases,  can  better  be  borne  than39 
could  the  evils  of  a  different  practice.  At  the  same  time  the  candid 
citizen  must  confess  that  if  the  policy  of  the  government,  upon 
vital  questions,  affecting  the  whole  people,  is  to  be  irrevocably 
fixed  by  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court,  the  instant  they  are  made, 
in  ordinary  litigation  between  parties,  in  personal  actions,  the  peo- 
ple will  have  ceased,  to  be  their  own  rulers,  having,  to  that  extent, 
practically  resigned  their  government,  into  the  hands  of  that  emi- 
nent tribunal.  Nor  is  there,  in  this  view,  any  assault  upon  the 
court,  or  the  judges.  It  is  a  duty,  from  which  they  may  not  shrink, 
to  decide  cases  properly  brought  before  them;  and  it  is  no  fault  of 
theirs,  if  others  seek  to  turn  their  decisions  to  political  purposes. 

One  section  of  our  country40  believes  slavery  is  right.,  and  ought 

35  "Southern"  deleted,  "new"  inserted. 

36  This  sentence  inserted  in  place  of  the  sentence  in  preceding  drafts. 

37  "The"  deleted,  "that"  inserted.          ss  The  rest  of  this  sentence  is  inserted. 
39  The  rest  of  this  paragraph  is  written  on  a  slip  laid  over  the  remainder  of 

the  paragraph  and  the  next  short  paragraph  [The  Republican  party,  as  I  under- 
stand. .  .  .]  in  the  preceding  drafts.  40  "Of  our  country"  inserted. 

[268] 


MARCH      4^      l86l 

to  be  extended,  while  the  other  believes  it  is  wrong.,  and  ought  not 
to  be  extended.  This  is  the  only  substantial  dispute.  The  fugitive 
slave  clause  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  law  for  the  suppression 
of  the  foreign  slave  trade,  are  each  as  well  enforced,  perhaps,41  as 
any  law  can  ever  be  in  a  community  where  the  moral  sense  of  the 
people  imperfectly  supports42  the  law  itself.  The  great  body  of  the 
people  abide  by  the  dry  legal  obligation  in  both  cases,  and  a  few- 
break  over  in  each.  This,  I  think,  cannot  be  perfectly  cured;  and 
it  would  be  worse  in  both  cases  after  the  separation  of  the  sections, 
than  before.  The  foreign  slave  trade,  now  imperfectly  suppressed, 
would  be  ultimately43  revived  without  restriction,  in  one  section; 
while  fugitive  slaves,  now  only  partially  surrendered,  would  not 
be  surrendered  at  all,  by  the  other. 

Physically  speaking,  we  cannot  separate.  We  cannot  remove  our 
respective  sections  from  each  other,  nor  build  an  impassable  wall 
between  them.  A  husband  and  wif  e  may  be  divorced,  and  go  out  of 
the  presence,  and  beyond  the  reach  of  each  other;  but  the  different 
parts  of  our  country  cannot  do  this.  They  cannot  but  remain  face 
to  face;  and  intercourse,  either  amicable  or  hostile,  must  continue 
between  them.  Is  it  possible  then44  to  make  that  intercourse  more 
advantageous,  or  more45  satisfactory,  after  separation  than  before? 
Can  aliens  make  treaties  easier  than  friends  can  make  laws?  Can 
treaties  be  more  faithfully  enforced  between  aliens,  than  laws  can 
among  friends?  Suppose  you  go  to  war,  you  cannot  fight  always; 
and  when,  after  much  loss  on  both  sides,  and  no  gain  on  either, 
you  cease  fighting,  the  identical  old  questions,  as  to  terms  of  inter- 
course, are  again  upon  you. 

This  country,  with  its  institutions,  belongs  to  the  people  who 
inhabit  it.  "Whenever  they  shall  grow  weary  of  the  existing  gov- 
ernment, they  can  exercise  their  constitutional  right  of  amending 
it,  or  their  revolutionary  right  to  dismember,  or  overthrow  it.  I46 
can  not  be  ignorant  of  the  fact  that  many  worthy,  and  patriotic 
citizens  are  desirous  of  having  the  national  constitution  amended. 
While  I  make  no  recommendation  of  amendments,  I  fully  recog- 
nize the  rightful  authority  of  the  people  over  the  whole  subject, 
to  be  exercised  in  either  of  the  modes  prescribed  in  the  instrument 
itself;  and  I  should,  under  existing  circumstances,  favor,  rather 
than  oppose,  a  fair  oppertunity  being  afforded  the  people  to  act 
upon  it. 

41  "Perhaps"  inserted. 

42  "Is  against"  deleted,  "imperfectly  supports"  inserted. 

43  "Ultimately"  inserted.  44  "Then"  inserted.  45  "More"  inserted. 
46  The  rest  of  this  paragraph  and  the  next  two  paragraphs  are  -written  on  slips 

replacing  the  remainder  of  the  paragraph  in  the  preceding  drafts. 

[269] 


MARCH      4,       l86l 

I  will  venture  to  add  that,  to  me,  the  convention  mode  seems 
preferable,  in  that  it  allows  amendments  to  originate  with  the 
people  themselves,  instead  of  only  permitting  them  to  take,  or 
reject,  propositions,  originated  by  others,  not  especially  chosen  for 
the  purpose,  and  which  might  not  be  precisely  such,  as  they  would 
wish  to  either  accept  or  refuse.  I  understand  a  proposed  amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution — which  amendment,  however,  I  have  not 
seen,  has  passed  Congress,  to  the  effect  that  the  federal  govern- 
ment, shall  never  interfere  with  the  domestic  institutions  of  the 
States,  including  that  of  persons  held  to  service.  To  avoid  miscon- 
struction of  what  I  have  said,  I  depart  from  ray  purpose  not  to 
speak  of  particular  amendments,  so  far  as  to  say  that,  holding  such 
a  provision  to  now  be  implied  constitutional  law,  I  have  no  objec- 
tion to  its  being  made  express,  and  irrevocable. 

The  Chief  Magistrate  derives  all  his  authority  from  the  people, 
and  they  have  conferred  none  upon  him  to  fix  terms  for  the  sepa- 
ration of  the  States.  The  people  themselves  can  do  this  also47  if 
they  choose;  but  the  executive,  as  such,  has  nothing  to  do  with  it. 
His  duty  is  to  administer  the  present  government,  as  it  came  to  his 
hands,  and  to  transmit  it,  unimpaired  by  him,  to  his  successor. 

Why  should  there  not  be  a  patient  confidence  in  the  ultimate 
justice  of  the  people?  Is  there  any  better,  or  equal  hope,  in  the 
world?  In  our  present  differences,  is  either  party  without  faith  of 
being48  in  the  right?  If  the  Almighty  Ruler  of  nations,  with  his 
eternal  truth  and  justice,  be  on  your  side  of  the  North,  or  on  yours 
of  the  South,49  that  truth,  and  that  justice,  will  surely  prevail,  by 
the  judgment  of  this  great  tribunal,  the  American  people. 

By  the  frame  of  the  government  under  which  we  live,  this  same 
people  have  wisely  given  their  public  servants  but  little  power  for 
mischief;  and  have,  with  equal  wisdom,  provided  for  the  return 
of  that  little  to  their  own  hands  at  very  short  intervals. 

While  the  people50  retain  their  virtue,  and  vigilence,  no  admin- 
istration, by  any  extreme  of  wickedness  or  folly,  can  very  seriously 
injure  the  government,  in  the  short  space  of  four  years. 

My  countrymen,  one  and  all,51  think  calmly  and  ivell,  upon  this 
whole  subject.  Nothing  valuable  can  be  lost  by  taking  time.52  If 
there  be  an  object  to  hurry  any  of  you,  in  hot  haste,  to  a  step  which 

47  "Also"  inserted.  4«  "Of  being"  inserted. 

49  "Our  side,  or  on  yours"  deleted,  "your  side  of  the  North,  or  on  yours  of  the 
South"  inserted. 

50  "Remain  patient,  and  true  to  themselves,  no  man,  even  in  the  presidential 
chair"  deleted,  "retain  their  virtue,  and  vigilence,  no  administration"  inserted. 

51  "Take  time  and  think"  deleted,  "think  calmly  and"  inserted. 

52  "Nothing  worth  preserving  is  either  breaking  or  burning"  deleted. 

[270] 


MARCH     4,      l86l 

you  would  never  take  deliberately,  that  object  will  be  frustrated 
by  taking  time;  but  no  good  object  can  be  frustrated  by  it.  Such 
of  you  as  are  now  dissatisfied,  still  have  the  old  Constitution  un- 
impaired, and,  on  the  sensitive  point,  the  laws  of  your  own  fram- 
ing under  it;  while  the  new  administration  will  have  no  immediate 
power,  if  it  would,  to  change  either.  If  it  were  admitted  that  you 
who  are  dissatisfied,  hold  the  right  side  in  the  dispute,  there  still 
is  no  single  good  reason  for  precipitate  action.  Intelligence,  patriot- 
ism, Christianity,  and  a  firm  reliance  on  Him,  who  has  never  yet 
forsaken  this  favored  land,  are  still  competent  to  adjust,  in  the  best 
way,  all  our  present  difficulty. 

In  your  hands,  my  dissatisfied  fellow  countrymen,  and  not  in 
mine.,  is  the  momentous  issue  of  civil  war.  The  government  will 
not  assail  you.5B  You  can  have  no  conflict,  without  being  your- 
selves the  aggressors.  You  have  no  oath  registered  in  Heaven  to 
destroy  the  government,  while  /  shall  have  the  most  solemn  one 
to  "preserve,  protect  and  defend"  it.54 

I  am  loth  to  close.  We  are  not  enemies,  but  friends.  We  must 
not  be  enemies.  Though  passion  may  have  strained,  it  must  not 
break  our  bonds  of  affection.  The  mystic  chords  of  memory,  strech- 
ing  from  every  battle-field,  and  patriot  grave,  to  every  living  heart 
and  hearthstone,  all  over  this  broad  land,  will  yet  swell  the  chorus 
of  the  Union,  when  again  touched,  as  surely  they  will  be,  by  the 
better  angels  of  our  nature. 

53  "Unless  you  first  assail  it"  deleted. 

54  Last  two  sentences  of  preceding  drafts  deleted,  and  the  final  paragraph 
written  on  the  bottom  of  the  page.  See  Seward's  suggestion  for  the  final  para- 
graph (note  99)  of  the  revisions  of  the  first  edition  supra,  which  furnished  the 
basis  for  Lincoln's  final  paragraph.  See  also  note  41  of  the  revisions  of  the  first 
edition,  for  the  sentence  which  Lincoln  jotted  down  on  the  back  of  Browning's 
letter  of  February  17,  1861. 


Appointment  of  John  G.  Nicolay1 

March  4,  1861 

Pursuant  to  the  authority  vested  in  me  by  the  second  Section 
of  the  Act  of  Congress  of  the  third  of  March  1857, 1  hereby  appoint 
John  G.  Nicolay,  of  Illinois,  Private  Secretary  to  the  President  of 
the  United  States.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

Washington, 

4th.  March  1861. 

DLC-Nicolay  Papers. 

[271] 


Reply  to  a  New  York  Delegation1 

March  4,  1861 
[Times  Version] 

FELLOW  CITIZENS:  I  thank  you  for  this  visit,  I  thank  you  that 
you  call  upon  me,  not  in  any  sectional  spirit,  but  that  you  come, 
without  distinction  of  party,  to  pay  your  respects  to  the  President 
of  the  United  States.  I  am  informed  that  you  are  mostly  citizens  of 
New- York.  [Cries  of  "All,"  "all."]  You  all  appear  to  be  very 
happy.  May  I  hope  that  the  public  expression  which  I  have  this 
day  given  to  my  sentiments,  may  have  contributed  in  some  degree 
to  your  happiness.  [Emphatic  exclamations  of  assent.]  As  far  as  I 
am  concerned,  the  loyal  citizens  of  every  State,  and  of  every  sec- 
tion, shall  have  no  cause  to  feel  any  other  sentiment.  [Cries  of 
"Good,"  "Good."]  As  towards  the  disaffected  portion  of  our  fel- 
low-citizens, I  will  say,  as  every  good  man  throughout  the  country 
must  feel,  that  there  will  be  more  rejoicing  over  one  sheep  that  is 
lost,  and  is  found,  than  over  the  ninety-and-nine  which  have  gone 
not  astray.  [Great  cheering.]  And  now,  my  friends,  as  I  have  risen 
from  the  dinner-table  to  see  you,  you  will  excuse  me  for  the 
brevity  of  my  remarks,  and  permit  me  again  to  thank  you  heart- 
ily, and  cordially,  for  this  pleasant  visit,  as  I  rejoin  those  who 
await  my  return. 

[Star  Version] 

Friends  and  Fellow-Citizens: — I  understood,  both  before  I  ap- 
peared from  your  committee  and  by  the  introduction  of  my 
friend,2  that  you  were  from  New  York.  You  seem  to  be  in  good 
humor  after  the  proceedings  of  the  day.  If  I  have  been  fortunate 
enough  to  contribute  to  your  good  feeling  I  am  glad,  and  I  shall 
rejoice  if  what  I  have  said  may  cause  the  friends  of  the  Union 
South  to  feel  good  when  they  hear  it.  I  made  it  as  near  right  as  I 
could,  in  my  poor  humble  judgment,  and  in  accordance  with  the 
principles  of  the  Constitution  and  the  perpetuity  of  freedom. 
[Cheers.]  I  made  it  as  well  for  the  good  of  those  who  lived  south 
of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line  as  you  who  live  north  of  that  line. 
[Cheers.]  As  I  rise  from  the  dinner  table  to  speak  to  you,  I  hope 
it  will  not  be  amiss  to  bid  you  good  night. 

*New  York  Times,  March  5,  1861;  Washington  Evening  Star,  March  6, 
1861.  The  Times  reports  the  delegation  as  "numbering  at  least  five  hundred," 
and  the  Star  "nearly  a  thousand  strong."  Brackets  are  in  the  sources. 

2  According  to  the  Star  Lincoln  was  introduced  by  William  H.  Ferry,  state 
senator  from  Oneida  County;  according  to  the  Times  Stewart  L.  Wadford  in- 
troduced the  delegation  to  Lincoln. 

[272] 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

Executive  Mansion.  March  4  1861. 

My  dear  Sir:  Your  note  of  the  2nd.  Inst.  asking  to  withdraw 
your  acceptance  of  my  invitation  to  take  charge  of  the  State  De- 
partment, was  duly  received. 

It  is  the  subject  of  most  painful  solicitude  with  me;  and  I  feel 
constrained  to  beg  that  you  will  countermand  the  withdrawal.  The 
public  interest,  I  think,  demands  that  you  should;  and  my  personal 
feelings  are  deeply  inlisted  in  the  same  direction.  Please  consider, 
and  answer  by  9  o'clock,  A.M.  to-morrow.  Your  Obt.  Servt. 

Hon.  W.  H.  Seward.  A. 


1ALS,  NAuK  Seward's  brief  letter  of  March  2  stipulates  that  "Circum- 
stances which  have  occurred  since  I  expressed  to  you  in  December  last  my 
willingness  to  accept  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State  seem  to  me  to  render  it 
my  duty  to  ask  leave  to  withdraw  that  consent."  (DL.C-B.TLi). 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Dear  Sir:  Executive  Chamber     March  5.  1861 

If  the  public  service  admits  of  a  change,  without  injury,  in  the 
office  of  chief  clerk  of  the  War  Department,  I  shall  be  pleased  of 
[szc]  my  friend,  E.  Elmer  Ellsworth,2  who  presents  you  this,  shall 
be  appointed.  Of  course,  if  you  see  good  reason  to  the  contrary, 
this  is  not  intended  to  be  arbitrary.  Yours  truly  A  LINCOUNT 

Hon.  Simon  Cameron. 

* ALS,  DLC-Cameron  Papers. 

2  Colonel  Elmer  Ephraim.  Ellsworth  was  a  young  law  student  of  Chicago 
who  in  1860  had  raised  and  trained  a  company  of  Zouaves  which  became 
famous  for  drill  exhibitions.  On  Lincoln's  invitation  he  accompanied  the  presi- 
dential party  to  Washington.  Being  inclined  to  active  military  service  instead 
of  a  clerkship,  he  proceeded  to  New  York  to  organize  a  Zouave  regiment.  His 
spectacular  death  at  Alexandria,  Virginia,  occurred  May  24,  1861,  when  he  was 
shot  by  the  proprietor  of  a  hotel  from  the  roof  of  which  he  was  removing  a 
Confederate  flag.  He  is  usually  credited  with  being  the  first  casualty  of  the 
Civil  War.  See  Lincoln's  letter  to  Ellsworth's  parents,  May  25,  infra.  Al- 
though there  is  considerable  confusion  of  Ellsworth's  first  and  second  names, 
the  Dictionary  of  American  Biography  accepts  "Elmer  Ephraim"  on  the  basis 
of  a  manuscript  account  written  by  Ellsworth's  mother. 

Reply  to  Pennsylvania  Delegation1 

March  5,  1861 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Pennsylvania  Delegation: 
— As  I  have  so  frequently  said2  heretofore,  when  I  'have  had  oc- 
casion to  address  the  people  of  the  Keystone,  in  my  visits  to  that 

[273] 


MARCH      5,       l86l 

State,  I  can  now  but  repeat  the  assurance  of  my  gratification  at  the 
support  you  gave  me  at  the  late  election,  and  at  the  promise  of  a 
continuation  of  that  support  which  is  now  tendered  to  me. 

Allusion  has  been  made  to  the  hope  that  yoti  entertain  that  you 
have  a  President  and  a  Government.  In  respect  to  that  I  wish  to 
say  to  you,  that  in  the  position  I  have  assumed  I  wish  to  do  no 
more  than  I  have  ever  given  reason  to  believe  I  would  do.  I  do 
not  wish  you  to  believe  that  I  assume  to  be  any  better  than  others 
who  have  gone  before  me.  I  prefer  rather  to  have  it  understood  that 
if  we  ever  have  a  Government  on  the  principles  we  prefer,  we 
should  remember  while  we  exercise  our  opinion,  that  others  have 
also  rights  to  the  exercise  of  their  opinions,  and  we  should  en- 
deavor to  allow  these  rights,  and  act  in  such  a  manner  as  to  create 
no  bad  feeling.  I  hope  we  have  a  Government  and  a  President.  I 
hope  and  wash  it  to  be  understood  that  there  may  be  allusion  to  no 
unpleasant  differences. 

We  must  remember  that  the  people  of  all  the  States  are  entitled 
to  all  the  privileges  and  immunities  of  the  citizens  of  the  several 
States.  We  should  bear  this  in  mind,  and  act  in  such  a  way  as  to 
say  nothing  insulting  or  irritating.  I  would  inculcate  this  idea,  so 
that  we  may  not,  like  Pharisees,  set  ourselves  up  to  be  better  than 
other  people. 

Now  my  friends,  my  public  duties  are  pressing  today,  and  will 
prevent  my  giving  more  time  to  you.  Indeed,  I  should  not  have  left 
them  now,  but  I  could  not  well  deny  myself  to  so  large  and  re- 
spectable a  body. 

1  Philadelphia  Inquirer,  March  6,    1861.   Lincoln  responded  to  a  speech  "by 
Winthrop  W.  Ketchum  of  Lruzerne,  Pennsylvania.  The  order  in  which  Lincoln 
received  the  various  state  delegations  on  March  5  has  been  deduced  from  the 
press  reports,  but  may  not  be  entirely  accurate   In  addition  to  delegations  from 
Pennsylvania,  Massachusetts,  and  Illinois,  a  delegation  from  Michigan  "some 
150  strong  headed  by  Senator  Chandler,  paid  a  visit  of  respect.   .  .   ."   (Wash- 
ington Evening  Star,  March  6,  1861),  but  no  speech  was  reported. 

2  Inquirer  has  "heard"  instead  of  "said." 

Reply  to  Massachusetts  Delegation1 

March  5,  1861 

I  am  thankful  for  this  renewed  assurance  of  kind  feeling,  and 
confidence,  and  support  of  the  Old  Bay  State,  in  so  far  as  you,  Mr. 
Chairman,  have  expressed,  in  behalf  of  those  whom  you  represent, 
your  sanction  of  what  I  have  enunciated  in  my  inaugural  address. 
This  is  very  grateful  to  my  feelings.  The  subject  was  one  of  great 
delicacy,  in  presenting  views  at  the  opening  of  an  administration 
under  the  peculiar  circumstances  attending  my  entrance  upon  the 

[274] 


MARCH      5,      l86l 

official  duties  connected  with  the  Government.  I  studied  all  the 
points  with  great  anxiety,  and  have  presented  them  with  whatever 
of  ability  and  sense  of  justice  I  could  bring  to  bear. 

If  it  meet  the  approbation  of  our  good  friends  in  Massachusetts, 
I  shall  be  exceedingly  gratified;  while  I  hope  it  will  meet  the  ap- 
probation of  friends  everywhere.  I  am  thankful  for  the  expressions 
of  those  who  have  voted  with  us;  and  like  every  other  man  of  you, 
I  like  them  certainly  as  I  do  others.  [Laughter.]  As  President,  in 
the  administration  of  the  Government,  I  hope  to  be  man  enough 
not  to  know  one  citizen  of  the  United  States  from  another,  [cries 
of  "Good!"]  nor  one  section  from  another.  I  shall  be  gratified  to 
have  the  good  friends  of  Massachusetts  and  others,  who  have  thus 
far  supported  me  in  these  national  views,  still  to  support  me  in 
carrying  them  out. 

1  Washington  National  Republican  and  New  York  Tribune,  March  6;  and 
Washington  Evening  Star,  March  5,  1861.  Lincoln  replied  to  a  speech  by 
Charles  R.  Train,  congressman  from  Framingham,  Massachusetts. 

Reply  to  Illinois  Delegation1 

March  5,  1861 

Mr.  Arnold,  and  fellow  citizens  of  my  own  State  of  Illinois:  I  am 
obliged  to  you  for  this  renewed  mart  of  your  kindness  and  confi- 
dence in  my  humble  self.  I  have  so  often  addressed  the  people  of 
Illinois,  and  so  frequently  in  their  hearing  said  all  that  I  know 
how  to  say,  that  I  am  a  little  more  troubled  to  know  what  not  to 
say  upon  this  occasion  than  I  ever  have  been.  [Laughter.]  We  are 
all  rejoiced,  doubtless,  at  the  success  so  far  of  the  principles  of 
Government  which  we  have  regarded  as  being  just  and  right; 
which,  as  I  hope,  we  have  contended  for  only  because  we  so  re- 
garded them,  not  because  of  any  selfishness  or  sectionalism,  or  any- 
thing calculated  to  wrong  any  other  of  our  citizens  or  section  of 
the  country.  I  certainly  can  say  for  myself,  and  I  think  for  the 
rest  of  you,  that  these  are  the  sentiments  which  have  actuated  all 
of  us.  And  having  advanced  as  far  as  we  have  in  this  cause,  I  have 
to  request  of  you,  which  I  think  I  need  hardly  do,  either,  that  you 
will  sustain  me  in  trying  to  do  ample  and  full  justice  to  all  the 
people  of  the  different  sections  of  this  great  Confederacy.  [Ap- 
plause.] In  saying  this,  I  think  I  have  said  as  much  as  I  know  how 
to  say  upon  this  occasion.  [Laughter  and  applause.] 

1  Washington  National  Republican  and  Evening  Star,  March  6,  1861.  Lin- 
coln responded  to  a  speech  by  Isaac  N.  Arnold,  congressman  from  Chicago. 
According  to  the  Star  the  delegation  numbered  "several  hundred."  Brackets 
are  in  the  sources. 

[275] 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

Hon.  W.  H.  Seward.  Executive  Chamber 

My  dear  Sir  March  5,  1861 

Please  give  me  an  interview  at  once  Yours  truly 

A.  LINCOLN 

i  ALS,  NAuE. 

To  "William  H.  Seward1 

My  dear  Sir:  Executive  Mansion     March  6.   1861 

Will  you  please  send  me  the  blank  nominations  of  Mr.  Judd  & 

Mr.  Kreismann  as  spoken  of  by  us? 

I  wish  to  send  them  in  to-day.  Yours  truly  A  LINCOLN 

Hon.  Sec.  of  State. 

1 ALS,  NAuE.  On  March  8,  Lincoln  appointed  Norman  B.  Judd  envoy 
and  minister  at  Berlin,  and  Herman  Kreismann  secretary  of  the  legation. 

Reply  to  Minnesota  Delegation1 

March  6,  1861 

Mr.  Senator,  members  and  gentlemen:  I  am  very  glad  to  meet 
you  this  evening,  and  thank  you  for  the  compliment  of  this  visit. 
I  have  no  time  to  make  a  speech,  even  if  I  desired  to  do  so,  but  I 
wish  to  express  the  pleasure  I  have  experienced  in  contemplating 
your  enterprising  people,  and  watching  the  rapid  advance  of 
everything  desirable  in  that  young  sister  in  the  Republic-Minne- 
sota, You  may  some  of  you  differ  from  me,  and  I  may  be  wrong, 
but,  according  to  my  judgment,  the  people  up  your  way  have  very 
correct  political  views,  and  so  in  that  particular,  also,  I  give  them 
my  approbation.  (Laughter.)  And  while  their  political  sentiments 
accord  with  mine,  I  have  no  reason  to  doubt  that  they  look  upon 
the  rights  of  their  brethren  further  South,  as  being  entirely  equal 
to  their  own.  (Applause.)  and  that  while  Minnesota  will  maintain 
her  principles,  she  will  require  and  permit  nothing  to  be  done,  that 
does  not  favor  the  maintenance  of  the  Constitution  and  fidelity  to 
the  Union.  (Cheers.) 

1  Cincinnati  Daily  Commercial^  March  11,  1861.  Lincoln  replied  to  a  speech 
by  Senator  Morton  S.  Wilkinson.  Following  the  speech,  the  reporter  (Henry 
Villard)  added:  "The  President  then  shook  hands,  and  bowed  himself  out  with 
less  grace  than  Beau  Brummel  or  Chesterfield,  excusing  himself  by  informing 
his  guests  that  "a  great  man  of  my  own  making"  (some  Cabinet  Officer — prob- 
ably CALEB  SMITH:!) — "is  waiting  for  me  upstairs."  Delegations  from  Indiana, 
Maine,  Ohio,  California,  and  Vermont,  also  paid  their  respects  on  this  date, 
but  no  reports  of  speeches  made  by  Lincoln  have  been  discovered. 

[276] 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

Executive  Chamber.  March  7.  1861 

My  dear  Sir  Herewith  is  the  Diplomatic  address  and  my  reply.2 
To  -whom  the  reply  should  be  addressed — that  is,  by  what  title,  or 
style,  I  do  not  quite  understand;  and  therefore  I  have  left  it  blank. 
Will  you  please  bring  with  you  to-day  the  Message  from  the 
War  Department,  with  Gen.  Scott's  note  upon  it,  which  we  had 
here  yesterday?3  I  wish  to  examine  the  General's  opinion,  which 
I  have  not  yet  done.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LiKrcouNF 

Hon.  W.  H.  Seward. 

1ALS,  NAuE.  2  Vide  infra. 

s  See  Lincoln  to  General  Scott,  March.  9,  infra.  Probably  the  letter  was  the 
one,  referred  to  there,  from  Joseph  Holt. 

Reply  to  Diplomatic  Corps1 

March  7,  1861 
Mr.  Figanlere  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Diplomatic  Body: 

Please  accept  my  sincere  thanks  for  your  kind  congratulations. 

It  affords  me  pleasure  to  confirm  the  confidence  you  so  gener- 
ously express  in  the  friendly  disposition  of  the  United  States, 
through  me,  towards  the  Sovreigns,  and  Governments  you  re- 
spectively represent.  With  equal  satisfaction  I  accept  the  assurance 
you  are  pleased  to  give,  that  the  same  disposition  is  reciprocated 
by  your  Sovereigns,  your  Governments,  and  yourselves. 

Allow  me  to  express  the  hope  that  these  friendly  relations  may 
remain  undisturbed;  and  also  my  fervent  wishes  for  the  health 
and  happiness  of  yourselves  personally. 

1  AD,  DLC-RTL,  The  manuscript  is  in  Lincoln's  handwriting  except  for 
the  salutation,  which  was  presumably  supplied  by  an  official  in  the  State  De- 
partment. See  Lincoln  to  Seward,  supra.  J.  C.  de  Figaniere  e  Morao,  minister 
from  Portugal,  as  the  senior  minister  in  service  from  a  foreign  country  at 
Washington,  gave  "an  address  in  French,  a  translation  of  which  had  pre- 
viously been  furnished  to  Mr.  Lincoln."  (New  York  Tribune,  March  8,  1861). 

To  Whom  It  May  Concern1 

Whom  it  may  concern.         Executive  Mansion     March  7.  1861 

William  Johnson,  a  colored  boy,  and  bearer  of  this,  has  been 
with  me  about  twelve  months;  and  has  been,  so  far,  as  I  believe, 
honest,  faithful,  sober,  industrious,  and  handy  as  a  servant. 

A.  LlKTCOLTNT 

1  ALS,  NN.  The  Register  of  Officers  and  Agents,  Civil,  Military,  and  Naval, 
in  the  Service  of  the  U.S.  (hereafter  cited  as  U.S.  Official  Register),  1861,  lists 
"W.  H.  Johnson,  Fireman,  President's  House,  $600  per  annum."  See  also  Lin- 
coln to  Welles,  March  16,  infra. 

[277] 


To  Schuyler  Colfax1 

Hon.  Schuyler  Colfax  Executive  Mansion  March  8.  1861 

My  dear  Sir:  Your  letter  of  the  6th.  has  just  been  handed  me 
by  Mr.  Baker2  of  Minnesota.  When  I  said  to  you,  the  other  day, 
that  I  wished  to  write  you  a  letter,  I  had  reference,  of  course,  to 
my  not  having  offered  you  a  cabinet  appointment.  I  meant  to  say, 
and  now  do  say,  you  were  most  honorably  and  amply  recom- 
mended; and  a  tender  of  the  appointment  was  not  withheld  on  any 
ground  disparaging  to  you.  Nor  was  it  withheld,  in  any  part,  be- 
cause of  anything  happening  in  1858  —  indeed,  I  should  have  de- 
cided as  I  did,  easier  than  I  did,  had  that  matter  never  existed.  I 
had  partly  made  up  my  mind  in  favor  of  Mr.  Smith  —  not  con- 
clusively of  course  —  before  your  name  was  mentioned  in  that  con- 
nection. When  you  were  brought  forward  I  said  "Colfax  is  a  young 
man  —  is  already  in  position  —  is  running  a  brilliant  career,  and  is 
sure  of  a  bright  future  in  any  event.77  "With  Smith,  it  is  now  or 
never."  I  considered  either  abundantly  competent,  and  decided  on 
the  ground  I  have  stated.  I  now  have  to  beg  that  you  will  not  do 
me  the  injustice  to  suppose,  for  a  moment,  that  I  remembered 
any  thing  against  you  in  malice.  Yours  very  truly  A. 


1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  After  calling  on  Lincoln  with  the   Indiana   delegation   on 
March  6,  Colfax  had  written  "The  very  kindly  remarks  you  made  to  me  this 
morning  were  specially  gratifying.  .  .  .  What  has  pained  me  more  than  any 
thing  else  was  the  rumor  that  your  action  was  governed  by  'prejudice  on  ac- 
count of  alleged  Douglas  proclivities  in  1858'.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL). 

2  Probably  James  EL  Baker,  secretary  of  state  for  Minnesota. 


Endorsement:  Benjamin  F.  Wade  to  Lincoln1 

[c.  March  8,  1861] 

If  Mr.  Anderson  is  better  recommended  in  the  Department  than 
any  other,  for  consul  to  Hamburg  let  him  be  appointed, 

A.  LINCOUNT 

1AES,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  216.  Wade  to  Lincoln,  March 
8,  1861,  recommended  "James  H.  Anderson,  Esqr.,  the  bearer,  of  Marion, 
Ohio,"  for  a  German  consulship,  preferably  at  Hamburg.  Anderson  received  the 
consulship  at  Hamburg. 


To  Edward  Bates1 

March  9,  1861 

Please  let  Senator  Wade  name  the  man  to  be  District  Attorney 
for  the  Northern  District  of  Ohio.   .  .   . 

[278] 


MARCH      9,      l86l 

i  American  Art  Association  Anderson  Galleries  Catalog  3955,  March  4,  1932, 
No.  118.  This  fragmentary  text  is  all  that  is  available.  According  to  the  cata- 
log description,  a  note  by  Senator  Benjamin  F.  Wade,  written  on  the  bottom 
of  Lincoln's  letter,  makes  the  appointment.  Robert  F.  Paine  of  Cleveland  re- 
ceived the  appointment. 


To  Winfield  Scott1 

Lieutenant  General  Scott:     Executive  Mansion,  March  9,  1861. 

My  dear  Sir:  On  the  5th  inst.  I  received  from  the  Hon.  Joseph 
Holt,2  the  then  faithful  and  vigilant  Secretary  of  War,  a  letter  of 
that  date,  inclosing  a  letter  and  accompanying  documents  received 
by  him  on  the  4th  inst.  from  Major  Robert  Anderson  command- 
ing at  Fort  Sumpter  South  Carolina;  and  copies  of  all  which  I  now 
transmit.  Immediately  on  the  receipt  of  them  by  me,  I  transmitted 
the  whole  to  you  for  your  consideration;  and  the  same  day  you 
returned  the  package  to  me  with  your  opinion  endorsed  upon  it,3  a 
copy  of  which  opinion  I  now  also  transmit  to  you.  Learning  from 
you  verbally  that  since  then  you  have  given  the  subject  a  more 
fuU  and  thorough  consideration,  you  will  much  oblige  me  by  giv- 
ing answers,  in  writing,  to  the  following  interrogatories: 

ist  To  what  point  of  time  can  Major  Anderson  maintain  his 
position  at  Fort  Sumpter,  without  fresh  supplies  or  reinforce- 
ment? 

ad.  Can  you,  with  all  the  means  now  in  your  control,  supply  or 
re-inforce  Fort  Sumpter  within  that  time? 

3d  If  not,  what  amount  of  means  and  of  what  description,  in 
addition  to  that  already  at  your  control,  would  enable  you  to  sup- 
ply and  reinforce  that  fortress  within  the  time? 

Please  answer  these,  adding  such  statements,  information,  and 
counsel  as  your  great  skill  and  experience  may  suggest.4  Your  obe- 
dient Servant  A. 


iCopy,  DLC-R.TL. 

2  Postmaster  General  Holt  (1859-1861)  had  assumed  charge  of  the  War  De- 
partment upon  John  B.  Floyd's  withdrawal  from  the   cabinet,   and  remained 
as  secretary  under  Lincoln  until  Simon  Cameron  took  over  on  March  5. 

3  Holt's  letter  to  Lincoln,  March  5,  bears  Scott's  endorsement:   "...  I  now 
see  no  alternative  but  a  surrender  ...  as  ...  we  cannot  send  the  third  of 
the  men  in  several  months,  necessary  to  give  them  relief.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL). 

4  Scott  to   Lincoln,   March    11,    1861,   answers  Lincoln's   three   questions   as 
follows:    (i)   ".  .  ,  he  has  hard  bread,  flour  &  rice  for  about  26  days,  &?  salt 
meat  .  »  .  for  about  48  ....  how  long  he  could  hold  out  .   .  .  cannot  be  an- 
swered with  absolute  accuracy.   .   .   ."  (2)  "No:  Not  within  many  months.  .  .  ." 
(3)  "...  a  fleet  of  war  vessels  &  transports,  5,000  additional  regular  troops  & 
20,000  volunteers  ....  would  require  new   acts   of  Congress   &  from  six  to 
eight  months."   (DLC-RTL). 

[279] 


To  Winfield  Scott1 

'War  Department,  March  g,  1861. 

My  dear  Sir:  I  am  directed  by  the  President  to  say  he  desires 
you  to  exercise  all  possible  vigilance  for  the  maintenance  of  all  the 
places  within  the  military  department  of  the  United  States,  and  to 
promptly  call  upon  all  the  departments  of  the  government  for  the 
means  necessary  to  that  end.  [Siivtorsr  CAMERON.] 

i  NH,  VI,  188.  Although  the  original  has  not  been  located,  Nicolay  and  Hay 
describe  it  as  "drafted  by  President  Lincoln  and  Signed  by  the  Secretary  of 
War"  Brackets  are  in  the  source. 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

My  dear  Sir  Executive  Mansion  March  9.  1861 

I  wish  you  would  give  Mr.  Schurz2  a  full  interview.  Your  Obt. 

Servt.  A. 

Hon.  W.  H.  Seward. 

1ALS,  NAuE. 

2  Carl  Schurz,  who  was  appointed  minister  to  Spain,  March  28. 


To  Gideon  Welles1 

Executive  Mansion     March  9,  1861 

Will  the  Sec.  of  Navy  please  call  on  me  at  once.  Yours  &c. 

A.  LnsrcoLisr 

1  ALS,  The  Rosenbach  Company,  Philadelphia  and  New  York. 


Remarks  to  Oregon  Delegation1 

March  9,  1861 

A  gentleman  o£  the  party  remarked  "that  Oregon  'was  a  large 
State,  and  would  soon  wield  a  powerful  influence  upon  the  affairs 
of  Government." 

"Oh,  yes,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln;  "it's  rather  larger  than  Maryland 
and  Rhode  Island,  which  a  man  can  hurry  across  in  a  few  hours.' 

Some  one  remarked  that  "they  had  heard  of  a  man  who  was  no1 
long  getting  across  one  of  those  States." 

Mr.  Lincoln,  with  a  comical  twist  of  his  face,  responded: 
"Gentlemen,  if  you  please  we  won't  say  anything  more  on  thai 
subject;"  and  it  was  "drapped."2 

[280] 


MARCKt       11,      l86l 

1  Washington  Evening  Star,  March  12,  1861. 

2  The  reference,  of  course,  is  to  Lincoln's  secret  passage  from  Philadelphia 
to  Washington  on  the  night  of  February  22,  -which  was  heartily  lampooned  in 
the  Democratic  press. 

To  Truman  Smith1 

Executive  Mansion     March  10.  1861 
Mr.  L.  will  see  Mr.  Truman  Smith  at  8  o'clock  this  evening. 

i  AL,  DLC-HW. 

To  Edward  Bates1 

Hon.  E.  Bates  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  March  11.  1861 

This  introduces  Hon.  I.  N.  Morris,  with  whom  I  wish  you  would 
converse  in  relation  to  the  Russell  fraud.  I  think  it  may  subserve 
the  public  interest  Yours  truly  A.  Lnsrcousr 

1ALS,  MoSHi.  William  Hepburn  Russell  of  New  York  City,  a  member 
of  the  firm  of  Russell,  Majors  &  Company  was  involved  in  a  financial  scandal 
too  complicated  for  brief  summary.  The  Dictionary  of  American  Biography 
may  be  consulted  for  an  adequate  account. 


To  William  EL  Seward1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  State.  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  March  11,  1861 

What  think  you  of  sending  ministers  at  once  as  follows. 
Dayton  to  England. 
Fremont  to  France 
Clay  to  Spain. 
Corwin  to  Mexico? 

We  need  to  have  these  points  guarded  as  strongly  and  quickly 
as  possible. 

This  is  suggestion  merely,  and  not  dictation.  Your  Obt.  Servt. 

A. 


1  ALS,  NAuE.  Seward  replied  the  same  day  that  he  approved  Cassius 
M.  Clay  for  Spain  and  Thomas  Corwin  for  Mexico,  but  "As  to  Fremont  and 
France  —  the  prestige  is  good.  But  I  think  that  is  all.  If  as  I  have  heard,  he  is 
to  be  engaged  in  raising  money  there  for  his  estates,  it  would  be  a  serious 
complication.  Beside  this  he  is  by  birth  and  education  a  South  Carolinian.  .  .  . 
I  would  rather  send  Dayton  there. 

"For  England  I  am  sure  Mr  [Charles  F.]  Adams  [is?]  far  above  all  others 
adapted  to  British  Court  &,  society  and  infinitely  more  watchful  capable  .  .  . 
—  every  thing.  New  England  is  an  important  point.  What  better  can  we  do  for 

[281] 


MARCH       12,      l86l 

her.  N.  Jersey  gives  us  little,  and  that  grudgingly.  I  think  Daytons  appoint- 
ment would  be  as  much  too  large  for  her  as  any  thing  else  we  are  likely  to 
do  for  New  England  would  be  too  small  for  her.  .  ,  ."  (DLC-RTL). 

To  Montgomery  Blair1 

Hon.  Post-Master  General  Executive  Mansion. 

My  dear  Sir  March  12.  1861 

I  understand  that  the  outgoing  and  incoming  Representatives 
for  the  Cleveland  District,  unite  in  recommending  Edwin  Cowles2 
for  P.M.  in  that  City;  that  Senator  Wade  has  considered  the  case 
&  declines  to  interfere;  &  that  no  other  M.C.  interferes.  Under 
these  circumstances,  if  correct,  I  think  Mr.  Cowles  better  be  ap- 
pointed. Yours  truly  A 


laHA. 

2  Edwin  Cowles,  editor  of  the  Cleveland  Leader,  received  the  appointment 

To  Jacob  Collamer1 

Hon.  Jacob  Colamer.  Executive  Mansion. 

My  dear  Sir:  March  12.  1861 

God  help  me!  It  is  said  I  have  offended  you.  Please  tell  me  how. 
Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  owned  hy  Charles  W.  Olsen,  Chicago,  Illinois.  See  Lincoln  to  Colla- 
mer, March  15,  infra. 

To  Joseph  Holt1 

Hon.  Joseph  Holt:  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  March  12.  1861 

I  will  be  much  obliged,  if  you  will  give  me  a  private  interview, 
to-day,  say  at  1  1  o'clock,  A.M.  Your  Obt.  Servt.  A.  LINCOLN 

i  ALS,  DLC-Holt  Papers. 

To  Montgomery  Blair1 

Hon.  P.M.G.  Executive  Mansion 

Dear  Sir  March  13,  1861 

The  bearer  of  this,  Mr.  C.  T.  Hempston,2  is  a  Virginian  who 
wishes  to  get,  for  his  son,  a  small  place  in  your  Dept.  I  think  Vir- 
ginia should  be  heard,  in  such  cases. 


1  ALS,  laHA. 

2  Lincoln's  spelling  seems  to  be  "Hempston,"  but  may  be  "Hempstow."  La 
either  case  no  appointment  seems  to  have  been  made. 

[282] 


To  Mark  W.  Delahay1 

M.  W.  Delahay,  Esq.  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  March  13.  1861 

You  will  start  for  Kansas  before  I  see  you  again;  and  when  I 
saw  you  a  moment  this  morning,  I  forgot  to  ask  you  about  some 
of  the  Kansas  appointments,  which  I  intended  to  do.  If  you  care 
much  about  them,  you  can  write,  as  I  think  I  shall  not  make  the 
appointments  just  yet.  Yours  in  haste  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AL.S,  DLC-HW.  Delahay  to  Lincoln  March  29  expressed  hope  that  "... 
the  appointment  of  Surveyor  General  for  Kansas  .  .  ."  would  not  be  made  "un- 
til I  can  see  you.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL.) .  Delahay  himself  received  the  appoint- 
ment. 

To  James  R.  Doolittle1 

[c.  March  13,  1861?] 

Please  do  not  report  on  case  of  J.  M.  Richardson  till  you  hear 
from  me.  Yours  truly.  A  LINCOLN 

Hon.  J.  R.  Doolittle. 

1  ALS,  InFtWL.  J.  M.  Richardson  may  have  been  John  M.  Richardson  of 
Missouri,  nominated  by  Lincoln  as  agent  for  the  Choctaw  and  Chickasaw  In- 
dians on  March  13,  1861,  whose  appointment  was  never  confirmed  by  the 
Senate. 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

Hon.  W.  H.  Seward  Executive  Mansion  March  13.  1861 

Dear  Sir  Gen.  Cameron  desires  that  Jacob  S.  Haldeman  may 
be  appointed  Minister  Resident,  at  Sweden  &  Norway;  and  I  am 
willing  to  oblige  him,  if  you  see  no  objection.  Your  Obt.  Servt. 

A.  L.i3NrcouNr 

1  ALS,  NAuE.  Jacob  S.  Haldeman,  president  of  the  Harrisburg  National 
Bank  and  formerly  a  member  of  the  Pennsylvania  legislature,  received  the  ap- 
pointment. 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

Hon.  W.  H.  Seward  Executive  Mansion.  March  14.  1861 

My  dear  Sir  Allow  me  to  introduce  Mr.  F.  Hassaurek,  one  of 
our  best  german  Republican  workers  in  America;  residing  at  Cin- 
cinnati, and  of  whose  character  you  can  not  be  ignorant.  Please 
give  him  an  interview.  Yours  truly  A.  LIISTCOLIN" 

1  ALS,  NAuE.  Frederick  Hassaurek,  editor  of  the  Cincinnati  Hochivach- 
ter  and  sub-editor  of  the  Ohio  Staats  Zeitung,  was  appointed  minister  to  Ecua- 
dor. 

[283] 


To  Jacob  Collamer1 

Hon.  Jacob  Collamer.  March  15.  1861 

My  dear  Sir     I  am  much  relieved  to  learn  that  I  have  been  mis- 
informed as  to  your  having  been  offended.  Yours  very  truly 


A 

l  ALS,  owned  by  Charles  W.  Olsen,  Chicago,  Illinois.  On  March  14,  Colla- 
mer replied  to  Lincoln's  note  of  March  12,  supra,  "I  am  entirely  insensible 
that  you  have,  in  any  way,  offended  me.  I  cherish  no  sentiment  towards  you 
but  that  of  kindness  &  confidence.  ..."  (ALS,  ibid  )• 

Memoranda  : 
Appointment  of  Mark  H.  Dunnell1 

[c.  March  15,  1861] 

Mr.  Senator  Fessenden,  is  anxious  that  Maine  shall  have  the 
consul  general  of  Canada  &  that  Mark  H.  Dunnell  shall  be  the 
man. 

The  Vice  President,  and  the  United  congressional  delegation  of 
Maine  urge  the  appointment  of  Mark  H.  Dunnell  as  Consul  Gen- 
eral for  Canada,  always  bearing  in  mind  that  Mr.  Fessenden,  first 
of  all,  wishes  Mr.  Morse  to  be  Consul  to  London 

1  AD,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  277.  Each  memorandum  is  on  a 
separate  page.  Lincoln  nominated  Mark  H.  Dunnell  to  be  consul  at  Vera  Cruz, 
March  22,  1861. 

Memorandum  : 
Appointment  of  Freeman  H.  Morse1 

[c.  March  15,  1861] 

Mr.  Senator  Fessenden  is  exceedingly  anxious  that  that  \_sic~] 
Hon:  Freeman  H.  Morse  shall  be  consul  to  London  —  &  he  says 
when  he  first  mentioned  Mr.  Morse's  name  for  that  place,  I  said  it 
was  the  first  application. 

1  AD,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  349.  Lincoln  nominated  Morse 
for  the  consulship  at  London,  March  20,  1861. 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

The  Hon.  Secretary  of  State  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  March  15.  1861 

Assuining  it  to  be  possible  to  now  provision  Fort-Sumpter,  under 
all  the  circumstances,  is  it  wise  to  attempt  it? 

[284] 


MARCH       ±5,       l86l 

Please  give  me  your  opinion,  in  writing,  on  this  question.  Your 
Obt.  Servt.  A.  LrNrcoovr. 

i  ALS  copy,  DLC-RTL.  This  letter,  copied  by  Nicolay  and  signed  by  Lin- 
coln, was  sent  to  each  member  of  the  cabinet.  The  several  copies  -which  have 
been  located  are:  to  Bates,  IHi;  to  Blair,  DLC-Blair  Collection;  to  Seward, 
NAuE;  to  Smith,  MH;  to  Welles,  A.  Conger  Goodyear,  New  York  City.  The 
lengthy  replies  in  the  Lincoln  Papers  are  abridged  as  follows:  (i)  Seward, 
March  15—  "If  it  were  possible  to  peacefully  provision  Fort  Sumter,  of  course 
I  should  answer,  that  it  would  be  both  unwise  and  inhuman  not  to  attempt  it. 
But  the  facts  of  the  case  are  known  to  be,  that  the  attempt  must  be  made 
with  the  employment  of  military  and  marine  force,  which  would  provoke  com- 
bat, and  probably  initiate  a  civil  war.  ...  I  would  not  provoke  war  in  any 
way  noiv.  .  .  ."  (2)  Chase,  March  16—  ".  .  .  .  If  the  attempt  will  so  inflame 
civil  war  as  to  involve  an  immediate  necessity  for  the  enlistment  of  armies  .  .  . 
I  cannot  advise  it.  ...  But  it  seems  to  me  highly  improbable  that  the  attempt 
.  .  .  will  produce  such  consequences.  ...  I  return,  therefore,  an  affirmative 
answer.  .  .  ."  (3)  Cameron,  March  16—  ".  .  .  it  would  be  unwise  now  to  make 
such  an  attempt.  ...  I  am  greatly  influenced  by  the  opinions  of  the  Army  offi- 
cers who  have  expressed  themselves  on  the  subject,  and  -who  seem  to  concur  that  it 
is,  perhaps,  now  impossible  to  succor  that  fort,  substantially,  if  at  all.  .  .  .  All 
the  officers  within  Fort  Sumter,  together  with  Generals  Scott  and  Totten,  ex- 
press this  opinion.  .  .  .*'  (4)  Welles,  March  15—  "The  question  has  two  as- 
pects, one  military,  the  other  political.  The  military  gentlemen  .  .  .  represent 
that  it  would  be  unwise  ,  .  .  and  I  am  not  disposed  to  controvert  their  opinions. 
...  In  a  political  view,  I  entertain  doubts  of  the  wisdom  of  the  measure.  .  .  , 
I  do  not  .  .  .  think  it  wise.  .  .  ."  (5)  Smith,  March  16—  "AJter  a  careful  con- 
sideration of  the  opinions  of  Gens.  Scott  and  Totten,  and  also  those  of  Com- 
modore String  [h]  am  and  Mr.  Fox  ...  I  have  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that 
the  probabilities  are  in  favor  of  the  success  of  the  proposed  enterprise,  so  far 
as  to  secure  the  landing  of  the  vessels  at  the  Fort,  but  ....  it  would  not  be 
wise  under  all  the  circumstances.  .  .  .**  (6)  Blair,  March  15—  "...  I  submit 
the  following  considerations  in  favor  of  provisioning  that  Fort.  The  ambitious 
leaders  of  the  late  Democratic  party  have  availed  themselves  ...  to  found 
a  Military  Government  in  the  Seceding  States.  To  the  connivance  of  the  late 
administration  it  is  due  alone  that  this  Rebellion  has  been  enabled  to  attain 
its  present  proportions.  ...  I  ...  agree  that  we  must  look  to  the  people  in 
these  States  for  the  overthrow  of  this  rebellion.  .  .  .  How  is  this  to  be  carried 
into  effect?  That  it  is  by  measures  which  will  inspire  respect  for  the  power 
of  the  Government  and  the  firmness  of  those  who  administer  it  does  not  ad- 
mit of  debate.  .  .  .  The  evacuation  of  Fort  Sumpter  .  .  .  will  convince  the 
rebels  that  the  administration  lacks  firmness  and  will  therefore,  ...  so  far 
from  tending  to  prevent  collision,  will  ensure  it  unless  .  .  .  all  attempts  are 
given  up  to  maintain  the  authority  of  the  United  States.  ..."  (7)  Bates, 
[March  16]—  "This  is  not  a  question  of  lawful  right  nor  physical  power,  but 
of  prudence  &  patriotism  only.  The  right  is  ...  unquestionable  .  .  .  the  Gov- 
ernment has  the  power  and  the  means.  .  .  .  The  wisdom  of  the  act  must  be 
tested  by  the  value  of  the  object  to  be  gained,  &  by  the  hazards  to  be  en- 
countered. ...  I  am  willing  to  evacuate  Fort  Sumter,  rather  than  be  an  ac- 
tive party  in  the  beginning  of  civil  war.  ...  If  Fort  Sumter  must  be  evacu- 
ated .  .  .  the  more  Southern  forts, — Pickens,  Key  West  &c — should,  without 
delay,  be  put  in  condition  of  easy  defence.  .  .  .  Upon  the  whole,  I  do  not  think 
it  wise  nou?  to  attempt  to  provision  Fort  Sumter.  .  .  ." 


[285] 


Reply  to  Luis  Molina,  Minister  from  Nicaragua1 

March  16,  1861 

Mr.  MOLINA:  I  am  happy  to  receive  the  letters  you  present,  and 
to  recognize  you,  sir,  as  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Pleni- 
potentiary of  Nicaragua  near  the  United  States. 

In  conferring  a  higher  rank  upon  you  as  a  token  of  regard  on 
the  part  of  the  Government  and  people  of  Nicaragua  towards  this 
country,  they  have  done  our  Government  and  people  an  honor  for 
which  we  are  duly  grateful,  while  they  have  also  manifested  an 
increased  confidence  in  you,  which  we  can  attest  is  deserved,  and 
thereby  have  done  you  a  distinguished  honor,  upon  which  we  con- 
gratulate you. 

On  behalf  of  the  United  States  I  fully  reciprocate  towards  your 
Government  and  people  the  kind  wishes  and  friendly  purposes  you 
so  generously  express  towards  ours. 

Please  communicate  to  his  excellency  the  President  of  Nica- 
ragua my  high  esteem  and  consideration,  and  my  earnest  wish  for 
his  health,  happiness,  and  long  life. 

Be  assured,  sir,  I  do  not  allow  myself  to  doubt  that  your  public 
duties  and  social  intercourse  here  will  be  so  conducted  as  to  be  en- 
tirely acceptable  to  the  Government  and  people  of  the  United 
States. 

1  Washington  Daily  National  Intelligencer,  March  18,  1861.  The  same  text, 
except  for  variations  in  punctuation,  appeared  in  the  New  York  Tribune  and 
other  papers.  Luis  Molina,  'who  had  represented  "both  Nicaragua  and  Costa  Rica 
at  Washington  for  several  years,  made  a  brief  speech  upon  presenting  the 
credentials  accrediting  him  as  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister  plenipoten- 
tiary. Hertz,  II,  823,  misdates  Lincoln's  reply  as  of  March  17. 


To  Winfield  Scott1 

[March  16,  1861] 

If  Lieut.  GenL  Scott  perceives  no  impropriety  in  my  granting 
Mr.  Hamilton's  request,  made  within,  I  should  be  gratified  to  do 
it.  Will  GenL  Scott  please  answer?  Your  Obt.  Servt.  A. 


1  ALS,  DLC-Nicolay  Papers.  Lincoln's  note  is  written  on  the  back  of  a  let- 
ter from  Andrew  J.  Hamilton,  retiring  Union  congressman  from  Texas,  who 
requested  that  Lieutenant  John  C.  Howard,  suspended  by  court-martial  in 
Washington  Territory,  be  restored  to  his  post.  General  Scott's  answer  is  written 
below  Lincoln's  note:  "The  sentence  was  disapproved  by  the  late  President 
(without  assigning  a  reason)  &  Lieut.  Howard  released  from  arrest  —  that  is, 
restored  to  duty.  .  .  ."  Howard  resigned  his  commission,  September  6,  1861. 
Hamilton  was  appointed  brigadier  general  of  volunteers  and  military  governor 
of  Texas  in  1862. 

[286] 


To  Winfield  Scott1 

Executive  Mansion     March  16.  1861 

I  have  examined,  to  some  extent,  this  case  of  Major  Henshaw, 
and  have  been  brought  to  deeply  sympathize  -with  him.  He  wishes 
to  be  appointed  a  Paymaster;  and  if,  in  the  opinion  of  Gen.  Scott, 
this  can  be  done  without  impropriety,  it  would  gratify  me  to  do  it. 
Your  Obt.  Servt.  A. 


1  AL.S,  RPB-Henshaw  Papers.  The  note  is  written  on  the  end  leaf  of  the 
pamphlet,  Proceedings  of  a  General  Court  Martial  .  .  .  for  the  Trial  of  Brevet 
Major  John  C.  Henshauf  (New  York,  1858).  Leonard  Swett  to  Lincoln,  De- 
cember 26,  1860,  endorsed  by  David  Davis,  sets  forth  John  C.  Henshaw's  wish 
for  reinstatement  as  paymaster.  Major  Henshaw  had  been  court-martialed 
while  stationed  in  Arkansas,  on  charges  growing  out  of  his  refusal  to  use  his 
troops  to  catch  runaway  slaves.  Army  regulations  prevented  his  restoration  to 
line  service.  Although  no  record  of  Scott's  action  in  the  case  has  been  found, 
Henshaw  was  eventually  appointed  captain  and  assistant  adjutant  general, 
August  7,  1862,  and  became  major  and  judge  advocate  February  29,  1864.  See 
also  Lincoln's  memorandum,  April  3,  infra. 


To  the  Senate1 

To  the  Senate:  March  16,   1861 

The  Senate  has  transmitted  to  me  a  copy  of  the  Message  sent 
by  my  predecessor  to  that  Body  on  the  2ist.  day  of  February  last, 
proposing  to  take  its  advice  on  the  subject  of  a  proposition  made 
by  the  British  Government  through  its  Minister  here  to  refer  the 
matter  in  controversy  between  that  Government  and  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  to  the  arbitrament  of  the  Kong  of  Swe- 
den and  Norway,  the  King  of  the  Netherlands,  or  the  Republic  of 
the  Swiss  Confederation. 

In  that  Message,  my  predecessor  stated  that  he  wished  to  sub- 
mit to  the  Senate  the  precise  questions  following,  namely: 

"Will  the  Senate  approve  a  treaty  referring  to  either  of  the 
Sovereign  Powers  above  named  the  dispute  now  existing  between 
the  Governments  of  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  concern- 
ing the  boundary  line  between  Vancouver's  Island  and  the  Amer- 
ican Continent?  In  case  the  referee  shall  find  himself  unable  to 
decide  where  the  line  is  by  the  description  of  it  in  the  Treaty  of 
15th.  June,  1846,  shall  he  be  authorized  to  establish  a  line  accord- 
ing to  the  treaty  as  nearly  as  possible?  Which  of  the  three  Powers 
named  by  Great  Britain  as  an  arbiter  shall  be  chosen  by  the 
United  States?" 

I  find  no  reason  to  disapprove  of  the  course  of  my  predecessor 
in  this  important  matter,  but,  on  the  contrary,  I  not  only  shall 

[287] 


MARCH       ±6,      l86l 

receive  the  advice  of  the  Senate  thereon  cheerfully,  but  I  respect- 
fully ask  the  Senate  for  their  advice  on  the  two  [three?]  questions 
before  recited.  ABRAHAM  LUNTCOUNT. 

Washington,  1 6th  March,  1861. 

1  DS,  DNA  RG  46,  Senate  3/B  B6.  This  message  was  referred  to  the  com- 
mittee on  foreign  relations,  and  on  March  19,  Senator  Sumner  submitted  a 
resolution  that  the  dispute  be  submitted  to  the  Republic  of  Switzerland  as 
arbiter.  On  March  27,  further  consideration  of  the  resolution  was  postponed 
to  "the  ad  Monday  of  December  next."  (^Executive  Journal,  XI,  357). 


To  Gideon  Welles1 

Hon.  Gideon  Welles  Executive  Mansion 

Dear  Sir  March  16/61 

The  bearer  (William)  is  a  servant  who  has  been  with  me  for  some 
time  &  in  whom  I  have  confidence  as  to  his  integrity  and  faithful- 
ness. He  wishes  to  enter  your  service.  The  difference  of  color  be- 
tween him  &  the  other  servants  is  the  cause  of  our  seperation.  If 
you  can  give  him  employment  you  will  confer  a  favour  on  Yours 
truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  LS-F,  ISLA.  See  Lincoln  to  "Whom  it  may  concern,"  March.  7,  supra. 


Endorsement:  Jesse  K.  Dubois  to  Lincoln1 

[c.  March  17,  1861] 

Dubois,  who  writes  this,  is  my  particular  friend;  and  while, 
possibly,  the  thing  he  wishes,  can  not  be  done,  something  else  may. 

LI3NTCOL3NT. 

1  AES,  DNA  RG  48,  Applications,  Indian  Agencies,  Superintendent  of  In- 
dian  Affairs  (Northern),  Box  1266.  The  endorsement  seems  to  have  been  clipped 
from  the  envelope  and  pasted  on  the  back  of  Dubois'  letter  of  March  17, 
1861,  requesting  appointment  of  his  son-in-law,  James  P.  I/use,  editor  of  the 
Lafayette,  Indiana,  Journal,  as  superintendent  of  Indian  affairs  for  the  North- 
ern Superintendency.  Clark  W.  Thompson  of  Minnesota  received  the  appoint- 
ment, however,  and  Luse  later  received  the  postmastership  of  Lafayette.  See 
also  Lincoln  to  Dubois,  March  30,  infra. 


Memorandum  on  Fort  Sumter1 

March  i8[?]  1861 

Some  considerations  in  favor  of  withdrawing  the  Troops  from 
Fort  Sumpter,  by  President  Lincoln. 

[288] 


MARCH       ±8,      l86l 

ist.  The  Fort  cannot  be  permanently  held  without  reinforce- 
ment. 

This  point  is  too  apparent  too  [szc]  need  proof 
The  cutting  off  supplies  and  consequent  starvation,  not  to 
mention  disease,  would  compel  surrender  in  a  few  months  at  far- 
thest, without  firing  a  gun 

2  The  Fort  cannot  now  be  re-inforced  without  a  large  arma- 
ment, involving  of  course  a  bloody  conflict  and  great  exasperation 
on  both  sides,  and  when  re-inforced  can  only  be  held  by  sufficient 
number  to  garrison  the  post  and  to  keep  open  communication  with 
it  by  means  of  the  harbor. 

3.  The  Fort  in  the  present  condition  of  affairs  is  of  inconsider- 
able military  value,  for:  It  is  not  necessary  for  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment to  hold  it  in  order  to  protect  the  City  of  Charleston  from 
foreign  invasion,  nor:  Is  it  available  under  existing  circumstances 
for  the  purpose  of  collecting  the  revenue:  and,  It  is  difficult  to  see 
how  the  possession  of  the  Fort  by  the  Secessionists  can  be  rendered 
a  means  of  annoyance  to  the  Federal  Government.  Every  purpose 
for  which  the  fort  can  now  be  made  available  would  be  better  sub- 
served by  Ships  of  War,  outside  the  harbor. 

4  The  abandonment  of  the  Post  would  remove  a  source  of  irri- 
tation to  the  Southern  people  and  deprive  the  secession  movement 
of  one  of  its  most  powerful  stimulants. 

5  It  would  indicate  both  an  independent  and  a  conservative 
position  on  part  of  the  new  administration,  and  would  gratify  and 
encourage  those,  who  while  friendly  to  the  Union  are  yet  reluc- 
tant to  see  extreme  measures  pursued. 

6  It  would  tend  to  confound  and  embarrass  those  enemies  of 
the  Union  both  at  the  North  and  South  who  have  relied  on  the 
cry  of  "Coercion"  as  a  means  of  keeping  up  the  excitement  against 
the  Republican  Party. 

7  If  the  garrison  should,  while  in  an  enfeebled  condition  be 
successfully  attacked,  or  from  want  of  proper  supplies  should  be 
cut  off  by  disuse  the  administration  would  be  held  responsible  for 
it  and  this  fact  would  be  used  by  their  opponents  with  great  effect. 

8  The  moral  advantage  to  the  Secessionists  of  a  successful  at- 
tack would  be  very  great. 

Objections 

ist  The  danger  of  demoralizing  the  Republican  Party  by  a 
measure  which  might  seem  to  many  to  indicate  timidity  or  in  com- 
mon parlance,  "want  of  pluck." 

That  this  may  be  the  first  impression  is  probable  but  if  the 
measure  is  justified  upon  the  double  ground  of  the  small  import- 

[289] 


MARCH      18,      l86l 

ance  of  the  post  in  a  military  point  of  view  and  the  desire  to  con- 
ciliate wherever  this  can  be  safely  done  a  second  thought  will 
discover  the  wisdom  of  the  course,  and  increase  rather  than  dimin- 
ish the  confidence  of  the  party  in  its  leaders. 

zd  The  danger  of  the  movement  being  construed  by  the  Seces- 
sionists as  a  yielding  from  necessity,  and  in  so  far  a  victory  on 
their  part 

1  Copy,  DLC- Welles  Papers.  There  is  some  uncertainty  about  this  three-page 
manuscript.  It  is  not  in  Lincoln's  handwriting.  It  may  be  a  copy  of  a  memo- 
randum submitted  to  the  cabinet,  or  a  resume  of  conflicting  views  as  Lincoln 
orally  presented  them  to  the  cabinet.  Although  the  first  and  third  pages  are 
dated  March  18,  1861,  this  date  seems  to  have  been  added  later.  There  is  no 
Lincoln  autograph  in  the  Lincoln  Papers  that  resembles  the  manuscript,  but 
its  presence  in  the  Welles  Papers  seems  to  justify  its  inclusion  here.  Pre- 
sumably Lincoln  was  recapitulating  the  opinions  of  the  several  members  of  the 
cabinet  submitted  on  March  15  and  16  in  response  to  Lincoln's  letter  of  March 
15,  supra. 


To  Edward  Bates1 

Hon.  Attorney  Genl.          Executive  Mansion     March  18,  1861 

A  marshal  for  Kansas  is  needed  at  once;  and  unless  the  papers 
in  your  office  show  the  appointment  of  some  other  person  to  be 
more  proper,  mate  out  and  send  me  a  blank  for  James  L.  Mc- 
Dowell. Yours  &c  A. 


1  ALS,  owned  by  Mrs.  R.  T.  Kellogg,  Silver  City,  New  Mexico.  James  L.  Mc- 
Dowell, mayor  of  Leavenworth  (1859),  received  the  appointment. 


To  Edward  Bates1 

Executive  Mansion  March  18.  1861. 

Sir:  I  shall  be  obliged  if  you  will  give  me  your  opinion  in  writ- 
ing whether  under  the  Constitution  and  existing  laws,  the  Execu- 
tive has  power  to  collect  duties  on  ship-board,  off-shore,  in  cases 
where  their  collection  in  the  ordinary  way  is,  by  any  cause,  ren- 
dered impracticable.  This  would  include  the  question  of  lawful 
power  to  prevent  the  landing  of  dutiable  goods,  unless  the  duties 
were  paid.  Your  Obt.  Servt.  A.  LirqrcoLisr 

The  Honourable 
Attorney  General 

1  LS,  DLC-RTL.  See  the  similar  letters  to  Chase  and  Welles,  infra.  Bates' 
reply  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers. 

[290] 


Draft  of  a  Proposed  Order  to  Establish 
a  Militia  Bureau1 

Executive  Mansion 
To  the  Secretary  of  War:  March  ±8th  1861. 

Sir:  You  will  favor  me  by  issuing  an  order  detailing  Lieut. 
Ephraim  E  Ellsworth,  of  the  First  Dragoons,  for  special  duty  as 
Adjutant  and  Inspector  General  of  Militia  for  the  United  States, 
and  in  so  far  as  existing  laws  will  admit,  charge  him  with  the 
transaction,  under  your  direction,  of  all  business  pertaining  to  the 
Militia,  to  be  conducted  as  a  separate  bureau,  of  which  Lieut. 
Ellsworth  will  be  chief,  with  instructions  to  take  measures  for 
promoting  a  uniform  system  of  organization,  drill,  equipment,  &c. 
&c.  of  the  U.  S.  Militia,  and  to  prepare  a  system  of2  drill  for  Light 
troops,  adapted  for  self  -instruction,  for  distribution  to  the  Militia 
of  the  several  States.  You  will  please  assign  him  suitable  office 
rooms,  furniture  &c.  and  provide  him  with  a  clerk  and  messenger, 
and  furnish  him  such  facilities  in  the  way  of  printing,  stationery, 
access  to  public  records,  &c.  as  he  may  desire  for  the  successful 
prosecution  of  his  duties;  and  also  provide3  in  such  manner  as4 
may  be  most  convenient  and  proper,  for  a  monthly  payment  to  Lieut 
Ellsworth,  for  this  extra  duty,  sufficient  to  make  his  pay5  equal 
that  of  a  Major  of  Cavalry.  Your  obt.  Servt. 

1  Copy,  DLC-RTL.  Tlie  order  was  submitted  with  Lincoln  to  Bates,  infra. 
The  original  of  this  proposed  order  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers  and  has  not 
been  located  elsewhere.  The  text  given  by  Tracy,  pp.   177-78,,  may  have  been 
prepared  from   Lincoln's  original,   and  major  variations  as   printed  there   are 
given  in  the  succeeding  footnotes.  Presumably  this  order  was  not  sent  to  the 
War  Department  after  Bates'  unfavorable  report, 

2  Tracy  prints  the  remainder  of  this  sentence  as  follows:  "instruction  for  the 
militia,  to  be  distributed  to  the  several  states." 

3  Tracy  prints  "if  you  please"  after  "provide." 

4  Tracy  prints  "will  best  answer  the  purpose,"  instead  of  "may  be  most  con- 
venient  and  proper." 

5  Tracy  prints  "pay  and  emoluments"  instead  of  "pay." 

To  Edward  Bates1 

Executive  Mansion     March  18.  1861 

Will  the  Attorney  General  please  give  his  opinion  in  writing 
whether  the  Executive  has  any  lawful  authority  to  make  such  an 
order  as  the  foregoing,  and  return  this  paper,  with  the  answer,  to 

me?  A. 


1  ALS,  DLC-RTL.  The  draft  of  Lincoln's  order,  supra.,  was  enclosed  with  this 
letter.  Bates  replied  on  April  18  that  in  his  opinion  the  president  had  not  the 

[291] 


MARCH       l8->       l86l 

power  to  establish  the  bureau,  "without  Congressional  enactment"  and  "an  ex- 
plicit appropriation  by  Congress  ...  to  provide  the  compensation  proposed. 
.  .  ."  (Copy,  DLC-RTL).  Apparently  the  order  was  never  sent  to  Cameron 
The  original  of  Bates'  reply  is  not  in  the  Lincoln  Papers. 

To  Salmon  E  Chase1 

Executive  Mansion  March  18,   1861 

Sir  I  shall  be  obliged  if  you  will  inform  me  whether  any 
goods,  wares  and  merchandize,  subject  by  law  to  the  payment  of 
duties,  are  now  being  imported  into  the  United  States  without  such 
duties  being  paid,  or  secured  according  to  law.  And  if  yea,  at 
what  place  or  places?  and  for  what  cause  do  such  duties  remain 
unpaid,  or  [un]  secured? 

I  will  also  thank  you  for  your  opinion  whether,  as  a  matter  of 
fact,  vessels  off  shore  could  be  effectively  used  to  prevent  such 
importation,  or  to  enforce  the  payment  or  securing  of  the  duties. 

If  yea,  what  number,  and  description  of  vessels,  in  addition  to 
those  already  in  the  Revenue  service  would  be  requisite?  Your 
Obt.  Servt.  A.  LINCOLN 

Hon:  Sec.  of  Treasury — 

1  ALS,  CSmH;  LS  copy,  DLC-RTL.  Chase  replied  under  date  of  March  — 
1861,  that  he  had  no  official  information  of  illegal  importations,  but  that  there 
were  no  customs  officers  south  of  North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  and  Arkansas, 
and  consequently  no  reports.  He  thought  that  offshore  vessels  could  execute  the 
revenue  laws,  but  that  all  of  the  eleven  vessels  in  service  would  have  to  be 
rearmed,  and  since  only  one  was  a  steamer,  at  least  three  of  the  others  should 
be  replaced  by  steam  vessels.  In  addition  six  storage  ships  and  naval  protec- 
tion would  be  needed  (DLC-RTL) . 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  State  Executive  Mansion  March  18.  1861 

My  dear  Sir — I  believe  it  is  a  necessity  with  us  to  make  the  ap- 
pointments I  mentioned  last  night — that  is,  Charles  F.  Adams  to 
England,  William  L.  Dayton  to  France,  George  P.  Marsh  to  Sar- 
dinia, and  Anson  Burlingame  to  Austria.  These  gentlemen  all  have 
my  highest  esteem,  but  no  one  of  them  is  originally  suggested  by 
me  except  Mr.  Dayton.  Mr.  Adams  I  take  because  you  suggested 
him,  coupled  with  his  eminent  fitness  for  the  place.  Mr.  Marsh 
and  Mr.  Burlingame  I  take  because  of  the  intense  pressure  of  their 
respective  states,  and  their  fitness  also. 

The  objection  to  this  card  is  that,  locally  they  are  so  huddled 
up — three  being  in  New  England,  and  two  from  a  single  state.  I 
have  considered  this,  and  will  not  shrink  from  the  responsibility. 
This  being  done  leaves  but  five  full  missions  undisposed  of — 

[292] 


MARCH      1   g,       l86l 

Russia,  China,  Brazil,  Peru,  &  Chili.  And  then,  what  about  Carl 
Schurz?  or,  in  other  words,  what  about  our  german  friends? 

Shall  we  put  the  card  through,  and  arrange  the  rest  afterwards? 

What  say  you?  Your  Obt.  Servt.  A,  LiisrcoLisr 

1 A3LS,  NAuE.  There  is  no  reply  from  Seward  in  the  Lincoln  Papers, 
but  the  appointments  of  Charles  Francis  Adams,  William  L.  Dayton,  George 
P.  Marsh,  and  Carl  Schurz  were  made  as  Lincoln  lists  them.  Anson  Burlin- 
game,  being  unacceptable  to  the  Austrian  government  because  of  his  opinions 
on  Hungary  and  Sardinia,  was  appointed  to  China  instead. 

Memorandum  to  William  H.  Seward1 

[March  18,  1861] 

By  some  omission  I  failed  to  send  the  inclosed  recommendations 
to  the  State  Department.  'Would  a  consideration  of  them  affect  the 
conclusion  of  the  Secretary,  as  to  who  shall  be  Secretary  in  Col- 
orado, or  Nevada?  LmcoiLisr. 

1  ADS,  DN"A  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  355.  The  recommendations  were 
for  James  W.  Nye,  who  was  appointed  governor  of  Nevada. 

To  Gideon  Welles1 

Executive  Mansion  March  18,  1861 

Sir  I  shall  be  obliged  if  you  will  inform  me  what  amount  of 
Naval  force  you  could  at  once  place  at  the  control  of  the  Revenue 
service.  And  also,  whether  at  some  distance  of  time  you  could  so 
place  an  additional  force;  and  how  much?  and  at  what  time?  Your 
Obt.  Servt.  A.  LnsrcoLisr 

Hon.  Sec.  of  Navy. 

i  ALS,  DNA  WR  3STB  RG  45,  Executive  letters,  No.  47;  US,  DLC-RTL.  Welles 
replied  March  20  that  twelve  vessels  would  be  put  at  control  of  the  revenue 
service,  but  that  the  amount  of  force  which  could  be  so  disposed  in  the  future 
would  depend  on  the  number  of  men  legally  allowed  to  the  Navy.  Four  vessels 
could  be  withdrawn  from  foreign  service  within  three  months.  There  were  fif- 
teen vessels  not  in  commission.  Seven  vessels  could  be  made  available  for  west 
coast  service  (DLC-RTL).  See  Lincoln's  letters  to  Chase  and  Bates  of  this  date, 
supra. 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

Executive  Mansion     March  19.  1861 

Messrs  Senators  Simmons  &  Anthony  wish  John  R  Bartlett  to 
be  Minister  to  Rome.  They  are  anxious  on  behalf  of  Rhode  Island, 

1  AL,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  224.  Senators  from  Rhode  Island, 
James  F.  Simmons  and  Henry  B.  Anthony,  had  recommended  John  R.  Bartlett 
of  Providence,  secretary  of  state  for  Rhode  Island.  Bartlett  remained  in  office 
as  secretary  of  state  until  18 /a. 

[293] 


To  Whom  It  May  Concern1 

Whom  it  may  concern        Executive  Mansion     March  19.  1861 

I  did  see  and  talk  with  Master  George  Evans  Patten,  last  May, 
at  Springfield,  Illinois.  Respectfully  A  LINCOLN 

1  ALS-F,  ISLA.  No  letter  from  George  Evans  Patten  is  in  the  Lincoln  Papers, 
and  he  has  not  been  identified.  One  infers  from  Lincoln's  note,  however,  that 
the  boy  wanted  proof  of  his  acquaintance,  perhaps  to  silence  skeptical  friends. 


Memorandum  on  Appointments  to  Territories1 

March  20,  1861 

Titus  C.  Wetmore,2  informal  delegate  from  Colorado,  and  Cope- 
land  Townsend,3  of  Colorado,  formerly  of  Wisconsin,  call  this 
20th.  March  and  recommend  for 

Governor  —  William  Larrimer,4  Col. 
Secretary  —  D.  M.  Kelsey5 — 
C.[hief]  J.[ustice] — 

1  asso.  T.  C.  Wetmore  —  Col. 

2  do  

Atty.  

Marshall,  Cop  eland  Townsend,  Col. 

(ought  to  have  been  P.M.  at  Denver  ) 
Surveyor.  


/Governor. 
State\Secretary 

Surveyor  GenL 

Chief  Justice 
Associate  J. 
Do.       Do 
Attorney 
Marshal 


Governor. 
Secretary 
Surv.  GenL 
C.  J. 
i  Asso. 


2  D. 

Atty 

Marshal. 


Colorado  Terrtory 

William  Gilpin,  of  Colorado 
Lewis  L.  Weld,     " 

David  P.  Hollo  way6  la. 

Francis  M.  Case,  O 

Benjamin  F.  Hall  N.  Y.     Seiv. 

S.  Newton  Pettis  Pa.      Cam. 

Charles  Lee  Armour —  Md.     Bliss 

Theodore  D.  Edwards.  Ky. 

Copeland  Townsend.  Col. 

Dacota 


William  Jayne7 
John  Hutchinson 
George  D.  Hill8 
Philemon  Bliss 
Allen  A.  Burton 


L.  P.  Williston9 
H.  M.  Vaile 

W.  F.  Shaffer 

[294] 


of  Ills. 

of  Kan. 

Mich. 

O.  Wade,      Chase. 

Ky.      Speed  &  Clay 

Anderson 

Adams 

Harlan 
Pa. 
Kan  —  Gilpin 

&  [illegible] 
Ter. 


MARCH       20,       l86l 

[John  K.  Hord]10  Asks  now  to  be  Judge  of  either  Territory, 
where  not  yet  filled.  March  27,  1861 


Governor 
Secretary 
Surveyor  General. 


C.  J. 

1  Asso. 

2  Asso. 
Atty 
Marshal. 


C.  J. 

x 


Nevada. 

James  W.  Nye11  N.  "Y. 

Orion  Clemens12  Mo  —  Bates 

J.  W.  North  Min. 

Interior — no  application13 

George  Turner.14  O. 

Gorden  N.  Mott  California,     Baker. 

Horatio  Jones  Mo. 

Benjamin  Browker —  N.  H  —  Hale. 

David  Bayles.  Mo. 

Board  of  Pattent  Appeal. 

John  M.  Hodges  Vermont 

George  Harding  Pa 

Thomas  C.  Theaper  O. 

Judges  in  Nebraska 

William  Pitt  Kellogg  His. 

Sam  Milligan  Term  —  Johns.  Eth.15 


1  AD,  DLC-RTL.  These  three  pages  in.  Lincoln's  autograph  and  one  page  of 
recommendations    (not  reproduced)    for  John  K.   Hord,  bearing  Lincoln's  en- 
dorsement as  reproduced,  were  apparently  Lincoln's  summary  of  territorial  of- 
fices and  prospective  appointees,  as  of  March  20-27. 

2  Titus  C.  Wetmore,  formerly  a  hotel  keeper  at  Malta,  Illinois,  had  migrated 
to  Colorado  in  1860.  His  letter  in  the  Lincoln  Papers,  written  f rom  "Washington, 
January  17,  1861,  indicates  that  he  was  a  delegate  of  the  United  Mining  Dis- 
trict, Rocky  Mountains. 

3  Copeland  Townsend,  formerly  of  Oconomowoc,  "Wisconsin,  received  the  ap- 
pointment as  marshal  of  Colorado. 

4  "William   Larimer,   a   native   of  Pennsylvania   and   one   of  the   founders   of 
Denver,  Colorado. 

5  D.  M.  Kelsey  has  not  been  identified,  but  did  not  receive  the  appointment. 

6  The  names  of  Holloway  of  Indiana  and  Case  were  crossed  out  by  Lincoln. 

7  "J.  M.  North     Minn-"  and  "Nathaniel  G.  Wilson"  were  deleted  and  "Wil- 
liam Jayne"  inserted. 

8  "Francis  M.  Case"  and  Lysander  Cutler     Wise"  were  deleted  and  "George 
D.  Hill  Mich  "  inserted. 

9  "James  E.  M[echen?]   Mich."  was  deleted  and  "L.  P.  Williston  Pa."   in- 
serted. 

10  A  page,  not  in  Lincoln's  handwriting,  listing  the  numerous  public  officials 
of  Ohio  'who  recommended  John  K.  Hord,  bears  Lincoln's  endorsement  as  re- 
produced. 

11  "Rufus  King  Wise"  deleted  and  "James  "W.  Nye     N.  Y."  inserted. 

12  «w.  L.  Brown.  la."  deleted  and  "Orion  Clemens — Mo — Bates"  inserted 

13  This  line  has  been  crossed  out, 

14  "Sam  Milligan  Tenn.  Johnson  &  Eth"  deleted  and  "George  Turner.  O"  in- 
serted. 15  Senator  Andrew  Johnson  and  Representative  Emerson  Etheridge 

[295] 


To  Robert  Irwin1 

Private 

Robert  Irwin,  Esq  Washington  D.  C. 

My  dear  Sir:  March  20.  1861 

I  am  scared  about  your  friend  Dennison.  The  place  is  so  fiercely 
sought  by,  and  for,  others,  while,  except  what  has  come  through 
you,  his  name  is  not  mentioned  at  all,  that  I  fear  appointing  him 
will  appear  too  arbitrary  on  my  part.  I  have  made  no  appoint- 
ments at  the  city  as  yet;  but  it  has  pained  me  that  among  the 
scores  of  names  urged,  his  has  not  occurred  once.  Your  tired 
friend  A.  Lmcousr 

1  ALS,  IHi  Robert  Irwin  to  Lincoln,  February  27,  1861,  asked  for  the  ap- 
pointment of  attorney  George  Denison  of  New  York  as  naval  officer  of  the 
port  of  New  York,  and  an  undated  note  requests  "for  the  last  time  .  .  .  cannot 
you  consistently  give  my  Friend  Denison  the  appointment  he  has  solicited. 
.  .  ."  (DLC-RTL).  For  further  developments  in  this  appointment,  see  Lincoln 
to  Chase,  May  16  and  18,  infra. 


To  Donald  McClennan1 

Donald  McClennan  Esq  Executive  Mansion 

Dear  Sir;  March  20.  1861 

I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  favour  of 
Jan  3  ist  and  the  accompanying  shawles  and  blankets  presented  by 
you  through  the  Hon  John  Satterlee. 

Permit  me  to  express  my  sincere  gratitude  for  the  kind  feelings 
that  prompted  your  present  &  my  gratification  at  the  f orward  state 
of  California  manufactures  which  those  articles  exhibit.  Your  obt 
Ser 

1  Df,  DLC-RTL.  The  draft  is  in  John  Hay's  handwriting  Donald  McClennan 
wrote,  January  31,  1861,  "I  desire  to  present  ...  an  union  grey  shawl,  made 
of  California  wool  and  the  first  manufactured  in  this  State,  together  with  a 
pair  of  family  blankets  of  our  manufacture,  at  the  Chrysopolis  Mills,  Mission 
Dolores  San  Francisco  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL). 


To  Caleb  B.  Smith1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  Interior  Executive  Mansion     March  20.  1861 

Please  make  out  and  send  blank  appointments  for  all  Indian 
places,  to  serve  in  Wisconsin,  in  favor  of  the  persons  unitedly  rec- 
ommended by  the  Wisconsin  Congressional  delegation. 

And  in  like  manner,  all  in  Minnesota,  in  favor  of  the  persons 

[296] 


MARCH      22,       l86l 

unitedly  recommended  by  the  Minnesota  Republican  delegation  in 
congress.  Of  course  these  relate  to  Executive  appointments.  Yours 
truly  A. 


*  ALS,  DNA  NR  RG  48,  Appointments,  Indian  Agencies,  Miscellaneous,  Box 
1268. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  March  21.   1861 

Thomas  J.  Pickett,  the  bearer  of  this,  and  an  Illinois  State  Sen- 
ator, resides  at  the  City  of  Rock-Island,  in  that  State,  and  in  the 
immediate  vicinity  of  the  Island  of  that  name.  The  Island  belongs 
to  the  U.S;  and  Mr.  Pickett  thinks  there  is  an  agency  for  it,  in 
charge  of  your  Department,  worth  some  $700.  If  this  be  true,  I 
wish  Mr.  Pickett  could  have  the  agency.  Yours  very  truly 

A 


1ALS,  IHi.  Pickett  received  the  agency  of  the  Island  of  Rock  Island. 

To  William  EL  Seward1 

[March  21,  1861?] 
What  says  Gov.   Seward  to  making  the  appointment  mentioned 
within. 


1  AES,  JNTAuE.  Lincoln's  undated  endorsement  is  'written  on  the  back  of  a 
letter  from  Winfield  Scott  and  Joseph  G.  Totten  to  Montgomery  Blair,  March 
21,  1861,  recommending  appointment  of  General  Joseph  G.  Swift  as  postmaster 
at  Geneva,  New  York.  William  Johnson,  rather  than  Swift,  received  the  ap- 
pointment. 


To  Gideon  Welles1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  Navy  Executive  Mansion     March  22.  1861 

Sir:  I  -understand  there  is  a  vacancy  in  the  office  of  Engineer  in 
Chief  of  the  Navy,  which  I  shall  have  to  fill  by  appointment.  Will 
you  please  avail  yourself  of  all  the  means  in  your  power  for  de- 
termin[ing]  and  present  me  the  name  of  [the]  best  man  for  the 
service  [  ?  ]  of  other  circumstances.  Yours  &c  A. 


1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  The  manuscript  is  "burned  at  the  edges.  Restorations  are  by 
the  editors.  There  is  no  reply  from  Welles  in  the  Lincoln  Papers,  but  Benja- 
min F.  Isherwood  of  New  York  was  appointed. 

[297] 


Endorsement:  Meredith  Helm  to  Lincoln1 

I  wish  Mr.  Thomas  Mustin,  and  Mr.  Jones,  named  within,  may 
retain  their  places,  for  the  present,  at  least.  A  LINCOLN 

March  25.  1861. 

1 AES,  RPB.  Dr.  Meredith  Helm  of  Springfield,  Ilinois,  wrote  a  letter  on 
March  20,  1861,  introducing  "Thomas  Mustin,  and  Mr  Thos.  Jones,  the 
former  my  brother  in  law,  the  latter  his  son  in  law,"  and  asking  that  they  be 
permitted  to  retain  their  respective  offices.  Mustin  held  a  clerkship  in  the 
fifth  auditor's  office  and  Jones  a  clerkship  in  the  census  office. 


Endorsements:  Caleb  B.  Smith  to  Lincoln1 

We  demand  that  the  appointment  named  within  be  made  at 

Once.  EDGAR   COWAN 

March  25,  1861.  JOHN  COVODE 

Let  it  be  done.         LINCOLN 

i-AES,  DNA  RG  48,  Appointments,  Indian  Agencies,  Box  1274.  Both  en- 
dorsements are  in  Lincoln's  handwriting,  the  first  bearing  signatures  of  Sen- 
ator Edgar  Cowan  and  Representative  John  Covode  of  Pennsylvania.  Smith's 
letter  concerned  the  appointment  of  Walter  A.  Burleigh  of  Pennsylvania  to 
the  Yankton  Sioux  Indian  Agency.  Burleigh  was  appointed. 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

[March  25,  1861] 

Senator  Grimes  wishes  A.  L.  Wolff  made  consul  to  Basle  in 
Switzerland. 


DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  406.  August  L.  Wolff  of  Iowa 
received  the  appointment. 


To  James  W.  Grimes  and  James  Harlan1 

[c.  March  26,  1861?] 

Messrs.  Grimes  &  Harlan.  Would  your  friend,  Sanders  be  Sur- 
veyor General  of  Nevada?  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 
P.  S  answer  at  once. 

1ALS,  DLC.  Lincoln's  note  is  undated,  and  no  reply  has  been  found.  On 
March  26,  1861,  Alvin  Saunders  of  Iowa  was  nominated  by  Lincoln  to  be 
Governor  of  Nebraska.  The  Senate  confirmed  the  nomination  on  March  27. 

[298] 


To  the  Senate1 

March  26,  1861 

To  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  I  have  received  a  copy  of  a 
resolution  of  the  Senate  passed  on  the  25th  instant  requesting  me, 
if  in  my  opinion  not  incompatible  with  the  public  interest  to  com- 
municate to  the  Senate  the  despatches  of  Major  Robert  Anderson 
to  the  War  Department  during  the  time  he  has  been  in  command 
at  Fort  Sumter. 

On  examining  the  correspondence  thus  called  for  I  have  with 
the  highest  respect  for  the  Senate  come  to  the  conclusion  that  at 
the  present  moment  the  publication  of  it  would  be  inexpedient. 
Washington,  26th.  March,  1861.  [ABRABCAM: 


i  Copy,  DLC-RTL,.  Labeled  "(Copy)'*  in  Lincoln's  autograph,  the  document  is 
otherwise  in  Seward's  handwriting  and  is  without  signature.  The  original  has 
not  been  found,  and  the  text  does  not  appear  in  the  Senate  'Executive  Journal. 
The  Congressional  G-lobe,  March  29,  1861,  prints  the  same  text  as  in  the  copy, 
under  proceedings  of  March  27,  1861  (p.  1512).  The  text  printed  by  Nicolay 
and  Hay  (VI,  225-26)  contains  minor  verbal  variations  ("the  resolution,"  "of 
Fort  Sumter,"  "On  examination  of"),  which  may  represent  the  wording  of 
the  original. 


To  Edward  Bates1 

Hon.  Atty.  General  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  March  27,  1861 

Senator  Foote  sends  me  word  that  the  Vermont  delegation  de- 
sires George  Howe  to  be  District  Attorney;  and  C  C.  E  Baldwin  to 
be  Marshal  for  Vermont.  The  initials  I  can  not  help.  I  send  them 
as  sent  to  me.  Send  me  the  blank  appointments.  Yoiors  &c 

A. 


i  ALS  owned  by  Mrs.  R.  T.  Kellogg,  Silver  City,  New  Mexico.  C.  C.  P.  Bald- 
win of  Bradford,  and  George  Howe  of  Brattleboro,  Vermont,  received  their  re- 
spective appointments. 

To  Edward  Bates1 

[c.  March  27,  1861] 

Will  the  Attorney  General  give  the  bearers  of  this,  an  audience, 
and  examine  this  petition  as  soon  as  possible.  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  DNA  RG  204,  IL  S.  Pardon  Attorney,  A  361.  Endorsement  on  a  pe- 
tition March  27,  1861,  from  a  delegation  of  the  Chidkasaw  Tribe  of  Indians, 
asking  a  respite  of  six  months  in  the  execution  of  Reyburn  Porter  and  Billy 
Jimmy  of  the  Chictasaw  Tribe,  convicted  in  November,  1860,  of  the  murder  of 
two  white  men. 

[299] 


Memorandum : 
Appointment  of  Thomas  P.  Campbell1 

March  27,  1861 

On  this  27th.  of  March  1861  Hon.  Mr.  Blair  of  Pa.  calls  and 
presses  that  Thomas  P.  Campbell  Esq.  of  his  District  shall  be  con- 
sul to  Glasgow,  or  have  some  other  eligible  appointment.  Mr.  Blair 
says  his  District  does  a  large  share  of  the  voting,  and  never  receives 
any  thing.  Therefore  he  is  very  anxious  in  this  matter. 

1  AD,  DLC-RTL.  Representative  Samuel  S.  Blair's  recommendation  of 
Thomas  P.  Campbell  of  Huntington,  Pennsylvania,  was  not  followed.  James  S. 
Prettyman  of  Delaware  received  the  appointment. 

Reply  to  Joseph  Bertinatti1 

March  27,  1861 

CHEVALIER  RERTIJNTATTI:  With  a  degree  of  pleasure  no  less  than 
that  which  you  express  in  presenting  it,  I  receive  and  accept  the 
letter  of  his  Majesty,  your  august  Sovereign,  which  accredits  you 
as  his  Minister  Resident  near  this  Government. 

"While  I  hold  it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  United  States  not  to  inter- 
fere with  the  differences  of  foreign  Governments  and  countries,  I 
trust  I  may,  without  offence  to  any,  congratulate  your  Sovereign 
and  yourself  upon  the  high  position  which  Sardinia  holds  in  the 
scale  of  nations.  I  hope,  too,  that  whatever  has  been  or  shall  be 
done  may  result  in  the  augmented  prosperity  and  happiness  of 
the  people  concerned. 

Please  assure  your  august  Sovereign  that  his  good  wishes  for  our 
country  are  reciprocated  by  us  for  his,  and  that  it  shall  be  our 
constant  care  to  maintain  the  friendly  relations  now  happily  ex- 
isting between  the  two. 

Chevalier  Bertinatti,  your  personal  promotion  is  a  subject  of 
satisfaction  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 

1  Washington  Daily  National  Intelligencer ,  March.  28,  1861.  Lincoln  replied 
to  a  brief  speech,  by  Chevalier  Bertinatti  of  Sardinia  on  presenting  his  cre- 
dentials of  promotion  from  consul  to  minister. 

To  Hiram  Barney1 

Hon.  Hiram  Barney  Washington 

My  dear  Sir:  March  29,  1861 

Please  come  here.  I  think  I  can  make  up  the  New- York  card 
better  after  having  a  talk  with  you.  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS-P,  ISLA..  Barney  was  a  prominent  New  York  City  attorney  who  was 
appointed  collector  of  the  Port  of  New  York. 

[300] 


Memorandum:  Edward  D.  Baker's  Recom- 
mendations for  California  Appointments1 

March  29,  1861 

It  Is  stated  that  Col.  Baker's  recommendations  for  California 
would  be  judicious  and  satisfactory,  by, 

Thomas  Fitch  Walter  S.  Denio  Rod.   Matthewson 

Geo  W.  Wright       Wm.  H.  Stevens  [Roderick  Matheson] 

Chas  W.  Rand  Capt.  [Frank]  Folger   S[amuel]    H.  Parker 

D.  J.  Staples  J.  C.  Birsaye  [Birdsye]A.  J.  Butler 

*AD,  DLC-RTL.  The  envelope  endorsed  by  Lincoln  "California/  Baker's 
backers  &  Cand./  (Partial  only)"  also  contains  a  small  slip,  not  in  Lincoln's 
handwriting,  listing  "California/  Collecter  Naval  agent,  Sam  Bell.  Naval  offi- 
cer Willard  B.  Farwell.  Superintendent  of  the  Mint,  Robt.  I  Stevens." 


To  Gideon  Welles  and  Simon  Cameron1 

Executive  Mansion 
Honorable  Secretary  of  the  Navy  [War],  March.  29,  1861 

Sir:  I  desire  that  an  expedition,  to  move  by  sea,  be  got  ready  to 
sail  as  early  as  the  6th.  of  April  next,  the  whole  according  to  mem- 
orandum attached;  and  that  you  co-operate  with  the  Secretary  of 
War  [the  Navy]  for  that  object.  Your  Obedient  Servant 

A. 


[Enclosure]2 
Navy  Dept. 

Stairs  Pocahontas  at  Norfolk,  Pawnee  at  Washington,  and  Rev- 
enue Cutter  Harriet  Lane  at  N.  York  to  be  ready  [under  sailing 
orders]  for  sea  with  one  months  stores  [stores,  etc.  for  one  month]  . 
Three  hundred  seamen  [men]  to  be  [kept]  ready  for  leaving  the 
[departure  from  on  board]  receiving  ship  at  N.  York  [for  depar- 
ture from  on  board  the  receiving-ships  at  New  York]  . 

War  Dept. 

Two  hundred  men  at  N.  York  ready  to  leave  garrison  —  one 
years  stores  to  be  put  in  a  portable  form.  [Two  hundred  men  to  be 
ready  to  leave  Governor's  Island  in  New  York.  Supplies  for 
twelve  months  for  one  hundred  men  to  be  put  in  portable  shape, 
ready  for  instant  shipping.  A  large  steamer  and  three  tugs  con- 
ditionally engaged.] 


,  ISLA;  NH,  VI,  226-27.  Although  the  original  manuscript  of  the 
to  Cameron  as  printed  by  Nicolay  and  Hay  has  not  been  located,  the  copy 
to   Welles,   with   enclosure,   is    available.   The   variations   in   wording   in  the 

[301] 


MARCH      3O?      l86l 

Cameron  copy  as  printed  by  NIcolay  and  Hay  are  given  in  brackets  At  the 
cabinet  meeting  on  March  29,  Lincoln  requested  written  opinions  on  the  ex- 
pedition. Seward  and  Smith  opposed,  while  Welles,  Chase,  Bates,  and  Blair 
concurred.  The  written  opinions  of  Seward,  Welles,  Smith,  Chase,  and  Bates 
are  in  the  Lincoln  Papers,  but  the  opinion  of  Blair  (printed  in  NH,  VI,  230)  is 
not,  and  no  opinion  of  Cameron  is  of  record  on  this  date. 

2  The  enclosure  with  the  Welles  letter  is  not  in  Lincoln's  handwriting. 

To  Jesse  K.  Dubois1 

Hon.  J.  K.  Dubois:  Washington, 

My  dear  Sir  March  30.  1861 

I  was  nearly  as  sorry  as  you  can  be  at  not  being  able  to  give  Mr. 
Luce  the  appointment  you  desired  for  him.  Of  course  I  could  have 
done  it;  but  it  "would  have  been  against  the  united,  earnest,  and,  I 
add,  angry  protest  of  the  republican  delegation  of  Minnesota,  in 
winch  state  the  office  is  located.  So  far  as  I  understand,  it  is  un- 
precedented, [to]  send  an  officer  into  a  state  against  the  wishes  of 
the  members  of  congress  of  the  State,  and  of  the  same  party.  Your 
friend  as  ever  A, 


1  ALS,  IHi.  Dubois  to  Lincoln,  March  27,  1861,  expressed  disappointment 
that  John  P.  Luse,  his  son-in-law,  failed  to  receive  the  appointment  as  Northern 
superintendent  of  Indian  affairs  for  Minnesota:  **MLy  heart  ivas  set  on  this  ap- 
plication for  him,  as  in  his  appointment  I  could  have  transferred  my  dying 
daughter  from  the  Wabash  Valley  to  the  healthy  climate  of  Minessotta  and 
perhaps  prolonged  her  life.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTX).  See  Lincoln's  endorsement  on 
letter  from  Dubois,  (c.  March  17,  1861),  supra. 

Endorsement  on  Petition 
Concerning  California  Appointments1 

March  30,  1861 

This  paper  is  presented  the  3Oth.  of  March  1861,  by  Mr.  Jos.  A. 
Nunes,  as  spokesman  of  about  fiftyfive  Californians,  being  present, 
stating  it  to  be  the  expression  of  a  majority  of  California  Repub- 
licans now  in  Washington. 

i  AE,  DLC-RTL.  Signed  "by  Joseph  A.  Nunes,  president  of  the  California 
Republican  conventions  of  1856  and  1860,  and  fifty-four  other  California  Re- 
publicans, the  petition  of  March  28,  1861,  requests  that  the  president  consult 
Leland  Stanford,  Gordon  N.  Mott,  J.  "W.  Simonton,  Charles  Watrous,  and  John 
Satterlee  in  regard  to  federal  appointments  in  California.  Lincoln's  envelope 
endorsement  reads:  "California/  Document  of  the  55." 

To  Honorable  Secretary1 

Hon:  Secretary  Executive  Mansion     March  30.  1861 

The  bearer  of  this,  Alexander  R.  McKee,  is  a  brother-in-law,  of 
the  late  Col.  John  Hardin  of  Illinois,  and  is  an  out,  and  out  Repub- 

[302] 


MARCH       30,       l86l 

lican.  He  resides  in  Kentucky,  as  he  ever  has  done.  I  think  I  am 
not  mistaken  in  saying  he  is  popular  with  all  Kentuckians.  He  de- 
sires a  place  in  one  of  the  Departments,  and  I  -wish  he  could  have 
it.  Yours  truly  A. 


1  ALS,  owned  by  William  H.  Townsend,  Lexington,  Kentucky.  This  letter  of 
introduction  produced  an  appointment  for  McKee  to  the  consulship  at  Panama. 
Alexander  R,  McKee  had  served  for  many  years  as  clerk  of  court  at  Lancaster, 
Kentucky. 

To  Caleb  B.  Smith1 

[c.  March  30,  1861] 

Comodore  Gregory,  Comd.  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  Jany,  16.  i86i2  — 
presents  himself  and  presses  that  his  son,  named  within,  be  re- 
tained as  agent  for  the  Poncas  tribe,  in  Dakota. 

1  AE,  DISTA  NR  RG  48,  Applications,  Indian  Agencies,  Box    1272.   Captain 
Francis  H.  Gregory  to  Lincoln,  March  30,   1861,  requests  the  retention  of  his 
son  John  S.  Gregory  as  agent  for  the  Ponca  Tribe. 

2  Lincoln's  inadvertent  error;  Gregory  was  commissioned  January  16,  1809. 

To  John  T.  Stuart1 

PRIVATE 

Dear  Stuart:  Washington,  March  30,   1861 

Cousin  Lizzie2  shows  me  your  letter  of  the  2  /th.  The  question  of 
giving  her  the  Springfield  Post-office  troubles  me.  You  see  I  have 
already  appointed  William  Jayne  a  territorial  governor,  and  Judge 
Trumbulls  brother3  to  a  Land-office.  "Will  it  do  for  me  to  go  on 
and  justify  the  declaration  that  Trumbull  and  I  have  divided  out 
all  the  offices  among  our  relatives?  Dr.  Wallace,  you  know,  is 
needy,  and  looks  to  me;  and  I  personally  owe  him  much. 

I  see  by  the  papers,  a  vote  is  to  be  taken  as  to  the  Post-office.4 
Could  you  not  set  up  Lizzie  and  beat  them  all?  She,  being  here, 
need  know  nothing  of  it,  &  therefore  there  would  be  no  indelicacy 
on  her  part.  Yours  as  ever  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  owned  by  heirs  of  Stuart  Brown,  Springfield,  Illinois.  Stuart  replied 
April  3,  "...  I  would  not  let  the  case  of  Cousin  Lizzie  trouble  me  if  I  were 
you.  .  *  ."  and  William  Butler  and  Jesse  K.  Dubois  advised  on  March  25,  that 
the  president  should  do  nothing  until  after  the  city  election  and  that  he  not  sanc- 
tion election  by  the  people  at  all  (DLC-RTL)  .  The  incumbent  John  M.  Lindsay 
continued  in  office  until  August  16,  when  John  Armstrong  was  installed. 

2  Elizabeth  Todd  Grimsley. 

3  Benjamin  M.  Trumbull  was  appointed  receiver  of  the  land  office  at  Omaha, 
Nebraska. 

4  Although  the  advisability  of  an  election  was  discussed  in  the  Illinois  State 
Journal,  none  was  held. 

[303] 


Memorandum:  California  Appointments1 

[c.  April  i,  1861] 

Rabe  thinks  we  should  ask  the  advice  of  Col.  Keys  (Gen.  Scott's 
Sec)  about  appointments. 

1  AE,  DLC-RTL.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  an  undated  note  from 
William  Rabe,  enclosed  with  a  letter  from  Rabe"  dated  April  i,  1861,  listing 
appointments  which  Rabe  recommended  in  California.  Dr.  William  Rabe,  ap- 
pointed marshal  for  the  northern  district  of  California,  was  a  druggist  at  San 
Francisco  and  secretary  of  the  California  state  Republican  committee. 


Memoranda  on  Federal  Appointments1 

[c.  April  i,  1861] 
Baltimore — Maryland.2 

Collector —  Henry  W.  Hoffman. 

Dep. 

Surveyor  of  P  —  William  L.  Marshall 
Naval  Officer  —  Francis  S.  Cockran  [Corkran]. 

Dep, 
Appraiser  GenL  Frederick  Schley. 

1.  Appraiser —  Charles  P.  Montague 

2,  Do.  —  Joseph  F,  Meredith 
Navy  Agent  —  Wm.  Pinckney  Ewing 
Post-Master  —  William  H.  PurnelL 
Attorney  — 

Marshal  —  Washington  Bonifant. 

About  appointments  in  California,3 

Consult  Leland  Stanford  &  Eugene  L.   Sullivan. 

California* 

Sacramento  — 

Collector —  L.  H.  Foote  $3430.00 

Monterey. 

Collector  —  John  F.  Porter  "3055.52 

Sonoma. 

Collector  Seth  M.  Swain.  "3165.71 

Santa  Barbara 

Collector  Samuel  B.  Brinkerhoff5 

San  Joaquin 

Collector  S.  W.  Sperry.  "3174-55 

1  AD,  DLC-RTL.  These  memoranda  are  scattered  among  the  Lincoln  Papers, 
but  seem  to  be  contemporary  and  have  been  grouped  together  for  convenience. 
The  number  of  the  document  in  the  RTL  is  given  in  a  footnote  to  each. 

2  RTL,  9523- 

s  RTL,  9532.  *  RTL,  13639-1364.1-. 

5  The  omitted  Santa  Barbara  item  is  written  in  the  left-hand  margin. 

[304] 


APRIL      1,      l86l 


San  Diego 

Collector 
San  Pedro 

Surveyor  — 
San  Francisco 

Collector  — 

Dep.  &  And. 

Dep. 

Dep. 

Appraiser  Genl. 

Appraiser, 
do. 

Naval  Officer 

Surveyor 


Mint 


Navy 


Superintendent  — 

Treasurer 

Melter  & 

Assayer. 

Comr 

Navy  Agent  — 


Joshua  Sloan. 
Oscar  Macy. 
Ira  P.  RanMn 


Samuel  J.  Bridge. 
Benj.  W.  Mudge. 
John  P.  Zane. 


Robert  J.  Stevens 
David  W.  Cheeseman6 
Walter  S.  Denio 
Conrad  Wiegand 
William  Schmolz 


$2250.00 
"3000.00 

"7900.00 
"3125.00 
"3125.00 
"3125,00 
"3125.00 
"3125.00 
"3125.00 
"6250.00 
"5625.00 

"4500.00 
"4500.00 
"3000.00 
"3000.00 
"3000.00 


Judicial  Department  — 


Northern    District. 

Attorney. 

Marshal. 
Southern     District 

Attorney. 

Marshal. 

83         Surveyor  General  — 
85-86  San  Francisco  L.  O 

Register. 

Receiver. 
Los  Angeles  L.  O 

Register 

Receiver. 
Maryville  L,.  O. 

Register. 

Receiver. 
Humboldt  L.  O 

Register. 

Receiver. 
Stockton  L.  O 

Register, 

Receiver. 
Visalia  L.  O 

Register. 

Receiver. 


William  H.  Sharp 
William  Rabe. 

[Kimball  H.]  Dimmick 
Henry  D.  Barrows 

$4500.00 

George  B.  Tingley  "3000.00 

Royal  H.  Waller.  "3000.00 

Antonio  Maria  Pico.  "3000.00 

Lewis  Sperry.  "3000.00 

A.  J.  Snyder.  "3000.00 

J.  Compton.  "3000.00 

John  M.  Eddy.  "3000.00 

'William  H.  Pratt.  "3000.00 

George  D.  Webster  "3000.00 

G.  C.  Havens.  "3000.00 

Henry  W.  Briggs.  "3000.00 

George  M.  Gerrish.  "3000.00 


e  The  name  has  been  written  over  another  name  which  is  illegible. 

[305] 


APRIL 


l86l 


95         California  Indian  Dept. 

North.  Superintendency  (S.F).  Geo.  M.  Hanson        $4000.00 
South —          do  Miner  Frisby,  Jr. 

Klamath.  Sub-Agency.  ^1500.00 

Gal.  Agency  (Norm  Lecker)  "3000.00 

Sub-     do-      (Mendocino)  "1500.00 

Sub-     do     —  "1500.00 
California  Indian  Dept.  cont. 

Tejon  Agency  $3000.00 

Klamath  Agency  "3000.00 

Nebraska  &  Kansas7 

Land  Dept.  cont. 

Dakota  City  L.  O 
Register 
Receiver 

91      Indian  Dept. 

Superintendent  (St.  L)  2000.00 

Blackfeet  Agency  1500,00 

Upper  Mo.  Agency  1500.00 

Yancton  Sioux  Agency  1500.00 

Upper  Platte  Agency  1500.00 

Omaha  Agency  1500.00 

Ottoe  &  Mo.         A  1500.00 

Pawnee  A  1500.00 

Kickapoo  A  1500.00 

Delaware  A  1500.00 

Shaw.  <fe  Wy.       A  1500.00 

Pottawatamie      A  1500.00 

Great  Nemaha     A.  1500.00 

Sac  &  Fox  A  1500.00 

Kansas  A  1500.00 

Osage  R.  A.  1500.00 

Nebraska  — 8 

Governor        Nebraskan 

Secretary 

C.  J. 

Ass.  J. 

Ass.  J. 

Attorney 

Marshal 

84     Land  Dept.  (Kansas  &  Nebraska) 

Surveyor  General  $2000.00 

Lecompton  L.  O 

Register 

Receiver 
Kickapoo  L.  O 

Register 

Receiver 

7RTL,  13646.  SRTL,  13645. 

[306] 


APRIL       1,       l86l 

Fort  Scott  L.  O 

Register 

Receiver 
Ogden  L.  O 

Register 

Receiver 
Omaha  L.  O 

Register 

Receiver 
Brownville  L.  O 

Register 

Receiver 
Nebraska  City  L.  O 

Register 

Receiver 

New-Mexico9 
Governor 
Secretary 
C.  J. 
Ass.  J. 
Ass.  J. 
Attorney 
Marshal- 
Land  Dept 

84.     Survey  or-Genl.  $3000.00 

85-6  Santa  Fe  L.  O. 

Register  "3000.00 

Receiver  "3000.00 

94     Indian  Dept. 

Superintendent —  Santa-Fe  "2000.00 

Utah  Agency  "1550.00 

Apache  Agency  "1550.00 

Abiqun  Agency  "  1550.00 

Santa  Fe  Agency  "1550.00 

Navajo  Agency  "1550,00 

do  "1550.00 

Hon Conkling's  card  for  N.  Y.  city.10 

Collector     Hiram  Barney 
Surveyor     Henry  B.  Stanton 

Naval  Officer  Abraham  [Abram]  Wakeman — Thinks 
Mr.  Denison  preferable  to  either  Mr.  Dorsheimer, 
Draper,  or  Welch,  partly  because  they  all  at  present 
hold  offices. 

District  Attorney     Wm.  Curtis  Noyes 
Marshal     Jedediah  W.  Hartt 
Navy  Agent     D.  D.  T.  Marshall 

Superintendent  of  the  Assay  Office     Alfred  Wells 
Assistant  Treasurer     George  Opdyke 
9RTL,  13642- 

10  RTL,  9550.  Tne  heading  and  marginal  note  following  "Wakeman"  are  in 
Lincoln's  autograph;  the  list  is  Koscoe  Conklingf  s. 

£307] 


APRIL 


l86l 


Utah11 


Governor 
Secretary 
C.  J. 
Ass.  J 
Ass.  J. 
Attorney 
Marshal 
84     Land  Dept 

Surveyor  General 
Salt  Lake  L.  O 

Register 

Receiver 
94     Indian  Dept. 

Superintendent   (S.L.C) 

Agent 

Agent 

Agent 


Washington  &  Oregon12 


Governor — 
Secretary 
C  J. 
Ass.   J. 
Ass.  J. 
Attorney 
Marshal 
84     Land  Dept. 

Surveyor  Gener 
Olympia  L.  O 
Register. 
Receiver. 
94     Indian  Dept. 

Superintendent 
Puget  Sound  Agency 
Squakson  Agency 
Siletz  Agency 
Umpqua  Agency 
Grand  Ronde  Agency 
E.  Oregon  Agency 
Cayuse  Agency 
Col.  River  Agency 

Local     do 
Flathead  Agency 
Astoria  Agency 
Collector  at  Fort-Townsend. 
Victor  Smith 
Collector  at  Nesqually. 

Henry  C.  Wilson. 


William  H.  Wallace 
Leander  J.  S.  Turney 
C.  C.  Hewitt 
James  E.  Wyche 

John  J.  McGilvra 


Arthur   A.    Denny, 
Joseph  Cushman, 


$3000.00 

"3000.00 
"3000.00 

"2500.00 
"1550.00 
"1000.00 
"1000.00 


$3000.00 

2500.00 
2500.00 

2500.00 
1500.00 
1000.00 
1500.00 
1000.00 
1500.00 
1500.00 
1000.00 
1500.00 
1000.00 
1500.00 
1000.00 


HTL,  13643. 


,  13644. 


[308] 


Memorandum  on  Federal  Appointments1 

[c.  April  i,  1861] 

28.  papers 


Andrew  J.  Atkinson. 
Presley  G  Athey 
A.  J.  Barker 
E  W.  Beckwith 
Hiram  Beckwith 
J.  A.  Berry 
Geo.  M.  Biinkerhoff 
C.  S.  Broderick 
T.  C.  Buntin 
M.  G.  Birvies 
I.  N.  Burket 
C.  B.  Campbell 
T.  A.  Cheney 
Levi  Clark. 
Samuel  F.  Fletcher 
H.  W.  Cobb 
Silas  Colgrove 
Frank  M.  Cooley 
G.  E.  H.  Day 
J.  M.  Craddock 

A.  Denny 

J.  Nevin  Dickinson 
John  S.  DiU 
H.  S.  Dodd 
Chas.  B.  Dorrence 
Chas.  B.  Dienkhard 
David  M.  Dunn 
Joseph  Eldridge 
Abraham  Ellis 
H.  N.  Farnham 
Benjamin  Fenn 
Joseph  Froskett 
John  A.  Filbert 
Chas.  W.  Fribley 

B.  C.  Gillam 


Pa. 

Ills. 

Pa. 

Conn. 

Wis. 

O 

Ills 

la. 

la 

Mo. 

Pa 

N.Y 

Kan 

la 

lUs. 

la 

Pa 

Minn. 

Ills. 

Pa 

Ills 

Iowa 

Pa. 

Ark. 

la 

N.Y 

Kan 

N.Y. 

Iowa 
Md. 
Pa. 
His 


i. 

± 

i 

7 

3 

i 

i 

19 
1 

2 
2 
1 
1 
1 
1 
4 

4 
1 

3 
i 

2 
1 
1 

7 
i 
1 
1 
1 

2 
1 

i   Paper 

5 

i 

4 


1  AD,  DL.C-R.TLi.  This  document  appears  to  be  an  incomplete  list  of  persons 
recommended  for  office  and  the  number  of  recommendations  for  each. 


[309] 


Memorandum  on  Foreign  Appointments1 

[c.  April  i,  1861] 
Vacancy — 
Dip. 

Sec.  to  China 

Sec.  to  Russia. 

Min.  &  Sec.  Argentine  Con. 
Consuls 

Havanna  —  Schuf  eldt  —  Seward. 

Odessa  —  John  D.  Arnold,  of  Ills. 

Marseilles.  J.  C.  Van  Horn.    (See 

papers  filed  for   Glasgow) 
Lyons.  James  Lesley. 

Messina.  Mark  Howard.  Conn. 

"Welles. 
Monrovia. 
Gabboon. 

Ning  Po.  "Willie  P.  Mangum.  N.C. 

Foo.  Choo.  W.  H.   Carpenter.  N.Y. 

Apia  Daniel  Ketcham  N.Y. 

Rio  —  Parsons  —  Chase 

Montevideo. 
Guakil   [Guayaquil?] 

Florence.  T.  Bigelow  Lawrence  —  no  pay. 

*  AD,  DLC-RTL. 

Memorandum:  Appointment  of  Oliver  G.  AbelP 

[c,  April  i,  1861] 

Oliver  G.  Abell  is  an  applicant  for  a  Land-Office  on  the  Pacific. 
Mr.  Abell  is  the  child  of  very  intimate  friends  of  mine,  and  I 
would  like,  if  possible,  to  oblige  him. 

1  AD,  DNA  NR  RG  48,  Applications,  Registers  and  Receivers,  General  Land 
Office,  California,  1852-1868,  Box  1276.  Oliver  G.  Abell  is  listed  as  a  clerk  in  the 
General  Land  Office  in  Washington  in  1863.  He  was  the  son  of  Lincoln's  old 
friend  at  New  Salem,  Illinois,  Bennett  Abell.  His  letter  of  April,  1861,  is  in  the 
Lincoln  Papers. 

Memorandiim:  Appointments  of  John  C.  Baum 
and  Adolphns  Games1 

[c.  April  i,   1861] 

Hon.  John  A.  Gurley,  recommends  for  P.M.   at  Gin.  John  C. 
Banm.  For  Collector — Adolplms  Carnes. 
i  AD,  DLC-RTL. 

[310] 


Memorandum:  Appointment  of  Edward  F.  Beale1 

[c.  April  i,  1861] 

Hon.  John  Hickman,  and  Hon.  John  W.  Forney,  think  that  Ed- 
ward F.  Beale,  now  resident  of  California,  ought,  by  all  means,  to 
be  Surveyor  General  of  CaL 

i  AD,  DNA  NR  RG  48,  Appointments,  Surveyors  General,  Box  2,  1861. 

Memorandum :  Appointment  of  Postmaster 
at  Bmghamton,  New  York1 

[c.  April  i,  1861] 

I  appointed  P.M.  at  Binghampton,  on  special  request  of  Gov. 
Seward. 

1  AD,  DLC-Nicolay  Papers.  Lincoln  appointed  William  Stuart  postmaster  at 
Binghamton,  New  York. 

Memorandum:   Appointment  of  James  S.  Boal1 

[c.  April  i,  1861] 

Dr.  Robert  Boal  of  Lacon,  Ills,  wishes  his  son,  James  St.  C.  Boal, 
to  be  Assistant  Sec.  of  Leg.  to  Paris — &  I  want  him  to  be  obliged. 

1  AD7  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  277.  There  is  no  record  of  Boal's 
appointment. 

Memorandum:  Appointment  of  George  D wight1 

[c.  April  i,  1861] 

Mr.  Samuel  Bowles,  introduced  by  Hon.  Geo.  Ashmun,  joins  the 
Mass.  del.  in  recommending  George  Dwight  to  be  Sup.  of  Armory 
at  Springfield,  Mass, 
i  AD,  DLC-RTL. 

Memorandum : 

Appointment  of  John  W.  Griffiths1 

[c.  April  i,  1861] 

"Ichabod"  wants  John  W.  Griffiths  to  be  a  constructor  in  the 
Philadelphia  Navy  Yard.  He  has  an  interest  in  it. 

1  AD,  DLC-RTL.  "Ichabod"  was  probably  Lincoln's  boyhood  friend  Israel  S. 
Smith  See  Lincoln  to  Welles  about  this  appointment,  April  19,  infra  Griffiths 
was  the  naval  architect  who  first  suggested  the  famous  "clipper"  ships  and  was 
editor  of  the  Nautical  Magazine  and  Naval  Journal.  He  had  built  the  gunboat 
Pawnee  in  1858. 

[311] 


Memorandum : 
Appointment  of  John  P.  Hatterscheidt1 

[c.  April  i,  1861] 

When  we  come  to  act  again  upon  consulships,  I  wish  John  P.  Hat- 
terscheidt to  be  appointed  to  Antwerp,  unless  some  reason  to  the 
contrary,  not  now  known  to  me,  shall  appear.  A.  LmcoLrc 

1  AD,  DLC-RTL.  The  memorandum  is  with  an  undated  letter  recommending 
Hatterscheidt,  "a  citizen  of  Kansas,"  signed  by  James  H.  Lane  and  Samuel  G. 
Pomeroy.  Hatterscheidt  was  appointed  to  the  consulship  at  Moscow  durmg  the 
recess  of  the  Senate  and  confirmed  by  the  Senate,  July  26. 


Memorandum : 
Appointment  of  James  H.  Holmes1 

[c.  April  i,  1861] 

James  H.  Holmes,  for  Surveyor  General,  of  New-Mexico.  Recom- 
mended by  known  men. 

1  AD,  DNA  NR  RG  48,  Applications,  Surveyors  General,  New  Mexico,  Box 
1261. 


Memorandum : 
Appointment  of  John  L.  Mansfield1 

[c.  April  i,  1861] 

Mr.  John  L.  Mansfield,  Elector,  of  Madison,  la.  is  an  applicant 
for  consul  at  Havre;  but  being  in  easy  circumstances,  would  ac- 
cept a  different  one  with  smaller  emolument. 

1  AD,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  341.  James  O.  Putnam  was  ap- 
pointed consul  at  Havre,  and  there  is  no  record  of  an  appointment  for  John  L. 
Mansfield  of  Madison,  Indiana  (not  Iowa) . 

Memorandum:  Appointment  of  Amasa  Mason1 

[c.  April  i,  1861] 

Amasa  Mason,  of  Buffalo,  N.Y.  is  urgently  pressed  by  Gov.  Cor- 
win, of  Ohio,  for  consul  at  Melbourne,  Gov.  Corwin  declaring  that 
the  Mercantile  community  of  N.Y.  city  very  much  desire  his  ap- 
pointment. 

1  AD,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  342.  Corwin  to  Lincoln,  April  i, 
1861,  recommended  Mason  (DLC-RTL.),  but  William  Blanchard  of  Maryland 
was  consul  at  Melbourne  as  of  September  30,  1861. 

[312] 


Memorandum  : 
Appointment  of  John  H.  Peters1 

[c.  April  i,  1861] 

It  is  proposed  that  Judge  John  H.  Peters,  of  S.C.  be  Consul  to 
Tunis,  with  an  eye  to  the  Gotten  culture. 

1  AD,  DLC-RTL.  Lincoln  appointed  Peters  during  the  recess  of  the  Senate 
and  sent  his  nomination  on  July  9,  but  the  Executive  Journal  does  not  record 
confirmation  of  the  appointment  after  referral  to  the  committee  on  commerce. 

Memoranda : 
Appointment  of  William  B.  Richmond1 

[c.  April  i,  1861] 

Mr.  Richmond  resides  in  Tenn.  and  is  recommended  by  Messrs 
Bell,  Johnson,  Maynard  &  Nelson.  Also  by  Senator  Simmons  & 
other  Rhode  Islanders. 

App*  Consul  at  Paris  or  Havre.  Recommended  by  Senator  Sim- 
mons &  also  Messrs  Bell  &  Johnson. 

*  AD,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  370.  William  B.  Richmond  was 
not  appointed  to  either  post,  but  on  December  23,  Lincoln  nominated  "hrm  for 
the  consulship  at  Tunis  upon  John  H.  Peters'  failure  {supra)  to  be  confirmed. 
On  March  24,  1862,  Lincoln  withdrew  William  B.  Richmond's  nomination  in 
favor  of  Amos  Perry  of  Rhode  Island,  who  was  confirmed  April  15  (Executive 
Journal).  The  persons  listed  as  recommending  Richmond  were  Senator  James 
F.  Simmons  of  Rhode  Island,  Andrew  Johnson,  John  Bell,  Representative 
Horace  Maynard,  and  Representative  Thomas  A.  R.  Nelson — all  of  Tennessee. 
Lincoln  was  in  error  in  listing  Senator  Simmons  among  William  B.  Richmond's 
supporters,  having  confused  the  latter  with  William  W.  Richmond,  also  an  ap- 
plicant for  the  Paris  consulship.  Both  William  B.  of  Tennessee  and  William  W. 
of  New  Orleans  had  resided  abroad  for  some  years.  Both  were  well  recom- 
mended, loyal,  and  apparently  of  unusual  competence.  But  neither  was  ap- 
pointed because  of  the  confusion  of  identity.  See  Lincoln  to  Seward,  June  8  and 
August  7,  and  Lincoln's  memorandum  concerning  "William  W.  Richmond, 
August  25,  infra. 

To  Andrew  H.  Foote1 

Washington,  April  i,  1861. 

Fit  out  Poiuhatan  to  go  to  sea  at  the  earliest  possible  moment 
under  sealed  orders.  Orders  by  a  confidential  messenger  go  for- 
ward to-morrow.  ABRAHAM  LINCOUST. 
Commandant  Navy  Yard, 
Brooklyn,  N.Y. 

1  Naval  Records,  Series  I,  IV,  109.  The  several  communications  addressed  to 
Foote,  Mercer,  and  Porter  on  April  i,  as  printed  in  various  sources  are  all  in 

[313] 


APRIL      1,      ±86l 

general  agreement,  but  our  failure  to  locate  the  original  documents  issued  in 
connection  with  the  Poivhatan  episode  leaves  much  to  be  desired  in  clarifying 
the  circumstances  which  occasioned  the  several  communications.  The  fact  that 
the  text  of  these  communications  as  printed  in  Hertz,  II,  825-28,  is  either  badly 
garbled  or  derived  from  an  unknown  if  authentic  source,  further  complicates 
the  matter.  It  seems  scarcely  probable  that  Lincoln  would  have  written  two 
different  letters  in  each  case,  at  once  so  verbally  different,  yet  substantially  the 
same.  Hence  the  editors  have  relied  on  the  Official  Records  for  the  texts  here  re- 
produced. Lincoln's  secret  orders  to  Foote,  Mercer,  and  Porter  were  issued  on 
Seward's  advice,  unknown  to  the  Navy  Department.  Hence  there  developed  a 
sad  confusion  which  deprived  the  Sumter  expedition  of  the  Powhatan,  Gustavus 
V.  Fox,  in  command  of  the  expedition,  did  not  learn  of  the  Powhatan's  with- 
drawal until  April  13  while  awaiting  its  arrival  at  Charleston  harbor.  See  Lin- 
coln's letter  exonerating  Fox,  May  i,  infra. 


To  Andrew  H.  Foote1 

Sir:  Executive  Mansion,  April  i,  1861. 

You  will  fit  out  the  Poivhatan  without  delay.  Lieutenant  Porter 
will  relieve  Captain  Mercer  in  command  of  her.  She  is  bound  on 
secret  service,  and  you  wall  under  no  circumstances  communicate 
to  the  Navy  Department  the  fact  that  she  is  fitting  out. 

Commandant  Navy  Yard,  ABRAHAM:  LUNTCOLIN-. 

New  York. 

1  Naval  Records,  Series  I,  IV,  109.  DaTid  D.  Porter,  Naval  History  of  the 
Civil  War  (New  York,  1886),  p.  102,  gives  the  same  text.  This  is  the  order 
sent  by  messenger,  referred  to  above. 


To  Samuel  Mercer1 

Washington  City,  April  i,  1861. 

Sir:  Circumstances  render  it  necessary  to  place  in  command  of 
your  ship,  and  for  a  special  purpose,  an  officer  who  is  duly  in- 
formed and  instructed  in  relation  to  the  wishes  of  the  Government, 
and  you  will  therefore  consider  yourself  detached;  but  in  taking 
this  step  the  Government  does  not  intend  in  the  least  to  reflect 
upon  your  efficiency  or  patriotism;  on  the  contrary,  have  the  full- 
est confidence  in  your  ability  to  perform  any  duty  required  of  you. 

Hoping  soon  to  be  able  to  give  you  a  better  command  than  the 
one  you  now  enjoy,  and  trusting  that  you  will  have  full  confidence 
in  the  disposition  of  the  Government  toward  you,  I  remain, 

Captain  Samuel  Mercer,  U.S.  Navy.  ABRAHAM  LnsrcoLisr. 

1  Naval  Records,  Series  I,  IV,  109.  Nicolay  and  Hay  (VI,  238)  date  this  letter 
April  2,  on  what  grounds  the  editors  cannot  determine. 

[314] 


To  Officers  of  the  Army  and  Navy1 

Executive  Mansion,  Washington,  April  i,  1861. 
All  officers  of  the  Army  and  Navy,  to  whom  this  order  may  be 
exhibited,  "will  aid  by  every  means  in  their  power  the  expedition 
under  the  command  of  Col.  Harvey  Brown,  supplying  him,  with 
men  and  material  and  cooperating  with  him  as  he  may  desire. 

ABRAKAIM 


1  OR,  I,  I,  367.  The  source  designates  this  as  an  enclosure  to  General  Scott's 
order  to  Colonel  Harvey  Brown  of  April  i,  -which  was  approved  by  Lincoln 
April  2,  1861.  Colonel  Brown  was  placed  in  command  of  the  expedition  to  re- 
inforce Fort  Pickens. 

To  David  D.  Porter1 

Executive  Mansion,  April  i,  1861. 

Lieutenant  D.  D.  Porter  will  take  command  of  the  steamer  Poiu- 
hatan,  or  any  other  United  States  steamer  ready  for  sea  which  he 
may  deem  most  fit  for  the  service  to  which  he  has  been  assigned  by 
confidential  instructions  of  this  date. 

All  officers  are  commanded  to  afford  him  all  such  facilities  as 
he  may  deem  necessary  for  getting  to  sea  as  soon  as  possible.  He 
will  select  the  officers  who  are  to  accompany  him. 

Recommended:  Wnvr.  EL  SEWAB.D.  ABRAHAM:  LINCOLN. 

1  Naval  Records,  Series  I,  IV,  108. 

To  David  D.  Porter1 

Executive  Mansion,  April  i,  1861. 

Sir:  You  will  proceed  to  New  York,  and  with  the  least  possible 
delay  assume  command  of  any  naval  steamer  available.  Proceed 
to  Pensacola  Harbor,  and  at  any  cost  or  risk  prevent  any  expedi- 
tion from  the  mainland  reaching  Fort  Pickens  or  Santa  Rosa 
[Island]. 

You  will  exhibit  this  order  to  any  naval  officer  at  Pensacola  if 
you  deem  it  necessary  after  you  have  established  yourself  within 
the  harbor,  and  will  request  cooperation  by  the  entrance  of  at 
least  one  other  vessel. 

This  order,  its  object,  and  your  destination  will  be  communi- 
cated to  no  person  whatever  until  you  reach  the  harbor  of  Pensa- 
cola. ABRAHAM:  Lmcor^sr. 

Lieutenant  D.  D.  Porter,  U.S.  Navy. 

Recommended:  WM.  H.  SEWAHD. 

1  Naval  Records,,  Series  I,  IV,  108-109. 

[315] 


To  Winfield  Scott1 

Lieut  General  Scott:  Executive  Mansion  April  ist  1861. 

Would  it  impose  too  much  labor  on  General  Scott  to  make  short, 
comprehensive  daily  reports  to  me  of  what  occurs  in  his  Depart- 
ment, including  movements  by  himself,  and  under  his  orders,  and 
the  receipt  of  intelligence?  If  not  I  will  thank  him  to  do  so.  Your 
Obedient  Servant  A. 


1  Copy,  DLC-RTL.  General  Scott  reported  April  i,  and  with  fair  regularity 
thereafter.  These  daily  reports,  together  with  Lincoln's  memoranda  on  the  days 
Scott  failed  to  report  ("No  report  from  Gen.  Scott  this  19.  April  1861.")  are  in 
the  Lincoln  Papers. 

To  William  HL  Seward1 

Hon:  W.  H.  Seward:  Executive  Mansion  April  i,  1861 

My  dear  Sir:  Since  parting  with  you  I  have  been  considering 
your  paper  dated  this  day,  and  entitled  "Some  thoughts  for  the 
President's  consideration."  The  first  proposition  in  it  is,  "ist.  We 
are  at  the  end  of  a  month's  administration,  and  yet  without  a  pol- 
icy, either  domestic  or  foreign." 

At  the  beginning  of  that  month,  in  the  inaugeral,  I  said  "The 
power  confided  to  me  will  be  used  to  hold,  occupy  and  possess  the 
property  and  places  belonging  to  the  government,  and  to  collect 
the  duties,  and  imposts."  This  had  your  distinct  approval  at  the 
time;  and,  taken  in  connection  with  the  order  I  immediately  gave 
General  Scott,  directing  him  to  employ  every  means  in  his  power 
to  strengthen  and  hold  the  forts,  comprises  the  exact  domestic  pol- 
icy you  now  urge,  with  the  single  exception,  that  it  does  not  pro- 
pose to  abandon  Fort  Sumpter. 

Again,  I  do  not  perceive  how  the  re-inforcement  of  Fort  Sump- 
ter would  be  done  on  a  slavery,  or  party  issue,  while  that  of  Fort 
Pickens  would  be  on  a  more  national,  and  patriotic  one. 

The  news  received  yesterday  in  regard  to  St.  Domingo,  cer- 
tainly brings  a  new  item  within  the  range  of  our  foreign  policy;2 
but  up  to  that  time  we  have  been  preparing  circulars,  and  instruc- 
tions to  ministers,  and  the  like,  all  in  perfect  harmony,  without 
even  a  suggestion  that  we  had  no  foreign  policy. 

Upon  your  closing  propositions,  that  "whatever  policy  we  adopt, 
there  must  be  an  energetic  prossecution  of  it" 

"For  this  purpose  it  must  be  somebody's  business  to  pursue  and 
direct  it  incessantly" 

"Either  the  President  must  do  it  himself,  and  be  all  the  while 
active  in  it,  or" 

[316] 


APRIL      1,       l86l 

"Devolve  it  on  some  member  of  his  cabinet" 

"Once  adopted,  debates  on  it  must  end,  and  all  agree  and  abide" 
I  remark  that  if  this  must  be  done,  7  must  do  it,  "When  a  general 
line  of  policy  is  adopted,  I  apprehend  there  is  no  danger  of  its  be- 
ing changed  without  good  reason,  or  continuing  to  be  a  subject  of 
unnecessary  debate;  still,  upon  points  arising  in  its  progress,  I 
wish,  and  suppose  I  am  entitled  to  have  the  advice  of  all  the  cab- 
inet. Your  Obt.  Servt.  A. 


*ALS,  DLC-RTL.  The  envelope  with  the  letter  is  addressed  by  Lincoln 
"Hon.  W.  H.  Seward/Present."  There  is  no  reply  in  the  Lincoln  Papers.  Lin- 
coln may  have  handed  the  letter  to  Seward  personally  or  sent  it  by  messenger. 
If  so,  he  must  have  requested  its  return.  The  fact  that  no  biography  of  Seward 
mentions  such  a  letter  among  the  Seward  Papers  indicates  that  the  document  in 
the  Lincoln  Papers  is  probably  the  original  -which  was  never  sent  The 
editors  have  doubts  that  the  letter  was  presented  to  Seward  at  all.  Having  writ- 
ten it,  Lincoln  may  have  thought  better  of  rebuking  his  secretary  in  writing 
and  handled  the  matter  orally.  The  memorandum  to  which  Lincoln  replied  is  in 
the  handwriting  of  Frederick  W.  Seward,  as  follows: 

"Some  thoughts  for  the  President's  consideration 

April  i.  1861. 

"ist.  "We  are  at  the  end  of  a  month's  administration  and  yet  without  a  policy 
either  domestic  or  foreign. 

"ad  This,  however,  is  not  culpable,  and  it  has  been  unavoidable.  The  presence 
of  the  Senate,  with  the  need  to  meet  applications  for  patronage  have  prevented 
attention  to  other  and  more  grave  matters. 

"sd.  But  further  delay  to  adopt  and  prosecute  our  policies  for  both  domestic 
and  foreign  affairs  would  not  only  bring  scandal  on  the  Administration,  but  dan- 
ger upon  the  country. 

"4th.  To  do  this  we  must  dismiss  the  applicants  for  office.  But  how?  I  suggest 
that  we  make  the  local  appointments  forthwith,  leaving  foreign  or  general  ones 
for  ulterior  and  occasional  action. 

"5th.  The  policy  —  at  home.  I  am  aware  that  my  views  are  singular,  and  per- 
haps not  sufficiently  explained.  My  system  is  built  upon  this  idea  as  a  ruling 
one,  namely  that  we  must 

"Change  the  question  before  the  Public  from  one  upon  Slavery^  or  about 
Slavery 

"for  a  question  upon  Union  or  Disunion. 

"In  other  words,  from  what  would  be  regarded  as  a  Party  question  to  one  of 
Patriotism  or  Union 

"The  occupation  or  evacuation  of  Fort  Sumter,  although  not  in  fact  a  slavery, 
or  a  party  question  is  so  regarded.  "Witness,  the  temper  manifested  by  the  Re- 
publicans in  the  Free  States,  and  even  by  TJnion  men  in  the  South. 

"I  would  therefore  terminate  it  as  a  safe  means  for  changing  the  issue.  I 
deem  it  fortunate  that  the  last  Administration  created  the  necessity. 

"For  the  rest.  I  would  simultaneously  defend  and  reinforce  all  the  Forts  in 
the  Gulf,  and  have  the  Navy  recalled  from  foreign  stations  to  be  prepared  for 
a  blockade.  Put  the  Island  of  Key  West  under  Martial  Law 

"This  will  raise  distinctly  the  question  of  Union  or  Disunion.  I  would  main- 
tain every  fort  and  possession  in  the  South. 

For  Foreign  Nations. 

"I  would  demand  explanations  from  Spain  and  France,  categorically,  at  once. 
"I  would  seek  explanations  from  Great  Britain  and  Russia,  and  send  agents 

[317] 


APRIL       1,       l86l 

into  Canada.,  Mexico  and  Central  America,  to  rouse  a  vigorous  continen  tal 
spirit  of  independence  on  this  continent  against  European  intervention. 

"And  if  satisfactory  explanations  are  not  received  from  Spain  and  France, 

""Would  convene  Congress  and  declare  war  against  them 

"But  whatever  policy  we  adopt,  there  must  be  an  energetic  prosecution  of  it. 

"For  this  purpose  it  must  "be  somebody's  business  to  pursue  and  direct  it  in- 
cessantly. 

"Either  the  President  must  do  it  himself,  and  be  all  the  while  active  in  it;  or 

"Devolve  it  on  some  member  of  his  Cabinet.  Once  adopted,  debates  on  it  must 
end,  and  all  agree  and  abide. 

"It  is  not  in  my  especial  province 

"But  I  neither  seek  to  evade  nor  assume  responsibility"  (DLC-RTL) . 

2  The  Spanish  colonists  in  San  Domingo  had  hoisted  the  Spanish  flag  on 
March  16,  and  the  Spanish  ship  Blanca  had  been  sent  from  Havana  with  troops 
to  assist  in  annexation  of  the  country. 

To  Gideon  Welles1 

(Confidential.) 

To  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy.  Executive  Mansion, 

Dear  Sir:  April  i,  1861. 

You  will  issue  instructions  to  Captain  Pendergrast,2  command- 
ing the  home  squadron,  to  remain  in  observation  at  Vera  Cruz — 
important  complications  in  our  foreign  relations  rendering  the 
presence  of  an  officer  of  rank  there  of  great  importance. 

Captain  Stringham3  -will  be  directed  to  proceed  to  Pensacola 
with  all  possible  despatch,  and  assume  command  of  that  portion  of 
the  home  squadron  stationed  off  Pensacola.  He  will  have  confiden- 
tial instructions  to  cooperate  in  every  "way  with  the  commander 
of  the  land  forces  of  the  "United  States  in  that  neighborhood. 

The  instructions  to  the  army  officers,  which  are  strictly  confi- 
dential, will  be  communicated  to  Captain  Stringham  after  he  ar- 
rives at  Pensacola. 

Captain  Samuel  Barron  -will  relieve  Captain  Stringham  in 
charge  of  the  Bureau  of  detail.  ABRAHAM:  LUNTCOUST. 

PS.  As  it  is  very  necessary  at  this  time  to  have  a  perfect  knowl- 
edge of  the  personnel  of  the  navy,  and  to  be  able  to  detail  such 
officers  for  special  purposes  as  the  exigencies  of  the  service  may 
require.  I  request  that  you  will  instruct  Captain  Barron  to  proceed 
and  organize  the  Bureau  of  detail  in  the  manner  best  adapted  to 
meet  the  wants  of  the  navy,  taking  cognizance  of  the  discipline  of 
the  navy  generally,  detailing  all  officers  for  duty,  taking  charge 
of  the  recruiting  of  seamen,  supervising  charges  made  against  of- 
ficers, and  all  matters  relating  to  duties  which  must  be  best  under- 
stood by  a  sea  officer.  You  will  please  afford  Captain  Barron  any 
facility  for  accomplishing  this  duty,  transferring  to  his  depart- 

[318] 


APRIL      2,       l86l 

ment  the  clerical  force  heretofore  used  for  the  purposes  specified. 
It  is  to  be  understood  that  this  officer  will  act  by  authority  of  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy,  who  will  exercise  such  supervision  as  he  may 
deem  necessary.  ABRAHAM:  LIISTCOUNT. 

*  Gideon  Welles,  "Fort  Sumter,"  The  Galaxy •,  November,  1870,  X,  624. 
Welles  describes  the  letter  as  being  in  the  handwriting  of  Montgomery  C. 
Meigs  and  the  postscript  in  the  handwriting  of  David  D.  Porter  and  comments 
that  "the  President  expressed  as  much  surprise  as  I  felt  that  he  had  signed  and 
sent  me  such  a  document."  He  adds:  "Pendergrast  did  not  go  to  Vera  Cniz  nor 
Stringham  to  Pensacola."  (p.  626).  2  Garrett  J.  Pendergrast. 

3  Silas  H.  Stringham. 

To  Mrs.  Mary  Hancock  Colyer1 

Executive  Mansion  April  2,  1861 

My  Dear  Madam  I  have  the  honour  to  acknowledge  the  receipt 
of  your  favour  of  the  2, and  of  March. 

Permit  me  to  express  nay  cordial  thanks  for  the  interesting  relic 
you  were  so  kind  as  to  send  me,  as  well  as  for  the  flattering  senti- 
ment with  which  it  was  accompanied.  I  am  with  great  respect 
Your  Obdt  Servt.  A.  LiiNTCOLiNr 

Mary  Hancock  Colyer  105  Bleeker  St  New  York 

1  LS,  owned  by  Richard  F.  L/ufkin,  Boston,  Massachusetts.  Mrs,  Colyer  wrote 
March  22,  1861,  ".  .  .  As  niece  of  John  Hancock,  I  take  pleastire  in  present- 
ing ...  a  share  ticket  issued  by  the  province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  1765,  for 
the  rebuilding  of  Faneuil  Hall,  signed  by  John  Hancock,  and  endorsed  on  the 
back  by  Abraham  lincoln  .  .  .  one  of  your  ancestors.  .  .  ."  (DL.C-RTL). 

Memorandurri : 
Appointment  of  Ward  H.  Lamon1 

April  2,  1861 

This  April  2,  1861,  these  papers  were  presented  in  person  to  me, 
by  John  Van  Riswick,  Samuel  Norment,  Benedict  Milburn,  Wil- 
liam Wise,  George  Mattingly,  Thomas  Lewis,  W.  Krzyzanowski — 
J.  J.  Coombs,  Amos  Duvall,  George  Feaman  &  William  P.  Wood,  & 
James  A.  Wise. 

1  AE,  DLC-B.TL..  The  endorsement  is  -written  on  a  petition  of  Washington, 
D.C.,  citizens  for  appointment  of  Lamon  as  marshal  of  the  District.  See  Lincoln 
to  Bates,  April  6,  infra. 

Memorandum:   Appointment  of  Simeon  Smith1 

April  2,   1861 

This  and.  day  of  April  1861  Mr.  Senator  Preston  King  appears  in 
person,  and  presses  that  Simeon  Smith,  of  Minnesota  be  appointed 

[319] 


APRIL     29      l86l 

Commissioner  of  Pensions.  Mr.  King  makes  a  personal  appeal  in 
the  case. 

1  DNA  NB.  RG  48,  Applications,  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  Box  1293.  Simeon 
Smith,  a  native  of  New  York,  was  commissioned  major  in  the  Second  Minnesota 
Infantry,  July  23,  1861,  and  resigned  to  accept  a  commission  as  paymaster, 
August  29,  1861. 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

Executive  Mansion     2d  April  1861. 

1  direct  that  ten  thousand  dollars  be  paid  to   Captain  M.   C. 
Meigs,  by  the  Secretary  of  State2 — from  the  secret  service  fund. 

ABRAHAM  LusrcoLisr 

1 DS,   RPB.   Captain  Montgomery   C.  Meigs    accompanied   Colonel   Harvey 
Brown  as  chief  engineer  on  the  expedition  to  reinforce  Fort  Pickens. 

2  "By  the  Secretary  of  State"  inserted  by  Lincoln. 


To  Gideon  Welles1 

April  2,    1861 

Mr.  G.  H.  Heap  will  if  summoned  by  Capt.  D.  D.  Porter  U.S. 
Navy,  join  him  instantly  in  New  York,  temporarily  vacating  his 
desk  at  the  Navy  department. 

1  Stan.  V.  Henkels  Catalog  1342,  January  4,  1924,  No.  8.  Gwinn  H.  Heap,  a 
clerk  in  the  Navy  Department,  sailed  on  the  Powhatan  as  acting  paymaster. 


To  Erasmus  D.  Keyes1 

Executive  Mansion, 

Lieutenant-  Colonel  E.  D.  Keyes,  Washington, 

United  States  Army,  Military  Secretary:  April  3,  1861. 

You  will  proceed  forthwith  to  the  city  of  New  York  to  carry  out 
the  instructions  which  you  have  received  here*  All  requisitions 
made  upon  officers  of  the  staff  by  your  authority,  and  all  orders 
given  by  you  to  any  officer  of  the  Army  in  my  name,  will  be  in- 
stantly obeyed.  ABRAHAM 


1  Erasmus  D.  Keyes,  Fifty  Years  Observation  of  Men  and  Events  (New  York, 
1884),  p.  387.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Keyes,  military  secretary  to  General  Scott, 
was  authorized  to  prepare  plans  for  reinforcement  of  Fort  Pickens  (Order  of 
General  Scott  to  Colonel  Harvey  Brown,  April  i,  OR,  I,  I,  366). 

[320] 


Memorandum  : 
Appointment  of  John  C.  Henshaw1 

[c.  April  3,  i86i]2 

Mr.  Kellogg  does  me  great  injustice  to  write  in  this  strain.  He 
has  had  more  favors  than  any  other  Illinois  member,  not  except- 
ing, I  think,  Judge  Trumbull.  Is  it  really  in  his  heart  to  add  to  my 
perplexities  now?  A. 


1  AES,  ORB.  The  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  William  Kellogg  to 
Lincoln:  "Mansion  of  Prst  Lincoln  Wdnsdy  April  3  1861.  ...  I  desire  to  with- 
draw, the  pamphlet  and  papers  I  left  with  you  this  morning  relating  to  the  ap- 
pointment of  Major  Henshaw  ...  I  regret  to   again  trouble  you,   and  hope 
never  again  to  feel  the  humiliation  I  did  in  our  interview  of  this  morning  —  or 
again  to  solicit  patronage,  that  I  may  not  demand  as  the  right  of  a  representa- 
tive of  the  people  and  a  citizen  of  the  Republic.  ,  .  ." 

2  This  endorsement  is  dated  April  5,  1861  in  Hertz,  II,  828. 


To  Gideon  Welles1 

(  Confidential  ) 

Executive  Mansion     sd  April  1861. 

The  secretary  of  the  Navy  will  please  cause  three  complete  sets 
of  signal  books  telegraphic  &  common  to  be  delivered  to  the  bearer. 

ABRAHAM 


1  LS,  DNA  WR  NB  RG  45,  Executive  Letters,  57.  No  record  has  been  found 
identifying  the  bearer.  The  signal  books  may  have  been  intended  for  Major  An- 
derson at  Fort  Sumter.  If  so,  their  failure  to  arrive  was  a  contributing  factor  to 
the  failure  of  the  expedition  to  relieve  the  fort,  for  the  Army  could  not  under- 
stand Navy  signals. 

To  Robert  Anderson1 

[War  Department]  Washington,  April  4.  1861 

Sir:  Your  letter  of  the  ist.  inst.  occasions  some  anxiety  to  the 
President.2 

On  the  information  of  Capt.  Fox,3  he  had  supposed  you  could 
hold  out  till  the  igth.  inst.  without  any  great  inconvenience;  and 
had  prepared  an  expedition  to  relieve  you  before  that  period. 

Hoping  still  that  you  will  be  able  to  sustain  yourself  till  the 
nth.  or  12th.  inst.  the  expedition  will  go  forward;  and,  finding 
your  flag  flying,  will  attempt  to  provision  you,  and,  in  case  the 
effort  is  resisted,  will  endeavor  also  to  reinforce  you* 

You  will  therefore  hold  out  if  possible  till  the  arrival  of  the  ex- 
pedition. 

[321] 


APRIL      5,       l86l 

It  is  not,  however,  the  intention  of  the  President  to  subject  your 
command  to  any  danger  or  hardship  beyond  what,  in  your  judg- 
ment, would  be  usual  in  military  life;  and  he  has  entire  confidence 
that  you  will  act  as  becomes  a  patriot  and  a  soldier,  under  all  cir- 
cumstances. 

Whenever,  if  at  all,  in  your  judgment,  to  save  yourself  and 
command,  a  capitulation  becomes  a  necessity,  you  are  authorized 
to  make  it.  [Respectfully  Siivtorsr  CAMERON,] 

[To  Major  Robert  Anderson 
U.S.  Army] 

This  was  sent  by  Capt.  Talbot,  on  April  6,  1861,  to  be  delivered 
to  Maj.  Anderson,  if  permitted.  On  reaching  Charleston,  he  was 
refused  permission  to  deliver  it  to  Major  Anderson. 

*  ADf  and  AE,  DLC-RTL.  In  addition  to  Lincoln's  draft,  the  letter  signed  by 
Cameron  and  sent  by  Captain  Theodore  Talbot,  assistant  adjutant  general,  is  in 
the  Lincoln  Papers.  Bracketed  portions  are  from  Cameron's  letter  and  are  not 
in  Lincoln's  draft.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  envelope  containing 
Cameron's  letter. 

2  Anderson  to  Lorenzo  Thomas  indicated  that  because  of  scarcity  of  rations 
he  had  discharged  laborers  working  on  the  fort,  but  that  the  secretary  of  war  for 
South  Carolina  had  not  given  authority  for  their  removal.  ".   .   .   .  If  the  Gov- 
ernor permits  me  to  send  off  the  laborers  we  will  have  rations  enough  to  last  us 
about  a  week."  (OR,  I,  I,  230). 

3  Gustavus   V.    Fox,    assistant    secretary   of   the   Navy,    in    command  of   the 
Sumter  expedition. 


Memorandiun : 
Appointment  of  Ethelbert  E  Oliphant1 

[c.  April  5,  1861] 

Ethelbert  E  Oliphant,  of  Uniontown,  Pa.  is  an  old  acquaintance 
of  mine;  and  I  wish,  if  I  can  make  it  reasonably  convenient  to 
give  him  a  place.  He  prefers  a  Judgeship  in  Nebraska;  but  I  am 
to  try  to  find  something  for  him,  either  in  the  Departments  here, 
or  elsewhere. 

Swamp-land  matter. 

IAD,  DLC-RTL.  Oliphant  to  Lincoln,  July  28,  1859,  recalled  that  ".  .  .  our 
first  acquaintance  and  interview,  took  place  in  the  Spring  of  1832  at  *Salem*.  .  .  . 
Our  next  meeting  was  in  the  'bloody  Fourth9  .  .  .  where  we  were  'fratres  miles* 
in  the  Black  Hawk  War.  .  .  ."  Oliphant's  letter  of  April  5,  1861,  asked  for  a 
judgeship  in  the  swamp  land  division  of  the  General  Land  Office:  "Allow  me 
however  just  modestly  to  remark,  that  I  think  I  am  deserving  of  something 
better.  .  .  .'*  (DLC-RTL) .  Lincoln  appointed  Oliphant  associate  justice  of  Wash- 
ington Territory. 

[322] 


To  Ira  R  Rankin1 

April  5,  1861 

Lockwood  M.  Todd,  above  named,  is  a  cousin  of  Mrs.  L.  and  she 
and  I  will  be  much  obliged  if  the  collector  can  give  him  the  place 
he  seeks. 

1  Parke-Bernet  Catalog  130,  October  18-19,  1939,  No.  213.  Ira  R  Rankin, 
collector  of  customs  at  San  Francisco,  wrote  Lincoln,  May  31,  1861,  "I  feel 
compelled  to  -write  to  you  in  regard  to  the  appointment  of  L.  M.  Todd  as  Cus- 
tom House  Drayman  ...  a  formal  protest  has  been  sent  to  me  against  it, 
signed  by  the  county  Committee,  and  a  large  number  of  the  Republicans  of 
Solano  County,  where  he  resides,  representing  that  he  has  been  a  most  bitter 
and  violent  opponent  of  the  Republican  party.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RT3L).  No  record  of 
Todd's  appointment  has  been  found  prior  to  March  25,  1864,  "when  he  was 
made  commissary  of  subsistence  "with  rank  of  captain.  He  was  the  son  of  Dr. 
John  Todd  of  Springfield,  Illinois. 

To  Edward  Bates1 

Hon.  Attorney  General  Executive  Mansion 

Dear  Sir:  April  6.  1861 

Please  make  out  and  send  me  the  proper  document,  for  appoint- 
ing Ward  EL  Lamon,  to  be  Marshal  for  the  District  of  Columbia. 
Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1 ALS,  ORB.  See  memorandum  concerning  L/amon's  appointment,  April  2, 
supra. 

To  Robert  S.  Chew1 

["War  Department.]  Washington,  April  6.  1861 
Sir — You  will  proceed  directly  to  Charleston,  South  Carolina;  and 
if,  on  your  arrival  there,  the  flag  of  the  United  States  shall  be  fly- 
ing over  Fort-Sumpter,  and  the  Fort  shall  not  have  been  attacked, 
you  will  procure  an  interview  with  Gov.  Pickens,  and  read  to  him 
as  follows: 

"I  am  directed  by  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  notify 
you  to  expect  an  attempt  "will  be  made  to  supply  Fort-Sumpter 
with  provisions  only;  and  that,  if  such  attempt  be  not  resisted, 
no  effort  to  throw  in  men,  arms,  or  amunition,  will  be  made, 
without  further  notice,  or  in  case  of  an  attack  upon  the  Fort" 

After  you  shall  have  read  this  to  Governor  Pickens,  deliver  to 
him  the  copy  of  it  herein  inclosed,  and  retain  this  letter  yourself. 

But  if,  on  your  arrival  at  Charleston,  you  shall  ascertain  that 
Fort  Sumpter  shall  have  been  already  evacuated,  or  surrendered, 
by  the  United  States  force;  or,  shall  have  been  attacked  by  an 

[323] 


APRIL      65       l86l 

opposing  force,  you  will  seek  no  interview  with  Gov.  Pickens,  but 
return  here  forthwith.  [Respectfully  Siivtor^  CAMERON 

Secy  of  War] 
[Endorsement] 

Notice  carried  by  R.  S.  Chew  to  Gov.  Pickens.,  and  his  report 
as  to  how  he  gave  the  notice. 

1  ADf,  AD,  AE;  DLC-RTL.  In  addition  to  Lincoln's  autograph  draft  of  the 
letter,  the  paragraph  quoted  in  the  letter,  and  the  endorsement  on  the  envelope, 
Cameron's  LS  copied  from  Lincoln's  draft  and  Chew's  report  to  the  President 
on  April  8,  are  in  the  Lincoln  Papers.  Bracketed  portions  are  not  in  Lincoln's 
draft,  but  are  reproduced  from  Cameron's  LS.  Robert  S.  Chew  was  a  clerk  in 
the  State  Department.  His  report  is  as  follows: 

"To  the  President  Charleston  S.C.  April  8th  1861 

"Under  the  foregoing  orders  I  left  Washington  at  6  P.M.  Saturday  April  6th, 
1861,  in  company  with  Capt.  Theodore  Talbot,  U.S.  Army,  and  arrived  at 
Charleston,  S.C.  on  Monday  at  the  same  hour.  Finding  that  Fort  Sumter  had 
neither  been  surrendered,  evacuated  nor  attacked,  I  immediately  thro*  Capt. 
Talbot,  requested  an  interview  with  Governor  Pickens,  which  was  at  once  ac- 
corded to  me,  and  I  then  read  to  him  the  portion  of  said  orders  in  italics  [quo- 
tation marks],  and  delivered  to  hrm  the  copy  of  the  same  which  was  furnished 
to  me  for  that  purpose,  in  the  presence  of  Capt  Talbot.  Govr.  Pickens  received 
the  Copy  and  said  he  would  submit  it  to  General  Beauregard,  He  having,  since 
the  ratification  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Confederate  States  by  South  Carolina, 
been  placed  in  charge  of  the  Military  operations  in  this  vicinity.  Genl.  Beau- 
regard  was  accordingly  sent  for,  and  the  Governor  read  the  paper  to  him. 

"In  reply  to  a  remark  made  by  Governor  Pickens  in  reference  to  an  answer 
I  informed  him  that  I  was  not  authorised  to  receive  any  communication  from 
him  in  reply.  Respectfully  submitted  R.  S.  CHEW" 

To  Gideon  Welles1 

April  6,  1861 

I  have  a  letter  [here  from  Fort]  Sumter  which.  Commodore 
[Stri]ngham  ought  to  see  before  he  leaves.  Yours  truly 

A.    LnSTCOLlN". 

1  Stan.  V.  Henkels  Catalog  1342,  January  4,  1924,  No.  48E.  Brackets  are  in 
the  catalog  which  describes  the  item  as  damaged  by  fire,  Lincoln  probably 
wanted  to  show  Silas  H.  Stringham  the  report  of  Captain  Theodore  Talbot  who 
returned  from  Fort  Sumter  on  April  6. 

To  Andrew  G.  Curtin1 

Gov.  A.  G.  Curtin  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  April  8.  1861 

I  think  the  necessity  of  being  ready  increases.  Look  to  it.  Yours 
truly  A.  LINCOUST 

i  ALS-P,  ISLA. 

[324] 


To  James  M.  Edmunds1 

Executive  Mansion^ 
Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office.  April  8.  1861 

Sir — In  pursuance  of  the  i8th.  and  igth.  sections  of  the  Act 
mentioned  in  the  foregoing  letter,2  I  direct  that  the  Yancton  Land 
District  be  now  formed  with  the  boundaries  described  in  said  sec- 
tion 18,  and  that  the  Land  Office  for  said  District  be  located  at  the 
town  of  Vermilion  in  said  District.  I  also  name  Jesse  Wherry,  of 
Virginia  to  be  Receiver  of  Public  Monies,  and  Henry  A.  Kennerly 
of  Missouri,  to  be  Register  of  said  Land  Office 

ABRAHAM  LrrccoiJNr 

1  ALS,  South  Dakota  Historical  Society. 

2  A  letter  from  Commissioner  James  M.  Edmunds. 

Memorandum:  Appointment  of  Surveyor  and 
CoUector  of  the  Port  of  New  York1 

[c.  April  8,  1861] 

Greely,  Opdycke,  Field  &  Wadsworth,  in  favor  of  having  the 
two  big  puddings  on  the  same  side  of  the  board. 

1  AE,  DLC-RTL.  The  endorsement  is  written  on  the  envelope  enclosing  let- 
ters from  Horace  Greeley,  George  Opdyke,  David  D.  Field,  and  James  S.  Wads- 
worth,  April  8,  1861.  Greeley  asked  **.  .  .  the  selection  of  a  Surveyor  of  the 
Port  who  shall  be  in  full  accord  and  sympathy  with  the  Collector  already  ap- 
pointed. .  .  .  The  appointments  made  for  this  state  .  .  .  have  generally  "been 
made  from  the  other  wing  of  the  party.  .  .  ."  (DLG-B.TL.) .  The  surveyorship 
went  to  Rufus  F.  Andrews,  whom  Greeley  had  recommended  on  February  6  for 
district  attorney  for  New  York  (ibid.}. 

Memorandum : 

Appointment  of  Commissioner  of  Pensions1 

April  9,  1861 

Joseph  H.  Barrett,  for  Comr.  of  Pensions.  Mention  to  Cabinet 
today — April  9,  1861. 

1  AE,  DLC-RTL.  The  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  of  William  Hel- 
mick's  to  Lincoln,  April  6,  1861,  withdrawing  his  application  in  favor  of  Joseph 
H.  Barrett  of  Cincinnati. 

Memorandum:  Appointment  of  Christian  Metz1 

[c.  April  9,  1861] 

When  I  received  these  notes  the  commission  in  the  case  men- 
tioned, had  been  signed  and  sent  away. 

[325] 


APRIL      9,       l86l 

1  AES,  NBuHi.  The  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  of  Salmon  P.  Chase's 
to  Preston  King,  April  8,  1861,  forwarded  to  Lincoln  in  recommendation  of 
Christian  Metz  for  collector  at  Buffalo,  New  York.  Metz  received  the  appoint- 
ment. 

To  James  Short1 

James  Short  Washington, 

Petersburg,  Ills.  April  9.  1861 

Go  to  Charleston,  Ills,  and  see  Geo.  M.  Hanson.      A.  LUNTCOOST 

1  ALS  copy,  DLC-RTL.  George  M.  Hanson  of  Charleston,  Illinois,  was  ap- 
pointed to  the  Northern  superintendency  of  Indian  agencies  in  California.  Lin- 
coln's old  friend  James  Short  was  appointed  supervisor  of  the  Round  Valley, 
California,  reservation. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion  April  10.  1861 

Dear  Sir:  Gov.  Curtin  telegraphs  us  to  send  him  a  drill-officer. 

Better  send  one  at  once. 

I  have  talked  with  Col.  Smith2  about  it.  Your  Obt.  Servt. 

A.  LiisrcorjNr 

1  ALS,  RPB. 

2  Lieutenant  Colonel  Charles  F.   Smith,  in  command  of  the  Department  of 
Washington. 

To  Salmon  P.  Chase1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  Treasury  Executive  Mansion 

Dear  Sir  April  10.  1861 

Mr.  Wood  thinks  that  possibly  he  can  save  you  something  in 
the  matter  of  engraving  Treasury  Notes.  Please  give  him  an  inter- 
view, &  see  what  there  is  of  it.  Yours  truly  A.  LirsrcouNT 

1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  There  is  no  reply  from  Chase  or  other  documents  related  to 
the  subject  of  this  letter  in  the  Lincoln  Papers.  William  S.  Wood  of  New  York 
was  engaged  in  soliciting  business  for  the  American  Bank  Note  Company  of 
New  York.  A  letter  of  Tracy  R.  Eds  on,  President,  American  Bank  Note  Com- 
pany, to  William  S.  Wood,  June  6,  1861,  contains  a  memorandum,  on  the  print- 
ing of  defense  bonds  for  the  State  of  Missouri,  which  Edson  asked  "Wood  to 
bring  "to  the  notice  of  the  President."  (DLC-RTL) .  Wood  was  nominated  to  the 
Senate  as  commissioner  of  public  buildings  on  July  5,  but  failed  to  be  con- 
firmed, one  of  the  objections  to  his  appointment  being  his  activities  in  connec- 
tion with  the  printing  of  government  securities. 

To  Montgomery  Blair1 

Hon.  P.M.G.  Executive  Mansion. 

Sir —  April  11.  1861. 

Has  a  Post-Master  been  appointed,  as  yet,  at  Covington,  Ky. 
Col.  Carpenter,  wishes  John  S.  Scott  to  be  appointed.  He  says 

[326] 


APRIL       11,       l86l 

Scott,  is  a  Douglas  Union-man.  I  know  nothing  as  to  the  propriety 
of  this;  but  write  to  keep  a  promise. 


1  ALS,  DLC-Nicolay  Papers.  Blair's  reply  is  written  on  the  bottom  of  the  let- 
ter as  follows:  "The  incumbent  of  this  office  is  a  Mr.  [W.D.]  Holt  in  whose 
behalf  the  Hon  Mr.  [Joseph]  Holt  is  interested  &  applied  indirectly  to  me  for 
his  retention.  MB" 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

[c.  April  11,  1861] 
What  says  the  Sec.  of  War  to  this?          LINCOLN 

1  AES,  DL.C-R.TL.  The  endorsement  is  -written  on  a  letter  from  John  Pope  to 
Ward  H.  Lamon,  April  11,  1861.  Captain  John  Pope,  son  of  Nathaniel  Pope,  serv- 
ing as  topographical  engineer  building  lighthouses  on  the  Great  Lakes,  suggested 
that  ".  .  .  it  would  be  well  for  Mr  Lincoln  to  have  near  Mm  some  Army  friend 
interested  in  him  personally.  ...  I  would  be  gratified  therefore  if  the  President 
would  order  me  to  Washington  ...  as  his  aid  &  military  Secretary.  .  .  ." 
Cameron's  endorsement  reads:  "The  Secretary  of  War  thinks  this  a  very  modest 
request."  (DL.C-B.TL).  See  also,  Lincoln  to  Cameron,  April  26,  infra. 

To  Salmon  E  Chase1 

Hon.  S.  P.  Chase:  Executive  Mansion     April  11.  1861. 

Dear  Sir:  "W.  W.  Danenhower,  is  the  only  marked  representa- 
tive of  the  American  organization  in  Ills,  "who  co-operated  with  us 
in  1858  &  1860,  and  who  is  now  asking  any  thing  here.  He  was 
very  serviceable  to  us  then,  and  is  very  needy  now.  Can  any  thing 
be  found  for  him — permanent,  or  temporary?  Please  try.  Yours 
very  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AL.S,  CSmH.  "William  W.  Danenhower,  a**  attorney  of  Chicago,  -was  ap- 
pointed chief  clerk  in  the  fourth  auditor's  office. 

Memorandum:  Appointment  of  Mahlon  Yardley1 

April  11,  1861 

This  nth.  day  of  April  1861,  Mr.  Caleb  N.  Taylor,  personally 
appears  and  urges,  in  behalf  of  the  7th.  Congressional  District, 
that  Mahlon  Yardley,  be  appointed  Deputy  Surveyor  at  Philadel- 
phia. In  this  Hon.  D.  Wilmot  &  Hon.  Jno.  Covode,  back  Mr. 
Taylor. 

1  AD-P,  ISLA.  Caleb  N.  Taylor  of  Bristol,  Pennsylvania,  had  "been  a  delegate 
to  the  Chicago  convention  in  1860  and  was  elected  representative  in  congress 
1867-1871.  Yardley  did  not  receive  the  appointment  and  was  commissioned  first 
lieutenant,  Company  K,  One  Hundred  and  Fourth  Pennsylvania  Volunteers.  He 
was  promoted  to  captain  and  provost  marshal  of  the  Fifth  District,  Pennsyl- 
vania, April  29,  1863. 

[327] 


Memorandum:  Appointments  at  Boston1 

April  11,  1861 
Isaac  Clark  wants  two  weeks  delay  of  appointments  at  Boston. 

1  AE,  DLC-RTL.  Isaac  Clark,  candidate  for  surveyor  of  the  port  of  Boston, 
wrote  April  10,  1861,  asking  "two  weeks  delay  .  .  .  for  the  purpose  of  coming 
to  some  satisfactory  arrangement  among  ourselves.  .  .  ."  (DLC-B.TL). 

Memorandum:  Maryland  Appointments1 

April  11,  1861 

Gov.  Hicks,  on  the  nth.  of  April  1861,  advises  that  Maryland 
appointments  be  delayed  8  or  10  days.  He  also  recommends  that, 
as  to  such  appointments,  I  take  the  advice  of  H.  W.  Davis,  Thomas 
Swann,  J.  Bond  Chaplin,  and  W.  H.  Purnell.2 

I  wish  French  S.  Evans  to  be  deputy  collector,  or  deputy  Naval 
officer.3 

1  AD,  DLC-RTL. 

2  Representative  Henry  "Winter  Davis,  President  Thomas  Swann  of  the  Balti- 
more and  Ohio  Railroad,  and  William  H.  Purnell,  whom  Lincoln  appointed 
postmaster  at  Baltimore.  J.  Bond  Chaplin  has  not  been  identified. 

3  This  is  written  on  the  verso.  Evans  was  appointed  deputy  naval  officer. 


Order  Designating  the  National 

Executive  Department,  Washington  April  nth  1861. 
In  virtue  of  his  authority  to  designate  at  discretion  one  news- 
paper in  the  city  of  Washington  for  the  publication  of  notices  and 
advertisements  from  the  Executive  departments,  in  addition  to  the 
two  entitled  to  such  publication,  by  having  the  largest  permanent 
subscription,  (U.S.  Statutes,  Vol.  5,  page  795,)  the  President  desig- 
nates the  "National  Republican,"  and  his  private  secretary  will 
communicate  this  order  to  the  several  Executive  departments.2 

ABRAHAM: 


Although3  I  do  not  perceive  the  necessity  of  it,  I  have  no  objec- 
tion to  say  the  above  designation  is  to  stand,  until  further  order, 
notwithstanding  any  change  of  proprietors  which  may  have  oc- 
curred. A.  LINCOLN 

Feb.  16.  1863. 

1  DS  and  AES,  RPB.  2  Nicolay  wrote  the  letters  on  April  19. 

3  This  endorsement  appears  on  the  bottom  of  the  page  and  is  reproduced  here 
rather  than  under  its  chronological  date.  "William  J.  Murtaugh  became  pub- 
lisher of  the  Republican  in  1863. 

[328] 


To  Edward  Bates1 

Hon.  Atty,  General  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  April  12,  1861 

On  examination  of  papers,  and  full  consideration^  I  have  con- 
cluded to  appoint  Earl  Bill,  Marshal  for  the  Northern  District  of 
Ohio.  Please  send  me  the  commission.  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

i  ALS-P,  ISLA.  Earl  Bill  of  Tiffin,  Ohio,  had  served  one  term  (1850-1851)  in 
the  Ohio  Senate  and  was  a  delegate  to  the  Chicago  convention  in  1860. 

To  Edward  Bates1 

Hon.  Atty.  General.  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  April  12,  1861 

The  two  Senators  of  Penn.  with  the  brief  before  them  recom- 
mend Alexander  Murdoch  for  Marshall  of  the  Western  District, 
and  Robert  B.  Carnahan,  for  Attorney  of  the  same  District.  Send 
me  the  Commissions.  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  Copy,  ISLA.  Alexander  Murdoch  of  Washington,  Pennsylvania,  and  Robert 
B.  Carnahan  of  Pittsburgh  received  the  appointments  designated. 

Memorandum : 
Appointment  of  Thomas  Webster,  Jr.1 

April  12,  1861 
The  above  named  gentlemen  appear  in  person  and  press  for  the 

appointment  of  Thomas  Webster  Jr.  as  Collector  of  the  Port  at 

Philadelphia. 

They  say  his  appointment  will  give  general  satisfaction,  while 

that  of  no  other  person  will. 
April  12,  1861. 

1  AE,  DLC-RTL.  The  endorsement  is  written  on  the  bottom  of  a  list  of  sixteen 
names  headed  "Delegation  of  Philadelphia  Merchants."  Thomas  Webster  was 
not  appointed,  Chase's  selection  being  William  B.  Thomas,  wealthy  flour  manu- 
facturer and  abolitionist. 

Reply  to  a  Committee 
from  the  Virginia  Convention1 

[April  13,  1861] 

Hon:  William  Ballard  Preston,  Alexander  H.  H.  Stuart, 
&  George  W.  Randolph,  Esq — 

Gentlemen:  As  a  committee  of  the  Virginia  convention,  now  in 
session,  you  present  me  a  preamble  and  resolution,  in  these  words: 

Whereas,2  in  the  opinion  of  this  Convention  the  uncertainty  which 
prevails  in  the  public  mind  as  to  the  policy  which  the  Federal  Execu- 

[329] 


APRIL       13,       l86l 

tive  intends  to  pursue  toward  the  seceded  States  is  extremely  injurious 
to  the  industrial  and  commercial  interests  of  the  country;  tends  to  keep 
up  an  excitement  -which  is  unfavorable  to  the  adjustment  of  pending 
difficulties,  and  threatens  a  disturbance  of  the  public  peace;  therefore 
Resolved,  that  a  committee  of  three  delegates  be  appointed  by  this  Con- 
vention to  wait  upon  the  President  of  the  United  States,  present  to 
him  this  preamble  and  resolution,  and  respectfully  ask  of  him  to  com- 
municate to  this  Convention  the  policy  which  the  Federal  Executive 
intends  to  pursue  in  regard  to  the  Confederate  States. 

Adopted   by   the   Convention   of   the    State   of  Virginia,   Richmond, 
April  8th  1861 

In  pursuance  of  the  foregoing  resolution,   the  following  delegates 
were  appointed  to  constitute  said  committee. 
Hon.  William  Ballard  Preston. 
Hon.  Alexander  H.  H.  Stuart. 
George  W.  Randolph  Esq. 

JOHN  JANNEY     PRESIDENT 
L.  EUBANK     SECRETARY. 


In  answer  I  have  to  say,  that  having,  at  the  beginning  of  my 
official  term,  expressed  my  intended  policy,  as  plainly  as  I  was 
able,  it  is  with  deep  regret,  and  some  mortification,  I  now  learn, 
that  there  is  great,  and  injurious  uncertainty,  in  the  public  mind, 
as  to  what  that  policy  is,  and  what  course  I  intend  to  pursue.  Not 
having,  as  yet,  seen  occasion  to  change,  it  is  now  my  purpose  to 
pursue  the  course  marked  out  in  the  inaugeral  address.  I  commend 
a  careful  consideration  of  the  whole  document,  as  the  best  ex- 
pression I  can  give  of  my  purposes.  As  I  then,  and  therein,  said,  I 
now  repeat: 

"The  power  confided  to  me  will  be  used  to  hold,  occupy,  and 
possess,  the  property,  and  places  belonging  to  the  Government,  and 
to  collect  the  duties,  and  imposts;  but,  beyond  what  is  necessary 
for  these  objects,  there  will  be  no  invasion  —  no  using  of  force 
against,  or  among  the  people  anywhere" 

By  the  words  "property,  and  places,  belonging  to  the  Govern- 
ment" I  chiefly  allude  to  the  military  posts,  and  property,  which 
were  in  the  possession  of  the  Government  when  it  came  to  my 
hands.  But3  if,  as  now  appears  to  be  true,  in  pursuit  of  a  purpose 
to  drive  the  United  States  authority  from  these  places,  an  unpro- 
voked assault,  has  been  made  upon  Fort-Sumpter,  I  shall  hold  my- 
self at  liberty  to  re-possess,  if  I  can,  like  places  which  had  been 
seized  before  the  Government  was  devolved  upon  me. 

And,  in  every  event,  I  shall,  to  the  extent  of  ray  ability,  repel 
force  by  force. 

In  case  it  proves  true,  that  Fort-Sumpter  has  been  assaulted,  as 
is  reported,  I  shall  perhaps,  cause  the  United  [States]  mails  to  be 

[330] 


APRIL       15.,       l86l 

withdrawn  frora  all  the  States  which,  claim  to  have  seceded  —  be- 
lieving that  the  commencement  of  actual  war  against  the  Govern- 
ment., justifies  and  possibly  demands  this, 

I  scarcely  need  to  say  that  I  consider  the  Military  posts  and 
property  situated  within  the  states,  \vhich  claim  to  have  seceded,  as 
yet  belonging  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  as  much  as 
they  did  before  the  supposed  secession. 

Whatever  else  I  may  do  for  the  purpose,  I  shall  not  attempt  to 
collect  the  duties,  and  imposts,  by  any  armed  Invasion  of  any  part 
of  the  country  —  not  meaning  by  this,  however,  that  I  may  not 
land  a  force,  deemed  necessary,  to  relieve  a  fort  upon  a  border  of 
the  country.  From  the  fact,  that  I  have  quoted  a  part  of  the  inau- 
geral  address,  it  must  not  be  infered  that  I  repudiate  any  other 
part,  the  whole  of  which  I  re-affirm,  except  so  far  as  what  I  now 
say  of  the  mails,  may  be  regarded  as  a  modification, 

1  ADf,  DLC-RTL.  William  B.  Preston  was  elected  to  the  Confederate  Con- 
"gress  in  1861,  and  Alexander  H.  BL  Stuart  "was  a  member  of  the  Virginia  Sen- 

ate; General  George  W.  Randolph,  later  secretary  of  war  for  the  Confederacy 
(1862-1863),  represented  Virginia's  military  forces. 

2  The  single  page  preamble  and  resolution  is  attached  to  Lincoln's  reply. 

3  The  remainder  of  this  paragraph  and  the  next  two  are  inserted  replacing  the 
following:  "But  if,  by  efforts  to  drive  the  United  States  forces  from,  these  places., 
either  by  assault  or  starvation,  a  collision  of  arms  shall  be  occasioned,  I  shall 
hold  myself  at  liberty  to  re-possess,  if  I  can,  like  places  which  had  been  seized 
before  the  Government  was  devolved  upon  me."   Fort   Sumter  had  been   at- 
tacked on  April  12. 

To  Winfield  Scott  C?)1 

[April  14,  1861] 
Please  send  over  the  Ft.  Sumpter  Messenger  at  once. 


1  ALS,  DLC-RTL,.  The  date  of  this  note  is  that  assigned  to  it  in  the  Lincoln 
Papers. 

Proclamation  Calling  Militia  and 
Convening  Congress1 

April  15,  1861 

By  the  President  of  the  United  States 
A  Proclamation. 

Whereas  the  laws  of  the  United  States  have  been  for  some  time 
past,  and  now  are  opposed,  and  the  execution  thereof  obstructed, 

[331] 


APRIL       15,       l86l 

in  the  States  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Florida,  Missis- 
sippi, Louisiana  and  Texas,  by  combinations  too  powerful  to  be 
suppressed  by  the  ordinary  course  of  judicial  proceedings,  or  by  the 
powers  vested  in  the  Marshals  by  law, 

Now  therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United 
States,  in  virtue  of  the  power  in  me  vested  by  the  Constitution,  and 
the  laws,  have  thought  fit  to  call  forth,  and  hereby  do  call  forth, 
the  militia  of  the  several  States  of  the  Union,  to  the  aggregate 
number  of  seventy-five  thousand,  in  order  to  suppress  said  combi- 
nations, and  to  cause  the  laws  to  be  duly  executed.  The  details,  for 
this  object,  will  be  immediately  communicated  to  the  State  author- 
ities through  the  War  Department. 

I  appeal  to  all  loyal  citizens  to  favor,  facilitate  and  aid  this  ef- 
fort to  maintain  the  honor,  the  integrity,  and  the  existence  of  our 
National  Union,  and  the  perpetuity  of  popular  government;  and 
to  redress2  wrongs  already  long  enough  endured. 

I  deem  it  proper  to  say  that  the  first  service  assigned  to  the 
forces  hereby  called  forth  will  probably  be  to  re-possess  the  forts, 
places,  and  property  which  have  been  seized  from  the  Union;  and 
in  every  event,  the  utmost  care  will  be  observed,  consistently  with 
the  objects  aforesaid,  to  avoid  any  devastation,  any  destruction  of, 
or  interference  with,  property,  or  any  disturbance  of  peaceful  citi- 
zens in  any  part  of  the  country. 

And  I  hereby  command  the  persons  composing  the  combinations 
aforesaid  to  disperse,  and  retire  peaceably  to  their  respective 
abodes  within  twenty  days  from  this  date. 

Deeming  that  the  present  condition  of  public  affairs  presents  an 
extraordinary  occasion,  I3  do  hereby,  in  virtue  of  the  power  in  me 
vested  by  the  Constitution,4  convene  both  Houses  of  Congress.  Sen- 
ators and  Representatives  are  therefore  summoned  to  assemble  at 
their  respective  chambers,  at  12  o'clock,  noon,  on  Thursday,  the 
fourth  day  of  July,  next,  then  and  there  to  consider  and  deter- 
mine, such  measures,  as,  in  their  wisdom,  the  public  safety,  and  in- 
terest may  seem  to  demand. 

In  Witness  Whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  nay  hand,  and  caused 
the  Seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  city  of  Washington  this  fifteenth  day 
of  April  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  One  thousand,  Eight 
[L.S.]  hundred  and  Sixty-one,  and  of  the  Independence  of 

the  United  States  the  Eighty-fifth. 

ABRABLAJVC 

By  the  President 

"WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 

[332] 


APRIL       ±5,       l86l 

1  DS,  DNA  FS  RG  11,  Proclamations;  ADf,  DLC-RTL.  The  official  copy  in 
the  Archives  is  not  in  Lincoln's  handwriting  but  bears  emendations  hi  Ms  hand- 
writing as  indicated  in  footnotes. 

2  "Redress  its  wrongs  already  too  long  endured"  emended  by  Lincoln  as  re- 
produced. 3  "I  do  hereby,"  inserted  by  Lincoln. 

4  "I  do  hereby"  deleted  at  this  point  by  Lincoln. 


To  William  Dennison1 

April  15,  1861 
Thirteen  Regiments. 

1  OR,  III,  I,  73.  Governor  Dennison  telegraphed  "What  portion  of  the  75,000 
militia  ...  do  you  give  to  Ohio?  Great  rejoicing  here  over  your  proclama- 
tion. .  .  . 


To  Elmer  E.  EUsworth1 

Col.  E.  E.  Ellsworth  Washington, 

My  dear  Sir:  April  15.   1861 

Ever  since  the  beginning  of  our  acquaintance,  I  have  valued 
you  highly  as  a  person  [al]  friend,  and  at  the  same  time  (without 
much  capacity  of  judging)  have  had  a  very  high  estimate  of  your 
military  talent.  Accordingly  I  have  been,  and  still  am  anxious  for 
you  to  have  the  best  position  in  the  military  which  can  be  given 
you,  consistently  with  justice  and  proper  courtesy  towards  the 
older  officers  of  the  army.  I  can  not  incur  the  risk  of  doing  them 
injustice,  or  a  discourtesy;  but  I  do  say  they  would  personally 
oblige  me,  if  they  could,  and  would  place  you  in  some  position,  or 
in  some  service,  satisfactory  to  yourself .  Your  Obt.  Servt. 

A.  Lnsrcoi-N 

1  ALS-F,  ISLA.  Concerning  Ellsworth's  appointment  see  Lincoln  to  Cameron, 
March  5,  supra  and  note. 


To  Henry  W.  Hoffman1 

[c.  April  15,  1861] 

If  there  is  any  secessionist  in  your  department,   I  wish  you 
would  remove  him,  and  give  the  place  to  Mr.  S.  C.  Atkinson;  or, 
if,  in  any  way  you  can  give  him  a  place,  I  shall  be  obliged. 
Mr.  Huffman,  Collector.  A. 


1  ALS,  The  Rosenbach  Company,  Philadelphia  and  New  York.  Henry  W. 
Hoffman  was  appointed  April  15,  1861,  and  this  communication,  seems  to  have 
been  written  near  that  date.  S.  C.  Atkinson  has  not  been  identified. 

[333] 


Memorandum : 
Appointment  of  Newell  A.  Thompson1 

[c.  April  15,  1861] 

Hon.  George  Ashmun,  especially  desires  Newell  A.  Thompson 
to  be  Navy  Agent  at  Boston. 

1  AE,  DLC-RTL.  The  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  Ashmun  to  Lin- 
coln, April  15,  1861,  recommending  Colonel  Thompson.  Eugene  L  Norton  of 
Boston  received  the  appointment  instead  of  Thompson. 


Memorandum:  New  York  Appointments1 

[c.  April  15,  1861] 

Collector  —  Hiram  Barney  —  R.D. 

Surveyor  —  [Abram]  Wakeman  —  S.W. 

Naval  O.  George  Dennison   [szc]  — W. 

Apr.  GenL  Tho.  McElrath  —  S. W. 

Navy  A.  [D.D.T.]  Marshall  —  R.D. 

[Isaac]  Henderson 

Mint. [Daniel?]  Ullmann2  Am. 

Sub.  Treas.  [Richard  M.]  Blatchford—  S.W. 

Attorney  —  E.  Del.  Smith  —  S.W. 

Marshall.  Henry  B.  Stanton  R.D. 

P.  Master.  James  Taylor.3  S.W. 

1  AD,  NAuE;  copy,  DLC-RTL.  The  copy  is  dated  by  Nicolay,  April  30,  1861, 
but  Chase  to  Lincoln,  April  15,  indicates  a  conference  on  the  New  York  ap- 
pointments on  this  date  (DLC-RTL),  and  other  references  confirm  April  15  as 
the  date  of  this  particular  slate  of  New  York  appointments.  The  designation 
"S.W."  probably  meant  "Seward-Weed"  and  "Am"  following  "Ullmann"  would 
suggest   "American  or   Know-Nothing,"   and   "R  D."   was  perhaps   "Reformed 
Democrat." 

2  This  may  have  been  John  J.  TJllmann  rather  than  Daniel  Ullmann. 

3  Probably  an  error  for  William  B.  Taylor,  Seward's  choice,  who  received  the 
appointment. 


To  Winfield  Scott1 

Lieut.  General  Scott:  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  April  15.  1861 

CoL  Peter  G.  Washington  tells  me  it  is  my  duty  to  call  an  offi- 
cer to  the  command  of  the  District  of  Columbia  militia  now  in  the 
U.S.  service,  and  that  he,  by  rank  in  the  District  of  militia,  is  en- 
titled to  the  place. 

Is  it  my  duty  to  call,  or  designate,  such  officer?  and  if  yea,  is 

[334] 


APRIL       16,      l86l 

CoL  Washington,  by  military  law  usage,  or  courtesy,  entitled  to 
the  place? 

Please  investigate  &  inform  me     Your  Obt.  Servt. 

A. 


1  ALS,  DLC-RTL.  Charles  E  Stone,  inspector  general,  endorsed  the  letter  as 
follows:  "Col  "Washington  was  an  officer  of  the  old  Organization  .  .  .  but  that 
organization  has  been  legally  broken  up  and  replaced  by  a  new  one.  .  .  ." 
Scott's  endorsement  specified  that  "...  we  do  not  want  him  or  any  other  field 
officer,  with  the  District  Volunteers  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  U.S.  —  be- 
cause those  volunteers  are  doing  duty  as  separate  &  independent  companies,  & 
require  no  field  officer.  .  .  .*'  {Ibid.}. 


To  Gideon  Welles1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  Navy,  Executive  Mansion. 

My  dear  Sir:  —  April  15,  1861. 

I  must  relieve  myself  of  the  remaining  California  appointments. 
The  charge  against  Samuel  Bell  is  unsustained,  and,  in  fact,  in  a 
good  degree,  disproved.  I  therefore  request  that  you  send  me  a 
Commission  for  him  as  Navy  Agent  Very  truly, 

A. 


1  Angle,  pp.  267-68.  Samuel  Bell  had  served  as  comptroller  of  California  and 
was  a  delegate  to  the  Chicago  convention  in  1860,  Eugene  L.  Sullivan  to  Welles, 
March  15,  1861,  asks  that  his  previous  letter  of  recommendation  for  Bell  be 
withdrawn:  *'.  .  .  I  have  learned  .  .  .  his  record  as  Comptroller  of  the  State 
of  California  is  not  altogether  clear."  (DLC-RTL).  See  also  Lincoln  to  Welles, 
May  8,  infra,  concerning  Bell's  appointment. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War:  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  April  16.  1861 

Some  time  ago  I  requested  that  Ben.  Hardin  Helm,  might  be 
appointed  a  Pay-Master,  which  I  still  desire.2 

Next  to  this,  for  the  sake  of  my  friend,  Major  Hunter  9  I  espe- 
cially wish  Robert  A.  Kinzie3  to  be  appointed  a  Pay-Master.  This 
is  not  a  formality,  but  an  earnest  reality.  Your  Obt.  Servt. 

A. 


1  ALS,  DLC-Cameron  Papers. 

2  Mrs.   Lincoln's  "brother-in-law   accepted   a   commission  in  the   Confederate 
Army,  was   promoted  to   brigadier   general,   and  died   of  wounds   received  at 
Chiokamauga,  September  21,  1863. 

3  Robert  A.  Kinzie,  David  Hunter's  brother-in-law,  had  migrated  to  Kansas  in 
1847.  3He  was  appointed  paymaster  with  rant  of  major,  May  2. 

[335] 


Memorandum:  Retention  of  Fletcher  Webster1 

[c.  April  16,  1861] 

Hon.  Geo.  Ashmun,  especially  wishes  that  Fletcher  Webster 
may  be  allowed  to  serve  out  his  term. 

1  AE,  DL.C-RTL.  Aslunun  to  Lincoln,  April  16,  1861,  requested  retention  of 
Daniel  Webster's  son  Fletcher  as  surveyor  of  Port  of  Boston.  Fletcher  Webster 
became  colonel  of  the  Twelfth  Massachusetts,  June  26,  1861,  and  was  killed  at 
the  second  battle  of  Bull  Run  in  August,  1862. 


To  Edward  Bates1 

Hon.  Atty.  Gen.  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  April  17,  1861 

Two  of  the  Judges  for  Nebraska  have  been  appointed.2  Please 
send  me  your  Briefs  as  to  the  remaining  Judge  and  the  Attorney  & 
Marshal.  Yours  truly,  A. 


1  ALS,  owned  by  Ashley  T.  Cole,  New  York  City. 

2  See  memorandum  on  appointments  to  territories,  March  20,  supra.  Lincoln 
appointed  William  F.  Lockwood  of  Dakota  City  to  the  remaining  judgeship, 
David  L.  Collier  of  Omaha  as  attorney,  and  Phineas  W.  Hitchcock  of  Omaha 
as  marshal. 


Memorandum:  Appointment  of  Albert  G.  Enos1 

April  17,  1861 

I  have  but  very  slight  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Enos,  but,  Col. 
Gridly  who  writes  the  accompanying  letter,  is  my  intimate  political 
&  personal  friend,  whom  I  would  like  to  obliged  [szc]  . 
April  17,  1861.  A. 


1  Parke-Beraet  Catalog  905,  December  1-2,  1947,  No.  275.  Gridley  was  un- 
doubtedly Lincoln's  friend  Asahel  Gridley  of  Bloomington,  Illinois.  Albert  G. 
Enos,  on  the  back  of  whose  letter  the  endorsement  is  written,  was  commissioned 
major  of  the  Eighth  Pennsylvania  regiment,  September  18,  1861,  resigned  Oc- 
tober ±5,  1862. 


To  WiUiam  H.  Seward1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  State —  Executive  Mansion 

Dear  Sir  April  17—  1861 

The  Gov.  of  Nebraska  has  been  appointed.  Will  you  please  send 
me  your  Brief  for  Secretary  of  that  Territory?  Yours  truly 

A. 

[336] 


APRIL       l8,       l86l 

1 ALS,  NAuE.  Alvin  Saunders  of  Mount  Pleasant,  Iowa,  had  been  ap- 
pointed Governor.  See  Lincoln  to  Seward,  April  27,  infra,  for  Lincoln's  ap- 
pointment of  Algernon  S.  Paddock  as  secretary. 


To  Gideon  Welles1 

Hon.  Gideon  Welles.  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  April  17.  1861 

I  have  no  reason  to  doubt  that  Mr.  James  S.  Ghalker,  the  bearer 
of  this,  is,  as  he  says,  the  author  of  the  ""Wide  Awake,"  order.  As 
he  is  your  townsman,  you  will  know;  and  if  it  is  all  straight,  please 
add  your  recommendation  to  mine,  that  he  have  some  suitable  ap- 
pointment in  the  Army,  which  he  desires.  "When  you  shall  [have] 
added  your  -word,  send  the  whole  to  the  War  Department.  Yours 
truly  A,  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  The  Rosenbach  Company,  Philadelphia  and  New  York.  No  record  of 
James  S.  Chalker's  appointment  has  been  found. 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

Hon.  W.  H.  Seward.  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  April  18.  1861 

You  astonish  me  by  saying  Mr.  "Weed  understands  there  is  some 
alienation,  or  enmity  of  feeling,  on  my  part  towards  him.  Noth- 
ing like  it.  I  shall  be  glad  to  see  him  any  time,  &  have  wondered 
at  not  have  [szc]  seen  [him]  here  already.  Yours  very  truly 

A.  LINCOLN 

i  ALS,  NN. 

To  Edward  Wallace1 

Dr.  Edward  Wallace  Executive  Mansion 

Dear  Sir  April  18.  1861 

Having,  to-day  concluded  to  appoint  you  Naval  Officer  at  Phila- 
delphia, I  now,  at  the  request  of  Dr.  Luther,2  a  strong  and  honor- 
able competitor  of  yours,  and  at  the  urgent  request  of  Gen.  Cam- 
eron also,  earnestly  solicit  you  to  appoint  Col.  John  C.  Meyers,  of 
your  own  city,  the  deputy  Naval  officer.  You  will  personally  oblige 
me  by  doing  this,  besides  smoothing  things  which  otherwise  might 
be  a  little  rough3  Yours  very  truly  A  LINCOLN 

1  ALS»  IHi.  2  Dr.  Diller  Luther  of  Reading,  Pennsylvania. 

3  Jolin  C.  Myers  was  not  appointed.  Deputy  naval  officer  of  Philadelphia  as 
of  September  30,  1861,  was  David  F.  Williams. 

[337] 


To  Gideon  Welles1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  Navy  Executive  Mansion 
Dear  Sir  April  18.  1861 

Be  here  on  Philadelphia  appointments,  at  12.  o'clock  to-day. 
Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  Ct.  See  Lincoln  to  Wallace,  supra 

Memorandum1 

No  report  from  Gen.  Scott  this  19.  April  1861. 

1  AE,  DLC-RTL.  Beginning  April  i,  on  General  Scott's  reports  Lincoln  en- 
dorsed "Genl.  Scott's  daily  report — No.  i,"  etc.  The  reports  continued  until 
May  4,  the  last  being  No.  24. 

Proclamation  of  a  Blockade1 

April  19,  1861 
By  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America: 

A  Proclamation. 

Whereas  an  insurrection  against  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  has  broken  out  in  the  States  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Ala- 
bama,  Florida,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and  Texas,  and  the  laws  of 
the  United  States  for  the  collection  of  the  revenue  cannot  be  effec- 
tually executed  therein  conformably  to  that  provision  of  the  Con- 
stitution which  requires  duties  to  be  uniform  throughout  the 
United  States: 

And  whereas  a  combination  of  persons  engaged  in  such  insur- 
rection, have  threatened  to  grant  pretended  letters  of  marque  to 
authorize  the  bearers  thereof  to  commit  assaults  on  the  lives,  ves- 
sels, and  property  of  good  citizens  of  the  country  lawfully  engaged 
in  commerce  on  the  high  seas,  and  in  waters  of  the  United  States: 
And  whereas  an  Executive  Proclamation  has  been  already  issued, 
requiring  the  persons  engaged  in  these  disorderly  proceedings  to 
desist  therefrom,  calling  out  a  militia  force  for  the  purpose  of  re- 
pressing the  same,  and  convening  Congress  in  extraordinary  ses- 
sion, to  deliberate  and  determine  thereon: 

Now,  therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United 
States,  with  a  view  to  the  same  purposes  before  mentioned,  and  to 
the  protection  of  the  public  peace,  and  the  lives  and  property  of 
quiet  and  orderly  citizens  pursuing  their  lawful  occupations,  until 
Congress  shall  have  assembled  and  deliberated  on  the  said  unlaw- 

[338] 


APRIL      IQ.,       l86l 

ful  proceedings,  or  until  the  same  shall  have  ceased,  have  further 
deemed  it  advisable  to  set  on  foot  a  blockade  of  the  ports  'within 
the  States  aforesaid,  in  pursuance  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States, 
and  of  the  law  of  Nations,  in  such  case  provided.  For  this  purpose 
a  competent  force  will  be  posted  so  as  to  prevent  entrance  and 
exit  of  vessels  from  the  ports  aforesaid.  If,  therefore,  with  a  view- 
to  violate  such  blockade,  a  vessel  shall  approach,  or  shall  attempt 
to  leave  either  of  the  said  ports,  she  will  be  duly  warned  by  the 
Commander  of  one  of  the  blockading  vessels,  who  will  endorse  on 
her  register  the  fact  and  date  of  such  warning,  and  if  the  same 
vessel  shall  again  attempt  to  enter  or  leave  the  blockaded  port,  she 
will  be  captured  and  sent  to  the  nearest  convenient  port,  for  such 
proceedings  against  her  and  her  cargo  as  prize,  as  may  be  deemed 
advisable. 

And  I  hereby  proclaim  and  declare  that  if  any  person,  under 
the  pretended  authority  of  the  said  States,  or  under  any  other  pre- 
tense, shall  molest  a  vessel  of  the  United  States,  or  the  persons  or 
cargo  on  board  of  her,  such  person  will  be  held  amenable  to  the 
laws  of  the  United  States  for  the  prevention  and  punishment  of 
piracy. 

In  witness  "whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  and  caused 
the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

Done   at  the   City  of  Washington,  this  nineteenth 
day  of  April,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand 
[L.S.]  eight  hundred  and  sixty-one,  and  of  the  Independence 

of  the  United  States  the  eighty-fifth. 

ABRAHAM:  LINCOLN* 

By  the  President: 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State 

*  DS,  DNA  FS  RG  11,  Proclamations. 


Inscription  in  Album 
of  Mary  Rebecca  Darby  Smith1 

"White  House,  April  19,  1861. 

Whoever  in  later-times  shall  see  this,  and  look  at  the  date,  will 
readily  excuse  the  writer  for  not  having  indulged  in  sentiment,  or 
poetry.  With  all  kind  regards  for  Miss  Smith.  A. 


*  Parke-Bexnet  Catalog  1026,  January  10-11,  1949*  No.  56.  According  to  the 
source  Miss  Smith  was  a  friend  of  President  Buchanan's  who  attended  Lincoln's 
inaugural  and  called  on  the  new  president  on  April  19. 

[339] 


To  Gideon  Welles1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  Navy  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  April  19,  1861 

I  find  on  page  99  of  the  Navy  Register  that  there  is  an  officer 
called  "Naval  Constructor,"  whom  it  is  said,  you  are  to  appoint. 

The  bearer  of  this,  Israel  S.  Smith,  a  man  now  residing  at  Phila- 
delphia, but  whom  I  knew  in  boyhood,  and  whom  I  would  like  to 
oblige,  is  anxious  and  interested  to  have  John  W.  Griffiths,  ap- 
pointed to  that  office.  Please  examine,  and  appoint  him,  if  it  can 
properly  be  done.  Yours  truly  A.  Lirrcouxr 

1 ALS,  The  Rosenlbach  Company,  Philadelphia  and  New  York.  See  memo- 
randum on  appointment  of  Griffiths,  c.  April  i,  supra. 


To  Thomas  H.  Hicks  and  George  W.  Brown1 

Gov.  Hicks,  &  Mayor  Brown  Washington,  April  20.  1861 

Gentlemen:  Your  letter  by  Messrs.  Bond,  Dobbin  &  Brume,  is  re- 
ceived. I  tender  you  both  my  sincere  thanks  for  your  efforts  to  keep 
the  peace  in  the  trying  situation  in  which  you  are  placed.  For  the 
future,  troops  must  be  brought  here,  but  I  make  no  point  of  bring- 
ing them  through  Baltimore.  Without  any  military  knowledge  my- 
self, of  course  I  must  leave  details  to  Gen.  Scott.  He  hastily  said, 
this  morning,  in  presence  of  these  gentlemen,  "March  them 
around  Baltimore,  and  not  through  it."  I  sincerely  hope  the  Gen- 
eral, on  fuller  reflection,  will  consider  this  practical  and  proper, 
and  that  you  will  not  object  to  it.  By  this,  a  collision  of  the  people 
of  Baltimore  -with  the  troops  will  be  avoided,  unless  they  go  out 
of  their  way  to  seek  it.  I  hope  you  will  exert  your  influence  to  pre- 
vent this. 

Now,  and  ever,  I  shall  do  all  in  my  power  for  peace,  consistently 
with  the  maintainance  of  government.  Your  Obt.  Servt. 

A.  LIKTCOUNT 

1ALS,  Carnegie  Institute  Museum,  Pittsburgh,  Pennsylvania.  Mayor 
Brown  of  Baltimore  sent  Hugh  L.  Bond,  George  W.  Dobbin,  and  John  C.  Brune 
with  a  letter  dated  April  18,  1861,  **.  .  .  to  explain  fully  the  fearful  condition 
of  affairs  in  this  city.  The  people  are  exasperated  ...  by  the  passage  of  troops, 
and  .  .  .  are  decided  in  the  opinion  that  no  more  should  be  ordered  to  come. 
...  It  is  my  solemn  duty  to  inform  you  that  it  is  not  possible  for  more  soldiers 
to  pass  through  Baltimore  unless  they  fight  their  way  at  every  step.  .  .  .**  On 
April  19,  a  telegram  signed  by  Governor  Hicks  and  Mayor  Brown  notified  Lin- 
coln of  a  collision  between  citizens  of  Baltimore  and  troops.  On  April  20, 
Brown  acknowledged  receipt  of  Lincoln's  letter  carried  by  Bond,  Dobbin,  and 
Brune,  and  promised  to  preserve  the  peace  if  "...  no  more  troops  will  be 
brought  through  the  city.  .  .  ."  (DLG-RTL).  A  secessionist  mob  of  Baltimore 

[340] 


APRIL      22,      l86l 

had  fired  into  Massachusetts  troops  forced  to  march  through  the  city  because  of 
obstructions  placed  on  the  track  by  the  mob.  Approximately  four  soldiers  and 
nine  citizens  -were  killed  and  rioting  continued  for  several  days. 


To  Thomas  H.  Hicks  and  George  W.  Brown1 

Washington,  April  20,  1861 

Gov.  Hicks,  I  desire  to  consult  "with  you  and  the  Mayor  of  Balti- 
more relative  to  preserving  the  peace  of  Maryland,  Please  come 
immediately  by  special  train,  which  you  can  take  at  Baltimore,  or 
if  necessary  one  can  be  sent  from  hence.  Answer  forthwith. 


1  Copy,  MdAA-Executive  Letter  Book  (1854-1866),  p.  195.  The  same  tele- 
gram was  sent  to  both  Governor  Hicks  and  Mayor  Brown  after  the  dispatch  of 
the  letter  supra.  Governor  Hicks  was  not  in  Baltimore,  but  Brown  telegraphed 
that  he  was  "coming  immediately."  (DLC-RTL)  .  According  to  The  (Baltimore) 
South,  April  22,  and  New  York  Tribune,  April  24,  George  W.  Dobbin,  John  G. 
Bnme  and  S.  T.  Wallis  accompanied  Mayor  Brown.  Governor  Hicks  wrote 
Lincoln  April  22,  protesting  further  landing  of  troops  at  Annapolis  and  sug- 
gesting that  the  British  minister,  Lord  Lyons  ".  .  .  be  requested  to  act  as  medi- 
ator between  the  contending  parties  of  our  country."  (DLG-RTL).  Seward  re- 
plied at  Lincoln's  direction  that  ".  .  .  the  national  highway  thus  selected  by  the 
Lieutenant  General  has  been  chosen  by  him  upon  consultation  with  prominent 
magistrates  and  citizens  of  Maryland,  as  the  one  which,  while  a  route  is  abso- 
lutely necessary,  is  further  removed  from  the  populous  cities  of  the  State,  and 
with  the  expectation  that  it  would,  therefore,  be  the  least  objectionable  one."  He 
added  that  ".  .  .  no  domestic  contention  .  .  .  ought,  in  any  case,  to  be  re- 
ferred to  any  foreign  arbitrament.  .  .  ."  (New  York  Tribune,  April  24,  1861). 
A  statement  issued  by  Mayor  Brown,  April  21,  as  printed  in  The  South,  April 
22,  reported  Lincoln's  remarks  during  the  interview  on  April  20  in  substantial 
agreement  with  Lincoln's  letter  dispatched  earlier  on  the  same  day,  supra. 


Reply  to  Baltimore  Committee1 

April  22,  1861 

You,  gentlemen,  come  here  to  me  and  ask  for  peace  on  any 
terms,  and  yet  have  no  -word  of  condemnation  for  those  who  are 
making  war  on  us.  You  express  great  horror  of  bloodshed,  and  yet 
would  not  lay  a  straw  in  the  way  of  those  who  are  organizing  in 
Virginia  and  elsewhere  to  capture  this  city.  The  rebels  attack  Fort 
Sumter,  and  your  citizens  attack  troops  sent  to  the  defense  of  the 
Government,  and  the  lives  and  property  in  Washington,  and  yet 
you  would  have  me  break  my  oath  and  surrender  the  Government 
without  a  blow.  There  is  no  Washington  in  that — no  Jackson  in 
that — no  manhood  nor  honor  in  that.  I  have  no  desire  to  invade 
the  South  9  but  I  must  have  troops  to  defend  this  Capital.  Geograph- 
ically it  lies  surrounded  by  the  soil  of  Maryland;  and  mathemati- 

[341] 


APRIL      23,      l86l 

cally  the  necessity  exists  that  they  should  come  over  her  territory. 
Our  men  are  not  moles,  and  can't  dig  under  the  earth;  they  are  not 
birds,  and  can't  fly  through  the  air.  There  is  no  way  but  to  inarch 
across,  and  that  they  must  do.  But  in  doing  this  there  is  no  need  of 
collision.  Keep  your  rowdies  in  Baltimore,  and  there  will  be  no 
bloodshed.  Go  home  and  tell  your  people  that  if  they  will  not  at- 
tack us,  we  will  not  attack  them;  but  if  they  do  attack  us,  we  will 
return  it,  and  that  severely. 

l  Hertz,  II,  830-31.  Although  the  source  of  Lincoln's  remarks  as  printed  by 
Hertz  is  probably  a  newspaper,  the  editors  have  been  unable  to  locate  it  Hertz 
dates  the  event  April  28,  1861,  but  reports  in  the  Baltimore  Daily  Exchange 
and  The  South,  April  23,  1861,  indicate  conclusively  that  this  reply  was  made 
to  a  committee  of  fifty  representing  the  Young  Men's  Christian  Associations  of 
Baltimore  on  Monday,  April  22.  Reports  in  the  Philadelphia  and  New  York 
papers  as  well  as  the  Baltimore  papers  give  only  fragments  of  Lincoln's  re- 
marks as  printed  by  Hertz,  and  the  editors  have  reproduced  the  Hertz  text  for 
want  of  a  satisfactory  contemporary  source. 

To  Gideon  Welles1 

Hon.  Secretary  of  Navy,        Executive  Mansion,  April  23,  1861. 

Dear  Sir:  I  think  I  saw  three  "vessels  go  up  to  the  Navy  Yard  just 
now.  Will  you  please  send  down  and  learn  what  they  are?  Yours 

truly  A.  LI3NTCOL3NT 

1  Tracy,  p.  180.  There  is  no  reply  in  the  Lincoln  Papers. 

To  Montgomery  Blair1 

Hon.  EM.  General,  Executive  Mansion,  April  24,  1861. 

My  dear  Sir:  Near  a  week  ago,  it  was  settled  for  Cornelius  Wai- 
born  to  be  Post-Master  at  Philadelphia.  Has  the  actual  appoint- 
ment been  made?  I  have  the  papers  in  the  case  from  your  Depart- 
ment lying  by  me,  and  will  sign  and  send  them  over,  if  you  say 
so.  Your  obed't  Serv't,  A. 


1  Tracy,  p.  181.  Cornelius  Walborn  had  been  appointed  April  20,  on  Simon 
Cameron's  personal  recommendation. 

To  Reverdy  Johnson1 

Confidential. 
Hon.  Reverdy  Johnson         Executive  Mansion,  April  24th  1861. 

My  dear  Sir:  Your  note  of  this  morning  is  just  received.  I  fore- 
bore  to  answer  yours  of  the  22d  because  of  my  aversion  (which  I 
thought  you  understood,)  to  getting  on  paper,  and  furnishing  new 
grounds  for  misunderstanding. 

[342] 


APRIL      25,       l86l 

I  do  say  the  sole  purpose  of  bringing  troops  here  is  to  defend  this 
capital. 

I  do  say  I  have  no  purpose  to  invade  Virginia,  with  them  or  any 
other  troops,  as  I  understand  the  -word  invasion.  But  suppose  Vir- 
ginia sends  her  troops,  or  admits  others  through  her  borders,  to  as- 
sail this  capital,  am  I  not  to  repel  them,  even  to  the  crossing  of  the 
Potomac  if  I  can? 

Suppose  Virginia  erects,  or  permits  to  be  erected,  batteries  on  the 
opposite  shore,  to  bombard  the  city,  are  we  to  stand  still  and  see 
it  done?  In  a  word,  if  Virginia  strikes  us,  are  we  not  to  strike  back, 
and  as  effectively  as  we  can? 

Again,  are  we  not  to  hold  Fort  Monroe  (for  instance)  if  we  can? 
I  have  no  objection  to  declare  a  thousand  times  that  I  have  no 
purpose  to  invade  Virginia  or  any  other  State,  but  I  do  not  mean 
to  let  them  invade  us  without  striking  back.  Yours  truly 

A. 


1  Copy,  DL.C-KTL.  Maryland's  ex-senator  (1845-1849)  and  recent  delegate 
to  the  Peace  Conference  wrote  on  April  24  that  he  desired  an  answer  to  his  let- 
ter of  April  22  before  he  left  Washington.  A  contemporary  copy  of  the  earlier 
letter  made  by  Joseph  Holt,  in  the  Lincoln  Papers,  reads  in  part  as  follows: 
".  .  .  .  The  existing  excitement  and  alarm  ...  of  my  own  State  and  of  Vir- 
ginia are  owing  ...  to  an  apprehension  that  it  is  your  purpose  to  use  the 
military  force  you  are  assembling  in  this  District  for  the  invasion  of  ...  these 
States.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL). 

Memorandum:   Retirement  of  John  EL  "Wright 
and  William  H.  Swift1 

April  24,  1861 

Let  Surgeon  [John]  H.  Wright  and  Surgeon  "William  Swift  be 
placed  on  the  retired  list,  as  within  recommended  by  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy.  A.  LINCOLN. 

April  24,  1861 

1  AES,  DNA  WR  NB  RG  45,  Executive  Letters,  No.  75.  "Welles  to  Lincoln, 
April  24,  on  which  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written,  recommends  the  action 
taken.  "Wright  had  served  from  December  9,  1839;  Swift,  from  July  24,  1813. 

Memorandum  : 
Operation  of  the  Chicopee  Works1 

[c.  April  25,  1861] 

Let  the  suggestion  of  the  Vice-President  as  to  putting  the  Chico- 
pee works  into  operation  be  duly  considered  by  the  War  Depart- 
ment. A. 

[343] 


APRIL      25,       l86l 

1  OR,  III,  I,  106.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  on  Hamlin's  letter  of  April  23, 
written  from  New  York,  which  reads  in  part,  ".  .  .  "We  are  sadly  deficient, 
and  we  want  and  need  and  should  have  rifled  cannon.  Let  me  urge  earnestly 
and  frankly  that  the  works  at  Chicopee  [Massachusetts]  be  put  in  operation  to 
their  utmost  capacity  to  furnish  them." 

To  Winfield  Scott1 

Lieutenant  General  Scott  Washington,  April  25—  1861. 

My  dear  Sir:  The  Maryland  Legislature  assembles  to-morrow  at 
Anapolis;  and,  not  improbably,  will  take  action  to  arm  the  people 
of  that  State  against  the  United  States.  The  question  has  been  sub- 
mitted to,  and  considered  by  me,  whether  it  would  not  be  justifi- 
able, upon  the  ground  of  necessary  defence,  for  you,  as  commander 
in  Chief  of  the  United  States  Army,  to  arrest,  or  disperse  the  mem- 
bers of  that  body.  I  think  it  -would  not  be  justifiable;  nor,  efficient 
for  the  desired  object. 

First,  they  have  a  clearly  legal  right  to  assemble;  and,  we  can 
not  know  in  advance,  that  their  action  -will  not  be  lawful,  and 
peaceful.  And  if  we  wait  until  they  shall  have  acted,  their  arrest, 
or  dispersion,  will  not  lessen  the  effect  of  their  action. 

Secondly,  we  can  not  permanently  prevent  their  action.  If  we 
arrest  them,  we  can  not  long  hold  them  as  prisoners;  and  when  lib- 
erated, they  will  immediately  re-assemble,  and  take  their  action. 
And,  precisely  the  same  if  we  simply  disperse  them.  They  will  im- 
mediately re-assemble  in  some  other  place. 

I  therefore  conclude  that  it  is  only  left  to  the  commanding  Gen- 
eral to  watch,  and  await  their  action,  which,  if  it  shall  be  to  arm 
their  people  against  the  United  States,  he  is  to  adopt  the  most 
prompt,  and  efficient  means  to  counteract,  even,  if  necessary,  to  the 
bombardment  of  their  cities  —  and  in  the  extremest  necessity,  the 
suspension  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  Your  Obedient  Servant 

ABRAHAM 


1  AL.S  copy,  DLC-RTL.  Endorsed  by  Lincoln  on  envelope  "Copy  of  letter  to 
Genl.  Scott,"  Upon  assembling,  the  Maryland  legislature  appointed  a  committee 
to  confer  with,  the  president.  See  Lincoln's  reply,  May  4,  infra. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  "War:  Executive  Mansion  April  26.  1861 

I  learn  that  the  Gov.  of  Illinois,  who  is  acquainted  with  Capt. 
John  Pope,  now  at  Cincinnati,  desires  to  have  Capt.  Pope  sent  to 
Illinois  to  assist  in  the  organization  &  equipment  of  the  military 
forces  of  the  State. 

[344] 


APRIL      27,      l86l 

Are  his  present  duties  such  that  he  could  not  properly  be  or- 
dered to  report  himself  to  Gov.  Yates?  If  not,  please  direct  him  to 
report  to  Gov.  Yates  for  duty.  Yours  truly  A.  LIINTCOLIN- 

(over) 

P.S.  Capt.  Todd2  leaves  for  the  West  to-morrow  afternoon;  and, 
being  an  experienced  military  man,  would  bear  and  deliver  any 
despaches  confided  to  him.  A.  L. 

1 ALS,  IHi.  Pope  wrote  Lincoln,  April  20,  "The  Governor  of  Illinois  has 
telegraphed  me  to  go  on  to  Springfield  at  once  to  assist  in  the  organization  & 
equipment  of  the  military  forces  of  the  State.  ...  I  have  therefore  applied  by 
this  mail  .  .  .  for  leave  of  absence  for  one  year.  .  .  .**  (DLC-RTL).  Pope's 
nomination  as  brigadier  general  of  volunteers,  May  17,  was  confirmed  by  the 
Senate  August  5,  1861. 

2  Lockwood  3YL  Todd.  See  Lincoln  to  Ira  P.  Rankin,  April  5,  supra. 


Reply  to  the  Frontier  Guard1 

April  26,  1861 

I  have  desired  as  sincerely  as  any  man — I  sometimes  think  more 
than  any  other  man — that  our  present  difficulties  might  be  settled 
without  the  shedding  of  blood.  I  will  not  say  that  all  hope  is  yet 
gone.  But  if  the  alternative  is  presented,  whether  the  Union  is  to  be 
broken  in  fragments  and  the  liberties  of  the  people  lost,  or  blood 
be  shed,  you  will  probably  make  the  choice,  with  which  I  shall  not 
be  dissatisfied. 

1  New  York  Tribune,  May  i,  1861.  "The  Frontier  Guard,  under  the  corrraiand 
of  Senator  Lane  of  Kansas,  numbering  150,  and  composed  mostly  of  Kansas 
men,  called  on  Mr.  Lincoln  on  Friday.  .  .  .  Mr.  Lincoln  responded  briefly,  con- 
cluding as  follows:"  (ibid.).  This  item  is  misdated  by  Hertz  (II,  830)  April  28, 
and  by  Lapsley  (V,  292)  April  27. 


To  Edward  Bates1 

Executive  Mansion, 
Hon.  Attorney  General,  April  27,   1861 

My  dear  Sir:  I  have  concluded  to  appoint  Lockwood,  (I  think 
you  have  his  Christian  name)  to  the  remaining  Judgeship  in  Ne- 
braska Territory.  He  resides  there.  Please  send  the  commission. 
Yours  truly,  A.  LIKTCOLI^. 

1  Thomas  F.  Madigan,  A  Catalogue  of  lAncolrdana  (1929),  p.  11.  Lincoln  ap- 
pointed "William  F.  Lock-wood  of  Dakota  City,  Nebraska  Territory,  a  native  of 
Ohio  who  had  migrated  to  the  territory  in  1857. 

[345] 


Memorandum:  Appointment  of  John  T.  Bunds1 

Let  the  commission  be  made  out  according  to  the  within  recom- 
mendation. A  LINCOLN 
April  27,  1861 

1  AES,  DNA  RG  60,  Papers  of  the  Attorney  General,  Appointments,  Kansas, 
Box  465,  The  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  Samuel  C.  Pomeroy  and 
James  H.  Lane  to  Lincoln,  April  15,  1861,  recommending  appointment  of  John 
T.  Burris  as  United  States  district  attorney  for  Kansas. 

To  Timothy  Munroe1 

Col.  T.  Monroe  Executive  Mansion 

Comr.  8th.  Reg.  Mass.  V.  M.  April  27.  1861 

Sir:  Yours  in  regard  to  fatigue  dress  for  your  command,  has  been 
received  and  sent  to  the  War  Department,  with  the  expression  of 
my  wish  that  your  request  be  complied  with. 

Allow  me  now  to  tender  you,  and  through  you,  the  officers  and 
men  under  your  command,  my  sincere  thanks  for  the  zeal,  energy 
and  gallantry  generally,  and  especially  for  the  great  efficiency,  in 
opening  the  communication  between  the  North  and  this  city,  dis- 
played by  you  and  them  Yours  truly  A.  LiisrcoLiNr 

1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  Colonel  Timothy  Munroe,  commander  of  the  Eighth  Massa- 
chusetts Volunteer  Militia,  resigned  May  5,  1861,  on  account  of  age.  His  regi- 
ment had  worn  out  their  uniforms  in  repairing  railroad  track  on  their  march 
from  Annapolis  to  Washington. 

Proclamation  of  Blockade1 

April  27,  1861 
By  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America, 

A  Proclamation. 

Whereas,  for  the  reasons  assigned  in  my  Proclamation  of  the 
igth.  instant,  a  blockade  of  the  ports  of  the  States  of  South  Caro- 
lina, Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  Louisiana,  Mississippi  and  Texas, 
was  ordered  to  be  established: 

And  whereas,  since  that  date,  public  property  of  the  United 
States  has  been  seized,  the  collection  of  the  revenue  obstructed,  and 
duly  commissioned  officers  of  the  United  States  while  engaged  in 
executing  the  orders  of  their  superiors  have  been  arrested  and  held 
in  custody  as  prisoners  or  have  been  impeded  in  the  discharge  of 
their  official  duties  without  due  legal  process,  by  persons  claiming 
to  act  under  authorities  of  the  States  of2  Virginia  and  North  Caro- 

[346] 


APRIL      27,       l86l 

lina,  an  efficient  blockade  of  the  ports  of  those  States  will  also  be 
established. 

In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  and  caused 
the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  City  of  Washington,  this  twenty-seventh 

day  of  April,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight 

[L.S.]        hundred  and  sixty  one,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the 

United  States  the  eighty-fifth.  ABRAHAM:   LINCOLN 

By  the  President: 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 

1  DS,  DNA  FS  RG  11,  Proclamations. 

2  "Maryland"  deleted  at  this  point. 

To  Winfield  Scott1 

April  27,  1861 
To  the  Commanding  General  of  the  Army  of  the  United  States: 

You  are  engaged  in  repressing  an  insurrection  against  the  laws  of 
the  United  States.  If  at  any  point  on  or  in  the  vicinity  of  the  [any] 
military  line,  which  is  now  [or  which  shall  be]  used  between  the 
City  of  Philadelphia  and  the  City  of  Washington,  via  Perryville, 
Annapolis  City,  and  Annapolis  Junction,  you  find  resistance  which 
renders  it  necessary  to  suspend  the  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus  for  the 
public  safety,  you,  personally  or  through  the  officer  in  command 
at  the  point  where  the  [at  which]  resistance  occurs,  are  authorized 
to  suspend  that  writ.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

April  27  1861 

1  LS,  is  owned  by  Foreman  M.  Lebold,  Chicago,  Illinois.  In  addition  to  the 
signature  the  number  "27"  in  the  date  line  is  in  Lincoln's  handwriting.  As 
printed  by  Nicolay  and  Hay  (VI,  258)  this  order  lacks  the  phrase  "via  Perry- 
ville, Annapolis  City,  and  Annapolis  Junction,"  and  differs  in  having  the 
variant  phrases  which  are  bracketed  in  the  text. 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

Hon.  Secretary  of  State,  Executive  Mansion 

Dear  Sir:  April  27,  1861 

I  have  concluded  to  appoint  A.  S.  Paddock  of  Nebraska  Territory 
to  be  secretary  of  the  territory.  Please  send  the  commission.  Yours 
truly,  A.  LIISTCOLJNT 

1  Lincoln,  Nebraska,  Sunday  Star,  October  11,  1931.  According  to  the  ac- 
companying article  in  the  Star,  the  original  letter  ".  .  .  for  some  strange  and 
unknown  reason  today  is  found  among  other  old  and  significant  documents  in 
the  Russian  soviet  government's  public  library  in  Leningrad.  .  .  .  Walter  L. 
Locke,  former  editor  of  the  Dayton,  Ohio,  News  .  .  .  chanced  to  see  the  let- 
ter. .  .  ." 

[347] 


To  Whom  It  May  Concern1 

Whom  it  may  concern  Washington  D.C.     April  27.  1861 

The  bearer  of  this,  Hon.  H.  V.  Sullivan  resides,  and  for  a  long 
time  has  resided  at  Quincy,  Illinois,  and  is  a  most  respectable,  and 
trust- worthy  gentleman.  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  CSrnH.  Henry  V.  Sullivan  was  a  former  editor  of  the  Quincy,  Illinois, 
Republican  and  proprietor  of  a  mill  at  Quincy. 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

Hon.  W.  H.  Seward:  Executive  Mansion 

Dear  Sir  April  29.  1861 

If  you  have  no  objection  to  Timothy  G.  Smith  having  one  of  the 
$2000  consulships  remaining  open  in  Russia,  I  have  none.  Yours 
truly  A.  LHNTCOUNT 

1  ALS,  NAuE.  Timothy  C.  Smith  of  Vermont  was  appointed  consul  at 
Odessa. 

To  Caleb  B.  Smith1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  Interior  Executive  Mansion 

Dear  Sir  April  29,  1861 

If  the  Pawnee  Indian  Agency  has  not  already  been  disposed  of, 
send  a  commission  for  it,  in  favor  of  Henry  W.  DePuy,  of  Ne- 
braska Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  ALS,  RPB.  A  forged  tracing  of  this  letter  is  in  the  Huntington  Library. 
Henry  W.  DePuy  was  a  resident  of  Fontenelle,  Dodge  Coimty,  Nebraska  Ter- 
ritory. 

To  Gideon  Welles1 

Hon.  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Executive  Mansion, 

Sir:  April  29.    1861 

You  will  please  to  have  as  strong  a  War  Steamer  as  you  can  con- 
veniently put  on  that  duty,  to  cruise  upon  the  Potomac,  and  to 
look  in  upon,  and,  if  practicable,  examine  the  Bluff  and  vicinity, 
at  what  is  called  the  White  House,  once  or  twice  per  day;  and,  in 
case  of  any  attempt  to  erect  a  battery  there,  to  drive  away  the  party 
attempting  it,  if  practicable;  and,  in  every  event  to  report  daily  to 
your  Department,  and  to  me.  Your  Obt.  Servt.  A.  LINCOLN 

Private  note.  The  above  order  I  make  at  the  suggestion  of  General 
Scott,2  though  the  execution  of  it,  I  believe  is  substantially  what 
you  are  already  doing  A.  L. 

[348] 


APRIL      30,      l86l 

*  ALS-P,  ISLA.  A  forgery  of  this  letter,  addressed  to  General  A.  H.  Terry, 
dated  October  i,  1863,  is  in  the  New  York  Public  Library. 

2  The  suggestion  is  contained  in  Scott's  daily  report,  No.  20,  April  26,  1861 
(DLC-RTL). 


Memorandum  : 

Appointment  of  Stephen  A.  HLirlbut1 

The  writer  of  this  letter  is  especially  worthy  of  attention.  In  any- 
thing further  done  for  Illinois.,  let  him  not  be  neglected. 
April  30,  1861.  A, 


!AES,  DLC-Nicolay  Papers.  Hurlbut  wrote  April  23,  ".  .  .  The  Six  Regi- 
ments of  Illinois  are  more  than  full.  Seventy  Companies  are  rejected  —  mine 
among  them.  .  .  .  We  "will  relieve  the  Regulars  from  the  frontier,  or  act  any 
where  else,  but  we  must  act  or  spoil.  .  .  .**  (I  bid.}.  Hurlbut  was  commis- 
sioned brigadier  general  of  volunteers,  May  17,  1861. 


To  Caleb  B.  Smith1 

Executive  Mansion, 
Secretary  of  the  Interior.  Washington  April  30,  1861. 

Dear  Sir:  Send  Commissions  as  follows:  Register  of  Land  Office 
at  Sante  Fe,  N.M.,  Joel  Houghton,  in  place  of  O.  H.  Perry  Richard- 
son, removed. 

Indian  Agent  at  Sante  Fe3  John  Ward,  in  place  of  Silas  Ken- 
drick,2  removed. 

Indian  Agent,  Ramon  Luna,  in  place  of  John  L.  Russell,3  re- 
moved. 

Indian  Agent,  Jose  Antonio  Maurinares,4  in  place  of  Diego 
Archuletta,  removed. 

If  you  and  Mr.  Dole5  approve  the  above,  let  the  Commissions  he 
sent.  Yours  truly,  A.  LiisrcouNr, 

1  Tracy,  p.    180;  Hertz,   II,  832;  Parke-Bernet  Catalog  1352,  May  27,   1952, 
No.  166.  Tracy  misdates  April  13;  others  give  April  30.  John  S.  Watts  to  Lin- 
coln, April  2,   1861,^  listed   the  New  Mexico  appointments,  for  which  Lincoln 
ordered  commissions*  in  this  letter,  as  ".   .   .  agreed  upon  between  Mr.  Otero  the 
Delegate  of  New  Mexico  and  myself.  .   .   ."    (DLC-RTL).    Smith  to  Lincoln, 
April  29,  indicated  that  "Judge  Watts  is  anxious  to  return  home  &  I  shall  be 
pleased  if  you  will  make  some  local  appointments  upon  his  recommendation. 
.  .  ."  (DLC-RTL). 

2  Watts  lists  "Silas  F.  Kendrick." 

3  "Watts  lists  "John  T.  Russell." 

4  Watts  lists  the  name  as  "Mausinaries,"  and  the  U.  S.  Official  Register^  1861, 
gives  it  as  "Mausinares." 

5  William.  P.  Dole,  commissioner  of  Indian  affairs. 

[349] 


To  Joseph  G.  Totten1 

Executive  Mansion     April  30.  1861 

The  President  will  thank  Gen.  Totten  for  a  brief  interview  with 
him  here. 

1  AL,  EPB.  Joseph  G.  Totten  was  chief  of  engineers  of  the  U.  S.  Army  and 
held  ex-officio  supervision  of  the  U.  S.  Military  Academy  at  West  Point. 

To  Robert  Anderson1 

Major  Robert  Anderson  Washington,  D.C. 

My  dear  Sir  May  i.  1861 

A  few  days  ago  I  caused  an  official  letter  to  be  written  you  through 
the  War  Department,2  expressive  of  the  approbation  and  gratitude 
I  considered  due  you  and  your  command  from  this  Government. 

I  now  write  this,  as  a  purely  private  and  social  letter,  to  say  I 
shall  be  much  gratified  to  see  you  here  at  your  earliest  convenience, 
when  and  where  I  can  personally  testify  my  appreciation  of  your 
services  and  fidelity;  and,  perhaps,  explain  some  things  on  my  part, 
which  you  may  not  have  understood. 

I  shall  also  be  very  glad  to  see  any  of  the  officers  who  served 
with  you  at  Fort  Sumpter,  and  whom  it  might  be  convenient  and 
agreeable  for  you  to  invite  to  accompany  you  here.  Your  Obt.  Servt. 

A.  LiisrcoLiNf 

1  ALS,  DLC- Anderson  Papers. 

2  Cameron  to  Anderson,  April  20,  1861  (OR,  I,  I,  16). 

To  Gustavus  V.  Fox1 

Capt.  G.  V.  Fox  Washington,  D.C. 

My  dear  Sir  May  i,  1861 

I  sincerely  regret  that  the  failure  of  the  late  attempt  to  provision 
Fort-Sumpter,  should  be  the  source  of  any  annoyance  to  you.  The 
practicability  of  your  plan  was  not,  in  fact,  brought  to  a  test.  By 
reason  of  a  gale,  well  known  in  advance  to  be  possible,  and  not  im- 
probable, the  tugs,  an  essential  part  of  the  plan,  never  reached  the 
ground;  while,  by  an  accident,  for  which  you  were  in  no  wise 
responsible,  and  possibly  I,  to  some  extent  was,  you  were  deprived 
of  a  war  vessel  with  her  men,  which  you  deemed  of  great  impor- 
tance to  the  enterprize.2 

I  most  cheerfully  and  truly  declare  that  the  failure  of  the  under- 
taking has  not  lowered  you  a  particle,  while  the  qualities  you 
developed  in  the  effort,  have  greatly  heightened  you,  in  my  estima- 

[350] 


MAY       1  ,       1    8  6  1 

tlon.  For  a  daring  and  dangerous  enterprize,  of  a  similar  character, 
you  would,  to-day,  be  the  man,  of  all  my  acquaintances,  whom  I 
would  select. 

You  and  I  both  anticipated  that  the  cause  of  the  country  -would 
be  advanced  by  making  the  attempt  to  provision  Fort-Sumpter, 
even  if  it  should  fail;  and  it  is  no  small  consolation  now  to  feel 
that  our  anticipation  is  justified  by  the  result.  Very  truly  your 
friend  A 


1  ALS,  MHi. 

2  The  Pou?hatan  had  been  placed  under  command  of  David  D.  Porter  on  se- 
cret orders  (q  v.,  April  i,  supra^).  Fox's  report,  April  19,  1861,  on  the  failure  of 
the  Sumter  expedition,  emphasized  the  storm  of  April  12-13  and  the  expectation 
of  the  arrival  of  the  Poushatan,  "which  was  to  play  a  leading  role  in  the  attempt 
to  relieve  the  fort.  Fox  commented  with,  understandable  bitterness,  "I  learned 
on  the  i3th  instant  that  the  Powhatan  was  withdrawn  from  duty  off  Charleston 
on  the  7th  instant,  yet  I  was  permitted  to  sail  on  the  Qth,  the  Pawnee  on  the 
gth,  and  the  Pocahontas  on  the  loth,  without  intimation  that  the  main  portion  — 
the  fighting  portion  —  of  our  expedition  was  taken  away."  (OR,  I,  I,  11). 

To  Isham  G.  Harris1 

To  His  Excellency  the  Governor  Executive  Department 

of  the  State  of  Tennessee  —  Washington,  D.C. 

Nashville  Tenn.  May  [i    ?]   1861 

Sir:  Yours  of  the  2Qth.  ultimo,  calling  my  attention  to  the  sup- 
posed seizure,  near  Cairo,  Illinois,  of  the  Steamboat  C.  E.  BQllman, 
and  claiming  that  the  said  boat  and  it's  cargo  are  the  property  of 
the  State  of  Tennessee  and  her  citizens;  and  demanding  to  know 
whether  the  seizure  was  made  by  the  authority  of  this  Government, 
or  is  approved  by  it,  is  duly  received. 

In  answer  I  have  to  say  this  Government  has  no  official  informa- 
tion of  such  seizure;2  but  assuming  that  the  seizure  was  made,  and 
that  the  cargo  consisted  chiefly  of  munitions  of  War  owned  by  the 
State  of  Tennessee,  and  passing  into  the  control  of  it's  Governor, 
this  Government  avows  the  seizure,  for  the  following  reasons. 

A  legal  call  was  recently  made  upon  the  said  Governor  of  Ten- 
nessee to  furnish  a  quota  of  militia  to  suppress  an  insurrection 
against  the  United  States,  which  call  said  Governor  responded  to 
by  a  refusal,  couched  in  disrespectful  and  malicious  language.3 
This  Government  therefore  infers  that  munitions  of  War  passing 
into  the  hands  of  said  Governor,  are  intended  to  be  used  against 
the  United  States;  and  the  government  will  not  indulge  the  weak- 
ness of  allowing  it,  so  long  as  it  is  in  it's  power  to  prevent.  This 
Government  will  not,  at  present,  question,  but  that  the  State  of  Ten- 
nessee, by  a  majority  of  it's  citizens,  is  loyal  to  the  Federal  Union, 

[351] 


MAY      1,       l86l 

and  the  government  holds  itself  responsible  in  damages  for  all 
injuries  it  may  do  to  any  who  may  prove  to  be  such. 

1  ADf,  DLC-RTL,.  Governor  Harris'  letter  of  April  29  complained  that  "On 
the  a6th  inst.  the  Steamboat  C.  E.  Hillman  .  .   .  was  seized  ...  by  an  armed 
force  on  the  Steamboat  Swallow.  .  .  .  The  boat  Hillman  was  owned  by  citizens 
of  Tennessee  and  its  cargo  was  the  property  of  this  State.   ...  It  becomes  my 
.  .  .  duty  ...  to  request  that  the  President  shall  inform  me  whether  the  same 
was  done  by  or  under  the  instructions  of  the  Federal  Government,  or  is  ap- 
proved by  said  Government.  .  .  ."   (DLC-RTL). 

2  Governor  Richard  Yates   of   Illinois  had  telegraphed   on   April   24  to    the 
officer  in  command  at  Cairo  to  stop  the  C.  E.  Hillman  and  John  D.  Perry  and 
seize    all    arms    and   munitions.    The    action   was   taken    without    orders    from 
Washington. 

3  Harris  to  Cameron,  April   17,   1861:   "Tennessee  will  not  furnish  a  single 
man  for  purpose  of  coercion,  but  50,000,  if  necessary,  for  the  defense  of  our 
rights  and  those  of  our  Southern  brethren."   (OR,  III,  I,  81). 

Remarks  at  a  Band  Concert1 

May   i,   1861 

Upon  the  President's  making  his  appearance  on  the  portico  of 
the  White  House,  he  was  greeted  -with  the  most  enthusiastic  ap- 
plause from  the  vast  throng  present;  in  response  to  which,  the 
President  made  a  few  remarks,  in  which  he  congratulated  them 
upon  the  prospects  of  a  happy  termination  of  the  present  difficul- 
ties, but  assuring  them  that  the  people  were  more  powerful  in  that 
than  he  himself  was. 

1  Washington  National  Republican^  May  2,  1861.  Lincoln's  remarks  followed 
the  performance  by  the  Seventh  New  York  regimental  band. 

Endorsement  : 
Simon  Cameron  to  Cassius  M.  Clay1 

I  cheerfully  concur  in  the  foregoing  testimonial  given  by  the 
Hon.  Secretary  of  War.  A.  LINCOLN, 

President  of  the  United  States. 
Executive  Mansion,  May  2,  1861. 

1  Cassius  M.  Clay,  The  Life  of  Cassius  Marcellus  Clay;  Memoirs,  Writings, 
and  Speeches,  .  .  .  (Cincinnati,  1886),  p.  269,  Cameron  extended  appreciation 
".  .  .  of  the  very  prompt  and  patriotic  manner  in  which  your  Battalion  was 
organized  for  the  defense  of  the  capital,  .  .  ." 

Remarks  to  Rhode  Island  Marine  Battery1 

May  a,  1861 

The  magnificent  Providence  marine  corps  artillery  .  .  .  passed 
in  review  before  President  Lincoln,  who  expressed  himself  as 

[352] 


MAY      3,       l86l 

much  pleased  with  the  completeness  of  the  battery,  and  with  the 
patriotism  of  the  noble  little  State  which  has  come  out  so  nobly  in 
defence  of  the  Union. 

1  Washington  Daily  National  Intelligencer,  May  3,  1861. 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  State  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  May  2,  1861 

Our  Chicago  detective  has  arrived;  and  I  have  promised  to  have 
you  meet  him  and  me  here  at  8,    o'clock  this  evening.  Yours  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,  NAuE.  Allan  Pinkerton  in  a  letter  from  Chicago,  April  21,  1861, 
offered  his  services  and  sent  a  cipher  code  to  be  used  in  communicating  with 
him.  "In  the  present  disturbed  state  of  affairs  I  dare  not  trust  this  to  the  mails 
so  send  by  one  of  my  force  "who  was  'with  me  at  Baltimore.  .  .  ."  (DLG-R.TL). 
Whether  Pinkerton,  or  his  operative  Timothy  Webster  who  carried  his  mes- 
sages, was  to  meet  Seward,  is  uncertain. 


Proclamation  Calling  for  42,034 

May  3,  1861 
By  the  President  of  the  United  States 

A  Proclamation. 

Whereas  existing  exigencies  demand  immediate  and  adequate 
measures  for  the  protection  of  the  National  Constitution  and  the 
preservation  of  the  National  Union  by  the  suppression  of  the  in- 
surrectionary combinations  now  existing  in  several  States  for  op- 
posing the  laws  of  the  Union  and  obstructing  the  execution  thereof, 
to  which  end  a  military  force  in  addition  to  that  called  forth  by  my 
proclamation  of  the  fifteenth  day  of  April  in  the  present  year,  ap- 
pears to  be  indispensably  necessary, 

Now,  therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  Commander-in-Chief2  of  the  Army  and  Navy  thereof, 
and  of  the  Militia  of  the  several  States,  when  called  into  actual 
service,  do  hereby  call  into  the  service  of  the  United  States,  forty- 
two  thousand  and  thirty  four  volunteers,  to  serve  for  the  period  of 
three  years,  unless  sooner  discharged,  and  to  be  mustered  into  serv- 
ice as  Infantry  and  cavalry.  The  proportions  of  each  arm,  and  the 
details  of  enrollment  and  organization  will  be  made  known, 
through  the  Department  of  War. 

And  I  also  direct  that  the  regular  army  of  the  United  States  be 
increased  by  the  addition  of  eight  regiments  of  infantry,  one  regi- 
ment of  cavalry,  and  one  regiment  of  artillery,  making  altogether 

[353] 


MAY      4,       l86l 

a  maximum  aggregate  increase  of  twenty-two  thousand,  seven 
hundred  and  fourteen  officers  and  enlisted  men;  the  details  of  -which 
increase  will  also  be  made  known  through  the  Department  of  War. 
And  I  further  direct  the  enlistment  for  not  less  than  one  or  more 
than  three  years,  of  eighteen  thousand  seamen,  in  addition  to  the 
present  force,  for  the  naval  service  of  the  United  States.  The  details 
of  the  enlistment  and  organization  will  be  made  known  through  the 
Department  of  the  Navy. 

The  call  for  volunteers  hereby  made,  and  the  direction  for  the 
increase  of  the  regular  army,  and  for  the  enlistment  of  seamen 
hereby  given,  together  with  the  plan  of  organization  adopted  for 
the  volunteer  and  for  the  regular  forces  hereby  authorized,  will 
be  submitted  to  Congress  as  soon  as  assembled. 

In  the  meantime  I  earnestly  invoke  the  cooperation  of  all  good 
citizens  in  the  measures  hereby  adopted,  for  the  effectual  suppres- 
sion of  unlawful  violence,  for  the  impartial  enforcement  of  con- 
stitutional laws,  and  for  the  speediest  possible  restoration  of  peace 
and  order  and,  with  these,  of  happiness  and  prosperity  throughout 
our  country.  * 

In  testimony  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and 
caused  the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed.  Done  at 
[L.S.]       the  City  of  Washington  this  third  day  of  May,  in  the  year 
of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-one, 
and  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States  the  eighty- 
fifth.  ABRAHAM  LirrcoLiNr 
By  the  President: 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 

1  DS,  DNA  FS  RG  11,  Proclamations;  DfS,  DLC-RTX. 

2  The  draft  in  the  Lincoln  Papers  shows   Lincoln's   emendation   of  the   re- 
mainder of  this  sentence  to  its  final  form.  The  original  reading  was:   ".   .   .   of 
the  Army  and  Navy  forces  do  hereby  call  into  service  of  the  United  States  .  .  ." 

Memorandum : 

Appointment  of  Andrew  W.  Evans1 

The  appointment  within  requested  ought  to  be  made  if  prac- 
ticable A.  LirccoLisr 

May  4,  1861 

1  AES,  IHi.  The  endorsement  appears  on  the  letter  dated  May  3,  1861,  from 
Alexander  Evans,  ex-congressman  (1847-1853)  of  Elkton,  Maryland,  asking 
that  his  "brother,  Lieutenant  Andrew  W.  Evans,  stationed  at  Fort  Buchanan, 
New  Mexico,  be  promoted  to  a  colonelcy  in  one  of  the  new  regular  regiments. 
Andrew  "W".  Evans  was  promoted  to  captain  May  14,  1861,  becoming  colonel 
of  the  First  Maryland  Volunteers,  April  15,  1864. 

[354] 


To  Charles  S.  Olden1 

His  Excellency  Charles  S.  Olden  Washington  D.C. 

Govr.  of  the  State  of  New- Jersey  May  4,  1861 

My  dear  Sir:  Yours  of  the  sgth.  ult.  covering  copy  of  a  letter  of  E. 
R.  V.  Wright  Major  General  of  2nd.  Div.  N.J.S.  Militia,  tendering 
the  services  of  said  Division  to  the  United  States,  to  continue  as 
long  as  the  President  may  require  such  services"  has  been  duly 
received. 

I  lose  no  time  in  tendering  you,  and  through  you,  General  Wright 
and  all  the  officers  and  men  of  his  Division^  my  sincere  and  hearty 
thanks  for  the  part  each  takes  in  this  patriotic  effort, 

I  shall  send  the  papers  immediately  to  the  War  Department  with 
the  recommendation  that  Gen.  Wright's  Division  be  at  once  re- 
ceived into  the  new  corp's  of  Volunteers,  for  which  a  call,  by  Proc- 
lamation appears  to-day.  Your  Obt.  Servt.  A.  Liisrcoi^sr 

1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  See  Inn  coin's  endorsement,  infra. 

Endorsement:  Charles  S.  Olden  to  Lincoln1 

I  recommend  that  the  Division  named  within  be  admitted  into 
the  new  Corps  of  Volunteers  just  called  for.  A.  LINCOUNT* 

May  4,  1861. 

1  Stan.  V.  Henkels  Catalog  1379,  October  15,  1925,  No.  31.  Governor  Olden's 
letter  of  April  29,  1861,  enclosed  a  communication  from  Major  General  Ed- 
win R.  V.  Wright,  ".  .  .  the  object  of  which  is  to  inform  you  through  me  that 
the  officers  of  the  division  have  unanimously  resolved  to  tender  to  you  the  serv- 
ices of  the  said  division."  (OR,  III,  I,  130). 

To  Winfield  Scott1 

CoL  Lander  is  a  valuable  man  to  us.  Will  Genl.  Scott  see  him  a 
few  minutes,  and  consider  the  feasability  of  his  plan? 

May  4,  1861.  A,  LmcoLisr 

1  AES,  IHi.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  on  the  back  of  Se ward's  letter  of  May 
2,  1861,  recommending  Colonel  Frederick  W.  Lander's  project  of  raising  a 
regiment  of  Virginia  volunteers.  Lander  was  appointed  brigadier  general  of 
volunteers,  May  17,  1861. 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  State  Executive  Mansion 

Dear  Sir  May  4.   1861 

The  Maryland  Committee  men,  or  Commissioners,  are  to  be 
here  at  ten  o'clock  this  morning.  Yours  truly  A.  LIISTCOXJNT 

NAuE. 

[355] 


Reply  to  Committee  from  Maryland  Legislature1 

May  4,  1861 

The  President  replied  that  their  suggestions  and  representations 
should  be  duly  considered;  but  that  he  should  now  say  no  more 
than  [that]  the  public  interest  and  not  any  spirit  of  revenge  should 
actuate  his  measures. 

*  Washington  Daily  National  Intelligencer,  May  7,  1861.  The  committee  had 
"...  expressed  their  belief  that  no  immediate  effort  at  secession  or  resistance 
.  .  .  would  be  attempted  .  .  .  and  asked  that  .  .  .  the  State  ...  be  spared  the 
evils  of  a  Tn.ilj.tary  occupation  or  a  revengeful  chastisement  for  former  trans- 
gressions." See  Lincoln  to  Otho  Scott,  Robert  M.  McLane,  and  William  J.  Ross, 
May  6,  infra. 

To  Gideon  Welles1 

My  dear  Sir.  May  4,  1861 

I  understand  there  is  a  vacancy  in  the  Staff  of  Marine  Corps,,  Ad- 
jutant and  Inspector,  and  that  Lieut.  Nicholson  of  the  Marine 
Corps,  is  well  recommended  for  the  place,  by  GenL  Scott,  among 
others.  If  all  this  be  true,  let  him  be  appointed.  Yours  truly 

A. 


1  Stan.  V.  Henkels  Catalog  1342,  January  4,  1924,  No,  13.  Augustus  S.  Nichol- 
son -was  appointed  adjutant  and  inspector  of  the  Marine  Corps  with  rank  of 
major,  May  6,  1861. 

To  Joseph  H.  Barrett1 

Hon.  Com.  of  Pensions  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  May  6,  1861 

I  understand  there  is  a  clerkship  vacant  by  the  resignation  of  a 
Mr.  Woodley.2  If  so,  I  will  be  personally  obliged  if  you  will  give 
it  to  the  bearer  of  this  —  Albert  I.  Brooks,3  formerly  of  111.  now  of 
Ky.  I  am  an  ....  on  this;  and  if  Mr.  Smith4  has  to  make  the  ap- 
pointment, procure  him  to  make  it  for  me  Yours  truly 

A. 


1  Copy,  ISLA.  The  copy  is  obviously  inaccurate,  but  efforts  to  procure  a 
photostat  have  failed.  2  W.  H.  Woodley  of  Virginia. 

3  Albert  I.  Brooks  formerly  of  Petersburg,  Illinois,  received  the  appointment. 

4  The  pension  office  was  under  Caleb  B.  Smith,  secretary  of  Interior. 

To  Salmon  E  Chase1 

Executive  Mansion,  May  6,  1861. 

My  dear  Sir:  Mr.  French  S.  Evans,  the  bearer  of  this,  thinks 
there  is  an  appraisership  still  vacant  at  Baltimore,  and  if  so,  I  very 
sincerely  wish  you  would  give  it  to  him.  I  have  been  greatly  —  I 

[356] 


MAY      6,       l86l 

may  say  grievously — disappointed  and  disobliged  by  Mr.  Cork- 
ran's2  refusal  to  make  Mr.  Evans  deputy  naval  officer,  as  I  re- 
quested him  to  do. 

A  point  must  be  strained  to  give  Mr.  Evans  a  situation.  Yours 
very  truly,  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  NH,  VI,  266.  On  April  13,  Chase  liad  recommended  French  S.  Evans,  for- 
merly editor  of  the  Baltimore  Patriot,  who  had  been  driven  out  of  Baltimore 
"because  of  his  Union  sympathy   (DLC-RTL).  Evans  is  listed  as  deputy  naval 
officer  at  Baltimore  as  of  September  30,  1861. 

2  Francis  S.  Corkran,  appointed  naval  officer  at  Baltimore,  April  15,  1861.  See 
Lincoln  to  Corkran,  infra. 

To  Salmon  E  Chase1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  Treasury2  Executive  Department 

Dear  Sir  May  6,  1861 

The  Secretary  of  State  this  moment  introduces  to  me  Mr.  James 
Gordon  Bennett,  Jr.  who  tenders  to  the  U.S.  service,  a  fine  Yacht 
of  160  tons  burthen.  If  you  allow  him  an  interview,  "which  I  ask 
for  him,  he  will  talk  with  you  about  putting  some  other  vessels  of 
the  same  class,  into  the  service.  We  send  this  subject  to  you  be- 
cause we  believe  these  vessels  may  be  made  most  available  in  the 
Revenue  service.  Yours  truly,  A.  LiisrcoLisr 

*  ALS,  DNA  FI  RG  26,  General  Records,  U.S.  Coast  Guard.  The  son  of  the 
editor  of  the  New  York  Herald  was  commissioned  third  lieutenant  in  the  revenue 
cutter  service,  May  15,  1861,  and  resigned  his  commission  when  his  yacht 
Henrietta  was  taken  out  of  the  service  after  a  year. 

2  "Navy"  as  first  written,  and  "Treasury"  substituted  by  Lincoln. 

To  Francis  S.  Corkran1 

Hon.  F.  S.  Corkran  Washington  D.C. 

My  dear  Sir  May  6,  1861 

I  am  quite  sure  you  are  not  aware  how  much  I  am  disobliged  by 
the  refusal  to  give  Mr.  F.  S.  Evans  a  place  in  the  Custom-House.  I 
had  no  thought  that  the  men  to  whom  I  had  given  the  higher  of- 
ficers [sic]  would  be  so  ready  to  disoblige  me.  I  still  wish  you 
would  give  Mr.  Evans  the  place  of  Deputy  Naval  Officer.  Yours  &c. 

A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  IHi.  See  "Lincoln  to  Chase,  supra. 

To  Hannibal  Hamlin1 

Hon.  H.  Hamlin  Washington,  D.C.  May  6,  1861 

My  dear  Sir  Please  advise  me  at  the  close  of  each  day  what 
troops  left  during  the  day,  where  going,  and  by  what  route;  what 

[357] 


MAY      6,      l86l 

remaining  at  N.Y,  and  -what  expected  in  the  next  day.  Give  the 
numbers,  as  near  as  convenient,  and  what  corps  they  are.  This  in- 
formation, reaching  us  daily,  will  be  very  useful,  as  well  as  satis- 
factory. [Yours  very  truly,  A.  LINCOLN.] 

1 ALS,  CSmH.  The  letter  bears  Hamlin's  endorsement,  April,  1889,  that  he 
had  cut  off  the  close  and  signature.  Hamlin  to  Lincoln,  Hampden,  Maine,  May 
11,  1861,  explained  that  he  had  remained  in  New  York  two  weeks  without 
hearing  from  Lincoln.  "I  left  there  and  reached  home  last  eve,  where  I  reed 
your  note  of  the  6th.  ...  I  will  at  once  repair  to  N.Y.  or  to  any  place  .  .  . 
and  perform  as  well  as  I  can  that  or  any  other  service  you  may  require.  .  .  ." 
(DLC-RTL). 


To  Otho  Scott,  Robert  M.  McLane, 
and  William  J.  Ross1 

Messrs.  Otho  Scott     R.  M.  McLane  &  Washington  B.C. 

Win.  J.  Ross.  Commissioners  of  the  Legislature        May  6,  1861. 
of  the  State  of  Maryland. 

Gentlemen  On  presenting  me  the  resolution  of  the  Legislature 
of  your  State,  and  addressing  me  verbally,  two  days  ago,  you  had 
the  kindness  to  say  you  did  not  expect  an  immediate  answer.  Ap- 
preciating what  you  said  orally,  I,  however,  attempt  no  answer  ex- 
cept to  what  is  written  in  the  resolution. 

The  resolution  is  as  follows  (Here  insert  it)2 

To  the  question  "in  regard  to  the  present  and  any  proposed  pro- 
spective Military  use  or  occupation  of  the  soil  and  property  of  the 
State,  by  the  General  Government  &c"  the  answer  must  necessarily 
be  contingent. 

1  ADf,  DLC-B.TL.  The  letter  was  apparently  never  completed.  See  the  re- 
port of  Lincoln's  oral  reply,  May  4,  supra. 

2  The  resolution  in  the  Lincoln  Papers  reads  in  part  as  follows:  ".  .  .  to  com- 
municate immediately,  in  person,  with  the  President  of  the  United  States  in 
regard  to  the  present  and  any  proposed  prospective  Military  use  or  occupation 
of  the  soil  and  property  of  the  State  by  the  General  Government;  and  they  are 
directed  to  ascertain  and  report  to  the  General  assembly  .  .  .  whether  any  be- 
coming arrangements  with  the  General  Government  are  practicable  in  that 
connexion,  for  the  maintenance  of  the  peace  and  honor  of  the  State,  and  the 
security  of  its  inhabitants." 


To  William  EL  Seward1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  State  Executive  Mansion  May  6.  1861 

My  dear  Sir  Gen.  Cameron  is  anxious  that  E.  Joy  Morris  shall 
be  Minister  to  Constantinople;  and  if  Gen.  Webb  has  definitely  de- 
clined it,  why  might  not  Mr  Morris  be  appointed?  Pennsylvania 

[358] 


MAY       7,       l86l 

is  well  entitled  to  the  place,  and  Gen.  C.  thinks  there  Is  political 
reason  for  the  appointment  being  made  at  once.  Your  Obt.  Servt. 

A. 


1  ALS,  NAuE.  Representative  Edward  Joy  Morris  of  Philadelphia  was 
appointed  minister  to  Turke3r,  June  8,  1861.  James  \V.  Webb  of  New  York  be- 
came minister  to  Brazil. 


Order  to  Robert  Anderson1 

May  7,  1861 
To  all  who  shall  see  these  presents  greeting: 

Know  Ye,  That  reposing  special  trust  and  confidence  in  the  pa- 
triotism, valor.,  fidelity,  and  abilities  of  Colonel  ROBERT  AZSTDERSO:?*., 
U.S.  Army,  I  have  empowered  him  and  do  hereby  empower  him 
to  receive  into  the  Service  of  the  United  States,  as  many  regiments 
of  volunteer  troops  from  the  State  of  Kentucky  and  from  the  West- 
ern part  of  the  State  of  Virginia,  as  shall  be  willing  to  engage  in 
the  service  of  the  United  States  for  the  period  of  three  years,  upon 
the  terms  and  according  to  the  plan  proposed  by  the  Proclamation 
of  May  3,  1861,  and  General  Order,  No.  15,  from  the  War  Depart- 
ment of  May  4,  1861. 

The  troops  whom  he  may  receive  shall  be  on  the  same  footing  in 
every  respect  as  those  of  the  like  kind  called  for  in  the  proclama- 
tion above  cited,  except  that  the  officers  thereof  shall  be  commis- 
sioned by  the  United  States. 

He  is,  therefore,  carefully  and  diligently  to  discharge  the  duty 
hereby  devolved  upon  him  by  doing  and  performing  all  manner  of 
things  thereunto  belonging. 

Given  under  my  hand  at  the  City  of  Washington,  this  seventh 
day  of  May,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred 
and  sixty-one,  and  in  the  eighty-fifth  year  of  the  Independence  of 
the  United  States.  ABRAHAM:  Liisrcou* 

By  the  President, 

SIMON  CAivcEROisr      Secretary  of  "War. 

1  DS,  DLC-  Anderson  Papers.  Major  Robert  Anderson  was  promoted  to  "briga- 
dier general,  June  17,  1861.  His  designation  as  colonel  in  this  order  may  refer 
to  His  brevet  rank. 

To  Salmon  E  Chase1 

Hon.  Secretary  of  Treasury.       Executive  Mansion,  May  7,  1861. 

My  dear  Sir;  You  may  remember  that  John  S.  Gallaher,  a 
worthy  Virginia  gentleman,  has  been  and  is  an  applicant  for  an 

[359] 


MAY      7,      l86l 

Auditorship  in  your  Department.  He  now  writes  a  friend  here  that 
he  understands  that  the  place  of  5th  Auditor  has  been  made  vacant 
by  the  resignation  of  a  North  Carolinian.  If  this  is  true,  might  not 
Mr.  Gallaher  have  the  place?  Yours  truly,  A. 


1  Tracy,  p.  182.  John  C.  Underwood  of  Virginia  received  the  appointment.  John 
S.  Gallaher  is  not  of  record  as  a  federal  employee  until  the  U.S.  Official  Reg- 
ister lists  him  as  a  clerk  in  the  quartermaster  general's  office,  September  30, 
1863. 

To  the  Regent  Captains 
of  the  Republic  of  San  Marino1 

May  7,   1861 
Abraham  Lincoln, 
President  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

To  the  Regent  Captains  of  the  Republic  of  San  Marino 
Great  and  Good  Friends 

I  have  received  and  read  with  great  sensibility  the  letter  which 
as  Regent  Captains  of  the  Republic  of  San  Marino  you  addressed  to 
me  on  the  2Qth  of  March  last.  I  thank  the  Council  of  San  Marino 
for  the  honor  of  citizenship  they  have  conferred  upon  me. 

Although  your  dominion  is  small,  your  State  is  nevertheless  one 
of  the  most  honored,  in  all  history.  It  has  by  its  experience 
demonstrated  the  truth,  so  full  of  encouragement  to  the  friends 
of  Humanity,  that  Government  founded  on  Republican  prin- 
ciples is  capable  of  being  so  administered  as  to  be  secure  and 
enduring. 

You  have  kindly  adverted  to  the  trial  through  which  this  Re- 
public is  now  passing.  It  is  one  of  deep  import.  It  involves  the 
question  whether  a  Representative  republic,  extended  and  aggran- 
dized so  much  as  to  be  safe  against  foreign  enemies  can  save 
itself  from,  the  dangers  of  domestic  faction.  I  have  faith  in  a  good 
result. 

Wishing  that  your  interesting  State  may  endure  and  flourish 
forever,  and  that  you  may  live  long  and  enjoy  the  confidence  and 
secure  the  gratitude  of  your  fellow  citizens,  I  pray  God  to  have 
you  in  his  holy  keeping.  Your  Good  Friend 

Washington,  May  7  1861  ABRAHAM:  LINCOLN 

By  the  President 

WIIJLIAM  H.  SEWARB  Secretary  of  State 

1  L.S-P,  ISLA;  copy,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Communications  to  Foreign  Sovereigns 
and  States,  III,  173.  The  original  is  presumably  still  in  the  archives  of  San 
Marino. 

[360] 


To  Gideon  Welles1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  Navy  Executive  Mansion 

Dear  Sir  May  7,  ±86 ± 

Lieut.  McLaughlin,  of  the  Navy  calls  upon  me  saying  he  ten- 
dered you  his  resignation,  which  has  not  yet  been  accepted,  and 
which  he  now  wishes  to  withdraw,  and  that  you  refer  him  to  me. 
I  can  not  take  the  lead  in  the  case.  You  know  the  circumstances, 
which  I  do  not;  and  if  you  think  fit  to  allow  him  to  withdraw  the 
resignation,  I  make  no  objection;  but  I  can  not  take  the  lead.  Yours 
truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1 ALS,  The  Rosenbach  Company,  Philadelphia  and  New  York.  Augustus 
McLaughlin,  a  native  of  Maryland  and  appointed  from  Arkansas,  was  not  per- 
mitted to  withdraw  his  resignation.  The  Naval  Records  have  him  at  a  later  date 
in  the  Confederate  Navy. 


To  Joseph  H.  Barrett1 

Executive  Mansion 
Hon.  Coror.  of  Pensions,  May-  8.  ±86 1 

My  dear  Sir  Once  more  I  ask  you  to  find  a  clerkship  for  a  man 
of  your  own  name — O.  D.  Barret,  of  Oswego  Co  New- York. 
Yours  truly  A.  LIT^TCOLK 

1  AJLS-F,  Munsey's  Magazine ,  March,  1895,  XII,  591.  Oliver  D.  Barrett  is 
listed  as  clerk  in  the  Pension  office  as  of  September  30,  1861. 

To  Salmon  E  Chase1 

Executive  Mansion,  May  8,  1861. 

My  dear  Sir:  I  am  told  there  is  an  office  in  your  department 
called  "The  Superintending  Architect  of  the  Treasury  Department, 
connected  with  the  Bureau  of  Construction,"  which  is  now  held 
by  a  man  of  the  name  of  Young,2  and  wanted  by  a  gentleman  of 
the  name  of  Christopher  Adams. 

Ought  Mr.  Young  to  be  removed,  and  if  yea,  ought  Mr.  Adams 
to  be  appointed?  Mr.  Adams  is  magnificently  recommended;  but 
the  great  point  in  his  favor  is  that  Thurlow  Weed  and  Horace  Gree- 
ley  join  in  recommending  him.  I  suppose  the  like  never  happened 
before,  and  never  will  again;  so  that  it  is  now  or  never.  What  say 
you?  Yours  truly,  A.  LINCOLN. 

1 NH,  VI,  268-69.  Lincoln's  endorsement  on  envelope  reads  "Christopher 
Adams,  of/N.Y.  for/Bureau  of  Construction."  A  scrap  of  envelope  endorsed, 
not  in  Lincoln's  hand,  "Christopher  Adams./Architect  &  Builder/  of  New  York. 
Bureau  of  Construction**  and  "bearing  on  the  verso,  Lincoln's  endorsement  "Rec- 

[361] 


MAY      8,       l86l 

ommended  by   both/Weed  &   Greely"  is    in  the   Lincoln  Papers,   but  the  let- 
ters of  Greeley  and  Weed  are  not. 

2  A-m-mi  B.  Young,  supervising  architect,  still  held  the  office  as  of  September 
30,  1861. 

To  James  W.  Ripley1 

Col.  Ripley:  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  May  8,  1861 

Hon.  Mr,  Colfax  impresses  me  with  the  necessity  of  very  early 
attention  to  placing  arms,  artillery  &c,  along  the  Ohio  River,  par- 
ticularly on  the  borders  of  Indiana  and  Illinois.  Of  course  you  un- 
derstand this  subject  better  than  I;  and  therefore  this  is  to  be  taken 
as  a  general  suggestion,  and,  in  no  sense  as  dictation.  Yours  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,  IHi.  Colonel  James  "W.  Ripley  was  chief  of  ordnance,  U.S.  Army,  pro- 
moted to  brigadier  general  by  brevet,  July  2,  1861. 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

I  understand  the  consulship  named  within  has  fees  only,  &  if  so, 
I  think  the  appointment  might  be  made.  A.  LINCOLN 

May  8,  1861, 

1  AES,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  329.  The  endorsement  is  written 
on  the  back  of  Roderick  "W.  Cameron  to  Lincoln,  May  8,  1861,  endorsed  also  by 
Winfield  Scott,  asking  the  consulship  at  Sydney,  Australia,  for  Edward  Leaven- 
worth,  secretary  of  Columbia  College,  New  York  City.  Roderick  "W.  Cameron 
was  a  Canadian  merchant  at  New  York,  operating  a  line  of  ships  to  Australia. 


To  William  B.  Thomas1 

Hon.  W.  B.  Thomas.  Washington,  B.C. 

Collector  May  8.  1861 

My  dear  Sir  I  do  not  demand.,  or  insist.,  even,  that  you  shall 
make  any  appointment  in  your  office;  but  I  would  be  much  obliged 
if  you  could  give  a  place  to  [blank]  Ridgeway,2  or  to  such  person 
as  a  widow  sister  of  his — a  Mrs.  Corneau3 — would  name.  It  is  for 
her  sake  I  make  this  request,  she  being  an  acquaintance  and  very 
highly  valued  friend  of  mine.  Yours  very  truly  A.  Lirreousr 

1  ALS,  PHi.  William  B.  Thomas,  was  collector  of  the  customs  office  at  Phila- 
delphia. 

2  Charles  S.  Bidgeway  was  clerk  in  the  custom  house  at  Philadelphia  as  of 
September  30,  1861. 

3  Mrs.  Charles  S.  Corneau    (Elizabeth  Bidgeway),  of  Springfield,  Illinois. 

[362] 


To  Gideon  Welles1 

Hon.  Gideon  Welles.  Executive  Mansion, 

My  dear  Sir  May  8,  1861. 

I  understand  that  there  is  some  opposition  to  the  appointment  of 
Capt.  G.  V.  Fox  to  the  clerkship  we  talked  of.  My  wish,  and  advice 
is,  that  you  do  not  allow  any  ordinary  obstacle  prevent  his  appoint- 
ment. He  is  a  live  man,  wrhose  services  we  cannot  well  dispense 
with.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LiisrcoiJNr. 

1  Hertz,  II,  834.  Gustavus  V.  Fox  was  appointed  chief  clerk  of  the  Navy  De- 
partment, May  8,  1861,  and  became  assistant  secretary  of  the  Navy  by  a  bill 
introduced  in  the  Senate  creating  the  office,  July  16. 

To  Gideon  Welles1 

May  8,  1861. 

Please  send  up  papers  (Commission  I  believe)  for  Samuel  Bell  as 
Navy  Agent,  at  San  Francisco.  Yours  truly  A.  LusrcoLisr. 

1  Stan.  V.  Henkels  Catalog  1342,  January  4,  1924,  No.  9.  See  Lincoln  to 
Welles,  April  15,  supra,  concerning  Bell's  appointment.  Bell's  appointment  was 
not  made. 

To  Salmon  P.  Chase1 

Executive  Mansion,  May  9,  1861. 

My  dear  Sir:  Mr.  James  N.  Muller  wishes  to  be  supervising  in- 
spector of  steamboats  for  the  district  of  Baltimore.  I  am  somewhat 
interested  for  him,  and  as  the  place  is  in  your  department,  if  you 
will  look  into  the  question  of  his  qualification  for  the  place,  and 
shall  be  satisfied  with  him,  I  will  appoint  him, — no  matter  how 
soon.  Yours  truly,  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  NH,  VI,  269.  Chase  replied  May  9,  "The  inquiries  necessary  to  ascertain 
the  fitness  of  Mr.  Muller  .  .  .  shall  be  immediately  made."  (DLC-BTL,).  See 
Lincoln  to  Chase,  May  31,  infra.  Muller  received  the  appointment,  was  con- 
firmed by  the  Senate,  reconsidered,  and  then  rejected  on  August  6,  1861.  Nom- 
inated again  January  16,  1862,  he  "was  confirmed  March  19,  1862. 

To  Salmon  P.  Chase1 

Executive  Mansion,  May  10,  1861. 

My  dear  Sir:  I  have  felt  myself  obliged  to  refuse  the  post-office 
at  this  place  to  my  old  friend  Nathan  Sargent,  which  wounds  him, 
and  consequently  me,  very  deeply.  He  now  says  there  is  an  office 
in  your  department,  called  the  "Commissioner  of  Customs/'  which 

[363] 


MAY      1   O,       l86l 

the  incumbent,  a  Mr.  Ingham,  wishes  to  vacate.  I  will  be  much 
obliged  if  you  agree  for  me  to  appoint  Mr.  Sargent  to  this  place. 
Yours  very  truly,  A.  LirsrcoLisr. 

1  NH,  VI,  269.  Sargent  received  the  place  of  commissioner  of  customs  va- 
cated "by  Samuel  Ingham  of  Connecticut. 

Endorsement:   Mark  W.  Delahay  to  Lincoln1 

[May  10,  1861] 
Come  at  8.  Saturday  evening.          LINCOLN 

3-AES,  The  Rosenbach  Company,  Philadelphia  and  New  York.  "Written  on 
the  back  of  a  note  from  Delahay,  May  ±o,  1861,  requesting  an  interview  on 
matters  "of  great  importance  to  our  People  and  myself." 

To  Thomas  H.  Hicks1 

His  Excellency  Washington,  D.C. 

T.  H.  Hicks  May  10.  1861 

My  dear  Sir  Yours  of  the  8th.  is  received,  and  shall  have  the 
best  attention  I  can  bestow  upon  it.  Yours  very  truly 

A.  LusrcouN* 

1  ALS,  IHi.  Governor  Hicks*  letter  of  May  8,  1861,  asked  federal  interven- 
tion in  the  seizure  of  the  customs  house  at  Oxford,  Maryland,  and  of  canal  boats 
with  produce  for  Georgetown  and  Maryland  (DLG-Nicolay  Papers).  Appar- 
ently there  was  another  letter  from  Hicks  on  May  10,  which  Lincoln  endorsed 
and  sent  to  the  Treasury  Department.  Although  the  Register  of  Miscellaneous 
Letters,  Vol.  32,  P6  (DNA  RG  56),  lists  the  letter  from  Hicks,  May  10,  endorsed 
by  Lincoln,  the  letter  is  missing  from  the  file. 

Proclamation 
Suspending  Writ  of  Habeas  Corpus  in  Florida1 

May  10,  1861 
By  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

A  Proclamation. 

Whereas,  an  insurrection  exists  in  the  State  of  Florida,  by  which 
the  lives,  liberty  and  property  of  loyal  citizens  of  the  United  States 
are  endangered: 

And  whereas  it  is  deemed  proper  that  all  needful  measures 
should  be  taken  for  the  protection  of  such  citizens,  and  all  officers 
of  the  United  States  in  the  discharge  of  their  public  duties,  in  the 
State  aforesaid: 

Now  therefore  be  it  known  that  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President 
of  the  United  States,  do  hereby  direct  the  Commander  of  the  Forces 
of  the  United  States  on  the  Florida  coast,  to  permit  no  person  to 

[364] 


MAY      10,       l86l 

exercise  any  office  or  authority  upon  the  Islands  of  Key  West,  the 
Tortugas  and  Santa  Rosa,  which  may  be  inconsistent  with  the  laws 
&  constitution  of  the  United  States,  authorizing  him  at  the  same 
time,  if  he  shall  find  it  necessary,  to  suspend  there  the  writ  of  Ha- 
beas Corpus  and  to  remove  from  the  vicinity  of  the  United  States 
fortresses  all  dangerous  or  suspected  persons. 

In  witness  -whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  and  caused 
the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed, 

Done  at  the  City  of  Washington,  this  tenth  day  of  May 

in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 

[L.S.]        sixty-one,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States 

the  eighty-fifth.  ABRAHAM  LiisrcoLisr 

By  the  President: 

WILLIAM:  EL  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 
1  DS,  DNA  FS  RG  11,  Proclamations. 

To  William  Sprague1 

Executive  Mansion  May  10.  1861 
His  Excellency  Gov.  Wm.  Sprague 

My  dear  Sir:  I  think  I  had  a  letter  from  you  some  time  ago 
naming  a  person  whom  you  would  like  to  have  appointed  PJYL  at 
Providence,  R.I.  and  day-before  yesterday,  a  gentleman  urged  the 
name  of  Thomas  A.  Doyle,  as  being  the  man  whom  you  would  like 
to  have  appointed.  I  write  this  now  to  assure  you  that  while  your 
wishes  in  this  respect,  are  entitled  to,  and  have  received  the  highest 
consideration,  there  is  a  difficulty,  such  as  I  have  not  surmounted  in 
any  other  case.  It  is  that  a  different  man  —  Walter  C.  Simmons2  — 
is  recommended  by  both  the  Senators,  and  both  the  old  Representa- 
tives of  the  State,  and  also  by  one  of  the  new  Representatives. 

In  these  cases  the  Executive  is  obliged  to  be  greatly  dependent 
upon  members  of  Congress;  and  while,  under  peculiar  circum- 
stances, a  single  member  or  two,  may  be  occasionally  over-ruled,  I 
believe  as  strong  a  combination  as  the  present  never  has  been. 

I  therefore  beg  you  to  be  assured  that  if  I  follow  the  rule  in  this 
case,  as  it  appears  to  me  I  must,  it  will  be  -with  pain  and  not  with 
pleasure,  that  you  are  not  obliged. 


f,  DLC-RTL.  Governor  Sprague  of  Rhode  Island  was  in  Washington 
on  May  ±o  and  answered  the  same  day  that  his  letter  recommending  Thomas  A. 
Doyle,  who  later  married  Sprague's  sister,  ".  .  .  was  written  long  before  the 
present  crisis.  I  have  refused  since  then,  to  interfere  with  any  appointments 
....  I  beg  you  to  feel  no  unpleasantness  for  the  course  which  your  duty  com- 
pells  you  to  take.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL). 

2  Walter  C.  Simmons  was  the  son  of  Senator  James  F.  Simmons. 

[365] 


To  Lorenzo  Thomas1 

Adjutant  General  Executive  Mansion 

My  Dear  Sir:  May  10,  1861 

Mr.  O.  Pullizi,2  as  I  understand,  was  once  in  the  regular  Army, 
and  resigned  under  some  charges,  of  which  you  probably  know 
more  than  I  do.  He  now  wishes  to  re-enter  the  Army;  and  if  it  vio- 
lates no  rule  of  law  or  propriety  I  shall  be  glad  for  him  to  be 
obliged  in  that  respect.  Yours  truly,  A. 


1  Copy,  CSmH.  Lorenzo  Thomas  was  promoted  to  adjutant  general  March  7, 
1861. 

2  The  source  is  probably  in  error  as  to  the  initial.  The  only  Pullizi  of  record 
in  the  Army  Registers  is  Venerando  Pulizzi,  who  was  reinstated  with  rank  of 
first  lieutenant,  May  14,  1861,  and  resigned  again  September  9,  1861. 

To  Edward  Bates1 

Hon.  Attorney  General  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  May  11,  1861 

Please  send  me  a  commission  for  Phineas  W.  Hitchcock,  as 
Marshal  of  Nebraska.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LIISTCOLIST 

!ALS,  DNA  GE  RG  60,  Papers  of  Attorney  General,  Segregated  Lincoln 
Material. 

To  Gideon  Welles1 

Hon.  Gideon  Welles.  Executive  Mansion, 

My  dear  Sir  May  11,  1861. 

Some  time  ago,  at  the  request  of  Commander  E.  B.  Boutwell,  I 
asked  you  to  look  into  the  case  of  his  suspension,  and  ascertain 
whether  he  might  not,  without  inconsistency,  be  relieved  from  the 
remainder  of  his  suspension.  I  am  now  informed  that  his  case  is  not 
yet  acted  upon.  I  make  no  complaint  of  this,  knowing  you  are  over- 
whelmed with  business;  but  I  will  be  obliged  if  you  will  attend  to 
it  as  soon  as  possible.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  Hertz,  II,  834.  In  June,  1858,  Edward  B.  Boutwell  of  Virginia  had  been 
found  guilty  of  disobedience  to  lawful  orders,  neglect  of  duty,  and  scandalous 
conduct.  The  court  sentenced  him  to  be  dismissed,  but  the  sentence  "was  com- 
muted to  "five  years  Furlough  Pay."  Welles  replied,  May  16,  1861,  "...  I 
am  not  in  possession  of  any  fact  which  calls  upon  me  to  advise  a  further  miti- 
gation. .  .  .**  (DLC-RTL).  Boutwell  was  dismissed  from  the  service,  July  31, 
1861. 

To  Gideon  Welles1 

Executive  Mansion,  May  11,  1861. 

Sir:  Lieutenant  D.  D.  Porter  was  placed  in  command  of  the 
steamer  Powhatan  and  Captain  Samuel  Mercer  was  detached  there- 

[366] 


MAY      1  3,      l86l 

from  by  my  special  order,  and  neither  of  them  is  responsible  for 
any  apparent  or  real  irregularity  on  their  part  or  in  connection 
with  that  vessel. 

Hereafter  Captain  Porter  is  relieved  from  that  special  service 
and  placed  under  the  direction  of  the  Navy  Department,  from 
which  he  will  receive  instructions  and  to  which  he  will  report.  Very 
respectfully,  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

1  Naval  Records.,  Series  I,  IV,  128. 

To  Hiram  Barney1 

Hon.  Hiram  Barney  Washington,  D.C. 

My  dear  Sir  May  13.  1861 

Two  or  three  days  ago  I  wrote  in  behalf  of  Mr.  William  Ward, 
of  your  City,  inclosing  Mr.  Greeley's  letter  introducing  him  to  me. 
Since  then  I  have  been  more  deeply  interested  for  Mr.  Ward,  by 
conversations  with  him,  and  with  others  who  know  him,  and  his 
history.  If  you  can  do  something  for  him  I  shall  be  obliged.  Yours 
very  truly  A  LINCOLN 

iALS,  owned  by  Mrs.  Joseph  Brady,  Pasadena,  California.  Lincoln's  letter 
to  Barney  of  May  9  is  presumably  not  extant.  Barney's  letter  of  May  11,  ac- 
knowledged its  receipt  "...  enclosing  Mr.  Greeley's  letter  on  behalf  of  Mr. 
William  Ward  of  this  city.  I  understand  you  to  desire  Mr.  Ward's  application 
considered  on  its  merits.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL).  William  Ward  is  not  listed  in  the 
New  York  customs  house  as  of  September  30,  1861. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion,  May  13,  1861 

Dear  Sir — You  see  on  the  other  side  of  this  sheet  that  four  ger- 
man  Regiments  already  raised  in  New- York,  wish  to  form  a  Bri- 
gade, and  have  Carl  Schurz  for  their  Brigadier  General.  Why 
should  it  not  be  done  at  once?  By  the  Plan  of  organization,  I  see 
I  am  to  appoint  the  generals. 

Schurz  says  he  would,  if  allowed,  go  immediately  to  Fortress 
Monroe;  and  if  it  would  be  an  objection  that,  by  rank,  he  would 
command  the  garrison  there,  he  would,  of  choice,  waive  that, 

I  am  for  it,  unless  there  be  some  valid  reason  against  it.  Answer 
soon.  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  ALS  copy,  DLC-RTL.  On  the  bottom  of  the  sheet  is  a  note  not  in  Lincoln's 
hand:  "C.S.  will  be  at  445  North  5th  Str  Philadelphia  on  Monday  13th.  and 
at  the  Prescott-house  corner  ol  Spring  Str.  &  Broadway,  New-York  on  Tuesday 

[367] 


MAY      13,      l86l 

14th.  and  Wednesday  i^th."  See  Lincoln  to  Schurz,  infra.  Lincoln's  letter  is  writ- 
ten on  the  back  of  a  "Duplicate"  copy  of  a  petition  to  Governor  Morgan  signed 
by  field  officers  of  the  Seventh  and  Eighth  Regiments,  United  Turner  Rifles,  and 
DeKalb  Regiment,  requesting  him  to  unite  the  four  regiments  into  one  brigade 
and  to  tender  its  command  to  Carl  Schurz. 

To  Carl  Schurz1 

[May  13,  1861  ?] 

Get  the  german  Brigade  in  shape,  and,  at  their  request,  you  shall 
be  Brigadier  General.  "Will  write  you  at  New-  York. 

A. 


3-ADfS,  DLC-RTL.  A  line  has  been  drawn  through  the  signature.  This  is 
probably  the  draft  of  a  telegram  intended  for  Carl  Schurz  at  Philadelphia.  See 
Lincoln  to  Cameron  and  note,  supra.  See  also  Lincoln  to  Schurz,  May  16,  infra. 

To  Whom  It  May  Concern1 

To  Whom  it  May  Concern  May  13,  1861 

James  A.  Sheehan,  3rd  Sergeant  of  the  Washington  Light  In- 
fantry Batallion,  inquires  whether  the  U.S.  will  accept  a  regiment 
of  loyal  Baltimoreans,  if  he  will  raise  and  teach  one,  [to  w]hich 
I  answer,  I  suppose  [such]  a  Regiment  would  be  accepted;  but  to 
avoid  confusion,  the  approval  of  the  Secretary  of  War  must  first  be 
had. 

1  American  Art  Association  Catalog,  December  3,  1923,  No.  541.  Brackets  are 
in  the  source.  There  is  no  record  of  a  commission  for  James  A.  Sheehan. 

To  Robert  Anderson1 

Col.  Robert  Anderson  Washington,  D.C. 

My  dear  Sir  May  14.  1861 

Some  time  ago,  and  before  it  was  arranged  for  you  to  go  West,  as 
now,  the  question  was  upon  us  how  arms  sent  to  Cincinnati  for 
Kentuckians,  could  surely  be  put  in  the  hands  of  friends,  and  not 
of  enemies;  and,  for  this  purpose,  and  without  their  knowledge, 
Messrs  Crittenden,  Guthrie,  and  Joshua  F.  Speed,  bearer  of  this, 
or  any  one  of  them,  were  designated  to  distribute  the  arms,  in  their 
discretion.  After  you  left  here  last  week  it  occurred  to  us  that  you 
could  perform  this  service  as  safely,  and  perhaps  more  expeditious- 
ly,  by  reason  that  you  wall  be  on  the  spot,  and  will  not  have  to 
wait  for  the  co-operation  of  any  one;  and  a  direction  was  accord- 
ingly sent  to  the  parties  f  orwarding  the  arms  to  Cincinnati.  It  now 
occurs  further  that  the  kind  assistance  of  these  gentlemen  may  still 

[368] 


MAY      ±4,      l86l 

be  valuable  to  you  in  this,  and  perhaps  other  matters;  and  -when  it 
shall  so  appear  to  you  it  is  hoped  you  "will  avail  yourself  of  it,  Mr. 
Speed,  though  less  kno\vn  to  the  world  than  the  other  gentlemen, 
is  far  better  known  to  me  than  either  of  them;  and  I  have  the  ut- 
most confidence  in  his  loyalty  and  integrity,  and  also  in  his  judg- 
ment on  any  subject  which  he  professes  to  understand.  I  think  you 
will  find  him  a  most  agreeable  companion,  and  at  the  same  time 
a  most  valuable  assistant  in  our  common  cause.  Yours  very  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,  NWM.  On  the  back  of  the  letter  appears  the  following  Hst  of  names, 
probably  representing  the  men  recommended  to  Anderson  by  Speed  for  super- 
vision of  the  distribution  of  arms  at  the  designated  places:  James  Harlan,  Frank- 
fort; James  Speed,  Louisville;  Garrett  Davis,  Paris;  Samuel  Lusk,  Lancaster; 
John  H.  Ward,  Bowling  Green;  Thornton  F.  Marshall,  Augusta;  James  H. 
["Lord?],  Frankfort;  Charles  A.  Wickliffe,  Bowling  Green.  On  May  19,  Ander- 
son acknowledged  receipt  of  Lincoln's  letter  ".  .  .  introducing  Mr.  Joshua  F. 
Speed  and  giving  me  instructions  about  issuing  arms  to  our  friends  in  Ely.  I 
will  carefully  attend  to  the  performance  of  that  duty.  .  .  .  Mr.  Speed  and 
other  gentlemen  .  .  .  advise  that  I  should  not,  at  present,  have  any  thing  to 
do  with  the  raising  of  troops  in  Ky.  .  .  .  Many  of  our  friends  think  that  it  would 
be  advisable  for  me  to  take  command  of  New  Port  Barracks.  .  .  ."  (DLG-R.TL)  . 
On  May  28,  the  Department  of  Kentucky  was  constituted,  with  Anderson  in 
command. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  —  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  —  May  14.   1861 

After  you  left  here  to-day,  Mr.  Blair  came  in;  and,  being  told 
what  we  had  been  doing  in  relation  to  generals  and  colonels,  he 
seemed  to  be  dissatisfied.  Would  it  not  be  better  for  you  to  see  Mr. 
Blair,  and  ascertain  what  is  the  trouble  with  him?  We  should  take 
some  pains  to  avoid  dissatisfaction  among  ourselves.  Yours  very 
truly  A.  Lrrccousr 

1  ALS,  DLC-Gameron  Papers.  Although  the  circumstances  of  mobilization 
were  so  complex,  not  to  say  chaotic,  that  any  succinct  statement  of  the  conflict 
between  the  War  Department  and  other  branches  of  the  government  is  open 
to  criticism,  the  basic  difficulty  seems  to  have  been  that  the  Army  wished  to 
keep,  logically  enough,  some  semblance  of  an  orderly  promotion  of  regular 
officers  and  integration  of  troops,  while  Montgomery  Blair,  as  well  as  the  gov- 
ernors of  the  loyal  states  and  numerous  individual  politicians  were  demanding 
wholesale  acceptance  of  volunteer  regiments  and  elected  officers.  Cameron  re- 
peatedly refused  to  accept  volunteer  regiments,  and  there  was  much  opposition 
to  the  appointment  of  "political"  generals.  Also,  in  the  border  states,  the  con- 
flict between  the  War  Department's  view  of  military  rule  and  the  political  insist- 
ence upon  subordination  of  the  military  to  loyal  local  political  exigencies 
brought  about  near  chaos  in  such  trouble  spots  as  St.  Louis.  For  further  com- 
ment on  Blair's  opposition  to  the  War  Department  policy  see  Lincoln  to  Cam- 
eron, May  16,  in.fr  ay  and  note. 

[369] 


Memorandum  : 

Appointments  of  Major  Generals1 

[c.  May  14,  1861] 

McClellan  1  M          Generals  in  the  Regular  Army. 

Mansfield2  J        J 

Butler  —        Major  General  in  the  3  year  corps. 

1  AD,  IHi. 

2  Mansfield's  name  is  crossed  out.  George  B.  McClellan's  appointment  as  ma- 
jor general  and  Joseph  EL.  F.  Mansfield's  appointment  as  brigadier  general,  May 
14,  were  sent  to  the  Senate  on  July  13,  along  with  many  other  promotions  and 
appointments  in  the  U.S.  Army.  Benjamin  F.  Butler's  appointment  as  major 
general  of  volunteers,  May  i67  went  to  the  Senate,  July  29. 

To  Gideon  Welles1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  Navy  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  May  14.  1861 

I  know  but  little  about  ships;  but  I  feel  a  good  deal  of  interest  for 
George  W,  Lawrence,  of  Maine,  who  is  a  proficient  in  that  line.  I 
believe  it  is  settled  that  the  Govt.  has  large  use  for  all  barches  [szc] 
of  Maine;  and  I  shall  be  glad  if  Mr.  Lawrence  can  be  engaged  in 
it  on  fair  terms  to  himself  and  to  us.  Yours  very  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,  IHi,  George  W.  Lawrence,  of  Warren,  Maine,  had  been  a  delegate  to 
the  Chicago  convention  in  1860. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War.  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  —  May  16.  1861 

If  possible,  take  the  six  Regiments  now  offered  by  Massachusetts. 
By  their  peculiar  talent  for  taking  care  of  themselves,  they  will 
give  us  less  trouble  in  supplying  them,  than  will  most  other  troops. 
At  all  events  give  these  gentlemen  a  hearing  Yours  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,  IHi.  On  the  bottom  of  the  page  is  written,  "Not  agreed  to  for  the 
present.  Simon  Cameron."  The  Massachusetts  First,  Second,  Seventh,  Ninth, 
Tenth,  and  Eleventh  Regiments  were  later  accepted.  On  May  6,  Governor  John 
A.  Andrew  had  written  Montgomery  Blair  "...  I  pray  you  claim  and  secure 
to  us  ...  the  right  to  furnish  six  regiments  ...  to  march  with  the  advanc- 
ing column  over  the  streets  where  our  brothers  poured  out  their  blood.  .  .  ." 
(William  Schouler,  A  History  of  Massachusetts  in  the  Civil  War,  I,  166).  Blair 
to  Lincoln,  May  16,  reads  in.  part  as  follows.  "The  error  in  Meig's  programme  is 
common  to  the  whole  army  and  this  is  the  reason  why  I  have  been  so  persistent 

[370] 


1X1AY       1   6,      l86l 

in  seeking  an  outsider  for  a  leader.  The  military  look  upon  the  contest  as  one 
between  the  whole  people  of  the  South  and  the  people  of  the  North.  This  is  a 
fundamental  and  fatal  error.  .  .  .  Nor  do  I  think  there  is  any  disrespect  to 
Genl.  Scott  involved  in  the  President's  adopting  his  own  policy  instead  of  Scott's 
in  the  management  of  the  war.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL,).  See  also  Lincoln  to  Cam- 
eron, May  14,  1861,  supra. 

To  Salmon  R  Chase1 

Executive  Mansion,  May  16,  1861. 

My  dear  Sir:  I  have  not  at  all  considered  the  qualifications  of 
applicants  for  appraiserships  at  New  York.  Mr.  David  Webb  seems 
to  understand  that  he  has  no  opposition  for  one  of  the  places.2  If 
this  is  so,  or,  in  any  event,  if  you  wish  to  appoint  him,  send  me  the 
commission. 

Also  send  me  a  commission  for  Mr,  George  Dennison3  as  naval 
officer.  This  last  I  shall  have  to  do,  and  I  may  as  well  do  it  at  once. 
Yours  truly,  A. 


1  NH,  VI,  273.  2  David  Webb  was  not  appointed. 

3  Chase  replied  May  16,  "Agreeably  to  your  direction  I  send  a  Commission 
for  Mr.  Dennison;  but  I  shall  not  fulfill  my  duty  to  you  if  I  do  not  say  that  I 
fear,  if  you  make  this  appointment,  you  will  regret  it. 

"When  it  was  first  proposed  .  *  *  I  felt  that  setting  aside  so  many  prominent 
men  for  a  gentleman  so  little  known  .  .  .  was  of  questionable  expediency.  .  .  . 
many  of  the  most  eminent  and  influential  gentlemen  of  New  York  have  ex- 
pressed .  .  .  such  unfavorable  opinions  of  Mr.  Dn  .  .  .  that  were  the  responsi- 
bility of  decision  mine,  I  should  not  put  my  name  to  the  commission.  ...  If 
Mr.  Dn.  is  unjustly  censured  and  your  kindness  prompts  you  to  place  him  .  .  . 
is  there  not  some  other,  less  conspicuous,  in  which  he  may  receive  equal  bene- 
fits &  have  the  opportunity  of  proving  himself  now  undervalued?"  (DLC-RTL). 
See  Lincoln  to  Chase,  May  18,  infra,  for  further  developments  in  this  case. 

To  Carl  Schixrz1 

Hon.  Carl  Schurz  Washington,  D.C. 

My  dear  Sir:  May  16.  1861 

I  have  delayed  so  long  to  either  Telegraph  or  write  you,  hoping 
to  get  the  matter  of  which  we  spoke,  into  a  satisfactory  shape;  but 
at  last  I  have  not  succeeded.  On  Monday  I  was  about  to  Telegraph 
you  to  proceed,  but  was  arrested  in  it  on  the  question  of  rank  —  that 
it  would  put  you  in  command  at  Fortress  Monroe. 

Yesterday  the  New-  York  Committee  were  here;  and  their  mis- 
sion ended  in  their  getting  an  order  to  move  forward,  from  N.Y. 
city  fourteen  Regiments  said  to  be  there  now  —  five  to  this  city,  and 
nine  to  Fortress  Monroe.  It  did  not  occur  to  me  till  after  I  parted 
with  the  Committee,  that  probably  your  four  german  Regiments 
are  included  in  this  same  fourteen.  If  so,  they  will  either  come  here, 

[371] 


MAY       I/,       l86l 

or  go  to  Fortress  Monroe  at  once.  I  still  hope  you  may  be  made 

Brig.  Gen.  of  them;  but  I  can  not  make  it  move  smoothly  just  yet. 

Write,  or  Telegraph  me  when  you  receive  this.  Yours  as  ever 

A. 


DLC-Schurz  Papers.  Schurz  replied  May  19,  "I  have  just  received 
your  kind  letter  of  the  i6th  instant.  .  .  .  The  brigade  is  formed  by  the  State 
board  and  consists  of  the  7th,  8th  and  aoth,  all  German  regiments,  and  Ells- 
worth's Zouaves.  The  field-officers  of  the  three  German  regiments  have  re- 
solved to  vote  for  me  .  .  .  and  have  addressed  a  letter  to  Colonel  Ellsworth, 
informing  him  of  their  desire.  .  .  .  As  far  as  Fortress  Monroe  is  concerned,  the 
difficulty  about  the  rank  seems  to  be  removed  by  General  Butler's  promotion 
.  .  .  ."  (DLC-Nicolay  Papers).  Butler  was  promoted  to  major  general  of  vol- 
unteers, May  16,  1861. 

Memorandum:  Military  Arrests1 

[c.  May  17,  1861] 

Unless  the  necessity  for  these  arbitrary  arrests  is  manifest,  and 
urgent,,  I  prefer  they  should  cease.  A.  Liisr  COL/INT 

1  Copy,  IHi-Nicolay  and  Hay  Papers,  IV,  5.  The  copy  of  U.S  Attorney  Ed- 
ward C  Carrington's  letter,  May—  1861,  complaining  that  the  military  authori- 
ties were  arresting,  trying,  and  imprisoning  citizens  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
bears  also  the  copies  of  Lincoln's  endorsement,  General  Joseph  K.  F.  Mansfield's 
remarks,  May  17,  that  he  had  ordered  only  two  men  into  confinement,  and 
General  Scott's  endorsement,  May  18,  stating  that  he  had  ordered  only  one 
Erastus  Wood  confined,  as  a  spy. 

To  Francis  E  Blair,  Jr.1 

Private 

Hon.  F.  P.  Blair  Washington  D.C.  May  18,  1861 

My  Dear  Sir.  We  have  a  good  deal  of  anxiety  here  about  St. 
Louis.  I  understand  an  order  has  gone  from  the  War  Department 
to  you,  to  be  delivered  or  withheld  in  your  discretion,  relieving 
Gen.  Harney  from  his  command.  I  was  not  quite  satisfied  with  the 
order  when  it  was  made,  though  on  the  whole  I  thought  it  best  to 
make  it;  but  since  then  I  have  become  more  doubtful  of  its  pro- 
priety. I  do  not  write  now  to  countermand  it;  but  to  say  I  wish  you 
would  withhold  it,  unless  in  your  judgement  the  necessity  to  the 
contrary  is  very  urgent. 

There  are  several  reasons  for  this.  "We  better  have  him  a  friend 
than  an  enemy*  It  will  dissatisfy  a  good  many  who  otherwise  would 
be  quiet.  More  than  all,  we  first  relieved  him,  then  restored  him, 
&  now  if  we  relieve  him  again,  the  public  will  ask,  "why  all  this 
vacillation." 

[372] 


MAY       l8,       l86l 

Still  if,  in  your  judgment,  it  is  indispensable  let  it  be  so.  Yours 
very  truly  A  Li^rcoLrsr 

1  Copy,  DLC-Nicolay  Papers.  On  April  21,  Brigadier  General  William  S. 
Harney  was  relieved  from  command  of  the  Department  of  the  "West.  AGO 
Special  Orders  No.  128.,  May  8,  revoked  the  previous  order.  On  May  16,  Lin- 
coln approved  General  Scott's  recommendation  that  Harney  be  placed  on  an 
indefinite  leave  of  absence,  and  AGO  Special  Orders  No.  *35,  again  relieved 
Harney  of  command  and  granted  the  leave  recommended.  Further  develop- 
ments brought  the  letter  signed  by  Lorenzo  Thomas,  May  27,  infra. 


To  Salmon  P.  Chase1 

Executive  Mansion,  May  18,  1861. 

My  dear  Sir:  The  suggestions  of  your  note  accompanying  the 
commission  for  Mr.  Dennison2  as  naval  officer  at  New  York  have 
been  considered  in  the  same  spirit  of  kindness  in  which  I  know' 
they  were  offered.  They  present  the  very  difficulty  which  has  em- 
barrassed me  from  the  first  in  the  case:  that  Mr.  Dennison  has  not 
the  position  in  the  public  eye  which  would  lead  to  the  expectation 
of  his  receiving  so  high  an  office.  I  believe  I  have  told  you  fully 
what  it  was,  and  is,  that  pressed  me  to  appoint  him:  the  urgent  so- 
licitation of  an  old  friend3  who  has  served  me  all  my  life,  and  who 
has  never  before  received  or  asked  anything  in  return.  His  (Mr. 
Dennison's)  good  character  was  vouched  for  from  the  start  by 
many  at  New  York,  including  Mr.  Opdyke. 

At  length,  when  I  was,  as  it  "were,  in  the  very  act  of  appointing 

him,  Mr. 4  made  a  general  charge  of  dishonesty  against  him. 

I  pressed  him  for  particulars,  and  it  turned  out  that  Mr.  Dennison 
in  his  business  as  a  lawyer  had  got  some  printing  done  for  his 
clients,  becoming  personally  responsible  for  the  work,  and  had  not 
paid  for  it  when  dunned.5  While  this,  if  true,  is  certainly  not  to  be 
commended,  I  believe  the  like  might,  in  some  cases,  be  proven  upon 
me.  They  are  a  class  of  debts  which  our  clients  ought  to  pay,  and 
when  we  are  personally  dunned  for  them  we  sometimes  hang  fire. 
Besides,  Mr.  Dennison  went  far  toward  a  satisfactory  explanation 

of  one  case;  and  while  Mr.  intimated  that  there  were  other 

cases,  he  did  not  specify  them. 

I  consider  that  the  charge  of  dishonesty  has  failed;  and  it  now 
seems  to  me  more  difficult  to  change  my  purpose  than  if  the  charge 
had  never  been  made.  Yours  as  ever,  A.  LiisrcoiJN". 

1  NH,  VI,  274-75- 

2  George  Denison.  See  "Lincoln  to  Chase,  May  ±6,  suproy  n.  3. 

3  See  Lincoln  to  Robert  Irwin,  March  20,  supra. 

4  Parke  Godwin  to  Lincoln,  April  16:   "It  is  exceedingly  important  that  the 

[373] 


MAY       18,       l86l 

appointment  of  Mr.  Denison  as  Naval  Officer  at  New  York  should  be  delayed. 
I  think  I  can  show  that  he  is  a  dishonest  man.   ..."   (DLG-RTL). 

5  Godwin  to  Lincoln,  April  20:  ".  .  .  there  has  been  upon  the  Ledger  of  Wm. 
C.  Bryant  Co.  various  charges  for  Job  Printing  ordered  by  Mr.  Denison  and 
delivered  to  him  for  which  he  has  steadily  refused  to  pay."  (DLC-RTL). 


Memorandum:  Appointment  of  Monroe1 

May  18,  1861 

JLet  Mr.  Monroe  be  appointed  when  it  can  be  done  consistently 
with  previous  committals.  A.  Liisrconisr 

1  ADS,  owned  by  John  W.  Wholihan,  Jackson,  Michigan.  There  is  no  record 
of  appointment  for  "Mr.  Monroe." 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec-  of  War:  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  May  20,  1861 

Col.  Julian  Allen,  a  Polish  gentleman,  naturalized,  proposes  rais- 
ing a  Regiment  of  our  citizens  of  his  nationality,  to  serve  in  our 
Army.  He  proposes  getting  them  from  the  different  States,  without 
particular  order,  as  can  be  most  conveniently  done,  and  organizing 
them  here,  so  that  they,  as  a  Regiment,  will  hail  from  no  particular 
State.  Mr.  Allen  is  highly  recommended,  as  you  will  see  by  his 
testimonials.  If  he  so  raises  and  tenders  a  Regiment,  I  am  in  favor 
of  accepting  it,  unless  there  be  some  objection  which  does  not  oc- 
cur to  me.  Yours  truly,  A.  Lusrcousr. 

1  ALS,  CSmH.  Julian  Allen  was  a  Polish  merchant  of  New  York  City.  He 
received  authority  July  22,  to  raise  a  regiment  of  infantry,  which  was  subse- 
quently merged  into  the  Morgan  Rifles.  There  is  no  record  of  Allen's  service  in 
the  Union  army.  This  letter  is  misdated  May  30  in  Tracy,  p.  185. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

May  20,  1861 

Please  have  the  Regiments  named  within,  mustered,  and  re- 
ceived; and  orders  given  as  to  where  they  shall  go.  Please  answer 
as  to  what  you  do.  Also,  please  say  whether  any  heavy  guns  are 
going  forward  to  Cairo?  A.  LINCOLN 

May  20.  ±861. 

i  AES,  IHi.  Lincoln's  note  is  written  on  the  back  of  a  telegram  from  Governor 
Richard  Yates  to  Colonel  John  A.  McClernand,  May  18,  1861,  which  reported 
".  .  .  Six  additional  Regiments  for  three  years  or  the  war  called  for  from  Illi- 

[374] 


MAY      20,       l86l 

nois  are  ready.  It  is  important  they  should  be  received  immediately.  .  .  .'*  There 
is  no  reply  from  Cameron  or  any  other  official  in  the  War  Department,  but  see 
Lincoln  to  McCiernand,  May  21,  infra. 


To  Edwin  D.  Morgan1 

His  Excellency  Washington,  D.C. 

Gov.  E.  D.  Morgan  May  20.  1861 

My  dear  Sir:  Yours  of  the  igth.  is  received.  Your  letter  to  the 
Secretary  of  War  I  have  not  seen. 

To  not  shirk  just  responsibility,  I  suppose  I  ought  to  admit  that 
I  had  much  to  do  with  the  matter  of  which  you  complain. 

The  committee  came  here  some  time  last  week,2  saying  there 
were  fourteen  Regiments  in  N.Y.  city,  not  within  the  38  you  were 
organizing;  that  something  must  be  done  with  them, — that  they 
could  not  safely  keep  them  longer,  nor  safely  disband  them.  I  could 
not  see — can  not  yet — how  it  could  wrong  you,  or  the  Regiments 
you  "were  raising,  for  these  14  to  move  forward  at  once,  provided 
yours,  too,  should  be  received  when  ready.  But  aware  of  my  own 
ignorance  In  military  matters,  I  sent  to  Genl.  Scott  to  get  his 
opinion  whether  the  thing  could  be  safely  done,  both  as  to  the 
question  of  confusion,  and  also  whether  the  Govt.  could  advan- 
tageously keep  and  use  the  whole.  His  answer  was  that  the  whole 
should  come — of  the  ±4[,]5  to  come  here,  &  9  to  Fortress  Monroe.  I 
thought  the  whole  difficulty  was  solved,  and  directed  an  order  to  be 
made  accordingly.  I  was  even  pleased  with  it;  because  I  had  been 
trying  for  two  weeks  to  begin  the  collecting  of  a  force  at  Fortress 
Monroe,  and  it  now  appeared  as  if  this  would  begin. 

Next  day  &  after  the  committee  had  gone,  I  was  brought  to  fear 
that  a  squabble  was  to  arise  between  you  and  the  committee,  by 
which  neither  your  Regiments  nor  theirs,  would  move  In  any 
reasonable  time;  to  avoid  which,  I  wrote  one  of  the  committee — 
Mr.  Russell — to  send  them  at  once.3 

I  am  very  loth  to  do  any  wrong;  but  I  do  not  see  yet  wherein 
this  was  a  wrong. 

I  certainly  did  not  know  that  any  Regiments  especially  under 
your  control  were  to  be  sent  forward  by  the  committee;  but  I  do 
not  perceive  the  substantial  wrong,  even  in  such  a  case.  That  It  may 
be  a  technical  wrong,  I  can  readily  understand — but  we  are  In  no 
condition  to  waste  time  on  technicalities. 

The  enthusiastic  uprising  of  the  people  in  our  cause,  is  our  great 
reliance;  and  we  can  not  safely  give  it  any  check,  even  though  it 
overflows,  and  runs  in  channels  not  laid  down  In  any  chart. 

[375] 


3VCAY      21,       l86l 

In  ordering  the  14  Regiments  forward,  no  intimation  was  in- 
tended, that  you  were  failing  in  activity,  or  in  any  duty.  On  the 
contrary,  I  acknowledge  you  have  done,  &  are  doing  nobly;  and 
for  which  I  tender  you  my  sincere  thanks.  Yours  very  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,  N.  Governor  Morgan  wrote  May  19,  1861:  ".   .   .  the  authority^  which 
has  been  given  to  the  'Union  Defense  Committee*  to  send  fourteen  Regiments 
from  the  city  of  New  York  .   .   .  quite  independent  and  irrespective  of  author- 
ity from  the  Executive  of  New  York  cannot  fail  to  result  in  confusion  and 
serious    disaster.  .  .  .    (DLC-RTL).    Hamilton    Fish,    chairman    of    the    Union 
Defense  Committee  of  New  York,  had  been  authorized  by  Cameron  on  May 
15  to  send  ".   .   .  to  this  city  [Washington]  five  regiments  and  to  Fort  Monroe  nine 
regiments.  .   .   .  Should  the  Governor  decline  to  do  so.   .   .   ."   (OR,  III,  I,  206). 
On  May  20,  Cameron  wrote  Simeon  Draper:  "The  concluding  words  of  my  or- 
der to  your  committee  were  not  intended  to  confer  authority  to  send  on  troops 
independent  of  Governor  Morgan,  but  .  .  .  only  in  case  of  Governor  Morgan's 
refusal.   .   .  ."  (Ibid.,  p.  217). 

2  The  committee  called  on  Lincoln  May   15. 

3  Lincoln's  letter  to   Charles  H.   Russell,   May   17,    1861,  is   presumably  not 
extant. 

Revision  of  William  H.  Seward  to 
Charles  Francis  Adams1 

Department  of  State, 
Sir:  Washington,  May  2ist  1861 

Mr.  Dallas  in  a  brief  dispatch  of  May  sd.  (No.  333)  tells  us 
that  Lord  John  Russell  recently  requested  an  interview  with  him 
on  account  of  the  solicitude  which  His  Lordship  felt  concerning 
the  effect  of  certain  measures  represented  as  likely  to  be  adopted  by 
the  President.  In  that  conversation  the  British  Secretary  told  Mr. 
Dallas  that  the  three  Representatives  of  the  Southern  Confederacy 
were  then  in  London,  that  Lord  John  Russell  had  not  yet  seen 
them,  but  that  he  was  not  unwilling  to  see  them  unofficially.  He 
farther  informed  Mr.  Dallas  that  an  understanding  exists  between 
the  British  and  French  Governments  which  would  lead  both  to  take 
one  and  the  same  course  as  to  recognition.  His  Lordship  then  re- 
ferred to  the  rumor  of  a  meditated  blockade  by  us  of  Southern  ports 
and  a  discontinuance  of  them  as  ports,  of  entry.  Mr.  Dallas  an- 
swered that  he  knew  nothing  on  those  topics  and  therefore  could 
say  nothing.  He  added  that  you  were  expected  to  arrive  in  two 
weeks.  Upon  this  statement  Lord  John  Russell  acquiesced  in  the 

1  ALS-F,  ISLA.  Seward's  draft  bears  Lincoln's  suggestions  for  revision  and 
Seward's  own  later  revisions.  No  effort  has  been  made  to  snow  all  Seward's  re- 
visions. Passages  or  words  deleted  by  Lincoln  have  been  bracketed,  and  comments 
and  insertions  in  Lincoln's  hand  have  been  italicized  either  in  the  text  or  in  the 
footnote. 

[376] 


MAY      2    1  .>       l86l 

expediency  of  waiting  for  the  full  knowledge  you  were  expected  to 
bring. 

Mr.  Dallas  transmitted  to  us  some  newspaper  reports  of  Minis- 
terial explanations  made  in  Parliament. 

You  will  base  no  proceedings  on  parliamentary  debates  farther 
than  to  seek  explanations  when  necessary  and  communicate  them 
to  this  Department.  "We  intend  to  have  a  clear  and  simple  record 
of  whatever  issue  may  arise  between  us  and  Great  Britain.2 

The  President  [is  surprised  and  grieved]  regrets  that  Mr,  Dallas 
did  not  protest  against  the  proposed  unofficial  intercourse  between 
the  British  Government  and  the  missionaries  of  the  insurgents,  [as 
well  as  against  the  demand  for  explanations  made  by  the  British 
Government]  ,3  It  is  due  however  to  Mr.  Dallas  to  say  that  our  in- 
structions had  been  given  only  to  you  and  not  to  him.,  and  that  his 
loyalty  and  fidelity,  too  rare  in  these  times,  [among  our  late  repre- 
sentatives abroad,  are  confessed  and]4  are  appreciated. 

Intercourse  of  any  kind  with  the  so-called  Commissioners  is  li- 
able to  be  construed  as  a  recognition  of  the  authority  which  ap- 
pointed them.  Such  intercourse  would  be  none  the  less  [wrongful] 
hurtful  to  us,  for  being  called  unofficial,  and  it  might  be  even  more 
injurious,  because  we  should  have  no  means  of  knowing  \vhat 
points  might  be  resolved  by  it.  Moreover,  unofficial  intercourse  is 
useless  and  meaningless,  if  it  is  not  expected  to  ripen  into  official 
intercourse  and  direct  recognition.  It  is  left  doubtful  here  whether 
the  proposed  unofficial  intercourse  has  yet  actually  begun.  Your 
own  [present]  antecedent  instructions  are  deemed  explicit  enough, 
and  it  is  hoped  that  you  have  not  misunderstood  them.  You  will  in 
any  event  desist  from  all  intercourse  whatever,  unofficial  as  well  as 
official  with  the  British  Government,  so  long  as  it  shall  continue 
intercourse  of  either  kind  with  the  domestic  enemies  of  this 
country;  [confining  yourself  simply  to  a  delivery  of  a  copy  of  this 
paper  to  the  Secretary  of  State.  After  doing  this]  5  ivhen  intercourse 
shall  have  been  arrested  for  this  causey  you  will  communicate  with 
this  Department  and  receive  further  directions. 

Lord  John  Russell  has  informed  us  of  an  understanding  between 
the  British  and  French  Governments  that  they  will  act  together  in 
regard  to  our  affairs.  This  communication  however  loses  something 
of  its  value  from  the  circumstance  that  the  communication  was 
withheld  until  after  knowledge  of  the  fact  had  been  acquired  by 
us  from  other  sources.  We  know  also  another  fact  that  has  not  yet 

2  Leave  out. 

3  Leave  outy  because  it  does  not  appear  that  such  explanations  were  demanded. 

4  Leave  out.  5  Leave  out. 

[377] 


MAY      21,       l86l 

been  officially  communicated  to  us  namely  that  other  European 
States  are  apprized  by  France  and  England  of  their  agreement  and 
are  expected  to  concur  with  or  follow  them  in  whatever  measures 
they  adopt  on  the  subject  of  recognition.  The  United  States  have 
been  impartial  and  just  in  all  their  conduct  towards  the  several 
nations  of  Europe.  They  will  not  complain  however  of  the  combi- 
nation now  announced  by  the  two  leading  powers,  although  they 
think  they  had  a  right  to  expect  a  more  independent  if  not  a  more 
friendly  course  from  each  of  them.  You  will  take  no  notice  of  that 
or  any  other  alliance.  Whenever  the  European  governments  shall 
see  fit  to  communicate  directly  with  us  we  shall  be  as  heretofore 
frank  and  explicit  in  our  reply. 

As  to  the  blockade,  you  will  say  that  by  [the]  our  oivn  laws  [of 
nature]  and  the  laws  [o/  nature  and  the  laws}6  of  nations  this 
government  has  a  clear  right  to  suppress  insurrection.  An  exclusion 
of  commerce  from  national  ports  which  have  been  seized  by  the 
insurgents,  in  the  equitable  form  of  blockade,  is  a  proper  means 
to  that  end.  You  will  not  insist7  that  our  blockade  is  to  be  respected 
if  it  be  not  maintained  by  a  competent  force — but  passing  by  any 
immaterial  question*  that  question  as  not  now  a  practical  or  at 
least  an  urgent  one  you  "will  add  that  the  blockade  is  now  and  it 
will  continue  to  be  so  maintained,  and  therefore  we  expect  it  to  be 
respected  by  Great  Britain.  You  will  add  that  we  have  already  re- 
voked the  exequatur  of  a  Russian  Consul  who  had  enlisted  in  the 
Military  service  of  the  insurgents  and  we  shall  dismiss  or  demand 
the  recall  of  every  foreign  agent,  Consular  or  Diplomatic  who  shall 
either  disobey  the  Federal  laws  or  disown  the  Federal  authority. 

As  to  the  recognition  of  the  so  called  Southern  Confederacy  it 
is  not  to  be  made  a  subject  of  technical  definition.  It  is  of  course 
direct9  recognition  to  publish  an  acknowledgment  of  the  sover- 
eignty and  independence  of  a  new  power.  It  is  direct  recognition 
to  receive  its  ambassadors  Ministers  agents  or  commissioners  offi- 
cially. A  concession  of  belligerent  rights  is  liable  to  be  construed 
as  a  recognition  of  them.  No  one  of  these  proceedings  will  [be 
borne]  pass  unnoticed^0  by  the  United  States  in  this  case. 

Hitherto  recognition  has  been  moved  only  on  the  assumption 
that  the  so-called  Confederate  States  are  de  facto  a  self  sustaining 

6  The  latter  part  of  the  insertion — "of  nature  and  the  laws" — has  been  crossed 
out,  whether  by  Lincoln  or  Seward  is  uncertain 

7  "Admit"  is  deleted  and  "not  insist"  inserted,  by  Seward. 

8  Seward  deleted  Lincoln's  "any  immaterial  question"  and  added  "that  question 
as  not  now  a  practical  or  at  least  an  urgent  one." 

9  Lincoln's  "quasi"  changed  by  Seward  to  "direct**  in  both  instances 

10  Seward  changed  Lincoln's  "unnoticed"  to  "unquestioned." 

[378] 


MAY      21,       l86l 

power.  Now  after  long  forbearance,  designed  to  soothe  discontent 
and  avert  the  need  of  civil  war,  the  land  and  naval  forces  of  the 
United  States  have  been  put  in  motion  to  repress  the  insurrection. 
The  true  character  of  the  pretended  new  State  is  at  once  revealed. 
It  is  seen  to  be  a  Power  existing  in  pronunciamento  only.  It  has 
never  won  a  field.  It  has  obtained  no  forts  that  were  not  virtually 
betrayed  into  its  hands  or  seized  in  breach  of  trust.  It  commands 
not  a  single  port  on  the  coast  nor  any  highway  out  from  its  pre- 
tended Capital  by  Land.  Under  these  circumstances  Great  Britain 
is  called  upon  to  intervene  and  give  it  body  and  independence  by 
resisting  our  measures  of  suppression.  British  recognition  would  be 
British  intervention  to  create  within  our  own  territory  a  hostile 
State  by  overthrowing  this  Republic  itself.  [When  this  act  of  in- 
tervention is  distinctly  performed,  we,  from  that  hour,  shall  cease 
to  be  friends  and  (become  once  more,  as  we  have  twice  before 
been),  be  forced  to  [become]  enemies  of  Great  Britain.]11 

As  to  the  treatment  of  privateers  in  the  insurgent  service  you 
will  say  that  this  is  a  question  exclusively  our  own.  We  treat  them 
as  pirates.  They  are  our  own  citizens,  or  persons  employed  by  our 
citizens,  preying  on  the  commerce  of  our  country.  If  Great  Britain 
shall  choose  to  recognise  them  as  lawful  belligerents,  and  give  them 
shelter  from  our  pursuit  and  punishment,  the  law  of  nations  afford 
an  adequate  and  proper  remedy  [and  we  shall  avail  ourselves  of 
it.]12  And  while  you  need  not  to  say  this  in  advance ,  be  sure  that 
you  say  nothing  inconsistent  ivith  z£.13 

Happily,  however  Her  Britannic  Majesty's  Government  can 
avoid  all  these  difficulties.  It  invited  us  in  1856  to  accede  to  the 
declaration  of  the  Congress  of  Paris,  of  which  body  Great  Britain 
was  herself  a  member,  abolishing  privateering  everywhere  in  all 
cases  and  for  ever.  You  already  have  our  authority  to  propose  to 
her  our  accession  to  that  declaration.  If  she  refuse  to  receive  it  it 
can  only  be  because  she  is  willing  to  become  the  patron  of  priva- 
teering when  aimed  at  our  devastation. 

These  positions  are  not  elaborately  defended  now,  because  to 
vindicate  them  would  imply  a  possibility  of  our  waiving  them. 

14  We  are  not  insensible  of  the  grave  importance  of  this  occasion. 

11  Leave  out.  Lincoln's  "leave  out"  Is  also  deleted  and  parentheses  inserted  to 
suggest  a  lesser  deletion  rather  than  the  whole  sentence.  12  Omit. 

13  Lincoln's  insertion  has  been  crossed  out, 

14  Drop  all  from  this  line  to  the  end,  and  in  lieu  of  it,  write  "This  paper  is  for 
your  own  guidance   only9  and  not  to  be  read,  or  shown  to   any  one.  ["]   This 
suggestion  was  crossed  out,  presumably  by   Seward,  and  the  remaining  para- 
graphs   remained  in  the  communication.   Seward   incorporated   Lincoln's   "for 
your  own  guidance  only,"  however,  in  two  introductory  paragraphs  inserted 
at  the  beginning  of  the  letter. 

[379] 


MAY      21,       l86l 

"We  see  how  upon  the  result  of  the  debate  in  which  we  are  engaged, 
a  war  may  ensue,  between  the  United  States  and  one,  two,  or  even 
more  European  nations.  War  in  any  case  is  as  exceptionable  from 
the  habits  as  it  is  revolting  from  the  sentiments  of  the  American 
people.  But  if  it  come  it  will  be  fully  seen  that  it  results  from  the 
action  of  Great  Britain,  not  our  own,  that  Great  Britain  will  have 
decided  to  fraternize  with  our  domestic  enemy  either  without  wait- 
ing to  hear  from  you  our  remonstrances  and  our  warnings  or  after 
having  heard  them.  War  in  defence  of  national  life  is  not  immoral, 
and  war  in  defence  of  independence  is  an  inevitable  part  of  the  dis- 
cipline of  nations. 

The  dispute  will  be  between  the  European  and  the  American 
branches  of  the  British  race.  All  who  belong  to  that  race  will  es- 
pecially deprecate  it;  as  they  ought.  It  may  well  be  believed  that 
men  of  every  race  and  kindred  will  deplore  it.  A  war  not  unlike  it 
between  the  same  parties  occurred  at  the  close  of  the  last  century. 
Europe  atoned  by  forty  years  of  suffering  for  the  error  that  Great 
Britain  committed  in  provoking  that  contest.  If  that  nation  shall 
now  repeat  the  same  great  error,  the  social  convulsions  which  will 
follow  may  not  be  so  long  but  they  will  be  more  general.  When 
they  shall  have  ceased  it  will,  we  think,  be  seen,  whatever  may 
have  been  the  fortunes  of  other  nations  that  it  is  not  the  United 
States  that  will  have  come  out  of  them  with  its  precious  consti- 
tution altered  or  its  honestly  obtained  dominion  in  any  degree 
abridged.  Great  Britain  has  but  to  wait  a  few  months  and  all  her 
present  inconveniences  will  cease  with  all  our  own  troubles.  If  she 
take  a  different  course  she  will  calculate  for  herself  the  ultimate  as 
well  as  the  immediate  consequences,  and  will  consider  what  posi- 
tion she  will  hold  when  she  shall  have  forever  lost  the  sympathies 
and  the  affections  of  the  only  nation  on  whose  sympathies  and 
affections  she  has  a  natural  claim.  In  making  that  calculation  she 
will  do  -well  to  remember  that  in  the  controversy  she  proposes  to 
open  we  shall  be  actuated  by  neither  pride,  nor  passion,  nor  cupid- 
ity, nor  ambition;  but  we  shall  stand  simply  on  the  principle  of 
self  preservation  and  that  our  cause  will  involve  the  independence 
of  nations  and  the  rights  of  human  nature. 

I  am,  sir,  respectfully  your  obedient  servant,  W.H.S. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion  May  ai.  1861 

My  dear  Sir  Why  can  not  Col.  Small's  Philadelphia  Regiment 
be  received?  I  sincerely  wish  it  could.  There  is  something  strange 

[380] 


3V!  A  Y      2  29      l86l 

about  it.  Give  these  gentlemen  an  interview,  and  take  their  Regi- 
ment. Yours  truly  A. 


1  AL.S,  IHi.  Colonel  William  F.  Small's  regiment  was  the  Twenty-sixth  Penn- 
sylvania, organized  shortly  after  Lincoln's  election  in  1860,  accepted  April  18, 

1861,  to  report  to  Washington  through  Baltimore.  Attacked  by  the  mob  at  Balti- 
more, the  regiment  returned  to  Philadelphia.  Maintained  by  private  funds  from 
April  20  to  May  25,  it  was  ordered  into  federal  service  "with  the  muster  dating 
back  to  May  5. 


To  John  A.  McClemand1 

Hon.  J.  A.  McClernand  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  May  at.  1861 

I  have  just  had  the  interview  with  Gen.  Cameron.  He  says  the 
six  Illinois  Regiments  shall  be  received  at  once,  and  probably  sent 
to  Cairo  —  that  he  does  not  know,  but  will  ascertain,  whether  heavy 
guns  have  gone  to  Cairo  —  that  he  thinks  well  of  the  proposition  to 
buy  the  surplus  produce  on  the  Ohio2  —  and  that  he  wishes  to  see 
you,  and  will  admit  you  whenever  you  will  send  in  your  card. 

I  wish  you  to  go.  Your  Obt.  Servt.  A. 


1  ALS,  RPB.  See  Lincoln  to  Cameron,  May  20,  supra,  in  regard  to  the  Illinois 
regiments. 

2  McClernand  suggested  that  the  government  devise  a  plan  to  purchase  surplus 
produce  which  the  blockade  deprived  of  its  normal  Southern  outlets. 


To  Gideon  Welles1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  Navy  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  May  21,  1861 

The  bearer  of  this — master  Walter  Trumbull — is  a  son  of  our 
Illinois  Senator  Trumbull.  He  wishes  to  be  admitted  into  the  Naval 
school,  and  I  wish  you  may  be  able  to  oblige  him.  Please  give  him 
an  interview,  at  all  events.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  owned  by  Charles  W.  Olsen,  Chicago,  Illinois.  Walter  Trumbull  is 
listed  as  midshipman  on  probation  at  the  Naval  Academy  as  of  September  30, 
1863- 


Approval  of  American  Tract  Society's  Program 
of  Distributing  Books  to  Soldiers1 

Executive  Mansion,  May  22.  1861 

I  approve  Mr.  Broughton's  object  as  indicated  by  the  within  let- 
ter of  Gov.  Andrew.  A.  LINCOLN 

[381] 


MAY      22,       l86l 

1  ALS-F,  THaroL  Printed  in  facsimile  on  a  broadside  distribued  by  the  Amer- 
ican Tract  Society,  Lincoln's  note  is  described  as  written  upon  the  back  of  a  letter 
from  Governor  John  A.  Andrew  to  Lincoln,  May  18,  1861,  introducing  N. 
Broughton,  Jr.,  of  Boston,  who  wished  to  make  arrangements  for  systematic  dis- 
tribution of  religious  books  to  the  troops. 


Memoranda  : 
Appointment  of  Charles  H.  Tillinghast1 

Gen.  James,  of  Rhode  Island.,  wishes  Charles  H.  Tillinghast,  of 
N.Y.  nephew  of  the  Genl.  to  be  a  cadet  at  West-Point. 
May  ssd  1861. 

Charles  H.  Tillinghast,  already  on  the  list  for  "West-Point  ap- 
pointments, to  be  marked,  as  from  Rhode-Island. 
Gen.  James,  "wants  this. 

*  AD,  DNA  WR  RG  94,  U.S.  Military  Academy,  1861,  No.  846,  Box  79.  The 
first  memorandum  is  dated  May  22,  1861,  by  a  hand  not  Lincoln's.  The  second  is 
undated.  Charles  T.  James  was  an  ex-senator  from  Rhode  Island  (1851-1857)  and 
major  general  of  the  Rhode  Island  militia. 

To  Edwin  D.  Morgan1 

Washington,  May  22,  1861. 

Governor  E.  D.  Morgan,  Albany,  N.Y.:  I  wish  to  see  you  face  to 
face  to  clear  these  difficulties  about  forwarding  troops  from  New 
York.  A. 


1  Tarbell  (Appendix),  p.  341.  Governor  Morgan  replied  May  24,  1861,  that 
he  had  planned  to  visit  Lincoln,  but  "...  learning  that  Colonel  [William  B.] 
Franklin  of  the  12th  Infy  had  been  charged  with  duties  at  New  York  in  relation 
to  the  movement  of  troops,  I  deemed  it  unnecessary."  (DLC-RTL). 


Remarks  at  Raising  of  the  Flag 
over  the  General  Post  Office  Building1 

May  22,  1861 

The  President,  having  advanced  to  the  front  of  the  platform,  was 
enthusiastically  greeted  from  the  crowd.  He  said:  — 

SIR — Permit  me  to  say,  in  response  to  your  invitation,  that  I  am 
very  happy,  upon  this,  as  upon  all  occasions,  to  be  an  humble  instru- 
ment in  forwarding  the  very  worthy  object  which  you  have  expressed. 
I  therefore  shall  take  pleasure  in  performing  the  part  assigned  me 
upon  this  occasion,  and  I  hope  in  a  satisfactory  manner.  I  suppose  that 
extended  remarks  are  not  expected  of  me  at  this  time,  but  that  it  is 

[382] 


MAY      2  3,       l86l 

desired  by  all  that  we  shall  proceed  at  once  to  the  work  in  hand,  of 
raising  our  glorious  national  ensign  to  the  proud  and  lofty  eminence 
from  which  it  is  designed  to  have  it  wave,  I  am  now  ready  to  perform 
my  part. 

The  ropes  attached  to  the  staff,  and  on  -which  the  flag  was  fas- 
tened, were  then  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  President,  when,  amid 
the  most  deafening  applause  from  the  crowd  below.,  the  flag  was 
raised  to  its  prominent  position.  There  being  but  a  slight  breeze  at 
the  time  of  its  reaching  its  place  at  the  top  of  the  staff,  it  remained 
for  a  moment  or  two  motionless,  when  suddenly,  a  gentle  wind 
rising  from  the  north,  its  ample  folds  were  extended  to  the  breeze 
in  a  most  graceful  and  beautiful  manner,  eliciting  one  universal 
outburst  of  applause  from  the  assembled  multitude,  which  was 
kept  up  for  some  time,  as  the  flag  continued  waving  its  folds,  ex- 
tending in  the  direction  of  the  South,  as  if  offering  to  ensure  pro- 
tection to  the  advocates  and  upholders  of  the  government  and 
principles  of  which  it  was  emblematical  in  that  section  of  the 
country.  This  happy  incident  had  the  effect  of  eliciting  the  follow- 
ing appropriate  remarks  from  the  President:  — 

LADIES  AISTD  GENTLEMEN — I  had  not  thought  to  say  a  word,  but  it  has 
occurred  to  me  that  a  few  weeks  ago  the  "Stars  and  Stripes"  hung 
rather  languidly  about  the  staff  all  over  the  nation.  So,  too,  -with  this 
flag,  when  it  was  elevated  to  its  place.  At  first  it  hung  rather  languidly, 
but  the  glorious  breeze  came,  and  it  now  floats  as  it  should.  (Cries  of 
"Good,"  and  applause)  And  we  hope  that  the  same  breeze  is  swelling 
the  glorious  flag  throughout  the  whole  nation. 

1  New  York  Herald,  May  23,  1861.  The  report  in  the  Washington  National  Re- 
publican., May  23,  1861,  has  slight  verbal  differences  but  is  substantially  the 


To  Edward  Bates1 

Hon.  Attorney  General.  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  May  23.  1861 

Please  send  me  a  commission  for  Joseph  Casey,  of  Perm,  as  Judge 
of  the  court  of  claims,  to  fill  the  vacancy  now  existing.  Yours  truly 

A. 


3-AL.S,  DNA  GE  RG  60,  Papers  of  Attorney  General,  Segregated  Lincoln 
Material. 

To  John  A.  Dahlgren1 

Capt.  Dahlgren.  Executive  Mansion,  May  23.  1861 

My  dear  Sir     Allow  me  to  introduce  Col.  J.  A.  McClernand,  M. 
C.  of  my  own  District  in  Illinois.  If  he  should  desire  to  visit  Fortress 

[383] 


MAY      23,       l86l 

Monroe,  please  introduce  turn  to  the  Captain  of  one  of  the  vessel  [s] 
in  our  service,  and  pass  him  down  and  back.  Yours  very  truly 

A.    LI3NTGOL3ST 

1  A3LS,  OKB.  Captain  John  A.  Dahlgren  was  in  command  of  the  Washington 
Navy  Yard  and  later  became  chief  of  ordnance  for  the  Navy. 


Memorandum:  Appointment  of  Lewis1 

May  23,  1861 

Mr.  Lewis,  besides  the  recommendation  of  Mr.  Barney,  within, 
is  introduced  to  me  by  Mr.  Elisha  Whittlesey,2  who  takes  great 
interest  in  him.  Let  him  be  appointed  as  soon  as  he  consistently 
can.  A.  LINCOLN 

May  23,  1861 

1  Parke-Bernet  Catalog  841,  February  25,  1947,  No.  157.  Lincoln's  memoran- 
dum appears,  according  to  the  catalog  description,  on  the  last  page  of  a  three- 
page  petition  for  an  army  appointment,  signed  by  John  A.  Dix,  secretary  of  the 
Treasury  during  the   last  few  weeks   of   Buchanan's   administration,    and   ap- 
pointed a  major  general  of  volunteers  by  Lincoln  on  May  16.  Lewis  has  not  been 
identified. 

2  Elisha  Whittlesey  of  Ohio,  first  comptroller  of  the  Treasury  1849-1857,  reap- 
pointed  by  Lincoln  to  the  same  office. 


To  Edwin  D.  Morgan1 

His  Excellency  Washington,  D.C. 

Gov.  E.  D.  Morgan.  May  23,  1861 

My  dear  Sir  Will  you  please  state  to  Gen.  Walbridge2  what  are 
the  substantial  difficulties  about  the  "fourteen  regiments"  coming 
forward?  I  very  much  wish  to  get  this  matter  straight,  without 
wrong  to  the  public  service,  or  to  any  individual.  Yours  very  truly 

A.  LINCOLN 

P.  S.  You  can  talk  to  Gen.  W.  confidentially.  A  L. 

1  ALS,  N.  See  also  Lincoln  to  Morgan,  May  20,  supra 

2  Probably  Hiram  Walbridge,  a  brigadier  general  of  Ohio  militia  (1843)  who 
was  a  New  York  merchant  and  ex-congressman  (1853-1855). 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

If  the  Secretary  of  War  can  accept  the  Regiments  named  within, 
I  shall  be  greatly  gratified.  A.  LINCOLN 

May  24  [26  ?],  1861 

[384] 


MAY      2  5^      l86l 

1  Angle,  p.  273  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  a  letter  May 
21,  1861,  signed  by  the  colonels  commanding  the  six  regiments  of  the  first  brigade 
of  Indiana  volunteers.  The  date  may  be  May  26,  as  this  same  endorsement  is 
listed  in  William  D.  Morley,  Inc.  Catalog,  October  13,  1944,  No.  272. 


To  Winfield  Scott1 

Lieutenant  General  Scott  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  May  24.  1861 

What  think  you  of  the  propriety  of  yourself,  or  the  more  imme- 
diate commander — Genl.  Mansfield,2  as  I  understand — taking  the 
occasion  of  occupying  Alexandria  &  Arlington  Heights,  to  make  a 
proclamation  to  the  citizens  of  those  places,  and  vicinity,  assuring 
them  that  they  are  not  to  be  despoiled,  but  can  have  your  pro- 
tection, if  they  will  accept  it,  and  inviting  such  as  may  have  left 
their  homes,  and  business  to  return? 

Mr.  Nicolay  will  show  you  a  Telegram,  which  will  not  displease 
you.3  Your  Obedient  ServL  A.  Lntcou* 

1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  Lincoln's  suggestion  "was  f ollowed  the  next  day,  Charles  W. 
Sandford,  major  general  of  New  York  militia,  leading  the  movement. 

2  Joseph  1C.  F.  Mansfield,  in  command  of  the  Department  of  Washington. 

3  The  telegram  has  not  been  located. 


To  Ephraim  D.  and  Phoebe  EHs worth1 

To  the  Father  and  Mother  of  Col.  Washington  D.C. 

Elmer  E.  Ellsworth:  May  25.  1861 

My  dear  Sir  and  Madam,  In  the  untimely  loss  of  your  noble 
son,  our  affliction  here,  is  scarcely  less  than  your  own.  So  much  of 
promised  usefulness  to  one's  country,  and  of  bright  hopes  for  one's 
self  and  friends,  have  rarely  been  so  suddenly  dashed,  as  in  his  fall. 
In  size,  in  years,  and  in  youthful  appearance,  a  boy  only,  his  power 
to  command  men,  was  surpassingly  great.  This  power,  combined 
with  a  fine  intellect,  an  indomitable  energy,  and  a  taste  altogether 
military,  constituted  in  him,  as  seemed  to  me,  the  best  natural 
talent,  in  that  department,  I  ever  knew'.  And  yet  he  was  singularly 
modest  and  deferential  in  social  intercourse.  My  acquaintance  with 
him  began  less  than  two  years  ago;  yet  through  the  latter  half  of 
the  intervening  period,  it  was  as  intimate  as  the  disparity  of  our 
ages,  and  my  engrossing  engagements,  would  permit.  To  me,  he 
appeared  to  have  no  indulgences  or  pastimes;  and  I  never  heard 
him  utter  a  profane,  or  an  intemperate  word.  What  was  conclusive 
of  his  good  heart,  he  never  forgot  his  parents.  The  honors  he  la- 

[385] 


MAY      26,      l86l 

bored  for  so  laudably,  and,  in  the  sad  end,  so  gallantly  gave  his 
life,  he  meant  for  them,  no  less  than  for  himself. 

In  the  hope  that  it  may  be  no  intrusion  upon  the  sacredness  of 
your  sorrow,  I  have  ventured  to  address  you  this  tribute  to  the 
memory  of  my  young  friend,  and  your  brave  and  early  fallen 
child. 

May  God  give  you  that  consolation  which  is  beyond  all  earthly 
power.  Sincerely  your  friend  in  a  common  affliction  — 

A. 


1  ALS,  CSmH.  Elmer  E.  Ellsworth  was  killed  at  Alexandria,  Virginia,  May  24 
See  Lincoln  to  Cameron,  March  5,  and  to  Ellsworth,  April  15,  supra,  and  notes. 
Ephraim  D.  Ellsworth  acknowledged  Lincoln's  letter,  June  19,  1861,  with  ".  .  . 
grateful  thanks  for  your  kindness  to  and  interest  you  have  shown  in  our  beloved 
son.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL). 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Simon  Cameron  Washington  D.C. 

Sec.  of  War.  May  2  6th  1861. 

Dear  Sir,  I  am  very  much  inclined  to  accept  Col.  Einsteins 
Regiment  and  wish  you  would  have  it  mustered  into  service  as 
soon  as  possible  if  in  any  way  consistent  with  our  arrangements. 
Your  truly  A. 


1  LS,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Colonel  Max  Einstein's  Twenty-seventh  Pennsyl- 
vania, reorganized  at  Philadelphia  after  return  from  the  Baltimore  riots,  was  ac- 
cepted and  mustered  in,  May  30-31,  1861. 


To  Washington  A.  Bartlett1 

Washington,  May  27,  1861. 

CoL  W.  A.  Bartlett,  New  York:  The  Naval  Brigade  was  to  go 
to  Fort  Monroe  without  trouble  to  the  Government,  and  must  so 
go  or  not  at  all.  A. 


1  Tarbell  (Appendix),  p.  341.  Lincoln  had  received  a  communication  from 
Bray  &  Merwin  of  New  York,  May  25,  1861:  "We  have  reed  an  order  from 
CoL  Bartlett  Naval  Brigade  for  twenty  five  hundred  pair  shoes  .  .  .  drawers 
.  .  .  socks  .  .  .  bandana  handkerchiefs  .  .  .  shall  we  deliver  them  upon  your 
authority.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL).  Bartlett  replied  to  Lincoln,  May  27,  "Merwin 
&  Bray  had  no  authority  to  telegraph  to  you  about  our  contract  ...  it  -was  not 
our  fault  we  could  not  have  suspected  it.  ...  We  are  ready  &  will  sail  as 
ordered  .  .  .  without  troubling  you.  Your  letter  &  teleg[rap]h  reed.  .  .  ." 
(DLC-RTL).  Lincoln's  letter  to  Bartlett,  presumably  dated  May  25,  is  not  ex- 
tant. Bartlett  had  been  a  lieutenant  in  the  Navy,  and  served  as  the  first  Amer- 
ican alcalde  of  San  Francisco  in  1846.  In  April,  1861,  he  organized  a  brigade 
of  seamen,  but  there  is  no  record  of  his  service  in  the  army  in  i8@i, 

[386] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  May  27,  1861 

If  there  be  any  vacancy  of  a  cadetship  at  West-Point,  at  the  spe- 
cial request  of  Mr.  Senator  Harris.,  I  wish  to  appoint  Jared  L.  Rath- 
born  to  it,  provided  he  fills  the  conditions.  Yours  truly 

A.  LINCOLN 

i  ALS,  DNA  WR  RG  94,  U.S.  Military  Academy,  1861,  No.  695,  Box  79.  At 
request  of  Senator  Ira  Harris,  Jared  L.,  Rathbone  was  appointed  from  New  York. 


Lorenzo  Thomas  to  William  S.  Harney1 

Washington,  D.C.,  May  27,  1861. 

Sir:  The  President  observes  with  concern  that,  notwithstanding 
the  pledge  of  the  State  authorities  to  cooperate  in  preserving  peace 
in  Missouri.,  loyal  citizens  in  great  numbers  continue  to  be  driven 
from  their  homes.  It  is  immaterial  whether  these  outrages  continue 
from  inability  or  indisposition  on  the  part  of  the  State  authorities 
to  prevent  them.  It  is  enough  that  they  continue  to  devolve  on  you 
the  duty  of  putting  a  stop  to  them  summarily  by  the  force  under 
your  command,  to  be  aided  by  such  troops  as  you  may  require  from 
Kansas,  Iowa,  and  Illinois.  The  professions  of  loyalty  to  the  Union 
by  the  State  authorities  of  Missouri  are  not  to  be  relied  upon.  They 
have  already  falsified  their  professions  too  often,  and  are  too  far 
committed  to  secession  to  be  entitled  to  your  confidence,  and  you 
can  only  be  sure  of  their  desisting  from  their  wicked  purposes  when 
it  is  out  of  their  power  to  prosecute  them.  You  will  therefore  be 
unceasingly  watchful  of  their  movements,  and  not  permit  the 
clamors  of  their  partizans  and  opponents  of  the  wise  measures  al- 
ready taken  to  prevent  you  from  checking  every  movement  against 
the  government,  however  disguised  under  the  pretended  State  au- 
thority. The  authority  of  the  United  States  is  paramount,  and 
whenever  it  is  apparent  that  a  movement,  whether  by  color  of 
State  authority  or  not,  is  hostile,  you  will  not  hesitate  to  put  it 
down, 

I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

L.  THOMAS,  Adjutant-General, 

1 NH,  VI,  288-89.  That  Lincoln  drafted  this  letter  for  Adjutant  General 
Thomas  is  possible,  "but  the  original  has  not  been  located.  It  is  included  in  the 
present  work  pn  the  basis  of  NIcolay  and  Hay's  inclusion  of  it  in  the  Complete 
Works,  and  in  the  absence  of  satisfactory  evidence  to  the  contrary. 

[387] 


To  Carl  Schiirz1 

May  27,  1861 

If  it  will  make  no  confusion,  Let  all  the  german  Regiments  be  of 
those  going  to  Fort-Monroe. 

This  will  only,  at  most,  transform,  and  not  change  the  propor- 
tions going  there  and  coming  here.  LINCOLN 

May  27.  1861. 

1  ALS,  DLC-Sclmrz  Papers,  See  Lincoln  to  Schurz,  May  16,  supra. 

To  Lorenzo  Thomas1 

Gen.  Thomas,  Executive  Mansion,  May  27,  1861. 

The  three  gentlemen  who  will  hand  you  this  note,  belong  to  an 
Artillery  Company  at  Baltimore  who  wish  to  get  into  the  United 
States  Service  .  .  .  and  ...  if  you  advise  it,  I  will  receive  them. 
I  hate  to  reject  any  offer  from  what  is  called  a  Southern  State.  .  .  . 

A. 


1  Tracy,  p.  184.  Concerning  this  fragmentary  text,  there  is  no  available  iden- 
tification of  the  men  involved,  but  the  New  York  Herald.,  May  28,  1861,  reports 
the  Eagle  Artillery  of  Baltimore  accepted  by  the  president.  There  is  no  official 
record  of  the  acceptance  of  the  Eagle  Artillery,  however,  until  July,  1863. 

Endorsement:  Order  of  Simon  Cameron 
to  Illinois  and  Indiana  Regiments1 

May  28,  1861. 

Let  this  order  be  entered  as  It  now  stands,  I  holding  for  further 
consideration  the  subject-matter  of  what  I  have  erased. 

A. 


1  OR,  III,  I,  240.  Cameron's  order  (ibid.}  is  given  as  follows,  with  no  indica- 
tion of  Lincoln's  erasures: 

""War  Department,  'Washington,  May  28,  1861. 

"The  six  regiments  of  troops  in  Indiana  and  the  six  regiments  in  Illinois,  all 
which  are  now  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  and  commonly  called  three- 
months'  men,  or  any  one  or  more  of  said  regiments,  may  forthwith  or  as  soon  as 
practicable  report  their  readiness  to  Major-General  McClellan,  and  by,  him,  or 
under  his  order,  be  received  in  and  attached  to  the  longer  service,  commonly 
called  three-years'  men;  provided  that  no  officer  or  private  is  held  under  obliga- 
tion to  such  change,  and  no  one  of  said  regiments  shall  be  received  into  said  longer 
service  in  which  regiment  more  than  one-fifth  their  number  decline  the  change; 
and  in  cases  of  regiments  received,  the  individuals  declining,  being  not  more  than 
one-fifth  of  the  whole,  may  be  discharged  at  once,  their  places  to  be  supplied  as 
fast  as  possible  by  voluntary  recruits.  Any  of  the  aforesaid  regiments  not  being 
transferred  to  the  longer  service,  according  to  the  terms  of  the  order,  will  remain 
in  their  present  three-month  service. 

"By  special  order  of  the  President:  SIMON  CAMERON, 

Secretary  of  War." 

[388] 


Endorsement:  Petition  of  Citizens 
of  Pekin5  Illinois^  for  Pardon  of  James  Foley1 

May  28,  1861 

The  within  Petitioners,  are  my  intimate  acquaintances,  and  are 
most  respectable  people.  Will  Judge  Bates — Atty.  General — please 
see  \vhether  their  prayer  can  be  granted?  A  LINCOLN 

May  28.  1861 

1  AES,  ORB.  James  Foley  was,  according  to  the  petition,  a  former  resident  of 
Pekin,  Illinois,  who  had  joined  the  army  and  had  Been  convicted  of  murder.  The 
document  bears  no  other  endorsements.  Reverend  Thomas  J.  Mooney,  chaplain 
of  the  Sixty-ninth  New  York  Militia,  wrote  Lincoln  June  14,  1861,  ".  .  .  to  pre- 
sent my  most  sincere  and  grateful  thanks  together  with  those  of  our  worthy 
Colonel,  and  officers  .  .  .  for  the  clemency  and  great  mercy  which  you  have  ex- 
tended towards  James  Foley  in  commuting  the  sentence  of  death  ...  to  that 
of  imprisonment.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL). 

To  Gideon  Welles1 

Hon:  Secretary  of  the  Navy  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  May  28.  1861 

A  friend  of  mine,  residing  at  Chicago,  Illinois — Mr.  C.  Beckwith 
— has  a  lady-relative — Miss  Elizabeth  Smith — at  St.  Marts,  in 
Florida,  whom  he  much  desires  to  have  brought  away  from  there; 
and  he  has  been  induced  to  think  that  some  of  our  vessels  connected 
with  the  blockade  could  effect  this  without  much  trouble.  If  this  is 
practicable  I  shall  be  obliged  if  you  will  direct  it  to  be  done.  Yours 
truly  A.  LirsrcoLisr 

1  ALS,  DNA  WR  NB  RG  45,  Executive  Letters,  No.  153.  Welles  to  Lincoln, 
August  7,  1861,  encloses  copies  of  the  reports  of  naval  officers  'who  failed  in  their 
efforts  to  remove  Miss  Smith  from  the  South  (DLC-RTL.) . 

To  Winfield  Scott1 

[May  29,  1861] 
For  Lieut.  Genl.  Scott — 

A  few  days  ago  I  said  to  the  commissioner  of  Indian  affairs  that 
I  would  appoint  whoever  he  named  for  Superintendent  of  Indian 
affairs  in  Washington.  The  commissioner  tells  me  he  has  intimated 

1  AE,  DLC-RTL.  Lincoln's  incomplete  endorsement  appears  at  bottom  of  Scott 
to  Caleb  B.  Smith,  May  27,  1861,  following  Smith's  endorsement  concurring  in 
Scott's  recommendation,  May  29.  Scott's  letter  introduces  the  bearer  Bion  F, 
Kendall,  a  native  of  Maine  resident  in  Washington  Territory,  -who  had  ".  .  .  ex- 
ecuted a  confidential  mission  for  me  of  great  danger  &  importance;  taking  him 
thro*  nearly  all  the  seceded  states.  .  .  .**  and  who  wished  to  he  superintendent 
of  Indian  affairs  in  Washington  Territory.  Kendall  was  appointed  to  the  office, 
July  16,  1861. 

[389] 


To  Edward  Bates1 

My  Dear  Sir  May  30.  1861 

Will  you  do  the  favor  to  confer  with  Mr.  Johnson  and  be  pre- 
paring to  present  the  argument  for  the  suspension  of  the  Habeas 
Corpus  Very  respectfully  yours  A.  LINCOLN" 

The  Honorable  I  concur 

Atty  Genl.  William  H.  Seward 

1  LS-P,  ISLA,  The  result  of  Reverdy  Johnson's  conference  with  Bates  is  not 
indicated  in  any  immediate  communication  from  Bates,  but  on  July  5,  1861,  the 
attorney  general  returned  a  twenty-six-page  opinion,  the  gist  of  which  was  that 
if  suspension  was  understood  to  mean  "...  a  repeal  of  all  power  to  issue  the 
writ  .  .  .  none  but  Congress  can  do  it.  But  if  we  are  at  liberty  to  understand  the 
phrase  to  mean,  that,  in  case  of  a  great  and  dangerous  rebellion,  like  the  present, 
the  public  safety  requires  the  arrest  and  confinement  of  persons  implicated  in  that 
rebellion,  I,  as  freely,  declare  the  opinion  that  the  President  has  lawful  power  to 
suspend  the  privilege  of  persons  arrested  under  such  circumstances  "  (DLC- 
KTL). 

To  Seventh  Regiment  of  New  York1 

THE  PRESIDENT  returns  his  thanks  to  the  "Seventh  Regiment" 
of  New  York,  for  their  delightful  serenade  of  last  night. 

May  30,  1861 

1  "Washington  Evening  Star.,  May  30,  1861. 


To  Lorenzo  Thomas1 

I  wish  Capt.  Von  Horn's  company  to  be  included  in  Hecker's 
Regiment  from  Chicago,  Illinois.  A  LINCOLN 

May  30,  1861 

i  AES,  DNA  WR  RG  94,  Adjutant  General,  Letters  Received,  2O2-P-i86i.  Lin- 
coln's endorsement  appears  on  John  Von  Horn  to  Lincoln,  May  30,  1861,  request- 
ing inclusion  of  his  company  in  Colonel  Frederick  Hecker's  Twenty-fourth  Illi- 
nois Volunteers. 


To  Salmon  E  Chase1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  Treasury,  May  31,  1861 

If  it  is  determined,  as  I  suppose,  that  Mr.  Muller  be  appointed, 

let  it  be  done  at  once;  as  by  the  above  it  appears  to  be  necessary. 

Yours  truly,  A.  LUX-COUNT 

May  31,  1861. 

1  Tracy,  p.  185.  See  Lincoln  to  Chase,  May  9,  supra,  and  note. 

[390] 


To  Caleb  B.  Smith1 

May  31,  1861 

It  is  perceived  within  that  Mr.  Irvins*  friends  desire  him  to  be 

Superintendent  of  Utah.  Is  there  any  such  office,  other  than  the 

Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs,  which  has  already  been  filled? 

Hon's.  Messrs  Stratton  &  Nixon  of  N.  J.  present  this  paper  to  me. 

May  31.1861  A. 


1  ALS,  DLC-Nicolay  Papers.  The  accompanying  document  is  no  longer  with 
Lincoln's  note,  and  attempts  to  identify  Irvin  have  failed.  The  persons  present- 
ing the  request  were  John  T.  Nixon  and  John  L  N.  Stratton,  representatives  from 
New  Jersey. 


To  Caleb  B.  Smith1 

Executive  Mansion.  Washington  3ist.  May  1861 
I  hereby  appoint  Charles  E.  Mix  to  be  acting  Commissioner  of 
Indian  Affairs,  during  the  temporary  absence  of  the  Commissioner 
from  the  Seat  of  Government.  ABRAHAM 


i  LS,  DNA  NR  RG  75,  Office  of  Indian  Affairs,  Letters  Received,  1861,  Miscel- 
laneous, P-422.  William  P.  Dole  was  commissioner  of  Indian  affairs. 


To  Caleb  B.  Smith1 

May  31,  1861 

When  I  was  a  member  of  Congress  a  dozen  years  ago,  I  boarded 

with  the  lady  who  writes  the  within  letter.  She  is  a  most  worthy 

and  deserving  lady;  and  if  what  she  desires  can  be  consistently 

done,  I  shall  be  much  obliged        I  say  this  sincerely  and  earnestly. 

May  31,  1861  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  ORB.  Mrs.  Ann  G.  Sprigg,  widow  of  Benjamin  Sprigg,  kept  a  boarding 
house  in  1848-1849  on  First  Street,  E.,  between  A  Street,  S.  and  East  Capitol 
Street.  No  record  has  been  found  of  Mrs.  Sprigg's  request.  On  the  bottom  of  the 
page  following  Lincoln's  note  is  the  following: 

"Hon  Mr  Smith: 

"We  boarded  some  months,  with  Mrs.  Sprigg,  &  found  her  a  most  estimable 
lady  &  would  esteem  it  a  personal  favor,  if  her  request,  could  be  granted. 

"MRS.  A. 


To  Edward  Bates1 

Send  up  the  commissions,  according  to  the  within  request. 
June  i,  1861.  A.  LINCOLN 

[391] 


JTU3NTE       1,       1   8  6  1 

*  AES,  DNA  GE  RG  60,  Papers  of  Attorney  General,  Segregated  Lincoln  Ma- 
terial. Lincoln's  endorsement  appears  on  the  back  of  Bates  to  Lincoln,  June  i, 
1861,  "May  I  appoint  for  the  Western  District  of  Missouri  ...  for  Attorney 
Jonas  J.  Clark/for  Marshal  James  O.  Sitton?  I  have  just  gotten  a  telegram 
from  our  friend  S.  T.  Glover  requesting  these  appointments,  &  urging  speed." 
Sitton  is  listed  in  the  office  named,  as  of  September  30,  1861,  but  Robert  J.  Lackey 
is  listed  as  attorney  on  the  same  date. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War.  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  June  i.  1861 

Mrs.  Capt.  Burton  is  very  desirous  that  her  husband  may  be 
made  a  Colonel.  I  do  not  know  him  personally;  but  i£  it  can  be  done 
without  injustice  to  other  officers  of  the  Regular  Army,  I  -would 
like  for  her  to  be  obliged.  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  ALS,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Probably  Captain  Burton  was  Henry  S.  Burton 
of  the  Third  Regiment  of  Artillery  whose  promotion  to  major,  sent  to  the  Senate 
December  6,  1861,  was  back-dated  to  May  14. 


Meinorandum : 
Appointment  of  Edwin  S.  McCook1 

June  i,  1861 

Edwin  S.  McCook,  is  excellently  well  recommended  within  for 
a  Lieutenancy  in  the  Regular  Army,  and  I  hope  it  can,  without 
injustice  to  others  be  given  him.  A.  LIIXTCOUNT 

June  i,  1861. 

* AES-P,  ISLA.  Edwin  S.  McCook  of  Pekin,  Illinois,  attended  the  U.S.  Naval 
Academy  and  served  as  midshipman  1854-1856.  He  was  not  appointed  to  the 
regular  army,  but  raised  a  company  and  became  captain  in  the  Thirty- first  Illi- 
nois Infantry,  September  18,  1861. 


Memorandum : 
Appointment  of  William  P.  Jones,  Jr.1 

This  applicant  hails  from  Connecticut,  and  is  well  recommended. 
Let  him  be  placed  on  the  list.  A.  LmcoLisr 

June  3,  1861 

i  AES,  DNA  WR  RG  94,  U.S.  Military  Academy,  1861,  No.  445,  Box  78.  Ian- 
coin's  endorsement  is  on  the  back  of  a  letter  of  application  from  William  P.  Jones, 
Sr.,  New  York  City,  June  a,  ±861,  recommending  "William  P.  Jones,  Jr.,  of  Stam- 
ford, Connecticut.  There  is  no  record  of  an  appointment. 

[392] 


Memorandum : 
Appointment  of  Charles  L.  Thomasson1 

Let  this  case  stand  high  for  a  chance.  A. 

June  3,  1861 

1  AES,  CSmEL  Lincoln's  endorsement  Is  on  the  Lack  of  Thomasson  to  Lincoln, 
Louisville,  Kentucky,  May  20,  1861,  on  the  bottom  of  -which  is  a  recommendation 
by  Joshua  F.  Speed,  for  appointment  of  Thomasson  as  paymaster.  He  was  not 
appointed  to  the  regular  army,  but  became  a  captain  in  the  Fifth  Kentucky  In- 
fantry. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

June  4,  1861 

I  am  personally  acquainted  with  Dr.  Prince,  and  know  him  to 
be  of  excellent  private  character,  and  a  Surgeon  of  the  highest  repu- 
tation. A.  LINCOLN 
June  4,  1861 

1  AES,  DNA  WR  RG  107,  Secretary  of  "War,  Personnel  Appointments,  Box  5. 
Lincoln's  endorsement  is  on  the  back  of  Benjamin  Norris  to  Nicolay,  Pittsfield, 
Illinois,  May  23,  1861,  recommending  Dr.  David  Prince  of  Jacksonville,  Illinois. 
Dr.  Prince  was  appointed  surgeon  with  rank  of  major,  August  3,  1861. 

Reply  to  Don  Marcelino  Hurtado1 

June  4,  1861 

Mr.  HURTADO:  I  receive  with  pleasure  a  Minister  Plenipoten- 
tiary from  the  Republic  of  the  Granadian  Confederacy.  Your 
country  contains  one  of  the  principal  highways  of  commerce  and 
intercourse  between  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific  States  of  this 
Union.  The  people  of  the  two  countries  cannot,  therefore,  be  stran- 
gers to  each  other;  they  must  be  friends,  and  in  some  measure  al- 
lies. It  shall  be  no  fault  of  mine  if  they  ever  cease  to  be  such. 

The  republican  system  of  government,  which  has  been  adopted 
so  generally  on  this  continent,  has  proved  its  adaptation  to  what  is 
the  first  purpose  of  government  every  where — the  maintenance  of 
national  independence.  It  is  my  confident  hope  and  belief  that  this 
system  will  be  found,  after  sufficient  trials,  to  be  better  adapted 
every  where  than  any  other  to  other  great  interests  of  human  so- 
ciety— namely,  the  preservation  of  peace,  order,  and  national 
prosperity.  I  sincerely  hope  that  this  may  be  the  happy  result  of 
the  experiment  of  the  system  in  your  country. 

I  bid  you  welcome,  sir,  to  the  society  of  the  capital. 

1  Washington  Daily  National  Intelligencer,  June  5,  1861.  Hurtado  presented 
his  credentials  as  commissioner  and  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister  plenipo- 
tentiary of  Granada,  and  made  a  hrief  speech  to  which  Lincoln  replied. 

[393] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  June  5.  1861 

Herewith  I  send  a  draft  for  an  order  giving  Gen.  McClland 
[McClellan]  discretion  to  receive  a  particular  company.  There  is 
no  cheat  about  it.  Mr.  Sturges,  who  brings  this  to  you  is  a  man  of 
large  means,  and  of  the  highest  character. 

Inclosed  also  is  Gen.  Scott's  note,  substantially  assenting  to  the 
order  Yours  truly  A.  LnNrcoL]sr 

1  ALS,  IHi.  William  Sturges,  a  Chicago  banker,  wrote  to  Lincoln,  May  27, 
1861,  that  his  father,  Solomon  Sturges  '*.  .  .  left  this  morning  to  visit  Genl  Mc- 
Clellan at  Cincinnati.  .  .  .  He  will  see  you  latter  part  of  the  week.  We  are  very 
anxious  the  Rifle  Company  he  has  armed  uniformed  &  equipped  &  who  have  been 
in  camp  now  for  some  time  should  have  orders  to  go  to  Washington.  .  ,  ."  (DLC- 
RTL).  The  Sturges  Rifles  went  to  West  Virginia  where  the  company  served  as 
McClellan's  bodyguard,  and  upon  McClellan's  being  given  command  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  were  transferred  to  Washington.  Search  for  the  draft  of 
Lincoln's  order  has  been  of  no  avail. 

To  Winfield  Scott1 

Private 

Lieut.  Genl.  Scott  Executive  Mansion     June  5.   1861 

My  dear  Sir  Doubtless  you  begin  to  understand  how  disagree- 
able it  is  to  me  to  do  a  thing  arbitrarily,  when  it  is  unsatisfactory  to 
others  associated  with  me. 

I  very  much  wish  to  appoint  Col.  Meigs  Quarter-Master  General, 
and  yet  Gen.  Cameron  does  not  quite  consent.  I  have  come  to  know 
Col.  Meigs  quite  well  for  a  short  acquaintance,  and,  so  far  as  I  am 
capable  of  judging  I  do  not  know  one  who  combines  the  qualities  of 
masculine  intellect,  learning  and  experience  of  the  right  sort,  and 
physical  power  of  labor  and  endurance  so  well  as  he. 

I  know  he  has  great  confidence  in  you,  always  sustaining  so  far 
as  I  have  observed,  your  opinions,  against  any  differing  ones. 

You  will  lay  me  under  one  more  obligation,  if  you  can  and  will 
use  your  influence  to  remove  Gen.  Cameron's  objection.  I  scarcely 
need  tell  you  I  have  nothing  personal  in  this,  having  never  seen  or 
heard  of  Col.  Meigs,  until  about  the  end  of  last  March.  Your  obt. 
Servt,  A.  LiisrcoLisr 

1  LS  Copy,  DLC-RTL.  The  copy  is  in  John  Hay's  handwriting,  signed  by  Lin- 
coln. General  Scott  wrote  Lincoln,  [June  5] ,  that  "Nothing  can  be  more  kind  than 
your  courtesy  to  me  in  a  matter  so  exclusively  within  your  own  competency  as 
the  appointment  of  a  quarter  Master  general.  ...  It  costs  me  nothing  ...  to 
support  your  preference.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL),  Cameron  to  Lincoln,  June  10,  in- 
troducing Colonel  Charles  Thomas,  the  oldest  officer  in  the  quartermaster  gen- 

[394] 


J-  u  INT  E    8,     1861 

eraFs  department,  to  see  Lincoln  about  his  promotion,  indicated  that  Lincoln 
faced  a  problem  of  seniority  in  the  department  (ibid.).  Montgomery  C.  Meigs, 
however,  was  nominated  to  the  Senate,  July  13,  1861,  to  be  quartermaster  gen- 
eral with  rank  of  brigadier  general  from  June  10,  1861.  On  August  5,  Lincoln 
communicated  to  the  Senate  ".  .  .  an  error  in  the  date  of  the  appointment  of 
Brigadier-General  Montgomery  C.  Meigs  ...  by  which  his  rank  is  dated  after 
that  of  other  officers,  while  his  appointment  was  actually  of  earlier  date.  I  there- 
fore, to  correct  this  error,  renominate  ...  to  rank  as  such  from  the  15th  day  of 
May,  1861.  .  .  ."  (Executive  Journal.,  XI,  543-44).  One  wonders,  in  view  of  the 
circumstances,  whether  the  misdating  of  Meigs"  appointment  in  the  list  of  pro- 
motions sent  to  the  Senate  on  July  13  was  entirely  inadvertent 


Testimonial  Written  for  Ward  H.  Lamon1 

Executive  Mansion     June  5  1861 

The  bearer  of  this,  W.  H.  Lamon,  is  entirely  reliable,  and  trust- 
worthy. A.  LINCOLN. 

1  ADS,  CSmH.  Lamon  secured  this  testimonial  to  expedite  his  organization  of 
a  brigade  of  Unionist  Virginians,  who,  forced  to  leave  their  homes,  had  concen- 
trated in  such  places  as  Chambersburg,  Pennsylvania,  and  Hagerstown,  Mary- 
land. See  also  Lincoln  to  Lamon,  June  25,  infra. 


To  Lorenzo  Thomas1 

If  no  good  reason  exists  to  the  contrary  I  should  like  for  Col. 
Hunter  and  Mr.  Peck  to  be  obliged  in  this  matter. 

A.  Lirsrcousr 

June  7,  1861 

1  ES,  DNA  WR  RG  94,  Adjutant  General,  Letters  Received,  233-P-i86i.  Lin- 
coln's endorsement  is  written  in  the  left  margin  of  David  Hunter  to  Lorenzo 
Thomas,  June  6,  1861,  requesting  appointment  of  "Lieut.  "VV.  "W.  Peck,  of  the 
8th.  Infantry  ...  in  the  3d.  U.S.  Cavalry."  William  W.  Peck,  son  of  Ebenezer 
Peck  of  Chicago,  was  not  transferred  to  Hunter's  regiment,  but  was  promoted  to 
captain  in  the  Eleventh  Infantry,  as  of  May  14,  1861.  See  Lincoln  to  Lorenzo 
Thomas,  June  19,  infra. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War.  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  June  8.  1861 

Hon.  Emerson  Etheridge2  is  now  with  me;  and  from  the  infor- 
mation he  gives  me  I  am  induced  to  request  that  you  send  one 
thousand  stand  of  Arms  to  Gen.  Prentiss3  at  Cairo,  to  he  delivered 
by  him  to  such  person  or  persons  as  he,  Mr.  Etheredge  shall 
direct.  Give  Mr.  Etheridge  an  interview,  and  he  will  fully  explain 
to  you.  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

[395] 


JTUINTE      8,       l86l 

1  AILS,  IHi. 

2  Emerson    Etheridge    of    Dresden,    Tennessee,    ex-congressman    (1853-1857, 
1859-1861),  became  clerk  of  the  House  of  Representatives  (July  4,  i86i-Decem- 
ber  8,  1863).  3  Brigadier  General  Benjamin  M.  Prentiss. 


Endorsement:  James  Cooper  to  Lincoln1 

June  8,  1861 

I  can  only  say  that  If  the  War  Department  can  receive  this  Regi- 
ment, I  have  no  objection.  I  can  not  take  upon  my  self  personally 
the  charge  of  providing  them.  A.  LnNrcoLisr 

June  8,  1861 

1 AES,  RJPB.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  on  the  envelope  of  Brigadier  General 
Cooper's  letter,  Camp  Carroll,  Maryland,  June  7,  1861,  asking  Lincoln's  inter- 
vention with  the  War  Department  to  secure  acceptance  of  the  Second  Maryland 
Regiment,  raised  by  Captain  J.  P.  Creager  without  proper  authority  from  the 
War  Department.  Below  Lincoln's  endorsement  Montgomery  Blair  wrote,  "I 
can  not  understand  why  there  shd  be  any  trouble.  The  War  Dept  has  called  for 
volunteers  from  Md  for  the  war  &  those  proposed  do  not  exceed  the  number  called 
for  as  I  understand  it."  Some  of  the  companies  of  the  Second  Maryland  Regiment 
were  accepted  in  June  and  the  rest  in  September,  1861. 


Endorsement:  James  Cooper  to  Lincoln1 

I  am  sorry  Mr.  Cooper  did  not  tell  us  ivhere  the  Regiment  is, 
named  within;  but  still  I  think  it  ought  to  be  received. 
June  8,  1861  A. 


1  AES,  The  Rosenbach  Company,  Philadelphia  and  New  York.  This  endorse- 
ment, or  note,  probably  accompanied  the  endorsement  supra,  but  became  sep- 
arated from  the  letter  of  James  Cooper. 


Memorandum  : 
Appointment  of  Christopher  Robinson1 

[c.  June  8,  1861] 

Mr.  Senator  Simmons,  insists  that  Hon  Christopher  Robinson  of 
R.I  must  have  something  out  of  the  remaining  Diplomatic  &  Con- 
sular appointments,  and  I  think  Rhode  Island  should  be  remem- 
bered on  that  occasion. 
Thinks  of  Chili 

1  AD,  DLC-RTL.  Lincoln  appointed  Robinson  envoy  pro  tern.,  to  Peru  on  June 
8  during  the  Senate  recess,  and  the  appointment  was  confirmed  July  15,  1861. 

[396] 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  State  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  June  8.  1861 

Mr.  Wm.  W.  Richmond  whose  papers  are  inclosed  within,  is 
very  anxious  to  be  Consul  to  Paris.  You  know  I  expect  you  to  name 
the  man  for  that  Consulate.  You  see  he  has  a  note  from  H.  J.  Ray- 
mond. Give  him  an  interview.  Yours  truly  A. 


1  ALS,  NAuE.  For  the  confusion  of  the  appointment  of  William  W.  Rich- 
mond of  New  Orleans  with  that  of  William  B.  Richmond  of  Memphis,  see 
Lincoln's  memoranda  c.  April  i,  supra,  and  August  25,  infra,  and  also  Lincoln 
to  Seward,  August  7,  infra. 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  State  Executive  Mansion 

May  I>£c]  dear  Sir:  June  8.  1861 

Some  days  ago,  at  my  request,  Mr.  Hunter2  sent  a  list  of  the 
then  unfilled  diplomatic  appointments. 

They  were,  Japan,  China,  Costa-Rica,  Honduras,  Venezuela, 
Paragua.  Comr,  Chili  &  Peru. 

Japan,  I  understand,  is  not  to  be  changed.  China,  suppose  we 
hold  open  for  Rurlingame,  if  we  have  to  send  a  different  man3  to 
Austria.  Chili  we  have  since  given  to  Nelson.4  This  leaves  open  to 
be  disposed  of  now,  so  far  as  I  see,  Costa-Rica,  Honduras,  Venezue- 
la, Paragua,  Peru,  and  Constantinople,  the  latter  made  vacant  by 
the  transfer  of  Gen.  Webb5  to  Rrazil. 

1  AX,  NAuE. 

2  William  Hunter,  chief  clerk  in  the  State  Department. 

3  Anson  Burlingame,  who  was  not  acceptable  to  the  Austrian  government. 

4  Thomas  H.  Nelson  of  Indiana. 

5  James  W.  Webb.  The  vacancies  were  filled  as  follows:  Costa  Bica,  Charles  N. 
Blotte  of  Texas;  Honduras,  Hezekiah  G.  Wells  of  Michigan;  Venezuela,  Henry  T. 
Blow  of  Missouri;  Paraguay,  Charles  A.  Washburne  of  California;  Peru,  Christo- 
pher Bobinson  of  Bhode  Island;  Constantinople,  Edward  J.  Morris  of  Pennsyl- 


To  Gideon  Welles1 

June  8,  1861 

Herewith  is  a  letter  of  Col.  Fremont  which  contains  some  infor- 
mation I  suppose  your  Department  ought  to  have.  Yours  very  truly 

A. 


1  Stan.  V.  Henkels  Catalog  1342,  January  4,  1924,  No.  480.  Fremont  was  in 
London  at  the  time  and  wrote  to  Francis  P.  Blair,  Sr.,  May  24,  1861,  about  the 
purchase  of  Avar  steamers  by  representatives  of  the  Confederacy  (Allan  Nevins, 
Fremont^  Pathmarker  of  the  West,  p.  475). 

[397] 


Endorsement : 
William  Nelson  to  William  H.  Seward1 

[June  g?  1861] 

The  suggestions  within  made  are  approved.  Let  directions  be  given 
accordingly.  A.  LiisrcoLrsr. 

1  OR,  I,  III,  I,  161.  Lieutenant  William  Nelson,  U.S.  Navy,  in  charge  of 
gunboats  on  the  Ohio,  wrote  to  Seward  from  New  York,  June  9,  1861,  enclosing 
a  letter  received  from  Mr.  Larz  Anderson  of  Cincinnati  in  which  Anderson  de- 
precated the  unit  known  as  the  Kentucky  Brigade,  organized  at  Cincinnati. 
".  .  .  They  are  not  Kentuckians,  but  an  organization  gotten  up  in  order  that 
its  officers  might  be  mustered  into  the  service.  ...  To  send  these  men  to  Louis- 
ville will  do  the  Union  cause  a  most  serious  injury.  .  .  .  May  I  ask  you  to  have 
this  order  reconsidered."  Lieutenant  Nelson  was  appointed  brigadier  general  of 
volunteers  in  September,  1861. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  June  10,  1861 

If  there  is  any  vacancy  of  a  cadetship,  for  West-Point,  which.  I 
have  to  fill,  please  give  it  to  James  M.  Marshall,  son  of  Hon.  T.  A. 
Marshall,  of  Illinois.  Yours  truly  A.  LiisrcoLiNr 

3-ALS,  DNA  WR  RG  94,  U.S.  Military  Academy,  1861,  No.  569,  Box  79. 
Thomas  A.  Marshall  wrote  Lincoln,  April  14  and  May  16,  1861,  asking  the  ap- 
pointment for  his  son,  and  incidentally  a  brigadier  generalship  for  himself  (DLC- 
RTL) .  James  M.  Marshall  was  in  the  fourth  class  at  West  Point  as  of  September 
30,  1861. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  June  10-  1861 

Please  let  Col.   Montgomery  C.   Meigs  be   appointed   Quarter- 
Master-General.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LIN-COUNT 

1  ALS,  owned  by  Charles  W.  Olsen,  Chicago,  Illinois.  Concerning  Meigs'  ap- 
pointment, see  Lincoln's  letter  to  Winfield  Scott,  June  5,  supra. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  June  10,  1861 

I  am  sure  that  I  some  time  ago,  recommended  Mr.  William  Pat- 
ten, a  Lieut,  in  the  N. Y.  jth.  to  be  a  Paymaster  in  the  Army;  and 

[398] 


JTUINTE      1  O,      l86l 

I  still  wish  him  to  be  remembered,  according  to  the  date  of  that 
recommendation.  Yours  truly  A.  Lirsrcoi-N' 

1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  William  Patten  was  appointed  additional  paymaster,  June  i. 
1861. 


To  John  A.  Dahlgren1 

Capt.  Dahlgren,  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  June  10.  1861 

You  have  seen  Mr.  Blunt's  new  gun.  "What  think  you  of  it? 
Would  the  Government  do  well  to  purchase  some  of  them?  Should 
they  be  of  the  size  of  the  one  exhibited?  or  of  different  sizes?  Yours 
truly  A. 


1  ALS,  ORB.  On  the  envelope  Lincoln  wrote  "Will  Capt.  Dahlgren  please  see 
Mr.  Blunt?"  See  also  Lincoln's  endorsement,  infra.  Orison  Blunt  was  a  leading 
New  York  Republican  associated  with  J.  G.  Syms  in  the  manufacture  of  guns.  In 
1862  Blunt  made  for  the  U.S.  Government  a  small  lot  of  Enfield  pattern  rifles, 
which  may  be  the  gun  referred  to  by  Lincoln.  See  Stephen  Van  Rensselaer,  Amer- 
ican Firearms  (1947),  and  Claud  E.  Fuller  and  Richard  D.  Stewart,  Firearms 
of  the  Confederacy  (1944). 


Endorsement:  John  A.  Dahlgren  to  Lincoln1 

I  saw  this  gun  ray  self,  and  witnessed  some  experiraents  with  it; 
and  I  really  think  it  worthy  the  attention  of  the  Government. 
June  10,  1861  A. 


1  AES,  owned  by  Wilson  F.  Harwood,  Washington,  D.C.  Lincoln's  endorse- 
ment is  on  the  back  of  Dahlgren's  reply  to  Lincoln's  letter  of  June  10,  supra,  "I 
have  seen  Mr  Blunt's  Gun  and  was  much  pleased  with  it.  I  think  we  should  have 
some  of  them  .  .  .  for  the  present  emergency  it  would  be  well  to  adhere  to  the 
dimension  now  constructed." 


Endorsement : 
Appointment  of  James  B.  M.  Potter1 

Respectfully  referred  to  the  Secretary  of  War  for  his  consider- 
ation. A.  LIISTCOUNT 
June  10,   1861. 

1  AES,  RPB.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  Governor  Wil- 
liam Sprague  to  Lincoln,  June  8,  requesting  appointment  of  "my  friend  General 
James  B.  M.  Potter"  as  paymaster  in  the  Regular  Army.  See  Lincoln  to  Cameron 
June  11,  infra9  for  further  developments. 

[399] 


To  George  B.  McClellan1 

Maj.  Gen.  McClellan  Washington,  Dec.   [szc] 

My  dear  Sir  June  10.  1861 

My  friends,  Hon.  T.  A.  Marshall,  and  Hon.  A.  W.  Mack,  the 
bearers  of  this,  I  presume  are  not  wholly  unknown  to  you.  They 
are  two  of  our  Illinois  State  Senators,  residing  respectively  at  Coles 
&  ELankakee  counties.  They  came  here  as  the  representatives  of  a 
Company,  including  themselves,  seeking  a  contract,  or  contracts, 
for  furnishing  provisions  for  the  Army.  Fnding  that  officers  of  the 
proper  Departments  are  with  you  for  supplying  the  West,  they 
now  propose  to  call  on  you,  and  them,  for  the  same  object.  I  can 
do  no  more  than  to  give  assurance  that  any  contract  made  with 
them  would  be  faithfully  complied  with  on  their  part;  and  that  I 
hope  they  may  obtain  some  such,  on  fair  and  just  terms  to  the 
government  and  themselves.  They  are  my  friends  whom  I  would 
be  pleased  to  see  obliged.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

*  ALS,  DLC-McClellan  Papers.  Thomas  A.  Marshall  wrote  Lincoln,  June  16, 
1861,  "I  fear  .  .  .  we  will  fail  in  accomplishing  any  thing  in  the  way  of  a  con- 
tract. May  I  not  then  ask  yon  ...  to  make  me  a  brigadier.  .  .  ."  (DLC-B.TL). 
Alonzo  W.  Mack  was  a  banker  at  Kankakee,  Illinois. 


Order  for  Issue  of  Bonds  for  Use 
of  Delaware  Indians1 

June  10,  1861 

Whereas,  by  the  treaty  of  Saxcoxieville,  amended  by  the  United 
States  Senate,  and  finally  ratified  by  the  President  of  the  United 
States  on  the  22nd.  day  of  August,  1860  a  principal  object  of  both 
parties  was  the  construction  of  a  certain  contemplated  Railroad 
therein  named;  and,  to  that  end,  the  Leavenworth,  Pawnee,  and 
Western  Railroad  Company  were  to  pay  into  the  United  States 
Treasury,  in  gold  or  silver  coin,  a  sum  of  money  afterwards  ascer- 
tained to  be  $286,742.15  as  the  appraised  value  of  certain  lands  in 
Kansas  belonging  to  the  Delaware  tribe  of  Indians,  which  sum  of 
money,  after  expending  a  sufficient  part  of  it  to  enable  the  Indians 
to  commence  agricultural  pursuits  under  favorable  circumstances, 
was  to  be,  by  the  President,  for  said  Indians,  invested  in  safe,  and 
profitable  stocks.  And  whereas  the  said  Railroad  Company  is  not 
able  to  pay  said  sum  of  money  within  time,  according  to  said 
treaty;  and  whereas  the  President  is  of  opinion  that  it  is  not  for 
the  interest  of  either  party  that  said  object  of  the  treaty  shall  fail; 

[400] 


JUNE,      10,      l86l 

but  not  knowing  what  -would  be  the  desire  of  said  Indians  on  this 
point;  nor  knowing  whether  any  part  of  said  sum  -would  be  needed 
to  enable  the  Indians  to  commence  agricultural  pursuits  under 
favorable  circumstances,  but  supposing  it  probable  that  no  part  of 
it  would  be  so  needed,  as  said  Indians  now  have  over  fifty  thousand 
dollars  lying  idle  in  the  United  States  Treasury,  therefore 

It  is  directed  by  the  President  that  said  Railroad  Company,  may 
execute  their  Bonds,  with  interest- warrants,  or  coupons  attached, 
according  to  the  forms  hereto  annexed,  the  principal  of  which 
Bonds  shall  amount  to  the  aggregate  sum  of  $286,742.15  and  de- 
posite  the  same  with  Archibald  Williams  of  Kansas,  hereby  ap- 
pointed to  receive  and  receipt  for  the  same,  to  be  by  him  trans- 
mitted to  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs  for  the  use  of  said 
Indians;  and  also  shall,  in  due  and  proper  form,  execute,  a  mort- 
gage upon  one  hundred  thousand  acres  of  the  land  contemplated  in, 
and  by  said  treaty,  to  aid  in  the  construction  of  said  Railroad,  the 
said  one  hundred  thousand  acres  to  be  the  lands  designated  in 
the  letter  of  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs  to  the  Secretary 
of  the  Interior,  dated  May  agth.  1861. 

Said  mortgage  to  be  conditioned  for  the  full  payment  of  said 
Bonds,  both  as  to  interest  and  principal,  and  that  on  any  failure  to 
pay  either  when  due,  all  right  and  interest  of  said  Railroad  Com- 
pany in  and  to  said  mortgaged  land,  and  also  to  all  such  of  said 
land  not  mortgaged,  as  shall  not  at  that  time,  be  earned  and  pa- 
tented, according  to  said  treaty,  shall  be  forfeited,  and  said  land 
again  become  the  absolute  property  of  the  United  States  in  trust 
for  said  Indians;  and  said  mortgaged  lands  to  be  in  no  event 
patented  to  said  until  said  Bonds,  principal  and  interest  shall  be 
fully  paid.  And  upon  said  Bonds  being  so  made  and  deposited,  and 
said  mortgage  being  so  executed,  and  duly  recorded  in  Leavenworth 
county,  Kansas,  all  matters,  so  far  as  not  necessarily  varied  by  this 
arrangement,  shall  proceed  in  conformity  to  said  treaty,  as  if  the 
money  had  been  paid  by  said  Railroad  Company,  and  had  been  in- 
vested by  the  President  in  said  Railroad  Bonds.  Provided  always 
that  this  arrangement  shall  be  of  no  effect,  until  Archibald  Wil- 
liams, Judge  of  the  United  States  Court  for  the  District  of  Kansas, 
shall  have  indorsed  a  certificate  upon  this  paper,  that  he  has  care- 
fully examined  the  same,  and  also  the  Bonds  and  mortgage  offered 
in  compliance  with  its  provisions],  and  has  found  that  Bonds, 
and  mortgage  do  in  fact,  comply  with,  and  fulfil  said  provisions; 
and  also  that  he  has  had  before  him,  the  chiefs  and  head  men 
named  in  said  treaty,  as  John  Connor,  Sax-cox-ie,  Ne-con-he-con, 
and  Rock-a-to-wha,  and  has  fully  explained  to  them  the  nature  and 

[401] 


JTUINTE       11,      l86l 

effect  of  this  departure  from  the  terms  of  said  treaty,  and  that  they 
freely  assented  to  the  same.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

June  10.  1861. 

IADS,  DNA  FS  RG  11,  General  Records  of  the  U.S.  Government,  No.  317, 
"Treaty  with  the  Delawares  at  Leavenworth  City,  Kansas,  July  2,  1861."  The  or- 
der as  reproduced  is  entirely  in  Lincoln's  handwriting,  and  his  endorsement  "Ap- 
proved, as  forms,  June.  10.  1861.  A.  Lincoln"  appears  on  the  accompanying  forms 
of  bonds  and  interest  warrants.  See  Lincoln  to  the  Senate,  July  19,  infra. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Washington,  June  11.  1861. 

The  Government  has  already  accepted  ten  Regiments  from  the 
State  of  Indiana.  I  think  at  least  six  more  ought  to  be  received  from 
that  state.  Two  to  be  those  of  Col.  James  W.  McMillan  &  Col.  Wil- 
liam L.  Brown,  and  the  other  four  to  be  designated  by  the  Governor 
of  the  State  of  Indiana;  and  to  be  received  into  the  volunteer  serv- 
ice of  the  U.S.  according  to  the  "Plan  of  organization,"  in  the 
General  Order  of  the  War  Department  No.  15 — when  they  re- 
port to  Major  General  McClellan,  in  condition  to  pass  muster  ac- 
cording to  that  Order.  And,  with  the  approval  of  the  Secretary  of 
War  to  be  indorsed  hereon,  and  a  copy  left  in  his  Department,  I 
direct  that  the  whole  six,  or  any  small  number  of  said  Regiments 
be  received.  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  AL.S,  RPB.  On  the  same  day  Cameron  communicated  to  Governor  Oliver  P. 
Morton,  Lincoln's  call  for  six  additional  regiments,  two  of  them  commanded  by 
Colonel  William  L.  Brown  and  Colonel  James  W.  McMillin  (OR,  III,  I,  265). 
Morton  to  Lincoln,  June  19,  1861,  protested  Lincoln's  appointment  of  colonels: 
"Without  intending  to  cast  any  reflections  upon  the  character  or  fitness  of  the 
men  appointed,  I  beg  leave  to  state  that  I  know  of  no  reason  making  it  necessary 
to  take  the  appointing  power  from,  the  Executive  of  the  State.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL). 
Cameron  to  Morton,  June  23,  assured  the  governor  that  he  regretted  the  em- 
barrassment, "...  nothing  could  have  been  further  from  the  intention  of  the 
President  or  of  this  Department.  .  .  ."  (OR,  III,  I,  291). 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War.  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  June  11.  1861 

Do  please  give  these  Pennsylvania  friends  of  yours  a  chance  for 
One  Regiment.  Say  to  them,  as  has  been  said  to  some  others — "Pre- 
sent your  Regiment  in  working  form,  and  it  will  be  received." 
Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  DLC-Cameron  Papers. 

[402] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

June  11,  1861 

I  have  just  inclosed  to  you  the  recommendation  of  Gov.  Sprague 
that  Gen.  James  B.  M.  Potter,  be  appointed  a  Paymaster.  Immedi- 
ately afterwards,  the  Paymaster  General  called,  protesting,  as  I 
wrote  you,  against  all  these  appointments  "being  made  from  civil 
life.  He  said,  however,  there  will  be  a  large  number  of  these  ap- 
pointments, to  be  made  for  the  volunteers.  Can  we  not  fill  the  first 
two  from  the  Regular  Army,  &  then  give  Gen.  Potter  a  chance? 
We  owe  Rhode-Island  and  Gov.  Sprague,  a  good  deal,  because  they 
give  us  such  good  troops,  and  no  trouble. 

June.  11.  1861  A. 


1  AES,  RPB.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  one  side  of  a  scrap  of  paper, 
the  other  side  of  which  bears  Lincoln's  note  of  March  27,  1862,  infra,  concerning 
Potter's  transfer  to  the  Regular  Army.  Potter  was  appointed  additional  paymaster 
of  Volunteers,  June  i,  1861,  and  on  July  15,  1864,  was  appointed  major  and 
paymaster  in  the  Regular  Army. 

To  William  E  Dole1 

Hon.  W.  E  Dole  Executive  Mansion 

Comr.  of  Ind.  Affrs.  June  [c.n],  1861 

My  dear  Sir  Some  time  ago  I  directed  you  to  designate  a  suit- 
able person  to  be  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs  in  Washington 
Territory,  saying  I  -would  appoint  the  person  you  would  so  desig- 
nate. You  designated  Anson  Dart;  and  I  now  have  the  following 
reasons  for  not  appointing  him  all  coming  to  my  knowledge  since 
I  gave  you  the  direction  mentioned. 

ist.  A  member  of  the  present  Cabinet  tells  me  that  during 
Genl.  Taylor's  administration  Dart  distinctly  tendered  money  to 
him  for  his  influence  to  get  an  office  from  Gen.  Taylor. 

2nd.  A  member  of  the  present  BLR.  from  Wisconsin  writes  me 
over  his  own  name  that  Dart  is  an  immoral  and  dishonest  man; 
and  that  if  nominated,  he  will  go  before  the  Senate  and  procure 
his  rejection  if  possible. 

3rd,  One  of  the  Senators  from  Oregon  tells  me  that  Dart's  char- 
acter is  very  bad  in  that  county;  that  he  is  universally  understood 
out  there  to  have  left  his  family  at  home,  and  kept  a  prostitute 
while  there;  and  that,  if  nominated,  he  will,  in  the  Senate,  procure 
his  rejection  if  possible. 

4th.  The  other  Senator  from  Oregon  tells  me  Dart's  character 
is  very  odious  and  bad  in  that  county;  and  that  Dart,  last  winter, 
distinctly  proposed  to  him  that  if  he  would  procure  his  appoint- 

[403] 


JTUDNTE       11,       l86l 

ment  to  the  Oregon  Indian  Superintendency,  he  would  give  him  a 
thousand  dollars  the  day  the  appointment  should  be  made,  and  five 
hundred  a  year,  as  long  as  he  should  hold  the  office. 

I  presume  you  knew  nothing  of  these  things;  and  that  neither 
you  or  I  could  knowingly  be  for  such  a  man.  Yours  truly 

A. 


1  ALS  copy  or  draft,  DL.C-RTL,.  The  date  of  this  letter  must  have  been  on  or 
after  June  11,  for  Lincoln  refers  to  the  letter  from  Representative  John  F.  Potter, 
June  1  1,  1861,  maintaining  that  Anson  Dart  of  Wisconsin,  former  superintendent 
of  Indian  affairs  in  Oregon  (1850-1853)  ".  .  .  is  in  every  way  unfit  for  that  or 
any  other  position.  .  .  .  And  if  his  appointment  shall  be  made,  I  will  go  before 
the  Senate  and  there  protest.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL).  See  Lincoln  to  Winfield  Scott, 
["May  29]  ,  suprciy  and  note  concerning  the  appointment  of  Bion  F.  Kendall. 

To  Henry  W.  Hoffman1 

Collector  at  Baltimore  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  June  11.   1861 

Can  you  not  give  Mr.  Balloch2  the  Inspectorship  he  desires?  I 
shall  be  obliged  if  you  will.  Yours  truly  A.  LmcoiJN- 

1  ALS,  DLM.  2  "Mr.  Balloch"  has  not  been  identified. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

June  12,  1861 

With  the  concurrence  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  also  of  the 
Governor  of  Massachusetts,  with  the  evidence  of  the  latter  the 
same  is  in  ready  condition  to  move,  I  direct  that  the  Regiment 
within  mentioned,  be  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  "United  States. 
June  12.  1861.  A.  LIINTCOUJNT 

1  AES,  IHi.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  a  letter  from  Ro- 
man Catholic  Bishop  John  B.  Fitzpatrick  of  Boston,  June  11,  1861,  recommending 
that  the  Fourteenth  Massachusetts,  a  regiment  composed  largely  of  Irish,  be  ac- 
cepted by  the  government.  Cameron's  endorsement  below  Lincoln's  is  as  follows* 
"I  approve  this  order  on  the  condition  that  this  regiment  appear  at  Harrisburg 
Penna  ...  in  ten  days  from  tomorrow."  The  regiment  was  mustered  in  July  5, 
1861,  and  later  became  the  First  Massachusetts  Heavy  Artillery. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

June  12,  1861 

I  think  Joseph  J.  Reynolds,  of  Indiana,  ought  to  be  a  Brigadier 
General,  and,  perhaps,  the  thing  done  at  once.  He  is  a  West-Point 
man,  and  is  well  recommended,  particularly  by  the  Governor  of 
Indiana.  A.  LmcoLisr 

June  12,  1861. 

[404] 


13.,    1861 

1  AES,  DLC.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  a  letter  from 
Governor  Oliver  P.  Morton  to  Lincoln,  June  9,  1861,  authorizing  the  bearer, 
*'Hon,  A.  S.  White  ...  to  ask  the  appointment  of  Gen  Joseph  J,  Reynolds  as 
Brig  General.  ...  I  have  already  in  two  despatches  asked  for  his  appointment 
but  have  received  no  answer.  .  .  ."  Joseph  J.  Reynolds5  appointment,  dating 
from  May  17,  was  submitted  to  the  Senate  July  29,  and  confirmed  August  5, 
1861. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  —  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  June  12,  1861 

Hon.  John  Van  Dyke,  Hon.  W.  A.  Newell,  and  Hon  Courtlandt 
Parker,  all  of  New-  Jersey,  now  present,  ask  that  Moses  F  Webb, 
of  their  State  be  made  a  Pay-Master  in  the  Army.  This  is  a  good 
recommendation;  and  I  think  N.J.  is  entitled  to  that  much.  Yours 
truly  A.  LINCOLN. 

i  ALS,  DNA  WR  RG  107,  Secretary  of  War,  Personnel  Appointments,  Box  6. 
The  recommendation  of  ISTew  Jersey  congressman  "William  A.  Newell,  Newark 
attorney  Courtland  Parker,  and  Judge  John  Van  Dyke  of  the  New  Jersey  Su- 
preme Court  was  followed,  Moses  F.  Webb  being  appointed  additional  pay- 
master, August  5,  1861.  Lincoln's  letter  is  accompanied  by  an  undated  letter 
from  Senator  Edward  D.  Baker  to  Cameron,  making  the  same  recommendation. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Secretary  of  War.  Executive  Mansion,  June  13,  1861. 

My  dear  Sir:  I  think  it  is  entirely  safe  to  accept  a  fifth  regiment 
from  Michigan,  and  with  your  approbation  I  should  say  a  regiment 
presented  by  Col.  T.  B.  W.  Stockton,  ready  for  service  within  two 
weeks  from  now,  will  be  received.  Look  at  Colonel  Stockton's  tes- 
timonials. Yours  truly,  A.  LUN-CQLJNT. 

i  OR,  III,  I,  269.  Colonel  Thomas  B.  "W.  Stockton's  Sixteenth  Michigan  Vol- 
unteers were  accepted  and  left  Detroit  for  Washington  on  September  16,  1861. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Secretary  of  War:  Executive  Mansion,  June  13,  1861. 

My  dear  Sir.  There  is,  it  seems,  a  regiment  in  Massachusetts 
commanded  by  Fletcher  Webster,  and  which  Hon.  Daniel  Web- 
ster's old  friends  very  much  wish  to  get  into  the  service.  If  it  can 
be  received  with  the  approval  of  your  Department  and  the  consent 
of  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts  I  shall  indeed  be  much  gratified. 
Give  Mr.  Ashmun  a  chance  to  explain  fully.  Yours  truly, 

A. 


1  OR,  III,  I,  269.  Colonel  Fletcher  Webster's  Twelfth.  Massachusetts  Regiment 
was  mustered  into  federal  service  June  26,  ±861. 

[405] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  June  13,  1861 

Please  say  to  Col.  A.  T.  McReynolds,  that  when  he  will  present 
the  Cavalry  Regiment  according  to  the  within  authority  they  will 
be  received  under  him  as  they  would  have  been  under  Carl  Schurz. 
June  13,  1861  A.  LINCOLN 

1  Copy,  ISLA.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  Schurz  to  Major 
Andrew  T.  McReynolds,  June  5,  1861,  requesting  McReynolds  to  take  command 
of  the  First  New  York  Cavalry.  Schurz  wrote,  "Being  ordered  "by  the  President  to 
leave  for  my  diplomatic  post  at  Madrid  I  am  obliged  to  dissolve  my  connection 
with  the  Cavalry-Regiment.  ...  I  would  invite  you  to  see  the  authorities  at 
Washington  .  .  .  inducing  them  to  ratify  this  transfer  of  authority." 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War:  Executive  Mansion 

Dear  Sir  June  13,  1861 

You  intimated  to  me,  as  I  remember,  some  doubt  of  Col.  Hiker's 
Regiment  of  Anderson  Zouaves  being  a  reality.  Col.  Baker2  assures 
me  that  he  personally  knows  it  is  a  reality;  and  being  so,  with  the 
consent  of  the  Governor  of  New- York,  I  desire  that  it  be  received. 
Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AL.S,  IHi.  Colonel  John  L.  Hiker's  regiment,  designated  the   Sixty-second 
New  York  Infantry  was  mustered  into  federal  service  June  30- July  i,  1861. 

2  Probably  Senator  Edward  D.  Baker  of  Oregon,  who  was  made  a  brigadier 
general  of  Volunteers  in  July,  with  appointment  dating  from  May  17. 


To  Caleb  B.  Smith1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  Interior  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  June  13.  1861 

CoL  Baker  was  'with,  me  yesterday;  and  herewith  I  return  you 
his  list  for  Oregon  appointments.2  Please  make  out  and  send  me 
Commissions  according  to  it.  You  see  at  the  foot  of  the  list  on  the 
back  of  the  paper  he  has  added  one  in  his  own  hand  writing.  Put  it 
in  with  the  rest.  Yours  truly  A.  LIISTCOLIN' 

1 ALS,  DNA  NR  KG  48,  Applications,  Indian  Agencies,  etc.,  Oregon,  Box 
1267. 

2  Senator  Edward  D.  Baker's  accompanying  list,  under  date  of  April  8,  1861, 
is  as  follows:  B.  J.  Pengra,  surveyor  general;  William  T.  Matlock,  receiver  at 
Oregon  City;  William  A.  Starkweather,  register  at  Oregon  City;  John  Kelly, 

[406] 


JUNE      15,      l86l 

register  at  Roseburg;  George  E.  Briggs,  receiver  at  Roseburg;  William  H.  Rec- 
tor, superintendent  of  Indian  affairs;  William  H.  Barnhart,  William  Logan,  and 
Charles  Hutchins,  Indian  agents.  The  appointments  were  made  as  listed. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  June  14.  1861 

Let  Hon.  John  A.  Dix  be  a  Major  General  of  Volunteers.  Let  Cap- 
tain John  Pope  of  the  U.S.A.  and  Hon.  Stephen  A.  Hurlbut  of  Ills, 
each  be  a  Brigadier  General,  of  (Illinois)  volunteers.  I  understand 
Gen.  Scott  wishes  an  officer  now  in  the  Army  by  the  name  of 
[blank]  Rosencrantz,2  to  be  a  Brigadier  General  in  the  new  Regu- 
lar Army;  and  if  so,  let  it  be  done.  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  DNA  WR  RG  94,  Adjutant  General,  Letters  Received,  222-P. 

2  "William  S.  Rosecrans"  is  written  on  the  bottom  of  the  letter  in  a  different 
hand.  Rosecrans*  appointment  was  made  dating  back  to  May  16,  1861. 

Memorandum:  Appointment  of  John  Pope 
and  Stephen  A.  Hurlbut1 

My  direction  to  have  Pope  &  Hurlbut  appointed  Brigadier  Generals 
seems  to  have  been  in  point,  so  far  as  relates  to  the  within. 

June  14,  1861  A.  LiircoLTsr 

1  AES,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back 
of  a  telegram  received  from  Governor  Richard  Yates  of  Illinois,  June  14,  1861: 
"It  is  certainly  the  design  of  the  secessionists  of  Missouri  to  attempt  the  imme- 
diate expulsion  of  the  federal  troops  from  that  state  This  renders  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  superior  officers  m  this  state  a  necessity." 

To  Salmon  E  Chase1 

June  15,  1861 
To  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States: 

You  will  please  issue  a  Warrant  to  Wm.  H  Carryl  and  Brother 
for  the  sum  of  Seven  Thousand  Five  Hundred  dollars  for  the  pur- 
pose of  furnishing  the  President's  House,  in  accordance  with  the  act 
of  Feb.  20.  1861.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN, 

Executive  Mansion 
June  15.  1861 

1  LS,  DNA  RG  217,  General  Accounting  Office.  The  letter  accompanied  a  bill 
rendered  by  "Wm.  H,  Carryl  &  Bro.,"  May  29,  1861,  in  the  amount  of  $7,500, 
for  furnishings  for  the  Executive  Mansion,  which  Lincoln  approved  and  re- 
ferred to  Chase  on  June  17. 

[407] 


Endorsement:  John  A.  Andre  w 
to  Hiram  Walbridge1 

With,  the  concurrence  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  let  the  ten  Regi- 
ments named  within  be  called  for  and  accepted. 

June  15,  1861.  A. 


1  AES,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Governor  Andrew  wrote  General  Walbridge, 
June  12,  1861,  ".  .  .  if  you  can  procure  —  in  addition  to  the  last  requisition 
upon  this  state  for  six  regiments  ...  a  further  requisition  for  ten  Regiments 
thoroughly  armed,  equipped,  clothed,  and  provided  with  tents,  baggage  train, 
rations,  and  subsistence  stores  —  these  advances  will  be  made  by  this  state  .  .  . 
within  forty  days  from  the  reception  of  the  order  here.  .  .  ."  Cameron  to  Wal- 
bridge, June  17,  1861,  instructed  Walbridge  to  ".  .  .  advise  Governor  Andrew 
that  the  necessary  requisition  will  immediately  be  made.  .  .  ."  (OR,  III,  I,  275.) 


Endorsement:  Charles  H.  Farrell 
to  Simon  E  Hanscom1 

If  this  Regiment  is  such  as  represented  within,  I  think  it  ought  to 
be  accepted.  A.  LiisrcoijNr 

June  15,  1861 

*AES,  The  Rosenbach  Company,  Philadelphia  and  New  York.  Charles  H. 
Farrell  of  the  New  York  Herald  wrote  Simon  P.  Hanscom  of  the  Washington 
National  Republican,  June  12,  1861,  recommending  that  "Colonel  Joachim 
Maidof  the  commandant  of  the  Eleventh  Regiment,  (Washington  Rifles)  New 
York  State  Troops"  and  his  regiment  be  accepted  for  the  period  of  six  months. 
The  Eleventh  New  York  was  not  mustered  into  federal  service  until  June,  1862. 


To  Edward  Bates1 

Hon.  Attorney  General  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  June  17.  1861. 

You  remember  Allen  A.  Burton  was  appointed  an  Associate  Jus- 
tice of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Dakota  Ty.  Since  then  I  have  given 
him  a  different  place;  and  the  judgeship  of  course  becomes  vacant. 
I  now  will  thank  you  if  you  will  send  me  a  Commission  for  Joseph 
L.  Williams,  of  Tenn.  to  fill  the  vacancy  in  said  Associate  Judge- 
ship  in  Dakota  Territory.  Yours  very  truly  A.  Lirroousr 

1ALS,  DNA  GE  RG  60,  Papers  of  Attorney  General,  Segregated  Lincoln 
Material.  Allen  A.  Burton  of  Lancaster,  Kentucky,  was  appointed  minister  to 
New  Granada,  and  Joseph  L,  Williams,  ex-congressman  (1837-1843)  of  Knox- 
ville,  Tennessee,  received  the  Dakota  judgeship. 

[408] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  June  17.  1861 

After  examining  the  list  presented  for  Officers  of  the  Addition  to 
the  Regular  Army,  I  deem  it  a  little  unfortunate,  that  they  are 
drawn  from  the  different  States  in  such  unequal  proportions,  a 
single  State  furnishing  nearly  one  fourth  of  the  whole;  still  I  think 
we  have  not  time  now  to  break  up  and  reconstruct  the  card.  The 
few  modifications  I  desire  to  make  are  as  follows: 

ist.  Let  Col.  Robert  Anderson  be  appointed  a  Brigadier  General; 
and  Col.  William  H.  Emory  take  his  place  on  the  card,  as  Colonel 
of  the  15th  Regiment  of  Infantry.2 

2nd.  I  wish  Oliver  L.  Shepherd,  now  Captain  in  the  3rd  Infantry, 
and  Major  by  brevet,  to  be  a  Lieutenant  Colonel,  you  to  find  the 
place  for  him.3 

3rd.  I  wish  Abner  Doubleday,  now  a  Captain  in  the  ist  Artillery, 
to  be  a  Major  in  the  similar  corps  if  possible,  you  to  find  a  place 
for  him.4 

4th.  I  wish  Adam  J.  Slemmer  now  a  first  Lieutenant  in  same 
Regiment  last  mentioned,  to  be  a  Major  in  a  similar  corps,  if  pos- 
sible, you  to  find  a  place  for  him.5 

5th.  If  he  desires  it,  I  would  also  like  for  Capt.  Theodore  Talbot, 
who  escorted  my  messenger  to  Gov.  Pickens  last  April,  to  be  a 
Major.6 

6th.  Because  of  his  relationship  to  the  late  Senator  Douglas,  I 
wish  James  Madison  Cutts,  Jr.  to  be  a  Captain  in  some  part  of  this 
new-  corps.7 

/th.  At  the  very  urgent  solicitation  of  Hon  Mr.  Van  Wyck,  I 
wish  Horatio  B.  Reed  to  be  a  Second  Lieutenant  in  this  new  corps.8 

8th.  I  also  wish  Francis  E.  Brownell,  who  stood  by  Col.  Ellsworth 
at  his  death,  to  be  a  Second  Lieutenant  in  this  corps.9  Yours  truly 

A.  LINCOLN 

1  Angle,  p.  277;  ALS-F,  ISLA  (first  page  only).  The  list  of  Regular  Army 
promotions  went  to  the  Senate  July  31,   1861,  the  date  of  appointment  being 
designated  as  May  14,  1861. 

2  Lieutenant  Colonel  William  H,  Emory  was  appointed  lieutenant  colonel  of 
the  Third  Cavalry,  Brevet  Major  Fitz-John  Porter,  receiving  the  colonelcy  of 
the  Fifteenth  Infantry. 

3  Oliver  L.  Shepherd  was  appointed  lieutenant  colonel  of  the  Eighteenth  In- 
fantry. 

4  Abner  Doubleday  was  appointed  major  of  the  Seventeenth  Infantry. 

5  Adam  J.  Slemmer  was  appointed  major,  May  14. 

6  Theodore  Talbot  was  promoted  to  major,  August  3,  1861. 

7  James  M.  Cutts,  Jr.,  brother-in-law  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  was  appointed  cap- 
tain in  the  Eleventh  Infantry. 

[409] 


jr  u  IN"  E     17,      1861 

8  Horatio  B.  Reed  was   appointed  second  lieutenant  in  the   Fifth  Artillery. 
Representative  Charles  H.  Van  Wyck  of  New  York  was  his  sponsor. 

9  Francis  E.  Brownell  was  appointed  second  lieutenant  in  the  Eleventh  In- 
fantry. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

June  17,  1861 

I  will  thank  the  Secretary  of  War,  if  he  will  have  us  furnished,  the 
"Navy-revolvers  and  Sabre"  as  desired  within,  so  that  Mrs.  L.  can 
send  them  with  her  compliments.  Mr.  Fry  is  an  acquaintance  of 
hers,  and  a  good  &  brave  man.  A.  LINCOLN 

June  17,  1861. 

1  AES,  IHi.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  an  extract  copied 
from  "a  letter  from  John  Fry  of  Boyle  County  Kentucky."  Fry  expected  ".  .  .  to 
take  command  of  the  Company.  ...  It  is  impossible  to  procure  here.,  such  ac- 
coutrements as  are  necessary,  and  I  should  like  to  get  a  pair  of  Navy  size  re- 
volvers, and  a  sabre.  .  .  ." 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  June  17,  1861 

With  your  concurrence,  and  that  of  the  Governor  of  Indiana,  I 
am  in  favor  of  accepting  into  what  we  call  the  three  years  service, 
any  number  not  exceeding  four  additional  Regiments,  from  that 
State.  Probably  they  should  come  from  the  triangular  region  be- 
tween the  Ohio  &  Wabash  rivers,  including  my  own  old  boyhood 
home. 

Please  see  Hon.  C.  M.  Allen,  Speaker  of  the  la.2  H.R.  and  unless 
you  perceive  good  reason  to  the  contrary,  make  up  an  order  for 
him  according  to  the  above.  Yours  truly  A.  LUNTCOUNT 

1  AL.S,  InHi-Mitten  Collection.  Cameron  to  Oliver  P.  Morton,  June  19,  1861, 
notified  the  governor  of  the  War  Department's  willingness  to  accept  the  addi- 
tional regiments  (OR,  III,  I,  279).  2  Lincoln's  abbreviation  for  Indiana. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion     June  17.  1861 

My  dear  Sir  With  your  concurrence,  and  that  of  the  Governor 
of  Ohio,  I  am  in  favor  of  receiving  into  what  we  call  the  three  years 
service,  any  number  not  exceeding  six  additional  Regiments  from 
that  State.  Unless  you  perceive  good  reason  to  the  contrary,  please 
see  Hon.  John  A.  Gurley,  who  bears  this,  and  make  an  order  cor- 
responding with  the  above.  Yours  truly  A. 

[410] 


JTUPsTB       l8,       l86l 

1  ALS,  owned  by  Roy  G   Fitzgerald,  Dayton,  Ohio. 

2  Representative  John  A.  Gurley  of  Cincinnati.  Cameron's  order  has  not  been 
located. 

To  Gideon  Welles1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  Navy  Executive  Mansion     June  17.  1861* 

My  dear  Sir-  Gen.  Rousseau,  introduces  to  me  Charles  E.  Ander- 
son, whom  he  wishes  to  have  appointed  a  Paymaster  in  the  Navy. 
As  I  have  no  doubt  of  his  fitness  for  the  place,  and  as  the  appoint- 
ment would  be  a  Kentucky  appointment,  I  think  it  ought  to  be 
made  so  soon  as  it  consistently  can.  Yours  truly  A.  Li3srcoLi>T. 

1  ALS,  CSmH.  Lovell  H.  Rousseau  of  Louisville,  brigadier  general  of  the  Ken- 
tucky Home  Guards,  was  appointed  brigadier  general  of  Volunteers,  October  i, 
1861,  but  there  is  no  record  of  a  Navy  appointment  for  Anderson. 

To  Richard  Yates1 

Gov.  R.  Yates  Washington, 

Springfield,  Ills  June  17,  1861 

The  President  has  raised  no  one  from  a  Captain  to  a  General  in 
the  Regular  Army;  and  the  Officers  o£  the  Army  are  not  willing 
that  he  should.  Capt.  Pope's  own  letter  asking  to  be  a  Brigadier 
General  of  Volunteers  is  now  before  me. 

1  ADf,  DLC-RTL.  The  draft  was  apparently  of  a  telegram.  John  Pope  to  Lin- 
coln, June  16,  1861,  has  a  postscript  dated  June  17,  as  follows:  "Gov.  Yates  has 
just  shown  me  your  despatch  stating  that  you  had  not  appointed  any  Capt.  to 
General — McDowell  was  only  a  brevet  major.  .  .  .  Meigs  .  .  .  was  Captain  of 
Engineers.  I  applied  for  appointment  of  General  of  Volunteers  for  ...  it 
seemed  certain  that  I  could  not  help  having  my  juniors  in  rank  from  Pennsyl- 
vania appointed  over  my  head.  .  .  .  Col  Stone,  Col  Franklin  &  Col  Porter  are 
all  my  juniors.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL).  A  telegram  signed  hy  Jesse  K.  DuBois, 
William  Butler,  and  Ozias  M.  Hatch,  June  16,  used  peremptory  language,  "ex- 
pect &  demand"  that  Pope's  promotion  be  in  the  Regular  Army,  and  a  further 
telegram  from  them  signed  also  by  Richard  Yates,  June  17,  said  we  **...,  in- 
sist upon  his  appointment  without  regard  to  army  prejudices.  .  .  .**  (DLC-RTL). 
Pope's  appointment  remained  as  brigadier  general  of  Volunteers. 

To  Winfield  Scott1 

June  18,  1861 

I  wish  to  oblige  Mr.  Attorney  General  Bates  in  the  matter  men- 
tioned within,  and  will  do  so  upon  the  conditions  that  Lieut.  Gen- 
eral Scott  shall  be  of  opinion  I  have  the  lawful  power,  and  that 
there  will  be  no  military  impropriety  in  it.  "Will  Gen.  Scott  please 
say?  A.  Li3srcoosr 

June  18.   1861 

[411] 


JTU3NTE       ±8,       l86l 

1  AES,  MoSHi.  Edward  Bates  wrote  June  17,  1861,  asking  that  James  B.  Eads 
of  St.  Louis  be  appointed  commissary  of  subsistence  upon  request  of  Brigadier 
General  Nathaniel  Lyon.  There  is  no  reply  from  Scott  or  record  of  the  famous 
engineer's  appointment  to  commissioned  service,  but  he  was  soon  to  be  called 
upon  to  design  and  build  armor-plated  gunboats  for  the  army's  use  on  the 
Mississippi. 

To  Gideon  Welles1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  Navy  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  June  18.  1861 

This  will  introduce  Mr.  H.  D.  Stover  who  wishes  a  short  talk 
with  you  about  gun-boats.  Please  give  him  a  hearing.  Yours  truly 

A. 
,  PHi.  Stover  was  a  contractor  at  Philadelphia. 


To  Ninian  W.  Edwards1 

Hon.  N.  W.  Edwards  Washington  D.C.      June  19,  1861 

My  dear  Sir:  It  pains  me  to  hear  you  speak  of  being  ruined  in 
your  pecuniary  affairs.  I  still  hope  you  are  injured  only,  and  not 
ruined.2  "When  you  wrote  me  some  time  ago  in  reference  to  looking 
up  something  in  the  Departments  here,  I  thought  I  would  inquire 
into  the  thing  and  write  you,  but  the  extraordinary  pressure  upon 
me  diverted  me  from  it,  and  soon  it  passed  out  o£  my  mind.  The 
thing  you  proposed,  it  seemed  to  me,  I  ought  to  understand  myself 
before  it  was  set  on  foot  by  my  direction  or  permission;  and  I 
really  had  no  time  to  make  myself  acquainted  with  it.  Nor  have  I 
yet.  And  yet  I  am  unwilling,  of  course,  that  you  should  be  deprived 
of  a  chance  to  make  something,  if  it  can  be  done  "without  injustice 
to  the  Government,  or  to  any  individual.  If  you  choose  to  come  here 
and  point  out  to  me  how  this  can  be  done,  I  shall  not  only  not  ob- 
ject, but  shall  be  gratified  to  be  able  to  oblige  you.  Your  friend  as 
ever  A. 


1  ALS,  ICHi.  There  are  no  letters  from  Edwards  in  the  Lincoln  Papers  which 
seem  related  to  his  request  for  aid  in  the  form  of  an  appointment,  but  an  undated 
letter  of  Orville  H.  Browning  to  Edwards    (probably  August,    1861)    promises 
to  see  the  president  and  demand  a  place  for  him:  "If  you  were,  as  I  supposed,  rich, 
and  able  to  help  yourself  ...  I  would  not  do  this.   .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL)  .  Edwards 
was  appointed  captain  and  commissary  of  subsistence,  August  8,  1861. 

2  The  first  two  sentences  have  been  crossed  out  on  the  manuscript. 

To  Joseph  K.  F.  Mansfield1 

Gen.  Mansfield  Executive  Mansion     June  19,  1861 

My  dear  Sir:  The  inclosed  papers  of  Col.  Joseph  Hooker  speak 
for  themselves.  He  desires  to  have  the  command  of  a  Regiment. 

[412] 


JTUTsTE      2O,      l86l 

Ought  he  to  have  it?  and  can  it  be  done?  and  how?  Please  consult 
Gen.  Scott,  and  say  if  he  and  you  would  like  Col.  Hooker  to  have 
a  command.  Yours  very  truly  A. 


l  ALS,  DLC-RTL.  General  Mansfield  to  lincoln,  June  19,  1861:  "I  should 
be  highly  gratified  to  see  Col  Hooker  a  Col  in  the  Regular  Army.  ,  .  .  Yet  in 
consultation  with  the  Commanding  General  I  find  him  unwilling  to  entertain 
the  subject."  (DLC-RTL).  Joseph  Hooker  had  been  brevetted  lieutenant  colonel 
September  13,  1847,  for  bravery  at  Chapultepec,  but  resigned  from  the  army  in 
1853.  At  the  end  of  the  Mexican  War,  he  incurred  the  enmity  of  Winfield 
Scott  by  giving  testimony  in  favor  of  General  Gideon  J.  Pillow  before  the  court 
of  inquiry  investigating  Pillow's  disloyalty  to  Scott.  Hooker  had  to  be  content 
with  appointment  as  brigadier  general  of  Volunteers,  as  of  May  17,  1861. 

To  Lorenzo  Thomas1 

Gen.  Thomas.  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir,  June  19.  1861 

Let  William  W.  Peck2  be  made  a  ist.  Lieutenant  in  Col  Hunter's 
Regiment  of  Cavalry,  as  you  and  I  talked  this  morning. 

Also  let  William  A.  Dubois,3  of  Ills,  be  made  a  2nd.  Lieut,  as  we 
spoke  this  morning.  Yours  truly  A.  LUNTCOLIST 

ES.  If  Mr.  Peck  can  be  made  a  Captain  of  Infantry,  that  is  pre- 
ferred; but  if  that  can  not  be  done,  let  him  be  sure  to  be  ist.  Lieu- 
tenancy in  Col.  Hunter's  Regiment.  A.  Liisr  COLIN" 

PS.  2nd.  If  James  Curtis,4  of  Illinois,  can  be  made  a  ist.  or  2 
Lieut,  let  it  be  done.  He  is  a  West  Point  cadet,  and  resigned  some 
time  ago.  A.  LiNGOLisr 

1  ALS-P,  ISLA. 

2  See  endorsement,  Lincoln  to  Lorenzo  Thomas,  June  7,  supra. 

3  William  A.  Dubois,  son  of  Jesse  K.  Dubois,  was  a  sergeant  in  the  Seventh 
Illinois  Infantry,  mustered  out  July  25,  1861,  and  appointed  August  i  a  second 
lieutenant  in  the  Regiment  of  Mounted  Riflemen,  later  designated  the  Third 
Cavalry,  of  the  Regular  Army. 

4  James  Curtis,  West  Point  graduate  in  1851,  resigned  as  first  lieutenant  Jan- 
uary 15,  1857.  He  was  appointed  first  lieutenant  in  the  Fifteenth  Infantry,  Reg- 
ular Army, 

To  Benjamin  F.  Butler1 

Executive  Mansion     June  aoth  1861. 

I  hereby  authorize  Major  General  B.  F.  Butler,  if  in  his  discre- 
tion he  shall  deem  it  necessary  and  advisable,  to  appoint  Rev.  C. 
"W.  Dennison  a  Chaplain  of  the  Volunteer  Hospital  at  Fortress 
Monroe,  during  such  period  of  time  and  under  such  regulations  as 
he  shall  prescribe.  A.  LrrrooiJNr 

1  LS,   DLC-Butler   Papers,   Reverend   Charles   "W.   Dennison  was   appointed 
hospital  chaplain,  "but  not  until  July  31,  1862,  is  the  appointment  of  record. 

[413] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Secretary  of  War.  Executive  Mansion,  June  20,  1861. 

My  dear  Sir: — Since  you  spoke  to  me  yesterday  about  General 
J.  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  I  have  been  reflecting  upon  the  subject,  and 
have  concluded  that  we  need  the  services  of  such  a  man  out  there 
at  once;  that  we  better  appoint  him  a  brigadier-general  of  volun- 
teers to-day,  and  send  him  off  with  such  authority  to  raise  a  force 
(I  think  two  regiments  better  than  three,  but  as  to  this  I  am  not 
particular)  as  you  think  will  get  him  into  actual  work  quickest. 
Tell  him  when  he  starts  to  put  it  through.  Not  to  be  writing  or 
telegraphing  back  here,  but  put  it  through.  Yours  truly, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

1  OR,  III,  I,  280-81;  NH,  VI,  294.  Both  sources  give  also,  Cameron's  endorse- 
ment. "General  Lane  has  been  authorized  to  raise  two  additional  regiments  of 
volunteers."  Senator  James  H.  Lane  to  Lincoln,  June  20,  1861,  requested  per- 
mission to  raise  the  two  additional  regiments  "...  in  the  existing  neces- 
sity. .  .  ."  (OR,  III,  I,  282). 


To  Winfield  Scott1 

State  Department,  June  20,  1861. 
The  Lieutenant-General 
Commanding  the  Armies  of  the  United  States: 

You  or  any  officer  you  may  designate  will,  in  your  discretion, 
suspend  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  so  far  as  may  relate  to  Major 
Chase,  lately  o£  the  Engineer  Corps  of  the  Army  of  the  United 
States,  now  alleged  to  be  guilty  of  treasonable  practices  against 
this  government.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

By  the  President: 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD. 

1  OR,  II,  II,  193;  James  D.  Richardson,  A  Compilation  of  the  Messages  and 
Papers  of  the  Presidents,  1789-1897  (Published  by  Authority  of  Congress,  1900), 
VI,  19.  Although  the  Official  Records  prints  this  order  Tinder  date  of  January 
20,  1862,  as  addressed  to  "Maj.  Gen.  George  B.  McClellan,  Commanding  Armies 
of  the  United  States,"  there  seems  to  be  little  doubt  that  the  order  was  issued 
June  20,  1861,  as  printed  by  Richardson.  The  original  is  missing  from  the  Na- 
tional Archives,  but  the  register  of  letters  received  by  the  adjutant  general,  lists 
it  under  date  of  June  20,  1861  (DNA  WR  RG  94,  875-?),  and  the  original  has 
been  cataloged  for  sale  at  auction  under  the  date  of  June  20,  1861  (American 
Art  Association  Anderson  Galleries,  Sale  3995,  November  10,  1932,  No.  61). 
Major  William  Henry  Chase  resigned  from  the  U.S.  Army,  October  31,  1856  In 
1861  he  was  commissioned  colonel  and  major  general  of  Florida  state  troops  in  the 
Confederate  Army. 

[414] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

June  22,  1861 

If  agreeable  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  I  approve  the  receiving  one 
of  the  regiments  already  accepted  from  Indiana,  organized  and 
equipped  as  a  cavalry  regiment.  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  OR,  HI,  I,  275.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  Governor 
Oliver  P.  Morton,  June  17,  1861,  introducing  Robert  Dale  Owen,  author,  re- 
former, and  ex-congressman  (1843-1847)  ".  .  .  authorized  to  present  for  your 
consideration  our  cavalry  regiment  being  now  raised  upon  the  border.  .  .  ." 
Cameron  communicated  Lincoln's  acceptance  ".  .  .  .  conditioned,  however,  that 
it  shall  be  one,  or  take  the  place  of  one,  of  infantry  already  accepted.  .  .  ." 
(Ibid.,  p.  291). 

To  Heads  of  Bureaus1 

June  22,  1861 

To  the  Heads  of  Bureaus  in  the  War,  Navy  and  other  Depart- 
ments. 

You  will  please,  under  the  direction  of  my  private  Secretary, 
make  to  me  such  abstract  reports,  as  will  show  the  number  of  men 
now  enlisted  as  soldiers  or  seamen  in  the  service  of  the  United 
States,  or  mustered  into  the  service  as  State  Militia  or  Volunteers, 
the  state  of  their  equipment  and  drill,  the  time  of  their  probable 
readiness  for  active  service,  and  the  place  of  rendezvous  or  present 
station.  Also  (if  practicable)  like  information  in  regard  to  the  or- 
ganization of  military  forces  in  the  Free  States,  under  State  author- 
ity. Also  the  number  and  kind  of  arms  and  ammunition  furnished, 
and  yet  on  hand,  and  being  manufactured.  Also  the  number  and 
description  of  War  vessels  and  transports  at  present  owned  or 
chartered  by  the  government,  where  and  on  what  service  at  pres- 
ent stationed  and  the  number  description  and  time  of  probable 
readiness  for  service  of  those  being  prepared.  A  LINCOLN 

Washington     June  22,  1861. 

1  Copy,  DNA  WR  RG  156,  Office  of  Chief  of  Ordnance,  WD  760.  The  copy 
also  has  an  endorsement  signed  by  Simon  Cameron  and  Gideon  'Welles,  "Please 
assist  Mr  Nicolay  in  obtaining  aU  the  information  he  desires." 

To  James  W.  Ripley1 

June  22,  1861 

This  introduces  to  Gen.  Ripley,  the  Hon.  Robt.  Dale  Owen,  of 
la,2  an  inteligent,  disinterested,  and  patriotic  gentleman,  who 
wishes  to  talk  briefly  about  arms.  A.  LINCOLN 

June  22.  1861. 

[415] 


JTUISTE      24,       l86l 

*  ALS,  THaroL.  This  introduction  is  misdated  (NH,  XI,  116)  January  22, 
1861.  Owen  was  appointed  by  Governor  Oliver  P.  Morton  as  agent  to  purchase 
arms  in  Europe  for  Indiana  troops.  2  Indiana. 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  State  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  June  24.  1861 

I  think  we  would  as  well  have  a  Cabinet  meeting  at  12  to-day. 
Please  have  the  members  notified.  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  PHi. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  June  25.  1861 

Col.  Richard  D.  Goodwin,  wishes  to  tender  another  Regiment 
from  New- York.  With  your  concurrence,  and  the  consent  of  the 
Governor  of  New- York,  I  have  no  objection.  Please  give  him  a  short 
interview,  and  look  at  the  notice  of  his  Regiment  which  he  will 
show  you  in  the  New- York  Tribune.2  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

*  ALS,  owned  by  Henry  R.  Benjamin,  New  York  City.  Colonel  Richard  D. 
Goodwin  was  authorized  July  22,  1861,  to  recruit  the  regiment  known  as  the 
President's  Life  Guard,  which  became  a  part  of  the  Fifty-ninth  New  York  In- 
fantry, Goodwin  was  not  retained  as  colonel  and  was  not  commissioned. 

2  The  Tribune,  June  23,  1861,  published  a  notice  of  the  organization  of  the 
President's  Life  Guard. 


To  Ward  H.  Lamon1 

Col  W.  H.  Lamon  Washington,  B.C. 

My  dear  Sir —  June  25.  1861 

I  spoke  to  the  Secretary  of  War  yesterday,  and  he  consents,  & 
so  do  I,  that  as  fast  as  you  get  companies,  you  may  procure  a  U.S. 
officer,  and  have  them  mustered  in.  Have  this  done  quietly;  because 
we  can  not  do  the  labor  of  adopting  it  as  a  general  practice.  Yours 
as  ever  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  CSnaH.  On  June  18,  1861,  Lamon  reported  from  Williamsport,  Mary- 
land, on  his  recruitment  of  Virginians:  "The  refugees  are  still  coming  from 
the  *sacred  soil* — (that  formerly  flowed  with  milfr  &  honey) — I  wish  you  would 
see  Mr  Cameron  and  get  him  to  authorise  me  to  have  those  Virginians  mus- 
tered .  .  .  'without  reference  to  the  minimum  number.  ...  I  fear  an  enormous 
expense  individually  in  provisioning  the  men  as  they  come.  .  .  .  Lieut  Smalley 
.  .  .  Qt-Master  and  Commissary — is  unwilling  to  muster  in  the  men  until  each 

[416] 


J  U  3NT  E      27,      l86l 

particular  Co.  shall  have  85  men.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL.)  .  Lamon  was  "Colonel"  by 
appointment  of  Governor  Yates  of  Illinois,  February  9,  1861,  but  had  no  federal 
commission  in  the  army. 

To  Queen  Victoria1 

June  265  1861 
Abraham  Lincoln, 

President  of  the  United  States  of  America, 
To  Her  Majesty  Victoria, 

Queen  of  the  United  Kingdom 

of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland, 

&c,  &c,  &c. 

Great  and  Good  Friend: 

I  have  received  the  letter  in  which  you  have  made  known  to  me 
the  affliction  you  have  sustained  in  the  death  of  your  justly  la- 
mented parent,  the  Duchess  of  Kent.  I  tender  to  you  my  sincere 
condolence,  with  that  of  the  whole  American  people,  in  this  great 
bereavement,  and  pray  God  to  have  Your  Majesty  and  your  whole 
Royal  Family  constantly  under  his  gracious  protection  and  care. 

"Written  at  "Washington,  this  twenty-sixth  day  of  June,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-one.  Your 
Good  Friend,  AJBRABCAM:  LiisrcoLisr. 

By  the  President: 

WILLIAM:  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 

1  L.S,  Public  Record  Office,  London,  England. 

To  Joseph  G.  Totten1 

Gen.  Totten.  Executive  Mansion     June  2/th  1861. 

Dear  Sir:  I  have  appointed  the  following  persons  as  cadets  "at 
large"  to  the  Military  Academy  at  West  Point,  to  fill  existing  va- 
cancies: 

Charles  Henry  Breckenridge2  Ky. 

J.  Hollins  McBlair3  NX 

Cyrus  M.  Allen  Jr4  Vincennes,  Ind. 

"William  H.  Redwood  Junr.5  Washington  D.  C. 

Your  obt  Servt. 

Lmcouxr 


*  LS,  DNA  WR  RG  94,  U.S.  Military  Academy,  1861,  No.  67,  Box  /7- 

2  Cadet,  September  i,  i86i-June  23,  1865. 

3  John  Hollins  McBlair,  Jr.,  was  commissioned  first  lieutenant  in  the  new 
Fifteenth  Infantry  of  the  Regular  Army  and  did  not  attend  West  Point. 

4  Cadet,  September  i,  i86i~June  23,  1865.  5  No  record  of  appointment. 

[417] 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  State.  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir,  June  29.   1861. 

Please  send  a  Commission  for  Theodore  Canissius,  of  Ills  as  Con- 
sul to  Vienna.  The  place  is  but  $1000,  and  not  much  sought;  and 
I  must  relieve  myself  of  the  Dr.  Illinoisian,  tho,  he  be.  Yours  truly 

A. 


1  Copy,  DLC-RTL.  Gustave  Koerner  to  Lincoln,  June  13,  1861,  recommended 
Canisius  for  appointment  and  added:  "I  am  not  aware  that  a  single  one  of  the 
many  Germans,  -who  have  been  recognized  by  your  administration,  was  in  your 
favor  at  Chicago.  Now  this  does  seem  strange,  and  it  ought  to  be  remedied.  .  .  ." 
(DLC-RTL).  Gamsius  received  the  appointment. 

List  of  Army  Promotions1 

[c.  July,  1861] 

List  of  officers  I  wish  to  remember,  when  I  make  appointments  from 
the  officers  of  the  regular  Army  — 
Maj.  Anderson 
Capt.  Doubleday 
Capt  Foster  — 
Maj.  Hunter 

Lieut.  Slemmer  —  His  pretty  wife  says,  a  major,  or  first 
captain. 

1  AD,  DLC-RTL.  This  undated  memorandum  was  written  prior  to  July  13, 
1861,  on  which  date  Lincoln  sent  to  the  Senate  Robert  Anderson's  promotion 
to  brigadier  general.  Abner  Doubleday's  promotion  to  major,  Sanford  Foster's 
reappointment  as  captain,  David  Hunter's  promotion  to  colonel,  and  Adam 
J.  Slemmer's  promotion  to  major  —  all  were  made  with  the  list  of  Regular  Army 
appointments  submitted  under  date  of  July  31  and  received  by  the  Senate  Au- 
gust 2,  1861. 

Memorandum:  Appointment  of  James  Shields 
and  Michael  Corcoran1 

[c.  July,  1861] 
Private 

Thomas  Francis  Meagher,  as  well  as  Senator  Latham  &  Gen.  Den- 
ver, desire  the  appointment  of  Shields.2 

Bishop  Hughes  thinks  Corcoran  should  be  appointed;  and  my  own 
judgment  concurs  in  both  cases.3 

iAD,  IHi. 

2  James  Shields,  Lincoln's  former  political  opponent  in  Illinois,  now  of  Cali- 
fornia, was  appointed  brigadier  general  of  Volunteers,  August  19,  1861.  His 
supporters  as  listed  were:  Thomas  F.  Meagher,  major  of  the  Sixty-ninth  New- 
York  Regiment,  who  was  also  promoted  to  brigadier;  James  W.  Denver,  brev- 
etted  major  general  in  the  Mexican  war,  who  had  served  under  President 

[418] 


JTTJLY      3,       l86l 

Buchanan    as    governor   of   Kansas   and    commissioner   of    Indian    affairs;    and 
Senator  Milton  S.  Latham  of  California. 

3  Michael  Corcoran,  colonel  of  the  Sixty-ninth  New  York  Regiment,  recom- 
mended by  Roman  Catholic  Archbishop  John  J.  Hughes  of  New  York,  was 
appointed  brigadier  general  of  Volunteers  July  21,  1861. 

To  Winfield  Scott1 

July  2,  1861 
To  the  Commanding  General  of  the  Army  of  the  United  States. 

You  are  engaged  in  repressing  an  insurrection  against  the  laws  of 
the  United  States.  If,  at  any  point,  on  or  in  the  vicinity  of  any  mili- 
tary line  which  is  now,  or  which  shall  be  used,  between  the  City  of 
New  York  and  the  City  of  Washington,  you  find  resistance  which 
renders  it  necessary  to  suspend  the  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus  for  the 
Public  Safety,  you,  personally,  or  through  the  Officer  in  command, 
at  the  point  where  resistance  occurs,  are  authorized  to  suspend  that 
writ. 

Given  under  my  hand,  and  the  Seal  of  the  United 

States,  at  the  City  of  Washington,  this  second  day  of 

[L.S.]  July,    A.D.    1861,   and  of   the   Independence   of   the 

United  States  the  85th.  ABRAHAM  LirccouNT 

By  the  President  of  the  United  States: 

WILLIAM:  H.  SKWAB.D,  Secretary  of  State, 
i  DS,  NN. 

To  James  W.  Ripley1 

Gen.  Ripley  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  July  3,  1861 

Senator  McDougal[l],  of  California,  brings  you  this.  I  wish  you 
would  oblige  him,  if  possible,  about  furnishing  arms  for  a  certain 
Regiment2  in  which  he  feels  a  peculiar  interest.  If  you  can  oblige 
him  in  this,  I  shall  be  personally  obliged.  Yours  truly 

A.  LiisrcoLisr 

1  ALS,  IHL  The  envelope  is  addressed  by  Lincoln:  "Gen.  Kipley/  From  the 
President,/  asking  an  interview/  for  Senator  McDougal." 

2  The  regiment  was  probably  the  First  California,  raised  in  Pennsylvania  by 
Edward  D.  Baker. 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  State  Executive  Mansion  July  3.  1861 

My  dear  Sir  Gen.  Scott  had  sent  me  a  copy  of  the  despatch,  of 
which  you  kindly  sent  one.2  Thanks  to  both  him  and  you. 

Please  assemble  the  Cabinet  at  12  to-day,  to  look  over  the  Mes- 
sage, and  reports. 

[419] 


JULY      4,      l86l 

And  now,  suppose  you  step  over  at  once,  and  let  us  see  Gen. 
Scott,  Gen.  Cameron,  about  assigning  a  position  to  Gen.  Fremont?3 
Yours  as  ever  A  LIISTCOJLJNT 

1  ALS,  NAuK 

2  The  dispatch  was  probably  that  of  July  2,  from  Major  General  Robert  Pat- 
terson at  Black  River,  near  Martinsburg,  announcing  that  he  had  routed  10,000 
rebels  with  the  loss  of  three  killed  and  ten  wounded. 

3  General  Orders  No.  40,  July  3,  created  the  Western  Department  including 
Illinois  and  all  west  of  the  Mississippi,  with  Fremont  in  command. 

Temperance  Declaration1 

[c.  July  4,  1861] 
Temperance  Declaration  of  Eleven  Presidents 

of  the  United  States. 

Being  satisfied  from  observation  and  experience,  as  well  as  from 
medical  testimony,  that  ardent  spirits,  as  a  drink,  is  not  only  need- 
less, but  hurtful  and  that  the  entire  disuse  of  it  would  tend  to  pro- 
mote the  health,  the  virtue  and  happiness  of  the  community:  we 
hereby  express  our  conviction,  that  should  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  and  especially  all  young  men,  discountenance  en- 
tirely the  use  of  it,  they  would  not  only  promote  their  own  per- 
sonal benefit,  but  the  good  of  the  country  and  of  the  world. 

James  Madison,  James  K.  Polk, 

John  Quincy  Adams,  Za  chary  Taylor, 

Andrew  Jackson,  Millard  Fillmore, 

Martin  Van  Buren,  Franklin  Pierce, 

John  Tyler,  James  Buchanan, 

Abraham  Lincoln. 

1  Journal  of  the  American  Temperance  Union:  and  The  New-York  Prohibi- 
tionist, August,  1861,  XXIV,  No.  8.  The  declaration  as  printed  is  accompanied 
by  a  letter  from  Edward  C.  Delavan,  ex-wine  merchant  and  noted  temperance 
worker  and  lecturer,  dated  July  4,  1861,  which  reads  in  part: 

"President  Lincoln  has  recently  returned  me,  signed,  the  Presidential  Tem- 
perance Declaration. 

"In  1833,  I  obtained  the  signatures  of  Presidents  Madison,  Jackson,  and 
Adams.  ...  As  new  Presidents  have  been  elected,  the  parchment  .  .  .  has 
been  sent  to  Washington,  and  in  every  case  returned  signed. 

"President  Harrison  died  before  I  had  an  opportunity  of  sending  the  certif- 
icate. .  .  ." 

Fragment  of  Draft  of  Message  to  Congress1 

[July  4,  1861] 
Random  6. 

I  recommend  that  yon  give  the  legal  means  for  making  this  contest 
a  short,  and  a  decisive  one — that  you  authorize  to  be  applied  to  the 

[420] 


JULY     4,     1861 

work,  at  least  three  hundred  thousand  men,  and  three  hundred 
millions  of  dollars.  That  number  of  men  is  less  than  one  twelfth2 
of  those  of  proper  ages,  within  those  regions  where  all  are  willing 
to  engage;  and  the  sum  is  less  than  an  eighteenth8  of  the  money- 
value  owned  by  the  men  who  are  ready  to  devote  the  whole.  A 
right  result  will  be  worth  more  to  the  world  than  ten  times  the 
men,  and  ten  times  the  money.  The  evidence  reaching  us  from  the 
people  leaves  no  dotibt  that  the  material  for  the  work  is  abundant; 
and  that  it  needs  only  the  hand  of  legislation  to  give  it  legal  sanc- 
tion; and  the  hand  of  the  Executive  to  give  it  practical  shape  and 
efficiency.  The  departments  here  have  had  more  trouble  to  avoid 
receiving  troops  faster  than  they  could  provide  them  than  from 
any  other  cause.  In  a  word,  the  people  will  save  their  government, 
if  the  government  itself  will  allow  them. 

1  AD,  DLC-RTL.  The  single  page  of  manuscript  is  a  preliminary  draft  of  the 
twentieth  paragraph  of  the  Message  of  July  4,  infra. 

2  "Tenth"  deleted,  "twelfth"  inserted. 

3  "Tenth"  deleted,  "eighteenth"  inserted. 


Message  to  Congress  in  Special  Session1 

July  4,  1861 
Fellow-citizens  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives: 

Having2  been  convened  on  an  extraordinary  occasion,  as  author- 
ized by  the  Constitution,  your  attention  is  not  called  to  any  ordinary 
subject  of  legislation. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  present  Presidential  term,  four  months 

1  AD,  first  proof  sheets  with  autograph  revisions,  second  proof  sheets,  two 
copies,  (i)  with  revisions  by  William  H.  Seward  for  the  most  part  in  the  hand- 
writing of  Frederick  "W.  Seward,  (2)  with  Lincoln's  final  revisions,  DLG-BTL. 
Although  engrossed  official  copies  of  Lincoln's  later  Messages  are  in  the  National 
Archives,  no  official  copy  of  the  Message  of  July  4,  1861,  has  been  found.  The 
text  reproduced  here  is  that  of  the  second  proof  containing  Lincoln's  final  re- 
visions, which,  with  the  exception  of  minor  changes  in  punctuation,  are  noted 
In  the  succeeding  footnotes.  Variants,  emendations,  and  deletions  made  by  Lin- 
coln in  the  manuscript  and  on  the  first  proof  are  also  indicated  in  the  footnotes. 
Minor  inconsistencies  in  usage  occurring  in  Lincoln's  manuscript  and  autograph 
changes  in  the  proof  sheets  have  been  made  to  conform  with  the  printed  proof, 
but  Lincoln's  paragraphing,  punctuation  and  capitalization  in  the  manuscript 
and  autograph  corrections  have  been  retained  in  some  cases  even  though  not 
followed  by  the  printers  who  set  the  proofs. 

2  The  first  paragraph  revised  to  the  present  text  in  the  manuscript,  stood 
originally  as  follows:   "Having  convened  you  on  an  extraordinary  occasion  as 
contemplated  by  the  Constitution,  I  do  not  ask  your  attention  to  any  ordinary 
subject  of  legislation.  You  will  act  on  your  own  judgment  and  pleasure  whether 
you  will  consider  any  such." 

[421] 


JULY      4,       l86l 

ago,3  the  functions  of  the  Federal  Government  were  found  to  be 
generally4  suspended  within  the  several  States  of  South  Carolina, 
Georgia,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and  Florida,  excepting 
only  those  of  the  Post  Office  Department. 

Within  these  States,  all  the  Forts,  Arsenals,  Dock-yards,  Custom- 
houses, and  the  like,  including  the  movable  and  stationary  property 
in,  and  about  them,  had  been  seized,  and  were  held  in  open  hostility 
to  this  Government,  excepting  only  Forts  Pickens,  Taylor,  and 
Jefferson,  on,  and  near  the  Florida  coast,  and  Fort  Sumter,  in 
Charleston  harbor,  South  Carolina.  The  Forts  thus  seized  had  been 
put  in  improved  condition;  new  ones  had  been  built;  and  armed 
forces  had  been  organized,  and  were  organizing,  all  avowedly  with 
the  same  hostile  purpose. 

The  Forts  remaining  in  the  possession  of  the  Federal  govern- 
ment, in,  and  near,  these  States,  were  either5  besieged  or  menaced 
by  warlike  preparations;  and  especially  Fort  Sumter  was  nearly 
surrounded  by  well-protected  hostile  batteries,  with  guns  equal  in 
quality  to  the  best  of  its  own,  and  outnumbering  the  latter  as  per- 
haps ten6  to  one.  A  disproportionate  share,7  of  the  Federal  muskets 
and  rifles,8  had  somehow  found  their  way  into  these  States,  and 
had  been  seized,  to  be  used  against  the  government.  Accumulations 
of  the  public  revenue,  lying  within  them,9  had  been  seized  for  the 
same  object.  The  Navy  was  scattered10  in  distant  seas;  leaving  but 
a  very  small  part  of  it  within  the  immediate  reach  of  the  govern- 
ment. Officers11  of  the  Federal  Army  and  Navy,  had  resigned  in 
great  numbers;  and,  of  those  resigning,  a  large  proportion  had 
taken  up  arras  against  the  government.  Simultaneously,  and  in 
connection,  with  all  this,  the  purpose  to  sever  the  Federal  Union, 
was  openly  avowed.  In  accordance  with  this  purpose,  an  ordinance 

3  "All"  standing  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof,  deleted  at  this  point  in 
the  second  proof  by  Seward.  Deletion  adopted  by  Lincoln. 

4  "Entirely"  in  the  manuscript,  changed  by  Seward  in  the  second  proof  to 
"generally."  Adopted  by  Lincoln. 

5  "Either  beseiged  or"  inserted  by  Seward  in  the  second  proof.  Adopted  by 
Lincoln. 

6  "Perhaps  ten"  inserted  by  Lincoln  in  the  blank  space  which  had  stood  from 
manuscript  to  second  proof. 

7  "Both  in  number  and  quality,"  in  manuscript  and  first  proof,   deleted  in 
second  proof. 

8  "Arms  and  ammunition,"  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof,  deleted  in  sec- 
ond proof,  and  "muskets  and  rifles"  inserted. 

9  "These  States"  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof,  changed  by  Seward  to 
"them"  in  second  proof.  Adopted  by  Lincoln. 

10  "And"  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof,  deleted  at  this  point  in  the  second 
proof  by  Seward.  Deletion  adopted  by  Lincoln. 

11  "The  officers"  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof;  "The"  deleted  in  the  sec- 
ond proof  by  Seward.  Deletion  adopted  by  Lincoln. 

[422] 


JULY    4,     1861 

had  been  adopted  in  each  of  these  States,  declaring  the  States,  re- 
spectively, to  be  separated  from  the  National  Union.  A12  formula 
for  instituting  a  combined  government  of  these  states  had  been 
promulgated;  and  this  illegal  organization,  in  the  character  of  con- 
federate States  was  already  invoking  recognition,  aid,  and  inter- 
vention, from  Foreign  Powers. 

Finding  this  condition  of  things,  and  believing  it  to  be  an  im- 
perative duty  upon  the  incoming  Executive,  to  prevent,  if  possible, 
the  consummation  of  such  attempt  to  destroy  the  Federal  Union, 
a  choice  of  means  to  that  end  became  indispensable.  This  choice 
was  made;  and  was  declared  in  the  Inaugural  address.  The  policy 
chosen  looted  to  the  exhaustion  of  all  peaceful  measures,  before  a 
resort  to  any  stronger  ones.  It  sought  only  to  hold  the  public  places 
and  property,  not  already  wrested  from  the  Government,  and  to 
collect  the  revenue;  relying  for  the  rest,  on  time,  discussion,  and 
the  ballot-box.  It  promised  a  continuance  of  the  mails,  at  govern- 
ment expense,  to  the  very  people  who  were  resisting  the  govern- 
ment; and  it  gave  repeated  pledges  against  any  disturbance  to 
any  of  the  people,  or  any  of  their  rights.  Of  all  that  which  a  presi- 
dent might  constitutionally,  and  justifiably,  do  in  such  a  case, 
everything  was  foreborne,  without  which,  it  was  believed  pos- 
sible to  keep  the  government  on  foot. 

On  the  5th  of  March,  (the  present  incumbent's  first  full  day 
in  office)  a  letter  of  Major  Anderson,  commanding  at  Fort  Sumter, 
written  on  the  2  8th  of  February,  and  received  at  the  War  Depart- 
ment on  the  4th  of  March,  was,  by  that  Department,  placed  in  his 
hands.  This  letter  expressed  the  professional  opinion  of  the  writer, 
thai  re-inf  orcements  could  not  be  thrown  into  that  Fort  within  the 
time  for  his  relief,  rendered  necessary  by  the  limited  supply  of 
provisions,  and  with  a  view  of  holding  possession  of  the  same,  with 
a  force  of  less  than  twenty  thousand  good,  and  well-disciplined 
men.  This  opinion  was  concurred  in  by  all  the  officers  of  his 
command;  and  their  memoranda  on  the  subject,  were  made  en- 
closures of  Major  Anderson's  letter.  The  whole  was  immediately 
laid  before  Lieutenant  General  Scott,  who  at  once  concurred  with 
Major  Anderson  in  opinion.  On  reflection,13  however,  he  took  full 

12  This  sentence  was  slightly  revised  by  Lincoln  from  Seward's  suggestion  in 
the  second  proof.  The  manuscript  and  first  proof  read  as  follows:   "Also  the 
forms  of  establishing  a  federal  government  of  these  States,  with  departments, 
and  provisions,  similar  to  our  own,  had  been  gone  through;  and  this  supposed 
Federal  government,  under  the  name  and  style  of  'The  Confederate  States  of 
America/  had  assumed  national  independence,  and  was  suing  for  it's  recognition 
by  the  powers  of  the  earth." 

13  "At  the  request  of  the  executive,"  in  the  manuscript,  replaced  by  "On  re- 
flection," in  first  proof. 

[423] 


JTTJLY      4,       l86l 

time,  consulting  -with  other  officers,  both  of  the  Army  and  the 
Navy;  and,  at  the  end  of  four  days,  came  reluctantly,  but  decided- 
ly, to  the  same  conclusion  as  before.  He  also  stated14  at  the  same 
time  that  no  such  sufficient  force  was  then  at  the  control  of  the 
Government,  or  could  be  raised,  and  brought  to  the  ground,  with- 
in the  time  when  the  provisions  in  the  Fort  -would  be  exhausted. 
In  a  purely  military  point  of  view,  this  reduced  the  duty  of  the 
administration,  in  the  case,  to  the  mere  matter  of  getting  the  gar- 
rison safely  out  of  the  Fort.15 

It  was16  believed,  however,  that  to  so  abandon  that  position, 
under  the  circumstances,17  would  be  utterly  ruinous;  that  the 
necessity  under  which  it  was  to  be  done,  would  not  be  fully  under- 
stood— that,  by  many,  it  would  be  construed  as  a  part  of  a  volun- 
tary policy — that,  at  home,  it  would  discourage  the  friends  of  the 
Union,  embolden  its  adversaries,  and  go  far  to  insure  to  the  lat- 
ter, a  recognition18  abroad — that,  in  fact,  it  would  be  OLir  national 
destruction  consummated.  This  could  not  be  allowed.19  Starvation 
was  not  yet  upon  the  garrison;  and  ere  it  would  be  reached,  Fort 
Pickens  might  be  reinforced.  This  last,  would  be  a  clear  indication 
of  policy,  and  would  better  enable  the  country  to  accept  the  evacu- 
ation of  Fort  Sumter,  as  a  military  necessity.  An  order  was  at  once 
directed  to  be  sent  for  the  landing  of  the  troops  from  the  Steam- 
ship Brooklyn,  into  Fort  Pickens.  This  order  could  not  go  by  land, 
but  must  take  the  longer,  and  slower  route  by  sea.  The  first  return 
news  from  the  order  was  received  just  one  week  before  the  fall  of 
Fort  Sumter.  The  news  itself  was,  that  the  officer  commanding 
the  Sabine,  to  which  vessel  the  troops  had  been  transferred  from 
the  Brooklyn,  acting  upon  some  quasi  armistice  of  the  late  admin- 
istration, (and20  of  the  existence  of  which,  the  present  administra- 
tion, up  to  the  time  the  order  was  despatched,  had  only  too  vague 
and  uncertain  rumors,  to  fix  attention)  had  refused  to  land  the 
troops.  To  now  re-inforce  Fort  Pickens,  before  a  crisis  would  be 

14  "Informed  the  executive,"  in  the  manuscript,  replaced  by  "stated,"  in  first 
proof. 

15  The  following  sentence  deleted  from  the  manuscript  at  this  point:  "In  fact, 
General  Scott  advised  that  this  should  be  done  at  once." 

16  "The  executive,"  in  the  manuscript,  changed  to  "It  was"  in  first  proof. 

17  "Under  the  circumstances"  inserted  by  Seward  and  adopted  by  Lincoln  in 
the  second  proof. 

18  "Of  independence,"  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof,  deleted  at  this  point 
by  Seward   Deletion  adopted  by  Lincoln. 

19  "The  administration  hesitated."  in  the  manuscript,  changed  in  first  proof  to 
the  sentence  in  the  text. 

20  The  portion  in  parentheses  appears  in  the  manuscript  as  a  revision  of  the 
following:   "and  of  the  existence  of  which  the  present  administration  had  not 
been  notified." 

[424] 


JTULY     45     1861 

reached  at  Fort  Sumter  was  impossible — rendered  so  by  the  near 
exhaustion  of  provisions  in  the  latter-named  Fort.  In  precaution 
against  such  a  conjuncture,  the  government  had,  a  few  days  be- 
fore, commenced  preparing  an  expedition,  as  well  adapted  as 
might  be,  to  relieve  Fort  Sumter,  which  expedition  was  intended 
to  be  ultimately  used,  or  not,  according  to  circumstances.  The 
strongest  anticipated  case,  for  using  it,  was  now  presented;  and  it 
was  resolved  to  send  it  forward.  As  had  been  intended,  in  this  con- 
tingency, it  was  also  resolved  to  notify  the  Governor  of  South 
Carolina,  that  he  might  expect  an  attempt  would  be  made  to  provi- 
sion the  Fort;  and  that,  if  the  attempt  should  not  be  resisted,  there 
would  be  no  effort  to  throw  in  men,  arms,  or  ammixnition,  with- 
out further  notice,  or  in  case  of  an  attack  upon  the  Fort.  This  no- 
tice was  accordingly  given;  whereupon  the  Fort  was  attacked,  and 
bombarded  to  its  fall,  without  even  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the 
provisioning  expedition. 

It  is  thus  seen  that  the  assault  upon,  and  reduction  of,  Fort  Sum- 
ter, was,  in  no  sense,  a  matter  of  self  defence  on  the  part  of  the 
assailants.  They  well  knew  that  the  garrison  in  the  Fort  could,  by 
no  possibility,  commit  aggression  upon  them.  They  knew — they 
were  expressly  notified — that  the  giving  of  bread  to  the  few  brave 
and  hungry21  men  of  the  garrison,  was  all  which  would  on  that 
occasion22  be  attempted,  unless  themselves,  by  resisting  so  much, 
should  provoke  more.  They  knew  that  this  Government  desired  to 
keep  the  garrison  in  the  Fort,  not  to  assail23  them,  but  merely  to 
maintain  visible  possession,  and  thus  to  preserve  the  Union  from 
actual,  and  immediate  dissolution — trusting,  as  herein-before 
stated,  to  time,  discussion,  and  the  ballot-box,  for  final  adjustment; 
and  they  assailed,  and  reduced  the  Fort,  for  precisely  the  reverse 
object — to  drive  out  the  visible  authority  of  the  Federal  Union, 
and  thus  force  it  to  immediate  dissolution. 

That  this  was  their  object,  the  Executive  well  understood;  and 
having  said  to  them  in  the  inaugural  address,  "You  can  have  no 
conflict  without  being  yourselves  the  aggressors,"  he  took  pains,  not 
only  to  keep  this  declaration  good,  but  also  to  keep  the  case  so  free 
from  the  power  of  ingenious  sophistry,24  as  that  the  world  should 
not  be  able  to  misunderstand  it.  By  the  affair  at  Fort  Sumter,  with 
its  surrounding  circumstances,  that  point  was  reached.  Then,  and 
thereby,  the  assailants  of  the  Government,  began  the  conflict  of 

21  "But  starving"  changed  in  the  manuscript  to  "and  hungry." 

22  "Qn  that  occasion"   inserted  by   Seward  and   adopted  by   Lincoln  in  "the 
second  proof.  23  "Aggress  upon"  changed  in  the  manuscript  to  "assail." 

24  "Mystification"  changed  in  the  manuscript  to  "ingenious  sophistry." 

[425] 


JULY      4,       l86l 

arms,  without  a  gun  in  sight,  or  in  expectancy,  to  return  their  fire, 
save  only  the  f ew  in  the  Fort,  sent  to  that  harbor,  years  before,  for 
their  own  protection,  and  still  ready  to  give  that  protection,  in 
whatever  was  lawful.  In  this  act,  discarding  all  else,  they  have 
forced  upon  the  country,  the  distinct  issue:  "Immediate  dissolu- 
tion, or  blood." 

And  this  issue  embraces  more  than  the  fate  of  these  United 
States.  It  presents  to  the  whole  family  of  man,  the  question, 
whether  a  constitutional25  republic,  or  a  democracy — a  govern- 
ment of  the  people,  by  the  same  people — can,  or  cannot,  maintain 
its  territorial  integrity,  against  its  own  domestic  foes.  It  presents 
the  question,  whether  discontented  individuals,  too  few  in  numbers 
to  control  administration,  according  to  organic  law,  in  any  case, 
can  always,  upon  the  pretences  made  in  this  case,  or  on  any  other 
pretences,  or  arbitrarily,  without  any  pretence,  break  up  their  Gov- 
ernment, and  thus  practically  put  an  end  to  free  government  upon 
the  earth.  It  forces  us  to  ask:  "Is  there,  in  all  republics,  this  in- 
herent, and  fatal  weakness?"  "Must  a  government,  of  necessity, 
be  too  strong  for  the  liberties  of  its  own  people,  or  too  weak  to 
maintain  its  own  existence?" 

So  viewing  the  issue,  no  choice  was  left26  but  to  call  out  the  war 
power27  of  the  Government;  and  so  to  resist  force,  employed  for  its 
destruction,  by  force,  for  its  preservation. 

The  call  was  made;  and  the  response  of  the  country  was  most 
gratifying;28  surpassing,  in  unanimity  and  spirit,  the  most  san- 
guine expectation.  Yet  none  of  the  States  commonly  called  Slave- 
states,  except  Delaware,29  gave  a  Regiment  through  regular  State 
organization.  A  few  regiments  have  been  organized  within  some 
others30  of  those  states,  by  individual  enterprise,  and  received  into 
the  government31  service.  Of  course  the  seceded  States,  so  called, 
(and  to  which  Texas  had  been  joined  about  the  time  of  the  inau- 
guration,) gave  no  troops  to  the  cause  of  the  Union.  The  border 
States,  so  called,  were  not  uniform  in  their  actions;  some  of  them 
being  almost  for  the  Union,  while  in32  others — as  Virginia,  North 

25  "Constitutional  republic,   or  a**  inserted  in  second  proof. 

26  "The  administration  had  no  choice  left,"  in  the  manuscript,   changed  to 
the  present  text  in  first  proof. 

2T  "Military  power"  changed  in  the  manuscript  to  "war-power." 

28  "To  the  administration,"  in  the  manuscript,  deleted  at  this  point  in  first 
proof. 

29  "Except  patriotic  Delaware"  inserted  by  Seward  and  "except  Delaware," 
adopted  by  Lincoln  in  second  proof. 

30  "Others"  inserted  in  second  proof. 

31  "United  States  service"  changed  in  the  manuscript  to  "government  serv- 
ice." 32  "in"  inserted  in  second  proof. 

[426] 


JULY    4,     1861 

Carolina,  Tennessee,  and  Arkansas — the33  Union  sentiment  was 
nearly  repressed,  and  silenced.  The  course  taken  in  Virginia  was 
the  most  remarkable — perhaps  the  most  important.  A  convention, 
elected  by  the  people  of  that  State,  to  consider  this  very  question 
of  disrupting  the  Federal  Union,  was  in  session  at  the  capital  of 
Virginia  when  Fort  Sumter  fell.  To  this  body  the  people  had  cho- 
sen a  large  majority  of  professed  Union  men.  Almost  immediately 
after  the  fall  of  Sumter,  many34  members  of  that  majority  went 
over  to  the  original  disunion  minority,  and,  with  them,  adopted 
an  ordinance  for  withdrawing  the  State  from  the  Union.  Whether 
this  change  was  wrought  by  their  great  approval  of  the  assault 
upon  Sumter,  or  their  great  resentment  at  the  government's  resist- 
ance to  that  assault,  is  not  definitely  known.  Although35  they  sub- 
mitted the  ordinance,  for  ratification,  to  a  vote  of  the  people,  to 
be  taken  on  a  day  then36  somewhat  more  than  a  month  distant,37 
the  convention,  and  the  Legislature,  (which  was  also  in  session  at 
the  same  time  and  place)  with  leading  men  of  the  State,  not  mem- 
bers of  either,  immediately  commenced  acting,  as  if  the  State 
were38  already  out  of  the  Union.  They  pushed  military  prepara- 
tions vigorously  forward  all  over  the  state.  They  seized  the  United 
States  Armory  at  Harper's  Ferry,  and  the  Navy-yard  at  Gosport, 
near  Norfolk.  They  received — perhaps  invited — into  their  state, 
large  bodies  of  troops,  with  their  warlike  appointments,  from  the 
so-called  seceded39  States.  They  formally  entered  into  a  treaty  of 
temporary  alliance,  and  co-operation  with  the  so-called  "Confed- 
erate States,"  40  and  sent  members  to  their  Congress  at  Montgom- 
ery. And,  finally,  they  permitted  the  insurrectionary  government 
to  be  transferred  to  their  capital  at  Richmond. 

The  people  of  Virginia  have  thus  allowed  this  giant  insurrection 
to  make  its  nest  within  her  borders;  and  this  government  has  no 
choice  left  but  to  deal  with  it,  where  it  finds  it.  And  it  has  the  less 
regret,  as  the  loyal  citizens  have,  in  due  form,  claimed  its  protec- 

33  "Were  apparantly,  quite  against  it,"  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof  re- 
placed in  second  proof  •with,  the  conclusion  of  the  sentence  as  reproduced  here. 

34  "Nearly  all  the**  changed  in  the  manuscript  to  "many." 

35  "They,  however,  submitted,"  in  the  manuscript,  changed  in  first  proof  to 
"Although  they  submitted." 

36  "Then"  in  the  manuscript,  omitted  in  first  proof,  and  inserted  in  the  sec- 
ond proof. 

37  Period  and  new  sentence  beginning  here  in  manuscript,  changed  in  first 
proof  to  the  present  text. 

38  "Was,"  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof,  changed  in  the  second  proof  to 
"were." 

39  "Confederate"  changed  in  the  manuscript  to  "seceded." 

4<>  "Confederate  States  of  America,"  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof,  changed 
to  "Confederate  States"  by  Seward  and  adopted  by  Lincoln  in  second  proof. 

[427] 


JULY       4,       l86l 

tion.  Those  loyal41  citizens,  this  government  is  bound  to  recognize, 
and  protect,  as  being  Virginia. 

In42  the  border  States,  so  called — in  fact,  the  middle  states — 
there  are  those  who  favor  a  policy  which  they  call  "armed  neu- 
trality"— that  is,  an  arming  of  those  states  to  prevent  the  Union 
forces  passing  one  way,  or  the  disunion,  the  other,  over  their  soil. 
This  would  be  disunion  completed.43  Figuratively  speaking,  it 
would  be  the  building  of  an  impassable  wall  along  the  line  of  sep- 
aration. And  yet,  not  quite  an  impassable  one;  for,  under  the  guise 
of  neutrality,  it  would  tie  the  hands  of  the  Union  men,  and  freely 
pass  supplies  from  among  them,  to  the  insurrectionists,  which  it 
could  not  do  as  an  open  enemy.  At  a  stroke,  it  would  take  all  the 
trouble  off  the  hands  of  secession,  except  only  what  proceeds  from 
the  external  blockade.  It  would  do  for  the  disunionists  that  which, 
of  all  things,  they  most  desire — feed  them  well,  and  give  them 
disunion  without  a  struggle  of  their  own.  It  recognizes  no  fidelity 
to  the  Constitution,  no  obligation  to  maintain  the  Union;  and 
while44  very  many  who  have  favored  it  are,  doubtless,  loyal  citi- 
zens, it  is,  nevertheless,  treason  in  effect. 

Recurring  to  the  action  of  the  government,  it  may  be  stated  that, 
at  first,  a  call  was  made  for  seventy-five  thousand  militia;  and 
rapidly  following  this,  a  proclamation  was  issued  for  closing  the 
ports  of  the  insurrectionary  districts  by  proceedings  in  the  nature 
of  Blockade.  So  far  all  was  believed  to  be  strictly  legal.  At  this 
point  the  insurrectionists  announced  their  purpose  to  enter  upon 
the  practice  of  privateering.45 

41  The  sentence  "Those  citizens   are  Virginia,"  in  the  manuscript,   changed 
in  first  proof  to  the  sentence  of  the  present  text.  Three  additional  sentences  in 
Lincoln's   autograph   appear  immediately  following   this   sentence   inserted   at 
bottom  of  page  ten  of  first  proof,  but  were  deleted  in  favor  of  the  full  para- 
graph autograph  insertion  (see  note  42)  at  the  same  point.  The  deleted  sentences 
are  as  follows:  "Suppose  two  respectable  gentlemen,  both  of  whom  have  sworn 
to  support  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  shall  each,  at  the  same  time, 
claim  to  be  Governor  of  Virginia.  Which  of  the  two  should  this  government 
recognize?  Him  who  disregards,  or  him  who  keeps,  his  oath,  in  this  respect?" 

42  This  paragraph,  not  in  the  manuscript,  occurs  in  first  proof  as  an  auto- 
graph page  inserted. 

43  "Consummated,"  in  the  autograph  insertion  in  first  proof,  changed  in  the 
second  proof  to  "completed," 

44  "While  they  may  not  all  be  traitors  who  have  favored  it,  the  thing  is,  in 
fact,  treason  in  disguise,"  in  the  autograph  insertion  in  first  proof,  changed  by 
Seward  to  the  reading  adopted  by  Lincoln  in  the  second  proof,  Lincoln  adding 
the  word   "doubtless"   to   Seward's    revision.    "Treason"   is    amended    to    "very 
injurious"  in  the  Congressional  Globe  Appendix,  which  is  followed  by  Nicolay 
and  Hay,  suggesting  further  revision  before  release  for  publication. 

45  Seward  deleted,  and  Lincoln  adopted  in  second  proof,  the  sentence  stand- 

[428] 


JULY      4,      l86l 

Other  calls  were  made  for  volunteers,46  to  serve  three  years,  un- 
less sooner  discharged;  and  also  for  large  additions  to  the  regular 
Army  and  Navy.  These  measures,  whether  strictly  legal  or  not, 
were  ventured  upon,  under  what  appeared  to  be  a  popular  de- 
mand, and  a  public  necessity;  trusting,  then  as  now,  that  Congress 
would  readily  ratify  them.  It  is  believed  that  nothing  has  been 
done  beyond  the  constitutional  competency  of  Congress.47 

Soon  after  the  first  call  for  militia,  it48  was  considered  a  duty  to 
authorize  the  Commanding  General,  in  proper  cases,  according  to 
his  discretion,  to  suspend  the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus; 
or,  in  other  words,  to  arrest,  and  detain,  without  resort  to  the  or- 
dinary processes  and  forms  of  law,  such  individuals  as  he  might 
deem  dangerous  to  the  public  safety.  This49  authority  has  purpose- 
ly been  exercised  but  very  sparingly.  Nevertheless,  the  legality 
and  propriety  of  what  has  been  done  under  it,  are  questioned; 
and50  the  attention  of  the  country  has  been  called  to  the  proposi- 

ing  next  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof,  as  follows:  "On  more  mature  reflec- 
tion, with  observation  on  current  events,  it  was  [the  administration]  concluded 
that  the  measures  adopted  were  inadequate  to  the  occasion,  both  by  reason  of 
the  very  limited  time  the  militia  would  be  held  to  serve,  and  the  general  in- 
sufficiency of  numbers  in  the  regular  land  and  naval  forces."  Lincoln  had 
changed  "the  administration  concluded,"  appearing  in  the  manuscript,  to  "it  was 
concluded"  in  first  proof. 

46  "Accordingly  another  call  was  made  for volunteers,"  in  the  manu- 
script and  first  proof,  changed  by  Seward  to  the  present  reading  adopted  in 
the  second  proof. 

47  Two  short  paragraphs  as  revised  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof  are  de- 
leted at  this  point  in  the  second  proof  by  Seward.  Deletion  adopted  by  Lincoln. 
They  are  as  follows: 

"Whether  the  proceedings  in  the  nature  of  blockade,  be  technically  a  block- 
ade, scarcely  needs  to  be  considered;  since  foreign  nations  only  claim  what  we 
concede,  that,  as  between  them  and  us,  the  strict  law  of  blockade  shall  apply. 

"The  attention  of  Congress  is  sought  in  aid  of  this  means  for  suppressing  the 
insurrection,  as  the  one  affording  at  once,  the  greatest  efficiency,  and  least 
danger  to  life,  of  any  at  the  control  of  the  government." 

48  "I  felt  it  my  duty,"  in  the  manuscript,  revised  in  first  proof  to  "it  was  con- 
sidered a  duty." 

49  "At  my  verbal  request,  as  well  as  by  the  Generals  own  inclination,  this 
authority  has  been  exercised,"  in  the  manuscript,  revised  in  first  proof  to  "This 
authority  has  purposely  been  exercised." 

50  The  remainder  of  this  sentence,  the  next  two  sentences,  and  the  beginning 
of  the  next,  were  revised  in  first  proof  to  the  present  text.  In  the  manuscript 
they  are  as  follows:  "and  I  have  been  reminded  from  a  high  quarter  that  one 
who  is  sworn  to  'take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed'  should  not  him- 
self  be  one  to  violate  them.  ["So  I  think"  deleted  in  the  manuscript.]  Of  course 
I  gave  some  consideration  to  the  questions  of  power,  and  propriety,  before  I 
acted  in  this  matter.  The  whole  of  the  laws  which  I  was  sworn  to  take  care  that 
they  be  faithfully  executed,  were  being  resisted,  and  failing  to  be  executed,  in 
nearly  one  third  of  the  states.  Must  I  have  allowed  them,"  etc. 

[429] 


jr  u  L  Y     4.,     1861 

tion  that  one  who  is  sworn  to  "take  care  that  the  laws  be  faith- 
fully executed,"  should  not  himself  violate  them.  Of  course  some 
consideration  was  given  to  the  questions  of  power,  and  propriety, 
before  this  matter  was  acted  upon.  The  whole  of  the  laws  which 
were  required  to  be  faithfully  executed,  were  being  resisted,  and 
failing  of  execution,  in  nearly  one-third  of  the  States.  Must  they 
be  allowed  to  finally  fail  of  execution,  even  had  it  been  perfectly 
clear,  that  by  the  use  of  the  means  necessary  to  their  execution, 
some  single  law,  made  in  such  extreme  tenderness  of  the  citizen's 
liberty,  that51  practically,  it  relieves  more  of  the  guilty,  than  of  the 
innocent,  should,  to  a  very  limited  extent,  be  violated?  To  state  the 
question  more  directly,  are  all  the  laws,  but  one,  to  go  unexecuted, 
and  the  government  itself  go  to  pieces,  lest  that  one  be  violated?52 
Even53  in  such  a  case,  would  not  the  official  oath  be  broken,  if  the 
government  should  be  overthrown,  when  it  was  believed  that  dis- 
regarding the  single  law,  would  tend  to  preserve  it?  But  it  was  not 
believed  that  this  question  was  presented.  It  was  not  believed  that 
any  law  was  violated.  The  provision  of  the  Constitution  that 
"The  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  shall  not  be  suspended 
unless  when,  in  cases  of  rebellion  or  invasion,  the  public  safety 
may  require  it,"  is  equivalent  to  a  provision — is  a  provision — that 
such  privilege  may  be  suspended  when,  in  cases  of  rebellion,  or  in- 
vasion, the  public  safety  does  require  it.  It54  was  decided  that  we 
have  a  case  of  rebellion,  and  that  the  public  safety  does  require 
the  qualified  suspension  of  the  privilege  of  the  writ55  which  was56 
authorized  to  be  made.  Now  it  is  insisted  that  Congress,  and  not 
the  Executive,  is  vested  with  this  power.  But  the  Constitution  it- 
self, is  silent  as  to  which,  or  who,  is  to  exercise  the  power;  and  as 

51  In  the  manuscript  the   remainder  of  this   sentence   originally  read  that 
"more  rogues  than  honest  men  find  shelter  under  it,  should,  to  a  very  limited 
extent,  be  violated?"  This  "was  first  revised  to  read  as  follows:  "that  practically 
more  of  the  guilty  than  [of]  the  innocent,  find  shelter  under  it,"  etc.  The  sec- 
ond revision  on  the  manuscript  stands  in  the  first  proof  and  thereafter,  except 
for  the  insertion  "of"  in  first  proof  as  indicated  in  brackets. 

52  "Violated,"  in  the  first  proof,  changed  by  Seward  in  the  second  proof  to 
"broken."  Not  adopted  by  Lincoln. 

53  This  and  the  next  two  sentences  inserted  in  first  proof  in  Lincoln's  auto- 
graph revised  three  sentences  in  the  manuscript  which  read  as  follows:   "Even 
in  such  a  case  I  should  consider  my  official  oath  broken  if  I  should  allow  the 
government  to  be  overthrown,  when  I  might  think  the  disregarding  the  single 
law  would  tend  to  preserve  it.  But,  in  this  case  I  was  not,  in  my  own  judgment, 
driven  to  this  ground.  In  my  opinion  I  violated  no  law." 

54  "I  decided,"  in  the  manuscript,  revised  to  "It  was  decided"  in  first  proof. 

55  "Of  habeas  corpus,"  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof,  deleted  in  second 
proof. 

56  "Which  I  authorized,"  in  the  manuscript,  revised  to  "which  was  author- 
ized," in  first  proof. 

[430] 


JULY      4,      l86l 

the  provision  was57  plainly  made  for  a  dangerous  emergency,  it58 
cannot  be  believed59  the  framers  of  the  instniraent  intended,  that 
in  every  case,  the  danger  should  run  its  course,  until  Congress 
could  be  called  together;  the  very  assembling  of  which  might  be 
prevented,  as  was  intended  in  this  case,  by  the  rebellion. 

No60  more  extended  argument  is  now  offered;  as  an  opinion,  at 
some  length,  will  probably  be  presented  by  the  Attorney  General. 
Whether  there  shall  be  any  legislation  upon  the  subject,  and  if 
any,  what,  is61  submitted  entirely  to  the  better  judgment  of  Con- 
gress. 

The  forbearance  of  this  government  had  been  so  extraordinary, 
and  so  long  continued,  as  to  lead  some  foreign  nations  to  shape 
their  action  as  if  they  supposed  the  early  destruction  of  our  nation- 
al Union  "was  probable.  While  this,  on  discovery,  gave  the  Execu- 
tive some  concern,  he  is  now  happy  to  say62  that  the  sovereignty, 
and  rights  of  the  United  States,  are  now  everywhere  practically 
respected  by  foreign  powers;  and  a  general  sympathy  with  the 
country  is  manifested  throughout  the  world. 

The  reports  of  the  Secretaries  of  the  Treasury,  War,  and  the 
Navy,  will  give  the  information  in  detail  deemed  necessary,  and 
convenient  for  your  deliberation,  and  action;  while  the  Executive, 
and  all  the  Departments,  will  stand  ready  to  supply  omissions,  or 
to  communicate  new  facts,  considered  important  for  you  to  know. 

It63  is  now  recommended  that  you  give  the  legal  means  for  mak- 
ing this  contest  a  short,  and  a  decisive  one;  that  you64  place  at  the 
control  of  the  government,  for  the  work,  at  least  four  hundred 

57  "Plainly  was  made"  in  the  manuscript,  revised  to  "was  plainly  made"  in 
first  proof. 

58  "I  can  not  bring  myself  to  believe  that  the  framers  of  that  instrument,"  in 
the  manuscript,  revised  to  the  present  text  in  first  proof. 

59  "That"  in  first  proof,  deleted  in  second  proof. 

60  This  sentence  is  inserted  in  Lincoln's  autograph  in  first  proof,  replacing 
the  following,  in  the  manuscript:  "I  enter  upon  no  more  extended  argument;  as 
an  opinion,  at  some  length,  will  be  presented  by  the  Attorney  General." 

61  "I  submit,"  in  the  manuscript,  revised  to  "is  submitted"  in  first  proof. 

62  The  remainder  of  this  sentence  is  inserted  in  second  proof  by  Seward  and 
adopted  by  Lincoln,  with  minor  changes  in  punctuation,  in  place  of  the  follow- 
ing in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof:  "he  finds  no  cause  of  complaint  against 
the  present  course  of  any  foreign  power,  upon  this  subject." 

63  "I  now  ask,"  in  the  manuscript,  revised  to  "It  is  now  recommended"  in 
first  proof. 

64  The  remainder  of  this  sentence  is  revised  to  its  present  text  in  the  second 
proof  from  the  following  wording  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof:  "that  you 

authorize  to  be  applied  to  the  work  at  least  hundred  thousand  men,  and 

three  hundred  millions  of  dollars."  Seward  had  inserted  "if  necessary"  follow- 
ing "work"  and  "4"  in  the  blank  space.  Lincoln  adopted  only  the  latter  sug- 
gestion. 

[431] 


JULY      4,       l86l 

thousand  men,  and  four  hundred  millions  of  dollars.  That  number 
of  men  is  about  one  tenth65  of  those  of  proper  ages  within  the 
regions  where,  apparently,66  all  are  willing  to  engage;  and  the  sum 
is  less  than  a  Irwentythird67  part  of  the  money  value  owned  by  the 
men  who  seem68  ready  to  devote  the  whole.  A  debt  of  six  hundred 
millions  of  dollars  nous,  is  a  less  sum  per  head,  than  was  the  debt 
of  our  revolution,  when  we  came  out  of  that  struggle;  and  the 
money  value  in  the  country  now,  bears  even  a  greater  proportion 
to  what  it  was  then,  than  does  the  population.  Surely  each  man 
has  as  strong  a  motive  now,  to  preserve  our  liberties,  as  each  had 
then.,  to  establish  them. 

A  right  result,  at  this  time,  will  be  worth  more  to  the  world, 
than  ten  times  the  men,  and  ten  times  the  money.69  The  evidence 
reaching  us  from  the  country,  leaves  no  doubt,  that  the  material 
for  the  work  is  abundant;  and  that  it  needs  only  the  hand  of  legis- 
lation to  give  it  legal  sanction,  and  the  hand  of  the  Executive  to 
give  it  practical  shape  and  efficiency.  One70  of  the  greatest  perplex- 
ities of  the  government,  is  to  avoid  receiving  troops  faster  than  it 
can  provide  for  them.  In  a  word,  the  people  will  save  their  gov- 
ernment, if  the  government  itself,  will  do  its  part,  only  indiffer- 
ently well. 

It  might  seem,  at  first  thought,  to  be  of71  little  difference  whether 
the  present  movement  at  the  South  be  called  "secession"  or  "re- 
bellion." The  movers,  however,  well  understand  the  difference.  At 
the  beginning,  they  knew  they  could  never  raise  their  treason  to 
any  respectable  magnitude,  by  any  name  which  implies  violation 
of  law.  They  knew  their  people  possessed  as  much  of  moral  sense, 
as  much  of  devotion  to  law  and  order,  and  as  much  pride  in,  and 
reverence  for,  the  history,  and  government,  of  their  common 
country,  as  any  other  civilized,  and  patriotic  people.  They  knew 
they  could  make  no  advancement  directly  in  the  teeth  of  these 
strong  and  noble  sentiments.  Accordingly  they  commenced  by  an 

65  "Less  than  one  twelfth,"  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof,   changed  in 
second  proof  to  "about  one  tenth." 

66  "Apparently"  inserted  in  first  proof. 

67  "Thirtieth,"  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof,   changed  in  second  proof 
to  "twentythird." 

68  "Are,"  in  the  manuscript,  changed  to  "seem"  in  first  proof. 

69  "It  will  cost,"  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof  at  the  end  of  this  sentence, 
deleted  in  second  proof. 

70  This  sentence  was  inserted  in  the  manuscript  in  place  of  the  following: 
"The  War  Department  has  great  trouble  to  avoid  receiving  troops  faster  than 
it  can  provide  them  "  Although  Lincoln  kept  "provide  them"  in  his  revision,  the 
printer  made  it  "provide  for  them,"  in  second  proof. 

71  "Of"  not  in  the  manuscript,  but  printed  in  first  proof  and  kept  in  second 
proof. 

[432] 


jruLir     4,     ±  86  t 

insidious  debauching  of  the  public  mind.72  They  invented  an73  in- 
genious sophism,  which,  if  conceded,  was  followed  by  perfectly 
logical  steps,  through  all  the  incidents,  to  the  complete  destruction 
of  the  Union.  The  sophism  itself74  is,  that  any  state  of  the  Union 
may,  consistently  with  the  national  Constitution,  and  therefore 
lawfully,  and  peacefully ;  withdraw  from  the  Union,  without  the 
consent  of  the  Union,  or  of  any  other  state.  The  little  disguise  that 
the  supposed  right  is  to  be  exercised  only  for  just  cause,  themselves 
to  be  the75  sole  judge  of  its  justice,  is  too  thin  to  merit  any 
notice. 

"With  rebellion  thus  sugar-coated,  they  have  been  drugging  the 
public  mind  of  their  section  for  more  than  thirty  years;  and,  until 
at  length,  they  have  brought  many  good  men  to  a  willingness  to 
take  up  arms  against  the  government  the  day  after  some  assem- 
blage of  men  have  enacted  the  farcical  pretence  of  taking  their 
State  out  of  the  Union,  who  could  have  been  brought  to  no  such 
thing  the  day  before. 

This  sophism  derives  much — perhaps  the  whole — of  its  cur- 
rency, from  the  assumption,  that  there  is  some  omnipotent,  and 
sacred  supremacy,  pertaining  to  a  State — to  each  State  of  our  Fed- 
eral Union.  Our  States  have  neither  more,  nor  less  power,  than 
that  reserved  to  them,  in  the  Union,  by  the  Constitution — no  one 
of  them  ever  having  been  a  State  out  of  the  Union.  The  original 
ones  passed  into  the  Union  even  before  they  cast  off  their  British 
colonial  dependence;  and  the  new  ones  each  came  into  the  Union 
directly  from  a  condition  of  dependence,  excepting  Texas.  And 
even  Texas,  in  its  temporary  independence,  was  never  designated 
a  State.  The  new  ones  only  took  the  designation  of  States,  on  com- 
ing into  the  Union,  -while  that  name  was  first  adopted  for  the  old 
ones,  in,  and  by,  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  Therein  the 
"United  Colonies"  were  declared  to  be  "Free  and  Independent 
States";  but,  even  then,  the  object  plainly  was  not  to  declare  their 
independence  of  072^  another,  or  of  the  Union;  but  directly  the 
contrary,  as  their  mutual  pledge,  and  their  mutual  action,  before, 
at  the  time,76  and  afterwards,  abundantly  show.  The  express 
plighting  of  faith,  by  each  and  all  of  the  original  thirteen,  in  the 
Articles  of  Confederation,  two  years  later,  that  the  Union  shall 

72  "Morals"  in  the  manuscript  changed  to  "mind." 

73  "A  single,"  in  the  manuscript,  changed  to  "an"  in  first  proof. 

74  ""VVas,  and,"  standing  at  this  point  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof,  de- 
leted in  second  proof.  Italics  in  this  sentence  were  added  in  first  proof. 

75  "The"  not  in  the  manuscript,  but  is  in  first  proof. 

76  "Then"  in  the  manuscript,  changed  to  "at  the  time"  in  three  pages  of  man- 
uscript revision  which  replaced  page  eighteen  of  the  first  proof. 

[433] 


JTULY    4,     1861 

be  perpetual,  is  most  conclusive.  Having  never  been  States,  either 
in  substance,  or  in  name,  outside  of  the  Union,  whence  this  mag- 
ical omnipotence  of  "State  rights,"  asserting  a  claim  of  power77 
to  lawfully  destroy  the  Union  itself?  Much  is  said  about  the  "sov- 
ereignty" of  the  States;  but  the  word,  even,  is  not  in  the  national 
Constitution;  nor,  as  is78  believed,  in  any  of  the  State  constitutions. 
What79  is  a  "sovereignty,"  in  the  political  sense  of  the  term? 
Would  it  be  far  wrong  to  define  it  "A  political  community,  with- 
out a  political  superior"?  Tested  by  this,  no  one  of  our  States,  ex- 
cept Texas,  ever  was  a  sovereignty.  And  even  Texas  gave  up  the 
character  on  coming  into  the  Union;  by  which  act,  she  acknowl- 
edged the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  the  laws  and 
treaties  of  the  United  States  made  in  pursuance  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, to  be,  for  her,  the  supreme  law  of  the  land.  The  States  have 
their  status  IN  the  Union,  and  they  have  no  other  legal  status.  If 
they  break  from  this,  they80  can  only  do  so  against  law,  and  by 
revolution.  The81  Union,  and  not  themselves  separately,  procured 
their  independence,  and  their  liberty.  By  conquest,  or  purchase, 
the  Union  gave  each  of  them,  whatever  of  independence,  and  lib- 
erty, it  has.  The  Union  is  older  than  any  of  the  States;  and,  in  fact, 
it  created  them  as  States.82  Originally,83  some  dependent  colonies 

77  "Of  power"  appears  in  manuscript  revision  of  first  proof,  but  not  in  the 
original  manuscript. 

78  "I  believe"  in  the  original  manuscript,   changed  to   "is  believed"   in  the 
autograph  revision  of  page  eighteen  in  first  proof. 

79  Four  sentences  beginning  here  are  not  in  the  manuscript  but  appear  in  the 
autograph  revision  of  page  eighteen  of  the  first  proof. 

80  "It   can   only   be    against   law,    and   by   revolution,"    in   the    manuscript, 
changed  to  "they  can  only  do  so,  against  law,  and  by  revolution"  in  autograph 
revision  of  page  eighteen  in  first  proof. 

81  This  sentence  and  the  next  do  not  appear  in  the  manuscript,  but  are  in 
the  autograph  revision  of  page  eighteen  of  first  proof. 

82  The  sentence  appearing  next  in  the  manuscript  pages  inserted  to  replace 
page  eighteen  of  first  proof,  is  deleted  in  second  proof:    "As  states,  the  Union 
gave  birth  to  them."  This  sentence  was  itself  a  revision  of  a  longer  sentence  in 
the  original  manuscript:  "As  states,  they  were  born  into  the  Union,  not  one  of 
them,  except  Texas,  ever  having  had  a  State  Constitution,  independent  of  the 
Union." 

83  The  remainder  of  this  paragraph  and  the  next  paragraph  are  as  revised 
in  first  proof.  The  manuscript  version  is  as  follows:  "Unquestionably  they  have 
the  powers  reserved  to  them  by  the  constitution;  but  in  those,  are  not  included 
all  conceiveable  powers,  however  mischievous  or  destructive;  but  such  only,  as 
were  known  in  the  world,  at  the  time,  as  governmental  powers;  and  surely  a 
power  to  destroy  the  government  itself,  was  not  intended  to  be  among  these.  And 
if  not  intended,  it  has  no  existence. 

"The  right  of  revolution,  is  never  a  legal  right.  The  very  term  implies  the 
breaking,  and  not  the  abiding  by,  organic  law.  At  most,  it  is  but  a  moral  right, 
when  exercised  for  a  morally  justifiable  cause.  When  exercised  without  such 
a  cause  revolution  is  no  right,  but  simply  a  wicked  exercise  of  physical  power." 

[434] 


JULY      4,      l86l 

made  the  Union;  and,  in  turn,  the  Union  threw  off  their  old  de- 
pendence, for  them,84  and  made  them  States,  such  as  they  are. 
Not  one  of  them  ever  had  a  State  constitution,  independent 
of  the  Union.  Of  course,  it  is  not  forgotten  that  all  the  new 
States  framed  their  constitutions,  before  they  entered  the  Union; 
nevertheless,  dependent  upon,  and  preparatory  to,  coming  into 
the  Union. 

Unquestionably  the  States  have  the  powers,  and  rights,  reserved 
to  them  in,  and  by  the  National  Constitution;  but  among  these,85 
surely,  are  not  included  all  conceivable  powers,  however  mischie- 
vous, or  destructive;  but,  at  most,  such  only,  as  were  known  in  the 
world,  at  the  time,  as  governmental  powers;  and  certainly,  a 
power  to  destroy  the  government  itself,  had  never  been  known  as 
a  governmental — as  a  merely  administrative  power.  This  relative 
matter  of  National  power,  and  State  rights,  as  a  principle,  is  no 
other  than  the  principle  of  generality.,  and  locality.  Whatever  con- 
cerns the  whole,  should  be  confided  to  the  whole — to  the  general 
government;  while,  whatever  concerns  only  the  State,  should  be 
left  exclusively,  to  the  State.  This  is  all  there  is  of  original  prin- 
ciple about  it.  Whether  the  National  Constitution,  in  defining 
boundaries  between  the  two,  has  applied  the  principle  with  exact 
accuracy,  is  not  to  be  questioned.  We  are  all  bound  by  that  de- 
fining, without  question. 

What86  is  now  combatted,  is  the  position  that  secession  is  con- 
sistent with  the  Constitution — is  lawful.,  and  peaceful.  It  is  not 
contended  that  there  is  any  express  law  for  it;  and  nothing  should 
ever  be  implied  as  law,  which  leads  to  unjust,  or  absurd  conse- 
quences. The  nation  purchased,  with  money,  the  countries  out  of 
which  several  of  these  States  were  formed.  Is  it  just  that  they  shall 
go  off  without  leave,  and  without  refunding?  The  nation  paid  very 
large  sums,  (in  the  aggregate,  I  believe,  nearly  a  hundred  mil- 
lions) to  relieve  Florida  of  the  aboriginal  tribes.  Is  it  just  that  she 
shall  now  be  off  without  consent,  or  without  making  any  return? 
The  nation  is  now  in  debt  for  money  applied  to  the  benefit  of  these 
so-called  seceding  States,  in  common  with  the  rest.  Is  it  just,  either 
that87  creditors  shall  go  unpaid,  or  the  remaining  States  pay  the 

84  "For  them"  inserted  in  second  proof. 

85  "Those,"  in  the  manuscript  pages  replacing  page  eighteen  in  first  proof, 
changed  to  "these'7  in  second  proof. 

86  "I  am  combatting  the  position  that  secession  is  consistent  with  the  consti- 
tution— is  peaceful,  and  lawful,"  in  the  manuscript,  revised  to  the  present  text 
in  first  proof. 

87  "The  creditors,"  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof,  changed  to  "creditors" 
in  second  proof. 

[435  J 


.JULY      4,       l86l 

whole?  A  part  of  the  present  national  debt  was  contracted  to  pay 
the  old  debts  of  Texas.  Is  it  just  that  she  shall  leave,  and  pay  no 
part  of  this  herself? 

Again,  if  one  State  may  secede,  so  may  another;  and  when  all 
shall  have  seceded,  none  is  left  to  pay  the  debts.  Is  this  quite  just  to 
creditors?  Did  we  notify  them  of  this  sage  view  of  ours,  -when 
we  borrowed  their  money?  If  we  now  recognize  this  doctrine,  by 
allowing  the  seceders  to  go  in  peace,  it  is  difficult  to  see  what  we 
can88  do,  if  others  choose  to  go,  or  to  extort  terms  upon  which  they 
will  promise  to  remain.89 

The  seceders  insist  that  our  Constitution  admits  of  secession. 
They  have  assumed  to  make  a  National  Constitution  of  their  own, 
in  which,90  of  necessity,  they  have  either  discarded,  or  retained, 
the  right  of  secession,  as  they  insist,  it  exists  in  ours.  If  they  have 
discarded  it,  they  thereby  admit  that,  on  principle,  it  ought  not  to 
be  in  ours.  If  they  have  retained  it,  by  their  own  construction  of 
ours  they  show  that91  to  be  consistent  they  must  secede  from  one 
another,  whenever  they  shall  find  it  the  easiest  way  of  settling 
their  debts,  or  effecting  any  other  selfish,  or  unjust  object.  The 
principle  itself  is  one  of  disintegration,  and  upon  which  no  govern- 
ment can  possibly  endure. 

If  all  the  States,  save  one,  should  assert  the  power  to  drive  that 
one  out  of  the  Union,  it  is  presumed  the  whole  class  of  seceder 
politicians  would  at  once  deny  the  power,  and  denounce  the  act  as 
the  greatest  outrage  upon  State  rights.  But  suppose  that  precisely 
the  same  act,  instead  of  being  called  "driving  the  one  out,"  should 
be  called  "the  seceding  of  the  others  from  that  one/'  it  would  be 
exactly  what  the  seceders  claim  to  do;  unless,  indeed,92  they  make 
the  point,  that  the  one,  because  it  is  a  minority,  may  rightfully 
do,  what  the  others,  because  they  are  a  majority,  may  not  right- 
fully do.  These  politicians  are  subtle,  and  profound,  on  the  rights 

88  "Are  to"  in  the  manuscript,  changed  to  "can**  in  first  proof. 

89  "In  such  case,  shall  we  find  any  more  lenders  of  money,  however  much  we 
may  need  them?"   appearing  at  this  point  in  the  manuscript,   deleted  in  first 
proof. 

90  The  remainder  of  this  sentence  and  the  next  two  are  revised  in  first  proof 
and  second  proof  to  the  present  text.  In  the  manuscript  they  appear  as  follows: 
"they  have  departed  from  ours,  in  this  respect,  or  they  have  not.  If  they  have 
departed  from  ours,  they  thereby  admit  that  ours  ought  to  be  as  they  have  made 
theirs,  cutting  off  the  right  of  secession    If  they  have  not  departed  from  ours, 
by  their  own  theoretic  and  practical  construction  of  ours,  which  they  copy  in 
this  respect,  they  show  that  they  will  secede  from  one  another,  whenever  they 
shall  find  it  the  easiest  way  of  settling  their  debts,  or  effecting  any  other  selfish, 
or  unjust  object." 

***  "They  will,"  in  first  proof,  replaced  in  the  second  proof  with  "to  be  con- 
sistent they  must."  92  "Indeed"  inserted  in  first  proof. 

[436] 


JULY     4,      l86l 

of  minorities.93  They94  are  not  partial  to  that  power  which  made 
the  Constitution,  and  speaks  from  the  preamble,  calling  itself  ""We, 
the  People." 

It  may  well  be  questioned  whether  there  is,  to-day,  a  majority 
of  the  legally  qualified  voters  of  any  State,  except  perhaps05  South 
Carolina,  in  favor  of  disunion.  There  is  much  reason  to  believe 
that96  the  Union  men  are  the  majority  in  many,  if  not  in  every 
other  one,  of  the  so-called  seceded  States.  The  contrary  has  not 
been  demonstrated  in  any  one  of  them.  It  is  ventured  to  affirm97 
this,  even  of  Virginia  and  Tennessee;  for  the  result  of  an  election, 
held  in  military  camps,  where  the  bayonets  are  all  on  one  side 
of  the  question  voted  upon,  can  scarcely  be  considered  as  demon- 
strating98 popular  sentiment.  At  such  an  election,  all  that  large 
class  who  are,  at  once,  for  the  Union,  and  against  coercion,  would 
be  coerced  to  vote  against  the  Union.99 

It  may  be  affirmed,  without  extravagance,  that  the  free  institu- 
tions we  enjoy,  have  developed  the  powers,  and  improved  the  con- 
dition, of  our  whole  people,  beyond  any  example  in  the  world.  Of 
this  we  now  have  a  striking,  and  an  impressive  illustration.  So 
large  an  army  as  the  government  has  now  on  foot,  was  never  be- 
fore known,  without  a  soldier  in  it,  but  who  had  taken  his  place 
there,  of  his  own.  free  choice.  But  more  than  this:  there  are  many 
single  Regiments  whose  members,  one  and  another,  possess  full 
practical  knowledge  of  all  the  arts,  sciences,  professions,  and  "what- 
ever else,  whether  useful  or  elegant,  is  known  in  the  world;  and 
there  is  scarcely  one,  from  which  there  could  not  be  selected,  a 
President,  a  Cabinet,  a  Congress,  and  perhaps  a  Court,  abundantly 
competent  to  administer  the  government  itself.  Nor  do  I  say100 
this  is  not  true,  also,  in  the  army  of  our  late  friends,  now  adver- 
saries, in  this  contest;  but  if  it  is,  so  much  better  the  reason  why 

93  "Ever  elevating  them  above  the  rights  of  majorities,"   appearing  in  the 
manuscript  at  this  point,  deleted  in  first  proof. 

94  In  the  manuscript  and  first  proof  the  beginning  of  this  sentence  reads,  "The 
dread  of  their  existence  is  that  power.  .  .  ."  etc.,  changed  in  second  proof  to  the 
present  text. 

95  "Perhaps"  inserted  by  Seward  and  adopted  by  Lincoln  in  second  proof. 

96  "That"  inserted  in  first  proof. 

97  "Say,"  in  the  manuscript,  changed  to  "affirm"  in  first  proof. 

98  "Demonstrative  of"  as  misprinted  in  first  proof,  corrected  by  Lincoln  to 
4 'demonstrating," 

99  "And  even  others,  more  decidedly  for  the  Union,  in  sentiment,  would  be 
carried  the  same  way,"  appearing  at  this  point  in  the  manuscript,  deleted  in  first 
proof. 

100  "Nor  do  I  know  that,"  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof,  changed  by  Sew- 
ard to  "I  do  not  say  that,"  and  revised  by  Lincoln  in  second  proof  to  the  present 
text. 

[437] 


JULY      4,       l86l 

the  government,  which  has  conferred  such  benefits  on  both  them 
and  us,  should  not  be  broken  up.  Whoever,  in  any  section,  pro- 
poses to  abandon  such  a  government,  would  do  well  to  consider,  in 
deference  to  what  principle  it  is,  that  he  does  it — what  better  he 
is  likely  to  get  in  its  stead — whether  the  substitute  will  give,  or 
be  intended  to  give,  so  much  of  good  to  the  people.  There  are  some 
foreshadowings  on  this  subject.  Our  adversaries  have  adopted  some 
Declarations  of  Independence;  in  which,  unlike  the  good  old  one, 
penned  by  Jefferson,  they  omit  the  words  "all  men  are  created 
equal."  Why?  They  have  adopted  a  temporary  national  constitu- 
tion, in  the  preamble  of  which,  unlike  our  good  old  one,  signed  by 
Washington,  they  omit  "We,  the  People,"  and  substitute  "We, 
the  deputies  of  the  sovereign  and  independent  States."  "Why?101 
Why  this  deliberate  pressing  out  of  view,  the  rights  of  men,  and 
the  authority  of  the  people? 

This  is  essentially  a  People's  contest.  On  the  side  of  the  Union, 
it  is  a  struggle  for  maintaining  in  the  world,  that  form,  and  sub- 
stance of  government,  whose  leading  object  is,  to  elevate  the  con- 
dition of  men — to  lift  artificial  weights  from  all  shoulders — to 
clear  the  paths  of  laudable  pursuit  for  all — to  afford  all,  an  un- 
fettered start,  and  a  fair  chance,  in  the  race  of  life.  Yielding  to 
partial,  and  temporary  departures,  from  necessity,  this  is  the  lead- 
ing object  of  the  government  for  whose  existence  we  contend. 

I  am  most  happy  to  believe  that  the  plain  people  understand, 
and  appreciate  this.  It  is  worthy  of  note,  that  while  in  this,  the 
government's  hour  of  trial,  large  numbers  of  those  in  the  Army 
and  Navy,  who  have  been  favored  with  the  offices,  have  resigned, 
and  proved102  false  to  the103  hand  which  had  pampered  them,  not 
one  common  soldier,  or  common  sailor  is104  is  known  to  have  de- 
serted his  flag. 

Great105  honor  is  due  to  those  officers  who  remain  true,  despite 
the  example  of  their  treacherous  associates;  but  the  greatest  honor, 
and  most  important  fact  of  all,  is  the  unanimous  firmness  of  the 
common  soldiers,  and  common  sailors.  To  the  last  man,  so  far  as 
known,106  they  have  successfully  resisted  the  traitorous  efforts  of 
those,  whose  commands,  but  an  hour  before,  they  obeyed  as  abso- 

101  "Why  this?"  in  the  manuscript,  changed  to  "Why?"  in  first  proof. 

102  "Played,"  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof,  changed  to  "proved"  in  second 
proof. 

103  "Very,"  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof,  deleted  in  second  proof. 

104  "Has,"  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof,  changed  to  "is  known  to  have"  in 
second  proof. 

105  "Greater"  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof,  changed  in  second  proof  to 
"Great."  loe  "So  far  as  known"  inserted  in  second  proof. 

[438] 


JTULT     4,     1861 

lute  law.  This  Is  the  patriotic  instinct  of  the  plain  people. 
They  understand,  without  an  argument,  that107  destroying  the 
government,  which  was  made  by  Washington,  means  no  good 
to  them. 

Our  popular  government  has  often  been  called  an  experiment. 
Two  points  in  it,  our  people  have  already  settled — the  successful 
establishing,  and  the  successful  administering  of  it.  One  still  re- 
mains— its108  successful  maintenance1^  against  a  formidable  [in- 
ternal]110 attempt  to  overthrow  it.  It  is  now  for  them  to  demon- 
strate to  the  world,  that  those  who  can  fairly  carry  an  election., 
can  also  suppress  a  rebellion111 — that  ballots  are  the  rightful,  and 
peaceful,  successors  of  bullets;  and  that  when  ballots  have  fairly, 
and  constitutionally,  decided,  there  can  be  no  successful  appeal, 
back  to  bullets;  that112  there  can  be  no  successful  appeal,  except 
to  ballots  themselves,  at  succeeding  elections.  Such  will  be  a  great 
lesson  of  peace;  teaching  men  that  what  they  cannot  take  by  an 
election,  neither  can  they  take  it  by  a  war — teaching  all,  the  folly 
of  being  the  beginners  of  a  war. 

Lest  there  be  some  uneasiness  in  the  minds  of  candid  men,  as 
to  what  is  to  be  the  course  of  the  government,  towards  the  South- 
ern States,  after  the  rebellion  shall  have  been  suppressed,  the  Exec- 
utive deems  it  proper  to  say,  it  will  be  his  purpose  then,  as  ever, 
to  be  guided  by  the  Constitution,  and  the  laws;  and  that  he  prob- 
ably will  have  no  different  understanding  of  the  powers,  and  duties 
of  the  Federal  government,  relatively113  to  the  rights  of  the  States, 
and  the  people,  under  the  Constitution,  than  that  expressed  in  the 
inaugural  address.114 

He  desires  to  preserve  the  government,  that  it  may  be  admin- 
istered for  all,  as  it  was  administered  by  the  men  who  made  it. 
Loyal  citizens  everywhere,  have  the  right  to  claim  this  of  their 
government;  and  the  government  has  no  right  to  withhold,  or 
neglect  it.  It  is  not  perceived  that,  in  giving  It,  there  Is  any  coer- 

107  "The,"  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof,  deleted  in  second  proof. 

108  "The,"  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof,  changed  to  "it's"  in  second  proof. 

109  "Of  it,"  at  this  point  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof,  deleted  in  second 
proof. 

no  "Internal"  inserted  at  this  point  as  printed  in  the  Congressional  Globe  Ap- 
pendix which  is  f ollowed  by  Nicolay  and  Hay. 

111  "That  those  who  can  720*  carry  an  election,  can  not  destroy  the  govern- 
ment," appearing  at  this  point  in  the  manuscript,  deleted  in  first  proof. 

112  The  remainder  of  this  sentence  inserted  in  first  proof. 

113  "Relative,"  in  the  manuscript  and  first  proof,  changed  to  "relatively"  in 
second  proof. 

114  The  manuscript  ends  at  this  point.  The  remainder  of  the  Message  was 
composed  after  first  proof  had  been  set. 

[439] 


JULY      4,      l86l 

cion,  any  conquest,  or  any  subjugation,115  in  any  just  sense  of 
those  terms. 

The  Constitution  provides,  and  all  the  States  have  accepted  the 
provision,  that  "The  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State 
in  this  Union  a  republican  form  of  government."  But,  if  a  State 
may  lawfully  go  out  of  the  Union,  having  done  so,  it  may  also 
discard  the  republican  form  of  government;  so  that  to  prevent  its 
going  out,  is  an  indispensable  means.,  to  the  end.,  of  maintaining 
the  guaranty  mentioned;  and  when  an  end  is  lawful  and  obliga- 
tory, the  indispensable  means  to  it,  are  also  lawful,  and  obligatory. 

It  was  with  the  deepest  regret  that  the  Executive  found  the  duty 
of  employing  the  war-power,  in  defence  of  the  government,  forced 
upon  him.  He  could  but  perform  this  duty,  or  surrender  the  ex- 
istence of  the  government.  No116  compromise,  by  public  servants, 
could,  in  this  case,  be  a  cure;  not  that  compromises  are  not  often 
proper,  but  that  no  popular  government  can  long  survive  a  marked 
precedent,  that  those  who  carry  an  election,  can  only  save  the 
government  from  immediate  destruction,  by  giving  up  the  main 
point,  upon  which  the  people  gave  the  election.  The  people  them- 
selves, and  not  their  servants,  can  safely  reverse  their  own  delib- 
erate decisions.  As  a  private  citizen,  the  Executive117  could  not  have 
consented  that  these  institutions  shall  perish;  much  less  could  he, 
in  betrayal  of  so  vast,  and  so  sacred  a  trust,  as  these  free  people 
had  confided  to  him.  He  felt  that  he  had  no  moral  right  to  shrink; 
nor  even  to  count  the  chances  of  his  own  life,  in  what  might  fol- 
low. In  full  view  of  his  great  responsibility,  he  has,  so  far,  done 
what  he  has  deemed  his  duty.  You  will  now,  according  to  your 
own  judgment,  perform  yours.  He  sincerely  hopes  that  your  views, 
and  your  action,  may  so  accord  with  his,  as  to  assure  all  faithful 
citizens,  "who  have  been  disturbed  in  their  rights,  of  a  certain,  and 
speedy  restoration  to  them,  under  the  Constitution,  and  the  laws. 

115  "Which  any  honest  man  should  regret,"  -which  concludes  this  sentence  in 
Lincoln's  autograph  insertion  at  this  point  in  the  first  proof,  is  changed  by  Sew- 
ard  in  the  second  proof  to  "or  any  deprivation  of  any  citizen  of  any  right  of  life, 
liberty,  or  pursuit  of  happiness,  guaranteed  to  him  by  the  Constitution  or  the 
laws  of  the  land."  Lincoln  did  not  f  ollow  Seward's  revision,  but  changed  the  con- 
clusion of  the  sentence  to  the  present  text,  and  added  the  next  paragraph  follow- 
ing. 

116  This  sentence  and  the  next  are  revised  in  the  autograph  pages  of  first  proof 
to  the  present  text.  As  first  written  they  were  as  follows:  "No  compromise  could, 
in  his  judgment,  be  a  cure;  but,  at  best,  could  only  be  a  little  more  lingering  death 
to  our  popular  institutions.  No  popular  government  can  long  survive  a  precedent, 
that  those  who  have  carried  an  election,  musty  on  pain  of  death  to  the  government 
itself,  surrender  the  point  upon  which  the  people  gave  the  election." 

117  "He,"  in  the  autograph  pages  of  revision  at  the  end  of  the  first  proof, 
changed  to  "the  Executive"  in  second  proof. 

[440] 


JULY      4,       l86l 

And  having  thus  chosen  our  course,  without  guile,  and  with 
pure  purpose,  let  us  renew  our  trust  in  God,118  and  go  forward 
without  fear,  and  with  manly  hearts.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

July  4,  1861. 

us  "In  the  justness  of  God"  as  first  written,  revised  to  "in  God'*  in  the  auto- 
graph pages  of  first  proof. 


Memorandum  : 
Appointment  of  Horatio  N.  Taft,  Jr.1 

[July  4,  1861] 

Horatio  N.  Taft,  the  boy-bearer  of  this,  wishes  to  be  a  page.  By 
the  within,  his  father  seems  to  be  willing;  and,  as  he  is  a  play-mate 
of  my  little  boys,  I  am  quite  willing,  A. 


1  AES,  owned  by  Leo  MacDonough,  Huntington  Park,  California.  Lincoln 
wrote  the  endorsement  on  the  back  of  a  note  dated  July  4,  1861,  from  Horatio  N 
Taft,  chief  examiner  in  the  patent  office.  Appointed  by  President  Buchanan,  Taft 
was  retained  by  Lincoln  because  of  his  staunch  Union  sympathies.  His  note  reads: 
"Should  the  President  feel  disposed  to  favor  the  request  of  the  bearer  my  son 
who  seems  determined  to  assert  his  Independence,  his  kindness  would  be  highly 
appreciated."  Since  page  boys  are  not  listed  in  the  U.S.  Official  Register  as  of 
September  30,  1861,  the  outcome  of  the  boy's  application  has  not  been  determined. 


Remarks  at  a  Review  of  New  York  Regiments1 

July  4,  1861 

Gentlemen:  I  trust  you  will  not  censure  me  for  thus  appearing 
before  you,  and  assuming  such  a  prominent  position,  for  there  is  a 
kind  of  rule  that  constrains  me  to  do  so.  I  am  aware  that  you  are 
more  desirous  of  having  Gen.  Scott  appear  before  you  than  myself, 
and  I  therefore  take  great  pleasure  in  introducing  him  to  you. 

Gentlemen,  I  appear  before  you  in  obedience  to  your  call;  not, 
however,  to  make  a  speech.  I  have  made  a  great  many  poor  speeches 
in  my  life,  and  I  feel  considerably  relieved  now  to  know  that  the 
dignity  of  the  position  in  which  I  have  been  placed  does  not  per- 
mit me  to  expose  myself  any  longer.  ["Go  on!"  and  laughter.]  I 
therefore  take  shelter,  most  gladly,  in  standing  back  and  allowing 
you  to  hear  speeches  from  gentlemen  who  are  so  very  much  more 
able  to  make  them  than  myself.  ["Go  on!"]  I  thank  you  for  the 
kindness  of  your  call,  but  I  must  keep  good  my  word,  and  not  be 
led  into  a  speech,  as  I  told  you  I  did  not  appear  for  that  purpose. 
[Laughter  and  applause.] 

[441] 


JULY      6,       l86l 

1  Washington,  D.C.,  National  Republican,  July  8,  1861.  Following  the  re- 
view of  the  New  York  regiments,  the  president  introduced  General  Winfield 
Scott,  members  of  the  cabinet,  and  other  officers  on  the  platform,  most  of  whom 
made  short  speeches.  Lincoln's  further  remarks  were  in  response  to  the  call  of 
the  crowd. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon  Sec.  of  War.  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  July  6.  1861 

The  friends  of  Capt.  Julius  Hay  den,  of  the  2nd.  Infantry  in  the 
old  Regular  Army,  wish  him  to  be  appointed  a  Paymaster.  I  do 
not  know  him  personally;  but  I  do  know  some  of  his  friends.  It  is 
said  he  stands  well  in  the  Army,  and  has  been  over  brevetted. 
Please  place  his  name  where  it  will  be  remembered,  and  consid- 
ered, when  appointments  of  this  sort  are  made.  Yours  truly 

A. 


1  AILS,  IHi.  Julius  Hay  den,  brevetted  captain,  August  20,  1847,  and  commis- 
sioned to  permanent  rank  June  30,  1850,  was  appointed  major  in  the  Tenth  In- 
fantry, March  15,  1862. 


To  Caleb  B.  Smith1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  Interior  Executive  Mansion  July  6.  1861 

My  dear  Sir:  Please  ask  the  Comr.  of  Indian  Affairs,  and  of 
the  Genl.  Land  Office  to  come  with  you,  and  see  me  at  once.2  I 
•want  the  assistance  of  all  of  you  in  overhauling  the  list  of  ap- 
pointments a  little  before  I  send  them  to  the  Senate.  Yours  truly 

A.  Liisrcousr 

1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  2  "William  P.  Dole  and  James  M.  Edmunds. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  July  8.  1861 

L.  Eugene  Yorke,  of  New-  Jersey,  ought,  if  possible,  to  be  ap- 
pointed a  Lieutent  \_sic\  in  the  Army.  Mr.  Nixon,  Member  of 
Congress,  very  much  desires  this  appointment;  &  I  would  like  for 
him  to  be  obliged.  Your  Obt.  Servt.  A. 


1  ALS,  owned  by  Edward  C.  Stone,  Boston,  Massachusetts.  Louis  E.  Yorke,  rec- 
ommended by  Representative  John  T.  Nixon  of  New  Jersey,  was  appointed  cap- 
tain in  the  Thirteenth  Infantry,  August  5,  1861. 

[442] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  July  8.  1861 

Please  lose  no  time,  in  giving  an  interview  to  Adjt.  Genl.  Wheat 
of  Western  Virginia.,  and  furnishing  him,  if  possible  with  what 
arms,  equipage  &c.  &c.  he  needs.  This  is  very  important,  and 
should  not  be  neglected  or  delayed.  Yours  truly  A.  LixsrcoLJsr 

1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  Adjutant  General  James  S.  Wheat's  inability  to  get  action 
from  the  War  Department  brought  a  letter  from  Virginia  Unionist  Representa- 
tive John  S.  Carlile,  who  became  U.S.  Senator  July  9,  replacing  Robert  M.  T. 
Hunter:  "House  of  Representatives,  July  8,  1861.  .  .  .  Complaint  is  made  out 
of  the  State  that  we  are  not  defending  ourselves  How  can  we,  without  arms  .  .  . 
or  anything  of  defense  in  our  hands?  I  have  written  again  and  again  to  the  Sec- 
retary of  War.  .  .  ."  (OR,  III,  I,  323-24). 


To  Richard  D.  Goodwin1 

Richard  D.  Goodwin  Executive  Mansion  July  8  1861 

My  Dear  Sir — If  "when  Congress  shall  have  acted  in  the  prem- 
ises it  shall  so  have  acted  as  to  authorise  me  to  receive  Regiments 
of  troops  into  the  United  States  Service  and  you  shall  then  have 
a  bona  fide  Regiment  on  foot  ready  and  prepared  according  to  the 
law  that  may  be  to  be  mustered  into  the  U  S  Service  present  this 
letter  to  me  without  delay  and  I  will  accept  your  Regiment  upon 
the  conditions  stated  Yours  &c  A  LiisrcoLisr 

1  Copy,  DNA  WR  RG  107,  Secretary  of  War,  Personnel  Appointments, 
Box  34.  See  Lincoln  to  Cameron,  June  25,  1861,  supra,  about  Goodwin's  regi- 
ment. 


Memorandum : 
Appointment  of  Charles  J.  Simons1 

[c.  July  89  1861] 

Mr.  Senator  Harris,  of  N.Y.  especially  desires  the  appointment 
to  West  Point,  of Simons,  not  of  N.Y.  but  son  of  a  foreign- 
Missionary  from  some  one  of  the  Western  States,  himself  now  at 
Exeter  Academy  N.H. 

*  AE,  DNA  WR  RG  94,  U.S.  Military  Academy,  1861,  No.  793,  Box  79.  Lin- 
coln's endorsement  is  written  on  the  envelope  of  a  letter  from  Clara  Harris  to 
her  father,  July  8,  1861.  Charles  J.  Simons  did  not  receive  an  appointment  to 
West  Point,  but  enlisted  at  Exeter  on  June  12,  1862,  as  sergeant  in  the  Ninth  New 
Hampshire  Volunteers. 

[443] 


To  Gideon  Welles1 

[c.  July  9,  1861] 

James  M.  Chambers  was  appointed  Navy  Agent  at  Philadelphia, 
some  days  ago.  Send  over  the  Commission.  Yours  LINCOLN 

i  Parke-Bernet  Catalog  344,  February  8-9,  1939?  No.  240;  Stan.  V.  Henkels 
Catalog  1342,  January  4,  1924,  No.  39.  The  text  is  the  same  in  the  two  sources 
except  for  the  last  sentence,  in  which  Henkels  gives  "me"  instead  of  "over." 
Not  James  M.  Chambers,  but  James  S.  Chambers  was  nominated  by  Lincoln 
on  July  9,  1861.  He  was  confirmed  by  the  Senate  on  July  19. 

To  Simon  B.  Buckner1 

July  10,  1861 

It  is  my  duty,  as  I  conceive,  to  suppress  an  insurrection  exist- 
ing within  the  United  States.  I  wish  to  do  this  with  the  least  pos- 
sible disturbance,  or  annoyance  to  well  disposed  people  anywhere. 
So  far  I  have  not  sent  an  armed  force  into  Kentucky;  nor  have  I 
any  present  purpose  to  do  so.  I  sincerely  desire  that  no  necessity 
for  it  may  be  presented;  but  I  mean  to  say  nothing  which  shall 
hereafter  embarrass  me  in  the  performance  of  what  may  seem  to 
be  my  duty. 

(Copy  of  this  delivered  to  Gen.  Buckner  this  loth,  day  of  July 


1  ADf,  DLC-RTL.  Governor  Berlah  MagofSn  of  Kentucky  wrote  Lincoln,  June 
25,  1861,  that  he  was  sending  Simon  B.  Buckner,  inspector  general  of  the  Ken- 
tucky State  Guard  ".  .  .  to  communicate  with  you  in  my  behalf.  .  .  ."  (DLC- 
RTL).  The  object  of  Buckner's  mission  was  to  secure  Lincoln's  approval  of 
Kentucky's  "neutrality."  Buckner  was  offered  a  brigadier  generalship,  but  de- 
clined and  later  accepted  a  similar  commission  in  the  Confederate  Army. 

To  James  Mandeville  Carlisle1 

J.  Mandeville  Carlisle.  July  10,  1861. 

I  ^rish  much  to  have  your  opinion,  confidentially,  on  the  effect 
of  these  measures,  if  they  be  passed.  Will  the  Resolution  remove 
the  difficulties  which  you  suggested,  as  preventing  the  condemna- 
tion of  vessels  captured  for  B[r]each  of  the  Blockade?  Will  it  have 
the  effect  in  cases  of  vessels  already  captured  hereafter?  Taking  the 
Resolution  and  the  Bill  together  —  do  they  leave  the  President 
the  option  of  continuing  a  Blockade  under  the  laws  of  Na- 
tions? ...  A.  L. 

1  Hertz,  II,  840.  James  M.  Carlisle,  a  Washington  attorney,  was  retained  by 
various  Central  and  South  American  governments  and  the  British  legation  as 
legal  adviser.  The  specific  resolution  and  bill  about  which  Lincoln  asked  an 
opinion  have  not  been  determined. 

[444] 


Memorandum : 
Appointment  of  David  H.  Wheeler1 

[July  10,  1861] 

A  Mr.  Morse2  has  been  appointed  from  Iowa  to  this  place,  &  the 
Iowa  delegation  say  he  is  "unfit  for  the  place. 

1  AE,  DNA  FS  KG  59,  Appointments,  Box  401.   Lincoln's   endorsement  is 
written  on  the  letter  of  James  Harlan,  James  W.  Grimes,  and  William  "Van- 
dever,  July  10,  1861,  recommending  David  H.  Wheeler  for  consul  at  Genoa. 

2  Lincoln  had  nominated  Charles  E.  Moss  (not  "Morse")  for  consul  at  Genoa, 
July  9,  and  withdrew  the  nomination  in  favor  of  that  of  David  EL  Wheeler  under 
date  of  July  — ,  1861  {Executive  Journal,  July  20,  1861). 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

[c.  July  10.   1861] 
Let  It    be   done.          LINCOLN. 

1  Anderson  Galleries  Catalog  1669,  October  16-19,  1922,  No.  695.  According 
to  the  catalog  description  Lincoln's  endorsement  appears  on  a  letter  from 
Seward  about  appointing  Richard  Robertson  of  California  as  consul.  On  July 
10,  1861,  Richard  L.  Robertson  was  nominated  consul  at  Mazatlan.  He  was 
confirmed  by  the  Senate  on  July  26. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  July  11.  1861 

Hon.  John  Covode  presents  the  name  of  William  D.  Slack,  for 
a  Lieutenancy.  Mr.  Covode  says  he  has  not  had  one  for  his  Dis- 
trict; and  I  think  he  ought  to  have  this,  especially  as  the  young 
man  is  generally  very  competent  &  proper  &  has  considerable 
military  experience.  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Lincoln  enclosed  a  letter  from  H.  A.  and  S.  D. 
Dudley  of  Brady's  Bend,  Pennsylvania,  to  Representative  Covode,  asking  the 
appointment.  There  is  no  record  of  Slack's  appointment. 

To  Hannibal  Hamlin1 

[July   11?   1861] 

Will  the  Vice-President  please  please  [_sic]  procure  Professor 
Hitchcock  to  preach,  as  indicated  by  Gov.  Morgan?  Yours  as  ever 

A. 


1  AILS,  CSmH.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  a  letter  from 
Edwin  D.  Morgan  to  Lincoln,  dated  July  8,  1861,  recommending  a  sermon  which 

[445] 


JULY       11,       l86l 

Morgan  had  Heard  preached  by  Reverend  Roswell  D.  Hitchcock,  professor  at 
Union  Theological  Seminary,  New  York  City.  "Professor  Hitchcock  is  going  to 
Washington.  .  .  .  can  you  not  get  him  to  preach  .  .  .  next  Sunday  morning — 
and  go  yourself  &  hear  him.  His  sermon,  will  do  great  good.  .  .  ." 

To  the  House  of  Representatives1 

To  the  House  of  Representatives.  July  11,  1861 

In  answer  to  the  Resolution  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  Qth  instant,  requesting  a  copy  of  correspondence  upon  the 
subject  of  the  incorporation  of  the  Dominican  Republic  "with  the 
Spanish  Monarchy,  I  transmit  a  report  from  the  Secretary  of  State, 
to  whom  the  Resolution  was  referred.  ABRAHAM:  LINCOLN 

Washington,  nth  July,  1861. 

1  DS,  DNA  RG  233,  Executive  Documents,  Thirty-seventh  Congress,  No.  3.  The 
accompanying  message  from  Secretary  Seward  reported  ".  .  .  that  it  is  not  deemed 
advisable  to  communicate  the  correspondence  at  this  juncture  "  The  resolution 
(House  Journal,  July  9,  p.  53)  requested  the  President  to  inform  the  House 
**  .  .  what  protest,  if  any,  our  government  has  made  against  the  insolent  and 
aggressive  conduct  of  the  Spanish  government." 

Memorandum : 
Appointment  of  William  H.  Acker1 

July    11,    1861 

Presented  by  Mr.  Senator  Rice,  who  personally  desires  that 
William  H.  Acker,  Capt.  in  ist.  Minnesota  Regt.  now  near  Alex- 
andria, shall  be  a  first  Lieut,  of  infantry — and  Mr  Rice  must  be 
obliged  in  this  as  soon  as  it  can  be  done.  A.  LINCOLN 

July  11.   1861. 

1  AES,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  "back  of 
a  letter  from  William  Crooks  of  St.  Paul,  Minnesota,  to  Senator  Henry  M.  Bice, 
July  4,  1861,  requesting  that  William  H.  Acker  be  appointed  to  the  Regular 
Army.  Senator  Rice  also  endorsed  the  letter:  "Mr.  Ackers  father  is  a  Republican 
member  of  our  Legislature  .  .  .  no  better  appointment  could  be  made."  Acker 
was  appointed  captain  in  the  Sixteenth  Infantry,  dated  back  to  May  14,  1861. 

Memorandum : 
Appointment  of  James  H.  Armsby1 

July  11,  1861 

To-day — July  11,  1861 — Mr.  Senator  Harris,  especially  requests 
that  Dr.  James  H.  Armsby,  may  be  given  some  consulate  on  the 
continent,  of  $i5oo-or-$2ooo. 

1  AD,  DL.C-RTL.  Armsby  was  appointed  to  the  consulship  at  Naples,  at  $1500. 

[446] 


To  the  Senate1 

To  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  July  11,  1861 

I  transmit  to  the  Senate  for  its  consideration  with  a  view  to  rati- 
fication, a  Convention  between  the  United  States  and  Denmark, 
in  the  subject  of  deserting  seamen,  signed  in  this  City  on  the  nth 
instant.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

Washington,  July  11,   1861. 

1  DS,  DNA  RG  46,  Senate,  3/B  BS.  On  July  17  the  Senate  unanimously  adopted 
a  resolution  of  ratification. 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

July  11,  1861 

Hon.  John  P.  Veree  of  Pa.  wishes  George  Hogg,  to  be  ap- 
pointed Consul  to  Trinidad;  and  as  the  place  has  fees  only,  sup- 
pose we  end  our  responsibility  to  him  by  giving  it  to  him  at  this 
time. 

1  Copy,  ISLA.  The  copy  in  the  Association  files  was  made  some  years  ago  from 
the  original  endorsement  on  a  letter  from  Representative  John  Verree,  which 
was  at  that  time  in  the  appointment  papers  of  the  State  Department  in  The 
National  Archives.  Efforts  to  locate  the  original  for  the  present  citation  have 
failed.  Lincoln's  nomination  of  George  Hogg  for  consul  at  Trinidad,  July  12,  was 
confirmed  by  the  Senate,  July  26,  1861. 

To  Gideon  Welles1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  Navy  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  July  11.  1861 

Mr.  George  Opdyke,  of  New- York,  especially  requests  the  ap- 
pointment of  Justin  H.  Howard,  as  a  Pay-master  in  the  Navy;  and 
if  it  can  be  done  consistently,  let  it.  Yours  truly  A.  LnsrcouNT 

1  ALS,  IHi.  There  is  no  record  of  the  appointment  of  Justin  H.  Howard  to  a 
commission  in  the  Navy. 

To  Edward  Bates1 

Hon.  Atty.  General  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  July  12.  1861. 

In  your  nominations  sent  me  is  one  for  "Christopher  G  Hewett, 
of  Illinois"  for  Chief  Justice  of  Washington  Territory.  My  memo- 
randum shows  that  I  appointed  the  man  to  the  place,  but  not  as  of 
Illinois;  and  as  I  do  not  know  the  man  personally,  or  by  reputa- 
tion, I  think  there  is  some  mistake  about  his  being  of  Illinois. 

[447] 


JTTJLY       ±3,       l86l 

Please  see  if  my  note,  directing  his  appointment  designates  as  "of 
Illinois."  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

*  AL.S,  DNA  GE  RG  60,  Papers  of  Attorney  General,   Segregated  Lincoln 
Material.  Richard  Bates  to  Edward  Rates,  July  13,  1861:   "In  reply  to  your  in- 
quiry when  refering  to  me  the  letter  of  the  President  of  the  12th  inst.   .   .   .  The 
commission  of  Judge  Hewitt,  was,  by  his  direction,  sent  to  'Dundee  Kane  County 
Illinois9  and  his  letter  acknowledging  its  receipt  is  dated  at  that  place.   .   .   ." 
(DLC-RTL.) .  Hewitt  had  migrated  from  Illinois  to  Seattle  about  1850    His  ap- 
pointment is  listed  as  from  Washington  Territory  in  the  U  S.  Official  Register. 

Memorandum : 

Appointment  of  George  S.  Ford1 

[c.  July  13,  1861] 
Kellogg  wants  to  make  a  swap  in  this  case. 

*  AE,  DNA  RG  94,  U.S.  Military  Academy,  1861,  No.  295,  Box  78.  Lincoln's 
endorsement  is  "written  on  a  letter  from  John  33.  Caton,  July  13,  1861,  recom- 
mending appointment  of  the  son  of  the  late  Governor  Thomas  Ford  of  Illinois 
to  West  Point.  Representative  William  Kellogg's  own  son  William,  Jr.,  received 
the  appointment  from  his  father's  district,  and  since  George  S.  Ford  received  no 
appointment,  the  "swap"  must  have  fallen  through. 

Appointment  of  John  A.  Graham1 

Washington     July   15th.   1861 

John  A.  Graham,  is  hereby  appointed  to  discharge  the  duties 
of  Register  of  the  Treasury,  during  the  temporary  absence  of  L.  E. 
Chittenden,  from  Washington.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

1  DS,  DLC.  John  A.  Graham  was  chief  clerk  in  the  register's  office. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

July  15,  1861 

The  father  of  the  young  man — Levi  Davis — within  recom- 
mended for  a  Lieutenancy,  is  a  very  highly  valued  friend  of  mine, 
of  long  standing;  and  Col.  Paine — to  say  nothing  of  others — who 
recommends  him,  is  a  fine  officer  educated  at  West  Point,  and 
who  served  in  the  Florida  War.  I  therefore  hope  a  Lieutenancy  can 
be  found  for  him.  A.  LINCOLN 

July  15.  1861. 

1  AES-P,  ISLA.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  a  letter  from 
Colonel  Eleazar  A.  Paine  of  the  Ninth  Illinois  Volunteers,  Cairo,  Illinois,  July  3, 
1861,  recommending  Levi  Davis,  Jr.  for  a  second  lieutenancy.  There  is  no  record 
of  a  commission  for  Levi  Davis  prior  to  January,  1863,  when  First  Sergeant  Levi 
Davis  of  the  Ninety-seventh  Illinois  was  commissioned  second  lieutenant. 

[448] 


Memorandiim  : 
Appointment  of  Joseph  G.  Knapp1 

[c.  July  15,  1861] 

Mr.  Senator  Doolittle,  of  Wis.  especially  wishes  Joseph.  G. 
Knapp  to  be  a  Judge  in  New-Mexico. 

*  AE,  DNA  RG  60,  Papers  of  Attorney  General,  Appointments,  New  Mexico, 
Box  659.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  envelope  of  a  letter  signed  By 
James  R.  Doolittle  and  others,  July  15,  1861,  requesting  Knapp's  appointment. 
Lincoln's  nomination  of  Joseph  G.  Knapp  of  Wisconsin  as  associate  justice  for 
New  Mexico  was  confirmed  by  the  Senate,  August  5,  1861.  See  Lincoln  to  Bates, 
August  5,  infra. 


Memorandum:  Defeat  at  Vienna,  Virginia1 

[July  15,  1861] 

A,  day  or  two  before  the  disaster  at  Vienna,  Gen.  Tyler2  had  by 
orders,  with  a  force  gone  on  the  same  road  three  miles  beyond  that 
point,  and  returned  past  it,  seeing  neither  battery  or  troops — of 
which  Gen.  Schenck  had  been  notified.  The  morning  of  the  dis- 
aster Gen.  Schenck  received  the  order  tinder  which  he  acted, 
which  is  in  words  and  figures  following. 

(Here  insert  it)3 

As  appears  by  the  order,  Gen.  Schenck  was  not  ordered  to  go 
himself,  but  merely  to  send  a  regiment;  and  he  went  himself,  be- 
cause  the  Colonels  of  both  his  regiments  happened  to  be  absent; 
but  he  took  Col  McCook's  regt.;4  and  Col.  McCook  overtook,  and 
joined  him  before  the  disaster  occurred;  and  to  whom,  (he  being 
a  regularly  educated  military  man)  the  order  was  at  once  shown, 
and  Gen  S.  did  nothing  afterwards  but  upon  his  full  concurrence. 
It  is  not  time,  as  has  been  stated,  that  any  notice  was  given  Gen. 
Schenck  of  a  battery,  being  at  Vienna.  It  is  true  that  a  country- 
man told  Gen.  Schenck  he  had  heard  there  were  troops  at  Vienna. 
He  was  asked  if  he  had  seen  them,  and  he  said  not;  he  was  asked 
if  he  had  seen  any  one  who  had  seen  them;  and  he  said  not;  but 
he  had  seen  a  man  who  had  heard  there  were  troops  there.  This 
was  heard  by  CoL  McCook  as  well  as  Gen.  Schenck;  and  on  con- 
sultation, they  agreed  that  it  was  but  a  vague  rumor. 

It  is  a  fact,  that  not  one  officer,  or  private,  who  was  present  at 
the  disaster,  has  ever  cast  a  word  of  blame  upon  either  Gen. 
Schenck,  or  CoL  McCook;  but,  on  the  contrary,  they  are  all  anxious 
to  have  another  trial  under  the  same  officers. 

[449] 


JULY       l6,      l86l 

1  ADf,  DLC-RTL.  On  June  17,  1861,  the  First  Ohio  Regiment  of  Brigadier 
General  Robert  C.  Schenck's  brigade,  in  transit  on  the  Loudon  and  Hampshire 
Railroad  under  orders  from  the  adjutant  general's  office,  were  attacked  by  Con- 
federate artillery  near  Vienna,  left  the  train  and  went  into  the  woods.  According 
to  Schenck's  report,  the  engineer  took  off  with  the  locomotive,  leaving  the  cars 
and  the  regiment  behind.  Robert  G.  Schenck  to  Lincoln,  July  15,  1861,  enclosed 
the  order  of  June  17  and  returned  Lincoln's  memorandum   "...  which  is  all 
right."  (DLC-RTL).  The  memorandum  appears  to  have  been  prepared  by  Lin- 
coln on  the  basis  of  Schenck's  personal  report  to  the  president,  made  in  an  effort 
to  clear  himself  of  charges  of  neglect. 

2  Brigadier  General  Daniel  Tyler. 

3  The  order  which  Lincoln  intended  to  insert  is  printed  in  the  Official  Records, 
I,  II,  125,  as  follows: 

"Headquarters  Department  Northeastern  Virginia, 

"Arlington,  June  17,  1861. 
"Brigadier-General  Schenck,  Commanding  Ohio  Brigade: 

"Sir:  The  general  commanding  directs  that  you  send  one  of  the  regiments  of 
your  command,  on  a  train  of  cars,  up  the  Loudon  and  Hampshire  Railroad  to  the 
point  where  it  crosses  the  wagon-road  running  from  Fort  Corcoran  (opposite 
Georgetown)  southerly  into  Virginia. 

"The  regiment,  being  established  at  that  point,  will  by  suitable  patrols,  feel 
the  way  along  the  road  towards  Falls  Church  and  Vienna,  moving,  however,  with 
caution,  and  making  it  a  special  duty  to  guard  effectually  the  railroad  bridges  and 
to  look  to  the  track.  The  regiment  will  go  supplied  for  a  tour  of  duty  of  twenty- 
four  hours,  and  will  move  on  the  arrival  at  your  camp  of  a  train  of  cars  ordered 
for  that  purpose,  and  will  relieve  all  the  troops  of  Colonel  Hunter's  brigade  now 
guarding  the  line. 

"I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"JAMES  B.  FRT, 
"Assistant  Adjutant  General." 

4  Alexander  M.  McCook,  colonel  of  the  First  Ohio. 

To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives1 

July  [16]    1861 
To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives: 

I  transmit  to  Congress  a  copy  of  correspondence  between  the 
Secretary  of  State  and  Her  Britannic  Majesty's  Envoy  Extraor- 
dinary and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  accredited  to  this  Govern- 
ment., relative  to  an  Exhibition  of  the  products  of  Industry  of  all 
nations  which  is  to  take  place  at  London  in  the  course  of  next  year. 
As  citizens  of  the  United  States  may  justly  pride  themselves  upon 
their  proficiency  in  industrial  arts,  it  is  desirable  that  they  should 
have  proper  facilities  towards  taking  part  in  the  Exhibition.  With 
this  view,  I  recommend  such  legislation  by  Congress  at  this  session 
as  may  be  necessary  for  that  purpose.  ABRAHAM:  LUNTCOLN 

Washington,  July,  1861. 

1  DS,  DNA  RG  233,  Original  Executive  Documents,  No.  8.  This  copy  in  the 
House  records  is  endorsed  "by  the  clerk,  "July  ±6  ±861,  Read,  referred  to  the  Com- 

[450] 


JULY      18,      l86l 

mittee  on  Manufactures  and  ordered  to  be  printed."  A  joint  resolution,  approved 
July  27*  1861,  appropriated  $2,000,  and  authorized  the  president  to  take  such 
measures  as  he  deemed  best  to  facilitate  a  proper  representation  of  the  United 
States  at  the  exhibition. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

July  17,   1861 

If  it  be  ascertained  at  the  War  Department  that  the  President 
has  legal  authority  to  make  an  appointment  such  as  is  asked  with- 
in, and  Gen.  Scott  is  of  opinion  it  will  be  available  for  good,  then 
let  it  be  done.  A.  LmcoLisr 

July  17,  1861 

1  AES,  owned  by  Alfred  W.  Stern,  Chicago,  Illinois.  Lincoln's  endorsement  ap- 
pears on  a  memorial  written  by  Governor  William  A.  Buckingham  of  Connecticut 
and  signed  by  numerous  public  men,  requesting  the  appointment  of  James  B. 
Merwin  to  a  commission  in  the  army  and  assignment  to  temperance  work  among 
the  soldiers.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  followed  by  recommendations  signed  by 
Winfield  Scott  and  Benjamin  F.  Butler.  According  to  Merwin's  account  (The 
Christian  Advocate,  February  6,  1919,  pp.  166-67),  the  appointment  was  made, 
but  no  record  of  an  appointment  has  been  found  prior  to  June  13,  1862,  when 
Merwin  was  appointed  hospital  chaplain.  See  further  Lincoln  to  Benjamin  F. 
Larned,  July  i,  1862,  infra. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

This  case  must  not  be  neglected  when  Brigadier  Generals  are 
to  be  appointed  for  the  Ohio  forces.  A  L. 

July  17,  1861 

1  AES,  owned  by  R.  E.  Burdick,  New  York  City.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is 
wxitten  on  a  letter  signed  by  Ohio  members  of  congress  recommending  Newton 
Schleich,  Democratic  leader  of  the  Ohio  Senate,  who  had  been  appointed  briga- 
dier of  Ohio  State  Troops  by  Governor  Dennison.  Schleich  served  from  April  i  to 
September  33,  1862,  as  colonel  of  the  Sixty-first  Ohio  Volunteers. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

I  think  Col.  Kelly's  son  ought  to  be  appointed,  if  possible 
July  18,  1861  A. 


DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back 
of  a  letter  from  John  S.  Carlile  to  Lincoln,  dated  July  17,  1861,  enclosing  a  letter 
from  Brigadier  General  Benjamin  F.  Kelley,  West  Virginia  Infantry,  wounded 
"...  in  the  action  at  Philippi,"  who  wished  his  son  Benjamin,  Jr.,  to  have  a 
commission.  The  son  was  made  assistant  quartermaster  of  Volunteers  with  rank 
of  captain,  March  ±89  ±864. 

[451] 


To  Salmon  P.  Chase1 

(Private.'} 

Executive  Mansion,  July  18,  1861. 

My  dear  Sir:  I  can  scarcely  avoid  an  "unpleasantness,"  not  to 
say  a  difficulty,  or  rupture,  respectively  with  Mr.  Senator  King  and 
Mr.  Speaker  Grow,  unless  I  can  find  a  place  for  each  a  man.  Mr. 
Grow,  knowing  I  have  Mr.  King  on  hand,  as  well  as  himself,  was 
here  this  morning,  insisting  that  the  second  and  fifth  auditorships 
are  still  open,  and  that  I  might  give  them  to  Mr.  King's  man  and 
to  his.  Is  the  fact  so?  Are  those  places  open?  If  they  are,  you 
would  both  oblige  and  relieve  me  by  letting  them  go  as  indicated. 
Grow's  man  is  Joseph  E.  Streeter,2  really  of  Illinois  (no  acquaint- 
ance of  mine),  but,  as  Grow  says,  to  be  charged  to  Pennsylvania. 

King's  man  is  Smith,3  of  Minnesota.  I  neither  know  him 

nor  remember  his  Christian  name  as  given  by  Mr.  Bang.  Yours  as 
ever,  A.  LIINTCOLKT. 

1  NH,  VI,  329-30.  Chase  wrote  to  Lincoln,  July  6,  1861,  "Senator  King  pre- 
sented the  papers  of  a  Mr.  Smith   [Simeon  Smith?]    of  Minn,  for  auditor  and 
recommended  another  Mr  Smith  [Delano  T.  Smith]  of  Minn,  for  the  like  place. 

"He  withdrew  the  papers  of  the  first  Mr.  Smith  &  the  other  Mr.  Smith  was 
made  Chief  Clerk  in  the  3d  Auditor's  office  sometime  ago,  with  an  understanding 
that  he  wd  be  recommended  for  appointment  as  Auditor  when  the  public  interests 
seem  to  allow.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL).  On  July  19,  Chase  replied  to  Lincoln's  letter  of 
July  18,  "Neither  of  the  places  .  .  .  can  be  fairly  considered  as  open.  One  is 
promised  with  your  sanction  to  the  gentleman  who  now  fills  the  chief  clerkship 
[Ezra  B.  French?].  .  .  .  For  the  other  you  have  named  several  gentle- 
men .  .  "  (DLC-RTL).  Ezra  B.  French  was  second  auditor  and  John  C.  Un- 
derwood fifth  auditor,  as  of  September  30,  1861. 

2  Joseph  E.  Streeter  was  nominated  associate  justice  of  Nebraska  Territory, 
December  9,  1861,  and  confirmed  January  22,  1862. 

3  Probably  Simeon  Smith.  See  memorandum,  April  2,  supra,  and  note. 


Memorandum : 

Appointment  of  Second  and  Fifth  Auditors1 

July  18,  1861 
Mr.  Speaker  Grow  says,  the  5th  &  2nd.  Auditorships  are  both 

open  to  appointments. 

To-day  wrote   Sec.   of   Treasury   asking  these   places   for   Mr. 

Grow's  and  Mr.  King's  men.  A  L. 

July  18,  1861. 

i  ADS,  DLC-RTL.  See  Lincoln  to  CHase,  supra. 

[452] 


Memorandum : 
Appointments  Recommended  by  James  R.  Doolittle1 

Please  add  this  to  Mr.  Senator  Doolittle's  list  sent  in  a  day  or  two 
ago.  A.  LINCOLN 

July  19,   1861. 

l  AES,  owned  "by  Charles  W.  Olsen,  Chicago,  Illinois.  This  note  appears  on  a 
letter  from  Senator  Doolittle,  July  19,  1861,  recommending  appointment  of  C. 
Seth  Cushman  as  first  lieutenant  and  Charles  L..  Noggle  as  second  lieutenant  in 
the  new  regiments  of  the  Regular  Army.  Noggle  was  appointed  to  the  Second 
Infantry,  and  Cushman  to  the  Fourteenth  Infantry. 


To  the  Senate1 

To  the  Senate  of  the  United  States:  July  19,  1861 

I  transmit  to  the  Senate,  for  its  advice  "with  a  view  to  a  formal 

execution   of  the   instrument,   the   draft   of   a   treaty  informally 

agreed  upon  between  the  United  States  and  the  Delaware  tribe  of 

Indians,  relative  to  certain  lands  of  that  tribe. 

Washington,  igth  July,  1861.  ABRAHAM: 


1  Executive  Journal,  XI,  473.  See  order  for  issue  of  bonds  for  use  of  Delawares, 
June  10,  supra,  and  Lincoln  to  Orville  H.  Browning,  July  20,  infra.  The  treaty 
was  ratified  by  the  Senate,  August  6,  1861. 


To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives1 

July  19,  1861 
To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives: 

As  the  United  States  have,  in  common  with  Great  Britain  and 
France,  a  deep  interest  in  the  preservation  and  developement  of  the 
fisheries  adjacent  to  the  Northeastern  coast  and  Islands  of  this  con- 
tinent, it  seems  proper  that  we  should  concert  with  the  Govern- 
ments of  those  countries  such  measures  as  may  be  conducive  to 
those  important  objects.  With  this  view,  I  transmit  to  Congress  a 
copy  of  a  correspondence  between  the  Secretary  of  State  and  the 
British  Minister  here,  in  which  the  latter  proposes,  on  behalf  of 
his  Government,  the  appointment  of  a  Joint  Commission  to  inquire 
into  the  matter,  in  order  that  such  ulterior  measures  may  be 
adopted  as  may  be  advisable  for  the  objects  proposed.  Such  legis- 
lation is  recommended  as  may  be  necessary  to  enable  the  Execu- 
tive to  provide  for  a  Commissioner  on  behalf  of  the  United  States. 

Washington,  igth.  July,  1861.  ABRAHAM  Lnsrcousr 

[453] 


JTTJLY       1Q,       l86l 

1  DS,  DNA  RG  233,  Original  Executive  Document.  Referred  to  the  Senate  com- 
mittee on  foreign  relations,  the  message  was  reported  by  Senator  Sumner  on  July 
23  with  a  recommendation  that  further  consideration  be  postponed  to  the  first 
Monday  in  December. 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  State  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  July  19,  1861 

I  wish  to  see  you  a  moment  this  morning  on  a  matter  of  no  great 
moment.  Will  you  please  call?  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

IALS,  RPB. 

To  Lorenzo  Thomas1 

July  19,  1861. 

I  have  agreed,  and  do  agree,  that  the  two  Indiana  regiments 
named  within  shall  be  accepted  if  the  act  of  Congress  shall  admit  of 
it.  Let  there  be  no  further  question  about  it.  A. 


1  OR,  III,  I,  339-40;  NH,  XI,  120.  The  original  letter  is  missing  from  the  Na- 
tional Archives,  but  is  listed  in  the  register  of  letters  received  by  the  adjutant 
general  (DNA  WB.  RG  94).  Robert  D.  Owen  to  Cameron,  July  20,  1861,  enclosed 
a  copy  of  Lincoln's  note  with  the  comment,  "...  I  desire  to  express  my  regret 
that  there  should  have  been  any  conflict  of  opinion  on  this  subject,  and  to  add  that 
I  entirely  concur  .  .  .  that  there  should  be  but  one  uniform  term  of  enlistment, 
namely,  for  three  years  or  during  the  war.  I  desire  further  to  add  that  I  shall  use 
my  influence  with  the  Governor  to  induce  him  to  propose  to  these  regiments  to 
enlist  on  the  above  terms.  .  .  ."  (OR,  III,  I,  339-40). 


To  Elisha  WMttlesey1 

July  19,  1861 

I  desire  that  the  Treasury  Department  will  devise  a  system  or 
plan  for  disbursing  the  appropriation  mentioned  within;  and  if, 
according  to  said  plan,  disbursing  agents  are  to  be  appointed  I 
shall  be  ready  to  appoint  them,  on  the  recommendation  of  that  De- 
partment. In  case  of  Indiana,  I  am  satisfied  with  Jonathan  S.  Har- 
vey,2 named  within  as  disbursing  agent  A,  Lir^rcoLisr 
July  19.  1861. 

1  AES,  CSmH.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  Cameron  to 
Lincoln,  dated  July  19,  1861,  referring  a  letter  from  Elisha  Whittlesey,  comp- 
troller of  the  treasury,  in  regard  to  the  mode  of  refunding  monies  advanced  by 
the  states  for  equipping  Volunteers.  Whittlesey  recommended  and  Cameron 

[454] 


JULY      20,      l86l 

agreed  that  the  disbursements  should  be  made  by  agents  appointed  by  the  Treas- 
ury instead  of  by  the  War  Department. 

2  There  is  no  record  of  Jonathan  S.  Harvey's  appointment  as  agent  of  the 
Treasury. 

To  Orville  BL  Browning1 

Hon.  O.  H.  Browning  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  July  20,  1861 

To-day  I  send  to  the  Senate  the  arrangement  made  through  Mr. 
Williams2  with  the  Delaware  Indians,  asking  their  advice  as  to 
the  making  a  formal  treaty  of  it,  as  it  already  is  in  substance.  On 
very  full  reflection  I  have  thought  this  course  the  safest  and  best. 
I  will  thank  you  if  you  will  move  an  amendment  in  about  these 
words:  "Provided  that  no  part  of  said  lands,  shall  be  patented, 
until  the  money  price  for  such  part  shall  have  been  fully  paid; 
and  provided  further  that  time  shall  be  extended,  so  that  the  rights 
of  said  Railroad  Company  under  the  treaty  to  which  this  is  sup- 
plemental, shall  not  be  forfeited  until  -  3 

These  provisos  for  the  perfect  security  of  the  Indians  on  the  one 
hand;  and  for  the  benefit  of  the  Co.  on  the  other.  The  blank  you 
will  fill  of  course.  Yours  as  ever  A. 


1  ALS,  ORB. 

2  Lincoln's  old  friend  Archibald  Williams,  whom  Lincoln  had  appointed  U.S. 
district  judge  for  Kansas. 

3  Lincoln's  proposed  amendment  was  expanded  to  include  certain  other  matters 
and  passed  the  Senate,  August  6,  1861. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

July  20,  1861. 
The  Secretary  of  "War  has  my  approbation  to  sign  this  letter. 

A.  LINCOUNT. 

1  OR,  III,  I,  339.  The  letter  'which  Lincoln  approved  was  from  Cameron  to  Rep- 
resentative Francis  Thomas  of  Maryland,  authorizing  organization  of  four  regi- 
ments of  loyal  citizens  ".  .  .  on  both  sides  of  the  Potomac  River  from  the  Monoc- 
acy  to  the  west  boundary  of  Maryland,  for  the  protection  of  the  canal  and  of 
the  property  and  persons  of  loyal  citizens.  .  .  ."  (Ibid.,  I,  338-39). 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Sec.  of  War  please  give  this  man  a  hearing. 
July  20  1861  A.  LirrcoLis" 

1  Parke-Bernet  Catalog  315,  November  18-19,  194**  No.  325.  According  to  the 
catalog  description,  Lincoln's  endorsement  appears  on  the  back  of  "...  a  warrant 
appointing  J.  S.  Hill  a  First  Sergeant  in  the  Washington  Light  Infantry." 

[455] 


To  John  W.  Forney1 

PRIVATE 

Hon.  J.  W.  Forney  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  July  20.  1861 

There  is  a  young  man  here  by  the  name  of  Sympson  (Senator 
Browning  will  give  you  his  Christian  name)  to  whom  the  giving  of 
some  place,  if  in  your  power,  would  greatly  oblige  me.  His  father 
is  one  of  my  best  friends  whom  I  have  not,  so  far,  been  able  to 
recognize  in  any  substantial  way.  Yours  very  truly 

A. 


1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  John  W.  Forney  had  been  elected  secretary  of  the  Senate  on 
July  15.  Orville  H.  Browning's  Diary  records  on  this  date,  "I  ...  wrote  a  note 
to  the  President  to  try  and  get  him  [Forney]  to  give  Sam  Sympson  a  place." 
Samuel  A.  Sympson  was  the  son  of  Lincoln's  old  friend  Alexander  Sympson,  but 
it  seems  that  an  older  brother,  Coleman  C.  Sympson,  got  the  job,  since  the  U.S. 
Official  Register,  1863,  lists  "C.  C.  Simpson  of  Illinois"  as  clerk  in  the  Senate. 


To  Caleb  B.  Smith1 

If  the  place  is  vacant,  give  it  to  Mr.  Coleman,  as  indicated 
within.  A.  LINCOLN 

July  20,  1861. 

1  AES,  DNA  NR  KG  48,  Applications,  Indian  Agencies,  Box  ±271.  Lincoln's  en- 
dorsement is  -written  on  a  letter  from  William  P  Dole  and  Caleb  B.  Smith,  July 
19,  1861,  recommending  Isaac  Coleman  of  Indiana.  The  U.S.  Official  Register, 
1863,  lists  Isaac  Coleman  as  agent  for  Choctaws. 


Memorandum:  John  Wilson's  Regiment1 

Let  Mr.  Wilson  bring  the  Regiment  in  40  hours,  or  if  need  be, 
in  a  few  hours  more.  A.  LINCOLN 

July  22,   1861 

1  AES,  owned  by  S.  H.  McVitty,  Salem,  Virginia.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is 
written  on  the  back  of  a  letter  from  Wilson,  Washington,  July  22,  1861,  offering 
".  .  .  the  services  of  my  head  and  hands,  for  any  duty  in  which  you  may  wish 
to  employ  me*  .  .  .  On  the  6th.  I  tendered  the  services  of  an  efficient  Regt.  from 
Chicago — they  are  ready — &  could  reach  here  in  40  hours.  .  .  ."  Of  several  per- 
sons bearing  the  name  "John  Wilson"  who  may  have  been  Lincoln's  correspon- 
dent in  this  instance  the  best  probability  seems  to  be  the  John  Wilson  who  was 
land  agent  of  the  Illinois  Central  Railroad  in  Chicago.  A  letter  from  Simon  Cam- 
eron to  Colonel  Charles  Rnobelsdorf  of  Chicago,  July  22,  1861,  accepting  the  North 
Western  Rifle  Regiment,  later  the  Forty-fourth  Illinois  Infantry,  suggests  that 
this  may  be  the  regiment  equipped  by  Wilson  (Chicago  Tribune,,  July  24,  1861). 

[456] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

If  there  be  a  vacancy,  I  desire  that  C  C.  Campbell  be  appointed 
a  captain  of  Artillery.  A.  LINCOLN 

July  23,  1861. 

1  AES,  IHi.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  memorial,  July  8,  1861, 
signed  by  officers  at  Camp  Defiance,  Cairo,  Illinois,  recommending  the  appoint- 
ment of  Charles  C.  Campbell  as  captam  of  artillery  in  the  Regular  Army.  The 
document  also  bears  Lyman  Trumbull's  concurrence  dated  July  23,  1861.  Camp- 
bell did  not  receive  the  appointment  to  the  Regular  Army,  but  was  made  major 
of  the  First  Illinois  Light  Artillery,  October  23,  1861. 


Memoranda  of  Military  Policy 
Suggested  by  the  Bull  Run  Defeat1 

July  23.  1861. 

1  Let  the  plan  for  making  the  Blockade  effective  be  pushed 
forward  with  all  possible  despatch. 

2  Let  the  volunteer  forces  at  Fort-Monroe  &  vicinity — under 
Genl.   Butler — be   constantly  drilled,   disciplined,   and  instructed 
without  more  for  the  present. 

3.  Let  Baltimore  be  held,  as  now,  with  a  gentle,  but  firm,  and 
certain  hand, 

4  Let  the  force  now  under  Patterson,  or  Banks,  be  strength- 
ened, and  made  secure  in  it's  possition*2 

5.  Let  the  forces  in  Western  Virginia  act,  till  further  orders, 
according  to  instructions,  or  orders  from  Gen.  McClellan. 

6.  [Let]  Gen.  Fremont  push  forward  his  organization,  and  op- 
perations  in  the  West  as  rapidly  as  possible,  giving  rather  special 
attention  to  Missouri. 

7  Let  the  forces  late  before  Manassas,  except  the  three  months 
men,  be  reorganized  as  rapidly  as  possible,  in  their  camps  here 
and  about  Arlington 

8.  Let  the  three  months  forces,  who  decline  to  enter  the  longer 
service,  be  discharged  as  rapidly  as  circumstances  will  permit. 

9  Let  the  new  volunteer  forces  be  brought  forward  as  fast  as 
possible;  and  especially  into  the  camps  on  the  two  sides  of  the 
river  here. 

July  27,  i86i3 

When  the  foregoing  shall  have  been  substantially  attended  to — 

i.     Let  Manassas  junction,  (or  some  point  on  one  or  other  of  the 

railroads  near  it;);   and  Strasburg,  be  seized,  and  permanently 

[457] 


JULY      23,       l86l 

held,  with  an  open  line  from  Washington  to  Manassas;  and  and 
|>£c]  open  line  from  Harper's  Ferry  to  Strasburg — the  military 
men  to  find  the  way  of  doing  these. 

2.     This  done,  a  joint  movement  from  Cairo  on  Memphis;  and 
from  Cincinnati  on  East  Tennessee. 

1  AD,  DLC-RTL. 

2  The  forces  operating  near  Harpers  Ferry  were  not  yet  under  command  of 
General  Nathaniel  P.  Banks.  The  order  removing  General  Robert  Patterson  from 
command  had  been  issued  on  July  19,  but  did  not  take  effect  until  July  27.  Pat- 
terson was  held  responsible  for  the  defeat  at  Bull  Run  by  reason  of  his  failure 
to  immobilize  the  Confederate  forces  under   General  Joseph  E.   Johnston. 

3  The  memoranda  under  this  date  continue  on  the  same  page  with  8  and  9, 
above. 


Remarks  to  the  Sixty-Ninth  New  York  Regiment1 

July  23,   1861 

The  President  and  Secretary  Seward  visited  the  fortifications 
over  the  river  to-day.  Arriving  at  Fort  Corcoran  they  were  received 
by  the  gallant  New  York  Sixty-ninth  with  the  greatest  enthusiasm. 
The  President  asked  if  they  intended  to  re-enlist?  The  reply  was 
that  "they  would  if  the  President  desired  it."  He  announced  em- 
phatically that  he  did,  and  wrote  them  a  letter  complimenting  them 
upon  their  brave  and  heroic  conduct,  and  expressing  the  hope  that 
the  whole  regiment  would  re-enlist.2  This  was  received  with  cheers, 
and  the  determination  expressed  to  go  in  for  the  war  and  stand  by 
the  government  and  the  old  flag  forever. 

1  New  York  Herald,  July  24,  1861. 

2  Tlie  letter  is  not  of  further  record. 


To  Charles  S.  Olden1 

Washington,  D.C., 
The  Governor  of  New  Jersey:  July  24,  1861. 

Sir:  Together  with  the  regiments  of  three-years'  volunteers 
which  the  Government  already  has  in  service  from  your  State, 
enough  to  make  eight  in  all,  if  tendered  in  a  reasonable  time,  will 
be  accepted,  the  new  regiments  to  be  taken,  as  far  as  convenient, 
from  the  three-months'  men  and  officers  just  discharged,  and  to  be 
organized,  equipped,  and  sent  forward  as  fast  as  single  regiments 
are  ready,  on  the  same  terms  as  were  those  already  in  the  service 
from  that  State.  Your  obedient  servant,  A. 

[458] 


JULY      25,      l86l 
[Endorsement.  ] 

This  order  is  entered  in  the  War  Department,  and  the  Governor 
of  New  Jersey  is  authorized  to  furnish  the  regiments  with  wagons 
and  horses.  S.  CAMERON,  Secretary  of  War. 

i  OR,  III,  I,  365.  Governor  Olden  replied  August  3,    1861,  that  ".   .  .  New 
Jersey  will  respond  as  promptly  as  possible.  .  .  ."   (DLC-RTL). 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

July  25,  1861 

Let  the  four  Artillery  companies  which  have  been  in  actual  serv- 
ice at  Cairo  for  some  time,  be  mustered  in  regularly  for  the  three 
years  service,  and  so  done  that  they  be  paid  from  the  begi[nning] 
of  their  actual  ser[vice.]  A.  Lrrccon.^] 

July  25  [1861] 

1  AES,  RPB.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  an  envelope  in  which  letters 
from  Governor  Richard  Yates  and  William  Thomas,  army  auditor  for  Illinois, 
had  been  delivered  to  the  president.  Yates'  letter  has  not  been  found,  but  a  tele- 
gram which  Secretary  Seward  sent  by  Lincoln's  direction  on  July  25,  informed 
Yates  that  "Your  sixteen  regiments  of  infantry  and  battalion  of  artillery  will  be 
accepted.  .  .  ."  (OR,  III,  I,  349). 


To  the  House  of  Representatives1 

To  the  House  of  Representatives:  July  25,  1861 

In  answer  to  the  resolution  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
i5th  instant,  requesting  a  copy  of  the  correspondence  between  this 
government  and  foreign  powers  on  the  subject  of  the  existing  in- 
surrection in  the  United  States,  I  transmit  a  report  from  the  Secre- 
tary of  State.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 
Washington,  July  25,  1861. 

1  Thirty-seventh  Congress,  First  Session,  House  of  Representatives  Executive 
Document  No.  12,.  Lincoln's  communication  was  accompanied  "by  one  from  Sec- 
retary Seward  of  the  same  date  which  deemed  it  inexpedient  "to  communicate 
the  correspondence  called  for." 


To  the  House  of  Representatives1 

To  the  House  of  Representatives:  July  25,  1861 

In  answer  to  the  resolution  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  22d  instant,  requesting  a  copy  of  the  correspondence  between 

[459] 


JULY      25,      l86l 

this  government  and  foreign  powers  "with  reference  to  maritime 
rights,  I  transmit  a  report  from  the  Secretary  of  State. 

Washington,  July  25,  1861.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN-. 

1  Thirty-seventh  Congress,  First  Session,  House  of  Representatives  Executive 
Document  No.  15.  Secretary  Seward's  communication  of  the  same  date  expressed 
the  opinion  that  ".  .  .  communication  of  the  correspondence  called  for  would 
not  at  this  time  comport  with  the  public  interest." 

To  Winfield  Scott1 

Will  Lieut.  Genl.  Scott  please  see  Professor  Lowe9  once  more 
about  his  balloon?  A  LINCOLN 

July  25,  1861. 


DNM-Lowe  Collection.  On  June  18,  1861,  Professor  Thaddeus  S.  C. 
Lowe  of  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  had  demonstrated  the  practicability  of  using  his  balloon 
for  purposes  of  military  observation,  by  taking  up  a  telegraph  wire  and  sending 
the  president  the  "first  telegram  ever  dispatched  from  an  aerial  station."  Al- 
though Lincoln  saw'  General  Scott  about  the  balloon  immediately  thereafter,  the 
general  was  not  enthusiastic,  and  Lincoln's  note  was  written  more  than  a  month 
later.  Lowe  was  later  employed  by  General  McClellan  to  make  balloon  observa- 
tions of  enemy  activity. 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

Hon:  Sec.  of  State  July  25,  1861 

Dear  Sir     The  bearer  of  this  wishes  to  have  a  son  appointed 

consul  to  Spezia;  and  if  you  have  no  objection,  I  have  none 
July  25.  1861  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  DNA  FS  B.G  59,  Appointments,  Box  370.  Lincoln's  note  is  written  on 
a  letter  from  Senator  James  W.  Grimes  introducing  the  father  of  William  T.  Rice 
of  Boston,  Massachusetts,  who  wished  his  son  appointed  consul  The  U.S.  Official 
Register,  1861,  lists  William  T.  Rice  as  consul  at  Spezia. 

To  Lorenzo  Thomas1 

July  25,  1861 

If  the  Adjutant  General  can  get  the  Regiment  together  on  the 
terms  proposed,  I  think  it  will  be  a  good  corps,  and  ought  to  be  ac- 
cepted. A.  LINCOLN 

July  25,  1861. 

1AES,  owned  by  L.  E.  Dicke,  Evanston,  Illinois.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is 
written  on  the  back  of  a  letter  from  Charles  B.  Stuart  of  Elmira,  New  York,  writ- 
ten from  Washington,  July  23,  offering  to  organize  a  regiment  of  engineers  and 
mechanics.  The  regiment  was  authorized  on  September  20  as  the  Fiftieth  New 
York  Infantry  and  was  designated  Fiftieth  New  York  Engineers  on  October  22 
1861. 

[460] 


To  the  War  Department1 

[c.July  25,  1861?] 

Col.  Wallace,  bearer  of  this,  commands  one  o£  the  Illinois  Regi- 
ments, just  ordered  to  be  received,  wishes  a  copy  of  the  order  to 
take  to  Illinois.  Please  let  him  have  it.  A. 


1  AL.S,  IHi.  Lincoln's  note  is  written  on  the  "back  of  a  card  bearing  Ward  H. 
Lamon's  note  "To  the  door  keeper  at  White  House.  This  will  be  handed  you  by 
Major  Wallace  of  Ills,  one  of  Mr  Lincolns  best  friends.  Show  him  at  once  to  Mr. 
Lincoln's  room  if  you  can  do  so.  Ward  H.  Lamon."  William  H.  L.  Wallace's  reg- 
iment, the  Eleventh  Illinois,  was  mustered  July  25,  1861, 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Secretary  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

Dear  Sir  July  26,  1861. 

Please  let  Reuben  B.  Hatch  of  Illinois,  be  appointed  an  Assistant 
Quartermaster,  and  assigned  to  the  Brigade  of  General  Prentiss,  in 
Illinois. 

Also  let  Speed  Butler  of  Illinois  be  appointed  Commissary  of  Sub- 
sistence, and  assigned  to  the  Brigade  of  General  Pope,  in  Illinois 

Your  obedient  Servant  ABRABL\M 


1  LS,  IHi.  Reuben  B.  Hatch  of  Meredosia,  Illinois,  brother  of  Ozias  M.  Hatch, 
was  appointed  assistant  quartermaster  of  Volunteers  with  rank  of  captain,  Au- 
gust 3,  1861.  Speed  Butler,  son  of  Lincoln's  old  friend  William  Butler,  was  ap- 
pointed commissary  of  subsistence,  August  3,  1861,  and  on  September  i,  became 
major  of  the  Fifth  Illinois  Cavalry. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

July  26,  1861 

Lewis  E.  Johnson,  desires  to  be  a  Paymaster  of  Volunteers.  He  is 
the  son  of  Hon.  Reverdy  Johnson  who  much  desires  the  appoint- 
ment A.  Lusrcoiaisr. 

July  26,  1861. 

I  wish  this  to  be  done  when  the  time  comes.  A.L. 

1  Newark  Galleries  Catalog  128,  December  5,  1930,  No.  156.  Lewis  (Louis)  E. 
Johnson  was  nominated  additional  paymaster  July  31  to  rank  from  June  i,  1861, 

To  the  House  of  Representatives1 

To  the  House  of  Representatives:  July  27,  1861 

In  answer  to  the  resolution  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
24th  instant,  asking  the  grounds,  reasons,  and  evidence  upon  which 

[461] 


JULY      279      l86l 

the  police  commissioners  of  Baltimore  were  arrested,  and  are  now 
detained  as  prisoners  at  Fort  McHenry,  I  have  to  state  that  it  is 
judged  to  be  incompatible  with  the  public  interest  at  this  time  to 
furnish  the  information  called  for  by  the  resolution. 

Washington,  July  27,  1861.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

1  Thirty-seventh  Congress,  First  Session,  House  of  Representatives  Executive 
Document  No.  16.  The  arrest  of  the  police  commissioners  of  Baltimore  for  seces- 
sion activities  was  ordered  by  Wmfield  Scott,  June  24,  1861  (OR,  I,  II,  138-39). 

Memorandum : 
Appointment  of  Walter  D.  Mclndoe1 

[c.July  27,  1861] 

Wisconsin  Delegation  propose  that  the  nomination  of  Henry 
Martin,  as  Sup.  Ind.  Affs.  be  withdrawn;  and  Walter  D.  Mclndoe, 
of  Wis  be  substituted. 

1  AE,  DNA  NR  RG  48,  Applications,  Indian  Agencies,  Utah,  Box  1267.  Lin- 
coln's memorandum  is  written  on  the  back  of  a  letter  of  July  27,  1861,  signed  by 
Senator  James  R.  Doolittle,  Senator  Timothy  O.  Howe,  and  Representative  John 
F.  Potter,  recommending  the  change  in  appointment.  James  D.  Doty  of  Wisconsin 
is  listed  in  the  U  S.  Official  Register,  1861,  as  superintendent  of  Indian  affairs  for 
Utah. 

To  the  Senate1 

July  27,  1861 

To  the  Senate:  In  answer  to  the  resolution  of  the  Senate  of  the 
25th  instant,  relative  to  the  instructions  to  the  ministers  of  the 
United  States  abroad,  in  reference  to  the  rebellion  now  existing  in 
the  southern  portion  of  the  Union,  I  transmit  a  report  from  the 
Secretary  of  State.  ABRAHAM:  Liisrcorjsr. 

Washington,  July  27,  1861. 

1  Thirty-seventh  Congress,  First  Session,  Senate  Executive  Document  No.  5. 
Secretary  Seward's  accompanying  communication  of  the  same  date  declared  that 
".  .  .  it  is  not  deemed  expedient  to  communicate  the  instructions  called  for." 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

The  within  are  good  recommendations,  &  I  respectfully  submit 
the  case  to  the  Sec.  of  War.  A.  LnsrcoiJNr 

July  29,  1861. 

1  AES,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of 
the  last  of  several  letters  recommendmg  that  William  M.  Este,  a  native  of  Ohio 
and  citizen  of  San  Francisco,  California,  be  granted  a  commission.  Este  was  ap- 
pointed second  lieutenant  in  the  Twenty-sixth  Ohio  Infantry,  December  17,  1861. 

[462] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War.  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  July  29,  1861 

I  understand  that  by  an  existing  law,  there  is  to  be  a  Paymaster 
for  every  two  regiments  of  volunteers.  With  this  understanding  I 
wish  to  appoint  Valentine  C.  Hanna  of  Indiana  one  of  these  Pay- 
masters; and  that  it  be  done  at  once,  or  put  on  a  list  so  that  it  will 
certainly  be  done  in  due  course.  Yours  truly  A. 


1  ALS,  CSmH.  Valentine  C.  Hanna  was  appointed  additional  paymaster,  Au- 
gust 15,  1861. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War —  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  July  29.  1861 

At  various  times  certain  men  have  been  named  as  Brigadier  Gen- 
erals of  Volunteers,  and  most  of  whom  have  already  been  acting  in 
that  capacity.  As  the  Volunteer  bill  is  now  a  law,  I  will  thank  you 
to  send  me  blank  nominations  of  them  to  be  laid  before  the  Senate. 
So  far  as  I  can  remember,  they  are  Pope  and  Hurlbut  of  Ills:  Rey- 
nolds of  la.2  Curtis  of  Iowa,  Cox  and  Schenck  of  Ohio,  McCall  of 
Penn.  and  Kearney,  of  New- Jersey — and  there  may  be  others  not 
recollected  by  me,  whose  names  your  records  will  show.  Butler, 
Banks  and  Dix  also  were  named  as  Major  Generals  of  Volunteers; 
and  their  nominations  should  also  be  sent*  Let  them,  in  the  nomina- 
tions, be  designated  as  of  Volunteers  without  assigning  them  to  any 
particular  corps,  or  States. 

I  am  not  sure  whether  Lyons  was  appointed  for  volunteers  or  for 
regulars.  McClellan,  Fremont,  Anderson  &  Rosecrantz,  were  ap- 
pointed for  regulars;  and  I  think  their  nominations  are  already 
before  the  Senate.  Yours  truly  A.  LUNTCOUNT 

1  ALS,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Cameron's  letter  to  Lincoln,  July  29,  1861,  cor- 
roborated the  fact  that  nominations  for  McClellan,  Fremont,  Mansfield,  Mc- 
Dowell, Anderson,  and  Rosecrans  for  the  Regular  Army  had  already  been  sent 
to  the  Senate,  and  promised  to  attend  to  the  others  (DLC-RTL) .  The  nominations 
of  Major  Generals  Nathaniel  P  Banks,  John  A.  Dix,  and  Benjamin  F.  Butler; 
Brigadier  Generals  Nathaniel  Lyon,  John  Pope,  George  A.  McCall,  Samuel  R. 
Curtis,  Philip  Kearny,  Joseph  J.  Reynolds,  Rufus  King,  Jacob  D.  Cox,  Stephen  A. 
Hurlbut,  Franz  Sigel,  Robert  C.  Schenck,  and  Benjamin  M.  Prentiss — all  to  the 
Volunteers — were  sent  to  the  Senate  July  29,  with  appointments  dating  from  May 
16,  1861,  for  the  first  three  named,  and  May  17  for  the  others. 

2  Abbreviation  for  Indiana. 

[463] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

July  29,  1861 
If  it  i$  possible  to  furnish  5000  stand  of  Arms  to  the  State  Govt. 

at  Wheeling,  without  endangering  other  points  too  much,  let  it  be 

done. 

The  bearer  of  this  an  intelligent  gentleman  from  there,  whom 

please  see  a  moment  A.  LINCOLN 

July  29.  1861 

l  AES,  DLC-RTL  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  John  S. 
Carlile  introducing  James  W.  Paxton  and  Daniel  Lamb  of  Wheeling,  Virginia. 
Thomas  A.  Scott,  acting  secretary  of  war,  informed  Carlile,  August  6,  1861,  that 
".  .  .  2,000  rifled  arms  were  ordered  ...  to  Western  Virginia.  .  .  .  One  thou- 
sand of  the  arms  ...  to  be  delivered  to  J.  W.  Paxton  and  Daniel  Lamb.  .  .  ." 
(OB,  HI,  I,  389). 


To  Hannibal  Hamlin1 

Hon:  H.  Hamlin,  Executive  Office, 

President  of  the  Senate  July  2Qth  1861 

Sir,  I  transmit,  herewith,  to  be  laid  before  the  Senate,  for  its  con- 
stitutional action  thereon,  Articles  of  agreement,  and  convention 
with  accompanying  papers.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

1 DS,  DNA  RG  46,  Senate  376  Get.  The  treaty  with  the  Arapahoe  and  Chey- 
enne Indians  was  amended  and  ratified  by  the  Senate,  August  6,  1861. 


To  the  Kentucky  Delegation  in  Congress1 

Executive  Mansion  July  29,  1861. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Kentucky  delegation,  who  are  for  the  Union — • 
I  somewhat  wish  to  authorize  my  friend  Jesse  Bayles  to  raise  a  Ken- 
tucky Regiment;  but  I  do  not  wish  to  do  it  without  your  consent.  If 
you  consent,  please  write  so,  at  the  bottom  of  this.  Yours  truly 

A.  LINCOLN 

I  repeat,  I  would  like  for  Col.  Bayles  to  raise  a  Regiment  of  Cav- 
alry, whenever  the  Union  men  of  Kentucky  desire,  or  consent  to  it. 
Aug.  5.  1861.  A.  LINCOLN 

1 ALS,  The  Rosenbach  Company,  Philadelphia  and  New  York.  On  the  bottom 
of  the  letter  is  the  delegation's  endorsement,  "We  consent — "  signed  by  Repre- 
sentatives Robert  Mallory,  Henry  Grider,  George  W.  Dunlap,  James  S.  Jackson, 
and  Charles  A.  Wickliffe.  Lincoln's  endorsement  of  August  5  is  written  on  the 
verso.  Jesse  Bayles  organized  the  Fourth  Kentucky  Cavalry  at  Louisville  and 
served  as  colonel  until  April  14,  1863. 

[464] 


To  the  Senate1 

July  30,  1861 

To  the  Senate  of  the  United  States:  In  answer  to  the  resolution  of 
the  Senate  of  the  igth  instant,  requesting  information  concerning 
the  quasi  armistice  alluded  to  in  my  message  of  the  4th  instant,  I 
transmit  a  report  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

July  30,  1861.  ABRAHAM  LmcoLisr. 

1  Thirty-seventh  Congress,  First  Session,  Senate  Executive  Document  No.  7. 
The  accompanying  communication  from  Gideon  Welles  of  the  same  date,  reported 
that  ".  .  .  it  is  believed  the  communication  of  the  information  called  for  would 
not,  at  this  time,  comport  with  the  public  interest*"  The  Senate  resolution  of  July 
19  requested  the  president  to  communicate  ".  .  .  the  character  of  the  quasi  armi- 
stice ...  by  reason  of  which  the  commander  of  the  frigate  Sabine  refused  to 
transfer  the  United  States  troops  into  Fort  Pickens,  in  obedience  to  his  or- 
ders. .  .  ."  (Senate  Journal^  July  19,  1861,  p.  62).  Captain  Henry  A.  Adams  in 
command  of  the  Sabine  had  refused  to  follow  an  order  issued  by  Winfield  Scott 
to  Captain  Israel  Vogdes  in  command  of  troops  sent  to  reinforce  Fort  Pickens,  on 
the  grounds  that  he  (Adams)  had  not  received  orders  from  his  superiors  (i.e.,  the 
Navy),  and  on  the  further  grounds  that  an  agreement  was  still  in  existence  be- 
tween the  U.S.  Government  and  the  state  of  Florida,  not  to  reinforce  Fort  Pickens. 
The  purported  agreement  was  negotiated  prior  to  Lincoln's  inauguration  and 
the  secession  of  Florida,  and  was  in  fact  merely  a  temporary  verbal  agreement 
and  not  a  signed  armistice.  An  order  from  Secretary  Welles,  sent  by  Lieutenant 
John  L.  Worden  of  the  Navy,  finally  reached  Adams,  and  Fort  Pickens  was  re- 
inforced on  the  night  of  April  12.  Worden  was  arrested  on  his  return  trip  by  land 
and  held  by  the  Confederacy  until  an  exchange  of  prisoners  brought  his  release 
seven  months  later. 

To  the  Senate1 

July  30,  1861 

To  the  Senate  of  the  United  States:  In  answer  to  the  resolution 
of  the  Senate  of  the  23d  instant,  requesting  information  concerning 
the  imprisonment  of  Lieut.  John  J.  Worden  [John  L.  Worden]2 
of  the  United  States  navy,  I  transmit  a  report  from  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy.  ABRAHAM:  LINCOLN. 

July  30,  1861. 

1  Thirty-seventh  Congress,  First  Session,  Senate  Executive  Document  No.  6. 
The  accompanying  communication  from.  Gideon  Welles  of  July  29,  1861,  reported 
that  ".  .  .  communication  of  the  information  called  for  would  not,  at  this  time, 
comport  with  the  public  interest."  See  also  Lincoln's  message,  supra  and  note. 

2  Brackets  are  in  the  source. 

To  John  C.  Fremont1 

July  31,  1861 

The  "writer  of  the  within  I  personally  know  to  be  a  most  reliable 
man,  both  for  integrity  and  judgment;  and  as  the  matters  he  speaks 

[465] 


JTULY     31,     1861 

of  are  in  Gen.  Fremont's  field,  I  submit  them  to  him  asking  his  spe- 
cial attention  to  the  [sic*]  them.  A.  LUNTCOLIST 

July  31,  1861 

1  AES,  DLC-RTL.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  Colonel 
John  M.  Palmer,  Headquarters,  Fourteenth  Regiment  of  Illinois  Volunteers,  Stur- 
geon, Missouri,  July  24,  1861,  to  Senator  Lyman  Trumbull.  Palmer  reported 
many  secessionists  in  the  area  and  recommended  organizing  and  arming  the 
loyal  citizens.  Lincoln  forwarded  Palmer's  letter  to  Fremont,  and  Fremont  re- 
turned it  enclosed  with  his  reply,  August  5,  that  the  ".  .  .  plan  suggested  ...  is 
about  what  Genl  Fremont  has  been  doing.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL). 

Memorandum  : 
Appointment  of  Thomas  H.  Dudley1 

July  31,  1861 

It  is  said  Mr.  Dudley  is  acting  as  Vice-Consul  at  Paris,  &  would 
lite  to  remain  awhile.  Let  us  remember  this  whenever  we  think  of 
appointing  a  Consul  to  Paris.  A.L. 

July  31.  1861 

1  AES,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  276.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is 
written  on  a  letter  from  John  T.  Nixon  and  others,  undated,  requesting  that 
Thomas  H.  Dudley  of  Camden,  New  Jersey,  be  allowed  to  remain  in  Paris  until 
his  health  was  restored.  Dudley  was  nominated  consul  at  Liverpool,  December 
23,  1861,  and  confirmed  by  the  Senate,  February  19,  1862. 

To  United  States  Marshals1 

July  31,  1861 

The  Marshal  of  the  United  States  in  the  vicinity  of  forts  -where 
political  prisoners  are  held,  will  supply  decent  lodging  and  subsist- 
ence for  such  prisoners  unless  they  shall  prefer  to  provide  in  those 
respects  for  themselves,  in  which  cases  they  will  be  allowed  to  do 
so  by  the  commanding  officers  in  charge. 

Approved,  and  the  Secretary  of  State  will  transmit  the  order,  to 
Marshals,  the  Lieutenant  General,  and  Secretary  of  the  Interior. 
31  July  1861.  ABRAHAM: 


1  Copy,  DNA  WR  RG  94,  Adjutant  General,  Letters  Received,  P  878. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Executive  Mansion,  August  19  1861. 

My  dear  Sir:  Herewith  I  enclose  you  a  resolution  of  the  Senate 
inquiring  whether  Hon.  James  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  has  been  ap- 

[466] 


AUGUST      1,      l86l 

pointed  a  general  in  the  army  of  the  United  States;  and  if  yea, 
whether  he  has  accepted  the  appointment.  Will  you  please  furnish 
me,  as  soon  as  possible,  copies  of  all  record  entries  and  correspond- 
ence upon  the  subject  which  are  in  your  department,  together  with 
a  brief  statement  of  your  personal  knowledge  of  whatever  may  con- 
tribute to  a  free2  and  fair  statement  of  the  case?  Yours  truly, 
Hon.  Secretary  of  War.  A.  LUNTCOOST. 

1  Thirty-seventh  Congress,  First  Session,  Senate  Executive  Document  No.  8. 
The  original  letter  is  missing  (DNA  WR  RG  107).  As  printed  in  Senate  Execu- 
tive Document  No.  8,  it  is  No.  2  of  the  several  documents  transmitted  by  Lincoln, 
on  August  5  in  response  to  the  Senate  resolution  of  July  31.  See  Lincoln  to  the 
Senate,  August  5,  infra.  2  NH,  VI,  337,  reads  "full"  instead  of  "free." 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Gen." Mansfield  wishes  Charles  H.  Hosmer  to  he  a  2nd.  Lieut.; 
and  so  let  it  be  done.  A.  LiisrcoxjNr 

Aug.  i,  1861. 

1  ALS,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Charles  H.  Hosmer  of  Illinois  was  nominated 
to  the  Senate  as  second  lieutenant  in  the  First  Infantry  on  August  ±  and  con- 
firmed August  5,  1861. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Let  the  within  named  be  a  Pay-Master  of  Volunteers  if  a  place 
for  him  can  be  found  A.  L 

Aug.   i,   1861 

1  AES,  IHi.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  recommendation,  signed  by 
eight  Illinois  congressmen,  for  George  Phelps  of  Fulton  County,  Illinois.  Phelps 
was  nominated  paymaster  on  August  2  and  confirmed  by  the  Senate  on  August  5, 
1861. 


To  the  Senate1 

To  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  August  i,  1861 

I  submit  herewith  for  consideration,  with  a  view  to  ratification, 
a  Postal  Convention  between  the  United  States  of  America  and  the 
United  Mexican  States,  concluded  by  their  respective  Plenipoten- 
tiaries on  the  3  ist.  ultimo.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 
Washington  i  August  1861 

1  DS,  DNA  RG  46,  Senate  376  Bio.  The  treaty  was  ratified  without  amend- 
ment on  August  6,  1861. 

[467] 


To  the  Tycoon  of  Japan1 

August  i,  1861 
Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

To  His  Majesty  the  Tycoon  of  Japan. 

Great  and  Good  Friend:  I  have  received  the  letter  which  you 
have  addressed  to  me  on  the  subject  of  a  desired  extension  of  the 
time  stipulated  by  Treaty  for  the  opening  of  certain  ports  and  cities 
in  Japan.  The  question  is  surrounded  with  many  difficulties.  While 
it  is  my  earnest  desire  to  consult  the  convenience  of  Your  Majesty 
and  to  accede  so  far  as  I  can  to  your  reasonable  wishes  so  kindly 
expressed,  the  interests  of  the  United  States  must,  nevertheless, 
have  due  consideration.  Townsend  Harris,  Minister  Resident  near 
Your  Majesty,  will  be  fully  instructed  as  to  the  views  of  this  Gov- 
ernment, and  will  make  them  known  to  you  at  large.  I  do  not  per- 
mit myself  to  doubt  that  these  views  will  meet  with  Your  Majesty's 
approval,  for  they  proceed  not  less  from  a  just  regard  for  the  in- 
terest and  prosperity  of  your  Empire  than  from  considerations 
affecting  our  own  welf are  and  honor. 

Wishing  abundant  prosperity  and  length  of  years  to  the  great 
State  over  which  you  preside,  I  pray  God  to  have  Your  Majesty  al- 
ways in  His  safe  and  holy  keeping. 

Written  at  the  City  of  Washington  this  first  day  of  August,  1861. 
Your  Good  Friend,  ABRAHAM:  LUNTCOLTST. 

By  the  President: 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWAB.D,  Secretary  of  State. 

1  Copy,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Communications  to  Foreign  Sovereigns  and  States,  III, 
176-77.  Secretary  Seward's  communication  to  the  ministers  of  foreign  affairs  of 
the  Tycoon  on  the  same  date  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  "The  subject,  however, 
has  "been  complicated  "by  the  yet  unpunished  and  unatoned  homicide  of  Mr. 
Heusken,  our  late  Secretary  of  Legation.  You  must  be  aware  that  the  first  ele- 
ment of  national  fraternity  is  the  safety  of  the  persons  charged  with  the  con- 
duct of  their  mutual  intercourse  and  relations.1"  (Ibid.*).  Henry  C.  J.  Heusken  of 
New  York  had  been  assassinated  January  14,  1861. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

August  2,  1861 

Maj.  Genl  Butler  is  empowered  to  raise  a  brigade  of  not  exceeding 
five  thousand  men  with  the  proper  proportions  of  artillery  and 
mounted  men  and  the  same  troops  to  organise  and  equip  and  arm 
with  such  serviceable  arms  as  he  may  deem  fit  provided  the  expense 
shall  not  exceed  the  expense  paid  by  the  United  States  for  like 
equipment  or  Material  for  like  troops — and  provided  the  Secretary 
of  War  concurs  in  this.  A. 

Aug.  2   1861 

[468] 


AUGUST      2,      l86l 

1  DS-P,  ISLA.  This  document  is  m  Benjamin  F.  Butler's  handwriting  with  the 
exception  of  "and  provided  the  Secretary  of  War  concurs  in  this,"  and  the  signa- 
ture. Butler's  authorization  from  the  War  Department  did  not  come,  however, 
until  September  12.  See  the  draft  of  an  order  authorizing  Butler  to  raise  a  Vol- 
unteer force,  September  ±o,  and  Lincoln's  telegram  to  the  New  England  Gov- 
ernors, September  11,  infra. 


To  John  C.  Fremont1 

To  Major  Genl.  Fremont,  Washington,  August  2d  1861. 

Godfrey  Aigner,  M.D.  has  been  selected  by  the  Sanitary  Com- 
mission to  visit  the  camps  of  a  portion  of  your  department,  to  re- 
port upon  circumstances  affecting  their  health,  and  to  advise  the 
officers  in  regard  to  means  for  sustaining  and  improving  the  sani- 
tary condition  of  their  men.  As  Doctor  Aigner  will  only  act  con- 
sistently with  the  strictest  rules  of  military  discipline,  and  as  it 
will  be  his  duty  to  sustain  your  authority  and  meet  your  wishes  in 
all  respects,  your  countenance,  aid  and  support  is  confidently  re- 
quested to  be  extended  to  him,  in  facilitating  his  movements  and 
strengthening  his  influence.  Yours  truly  A. 


1  LS,  owned  by  Charles  W.  Olsen,  Chicago,  Illinois.  Dr.  Godfrey  Aigner  of 
New  York  was  one  of  six  special  commissioners  assigned  by  the  Sanitary  Com- 
mission to  inspect  military  camps. 


To  the  House  of  Representatives1 

To  the  House  of  Representatives:  August  2,  1861 

In  answer  to  the  resolution  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of 
yesterday,  requesting  information  regarding  the  imprisonment  of 
loyal  citizens  of  the  United  States  by  the  forces  now  in  rebellion 
against  this  Government,  I  transmit  a  report  from  the  Secretary  of 
State,  and  the  copy  of  a  telegraphic  despatch  by  which  it  was  ac- 
companied. ABRAHAM:  LUSTCOLKT. 
Washington,  ad.  Augt.,  1861. 

1  DS,  DNA  RG  233,  Original  Executive  Documents,  Thirty-seventh  Congress, 
First  Session,  No.  17.  Seward  to  Lincoln,  August  2,  1861,  notified  the  president 
that  the  only  information  he  had  on  the  subject  was  the  telegram  which  he  en- 
closed, as  follows:  "(Received  August  i,  1861. — From  Richmond,  Va.,  July  31.)  I 
am  here  a  prisoner.  Ely,  Arnold  Harris,  and  McGraw  are  also  here.  C.  Huson, 
Jr."  According  to  the  New  York  Times,  July  29, 1861,  Arnold  Harris,  ex-publisher 
of  the  Washington,  D.  C.  States,  and  Henry  S.  Magraw  of  Pennsylvania,  had 
gone  to  Bull  Run  to  recover  the  body  of  Colonel  James  Cameron  of  the  Seventy- 
ninth  New  York,  brother  of  Simon  Cameron.  Representative  Alfred  Ely  of  New 
York  who  had  gone  out  to  watch  the  battle  was  captured  and  held  for  six  months. 
C.  Huson,  Jr.,  was  probably  the  son  of  Calvin  Huson  of  New  York,  a  commis- 
sioner in  the  State  Department. 

[469] 


To  the  Senate1 

To  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  August  2,  1861 

The  Resolution  of  your  Honorable  body  which  is  herewith  re- 
turned, has  been  submitted  to  the  Secretary  of  Navy,  who  has  made 
the  Report  upon  it,  which  I  have  the  honor  to  inclose  herewith. 

I  have  the  honor  to  add  that  the  same  rule  stated  by  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy,  is  found  in  Section  5  of  the  Army  Regulations  pub- 
lished in  1861.  It  certainly  is  competent  for  Congress  to  change  this 
rule  by  law;  but  it  is  respectfully  suggested  that  a  rule  of  so  long 
standing,  and  of  so  extensive  application,  should  not  be  hastily 
changed;  nor  by  any  authority  less  than  the  full  law-making 
power.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

August  2.  1861. 

i  ADS,  DNA  RG  46,  Thirty-seventh  Congress,  First  Session,  Senate  3/B  A6, 
Box  9.  The  Senate  resolution  directed  that  the  nominations  of  a  list  of  second 
lieutenants  in  the  Marine  Corps  be  returned  to  the  president  and  that  ".  .  .  the 
Senate  are  of  opinion  that  rank  and  position  in  the  Army,  Navy,  or  Marine  Corps 
should  not  be  left  to  be  decided  by  lot,  but  that,  all  other  things  being  equal,  pref- 
erence should  be  given  to  age."  {Executive  Journal,,  July  31,  p.  493).  Secretary 
Welles  replied  that  according  to  Army  and  Navy  regulations  "...  questions  re- 
specting the  rank  of  officers  arising  from  the  sameness  of  dates  in  commissions  of 
the  same  grade  shall  be  decided  ....  by  lottery  among  such  as  have  not  been 
in  the  military  service  of  the  United  States."  (Ibid,  August  3,  p.  527).  Senator 
Hale  from  the  committee  on  Naval  Affairs  reported  August  5,  that  Secretary 
Welles*  citation  of  regulations  ".  .  .  has  not  the  slightest  reference  to  the  case 
under  consideration.  .  .  ."  because  the  regulation  applied  only  to  ".  .  .  officers 
of  different  regiments  or  corps.  It  is  not  to  be  resorted  to,  then,  until  the  other 
tests  provided  are  exhausted,  but  between  officers  of  the  same  date  of  the  same 
regiment  or  corps  the  order  of  appointment  prevails.  It  is  believed  that  this  order 
of  appointment  has  never  .  .  .  been  fixed  by  lot,  and  if  it  shall  be  allowed  in 
the  present  instance  .  .  .  will  be  of  the  most  demoralizing  character.  .  .  ." 
(Ibid.,  p.  548).  But  Senator  Hale's  resolution  to  send  a  copy  of  the  report  to  the 
president  was  voted  down. 

To  Hamilton  R.  Gamble1 

August  3,  1861 

To  His  Excellency  H  R  Gamble  Govr  of  Missouri  Jefferson  City 
In  reply  to  your  message  directed  to  the  President — I  am  directed 
to  say  that  If,2  by  a  proclamation,  you  promise  security  to  citizens 
in  arms  who  voluntarily  return  to  their  allegiance,  and  become 
peaceable,  and  loyal,  this  government  will,  cause  the  promise  to  be 
respected.  SIMON  CAMERON 

War  Deptmt  Secy  of  War 

Washington  Aug  3,  1861 

1  ADf,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Hamilton  R.   Gamble  had  been  inaugurated 
governor  of  Missouri  on  July  31.  On  August  5,  he  issued  a  proclamation  that 

[470] 


AUGUST      5,      l86l 

".  .  .  If  those  citizens,  who  at  the  call  of  the  late  Governor  have  taken  up  arms, 
choose  to  return  voluntarily  to  their  homes  .  .  .  they  will  find  in  the  present 
Executive  a  determination  to  afford  them  all  the  security  in  his  power.  .  .  ." 
(New  York  Tribune,  August  6,  1861).  Although  Cameron's  message,  composed 
in  part  by  Lincoln,  appears  in  the  Tribune  along  with  the  proclamation,  Gamble's 
message  directed  to  the  president  has  not  been  located. 

2  The  draft  in  the  Cameron  Papers  has  the  remainder  of  this  sentence  in  Lin- 
coln's autograph. 

To  Thomas  A.  Scott1 

Executive  Mansion, 
Hon.  Asst.  Secretary  of  War.  Aug.  3,  1861. 

Gen'l  Scroggs  of  New  York  wishes  to  raise  a  military  corps  for 
service  of  the  government  and  I  shall  be  satisfied  with  any  arrange- 
ment you  may  make  with  him  at  the  department  on  the  subject. 
Yours  very  truly,  A. 


1  Tracy,  p.  191.  Thomas  A.  Scott  of  Pennsylvania  had  "been  nominated  assist- 
ant secretary  of  war,  August  3,  1861.  Brigadier  General  Gustavus  A.  Scroggs  of 
the  New  York  Militia  was  authorized  to  recruit  a  regiment  known  as  the  Fourth 
Regiment,  Eagle  Brigade.  It  was  not  fully  recruited  and  when  the  troops  were 
transferred  to  the  Seventy-eighth  New  York  Infantry,  Scroggs  was  not  trans- 
ferred or  com  missioned. 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

I  wish  the  applicant  within  named  to  have  a  $1500  consulate;  and, 
if  possible,  to  be  within  the  German  States.  A.L. 

Aug.  3.  1861. 

1  AES,  IDNA  FS  R.G  59,  Appointments,  Box  332.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is 
written  on  the  hack  of  a  brief  of  papers  recommending  Jacob  T.  Lockhart,  secre- 
tary of  the  Republican  state  committee  of  Indiana,  for  an  unspecified  consulate. 
Lockhart  received  no  consulate,  but  is  listed  in  the  U.S.  Official  Register  9  1861,  as 
Indian  agent  of  the  Nevada  superintendency. 

To  Edward  Bates1 

Hon.  Attorney  General  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  August  5.  1861 

As  you  are  anxious  that  Fletcher  M.  Haight  shall  be  Jud  [g]  e  of 
the  Southern  District  of  California,  send  me  the  nomination.2  Also, 
at  the  request  of  the  Wisconsin  members,  I  conclude  that  Joseph  G. 
Knapp  shall  be  an  Associate  Justice  in  New-Mexico,  in  place  of 
-  Blackwood.3  Yours  truly  A.  Liisrco:oxr 

1  ALS-P,  ISLA, 

2  Fletcher  M.  Haight's  nomination  was  sent  to  the  Senate  on  August  5. 

3  Joseph  G.  Knapp  was  appointed  in  place  of  William  G.  Blackwood.   See 
memorandum  c.  July  15,  supra, 

[471] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

[c.  August  5,  1861] 

Mr.  John  A.  Ford,  as  is  seen  by  the  within  papers  is  or  was  well 
recommended  by  his  neighbors  for  post  master  at  Petersburg.  The 
change  of  sentiment  since  then  has  driven  him  from  his  home  and 
he  now  seeks  the  appointment  of  second  lieutenant  in  the  army.  I 
hope  it  can  be  conveniently  given  him.  A.  LINCOLN. 

Unless  there  is  some  confusion  not  known  to  me  let  Mr.  Ford  be 
appointed.  A.L. 

1  Copy,  ISLA.  The  copies  of  Lincoln's  endorsements  are  undated,  but  on  Au- 
gust 5,  Lincoln  nominated  John  A.  Ford  of  Virginia  for  appointment  as  first 
lieutenant  in  the  Thirteenth  Infantry,  and  the  Senate  confirmed  the  appoint- 
ment the  same  day.  In  addition  to  Lincoln's  endorsements,  Ford's  papers  carry 
an  endorsement  by  Winfleld  Scott  as  follows:  "Mr.  Ford  served  honorably  in 
the  Mexican  War";  and  by  Cameron  as  follows:  "General  Thomas  —  Please  ap- 
point for  it." 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  August  5.  1861 

Col.  John  M.  Wallace,  commanding  a  Regiment,2  now  at 
Harper's  Ferry,  has  become  unable  to  ride  a  horse;  and  therefore 
his  friends  wish  him  to  be  a  Paymaster;  and  I  too,  think  it  ought  to 
be  done. 

Could  you  not  also  put  in  George  A.  Mitchell,  for  a  Paymaster- 
ship;  as  even  then,  Indiana  will  not  have  a  large  share.  Yours  truly 

A. 


1  AL.S,  IHi.  John  M.  "Wallace  and  George  A.  Mitchell  were  both  appointed 
paymasters  on  August  5,  1861. 

2  Lincoln  wrote  and  deleted  "recently  at  Cumberland"  at  this  point. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Would  it  not  be  as  well  to  appoint  James  Cooper,  Brigadier  Gen- 
eral, &  B.  W.  Perkins  Quarter-Master,  as  Cooper  recommends? 
Aug.  5.  1861  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  RPB,  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  envelope  enclosing  Coop- 
er's letter  to  Benjamin  W.  Perkins  of  August  i,  and  Cooper's  letter  to  Cameron 
dated  August  6,  1861.  Cooper,  in  command  of  Maryland  troops  since  May  11, 
1861,  was  nominated  to  the  Senate  December  6,  1861,  as  brigadier  general  of 
Volunteers,  his  commission  to  date  from  May  17,  1861,  and  was  confirmed  by 
the  Senate  February  3,  1862.  Benjamin  W.  Perkins  was  nominated  to  the  Senate 
on  the  same  date  but  was  rejected  on  February  10,  1862. 

[472] 


To  Simon  Cameron* 

The  within  is  reliable,  &  I  ask  respectful  attention  to  it. 
Aug.  5,  1861.  A  L. 

1AES,  owned  by  Richard  F.  LufMn,  Boston,  Massachusetts.  Lincoln's 
endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  a  letter  from  James  C.  Conkling,  recom- 
mending that  a  regiment  raised  by  William  O.  Jones  in  Sangamon,  Morgan, 
Scott,  and  Menard  counties  in  Illinois,  be  accepted.  William  O.  Jones  resigned 
as  lieutenant  colonel  of  the  Forty-sixth  Illinois  Infantry  shortly  after  it  was 
mustered  in  December,  1861. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

It   appears    to    me   that   the   appointment   within   recommended, 
would  be  proper;  but  I  refer  it  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 
Aug.  5,   1861  A. 


1  AES,  IHi.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  Montgomery 
Blair,  August  5,  1861,  endorsed  in  concurrence  by  Edward  Bates  and  others, 
recommending  Captain  Amos  F.  Garrison  of  Missouri,  formerly  of  the  Com- 
missary Department,  for  appointment  as  commissary  in  the  Army  of  the 
United  States.  Garrison  was  appointed  captain  and  commissary  of  Volunteers 
on  August  7,  1861. 

Memorandum  : 
Appointment  of  Edward  E.  Sharp1 

When  the  time  comes,  this  appointment  ought  to  be  made. 
Aug.  5.  1861.  A.  L 

l  AES,  DNA  WE.  RG  94,  U.S.  Military  Academy,  1861,  No.  750,  Box  79.  Lin- 
coln's endorsement  is  "written  on  a  letter  from  Representative  James  S.  Rollins  of 
Missouri,  August  4,  1861,  recommending  Edward  E.  Sharp  for  appointment  at 
large  to  "West  Point.  Although  Lincoln  again  endorsed  the  appointment  on  Jan- 
uary 27,  1862,  as  "A  very  strong  case,"  no  appointment  was  made. 

To  the  Senate1 

August  5,  1861 

To  the  Senate  of  the  United  States:  In  answer  to  the  resolution  of 
your  honorable  body  of  date  July  31,  1861,  requesting  the  President 
to  inform  the  Senate  whether  the  Hon.  James  H.  Lane,  a  member 
of  that  body  from  Kansas.,  has  been  appointed  a  brigadier  general 
in  the  army  of  the  United  States,  and  if  so,  whether  he  has  accepted 
such  appointment,  I  have  the  honor  to  transmit  herewith  certain 
papers,  numbered  i,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  and  7,  which,  taken  together,  ex- 
plain themselves,  and  which  contain  all  the  information  I  possess 

[473] 


AUGUST      69       l86l 

upon  the  questions  propounded.  It  was  my  intention,  as  shown  by 
my  letter  of  June  20,  1861,  to  appoint  Hon.  James  H.  Lane,  of  Kan- 
sas, a  brigadier  general  of  United  States  volunteers,  in  anticipation 
of  the  act  of  Congress,  since  passed,  for  raising  such  volunteers;  and 
I  have  no  further  knowledge  upon  the  subject,  except  as  derived 
from  the  papers  herewith  enclosed.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Executive  Mansion,  August  5,  1861. 

1  Thirty-seventh  Congress,  First  Session,  Senate  Executive  Document  No.  8. 
The  original  cannot  be  located  (DNA  WR  RG  46) .  The  papers  transmitted  by 
Lincoln  are  printed  in  Senate  Executive  Document  No.  8  as  follows:  i.  copy  of 
the  Senate  resolution  of  July  31;  2.  Lincoln  to  Cameron,  August  i  (vide  supra}  • 
3.  copy  of  Lincoln  to  Cameron,  June  20  (vide  supra)  ;  4.  copy  of  Lorenzo  Thomas 
to  Lincoln,  July  15,  informing  the  president  that  the  letter  of  appointment  for 
Lane  directed  on  June  20  had  been  sent  to  Lincoln  for  signature  but  had  not  been 
returned;  5.  copy  of  Lorenzo  Thomas  to  Lane,  July  26,  reminding  Lane  that  he 
has  not  signified  his  acceptance  of  the  appointment;  6.  Lane  to  Thomas,  July  28, 
notifying  that  when  the  Kansas  Brigade  is  organized  and  he  learns  their  wishes 
as  to  a  commander  he  will  signify  his  acceptance  or  non-acceptance. 


To  Rufus  F.  Andrews1 

Hon.  Rufus  F.  Andrews  Washington, 

My  dear  Sir:  August  6,  1861 

Mr.  James  Morss,  wishes  to  be  Deputy-Surveyor  at  New- York.  I 
do  not  know  him  personally,  except  for  the  last  few  days;  but  the 
testimonials  he  has  presented  interest  me  enough  for  him,  to  induce 
me  to  ask  for  him  a  fair  and  careful  consideration  of  his  case.  Yours 
very  truly  A.  LiKrcoLr* 

1  AILS,  Munson- Williams-Proctor  Institute,  Utica,  New  York.  James  Morss  is 
not  listed  as  appointed  in  the  U.S.  Official  Register,  1861. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

August  6,  1861. 

....  Let  these  appointments  be  sent  me  immediately,  unless 
there  be  some  objection  not  known  to  me. 

1  The  Collector,  July- August,  1946,  J  1488.  The  description  accompanying  this 
fragmentary  text  indicates  that  Lincoln's  letter  asked  appointments  for  Samuel 
Simmons  of  Missouri;  Joseph  S.  York,  Bradford  R.  Wood,  Jr.,  and  Charles  A. 
Place  of  New  York;  and  Merritt  H.  Insley  of  Kansas.  All  were  appointed  as  fol- 
lows: Simmons,  captain  and  commissary  of  subsistence  of  Volunteers,  August 
29;  York,  captain  Fifteenth  U.S.  Infantry,  August  29;  Wood,  first  lieutenant 
Forty-fourth  New  York  Infantry,  August  30;  Place,  second  lieutenant  Fifteenth 
New  York  Engineers,  August  27;  Insley,  captain  and  assistant  quartermaster  of 
Volunteers,  August  6,  1861. 

[474] 


To  William  H.  SewarcT 

Hon.  Sec.  of  State —  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  August  6.  1861 

Theodore  D.  Edwards,  on  good  recommendations  was  appointed 
Attorney  for  Colorado  Territory,  and  declines  it. 

He  is  a  Kentuckian,  and  declines  the  office;  and  asks  to  be  Con- 
sul to  Demarara. 

I  do  not  find  an  applicant  for  it  on  our  list;  and  I  do  not  object 
to  his  having  it.  Yours  truly  A.  LIWCOUNT. 

1ALS,  NAuE.  See  Lincoln  to  Seward,  September  17,  infra. 

To  Edward  Bates1 

Atty.  Genl.  please  preserve  these. 
Aug.  7,  1861  A  L. 

1  AES,  InFtwL.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  -written  on  a  recommendation  of 
certain  Kentucky  congressmen,  dated  July  31,  1861,  for  the  appointment  of  Jere- 
miah T.  Boyle  as  U.S.  district  judge  in  Kentucky.  Boyle  was  not  appointed  to 
a  judgeship,  but  became  a  brigadier  general  of  Volunteers  on  November  9,  1861. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Secretary  of  War  Executive  Mansion,  Aug.  7.  1861 

My  dear  Sir:  The  within  paper,  as  you  see,  is  by  Hon.  John  S. 
Phelps,  and  Hon.  Frank  P.  Blair  Jr.  both  members  of  the  present 
Congress  from  Missouri.  The  object  is  to  get  up  an  efficient  force 
of  Missourians  in  the  South  Western  part  of  the  State.  It  ought  to 
be  done;  and  Mr.  Phelps  ought  to  have  general  Superintendence  of 
it.  I  see  by  a  private  report  to  me  from  the  Department,  that  18 
regiments  are  already  accepted  from  Missouri.2  Can  it  not  be  ar- 
ranged that  part  of  them  (not  yet  organized,  as  I  understand)  may 
be  taken  from  the  locality  mentioned,  and  put  under  the  control  of 
Mr.  Phelps?  And  let  him  have  discretion  to  accept  them  for  a 
shorter  term  than  three  years,  or  the  war;  understanding,  however 
that  he  will  get  them  for  the  full  term  if  he  can.  I  hope  this  can 
be  done,  because  Mr.  Phelps  is  too  zealous  &  efficient;  and  under- 
stands his  ground  too  well  for  us  to  lose  his  service.  Of  course  pro- 
vision for  arming,  equiping  &c.  must  be  made.  Mr.  Phelps  is  here, 
&  wishes  to  carry  home  with  him,  authority  for  this  matter.  Yours 
truly  A.  Lnxrcousr 

1  ALS-F,  American  Art  Association  Catalog,  February  20-21,  1928,  No.  258. 
John  S.  Phelps  of  Springfield,  Missouri,  and  Francis  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  wrote  Lincoln 
on  August  6,  1861,  recommending  that  additional  troops  be  raised  in  Missouri, 
enlisted  for  six  months  if  desirable,  to  ".  .  .  repel  the  threatened  invasions  .  .  . 

[475] 


AU  GTJST      7,       l86l 

to  invade  Arkansas,  and  ...  to  keep  the  Indians  west  of  that  state  in  subjec- 
tion. .  .  ."  (OR,  I,  III,  430).  Thomas  A.  Scott  to  Phelps,  August  8,  1861,  author- 
ized ".  .  .  five  regiments  of  infantry  and  one  ...  of  cavalry  for  six  months,  or 
.  .  .  the  duration  of  the  war.  .  .  ."  (Ibid^  III,  I,  39^). 

2  Thomas  A.  Scott  to  Lincoln,  August  3,  1861   (DLC-RTL). 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

August  7,  1861 

Gov.  Koerner,  who  proposes  within  to  raise  additional  forces  for 
us,  is  one  of  the  most  reliable  of  men.  If  the  Department  can  safely 
promise  to  take  the  troops,  it  can  be  done  with  as  much  reliance  on 
Gov.  Koerner,  as  on  any  other  man.  A  LINCOLN 

Aug.  7.  1861 

1  Stan.  V.  Henkels  Catalog,  May  19,  1925,  No.  142.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is 
described  as  written  on  the  back  of  a  letter  from  Trumbull  to  Lincoln,  dated  Au- 
gust 7,  1861,  forwarding  and  endorsing  Koerner's  offer  to  raise  more  German 
regiments.  See  Lincoln  to  Koerner,  August  8,  infra. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  August  7,  1861 

Senator  Lane,  of  Kansas  -wishes  appointments  for  Kansas  volun- 
teers— as  follow. 

A.  C.  Wilder,  to  be  Assist.  Com.  of  Subsistence.2 
Dr.  Rufus  Gilpatrick,  to  be  a  Brigade  Surgeon — 3 
Henry  /.  Adams,  to  be  a  Paymaster4 
Dr.  W.  W.  Updegraffy  to  be  a  Paymaster — 5 

I  am  satisfied  that  these  appointments  be  made.       A.  LINCOLN 

*  ALS-P,  ISLA.  2  A.  Carter  Wilder  was  appointed  August  7,  1861. 

3  No  record  of  the  appointment  of  Rufus  Gilpatrick  has  been  found,  but  several 
references  to  his  service  in  connection  with  an  expedition  into  Indian  territory 
occur  in  the  Official  Records.  He  was  tilled  at  "Webber's  Falls,  Cherokee  Nation, 
April  25,  1863,  while  dressing  wounds  of  a  Confederate  soldier. 

4  Henry  J.  Adams  was  appointed  September  5,  1861. 

5  w.  W.  UpdegrafFs  appointment  is  not  of  record,  but  he  served  later  as  first 
lieutenant,  Third  Brigade  of  Kansas  Militia. 

Designation  of  William  E  Dole  to  Present 
Treaty  to  the  Delaware  Indians1 

Washington,  August  7.  1861 

I  designate  William  P.  Dole,  Commissioner  of  Indian  A£fa[i]rs, 
to  present  the  treaty,  as  amended,  mentioned  above,  to  the  Indians2 
for  their  acceptance;  and  to  take  such  acceptance,  if  freely  given, 

[476] 


AUGUST      7,      l86l 

with  the  signatures  of  said  Indians;3  and  to  certify  his  proceedings 
herein  to  the  Executive.  ABRAHAM  ~ 


1  AES,  DNA  FS  RG  11,  General  Records,  No.  317,  Treaty  with  the  Delaware* 
at  Leavenworth  City,  Kansas,  July  2,  1861.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on 
the  bottom  of  the  copy  of  the  Senate  resolution  amending  and  ratifying  the 
treaty,  August  6,  1861. 

2  "Through  their  chiefs  &  Head  men"  inserted  at  this  point  in  another  hand. 

3  Semicolon   changed  to   comma   and   "chiefs  &   Head"   inserted  in   another 
hand. 

To  James  S.  Jackson1 

Hon:  James  S.  Jackson  Washington, 

My  dear  Sir  Aug.  7.  1861 

If  you  will,  with  the  concurrence  of  the  Union  members  of  Con- 
gress, of  Kentucky,  raise  a  Regiment  of  Cavalry  in  that  State,  it 
shall  be  received  into  the  U.S.  service  —  yourself  to  be  Colonel,  and, 
if  you  please,  Capt.  R.  Johnson2  to  be  Lieut.  Colonel.  Yours  very 
truly  A.  LINCOUNT 

1  ALS,  The  Rosenbach  Company,  Philadelphia  and  New  York.  Representative 
James  S.  Jackson  organized  the  Third  Kentucky  Cavalry,  which  was  mustered 
into  U.S.  service  on  December  31,  1861.  He  was  made  brigadier  general  of  Vol- 
unteers July  10,  1862,  and  was  killed  at  the  battle  of  Perryville,  October  8,  1862. 

2  Richard  W.  Johnson  was  appointed  brigadier  general  of  Volunteers  October  11, 
1861,  before  the  Third  Kentucky  Cavalry  was  fully  organized. 

To  John  A.  McClernand1 

Hon.  John  A  McClernand  Executive  Mansion. 

My  Dear  Sir,  Aug.  /th.  1861. 

You  having  been  appointed  a  Brigadier  General  of  Illinois  Vol- 
unteers — 

Your  Brigade  will  consist  of  four  regiments  —  if  convenient  and 
desirable  —  one  company  of  cavalry  in  each  regiment  and  two  artil- 
lery companies.  Any  four  regiments  -which  will  be  agreeable  to 
you  and  to  one  another,  will  be  agreeable  to  me.  One  Regt  of  Hon 
John  A.  Logan,  one  of  Hon  P  B  Fouke,  one  of  Hon  J.  N.  Coler,  and 
one  of  Hon  B.  C.  Cook,  will  be  entirely  satisfactory  to  me2  —  or  if 
any  one  of  these  Regiments  fail,  take  any  other  that  is  agreeable  to 
you  and  to  the  regiment.  In  all  this,  I  think  it  will  conduce  to  har- 
mony for  you  to  confer  with  Major  General  Fremont. 

A. 


1  Copy,  DLC-RTjL.  The  copy  was  enclosed  by  McClernand  to  Lincoln,  January 
3,  1862. 

2  Philip  B.  Fouke  was,  colonel  of  the  Thirtieth  Illinois;  John  A.  Logan,  colonel 
of  the  Thirty-first  Illinois;  William  N.  Coler,  colonel  of  the  Twenty-fifth  Illi- 
nois; Burton  C,  Cook,  not  appointed. 

[477] 


Memorandum:  Appointment  of  John  Matthews1 

Let  Dr.  John  Matthews  be  a  Regimental  Surgeon  for  Kentucky  vol- 
unteers. A.  LINCOLN 
Aug.  7.  1861. 

*  AES,  owned  by  Dale  Carnegie,  Forest  Hills,  New  York.  Lincoln's  endorse- 
ment has  been  clipped  from  the  papers  on  which  it  was  written.  Dr.  John  Mat- 
thews was  regimental  surgeon  in  the  Fifth  Kentucky  Infantry. 

To  Winfield  Scott1 

Lieut.  Gen'l.  Scott.  Executive  Mansion,  August  7,  1861. 

My  dear  Sir:  If  it  be  true,  as  is  intimated  to  me  that  you  think 
Gen'l  Wool  should  go  to  Fortress  Monroe,  let  him  be  ordered  there 
at  once.  Yours  very  truly,  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  Tracy,  p.  192.  Major  General  John  E.  Wool  took  command  at  Fort  Monroe, 
August  17,  1861,  relieving  Benjamin  F.  Butler.  Edwin  D.  Morgan  had  written  to 
Lincoln,  August  5,  1861,  ".  .  .  Against  the  distinguished  and  loyal  General 
Officer  in  command  at  Fortress  Monroe  I  should  be  the  last  to  make  complaint. 
.  .  .  But  .  .  .  the  duty  of  disciplining  undrilled  troops  could  be  most  safely  com- 
mitted to  an  experienced  army  officer.  ...  I  beg  to  propose  .  .  Major  General 
Wool.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL). 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  State  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  August  7.  1861 

I  have  all  the  while  intended  for  you  to  appoint  the  Consul  to 
Paris.  Senator  Simmons  thinks  you  now  wish  to  appoint  William 
B.  Richmond,  of  Tenn;  and  if  this  is  so,  send  me  the  Commission 
at  once,  &  I  will  sign  it.  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1 ALS,  NAuE.  See  Lincoln's  memorandum  concerning  this  appointment, 
c.  April  i,  Lincoln  to  Seward  concerning  the  appointment  of  'William  W  Rich- 
mond, June  8,  supra,  and  Lincoln's  memorandum  concerning  the  same,  August 
25,  infra.  Senator  James  F.  Simmons  of  Rhode  Island  undoubtedly  recommended 
William  B.  Richmond  for  the  appointment,  and  through  confusion  of  the  names 
was  listed  as  a  supporter  of  "William  W.  Richmond.  Recommendations  by  Senator 
Andrew  Johnson  of  Tennessee  for  both  men  are  also  involved  in  the  confused 
cases.  Lincoln  was  under  the  impression  that  William  W.  Richmond  was  claim- 
ing Senator  Simmons*  sponsorship  under  false  pretenses. 

To  Gideon  Welles1 

[August  7,  1861] 
I  have  just  received  this,  and  now  refer  it  to  the  Secretary  of 

the  Navy. 

1  Naval  Records,  I,  XVI,  618.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  on  a  telegram 
received  from  Bellamy  Storer,  judge  of  the  Superior  Court  of  Cincinnati,  August 

[478] 


AUGUST      g,      l86l 

7,  1861,  stating  that  "Private  information  to  me  from  Savannah  assures  me  that 
[  Josiah]  Tattnall  is  about  to  move  against  the  blockading  fleet.  He  has  six  armed 
tugs.  Have  we  a  squadron  large  enough  to  oppose  him?"  Secretary  Welles  for- 
warded the  information  to  Flag  Officer  William  Mervine  in  command  of  the 
squadron  at  Key  West,  Florida. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion  Aug.  8.  1861 

My  dear  Sir  Edward  Ellsworth,  first  couisin  to  Col.  Ellsworth 
who  fell  at  Alexandria,  is  a  non-commissioned  officer  in  the  4th. 
Regiment  of  Michigan  volunteers,  now  stationed  at  the  Relay 
House,  wishes  to  be  a  2nd.  Lieut,  in  the  Army.  He  is  present  while 
I  write  this;  and  he  is  an  intelligent,  and  an  exceedingly  wary  ap- 
pearing young  man  of  20  years'  age.  I  shall  be  glad  if  a  place  can 
be  found  for  him  Yours  truly  A. 


1  AL.S,  ORB.  Edward  A.  Ellsworth  was  appointed  second  lieutenant  in  the 
Eleventh  Infantry  to  date  from  October  24,  ±861,  and  promoted  to  first  lieutenant 
as  of  the  same  date,  according  to  the  War  Department's  list  of  promotions  dated 
March  15,  1862,  and  confirmed  by  the  Senate  on  April  14,  1862. 

To  Gustave  E  Koerner1 

Hon.  G.  Koerner  Washington,  D.C.  Aug.  8.   1861 

My  dear  Sir  Your  despatch,  saying  application  of  German  Bri- 
gade is  withdrawn  is  just  received.  "Without  occupying  our  stand- 
point, you  can  not  conceive  how  this  subject  embarrasses  us.  We 
have  promises  out  to  more  than  four  hundred  Regiments,  which,  if 
they  all  come,  are  more  than  we  want.  If  they  all  come,  we  could 
not  take  yours,  if  they  do  not  all  come  we  shall  want  yours;  and 
yet  we  have  no  possible  means  of  knowing  whether  they  will  all 
come  or  not.  I  hope  you  will  make  due  allowance  for  the  embar- 
rassment this  produces.  Yours  truly  A.  LmsrcoLiN" 

1  AL.S,  MoSHi.  Gustave  E  Koerner  had  to  abandon  his  plan  for  raising  a  regi- 
ment of  Germans  because  the  competition  for  re-enlisting  the  three-months  troops 
into  three-years-or-the-war  regiments,  already  approved,  left  fewer  men  avail- 
able than  he  had  anticipated  (Memoirs  of  Gustave  Koerner9  edited  by  Thomas 
J  McCormack,  II,  164). 

To  Lorenzo  Thomas1 

Adjutant  Genl.  Thomas.  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  August  9.  1861 

By  the  appointment  of  -  Marcy,  this  morning,  as  Inspector 
General,  a  vacancy  of  Pay-master,  as  you  said,  was  made.  Oblige 

[479] 


AUGUST      1O,       l86l 

Mr.  Senator  King,  by  giving  that  place  to  Simeon  Smith  of  Min- 
nesota. Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  IHi.  Randolph  B.  Marcy  was  appointed  inspector  general  August  9, 
and  commissioned  brigadier  general  of  Volunteers  September  23,  1861.  Simeon 
Smith  received  the  appointment  in  lieu  of  a  place  in  the  Treasury.  See  Lincoln 
to  Chase,  July  18,  supra. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Let  Alexander  Bielaski  be  appointed  an  Aid  de  camp,  with  the  rank 
of  Captain,  to  Brigadier  General  McClernand.          A.  LINCOLN 
August  10.  1861. 

1  AES,  Polish  Roman  Catholic  Union,  Chicago,  Illinois.  Lincoln's  endorsement 
follows  a  recommendation  by  Winfield  Scott  written  on  the  hack  of  John  A.  Mc- 
Clernand to  Scott,  August  10,  1861,  asking  that  Alexander  Bielaski  he  appointed 
".  .  .  my  aid  de  camp."  Bielaski  was  appointed  with  rank  of  captain  August  10, 
and  was  killed  at  the  battle  of  Belmont,  Missouri,  November  7,  1861.  McClernand 
to  Lincoln  September  11,  however,  refers  to  Bielaski's  commission  having  been 
revoked  (see  Lincoln  to  Lorenzo  Thomas,  September  17,  infra). 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War.  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  August  10.  1861 

If  Ohio  is  not  already  overstocked  with  Paymasterships  of  Volun- 
teers, let  Richard  E  L.  Baber  have  one.  I  personally  wish  this  done. 
Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Richard  E  L.  Baber,  active  Republican  of  Colum- 
bus, Ohio,  was  appointed  additional  paymaster,  September  12,  1861,  having  de- 
clined appointment  as  consul  at  Matanzas,  Cuba  (Seward  to  Lincoln,  July  25, 
1861,  DLC-RTL). 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  August  10.  1861 

It  is  said  Capt.  McKnabb,  or,  McNabb,  in  Utah,  has  been  dis- 
missed from  the  Army  on  the  charge  of  being  a  disunionist;  and 
that  he  wishes  a  hearing  to  enable  him  to  show  that  the  charge  is 
false.  Fair  play  is  a  Jewell.  Give  him  a  chance  if  you  can.  Yours 
truly  A. 


1  ALS,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Captain  John  McNab  of  the  Tenth  Infantry,  in 
command  at  Fort  Laramie,  had  been  dismissed  July  i,  1861,  on  grounds  of  dis- 
loyalty. There  is  no  record  of  his  reinstatement. 

[480] 


To  George  B.  McClellan1 

Can  Gen.  McClellan  suggest  what  is  to  be  done  in  the  within 

case?  A.  LINCOLN 

Augt.  10,  1861 

i  AES,  ORB.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  William  S.  Rosecrans'  tele- 
gram dated  at  Clarksburg,  August  10,  detailing  the  need  for  officers  and  drill 
masters  with  "military  education/'  to  lead  and  train  the  raw  troops  in  Western 
Virginia. 


Pass  for  Messrs.  Blakey  and  Veluzat1 

Messrs.  Blakey  &  Valuzat,  should  have  passes  to  visit  our  camps 
over  the  River,  if  they  apply  for  them.  A.  LINCOLN 

Aug.  10,  1861 

1  ADS,  NHL  The  men  to  whom  Lincoln  gave  the  card  containing  his  recom- 
mendation for  a  pass  were  probably  George  D.  Blakey  of  Bowling  Green,  Ken- 
tucky, and  Joel  S  Veluzat,  a  first  lieutenant  in  the  Thirteenth  Kentucky  Infantry. 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

I  do  not  object  to  Senator  McDougal  being  obliged  by  the  ap- 
pointment of  the  -within  named.  A,  LINGOES' 
Aug.  10,  1861 

1  AES,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  272.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  writ- 
ten on  the  back  of  James  A.  McDougall  to  Lincoln,  August  6,  1861,  recommend- 
ing Israel  S.  Diehl  of  California  for  consul  **.  .  .  at  Smyrna  or  to  some  post  in 
the  East.  .  .  .  Mr.  Diehl  has  long  and  prominently  been  identified  with  those 
reformatory  movements  which  have  done  so  much  to  benefit  the  people  of  the 
Pacific  coast.  .  .  ."  Diehl  was  appointed  consul  at  Batavia,  Java,  August  12, 
1861. 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

No.  8 

Augustus  Haight,  of  Judge  Sloan's  District — for  a  Consulship.  Let 
it  be  fairly  considered.  A  L. 

August  10.  1861. 

1  AES,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  299.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  writ- 
ten on  an  envelope  addressed  by  Lincoln  to  "Hon  Sec.  of  State."  Wisconsin  Rep- 
resentative Andrew  S.  Sloan's  candidate  for  a  consulship  is  not  listed  as 
appointed  to  office. 

[481] 


Proclamation  of  a  National  Fast  Day1 

August  12,  1861 
By  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America: 

A  Proclamation. 

Whereas  a  joint  Committee  of  both  Houses  of  Congress  has 
waited  on  the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  requested  him  to 
"recommend  a  day  of  public  humiliation,  prayer  and  fasting,  to  be 
observed  by  the  people  of  the  United  States  with  religious  solemni- 
ties, and  the  offering  of  fervent  supplications  to  Almighty  God  for 
the  safety  and  welfare  of  these  States,  His  blessings  on  their  arms, 
and  a  speedy  restoration  of  peace:" — 

And  whereas  it  is  fit  and  becoming  in  all  people,  at  all  times,  to 
acknowledge  and  revere  the  Supreme  Government  of  God;  to  bow- 
in  humble  submission  to  his  chastisements;  to  confess  and  deplore 
their  sins  and  transgressions  in  the  full  conviction  that  the  fear  of 
the  Lord  is  the  beginning  of  wisdom;  and  to  pray,  with  all  fervency 
and  contrition,  for  the  pardon  of  their  past  offences,  and  for  a  bless- 
ing upon  their  present  and  prospective  action: 

And  whereas,  when  our  own  beloved  Country,  once,  by  the  bless- 
ing of  God,  united,  prosperous  and  happy,  is  now  afflicted  with 
faction  and  civil  war,  it  is  peculiarly  fit  for  us  to  recognize  the 
hand  of  God  in  this  terrible  visitation,  and  in  sorrowful  remem- 
brance of  our  own  faults  and  crimes  as  a  nation  and  as  individuals, 
to  humble  ourselves  before  Him,  and  to  pray  for  His  mercy, — to 
pray  that  we  may  be  spared  further  punishment,  though  most  just- 
ly deserved;  that  our  arms  may  be  blessed  and  made  effectual  for 
the  re-establishment  of  law,  order  and  peace,  throughout  the  wide 
extent  of  our  country;  and  that  the  inestimable  boon  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty,  earned  under  His  guidance  and  blessing,  by  the 
labors  and  sufferings  of  our  fathers,  may  be  restored  in  all  its  orig- 
inal excellence: — • 

Therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United  States, 
do  appoint  the  last  Thursday  in  September  next,  as  a  day  of  humil- 
iation, prayer  and  fasting  for  all  the  people  of  the  nation.  And  I  do 
earnestly  recommend  to  all  the  People,  and  especially  to  all  min- 
isters and  teachers  of  religion  of  all  denominations,  and  to  all  heads 
of  families,  to  observe  and  keep  that  day  according  to  their  several 
creeds  and  modes  of  worship,  in  all  humility  and  with  all  religious 
solemnity,  to  the  end  that  the  united  prayer  of  the  nation  may  as- 
cend to  the  Throne  of  Grace  and  bring  down  plentiful  blessings 
upon  our  Country. 

[482] 


AUGUST      ±3,      l86l 

In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  and  caused 

the  Seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed,  this   i2tfa. 

[L.S.]  day  of  August  A.D.   1861,  and  of  the  Independence  of 

the  United  States  of  America  the  86th. 

By  the  President:  ABRAECAM  LINCOLN. 

"WiLLiAivr  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 

*  DS,  DNA  FS  RG  11,  Proclamations. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  August  13.  1861 

Let  noiv  Brigadier  Genl.  David  Hunter  be  a  Major  General  of 
Volunteers  to  be  assigned  to  a  Division  of  Illinois  Volunteers.  Also 
let  George  H.  Stoneman,  and  William  F.  Smith,  both  now  in  the 
service,  each  be  a  Brigadier  General  of  Volunteers.  Also  Henry  W. 
Benham,  a  Brigadier  General  of  Volunteers.  I  mean  Capt.  Benham, 
so  often  spoken  of,  and  am  not  sure  I  have  his  Christian  name  cor- 
rect; but  you  will  know.2  Yours  truly  A. 


1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  The  four  appointments  were  made  August  13,  according  to 
Lincoln's  instructions. 

2  Henry  W.  Benham  had  been  appointed  major  in  the  corps  of  engineers  on 
August  6. 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

Hon.  Mr.  Babbit  presents  this,  &  I  ask  respectful  attention  to 
it.  A.  LINCOLN 

Aug.  13.  1861 

1  AES,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  263.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is 
written  on  the  back  of  a  letter  written  by  Representative  Elijah  Babbitt  of 
Pennsylvania,  August  13,  1861,  recommending  Allen  A.  Craig  for  a  consulship, 
preferably  at  Glasgow.  Craig  is  not  listed  as  appointed  to  any  consulship. 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

Why  may  not  this  young  man  have  Venice,  which  is  only  $750—  or 

Nice,  which  has  Fees  only?  Senator  Pomeroy  is  very  anxious  for  it. 

Aug.  13.  1861.  A.  LINCOLN 

1AES,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  242.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is 
written  on  the  back  of  the  application  and  list  of  recommendations  of  Antonio 
Buchignani  for  the  consulship  at  Venice  or  Nice,  August—  1861.  No  appointment 
for  Buchignani  is  listed  in  the  U.S.  Official  Register,  1861,  but  in  1863  he  is  listed 
as  messenger  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 

[483] 


To  Winfield  Scott1 

August  14,  1861 

I  have  only  a  slight  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Villard,  as  a  gentle- 
manly newspaper  correspondent;  and  as  such  I  commend  him  to 
others.  A 


Aug.  14.  1861. 

1  AES,  DLC-RTL.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  Henry  Vil- 
lard's  letter,  undated,  offering  his  services  ".  .  .in  supplying  General  Scott  with 
whatever  information  of  usefulness  to  him  I  shall  be  able  to  collect  during  my 
stay  in  Memphis,  Richmond,  New  Orleans  &  other  points  I  propose  to  visit.  .  .  ." 
There  is  no  indication  in  Villard's  Memoirs  that  anything  came  of  this  offer,  but 
his  tour  was  fully  reported  in  the  New  York  Herald  and  is  extensively  recounted 
in  Villard's  Memoirs  (I,  200  ff.). 

To  Lorenzo  Thomas1 

August  14,  1861 

It  is  said  Capt.  Dallas  was  rejected  by  the  Senate  through  mistake. 
If  Gen.  Thomas  can  be  satisfied,  to  a  reasonable  degree  of  certainty, 
that  this  is  true,  let  Capt.  Dallas  be  reappointed  at  once. 

Aug.  14.  1861  A.  LiisrcoLN 

1  AES,  owned  by  B..  E.  Burdick,  New  York  City.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  writ- 
ten on  a  letter  from  Brigadier  General  William  B.  Franklin,  August  12,  request- 
ing that  the  case  of  Alexander  J,  Dallas,  whose  appointment  as  captain  in  the 
Twelfth  Infantry  had  been  rejected  by  the  Senate  on  August  5,  be  reconsidered 
on  the  basis  of  information  furnished  by  Franklin.  Below  Lincoln's  endorsement 
is  the  following: 

"It  was  stated  in  the  Military  Comtee.  of  Senate,  that  Capt.  Dallas  was  dis- 
missed from  the  Navy  &  Marine  Corps.  This  caused  his  rejection.  Had  the  truth 
been  known,  he  would  have  been  confirmed  by  the  Senate  &  endorsed  by  the 
Comtee.  without  doubt.  In  my  opinion  a  great  wrong  has  been  done  this  gentle- 
man. "MILTON  S.  LATHAM 

"Aug  15.761  of  S.  Mil.  Comtee. 

"I  concur  in  the  above 
H  WILSON" 

Dallas  had  served  (1846-1851)  as  midshipman  in  the  Navy.  See  Lincoln's  fur- 
ther communication  to  Thomas  in  this  case,  August  17,  infra. 

To  John  C.  Fremont1 

Washington,  August  15,  1861. 

Been  answering  your  messages  ever  since  day  before  yesterday. 
Do  you  receive  the  answers?  The  War  Department  has  notified  all 
the  governors  you  designate  to  f  orward  all  available  force.  So  tele- 
graphed you.  Have  you  received  these  messages?  Answer  imme- 
diately. A. 

Major  General  Fremont. 

[484] 


AUGUST      15,       l86l 

l  Thirty-seventh  Congress,  Third  Session,  Senate  Reports,  No.  8,  III,  115.  Sen- 
ate Report  No.  8  dates  this  telegram  August  5,  1861,  but  this  is  obviously  a  mis- 
print, as  Lincoln's  telegram,  is  printed  in  sequence  following  communications  of 
August  14,  and  Fremont  replied  on  August  15,  "Dispatch  rec'd.  Answer  reed  from 
Messrs.  Blair  &  Scott  yesterday  &  today  from  secty  of  war."  (DLC-RTL)  .  Follow- 
ing the  Confederate  advances  of  early  August  in  Southwest  Missouri  and  up  the 
Mississippi  River,  Fremont  was  frantically  requesting  reinforcements  for  his 
command. 

To  John  A.  Gurley1 

Washington,  D.C.,  August  15,  1861. 

John  A.  Gurley,  Cincinnati,  Ohio:  The  Grosbeck  regiment  is  or- 
dered to  join  Fremont  at  once.  Has  it  gone?  Answer  immediately. 

A.  LIN-COUN-. 

1  NH,  VI,  344.  Gurley's  telegram  to  Lincoln  from  Cincinnati,  August  14, 
asked  authority  to  send  "the  Groesbeck  Regt."  to  Fremont.  In  reply  to  the  above 
telegram,  Gurley  informed  Lincoln,  August  15,  that  the  regiment  had  not  gone 
but  "Will  go  soon."  (DLC-RTL).  The  regiment  commanded  by  Colonel  John 
Groesbeck  became  the  Thirty-ninth  Ohio  Infantry. 

To  Oliver  E  Morton1 

War  Department, 

Washington  City  August  15,  1861  —  9:20  a.m. 
Governor  Morton,  Indiana:  Start  your  four  regiments  to  Saint 
Louis  at  the  earliest  moment  possible.  Get  such  harness  as  may  be 
necessary  for  your  rifled  guns.  Do  not  delay  a  single  regiment,  but 
hasten  everything  forward  as  soon  as  any  one  regiment  is  ready. 
Have  your  three  additional  regiments  organized  at  once.  "We  shall 
endeavor  to  send  you  the  arms  this  week.  A. 


1  OR,  III,  I,  413.  Morton  to  Cameron,  August  14:  "Will  start  four  regiments  to 
Saint  Louis  day  after  to-morrow.  I  have  .  .  .  three  battalions  of  rifled  cannon 
.  .  .  but  have  no  harness.  .  .  .  "Will  have  three  additional  regiments  ready  in 
six  days,  but  they  have  no  arms.  .  .  ."  (Ibid.,  p.  410). 

To  James  Pollock1 

Hon.  James  Pollock  Washington,  August  15,  1861 

My  dear  Sir  You  must  make  a  job  of  it,  and  provide  a  place  for 
the  bearer  of  this,  Elias  Wampole.  Make  a  job  of  it  with  the  Col- 
lector, and  have  it  done.  You  can  do  it  for  me,  and  you  must.  Yours 
as  ever  A 


i  AL.S,  PHC.  James  Pollock,  former  governor  of  Pennsylvania  (1855-1858), 
was  director  of  the  mint  at  Philadelphia.  The  U.S.  Official  Register  does  not  list 
Elias  Wampole  in  1861,  but  in  1863,  he  appears  as  consul  at  Laguayra,  Venezuela, 

[485] 


AUGUST       16,       l86l 

appointed  from  Pennsylvania.  William  B,  Thomas,  collector  of  customs  at  Phila- 
delphia, wrote  to  Lincoln  August  22,  that  Pollock  had  called  with  Lincoln's  letter 
recommending  Wampole,  but  that  since  Wampole  was  really  a  citizen  of  Illi- 
nois he  should  get  an  office  there  (DLC-Nicolay  Papers).  Wampole  had  formerly 
resided  in  Menard  County,  Illinois,  where  he  doubtless  made  Lincoln's  acquaint- 
ance. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  Aug.  16.  1861 

If  there  is  a  letter  in  your  Dept.  written  by  Col.  Cass  of  Mass. 
gth.  in  relation  to  trial  of  Michael  H.  Macnamara,  by  a  Court 
Marshal  [_sic~]  ,  please  send  it  to  me  —  by  the  bearer. 

A. 


1  ALS,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  There  is  no  reply  from  Cameron  in  the  Lincoln 
Papers.  Colonel  Thomas  Cass  was  in  command  of  the  Ninth  Massachusetts  In- 
fantry, from,  -which  First  Lieutenant  Michael  H.  McNamara,  of  Company  E, 
was  dismissed  on  September  10,  1861.  McNamara  enlisted  again  as  a  private 
August  14,  1862,  and  was  mustered  out  as  sergeant  June  21,  1864. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

I  believe  the  writer  of  this  is  our  Gen.  Thomas,  M.Q  of  Maryland; 
and  if  so,  let  the  man  he  recommends  be  appointed. 
Aug.  16.  1861  A. 


1  AES,  IHi.  Lincoln's  endorsement  appears  on  a  letter  from  Representa- 
tive Francis  Thomas,  Washington,  August  16,  1861,  requesting  appointment  as 
lieutenant  of  George  M.  Downey,  "who  on  account  of  his  earnest  devoted  sup- 
port of  your  administration  has  been  forced  to  leave  his  home  at  Piedmont 
Virginia.  .  .  ."  Downey  was  appointed  first  lieutenant  in  the  Fourteenth  TJ.S 
Infantry  on  October  26,  1861. 


Memorandum : 

Appointment  of  Clarence  Darling1 

Executive  Mansion     Aug.  16.  1861 

To-day  William  A.  Darling,  of  New- York,  and  a  Presidential  Elec- 
tor last  year,  calls  and  asks  that  his  son,  Clarence  Darling,  not  16 
till  Oct.  1862  —  be  a  Cadet  at  West.  Point.  I  file  this  for  a  memor- 
andum till  the  time  comes.  A.  LiisrcoLisr 

1  ADS,  DLC-RTL.  There  is  no  record  of  the  appointment  of  Clarence  Darling. 

[486] 


Proclamation  Forbidding  Intercourse 
with  Rebel  States1 

August  16,  1861 
By  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

A  Proclamation 

Whereas,  on  the  igth.  day  of  April,  1861,  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  in  view  of  an  insurrection  against  the  Laws  Consti- 
tution and  Government  of  the  United  States  which  had  broken  out 
within  the  States  of  South  Carolina  Georgia,  Alabama,  Florida, 
Mississippi,  Louisiana  &  Texas,  and  in  pursuance  of  the  provisions 
of  the  Act  entitled  "An  Act  to  provide  for  calling  forth  the  militia 
to  execute  the  laws  of  the  Union,  suppress  insurrections,  and  repel 
invasions,  and  to  repeal  the  act  now  in  force  for  that  purpose,"  ap- 
proved Feb.  28th.,  1795,  did  call  forth  the  militia  to  suppress  said 
insurrection  and  to  cause  the  Laws  of  the  Union  to  be  duly  exe- 
cuted, and  the  insurgents  have  failed  to  disperse  by  the  time  di- 
rected by  the  President,  and  whereas  such  insurrection  has  since 
broken  out  and  yet  exists  within  the  States  of  Virginia,  North  Caro- 
lina, Tennessee  and  Arkansas;  and  whereas  the  insurgents  in  all 
the  said  States  claim  to  act  under  the  authority  thereof,  and  such 
claim  is  not  disclaimed  or  repudiated  by  the  persons  exercising  the 
functions  of  government  in  such  State  or  States,  or  in  the  part  or 
parts  thereof  in  which  such  combinations  exist,  nor  has  such  insur- 
rection been  suppressed  by  said  States;  Now,  therefore,  I,  Abraham 
Lincoln,  President  of  the  United  States,  in  pursuance  of  an  Act  of 
Congress  approved  July  13,  1861,  do  hereby  declare  that  the  in- 
habitants of  the  said  States  of  Georgia,  South  Carolina,  Virginia, 
North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Alabama,  Louisiana,  Texas,  Arkansas, 
Mississippi  &  Florida  (except  the  inhabitants  of  that  part  of  the 
State  of  Virginia  lying  "west  of  the  Allegheny  Mountains  and  of 
such  other  parts  of  that  State  &  the  other  States  hereinbefore 
named  as  may  maintain  a  loyal  adhesion  to  the  Union  and  the 
Constitution,  or  may  be  from  time  to  time  occupied  and  controlled 
by  forces  of  the  United  States  engaged  in  the  dispersion  of  said  in- 
surgents,) are  in  a  state  of  insurrection  against  the  United  States, 
and  that  all  commercial  intercourse  between  the  same  and  the  in- 
habitants thereof,  -with  the  exceptions  aforesaid,  and  the  citizens  of 
other  States  and  other  parts  of  the  United  States  is  unlawful,  and 
will  remain  unlawful  until  such  insurrection  shall  cease  or  has 
been  suppressed;  that  all  goods  and  chattels,  wares  and  merchan- 
dize, coming  from  any  of  said  States,  with  the  exceptions  aforesaid, 

[487] 


AUGUST       I/,       l86l 

into  other  parts  of  the  United  States,  -without  the  special  license 
and  permission  of  the  President  through  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  or  proceeding  to  any  of  said  States,  with  the  exceptions 
aforesaid,  by  land  or  -water,  together  with  the  vessel  or  vehicle 
conveying  the  same,  or  conveying  persons  to  or  from  said  States 
with  said  exceptions,  will  be  forfeited  to  the  United  States;  and  that 
from  and  after  Fifteen  Days  from  the  issuing  of  this  Proclamation, 
all  ships  and  vessels  belonging  in  whole  or  in  part  to  any  citizen 
or  inhabitant  of  any  of  said  States  with  said  exceptions  found  at 
sea  or  in  any  port  of  the  United  States,  will  be  forfeited  to  the 
United  States;  and  I  hereby  enjoin  upon  all  District  Attorneys, 
Marshals  and  Officers  of  the  Revenue  and  of  the  Military  and  Na- 
val Forces  of  the  United  States  to  be  vigilant  in  the  execution  of  said 
Act,  and  in  the  enforcement  of  the  penalties  and  forfeitures  im- 
posed or  declared  by  it;  leaving  any  party  who  may  think  himself 
aggrieved  thereby  to  his  application  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury for  the  remission  of  any  penalty  or  forfeiture,  which  the  said 
Secretary  is  authorized  by  law  to  grant  if,  in  his  judgment,  the 
special  circumstances  of  any  case  shall  require  such  remission. 

In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caiised 
the  Seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  City  of  "Washington,  this   i6th  day  of 
[JL.S.]  August,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1861,  and  of  the  Inde- 

pendence of  the  United  States  the  Eighty-sixth. 

By  the  President:  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

WILLIAM:  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 

1  D,  DNA  FS  RG  11,  Proclamations.  Both  the  signatures  of  Lincoln  and  Seward 
are  in  the  handwriting  of  Seward. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  August  17,  1861 

These  gentlemen  —  Samuel  Gamage,  and  Charles  R.  Saunders  — 
are  Californians,  who  were  well  recommended  for  offices  which 
have  been  given  to  others.  I  am  now  willing  that  they  should  be 
appointed  Pay-Masters  of  Volunteers,  as  Calif  or  nians.  Yours  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Samuel  Gamage  was  appointed  captain  and 
commissary  of  subsistence  of  Volunteers  September  7,  1861.  Charles  R.  Saunders 
was  appointed  additional  paymaster  of  Volunteers  September  5,  1861,  but  was 
rejected  by  the  Senate  March  6,  1862.  See  Lincoln's  memoranda  to  Cameron  on 
these  appointments,  August  29,  and  September  4,  infra. 

[488] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Secretary  of  War:        Executive  Mansion,  August  17,  1861. 

My  dear  Sir.  Unless  there  be  reason  to  the  contrary,  not  known 
to  me,  make  out  a  commission  for  Simon  [B.]  Buckner,  of  Ken- 
tucky, as  a  brigadier-general  of  volunteers.  It  is  to  be  put  into  the 
hands  of  General  Anderson,  and  delivered  to  General  Buckner  or 
not,  at  the  discretion  of  General  Anderson.  Of  course  it  is  to  remain 
a  secret  unless  and  until  the  commission  is  delivered.  Yours,  truly, 

A.  LINCOLN. 
{Indorsement.  ] 

Same  day  made. 

1  OR,  I,  IV,  255.  Simon  B.  Buckner  declined  the  appointment  and  accepted  a 
com  mission  as  brigadier  general  in  the  Confederate  Army.  Brackets  are  in  the 
source. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir —  August  17—  1861 

Let  Henry  Wager  Halleck,  of  California,  be  appointed  a  Major 
General  in  the  Regular  Army.  I  make  this  appointment  on  Gen. 
Scott's  recommendation;  and  I  am  sure  he  said  to  me  verbally  that 
the  appointment  is  to  be  in  the  Regular  Army,  though  a  memo- 
randum on  the  subject  handed  me  by  one  of  his  aids,  says  "of  vol- 
unteers" Perhaps  the  Adjt.  [Genl.  should  communicate  with] 
Genl.  Scott,  on  the  qxiestion.2  Yours  truly  A.  LmcoLisr 

1  ALS,  DLC-Cameron  Papers,  Henry  W.  Halleck  was  appointed  major  general 
in  the  Regular  Army,  August  19,  1861. 

2  Lincoln  obviously  failed  to  complete  his  thought  between  "Adjt."  at  the  end 
of  one  line  and  "Genl.  Scott"  at  the  beginning  of  the  next.  The  bracketed  insertion 
has  been  supplied  by  the  editors. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

August  17,  1861 

If  it  be  according  to  the  law,  &  the  rules,  let  Thomas  M.  Key  be  ap- 
pointed, as  requested  within  by  Gen.  McClellan.  For  a  reason,  in 
no  wise  disrespectful  to  Gen.  McClellan,  nor  derogatory  to  Col. 
Sackett,  I  can  not,  as  yet,  appoint  him.  A.  Lmcousr. 

Aug.  17.  1861. 

1  AES,  NN.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  George  B.  Mc- 
Clellan's  letter  of  August  16,  1861,  requesting  Thomas  M.  Key  be  appointed  his 
aide-de-camp  with  rank  of  colonel,  and  that  Lieutenant  Delos  B.  Sacket  be  ap- 
pointed inspector  general  with  rank  of  colonel.  Key  was  appointed  August  19,  and 
Sacket  October  i,  1861. 

[489] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Let  George  A.  Flagg  named  within  be   appointed   an   Assistant 
Quar-Master,  of  Volunteers.  A.  LirccoiJN- 

Aug.   17,  1861. 

1  AES,  IHi.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  a  duplicate  copy 
of  a  letter  of  John  L.  King  to  Caleb  B.  Smith,  Chicago,  March  24,  1861,  asking 
that  George  A.  Flagg  of  Chicago  be  appointed  to  some  territorial  land  office. 
Flagg  was  appointed  captain  and  assistant  quartermaster  of  Volunteers  on  Sep- 
tember 10,  1861. 


To  Isabel  II1 

August  17,  1861 
Abraham  Lincoln, 

President  of  the  United  States  of  America. 
To  Her  Majesty  Isabel  II, 

By  the  Grace  of  God  and  the  Constitution 
of  the  Spanish  Monarchy,  Queen  of  Spain, 

&c.,  &c. 

Great  and  Good  Friend:  I  have  received  the  letter  which 
Your  Majesty  was  pleased  to  address  to  me  on  the  22nd.  day  of 
June,  last,  announcing  the  birth  of  an  Infanta,  upon  whom  had 
been  bestowed  in  sacred  baptism  the  names  of  Maria  del  Pilar  Ber- 
enguela  Isabel  Francisca  de  Asis  Christina  Sebastiana  Gabriela 
Francisca  Caracciola  Saturnina. 

I  participate  in  the  satisfaction  afforded  by  this  happy  event,  and 
offer  to  Your  Majesty  my  sincere  congratulations  upon  the  occa- 
sion. 

May  God  have  Your  Majesty  always  in  His  safe  and  holy  keep- 
ing! Your  Good  Friend,  ABRAHAM:  LUNTCOLTST. 
Washington,  August  17,  1861. 
By  the  President: 

WILLIAM:  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 

1  Copy,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Communications  to  Foreign  Sovereigns  and  States, 
III,  178-79- 


To  WiUiam  H.  Seward1 

August  17,  1861 

Mr.  J.  Wagner  Jermon,  was  an  applicant  for  Consul  to  Glasgow, 
&  now  wishes  Melbourne.  If  the  latter  is  open,  the  Sec.  of  State  can 

[490] 


AUGUST      1Q,      ±86l 

fill  it  according  to  his  pleasure,  giving  fair  consideration  to  Mr. 
Jermon's  claim.  A  LINCOLN 

Aug.  17.  1861 

* AES,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  317.  J.  Wagner  Jermon  of  Philadel- 
phia received  neither  appointment. 

_^  To  William  H.  Seward1 

August  17,  1861 

I,  herein,  send  the  Sec.  of  State,  a  new  application  for  the  Con- 
sulate at  Melbo[u]rne.  The  applicant  is  a  New- Yorker;  and  as  the 
Secretary  will  see,  is  very  well  recommended.          A.  LINCOLN 
Aug.  17.  1861. 

1  AES,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  407.  Charles  C.  Yeaton,  the  appli- 
cant, did  not  receive  the  appointment. 

To  Lorenzo  Thomas1 

August  17,  1861 

I  repeat  that  if  Adjutant  Genl.  Thomas  is  reasonably  well  satisfied 
that  Capt.  Dallas  was  rejected  by  the  Senate  through  misappre- 
[hen]  sion  of  facts,  he  is  to  be  re-appointed.  It  is  the  opinion  of  the 
Adjutant  General,  and  of  Genl.  Franklin,  as  shown  by  what  they 
have  written  written  [szc]  "within,  that  he  is  a  good  officer.  Aug. 
17.  1861.  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  owned  by  R.  E.  Burdick,  N"ew  York  City.  See  Lincoln's  earlier  endorse- 
ment in  this  case,  August  14,  supra.  Alexander  J.  Dallas*  reappointment  was  con- 
firmed by  the  Senate  February  20,  1862. 

To  George  B.  McClellan1 

[c.  August  18,  1861] 
Gen.  McClellan  please  read  and  return  these.  A  L 

1  AES,  DL.C-RTL.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  John  S. 
Carlile  to  Salmon  P.  Chase,  August  18,  1861,  describing  conditions  in  Western 
Virginia. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  August  19,  1861 

At  the  request  of  Brigadier  General  Anderson,  I  have  concluded 
to  appoint  George  H.  Thomas,  of  the  and.  Cavalry,  a  Brigadier 
General  of  Volunteers.2 

[491] 


AUGUST       1Q,       l86l 

Also,  let  the  Hon.  James  Shields,  now  of  California,  be  appointed 
a  Brigadier  General  of  Volunteers.3 

Also,  Col.  Michael  Corcoran,  now  a  prisoner  at  Richmond.4 
Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  owned  by  Frederick  M.  Dearborn,  New  York  City. 

2  George  H.  Thomas,  under  appointment  dated  August   1 7,  was  assigned  to 
duty  in  Kentucky  organizing  troops. 

3  James  Shields  was  appointed  August  19. 

4  Colonel  Michael  Corcoran  of  the  Sixty-ninth  New  York  Regiment  had  been 
captured  at  the  Battle  of  Bull  Run,  and  remained  a  prisoner  until  August  15,  1862. 
His  appointment  as  brigadier  general  dated  back  to  July  21,  1861,  was  not  sent  to 
the  Senate  until  December  23,  1862,  but  along  with  numerous  others  on  the  list 
of  that  date  was  returned  to  the  president  because  of  an  error  of  reference  to  the 
act  under  which  the  appointments  were  made.  Confirmation  of  the  appointment 
by  the  Senate  was  finally  made  March  11,  1863. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

August  19,  1861 

In  view  of  the  abundant  evidence  of  the  efficiency  and  valuable  serv- 
ice of  Capt.  Leib,  as  an  Assistant  Quarter  Master,  and  especially 
that  borne  by  Generals  Rosecrans,  Kelly  &  Oakes,  within^  I  think 
he  should  be  re-appointed  to  his  place,  unless  it  is  known  that  some 
change  of  magnitude,  was  made,  and  proved  against  him  before  the 
Senate.  A.  LUNTCOUST 

Aug.   19.   1861. 

1  AES,  IHi.  Charles  Leib  of  Illinois  had  been  appointed  first  lieutenant  in  the 
Eleventh  Infantry  of  the  Regular  Army,  May  14,  1861,  but  was  rejected  by  the 
Senate  August  5.  In  spite  of  recommendations  from  his  superiors  (Brigadier  Gen- 
eral William  S.  Rosecrans,  Brigadier  General  Benjamin  F.  KLelley,  and  Major 
James  Oakes)  upon  which  he  was  reappointed,  he  was  again  rejected  by  the  Sen- 
ate both  as  first  lieutenant  and  as  captain  and  assistant  quartermaster,  to  which 
rank  he  had  been  advanced  as  of  May  21,  1861. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War:  Executive  Mansion     Aug.  19.  1861. 

I  understand  Mr.  Edwards  left  here  a  Commissary  of  subsist- 
ence; but  not  assigned  to  any  particular  Brigade*  If  this  be  so,  let 
Josiah  M.  Lucas,  formerly  of  Illinois,  now  of  D.C.  be  Commissary 
of  Subsistence,  and  assigned  to  Genl.  McClernand's  Brigade.3  Yours 
truly  A.  LINCOLN 

*  ALS,  IHi. 

2  Ninian  W.  Edwards  was  appointed  captain  and  commissary  of  subsistence  of 
Volunteers,  August  8,  1861. 

8  Cameron  endorsed  this  appointment  on  the  bottom  of  this  letter,  August  a 2, 
and  the  appointment  was  made  as  of  that  date. 

[492] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

I  think  the  personal  favor  within  asked  by  Mr.  Stratton  ought  to 
be  granted,  if  possible.  A.  LINCOLN 

Aug.    19.    1861. 

i  AES,  DNA  WR  RG  107,  Secretary  of  War,  Personnel  Appointments,  Box  12. 
Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  Representative  John  L.  N.  Strat- 
ton's  letter  of  May  4,  1861,  recommending  Samuel  H.  Howell  of  New  Jersey  for 
a  clerkship.  Howell  is  listed  in  the  US.  Official  Register,  1863,  as  paymaster's 
clerk  in  the  War  Department. 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

August  19,  1861 

I  think  the  case  of  Major  Jewell  is  one  of  merit;  and  that  we  ought 
to  find  something  for  him,  even  if  we  can  not  find  a  consulship. 
Will  the  Sec.  of  State  please  consider  this?  A.  LirccoxjNr 

Aug.    19.    1861. 

1  AES,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  318.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  writ- 
ten on  the  back  of  a  letter  from  J.  Grey  Jewell  of  Mississippi,  "(late) — Major 
comd'g  2nd.  Batn.  D.C.  Volunteers,"  asking  for  a  consulship.  The  U.S.  Official 
Record,  1863,  lists  him  as  a  clerk  in  the  sixth  auditor's  office. 

To  Lorenzo  Thomas1 

If  appointments  of  Pay-Masters  are  not  already  too  numerous,  let 
Mr.   Senator  Harlan  be  obliged  by  the  appointment  within  re- 
quested. A.  LINCOLN 
Aug.    19.    1861. 

1  AES,  RPB.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  Senator  James 
Harlan,  July  4,  1861,  recommending  appointment  of  Alvin  Walker  of  New  York 
as  paymaster.  Walker  was  appointed  September  10,  1861. 

To  Lorenzo  Thomas1 

August  19,  1861 

Mr.  Nicholas  Vedder,  is  within  recommended  for  a  Volunteer  Pay- 
mastership  by  our  Illinois  Democratic  members  of  Congress,  now 
heartily  aiding  us  in  the  war,  and  is  a  good  man  withal,  which  I 
tibiink  are  sufficient  reasons  for  me  to  direct  that  he  be  appointed. 
Aug.  19,  1861.  A.  LmcoLisr 

1  AES,  owned  by  R.  E.  Burdick,  New  York  City.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  writ- 
ten on  the  back  of  an  undated  letter  from  Illinois  members  of  congress,  recom- 
mending the  appointment  of  Nicholas  Vedder  of  Greene  County,  Illinois. 
Vedder,  who  had  been  appointed  secretary  of  the  Senate  committee  on  Terri- 
tories under  the  chairmanship  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas  in  1856,  was  appointed 
additional  paymaster  of  Volunteers,  September  5,  1861. 

[493] 


To  Gideon  Welles1 

Respectfully  submitted  to  the  Navy  Department,  with  request 
for  a  respectful  consideration.  A.  LINCOLN. 

Aug.  19,  1861. 

*  American  Art  Association  Catalog,  May  6,  19157  No.  316.  According  to  the 
catalog  description,  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  a  letter  from 
Edward  C.  Carrington,  recommending  Captain  S.  E.  Arnold  for  a  commission  in 
the  Marine  Corps.  There  is  no  record  of  the  appointment. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

Sir.  Aug.  20.  1861 

Gen.  McClellan  requests  that  John  F.  Reynolds,  and  William 
F.  Barry  be  appointed  Brigadier  Generals  of  volunteers;  and  so  let 
it  be  done.  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  Copy,  ISLA.  The  letter  bears  Cameron's  endorsement  "Let  it  be  done."  Both 
appointments  were  made  on  this  date.  John  F.  Reynolds,  West  Point  1841,  was 
lieutenant  colonel  of  the  Fourteenth  Infantry.  William  F.  Barry,  West  Point  1838, 
was  major  in  the  Fifth  Artillery. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Unless  there  be  some  reason,  not  known  to  me,  let  the  appoint- 
ments, as  above  suggested  by  Gen.  Thomas,  be  made. 

August  20.  1861.  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from 
Representative  Francis  Thomas  of  Maryland,  August  20,  1861,  recommending 
the  appointment  of  William  E  Maulsby,  colonel;  Lewis  P.  Fiery,  major;  and 
Charles  E.  Rail,  lieutenant  colonel,  of  the  First  Maryland  Regiment,  Potomac 
Home  Brigade.  No  record  has  been  found  of  federal  appointment  in  these  cases. 

To  William  EL  Seward1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  State  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir.  August  20.  1861 

Mr.  Zebina  Eastman,  of  Chicago,  Ills,  is  one  of  the  earliest,  and 
most  efficient  of  our  free-soil  laborers.  If  a  position,  with  even  mod- 
erate pay,  could  be  found  for  him  in  England,  he  is  just  the  man 
to  reach  the  sympathies  of  the  English  people,  to  the  extent  that  he 
can  come  in  contact  with  them.  He  is  more  than  a  common  man, 
in  his  sphere;  and  I  shall  be  very  glad  if  you  can  find  out,  or  fix 
out  for  him,  some  such  place  as  I  have  indicated.  Yours  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,  NAuE.  Zebina  Eastman,  Chicago  newspaper  editor  and  abolitionist, 
is  listed  in  the  U.S.  Official  Register,  1861,  as  consul  at  Bristol. 

[494] 


To  Francis  P.  Blair,  Jr.1 

August  21,  1861 

I  repeat,  I  will  commission  the  officers  of  Missouri  Volunteers. 
Colonel  Blair.  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  Thirty-seventh  Congress,  Third  Session,  Senate  Reports,,  No.  108,  III,  115. 
Colonel  Francis  P  Blair,  Jr.,  telegraphed  Montgomery  Blair,  August  21,  1861,  "It 
is  necessary  for  the  president  to  commission  our  officers  as  ...  the  law  of  this 
state  .  .  .  make[s]  it  impossible  to  act  under  it  ...  at  present  no  officer  in  the 
Missouri  service  has  a  commission.  .  .  ."  (DLC-BTL) . 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

I  shall  be  gratified  if  Mr.  Hertford  can  retain  the  place  he  now 
holds  in  the  War  Department.  A.  LINCOIJNF 

Aug.  21,  1861 

1  AES,  DLC-Cameron  Papers  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back 
of  a  letter  from  Joseph  Hertford,  August  19,  1861.  A  temporary  clerk  in  the  War 
Department,  friend  of  Leonard  Swett  and  Ward  H.  Lamon  and  an  ex-Chicagoan, 
Hertford  apparently  did  not  keep  his  War  Department  position,  but  in  1862  se- 
cured a  place  in  the  Bureau  of  Internal  Revenue. 


To  Edward  Bates1 

AngUSt   22,    l86l 

Will  the  Attorney  General  please  make  out  pardons  in  the  Mis- 
souri cases  he  and  I  spoke  of,  and  place  them  in  my  hands? 

1  American  Art  Association  Anderson  Galleries  Catalog  3781,  October  30,  1929, 
No.  90.  Bates  to  Lincoln,  August  24,  1861,  "It  was  my  fault  not  to  enquire  at 
what  time  you  wd  need  the  Mo.  pardon,  &  the  draft  of  your  letter  to  Gov.  Gamble. 
I  leave  them  now — 12  15  p  m.  having  changed  your  draft  in  no  respect,  except 
in  the  addition  of  a  short  sentence,  which,  it  seemed  to  me,  might  tend  to  con- 
ciliate good  feeling  in  Mo."  (DLC-RTL) .  Lincoln's  letter  to  Governor  Hamilton 
R.  Gamble  is  presumably  not  extant  and  the  pardons  have  not  been  located. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Secretary  of  War.        Executive  Mansion,  August  22,  1861. 

Sir:  Victor  B.  Bell,  now  of  Colorado,  is  one  of  my  most  valued 
friends;  and  one  of  the  best,  if  not  the  very  best  clerk  I  ever  knew. 
I  would  like  for  him  to  be  an  Asst.  Quarter  Master  or  Commissary 
of  Subsistence  of  Volunteers. 

Can  you  not  fix  it  for  me?  Yours  truly,  A. 

August  22,  1861. 

[495] 


AUGUST      22,       l86l 

i  Tracy,  p.  193.  Victor  B.  Bell,  who  had  served  as  representative  from  Wabash 
County  in  the  Illinois  House  of  Representatives  (1853-1854),  is  not  of  record  for 
either  appointment. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Let  the  Appointment  within  requested,  be  made.       A.  LINCOLN. 
Aug.  22,  1861. 

*  AES,  owned  by  R.  S.  Ruwitch,  Chicago,  Illinois.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is 
written  on  a  letter  from  General  George  B.  McClellan,  August  22,  1861,  asking 
appointment  of  Richard  B.  Irwm  of  the  District  of  Columbia  as  captain  and  aide- 
de-camp.  Irwin's  appointment,  made  the  same  day,  was  confirmed  by  the  Senate 
on  February  3,  1862. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

Sir  August  22.  1861 

My  impression  is  that  few  Assistant  Quarter-Masters,  or  Com- 
missaries of  Subsistence,  for  volunteers,  have,  as  yet,  been  ap- 
pointed from  Ohio.  If  I  am  right  in  this,  let  Willard  Slocum,  of 
Ohio  be  appointed  to  one,  or  the  other  of  those  offices.  Yours  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Willard  Slocum  of  Ohio  had  resigned  his  place 
as  captain  in  the  Twenty-third  Ohio  on  July  18,  and  was  appointed  first  lieuten- 
ant and  adjutant  of  the  One  Hundred  Twentieth  Ohio  Infantry,  August  25,  1862. 
There  is  no  record  of  his  appointment  as  per  Lincoln's  recommendation  in  this 
letter. 


Concerning  Mr.  Rutherford1 

Is  there  anything  in  the  "Marble  line"  which  could  be  given  Mr. 
Rutherford?  A.  L. 

Aug.    22,    l86l. 
1  ADS,  CSmH.  Rutherford  Has  not  been  identified. 


Endorsement1 

I  think  that  the  young  man  within  recommended,  ought  to  be 
appointed,  if  possible.  There  is  some  peculiar  reason  for  it. 

Aug.  22,  1861.  A.  LINCOLN 

1  Tracy,  p.  194.  Efforts  to  locate  the  document  and  to  identify  the  case  have 
failed. 

[496] 


To  Beriah  Magoffin1 

To  His  Excellency  Washington,  D.C. 

B.  Magoffin  August  24.  1861 

Governor  of  the  State  of  Kentucky. 

Sir:  Your  letter  of  the  igth.  Inst.  in  which  you  "urge  the  re- 
moval from  the  limits  of  Kentucky  of  the  military  force  now  or- 
ganized, and  in  camp  within  said  State"  is  received, 

I  may  not  possess  full  and  precisely  accurate  knowledge  upon 
this  subject;  but  I  believe  it  is  true  that  there  is  a  military  force  in 
camp  within  Kentucky,  acting  by  authority  of  the  United  States, 
which  force  is  not  very  large,  and  is  not  now  being  augmented. 

I  also  believe  that  some  arms  have  been  furnished  to  this  force 
by  the  United  States. 

I  also  believe  this  force  consists  exclusively  of  KentucHans,  hav- 
ing their  camp  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  their  own  homes,  and 
not  assailing,  or  menacing,  any  of  the  good  people  of  Kentucky. 

In  all  I  have  done  in  the  premises,  I  have  acted  upon  the  urgent 
solicitation  of  many  KentucHans,  and  in  accordance  with  what  I 
believed,  and  still  believe,  to  be  the  wish  of  a  majority  of  all  the 
Union-loving  people  of  Kentucky. 

While  I  have  conversed  on  this  subject  with  many  eminent  men 
of  Kentucky,  including  a  large  majority  of  her  Members  of  Con- 
gress, I  do  not  remember  that  any  one  of  them,  or  any  other  person, 
except  your  Excellency  and  the  bearers  of  your  Excellency's  letter, 
has  urged  me  to  remove  the  military  force  from  Kentucky,  or  to 
disband  it.  One  other  very  -worthy  citizen  of  Kentucky  did  solicit 
me  to  have  the  augmenting  of  the  force  suspended  for  a  time. 

Taking  all  the  means  within  my  reach  to  form  a  judgment,  I  do 
not  believe  it  is  the  popular  wish  of  Kentucky  that  this  force  shall 
be  removed  beyond  her  limits;  and,  with  this  impression,  I  must 
respectfully  decline  to  so  remove  it. 

I  most  cordially  sympathize  with  your  Excellency,  in  the  wish 
to  preserve  the  peace  of  my  own  native  State,  Kentucky;  but  it  is 
with  regret  I  search,  and  can  not  find,  in  your  not  very  short  letter, 
any  declaration,  or  intimation,  that  you  entertain  any  desire  for 
the  preservation  of  the  Federal  Union.  Your  Obedient  Servant, 

A.  Liisrcorjsr 

1  ALS,  IHi;  ALS  copy,  DLC-RTL.  Governor  Magoffin's  letter  of  August  19,  pro- 
tested recruitment  and  establishment  of  camps  in  Kentucky  "...  without  the  ad- 
vice or  consent  of  the  Authorities  of  the  State.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL).  Although  the 
state  legislature  remained  loyal,  MagofEn  persisted  in  his  declared  "neutrality" 
and  acted  in  sympathy  with  the  Confederacy  until  August,  1862,  when  he  re- 
signed. 

[497] 


To  Caleb  B.  Smith1 

August  24,  1861 

I  do  not  know  Mr.  Jones.  Mr.  Shackelf ord  who  writes  the  within  I 
know  to  be  a  good  man.  I  have  no  objection  to  Mr.  Jones  having  an 
Indian  Agency,  if  there  be  one  not  disposed  of  or  committed. 
Aug.  24,  1861  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  DNA  NR  RG  48,  Applications,  Indian  Agencies,  Miscellaneous  1857- 
1864,  Box  1268.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  James  M. 
Shackelford  of  Richmond,  Kentucky,  August  14,  1861,  asking  appointment  of  Dr. 
William  W.  Jones  of  Madison  County,  Kentucky,  to  an  Indian  agency.  No  ap- 
pointment is  listed  in  the  U.S.  Official  Register. 

To  Lorenzo  Thomas1 

Let  the  appointment  be  made,  as  within  requested. 
Aug.  24,  1861.  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  RPB.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  George  B.  Me- 
Clellan,  August  23,  1861,  requesting  appointment  of  Thomas  T.  Gantt  of  St. 
Louis  ".  .  .  an  Aid  de  Camp  to  myself  with  the  rank  of  Colonel."  The  appoint- 
ment was  made  on  August  26,  1861. 

Memorandum : 

Appointment  of  William  W.  Richmond1 

August  25,  1861 

Will  Mr.  Richmond  distinctly  declare  that  he  did  not  write  a  letter 
to  Mrs.  L.  giving  Senator  Simmons'  name,  as  one  of  his  backers  for 
a  Consulate?  A.L. 

Aug.  25,  1861 

1  AES,  IHi.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  William  W.  Rich- 
mond to  Lincoln,  Washington,  August  25,  1861,  complaining  of  Lincoln's  refusal 
to  see  him  "...  upon  the  supposition  that  I  was  unworthy  of  that  common 
courtesy:  that  you  supposed  I  had  unauthorisedly  drawn  money  from  the  Treas- 
ury and  that  I  had  substituted  myself  for  some  one  else'"  Richmond  explained 
that  he  had  acted  in  good  faith,  supposing  himself  legitimately  appointed,  but  that 
he  was  not  William  B.  Richmond.  He  also  denied  having  listed  Senator  Simmons 
among  his  supporters.  Unfortunately  his  letter  addressed  to  Mrs.  Lincoln  August 
8,  1861  (DLC-RTL),  did  list  Senator  Simmons  among  the  references,  and  Lin- 
coln's dubiety,  when  he  was  confronted  by  the  senator's  denial,  is  readily  under- 
stood. In  Richmond's  letter  to  Mrs.  Lincoln,  Senator  Simmons'  name  occurs  among 
several  others  inserted  after  the  letter  was  written,  as  names  of  persons  whom 
Richmond  had  been  told  were  supporting  his  application.  Richmond  explained  to 
Lincoln  in  a  letter  of  September  21,  1861,  that  the  copy  of  the  unfortunate  let- 
ter retained  by  himself  did  not  contain  any  of  the  names  listed.  As  a  result  of  the 
confusion,  neither  William  B.  Richmond  nor  William  W.  Richmond  received  the 
consulship  at  Paris,  and  William  B.  Richmond  was  further  disappointed  in  fail- 
ing of  confirmation  for  the  consulship  at  Tunis  when  Lincoln  withdrew  his  nom- 
ination, March  24,  1862.  See  also  Lincoln  to  Seward,  August  7,  supra. 

[498] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Unless  there  be  some  reason  to  the  contrary  unknown  to  me,  let 
Gen.  Richardson  be  gratified  in  the  appointment  of  his  Staff. 
Aug.  26.  1861.  A. 


1  AES,  IHi.  Lincoln's  endorsement  appears  on  a  letter  from  Brigadier 
General  Israel  B.  Richardson,  Camp  near  Arlington,  Fort  Albany,  August  24, 
1861,  asking  that  his  request  made  "five  weeks  since"  for  appointments  to  his 
staff  be  expedited  as  follows:  John.  Mason  Norvell,  adjutant  of  the  Second 
Michigan  Infantry,  to  be  assistant  adjutant  general  with  rank  of  captain;  Ed- 
ward S.  Earle,  adjutant  of  the  Third  Michigan  Infantry,  to  be  brigade  com- 
missary with  rank  of  captain;  Christopher  W.  Leffingwell  of  Michigan,  to  be 
brigade  quartermaster  with  rank  of  major.  Norvell  was  appointed  on  August 
30,  Earle  on  September  9,  and  Leffingwell  on  September  10,  but  Leffingwell 
failed  to  be  confirmed  by  the  Senate. 

To  Salmon  E  Chase1 

To  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  August  26,  1861 

Sir,  You  are  hereby  authorised  and  directed  to  make  such  ad- 
vances to  any  agent  appointed  under  the  Act  of  Congress  ap- 
proved 31  July  1861,  as  may  be  required  by  the  Secretary  of  War, 
as  necessary  to  the  faithful  and  prompt  discharge  of  the  duties  of 
such  agent.  ABRAHAM  LmcoLisr 

Executive  Mansion 

August  265  1861. 
1  LS,  DNA  FI  RG  56,  General  Records,  Treasury  Department,  Series  AB,  1861, 


To  John  C.  Fremont1 

Washington,  August  26,  1861. 

Intelligent  gentlemen  at  Louisville  say  the  presence  of  Rous- 
seau's regiment  is  needed  there.  Pardon  us  for  countermanding 
your  order  to  him  to  join  your  department.  A.  LiJNrcoLisr. 

General  Fremont. 

1  Thirty-seventh  Congress,  Third  Session,  Senate  Reports,  No.  ±08,  III,  117. 
Bland  Ballard,  James  Speed,  Joshua  F.  Speed,  and  others  telegraphed  Lincoln 
August  24,  **.  .  .  In  our  opinions  passing  events  show  that  .  .  .  [Rousseau's  regi- 
ment] are  required  here  <&  they  should  be  detained  here  if  possible."  (DLC-RTL)  . 

To  Montgomery  C.  Meigs1 

GnL  Meigs.  [August  27,  1861] 

Mr.  Wilmore  &  Mr  Dewey2  of  Kentucky  have  six  hundred 
mules,  of  a  size  larger  than  the  Army  standard,  which  they  say 
you  decline  buying  for  the  reason  that  the  smaller  ones,  purchased 

£499] 


AUGUST      27,"      l86l 

by  you  had  been  got  at  a  price,  eight  dollars  less  than  the  man  de- 
manded for  them.  In  consideration  of  the  service  that  larger  ani- 
mals "will  be  used  for  in  the  coming  winter  campaign,  we  think  the 
price  should  not  prevent  the  purchase  &  therefore  recommend  it. 

snvcorc  CAMEROIST 

A. 


1  LS,  DLC-Chase  Papers.  The  letter,  or  draft,  is  in  Cameron's  handwriting  and 
is  signed  by  both  Cameron  and  Lincoln.  The  date  is  that  assigned  to  the  document 
in  the  Chase  Papers.  2  Unidentified. 

To  Winfield  Scott1 

August  27,   1861 

Will  Lieutenant-General  Scott  see  the  bearer2  and  write  briefly 
on  the  within  letter  of  the  Governor  of  New  Jersey  what  can  be 
done  in  the  premises.  A.  LUNTCOLINT. 

1  OR,  III,  I,  450.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  Governor 
Charles  S.  Olden,  August  24,  1861,  "...  I  can  raise,  uniform,  arm,  and  equip 
the  regiments  from  this  state.   .  .  .  but  I  cannot  find  men  .   .   .  competent  to 
lead  the  regiments.  ...  I  feel  that  the  General  Government  owes  it  to  this  State 
to  furnish  at  least  colonels.   .   .   ."  (Jbid^  451-52).  Assistant  Adjutant  General  Ed- 
ward D.  Townsend  endorsed,  August  28,  "The  General-in-chief  assents  to  the 
detail  of  Captain  [Samuel  H.]  Starr  .  .  .  and  Lieut.  J  [oseph]  L.  K.  Smith  .  .  . 
to  command  regiments  of  volunteers  from  New  Jersey.   .  .   ."  (Ibid.). 

2  Barker  Gummere. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

August  28,  1861 

The  writer  of  the  within  desired  me  to  sign  my  name  to  it.  I  know 
not  whether  it  is  right  or  wrong.  Yesterday  I  think  I  sent  you  a  let- 
ter of  his,  endorsed  in  such  way  as  I  thought  proper.2 
Aug.  28.  1861.  A. 


1  AES,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  pre- 
pared by  L.  A.  Bargie  as  follows:  "L.  A.  Bargie,  who  proposes  to  go  to  Colorado 
Territory,  to  assist  in  the  organisation  of  a  Regiment  there,  wishes  to  obtain  some 
military  books,  and  some  side-arms.  I  request  that  you  will  direct  them  to  be 
given  to  him."  2  The  endorsement  has  not  been  located. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

August  28,  1861 

Mr,  Bell  was  very  well  recommended  for  one  of  the  high  offices  in 
the  Customs  for  San  Francisco;  but  among  the  many  applicants 
so  recommended,  did  not  succeed  A.  LUNTCOLIST 

Aug.  28,  1861 

[500] 


AUGUST      2Q,      l86l 

1  AES,  owned  by  Milton  H.  Shutes,  Oakland,  California.  Lincoln's  endorsement 
is  written  on  the  envelope  of  a  letter  from  Samuel  Bell  to  Senator  James  A.  Mo 
Dougall  of  California,  August  14,  1861,  requesting  appointment  as  paymaster. 
There  is  no  record  of  his  appointment. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

I  am  quite  willing  that  Senator  Harris  shall  be  gratified  in  the  re- 
quest made  within.  A.  LINGOLTST 
Aug.  28.  1861. 

1  AES,  IHi.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  note  from  Senator  Ira  Harris 
requesting  that  James  B.  Swain  of  New  York  City  be  appointed  quartermaster 
with  rank  of  major.  Swain  was  appointed  second  lieutenant  in  the  First  Cavalry 
Regular  Army,  November  i,  1861. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

August  28,  1861 

I  personally  know  Mr.  Tanner  to  be  an  active,  intelligent  busi- 
ness-like man,  &  I  understand  him  to  be  of  unimpeachable  char- 
acter. A.  LINCOLN 
Aug.  28,  1861 

1  AES,  owned  by  Herman  Blum,  Blumhaven  Library,  Philadelphia.  Lincoln's 
endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  Philip  Dorsheimer,  a  prominent  Repub- 
lican of  Buffalo,  New  York,  August  22,  1861,  recommending  Henry  Tanner  of 
Buffalo  for  local  commissary.  There  is  no  record  of  Tanner's  appointment. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

These  are  good  recommendations,  as  the  Sec.  of  War  -will  see.  I  ask 
respectful  consideration  for  them.  A.  LUSTCOUNT 

Aug.  29,  1861 

1  AES-P,  ISLA.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  a  letter  from 
Bland  Ballard,  Louisville,  Kentucky,  August  20,  1861,  asking  that  his  brother- 
in-law  William.  P.  McDowell,  a  cousin  of  Brigadier  General  Irvin  McDowell,  be 
given  a  commission.  Although  the  middle  initial  is  not  clearly  "P"  in  Ballard's 
letter,  it  seems  possible  that  William  P.  McDowell,  appointed  first  lieutenant  and 
adjutant  in  the  Fifteenth  Kentucky  Infantry  December  14,  1861,  was  the  same 
man. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

I  am  quite  as  willing  that  Mr.  Gamage  or  Saunders  shall  be  an 
Assistant  Quarter  Master,  or  Commissary,  as  to  be  a  Paymaster. 
Aug.  29.  1861  A. 

[501] 


AUGUST      29,      l86l 

1  AES,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from 
General  James  W.  Denver,  August  26,  1861,  stating  that  although  he  had  no  ob- 
jection to  Samuel  Gamage's  and  Charles  K.  Saunders'  appointment  to  places 
".  .  .  on  the  staff  of  the  Gal.  expedition  ...  it  is  due  to  fair  dealing  to  state  that 
today  Gen.  Cameron,  Sec.  of  War,  told  me  ...  he  had  appointed  Staff  officers 
enough  for  the  whole  army  and  that  he  could  make  no  new  appointments  until 
those  already  appointed  -were  assigned  to  duty."  See  also  Lincoln  to  Cameron  Au- 
gust 17,  supra,  and  September  4,  infra.,  in  regard  to  these  appointments. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

August  29,  1861 

The  writer  of  this  was  an  M.C.  from  N.J.  when  I  was  from  Ills, 
and  has  since  been  Governor  of  New- Jersey.  If  his  brother  can 
now  consistently  be  made  a  Pay-Master,  I  shall  be  glad  of  it — if 
not,  let  his  name  be  placed  so  he  can  have  a  chance  at  no  very  dis- 
tant day.  A.  LINCOLN 
Aug.  29,  1861 

1  AES,  owned  by  R.  E.  Burdick,  New  York  City.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is 
•written  on  the  back  of  a  letter  from.  William  A.  Newell  of  Allentown,  New  Jer- 
sey, August  28,  1861,  requesting  appointment  of  his  brother  John  W.  Newell  as 
paymaster.  The  appointment  was  made  September  5,  1861. 


To  Salmon  E  Chase1 

Sec.  of  Treasury  please  see  J.  S.  Beard,  bearer  of  this. 
Aug.  29,  1861  A.  Liisrcousr 

1  ALS,  IBloHi.  Joseph  S.  Beard  was  a  resident  of  Bloomington,  Illinois,  who 
had  lost  his  job  in  the  Post  Office  Department  as  route  agent  in  Illinois.  No  Treas- 
ury Department  appointment  is  of  record,  but  the  U. S  Official  Register  lists 
"Joseph  Li.  Beard"  as  route  agent  in  Illinois,  which  suggests  that  Beard  was  reap- 
pointed  to  his  old  job,  the  Register  being  in  error  as  to  the  middle  initial. 


To  Winfield  Scott1 

Sent  to  me  by  the  Attorney  General,  and  now  respectfully  sub- 
mitted to  Lieut.  General  Scott.  A.  LINCOLN" 
Aug.  29,  1861. 

1  AES,  DLC-B.TL.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  a  letter  from 
Nicholas  E  Trist  of  Philadelphia  to  Edward  Bates,  August  26,  1861,  calling  atten- 
tion to  the  atrocities  committed  by  Union  marauders,  and  suggesting  that  steps 
should  be  taken  to  punish  crimes  of  rape,  murder,  etc.  General  Scott's  reply  of 
August  30,  written  below  Lincoln's  endorsement,  called  attention  to  the  fact  that 
the  same  strict  order  which  he  had  issued  during  the  Mexican  War  to  curb  ma- 
rauding had  been  sent  to  Senator  Lyman  Trumbull  for  insertion  in  a  judiciary 
bill  to  punish  marauders. 

[502] 


To  Winfield  Scott1 

August  29,  1861 

Will  Gen.  Scott  please  give  his  opinion  whether  anything,  and 
if  anything,  what  should  be  done  in  Major  Cross'  case. 
Aug.  29,  1861.  A. 


I  am  unwilling  to  act  in  this  case  in  opposition  to  Gen.  Scott's 
views.  A.  LINCOLN 

Sep.  69  1861 

1  AES,  RPB.  Lincoln's  endorsements  are  written  on  a  letter  from  Major  Os- 
born  Cross,  San  Francisco,  California,  July  29,  1861,  asking  that  the  president 
remit  the  remainder  of  his  suspension  from  duty.  Major  Gross,  a  disbursing  officer, 
had  been  court-martialed  for  a  deficiency  in  his  accounts  which  ".  .  was  paid 
up  by  me  nearly  one  year  before  I  was  brought  before  a  Court  Martial,  even  at 
that  time  a  greater  portion  was  shown  to  accrue  from  errors.  ...  I  have  been  a 
disbursing  officer  over  thirty  three  years,  and  .  .  .  not  a  dollar  has  been 
lost.  .  .  ."  General  Scott's  reply  of  September  5,  written  between  Lincoln's  en- 
dorsements, declined  to  recommend  further  clemency.  Major  Cross  was  returned 
to  duty  when  his  suspension  expired  and  was  promoted  to  lieutenant  colonel,  Feb- 
ruary 26,  1863. 


To  Lorenzo  Thomas1 

If  the  places  are  not  already  full,  let  Dr.  Anthony  Dignowitz,  be 
examined  for  an  appointment  as  a  surgeon.  A.  LINCOLN 

Aug.  29,  1861 

1  ALS,  The  Rosenbach  Company,  Philadelphia  and  New  York.  Dr.  Anthony  M. 
Dignowitz  wrote  Lincoln  from  Baltimore,  June  15,  1861,  that  he  would  like  to 
serve  his  adopted  country  (DLC-Nicolay  Papers),  and  General  Don  C.  Buell  wrote 
October  22,  1861,  recommending  him  for  an  appointment,  as  a  Texas  citizen  whose 
Union  sympathies  had  forced  him  to  leave  the  state  (DLC-RTL),  but  no  record 
has  been  found  of  his  appointment. 


To  Lorenzo  Thomas1 

Let  the  appointment  be  made,  as  within  requested  by  Genl.  Mc- 
Clellan.  A.  LINCOLN 

Aug.  30,  1861 

i  Parke-Bernet  Catalog  972,  May  17,  1948,  No.  299-  According  to  the  catalog 
description,  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  last  page  of  a  letter  from 
McClellan,  August  30,  1861.  The  register  of  letters  received  by  the  adjutant  gen- 
eral (DNA  WR  RG  94)  indicates  that  this  missing  item  concerned  the  appoint- 
ment of  Major  Lawrence  P.  Graham,  as  brigadier  general,  and  the  appointment  of 
seven  other  officers  recommended  by  McClellan.  Graham  was  appointed  August 
31,  1861. 

[503] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

August  31,  1861 

Respectfully  submitted  to  the  War  Department,  with  the  remark 
that  if  arms  were  in  the  hands  of  a  Union  Regiment  in  N.C.  they 
probably  would  not  remain  in  their  hands  long. 

Aug.  31.   1861.  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of 
a  letter  from  Charles  H.  Foster,  Salisbury,  North  Carolina,  August  9,  1861,  to 
Ward  H.  Lanion,  tendering  the  services  of  a  regiment  of  loyal  North  Carolinians 
if  it  can  be  accepted  and  equipped.  Foster,  an  unconditional  Union  candidate,  was 
elected  to  congress  in  the  First  Congressional  District  of  North  Carolina,  in  No- 
vember, 1861,  -under  a  provisional  state  government  which  later  collapsed.  Con- 
gress denied  him  his  seat  on  the  ground  that  he  had  received  only  400  votes  in 
a  district  of  9,000  voters. 

To  Acting  Secretary  of  State1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  State  Executive  Mansion 

Dear  Sir  Aug.  31.  1861 

Mr.  Eastman  says  the  person  appointed  Consul  to  Cardiff  de- 
clines. If  so,  please  let  it  stand  till  Mr.  W.  H.  Seward,  arrives.  I 
believe  he  sympathizes  with  me  in  the  wish  to  make  Mr.  East- 
man's position  somewhat  elegible.  Yours  truly  A.'  LINCOLN 

1 ALS,  NAuE.  James  C.  Slaght  of  Brooklyn,  New  York,  declined  appoint- 
ment as  consul  to  Cardiff,  England,  on  being  offered  a  captaincy  in  the  quarter- 
master's department,  to  which  he  'was  appointed  September  2,  1861.  Zebina  East- 
man was  appointed  consul  to  Bristol  rather  than  Cardiff. 

To  George  B.  McClellan1 

[September,   1861] 

May  I  not  now  appoint  Stevens  a  Brig.  Genl?  I  wish  to  do  it. 
Maj.  Genl.  McClellan.  A  LmcoLisr 

1  AL.S,  DLC-McClellan  Papers.  Isaac  I.  Stevens  who  had  taken  command  of  the 
Seventy-ninth  New  York  Infantry  to  replace  Colonel  James  Cameron,  killed  at 
Bull  Run,  was  a  West  Point  graduate  (1835)  who  had  resigned  as  brevet  major 
in  1853  to  become  governor  of  Washington  Territory.  Humiliated  by  the  rapid 
advancement  of  his  juniors  over  him,  he  was  on  the  point  of  resigning  (Frederick 
A.  Aiken  to  Seward,  September  25,  1861,  DLC-RTL),  but  was  appointed  brigadier 
general  of  Volunteers,  September  28,  1861. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War.  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  Sep.  2.  ±86 1 

Let  Brigadier  Generals  of  volunteers  be  appointed  as  follow: 
Daniel  E.  Sickles,  of  New- York. 
O.  O.  Howard,  and  Charles  D.  Jameson,  of  Maine — 

[504] 


SEPTEMBER     2,      l86l 

A.  Me.  D.  McCook,  of  Ohio — 

Ebenezer  Dumont,  Robert  H.  Milroy,  and  Lewis  Wallace,  of 
Indiana. 

William  A.  Richardson,  and  Eleazer  A.  Paine,  of  Illinois. 

Yours  truly         A.  LINCOLN 

i  ALS,  IHi.  Colonel  Daniel  E.  Sickles  of  the  Seventieth  New  York,  Colonel 
Oliver  O.  Howard  of  the  Third  Maine,  Colonel  Charles  D.  Jameson  of  the  Second 
Maine,  Captain  Alexander  McDowell  McCook  of  the  Third  Infantry  Regular 
Army,  Colonel  Ebenezer  Dumont  of  the  Seventh  Indiana,  Colonel  Robert  H.  Mil- 
roy of  the  Ninth  Indiana,  Colonel  Lewis  Wallace  of  the  Eleventh  Indiana,  and 
Colonel  Eleazer  A.  Paine  of  the  Ninth  Illinois  were  all  appointed  brigadiers  on 
September  3,  1861.  William  A.  Richardson's  appointment  of  the  same  date  seems 
not  to  have  been  accepted  as  there  is  no  record  of  his  service  as  brigadier. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

[c.  September  2,  1861] 

I  think  it  is  well  that  E  is  away  from  the  N.H.  people.  He  will 
do  less  harm  anywhere  else;  and,  by  when  he  has  gone,  his  neigh- 
bors will  understand  him  better.  A.  L. 

1  AES,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  by 
Henry  McFarland,  editor  of  the  Concord,  New  Hampshire,  The  Statesman  to  M. 
B.  Goodwin,  September  2,  1861,  which  Cameron  had  referred  to  the  president. 
McFarland  noted  that  ".  .  .  Ex  President  Pierce  is  at  Louisville,  Ky.  There  is  a 
very  general  suspicion  here  that  his  mission  there  is  not  one  friendly  to  the  gov- 
ernment. ...  If  the  government  has  any  way  to  observe  his  motions  I  hope  it 
will  do  so.  .  .  ." 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Let  the  appointments  be  made  as  recommended  by  Genl.  Mo 
Clellan  A  LUNTCOLK 

Sep.  2.  1861. 

1  AES,  KPB.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  McClellan's  letter 
to  Cameron,  August  29,  1861,  recommending  that  Major  Lawrence  P.  Graham 
of  the  Second  Dragoons  and  Colonel  John  Sedgwick  of  the  Fourth  Cavalry  be  ap- 
pointed brigadiers.  Both  appointments  were  made,  dated  as  of  August  31,  1861. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Let  the  appointment  be  made  as  within  requested. 
Sept.  2.  1861  A.  LINCOUNT 

1  AES,  owned  by  Richard  F.  Lufkin,  Boston,  Massachusetts.  Lincoln's  endorse- 
ment has  been  removed  from  attendant  papers.  Beneath  the  endorsement, 
Brigadier  General  James  W.  Bipley  endorsed  on  September  14: 

"Respectfully  returned.  As  directed  I  have  to  report  in  this  case.  That  Lt. 

[505] 


SEPTEMBER      2,      1   8  6  1 

Harris  has  not  been  in  service  three  months,  and  is  not  eligible  to  this  appoint- 
ment, under  the  s6th.  Paragraph  of  army  regulations,  until  he  shall  have  served 
with  his  corps  at  least  three  years.  So  urgent  is  the  demand  for  the  services  of 
Ordnance  Officers  on  their  appropriate  duties  that  none  can  be  spared  for  detached 
service,  without  great  injury  to  the  operations  of  the  Department  -which  have 
been  already  much  crippled  by  the  withdrawal  of  officers  for  such  service  It  will 
be  a  lasting  disadvantage  to  any  young  officer  of  the  ordnance  Corps  to  detach 
him  from  his  appropriate  duties,  before  he  has  had  an  opportunity  to  attain  a 
practical  knowledge  of  them  and  may  injure  him  professionally  for  life  These 
are  serious  objections — both  as  regards  the  public  interest  and  those  of  the  officer 
himself — which  were  probably  not  known  or  considered,  when  this  paper  was 
endorsed." 

Lieutenant  William  H.  Harris,  son  of  Senator  Ira  Harris  of  New  York, 
graduated  from  West  Point  in  June,  1861,  and  on  August  3,  was  commissioned 
second  lieutenant  in  the  Ordnance  Department. 

To  John  C.  Fremont1 

Private  and  confidential. 
Major  General  Fremont:  Washington  D.C.  Sept.  2,  1861. 

My  dear  Sir:  Two  points  in  your  proclamation  of  August  3oth 
give  me  some  anxiety.  First,2  should  you  shoot  a  man,  according 
to  the  proclamation,  the  Confederates  would  very  certainly  shoot 
our  best  man  in  their  hands  in  retaliation;  and  so,  man  for  man, 
indefinitely.  It  is  therefore  my  order  that  you  allow  no  man  to  be 
shot,  under  the  proclamation,  without  first  having  my  approbation 
or  consent. 

Secondly,3  I  think  there  is  great  danger  that  the  closing  para- 
graph, in  relation  to  the  confiscation  of  property,  and  the  liberat- 
ing slaves  of  traiterous  owners,  will  alarm  our  Southern  Union 
friends,  and  turn  them  against  us — perhaps  ruin  our  rather  fair 
prospect  for  Kentucky.  Allow  me  therefore  to  ask,  that  you  will  as 
of  your  own  motion,  modify  that  paragraph  so  as  to  conform  to  the 
first  and  fourth  sections  of  the  act  of  Congress,  entitled,  "An  act  to 
confiscate  property  used  for  insurrectionary  purposes,"  approved 
August,  6th,  1861,  and  a  copy  of  which  act  I  herewith  send  you. 
This  letter  is  written  in  a  spirit  of  caution  and  not  of  censure. 

I  send  it  by  a  special  messenger,  in  order  that  it  may  certainly 
and  speedily  reach  you.  Yours  very  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

[Endorsement] 

Copy  of  letter  sent  to  Gen.  Fremont,  by  special  messenger  leav- 
ing Washington  Sep.  3.  1861. 

1  Copy,  DLC-RTL.  The  copy  is  in  Nicolay's  handwriting  but  the  endorsement 
is  in  Lincoln's  handwriting.  Among  the  adverse  reactions  to  Fremont's  proclama- 
tion was  a  telegram  from  James  Speed,  Louisville,  September  3,  1861,  which 
expressed  the  positive  opinion  that  ".  ,  .  that  foolish  proclamation  of  Fremont. 

[506] 


SEPTEMBER      4,       l86l 

.   .   .  will  crush  out  every  vistage  of  a  union  party  in  the  state.   .   .   .**  (DLC-RTL)  . 

2  Fremont's  reply  of  September  8,  in  regard  to  this  point  was  as  follows:  "I  do 
not  think  the  enemy  can  either  misconstrue  it,  or  urge  any  thing  against  it,  or 
undertake  .   .   .  unusual  retaliation.   .   .   .  The   article   does  not   at   all  refer  to 
ordinary  prisoners  of  war.    ...  I  have  to  ask  that  you  will  permit  me  to  carry 
out  upon  the  spot  the  provisions  of  the  proclamation  in  this  respect.   .   .   ."  (DLC- 
RTL).  The  language  of  Fremont's  proclamation,  however,  was:  "All  persons  who 
shall  be  taken  with  arms  in  their  hands  within  these  lines  shall  be  tried  by  court- 
martial,  and  if  found  guilty  will  be  shot."   (OR,  I,  III,  466-67). 

3  Fremont's  reply  of  September  8,  in  regard  to  this  point  was,  "If  .   .   ,  your 
better  judgement  still  decides  that  I  am  wrong  in  the  article  respecting  the  lib- 
eration of  slaves,  I  have  to  ask  that  you  will  openly  direct  me  to  make  the  cor- 
rection.  ...   I  acted  with  full  deliberation  and  .   .   .  the  conviction  that  it  was 
.   .   .  right  and  necessary.  I  still  think  so."  (DLC-RTL)  . 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Gen.  Cooper  has  all  the  while  been  under  the  special  care  of  Gen. 
Cameron;  and  I  am  quite  willing  it  should  continue  so. 
Sep.  3.  1861.  A. 


1  AES,  IHi.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  Brigadier  General 
James  Cooper  to  Cameron,  August  30,  1861,  suggesting  that  David  P.  DeWitt  and 
John  Sommers  be  appointed  majors,  and  that  ".  .  .  an  able  and  experienced 
officer  as  Chief  of  my  Staff  .  .  .  [be  appointed]  as  early  as  practicable."  DeWitt 
was  appointed  major  September  21,  and  Sommers  was  appointed  colonel  October 
8,  1861,  in  the  Maryland  Volunteers. 

Appointment  of  Gustavns  V.  Fox1 

Executive  Mansion     4  September,  1861 

During  the  temporary  absence  of  the  Hon:  Gideon  Welles,  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy,  from  the  seat  of  Government,  I  hereby  ap- 
point Mr.  Gustavus  V.  Fox,  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Act- 
ing Secretary  of  the  Navy.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

1  Confidential  Correspondence  of  G-ustavus  Vasa  Fox  .  .  .  ,  edited  by  Robert 
M.  Thompson  and  Richard  Wainright  (New  York,  1918),  I,  371. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

September  4,  1861 

If  there  is  any  vacant  place,  of  Regimental  Quarter-Master,  or  Com- 
misary,  which  can  fairly  be  charged  to  California,  do  let  Mr.  Sam- 
uel Gamage  have  it.  A.  LINCOLN 

Sept.  4.  1861. 

1  AES,  owned  by  Edgar  Jessup,  Piedmont,  California.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is 
written  on  the  back  of  a  copy  of  Lincoln  to  Cameron,  August  17,  1861  (supra). 
See  also  the  note  dated  August  29,  supra. 

[507] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

September  4,  ±86 ± 

I  sincerely  wish  Mr.  Hawley  be  made  a  Brigade  Commissary  of 
Subsistance.  In  his  worthiness,  &  the  interest  felt  for  him  by  good 
people,  his  case  is  something  more  than  a  common  one,  &  I  hope 
he  be  appointed.  A.  LINCOLN 

Sep.  4.  1861. 

1  AES,  CCamStJ.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  Samuel 
Bowles,  Springfield,  Massachusetts,  August  23,  1861,  recommending  William  A. 
Hawley  for  an  appointment.  William  A.  Hawley  "of  Illinois"  was  appointed 
quartermaster  with  rank  of  captain,  October  31,  1861,  but  it  is  not  certain  that 
he  was  the  same  man  recommended  by  Bowles. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

September  4,  1861. 

I  think  provision  should  at  once  be  made  for  organizing  a  force 
in  Eastern  Maryland,  as  recommended  by  Governor  Hicks  and 
General  Dix.  Let  it  be  done  at  once,  if  possible.  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  OR,  III,  I,  480.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  Governor 
Thomas  H.  Hicks  to  Cameron,  September  3,  1861,  introducing  Colonel  Arthur  G. 
Willis  and  asking  that  he  be  furnished  with  tents  and  subsistence  for  the  First 
Regiment  of  Maryland  Eastern  Shore  Infantry  and  that  the  Second  Regiment 
should  be  organized  forthwith. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

September  4,  1861 

Mr.   Linton  had  ample  recommendations   for   another   office;   he 
served  three  months  with  the  N.J.  troops,  as  I  understand;  and  I 
suppose  he  is  very  worthy  of  the  place  he  now  seeks.  I  ask  a  care- 
ful consideration  of  his  case.  A.  LINCOLN 
Sep.  4.  1861. 

1  AES,  IHi.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  a  letter  from  John 
L.  Linton  of  Beverly,  New  Jersey,  September  3,  1861,  asking  appointment  to  the 
quartermaster  department.  Although  he  had  served  as  quartermaster  in  the 
Fourth  New  Jersey  Militia,  April  27 — July  31,  1861,  no  further  appointment  is 
of  record. 

To  Heads  of  Departments  and  Bureaus1 

I  shall  be  very  glad  if  any  of  the  Heads  of  Departments,  or  Bu- 
reaus, can  give  this  lady  some  suitable  employment. 
Sept.  4.  1861.  A. 

[508] 


SEPTEMBER      5,      l86l 

1  AES,  owned  by  Charles  W.  Olsen,  Chicago,  Illinois.  According  to  a  clipping 
from  an  unidentified  printed  source  pasted  below  this  note,  Lincoln's  recommen- 
dation referred  to  "Miss  Anne  Mary  Griffin,  for  many  years  a  clerk  in  Washing- 
ton," but  the  U.S.  Official  Register  does  not  list  her. 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

September  4,  1861 

If  there  is  a  Consulate  at  St.  Helena,  which  is  open,  I  have  no  ob- 
jection to  its'  going  to  Mr.  William  Moran.,  especially  as  he  brings 
a  letter  from  Hon  Thadeus  Stevens  who  has  not  troubled  us  much. 
Sept.  4.  1861  A.  LiisrcoLiNr 

1  AES,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  348.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is 
written  on  a  letter  from  Representative  Thaddeus  Stevens,  dated  August  29,  1861, 
recommending  William  Moran  of  Pennsylvania.  Although  the  New  York  Trib- 
une., September  24,  1861,  lists  William  Moran  as  consul  to  St.  Helena,  appointed 
September  6,  the  U.S.  Official  Register  does  not  list  him  either  in  1861  or  1863. 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

September  4,  1861 

It  Is  said  the  Governorship  of  Washington  Territory  is  vacant  & 
within  it  is  asked  that  it  shall  not  be  filled  without  a  hearing.  Sec. 
of  State,  please  remember  this.  A.  LirccoLiNr 

Sept.  4.  1861 

*  AES,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  281.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  writ- 
ten on  a  letter  from  Charles  Evans,  Philadelphia,  to  William  D.  ICelley,  Septem- 
ber 2,  1861,  asking  that  in  his  interview  with  the  president,  KLelley  remember 
Elwood  Evans  for  the  governorship  of  Washington.  "William  Pickering  of  Illinois 
was  appointed  governor  (see  Lincoln  to  Pickering,  October  7,  infra),  but  Elwood 
Evans  was  later  nominated  secretary  of  Washington  Territory,  January  7,  1863. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

I  approve  the  carrying  this  through  carefully,  cautiously,  and 
expeditiously.  Avoid  conflicts  and  interference. 

Sep  5.    l86l.  A.   LHN"COL3NT. 

1  Copy,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  The  copy  of  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  on  a  copy 
of  a  letter  to  Cameron  from  "Herman  Boker  &  Co./  50  Cliff  Street  New  York," 
September  4,  1861,  offering  100,000  rifled  percussion  muskets  and  18,000  sabres, 
purchased  in  Europe,  subject  to  inspection  and  approval* 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

September  5,  1861 
President  Lincoln's  opinion 
(Given  to  Sec'y  Cameron,  Sec'y  of  War) 

Regarding  the  stoppage  of  the  emoluments  of  Col.  Gates  under 
the  provisions  of  the  2Oth.  Section  of  the  Act  of  Congress  3rd.  Aug 

[509] 


SEPTEMBER      5,       l86l 

1861  "I  have  examined  the  2Oth.  Section  of  the  Act  of  Congress 
entitled  an  Act  for  the  better  organization  of  the  Army,  approved 
3rd.  Aug.  1861  and  am  of  opinion  that  officers,  whose  cases  fall 
within  it,  should  be  paid  according  to  the  old  law  up  to  the  pas- 
sage of  the  new  (3  Aug.  1861)  (signed)  A.  LINCOLN 

Sept  5th.   1861. 

A  true  copy  from  the  original,  which  was  sent  to  the  Hon.  Sec'y 
of  War,  Mr  Cameron.  5  Sept.  1861.  (signed)  WM.  GATES 

Col.  U.S.A. 

This  opinion  was  not  regarded  by  Mr.  Cameron  or  any  other  per- 
son—  (not  an  order)  they  said. 

[Endorsement:  To  Edward  Bates]2 

Will  the  Attorney  General  please  say  whether  the  within  is,  or 
is  not  a  sound  legal  opinion?  A.  LINCOLN 

Aug.  18,  1864 

1  Copy  and  AES,  DLC-RTL    The  original  opinion  written  by  Lincoln  has  not 
been  located.  The  endorsement  of  August  18,  1864,  is  in  Lincoln's  autograph  on 
the  back  of  the  copy.  Gates  wrote  to  Lincoln,  September  28,  1861,  *'        .   I  received 
your  confirmation  of  your  first  opinion   .   .   .   and  presented  it  with  the  first  opin- 
ion to  the  Pay  Master  General  and  demanded  a  restoration  of  the  money  stopped 
out  of  my  pay  for  the  month  of  August  last — which  he  declined   .   .   .   without  an 
order  from  the  War  Depart.   .   .   ."  (DCL-RTL)    The  twentieth  section  of  the  law 
referred  to  stipulated  that  officers  when  absent  from  duty  more  than  six  months 
should  not  receive  allowances  for  servants,  forage,  etc. 

2  Bates  was  leaving  Washington  when  Lincoln's  communication  arrived,  and  J. 
Hubley  Ashton,  assistant  attorney  general,  answered  August  26,  1864,  "The  view 
expressed    by    your    Excellency  ...  is    a    perfectly    sound    one.   .   .   ."    (Ibid}. 
Whether  Gates  "was  ever  able  to  collect  has  not  been  determined. 

To  Winfield  Scott1 

[c.  September  5,  1861] 

"Will  Gen.  Scott  please  look  at  the  within  and  inform  me  whether 
the  guns  were  ordered  to  Cairo  yesterday?  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  DLC-RTL.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  a  translation 
of  a  telegram  from  General  Fremont  to  "Mr.  A.  J  deZeyk,"  September  5,  1861. 
Albert  J.  Dezeyfc,  a  Hungarian  by  birth,  was  a  clerk  in  the  Post  Office  Department, 
and  the  explanation  for  Fremont's  sending  it  in  Hungarian  seems  to  be  the  desire 
for  secrecy.  The  translation  is  in  part  as  follows:  "Please  to  communicate  with 
the  President  .  .  The  "War  Vessels  of  the  enemy  are  all  steel  plated  mounting 
heavy  guns,  better  armed  faster  and  larger  than  ours.  Their  Officers  are  all  of  the 
U.S.  Navy,  whilst  our  Officers  can  not  hold  their  ground  after  the  first  fire;  there 
can  be  no  other  result  than  our  capture;  there  is  a  very  urgent  want  in  Cairo  of 
heavy  canons.  .  .  .  The  enemy  is  beggining  to  occupy  the  coast  of  Kentucky 
Hyckman  Paducah  &c.  I  think,  the  time,  has  come  to  have  command  extended 
to  those  parts  (probably  means  Kentucky) .  .  .  ."  Scott's  reply  has  not  been  lo- 
cated. 

[SID] 


To  William  EL  Seward1 

Sec.  of  State,  please  see,  and  converse  with  Gen.  Kimmel,  who  is  a 
State  Senator  of  Frederick,  Maryland.  A.  LINCOLN 

Sep.  5.  1861 

1  ALS,  NbO.  Anthony  Z.  Kimmel  was  commanding  general  of  the  Fourth 
Division  of  Maryland  Militia. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

September  6,  1861 

Hon.  Jno.  Crowell  of  Ohio  presents  this.  Please  hear  him  fully  & 
do  the  best  for  him  you  can. 

1  American  Art  Association  Anderson  Galleries  Catalog  4221,  January  14-15, 
1936,  No.  350.  According  to  the  catalog  description  this  communication  is  written 
on  a  letter  from  Major  George  S.  Mygatt  of  the  Forty-first  Ohio  Volunteers.  John 
Crowell,  editor  and  ex-congressman  of  Cleveland,  was  a  major  general  of  Ohio 
Militia. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Will  War  Department  please  consider  the  within  request  of  Gov. 
Pierpont?  A.  LINCOLN 

Sep.  6.   1861 

1  AES,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from 
Governor  Francis  EC.  Peirpomt,  Wheeling,  Virginia,  September  3,  1861,  on  the 
necessity  for  calling  out  eight  or  ten  Volunteer  regiments  in  West  Virginia,  Ohio, 
and  Western  Pennsylvania  to  occupy  West  Virginia  and  crush  out  secession.  The 
letter  is  signed  "F.  H.  Peirpoint,"  and  this  spelling  is  followed  throughout 
the  present  work  rather  than  "Pierpoint"  or  "Pierpont,"  on  the  assumption  that 
the  governor  is  entitled  to  spell  his  name  as  he  chooses,  other  considerations  not- 
withstanding. 


To  Lorenzo  Thomas1 

Let  Col.  Gorman  be  appointed  as  recommended  by  GenL  Scott. 
Sep.  6,  1861.  A  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  B.PB.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Stephen  Miller  of  the  First  Minnesota  Regiment,  August  17,  1861,  rec- 
ommending that  Colonel  Willis  A.  Gorman  of  the  same  regiment  he  made  a  brig- 
adier general.  Winfield  Scott  endorsed  "I  cordially  unite  in  recommending.  .  .  ." 
Gorman  was  appointed  brigadier  general,  September  7,  1861. 

[511] 


To  Zachariah  Chandler1 

Hon.  Z.  Chandler  Washington,  B.C. 

My  dear  Sir:  Sep.   7.   1861 

Dr.  William  Brodie,  of  Detroit,  is  very  amply  recommended  to 
be  a  Surgeon  in  the  Army  (volunteers)  ;  but  understanding  that 
yourself  and  Senator  Bingham  have  some  objection,  I  forbear  to 
act  until  I  can  hear  from  you  &  him.  Please  confer  with  him,  and 
write  me.  Looking  at  the  papers  here,  he  ought  to  be  appointed; 
and  it  embarrasses  me  some  to  refuse.  Yours  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,  DLC-Chandler  Papers.  Dr.  William  Brodie  was  appointed  brigade  sur- 
geon of  Volunteers  as  of  August  3,  1861.  The  appointment  was  sent  to  the  Senate 
December  24,  1861,  and  rejected  January  15,  1862. 

Memorandum1 

The  writer  of  this  is  a  worthy  young  man,  and  his  father  a  most 
intelligent  &  valuable  citizen.  A.  LINCOLN 

Sep.  7.  1861. 

1  ADS,  MeHi.  Clipped  from  the  letter  to  which  it  refers,  this  communication 
is  without  further  reference. 

Memorandum:  Interview  with  Philip  L.  Fox1 

Executive,  Mansion     Sep.  7.  1861. 

This  day  Philip  L.  Fox,  of  Philadelphia,  is  introduced  to  me  by 
Friend  Newton,2  and  says  that  within  this  week,  in  this  City, 
Gilead  Smith,  who  Mr.  Fox  says  is  to  sail  from  New-  York  next 
Wednesday,  as  a  government  agent  to  purchase  arms  in  Europe, 
called  on  him  (Fox)  and,  in  presence  of  two  others,  F.  N.  Buck, 
and  Martin  Thomas,  both  of  Philda.,  spoke  of  arms  which  Mr.  Fox 
knew  of  for  sale,  and  asked  Fox  what  would  be  the  price,  and 
being  told  $i5-i7-&  19—  proposed  to  join  in  purchasing  them  and 
putting  them  on  the  government  at  $22.  to  $27.  and  dividing  the 
profits.  Mr.  Buck  introduced  Smith  to  Mr.  Fox.  Mr.  Fox  says  he 
replied  that  he  was  not  a  seller,  and  desired  having  no  more  to  do 
with  the  matter  than  to  let  the  government  know  where  the  arms 
were  to  be  purchased.  Mr.  Buck  and  Mr.  Thomas  call  and  say 
they  heard  a  conversation  with  Smith  &  Fox  —  that  Fox  was  trying 
to  sell  a  lot  of  arms  upon  the  sale  of  which  he,  Fox,  was  to  have  a 
commission  of  50  cents  per  gun  —  that  Smith  and  not,  as  they 
understood,  represent  himself  to  an  agent  of  the  government;  but 
did  propose  to  Fox  to  join  him  in  getting  the  guns  on  to  the  gov- 

[512] 


SEPTEMBER      Q,       l86l 

ernment  at  a  price  which  leave  a  profit  for  them  to  divide,  &  they 
understood  Fox  to  agree  to  it.  Neither  Smith  nor  Fox  professing 
to  be  a  government  agent — nothing  appeared  wrong  in  their  con- 
versation. Both  are  men  of  good  character  &  Smith  is  brother-in- 
law  to  John  Edgar  Thompson. 

1  AD,  DLC-RTL.  No  further  record  of  this  deal  has  been  found. 

2  Probably  Isaac  Newton,  whom  Lincoln  nominated  commissioner  of  agricul- 
ture May  16,  1862. 

To  Lorenzo  Thomas1 

Adjt.  Genl.  please  tell  me  how  this  case  stands. 

Sep.  7.  1861.  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  DL.C-B.TL.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  Joab  Wil- 
kinson, Niantic,  Illinois,  to  Nicolay,  August  26,  1861,  inquiring  about  his  appoint- 
ment as  captain.  Lorenzo  Thomas  endorsed  in  reply  to  Lincoln's  request  that  the 
commission  had  been  sent  to  the  president  and  as  soon  as  signed  would  be  for- 
warded. "Wilkinson's  appointment  had  been  confirmed  by  the  Senate  on  August  5 
and  announced  in  AGO  General  Orders  No.  65,  August  23,  1861.  Joab  Wilkin- 
son was  a  brother  of  Senator  Morton  S  Wilkinson  of  Minnesota. 

To  David  Hunter1 

Major  GenL  David  Hunter  Washington  D.C.  Sep.  9.  1861 

My  dear  Sir:  Gen.  Fremont  needs  assistance  which  it  is  difficult 
to  give  him.  He  is  losing  the  confidence  of  men  near  him,  whose 
support  any  man  in  his  position  must  have  to  be  successful.  His 
cardinal  mistake  is  that  he  isolates  himself,  &  allows  nobody  to  see 
him;  and  by  "which  he  does  not  know  what  is  going  on  in.  the  very 
matter  he  is  dealing  with.  He  needs  to  have,  by  his  side,  a  man  of 
large  experience.  Will  you  not,  for  me,  take  that  place?  Your  rank 
is  one  grade  too  high  to  be  ordered  to  it;  but  will  you  not  serve 
the  country,  and  oblige  me,  by  taking  it  voluntarily? 

l  ADf,  DLC-RTL.  Francis  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  to  Montgomery  Blair,  September  i, 
1861,  "  .  .  .  Affairs  are  becoming  quite  alarming.  .  .  .  Men  coming  here  to  give 
information  are  not  allowed  to  approach  Fremont,  and  go  away  in  disgust  .... 
he  throws  himself  behind  the  reports  of  his  officers  who  are  trying  to  prevaricate 
and  shield  themselves  ....  he  still  clings  to  them  &  refuses  to  see  for  himself. 
.  .  .  My  decided  opinion  is  that  he  should  be  relieved  of  his  command  and  a 
man  of  ability  put  in  his  place."  (Ibid  ).  Winfield  Scott  to  Lincoln,  September  5, 
1861,  "If  .  .  .  Hunter  could  be  brought  in  close  relations  with  .  .  .  Fremont 
some  rash  measures  might  be  staved  off  &  good  ones  accepted  by  insinuation,  but 
H.'s  rank  is  too  high,  by  one  degree  to  put  him  on  duty  as  'the  chief  of  staff'.  .  .  . 
(ibid.).  The  letter  to  Hunter  was  carried  by  Montgomery  C.  Meigs  and  Mont- 
gomery Blair  who  went  to  St.  Louis  to  inspect  conditions.  Hunter  was  placed  in 
command  at  Holla,  Missouri,  and  on  October  24,  Fremont  was  ordered  to  ".  .  .  call 
Major-General  Hunter,  of  the  U.  S.  Volunteers,  to  relieve  him  temporarily  in  that 
command,  when  he  (Major-General  Fremont)  will  report  to  General  Headquar- 
ters, by  letter,  for  further  orders."  (OR,  I,  III,  553). 

[513] 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

September  9,  1861 

If  Gov.  Bebb  has  declined,  or  resigned  the  Consulship  at  Tangiers, 
I  have  no  objection  to  its'  being  given  to  Judge  DeLong. 

Sep.  9.  1861  A.  LINCOLN 

If  Gov.  Bebb  has  resigned  the  Consulship  at  Tangiers,  let  Judge 
James  DeLong,  of  Ohio,  be  appointed  to  the  place. 

Sep.  16.  1861  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  270.  Both  endorsements  are  writ- 
ten on  the  "back  of  a  letter  of  August  i,  1861,  from  William  Bebb,  ex- governor 
of  Ohio  (1846-1848)  who  was  appointed  an  examiner  in  the  Patent  Office  upon 
refusing  the  consulship.  Bebb  recommended  James  DeLong  of  Ohio,  who  was 
appointed  consul  at  Tangier  but  was  rejected  by  the  Senate  July  12,  1862.  He 
was  later  appointed  and  confirmed  as  consul  at  Aux-Cayes. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

September  10,   1861 

Mr.  Blair,  senr.  does  not  make  many  recommendations;  but  as  is 
seen,  makes  this  very  warmly.  I  have  no  doubt  Mr.  Moses  is  a 
most  competent  &  worthy  man,  &  if  there  be  a  vacant  place  not 
committed  to  any  other  good  man,  I  should  be  pleased  for  him 
to  be  appointed.  A.  LINCOLN 

Sep.  10.  1861. 

1  AES,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  copy  of 
a  letter  from  Francis  P  Blair,  Sr.,  to  Cameron,  May  9,  1861,  recommending  ap- 
pointment of  Isaac  Moses  of  New  York  as  paymaster.  Moses  was  appointed  as- 
sistant adjutant  general  with  rank  of  captain,  September  25,  1861. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Let  Charles  F.  Van  Duser,  son  of  the  gentleman  named  within, 
be  appointed  a  ist.  Lieutenant,  if  there  is  any  vacancy. 

Sept.  10,  1861.  A.  LnsrcoLisr 

1  AES,  owned  By  Gordon  A.  Block,  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania.  Lincoln's  en- 
dorsement is  written  on  a  letter  from  John  J.  Cisco  introducing  Selah  Van  Duzer. 
Charles  F.  Van  Duzer  was  appointed  second  lieutenant  in  the  Twelfth  Infantry, 
September  25,  1861. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Let  Gov.  Morton  be  obliged  by  the  appointment  o£  Mr.  Western, 
as  Qr.  Master,  or  Commissary,  if  it  can  consistently  be  done. 
Sep.  10.  1861  A. 

[514] 


SEPTEMBER      1O,      l86l 

1 AES,  IHi.  Lincoln's  endorsement  appears  on  a  letter  of  Governor  Oliver 
P.  Morton,  August  29,  1861,  recommending  John  Weston  of  Elkhart,  Indiana, 
for  appointment  as  a  brigade  quartermaster.  No  record  has  "been  found  of 
Weston's  appointment. 


Draft  of  Order  Authorizing  Benjamin  F.  Butler 
to  Raise  a  Volunteer  Force1 

War  Department.  Washington.  Sept  loth.  1861 

Major  General  B.  F.  Butler,  is  hereby  authorized  to  raise,  organize, 
arm,  uniform  and  equip  a  Volunteer  force  for  the  War,  in  the  New 
England  States,  not  exceeding  Six  (6)  Regiments,  o£  the  Maximum 
Standard,  of  such  arms,  and  in  such  proportions  and  in  such  man- 
ner, as  he  may  Judge  expedient,  and  for  this  purpose,  his  orders 
and  requisitions  on  the  Quartermasters,  Ordnance,  and  other  Staff 
Departments  of  the  Army,  are  to  be  obeyed  and  answered,  pro- 
vided, the  cost  of  such  recruitment,  armament  and  equippment, 
does  not  exceed  in  the  aggregate,  that  of  like  troops,  now,  or  here- 
after raised  for  the  service  of  the  United  States.  But  this  order  is 
to  be  of  no  effect,  unless  the  Governor  of  each  State  from  which 
troops  are  to  be  enlisted,  shall  indorse  his  approval  upon  it,  or  on 
a  copy  thereof. 

1  ADf-P,  ISLA.  Only  the  last  sentence  is  in  Lincoln's  autograph.  The  final  copy 
of  this  order,  signed  by  Cameron  and  bearing  Lincoln's  endorsement — "Ap- 
proved, Sep.  12,  1861 /A.  Lincoln"  (AES-P.,  ISLA)  — does  not  have  the  additional 
sentence  inserted  by  Lincoln,  but  before  Lincoln  approved  it  on  September  12, 
he  sent  his  telegram  to  the  New  England  Governors,  September  11,  infra. 

To  Mrs.  John  C.  Fremont1 

Now,  at  once.  A.  Liisrcoi^sr 

Sept.  10  [1861] 

1  Allan  Nevins,  Fremont,  Pathmarker  of  the  West  (1939),  p.  516.  According  to 
Nevins*  description,  Lincoln  sent  a  card  containing  this  brief  communication 
granting  an  interview  to  Mrs.  Fremont  who  brought  a  letter  and  verbal  com- 
munications from  her  husband.  For  an  account  of  the  interview  see  the  source 
indicated. 

To  Justus  McKinstry1 

Washington,  September  10,  1861 
J.  McKinstry,  Brigadier  General  and  Quartermaster,  St.  Louis: 

Permit  me  to  introduce  James  L.  Lamb,  Esq.,  of  Springfield,  Il- 
linois. 

[515] 


SEPTEMBER       1  O,       l86l 

I  have  known  Mr.  Lamb  for  a  great  many  years.  His  reputation 
for  integrity  and  ability  to  carry  out  his  engagements  are  both 
unquestioned,  and  I  shall  be  pleased,  if  consistent  with  the  public 
good,  that  you  will  make  purchases  of  him  of  any  army  supplies 
needed  in  your  Department.  Your  obedient  servant, 

A.    LlKTCOLKT. 

1  Vindication  of  Brig.  Gen.  J.  McKinstry.  .  .  .  (1862),  p.  17.  Concerning 
McKinstry's  dismissal,  see  Lincoln's  approval  of  General  Order  No.  43,  January 
28,  1863,  infra. 

Memorandum:  Appointment  of  John  S.  Godfrey1 

[c.  September  10,  1861] 

Gen:  Hooker  wishes  -  Godfrey,  now  Q  3YL  and.  N.H.  to  be 
appointed  a  Brigade  Q.M.  for  his  Brigade.  He  is  now  acting  as 
such.  Senator  Hale,  Hon.  Mr.  Rollins,  &  Col.  Marston,2  all  back 
this  application. 

1  AD,  DLC-RTL.  First  Lieutenant  John  S.  Godfrey's  promotion  to  captain  and 
assistant  quartermaster  of  Volunteers,  dating  from  September  10,  1861,  was  sent 
to  the  Senate  in  a  list  of  similar  promotions  under  date  of  December  21.  General 
Hooker's  request  may  have  been  made  at  any  time  between  these  dates,  but  evi- 
dence for  more  specific  dating  of  Lincoln's  memorandum  has  not  been  found. 

2  Senator  John  P  Hale  and  Representative  Edward  H.  Rollins  of  New  Hamp- 
shire and  Colonel  Gilman  Marston  of  the  Tenth  New  Hampshire  Infantry. 

Order  Approving  Sentence  of  William  H.  Allen1 

Washington,  September  10,  1861. 

The  proceedings,  findings,  and  sentence  of  the  Court  in  the  case 
of  Colonel  William  H.  Allen,  ist  Regiment  New  York  Volunteers, 
are  confirmed  and  approved.  A. 


1  AGO,  General  Orders  No.  76,  September  10,  1861.  Colonel  Allen  had  been 
found  guilty  of  disobedience  of  orders,  maliciously  causing  private  property  to 
be  destroyed,  conduct  unbecoming  an  officer  and  a  gentleman,  and  breach  of 
arrest,  and  had  been  sentenced  to  be  cashiered. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

I  join  in  the  above  recommendation,  if  the  appointment  can  be 
made  consistently.  A.  LiisrcoLrsT 

Sept.  11,  1861. 

1  AES,  owned  by  E.  F.  Slater,  New  York  City.  Lincoln's  endorsement  follows 
the  recommendation  of  George  B.  McClellan  on  the  back  of  a  letter  from  William 
P  Brinton  of  Jefferson  County,  Virginia,  to  Cameron,  September  9,  1861,  applying 
for  appointment  as  first  lieutenant  of  Cavalry.  This  document  seems  to  have  be- 
come "lost,"  and  no  appointment  for  Brinton  is  of  record.  An  endorsement  on 

[516] 


SEPTEMBER      11,      l86l 

the  back  reads  "Rec'd  A.G.O.  for  entry  Oct  4,  1866."  William  P.  Brinton  served, 
however,  in  the  Fifty -ninth  Pennsylvania  and  became  lieutenant  colonel  of  the 
Eighteenth  Pennsylvania  Cavalry,  March  i,  1863  to  September  19,  1864,  when 
he  was  wounded  and  captured  at  Opeguan,  Virginia. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Executive  Mansion     Sep.  11.  1861 

This  day  Gen.  Mansfield  personally  appears,  and  urges  that  Ho- 
ratio G.  Wright,  of  Topographical  Engineers,  be  a  Brigadier  Gen- 
eral of  Volunteers,  as  a  Connecticut  appointment.  Gen.  Totten 
concurs,  as  Gen.  Mansfield  says. 

1  ALS,  IHi.  Horatio  G.  Wright  was  appointed  brigadier  general  of  Volunteers 
September  14,  1861. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

War  Department,  please  oblige  Gen.  McClernand,  if  possible. 
Sep.  11,  1861.  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  owned  by  Charles  Putnam,  Jr.,  Peoria,  Illinois.  Lincoln's  endorsement 
is  written  on  the  back  of  a  telegram  from  John  A.  McClernand  requesting  that 
First  Lieutenant  James  H.  Wilson  of  the  Topographical  Engineers  be  assigned  to 
his  staff  at  Cairo,  Illinois.  Wilson  was  assigned  instead  to  the  expedition  which 
captured  Port  Royal,  South  Carolina,  November  7,  1861  See  also  Lincoln  to 
Lorenzo  Thomas,  September  17,  infra. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

September  11,  1861 

I  have  before  said,  and  now  repeat,  that  by*  the  within,  and  other 
sources  of  information,  I  have  no  doubt  of  the  fitness  and  worthi- 
ness of  Mr.  Markland  to  be  a  Paymaster,  and  I  desire  his  appoint- 
ment if  it  can  consist  [ent]ly  be  made.  A.  LIJNTCOLI^. 
Sep.   11,   1861 

1  Stan.  V.  Henkels  Catalog  1262,  July  i,  1920,  No.  272.  According  to  the  catalog 
description,  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  a  letter  from  Allen 
A.  Burton,  minister  to  Colombia,  September  9,  1861,  asking  appointment  of  A.  H. 
Markland  as  paymaster.  No  appointment  of  Markland  as  paymaster  is  of  record, 
but  the  U.S.  Official  Register  lists  him  in  1863  as  special  agent  of  the  Post  Office 
Department  in  Tennessee. 

To  John  C.  Fremont1 

Washington,  D.C. 
Major  General  John  C.  Fremont.  Sep.  11.  1861. 

Sir:  Yours  of  the  8th.  in  answer  to  mine  of  and.  Inst.  is  just  re- 
ceived. Assuming  that  you,  upon  the  ground,  could  better  judge 

[517] 


SEPTEMBER      11,      l86l 

of  the  necessities  of  your  position  than  I  could  at  this  distance,  on 
seeing  your  proclamation  of  August  soth.  I  perceived  no  general 
objection  to  it.  The  particular  clause,  however,  in  relation  to  the 
confiscation  of  property  and  the  liberation  of  slaves,  appeared  to 
me  to  be  objectionable,  in  it's  non-conformity  to  the  Act  of  Con- 
gress passed  the  6th.  of  last  August  upon  the  same  subjects;  and 
hence  I  wrote  you  expressing  my  wish  that  that  clause  should  be 
modified  accordingly.  Your  answer,  just  received,  expresses  the 
preference  on  your  part,  that  I  should  make  an  open  order  for  the 
modification,  which  I  very  cheerfully  do.  It  is  therefore  ordered 
that  the  said  clause  of  said  proclamation  be  so  modified,  held,  and 
construed,  as  to  conform  to,  and  not  to  transcend,  the  provisions  on 
the  same  subject  contained  in  the  act  of  Congress  entitled  "An  Act 
to  confiscate  property  used  for  insurrectionary  purposes"  Ap- 
proved, August  6.  1861;  and  that  said  act  be  published  at  length 
with  this  order.  Your  Obt.  Servt  A.  LINCOLN. 

i  ADfS,  DLC-RTL;  LS  copy,  owned  "by  Crosby  Noyes  Boyd,  Washington,  D.C. 
The  copy  which,  was  given  to  the  press  bears  Lincoln's  endorsement  across  the 
top  of  the  first  page  as  follows:  "The  following  letter  from  the  President  to  Gen. 
Fremont  was  transmitted  to  the  latter  by  mail,  on  the  12th.  Inst."  Across  the 
bottom  of  the  second  page  of  the  copy  Lincoln  wrote  in  parentheses,  "The  Act 
referred  to  commences  on  page  80,  of  pamphlet  acts  of  congress  of  late  session." 
The  act  of  August  6,  1861,  section  4,  reads  as  follows:  "Provided  that  any  person 
held  to  service  or  labor,  by  laws  of  any  State,  to  another,  the  owner  of  such  claim 
to  labor  loses  his  claim  if  person  held  to  labor  is  employed  in  hostile  service  against 
the  government."  (See  Lincoln  to  Joseph  Holt,  September  12,  infra  )  On  Sep- 
tember 16,  Fremont  telegraphed  Lincoln,  "I  have  seen  in  the  papers  your  pub- 
lished telegram,  to  me.  The  original  has  never  reached  me.  Shall  I  act  on  that?" 
(DLC-RTL).  Lincoln's  reply,  if  any,  to  Fremont's  query  has  not  been  found,  but 
Lorenzo  Thomas  to  Cameron,  October  21,  1861,  specifies  that  ".  .  .  one  week 
after  the  receipt  of  the  President's  order  modifying  General  Fremont's  proclama- 
tion .  .  .  General  Fremont  .  .  .  required  ...  200  copies  of  the  original  procla- 
mation .  .  .  printed  and  sent  immediately  to  Ironton  [^Missouri]  .  .  .  for  distri- 
bution through  the  country.  .  .  ."  (OR,  I,  IV,  543).  See  also  Lincoln  to  Mrs. 
Fremont,  September  12,  infra. 

To  New  England  Governors1 

Sept.  11,  1861. 

Gen.  Butler  proposes  raising  in  New-England,  six  regiments,  to 
be  recruited  &  commanded  by  himself  &  to  go  on  special  service. 
I  shall  be  glad  if  you  as  Gov.  of  [blank]  will  answer  by  telegraph 
that  you  consent.  A.  LUSTCOLIS*. 

SiMoisr  CAMERON,  Prest. 

Sec.  of  War. 

1  ADf ,  RPB.  The  body  of  the  draft  of  this  telegram  is  in  Lincoln's  hand  except- 
ing "will"  following  the  blank,  left  for  insertion  of  the  state  name.  The  date,  Lin- 

[518] 


SEPTEMBER      12,       l86l 

coin's  name  and  Cameron's  are  added  in  Cameron's  handwriting.  Benjamin  But- 
ler's proposed  expedition  to  New  Orleans  had  been  under  consideration  since  early 
August  (see  Lincoln  to  Cameron,  August  2  and  the  draft  of  an  order  authorizing 
Butler's  Volunteer  force,  September  10,  supra). 

Replies  from  various  New  England  governors  on  September  11  giving  their 
approval  are  in  the  Official  Records  (III,  I,  498,  499,  509).  The  text  of  Lincoln's 
letter  to  the  New  England  governors,  September  10,  1861,  as  printed  in  Private 
and  Official  Correspondence  of  Gen.  Benjamin  F.  Butler  (1917),  I,  239,  seems  to 
be  incorrect  as  to  date  and  very  unlike  Lincoln  m  its  wording.  Since  there  seems 
to  be  no  sufficient  reason  for  supposing  that  Lincoln  sent  a  communication  on  both 
September  10  and  11,  the  editors  have  omitted  the  text  of  the  communication 
dated  September  10,  as  printed  in  the  Butler  correspondence. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  Sep.  12.  1861 

Mr.  Senator  Latham  asks  authority  for  Don  Andreas  Pico  to 
raise  a  Cavalry  Regiment  of  native  Mexican  citizens  of  California. 
Hear  Senator  Latham  upon  the  subject,  and  if  it  impresses  you  fa- 
vorably you  have  my  approbation.  Gen.  Stoneman  is  with  Sena- 
tor Latham,  and  vouches  for  the  Don,  and  approves  the  plan  gen- 
erally Yours  truly  A. 


1  ALS,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  In  spite  of  General  George  Stoneman's  and 
Senator  Milton  S.  Latham's  recommendations,  there  is  no  record  of  Don  Andreas 
Pico's  appointment. 


To  Mrs.  John  C.  Fremont1 

Mrs.  GenL  Fremont  Washington,  D.C.  Sep.  12.  1861 

My  dear  Madam — Your  two  notes  of  to-day  are  before  me.  I 
answered  the  letter  you  bore  me  from  Gen.  Fremont,  on  yester- 
day; and  not  hearing  from  you  during  the  day,  I  sent  the  answer 
to  him  by  mail. 

It  is  not  exactly  correct,  as  you  say  you  were  told  by  the  elder 
Mr.  Blair,  to  say  that  I  sent  Post-Master-General  Blair  to  St.  Louis 
to  examine  into  that  Department,  and  report.  Post-Master-General 
Blair  did  go,  with  my  approbation,  to  see  and  converse  with  Gen. 
Fremont  as  a  friend. 

I  do  not  feel  authorized  to  furnish  you  with  copies  of  letters  in 
my  possession  without  the  consent  of  the  writers. 

No  impression  has  been  made  on  my  mind  against  the  honor  or 
integrity  of  Gen.  Fremont;  and  I  now  enter  my  protest  against 
being  understood  as  acting  in  any  hostility  towards  him.  Your  Obt. 
Servt  A. 

[519] 


SEPTEMBER      12,       l86l 

1  ADfS,  DLC-RTL.  See  Lincoln  to  David  Hunter,  September  9,  and  Lincoln  to 
Fremont,  September  11,  supra.  One  of  Mrs.  Fremont's  letters  requested  Lincoln's 
answer  of  September  11,  supra,  already  sent  by  mail,  the  other  specified  that  she 
had  learned  from  Francis  P  Blair,  Sr.,  of  Francis  E  Blair,  Jr.'s  letter  to  Montgom- 
ery Blair  September  i,  and  requested  a  copy  of  it  ".  .  .  and  any  other  communi- 
cations .  .  .  which  .  .  .  have  made  the  investigation  necessary.  .  .  .** 


To  Joseph  Holt1 

Hon.  Joseph  Holt  Executive  Mansion  Sep.  12.  1861 

Dear  Sir  Yours  of  this  day,  in  relation  to  the  late  proclamation 
of  Gen.  Fremont,  is  received.  Yesterday  I  addressed  a  letter  to  him 
by  mail,  on  the  same  subject,  and  which  is  intended  to  be  made 
public  when  he  receives  it.  I  herewith  send  you  a  copy  of  that  let- 
ter, which,  perhaps,  shows  my  position  as  distinctly  as  any  new 
one  I  could  write.  I  will  thank  you  to  not  make  it  public,  until 
Gen.  Fremont  shall  have  had  time  to  receive  the  original.  Your 
Obt.  Servt.  A. 


*  ADfS,  DLC-RTL.  Holt  to  Lincoln,  September  12,  1861,  ".  .  .  The  procla- 
mation ...  of  Genl.  Fremont  .  .  .  transcends  &  ...  violates  the  law.  .  .  ." 
(Ibid.}.  The  copy  of  the  letter  which  Lincoln  enclosed  to  Holt  was  released  on 
September  14  (New  York  Herald*),  but  Fremont  still  had  not  received  the  copy 
sent  by  mail.  See  Lincoln  to  Fremont,  September  11,  supra. 


To  James  W.  Ripley1 

September  12,  1861 

Mr.  Weston  says  there  is  a  vacancy  of  a  Military  Storekeeper  in 
the  Regular  Army;  and  to  which  he  wishes  to  be  appointed.  I 
know  nothing  of  it;  but  if  the  head  of  the  Department  or  Bureau, 
having  the  matter  in  charge,  will  be  satisfied  that  his  appointment 
is  proper,  I  have  no  objection  A.  LINCOLN 

Sep.  12.  1861. 

1  ALS,  OClWHi.  Charles  Weston  was  appointed  military  storekeeper  at  the 
Watertown,  Connecticut,  Arsenal,  but  was  removed  by  General  James  W.  Ripley, 
chief  of  ordnance,  in  September,  1862,  on  charges  of  neglect  of  duty  and  diso- 
bedience of  orders  preferred  by  Captain  Thomas  J.  Rodman  in  command.  See 
also  Lincoln  to  George  M.  Weston,  September  28,  infra. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Sept.  13.  1861 

Charles  Case,  formerly  M.C.  from  the  district  of  Indiana  now 
represented  by  Hon.  Mr.  Mitchell,  has  been,  and.  is  working  so 

[520] 


SEPTEMBER      13,       l86l 

well  for  us  in  the  matter  of  volunteering  in  Indiana,  that  Mr. 
Mitchell  is  very  anxious  for  him  to  be  offered  a  Pay-Mastership.  I 
say  offered,  for  Mr.  Case  has  not  himself  asked  for  it.  ... 

1  American  Art  Association  Anderson  Galleries  Catalog  3955,  March  4,  1932, 
No.  121.  This  incomplete  text  is  all  that  is  available.  Representative  William 
Mitchell  was  a  lawyer  of  Kendallville,  Indiana.  Charles  Case,  a  lawyer  of  Fort 
Wayne,  was  not  nominated  to  the  Senate  as  an  additional  paymaster  until  March 
28,  1864,  and  was  confirmed  April  20,  1864,  after  three  years  of  service  in  the 
Indiana  Volunteers  as  a  commissioned  officer  ranking  progressively  from  first 
lieutenant  to  colonel. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

If  the  appointment  within  requested  can  be  made  according  to 
law,  and  the  rules  of  the  Dept.  I  shall  be  pleased  for  it  to  be  done 
Sept.  13,  1861  A. 


1  Copy,  DNA  WB.  RG  107,  Secretary  of  War,  Personnel  Appointments,  Box  12. 
The  copy  of  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  on  the  back  of  a  copy  of  a  War  Department 
memorandum  concerning  the  application  of  Sergeant  Charles  Hancock,  "about 
thirty  years  of  age"  to  become  a  second  lieutenant  in  the  Marine  Corps.  Hancock 
had  all  the  necessary  qualifications  and  recommendations,  but  according  to  law, 
".  .  .  all  applicants  must  be  between  the  respective  ages  of  20  &  not  over  25 
years  of  age."  There  is  no  record  of  his  appointment. 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

Sep.  13.   1861. 

To-day,  Hon.  W.  E  Thomasson2  calls  to  say  William  Forrester, 
of  Louisville,  Ky,  who  was  raised  by  Mrs.  J.  F.  Speed,  ought  to  be 
Sec.  of  Leg.  to  Chili. 

Is  it  Chili,  that  Judge  Barton3  goes  to?  and  is  there  a  Sec.  of  Leg. 
to  Barton's  mission?  If  so,  I  am  willing,  I  am  willing  [sic']  that 
William  Forrester,  above  named,  shall  have  it.  A  Lirq-coLN 

1  ALS,  NAuE.  There  is  no  record  of  William  Forrester's  appointment. 

2  William  P.  Thomasson,  formerly  congressman  from  Kentucky  (1843-1847). 

3  The  name  appears  to  be  "Barton,"  but  Lincoln  may  have  referred  to  Allen 
A,  Burton  of  Kentucky,  appointed  minister  to  New  Granada    (Colombia). 


To  Richard  Yates1 

[September  13,  1861] 

The  bearer  of  this  Victor  B.  Bell  is  an  Illinoisan,  and  one  of  the 
cleverest  and  best  business  men  in  the  State.  He  wishes  to  get  a 

[521] 


SEPTEMBER      ±4,       l86l 

position  not  lower  than  Captain  in  some  volunteer  Regiment;  and 
I  shall  be  greatly  obliged  if  you  can  assist  him  in  it. 

Please  take  some  special  interest  in  it.  You  never  served  a  better 
man,  or  one  who  will  more  amply  appreciate  and  justify  what  you 
may  do  for  him.  Yours  Truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  Copy,  IHi-Yates  Papers.  The  copy  is  contained  in  Bell  to  Yates,  September  14, 
1861,  in  which.  Bell  says,  "I  hold  a  letter  of  introduction  to  you  from  Pres  Lincoln, 
dated  on  yesterday  of  which  [the]  following  is  a  copy.  .  .  ."  There  is  no  record 
of  Bell's  appointment  by  Governor  Yates.  See  also  Lincoln  to  Cameron,  August  22, 
supra,  concerning  Bell. 


To  Edward  Bates1 

September  14,   1861 

If  the  Attorney  General  knows  no  objection,  I  know  none,  to  Mr. 
Horatio  R.  Maryman's  being  a  Justice  of  the  Peace  for  this  Dis- 
trict. A.  LINCOLN 
Sep.  14.  1861. 

1  AES,  CSmH.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  Benjamin  B. 
French,  commissioner  of  public  buildings,  to  Edward  C.  Carrington,  August  29, 
1861,  recommending  Horatio  R.  Maryman.  Record  of  Maryman's  appointment 
has  not  been  found. 


To  John  W.  Davis1 

[September  15?]    1861 

The  President  has  read  this  letter;  and  he  deeply  commisserates 
the  condition  of  any  one  so  distressed  as  the  writer  seems  to  be.  He 
does  not  know  Mr.  Davis — only  knows  him  to  be  one  of  the  ar- 
rested Police  Commissioners  of  Baltimore  because  he  says  so  in 
this  letter.  Assuming  him  to  be  one  of  those  Commissioners,  the 
President  understands  Mr.  Davis  could  at  the  time  of  his  arrest, 
could  at  any  time  since,  and  can  now,  be  released  by  taking  a  full 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States;  and 
that  Mr.  Davis  has  not  been  kept  in  ignorance  of  this  condition  of 
release.  If  Mr.  Davis  is  still  so  hostile  to  the  Government,  and  so 
determined  to  aid  its'  enemies  in  destroying  it,  he  makes  his  own 
choice. 

1  AES  copy,  DLC-RTL.  The  copy  of  this  endorsement  was  retained  by  Lincoln 
when  he  returned  Davis'  letter  of  September  11,  on  which  the  original  endorse- 
ment was  written.  Davis  acknowledged  its  receipt  in  a  second  letter  written  at  Fort 
Lafayette,  New  York,  September  20,  1861,  ".  .  .  if  after  an  imprisonment  of 
nearly  three  months,  I  were  to  procure  my  release  by  taking  an  oath  in  refer- 


SEPTEMBER      ±5,       l86l 

ence  to  my  future  conduct,  my  compliance  .  .  .  might  ...  be  construed  into  an 
admission  .  .  .  that  something  in  my  past  .  .  .  justified  the  .  .  .  obliga- 
tion. .  .  ."  (Ibid.}. 

Statement  Concerning  Arrests  in  Maryland1 

[c.  September  15,  1861] 

The  public  safety  renders  It  necessary  that  the  grounds  of  these 
arrests  should  at  present  be  withheld,  but  at  the  proper  time  they 
will  be  made  public.  Of  one  thing  the  people  of  Maryland  may  rest 
assured:  that  no  arrest  has  been  made,  or  will  be  made,  not  based 
on  substantial  and  unmistakable  complicity  with  those  in  armed 
rebellion  against  the  Government  of  the  United  States.  In  no  case 
has  an  arrest  been  made  on  mere  sxtspicion,  or  through  personal 
or  partisan  animosities,  but  in  all  cases  the  Government  is  in  pos- 
session of  tangible  and  unmistakable  evidence,  which  will,  when 
made  public,  be  satisfactory  to  every  loyal  citizen. 

1  Baltimore  American,  September  21,  1861.  According  to  the  American,  Lin- 
coln's statement  was  made  "in  reply  to  an  inquiry  as  to  the  cause  of  the  arrest  of 
Mayor  Brown."  Secessionist  members  of  the  Maryland  legislature  and  certain 
other  public  officials,  including  Mayor  George  W.  Brown  of  Baltimore,  were 
arrested  September  13-16.  Many  were  released  on  oath  or  parole  from  time  to 
time,  the  last  being  released  November  27,  1862.  (See  OR,  II,  I,  563-748.) 


To  Unidentified  Persons1 

[c.  September  15,  1861?] 

Gentlemen: — Yours  of  to-day,  with  the  enclosure  from  Mr. 
Ridgely,  has  been  received  and  referred  to  General  Scott,  as  I 
know  nothing  whatever  of  the  particular  case. 

May  I  beg  you  to  consider  the  difficulties  of  my  position  and 
solicit  your  kind  assistance  in  it?  Our  security  in  the  seizing  of 
arms  for  our  destruction  will  amount  to  nothing  at  all,  if  we  are 
never  to  make  mistakes  in  searching  a  place  where  there  are  none. 
I  shall  continue  to  do  the  very  best  I  can  to  discriminate  between 
true  and  false  men.  In  the  mean  time,  let  me,  once  more,  beg  your 
assistance  in  allaying  irritations  which  are  unavoidable.  Yours, 
very  truly,  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  Hertz,  II,  856.  Hertz  printed  this  letter  without  date  or  other  reference.  No 
trace  of  the  original  manuscript  has  been  found,  but  the  contents  of  the  letter  sug- 
gest that  it  may  have  been  written  at  the  time  of  the  Baltimore  arrests.  The  fact 
that  Lincoln  answers  on  the  same  date  the  incoming  letter  was  written,  suggests 
that  his  correspondents  were  not  farther  away  than  Baltimore.  "Mr.  Ridgely"  may 
have  been  James  L,  Ridgely,  whom  Lincoln  appointed  collector  of  internal  rev- 
enue at  Baltimore  in  December,  1862. 

T523T 


To  Robert  Anderson1 

Genl.  R.  Anderson  [September  16,  1861] 

Louisville,  Ky.  from  Washington 

From  what  you  telegraph  to-day,  I  think  you  better  take  actrve 
command  in  Kentucky  at  once.  War  Department  will  telegraph 
you  about  arms  to-morrow.  A.  LUNTCOUNT 

1  ALS,  owned  by  Weldon  Petz,  Detroit,  Michigan;  copy,  DLC-RTL.  The  orig- 
inal coirununication  is  written  on  a  U.S.  Military  Telegraph  blank.  Although 
the  original  is  undated,  the  copy  bears  the  date  September  16,  and  with  the  copy 
there  is  the  copy  of  Anderson's  telegram  received  on  the  same  date:  "We  have 
received  positive  information  that  the  Tennesseans  are  invading  Kentucky  through 
the  Cumberland  Gap.  We  can  get  plenty  of  men  if  we  can  obtain  arms  for  them. 
This  is  of  vital  importance.  ROBT  ANDERSON." 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

If  the  facts  are  as  within  stated,  of  which  I  know  not,  I  have  no 
objection  to  the  appointment  as  proposed.  A.  LINCOLN 

Sep.  16.  1861 

1  AES,  DLC-RTL.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  General 
Joseph  K.  F.  Mansfield  to  Cameron,  September  12,  1861,  recommending  Lieuten- 
ant Colonel  Samuel  W.  Owen  of  the  **.  .  .  ist.  Kentucky  Cavalry  (so  called). 
.  .  ."  for  promotion  to  colonel  of  that  regiment.  Below  Lincoln's  endorsement  is 
the  following:  "Respectfully  returned  to  the  President  who  is  informed  that  Le 
Prince  Felix  de  Salm  Salm  has  been  appointed  the  Colonel  of  this  Regiment. 
SIMON  CAMERON,  Secy  of  War."  No  further  record  of  Prince  Salm  Salm's  con- 
nection with  the  First  Kentucky  Cavalry  has  been  found,  but  other  sources 
indicate  his  service  on  General  Louis  Blenker's  staff  and  as  colonel  of  the  Eighth 
New  York  Infantry  (October  31,  1862  —  April  23,  1863)  and  of  the  Sixty-eighth 
New  York  Infantry  (June  8,  1864  —  November  30,  1865). 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Respectfully  submitted  to  the  War  Department,  asking  a  fair 
consideration  of  this  case. 

September  16,  1861 

1  The  Flying  Quill,  February  —  March,  1950,  No.  57.  According  to  the  catalog 
description,  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  on  a  recommendation  of  George  Stoneman 
for  a  brigadier  generalship.  Stoneman's  appointment  as  brigadier  ranking  from 
August  13,  1861,  was  confirmed  by  the  Senate  on  March  7,  1862. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

September  16,  1861. 

Secretary  of  War  please  send  to  General  Scott  a  copy  of  your 
dispatch  from  General  Fremont,  showing  the  localities  and  num- 
ber of  his  forces.  A. 


1  OR,  I,  III,  493.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  on  Fremont's  dispatch  of  September 
15  listing  a  total  of  55,693  men  (ibid.). 

[524] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

I  am  willing  to  make  Gen.  Cadwallader,  a  Brigadier,  or  a  Major 
General,  any  moment  when  Gen.  Cameron  says  so. 

Sep  16.  1861  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of 
a  page  containing  copies  of  letters  recommending  appointment  of  George  Cad- 
walader  of  Philadelphia  as  brigadier  general.  An  endorsement  by  George  B.  Mc- 
Clellan  of  the  same  date  reads  in  part,  "I  cannot  recommend  the  appoint- 
ment. .  .  .  If  he  be  appointed  ...  I  would  respectfully  request  that  he  may  not 
be  assigned  to  duty  .  .  .  under  my  command.  .  .  ."  Cadwalader  was  not  nom- 
inated to  the  Senate  as  major  general  until  March  28,  1862,  and  was  confirmed 
April  25. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

The  Sec.  or  Asst.  Sec.  of  War  can  exercise  discretion  in  this  case. 
Sep.  16.  1861.  A  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of 
a  letter  from  civil  engineer  Albert  B.  Cooley,  Philadelphia,  August  23,  1861,  re- 
questing permission  to  communicate  with  his  men  employed  in  deepening  the 
channel  of  the  James  River  below  Richmond,  Virginia,  under  contract  with  that 
city  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war.  A  previous  endorsement  by  Thomas  A.  Scott,  Sep- 
tember 13,  recommended  Cooley's  sending  ".  .  .  open  letters  to  his  men  through 
Genl  Wool  Commanding  at  Fortress  Monroe — letters  to  be  forwarded  ...  as  op- 
portunity .  .  ,  may  offer." 

To  Winfield  Scott1 

Executive  Mansion, 

Washington,  D.C., 

Lieutenant-General  Scott:  September  16,  1861. 

My  dear  Sir:  Since  conversing  with  you  I  have  concluded  to 
request  you  to  frame  an  order  for  recruiting  North  Carolinians  at 
Fort  Hatteras.  I  suggest  it  be  so  framed  as  for  us  to  accept  a  small- 
er force — even  a  company — if  we  cannot  get  a  regiment  or  more. 
"What  is  necessary  to  now  say  about  officers,  you  will  judge.  Gov- 
ernor Seward  says  he  has  a  nephew  (Clarence  A.  Seward,  I  be- 
lieve) who  would  be  willing  to  go  and  play  colonel  and  assist  in 
raising  the  force.  Still,  it  is  to  be  considered  whether  the  North 
Carolinians  will  not  prefer  officers  of  their  own,  I  should  expect 
they  would.  Yours  very  truly,  A.  LmcoLisr. 

1  OR,  I,  IV,  613.  AGO  General  Orders  No.  79,  September  17,  1861,  authorized 
the  acceptance  of  services  of  loyal  North  Carolinians,  not  to  exceed  one  regiment, 
at  Hatteras  Inlet.  Clarence  A.  Seward  was  lieutenant  colonel  of  the  Nineteenth 
New  York  Infantry  May  22 — September  28,  1861,  but  no  other  reference  to  his 
military  service  has  been  found. 

[525] 


To  Caleb  B.  Smith1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  Interior  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  Sep.  16.  1861. 

Please  please  [szc]  see  the  bearer,  Dr.  Lincoln,  and  hear  him  as 
to  a  Mr.  Chesney.  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

3-ALS,  owned  by  George  Gould  Lincoln,  Washington,  D.C.  Dr.  Nathan  S. 
Lincoln  of  Washington  sought  the  release  of  his  friend  James  Chesney,  a  native 
of  South  Carolina  who  had  been  dismissed  from  his  post  as  clerk  in  the  Pension 
Office  on  August  30,  1861,  and  imprisoned  because  of  an  intercepted  letter  to  his 
son  in  the  Confederate  Army.  Chesney  was  released  through  the  influence  of 
his  friends  (Jeanie  Gould  Lincoln,  "Out  With  Mosby's  Men,"  Petersorts  Maga- 
zine,, December,  1888,  pp.  532-33)- 

To  Gideon  Welles1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  Navy  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  Sept.  16.  1861 

Judge  Peters2  says  that  Robert  Mitchell,  of  Darlington  District, 
South  Carolina,  wishes  to  enter  the  Naval  [Academy],  and  that 
the  M.C.  of  the  District  would  have  nominated  him  had  it  not  been 
for  secession.  I  do  not  know  the  young  man;  but  if  he  be  shown 
to  be  loyal,  and  qualified  &  suitable  in  other  respects,  I  think  you 
might  appoint  him.  Yours  truly  A.  LiiNrcoiJsr 

1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  There  is  no  record  of  Robert  Mitchell's  appointment. 

2  John  H.  Peters. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

I  personally  know  Mr.  Parsons,  &  have  no  doubt  he  would  make  a 
good  Paymaster,  Qtr.  Master,  or  Commissary.  A.  LINCOLN 

Sep.  17.  1861. 

1  AES,  DNA  WE.  B.G  107,  Secretary  of  War,  Personnel  Appointments,  Box  4. 
Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  letters  from  Henry  D.  Bacon  and 
Hiram  Barney,  September  6,  1861,  recommending  Lewis  B.  Parsons  for  an  ap- 
pointment. Parsons  was  appointed  captain  and  quartermaster  of  Volunteers,  Oc- 
tober 31,  1861. 

To  Winfield  Scott1 

September  17,  1861 

Will  Lieut.  Gen.  Scott  please  consider,  and  inform  me  what  can 
be,  and  ought  to  be  done  as  a  recognition  of  the  gallantry  of  the 
officers  who  fought  with  Gen.  Lyon  at  Wilson's  creek? 
Sep.  17.  1861.  A 

[526] 


SEPTBMBER      1  8,      l86l 

i  ALS,  RPB.  No  reply  from  Scott  has  been  located,  tut  a  joint  resolution  of 
ongress,  approved  December  24,  and  printed  in  AGO  General  Orders  No.  ***, 
December  30,  1861,  gave  recognition  to  the  late  Brigadier  General  Nathaniel 
^yon  and  authorized  each  regiment  engaged  in  the  battle  of  Springfield,  Missouri 
...  to  bear  upon  its  colors  the  word  'Springfield*  embroidered  in  letters  of 
fold  .  .  ."  (OR,  I,  111,93). 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

Respectfully  submitted  to  the  State  Department,  with  the  inquiry 
'Has  Edwards  yet  gone  to  Demarara?  A  LINCOLN 

Sep.  17.  1861. 

1  AES,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  358.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  writ- 
en  on  the  back  of  a  testimonial  of  John  L  Pfau,  September  16,  1861,  as  to  the 
lisloyalty  of  Reverend  Charles  A.  Page  of  Newport,  Kentucky.  Below  Lincoln's 
indorsement  is  Seward's  reply,  "No  He  has  not  gone — and  I  advise  that  his  com- 
nission  be  revoked.  WHS."  The  only  apparent  connection  between  the  cases  of 
3age  and  Theodore  D.  Edwards,  appointed  consul  at  Demerara,  British  Guiana, 
s  that  both  were  Kentuckians  accused  of  disloyalty.  The  U.S.  Official  Register 
ists  Edwards  as  consul,  as  of  September  30,  1861,  but  in  1863  the  consulship  at 
Demerara  is  vacant.  See  Lincoln  to  Seward,  August  6,  supra. 

To  Lorenzo  Thomas1 

September  17,  1861 

Gen.  McClernand,  has  shown  great  energy,  and  industry.  He  sat 
in  Congress  to  the  end  of  the  session;  and  since  then  has  effected 
certainly  as  much  as  any  other  Brig:  Genl.  in  organizing  forces. 
He  is  now  in  full  command  at  Cairo,  &  without  an  aid.  Please  let 
him  have  the  one  he  asks  for  within.  A.  LusrcoL.iN' 

Sep.  17.  1861. 

1  AES,  owned  by  R.  E.  Burdick,  New  York  City.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is 
written  on  the  back  of  McClernand's  letter  of  September  11,  1861,  explaining 
more  fully  than  his  telegram  of  the  same  date  (see  Lincoln  to  Cameron,  Sep- 
tember 11,  supra}  his  need  as  commanding  officer  at  Cairo,  Illinois,  for  a  staff 
officer  and  asking  again  for  the  assignment  of  First  Lieutenant  James  H.  Wilson: 
".  .  .  all  this  work  I  have  done  without  a  staff —  without  an  adjutant,  and  even 
without  an  aid,  for  the  commission  of  Capt.  Bielaski  has  been  revoked."  A  lengthy 
endorsement  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Hartman  Bache,  Bureau  of  Topographical 
Engineers,  September  18,  explained  that  Lieutenant  Wilson  had  been  assigned  to 
recruiting  a  company  of  enlisted  men  and  that  other  generals  (Dix,  Anderson, 
and  Samuel  R.  Curtis)  were  ahead  of  McClernand  with  requests  for  a  staff 
officer  from  the  Bureau. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion  Sept.   18.  1861 

My  dear  Sir:  To  guard  against  misunderstanding  I  think  fit  to 
say  that  the  joint  expedition  of  the  Army  and  Navy  agreed  upon 

[527] 


SEPTEMBER      1  8->       l86l 

some  time  since,  and  in  which  Gen.  T.  W.  Sherman  was  and  is  to 
bear  a  conspicuous  part,  is  in  no  wise  to  be  abandoned,  but  must 
be  ready  to  move  by  the  first  of,  or  very  early  in,  October.  Let  all 
preparations  go  forward  accordingly.  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1 ALS,  owned  by  Edward  C.  Stone,  Boston,  Massachusetts.  Brigadier  General 
Thomas  W.  Sherman  commanded  the  Army  units  of  the  expedition  which  left 
Hampton  Roads,  Virginia,  October  29,  and  occupied  Port  Royal,  South  Carolina, 
November  7,  1861.  See  the  same  letter  to  Welles,  infra. 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  State  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  Sep.  18.  1861 

Mr.  Williams  wants  a  Consulship.  If  you  can  find  one  he  is  will- 
ing to  take,  I  have  no  objection.  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  404.  William  R.  Williams  is  not 
listed  as  consul  either  in  1861  or  1863  in  the  U.S.  Official  Register. 


To  Gideon  Welles1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  Navy.  Executive  Mansion  Sept.  18,  1861 

My  dear  Sir  To  guard  against  misunderstanding  I  think  fit 
to  say  that  the  joint  expedition  of  the  Army  and  Navy,  agreed 
upon  some  time  since.,  and  in  which  Gen.  T.  W.  Sherman  was,  and 
is  to  bear  a  conspicuous  part,  is  in  nowise  to  be  abandoned,  but 
must  be  ready  to  move  by  the  first  of,  or  very  early  in  October. 
Let  all  preparations  go  forward  accordingly.  Yours  truly 

A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  DNA  WR  NB  RG  45,  Executive  Letters,  No.  129.  See  the  same  letter  to 
Cameron  and  note,  supra. 


To  William  S.  Wood1 

If  the  items  of  this  bill  are  correct,  in  all  respects,  let  it  be  paid 
out  of  fund  for  furnishing  Presidential  Mansion. 

Sep.  18.  1861.  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  DNA  RG  217,  General  Accounting  Office.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  on 
the  back  of  a  bill  rendered  by  John  Alexander  to  the  commissioner  of  Public 
Buildings  in  the  amount  of  $335.50  for  materials  and  labor  in  erecting  a  large 
tent  on  the  "Presidents  Grounds  .  .  .  June  27,  July  3,  6,  10,  13,  17,  20,  1861." 
Commissioner  Wood  endorsed  "I  certify  the  above  to  be  correct.  W.  S.  "Wood." 

[528] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Sec.  of  War,  please  see  the  bearer — Mrs.  Warren. 
Sep.   19.  1861  A. 

1  ALS,  RPB.  Mrs.  Warren  has  not  been  identified. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

September  19,  1861 

Let  Staff  officers  be  appointed  for  Gen.  Paine,  as  within  requested. 
Gen:  Camron  perceives  that  our  friend  Leonard  Swett  is  one  of 
them.  A.  LINCOLN 

Sep.  19.  1861. 

1  AES,  IHi.  Lincoln's  endorsement  appears  on  a  letter  of  Brigadier  Gen- 
eral Eleazar  A.  Paine  to  Lorenzo  Thomas,  Paducah,  Kentucky,  September  12, 
1861,  asking  the  following  appointments  to  his  staff: 

"Leonard  Swett,  Asst.  Adjt.  Genl.  Richard  E.  Davis  Brigade  Commissary 
Algernon  S  Baxter  Brigade  Qr.  Master  Ephraim  Gilmore  Aid,  Captain  Phelps 
Paine  aid,  ist  Lieut.'* 

Swett  was  appointed  on  November  16,  but  the  appointment  was  cancelled. 
Davis  and  Baxter  were  appointed  on  November  23.  No  record  of  the  appoint- 
ment of  Gilmore  has  been  found.  Phelps  Paine  was  appointed  lieutenant  and 
assistant  adjutant  general  of  Volunteers  as  of  October  23,  1861. 

To  Winfield  Scott1 

September  19,  1861 

These  papers  have  been  handed  me  by  James  Baker,  the  father.  If 
the  boy  be  under  eighteen  is  he  entitled  to  a  discharge?  And  if  so, 
how  is  the  fact  as  to  age,  to  be  ascertained?  A.  LINCOLN 

Sep.  19.  1861. 

1  AES,  DLC-RTL-.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  a  deposition 
by  James  Baker,  September  17,  1861,  requesting  a  discharge  for  his  only  son  Al- 
mon  Baker,  a  minor,  who  had  enlisted  without  his  father's  consent,  and  -was  at 
the  time  a  member  of  Company  G,  Second  Michigan  Infantry.  Scott's  endorse- 
ment written  immediately  below  Lincoln's  cites  an  act  of  congress,  September  28, 
1850,  under  which  the  boy  should  be  discharged  ".  .  .  upon  evidence  being  pro- 
duced satisfactory  to  the  Secretary  that  the  recruit  was  a  minor.  .  .  .** 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  Sep.  20.  1861 

There  are  pressing  demands  for  arms  both  at  St.  Louis  and  at 
Louisville;  while  I  do  not  know  that  any  can  be  spared  for  either 
place.  If,  however,  with  your  better  knowledge  of  the  facts,  you 

[529] 


SEPTEMBER      2O,       l86l 

can  spare  any  for  St.  Louis,  to  the  extent  of  four  or  five  thousand 
let  them  be  shipped  to  the  order  of  Gov.  Gamble.  Yours  truly 

A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Governor  Gamble  telegraphed  Edward  Bates, 
September  17,  "For  God's  sake  get  me  arms  for  infantry  &  cavalry";  and  Joshua 
F.  Speed  telegraphed  twice  on  September  17:  ".  .  .  Men  plenty  but  no 
arms.  .  .  .";  ".  .  .  Our  men  cannot  go  into  camp  -without  arms,  as  they  can  at 
the  North;  as  we  have  enemies  at  home.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL). 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

And  I  sent,  this  morning,  an  order  for  Todd's  appointment,  on  the 
back  of  Gen.  McClellan's  letter  recommending  three  others. 
Sep.  20.  1861.  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of 
a  note  from  Cameron,  "Genl.  Thomas  has  called  to  say  he  recommends  the 
apptment  of  Mr.  Todd  as  a  Brigade  General."  Lincoln's  endorsement  on  McClel- 
lan's  letter  has  not  been  located,  but  John  B.  S.  Todd  was  appointed  brigadier 
general  of  Volunteers  September  19,  1861. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

If  there  be  a  vacancy,  let  Charles  Weston  be  appointed  a  Military 
Store-Keeper,  as  indicated  within  by  Gen.  Ripley. 

Sep.  20.  1861  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  IHi.  Lincoln's  endorsement  appears  on  a  letter  from  Brigadier 
General  James  W.  Ripley,  September  19,  1861,  recommending  Charles  Weston 
of  Maine  for  appointment  as  military  storekeeper  in  the  Ordnance  Department. 
See  Lincoln  to  Ripley,  September  12,  1861,  supra. 

Memorandum : 
Appointment  of  Henry  D.  Wallen,  Jr.1 

[c.  September  21,  1861] 
West-Point. 
I  wish  this  case  to  be  specially  attended  to.  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  DNA  WR  RG  94,  U.S.  Military  Academy,  1861,  No.  908,  Box  80.  Lin- 
coln's endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  Cameron  to  Mrs.  Laura  L.  Wallen, 
New  York  City,  September  21,  1861,  promising  an  appointment  for  her  son 
"...  in  January  or  February  next.  .  .  ."  See  Lincoln  to  Joseph  G.  Totten,  Janu- 
ary 18,  1862,  infra. 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

[c.  September  21,  1861] 

Mr.  Miller,  the  old  gentleman  concerning  whom  Maj.  Ramsay 
writes  the  within  letter,  is  employed,  and  for  a  long  time  has  been, 

[530] 


SEPTEMBER      2  25     l86l 

at  the  Arsenal.  He  is  now  implicated  for  disloyalty  by  some  evi- 
dence before  the  Congressional  Investigating  Committee  now  in 
session  in  this  City,  and  is  in  danger  of  discharge.  I  have  seen  him, 
and  believe  him  to  be  loyal.  Please  see  him,  and  talk  with  him;  and 
if  he  makes  the  same  impression  "upon  you,  administer  the  Oath 
of  Allegiance  to  him,  &  give  him  a  request  to  the  War  Department 
that  he  be  allowed  to  retain  his  place.  A.  LirccoLiNr. 

Hon.  Sec.  of  State. 

1  Hertz,  II,  881  (n.d.).  George  D.  Ramsay  wrote  to  Representative  John  F. 
Potter,  December  11,  1861,  in  reply  to  a  query  concerning  what  disposition  had 
been  made  of  employees  listed  by  the  committee  on  loyalty  of  government  em- 
ployees, "Mr.  [Isaac  S.]  Miller  was  reinstated  on  the  2±st  September,  at  the 
request  of  the  honorable  Secretary  of  State,  and  with  the  approbation  and  .  .  . 
direction  of  the  .  .  .  Secretary  of  War."  (Thirty-seventh  Congress,  Second 
Session,  House  of  Representatives  Report  No.  x6>  p.  8). 


To  Orville  H.  Browning1 

Private  <&  confidential. 

Hon.  O.  H.  Browning  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  Washington  Sept  22d  1861. 

Yours  of  the  i/th  is  just  received;  and  coming  from  you,  I  con- 
fess it  astonishes  me.  That  you  should  object  to  my  adhering  to  a 
law,  which  you  had  assisted  in  making,  and  presenting  to  me,  less 
than  a  month  before,  is  odd  enough.  But  this  is  a  very  small  part. 
Genl.  Fremont's  proclamation,  as  to  confiscation  of  property,  and 
the  liberation  of  slaves,  is  purely  political.,  and  not  within  the 
range  of  military  law,  or  necessity.  If  a  commanding  General  finds 
a  necessity  to  seize  the  farm  of  a  private  owner,  for  a  pasture,  an 
encampment,  or  a  fortification,  he  has  the  right  to  do  so,  and  to 
so  hold  it,  as  long  as  the  necessity  lasts;  and  this  is  within  military 
law,  because  within  military  necessity.  But  to  say  the  farm  shall 
no  longer  belong  to  the  owner,  or  his  heirs  forever;  and  this  as 
well  when  the  farm  is  not  needed  for  military  purposes  as  'when 
it  is,  is  purely  political,  without  the  savor  of  military  law  about  it. 
And  the  same  is  true  of  slaves.  If  the  General  needs  them,  he  can 
seize  them,  and  use  them;  but  when  the  need  is  past,  it  is  not  for 
him  to  fix  their  permanent  future  condition.  That  must  be  settled 
according  to  laws  made  by  law-makers,  and  not  by  military  proc- 
lamations. The  proclamation  in  the  point  in  question,  is  simply 
"dictatorship."  It  assumes  that  the  general  may  do  anything  he 
pleases — confiscate  the  lands  and  free  the  slaves  of  loyal  people, 
as  well  as  of  disloyal  ones.  And  going  the  whole  figure  I  have  no 

[531] 


SEPTEMBER      22,     l86l 

doubt  would  be  more  popular  with  some  thoughtless  people,  than 
that  which  has  been  done!  But  I  cannot  assume  this  reckless  posi- 
tion; nor  allow  others  to  assume  it  on  my  responsibility.  You  speak 
of  it  as  being  the  only  means  of  saving  the  government.  On  the 
contrary  it  is  itself  the  surrender  of  the  government.  Can  it  be 
pretended  that  it  is  any  longer  the  government  of  the  U.S. — any 
government  of  Constitution  and  laws, — wherein  a  General,  or  a 
President,  may  make  permanent  rules  of  property  by  proclama- 
tion? 

I  do  not  say  Congress  might  not  with  propriety  pass  a  law,  on 
the  point,  just  such  as  General  Fremont  proclaimed.  I  do  not  say  I 
might  not,  as  a  member  of  Congress,  vote  for  it.  What  I  object  to, 
is,  that  I  as  President,  shall  expressly  or  impliedly  seize  and  ex- 
ercise the  permanent  legislative  functions  of  the  government. 

So  much  as  to  principle.  Now  as  to  policy.  No  doubt  the  thing 
was  popular  in  some  quarters,  and  would  have  been  more  so  if  it 
had  been  a  general  declaration  of  emancipation.  The  Kentucky 
Legislature  would  not  budge  till  that  proclamation  was  modified; 
and  Gen.  Anderson  telegraphed  me  that  on  the  news  of  Gen.  Fre- 
mont having  actually  issued  deeds  of  manumission,  a  whole  com- 
pany of  our  Volunteers  threw  down  their  arms  and  disbanded.  I 
was  so  assured,  as  to  think  it  probable,  that  the  very  arms  we  had 
furnished  Kentucky  would  be  turned  against  us.  I  think  to  lose 
Kentucky  is  nearly  the  same  as  to  lose  the  whole  game.  Kentucky 
gone,  we  can  not  hold  Missouri,  nor,  as  I  think,  Maryland.  These 
all  against  us,  and  the  job  on  our  hands  is  too  large  for  us.  We 
would  as  well  consent  to  separation  at  once,  including  the  surren- 
der of  this  capitol.  On  the  contrary,  if  you  will  give  up  your  rest- 
lessness for  new  positions,  and  back  me  manfully  on  the  grounds 
upon  which  you  and  other  kind  friends  gave  me  the  election,  and 
have  approved  in  my  public  documents,  we  shall  go  through  tri- 
umphantly. 

You  must  not  understand  I  took  my  course  on  the  proclamation 
because  of  Kentucky.  I  took  the  same  ground  in  a  private  letter  to 
General  Fremont  before  I  heard  from  Kentucky. 

You  think  I  am  inconsistent  because  I  did  not  also  forbid  Gen. 
Fremont  to  shoot  men  under  the  proclamation.  I  understand  that 
part  to  be  within  military  law;  but  I  also  think,  and  so  privately 
wrote  Gen.  Fremont,  that  it  is  impolitic  in  this,  that  our  adver- 
saries have  the  power,  and  will  certainly  exercise  it,  to  shoot  as 
many  of  our  men  as  we  shoot  of  theirs.  I  did  not  say  this  in  the 
public  letter,  because  it  is  a  subject  I  prefer  not  to  discuss  in  the 
hearing  of  our  enemies. 

[532] 


SEPTEMBER      22,     l86l 

There  has  been  no  thought  of  removing  Gen.  Fremont  on  any 
ground  connected  with  his  proclamation;  and  if  there  has  been 
any  wish  for  his  removal  on  any  ground,  oior  mutual  friend  Sam. 
Glover  can  probably  tell  you  what  it  was.  I  hope  no  real  necessity 
for  it  exists  on  any  ground. 

Suppose  you  write  to  Hurlbut  and  get  him  to  resign.2  Your 
friend  as  ever  A.  LINCOLN 

1  LS,  IHi;  ADfS  and  LS  copy,  DLC-RTL.  The  letter  which  is  in  the  Illinois 
State  Historical  Library  is  the  one  received  by  Browning.  It  bears  further  minor 
emendations  in  Lincoln's  handwriting  and  provides  the  final  text  as  reproduced 
here.  Browning  to  Lincoln,  September  17,  1861,  is  in  the  Lincoln  Papers,  but 
scarcely  requires  summary  in  view  of  Lincoln's  explicit  references. 

2  Browning's  reply  of  September  30  is  sixteen  pages  in  length  and  contains  an 
insert  in  regard  to  Lincoln's  cryptic  suggestion  concerning  Stephen  A.  Hurlbut 
as  follows:    "I  could  not  tell,  for  the  life  of  me,  whether  you  were  serious,  or 
whether  you  was  poking  a  httle  irony  at  me.  If  I  thought  you  were  in  earnest  I 
would  certainly  do  it,  as  I  could  with  great  propriety,  having  in  my  possession 
his  written  pledge  to  resign  if  he  drank  a  drop  of  liquor  after  going  into  the  serv- 
ice He  has  violated  his  pledge,  and  behaved  badly,  and  ought  to  resign."  (DLC- 
RTL)  .  Hurlbut  did  not  resign,  of  course,  but  served  with  distinction  throughout 
the  war.  One  of  the  charges  preferred  against  General  Fremont,  however,  was 
that  he  had  permitted  Hurlbut  to  ".  .  .  remain  in  command  of  the  forces  ...  in 
Northern  Missouri  from  the  tenth-day  of  August  ...  to  about  the  tenth-day 
of  September  .  .   .  ,  knowing  him  .  .  .  to  be  a  common  drunkard  and  unfit  all 
of  said  time  to  command.   .  .   .*'    (Charges   preferred  by  Francis  P  Blair,  Jr., 
against  John  C.  Fremont,  October  2,  enclosed  in  Blair  to  Lincoln,  October  3, 
1861  (DLC-RTL). 


To  John  C.  Fremont1 

Washington,  September  22,  1861. 

Governor  Morton  telegraphs  as  follows:  Colonel  Lane  [Love],2 
just  arrived  by  special  train,  represents  Owensboro,  40  miles  above 
Evansville,  in  possession  of  secessionists.  Green  river  is  navigable. 
Owensboro,  must  be  seized.  We  -want  a  gunboat  sent  up  from  Pa- 
ducah  for  that  purpose.  Send  up  the  gunboat  if,  in  your  discretion, 
you  think  it  right.  Perhaps  you  had  better  order  those  in  charge 
of  the  Ohio  river  to  guard  it  vigilantly  at  all  points. 

Major  General  Fremont.  A.  LirrooLi*. 

1  Thirty-seventh  Congress,  Third  Session,  Senate  Reports,,  No.  108,  Report  of 
the  Joint  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War,  Part  III,  pp.  148-49;  also  in  Offi- 
cial Records,  I,  IV,  265.  Fremont  telegraphed  Lincoln  the  same  day,  "I  have  im- 
mediately ordered  Captain   [Andrew  H.]   Foote  with  gunboat  to  ...  Owens- 
borough,  and  will  take  measures  to  guard  the  Ohio.**  (OR,  I,  IV,  265). 

2  Both  sources  are  in  error  in  naming  "Colonel  Lane."   Morton's  telegram 
(DLC-RTL)  reads  "Love"  instead  of  "Lane,"  and  undoubtedly  refers  to  Lieuten- 
ant Colonel  S.  Palace  Love  of  the  Eleventh  Kentucky  Infantry,  which  was  organ- 
ized from  Green  River  counties  in  Kentucky  and  was  encamped  at  Owensboro. 

[533] 


To  Oliver  P.  Morton1 

To  Gov  O  P  Morton  Sept  22d  1861. 

By  Telegraph  from  Washington  1861 

Have  just  ordered  Gen  Fremont  to  send  up  gun  Boat  if  he  can 

spare  it  A  LINCOLN 

1  Copy,  In.  The  copy  received  by  Morton  is  written  on  a  Western  Union  Tele- 
graph Company  blank. 

To  Montgomery  C.  Meigs1 

September  23,  1861 

The  within  recommendations  of  James  H.  McKay  are  excellent 
and  most  ample  and  proper  and  he  should  be  appointed  if  there 
be  any  vacancy  A.  LINCOLN 

Sept  23.  1861 

1  AES,  owned  by  Mary  L.  Callwell,  San  Francisco,  California.  Lincoln's  en- 
dorsement is  written  on  an  envelope.  The  papers  referred  to  are  no  longer  with 
the  endorsement.  James  H.  McKay  of  Illinois  was  nominated  to  the  Senate  as 
captain  and  assistant  quartermaster  of  Volunteers,  April  7,  and  confirmed  April 
14,  1862. 

Endorsement : 

Release  of  Imprisoned  Secessionists1 

[c.  September  24,  1861] 

Were  sent  to  Fort  Lafayette  by  the  military  authorities  of  Ken- 
tucky and  it  would  be  improper  for  me  to  intervene  without  fur- 
ther knowledge  of  the  facts  than  I  now  possess.  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  OR,  II,  II,  808.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  on  a  communication  from  George  D. 
Prentice,  September  24,  1861,  asking  release  of  ex-Governor  Charles  S.  More- 
head,  Reuben  T.  Durrett,  and  M.  W.  Barr,  arrested  in  Louisville,  Kentucky.  See 
also  Lincoln  to  Seward,  October  4,  infra. 

Memorandum  About  Guns1 

Executive  Mansion,  Washington,  Sep.  24.  1861. 
If  twenty  guns,  and  a  carriage  and  appointments  to  each,  shall 
be  made  equal,  or  superior  to  the  Ellsworth  gun  &  carriage,  exhib- 
ited some  time  since  to  Capt.  Kingsbury,2  and  more  recently  to 
me,  the  quality  to  be  judged  of  by  Capt.  Kingsbury;  and  shall  be 
delivered  to  the  Government  of  the  U.S.  at  this  city,  within  sixty 
days  from  this  date,  I  will  advise  that  they  be  paid  for  at  the  price 
of  three  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  for  each  gun,  with  its'  carriage 

[534] 


SEPTEMBER      25,      l86l 

and  appointments  —  and  in  addition  will  advise  that  reasonable 
charges  for  transportation  from  Worcester,  in  Massachusetts  to 
this  city,  be  paid.  Will  also  advise  that  forty  cents  per  pound  be 
paid  for  all  good  amunition,  suitable  for  said  guns  which  shall  be 
furnished  with  said  guns,  provided  the  amount  does  not  exceed 
two  hundred  rounds  to  each  gun.  A. 


1  ADS,  DLC-RTL.  Eli  Thayer,  ex-representative  from  Massachusetts   (1857- 
1861),  "wrote  Lincoln  on  September  21,  1861,  suggesting  in  the  interest  of  in- 
creased efficiency  of  Union  troops,  "The  formation  of  Light  Artillery  Brigades. 
.  .  .  The  cannon  to  be  drawn  by  the  soldiers.  .  .  .  The  cannon  best  adapted 
to  this  service  is  the  one  called  the  *Ellsworth  Gun,'  from  his   [Elmer  E.  Ells- 
worth] having  first  ordered  such  for  the  use  of  his  Zouave  regiment."   (DLC- 
RTL). 

2  On  November  30,  1861,  Captain  Charles  P.  Kingsbury  of  the  Ordnance  De- 
partment certified  the    receipt  and  performance   of  the   cannon  presented  by 
Thayer  (DLC-RTL). 

To  Lorenzo  Thomas1 

Adjt.  General,  please  answer  this,  or  have  it  answered. 
Sep.  24,  1861  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  DLC-RTL.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  telegram  from  Colonel 
John  B.  Turchin,  Camp  Dennison,  Ohio,  September  23,  explaining  that  his  regi- 
ment, the  Nineteenth  Illinois,  had  ".  .  .  one  hundred  &  fifty  (150)  men  disabled 
by  rail  road  accident  about  one  hundred  (  100)  men  sick.  .  .  .  Our  uniforms  shirts 
&  shoes  worn  out.  The  men  not  paid  for  two  (2)  months.  Our  equipments  are 
sent  ...  to  Washington.  The  Regt  is  ordered  to  Louisville.  .  .  .  which  way 
shall  we  go.  .  .  .**  Below  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  an  endorsement  by  Absalom 
Baird,  A.G.O.,  that  a  telegram  had  been  sent  to  Turchin  "to  obey  the  orders  of 
his  General." 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

The  within  recommendations  of  Mr.  Millard  are  ample;  and  I 
shall  be  gratified  if  a  place  can  be  found  for  him. 

Sep.  25.  1861  A.  LINCOLN 

Please  see  Mr.  Millard  A.L. 

1  AES,  IHi.  Lincoln's  endorsements  are  written  on  an  envelope  which  Lincoln 
addressed  "Hon.  Sec.  of  War."  The  papers  referred  to  are  no  longer  with  the 
envelope,  and  "Mr.  Millard"  has  not  been  identified. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Sec.  of  War,  please  see  Mr.  Denny,  of  Mass. 
Sep.  25.  1861.  A.  LINCOLN 

l  ALS-P,  ISLA.  Lincoln's  note  is  written  on  a  small  card.  Denny  may  have 
been  Christopher  C.  Denny,  clothing  manufacturer  of  Leicester,  Massachusetts. 

[535] 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  War  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  Sep.  25.  1861 

I  am  called  upon  for  aid  to  Colorado  Territory.  Please  see  the 
Messenger  of  Gov.  Gilpin,  and  his  despatches,  and  with  the  assist- 
ance of  Genl.  Scott,  provide  as  well  for  that  territory,  as  a  con- 
sideration of  the  whole  public  service  will  admit.  Yours  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,  IHL  The  accompanying  envelope  is  endorsed  by  Lincoln  "Please  see 
the  bearer,  Messenger  from  Gov.  Gilpin/  AX."  Governor  William  Gilpin  had 
sent  a  letter  to  Cameron  by  messenger  Benjamin  R.  Pegram,  dated  August  26, 
1861,  asking  ".  .  .  essential  supplies  .  .  .  10,000  muskets,  rifles,  and  equip- 
ments. .  .  ,"  (OR,  I,  III,  496). 

To  Winfield  Scott1 

Lieut.  Genl.  Scott  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  Sep.  25.  1861 

Tlie  bearer  of  this  —  Mr.  Pancoast  —  represents  that  he  resides  in 
Hampshire  County,  Va.  on  the  Maryland  border,  in  an  isolated 
neighborhood  of  Union  people,  who  are  suffering  for  salt.  He 
wants  permission  to  take  a  limited  supply  for  that  neighborhood 
from  Hagerstown  through  our  lines.  He  says  the  nature  of  the 
country  does  not  admit  of  the  article  being  carried  from  where 
he  will  take  it  to  any  secession  region. 

I  know  not  whether  his  request  is  admissable;  but  thinking  you 
will  better  understand  the  matter  than  I,  I  send  him  to  you.  Very 
truly  A.  LiisrcoLiNr 

1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  Samuel  A.  Pancoast  was  given  approval  for  his  project  and 
also  secured  the  approval  of  Virginia  authorities,  but  upon  charges  of  specula- 
tion was  arrested  and  imprisoned  at  Richmond  in  November,  1861  (OR,  II,  II, 
1530-45). 

To  William  EL  Seward1 

September  125,  1861 

Mr.  Clark  thinks  the  Consulship  at  Tahiti  is  vacant;  and  if  the 
Secretary  of  State  knows  no  objection,  I  know  none,  to  Mr.  Clark's 
having  the  appointment.  A.  LiisrcoLisr 

Sep.  25.  1861 

1  AES,  NAuE.  Lincoln's  endorsement  appears  on  a  letter  from  A.  H.  Clark, 
Washington,  September  25,  1861: 

"In  March  last  I  was  recommended  for  the  Consulship  of  Acapulco. 

[536] 


SEPTEMBER      26,       l86l 

"Of  the  number  of  those  who  recommended  me  are  gentlemen  now  hold- 
ing important  federal  positions  in  California  and  elsewhere.  I  am  fully  en- 
dorsed in  the  State  Department  by  Senators  Harlan,  McDougall  and  Latham. 

"My  application  for  Acapulco  was  unsuccessful,  and  I  respectfully  ask  the 
Consulship  for  Tahiti,  made  vacant  by  the  death  of  Mr  [Visesimus]  Turner 
who  was  appointed  from  California." 

No  record  of  Clark's  appointment  has  been  found. 

To  Caleb  B.  Smith1 

September  25,  1861 

Has  Dr.  Stephenson,  Congressional  Librarian,  resigned?  Is  there 
any  vacancy  of  Assistant  Congressional  Librarian?  .... 

1  Metropolitan  Art  Association  Catalog,  April  i,  1914,  No.  563.  This  incom- 
plete text  is  all  that  is  available.  John  G.  Stephenson  had  not  i  esigned,  apparent- 
ly, for  he  was  still  librarian  in  1863.  There  may  have  been  a  vacancy  as  assist- 
ant librarian,  however,  for  assistant  librarian  L.  L.  Tilden  was  replaced  by 
George  A.  Morris  of  Ohio  in  the  U.S.  Official  Register  for  1863. 

Appointment  of  William  L.  Hodge1 

Executive  Mansion     September  26,    1861. 

I  hereby  appoint  William  L.  Hodge  Acting  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury during  the  absence  of  the  Secretary  commencing  on  Friday, 
the  2/th  inst.  ABRAHAM: 


1  DS,  owned  by  Foreman  M.  Lebold,  Chicago,  Illinois.  Both  Secretary  Chase 
and  Assistant  Secretary  George  Harrington  being  absent  from  Washington,  Lin- 
coln appointed  Hodge,  who  had  been  assistant  secretary  during  the  Fill  more  ad- 
ministration, but  who  had  no  federal  office  in  1861. 

To  Oliver  E  Morton1 

To  O  P  Morton  Sept  26  1861 

By  Telegraph  from  Washington  1861 

"We  are  supplying  all  the  demands  for  arms  as  fast  as  we  can 
we  expect  to  order  a  lot  to  you  tomorrow  I  think  there  is  no 
concentration  of  Railroads  at  Muldroughs  Hill  a  week  ago  we 
heard  that  the  enemy  was  encamped  on  Muldroughs  hill  now 
our  friends  are  encamped  upon  it  &  the  enemies  pickets  are  in 
sight  that  is  an  improvement  A.  LusrcoLisr 

1  Copy,  In.  The  copy  received  by  Governor  Morton  is  written  on  a  Western 
Union  blank,  without  punctuation.  Morton's  telegram  to  Thomas  A.  Scott,  Sep- 
tember 25,  1861,  advised  that  ".  .  .  The  recruiting  business  in  Indiana  will  stop 
if  guns  are  not  furnished.  .  .  .  My  state  has  done  well.  Has  stripped  herself  of 
arms  for  the  Government  and  the  war  is  now  upon  her  borders.  ...  I  wish  this 
shown  to  the  President."  (DLC-RTL)  .  Morton  to  Lincoln,  September  26,  reported 

[537] 


SEPTEMBER      27,      1   8  6  1 

the  enemy's  pickets  "...  in  sight  of  Muldraugh's  Hill  about  forty  (40)  miles 
from  Louisville,  from  that  point  they  can  communicate  by  rail  with  every  seceded 
state  but  Texas  &  Arkansas.  .  .  ."  (Ibid.}. 

To  Samuel  T.  Glover1 

Sent  from  "Washington  [September  27,  1861?] 
To  Samuel  T.  Glover,  Esq  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

What  news  from  up  river? — Lexington,  Booneville,  or  Jefferson 
City?  Please  answer.  A.  LirsrcoLrc 

*  ALS,  owned  by  Henry  R.  Benjamin,  New  York  City.  The  date  of  this  tele- 
gram is  derived  from  Glover's  telegram  in  reply,  received  at  12:45  A.M  ,  Sep- 
tember 28,  1861.  The  time  of  dispatch  recorded  on  Lincoln's  telegram  by  the 
operator  Is  "5.15  PM."  Glover's  reply  is  as  follows:  "We  have  dispatch  that 
[James  H.]  Lane  has  captured  at  Osceola  large  supply  train  of  Raines  [James  S. 
Rains,  Missouri  State  Guard,  Confederate]  &  [Sterling]  Price  <&  one  hundred 
thousand  dollars  in  money  No  other  news"  (DLC-RTL). 

Following  the  action  at  Boonville,  Missouri,  on  September  13,  Lexington, 
Missouri,  was  besieged  until  September  20,  when  it  surrendered  to  Confederate 
forces. 

To  Montgomery  C.  Meigs1 

Q.  M.  Genl. 

Please  do  the  proper  thing  as  to  the  -within. 
Sep.  27.  1861  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  DLC-RTL.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  telegram  from  Wil- 
liam Thomas,  secretary  of  the  Illinois  department  of  army  auditors,  Springfield, 
Illinois,  September  25,  1861,  "We  hear  nothing  from  Washington.  Mulligan's 
brigade  is  on  our  hands  and  no  money  to  purchase  a  ration.  We  have  sent  over 
fifty  thousand  (50,000)  men  .  .  .  without  a  Quarter  Master.  .  .  ."  (DLC- 
RTL).  Colonel  James  A.  Mulligan  of  the  Twenty-third  Illinois  Infantry  was 
offered,  but  declined,  appointment  as  brigadier  general.  Meigs*  endorsement  in 
reply  to  Lincoln's  is  as  follows:  "Capt.  [Asher  R.]  Eddy  a  regular  quarter  master 
is  ordered  to  Springfield  to  assist  the  Governor." 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

September  27,   1861 

I  am  entirely  willing  that  Mr,  Slade  shall  be  appointed  to  any 
consulship  not  already  disposed  of,  except  the  single  one  which 
the  Sec.  of  State  understands  without  my  now  mentioning. 
Sep.  27.  1861.  A.  LIN-COUNT 

1  AES,  NAuE.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  on  a  letter  from  Edward  Bates  to 
Lincoln,  September  23,  1861,  asking  a  consulship  for  William  Slade  of  Cleve- 
land, Ohio.  Slade  was  nominated  to  the  Senate  for  the  consulship  at  Nice, 
March  21,  and  confirmed  March  31,  1862. 

[538] 


To  James  G.  Bennett1 

Private  &  confidential. 

Mr.  James  Gorden  Bennett  Washington,  D.C. 

My  dear  Sir  Sept.  28.  1861 

Last  evening  Mr.  Wickoff  solicited  me  for  a  pass,  or  permission 
to  a  gentleman  whose  name  I  forget,  to  accompany  one  of  our 
vessels  down  the  Potomac  to-day,  as  a  reporter  of  the  Herald,  say- 
ing the  Sec.  of  the  Navy  had  refused,  while  he  had  given  the  priv- 
ilege to  reporters  of  other  papers.  It  was  too  late  at  night  for  me 
to  see  the  Secretary,  and  I  had  to  decline  giving  the  permission, 
because  he  the  Sec,  might  have  a  sufficient  reason  unknown  to  me. 
I  write  this  to  assure  you  that  the  administration  will  not  discrim- 
inate against  the  Herald,  especially  while  it  sustains  us  so  gener- 
ously, and  the  cause  of  the  country  so  ably  as  it  has  been  doing. 
Your  Obt.  Servt.  A. 


1  ALS-F,  Grand  Rapids,  Michigan,  Press,  February  12,  1927.  This  letter  is 
misdated  September  22,  1861,  in  Hertz,  II,  842.  Bennett  replied  October  22,  1861, 
regretting  that  "Mr.  Wikoff  gave  you  any  trouble.  ,  .  .  Before  that  application 
by  Mr.  W,  but  unknown  to  him  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  had  very  kindly 
facilitated  [?]  another  of  my  correspondents  all  that  was  required.  .  .  ."  (DLC- 
RTL).  Henry  Wikoff,  author,  adventurer,  and  sometime  British  agent  was  cor- 
respondent for  the  New  York  Herald. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

September  28,  1861 

To-day,  Sep.  28,  1861,  Hon.  Messrs.  Dunn,  Mitchell  and  Porter, 
and  John  D.  Defrees,  Mr.  Donnohue,  Fletcher,  and  Jones,  all  of 
Indiana,  call  and  ask  that  Thomas  A.  Morris  of  that  state  be  a  Ma- 
jor General  of  Volunteers,  and  they  say  such  is  the  wish  of  the 
entire  Indiana  Delegation  in  Congress. 

i  AES,  IHi.  William  M.  Dunn,  William  Mitchell,  and  Albert  G.  Porter  were 
U.S.  representatives,  and  John  D.  Defrees  was  superintendent  of  public  printing:. 
The  other  men  named  were  probably-  D.  C.  Donnohue  of  Greencastle,  Calvin 
Fletcher  of  Indianapolis,  and  Aquilla  Jones  of  Greencastle.  Thomas  A.  Morris 
received  no  federal  appointment  as  major  general,  but  his  biographical  sketch 
in  Appletons9  Cyclopaedia  says  he  was  offered  and  declined  the  appointment 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

September  28,  1861 
I  think  the  case  is  sufficiently  made  for  Genl  Wade  to  be  ap- 

pointed. 

1  American  Art  Association  Anderson  Galleries  Catalog  3913,  May  6,  1931,  No. 

45.  According  to  the  catalog  description,  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the 

back  of  a  letter  from  Melancthon  S.  Wade  of  Cincinnati,  who  was  appointed  briga- 

dier general  of  Volunteers,  October  i,  1861. 

[539] 


To  William  BL  Seward1 

The  writer  of  the  letter  of  which  this  is  a  copy,  is  one  of  the  best 
men  I  know.  A.  LINCOLN 

Sep.  28.  1861 

1  AES,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  241.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  on 
the  back  of  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  Lincoln's  old  friend  James  N.  Brown,  written 
from  Springfield,  Illinois,  September  21,  1861,  recommending  Thomas  Brown, 
editor  of  the  Ohio  Farmer  at  Cleveland,  for  a  consulship.  Thomas  Brown  is  not 
listed  as  consul  either  in  1861  or  1863. 

To  William  EL  Seward1 

Hon.  Sec.  of  State  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  Sep.  28.  1861 

I  do  not  believe  the  duty  is  appropriately  yours,  but  I  will  thank 
you  if  you  will  have  this  Indian  treaty  &  amendments  put  in 
shape  for  publication,  and  also  a  draft  of  a  proclamation  in  regard 
to  it  prepared.  The  accompanying  notes  of  the  Comr.  of  Indian 
Affairs,  and  of  Mr.  Usher,  Atty  for  the  indians,  show,  I  think,  that 
all  is  satisfactory  now  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

i  ALS,  DNA  FS  RG  11,  General  Records  of  the  U.S.  Government,  No.  317, 
Treaty  'with  the  Delawares  at  Leavenworth  City,  Kansas,  July  2,  1861.  The  treaty 
proclamation  was  signed  by  Lincoln  October  4,  1861. 

To  George  M.  Weston1 

Geo.  M.  Weston,  Esq  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  Sep.  28.  1861 

Some  time  ago  I  told  your  brother  if  he  would  Get  Gen.  Ripley 
to  say  he  desired  his  (your  brother's)  appointment  as  Military 
Store  keeper,  I  would  be  inclined  to  appoint  him.  He  brought  me 
a  note  from  Gen.  Ripley  saying  he  was  competent,  but  in  which  he 
did  not  say  he  wished  his  appointment,  and  seemed  to  think  he  had 
got  what  I  suggested.  I,  however,  wrote  the  Sec.  of  War,  favorable 
to  his  appointment.  This  morning  your  brother  came  to  me  again, 
having  found  in  the  newspapers  that  somebody  else  [had  been  ap- 
pointed] to  the  office,  and  insisted  that  there  is  still  another  place. 
I  -went  to  Gen.  Ripley,  who  told  me  plainly,  he  did  not  ask  for  his 
appointment,  and  could  not  be  induced  to  ask  for  it.  I  have  got  the 
Sec.  of  War  to  promise  to  try  to  fix  a  place  for  him.  Yours  truly 

A. 


i  ALS,  owned  by  Mrs.  William  F.  "Whiting,  Holyoke,  Massachusetts.  See  Lin- 
coln to  James  W.  Ripley,  September  12,  supra.,  in  regard  to  appointment  for 
Charles  Weston.  George  M.  Weston  was  a  lawyer  and  newspaperman  of  Augusta, 
Maine. 

[540] 


To  Oliver  E  Morton1 

To  Gov  O  P  Morton  Sept  29  1861 

By  Telegraph  from  Washington          1861 

I  have  just  shown  your  message  to  Gen  Scott  He  says  he 
will  be  glad  if  the  Report  of  Zollicoffers  having  left  Cumberland 
Gap  shall  be  confirmed  I  intend  writing  you  today  Arms 
going  to  you  and  Anderson  as  fast  as  we  can  send  them 

A  LINCOLN 

1  Copy,  In  The  copy  received  by  Governor  Morton  is  written  on  a  "Western 
Union  blank,  without  punctuation.  Governor  Morton's  message  concerning  Con- 
federate Brigadier  General  Felix  K.  Zollicoffer's  movements  has  not  been  located. 

To  Oliver  E  Morton1 

Washington,  D.C.  Sep.  29,  1861 

His  Excellency  Gov.  O.  E  Morton:  Your  letter  by  the  hand  of 
Mr.  Prunk2  was  received  yesterday.  I  write  this  letter  because  I 
wish  you  to  believe  of  us  (as  we  certainly  believe  of  you)  that  we 
are  doing  the  very  best  we  can.  You  do  not  receive  arms  from  us  as 
fast  as  you  need  them;  but  it  is  because  we  have  not  near  enough 
to  meet  all  the  pressing  demands;  and  we  are  obliged  to  share 
around  what  we  have,  sending  the  larger  share  to  the  points  which 
appear  to  need  them  most.  We  have  great  hope  that  our  own  sup- 
ply will  be  ample  before  long,  so  that  you  and  all  others  can  have 
as  many  as  you  need.  I  see  an  article  in  an  Indianapolis  news- 
paper denouncing  me  for  not  answering  your  letter  sent  by  a  spe- 
cial messenger  two  or  three  weeks  ago.  I  did  make  what  I  thought 
the  best  answer  I  could  to  that  letter.  As  I  remember,  it  asked  for 
ten  heavy  guns  to  be  distributed,  with  some  troops,  at  Lawrence- 
burgh,  Madison,  New- Albany  and  Evans  ville;  and  I  ordered  the 
guns,  and  directed  you  to  send  the  troops  if  you  had  them. 

As  to  Kentucky,  you  do  not  estimate  that  state  as  more  impor- 
tant than  I  do;  but  I  am  compelled  to  watch  all  points.  While  I 
write  this  I  am,  if  not  in  range.,  at  least  in  hearing  of  cannon-shot, 
from  an  army  of  enemies  more  than  a  hundred  thousand  strong.  I 
do  not  expect  them  to  capture  this  city;  but  I  knoiv  they  would,  if 
I  were  to  send  the  men  and  arms  from  here,  to  defend  Louisville, 
of  which  there  is  not  a  single  hostile  armed  soldier  within  forty 
miles,  nor  any  force  known  to  be  moving  upon  it  from  any  dis- 
tance. 

It  is  true,  the  Army  in  our  front  may  make  a  half  circle  around 
Southward,  and  move  on  Louisville;  but  when  they  do,  we  will 
make  a  half  circle  around  Northward,  and  meet  them;  and  in 

[541] 


SEPTEMBER      3  O-,       l86l 

the  mean  time  we  will  get  up  what  forces  we  can  from  other 
sources  to  also  meet  them. 

I  hope  Zollicoffer  has  left  Cumberland  Gap  (though  I  fear  he 
has  not)  because,  if  he  has,  I  rather  infer  he  did  it  because  of  his 
dred  of  Camp  Dick  Robinson,  re~inforced  from  Cincinnati,  mov- 
ing on  him,  than  because  of  his  intention  to  move  on  Louis- 
ville.3 But  if  he  does  go  round  and  re-inforce  Buckner,  let  Dick 
Robinson  come  round  and  re-inforce  Sherman,  and  the  thing  is 
substantially  as  it  was  when  Zollicoffer  left  Cumberland  Gap.  I 
state  this  as  an  illustration;  for  in  fact,  I  think  if  the  Gap  is  left 
open  to  us  Dick  Robinson  should  take  it  and  hold  it;  while  Indiana, 
and  the  vicinity  of  Louisville  in  Kentucky,  can  re-inforce  Sherman 
faster  than  Zollicoffer  can  Buckner. 

You  requested  that  Lt.  Col.  Wood,4  of  the  Army,  should  be  ap- 
pointed a  Brigadier  General  I  will  only  say  that  very  formi- 
dable objection  has  been  made  to  this  from  Indiana.  Yours  very 
truly  A.  LirNTCOLisr 

*  ADfS,  DLC-RTL;  LS,  CSmH.  Governor  Morton  telegraphed  Lincoln  Sep- 
tember 26,  1861,  in  reply  to  Lincoln's  telegram  of  the  same  date  (supra) ,  "It  is 
true  there  is  no  concentration  of  rail  roads  at  Mull  Droughs  Hill  but  the  road 
running  thence  south  connections  with  rail  roads  running  to  nearly  every  con- 
federate state.  From,  the  spirit  of  your  despatch  &  from  other  information  I  am 
satisfied  my  despatches  in  regard  to  Kentucky  are  not  highly  honored.  ..." 
(DLC-RTL). 

2  Morton's  letter  introduced  Dr.  Daniel  EL  Prunk  of  Indianapolis  **.   .   .  bearer 
of  despatches  from  me.  ..."  a  surgeon  in  the  Nineteenth  and  Twentieth  Indiana 
Volunteers. 

3  Richard  M.  Robinson  furnished  the  land  near  Bryantsville,  Kentucky,  on 
which  the  camp  was  established. 

4  Thomas  J.  Wood  was  appointed  brigadier  general  of  Volunteers  October  11, 
1861. 


To  Benjamin  B.  French1 

September  30,  1861 

I  do  not  recollect  having  any  acquaintance  with  Esqr.  Ferguson; 
but  if  the  Comr.  of  Pub.  Buildings  inclines  to  appoint  him  to  any 
place,  I  have  no  objection  A.  LIINTCOI^N- 

Sep.  30.  1861. 

1  AES,  CSmH.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  Reverend  E. 
P.  Phelps,  Baltimore  Conference,  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  September  28, 
1861,  recommending  B.  W.  Ferguson,  "...  a  justice  of  the  Peace  in  Washing- 
ton ....  and  a  decided  Union  man  .  .  .  ."  for  an  appointment  **.  .  .  under  the 
commissioner  of  Public  Buildings.  .  .  ."  Benjamin  B.  French  of  New  Hampshire 
had  recently  been  appointed  commissioner,  but  no  record  has  been  found  of  B. 
W.  Ferguson's  appointment. 

[542] 


To  George  B.  McCleUan1 

Will  Gen  McCleUan  please  see  Pay-Master  Whitney  a  moment? 
Sep.  30.   1861  A 


*  ALS-P,  ISLA.  Henry  C.  Whitney  had  been  appointed  paymaster  August  6, 
1861. 


To  Winfield  Scott1 

September  30,  1861 

The  Sanitary  Commission  is  doing  a  -work  of  great  humanity, 
and  of  direct  practical  value  to  the  nation,  in  this  time  of  its  trial. 
It  is  entitled  to  the  gratitude  and  confidence  of  the  people,  and  I 
trust  it  will  be  generously  supported.  There  is  no  agency  through 
which  voluntary  offerings  of  patriotism  can  be  more  effectively 
made.  A.  Lnsrcor-N. 

Winfield  Scott. 

Washington,  September  30,  1861. 

1  New  York  Tribune,  October  7,  1861.  Frederick  L.  Olmstead  of  the  Sanitary 
Commission  wrote  Lincoln,  September  30,  1861,  "The  Quarter  Master  General 
has  informed  the  Sanitary  Commission  that  some  scarcity  of  blankets  is  for  the 
present  to  be  apprehended.  The  commission  proposes  to  supply  hospitals  as  far 
as  possible  from  private  stores,  by  which  means  a  considerable  quantity  will  be 
set  free  for  the  men  in  active  service.  "Without  announcing  the  deficiency  the 
Secretary  of  the  Commission  is  about  to  issue  a  circular  soliciting  donations  and 
respectfully  requests  a  line  from  the  President  recommending  the  purpose  of  the 
Commission  to  the  confidence  of  the  public."  (DLC-RTL). 


To  Edward  Bates1 

[October,  1861] 

William  McKay,  wishes  to  be  a  Judge  in  Colorado.  He  was  recom- 
mended for  Judge  of  Kansas,  &  his  papers  are  in  the  Atty  Genls. 
Dept. 

1  AD,  DNA  RG  60,  Papers  of  Attorney  General,  Appointments,  Kansas,  Box 
405.  William  McKay  is  not  of  record  as  appointed  to  office  either  in  Kansas  or 
Colorado. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Honorable  Sec.  of  War:      Executive  Mansion,  October  ist,  1861. 

My  dear  Sir:  The  Postmaster-General  and  myself  have  special 
reasons  for  wishing  to  oblige  Mr.  Benj.  F.  Watson,  of  Lawrence, 

[543] 


OCTOBER      1,       l86l 

Mass.  He  has  been  appointed  an  Assistant  Paymaster  or  Pay- 
master of  Volunteers,  but  he  wishes  the  same  post  in  the  regular 
Army.  If  there  is  any  vacancy,  not  committed  to  any  other  per- 
son, let  Mr.  Watson  have  it.  If  there  be  no  such  vacancy,  oblige 
him,  as  far  as  you  can,  by  sending  him  to  service  at  the  place 
which  suits  him  best.  Yours  truly,  A. 


1  Tracy,  pp.  194-95.  Benjamin  F.  Watson,  appointed  additional  paymaster  of 
Volunteers,  September  5,  1861,  had  "been  postmaster  at  Lawrence,  Massachusetts, 
under  Pierce  and  Buchanan,  but  had  been  removed  because  it  was  understood 
by  the  Post  Office  Department  that  he  had  accepted  a  commission  in  the  Sixth 
Massachusetts  Infantry,  a  three-months  regiment  Upon  being  mustered  out 
August  2,  Watson  learned  of  his  removal  and  telegraphed  Lincoln.  According  to 
"Watson's  account,  Lincoln's  reply  of  August  8  (presumably  not  extant),  en- 
closing a  memorandum  from  the  postmaster  general,  explained  as  follows-  "If  I 
signed  a  paper,  in  making  a  change  in  the  office,  it  was  among  others,  without  my 
being  conscious  of  this  particular  one.  ...  I  shall  talk  fully  with  the  Postmaster- 
General  on  the  subject  when  I  next  see  him."  (Benjamin  F.  Watson,  "Abraham 
Lincoln  as  Seen  by  a  Life-Long  Democrat,  After  Going  through  Baltimore," 
Abraham  Lincoln  Tributes  ....  introduction  by  The  Rev.  "William  Hayes 
Ward,  D.D.,  New  York,  1895,  p.  139.) 


Memorandum  for  a  Plan  of  Campaign1 

[c.  October  i,  1861] 

On,  or  about  the  5th.  of  October,  (the  exact  day  to  be  determined 
hereafter)  I  wish  a  movement  made  to  seize  and  hold  a  point  on 
the  Railroad  connecting  Virginia  and  Tennesse,  near  the  Mountain 
pass  called  Cumberland  Gap. 

That  point  is  now  guarded  against  us  by  Zolicoffer,  with 
6000  or  8000,  rebels  at  Barboursville,  Kentucky,  say  twentyfive 
miles  from  the  Gap  towards  Lexington. 

We  have  a  force  of  5000  or  6000,  under  General  Thomas,2  at 
Camp  Dick  Robinson,  about  twentyfive  miles  from  Lexington,  and 
seventyfive  from  Zollicoffer's  camp  on  the  road  between  the  two, 
which  is  not  a  Railroad,  anywhere  between  Lexington  and  the 
point  to  be  seized — and  along  the  whole  length  of  which  the 
Union  sentiment  among  the  people  largely  predominates. 

We  have  military  possession  of  the  Railroads  from  Cincinnati 
to  Lexington,  and  from  Louisville  to  Lexington,  and  some  Home 
Guards  under  General  Crittenden3  are  on  the  latter  line. 

We  have  possession  of  the  Railroad  from  Louisville  to  Nashville, 
Tenn,  so  far  as  Muldrough's  Hill,  about  forty  miles,  and  the  rebels 
have  possession  of  that  road  all  South  of  there.  At  the  Hill  we 
have  a  force  of  8000  under  Gen.  Sherman;4  and  about  an  equal 

[544] 


OCTOBER      1,       l86l 

force  of  rebels  is  a  very  short  distance  South,  under  under  [szc]  Gen. 
Buckner. 

We  have  a  large  force  at  Paducah,  and  a  smaller  at  Fort-Holt, 
both  on  the  Kentucky  side,  with  some  at  Bird's  Point,  Cairo, 
Mound  City,  Evansville,  &  New- Albany,  all  on  the  other  side; 
and  all  which,  with  the  Gun-Boats  on  the  River,  are,  perhaps, 
sufficient  to  guard  the  Ohio  from  Louisville  to  it's  mouth. 

About  supplies  of  troops,  my  general  idea  is  that  all  from  "Wis- 
consin, Minesota,  Iowa,  Illinois,  Missouri,  and  Kansas,  not  now 
elsewhere,  be  left  to  Fremont* 

All  from  Indiana  and  Michigan,  not  now  elsewhere,  be  sent  to 
Anderson  at  Louisville. 

All  from  Ohio,  needed  in  Western  Virginia  be  sent  there;  and 
any  remainder,  be  sent  to  Mitchell5  at  Cincinnati,  for  Anderson. 

All  East  of  the  Mountains  be  appropriated  to  McClellan,  and  to 
the  coast. 

As  to  movements,  my  idea  is  that  the  one  for  the  coast,6  and 
that  on  Cumberland  Gap  be  simultaneous;  and  that,  in  the  mean 
time,  preparation,  vigilant  watching,  and  the  defensive  only  be 
acted  upon — (this  however,  not  to  apply  to  Fremonts  operations 
in  Northern  and  middle  Missouri) — that  before  these  movements, 
Thomas  and  Sherman  shall  respectively  watch,  but  not  attack 
Zollicoffer,  and  Buckner. 

That  when  the  coast  and  Gap  movements  shall  be  ready,  Sher- 
man is  merely  to  stand  fast;  while  all  at  Cincincinnati  [szV],  and  all 
at  Louisville  with  all  on  the  lines,  concentrate  rapidly  at  Lexing- 
ton, and  thence  to  Thomas'  camp  joining  him,  and  the  whole 
thence  upon  the  Gap. 

It  is  for  the  Military  men  to  decide  whether  they  can  find  a  pass 
through  the  mountains  at  or  near  the  Gap,  which  can  not  be  de- 
fended by  the  enemy,  with  a  greatly  inferior  force,  and  what  is  to 
be  done  in  regard  to  this. 

The  Coast  and  Gap  movements  made.  Generals  McClellan  and 
Fremont,  in  their  respective  Departments,  will  avail  themselves  of 
any  advantages  the  diversions  may  present. 

1  AD,  Tlie  Rosenbach  Company,  Philadelphia  and  New  York.  The  exact  date  of 
this  document  cannot  be  established  from  its  contents,  and  it  may  have  been  com- 
posed a  few  days  earlier.  Orders  for  the  movement  on  Cumberland  Gap  may  be 
found  in  OR,  I,  IV,  294-306.  2  George  H.  Thomas 

8  Thomas  L.  Crittenden.  4  William  T.  Sherman. 

5  Ormsby  M.  Mitchel. 

6  The  "coast  movement'*  referred  to  was  certainly  the  November  7  expedi- 
tion which  took  Port  Royal,  South  Carolina,  with  General  Thomas  W.  Sherman 
commanding  the  Army  forces. 

[545] 


To  Padischah  Abd  ul  Aziz  Khan1 

October  2,  1861 
Abraham  Lincoln, 
President  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

To  His  Imperial  Majesty  Abd  ul  Aziz  Khan, 

Padischah  of  the  Empire  of  the  Ottoman  Family. 

Great  and  Good  Friend:  I  have  received  the  letter 
which  Your  Majesty  has  been  pleased  to  address  to  me,  com- 
municating intelligence  of  the  demise  of  Your  Majesty's  honored 
brother,  His  late  Imperial  Majesty  Abd  ul  Mejid  Khan,  and  of 
your  own  accession  to  the  throne  of  your  ancestors.  Assuring  you 
of  my  deep  sympathy  at  the  death  of  your  august  brother,  who 
was  the  constant  friend  of  the  United  States,  I  beg  leave  to  offer 
to  Your  Majesty  my  sincere  and  hearty  congratulations  upon  your 
accession  to  his  throne,  with  my  best  wishes  that  your  reign  may 
be  happy  and  glorious  to  yourself  and  prosperous  to  your  realm. 
Permit  me  also  to  assure  Your  Majesty  of  my  constant  and  ear- 
nest desire  to  maintain  the  amity  and  good  correspondence  which 
have  always  subsisted  and  still  prevail  between  the  two  nations, 
and  that  nothing  shall  be  omitted  on  my  part  to  cultivate  and  pro- 
mote the  friendly  sentiments  always  entertained  and  cherished  by 
this  Government  in  its  relations  with  His  late  Majesty.  And  so  I 
recommend  Your  Majesty  to  the  protection  of  the  Almighty. 

Written    at   Washington,    the    second    day    of    October,    Anno 
Domini  1861.  Your  Good  Friend,  ABRAHAM:  LINCOLN. 

By  the  President: 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 

1  Copy,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Communications  to  Foreign  Sovereigns  and  States,  III, 
179-80. 


Inscription  on  Photograph  Given 
to  Mrs.  Lucy  G.  Speed1 

For  Mrs.  Lucy  G.  Speed,  from  whose  pious  hand  I  accepted  the 
present  of  an  Oxford  Bible  twenty  years  ago.  A.  LINCOLN 

Washington,  B.C.  October  3,  1861 

1  The  photograph  is  now  owned  by  Mrs.  Elise  C.  Railey,  Louisville,  Kentucky. 
Mrs.  Speed  was  the  mother  of  Joshua  F.  Speed,  whom  Lincoln  visited  in  August 
and  September,  1841. 

[546] 


To  Isabel  II1 

October  3,   1861 
Abraham.  Lincoln, 

President  of  the  United  States  of  America. 
To  Her  Majesty  Dona  Isabel  II, 

By  the  Grace  of  God  and  the  Constitution 
of  the  Spanish  Monarchy,  Queen  of  Spain, 
&c.,  &c.,  &c. 

Great  and  Good  Friend:  I  have  received  the  letter 
which  Your  Majesty  was  pleased  to  address  to  me  on  the  12th.  of 
August,  last,  conveying  the  melancholy  tidings  of  the  decease  of 
Her  Royal  Highness  the  Infanta  Dona  Maria  de  Regla,  Your 
Majesty's  niece. 

I  participate  in  the  grief  occasioned  by  this  sad  event  and  offer 
to  Your  Majesty  and  to  your  royal  household  my  sincere  condo- 
lence. 

May  God  have  Your  Majesty  always  in  His  safe  and  holy  keep- 
ing! Your  Good  Friend,  ABRAHAM  Lmcor-isr. 

Washington,  October  3,  1861. 

1  Copy,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Communications  to  Foreign  Sovereigns  and  States*  III, 
180-81. 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

I  think  these  papers  better  remain  in  the  State  Department. 
Oct.  3.  1861.  AX. 

1  AES,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  279.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is 
written  on  an  envelope  containing  papers  of  Theodore  D.  Edwards  {vide  supra, 
September  17,  1861). 

To  WiUiam  H.  Seward1 

October  3,  1861 

James  Mitchell,  the  writer  of  one  of  the  within  letters,  I  know, 
and  like.  He  was,  for  years,  colonization  agent,  for  Indiana;  and  I 
suppose,  by  what  he  says,  being  a  democrat,  he  was  removed  by 
our  friends.  He  is  a  Methodist  of  good  standing,  and  Governor 
Wright  especially  wishes  him  to  be  cared  for.  His  first  care,  as  you 
see  by  his  letter,  is  for  his  brother-in-law,  G.  F.  Savitz.  I  will  be 
really  obliged,  if  the  Secretary  of  State  can  find  something  for  this 
brother-in-law.  Will  he  please  try?  A.  LusrcoLisr 

Oct.  3.  1861. 

1  AES,  NAuE.  Lincoln's  endorsement  has  "been  removed  from  the  accom- 
panying letter.  No  record  of  an  appointment  for  G.  F.  Savitz  has  "been  found. 

[547] 


To  Caleb  B.  Smith1 

Executive  Office     October  3d.   1861 

Let  the  reservation  be  established  as  recommended  by  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Interior.  A.  LINCOLN. 

*  Copy,  DNA  NR  RG  75,  Office  of  Indian  Affairs,  Executive  Order  File.  The 
copy  of  Lincoln's  order  is  written  on  the  bottom  of  the  page  containing  a  copy 
of  Smith's  letter  of  October  3,  1861,  recommending  that  the  Uxntah  Valley  in 
Utah  be  set  apart  as  an  Indian  reservation. 


To  Edward  Bates1 

Hon.  Attorney  General  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir-  Oct.  4.  1861 

Let  Joseph  E.  Streeter,  of  Illinois,  be  appointed  to  the  vacant 
Judgeship  in  Nebraska  Territory.  A. 


,  DNA  GE  RG  60,  Papers  of  Attorney  General,  Segregated  Lincoln 
Material.  Joseph  E.  Streeter  o£  Joliet,  Illinois,  brother-in-law  of  Speaker  of  the 
House  Galusha  Grow,  was  appointed  associate  justice  of  Nebraska,  and  died  in 
office  in  February,  1863. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

The  writer  of  this  is  a  very  dear  friend  of  mine,  whom  I  would 
much  wish  to  oblige.  A.  LINCOLN 

Oct.  4.  1861, 

1 AES,  IHi.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  Nathan  M. 
Knapp,  Winchester,  Illinois,  September  18,  1861,  requesting  "some  sort  of  ap- 
pointment of  my  son,  Jno.  Sullivan  Knapp,  who  is  a  private  in  ...  14th  111. 
Vols.  .  .  .  Can  he  not  be  put  to  some  service  that  will  get  him  out  of  the 
ranks.  .  .  ."  John  S.  Knapp  was  appointed  second  lieutenant  in  the  Seventeenth 
U.S.  Infantry  on  October  24,  1861. 


General  Order  Concerning  Flag  Officers1 

General  Order. 
Executive  of  the  United  States. 

4th.  October,  1861. 

Flag  Officers  of  the  United  States  Navy,  authorized  to  wear  a 
square  flag  at  the  mizzen-mast  head,  will  take  rank  with  Major 
Generals  of  the  United  States  Army.  ABRAHAM: 

1  DS,  DNA  WR  NB  RG  45,  Executive  Letters,  No.  12. 

[548] 


To  William  H.  Seward1 

Hon.  Secretary  of  State.         Executive  Mansion,  October  4,  1861. 

My  dear  Sir:  Please  see  Mr.  Walker,  well  vouched  as  a  Union 
man  and  son-in-law  of  Governor  Morehead,  and  pleading  for  his 
release.  I  understand  the  Kentucky  arrests  were  not  made  by  spe- 
cial direction  from  here,  and  I  am  willing  if  you  are  that  any  of 
the  parties  may  be  released  when  James  Guthrie  and  James  Speed 
think  they  should  be.  Yours,  truly,  A. 


1  OR,  II,  II,  809.  Ex-governor  Charles  S.  Morehead  was  paroled  January  6, 
1862,  on  request  of  Samuel  J.  Walker,  on  condition  that  he  neither  enter  Ken- 
tucky or  any  other  state  in  insurrection  nor  act  or  correspond  against  the  author- 
ity of  the  U.S.  (Ibid.,  p.  825). 

To  Whom  It  May  Concern1 

Whom  it  may  concern  Washington,  D.C.      Oct.  4.  1861 

This  will  introduce  Mr.  A.  C  Badger  formerly  of  Louisville, 
Kentucky.  He  is  a  reliable,  and  most  worthy  gentleman;  and  as 
such  I  commend  him  to  all  with  "whom  he  may  meet. 

A. 


1  ALS,  CtY.  Alpheus  C.  Badger  was  in  the  banking  business  at  Chicago,  Illi- 
nois. 

To  Samuel  R.  Curtis1 

Brig:  Genl.  S.  R.  Curtis  Washington,  D.C. 

My  dear  Sir:  Oct.  7.  1861. 

Without  prejudice,  and  looking  to  nothing  but  justice,  and  the 
public  interest,  I  am  greatly  perplexed  about  Gen:  Fremont:  In 
your  position,  you  can  not  but  have  a  correct  judgment  in  the  case; 
and  I  beseech  you  to  answer  Gen.  Cameron,  when  he  hands  you 
this,  "Ought  Gen:  Fremont  to  be  relieved  from,  or  retained  in  his 
present  command?"  It  shall  be  entirely  confidential;  but  you  can 
perceive  how  indispensable  it  is  to  justice  &  the  public  service, 
that  I  should  have,  an  intelligent  unprejudiced,  and  judicious  opin- 
ion from  some  professional  Military  man  on  the  spot,  to  assist  me 
in  the  case.  Yours  very  truly  A. 


1  ALS,  IHi.  This  letter  was  delivered  to  General  Curtis  by  Simon  Cameron  on 
October  12.  Cameron  carried  also  a  letter  from  Lincoln  to  Fremont  which  is  pre- 
sumably not  extant  but  is  mentioned  by  Cameron  in  his  letters  to  Lincoln  of 
October  12  and  14  (DLC-BTL).  Curtis  replied  under  date  of  October  12,  "The 
question  you  propose  .  .  .  seems  easily  answered.  It  is  only  a  question  of  man- 
ner and  time.  .  .  ."  (Ibid.}.  Cameron's  letter  of  October  14  related  an  interview 
in  which  Fremont  ".  .  .  .  made  an  earnest  appeal  to  me.  ...  In  reply  to  this  ap- 
peal, I  told  him  that  I  would  withhold  the  order  [for  his  removal]  until  my  return 

[549] 


OCTOBER      /->       l86l 

to  Washington.  .  .  ."  (Ibid.*).  The  copy  of  Winfield  Scott's  order  removing  Fre- 
mont which  is  in  the  Lincoln  Papers  bears  the  date  October  7,  but  appears  in  the 
Official  Records  (I,  III,  553)  under  date  of  October  24,  1861.  While  Cameron 
was  in  St.  Louis,  Montgomery  Blair  was  in  the  North  sounding  out  leading  per- 
sons on  Fremont's  removal.  His  letters  of  October  5  and  7  related  that  William  C. 
Bryant,  Horace  Greeley,  Governor  John  A.  Andrew  and  others,  received  the 
proposed  removal  very  well  (z&zd!.)- 

To  William  Dennison1 

His  Excellency:  Washington,  D.C. 

Gov.  Dennison  Oct.  7.  1861 

My  dear  Sir:  Mr.  Gurley  tells  me  there  are  Six  Regiments  now 
in  service  from  Ohio,  who  have  not  been  commissioned  either  by 
you  or  me.  I  shall  be  glad  if  you  will  commission  the  officers,  as  I 
understand  they  are  very  uncomfortably  situated,  not  knowing 
where  they  belong,  or  whether  they  belong  anywhere;  and  as  I  do 
not  wish  to  commission  them  over  your  head.  Yours  very  truly 

A.   LINCOLIST 

P.S.  If  you  perceive  no  valid  objection,  let  the  commissions  date, 
from  the  time  they  ought  to  have  had  them  A.L. 

1  ALS,  IHi.  This  letter  was  delivered  by  John  A.  Gurley  on  October  16,  and 
Governor  Dennison  replied  on  the  same  date  that  the  regiments  ".  .  .  organized 
under  the  authority  of  Genl  Fremont,  now  in  this  State  and  in  Missouri.  .  .  ." 
would  be  promptly  commissioned  (DLC-RTL). 

To  William  Pickering1 

Genl.  Pickering:  Executive  Mansion     Oct.  7.  1861 

You  wish  to  be  Governor  of  Washington.  Last  spring  when  I  ap- 
pointed Dr.  Jayne,2  I  was  greatly  pressed  to  appoint  a  man  pre- 
sented by  the  Methodist  people  through  Bishop  Simpson  &  others, 
and  I  then  said,  if  I  should  appoint  another  Governor  of  a  Terri- 
tory from  Illinois,  it  should  be  their  man.  I  do  not  know  that  their 
man  will  accept  that  to  "Washington;  but  it  must  be  offered  to  him; 
and  if  he  declines  it,  you  may  have,  it.  Your  Obt.  Servt. 

A. 


1  ALS,  owned  by  Misses  Catherine  and  Martha  Pickering,  and  Mrs.  Mary 
Streever,  Jamaica,  New  York.  William  H.  Wallace,  Lincoln's  first  appointee  as 
governor  of  Washington  Territory,  resigned  upon  becoming  delegate  to  congress. 
Bishop  Matthew  Simpson's  candidate  was  John  Evans  of  Chicago,  who  declined 
the  appointment  on  October  28,  in  view  of  ".  .  .  the  remoteness  of  that  Terri- 
tory rendering  a  residence  there  incompatible  with  occasional  attention  to  my 
interests  in  Illinois.  .  .  ."   (DLC-RTL.)   William  Pickering's  appointment  was 
confirmed  by  the  Senate  December  19,  1861. 

2  William  Jayne,  governor  of  Dakota  Territory,  nominated  to  the  Senate  March 
33,  confirmed  March  27,  1861. 

[550] 


To  William  EL  Seward1 

I  shall  be  very  glad  to  see  the  Secretaries  at  the  time  mentioned. 
Oct.  7.  1861.  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  NAuE.  Lincoln's  endorsement  appears  on  a  letter  from  Seward,  Oc- 
tober 7,  1861:  "General  Cameron  and  I  will  come  at  2  o'clock  this  afternoon 
to  confer  with  you,  if  you  are  willing." 

To  William  H.  Seward  and  Caleb  B.  Smith1 

October  7,  1861 

The  within  papers  show  that  the  Agricultural  societies  of  most 
of  the  North-Western  States  wish  John  W.  Hoyt,  of  Wisconsin  to 
have  a  particular  place  in  connection  with  the  World's  fair.  I  wish 
the  Sec.  of  State,  and  Sec.  of  Interior,  to  fully  consider  the  claim 
they  present,  and  to  give  due  weight  to  it.  A.  LIJNTGOLIN* 

Oct.  7.   1861. 

1  AES,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Appointments,  Box  313.  John  W.  Hoyt  was  not  ap- 
pointed one  of  the  U.S.  commissioners  to  the  London  exhibition,  but  was  ap- 
pointed a  commissioner  from  the  state  of  Wisconsin  (Appletons'  Cyclopaedia). 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

October  10,  1861 

Sec.  of  War,  please  see  Col,  Barret,  and  see  if  you  can  not  agree 
with  him  about  taking  his  Cavalry  Regt.  to  Kansas  &  the  Indian 
frontier.  A,  LirccoLisr 

Oct.  10,  1861* 

1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  Lincoln's  note  was  probably  written  for  Colonel  James  A.  Bar- 
ret of  Springfield,  Illinois,  in  command  of  the  Tenth  Illinois  Cavalry,  mustered 
in  November  25,  1861. 

To  George  D.  Ramsay  and  John  A.  Dahlgren1 

Will  Major  Ramsey,  or  Capt.  Dahlgren,  please  find  work  for 
Michael  Donavan?  A.  LINCOLIN- 

Oct.  10,  1861 

1  AES,  DLC-RTL.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  Mrs.  Mary 
Buckley,  October  1861,  asking  employment  for  her  brother  Michael  Donovan, 
who  had  formerly  been  employed  at  the  Washington  Arsenal,  of  which  Major 
George  D.  Ramsay  was  at  this  time  in  command. 

To  Lorenzo  Thomas1 

[c.  October  io9  1861] 

Col.  C.  F.  Ruff — for  Brig.  GenL  in  regular  Army.  Dr,  McClintock 
is  strongly  in  favor  of  him. 

[551] 


OCTOBER      11,       l86l 

1  AE,  RPB.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  a  copy  of  Governor 
Andrew  G.  Curtin's  letter,  October  10,  1861,  recommending  Charles  F.  Ruff  of 
Pennsylvania,  for  appointment  as  brigadier  general.  Dr.  McClintock  was  prob- 
ably John  McClintock,  Methodist  minister  of  Pennsylvania,  at  the  time  pastor 
of  the  American  Chapel  in  Paris,  France.  There  is  no  record  of  Ruff's  appoint- 
ment. 

To  Pacha  Mohammed  Said1 

October  11,  1861 
Abraham  Lincoln, 
President  of  the  United  States  of  America 

To  His  Highness  Mohammed  Said  Pacha, 

Viceroy  of  Egypt  and  its  Dependencies  &c.,  &c.  &c., 

Great  and  Good  Friend:  I  have  received  from  Mr.  Thayer,  Con- 
sul General  of  the  United  States  at  Alexandria,  a  full  account  of 
the  liberal,  enlightened  and  energetic  proceedings  "which,  on  his 
complaint,  you  have  adopted  in  bringing  to  speedy  and  condign 
punishment  the  parties,  subjects  of  Your  Highness  in  Upper 
Egypt,  who  were  concerned  in  an  act  of  cruel  persecution  against 
Paris,  an  agent  of  certain  Christian  missionaries  in  Upper  Egypt. 
I  pray  Your  Highness  to  be  assured  that  those  proceedings,  at  once 
so  prompt  and  so  just,  will  be  regarded  as  a  new  and  unmistakable 
proof  equally  of  Your  Highness'  friendship  for  the  United  States, 
and  of  the  firmness,  integrity  and  wisdom  with  which  the  Gov- 
ernment of  Your  Highness  is  conducted.  Wishing  you  great  pros- 
perity and  success,  I  am,  Your  Friend,  ABRAHAM:  LINCOUNT 

Washington,  October  11,  1861. 

By  the  President: 

WILLIAM:  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 

1  Copy,  DNA  FS  RG  59,  Communications  to  Foreign  Sovereigns  and  States,  III, 
181.  Faris-El-ECakim,  a  Syrian  physician  employed  by  American  missionaries  in 
selling  and  distributing  Bibles,  had  been  mobbed  and  imprisoned  Upon  charges 
brought  by  William  S.  Thayer,  thirteen  men  had  been  assessed  fines  totaling 
$5,000  as  damages  for  Faris,  and  to  avoid  delay  the  Viceroy  had  advanced  the 
sum  for  prompt  payment. 

To  Whom  It  May  Concern1 

Whom  it  May  Concern:  Executive  Mansion,  Oct.  11,  1861. 

The  bearer  of  this,  Hugh  Roden,  says  he  is  a  drummer  in  the 
seventh  regiment  New  Jersey  volunteers,  and  wishes  to  be  trans- 
ferred to  the  second  regiment  New  Jersey  volunteers,  to  be  with 
his  brother,  who  is  in  the  latter  regiment.  If  it  will  not  injuriously 
affect  the  service,  I  shall  be  glad  for  him  to  be  obliged. 

A. 

[552] 


OCTOBER       12,       l86l 

i  Troy,  New  York,  Daily  Times,  August  13,  1881  (from  the  Newark  Aduer- 
iser) .  There  is  no  record  of  the  transfer  requested  by  Hugh  Roden.  He  was  mus- 
,ered  out  of  Company  K,  Seventh  New  Jersey  Infantry,  October  7,  1864,  and  his 
Brother  George  Roden  was  mustered  out  of  the  Second  New  Jersey  Infantry,  June 
ii,  1864. 

Memorandmn : 

Appointment  of  Charles  Ernenwine1 

Oct.    12.    l86l 

Charles  Ernenwine,  of  Philadelphia,  is  a  Bavarian  Officer, — in 
this  country  from  1849 — was  Lieut.  Col.  to  the  Penn.  aist.  now 
3Ut  of  service.  He  wishes  a  respectable  place  in  the  service. 

1  AD,  DLC-RTL,.  There  is  no  record  of  further  federal  service  on  the  part  of 
Ernenwine  who  served  as  lieutenant  colonel  in  the  Twenty-first  Pennsylvania,  a 
three-months  regiment,  April  i^-August  8,  1861. 

Memorandmn:  Appointment  of  John  Spicer1 

October  12,  1861 

Today,  Oct.  12.  1861.  B.  C.  Cook,  of  Ills,  calls  and  says  John 
Spicer,  his  brother-in-law,  has  done  the  duties  from  the  beginning, 
of  Q.M.  &  Com.  in  Gen.  Popes  Brigade — and  wishes  to  be  regu- 
larly appointed  to  one  or  the  other  place.  That  J.  W.  Shaffer,2  ap- 
pointed Q.M.  &  Speed  Butler,  appointed  Com;  each  went  to  Pope 
fe  finding  Spicer  there  yielded  to  him,  Shaffer  getting  into  Hunter's 
staff,  &  Butler  becoming  Aid  to  Pope.  Thus  it  stood  till  Spicer  was 
hurt  at  fall  of  bridge  &  Mr.  C  does  not  know  how  it  is  since. 

1  AD,  DLC-RTL.  First  Lieutenant  John  Spicer  of  the  Twentieth  Illinois  In- 
fantry was   dismissed  August  20   and  appointed  commissary  of  subsistence  of 
Volunteers  September  10,  1861.  He  was  dismissed  from  service  August  16,  1862. 

2  John  W.  Shaffer,  appointed  captain  and  quartermaster  of  Volunteers  August 
3,  1861,  served  throughout  the  war,  being  brevetted  brigadier  general  of  Volun- 
teers March  13,  1865,  for  service  as  chief  of  staff  of  the  Army  of  the  James  in  the 
campaign  before  Richmond  in  1864. 

To  William  H.  Seward1 

October  12,  1861 

I  did  not  know  that  Foster  had  a  consulship;  and  if  he  had,  I  am 
astonished  that  he  declines  it.  Let  the  Sec  of  State  take  the  whole 
case  &  do  as  he  pleases  with  it.  A.  LiisrcoLisr 

Oct.  12.  1861 

1  AES,  BPB.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  the  back  of  a  telegram  from 
Thomas  Foster  of  Minnesota,  declining  appointment  as  consul  to  Tahiti.  Foster's 
appointment  was  announced  in  the  New  York  Tribune^  October  7,  1861,  but  is 
not  otherwise  of  record.  The  U.S.  Official  Register  lists  Alexander  Salmon,  con- 
sul at  Tahiti  as  of  September  30,  1861. 

[553] 


To  Winfield  Scott1 

Lieut.  Gen.  Winfield  Scott:  Washington,  October  14,  1861. 

The  military  line  of  the  United  States  for  the  suppression  of  the 
insurrection  may  be  extended  so  far  as  Bangor  in  Maine.  You  and 
any  officer  acting  under  your  authority  are  hereby  authorized  to 
suspend  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  in  any  place  between  that  place 
and  the  city  of  Washington.  ABRAHAM  LmcoLisr. 

By  the  President: 

WILLIAM:  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 


OR,  II,  II,  109. 


To  Caleb  B.  Smith1 


Washington,  October  14,  1861. 

Dear  Sir:  How  is  this?  I  supposed  I  was  appointing  for  Register 
of  Wills  a  citizen  of  this  District.  Now  the  commission  comes  to  me 
"Moses  Kelly,  of  New  Hampshire"  I  do  not  like  this.  Yours  truly, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

1  NH,  VII,  8  Smith  replied  October  15,  1861,  "Moses  Kelly  came  to  this  Dis- 
trict in  1841  from  New  Hampshire  and  has  resided  here  continuously  ever  since. 
He  .  .  .  married  here  &  has  raised  a  family  here.  He  has  been  a  constant  voter 
here  for  twenty  years  and  is  an  owner  of  real  estate  here.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL). 
Kelly  had  been  chief  clerk  in  the  Department  of  Interior,  to  which  office  Smith 
appointed  his  son  Walton  J.  Smith  (New  York  Tribune,  October  17,  1861).  See 
also  Lincoln  to  Caleb  B.  Smith  October  16,  infra. 

To  Edward  Bates1 

Hon.  Atty.  General  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  Oct.  15.  1861 

I  have  just  looked  over  your  opinion  in  Capt.  Stansbury's  case, 
&  for  which  I  thank  you. 

Please  return  to  me  the  Capt's  letter,  with  Gen.  Scott's  endorse- 
ment on  it.  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  DNA  GE  RG  60,  Papers  of  Attorney  General,  Segregated  Lincoln  Ma- 
terial. Captain  Howard  Stansbury  of  the  Topographical  Engineers  was  retired 
from  duty  September  28,  1861. 

To  Edward  Bates1 

Will  the  Attorney  General  please  have  this  case  attended  to  as 
soon  as  reasonably  convenient?  A. 

Oct  15.  1861 

[554] 


OCTOBER      16,      l86l 

1  AES,  DNA  RG  204,  U.S.  Pardon  Attorney,  A  354.  Lincoln's  endorsement 
is  written  on  a  letter  from  Charles  P.  Sengstack,  former  warden  of  the  District 
Penitentiary,  October  10,  1861,  recommending  a  pardon  for  Isaac  Lambert.  Bates 
replied  October  19,  "The  case  of  Isaac  Lambert  .  .  .  has  been  examined  by  me 
several  times.  My  feelings  were  enlisted  on  the  side  of  mercy.  ...  I  cannot  yet 
affirmatively  recommend  his  pardon.  ...  I  shall  be  really  glad  to  learn  that 
you  .  .  .  find  in  the  case,  a  proper  occasion  for  the  exercise  of  your  merciful 
power.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL).  See  further,  Lincoln  to  Bates,  June  11,  1862. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

October  [c.  15]   1861 

I  would  like  for  Hon.  D.  S.  Dickinson  to  be  obliged  in  this  case 
Oct.  1861.  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  DLC-Cameron  Papers.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from 
Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  Binghamton,  New  York,  October  15,  1861,  recommending 
".  .  .  my  friend  and  neighbour  Harris  G.  Ro[d]gers.  .  .  ."  for  appointment  as 
paymaster.  Rodgers  was  appointed  additional  paymaster  of  Volunteers  October  22, 
1862. 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Very  respectfully  submitted  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  as  being  an 
ample  recommendation.  A.  LINCOLN 

Oct  15.  1861 

1  AES,  Herbert  Wells  Fay  Collection.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a 
letter  signed  by  John  A.  Logan  and  others,  August  i,  1861,  recommending  L.  B. 
Colby  of  New  York  for  an  army  appointment.  No  appointment  is  of  record. 

To  Montgomery  C.  Meigs1 

Q.M.  Genl.  Meigs  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  Oct.  15.  1861 

This  introduces  Mr.  Thomas  H.  Clay,  son  of  the  late  Hon. 
Henry  Clay.  He  calls  on  business;  and  I  shall  be  pleased  for  you 
to  oblige  him  as  far  as  possible,  consistently  with  the  public  in- 
terest. Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

*  ALS,  IHi.  Thomas  H.  Clay's  business  errand  has  not  been  determined.  Lin- 
coln appointed  him  minister  to  Nicaragua,  October  21,  1862. 

To  Edward  Bates1 

Hon.  Attorney  General  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir:  Oct.  16.  1861 

Please  send  a  commission  for  Bland  Ballard,  as  District  Judge 
for  the  District  of  Kentucky.  Yours  truly  A.  LINCOLN 

[555] 


OCTOBER      l6,      l86l 

1  ALS,  DNA  GE  RG  60,  Papers  of  Attorney  General,  Segregated  Lincoln  Ma- 
terial. Bland  Ballard  was  appointed  to  replace  Thomas  B.  Munroe  who  **.  .  .  has 
joined  the  rebels."  (New  York  Times,  October  19,  1861). 

Memorandum  : 
Appointment  of  Frank  E.  Foster1 

Oct.  16.  1861 
To-day,  Gov.  Chase  brings  to  my  notice  the  name  of  "Frank  E. 

Foster"  of  Follett  Foster  &  Co,  Columbus  O.  I  wish  to  get  some- 

thing for  him. 

i  AD,  DLC-RTL.  No  appointment  for  Foster  has  been  found. 

To  Caleb  B.  Smith1 

What  do  you  think  of  this?  A.L. 

Oct.  16,  1861. 

1  AES-P,  ISLA.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  Amos  Reed, 
clerk  of  the  House  committee  investigating  charges  of  disloyalty,  October  16,  1861, 
stating  that  testimony  had  been  taken  before  the  committee  "seriously  impeach- 
ing the  loyalty  of  Mr.  [Moses]  Kelley,"  late  chief  clerk  of  the  Department  of 
Interior.  Smith  replied  October  19,  1861,  "On  the  gth  inst.  I  received  a  letter 
from  Hon  John  F.  Potter  Chairman  of  the  Com.  furnishing  me  a  list  of  all  the 
persons  employed  in  this  Department  against  whom  evidence  of  disloyalty  had 
been  adduced  before  the  Com.  Mr.  Kelly's  name  does  not  appear  in  the 
list.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL).  The  Potter  Investigating  Committee  adjourned  October 
9,  reporting  evidence  of  treason  on  the  part  of  472  federal  employees  (New 
York  Tribune,  October  10,  1861).  Moses  Kelly's  appointment  as  register  of  wills 
was  allowed  to  stand  (see  Lincoln  to  Smith,  October  14,  supra)  . 

To  George  D.  Ramsay1 

Majr.  Ramsay  Executive  Mansion 

My  dear  Sir  Oct.  17,  1861 

The  lady  —  bearer  of  this  —  says  she  has  two  sons  who  want  to 
work.  Set  them  at  it,  if  possible.  Wanting  to  work  is  so  rare  a 
merit,  that  it  should  be  encouraged  Yours  truly 

A. 


1  ALS,  ORB.  The  bearer  cannot  be  identified,  but  see  Lincoln  to  Ramsay,  Oc- 
tober 10,  supra.  Mrs.  Mary  Buckley,  a  widow  with  six  children,  may  have  ap- 
pealed to  Lincoln  a  second  time  for  aid, 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

This  matter  should  be  attended  to  at  once  A.L. 

Oct.  18.  1861. 

[556] 


OCTOBER     ig,     l86l 

1 AES,  DNA  WR  RG  107,  Secretary  of  War,  Letters  Received,  M  539.  Lincoln's 
endorsement  is  written  on  an  official  copy  of  a  letter  from  Governor  John  A.  An- 
drew to  General  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  October  5, 1861,  protesting  Butler's  personal 
recruitment  efforts  in  Massachusetts  and  making  particular  reference  to  reports 
that  Butler  was  offering  bounties  for  enlistments  in  his  expedition  (see  Lincoln 
to  New  England  Governors,  September  11,  supra).  Governor  Andrew  went  to 
Washington  to  protest  in  person  the  unfair  competition  of  two  recruiting  authori- 
ties operating  within  the  state  of  Massachusetts.  The  record  of  the  controversy, 
which  continued  into  1862,  may  be  found  in  the  Official  Records  (III,  I,  810-66). 

Memorandum: 
Appointment  of  Hiram  Shaw  and  William  V.  Wolfe1 

For  the  sake  of  Kentucky  and  the  memory  of  Henry  Clay  I  would 
like  these  appointments  to  be  made  as  soon  as  practicable. 
Oct.  18.  1861.  A.L. 

1  AES,  DLC-K.TL.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  Thomas 
H.  Clay,  October  17,  1861,  requesting  appointment  of  Hiram  Shaw  of  Lexing- 
ton, and  William  V.  Wolfe  of  Louisville,  Kentucky,  as  paymasters.  There  is  no 
record  of  either  man's  appointment  as  paymaster,  but  William  V.  Wolfe  served 
as  first  lieutenant  in  the  Fifteenth  Kentucky  Infantry. 


To  Thomas  W.  Sherman1 

General  Thomas  W.  Sherman,  Washington, 

Annapolis,  Md.:  October  18,  1861. 

Your  dispatch  of  yesterday  received  and  shown  to  General  Mc- 
Clellan.  I  have  promised  him  to  not  break  his  army  here  without 
his  consent. 

I  do  not  think  I  shall  go  to  Annapolis.  A.  LINCOLN. 

1  OR,  I,  VI,  181.  George  B.  McClellan  to  Thomas  A.  Scott,  October  17,  1861, 
"...  I  will  not  consent  to  one  other  man  being  detached  from  this  army  for 
that  [Port  Royal]  expedition.  ...  No  outside  expedition  can  effect  the  re- 
sult. .  .  ."  (ibid.,  p.  179).  Sherman  to  Lincoln,  October  17,  1861,  "Necessity  com- 
pels me  to  address  the  President  direct  &  ask  that  the  jgth  N  York  Highland- 
ers ...  be  ordered  here  [Annapolis].  .  .  .  We  commence  embarking  to- 
morrow morning.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL). 


To  Salmon  E  Chase1 

Sir:  Washington     October  19.  1861 

I  request  that  you  will  give  to  the  Collector  of  Customs  at  New- 
York  the  necessary  instructions  to  secure  the  free  admission  of  the 
goods,  specified  in  the  accompanying  Invoice  and  Bill  of  Lading, 
imported  per  Steamer  "Glasgow"  for  the  use  of  the  Presidential 
mansion  [A.  LINCOLN] 

Hon:  S.  P.  Chase,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 

[557] 


OCTOBER   ±9,   l86l 

i  LS,  DNA  FI  RG  56,  General  Records,  Treasury  Department,  Series  AB,  1861, 
Letters  from  Executive  Officers,  II,  6.  The  signature  has  been  clipped  from  the 
letter.  An  endorsement  on  the  back  of  the  letter  specifies,  "Attended  to  Oct  19/61." 

Memorandum:  Appointment  of  F.  M.  Murray1 

Whenever  a  Paymaster-Quarter-Master,  or  Commissary,   can  be 
appointed  for  Paducah,  Ky  Mr.  Murray  ought  to  be  the  man. 
Oct.  19,  1861.  A. 


1  AES,  DLC-RTL.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  L.  T. 
Trimble,  Paducah,  Kentucky,  October  6,  1861,  introducing  F.  M.  Murray.  Mur- 
ray had  written  Lincoln  from  Paris,  Kentucky,  September  5,  1861,  "For  the  sin 
of  having  given  my  best  support  to  your  claims  ...  I  have  been  .  .  .  an  exile 
from  my  home  and  family.  My  residence  is  in  ...  Paducah  .  .  .  where  ...  I 
was  engaged  in  the  practice  of  law.  .  .  ."  (DLC-RTL).  There  is  no  record  of  an 
appointment  for  Murray. 

To  Frank  Fuller1 

Frank  Fuller.  Washington  D.C 

Gov.  Utah  —  Oct  20  1861 

Sir. 

The  completion  of  the  Telegraph  to  Great  Salt  Lake  City  is  au- 
spicious of  the  Stability  &  Union  of  the  Republic. 
The  Government  reciprocates  your  Congratulations 

ABRAHAM: 


1  Copy,  owned  by  Miss  Eileen  Thorne,  Jackson  Heights,  New  York.  The  op- 
erator's copy  of  the  telegram  is  written  on  a  blank  of  the  Pacific  Telegraph  Com- 
pany. Lincoln  replied  to  a  telegram  of  the  same  date  from  Fuller,  secretary  of 
state  and  acting  governor  of  Utah,  celebrating  the  opening  of  telegraph  wires 
to  Salt  Lake  City.  The  text  of  Fuller's  telegram  appears  in  the  New  York  Herald, 
October  ai,  ±861,  as  follows: 

"To  the  President  of  the  United  States:  —  Great  Salt  Lake  City. 

"Utah,  whose  citizens  strenuously  resist  all  imputations  of  disloyalty,  congrat- 
ulates the  President  upon  the  completion  of  an  enterprise  which  spans  the  con- 
tinent, unites  two  oceans  and  connects  remote  extremities  of  the  body  politic  with 
the  great  government  heart.  May  the  whole  system  speedily  thrill  with  quick- 
ened pulsations  of  that  heart,  the  parricidal  hand  of  political  treason  be  punished, 
and  the  entire  sisterhood  of  States  join  hands  in  glad  reunion  around  the  national 
fireside.  "FRANK:  FULLER, 

"Acting  Governor  of  Utah." 

To  Simon  Cameron1 

Respectfully  submitted  to  Sec.  of  War  —  about  a  Regt.  &  not  an 
officer  A.L. 

Oct.  21,  1861 

[558] 


O  C  TOBE  R      21,      l86l 

1  AES,  ORB  Lincoln's  endorsement  is  written  on  a  letter  from  Joshua  F.  Speed, 
October  18,  1861,  requesting  that  a  regiment  of  cavalry  Tinder  "Col.  Bowles" 
(probably  William  M.  Bolles,  colonel  of  the  Second  West  Virginia  Cavalry), 
stationed  at  Parkersburg,  West  Virginia,  be  sent  to  Kentucky  and  assigned  to 
Jeremiah  T.  Boyle's  brigade. 


To  Simon  Cameron1 

Sec.  of  War,  please  see  Mr.  T.  H.  Clay,  son  of  the  late  Hon.  Henry 
Clay.  A. 

Oct.  21,  1861 

1  ALS-P,  ISLA.  See  Lincoln's  memorandum,  October  18,  supra. 


To  Joseph  Hooker1 

[October  21,  1861] 

If  agreeable  to  Genl.  Hooter,  let  the  time  be  4  o'clock,  P.M.  Tues- 
day, October  22,  1861.  A.  LINCOLN 

1  AES,  owned  by  Alfred  W.  Stern,  Chicago,  Illinois.  Lincoln's  endorsement  is 
written  on  a  letter  from  Brigadier  General  Hooker,  October  21,  1861,  inviting 
the  president  to  appoint  the  day  and  be  present  at  the  first  raising  of  the  flag  on 
newly  completed  Fort  Lincoln. 


To  John  J.  Hughes1 

Archbishop  Hughes  Washington,  DC.  Oct.  21.  1861. 

Rt.  Rev.  Sir:  I  am  sure  you  will  pardon  me  if,  in  my  ignorance,  I 
do  not  address  [you]  with  technical  correctness.  I  find  no  law  au- 
thorizing the  appointment  of  Chaplains  for  our  hospitals;  and  yet 
the  services  of  chaplains  are  more  needed,  perhaps,  in  the  hos- 
pitals, than  with  the  healthy  soldiers  in  the  field.  With  this  view, 
I  have  given  a  sort  of  quasi  appointment,  (a  copy  of  which  I  in- 
close) to  each  of  three  protestant  ministers,  who  have  accepted, 
and  entered  upon  the  duties. 

If  you  perceive  no  objection,  I  will  thank  you  to  give  me  the 
name  or  names  of  one  or  more  suitable  persons  of  the  Catholic 
Church,  to  whom  I  may  with  propriety,  tender  the  same  service. 

Many  thanks  for  your  kind,  and  judicious  letters  to  Gov.  Seward, 
and  which  he  regularly  allows  me  both  the  pleasure  and  the  profit 
of  perusing. 

With  the  highest  respect  Your  Obt.  Servt.  A.  LINCOLN 

*  ADf S,  DLC-RTL,  In  the  Lincoln  Papers  there  are  several  letters  from  Arch- 
bishop Hughes  hut  none  of  them  is  concerned  with  the  appointment  of  hospital 

[559] 


OCTOBER      21,       l86l 

chaplains.  See  Lincoln's  form  letter  appointing  hospital  chaplains  submitted  with 
the  Annual  Message  to  Congress,  December  3,  infra.  Archbishop  Francis  P.  Ken- 
rick  of  Baltimore  assigned  Reverend  Francis  X.  Boyle  and  Reverend  F.  M.  Ma- 
grath  to  the  performance  of  the  duties  of  chaplain,  October  24,  1861 


To  Officer  in  Command  at 
Poolesville,  Maryland1 

Executive  Mansion,  October  21,  1861—  10  p.m. 
Officer  in  Command  at  Poolesville: 

Send  a  mounted  messenger  to  the  battle-ground  and  bring  me 
information  from  General  Stone.  I  want  the  particulars  as  to  re- 
sult of  engagement  and  the  relative  position  of  the  forces  for  the 
night,  their  numbers,  and  such  other  information  as  will  give  me 
a  correct  understanding  of  affairs.  A.  LINCOUNT. 

1  OK,  I,  LI,  I,  498.  Captain  Francis  G.  Young  of  the  Seventy-first  Pennsylvania 
Volunteers  telegraphed  Lincoln  of  the  death  of  his  old  friend,  General  Edward 
D.  Baker,  at  5  P.JVT.,  October  21  (DLC-RTL).  General  Charles  E  Stone  replied  to 
Lincoln's  telegram  at  10:35  P.M.,  that  it  -was  "impossible  to  give  full  particulars 
of  what  is  yet  inexplicable  to  me.  .  .  .  We  have  still  possession  of  Harrisons 
Island  and  some  fifteen  hundred  men  on  the  Va  side  opposite  Edwards  Ferry 
.  .  .  Our  killed  &  -wounded  may  reach  200.  Number  of  prisoners  unknown." 
(Ibid.).  A  second  telegram  from  Captain  Young,  October  21,  gave  particulars  of 
the  battle  of  Ball's  Bluff  (ibid.). 


To  Montgomery  C.  Meigs1 

Submitted  to  Q.M.  General.     Washburne,  who  sends  this,  is  an 
M.C,  and  one  of  an  investigating  Committee  now  at  St.  Louis. 
Oct.   22.   1861.  A 


1  AES,  IHi.  Lincoln's  endorsement  appears  on  a  telegram  from  Elihu  B. 
Washburne,  St.  Louis  via  Springfield,  October  21,  1861: 

"Yours  reed.  [Major  Robert]  Allen  prostrated  by  some  kind  of  sickness. 
Committee  still  think  the  public  interest  imperatively  demands  some  able  and 
incorruptible  regular  Army  quarter  master  to  be  sent  here  immdy.  This  is 
sent  like  former  despatch  from  Springfield  as  we  dont  dare  trust  St  Louis  tele- 
graph." 

Concerning  conditions  at  St.  Louis,  see  Lincoln's  communications  to  Curtis 
and  Hunter,  October  24,  1861,  infra.  Lincoln's  communication  to  which  Wash- 
burne replied  has  not  been  found.  Meigs  endorsed  below  Lincoln's  endorse- 
ment on  October  23  "I  have  consulted  Secy  of  War  Order  Maj  [Robert  E.] 
Clary  to  proceed  with  all  despatch  to  St  Louis  relieve  Maj  Allen  until  Maj 
Allen  recovers  from  his  present  illness  sufficiently  to  return  to  duty.  When 
Maj  Allen  recovers  Maj  Clary  will  proceed  to  the  writer  or  report  by  letter 
to  Gen  Rosecrans  &  take  charge  of  the  QM  Depot  in  that  Dept.  locating  him- 
self where  he  can  best  supervise  &  control  it." 

[560] 


To  Caleb  B.  Smith1 

Executive  Mansion, 
Hon.  Sec.  of  Interior  Washington,  Oct.  23,  1861 

My  dear  Sir:  If  you  can  think  to  mention  the  next  time  I  see 
you,  I  will  tell  you  more  fully  what  Mr.  Lewis  says  of  the  cases 
noted  by  him  on  the  inclosed  cards.  Very  truly  yours, 

A.  LiisrcoLisr 
1  Tracy,  pp.  195-96.  "Mr.  Lewis"  has  not  been  identified. 


To  Caleb  B.  Smith1 

Sir  Washington  Oct  [23?]  1861 

The  proposed  contract  for  Coal  and  privileges  at  the  Isthmus  of 
Chiriqui,  with  suggestions  &  my  conditional  approval  thereon — 
has  been  returned  from  the  Navy  Department  because  of  the  press- 
ing business  therein  which  does  not  allow  the  Secretary  time  to 
examine  the  subject 

It  is  therefore  referred  to  you  with  authority  to  act,  and  you  are 
hereby  authorized  to  carry  the  contract  into  effect,  should  the  re- 
sult of  your  examination  be  satisfactory  and  establish  that  it  will 
prove  of  sufficient  value  to  the  government.  The  War,  Navy,  Post 
Office  &  Interior  Departments  may  all  derive  benefits  from  this 
proposed  contract.  The  latter  under  the  law  of  ad  March  1819  re- 
quires heavy  appropriations  for  the  transport  &  support  of  cap- 
tured Africans.  It  is  possible  that  a  modification  of  that  law  may 
make  it  a  measure  of  great  economy  to  direct  there  negroes  to  some 
of  the  unocupied  lands  of  Central  America,  and  the  present 
contract,  may  if  well  considered  and  arranged,  be  the  introduction 
to  this,  and  an  equally  desirable  measure  to  secure  the  removal  of 
negroes  from  this  country.  I  therefore  recommend  that  all  these 
points  be  considered  and  that  the  contract  be  so  drawn  as  to  secure 
such  advantages  as  may  in  your  judgement  seem  desirable  for  the 
United  States  to  hold. 
To  Hon  Caleb  Smith 

Secretary  of  the  Interior 

*  Copy  or  draft,  DLC-RTL.  The  bracketed  date  is  that  assigned  to  the  document 
in  the  Lincoln  Papers.  Not  in  Lincoln's  handwriting,  the  copy  or  draft  may  be 
what  Lincoln  sent  or  intended  to  send  to  Smith,  but  Lincoln's  endorsement  to 
Smith,  October  24,  infra,  seems  to  indicate  conclusively  that  the  project  was 
turned  over  to  the  Interior  Department  at  this  time.  The  Chiriqui  Improvement 
Company  headed  by  Ambrose  W.  Thompson  of  Philadelphia  had  in  1855  ob- 
tained control  of  several  hundred  thousand  acres  in  Panama.  On  August  8  Thomp- 
son proposed  to  the  Navy  Department  to  deliver  coal  at  the  Chiriqui  Lagoon  for 

[561] 


OCTOBER      24,       l86l 

one-half  the  price  the  government  then  paid  (Thompson  to  Welles,  August  8, 
1861,  DLC-RTL).  Ninian  W.  Edwards,  whom  Lincoln  had  asked  to  examine  the 
project,  gave  his  approval  (Edwards  to  Lincoln,  August  9,  1861,  ibid.).  For  fur- 
ther developments,  see  Lincoln  to  Smith,  October  24,  infra. 

To  Samuel  R.  Curtis1 

Executive  Mansion, 
Brig:  Genl.  S.  R.  Curtis  Washington,  Oct.  24,  1861. 

Dear  Sir  On  receipt  of  this,  with  the  accompanying  inclosures, 
you  will  take  safe,  certain,  and  suitable  measures  to  have  the  in- 
closure  addressed  to  Major  General  Fremont,  delivered  to  him, 
with  all  reasonable  despatch — subject  to  these  conditions  only, 
that  if,  when  Gen.  Fremont  shall  be  reached  by  the  messenger 
(yourself,  or  any  one  sent  by  you)  he  shall  then  have,  in  personal 
command,  fought  and  won  a  battle,  or  shall  then  be  actually  in  a 
battle,  or  shall  then  be  in  the  immediate  presence  of  the  enemy, 
in  expectation  of  a  battle,  it  is  not  to  be  delivered,  but  held  for 
further  orders.  After,  and  not  till  after,  the  delivery  to  Gen.  Fre- 
mont, let  the  inclosure  addressed  to  Gen.  Hunter  be  delivered  to 
him.  Your  Obt.  Servt.  A.  LINCOLN 

1  ALS,  IHi.  The  enclosures  referred  to  were  undoubtedly  General  Orders  No. 
18  and  Lincoln's  letter  to  General  David  Hunter,  infra.  It  seems  obvious,  how- 
ever, that  after  writing  this  letter  to  Curtis,  Lincoln  decided  to  withhold  the  let- 
ter to  Hunter  until  a  later  date,  thus  allowing  time  for  General  Hunter  to  as- 
sume command  before  receiving  Lincoln's  suggestions  (see  Lincoln  to  Curtis, 
October  28,  infra).  General  Orders  No.  *8  (OR,  I,  III,  553)  is  as  follows: 

"Headquarters  of  the  Army, 
"Washington,  October  24,  1861. 

"Major-General  Fremont,  of  the  U.S.  Army,  the  present  commander  of  the 
Western  Department  of  the  same,  will,  on  the  receipt  of  this  order,  call  Major- 
General  Hunter,  of  the  U  S.  Volunteers,  to  relieve  him  temporarily  in  that  com- 
mand, when  he  (Major-General  Fremont)  will  report  to  General  Headquarters, 
by  letter,  for  further  orders.  "WIJSTFIELD  SCOTT. 

"By  command:  E.  D.  TOWN  SEND, 
"Assistant  Adjutant-General." 

Lincoln's  precaution  in  withholding  the  letter  to  Hunter  was  justified,  for 
General  Fremont  attempted  to  prevent  the  delivery  of  General  Orders  No.  18. 
Leonard  Swett,  by  whom  Lincoln  dispatched  the  letter  to  Curtis,  related  the  cir- 
cumstances at  length  in  a  letter  dated  November  9,  1861,  which  reads  in  part 
as  follows: 

"Tuesday  morning  [October  29],  I  went  immediately  to  Genl.  Curtis  .  .  .  but  I 
could  not  see  him  until  evening  ....  we  found  numerous  obstacles  to  the  de- 
livery of  the  order.  It  had  unfortunately  been  announced  in  the  New  York  papers, 
that  the  order  was  coming.  Several  St  Louis  men,  who  knew  me  came  out  on 
the  same  train.  ...  It  was  therefore  thought  by  Genl*  Curtis  <fe  myself  that  my 
connection  with  it  might  be  suspected  and  some  other  person  should  take  it 
through  the  lines.  .  .  .  Gen'l  Curtis  knew  nothing  of  the  character  of  these 
orders  except  what  I,  a  stranger  to  him,  told  him.  In  the  event  of  trouble,  which 

[562] 


OCTOBER      24,       l86l 

he  feared,  it  might  be  necessary  for  him  ...  to  knou?  what  it  contained.  ...  I 
opened  one  of  the  orders,  took  several  copies,  after  which,  the  Genl  enclosed  it 
in  a  new  envellop  and  directed  it  as  before. 

"The  trouble  of  delivery  was  to  get  some  reliable  man,  who  had  legitimate  busi- 
ness inside  Gen'l  Fremont's  lines.  Capt  [Ezekiel]  Boyden,  of  Champaign  Co. 
Ills  .  .  .  was  selected  as  one,  and  Capt  McKinney  [Thomas  J.  McKenny?]  .  .  . 
as  the  other.  .  .  .  McKinney  took  the  originals  and  delivered  them  first. 

"He  arrived  at  Fremonts  camp,  at  five  oclock  am.  [November  i]  having  rode 
on  horseback  the  two  nights  and  day  previous,  having  gone  by  Holla.  After  wait- 
ing about  five  hours,  and  learning  that  there  was  no  immediate  prospect  of 
battle,  he  applied  at  head  quarters  for  admission  The  aid  .  .  .  told  him  he  must 
make  known  his  errand  He  declined,  stating  he  must  see  the  Gen'l  &  could 
confer  with  no  one  else  I  omitted  to  say  he  was  dressed  for  the  trip  like  a 
country  farmer.  .  .  .  Finally  he  was  admitted.  When  the  Gen'l  read  the  order 
he  said  excitedly  "Sir,  how  did  you  get  through  my  lines,"  when  informed  the 
Gen'l  dismissed  him.  In  a  few  moments  .  .  .  the  aid  came  to  him  and  told  him 
not  tell  [_sic]  in  camp  the  character  of  the  order  In  a  few  moments  more  he 
came  back  again  asking  if  Hunter  knew  of  this  To  this  .  .  .  he  responded  as 
directed  that  a  messenger  had  gone  by  Sedalia  to  give  him  a  duplicate  The 
messenger  then  tried  to  find  where  Hunter  was.  The  soldiers  did  not  know  and 
the  Genl's  friends  could  not  or  would  not  tell.  He  tried  to  get  a  pass  out  of 
camp  That  was  refused  About  eleven  oclock  at  night,  he  overheard  the  pass- 
word With  that  and  an  old  pass  of  Gen'l  Curtis  he  started  &  got  out  The  next 
day  [November  2]  about  twelve  oclock  he  found  Hunter.  .  .  . 

"The  following  facts  I  learn  from  Capt  J  W  Shaffer  of  Freeport  As  soon  as 
the  order  arrived,  Fremont  ordered  all  his  men  to  arms  He  sent  back  for  Hunt- 
er'[s]  division  to  march  all  night  which  they  did,  to  join  in  the  battle  in  the 
morning.  When  morning  came,  Fremont  issued  his  Farewell  address  and  left 
without  giving  any  information  about  the  Gov  property  There  went  with  him, 
his  body  guard,  50  Indians  and  a  paymaster  with  between  200000  &  300,000$ 
The  paymaster  was  arrested  here  last  night  and  has  some  of  the  money.  Hunter 
on  taking  command  send  [.sic]  cavalry  scouts  in  all  directions  for  from  30  to  40 
miles  but  of  course  there  was  no  enemy.  .  .  . 

"Let  me  tell  a  few  more  things  which  I  have  tried  to  investigate  candidly  &  be- 
lieve to  be  true.  Gen'l  Fremont  has  talked  about  his  signature  to  unlawful  orders 
being  above  law  &  to  be  obeyed  The  german  people  have  talked  about  making 
him  Dictator  Some  of  his  officers  in  quite  high  standing  have  talked  so  too." 

Fremont's  order  relinquishing  his  command  to  General  Hunter  was  issued 
under  date  of  November  2  (General  Orders  No.  28,  OR,  I,  III,  559)- 


[563] 


THE   COLLECTED  WORKS  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 
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