COLLECTIONS
PROCEEDINGS
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY
SECOND SERIES, VOL. VII
,
PORTLAND
PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY
1896
PRESS OF
THE THURSTON PRINT
PORTLAND, MAINE
CONTENTS
PAGE
Ancient Defenses of Portland. By Lieut. Peter Leary, Jr.,
U.S.A., ' !
Col. Thomas Goldthwait Was he a Tory? By R. Goldthwaite
Carter, U. S. A., 23, 185, 254, 362
Sketches of Lives of Early Maine Ministers. By William D.
Williamson:
Rev. Tristram Gilman, 44
Rev. James Lyon, 46
Rev. Francis Winter, 43
Rev. Alpheus Spring, 49
Rev. Alexander McLean, 50
Rev. John Urquhart, 204
Rev. Thomas Moore, 206
Rev. Jacob Bailey, 207
Rev. Thomas Lancaster, 209
Rev. William Fessenden, . . 209
Rev. John Thomson, 210
Rev. Thurston Whiting, 313
Rev. Benjamin Chadwick, 315
Rev. Charles Turner, 316
Rev. Nathaniel Webster, 317
Rev. John Adams, 317
Rev. David Jewett, 319
Rev. Caleb Jewett, 320
Rev. Samuel Perley, 320
Rev. John Strickland, 321
Rev. Nathaniel Whitaker, 323
Rev. Peter Powers, 325
Rev. Samuel Nash, 325
The Story of New Sweden. By William Widgery Thomas, Jr., 53, 113
History of Col. Edmund Phinney's 31st Regiment of Foot. By
Nathan Goold, 85 151
Hallowell Records. Communicated by Dr. W. B. Lapham,
103,201,326,437
Proceedings! '.'.'. 105,333,445
91 9
Field Day,
Rev. Jacob Bailey. By Charles E. Allen, 225
IV CONTENTS.
PAGE
John Rogers Families in Plymouth and Vicinity. By Josiah H.
Drummond, 275
Martin Pring. By Joseph Williamson, 300
Origin of Democratic Institutions in New England. By Edward
H.Elwell, 337
Railroad Reminiscences. By Hon. James W. Bradbury, . . . 379
The Mast Industry of Old Falmouth. By Leonard B. Chapman, 390
Ancient Naguamqueeg. By Samuel T. Dole, .... 405
Thomas Chute. By William Goold, .412
The Simancas Map of 1610. By Henry S. Burrage, . . . 424
Settlements in Maine after the Penobscot Expedition. From the
Massachusetts Archives, . 433
Letter of John Allan to Massachusetts Council, .... 435
ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
Thomas Goldthwait, 1
The Capitol at New Sweden, with Log Houses, 1871, ... 113
ANCIENT DEFENSES OF PORTLAND
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
THE ANCIENT DEFENSES OF PORT-
LAND.
BY LIEUT. PETER LEARY JR., U. S. A.
Read before the Maine Historical Society, April 6, 1889.
THE first defensive work erected in Portland Harbor
was the fortified house of Captain Christopher Levett,
an English gentleman of Somersetshire. He was one
of those adventurous mariners who in the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries carried the standard of
England wherever ships could sail. He received his
patent of six thousand acres from the Council of Ply-
mouth on the fifth of May, 1623. He was himself a
member of the council, which, in 1620, when the
charter was conferred by James I., consisted of the
Duke of Lenox, the Marquis of Rockingham, the Mar-
quis of Hamilton, the Earl of Arundel, the Earl of
Warwick, Sir Ferdinand Gorges and a number of
other gentlemen.
After sailing along the New England coast in the
summer of 1623, on a voyage of search for a good
location, he fixed his habitation on one of the islands
of Casco Bay, one of four he speaks of, " which make
one good harbor." His relation of the voyage to the
council runs :
VOL. VII. 2
2 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
And thus, after many dangers much labor and great charge, I
have obtained a place of habitation in New England where I
have built a house and fortified it in a reasonable good fashion,
strong enough against such enemies as are these savage people.
That Levett was a humorist as well as an explorer
is evident from his succeeding observation to the
council :
" I will not do," he writes, " therein as some have done to my
knowledge, speak more than is true: I will not tell you that you
may smell the cornfields before you see the land ; neither must
men think that corn doth grow naturally (or on trees) ; nor will
the deer come when they are called and stand still and look on
a man until he shoot him, not knowing a man from a beast ; nor
the fish leap into the kettle nor on the dry land ; neither are
they so plentiful that you may dip them up in baskets," etc.
The identity of his island is an open question among
the historians of Maine. Mr. James Phinney Baxter
in the valuable " Trelawny Papers " makes it House
Island on which Fort Scammel now stands. Mr.
William Goold in " Portland in the Past " makes it
Hog Island, now euphemistically known as Great
Diamond Island, and Mr. William M. Sargent in " An
Historical Sketch, Guidebook and Prospectus of
Cushing's Island," fixes it upon that beautiful place.
The latter is probably the more exact surmise. That
Levett had no confidence in any permanently peace-
ful relations with the Indians is evident from his
prompt action in putting the new house in defensive
condition. He writes of them :
They are very bloody-minded and full of treachery among
themselves . . therefore I would wish no man to trust them,
THE ANCIENT DEFENSES OF PORTLAND. 3
whatever they may say or do, but always to keep a strict hand
over them and yet to use them kindly and deal uprightly with
them.
At the time of his settlement, plantations had already
been established at Portsmouth and Dover, New Hamp-
shire, and further eastward on Monhegan Island. It is
not likely that he would build his fortified house on an
interior island, and so, in the event of hostilities which he
manifestly looked for, cut himself off either from giving
aid by sea to, or receiving it from either flank of the
line of settlements. As all three were holdings under
the Gorges and Mason patent, it is reasonable to assume
that they were under instructions to help one another
in the event of war. From the standpoint of strategy,
the principles of which endure from age to age
almost unchanging, either House Island or Great
Diamond Island would have placed him at a disadvan-
tage with the enemy on Cushing's Island ; but hold-
ing the latter he would have had a certain strategic
advantage which is obvious. This island has been
known at different times as Portland Island, Andrews'
Island and Bangs' Island. As Andrews' Island it was
the refuge of the settlers in King Philip's war in 1676,
who fled from Munjoy's garrison on the "Neck," and
constructed some sort of a defense on the inner slope
of the picturesque rock of White Head. It is prob-
able that not only was this island chosen as an asylum
for facility of relief by sea from other settlements to
the westward, but because some part, if not the whole,
of Levett's fortified house still stood where his trained
hand had built it and gave them safe refuge; and
4 MAINE HISTOKICAL SOCIETY.
relief accordingly came during the summer from Black
Point and Boston.
The first fortification constructed in Portland was
Fort Loyal. It was a bastioned fort, built of stockades
and stood on a rocky bluff at an elevation of about
thirty feet above high-water mark near the foot of
India Street and the ground now occupied by the
roundhouse of the Grand Trunk Railroad Company.
It became the center and rallying point of the settle-
ment. Its construction was begun by order of the
General Court of Massachusetts, by English soldiers,
under command of Capt. Hawthorn in September,
1676. The site had a gradual slope towards the
water front and contained about one-half acre. It
consisted of a number of log buildings used as bar-
racks, guard-house and shops, all surrounded by pal-
isades. Wooden towers on the interior served as
stations for observation and defense. The whole was
loopholed and had emplacements for eight pieces of
ordnance, which composed its armament. In 1690 a
small work of semicircular front stood about one mile
west of the fort on an elevation in rear of a swamp
which extended to the water-front.
Ingersoll's blockhouse stood a half-mile southwest
of the fort and Lawrence's blockhouse, built of stone
and timber, stood about three-quarters of a mile north
on Munjoy's Hill. The first notable use of Fort
Loyal was as a prison for some twenty Indians, who
were treacherously seized at Saco and sent there for
safe keeping. They were subsequently released by
Gov. Andross and afterwards attained greater or less
THE ANCIENT DEFENSES OF PORTLAND. 5
celebrity as relentless foes of the colonists. Among
them was Hopegood, a chief of the Norridgewocks.
It served its first legitimate use in 1689 when Maj.
Church of Massachusetts saved the town and fort from
destruction by his timely arrival by sea from Boston
with several companies of troops, consisting of whites
and negroes and friendly Indians from Cape Cod.
He found the French and Indians four hundred strong
about to attack the town, and to conceal his presence
landed his troops at the fort after dark. The action
was begun early on Saturday morning, the twenty-first
of September, 1689. Church was embarrassed by find-
ing that the musket balls he had brought in his sup-
plies of ammunition were generally too large for his
guns. With the aid of the people of the town, he had
them hammered into slugs, and so, after a hard fight
drove off the invaders. This engagement was fought
near Deering Park about two miles from Fort Loyal.
A glance at the state of Europe at this time will
show what relation its men and events bore to the
obscure little outpost in the Province of Maine. The
English revolution of 1688 had deprived James II. of
his crown and put his son-in-law, William Prince of
Orange, and Stadtholder of the Netherlands, and his
eldest daughter, Mary, upon the English throne. It
was the age of Louis XIV. and the brilliant soldiers,
scholars and politicans who, in that era, made France
glorious. Vendome, Catinat and Turenne were lead-
ing the troops of the great monarch in the campaigns
which made their names dear to Frenchmen, but hate-
ful to the people of the Netherlands and the Palatinate.
6 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Bossuet was preaching those wonderful sermons which
marked him as one of the foremost pulpit orators of
the Christian church. Louvois was at the head of
affairs, the greatest war minister of his time.
James II. had left his mimic court at Saint Germain
and was getting what force together he could in Ireland
for the recovery of his throne.
Schomberg was collecting an army of thirty thous-
and men in the north of Ireland, who were destined
to beat the French and Irish at the battle of the
Boyne on the first day of July.
Macaulay tells us that the cause of James was the
cause of France and under this pretense, Count Fron-
tenac, the able governor of New France, quick to
second his sovereign in his ambition for the glory of
his reign, planned a campaign in America to force the
English boundaries to retreat as far southward as pos-
sible. Frontenac had returned as governor and lieu-
tenant-general of New France in October, 1689,
charged with instructions to initiate a campaign
against New York and Boston, operating with his land
forces from Montreal and with his fleet from Quebec.
Looking at the map of America of 1655, the territory
of England embraced at that time only the present
states of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massa-
chusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Maryland and
Virginia.
A colony of Swedes held Delaware ; the Dutch
held the valley of the Hudson and New Jersey as far
south as Cape May ; Spain held Florida, and France
the immense territory now comprised within the states
THE ANCIENT DEFENSES OF PORTLAND. 7
of New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Kentucky, West
Virginia, Tennessee, the Carolinas, Georgia, Alabama,
Indiana, Illinois and Michigan. In 1690 the English
boundaries included Pennsylvania, Delaware, New
York and the Carolinas. LaSalle had made his immor-
tal journey through the Mississippi Valley to the
waters of the Gulf of Mexico, and had taken posses-
sion of the country in the name of his Most Christian
Majesty.
The people of Massachusetts and Maine had recog-
nized the title of William and Mary and with more
zeal than discretion had driven Sir Edmond Andross
from power and were active in overthrowing all the
good effects of his measures for their defense against
the French and Indians. In his report to the commit-
tee for trade and plantation, which was received in
London in April, 1690, he writes :
That the new council in Massachusetts under Governor Brad-
street gave orders for the withdrawal of the forces from Pema-
quid and other garrisons and places in the eastern parts ; that
the Indians were encouraged and enabled to renew and pursue
the war and by the assistance of the French who have been seen
among them increased their number ; that in a
short time several hundred of their Majesties' subjects were
killed or carried away captive; the fort at Pemaquid taken, the
whole county of Cornwall, the greater part of the Province of
Maine, and that part of the Province of New Hampshire
destroyed and deserted.
The military state of the provinces of Maine and
New Hampshire was about as bad at it could have
been. Indifference on the part of the Massachusetts
Governor and Council to the Military necessities of
8 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
the frontier, involving criminal neglect in providing
rations, clothing, camp equipage, ordnance arms and
ammunition for the garrisons ; inefficiency in the com-
missioned officers, insubordination and ignorance in
the soldiery all made the success of Frontenac a fore-
gone conclusion. It is hardly to be doubted that his
plans were materially changed on his arrival, for he
found it necessary to drive the Iroquois from Montreal
and secure the safety of his own people against them.
In the spring of 1690 three expeditions were sent
out to strike at the English settlements. The right
column, consisting of one hundred and ten French
troops under command of Manet, with St. Helene and
Iberville, two sons of Charles LeMoyne, in charge of
the Indian contingent, marched from Montreal through
the snow and attacked Schenectady on the third
of February, killing sixty people and ravaging the
country. The center column, consisting of twenty-
four French soldiers and twenty-five Indians, led by
Hopegood, all under command of Francois Hertel, left
Three Rivers on the twenty-eighth of January and
arrived at Salmon Falls, New Hampshire, on the
twenty-seventh of March. The town was attacked at
daybreak, partially destroyed and many of the inhabi-
tants murdered and carried into captivity. Hertel
withdrew on learning that help to Salmon Falls was
coming from Portsmouth, and made his way to the
Kennebec to join his force to that of the Count de
Portneuf, who commanded the left column, then on its
way to attack Fort Loyal. This command consisted
of fifty French soldiers and fifty Abnaki Indians from
THE ANCIENT DEFENSES OF PORTLAND. 9
the Mission of St. Francis in the Province of Quebec.
They left Quebec in January arriving in Casco Bay on
the eleventh or twelfth of May. On the twelfth of
May two Englishmen were caught on the Bay, one of
whom was killed and the other carried off On the
same day, Capt. Sylvanus Davis reported to the gov-
ernor and council of Massachusetts the defection of
Capt. Simon Willard and some of his men, who in the
face of the enemy and in the most cowardly manner
fled from Casco to Boston on a wretched pretense. In
the meantime the Count de Portneuf had concentrated
his forces on the islands in the harbor and on the
night of the fifteenth of May landed on the north end
of the peninsula in Indian Cove at the foot of Mun-
joy's Hill. Their lines were deployed in the timber
north of Queen, now Congress Street, facing to the
southeast. Their forces amounted to about four hun-
dred men in all, Portneuf in command, with his fifty
Frenchmen and fifty Abnakis, Hertel with his twenty-
four Frenchmen and twenty-five Abnakis and Baron
de Castine with the Abnakis headed by Madocka-
wando and Hopegood. The fighting strength of the
garrison consisted of about seventy men. At noon on
the sixteenth, thirty men under command of Lieut.
Clark made a sortie in the direction of the Lawrence
garrison-house on Munjoy's Hill and were attacked
and all killed but five, who made their way, all of
them wounded, back to the fort. On the night of the
sixteenth all the people who were in the four outer
garrison-houses retreated to the fort, which was soon
completely invested. The enemy set fire to the build-
10 MAINE HISTOKICAL SOCIETY.
ings in the town, and ran a trench towards the walls
for the purpose of setting fire to the stockades. When
the trench was completed they filled a cart with com-
bustibles, ran it close to the walls and set fire to it.
This danger led to a parley which resulted in the sur-
render of the garrison on the twentieth of May, on
condition of safe conduct to the nearest English town.
The terms were made with Portneuf and were ignored
as soon as made. The Indians slaughtered all without
regard to age or sex. About five of the garrison, in-
cluding Capt. Davis and two daughters of Lieut. Clark
were spared and taken to Quebec and ultimately
exchanged. The story of the siege taken from the
French archives relates that " the fort was fired, the
guns spiked, the stores burned and all the inmates
made prisoners. The Indians retained a majority of
them." One of the singular features of this engage-
ment is that the casualties up to the day of the sur-
render seem to have been unusually small. On the
side of the French and Indians, the French report
says that " One Frenchman had his arm broken by a
cannon ball and an Indian received a wound in the
thigh." On the part of the English there were appar-
ently no casualties except the killing of Lieut. Clark
and his party, and the wounding of the five who got
back to the fort on the sixteenth. It is estimated that
nearly two hundred people were massacred or carried
into captivity. Those of the other settlements fled
for the safety to the more secure towns of New
Hampshire.
The garrison which at this time held Purpooduc or
THE ANCIENT DEFENSES OF PORTLAND. H
Spring Point, retreated with those of Spurwink and
Scarborough to Saco. In the autumn of 1690, while
on an expedition against the Ameriscoggins, Maj.
Church landed five companies of English soldiers and
friendly Indians at Spring Point, the present site of
Fort Preble. He was attacked at daylight on Sunday,
September 21, and after a sharp fight repulsed them
with a loss to his force of seven killed and twenty-
four wounded. It is supposed that this fight took
place on the swampy ground lying between Fort
Preble and Cushing's Point.
The armament of Fort Loyal was left in the ruins
of the work when the French and Indians quit the
place. In August, 1692, Sir William Phipps with a
force of four hundred and fifty soldiers under com-
mand of Maj. Church, sailed from Boston for Pema-
quid, where he began the construction of Fort William
Henry. On his way up he stopped at Falmouth,
buried the whitened bones of the victims of the mas-
sacre and took the guns with him to form part of the
armament of the new fort at Pemaquid.
After the people of Maine had become reasonably
assured of safety on the negotiation of the treaty of
Mare Point, in January, 1699, they returned to Casco
Bay and began a new settlement near the mouth of
the Presumpscot River.
At a point about three miles northeast of . the old
location of Fort Loyal and four miles nearly due north
of Spring Point a fort was constructed in 1700 under
direction of Colonel Romer, a military engineer of the
provincial government. It was known as New Casco
Fort.
12 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
This work was built on four sides of a square, each
side being fifty feet in length. Small bastions were
placed in the northeast and southwest corners, and
high sentry-boxes overlooking the surrounding coun-
try on the northwest and southeast corners. The
whole was surrounded by a stockade. About one
hundred feet southeast of the fort was the well on
which the garrison depended for water, the avenue to
which was also secured by a line of stockades on each
side. The area enclosed by the work exclusive of
that of the bastions and sentry-boxes was twenty-five
hundred feet. The faces of the bastions were thirty
feet long.
The little fort justified the propriety of its construc-
tion when Queen Anne's war was begun in 1703. It
was then the utmost frontier of the English on the
east The French and Indians five hundred strong
under command of the Sieur de Beaubussin laid siege
to it for several days in August of that year. The
settlers had found safety within its walls. The post
was commanded by Major March, who had an effective
force of thirty-six men, which he divided into three
reliefs of twelve each. Their defense was so bravely
conducted that the French commander was forced to
begin regular approaches, which were interrupted by
the timely arrival from Boston of Captain Southack in
an English man-of-war in the service of the Massachu-
setts authorities.
He attacked the enemy, destroyed many of their
canoes, and raised the siege. It was only in June of
this year that Governor Dudley of Massachusetts,
THE ANCIENT DEFENSES OF PORTLAND. 13
whose administration was begun in 1702, had held at
this fort an imposing council with the Indians, which
ended in protestations of the most peaceful intentions
on both sides. After this visit and the attack of the
French and Indians, he directed a new fortification to
be constructed, which was finished in 1705, under the
superintendence of Col. Kedknap, an engineer officer
in the service of Massachusetts, who was afterwards
sent with March's command to conduct the siege
operations in the unsuccessful expedition against Port
Royal despatched by Dudley in June, 1707. The
stockades of the new fort entirely circumscribed those
of the old. The new fort was an oblong qradrilateral
having regular bastions at all its corners. Exclusive
of the bastions it was two hundred and fifty feet long
and one hundred and ninety wide. In each side a
sally-port was provided, the one on the east having a
small stockaded redan in its front. The length of the
bastioned front on the north and south sides was two
hundred and fifty-eight feet and on the east and west
three hundred forty-six feet respectfully. Its interior
area, not counting that of the bastions was about
forty-seven thousand five hundred square feet, or a
little more than one acre.
Within the walls, barracks, storehouses, officers'
quarters and shops were erected and in the southwest
corner a large tank was put up for the storage of
water in time of siege. From the south sally-port, a
sheltered way to the shore of the bay was built of
stockades, the water ends of which flared outwardly
and extended into tide water to give a protected
14 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
mooring for the boats of the garrison. No details of
the armament are known. New Casco Fort continued
to be the defense of Falmouth until 1716, when its
garrison was withdrawn, its armament and stores
removed and the work demolished by its commander,
Maj. Moody, under orders from the colonial govern-
ment. Most of the people moved their habitations to
the old site of the town on the " Neck," where Port-
land now stands. The officers and soldiers who com-
posed the garrison moved to the new town with the
people, took up land and were among those who were
called the new proprietors, as distinguished from the
heirs of the former occupants, who were called the old
proprietors. Queen Anne's war continued to rage
until 1713 when it ceased under the treaty made at
Portsmouth, New Hampshire, July 11, of that year.
In 1731 the town applied to the General Court of
Massachusetts for the construction of a fort for the
public defense and a work was accordingly begun on
the old site of Fort Loyal, but apparently not com-
pleted.
The provincial government was not unmindful,
however, of the defense of the town, for on the eigh-
teenth of August, 1738, Col. Pepperell, with officers of
the regular troops and militia, arrived from Boston
and made an inspection of its military condition.
This work was repaired and an additional breastwork
biiilt during Gov. Shirley's administration in 1742,
and in the war of the Spanish Succession and the
French war, which resulted in the fall of Quebec and
the Treaty of Paris, in 1762, was partially relied on
THE ANCIENT DEFENSES OF PORTLAND. 15
for the defense of the town against the French. The
armament of the new breastworks consisted of ten
twelve pounders. After the capture of Louisburg by
Sir William Pepperell in 1745, the French govern-
ment dispatched the Due D'Anville to America with a
fleet of eleven ships of the line, twenty frigates, five
ships and brigs, thirty-four fire ships, tenders and
transports and three thousand one hundred and fifty
men to recapture the fortress and restore the prestige
of French power. The expedition was abandoned and
the remnant of the fleet returned to France. The peo-
ple of Falmouth, however, apprehensive of a visit
from it, made preparations for defense by placing two
old eighteen or forty-two pounders in a battery on
Spring Point a measure in which the means were
hardly adequate to the ends expected. During this
period the people wasted labor, money and materials
by expending their efforts in building and strengthen-
ing the private garrisons or blockhouses, instead of
concentrating all on the development of the powers of
the fort ; and we find that in 1744 eighty-five soldiers
were posted in the town and billeted in the garrison
houses, which were designed for security in case of
Indian attacks. When the war of the Eevolution was
begun the town was practically defenseless, and
Mo watt with a fleet of four small English armed ves-
sels shelled and destroyed Portland with absolute
impunity. The only guns in the town were 'four old
pieces and for these not a round of ammunition was
on hand.
On the second of May, 1776, a local committee was
16 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
appointed to look after the defense of the town. One
fort was constructed on Mun joy's Hill and another on
the hill on Free Street, where the Anderson mansion
stands. The fort on Munjoy's Hill was named Fort
Allen in honor of the captor of Ticonderoga, and that
on Free Street was known as the Upper Battery. A
battery and magazine also stood on or near the ground
selected for the monument to be erected to the
memory of the soldiers and sailors of Maine who fell
in the war of the Rebellion, and another on the old
site of Fort Loyal. Breastworks were constructed on
Spring Point and garrisoned by a company of artillery ;
and a small battery was thrown up on Portland Head,
in which a detachment was placed with orders to report
the appearance of strange vessels by firing signal
guns. This was the condition of the defense of Port-
land during the war of the Revolution.
After the Revolution the fortifications of the country
were permitted to fall into decay, but when hostilities
with France became imminent about 1794, Congress
appropriated large sums of money for putting the
coast defenses in good condition. Pursuant to this
determination a fort was constructed on Munjoy's
Hill which subsequently became known as Fort Sum-
ner, in honor of the memory of Gov. Sumner of
Massachusetts. It is thus described by the Due de la
Rochefoucauld who about this time made a tour of the
United States with Talleyrand :
They are at present constructing on the site of an old earthen
breastwork a fortification which they expect to command the
town and to render it at least secure from the invasions of an
THE ANCIENT DEFENSES OF PORTLAND. 17
enemy. This new fortification stands at the extreme point of
the peninsula on which Portland is established and consists of a
battery of fifteen or twenty heavy cannon of large caliber com-
manding that wide entrance of the bay which was above men-
tioned. This battery is to have by means of a covered way a
communication with a smnll fort a distance of four or five hun-
dred toises (about eight hundred or a thousand yards) which it
has been thought necessary to erect on the highest part of the
isthmus. The fort is sufficient to hold two hundred men."
In his history of Portland Willis thus describes it :
The barracks were erected on the summit of Munjoy's Hill
surrounded by an earthen embankment beneath which was a
deep ditch. It was connected by a covered way with a battery
erected on the southerly brow of the hill near where Adams
street now [1865] passes. Guns were mounted at both places,
but the barracks for the accommodation of the men and the
parade ground were within the enclosure on the hill. It was
garrisoned until after the war of 1812, when the command was
withdrawn and the work suffered to go to decay.
In anticipation of war with England in 1808, Con-
gress again made generous provision for coast defense,
and as part of the general plan Forts Preble and
Scammel were begun in that year and completed
before 1812.
The state of Massachusetts on the twelfth of March,
1808, passed an act ceding to the United States the
jurisdiction of a part of House Island and the extreme
end of Spring Point, opposite thereto, near the en-
trance of Portland Harbor, reserving to itself concur-
rent jurisdiction on and over said lands, so far as that
all civil and criminal processes may be duly executed
on the lands so ceded. Subsequently in section 8,
VOL. VII. 3
18 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
chapter 2, of the revised statutes of Maine, the
state passed a general act confirming the authority of
the United States over any lands transferred to the
government for public uses under the constitution
and laws of the United States. This act has been
construed by the courts of Maine as applying as well
to military reservations as to lighthouses and other
public buildings.
The first Fort Preble was built of brick and granite.
Its front, on the channel, was semicircular in plan, and
on its flanks and rear it had the lines of a star fort.
This part of the work is still standing. The length
of the superior slope from the interior to the exterior
crest was ten feet, six inches, and on the land side,
near the sally-port, four feet and two inches. The
command or height of the interior crest above the
site was eighteen feet and four inches. Inside the
enclosure were two double buildings for officers' quar-
ters, a shot furnace, magazine, barracks, and a well.
Its armament consisted of seven thirty-two pounders,
five eight-inch howitzers and one twelve pounder,
all mounted in barbette.
In reply to a request for information addressed to
an officer of the adjutant-general's department, on
duty in the War Office, as to the personage after whom
Fort Preble was named, the following was received:
WAR DEPARTMENT.
ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, )
DIVISION MILITARY INFORMATION, f
MEMORANDUM :
In the matter of Fort Preble, Maine. Fort Preble was con-
structed some time during the summer of 1808. The question
of fortifying the Atlantic seacoast towns was a matter of much
THE ANCIENT DEFENSES OF PORTLAND. 19
concern from 1794 for the following ten years. A battery and
blockhouse were erected for the defense of the town in 1795 and
1796, but these soon fell into decay. A small work which had
been authorized by the act of March, 1794, was completed in
1806, and received the name of Fort Sumner, but the site of this
work was injudiciously selected, and the engineers reported that
new works were necessary. Under date of January 6, 1809,
President Jefferson, in a message to Congress on the subject of
seacoast defense reports : " Portland Harbor, Fort Preble, a new
enclosed work of stone and brick masonry with a brick barrack
quarters and magazine, is completed. This work is erected on
Spring Point, and commands the entrance of the harbor through
the main channel."
This is the record we have of the existence of Fort Preble.
The records of the War Department in 1820 are very meager.
A fire in the War Department in 1800 consumed most of the re-
cords prior to that date, and on the approach of the British in
1814, the records which had accumulated up to that date were
either destroyed or distributed in such a manner that few of
them have been recovered. It may have been that the designa-
tion of this work originated in the War Department, but of this
there is no certainty. The names of most of the early works
were conferred upon them by the constructing engineers, and
not always with the approval of the department.
It has always been considered by this office that Fort Preble
was named in honor of the memory of Edward Preble, com-
modore in the United States navy. He was perhaps the most
prominent naval officer of his day, and his operations along the
Barbary coast, which resulted in the peace of the third of June,
1805, by which the tribute which European nations had paid for
centuries to the Barbaric pirates was abolished, and his efforts
were renowned throughout the world. He returned to this coun-
try in 1805, where he received an enthusiastic welcome as well as
a vote of thanks from Congress (the first to receive them after the
adoption of the constitution), and a gold medal.
In 1806 President Jefferson offered him the portfolio of naval
affairs, which he declined on account of his feeble health. He re-
turned to Portland, his native town, where he died in August, 1807.
20 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
It was at this time that the new work in Portland Harbor was
under construction and about being completed, and it is therefore
reasonable to suppose that the compliment of bestowing his name
upon the work would have naturally suggested itself to those in
authority. In fact, the preponderance of opinion is shown from
a consultation of numerous authorities to incline to that view.
On the other hand, beyond the fact that the father of Com-
modore Preble (Jedediah) was a brigadier-general in the Revolu-
tionary army, his services during the war of the Revolution were
not of so distinguished a character as to have entitled him to the
honor in question, twenty-five years after his death, in contradis-
tinction to his son, who was unquestionably the most eminent
citizen of Portland at the time of his death, which was contem-
poraneous with the naming of the work.
The first Fort Scammel is thus described by Mr.
William Goold in " Portland in the Past."
On the highest point of this purchase (the military reservation
of Fort Scammel) Dearborn erected an octogonal blockhouse of
timber with a pointed roof of eight sides. On the low upright
center timber of the roof was placed a carved wooden eagle with
extended wings ; on each of the eight sides of the blockhouse
was an embrasure or porthole and a gun. The upper story con-
tained the battery, and projected over the lower story two or
three feet. All the buildings, including the blockhouse and bar-
racks, were clapboarded and painted white. The works were
enclosed in an earthen rampart, and presented a picturesque
appearance.
Fort Scammel was so named in honor of Col. Alexan-
der Scammel of the army of the Revolution, who
was aid-de-camp to Gen. Washington and adjutant-
general of the army. He was mortally wounded by
Hessians while engaged in a reconnaissance near York-
town, Virginia, September, 1781.
Both posts were named by direction of Maj.-Gen.
Henry Dearborn, United States army, who was sec-
THE ANCIENT DEFENSES OF PORTLAND. 21
retary of war from 1801 to 1809, and whose son,
Alexander Scammel Dearborn was the agent of the
War Department in the construction of Forts Preble
and Scammel.
During the war of 1812, temporary batteries were
constructed on Fish Point and Jordan's Point. The
latter was named Fort Burrows in honor of the gal-
lant commander of the United States brig Enter-
prise, who fell in the action with the English brig
Boxer, on the fifth of September, 1813, off Portland
Harbor.
The defenses of Portland like those of other cities
on the coast, have been affected by the development
of modern artillery.
In 1857 it was found necessary to make radical
changes in Forts Preble and Scammel and to construct
Fort Gorges. These works were all to be large ma-
sonry forts with two tiers of casemate batteries and
one barbette each, mounting in all, for the defense of
the harbor, two hundred and ninety pieces of artillery.
Before their completion the system of heavy smooth-
bore guns was superseded by the modern heavy built-
up breech and muzzle-loading rifles, and the costly and
elaborate fortifications of granite were found to be
useless against such artillery.
The corps of engineers spent no more money on
masonry works, but in 1871 they strengthened Forts
Preble and Scammel by the construction of heavy
earthen parapets, traverses and magazines, and em-
placements for modern artillery. Fort Preble has
platforms for seventeen fifteen-inch Rodman guns or
twelve-inch rifles, and for three eight-inch rifles.
22 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
There are now (1889) two fifteen-inch S. B. guns and
two eight-inch rifles mounted in the works. Fort
Scamrael has six fifteen-inch and four ten-inch S. B.
guns mounted and emplacements for several others.
It is understood that the new project of the engi-
neer corps for the defense of Portland Harbor em-
braces the construction of modern works with the
necessary electrical and steam plant on Portland Head
and Cow Island.
The compiler of these notes is especially indebted
to Mr. James Phinney Baxter of Portland, Maine, for
access to and free use of valuable maps of the coast
made by early explorers and plans of the early forti-
fications of the New England coast, copies of which
Mr. Baxter secured at private expense from the Pub-
lic Records office, the Rolls Office and the Library of
the British Museum in London ; also for giving him
access to the valuable collection of the Maine Histor-
ical Society. He is also indebted for courtesies to Mr.
William Goold, author of " Portland in the Past," and
to Messrs. S. W. and Charles Pickard, editors of the
" Portland Transcript." In preparing these notes the
following authorities have been consulted :
Palfrey's History of New England.
Willis' History of Portland.
Williamson's History of Maine.
Mather's Magnalia.
Sullivan's History of Maine.
Goold's Portland in the Past.
Hull's Capture of Fort Loyal.
Smith and Dearie's Journals.
An Historical Sketch, etc., of Cushings Island, by Win. M.
Sargent, A. M.
The Trelawney Papers, by Mr. James Phinney Baxter.
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 23
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT-WAS
HE A TORY?
BY B. GOLDTHWAITE CARTER, U. S. ARMY.
Bead before the Maine Historical Society, December 19, 1895.
Fort Point, a bold, rocky promontory of Cape
Jellison, at the mouth of the Penobscot Kiver, over-
looking the beautiful waters of Penobscot Bay, thickly
studded with the greenest of emerald isles, are the
crumbling ruins of an old colonial fort.
The local historians have from time to time given
some very interesting accounts of the inception and
completion of this ancient work by Gov. Thomas
Pownall of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, in
July, 1759, and of its destruction by Col. James Car-
gill in July, 1775; but of its garrison, those hardy
men who occupied it during this period of sixteen
years, little has been said, presumably because little
has been known.
We are told that Brig.-Gen. Jedediah Preble was
the first commandant of Fort Pownall after its com-
pletion, and that Col. Thomas Goldthwait, with the
exception of one year, was its commanding officer
from 1763 to 1775 ; the longest and most important
period of its existence.
In Maine, most historical readers are very familiar
with the main incidents of the life of the former, so
closely identified is it with the history of old Fal-
mouth, now Portland; but of the latter little is
24 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
known, and it is the purpose of the writer, in this
paper, to give some knowledge of his early life and
history.
Before me are copies of the first and last muster
rolls of Fort Pownall, with the names of the garrison
upon them, together with the petition of the same to
the Provincial Assembly at Watertown, Massachusetts,
for pay after the destruction of the fort, and the gar-
rison had been scattered by the loud tocsin of the
war for independence.
Thomas Goldthwait's name here appears as captain ;
Thomas Goldthwait, junior, as lieutenant ; his son
Henry, a lad of about seventeen, as private ; as also
that of Francis Archbald, junior, the clerk of the fort>
who afterwards married Mary, the daughter of Col.
Goldthwait, and who is referred to in the trial of
Capt. Preston of the Twenty-ninth British Foot, as
one of the lads who, on the night of March 5, 1770,
near old " Cornhill," was one of the controlling causes
of the " Boston Massacre." He was a witness before
the court, and his affidavit is given, containing a very
graphic, as well as a most amusing account of that
stirring event, which led up to, and was so closely
identified with, what followed.
But, who was Col. Thomas Goldthwait? Some
rather incomplete statements concerning him have
been written by the local historians of Maine, who,
with but limited opportunities for access to the official
archives of that time prior to and during the period
of the Revolutionary War have allowed themselves
to be guided largely by tradition, or the prejudiced
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TOKY? 25
statements and writings of those days, and have
handed down in cold type, thus far unchallenged, a
character which, without a cool and dispassionate
judgment, as afforded by the valuable contributions of
to-day, would pass down to future generations as a
man whose very name and memory should be shunned,
even by his own descendants.
These statements, however, have been published in
such a fragmentary and disconnected way, that the
writer much doubts if to-day there are many of the
inhabitants of the state of Maine interested in such
matters, especially those living about the mouth of
the Penobscot River, who have any adequate concep-
tion of the true or inner life of the man who had so
much to do in shaping the early settlement and
development of that region.
Were it not for a pressing duty which the writer,
a descendant, feels incumbent upon himself to rescue
a name once honored and respected throughout the
entire Province of Massachusetts Bay, from the cloud
of reproach and obloquy which has hung over it for
more than a century of time, Thomas Goldthwait's
memory, with his deeds, would still remain buried
with his ashes in the little kirkyard at the village of
Walthamstow, England, where he died an exile from
his native land, August 31, 1799. Let us turn the
search-light of truth upon that record which, during
this long period of silence, has remained shrouded in
darkest doubt.
Lorenzo Sabine, in his very valuable work on the
American Loyalists, says:
26 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Goldthwaite, Thomas, of Maine, born in Chelsea, Massachu-
setts, Grantee with Francis Bernard, son of the Governor, of a
large tract of land in Prospect on the Penobscot, on condition
of settling thirty families, of building an Episcopal church and
employing a minister. The enterprise was interrupted by the
Revolution. Both adhered to the Crown and forfeited their
property The account of him is that he was an
extortioner, arbitrary and cruel. Early in the war he embarked
for Nova Scotia, was shipwrecked on the passage and perished.
(Volume 1: 478.)
It is but fair to say, however, that in his introduc-
tion, Sabine states that but little could be learned
concerning the Loyalists, and that he met with so
many serious obstacles, he nearly decided at one time
to abandon the work.
Lossing, in his Field-Book of the War of 1812,
says :
It [Fort Pownall], was garrisoned until the Revolution, when
it was betrayed into the hands of the British by a Tory
commander.
The Rev. Richard Pike of Dorchester, Massachu-
setts, in a paper read before the New England His-
toric Genealogical Society of Boston, as far back as
October 5, 1859, frequently alludes to the subject of
this sketch, and states that :
Col. Goldthwait has left behind him in the valley of the
Penobscot a bad reputation. The Indians complained loudly of
his unfair treatment of them in his dealings with them. He was
very unkind to the early settlers. He was cruel, arbitrary, and
an extortioner. He further declares that he was a tyrant and a
coward (New England Historical and Genealogical Register
14: 7-10.)
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 27
There could be no worse character to be handed
down to history and his descendants than this.
The historians of that region add many traditions
and neighborhood anecdotes to substantiate this record,
and to prove further that Thomas Goldthwait was an
exceedingly bad, unscrupulous man, and that his mem-
ory is odious, and held in execration by those familiar
with the story of old Fort Pownall at the mouth of the
Penobscot.
The writer can trace, with but little effort, the fore-
going statements to the same source, viz : the
unpublished narrative manuscript of one John David-
son (to whom he will refer later on) ; and all recent
sketches of, or concerning Thomas Goldthwait, are
merely changes rung upon a well-worn theme, with
no new material added.
Thus far the statements made by these writers have
been mere assertions, but accepted as historical facts,
and they have, so far as the writer has any knowledge,
never been denied.
Should ancient history remain forever uncontradic-
ted and unchallenged ? The writer thinks not. Liv-
ing as we do in this remarkable age of discovery and
progress, with the world of knowlege spread at our
feet, whatever is inaccurate and false, whatever is
based upon uncertainty, or obtained from traditionary
or unreliable sources, and given as true history to
stand for all time especially where it vitally con-
cerns the life and character of a man, should be sifted
and probed : the search-light of the student's investi-
gations should be turned on, until truth and history
righted is the ultimate result.
28 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Nevertheless the writer has approached this subject
with much hesitation. History had already been
recorded and accepted ; should he one hundred years
after the ashes of his ancestor had been laid to rest,
struggle with an uncertainty ?
Meager indeed were the results of many months of
patient search and investigation, and at every turn he
met with nothing but cold proof that what he had
seen and read concerning Thomas Goldthwait was
confirmed and verified by the strongest evidence, and
with no extenuating circumstances. Far better would
it be that the mantle of charity should be wrapped
about his memory, than that such an unenviable repu-
tation should be dragged forth to the light of day.
In preparing this paper, the writer has, at intervals,
during the past five years, made a very careful and
exhaustive search through the Congressional and
departmental (war, state and navy), libraries of Wash-
ington, D. C., those of the New England Historic
Genealogical and Massachusetts Historical Societies of
Boston, together with all their publications, and the
files of colonial newspapers of that period ; besides
many volumes bearing more or less upon the relations
between Tory and Whig, and the numerous bitter fac-
tions of those times and localities.
But it was to a free and unrestricted access to the
Massachusetts Archives at Boston, that he is most
indebted for material, and to which the incubation of
this paper is largely due.
Thomas Goldthwait was not, perhaps, from our mod-
ern standpoint, a remarkably brilliant, or a very
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 29
wonderful man ; he was not even a man of national
distinction, for this great nation had not then been
born. There were then no men of cheap, political, or
sky-rocket, clap-trap reputation. Judge Mellen Cham-
berlain of Chelsea, Massachusetts, ex-librarian of the
Boston Public Library who is about to publish a
history of the city of Chelsea in which he will
incorporate a sketch of our subject says, however :
Goldthwait must have been an extraordinary man, if one may
judge of the confidence reposed in him by his fellow citizens of
Chelsea, as well as by the Crown officials of the province. I
confess that the condition and fate of the Loyalists have always
seemed very pitiful ; and I have no patience with what seems to
me the unjust estimate of Hutchinson by Bancroft, and even of
Palfrey, from whom I should expect a more candid judgment.
Speaking of Col. Goldth wait's portrait, painted by
the great artist John Singleton Copley he, says :
The tradition is that Copley painted it. However that may
have been, the face and head were those of no common man.
He was, at all events, in the then feeble, struggling
colony, a man of note and distinction. The historians
of Maine admit this ; and had he lived in these times,
with the present opportunities, he would have made
his mark.
He lived, however, at a period, and in a region,
where brilliant efforts and extraordinary parts were
not called for, but rather that power which, like Abra-
ham Lincoln's, rough hews and shapes men's lives to
higher and greater possibilities. And he so shaped his
own life as to make that power felt in the eastern
part of the Province of Massachusetts Bay.
30 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The writer will endeavor to show and prove First.
That Thomas Goldthwait was not born in Chelsea,
Massachusetts. Second. That he was not shipwrecked
and lost when en route to Nova Scotia, in 1775. Third.
That he was not a Tory or a Loyalist, in the sense that
he took any active part against his countrymen, and
then only so far as he was forced, after the dismantle-
ment of Fort Pownall, by the rancorous spirit engen-
dered by this event, increased by the intense excite-
ment which so soon followed the announcement of
the battle of Lexington, and the treatment he
received at the hands of the turbulent characters
about him, and by the Provincial Congress, through
garbled and malicious statements. He was then forced
to assume, in a passive and dignified manner, the role
of a harmless spectator of the strife then on between
the colonies and the mother country, instead of taking
an active part with his neighbors, the patriotic Whigs
of that region. Fourth. That Thomas Goldthwait
was not a cruel, arbitrary, or an unjust man : an
exortioner, a coward, or a tyrant : but, on the con-
trary, was a kind, just, and a humane man, and bravely
performed his duty as he saw it.
Col. Thomas Goldthwait was the son of Capt.
John Goldthwait and Jane (Taley or Tawley) Halsey
of Boston. His father was born in Salem, but removed
to Boston in 1701, where certain sales of lands, &c.,
locate him on Charter Street, about January 15, 1717,
when the subject of our sketch was born. (Boston
Records.)
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 31
John Goldthwait was a master mason and contractor,
and was a man much respected, holding the office of col-
lector of taxes of Boston several times from 1739 to
1758. He was an assessor in 1746 perhaps oftener.
He was active in all the affairs of the town. He was
one of the founders of the new North church, and was
a subscriber with John Hancock and others to the bells
of Christ church, which have become so celebrated in
history.
His father was Samuel of Salem, who married Eliz-
abeth Cheever, daughter of the celebrated Ezekiel
Cheever, sixth master of the Boston Latin School, the
oldest and best known" schoolmaster of America. He
was for seventy years a teacher, and died at ninety-four
years of age, with a crown of well-earned glory.
(Salem Records.)
Col. Thomas Goldthwait's brothers were :
Ezekiel, for twenty years 1741-61 just preced-
ing William Cooper, the town clerk of Boston, and
from November 6, 1740, to January 17, 1776, reg-
ister of deeds for Suffolk County, Massachusetts, and
clerk of the inferior court; and Col. Joseph and
Maj. Benjamin Goldthwait, who were splendid soldiers
in the Louisburg, Cape Breton (Acadian), and Crown
Point expeditions, the latter commanding the English
forces at the battle of Minas, Nova Scotia, January 31,
1747. His nephews, Maj. Joseph Goldthwait, Capt.
Philip Goldthwait,and Dr. Michael Burrill Goldthwait,
were in one or more of the French and Indian cam-
paigns. The former was the commissary and barrack-
32 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
master of the British forces during the siege of Boston.
So much for a brief allusion to his immediate family
relations. They were a family of soldiers.
Of the early life and childhood of Thomas Gold-
thwait nothing is known. That he attended the
public schools of Boston probably on Salem Street
there can be but little doubt, for all his letters,
papers, accounts, etc., show the result of a careful
education. But the history of the Boston Latin
School and of Harvard College fail to show his name
upon their rolls.
In 1740 he is recorded as a constable of Boston,
and the same year, January 28, he gave surety for
his father, John Goldthwait, as collector of taxes. In
1742 he appears on a petition with others for the
acceptance of that part of Atkinson Street " bounded
northerly by Milk Street and southerly by Cow Lane."
Early in life he became a successful merchant, for his
accounts have been found, showing that before he
removed from Boston, he was engaged in general
merchandise and on a large scale.
August 26, 1742, (published July 7, 1742), he mar-
ried Esther Sargent, daughter of Col. Epes Sargent of
Gloucester, Massachusetts. February 19, 1746, he
was married by the Rev. Roger Pryor of Hopkinton,
Massachusetts, to Catharine Barnes, sister of Henry
Barnes, a wealthy merchant of Boston and Marlboro,
Massachusetts. He had nine children. (Boston
Records).
The children of Thomas and Esther (Sargent) Gold-
thwait were :
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 33
1. Thomas, born April 27, 1743 ; died March 25, 1749.
2. Catharine, born January 5, 1744 ; married at Poole, England,
October 26, 1784, Dr. Sylvester Gardiner, the celebrated
surgeon of Boston. (2). September 2, 1789, William
Powell, a wealthy merchant of Boston. Dr. Gardiner
died August 8, 1786. William Powell died March 5, 1805,
aged seventy-eight. His mother was Anna Dummer, the
sister of Gov. William Dummer. Through William
Powell's first marriage with Mary Bromfield, sprang many
of the first families of Boston, the Masons, Sears, Per-
kins, Rogers, Lorings, etc.
3. Esther, born January 14, 1745; married (1) July 4, 1765.
Capt. Timothy Rogers of Gloucester, Massachusetts. (2).
Capt. Peter Dolliver of Marblehead. By the first mar-
riage there was one son, Timothy, born 1766. He was
a captain in the merchant service and commanded a packet
ship plying between England and America about 1787.
About 1792-93 he entered the Royal navy, and as "a
gallant officer of the Earl St. Vincent's Fleet, died at
Lisbon, Portugal, in 1797."
The children of Thomas and Catharine (Barnes)
Goldthwait were :
1. John, born July 9, 1748; died September 5, 1749.
2. Thomas, born June 4, 1750; married (1) Sarah (Wood)
Primatt, widow of Rev. Humphrey Primatt of Kingston-
on-Thames, England. (2.) Anne Wilson, 1791, daughter
of Rev. Thomas Wilson of Woodbridge, Suffolk, Eng-
land. He died about 1810.
3. Elizabeth, born August 23, 1751 ; married Richard Bright of
Walthamstow, England ; died February 12, 1840, small
pox.
4. Mary, born March 1, 1753; married about 1777, Francis
Archbald, junior; he died about October, 1785; she died
about 1825; two children, Thomas, died young, and Cath-
arine, born 1786 ; died May, 1868.
VOL. VII. 4
34 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
5. Jane, born February 16, 1755 ; died at Walthamstow, Eng-
land, February 13, 1804, unmarried.
6. Henry, born in Chelsea, March 29, 1759 ; died about 1801.
He entered the British army November 13, 1793, died at
some unknown place in the Mediterranean Sea. One
descendant, Oliver C., is now living in London, England.
Thomas, the eldest son, born June 4, 1750, was a
lieutenant at Fort Pownall in 1774. He is referred to
by the historians of Maine as a trader at the mouth
of the Kenduskeag in 1772-73. He went to England
before his father, but returned after his marriage to
Anne Wilson, and lived for several years in Boston,
where a number of his children were born and
educated. There were six. He returned to England,
however, and the tradition is that he died there, or
was lost by shipwreck on his return again to this
country. His widow migrated to the vicinity of
Montgomery, Alabama, and all the southern Gold-
thwaits are sprung from this branch.
A son, George, born in Boston, December 10, 1810,
was educated at the Boston Latin School ; was two
years at West Point ; became chief justice of Ala-
bama in 1856 ; adjutant-general of the state during
the War of the Rebellion ; United States senator from
1870-77 ; died March 18, 1879.
A daughter, Esther Anne, married Judge John A.
Campbell of Alabama. He was associate justice of
the United States Supreme Court, and during the
War of the Rebellion was assistant secretary of war
for the Confederate States. He was at West Point
two years.
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 35
Henry, another son, born in Boston, 1798, died in
Mobile, Alabama, 1847. He was educated in Boston ;
studied law; removed to Montgomery, Alabama,
where he became the partner of Gov. Benjamin J.
Fitzgerald. He edited a paper, served in the state
Legislature several times, and afterwards returned to
Mobile, where he was a successful lawyer. From 1839
until his death he was a judge of the Supreme Court
of Alabama. His son, Alfred, born 1847, was a state
senator of Alabama; studied law with his uncle,
Judge John A. Campbell, with whom he practiced for
twelve years. He was a great-grandnephew of Gen.
William A. Graham of the Revolution. He repre-
sented the litigants in the famous Mrs. Myra Clark
Gaines case, and finally won a decision in the United
States Supreme Court in June, 1891. He died Feb-
ruary 27, 1892. Such is a very brief and rather
imperfect sketch of some of Col. Thomas Goldthwait's
immediate descendants.
Through this marriage with Esther Sargent of Glou-
cester, he (Col. Goldthwait) became connected with
Col. Epes Sargent ; his son Col. Epes Sargent jr., Gov.
Winthrop Sargent, Col. Paul Dudley Sargent, of Rev-
olutionary fame ; Lucius Manlius Sargent, the cele-
brated writer ; Col. Henry Sargent, the great painter ;
Rev. Dr. John Murray, the eminent Universalist
divine, and founder of his faith in America; besides
many other noted men of that day.
By his marriage (second) with Catharine Barnes,
he became also connected with some of the first fami-
lies of America. Her sister Elizabeth married Nathan-
36 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
iel Coffin, cashier of customs under the crown. His
sons were Sir Isaac Coffin, Baronet, first American
admiral of the British navy, and Sir John Coffin,
Baronet, lieutenant general in the British army.
Through them he (Col. Goldthwait), was con-
nected with the Amorys, Ochterlonys, Arbuthnots,
Auchmutys, and a host of well-known men of that
period in Boston.
His eldest daughter, Catharine, married first the
celebrated surgeon, Dr. Sylvester Gardiner, after whom
Gardiner, Maine, is named, who was the largest landed
proprietor in America, owning in the Kennebec pur-
chase, five hundred thousand acres of land, mostly
on the Kennebec River. She also married, second,
William Powell, a wealthy merchant of Boston.
Through the first marriage he (Col. Goldthwait),
became connected with the Hallowells, Dumaresques,
Mascarenes, McSparrans and others.
Through the second, he was connected with the
Masons, Perkins, Sears, Dummers, and Powells. Madam
Powell died February 27, 1830, at No. 14 Beacon
Street, Boston, corner of Walnut. With such connec-
tions and associations by marriage, and contact with
the aristocracy of old colonial Boston, Col. Gold-
thwait's life was cast in a mold, which, in after years,
among the struggling colonists of the eastern part of
the province, may have led many of them to regard
him as a man somewhat apart from their lives and
methods; and made it easier, perhaps, when the lines
began to be drawn so closely between Whig and Tory,
to stigmatize him as a proud, haughty aristocrat, a
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 37
Loyalist and traitor, and condemn him unheard in the
most severe and unmeasured terms, to be branded and
handed down by the historians of that time and place
to the present period and generation.
The only record of his home is in Drake's " History
of Boston." In a memorial to the town of Boston,
Dr. Douglass, in a note to the assessors August 14,
1747, complaining of his taxes, etc., says: "I have
sold my garden in Atkinson Street, to Mr. Thomas
Goldthwait." It is now Congress Street.
About 1750 he removed from Boston to Chelsea,
and from that time he became fully identified with the
interests of that city. We find him, connected with
his brother Ezekiel and others, about 1754-55 at
Pullen or (Pulling) Point, (now Point Shirley), exten-
sively engaged in the fishery trade. Deer Island was
leased to them for this purpose, for a term of seven
years.
They were under a certain contract with the Pro-
vince, and were required to make extensive improve-
ments on the island, which were inspected from time
to time by committees, appointed by the General
Court, and everything being found satisfactory, were
duly approved.
He was active in fitting out and supplying troops
for the Louisburg expeditions, although it is not known
that he went on either.
In 1755 he was an assessor of Chelsea. April 28,
1756, he was moderator of a town meeting. June 27,
1757, he was one of five selectmen of Chelsea. June
9, 1757, or earlier, he was duly elected a representa-
38 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
tive from Chelsea to the Great and General Court of
the Province of Massachusetts Bay.
The writer finds many references to his work here,
in the provincial laws of Massachusetts, and in the
Council records and House journal. He was on many
important committees. But the most important ser-
vice he rendered Chelsea was the reopening of the
celebrated Bellingham will case, which, commencing
in 1673, continued until 1787. In Judge Mellen
Chamberlain's forthcoming history of Chelsea, he will
refer to this famous case and Col. Goldth wait's
connection with it. He was a member of the Assem-
bly some seven or eight years.
In June, 1760, while yet a member of the House,
he was appointed by Gov. Hutchinson paymaster
general and agent for all the Massachusetts troops in
the Crown Point expedition. (Council Records 1759-
61: 258,261.)
There is also a " Return of men enlisted for His
Majesty's service within the Province of Massachu-
setts Bay in Independent Company, whereof Thomas
Goldthwait of Chelsea, Esq., is Captain, to be put
under the immediate command of His Excellency
Jeffrey Amherst, Esq., General & Commander-in-Chief
of His Majesty Forces in North America for the Inva-
sion of Canada."
The diary of Captain Samuel Jenks of Chelsea,
(Massachusetts Historical Society, 5 : 353, 387), the
youngest captain in the Provincial Army, records the
arrival of his "friend Esq. Goldthwait " at Crown Point,
his relations with, and much of interest concerning
him.
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 39
He was entrusted with ail the funds, several thou-
sand pounds, for the payment of over four thousand
soldiers, besides their billetting and supplying.
He was under heavy bonds for the faithful execu-
tion of this trust. His letters or reports concerning
his duties, written to Lieut. Gov. Thomas Hutchinson,
which the writer has found, show that he performed
this duty in a highly conscientious and creditable
manner.
There are many accounts with quaint vouchers
attached, which detail all the expenditures of the
money entrusted to his care for this purpose. His
negotiations with Sir Jeffrey Amherst ; his solicitude
for the sick and suffering soldiers ; his sagacious insight
into all their wants and comforts ; protecting them
from the greedy rapacity of the numerous sutlers who
were hovering on the flanks of the camps ; his frequent
journeys from Boston to Albany, and thence to the
camps at No. 4 (Charlestown on the Connecticut River),
and at Crown Point ; in fact, his general management
of the multitudinous cares and duties imposed upon
him, by this position all set forth by these letters
show rare executive ability, indomitable energy and
industry, most excellent judgment, and a humane
regard for those under him, and rarely to be found in
these days of spoils-gathering. During this period, he
was also untiring in recruiting and forwarding troops
to the field, particularly f he Chelsea contingent.
A few only of these letters will be introduced, as
they are too numerous to be included in a paper of
this character.
40 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Col. Goldthwait goes to Albany on his way to
Crown Point, and from there writes the following
letter :
SIR: My journey has been so much retarded by heavy
rains, that I did not get here until yesterday. I send this letter
after Coulson to Kinderhook to advise your honour of it.
I left Col Whitcombe at Sheffield but I heard he got to
Kenderhook yesterday & is expected here to-day : he stops to
hasten his men along, and they are coming in fast.
I find our forces are posted at different places from hence to
Crown Point, so I conceive it will be necessary for me to go on,
& as there is occasion shall distribute the money which I bro't.
I learn by some people lately from Crown Point, that it will be
very acceptable to the men, as their money is all gone, tho'
what I have will go but a little way.
It wont pay above 78 of one months pay. It's pretty difficult
& expensive getting the money up, especially if it be in dollars ;
but I am convinced that if the soldiers be at the charge of it
themselves, they'l be great gainers.
Mr. Sanders tells me that some quantity of money may be
procured here upon loan, or for Bills of Exchange & upon Lon-
don, without loss by the exchange ; but, upon my asking him
whether dollars or gold could be had, he told me it would take
time to procure specie ; that bills might be sold without loss, but
the payment must be in proper bills of the Province, gold or
silver, as it happened : that either of em could not be refused,
& intimated that it must be principally paper, w'ch he said was
as good as dollars.
I own I have my opinion of carrying paper bills of another
Gov't to pay our forces. It appears to me from all the informa-
tion I can get, that it will be best for the Gov't to furnish me
with 12,000 dollars, that is to make it up to 12000, for I have
already 3333.
I apprehend that by circulating that number, one half of the
soldiers wages may be paid, & the act and intention of the Gov't
wholly carried into execution.
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 41
The Sutlers tell me that a less sum than that will not be suffi-
cient to pay what they are obliged to pay in money for trans-
portation, &c., & which must be paid toward the close of the
campaign. Some of the principal sutlers who are here tell me
that three dollars p. man by circulation will pay any sum during
the campaign which the Gov't incline to pay, as they may come
into the Paymasters hands once a month, & so the men will
always have their money to pay for what they want.
If they have not money they will run in debt to those sutlers
who will trust them. Whatever orders I receive from your
Honour, shall be punctually complied with, but I own it would
give me pleasure to prevent the men being abused by those
mercenary sutlers.
Last Sat. there was an excessive rain here which con-
tinued about three hours ; it caused such a flood in the streets
that several barnes & other buildings were removed several rod ;
some quite overturned, & in many houses the water was almost
up the ceilling.
I am just told that Col Whitcombe is come in. I intend to
apply to him for a guard & go on immediately.
I am with great esteem & regard, your Honours
Most obedient & most humble servant,
Tho. Goldthwait.
Albany, July 29, 1760.
To Lt. Governor Hutchinson.
The next letter was written after he had reached
Crown Point. It is as follows :
SIB : I did myself the honour to write you a letter from
Albany of the 29th July. I got here yesterday morning, & find-
ing the bearer hereof going to Boston I have detained him a
little to get some further account of the state of our forces y* I
might give your Honour the fullest information I could.
I find the men generally healthy & in good spirits: a very
few have been taken down with the small-pox, & as they are
taken they are removed to a hospital at some distance from the
42 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
camp, & there dont appear to be any danger of its spreading.
A few also are down with a fever & flux.
The officers tell me that the men have already taken np a
pretty d eal of their wages in necessaries supplied by the officers
& sutlers, & as I've reason to think they pay pretty dearly for
what they are supplied in this manner, I hope it will be in my
power to put a stop to it.
I am convinced they pay at least 25 p. ct more than if they
purchased with their money. The money w'ch I bro't, I began
to distribute on my way to Albany as I found it wanted at the
several posts, & shall go on to do the same, & render an account
when finished agreeable to my instructions.
The bearer, I understand, intends to return here, & the carrier
I suppose will be returning likewise. These may be good oppor-
tunities to furnish more money, tho' the bearer is a stranger
to me.
Your Honour is sensible that y e money w'ch I bro't, will in
no measure put it in my power to comply with the act of the
Gov't, tho' you may be assured I'll do the best I can with it. I
bro't it here with much difficulty, all in dollars, & found, MS
I had been before informed, that it will be much more service-
able to the men than if I'd bro't it in gold.
In my letter from Albany, I advised your Honour that 12,000
dollars in my opinion, might, by a circulation, pay one half the
mens wages & enable them to purchase what they wanted with
money, which money would not only be a great saving & com-
fort to the men, but it carrys the act of the Gov't into execution.
I am confirmed in my opinion, & I apprehend that short of
that sum wont be sufficient. If the money could be got to Mr.
Sanders, & I advised of it, I could send a suitable person from
here to fetch it. I think by all appearances the forces will move
from hence in a few days.
I am w'th great esteem & regard,
your Honours most obed. & most humble servant,
Tho. Goldthwait.
Camp at Crown Point, August 7, 1760.
To Li. Gov. Hutchinson.
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 43
Then follows another letter from Albany after his
return from Crown Point :
SIR : I did myself the honour to write to your Excellency of
the 29th Sep. [letter not found among Mass. Arch.], since which
I have had transferred to me by the Honourable Committee of
Council, two thousand dollars, which I received & did expect
they would be sufficient to have wound up with, but the sick
have been so many, & their necessities so great, that they have
required more money than I was aware of, & in spight of all I
could do, I fear that some who were posted out of my reach, have
suffered.
There have been 600 or 700 dismissed as invalid*, & upon their
going off I furnished them with two or three dollars each as
there was occasion, & I came this way from Crown Point in
order to take care of these posts upon this road.
I expected to have had a thousand dollars left which I in-
tended to have taken around to No. 4, to have distributed among
them who go home that way, but your Excellency will please to
observe by the incl'd account that my money is almost exhausted,
& will be quite before I leave this place, so that tho' I continue
ray design of going to No. 4, I can be of no service there with-
out a further supply of money, & without which the men must
suffer, as what they've had from me will probably be exhausted
by the time they return.
Therefore if your Excellency will be pleased to order to me
1000 or 1500 dollars to be at Winchester by the 16th instant, by
which time I expect to be there, I hope it will prevent the soldiers
suffering on their way home.
Notwithstanding the great number of invalids that have already
been dismissed, there was 600 returned unfit for duty when
I left the Camp on the 1st instant, & all that are able to
walk at all I suppose will be ordered by way of No. 4: those that
are unable to walk will come this way under the care of Major
Hurt whom I furnished with money to supply him before I came
away.
I am uncertain when the Camp will break up, tho' I judge it
44 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
wont exceed the 12 or 13th, notwithstanding what Col. Haviland
says in his orders, an extract of which I enclose.
If the men are detained until the barracks are finished, its
probable they'd be kept all this month: however, I dont lay so
much stress upon Col Haviland's order as I do upon what the
general told me himself.
I waited on him about a fortnight ago to know if I should have
time to send for to Boston for money for the troops : it was before
I heard of the 2000. The General told me that I would
not have time, but that I might meet the troops at No. 4.
I have the honour to be with great esteem & rega
y r Excellencys Most obed* & most humble servant,
Tho. Goldthwait.
Albany, Nov. 7, 1760.
The general referred to was Sir Jeffrey Amherst. No. 4, was a
Post at Charlestown on the Connecticut River.
Council records, 1760, Mass. Arch. p. 288, have the following
relating to the subject of the preceding letter :
" Representing his want for money to forward the troops home :
Advised and consented that a warrant be made out to the
Treasurer to pay his Excellency Francis Bernard, Esq., the sum
of 600 pounds, and that his Excellency despatch a messenger
forthwith to Winchester with the same, to be delivered to Mr.
Thomas Goldthwait, to furnish such of the troops as shall need
it : he to keep an account of the sum he shall pay, and to what
particular men or companies."
[To be continued.]
SKETCHES OF THE LIVES OF EARLY MAINE MINISTERS. 45
SKETCHES OF THE LIVES OF EARLY
MAINE MINISTERS.
BY WILLIAM D. WILLIAMSON.
Presented to the Maine Historical Society, with an Introduction by Joseph
Williamson, December 10, 1881.
[CONTINUED.]
REV. TRISTRAM OILMAN.
KEV. TRISTRAM OILMAN, Harvard College 1757, was
ordained December 8, 1769, the fourth settled minister
of North Yarmouth, the successor of Rev. Mr. Brooks.
He was a descendant of the sixth generation from
Edward Gilman, the first of the name in Exeter, New
Hampshire. The grandfather of Rev. Tristram was the
eminent Nicholas Gilman, who died in 1783. His
father, of the same Christian name, died the minister
of Durham, New Hampshire, in April, 1748. John
Taylor Gilman was Tristram's uncle, and Joseph was
his brother, a judge in Ohio.
But Mr. Gilman not only belonged to a talented
ancestral family, but he was, himself, a man of first-
rate talents. He wrote with freedom and force and
spoke with power. He was one of the best ministers
in his day ; quite a different man from his predecessor
in respect to his pastoral energies and qualifications.
His ministry was continued the lengthened period of
nearly forty years. He always preached the word
faithfully, without artful efforts "to make the doc-
trines of the gospel palatable to the depraved tastes
of men, " yet without any remarkable success till he
46 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
had preached there more than twenty years. But,
during the ever memorable year, 1791, there was
truly a wonderful revival of religion in North Yar-
mouth ; a revival, which, with all its circumstances,
had not then, and probably has not since been
equaled in the state of Maine. The whole town felt
that God indeed was present ; opposition dared not
show itself ; and all seemed to make the anxious
inquiry, What shall we do to be saved ? The house of
God was filled even to overflowing on the Sabbath ;
and the lectures during the week in different parts of
the town were much crowded. Multitudes were added
to the Lord daily.
The fruits of the Spirit were the hopeful conversion
of one hundred and forty -five persons within two years
and four months prior to September, 1793, and the
whole number admitted to the church by Mr.
Oilman was three hundred. Rev. Mr. Greenleaf
in his Sketches says, Mr. Gilman's " ministry,
taking every circumstance into view, may be
considered as the most successful of any minister ever
settled in this state." He died April 1, 1809, and
according to the promise his spirit will shine forever
in glory, as a star of the first magnitude, having
turned many from sin to righteousness.
REV. JAMES LYON.
REV. JAMES LYON, Nassau Hall, 1759, was settled at
Machias in the spring of 1772, having arrived there in
December preceding. He was the first settled minis-
SKETCHES OF THE LIVES OF EARLY MAINE MINISTERS. 47
ter in that town, or at any place in Maine eastward
of the Penobscot waters.
Though this place, originally called " Mechisses, "
was very early and often visited for the purposes of
trade, and though there were some French families at
the Falls on Eastern River about 1744, the earliest
effectual settlement was accomplished, in 1763, by
fifteen families from Scarborough about the Falls in
West River and, on the twenty-third of June, 1784,
it was incorporated into a town, being ten miles
square.
Mr. Lyon was born at Princeton, N. J., where he
had his education. He had, previously to his visiting
Machias, received a Presbyterian ordination and then
settled at Onslow, Nova Scotia. But the people there
being unable to support him and his family, consisting
of a wife and two children, he removed to Boston, from
which, Hon. Stephen Jones gave him a passage in his
vessel to Machias. On his settlement a church was
gathered, and his remuneration was to be 100 settle-
ment, and the same in an annual salary. He was
also " entitled to a right through the township as the
first settled minister. " " Mr. Lyon was a gentleman
of respectable abilities and a good scholar and, though
not much of an orator, he could deliver a written
discourse very well, and his compositions were good. "
In his sentiments he was orthodox, though not rigid,
and in his manners, mild and prepossessing. ' Useful-
ness, not display, was his aim, and his ministry, which
was continued upwards of twenty-two years, was
closed by his death, which occurred in October, 1794.
48 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Machias passed through great vicissitudes and suffered
many privations, while Mr. Lyon dwelt there, and
during most of the war there was a public garrison in
it. But at all times, be shone like a morning star.
REV. FRANCIS WINTER.
REV. FKANCIS WINTEK, Harvard College, 1765, was
ordained June 1, 1768, the first settled minister in Bath.
Though this place was made a parish on the seventh of
September, 1753, denominated the northerly or second
parish of Georgetown, the people were for fifteen
years without a settled minister. Within that period,
some eight or ten candidates were employed to preach
there, but church-members were few and the state of
religion low, until the revival which extended to this
place from Georgetown, during the first years of Mr.
Emerson's ministry in that town.
Mr. Winter received his call six months before he
was settled, being quite acceptable to the people as
they became more and more acquainted with his
abilities and his ministerial qualifications. But in the
age immediately before and after he had his theolog-
ical education, the Congregational ministers stood
almost stock still when delivering their sermons,
without gesture or emotion. Their utterance, also,
was quite too destitute of emphasis, and of appropriate
inflections of the voice, and their compositions were
too much directed to discussion, argument, and Script-
ure quotations, without figures, flowers or fancy. To
raise doctrine upon a text, prove their work, and give
an exhortation, was deemed the great work of the
SKETCHES OF THE LIVES OF EARLY MAINE MINISTERS. 49
pulpit orator. But while such discourses and such
speakers were heard with instructive profit by their
assemblies, the more enthusiastic and heart-flowing
preachers, such as George Whitefield and John Mur-
ray drew together crowded audiences, and bore off
the palm in unwonted triumph. Mr. Winter was a
man of piety, faith and prayer, still, he was more of
a patriot than a preacher. He loved his country and
heartily espoused her liberties. As Maine, during the
war of the Revolution, suffered great privations and
salaries were paid with difficulty, Mr. Winter joined
the army for a period as one of its chaplains. After
the war, he was chosen, in 1784, the first representa-
tive of Bath in the General Court, and subsequently
received five or six other elections to that body.
But, at length, he found there was dissatisfaction
arising, and " he made a proposal to the town for a
dissolution of the relation between them, " which was
accepted in 1787, and he never afterwards settled in
the ministry. He continued to reside in Bath till his
death, which occurred in 1826, when he was in the
eighty-second year of his age. Samuel, a son of his,
succeeded him and was, in 1830, sheriff of Lincoln
County.
REV. ALPHEUS SPRING.
REV. ALPHEUS SPRING, Nassau Hall, 1766, and A.
M., Dartmouth College 1785, was ordained, June 29,
1768, the second settled minister of Eliot, colleague
pastor with Rev. Mr. Rogers. This was a happy con-
nection, for " Mr. Spring was much beloved by his
people and highly respected by his brethren in the
VOL. VII. 5
50 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
ministry." Taken sick of a fever, he died suddenly,
June 14, 1791, thus closing an endeared pastorate of
twenty-three years.
REV. ALEXANDER McLEAN.
REV. ALEXANDER McLEAN, a native of Scotland,
and probably educated at the University of Glasgow,
was ordained June, 1773, and was the first settled
minister in Bristol. The inhabitants in this region
were mostly Scotch and Irish Presbyterians, and they
were desirous of having a preacher of the same senti-
ments. Bristol is the ancient Pemaquid, settled
between 1626 and 1633, depopulated on the taking of
Fort William Henry in 1696, and subsequently lay
waste more than twenty years. After it was effectu-
ally revived in 1729-30, under Col. Dunbar, the Rev.
Robert Rutherford was the first minister who preached
in that place, which Dunbar named Harrington. He
also named the present Boothbay, Townshend, and
Nobleborough he called Walpole. On the eighteenth
of June, 1765, Bristol was incorporated as a town,
and soon afterwards, voted to build their meeting-
houses ; one at " Broad Cove " on the easterly side of
the town, a league below the present Waldoboro
village ; another near the fort on the Pemaquid River
jn the Harrington parish, and the third on the easterly
side of Damariscotta River, and northeasterly part of
the town, in the Walpole parish, the residue of this
old parish being in the present Nobleboro. In the
summer of 1766, the meeting-house near the fort was
revived and a church the next June was organized by
SKETCHES OF THE LIVES OF EARLY MAINE MINISTERS. 51
Rev. Mr. Murray, of Boothbay, " on the Westminster
Confession and Presbyterian Rules. " As this town
was separated from Bristol only by the waters of
Damariscotta River, and the people of both towns
mostly Presbyterians, they partook largely in each
others spiritual interests and affairs.
Always captivated, as the people of Bristol were,
with Mr. Murray and his preaching, whenever they
had opportunity to hear him, they became remarkably
intent upon his discourses and lectures during the
revival in 1767 at Boothbay, and numbers of the
former town, as well as many in the latter, were the
religious converts of that refreshing season, and
became members of the new church.
In this happy state of affairs, the people of Bristol
became anxious to have the ordinances regularly
administered, and to settle a minister, if possible
another Murray. Therefore in May, 1770, they wrote
to Rev. Dr. Witherspoon, president of New Jersey
College (Nassau Hall), for a suitable candidate, and he
sent them Rev. Mr. McLean. He was a very serious
and acceptable preacher, a devoted Christian and a
truly faithful undershepherd. His labors were inces-
sant and anxious, for he was a physician of soul and
body. But he undertook too much : a man cannot
labor in two fields at the same time. The several
settlements in the town, moreover, rendered his paro-
chial duties exceedingly arduous, and in a few years
he found his health failing and his spirits depressed.
Nor did the occasional aid generously furnished him
by his people afford the needed relief, and in the
52 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
autumn of 1791, he took passage to Scotland, leaving
many tearful eyes. He returned the next }^ear much
benefited by his journey. In a few years his ill-health
returned, and in 1795, he would have taken dismission
but for the great attachment felt towards him, and
the willingness manifested to procure him a colleague.
For that purpose, Rev. William Riddel was procured,
and being found acceptable, both to Mr. McLean and
the people, was ordained in August, 1760, and the
church in its polity became Congregational, in unison
with the sentiments of the colleague pastor. In these
peace-making arrangements, Mr. McLean gave up his
salary, and engaged to preach, when able, in a parish
at " Broad Cove," where he resided without compensa-
tion. In .this and every engagement he was true and
faithful, for he had not only preached in that place,
but ministered as a missionary to the people in the
waste places around him. While on a visit at New
Castle he was suddenly taken sick and died. This
was in 1802, after a ministry of twenty-nine years.
His body, however, was removed and interred at
Bristol. Mr. McLean was a very sedate, industrious,
disinterested and excellent man, greatly beloved and
respected. He had intellect and learning equal to the
ministerial office he was consecrated to fill, and he
wrote and spake with considerable force. But he
lacked the fervent spirit, the fanciful thoughts, and
the flowing words, indispensable to captivate a mixed
audience. Solid doctrine was his forte, and faithful
exhoration his
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 53
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
BY HON. WILLIAM WIDGEEY THOMAS, JR.
Read before the Maine Historical Society, December 19, 1895.
TWENTY-FIVE years ago there sailed away from the
shores of Sweden a little colony of fifty-one Swedes.
This adventurous band then left home and country,
and faced the perils of a voyage of four thousand
miles, and the hardships and toils of making a new
home in the wilderness of a strange land without so
much as the scratch of a pen by way of contract or
obligation, but with simple faith in the honor and
hospitality of Maine.
The colony was composed of twenty-two men,
eleven women, and eighteen children. All the men
were farmers ; in addition, some were skilled in trades
and professions ; there being among them a lay pas-
tor, a civil engineer, a blacksmith, two carpenters, a
basket-maker, a wheelwright, a baker, a tailor, and a
wooden-shoemaker. Tlie women were neat and indus-
trious, tidy housewives, and diligent workers at the
spinning-wheel and loom. All were tall and stalwart,
with blue eyes, blonde hair and cheerful, honest faces ;
there was not a physical defect or blemish among
them, and it was not without strong feelings of state
pride that I looked upon them as they were mustered
on the deck of the steamship Orlando, and antici-
pated what great results might flow from this little
beginning for the good of our beloved commonwealth.
54 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Seven years prior to this time, early in 1863, I had
first set foot in Sweden, sent there by President Lin-
coln as one of the thirty " war consuls " of the
United States. During a three years' residence in
Sweden I had acquired the Swedish language; had
become familiar with the history, manners and cus-
toms of the people, and had learned to know, respect
and admire the manner of men and women they were.
I had beheld also the thousands of sturdy Swedish
emigrants that every year sailed away from Swedish
ports for America, to help subdue the forests and open
up the prairies of our own broad land. I had done
whatever lay in my power to augment this emigration,
and had seen with gratification the number of Swedish
emigrants increase by thousands during my sojourn
in the Northland.
But there was one fact connected with this emigra-
tion that to me a son of the Pine Tree state
was anything but satisfactory. None of all these
emigrants settled in Maine ; all passed by our state
and went to build up and make strong and great the
states of the West and Northwest. Yet no state or
territory in the Union is better adapted by nature to
become the home of Swedes than the northern,
wooded state of Maine. Here and in the Northland
the same mountains rear their altars to heaven ; the
same woodland lakes reflect the twinkling stars ; the
same forests clothe the hillsides ; the same swift, clear
rivers rush leaping to the sea; the same deep harbors
notch the coast, and the same islands by the thousand,
guard the shores.
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 55
It is an interesting fact also, that with few excep-
tions, as the French in Canada, immigrants from
Europe take up the same relative position in America
they occupied in the continent of their birth. In fact
there seem to be certain fixed isothermal lines between
whose parallels the immigrants from the Old World
are guided to their homes in the New. Thus the Ger-
mans from the center of Europe settle in Pennsylvania,
Ohio, and our other middle states; the French and
Spanish from Southern Europe and the shores of the
Mediterranean, make their homes in Louisiana, Florida,
and all along the Gulf of Mexico ; while the Swedes
from the wooded north, fell the forests and build their
log-cabins in Wisconsin, Michigan, Minnesota, Wash-
ington, Oregon in our northern range of states
the Pine Tree state forms one of this northern, wooded
range Swedish immigration flows naturally to us.
And no better immigrants than the Swedes ever
landed on American shores. Honest and industrious,
law-abiding and God-fearing, polite and brave, hospit-
able and generous, of the same old northern stock as
ourselves, no foreign-speaking immigrants learn our
language more quickly, and none become more speed-
ily Americanized or make better citizens of our great
Republic.
Did Maine need immigration ? Yes ; surety.
Maine is a state of great, but largely undeveloped,
resources. Our seacoast, indented all over with har-
bors, invites the commerce of the globe ; our rivers
offer sufficient power to run the factories of the nation,
while our quarries can supply the world with building
56 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
material. In the northwestern portion of our state
also, there was and still is a wilderness domain, whereon
is scarce a settler, larger in area than the state of
Massachusetts, covered with a stately forest of valuable
trees, possessing a soil of unusual depth and fertility,
and watered by plentiful streams. Yet, notwithstand-
ing all these advantages, the census of 1870 revealed
the startling fact that while the United States as a
whole had increased over seven and a half millions in
population, in the previous decade, our own state of
Maine had paused and gone backward. In 1870, Maine
numbered one thousand three hundred and sixty-
four less inhabitants than she did ten years before.
With the single exception of our neighboring state
of New Hampshire, Maine was the only state in the
Union that had retrograded in population from 1860
to 1870.
Was this a momentary halt in our advance, or was
it the beginning of our decline ? This was a moment-
ous question ; for states, like men, cannot stand still,
they must grow or decay.
That immigration of some sort was a necessity, and
that Scandinavian immigration would be the best for
us, I think was quite generally admitted. Indeed the
general subject of Scandinavian immigration had been
briefly presented to the attention of the Legislature as
early as 1861, by Gov. Washburn in his annual mes-
sage. But how could Scandinavian immigrants be
procured? And how could they be retained within
our borders, if once we succeed in inducing them to
come among us? These were unsolved problems, and
the doubters were many.
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 57
Our own sons and daughters, to the manner born,
were deserting Maine for the West. Would not our
Scandinavians, provided we succeeded in getting them,
do the same, and settle among the great masses of
their countrymen already established in the western
states ?
Again one attempt to procure Swedish immigrants
for Maine had already been tried, and had ended in
complete failure. A company of Maine men, incorpor-
ated as the " Foreign Emigrant Association of Maine,"
had recruited, in 1864, some three hundred Swedish
laborers and servants in Sweden and paid their passage
across the Atlantic. These immigrants landed at Que-
bec, where they all, with one accord, disappeared.
Not one of them ever arrived in Maine ; and the asso-
ciation dissolved with a loss of many thousand dollars.
With the exception of a few scattered Swedes that
had from time to time drifted into our seaboard cities
and towns less than one hundred in all there were
no Swedes in Maine.
Such was the condition of Maine, and such was the
condition of the immigration problem on my return
from Sweden to my native state at the close of 1865.
The conviction had gradually forced itself upon me,
that it would be impossible to attract or retain any
considerable number of individual Swedes within the
limits of our state, until we first procured and firmly
established somewhere upon the soil of Maine a colony
of picked Swedish immigrants.
Such a colony with its churches and schools, its
Swedish pastors and its Swedish homes, its Swedish
58 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
customs and holidays and festivities, it seemed to me,
would constitute a nucleus around which the Swedish
immigration of the future would gather, a central point
whose attractive force would ever hold the scattered
Swedes, who went out to service, or settled elsewhere
in Maine, within the borders of our state.
But how could such a colony be procured, and how
could it be established ?
This problem I had gradually worked out in my own
mind, and had arrived at a definite, practical plan. My
plan was this :
1. Send a commissioner of the state of Maine to
Sweden.
2. Let him there recruit a colony of young Swedish
farmers picked men with their wives and children.
No one, however, was to be taken unless he could pay
his own passage and that of his family to Maine.
3. A Swedish pastor should accompany the colony,
that religion might lend her powerful aid in binding
the colonists together.
4. Let the commissioner lead the colony in a body,
all together, at one time, and aboard one ship, from
Sweden to America. Thus would they be made
acquainted with one another. Thus, also, would they
have a leader to follow and be prevented from going
astray.
5. Let the commissioner take the Swedes into our
northern forests, locate them on Township Number
15, Range 3, west of the east line of the state, give
every head of a family one hundred acres of woodland
for a farm, and do whatever else might be necessary
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 59
to root this Swedish colony firmly in the soil of Maine.
Then all state aid was to cease, for it was confidently
expected when once the colony was fast rooted in our
soil it would thrive and grow of itself, and throughout
the future draw to Maine our fair portion of the
Swedish immigration to the United States.
Such was my plan. I had a strong and abiding
faith that it could be accomplished. Immediately on
my return from Sweden I began, and for four years I
continued, to preach the faith that was in me, both in
our legislative halls and among our people. At last
my colleagues, Hon. Parker P. Burleigh and Hon.
William Small, commissioners on the settlement of
the public lands of Maine, united with me in recom-
mending my plan of immigration in our official report
to the Legislature of 1870. Gov. Chamberlain, one of
the earliest and most constant friends of Scandinavian
immigration, warmly advocated the measure. Col.
James M. Stone, chairman of the committee on immi-
gration, placed the merits of the plan before the
House of Representatives in an eloquent speech.
The friends of the enterprise throughout the state
rallied to its support, and on March 23, 1870, an act
was passed authorizing my plan of Swedish immigra-
tion to be tried.
The act established a Board of Immigration, con-
sisting of the governor, land agent and secretary
of state. On March 25, two days after the passage of
the act, the Board appointed me commissioner of
immigration. The fate of my plan was thus placed
in my own hands.
60 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Having successfully arranged all preliminaries, I
sailed from America, April 30, and landed at Gothen-
burg, Sweden, on the sixteenth of May. It was a
bright spring morning when I set foot once more on
Swedish soil, but brighter than the dawn was the
opportunity now open to me to accomplish an under-
taking, which for years had been the dream of my
life, for the good of my native state.
A head office was at once established at Gothen-
burg. Notices, advertisements and circulars describ-
ing our state and the proposed immigration, were
scattered broadcast over the country. Agents were
employed to canvas the northern provinces, and as
soon as the ball was fairly in motion, I left the office at
Gothenburg in charge of a trusty agent, Capt. G. W.
Schroder, and traveled extensively in the interior of
Sweden, distributing documents and talking with the
people in the villages, at their homes, by the roadside,
and wherever or whenever I met them. Familiar
with the Swedish language and people I was enabled
to preach a crusade to Maine. But the crusade was
a peaceful one, its weapons were those of husbandry,
and its object to recover the fertile lands of our state
from the dominion of the forest.
To induce the right class of people to pay their
way to settle among us seemed indeed the most diffi-
cult part of the whole immigration enterprise. I
therefore deemed it expedient to take this point for
granted ; and in all advertisements, conversations and
addresses, to dwell rather on the fact that, as only a
limited number of families could be taken, none would
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 61
be accepted unless they brought with them the highest
testimonials as to character and proficiency in their
callings.
The problem which was thus taken for granted soon
began to solve itself. Recruits for Maine began to
appear. All bore certificates of character under the
hand and seal of the pastor of their district, and all
who had worked for others brought recommendations
from their employers. These credentials, however,
were not considered infallible, some applicants were
refused in spite of them, and no one was accepted
unless it appeared clear that he would make a thrifty
citizen of our good state of Maine. In this way a
little colony of picked men with their wives and
children, was quickly gathered together. The details
of the movement, the arguments used, the objections
met, the multitude of questions about our state asked
and answered, would fill a volume. I was repeatedly
asked if Maine were one of the United States. One
inquirer wished to know if Maine lay alongside Texas,
while another seeker after truth wrote, asking if
there were to be found in Maine any wild horses or
crocodiles This ignorance is not to be wondered at,
for what had Maine ever done prior to 1870 to make
herself known in Sweden.
Neither was the colony recruited without opposi-
tion. Capital and privilege always strive to prevent
the exodus of labor, and sometimes are reckless as to
the means they use. It is sufficient, however, to state
that all opposition was silenced or avoided.
On June 23, the colonists, who had been recruited
62 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
from nearly every province of Sweden, were assembled
at Gothenburg ; and on the evening of that day
midsummer's eve, a Swedish festival I invited them
and their friends to a collation at the Baptist Hall in
that city. Over two hundred persons were present,
and after coffee and cake had been served, according
to Swedish custom, addresses were made by S. A.
Hedlund, Esq., member of the Swedish parliament, our
agent, Capt. Schroder, one of the leaders of the Baptist
movement in Sweden, and myself. The exercises
were concluded by a prayer from Pastor Trouve'. At
this meeting the colonists were brought together and
made acquainted, their purpose quickened and invigor-
ated, and from that hour the bonds of common inter-
est and destiny have bound all the individuals into a
community. Such a knowledge of Maine and its
resources was also imparted by the speakers, that the
very friends who before had sought to persuade the
colonists not to desert their fatherland, exclaimed,
" Ah, if I could only go too ! "
In August, 1637, the Swedish ship of war Kalmar
Nyckel, accompanied by a smaller vessel, the Fog el
Grip, set sail from Gothenburg for America, with a
Swedish colony on board, which founded the first
New Sweden in the New World, on the banks of the
Delaware. Two hundred and thirty-three years later,
at noon of Saturday, June 25, and just forty days
after my landing in Sweden, I sailed from the same
Gothenburg in the steamship Orlando, with the first
Swedish colonists of Maine.
A heavy northwest gale, during the prevalence of
THE STOKY OF NEW SWEDEN. 63
which th e immigrants were compelled to keep below
while the hatches were battened down over their
heads, rendered our passage over the North Sea very
disagreeable, and so retarded our progress that we
did not reach the port of Hull till Monday evening,
June 27. The next day we crossed England by rail
to Liverpool. Here was an unavoidable delay of
three days. On Saturday, July 2, we sailed in the
good steamship City of Antwerp of the Inman line,
for America.
The passage over the ocean was a pleasant one,
and on Wednesday, July lo, we landed at Halifax.
The good people of this city fought shy of us.
Swedish immigration was as novel in Nova Scotia as
in Maine. No hotel or boarding-house would receive
us, and our colony was forced to pass its first night
on this continent in a large vacant warehouse kindly
placed at our disposal by the Messrs. Seaton, the
agents of the Inman steamships. Next day we contin-
ued our journey across the peninsula of Nova Scotia
and over the Bay of Fundy to the city of St. John.
July 15, we ascended the St. John Biver to Freder-
icton by steamer. Here steam navigation ceased on
account of low water; but two river flatboats were
chartered, the colony and their baggage placed on
board, and at five o'clock next morning, our colony
was en route again. Each boat was towed up river
by two horses. The boats frequently grounded and
the progress up stream was slow and toilsome, but the
weather was fine and the colonists caught fish from
the river and picked berries along the banks.
64 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Near Florence ville the first misfortune befell us.
Here, on Tuesday, July 19, died Hilma C. Clase',
infant daughter of Capt. Nicholas P. Clase, aged nine
months. Her little body was properly embalmed,
placed in a quickly constructed coffin, and brought on
with the colony. " We cannot leave our little one by
the way," said the sorrow-stricken parents, u we will
carry her through to our new home."
.On the afternoon of Thursday, July 21, the flat-
boats reached Tobique Landing. Six days had been
spent in towing up from Fredericton. The journey is
now accomplished by railroad in as many hours. All
along our route from Halifax to Tobique the inhabi-
tants came out very generally to see the new comers,
and there was an universal expression of regret, that
so fine a body of immigrants should pass through the
Provinces instead of settling there. At Tobique the
colonists debarked and were met by Hon. Parker P.
Burleigh, land agent and member of the Board of
Immigration. We obtained lodgings for the colony
on the hay in Mr. Tibbit's barn, and Mr. Burleigh and
I driving round from house to house, buying a loaf of
bread here, a loaf there, a cheese in another place,
and milk wherever it could be procured, got together
supplies sufficient for supper and breakfast.
Friday morning, July 22, teams were provided for
the Swedes and their baggage, and at eight o'clock the
Swedish immigrant train started for Maine and the
United States. The teams were furnished by and
under the charge of Mr. Joseph Fisher of Fort Fair-
field. Mr. Burleigh and I drove ahead in a wagon,
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 65
then came a covered carriage, drawn by four horses.
This contained the women and children. Next were
two three-horse teams with the men, followed by a
couple of two-horse teams containing the baggage.
So we wound over the hills and at ten o'clock reached
the iron post that marks the boundary between the
dominions of the queen and the United States.
Beneath us lay the broad valley of the Aroostook.
The river glistened in the sun and the white houses of
Fort Fairfield shone brightly among the green fields
along the river bank. As we crossed the line and
entered the United States, the American flag was
unfurled from the foremost carriage, and we were
greeted with a salute of cannon from the village of
Fort Fairfield. Mr. Burleigh stepped from the wagon
and in an appropriate speech welcomed the colony to
Aroostook County, Maine, and the United States. I
translated the speech and the train moved on. Cheers,
waving of handkerchiefs, and every demonstration
of enthusiasm greeted us on our way.
Shortly after crossing the line an incident occurred
which showed of what stuff the Swedes are made.
In ascending a hill the horses attached to one of the
immigrant wagons became balky, backed the wagon
into the ditch and upset it, tipping out the load of
baggage. The Swedes instantly sprang from the
carriages in which they were riding, unhitched the
horses, righted the wagon, and in scarcely more time
than it takes to tell it, reloaded their ton and a half
of baggage and then ran the wagon by hand to the
top of the hill. This was the first act of the Swedes
in Maine.
VOL. VII. 6
66 MAINE HISTOEICAL SOCIETY.
At noon we reached the Town Hall at Fort Fairfield.
A gun announced our arrival. Here a halt was made.
A multitude of people received us. The Swedes got out
of the wagons and clustered together by themselves, a
little shy in the presence of so many strangers. The
assembly was called to order by A. C. Gary, Esq., and
a meeting organized by the choice of Hon. Isaac
Hacker as chairman. Mr. Hacker after some perti-
nent remarks introduced Judge William Small, who
welcomed the Swedish immigrants in a judicious,
elaborate and eloquent address. He was followed by
the Rev. Daniel Stickney of Presque Isle in a stirring
and telling speech. The remarks of these gentlemen
were then given to the Swedes in their own tongue by
myself, after which at the request of the Swedes I
expressed their gratitude at the unexpected and gener-
ous hospitality of the citizens of Aroostook. The
Swedes were then invited to a sumptuous collation in
the Town Hall. The tables groaned with good things.
There were salmon, green peas, baked beans, pies,
pudding, cake, raspberries, coffee, and all in profusion.
At two o'clock the Swedes resumed their journey,
gladdened by the welcome and strengthened by the
repast so generously given them by the good people
of Fort Fairfield. The procession passed up the fer-
tile valley of the Aroostook the stars and stripes
still waved " at the fore." Many citizens followed in
wagons. Along the route every one turned out to
get a good look at the new comers. A Swedish youth
of twenty struck up an acquaintance with an Ameri-
can young man of about the same age. It mattered
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 67
not that the Yankee did not speak a word of Swedish,
nor the Swede a word of English, they chattered away
at each other, made signs, nodded and laughed as
heartily as though they understood it all. Then they
picked leaves, decorated each other with leafy gar-
lands, and putting their arms around one another
marched along at the head of the procession, singing
away in the greatest good fellowship, as good friends
as though they had known each other for a lifetime,
and perfectly regardless of the little fact that neither
of them could speak a word the other could under-
stand. Youth and fraternity were to them a common
language and overleaped the confusion of tongues.
As the immigrant train halted on a hilltop, I pointed
out the distant ridges of Township No. 15 rising
against the sky. " Dei utlofvade Landet" "The
promised land " shout the Swedes, and a cheer
goes along the line. Late in the afternoon we reached
the bridge over the Aroostook River. A salute of
cannon announced our approach. Here we were met
by a concourse of five hundred people with a fine
brass band of sixteen pieces, and escorted into the
picturesque village of Caribou. Hon. John S. Arnold
delivered an address of welcome, and the citizens
invited us to a bountiful supper in Arnold's hall,
where also the settlers passed the night. At this
supper one of the good ladies of Caribou happened to
wait upon our worthy land agent, and getting from
him a reply in a language she understood, was over-
joyed and exclaimed, " Why, you speak very good
English for a Swede ! "
68 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Next morning the Swedish immigrant train was
early in motion accompanied by some hundred and
fifty citizens of the vicinity. One farmer along the
route put out tubs of cold water for our refresh-
ment. I thanked him for this. " Oh, never mind,"
he replied, " all I wanted was to stop the Swedes long
enough to get a good look at them." We soon passed
beyond the last clearing of the American pioneer and
entered the deep woods. Our long line of wagons
slowly wound its way among the stumps of the newly-
cut wood road, and penetrated a forest which now for
the first time was opened for the abode of man.
At twelve o'clock, noon, of Saturday, July 23, 1870,
just four months from the passage of the act author-
izing this enterprise, and four weeks from the depart-
ure of the immigrants from Sweden, the first Swedish
colony of our state arrived at its new home in the
wilds of Maine. We called the spot New Sweden, a
name at once commemorative of the past and auspi-
cious of the future. Here in behalf of the State of
Maine I bade a welcome and Godspeed to these far
travelers, our future citizens, and here at the south-
west corner of the cross roads, under a camp of bark
and by the side of a rill of pure spring water, Swedes
and Americans broke bread together, and the colonists
ate their first meal on the township in the shadow of
the forest primeval.
One thousand years ago the great Scandinavian sea-
king Rollo sailed out from the Northland with a fleet
of viking ships. Landing on the coast of France, he
subjugated one of her fairest provinces. Here the
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 69
Northmen settled, and from them the province is
called to this day Normandy.
Eight hundred years later the descendants of these
Northmen, speaking French, sailed from Normandy to
this continent and settled Acadia. When driven from
their homes by the British fleet, a detachment of
Acadians came up the St. John River and settled on
the interval where now stands the city of Fredericton.
Expelled from their homes a second time by the
English, they followed up the St. John to Grand
Falls.
British ships cannot sail up these falls, said they,
so a hundred years ago they built their cottages
above the falls, along the fertile valley of the upper
St. John, some twenty miles north of New Sweden.
There to-day dwell thousands of Acadian French.
Twenty-five years ago, a little company of Swedes
sailed forth from the same Scandinavia, whence issued
Rollo and his vikings, and settled New Sweden.
So these two branches of Scandinavian stock, sepa-
rated in the ninth century, are now brought together
again after the lapse of a thousand years, and dwell
side by side in the woods of Maine.
There are few better towns in Maine for agricul-
tural purposes than New Sweden. On every hand the
land rolls up into gentle hard-wood ridges, covered
with a stately growth of maple, birch, beech, and ash.
In every valley between these ridges flows a brook,
and along its banks grow the spruce, fir, and cedar.
The soil is a rich, light loam, overlying a hard layer
of clay, which in turn rests upon a ledge of rotten
70 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
slate, with perpendicular rift. The ledge seldom crops
out, and the land is remarkably free from stones.
New Sweden lies in latitude 47 north s about the
same latitude as the city of Quebec. The boundaries
of this township were run by J. Norris, Esq., in 1859.
It was then designated as Township No. 15, Range 3,
west of the east line of the state, which name it bore
for eleven years, until the advent of the Swedes.
Subsequently the township was set apart by the State
for settlement, and in 1861 the best part of the town
was run out into lots for settlers. These lots contained
about one hundred and sixty acres each. The State
surveying party consisted of Hon. B. F. Cutter, of
Standish, surveyor ; A. P. Files, Esq., of Gorham, chain-
man ; Hon. L. C. Flint, of Abbot, explorer, and three
assistants The work was commenced the last of
August, 1861, and finished October 22, of the same
year. This surveying party found a cedar tree marked
by J. Norris in 1859 as the southeast corner of the
town, and the lotting of the town was begun at a
cedar post standing two links southwest of this cedar
tree, which post was marked " T. No. 15, R. 3, Lot
144, B. F. Cutter, 1861, Q" (the latter character being
Cutter's private mark).
And so this township stood for nine years set apart
for settlement, largely run out into lots, but without
a settler.
The Board of Immigration very prudently refrained
from making any preparation for the proposed colony
until it knew the result of my mission to Sweden.
When, however, it appeared from my letters that this
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 71
mission was a success, and that a Swedish colony would
surely come to Maine, the Board at once set about
making suitable preparations for the reception of the
Swedes. This duty devolved upon Hon. Parker P.
Bmieigh of the Board, and it is fortunate the work
fell to such tried and able hands. In the latter part
of June, 1870, Mr. Burleigh proceeded to Aroostook
County. Here he instituted a relotting of this town-
ship, reducing the size of the lots from one hundred
and sixty acres, which for nine years had been
offered to Americans, with no takers, to lots of one
hundred acres for the Swedes. The surveying party
was under the charge of that old and experienced state
surveyor, the Hon. Noah Barker. Mr. Burleigh con-
tracted with Hon. L. R. King and Hon. John S.
Arnold, of Caribou, to fell five acres of forest on
each of the twenty-five lots. He also bushed out
a road into the township and commenced building
twenty-five log-houses. In addition, Mr. Burleigh
bought and forwarded to the township necessary sup-
plies and tools for the colony, and in many ways
rendered services indispensable to the success of the
enterprise.
The Swedes had arrived much earlier than Mr. Bur-
leigh anticipated. Only six of the log-houses had been
built, and these were but partly finished, only two of
them having glass in the windows. On our arrival,
the supplies and the commissioner of immigration were
stowed in one house, and the Swedes and their baggage
packed in the other five. So the colony passed its
first night in New Sweden.
72 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The next day was the Sabbath. The first religious
service on the township was a sad one the funeral of
Hilma C. Clase*. The services were held at the bark
camp at the corner, and were conducted by Rev. James
Withee, of Caribou, an American Methodist. All the
Swedes, and many families from Caribou attend the
funeral of this little Swedish girl. We buried her on
the public lot, in a spot we were forced to mark out
as a cemetery on the very first day of the occupancy
of this town. So peacefully slept in the wild green
wood the only one who had perished by the way.
I had anticipated some difficulty in assigning homes
to the settlers. Some farms were undoubtedly better
than others. To draw lots for them seemed to be the
only fair way of distribution ; yet in so doing, friends
from the same province, who had arranged to help
each other in their work, might be separated by
several miles. Every difficulty was finally avoided
by dividing the settlers into little groups of four
friends each, and the farms into clusters of four, and
letting each group draw a cluster, which was after-
ward distributed by lot among the members of the
group. The division of farms was thus left entirely
to chance, and yet friends and neighbors were kept
together.
The drawing took place Monday afternoon, July 25.
With but two exceptions, every one was satisfied, and
these two were immediately made happy by exchang-
ing with each other. When this exchange was
effected every Swede was convinced that just the right
lot had fallen to him and was enabled to find some-
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 73
thing or other about his possessions which in his eye
made it superior to all others. So surely does owner-
ship beget contentment.
After the homesteads were thus distributed, Mr.
Burleigh, Mr. Barker, and myself, took the Swedes to
a hillside chopping, northeast of the cross roads, and
showed them the vast woodland wilderness of Maine,
stretching away unbroken to the horizon, and await-
ing the ax and plow of the settler. " Here is room
enough for all our friends in old Sweden," said the
Swedes.
Tuesday morning, July 26, the Swedes commenced
the great work of converting a forest into a home, and
that work has gone happily on, without haste and with-
out rest, to this day.
Much remained to be done by the State. The
Swedes, too, must be supplied with food till they
could harvest their first crop. To put them in the
way of earning their living by their labor was a
natural suggestion. I therefore at once set the
Swedes at work felling trees, cutting out roads, and
building houses, allowing them one dollar a day for
their labor, payable in provisions, tools, etc. The
prices of these necessaries were determined by adding
to the first cost the expense of transportation, plus
ten per cent, for breakage and leakage.
Capt. N. P. Clase, a Swede who spoke our language,
and could keep accounts in single entry in English,
was then placed in charge of the storehouse. He
opened an account with every settler, charging each
with all goods received from the store. Every
74 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Swedish working-party was placed under a foreman,
who kept in a book furnished him the time of each
man. These time-books were handed in once a week
to Capt. Clase*, the storekeeper, and the men credited
with their work at the rate of one dollar a day. The
Swedes thus did the work which the State would
otherwise have been compelled to hire other laborers
to do, and were paid in the very provisions which
otherwise the State would have been compelled to
give them. By this arrangement, also, all jealousy
was avoided with regard to the distribution of rations ;
and in their consumption the rigid Swedish economy
was always exercised, which could hardly have been
the case if food had fallen to them like manna, with-
out measure or price.
All through summer and fall there was busy work
in our wilderness. The primeval American forest
rang from morn till eve with the blows of the Swedish
ax. The prattle of Swedish children and the song of
Swedish mothers made unwonted music in the wilds
of Maine. One cloudless day succeeded another. The
heats of summer were tempered by the woodland
shade in which we labored. New clearings opened
out, and new log-houses were rolled up on every
hand. Odd bits of board and the happily twisted
branches of trees were quickly converted into needed
articles of furniture. Rustic bedsteads, tables, chairs,
and the omnipresent cradle, made their appearance in
every house; and Swedish industry and ingenuity
soon transformed every log-cabin into a home. For
myself it was a pleasure to share the toils and priva-
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 75
tions of our new settlers. Every day I was among
them from morn till eve. On foot or on horseback I
visited them all, even the most remote, and cheered
all at their labors ; and every night I lay down in my
log-house tired but happy, for every day I had beheld
something done, something tangible accomplished on
the soil of Maine.
One hundred acres of forest were granted each set-
tler ; a chopping of five acres had been made on each
lot. In nearly every instance, the trees were felled
on the contiguous corners of four lots, and a square
chopping of twenty acres made around the point
where four lots met, five acres of which belonged to
each of the four farms. The largest possible amount
of light and air was thus let into each lot, and the
settlers were better enabled to help one another in
clearing. As the choppings had not yet been burnt
over, the houses were built outside them, and being
placed in couples on the opposite sides of the road,
every household had a near neighbor. Nearly every
habitation was also within easy distance of a spring
of living water.
The houses built by the State in New Sweden were
all of uniform pattern. They were designed by our
able and efficient land agent, Hon. P. P. Burleigh, and
erected under the immediate superintendence of
Jacob Hardison and Judah D. Teague, Esqs., of Cari-
bou. They were built of peeled logs; were eighteen
by twenty-six feet on the ground, one and a half
s f ories high, seven feet between floors, and had two
logs above the second floor beams, which, with a
76 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
square pitch roof, gave ample room for chambers.
The roofs were covered with long shaved shingles of
cedar, made by hand on the township. The space on
the ground floor was divided off by partitions of un-
planed boards, into one general front room sixteen by
eighteen feet, one bedroom ten feet square, and pan-
try adjoining, eight by ten feet. On this floor were
four windows ; one was also placed in the front gable
end above. In the general room of each house was a
second-size Hampden cooking-stove, with a funnel run-
ning out through an iron plate in the roof. On the
whole, these log-cabins in the woods were convenient
and comfortable structures ; they presented a pleasing
appearance from without, and within were full of con-
tentment and industry.
It was of course too late for a crop. Yet I wished
to give the Swedes an ocular demonstration that some-
thing eatable would grow on the land. There was a
four-acre chopping on the public lot ; this had been
partially burnt over by an accidental spark from the
camp-fire at the corner. On this chopping seven
Swedes were set at work on July 26, "junking" and
hand-piling the prostrate trees. Mr. Burleigh with
axe and hands assisted in rolling up the first pile.
Good progress was made, and the next day, Wednes-
day, July 27, we set fire to the piles and sent a young
lad, Master Haines Hardison, on horseback out to the
American settlements in quest of English turnip seed
and teeth for a harrow.
On July 28, we explored with the surveying party
an old tote road running from the Turner place (one
THE STOKY OF NEW SWEDEN. 77
of the abandoned American farms in Woodland) out
to Philbrick's Corner, on the road to Caribou. We
found the tote road cut off three-quarters of a mile
of the distance to the village, saved a hard hill and a
long pole bridge, and gave a good level route. We
at once put the tote road in repair and used it exclu-
sively. The present turnpike to Caribou follows sub-
stantially the route of this road from the Turner
place, now occupied by Jonas Bodin, a Swede, across
Caribou Stream to Philbrick's.
Friday, July 29, we sowed two acres on the public
lot to English turnips. This was the first land cleared
and the first crop sowed in New Sweden. The land
was hand-piled, burnt, cleared and sowed within six
days after the arrival of the colony. The turnips
were soon up and grew luxuriantly, and in November
we secured a large crop of fair-sized turnips, many of
them being fifteen inches in circumference. I am well
aware that the turnip is regarded as a very cheap vege-
table, but to us who were obliged to haul in every-
thing eaten by man or beast, eight miles over rough
roads, this crop was of great assistance. Furthermore
it gave the Swedes a tangible proof of the fertility of
the soil.
On this day the first letters were received; two
from old Sweden, directed to Oscar Lindberg. Four
basket bottomed chairs for headquarters were hauled
in on top of a load of goods the first chairs in New
Sweden and Harvey Collins, the teamster, brought
in word that a Swedish immigrant was at Caribou on
his way in.
78 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
July 30, Saturday, Anders Westergren, a Swede
thirty-nine years of age, came in and joined the colony.
He sailed as seaman in a vessel from Philadelphia to
Bangor, there he took up a paper containing notice
of New Sweden, and immediately came through to us.
He was the first immigrant after the founding of the
colony. A stalwart man and skilled in the use of the
broad-ax, he rendered valuable aid in building hewed
timber houses.
On this day Mr. Burleigh left us, after a week's
efficient help. The fame of the colony was spreading.
I received a letter of inquiry from seven Swedes in
Bloomington, Illinois.
On July 31, the second Sabbath, Nils Olsson, the
Swedish lay preacher, held public religious services in
the Swedish language at the corner camp.
Tuesday, August 2, the immigrants wrote a joint
letter to Sweden, declaring that the State of Maine
had kept its faith with them in every particular ; that
the land was fertile, the climate pleasant, the people
friendly, and advising their countrymen emigrating
to America to come to the New Sweden in Maine.
This letter was published in full in all the leading
journals throughout Sweden.
The only animals taken into the woods by the colony
were two kittens, picked up by Swedish children on
our drive in from Tobique. On Wednesday, August
3, a cock and three hens were brought in to Capt.
Clase*. These were the first domestic fowl on the
township. They soon picked up an acquaintance with
two wild squirrels, who became so tame that they ate
meal out of the same dish with the fowl.
THE STOKY OF NEW SWEDEN. 79
Friday, August 12, the second immigrant arrived in
the colony. He was a native American, a good-sized
boy baby, born to Korno, wife of Nils Persson, the
first child born in New Sweden. He is alive and well
to-day, a young man and a voter. He rejoices in the
name of William Widgery Thomas Persson, and is
happy in contemplation of the constitutional fact that
he is eligible to the office of president of the United
States.
On Friday, August 19, Anders Malmqvist arrived
from Sweden, via Quebec and Portland. He was a
farmer and student, twenty-two years of age, and the
first immigrant to us direct from the old country.
Sunday afternoon, August 21, occurred the first
wedding. I then united in marriage Jons Persson to
Hannah Persdotter. The marriage ceremony was con-
ducted in the Swedish language, but according to
American forms. In the evening was a wedding din-
ner at the Perssons. All the spoons were of solid sil-
ver ; heirlooms from old Sweden.
Thus within the first month of the colony's existence,
it experienced the three great events in the life of
man birth, marriage, death.
Between August 10 and 20 nearly all the choppings
were fired. On some, good burns were obtained, and
nothing but the trunks and larger branches of the trees
left unconsumed on the ground; the fire merely flashed
over others, leaving behind the whole tangled mass of
branches, trunks, and twigs to fret the settler. From
this time forward till snow fell, every Swede that could
be spared from the public works was busily engaged
from sunrise to sunset with ax and brand on his clear-
80 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
ing, "junking," piling, and burning the logs clearing
the land for a crop. New Sweden became a landmark
for twenty miles around. From her hills arose i( a
pillar of cloud by day" and "a pillar of fire by night."
By September 15, large patches of land were suc-
cessfully burnt off and cleared, and the Swedes com-
menced sowing an acre or half-acre each with winter
wheat or rye. Sixteen acres in all were sowed with
rye and four with wheat Meanwhile the colony
steadily increased. Now and then a Swedish immi-
grant dropped in, took up a lot, received an ax and
went to work. September 14 a detachment of twelve
arrived, and October 31 twenty more followed, direct
from Sweden. There were two more births, and on
November 5, I saddled my horse, rode through the
woods and stumps to the West Chopping, and offici-
ated at the second marriage, uniting in the bonds of
matrimony Herr Anders Frederick Johansson to
Jungfru Ofelia Albertina Leonora Amelia Ericsson.
The spirit of colonization possessed even the fowl.
Although at an untimely season of the year, one of
Capt. Clash's hens stole a nest under a fallen tree in
the woods, and on September 24, came back proudly
leading eleven chickens. Game was plenty. I caught
hundreds of trout in the lakes beyond the northwest
corner of the township and shot scores of partridges
while riding through the woods from clearing to clear-
ing. This game was divided among the Swedes and
made an agreeable diversion from the salt-pork diet of
our camp life.
Every Sabbath divine service was held by Nils
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. gl
Olsson, the Swedish lay minister and a Sunday-school
was soon started, which is still in successful operation.
The log-houses made comfortable homes for each
Swedish family, but I soon became convinced that a
large, central building was absolutely necessary for
the public and social life of the colony. By the wise
forethought of Hon. Noah Barker, the surveyor of
the township, a lot of fifty acres had been reserved
for public uses at the cross roads in the center of
the settlement. Here, on the twentieth of Sep-
tember, we commenced digging the cellar for a
public building on a commanding slope of land at the
cross roads We began hewing out the frame and
shaving shingles for the roof the same day. On Fri-
day, October 7, we raised the frame. Work was
pushed rapidly forward, and on Friday, November 4,
four weeks from the raising, the house was finished
with the exception of lathing and plastering, and the
vane was placed in position on top the tower, sixty-
five feet from the ground. This building is thirty by
forty-five feet on the ground ; has a cellar walled up
with hewed cedar seven and one-half feet in the clear,
is twenty feet stud, and divided into two stories each
ten feet high. The first floor contains a storeroom
thirty feet square, and two offices fifteen feet square
each. The second story is a hall thirty by forty-five
feet on the floor, ten feet stud on the sides, arching
up to fifteen feet in the clear in the center. In the
large room below were stowed provisions and tools
for the colony. The offices became the headquarters
of the commissioner of immigration, and the hall was
VOL. VII. 7
82 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
used for many years as a church, schoolhouse, town-
house, and general rallying place for the colony. In
the spring, too, when the immigrants flocked in, it
served as a "Castle Garden," where the Swedish
families slept, cooked and ate under a roof while they
were selecting their lots and erecting a shelter of
their own.
From the first this structure has been called by the
Swedes the "Capitol." It has been the heart of the
colony. It at once gave character and stability to
the settlement, encouraged every Swede in his labors,
and has been of daily need and use. The Swedish
Capitol is till standing to-day, and though shorn of its
ornamental tower is otherwise in a good state of
preservation.
The dwelling-houses erected by the state were built
of round logs piled one on the other, with the spaces
between open to wind and weather. On the eigh-
teenth of October there raged a fierce storm of wind,
sleet and rain. The wind whistled through the open
log-houses, and all night long we could hear the crash
of falling trees blown down by the gale. In the
morning I found myself barricaded by a tall spruce
that had fallen across my doorway, and my nearest
neighbor arrived to tell me there were eight trees
down across the road between his house and mine.
Two good choppers soon cut out the fallen trees from
the roads ; but the storm warned us that winter was
coming. So the Swedes ceased for a time clearing
their land, and went to work fitting up their houses
for winter. They first split out plank from the near-
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 83
est spruce trees, and taking up the floor nailed a tight
plank under-floor to the lower side of the beams.
The spaces between the beams were then compactly
filled with dry earth and the upper floor-boards planed
and replaced. A ceiling of matched boards was now
put on overhead, and the room made perfectly tight
above and below. The walls of round logs were then
hewed down inside and out, the interstices having
been first " chinked up " with moss and then filled in
with matched strips of cedar. The walls were thus
made as even and perpendicular as those of a timber
house, and every building completely defended
against the cold and blasts of winter.
Early in November, I secured places for the winter,
among the farmers and lumbermen of the vicinity, for
all the Swedes who wished to work out ; thirty were
thus supplied with labor at from ten to twenty dollars
a month, including board and lodging. Supplies were
hauled in for those families who were to pass the win-
ter in the woods, and they were made as comfortable
as possible.
On November 13 was held the first meeting at the
Capitol, and here I distributed to the colonists the
certificates of their lots. They received them with
eager eyes and greedy hands.
The State of Maine extended a helping hand to this
infant colony and guarded it with fostering care. But
in so doing the State only helped those who helped
themselves. The Swedes did not come among us as
paupers. The passage of the colony of the first year
from Sweden to Maine cost over four thousand dol-
84 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
lars, every dollar of which was paid by the immi-
grants themselves. They also carried into New
Sweden over three thousand dollars in cash, and six
tons of baggage.
Let this one fact be distinctly understood. The
Swedish immigrants to Maine from first to last, from
1870 till to-day, have all paid their own passage to
Maine. The State has never paid a dollar directly or
indirectly, for the passage of any Swede to Maine.
At the close of 1870, in reviewing the work already
accomplished, it was found that every Swede that
started from Scandinavia with me, or was engaged by
me to follow after, had arrived in Maine and was set-
tled in New Sweden. No settler had left to make
him a home elsewhere, but on the other hand our
immigrants had already bought, paid for, and sent
home to their friends across the water, five tickets
from Sweden to Maine.
So healthy was the climate of our northern woods,
that for the first year for 1870 there was not a day's
sickness of man, woman, or child, in New Sweden.
The results of this enterprise to our State, which were
thus achieved in 1870, the year of its inception, were
briefly summed up in my official report for that year
as follows :
RESULTS IN 1870.
A colony of one hundred and fourteen Swedes fifty-eight
men, twenty rnomen, and thirty-six children have paid their
own passage from Sweden and settled on the wild lands of
Maine.
Seven miles of road have been cut through the forest; one
hundred and eighty acres of woods felled, one hundred acres
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY ? S REGIMENT OF FOOT. 85
hand-piled, burnt off and cleared for a crop, and twenty acres
sowed to winter wheat and rye. Twentv-six dwelling-houses
and one public building have been built.
A knowledge of Maine, its resources and advantages, has been
scattered broadcast over Sweden ; a portion of the tide of
Swedish immigration turned upon our state, and a practical be-
ginning made toward settling our wild lands and peopling our
domain with the most hardy, honest and industrious of immi-
grants.
[To be continued.]
HISTORY OF COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S
3iST REGIMENT OF FOOT.
THE FIRST REGIMENT RAISED IN THE COUNTY OF CUMBERLAND
IN THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR.
BY NATHAN GOOLD.
Read before the Maine Historical Society, November 22, 1895.
LONGFELLOW wrote " War is a terrible trade ; but
in the cause that is righteous sweet is the smell of
powder. "
The Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, February
4, 1775, resolved to purchase munitions of war for
fifteen thousand men, and April 23, 1775, it was unani-
mously resolved to raise thirteen thousand, six hundred
men, and other New England colonies were invited
to raise their proportionate quota to make the aggre-
gate of thirty thousand, and in a few days that number
was enrolled. So many came that the generals were
obliged to send many back to their homes. On May
20, 1775, Artemas Ward was commissioned general and
commander-in-chief of the colony.
86 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Col. James Scammon's York County Regiment
marched soon after the beginning of the war, and
joined the army at Cambridge, but Cumberland County
sent no regiment until July, for reasons which will
hereafter be fully explained.
Col. Edmund Phinney's 31st Regiment of Foot, was
the first regiment raised in the County of Cumberland
for service in the field, in the Revolutionary war.
Most of the men equipped themselves, but those who
were not able were supplied by the towns where
they enlisted. A large part of the men enlisted soon
after the receipt of the news of the commencement
of the war, and were in the service in and about Fal-
mouth until July.
When Capt. John Parker formed his minute men on
Lexington Common in the early morning of April 19,
1775, he may have realized the responsibility that
rested on his company. They represented the for-
bearance of the colonists, and they, by not firing the
first gun, established in the minds of the American
people, the character of the men who first resisted
British oppression. A boulder now marks the line of
this company, on that eventful morning, inscribed with
Capt. Parker's order to his men :
Stand your ground.
Don't fire unless fired upon.
But if they mean to have war
let it begin here.
The war then had actually begun. The news reached
the town of York on the evening of April 19, and
Capt. Johnson Moulton collected his company of over
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S REGIMENT OF FOOT. 87
sixty men, from that old town, and marched on the
morning of the next day towards Boston, making fifteen
miles and crossing the ferry over Piscataqua River
before night. This was the first company that marched
from the Province of Maine in war of the Rev
olution.
The first information of the battles of Lexington
and Concord reached Falmouth Neck before daylight
of April 21, and created much consternation and alarm.
That day Capt. John Brackett's company marched
towards Boston, followed by companies under com-
mand of captains Hart Williams, Wentworth Stuart,
Abraham Tyler, and probably others from Cumberland
County. These were the militia then organized for
any immediate service. They proceeded as far as
Wells, about thirty miles, when they were ordered to
return home to guard the exposed towns on their own
seacoast. They arrived at Falmouth, April 24, and
were allowed five days' service.
Arrangements were immediately made to form a
regiment for active service and the business of enlist-
ing the men was commenced. About two weeks later,
before the men were all enlisted in this regiment,
occurred what was called " Thompson's war, " which
lasted several days. Capt. Mowat and his surgeon
were captured (May 9) at Falmouth Neck by Col.
Samuel Thompson's "Spruce" company of about fifty
men, from Brunswick. Mowat was released on parole,
to return the next morning, by the timid and Tory
influence of the Neck, but did not keep his promise.
Before the release it is stated the Tories were for the
88 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
militia of the Neck to rescue the prisoners from
Thompson's men.
Col. Phinney was in town and the soldiers of his
regiment assembled before the next morning, and were
" highly enraged " at finding that Mowat had been
released. This whole affair evidently was planned by
Col. Thompson, and probably his company arrived on
the Neck before they were expected by Phinney's
men, who were to assist in capturing Mowat's vessel.
The Gorham and Windham soldiers in their indigna-
tion sacked Capt. Coulson's house, as he was the most
prominent Tory, and used it for a barrack. In the cellar
they found a barrel of New England rum, which he
had put in for his own use, and it is stated that " they
made so free with it that some of them were quite and
others almost drunken. " Calvin Lombard of Gorham,
who, " raised " with some of this liquor, went to the
foot of the street and fired a brace of balls into the
side of Mowat's vessel, probably is entitled to the credit
of firing the first gun at Falmouth in the Revolution.
He did not belong to the regiment but probably came
with them from Gorham. He was the youngest son
of Eev. Soloman Lombard, the first minister of Gorham,
a graduate of Harvard College, member of the Pro-
vincial Congress and justice of the Court of Common
Pleas. Calvin inherited his father's home-place and
his mother lived with him. He was the father of eight
children and was a good citizen. He was of light
complexion, sandy hair, of an impulsive nature and a
man of courage, which accounts for his zealous patri-
otism. The tradition is that he afterwards served in
the army.
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S REGIMENT OF FOOT. 89
The officers of the regiment and companies resolved
themselves into a committee of war and after some
hesitation admitted the officers of the u Neck "
companies. They voted by a considerable majority,
that Capt. Mowat's vessel ought to be destroyed, and
appointed a committee of their number to consider m
what manner it should be done, but no report has been
found. This all caused so much consternation and
alarm among the people of Falmouth Neck, that Col.
Phinney induced his men to abandon the attempt, but
they would not return home until they were given
some barrels of bread, several cheeses and two barrels
of rum to each company then in town. They hauled
Coulson's boats almost over to Back Cove and left
them, and also seized Sheriff Tyng's bishop, a piece of
plate valued at five hundred pounds old tenor, and his
laced hat. The soldiers carried the bishop and hat to
Lieut. Cary McLellan's house, near Gorham village
where they secreted them in the cellar wall by remov-
ing stones and excavating the earth, then depositing
the articles, they replaced the stones, so that the
hiding-place would not be discovered. The tradition is
that the men were tried for this offense but were not
convicted. The articles were restored to Sheriff Tyng
and Coulson was reinbursed by the General Court for
his loss.
There was much hard feeling between the people of
the Neck and the soldiers and it was stated that " the
soldiers thought nothing too bad to say of the Falmouth
gentry, " and that some of the soldiers on the street
were heard to say that, " this town ought to be
90 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
burned. " The people of Falmouth Neck had not then
risen to the spirit of the times as they did about five
months later, when they refused to sacrifice their
principles to save their town.
Col. Phinney's regiment were ready and anxious to
begin their service in an attempt to rid the colonies
of Capt. Mowat, one of their most troublesome enemies.
Patriots of later generations, with confidence in their
ancestors, have regretted that they were prevented
from carrying out their purpose.
It was Capt. Samuel Noyes of this regiment and his
company, who captured one of Capt. Coulson's boats,
which was sent up the Presumpscot River in search of
masts, June 22. Capt. Wentworth Stuart and his men
went to New Casco and brought the men into Mars-
ton's tavern, but they were released in two or three
days. Maj. Jacob Brown was also there. This all led
up to the cowardly burning of Falmouth the next
October by Capt. Mowat.
Gen. Jedediah Preble of Falmouth, who had served
at Louisburg in 1745, commissioned a brigadier-gen-
eral in 1758, was appointed a general in September,
1774, by the Congress, but was obliged to decline on
account of his age and ill health. He and Enoch
Freeman were the most influential men at Falmouth,
with the Provincial Government at Cambridge, and
were consulted by the committees and the Congress
in relation to the operations about Falmouth and
vicinity, the raising of soldiers and the appointment
of officers for the army.
As early as April 26, 1775, Gen. Jedediah Preble
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S REGIMENT OF FOOT. 91
was requested to appear at Cambridge, by the Provin-
cial Congress, " as a general or a private citizen," and
it was probably at this time he was authorized to raise
a regiment in Cumberland County to join the army at
Cambridge. He seems to have had authority given
him to select the officers for the regiment. Edmund
Phinney of Gorham, was appointed colonel and the
enlisting of men had commenced when it was discov-
ered that Samuel March of Scarboro had also been
authorized to raise a regiment in the county with
authority to appoint his officers. The county could
not at that time spare two regiments to go to Cam-
bridge and this difficulty had to be arranged, so Col.
Phinney went to Cambridge to appear before the
committee and with him took the following letter from
Gen. Preble.
FALMOUTH, May 15, 1775.
Honored Gentlemen: These wait on you by Col. Phinney
who brought me all the papers necessary for enlisting a Regi-
ment in the County of Cumberland. I advised with the Com-
mittee of Correspondence who was of the opinion it would be
difficult for our County to spare a Regiment to be moved out of the
Province of Maine, as we lay much exposed to the Navy by sea,
and the Indians and French on our back settlements, if they
should be employed against us : but we would be glad to do
everything in our power for the defence of our just rights and
dearer liberties. Our men are zealous in the Cause of our Country,
and ready to venture everything for the defence of it. Colonel
March informs me your Honors have appointed him a colonel and
gave him orders to raise a Regiment in this County, and to
appoint all his officers : this he acquainted me with after I had
delivered Colonel Phinney the papers back again which he brought
me. It is impossible we can spare two Regiments out of this
County, and they both made considerable progress : am much
92 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
afraid there will be some difficulty in settling the affair. I am
persuaded the men in general would prefer Colonel Phinney, and
so should I for that reason as I look on Colonel Phinney to be
equal to Colonel March in every respect.
Should have done myself the honor to have waited on you in
person but am in a poor state of health and so exercised with the
gout that I cannot bear my shoes. I purpose to visit the Camp
whenever I am able to undergo the fatigue of so long a journey.
I wish courage and conduct in our officers, resolution and spirit
of obedience in our soldiers, and a speedy end of our troubles.
I am your Honors' most obedient servant,
JEDEDIAH PREBLE.
The committee of safety sent an answer dated
May 20, 1775, from Cambridge, in which they request
him to stop enlistments in both regiments until it is
found whether it would be necessary to take any men
from this county. Soon after, there was probably an
arrangement made to raise but one regiment with
Edmund Phinney for its colonel, and Samuel March as
lieutenant colonel.
The county convention of May 29, 1775, petitioned
the Provincial Congress that Col. Phinney' s regiment
might be stationed at Falmouth, for the defense of the
town and county.
In June, 1775, Col. Phinney again went to Cam-
bridge with the following letter :
FALMOUTH, June 14, 1775.
Hon. Sirs: These wait on you by Col. Phinney who
informs us he has ordered the men lately enlisted in this County
to secure the cattle and sheep from the ravages of the cruisers
from the navy but as no provision is made for their subsistance it
cannot to do duty without. We refer you to Col. Phinney for
particulars &c.
JEDEDIAH PREBLE,
ENOCH FREEMAN.
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY's REGIMENT OF FOOT. 93
Col. Phinney presented himself to the Congress and
the following appears on the records :
June 21, 1775. Ordered that Col. Phinney be admitted into
the house to inform the Congress of the state of the regiment
inlisted in the County of Cumberland.
The next day the following order was passed :
June 22, 1775. Ordered that Col. Phinney be directed to bring
up to camp 400 men with effective fire-arms and that a time be
limited to bring up 100 men, with effective -fire arms, he in that
case to be entitled to a Colonel's commission and not otherwise.
This order indicates that the Provincial Congress
was impatient at the delay in the formation of this
regiment, but in two days more, June 24, 1775, the
Congress ordered that four hundred of this regiment,
be marched to Cambridge and the balance to be sta-
tioned in Cumberland and Lincoln Counties, " as Jede-
diah Preble, Col. Enoch Freeman, and Maj. Mason
Wheaton of St. George may think best," but the towns
were ordered to supply the ammunition.
Col. Phinney returned to Falmouth and soon after
the first of July, the companies'commenced their march
to Cambridge, and probably all the companies joined
the regiment during July or August. While the
arrangements were being made for the formation of
the regiment, the battle of Bunker Hill was fought;
and when they finally entered active service it must
have been at a period of the greatest anxiety and
excitement.
The army assembled at Cambridge was an unorgan-
ized and undisciplined body of men, brought together
in a time of great excitement and alarm, but was com-
94 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
posed of men animated with the noblest spirit, ready
and willing to do their duty.
Of the uniforms of these men we know very little,
but at that time probably had none. The Provincial
Congress, July 5, 1775, resolved that thirty thousand
coats be provided to be apportioned to the towns in the
colony. This would indicate that the regiment had at
least uniformed coats some later. When Gen. Bur-
goyne surrendered to the American army, Oct. 17, 1777,
very few of the soldiers of this colony had uniforms.
The following is the description of the coats that were
to be provided :
That each coat be faced with the same kind of cloth which it
was made ; that the coats be made in the common plain way
without lappels, short, and with small folds of good plain cloth,
preference given to manufactories of this country. That all the
coats be buttoned with pewter buttons : that the buttons of each
regiment have the number stamped on the face of them.
At this time there was no uniformity in the color
of the cloth for the infantry, and it was not until
October, 1779, that blue was adopted as the national
color for the army uniforms, and not until 1782 that
the Continental army was fully uniformed, on account
of the poverty of the colonies.
The marching of a regiment to Boston in those days,
before the time of the railroad and steamboat, cannot
but be an interesting part of their service to their
descendants. The roads were rough and hard to
travel, but there was no other way but to march the
entire distance. Men often, later in the war, started
from these " eastern parts " and marched to the Hud-
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S REGIMENT OF FOOT. 95
son River to join the army; those that wintered at
Valley Forge, and those that later in the war served
in the South all marched both ways.
From the journal of a soldier, we are enabled to fol-
low Capt. David Bradish's company in their march
from Falmouth Neck to Cambridge Common to join
their regiment in the army, showing that they sub-
sisted at the taverns along their route, also the num-
ber of miles traveled each day. One company was
probably marched at a time, as that was no doubt all
the taverns could accommodate, and of course all the
people along the way welcomed them, wished them
Godspeed and a happy termination of their troubles.
Capt. David Bradish's company was preached to
July 6, by Dr. Deane, and July 8, they started on
their march towards Boston.
All the companies probably marched over the same
rough roads, occupied about the same time in getting
to Cambridge, and arrived in about the same condition.
Capt. Bradish's men started on their long march to
Cambridge July 8, 1775, at eleven-thirty A. M., and
arrived at Stroudwater at one o'clock, where they dined.
At three o'clock they resumed their march, arrived at
Milliken's tavern at Dunstan Corner, at sunset and
staid all night.
Sunday, 9, they started at four o'clock and arrived at
Patten's tavern, Arundel, at nine for breakfast. Set
out at eleven got to Littlefield's tavern, where they
dined at one o'clock. Started again at four, arrived
at Morrell's tavern, Berwick, at sunset, where they
staid that night.
96 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Monday, 10, marched to Lord's tavern, Quampegan
(Berwick), arriving at eight o'clock, and there had
breakfast : resumed their march at ten o'clock, and
dined at Hanson's tavern, Dover, N. H. ; started again
at five and arrived at Durham Falls at eight o'clock,
lodging at Adam's tavern.
Tuesday, 11, they started at daylight, arrived at
New Market at eight, and had breakfast at Doe's
tavern. Then set out at eleven, got to Exeter at
twelve-thirty o'clock, dining at Gidding's tavern,
resumed their march at five arriving at Kingston,
N. H., at sunset, lodging at Parson's tavern.
Wednesday, 12, marched about sunrise and arrived
at Plaistow, N. H., at seven where they had breakfast
at Sawyer's tavern : set out at nine and got to Green-
leaf's tavern, Haverhill, where they dined, and staid
until the next morning, on account of a heavy shower
in the afternoon.
Thursday, 13, at four o'clock they again started on
their march, arrived at Stevens' tavern, Andover, at
eight o'clock and had breakfast ; resumed their march
at nine-thirty o'clock, getting to " Deacon Bullard's"
at twelve where they dined. Started at three-thirty
o'clock going through Wilmington to Wyman's tavern,
in Woburn, where they staid that night.
Friday, 14, the company resumed their march at
four and arrived at Wetherby's tavern, Menotomy
(probably Arlington now), at seven o'clock where they
had breakfast and dinner. At four they again started,
arriving at Cambridge at five o'clock where they built
their tents for the night.
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S REGIMENT OF FOOT. 97
Saturday, 15, was spent in putting their camp into
proper condition and as one of the company wrote in
his journal, " Built our tents properly."
These tired and footsore men had been almost seven
days from Falmouth, and were allowed one hundred
and thirty miles travel, at one penny per mile, making
an average march of about twenty miles per day.
On the arrival of Col. Phinney's regiment at Cam-
bridge, they were at once in the presence of the
enemy, being in sight of the British camps at Charles-
town and Boston. The American camp about Boston,
contained about seventeen thousand troops and was
composed of habitations of every description, from
the mud and log huts to the regulation canvas tents
of the Rhode Islanders. Cambridge at that time had
about fifteen hundred inhabitants.
Drake says that Col. Phinney and one hundred
and sixty-eight men were at Cambridge, July 10,
which indicate that probably three companies were
there before the arrival of Capt. Bradish's, one being
Capt. John Brackett's.
Col. Phinney's regiment was assigned to Gen. Wil-
liam Heath's brigade, who with Gen. Israel Putnam's
brigade, comprised the center of the army, all under
command of Gen Putnam. This regiment was en-
camped near Fort Number 2, which was on the
easterly side of Putnam Avenue, at its intersection
with Franklin Street, in Cambridge.
Gen. Heath was a Roxbury man, and one of the
earliest patriots. He was a friend of Gen. Warren,
having been very active with him on the nineteenth
VOL. VII. 8
98 MAINE HISTOKICAL SOCIETY.
of April, and had been selected as a competent officer
to command a brigade in the new army. He became
a distinguished soldier, serving as a major-general in
the militia, April 19, 1775, colonel of a Massachusetts
regiment, May, 1775, brigadier-general June 22, 1775,
major-general, August 9, 1776, and continued in the
service until the close of the war. He died January
24, 1814, aged seventy-six years.
Gen. Israel Putnam, u Old Put" the soldiers called
him, the farmer soldier who left his plow in the furrow
at the first news of the beginning of the war, must
have led a charmed life to have escaped death so many
times. His services to his country are well known.
His energy, courage and patriotism make him the
almost ideal patriot of those times. The inscription
on his tomb describes well the man " He dared to
lead where any dared to follow." It must have been
a severe trial to him, when in 1779 he was stricken
with paralysis and prevented from participating in the
final campaigns of the war. He lived until 1790.
John Adams proposed, in the Continental Congress,
the adoption of the troops of the different colonies,
then about Boston, as a " Continental Army," and
George Washington of Virginia, was elected command-
er-in-chief, June 15, 1775, receiving his commission
four days later. Gen. Washington arrived at Cam-
bridge, in time to take command of the army July 3.
His headquarters were at the house now known as the
" Poet Longfellow's Home " in Cambridge, which was
not far from the camp of this regiment. Under the
" Washington Elm," on Cambridge Common, he first
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S REGIMENT OF FOOT. 99
drew his sword in defense of the liberties of America.
When Washington arrived at Cambridge he wore his
famous blue and buff uniform, and generally wore rich
epaulettes, an elegant small sword, and carried habit-
ually a pair of screw-barreled, silver-mounted pistols,
with a dog's head carved on the handles. He some-
times wore a light blue ribbon across his breast to
indicate his rank in the army.
Washington was six feet two inches in height, mus-
cular, had a Roman nose, large hands and feet, and
large blue eyes. One of the generals thus described
his general appearance :
His stature is noble and lofty, he is well made and exactly pro-
portioned ; his physiognomy mild and agreeable, but such as to
render it impossible to speak particularly of any of his features,
so that in quitting him you have only the recollection of a fine
face. He has neither a grave nor a familiar air, his brow is
sometimes marked with thought, but never with inquietude ; in
inspiring respect he inspires confidence, and his smile is always a
smile of benevolence.
This was the man that this regiment loved and
honored as their commander, and next to him they
loved " Old Put," who was brusque, hearty, and honest,
and at this time was fifty-seven years of age. His
summer costume was a waistcoat without sleeves and
across his brawny shoulders was thrown a broad
leathern belt from which depended a hanger. It is
said that he sometimes " swore big oaths," biit he was
a man of action and purpose.
A return made in July, 1775, gives the regiments
composing Gen. Heath's Brigade and the number of
100 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
men fit for duty ; but it was before all the companies
had joined Col. Phinney's Regiment, which consisted
of over five hundred men.
GEN. WILLIAM HEATH'S BRIGADE, JULY, 1775.
Gen. Heath's Regt. 483 men.
Col. Patterson's " 409 "
" Scamman's " 456 "
" Phinney's " 319 "
" Gerrish's " 498 "
" Prescott's " 430 "
Total 2595 "
Col. James Scamman's regiment was the 30th
regiment of foot, from York County, and was at
Cambridge before the battle of Bunker Hill, but took
no active part in the battle because of a misunder-
standing of orders.
Col. Edmund Phinney's regiment had enrolled five
hundred and forty-nine men and the following was the
roster of the regiment at Cambridge.
ROSTER OF THE 31sT REGIMENT OF FOOT, 1775.
Colonel, Edmund Phinney, Gorham.
Lieut.-Col., Samuel March, Scarborough.
Major, Jacob Brown, North Yarmouth.
Adjt., George Smith, Scarborough.
Quartermaster, Moses Banks, Scarborough.
Surgeon, Stephen Swett, Gorham.
Total 6 men.
CAPT. BRADISH Co., OF FALMOUTH.
Captain, David Bradish, Falmouth.
1st Lieut., Bartholomew York, Falmouth.
2d Lieut., Paul Ellis, Falmouth.
Total 60 men.
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S KEGIMENT OF FOOT. 101
CAPT. JOHN BRACKETT'S Co., or FALMOUTH.
Captain, John Brackett, Falmouth.
1st Lieut., James Johnson, Falmouth.
2d Lieut., Jesse Partridge, Falmoutb.
Total 61 men.
CAPT. SAMUEL NOTES' Co., OF FALMOUTH.
Captain, Samuel Noyes, Falmouth.
1st Lieut., Josiah Baker, Falmouth.
2d Lieut., Joshua Merrill, Falmouth.
Total 47 men.
CAPT. HART WILLIAMS' Co., OF GOKHAM.
Captain, Hart Williams, Gorham.
1st Lieut., William McLellan, Gorham.
2d Lieut., Carey McLellan, Gorham.
Total 53 men.
CAPT. WENTWOBTH STUART'S Co., OF GORHAM, STANDISH,
AND WlNDHAM.
Captain, Wentworth Stuart, Gorham.
1st Lieut., Jonathan Sawyer, Gorham.
2d Lieut., Caleb Rowe, Standish.
Total 51 men.
CAPT. MOSES MERRILL'S Co., OF NEW GLOUCESTER, AND GRAY.
Captain, Moses Men-ill, New Gloucester.
1st Lieut., Noah Walker, New Gloucester.
2d Lieut., Nathaniel Haskell, New Gloucester.
Total 55 men.
CAPT. JOHN WORTHLEY'S Co., OF NORTH YARMOUTH, &c.
Captain, John Worthley, North Yarmouth.
1st Lieut., Bradbury True, North Yarmouth.
2d Lieut., Crispus Graves, North Yarmouth.
Total 49 men.
102 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
CAPT. ABRAHAM TYLER'S Co., OF SCARBOROUGH.
Captain, Abraham Tyler, Scarborough.
1st Lieut., Elisha Meserve, Scarborough.
2d Lieut., Moses McKenney, Scarborough.
Total 56 men.
CAPT. JOHN RICE'S Co., OF SCARBOROUGH.
Captain, John Rice, Scarboro.
1st Lieut., Silas Burbank, Scarboro.
2d Lieut., Edward Milliken, Scarboro.
Total 49 men.
CAPT. SAMUEL DUNN'S Co., OF CAPE ELIZABETH.
Captain, Samuel Dunn, Cape Elizabeth.
1st Lieut., Ebenezer Newell, Capo Elizabeth.
2d Lieut.. Samuel Thomes, Stroudwater.
Total 62 men.
The regiment had commissioned officers, 36
Non-commissioned officers and privates, 513
Total 549 men
Col. Phinney's regiment at once, on their arrival in
camp, assumed the dangers and responsibilities of sol-
diers. They participated in the skirmishes and picket
firing and saw many killed and wounded about them,
but during their entire service they saw no great or
decisive battle.
The history of a regiment, written at so late a per-
iod after its war-service, must of necessity be defi-
cient in many details, and the facts of the principle
events have been gathered from so many sources,
principally manuscripts, that it is hardly possible to
give references.
[To be continued.]
HALLOWELL RECOKDS. 1Q3
HALLOWELL RECORDS.
COMMUNICATED BY DR. W. B. LAPHAM.
[Continued from Page 448, VOL. VI.]
Seth Sweatland, son of Nathan, married Sarah, daughter of
John and Dorcas . Their children are :
Nathan, b. Aug. 6, 1808.
Matthew, b. June 9, 1813.
Sarah Ann, b. Apr. 15, 1816.
Jane Wilkins, b. Oct. 27, 1819.
Dorcas Johnson, b. Sept. 11, 1821.
Mr. Sweatland married Mary Ann Shaw, December 26, 1824.
Their children are :
Edward, b. Sept. 19, 1825.
Arabella, b. Jan. 15, 1827.
Charles, b. Nov. 23, 1828.
Perley, b. Apr. 21, 1831.
Alonzo, b. Feb. 10, 1834.
Elizabeth, b. Nov. 16, 1835.
James Sherburne, son of Isaac Sherburne and Lydia Crocket,
his wife, was born in Barrington, state of New Hampshire,
December 27, 1776. Married Zurnah, daughter of Nathan and
Rebecca Sweatland of that town. Their children are :
Phineas, b. May 28, 1804; d. June 26, 1804.
Caroline, b. Sept. 8, 1805.
Rebecca, b. July 13, 1808.
Lydia, b. Mar. 24, 1811.
Jephthah, b. Apr. 26, 1813.
Naomi, b. Oct. 13, 1815.
Joseph Smith, son of Isaac Smith and Mehitable Buswell, his
wife, was born in Brintwood, New Hampshire, August 13, 1746.
Married Mariam, daughter of Daniel Jones and Sarah Pilsbury,
his wife, of Amesbury, who was born July, 1750. Came with
his family to this town, February, 1793. Joseph Smith, Esq.
died.
Elizabeth, b. July 12, 1771; d. Mar. 1791.
Sarah, b. Oct. 12, 1773.
104 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Ason, b. Oct. 21, 1775; d. in infancy.
Daniel, b. Oct. 21, 1776.
Joseph, b. Dec. 11, 1778; d. 1802.
Stephen, b. Sep. 9, 1780; d. July 1790.
Isaac, b. Sept. 4, 1782.
Olive, b. June 16, 1787.
John, b. Oct. 28, 1791.
Henry Kimball, son of Nathan and Hannah Smith, his wife,
was born in Hallowell, 1790. Married Anne, daughter of James
and Anne Dugan of the city of Dublin in Ireland. Their
children are :
Mary Anne, b. Oct. 4, 1813.
Sally, b. June 20, 1816.
Henry Mellus, son of John Mellus,' was born in Boston.
Married Mary, daughter of Stevens of Georgetown.
Their children are :
Henry, b. Sept., 1793.
Charity, b. Sept, 1795.
Rhoda, b. Feb., 1798.
William, b. Oct., 1804.
Joseph, b. June, 1806.
Mary, b. Nov., 1807.
Daniel, b. Mar. 25, 1812, in Hallowell.
William Drew, son of William Drew, was born in Kingston,
Massachusetts May, 1767. Came with his family to this town
1817. Married Charity, daughter of Micah Allen, of Halifax,
county of Plymouth. Their children are :
Lucia, b. May, 1794.
William Alden, b. Dec. 11, 1798.
Allen, b. Jan. 11, 1808.
Daniel Simmons, son of Noah Simmons and Sylva Southward,
his wife, was born in Duxbury, county of Plymouth, December
13, 1780. Came to this town, . Married Sally,
daughter of Ebenezer and Sarah Mayo of Hallowell. Their
children are :
Charles, b. Dec. 12, 1811; d. 1863.
Gorham, b. Mar. 23, 1813.
Sarah Jane, b. June 27, 1814.
Hannibal, b. Aug. 13, 1815; d. 1858.
PROCEEDINGS. 105
Arthur Somersby, b. Aug., 1818; d. Jan. 21, 1820.
Amelia, b.
Daniel, b. June 5, 1825.
Ephraim Stevens, son of Jonathan Stevens and Patience
Austin, bis wife, was born in Berwick, County of York, Novem-
ber 30, 1774. Married Betsey, daughter of Champney,
of Belgrade. Their children are :
Samuel, b. Sept. 10, 1798, in Belgrade.
Jonathan, b. Nov. 15, 1801, in Belgrade.
Mary, b. Nov. 51, 1805, in Belgrade.
Benjamin, b. Dec. 10, 1807, in Belgrade.
Henry, b. Mar. 17, 1809, in Hallowell.
Isaiah, b. Mar. 5, 1811, in Hallowell.
Hiram, b. Nov. 15, 1813, in Hallowell.
Patience, b. Nov. 16, 1815, in Hallowell.
George, b. June 17, 1818, in Hallowell.
Phineas Yeaton, son of Philip Yeaton and Dorcas Smith, his
wife, was born in Berwick, county of York, August 10, 1770.
Married Phebe, daughter of Timothy Went worth and Amey
Hodgdon, his wife. Came with his family to this town January
8, 1798. Their children are :
Dorcas, b. Dec. 29, 1795 ; d. Aug. 28, 1799.
John, b. Jan. 6, 1797, in Berwick, d. Jan. 11, 1884.
Mary, b. Apr. 10, 1799, in Hallowell, d. Aug. 26, 1883.
Timothy Wentworth, b. Oct. 6, 1801; d. Nov. 1841.
Thomas, b. Feb. 26, 1803 ; d. April 4, 1834.
Sarah, b. Sept. 6, 1806; d. May 26, 1884.
Phineas, b. Oct. 26, 1809.
PROCEEDINGS.
FEBRUARY 6, 1895.
A meeting of the Society was held in their Library
Hall, Portland, and was called to order at 2.30 P.M.,
by the President.
A paper on ancient Nagwamqueeg on the Presump-
scot River was read by Mr. Samuel T. Dole of South
Windham.
106 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
A paper on the sea fight between the Boxer and
Enterprise, contributed by Mr. Parker M. Reed of
Bath, was read by the Secretary, Mr. Bryant.
A paper on the St. Croix Boundary Commission,
was read by Rev. Dr. Henry S. Burrage. It gave an
account of the documents recently given to the Society
by Hon. George Lockhart Rives of New York, called
the Barclay papers, also the Ward Chipman papers
given by Mr. William H. Kilby 5 of Boston.
At the close of the reading some of the maps and
papers were exhibited and on motion of Dr. Burrage
the following votes were passed :
Voted, that the thanks of the Maine Historical Society be and
are hereby extended to the Hon. George L. Rives of New York,
late Assistant Secretary of State, for the United States, for the
gift of the large and valuable collection of letters, arguments,
journals, awards, etc., appertaining to the settlement of the north-
eastern boundary question and once in the possession of his great-
grand father, Col. Thomas Barclay, British commissioner under
Jay's Treaty and also under the 4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th articles of
the Treaty of Ghent. As the documents so largely relate to matters
in which the State of Maine has an abiding interest, these Barclay
papers find an appropriate place in our archives and make the
thoughtful donor one of the most generous benefactors of the
Society; it was also voted that the thanks of this Society be and are
hereby rendered to William Henry Kilby, Esq., of Boston, author
of Eastport and Passamaquoddy, for the valuable gift of the
papers of Judge Ward Chipman, British agent during the set-
tlement of the northeastern boundary question under Jay's
Treaty and also the Treaty of Ghent. The rescue of these papers
from the junk shop lends to them a somewhat romantic interest,
while the various letters and documents in themselves are espec-
ially valuable because of their relation to an important chapter
in the history of the State of Maine.
PROCEEDINGS. 107
It being suggested that a compilation of these papers
might form a volume in the Society's documentary
series of publication the following were appointed a
committee to examine the documents and report
thereon, Messrs. Burrage, Banks and Talbot.
Adjourned until evening.
The evening session was called to order at 8 P. M.,
by the Secretary Mr. Bryant, who stated that as Mr.
George F. Emery was prevented from attending the
meeting by reason of a severe cold, Mr. H. H. Emery
would read the paper contributed by his father entitled
some Keminiscenses of the Bench and Bar. Votes
of thanks for the papers read at both sessions were
passed and the meeting adjourned.
MAY 10, 1895.
A meeting of the Society was held in the Library,
Portland, at 2.30 P. M.,
In the absence of the President, Mr. George F.
Emery was called to the chair.
The Librarian and Curator, Mr. Bryant, read his
report of accessions to the Library and Cabinet.
A paper on the Cumberland and Oxford Canal was
read by Mr. Samuel T. Dole of South Windham.
At the conclusion of the paper some reminiscences
were given by the chairman and others concerning
this memorable enterprise.
A paper on the Charter Rights of Massachusetts in
Maine in the Early Part of the 18th Century was read
by Rev. Dr. Burrage.
The paper was based upon a legal document found
among the Chipman papers bearing upon Col. Dunbar
108 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
and his conflict with the settlers of the Pemaquid
country.
A biographical sketch of Gen. William Whipple,
signer of the Declaration of Independence, was read
by Mr. Moses A. Safford of Kittery.
Mr. Leonard B. Chapman was appointed editor of
the Volumes XI and XII of the York Deeds, about to
be published.
Adjourned until evening.
The evening session was called to order at 8 P. M.,
by the Secretary and in the absence of the President,
Rev. Dr. Asa Dalton was appointed Chairman.
A paper on the early history of Scarborough, was
read by Augustus F. Moulton. Esq.
Rev. Dr. Cyrus Hamlin, of Lexington, Massachu-
setts, read a paper giving some personal reminiscences
of the Rev. Dr. Edward Payson.
Remarks on the distinguished author and subject
were made by the chairman, Rev. E. C. Cummings
and others.
Adjourned.
ANNUAL MEETING, BKUNSWICK, JUNE 26, 1895.
The Annual Meeting was held in the Cleveland
Lecture Room at Brunswick, and was called to order
at nine o'clock A. M., President Baxter in the chair.
Members present :
Messrs. C. E. Allen, J. P. Baxter, H. S. Barrage, John Mar-
shall Brown, H. W. Bryant, F. R. Barrett, G. P. Barrett, S.
C. Belcher, J. H. Drummond, H. L. Chapman, H. Deering, D.
W. Fellows, C. J. Gilman, S. F. Humphrey, H. Ingalls, J. M.
Glidden, G. T. Little, J. M. Larrabee, H. K. Morrell, E. B. Neal-
PEOCEEDINGS. 109
ley, F. A. Wilson, J. A. Locke, I. S. Locke, L. Pierce, J. A.
Peters, P. M. Reed, J. S. Bewail, J. W. Symonds, C. D. Smith,
M. A. Safford, J. W. Penney, G. D. Rand, A. C. Stilphen, H. O
Thayer, S. J. Young.
Mr. M. A. Safford was appointed Secretary of the
meeting.
The records of the last Annual Meeting were read
and approved.
The annual report of the Librarian and Curator, H.
W. Bryant, was read by him and it was accepted.
The annual report of the Corresponding Secretary
and Biographer, Mr. Williamson, was read by Professor
Little and it it was accepted.
The annual report of the Standing Committee was
read by the Recording Secretary and was accepted.
The annual report of the Treasurer, Professor Young,
was read in detail by the President, and was accepted.
A verbal report on the field-day excursion to Pem-
aquid, in company with the Lincoln County Historical
Society, was made by Dr. Burrage.
A vote was then taken on the proposed amendment
to the By-Laws, Section 2, to insert after resident
members " who may be of either sex " and it was
rejected.
The board of officers for last year were re-elected.
It was voted to go to Castine on the field-day
excursion, the next choice being Fryeburg.
Committee of arrangements appointed.
Professor A. F. Richardson.
Doctor G. A. Wheeler.
Rev. H. S. Burrage.
110 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The following were elected resident members.
Professor James W. Black, Waterville.
Hon. Daniel F. Davis, Banger.
Hon. E. Dudley Freeman, Yarmouth.
Luther Ray Moore, Esq., Saco.
Frank L. Staples, Esq., Augusta.
Benjamin B. Thatcher, Esq., Bangor.
Charles E. Waterman, Esq., Mechanic Falls.
Rev. Abiel H. Wright, Portland.
Corresponding members
Hon. George Lockhart Rives, New York.
Rev. Dr. Cyrus Hamlin, Lexington, Mass.
Reports from the County Historical Societies being
called for, the Recording Secretary read communica-
tions which had been received from the Lincoln County
Society, the Knox County Society, and the Washington
County Society, and on motion of the Secretary it was
voted that the Standing Committee be authorized to
revise the list of committees appointed to organize the
county societies.
NOVEMBEK 22, 1895,
The Society held its first meeting of the season in
their Library Hall with a large attendance.
The President. Mr. Baxter, in the chair, called to
order at 2.30 P. M., and Mr. Bryant, the Librarian and
Curator, read his report of accessions to the Library
and Cabinet since the meeting in June last.
Mr. Charles E. Allen of Dresden, Maine, read a
paper on the Character and Work of the Rev. Jacob
Bailey, the first Missionary of the Church of England,
on the Kennebec.
PROCEEDINGS. Hi
Mr. Allen's paper was founded chiefly on original
documents recently placed in his hands by the des-
cendants of the frontier missionary.
A spirited discussion followed Mr. Allen's paper,
participated in by the President, Mr. G. F. Talbot,
Mr. Samuel A. Drake, Rev. Dr. H. S. Burrage, Mr. J.
H. Drummond and Rev. Dr. Dalton.
Rev. Henry 0. Thayer, of Gray, Maine, then fol-
lowed with an exhaustive paper on the Rev. Robert
Gutch, the pioneer minister on the Kennebec River,
1660.
Mr. John W. Penny, of Mechanic Falls, read a paper
on the Settlement of New Gloucester, Maine, based
on the records of the proprietors of New Gloucester,
a handsome type-written copy of the grant and
records of the meetings of the proprietors being pre-
sented by Mr. Penney for the library of the Society.
The first meeting was held April 27, 1736, and the
last meeting recorded by Isaac Parsons, Sept. 23, 1802.
Among the recent valuable gifts received by the
Society, is a type-written copy of the church records
of the first and second parishes of Scarborough,
Maine, which were organized in 1728 and 1744, pre-
pared at the cost of Augustus F. Moulton, Esq.,
bound and thoroughly indexed for the use of the
library. Also a fine ambrotype portrait of Seba
Smith, Jr., his diploma -of graduation from Bowdoin
College, September, 1818, his diploma of membership
from Ancient Landmark Lodge, Portland, November,
1819, and sundry autograph letters from distinguished
writers addressed to Mr. Smith, all being the gift of
112 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
his granddaughter Mrs. Thomas Hall now of Victoria,
B. C., received through Deacon Brown Thurston.
Through the kind efforts of Mr. C. S. Carnig of Bos-
ton, the Society has received a replica of the life-like
bust of the Rev. Dr. Cyrus Hamlin, the distinguished
educator and missionary. The bust was modeled by
Mrs. Harriet Hyde Parsons.
The contributors are Mr. Robert Anderson, of
Boston, Rev. George W. Wood, D. D., of Mt. Morris,
New York, Rev. Benjamin Tappan, D. D., of Norridge-
wock, Rev. D. L. Furber, D. D., of Newton, Massachus-
setts, Mrs. C. E. Billings, of Newton, Massachusetts,
Hon. Neal Dow, of Portland, Hon. W. W. Thomas, of
Portland.
Adjourned until evening.
Meeting called to order at 7.30, Rev. Dr. Burrage
in the chair.
Mr. Nathan Goold, of Portland, gave a full account
of Colonel Edmund Phinney's regiment which was
the 31st regiment of foot, and the first regiment
e nt out of Cumberland County, Maine, in the war of
the Revolution. Brief biographical sketches were
given of the staff officers and the captains and offi-
cers of the eight companies.
Votes of thanks were passed for the papers read at
both sessions, and copies were requested for the
archives.
Adjourned to December 19th, 1895.
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 113
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN.
BY HON. WILLIAM WIDGEEY THOMAS, JR.
Read before the Maine Historical Society, December 19, 1895.
[CONCLUDED.]
As illustrating how favorably the New Sweden of
Maine already began to be regarded by the old country
from which it sprung, I call attention to the following
admirable letter, written to the Governor of Maine,
by Dr. S. A. Hedlund of Gothenburg, Sweden. Dr.
Hedlund is editor of a prominent Swedish newspaper,
a member of the Swedish parliament, and one of the
first writers and thinkers of Sweden.
To the Honorable Governor of the State of Maine :
SIB, You must not wonder, sir, that a Swedish patriot can-
not regard without feelings of sadness the exodus of emigrants,
that are going to seek a better existence in the great republic of
North America, leaving the homes of their ancestors, and giving
their fatherland only a smiling farewell. It will not surprise
you, sir, that this must be a very melancholy sight to the mind
of the Swedes, and that it must become yet more so on the
thought that many of these emigrants are meeting destinies far
different from the glowing prospects that were held forth to their
hopeful eyes. Not only Sweden will lose her children, but they
will be lost to themselves in the distant new field.
The sons and daughters of old Sweden, will they maintain,
among your great nation their national character? Will they
retain, at least, some remembrance of their native land ?
We know well, sir, that every nationality, strong as it may be,
will be gradually amalgamated in the new, common, all-absorbing
VOL. VII. 9
114 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
nationality of the new world, and it would certainly not be of any
advantage, either to America or to civilization, if the different
nationalties of Europe were to continue their individual life,
with their peculiarities and enmities, on the soil of their adopted
country. We regard it, on the contrary, as a special mission of
America to absorb and amalgamate all these different European
elements.
But, sir; will they lose also, these American immigrants, the
remembrance of their fatherland? Must the Swedish inhabitors
of your country necessarily forget the language and customs of
their ancestors ? Will they forget the struggles and victories of
their native land, its good times and hard times? Will they for-
get the mother who has born her children with heavy and self-
denying sacrifices, and will they have no feelings left for her love
and regret ?
No, sir; they will not do so, and the great people of America
will not require it. You have not received the children of Sweden
as outcasts, who will be adopted into the new family only at the
price of denying their father and mother. On the contrary, sir,
you have given a special impulse to the Swedes, whom you
have invited to colonize your state, to hold their native land
in honor and remembrance, by giving the new colony, founded
in the northern part of your state, the name of " New Sweden ; "
you have given them also, in Swedish books, opportunity for
recalling their fatherland.
Your commissioner, Mr. W. W. Thomas, Jr., one evening last
summer, assembled his little colony of immigrants to partake of
a collation, where good wishes and kind words were exchanged.
We, the remaining friends, left with confidence our brethren and
sisters in his care ; his last and firm assurance was, " All that has
been promised will be kept."
Yes, sir; these promises have been kept; but not only that,
they have been far surpassed by your generosity. The poor
immigrants, landing on your shores, have been received and
greeted with the most friendly welcome. Their homes established,
their future secured, they have not been disappointed in their
hopes by the difficulties and grievances of the real state of things
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 115
The young colony will probably be the nucleus of an extended
colonization, and you will not, sir, I feel sure, find the hardy
Swedes ungrateful and unworthy of your kindness; they would
then, surely, be unworthy of their origin.
The colony of New Sweden has requested and authorized
the writer of this letter to convey to you, Honorable Governor
of the State of Maine, the expression of their sentiments of deep
gratitude, and you will kindly allow me, sir, to add thereto, the
expression of the same sentiments of many other Swedes, who
have followed the immigrants with sympathies.
Allow me, at the same time to express to the people of Maine,
who have received their new brethren with so much cordialty,
the thanks of the colonists, who have mentioned more especially
two gentlemen, Mr. VV. W. Thomas Jr., and Mr. P. P. Burleigh,
land agent, as objects of their gratitude and high esteem.
May the young colony of New Sweden grow and flourish,
not only in material strength, but even in developing their moral
and intellectual faculties. And may the new population thus
add to your State and to your great Republic a good and healthy
element of moral power from the old world, and becoming imbued
with the spirit of your free institutions, reflect that spirit on
their native land !
What we have lost, at present, in the old fatherland, will then
not have been lost to humanity; on the contrary, the trees have
only been transplanted on a fresher soil, where they will thrive
better and give richer and more abundant fruits. God bless the
harvest ! God bless your land !
I am, sir, with the highest esteem,
Your obedient servant,
S. A. HEDLUND,
Chief Editor of Gothenburg Shipping and Mercantile Gazette.
GOTHENBERG, March 25, 1871.
The winter of 1870-71 was safely and comfortably
passed by the Swedes in the woods. They were ac-
customed to cold weather and deep snow. Their fires
crackled brightly and the festivities of Christmas time
116 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
were observed as joyously in the Maine forest as in
Old Sweden.
In the meantime, active and efficient measures
were taken to increase the stream of immigration
thus happily started. A circular was printed in Old
Sweden describing the voyage of the first colonists,
their generous and honorable welcome at the Ameri-
can border, the attractions, healthfulness and fertility
of their new homes, the location, extent and produc-
tiveness of the settling lands of Maine, the advantages
our State offered to settlers, interesting letters from
the Swedish colonists already on our soil, and every
other fact and suggestion which seemed appropriate
or advantageous. This circular was issued early in
December, 1870; a month in advance of the circulars
of any other state or association. Five thousand
copies were distributed, and the information they con-
tained read and discussed at thousands of Swedish
firesides during the most opportune time of all the
year the Christmas holidays.
Capt. G. W. Schroder was appointed agent in Old,
and Capt. N. P. Clase* in New Sweden. Large editions
of circulars were struck off and distributed in the old
country in quick succession ; two columns of the
" Arnerika," a weekly emigrant's paper, were bought
for six months and filled every week with new matter
relating to Maine and her Swedish colony ; advertise-
ments were also inserted in all the principal news-
papers taken by the agricultural and other working
classes, and a brisk correspondence carried on with
hundreds intending to emigrate to Maine.
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 117
A special agent was employed to travel and distrib-
ute information in the most northern provinces of
Sweden, their population being deemed best fitted for
our northern state ; and another agent, Mr. Carl Johan
Ek, one of our first colonists, was sent back from New
Sweden to the Old, well equipped with maps, plans,
specimens of Aroostook wheat, rye, corn and potatoes,
also maple sugar made by the Swedes in New Sweden;
for many in the old country had written " if one could
only return to us, and with his own lips tell us what
you narrate on paper, we would believe." This last
agent was sent out without expense to the State, he
charging nothing for his services, and the Inman
Steamship Line generously furnishing him with a free
passage out and back. A condensed circular was
printed in Swedish at- Portland, placed in the hands of
the pilots of that harbor, and by them distributed on
bourd the transatlantic steamers, while yet miles
away from land.
Seed thus well and widely sown was soon followed
by a harvest. With the first opening of navigation
in the spring of 1871, Swedish immigrants began to
arrive in New Sweden ; first, in little squads, then in
companies of twenty, thirty and forty, till the immi-
gration of the year culminated in the last week of
May, when one hundred Swedes arrived via Houlton
and Presque Isle, followed within five days by two
hundred and sixty more by the St. John Elver.
Provisions and tools for the colony and its expected
accessions were shipped in March direct to Fredericton,
and thence with the opening of navigation up the
118 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
River St. John to Tobique landing. From this latter
place the goods were hauled into New Sweden, a dis-
tance of but twenty-five miles. Seed, consisting
chiefly of wheat, rye, barley, oats, corn, beans and
potatoes, was early purchased in the neighborhood
of the colony and hauled in on the snow. A span
of young, powerful draft horses was bought in the
early spring to help on the work. They were em-
ployed in harrowing in the crops, grubbing out and
plowing the roads, hauling logs and timber, until
November, when they were sold for four hundred and
twenty-five dollars, the exact sum paid for them in the
spring.
A stable, thirty by forty feet, was erected on the
public lot, one hundred feet in the rear of the Capitol ;
the Capitol itself painted, the first floor, comprising
the storehouse and offices, lathed, plastered, finished
and furnished, and the hall above lathed and provided
with benches and a pulpit. The stable was erected
and the Capitol completed before the snow was off.
This work was almost exclusively done by Swedes, at
the rate of one dollar a day, in payment of supplies
already furnished them by the State.
The snow lingered late. Weeks after it had disap-
peared in the nearest villages, it still covered our new
clearings in the woods. As soon as the black burnt
ground showed itself in considerable patches, we
commenced putting in wheat, sowing it partly on the
melting snow. The first wheat was sowed May 12 ;
rye followed, then came oats and barley. The State
horses harrowed in the grain. Then men, women
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 119
and children were busy from morning till night hack-
ing in potatoes among the stumps ; and last of all,
each Swede cleared still a little piece more of land,
and put in turnips.
Saturday, May 14, Jacob Hardison and I rode into
New Sweden on horseback, through a storm of sleet
and rain, with nineteen young apple trees lashed on our
backs. With these trees we set out the first orchard
in the town on the public lot, just west of the Capitol.
The trees flourished, and in a few years bore fruit.
In the spring of 1871, one hundred and sixty-five
acres of land were cleared and put into -a crop, in-
cluding the one hundred and twenty-five acres on
which the trees were felled the year before by the
State.
The song birds found us out. The year before the
forest was voiceless. This spring, robins, sparrows
and chickadees flew into our clearings, built their
nests among us, and enlivened the woods with their
songs. The birds evidently approved of colonization.
All the while the immigrants with their ponderous
chests of baggage were pouring in. They filled the
hall of the Capitol, the stable, and one squad of fifty
from Jemptland, camped under a shelter of boards at
the corner. Hon. Albert A. Burleigh took the place
of Mr. Barker as surveyor. Mr. Burleigh, with an
able corps of assistants arrived at New Sweden as
soon as practicable to commence surveying in the
woods, and pushed on his part of the work with vigor
and ability throughout the season. Roads were first
laid out in all directions from the Capitol, then lots
120 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
laid off to face them. Straight lines were not deemed
essential to these ways, an easy grade was everywhere
maintained, and hills and swamps avoided. Work-
ing parties of newly arrived immigrants, each in
command of an English-speaking Swede, were de-
tailed to follow the surveyors and cut out the roads.
Thus avenues were opened up in all directions into
the wilderness. Bands of immigrants eagerly seek-
ing their farms followed the choppers, and lots were
taken up as fast as they were made accessible. Some
enterprising Swedes did not wait for the working
parties, but secured choice lots by ranging the woods
in advance ; the principle of " first come first served "
having been adopted in the distribution of these
prizes of land.
Thus the stream of immigration that poured into
the Capitol, was continually disappearing in small
rills throughout the forest. A party of one hundred,
crowding our accommodations on Monday, would van-
ish before Saturday night. A walk along any wood
road soon revealed them ; the blows of the ax and the
crash of falling trees led to the men, and the smoke
curling from a shelter of poles and bark near by, to
the women and children.
A flash of Swedish humor occasionally enlivened
our labors. An immigrant, whose Christian name was
Noah, settled on the side of a steep conical hill.
Instantly the Swedes called the hill " Mount Ararat,"
and as Mount Ararat it is known to this day.
Our main road to the outside world for three miles
from the Capitol was simply a passage way cut
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 121
through the woods the year before to let in the first
colony. The heavy immigrant wagons and supply
teams had since then rapidly worn away the earth ;
and protruding stumps and deepening ruts rendered
the road almost impassable, yet not a day's labor
could be spared to it, till the crops were all in. June
26, however, a force of fifteen men and four horses
was put upon this important highway. We com-
menced work at the edge of the center chopping,
about a stone's throw south of the Capitol ; and until
October, whatever hands could be spared from their
own clearings were kept at work on this road. The
entire three miles were grubbed out full width of thirty
feet through a heavy growth of standing trees ; two
miles of this turn piked in as thorough a manner as
any county road in the state, and a substantial bridge
of hewn cedar thrown across the east branch of Cari-
bou Stream. The road is three-quarters of a mile
shorter than the old one, by which the first colony
entered New Sweden, curves around, instead of over
the hills, and maintains an easy grade throughout.
It was built under the immediate supervision of
Jacob Hardison, Esq., than whom no man in Aroostook
was better acquainted with everything that pertains
to frontier life in the woods of Maine, and who in one
capacity or another assisted the Swedish colony from
its foundation. In settling New Sweden, my right-
hand man was always "Jake" Hardison.
Meanwhile, branch roads were being cut through
the woods by smaller parties of workmen. One road
was made west four miles through Woodland into Per-
122 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
ham, another east toward Lyndon, a third northeast
four and one-quarter miles to the Little Madawaska
River, a fourth, seven and one-half miles to the north-
west corner of New Sweden, beside still other shorter
connecting roads.
Every working party, whether on branch roads,
main road, public buildings, or other public works, was
in charge of its own special foreman. Each foreman
called the roll of his crew every evening, and entered
the time of each man in a book provided for the pur-
pose. These time-books were handed in once a week
to the State store-keeper, and each workman credited
with one dollar for every day's work, payable in the
provisions and tools he was receiving from the State.
Thus the money appropriated by our State, in aid
of the Swedish colony, accomplished a twofold good.
It first supplied the Swedes with food and tools, ena-
bling them to live until they harvested their first crop.
Second, it was worked out to its full value by the
Swedes, on the roads and other public works, which
are a permanent public benefit and worth to the State
all they cost. State aid to the Swedes was thus a
temporary loan, which they repaid in full, the State
gaining hundreds of new citizens by the transaction.
June 6, 1871, Anders Herlin died, the first death in
New Sweden. June 20, Jacob Larsson, a newly-arrived
immigrant, was killed in his chopping by a falling
tree.
Friday evening, June 23, the young people observed
Midsommars a/ton Midsummer's eve, a joyous,
Swedish festival. They erected a May-pole at the
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 123
center, decorated it with garlands, festoons of flowers,
and green leaves. From the top of the pole floated
the American and Swedish flags. They sang ring
songs, played ring games, and danced around the May-
pole to Swedish music, till far into the night.
In June, arrived an important addition to the colony,
the Rev. Andrew Wiren, a regularly ordained minister
of the Lutheran church. His ministrations continued
for many years. He was ever, not only a pastor, but
the " guide, counselor and friend " of his little flock,
whose love and confidence he always possessed.
On Sunday, June 25, 1871, Pastor Wiren held the
first Lutheran service in the hall of the Capitol. This
was the first anniversary of our sailing from Old Swe-
den, and I availed myself of the opportunity to speak
words of praise and encouragement to the colonists.
All summer and fall new choppings opened out on
every hand ; the old clearings were rapidly enlarged ;
shelters of poles and bark gave way to comfortable
timber houses ; barns were built near the growing
grain, and everywhere trees were falling and buildings
rising throughout the settlement.
So many people flocking into the woods soon cre-
ated a demand for various trades and crafts. A
variety store was opened in August by a Swede, in a
commodious timber building near the center. A
blacksmith, a shoemaker, a tinman, and a tailor, set
up shops near by, and were overrun with business.
A sawmill was built at a good water power on
Beardsley brook, four miles from the Capitol. The
foundations for a grist-mill were also laid.
124 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Quite a speculation in real estate arose. Several
farms changed hands at high figures, and one lot of
only one acre was sold for fifty dollars cash. It was
the corner lot next west of the Capitol, and was sold to
build a store on. This store was afterwards altered
into a dwelling-house for Pastor Wiren.
The crops grew rapidly. Wheat averaged five and
rye over six feet in height. One stalk of rye, which
I measured myself, was seven feet and five inches
tall. A man stepping into any of our winter rye
fields in August, disappeared as completely from view
as though he were lost in the depths of the forest.
Many heads of wheat and rye were over eight inches
in length. Harvest time came early. Winter rye
was ripe and cut by the middle ot August ; wheat,
barley and oats early in September.
Crops were raised by thirty families. These ar-
rived the year before. The new-comers could only
clear the land of its trees this first season. Of the
thirty families, seventeen had built barns in which
they stored their grain. The crops of the others
were securely stacked in the field, and though the
autumn was rainy, the harvest was uninjured.
As soon as the grain was dry a machine was ob-
tained to thresh it. Three thousand bushels of grain
were threshed out, of which twelve hundred were
wheat, one thousand barley, and the remainder prin-
cipally rye and oats. Wheat averaged twenty, and
yielded up to twenty-five, and rye averaged thirty-
five and yielded up to forty-two bushels to the acre.
The season was late and wet, and much of the wheat
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 125
was nipped by the rust. In an ordinary year a max-
imum yield of forty bushels of wheat to the acre has
been attained.
An unusually heavy frost the middle of September,
which prevailed throughout New England, killed the
potato tops and stopped all further growth of the
potatoes, diminishing the yield one-third. Three hun-
dred bushels to the acre of those earliest planted was
nevertheless obtained, and five thousand bushels of
potatoes secured, besides several hundred bushels of
beets, turnips and other roots.
On September 30, 1871, all those who had har-
vested a crop were cut off from further receipt of
state supplies. These colonists became not only self-
supporting, but delivered to the State, in part payment
of their indebtedness, five hundred bushels of potatoes,
which were sold to the later-arrived immigrants.
On November 15, 1871, state aid was also cut off
from every immigrant of that year who had not wife
or children with him. For all such, work for the
winter was provided among the American farmers, in
the lumber woods, at the tanneries, quarries, or
railroads.
A free public school was opened in the hall of the
Capitol, November 13. Pastor Wiren was teacher.
He had acquired our language during a four years'
residence in the west. There were seventy-seven
scholars. The chief study was the English language.
To learn to read, write, and speak English was deemed
of more importance than all else. Pastor Wiren also
opened an evening English school for adults.
126 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Divine service continued to be held in the public
hall both forenoon and afternoon, every Sunday
throughout the year; and the Swedish Sunday-school
kept up its weekly meetings without the omission of
a single Sunday. The attendance on these religious
exercises was almost universal.
As soon as the earth could be made to produce
grass or fodder, the Swedes began to provide them-
selves with cattle, horses, sheep and swine.
They bought, however, no faster than they could
pay. If a Swede could not afford a span of horses,
he bought only one; if he could not afford a horse,
he provided himself with an ox ; if an ox was beyond
his purse, he got a steer, and if a steer was more than
he could afford, he placed a rope harness on his only
cow, and worked around with her till he could do
better.
Americans, driving in, laughed at these nondescript
teams, but all the while the Swedes were teaching us
a lesson to live within our means.
On Thursday, September 5, Bishop Neely visited
New Sweden and conducted Episcopal religious ser-
vices in the public hall.
On Tuesday, September 26, 1871, Hon. Sidney Per-
ham, governor of Maine, and Hon. P. P. Burleigh,
land agent, accompanied by friends, made an official
visit to the colony. The Swedes, to the number of
four hundred, met at the Capitol and gave the official
party a warm reception. In behalf of the colony I
delivered an address of welcome, to which Governor
Perham eloquently replied. Swedish songs were
THE STOEY OF NEW SWEDEN. 127
sung, speeches made, and every Swede shook hands
with the governor. A collation was then served in
the storeroom of the Capitol, and in the afternoon,
the roads, buildings and farms of the Swedes were
inspected by the governor and land agent, who ex-
pressed themselves highly gratified with the progress
of the colony.
One great cause of the rapid success of this colony
has been the active help the Swedish women have
rendered their husbands. Every Swedish wife was
indeed a helpmate. She not only did all the house-
work, but helped her husband in the clearings amid
the blackened stumps and logs. Many of the Swedes
cut their logs into lengths for piling with cross-cut
saws. Whenever this was the case, you would see
that the Swedish wife had hold of one end of the
saw ; and she did her half of the work too.
Once, riding out of the woods, I met one of our
Swedish women walking in with a heavy sack on her
back. As she passed, I noticed a commotion inside
the sack.
" What have you in there ? " said I.
" Four nice pigs/' she replied.
u Where did you ge+ them ? "
" Down river, two miles beyond Caribou."
Two miles beyond Caribou was ten miles from New
Sweden. So this good wife had walked twenty miles ;
ten miles out, and ten miles home with four pigs on
her back, smiling all the way, to think what nice pigs
they were.
Another wife, Mrs. Kjersti Carlson, when her husband
128 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
was sick and her children cried for bread, with her own
hands, felled some cedar trees, sawed them up into butts,
and rifted out and shaved these butts into shingles, one
bunch of which she carried five miles through the
woods on her back, to barter at the corner store for
medicine and food for her husband and children.
By such toil was this wilderness settled. But that
bunch of shingles has become a part of the history
of Maine. It occupies to-day an honored place in the
Capitol at Augusta, and a Maine poetess has rendered
it immortal in her verse.
In January, 1872, a weekly newspaper, The North
Star, was started at Caribou. Every issue of this
paper contained one column printed in the Swedish
language. This column was edited by Mr. E. Win-
berg, one of our Swedish immigrants, and was exten-
sively read in New Sweden.
This was the first paper, or portion of a paper ever
published in a Scandinavian language in New England,
although the Scandinavians sailed along our coast, and
built temporary settlements on our shores, five hun-
dred years before Columbus discovered the islands of
our continent.
The examination of the first public school, took
place March 15, 1872, after a session of four months.
The scholars had made wonderful progress in learning
our language. Many could speak and read English
well, and some had made considerable advance in
writing. These school privileges were highly prized.
Some of the scholars came to school five miles through
the woods, slipping over the snow on skidor
Swedish snow-shoes.
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 129
Two steam mills were erected and put in operation
in the spring of 1872, and a large quantity of shin-
gles and some boards were sawed.
The Swedes early became experts in manufacturing
shaved shingles by hand. It was soon admitted by
Aroostook traders that the Swedish shingles were the
best made in the county. Shopping in New Sweden
was almost exclusively barter. Bunches of shaved
shingles were the currency which the Swedes carried
to the stores of the American traders, and with which
they bought their goods.
The last mile of our main road was turnpiked in
1872, giving the colony a good turnpike to Caribou.
Branch roads were improved.
In the matter of government, New Sweden pre-
sented an anomaly. It was an unorganized township,
occupied by foreigners, furthermore, no legal organi-
zation could be effected for years, for there was not
an American citizen resident in the township, through
whom the first step toward organization could be
taken. The first two years of the colony I found
time to personally settle all disputes between the
colonists, organize the labor on roads and buildings,
and arrange all matters of general concern.
As the colony increased, it became impossible for
one man to attend to all the details of this work. A
committee of ten was therefore instituted to assist
me. Nine of this committee were elected by the
colonists, the pastor was the tenth, ex officio. Three
went out of office every six months, and their places
were filled at a general election. New Sweden was
VOL. VII. 10
130 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
also divided into nine highway districts, and each one
of this committee had charge of the roads in his own
district. This decemvirate satisfactorily managed all
the municipal affairs of the colony until New Sweden
was legally organized into a plantation.
Many and strange were the experiences of life in
the Swedish woods in the early days.
One evening Svensson came running up to my office
in the Capitol, crying out, " My daughter is lost."
His daughter Christine was a little girl, twelve
years old, well known and loved in the colony. He
had taken her with him in the morning to a new
chopping where he was at work, three miles into the
woods toward the Madawaska River. At noon he had
sent her to a woodland spring to draw water for their
dinner, but she did not return. Becoming alarmed,
he hurried to the spring. There were the tracks of
her feet in the moist earth, but the girl was nowhere
to be seen. He hallooed and received no answer, and
then searched the woods in vain till nightfall.
I at once sent out a messenger on each road in the
township, warning the men to meet at the Capitol
next morning at sunrise. Over fifty came, bringing
with them all the dogs and all the guns in the colony.
We followed Svensson to his clearing, formed a line
north and south along the Madawaska road, and at a
signal, advanced into the woods, moving west. Each
man was to keep in line with and in sight of his next
neighbor. Thus the men advanced through the forest
for hours, shouting and firing guns. But there came
no answer.
THE STOKY OF NEW SWEDEN. 131
At noon two guns were fired in quick succession.
This was the preconcerted signal. The girl was
found. She was standing in the bottom of a dense
cedar swamp, on all sides the trunks of fallen trees
were piled up in inextricable confusion. How the
child ever got in there was a mystery. She still held
the pail, half full of water, in her hand. But she had
clasped the bail so tightly in her terror, that her
finger nails had cut into the palm of her hand, and
blood was dripping from her fingers into the water in
the pail.
" Why where have you been ?" joyfully asked the
Swedes.
"I don't know," she murmured in a broken voice.
" What have you been doing ?"
" I don't know/'
" Where did you pass the night ?"
" There hasn't been any night," she cried with a
wild glare. She was mad. The terrors of that long
night alone in the woods had taken away her reason.
She was taken home, tenderly nursed, and after a period
of sickness, was fully restored to health of mind and
body. She then said, that she went to the spring,
filled her pail with water, and was just starting back
through the woods, when suddenly she saw in the
path before her, a bear and a cub. She turned and
ran for life. When she dared to look around, she
found the bear was not following her. She then tried
to walk around to the clearing, where her father was.
She kept on and on, crying for her father, till it grew
dark, then she recollected no more.
132 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The government of the United States recognized
the colony at an early day, by establishing a post-
office there, and appointing Capt. N. P. Clase* post-
master. The road to Caribou was subsequently made
a post route, and weekly paid postal service com-
menced July 1, 1873. Sven S. Landin, one of the
colonists, was mail carrier, although, when pressed
with work on his farm, his wife not unfrequently
walked with the mail to Caribou and back again, a
distance of sixteen and a half miles.
On October 14, 1873, Ransom Norton Esq., clerk of
courts for Aroostook County, visited the colony for
the purpose of affording the Swedes an opportunity of
taking the first step toward naturalization. On that
day one hundred and thirty-three men came forward
and publicly renounced all allegiance to the " King of
Sweden and Norway, the Goths and the Vandals," and
declared their intention of becoming American citizens.
In the fall of 1873, the condition of the colony was
excellent. The little settlement of fifty had increased
to six hundred, and outside of New Sweden there
were as many more Swedes located in our state,
drawn to us by our Swedish colony. The settlement
of New Sweden had outgrown the township of that
name and spread over the adjoining sections of Wood-
land, Caribou and Perham. The trees on 2200 acres
had been felled. 1500 acres of this were cleared in a
thorough and superior manner, of which 400 acres
were laid down to grass.
The crops had promised abundance, but an untimely
frost that followed the great gale of August 27,
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 133
pinched the late grain and nipped the potatoes. Still
a fair crop was harvested. ]30 houses, and nearly as
many barns and hovels had been built. The colonists
owned 22 horses, 14 oxen, 100 cows, 40 calves, 33
sheep and 125 swine.
The schools were in a flourishing condition. Such
an advance had been made in English, that most of
the children above ten years of age, could read and
write our language tolerably, and speak it well. An
American visiting the colony had no need of an in-
terpreter, for every child that talked at all, could
speak English.
I then felt that all the conditions of the plan on
which this experiment was made, had been fulfilled.
The colony had been recruited in Sweden, trans-
planted to Maine, fast rooted in our soil, and made
self-sustaining. The experiment was an experiment
no longer. New Sweden was successfully founded,
the stream of Swedish immigration was successfully
started. The infant colony was now strong enough
to go alone.
On Sunday forenoon, October 19, 1873, I met the
Swedes at the Capitol. Nearly all the settlers, men,
women and children were there. I recounted the
history of the colony, since the first adventurous little
band had met together in old Sweden, spoke such
words of friendly counsel as the occasion suggested
and justified, and then took leave of the colony I had
recruited in the Old World and founded in the New.
In my annual report, at the close of 1873, I recom-
mended that all special State aid to New Sweden
134 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
should cease. I further took pleasure in recommend-
ing that the office of commissioner of immigration,
which I held, be abolished, since the accomplishment of
the undertaking rendered the office no longer neces-
sary ; and thus laid down the work, which for four
years had occupied the better portion of my life and
endeavor.
But though my official connection with New Sweden
ceased with 1873, this colony has never ceased, and
never will cease so long as life remains, to occupy a
large portion of my heart, my thoughts and my
prayers.
And New Sweden has ever continued to meet the
fondest anticipations of her friends. Her career from
the beginning to this day has been one of constant
and unbroken growth, development and progress.
She has never taken a step backward, she has never
made a halt in her onward march. Her story forms
an unique chapter in the history of Maine. That story
I would love to fully recount to you this evening,
step by step.
I would fain speak to you of the organization of the
township into a plantation in 1876, and of its munici-
pal and political life ; of our grand decennial celebra-
tion here in 1880, in which three thousand persons,
Swedes and Americans, took part ; of the dedication of
the first Swedish Evangelical Lutheran church of
Maine on the same day ; of the rise and progress of the
Baptist, the Mission and the Advent societies and the
building and dedication of their houses of worship ; of
the deep religious life of the colony ; of our schools
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 135
and the thorough work they have accomplished, of the
building of our roads and bridges ; the establishment
of mills and factories ; how year after year the forest
has been felled, and choppings full of blackened
stumps transformed into smooth fields of waving
grain ; how the log cabins have been replaced with
substantial two-story frame houses, great barns built,
fruitful orchards and gardens set out, and bountiful
crops raised ; how the Swedes have come to pos-
sess excellent breeds of horses and cattle ; how the
steer teams with rope harness have disappeared, and
how the Swedes drive to-day as good horses as can be
found in Aroostook County ; how the good repute of
our Swedish fellow citizens has risen and risen, until
the only question now asked by an American shop
keeper is " Are you a Swede ? If so you may buy on
credit anything and everything you want."
All this and much more I would love to recite in
detail to you, but the night would be spent and
tomorrow's sun arisen before the half could be told.
I must, however, crave your indulgence to make brief
mention of two marked characteristics of our Swedish
brethren.
New Sweden is a colony of churchgoers. Nearly
every adult Swede is a church-member and nearly all
the colonists, old and young, attend public religious
services every Sunday the whole year round. And
while praising the Lord within their comfortable
churches, they do not allow their horses to freeze out-
side. The Swedes do not forget that " a merciful man
is merciful to his beast." In the rear of every Swed-
136 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
ish church you will see a long, low log hovel or stable.
The openings between the logs are all tightly chincked
up, and here, even in the coldest days of winter, the
horses stand in the long double rows of stalls,
blanketed, comfortable and steaming with warmth,
while their owners worship God with clear consciences
in His temple hard by.
I rejoice also to state that New Sweden is and always
has been a temperance colony. There was never a
rum shop in the settlement, and strong drink has
ever been as good as unknown throughout this com-
munity. The Swedes have devoted the fruits of their
labors to improving their farms, increasing their stock,
and rendering their homes more comfortable and
beautiful. They have never squandered their health
or wealth in rum.
Time will now only permit me to speak briefly of the
status of New Sweden to-day, and of some of the
results which this Swedish colony has achieved on
American soil.
New Sweden has already celebrated this twenty-fifth
year of her existence by becoming incorporated as a
town, on the twenty-ninth day of January last, and
taking her place as a full fledged municipality among
her sister towns in Maine.
The town of New Sweden numbers to-day seven
hundred and seventeen inhabitants, but these figures
represent less than one half of our Swedish settlement.
The colony soon outgrew the boundaries of this town-
ship and spread over the adjacent portions of Wood-
land, Caribou and Perham, lying to the southward.
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 137
Later our Swedish pioneers penetrated into the forest
to the west and north, and have there made perma-
nent settlements.
On June 1, 1892, the Swedes organized Township
No. 15, Kange 4, lying west of New Sweden, into a
plantation, and named it " Westmanland " from one of
the provinces of the old country ; and on March 23,
of this year, Township No. 16, Range 3, adjoining
New Sweden on the north, was legally organized as
" Stockholm," thus perpetuating the name of the
beautiful capital of Sweden in our own state.
New Sweden therefore, came not solitary and alone
to her quarter-centennial jubilee. She came leading
by the hand two fair daughters, Westmanland and
Stockholm. Aye ! more. She came leading her sons
and daughters by hundreds from the adjoining Ameri-
can towns of Woodland, Caribou and Perham.
And there is one son New Sweden led with peculiar
pride to her feast. John Hedmaii, a Swedish lad, reared
in our Swedish woods, graduated this year with high
honors at Colby University, Waterville, Maine, and is
now instructor in modern languages at that university.
Surely our Swedes have not forgotten that they are
the countrymen of Linnaeus and Swedenborg, of Geijer
and Tegnr and Victor Rydberg. Surely among the
blackened stumps of their forest clearings, our Swedish
pioneers have looked up to something higher and
nobler than mere material prosperity.
MAINE'S SWEDISH COLONY
is situated to-day on seven different but adjoining
towns, forming thus one compact settlement, which
138 MAINE HISTOKICAL SOCIETY.
numbers no less than one thousand four hundred and
fifty-two Swedes, divided as follows :
New Sweden, (town) 717
Woodland, 279
Caribou, 103
Perham, 79
Westmanland, 109
Stockholm, 157
No. 16, Range 4, 8
Total 1452
Nearly thirty times the little band of pilgrims that
entered those woods twenty-five years ago. An in-
crease of over 2,800 per cent.
The following statistics embrace the entire Swedish
settlement the Greater New Sweden :
MARRIAGES, BIRTHS AND DEATHS.
From the date of the settlement to June, 1895,
there have been celebrated 102 marriages, 481 babies
have been born, and 140 individuals have died. In
the last number are included many who died in Port-
land, Augusta, Boston and other places, but are
interred in the New Sweden cemetery. Yet even
with these deaths included, the births out-number
the deaths in the ratio 3.43 to 1. Is anything further
wanted to prove the vigor of the Swedish race, and the
healthfulness of the climate of Maine ?
CLEARINGS.
The area of land cleared on each lot in the colony
varies with the strength, skill and circumstances of
the settlers, and the length of time since their arrival.
The earlier colonists have of course, larger " felled
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 139
pieces " on their lots than the later comers ; and the
few, who were fortunate enough to bring with them
the means of hiring help, have made more rapid pro-
gress in clearing their farms of the forest, than the
great majority who have been compelled to rely exclu-
sively on the labor of their own hands. Scarcely any
of the Swedes, however, have cleared less than twenty,
five acres, most have cleared from thirty to fifty acres,
some from fifty to seventy-five, while a few, who have
acquired more than one lot, are the happy owners of
broad clearings of more than one hundred acres in
extent.
The Swedes have cleared their land in a superior
manner, all the old soggy logs being unearthed,
smaller stumps uprooted, and the larger knolls lev-
eled. In most of the earlier clearings, the stumps
have been entirely removed, and the fields plowed
as smoothly as in our oldest settlements.
In the aggregate, these Swedes have cleared and
put into grass or crops 7,630 acres of land, that twenty-
five years ago was covered with a gigantic forest.
BUILDINGS.
The colonists have erected :
1 Capitol
4 Churches.
3 Parsonages.
7 Schoolhouses.
2 Starch factories.
5 Shingle mills (these mills are also furnished with rotary
saws, planers, sticking and clapboard machines.)
305 Dwelling houses.
362 Barns and hovels.
\
689 Buildings in all.
140
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
ROADS.
Seventy-one miles of road have been built of which
forty-six miles are turnpiked and in excellent condition.
LIVE STOCK.
Our Swedish settlers now own :
468 horses worth
287 colts under 3 years old worth,
27 oxen
479 cows
313 other neat cattle
497 sheep
150 lambs
117 swine
6000 poultry
CROPS.
Total value
In 1894 the Swedish colonists harvested:
worth,
Hay, 1500 tons,
Wheat, 3616 bushels,
Rye, 4,215 bushels,
Oats, 60,000 bushels,
Buckwheat, 3,445 bushels,
Potatoes, 117,950 barrels,
Total value,
$42,950
5,810
810
14,250
2,504
1,485
300
936
3,000
$72,045
$ 15,000
2,905
3,086
23,920
1,469
117,950
$164,330
DAIRY.
In 1894 the dairy product of the colony amounted to
30,000 pounds of butter worth, $6,000
5,000 pounds of cheese ' 500
Total value $6,500
WOOL.
In 1894 the colonists clipped 2,500 pounds of wool,
worth, $500
EGGS.
The egg product of 1894 amounted to 24,000 dozen,
worth $2,400
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 141
TOTAL VALUE OF FARM PRODUCTS FOR 1894.
Oops, $164,330
Dairy, 6,500
Wool, 500
Eggs, 2,400
Total, $173,730
FACTORIES AND MILLS.
Product of factories and mills for 1894 :
190 tons starch, worth, $11,720
21,500,000 feet, shingles, 39,750
2,200,000 feet, long lumber, 17,600
Total value, $69,070
VALUE OF SWEDISH BUILDINGS, CLEARINGS, TOOLS AND STOCK.
Churches, parsonages and schools, $ 12,500
Factories and mills, 25,500
Farm buildings, 200,450
7,630 acres of cleared land, at $20 per acre, (the cost
of clearing), 152,600
Farming implements and machinery, 65,800
Live stock, 72,045
Total, $528,895
Value of farm products for 1894, 173,730
Value of factory and mill products for 1894, 69,070
Grand total, $771,695
And all this has been created where not the worth
of a dollar was produced twenty-five years ago.
These figures alone are eloquent. They need no
eulogy. They speak for themselves. They tell the
story of difficulties surmounted, of results accomplished,
of work well done. But, my countrymen, those of you
who have never lived in the backwoods, can have no
adequate conception of the vast labor and toil under-
142 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
gone in the wilderness to create the results I have
enumerated. A settler's first years in the woods are
a continual fight, hand to hand with savage nature,
for existence. It is pleasant to look out upon the
broad fields of New Sweden, green with the growing
crops, but do we know, can we calculate, how many
blows of the ax, how many drops of sweat have been
expended in turning each one of these seven thousand
six hundred acres of cleared land, from forest to farm ?
The story of New Sweden has no parallel in New
England since the United States became a nation.
This Swedish settlement is the only successful agri-
cultural colony founded with foreigners from over the
ocean in New England since the Revolutionary war,
and surely in all America there is no agricultural set-
tlement, so young as ours, that surpasses our model
colony in progress and prosperity.
And the good effects of the founding of New Sweden
are not confined to the colony or its vicinity. As
early as 1871 Swedish artisans and skilled workmen,
drawn to Maine by New Sweden, began to find work in
the slate quarries of Piscataquis county, in the great
tanneries and saw-mills of Penobscot, and in the stores
and workshops of Portland, Bangor, Augusta, Pitts-
field, Monson, Houlton, Presque Isle, Fort Fairtield,
Caribou, and other cities and towns. Since the found-
ing of the colony the Swedish girls have ever fur-
nished needed and valuable help in our families in all
sections of the state. Some Swedish immigrants,
who came to us in independent circumstances, pur-
chased improved farms in Presque Isle, Fort Fairfield,
I
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 143
Limestone, and other towns ; while many Swedes with
less means settled on abandoned farms in Cumberland,
York and our other older counties. These deserted
homesteads have been placed by the Swedes in a high
state of cultivation ; indeed Swedish immigration is
proving to be the happy solution of the " abandoned
farms " question in Maine.
The United States census of 1890, returned a Swed-
ish population in every county in Maine except Frank-
lin, and gave the total number of Swedes in our state,
including children born in this country of Swedish
parents, at 2,546.
To-day there are in Maine more than 3,000 Swedes
as the direct result of the Swedish immigration enter-
prise.
Furthermore the good accomplished by New Sweden
is not limited by the boundaries of our state. Skilled
workmen from New Sweden early obtained employ-
ment in the mills, factories and workshops of Boston,
Worcester, Lowell, Fall River, Springfield and Brock-
ton in Massachusetts; Manchester and Concord in
New Hampshire ; Rutland and Bennington in Ver-
mont ; Providence and Pawtucket in Rhode Island ;
New Haven, Hartford, Bridgeport and Waterbury in
Connecticut, and in other manufacturing centers all
over New England. And each little band as it settled
down, formed a fresh nucleus, around which have
continually gathered new throngs of Swedish immi-
grants.
Thus the overflow from New Sweden has reached
and benefited all our sister states. In fact the estab-
144 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
lishment of this little colony of Swedes in the woods
of Maine twenty-five years ago turned a rill from the
stream of Swedish immigration, which before all flowed
west, upon New England, and added a fresh element
of good, northern blood to every New England state.
And Swedish immigration has benefited Maine in
other ways besides the direct addition of several thou-
sand Swedes to our population.
The best part of the fertile town, of New Sweden,
was run out into lots in 1861. For nine years Maine
offered these lots to settlers. The offer was made
under our settling laws, which did not require the pay-
ment of a dollar, only the performance of a certain
amount of road labor and other settling duties, which
made the lot virtually a gift from the State to the
settler. Yet not a lot was taken up. Until the
advent of the Swedes no one was found willing to
accept his choice of the lots in this town as a gift, pro-
vided he was required to make his home upon it.
The opinion of many in the vicinity upon the wis-
dom of the Swedes in settling here was pointedly
expressed by a good citizen of Caribou. Walking out
of the woods with him, in July, 1870, a few days after
the arrival of the first colony, I expatiated, no doubt
with enthusiasm, upon the magnificent results which
to my mind must flow from the enterprise. The
gentleman listened to me patiently till I had finished,
then turning squarely upon me in the road, he
said:
" Mr. Thomas, you may say what you like, but I
don't suppose there are bottles enough in that colony
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 145
to hold the tears those poor, deluded creatures will
shed before their first year is out."
And not only was New Sweden without a settler on
the morning of July 23, 1870, but several of the lots
in the northern portion of Woodland plantation, which
had years before been taken up by settlers, and on
which clearings had been made, houses built, and crops
raised, were now deserted by their owners, the houses
with windows and doors boarded up, and the clearings
commencing to grow up again to forest. Such was
the condition of the last clearings the Swedish colony
passed through on its way into the woods. These
clearings are now settled by Swedes and smile with
abundant harvests.
The American pioneer who abandoned the clearing
nearest New Sweden was happily with us at our decen-
nial celebration in 1880, and joined in the festivities
with wondering eyes. Mr. George F. Turner then
told me of his attempt to settle in the Maine woods.
He came from Augusta in the spring of 1861, and took
up lot No. 7, in Woodland. Here he built a house and
barn, and cleared thirty-five acres of land. But there
were no roads. If his wife wished to visit the village,
he was forced to haul her through the woods on a
sled even in summer. No new settlers came in. His
nearest neighbors, Dominions Harmon and Frank
Record, left their places and moved out to Caribou.
Still he held on for two more years, alone in the woods.
At last in the fall of 1868, he abandoned the clearing
where he had toiled for seven long years, and moved
out to civilization.
VOL. VII. 11
146 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
" I left/' said Mr. Turner, " because in the judgment
of everyone, there was no prospect for the settlement
of this region. The settlers around me were abandon-
ing their clearings. Everyone said I was a fool to
stay, and I at last thought so myself, and left. Little
did I expect to see this day."
The tide of settlement was ebbing away from our
northern woods, when a wave from across the Atlantic
turned the ebb to flood. It has been flood tide ever
since,
With the founding of New Sweden, our state recov-
ered from the check in her career and again took up
her onward march. From 1870 to 1880 Maine increased
22,021 in population ; from 1880 to 1890, 12,150.
And it is worthy of note that more than one-half of
the increase of the entire state in both these decades
has been in the county where lies our Swedish settle-
ment. Not only this, but the towns of Aroostook
County that exhibit the most marked progress, are
those lying nearest New Sweden.
Woodland, the adjoining town to the south, in 1870,
numbered 174 inhabitants, in 1890, 885 an increase
of over 400 per cent.
Perham to the southwest, in 1870, numbered 79
citizens, in 1890, 438 an increase of more than 450
per cent.
Caribou to the southeast, the town which has ever
been the center for the trade of our Swedish settlers,
and which perhaps has reaped the greatest advantages
from their settlement Caribou in 1870 numbered
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 147
1,410 inhabitants. In 1890, it had grown to 4,087,
an increase of no less than 2,677 in population. And
with this increase Caribou became the largest town in
Aroostook County.
The founding of New Sweden in the back woods of
Maine called the attention of our own country, as well
as Sweden, to our state, its resources and advantages.
The files of the land office show that in addition to
the Swedish immigration, American settlers upon our
wild lands increased in 1871, the first year after the
arrival of the Swedes, more than 300 per cent.
When the Swedes first entered our woods there
was not a mile of railroad in Aroostook County. The
nearest point reached by a railroad was some seventy
miles distant in the Province of New Brunswick. The
journey from Portland to Caribou then took three days.
It can now be accomplished by rail in ten hours. Two
railroads now run into Caribou, but I seriously doubt
if there would be a foot of railroad in northern Aroos-
took to-day had it not been for the impetus given to
that region by New Sweden.
One special instance among many may be given of
the influence exerted by our Swedish settlement. Mr.
Albe Holmes, a potato starch manufacturer of New
Hampshire, was induced to visit Aroostook County in
1870, by reading a newspaper notice of New Sweden.
He put in operation the first potato starch factory in
Aroostook at Caribou in 1872. These factories quickly
increased. There are to-day in Aroostook County no
less than 41 starch factories, with a yearly output of
148 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
8,000 tons of starch, worth $560,000 ; while the raising
of potatoes and their manufacture into starch have
grown to be among the chief industries of the county.
On the twenty-fifth day of last June the twenty-
fifth anniversary of the sailing the first little colony
from the mother country New Sweden celebrated
her Quarter-Centennial jubilee. The exercises were
held in one of " Gods first temples," a grove of gigan-
tic rock maples. Some four thousand people took part
in the festivities. The American and Swedish flags
hung in the great open air auditorium. There was music
by the Swedish band, and singing by the Swedish choir,
an address of welcome by Pastor Norberg, an oration
by the founder of the colony, and many speeches by
both Americans and Swedes. The whole concluding
with a sumptuous banquet in the grove.
On that summer day, New Sweden paused a moment
to rejoice over the work already done. On that day
also New Sweden gave an account of her stewardship,
and showed the results of twenty-five years' hard
work results achieved by the never-flagging indus-
try, the rigid economy, the virtue, faith and hope
of our Swedish brethren.
To their American visitors to the State of Maine,
the Swedes may proudly say, " Si monumentum
quaeris, circumspice." New Sweden stands to-day a
monument of what can be accomplished in the wilder-
ness of Maine by strong arms and brave hearts in the
short space of quarter of a hundred years.
THE STORY OF NEW SWEDEN. 149
And the good accomplished by New Sweden will
not stop with its twenty-fifth anniversary, nor cease
with this year of grace 1895. This successful Swedish
colony will go on and fully accomplish its mission.
It will continue to push out into the great Maine forests
to the north and west, and convert township after town-
ship into well-tilled farms and thriving villages. It
will continue to attract to all sections of our state the
best of immigrants the countrymen of John Erics-
son, and the descendants of the soldiers of Gustavus
Adolphus, and the " boys in blue " of Charles XII.
and throughout the future it will confer upon Maine
those numerous and important advantages which a
steadily growing agricultural and industrial population
is sure to bestow upon a commonwealth.
APPENDIX.
THE FIRST SETTLERS.
List of the twenty-two men of the first Swedish
colony, who sailed from Sweden with Hon. W. W.
Thomas, Jr., June 25, 1870, together with the lots
upon which they settled, in the township of New
Sweden, and the adjoining Plantation of Woodland.
NICHOLAS P. CLASE, Lot No. 135, New Sweden.
NILS OLSSON, " 115,
CAUL Voss, llltf,
GOTTLIEB T. PILTS, " " 114,
OSCAE G. W. LlNDBEBG, " " H4tf ,
JONS PEESSON, " " 116,
SVEN SVENSSON, " " H7,
KAEL G. HABLEMAN, " " 118,
150 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
JANNE L. LAURELL, Lot No. 121*4, New Sweden.
TRULS PERSSON, " 133, " "
NILS PERSSON, " 134, " "
OLOF G. MORELL, " " 135>, " "
JOHAN PETTER JOHANSSON, " " 136, " "
ANDERS JOHANSSON, " " 137, " "
ANDERS SVENSSON, ' " 138, " "
OLOF OLSSON, " " 138#, "
PEHR PETTERSSON, Lot Letter A, Woodland.
SOLOMON JOHANSSON, " " B, "
JONAS BODIN, " C, "
JONAS BODIN JR., " D,
FRANS R. W. PLANK, " " E,
JACOB JOHANSSON, " " F, "
THE PLANTATION OF NEW SWEDEN.
Early in March, 1876, some thirty of the first com-
ers in the colony were naturalized by the Supreme
Court sitting in Houlton, and on April 6, 1876, New
Sweden was legally organized into a plantation. An
election was held, and officers chosen the same day.
The following were the first officers of the Plantation
of New Sweden :
NILS OLSSON, *)
GABRIEL GABRIELSON, V Assessors.
PEHR U. JUHLEN, J
CARL J. TORNQVIST, Clerk.
TRULS PERSSON, Treasurer, Collector and Constable.
JOHN BORGESON, ^
JOHN P. JACOBSSON, V /School Committee.
PETTER PETTERSON, J
THE TOWN OF NEW SWEDEN.
New Sweden was incorporated as a town on January
29, 1895. The first town election was held on March
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S REGIMENT OF FOOT. 151
6, 1895, and the following persons were elected the
first officers of the Town of New Sweden :
LABS P. LARSON, ^
OLA H. NELSON, v Selectmen.
AEL G. EKMAN, J
AXEL H. TORNQUIST, Town Clerk.
PEHR O. JUHLIN, Treasurer.
ANDERS NELSON, Collector and Constable.
ERIK RINGDAHL, Constable.
MICHAEL U. NORBERG,
FRANK O. LANDGRANE, Clerk,
OLA H. NELSON,
T T > School Committee.
LARS LUNDVALL, f
CARL J. JOHANSON,
ALFRED A. ANDERSON, I
CARL G. EKMAN, ) rn . ^^
r\ TT XT Truant Officers.
OLA H. NELSON, )
HISTORY OF COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S
3iST REGIMENT OF FOOT.
THE FIRST REGIMENT RAISED IN THE COUNTY OP CUMBERLAND
IN THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR.
BY NATHAN GOOLD.
Read beofre the Maine Historical Society, November 22, 1895.
[CONCLUDED.]
THE first important event after the arrival of the
regiment at Cambridge was the burning of Boston
lighthouse by our troops to prevent British warships
from coming into the harbor. At that time the bar-
152 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
bor was full of the enemy's vessels which annoyed our
army with their guns, but to the relief of our soldiers
eleven sailed away July 24. Of course in an undis-
ciplined army like this, there was a great deal of
anxiety and excitement ; consequently they were often
alarmed, called to quarters, and sometimes slept on
their arms for fear of a sudden attack.
About one o'clock July 31, there was an alarm, all
the drums beat to arms and this regiment turned out
and manned Fort No 2. The British marched out to
Eoxbury, burned a house and barn, but our soldiers
drove them back into Boston. A lad, about sixteen,
who belonged to the Marblehead regiment, was killed.
The enemy kept up a continual firing with cannon
and small arms until morning. The British having re-
built Boston light, our soldiers destroyed it the second
time. The same day Gen. Gage sent out a flag of
truce for a cessation of hostilities for six days, which
was not granted and the rambling battle went on, our
army strengthening their works in the meantime.
About the first of August Morgan's riflemen com-
menced to arrive in camp from the South and attracted
considerable attention. They came in detachments
and were very expert marksmen. Their uniform
consisted of white or drab linen or cotton hunting-
shirts with pants of the same material, trimmed with
the same cloth raveled out, making a kind of fringe.
They wore skull caps trimmed with the same fringe,
and altogether their appearance was very striking.
They had marched, it has been stated, six hundred
miles in twenty-on^ days (which was on an average
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S REGIMENT OP FOOT. 153
about twenty-eight and one-half miles per day), to aid
our forefathers, proved themselves brave and fearless
patriots, and became the sharpshooters of the army.
Our regiment, in August, was under fire almost
every day.
Sundays the regiment attended religious worship
and generally had a sermon preached. Parson Eph-
raim Clark, of Cape Elizabeth, went to Cambridge and
remained " a spell" in the latter part of August and
the early part of September, encouraging the soldiers
and conducting their meetings.
Many citizens of Falmouth visited the army at
Cambridge, bringing letters and messages to the
soldiers. Some of these visitors served as substitutes
for their friends, allowing them to visit their homes
for a few days.
Among those who visited the regiment from Fal-
mouth were Peter Warren, Enoch Ilsley, Richard
Codman, Joseph H. Ingraham, Brackett Marston,
Enoch Moody, John Archer, Benjamin Titcomb, Jacob
Adams, Zebulon Bishop, Paul Cammett, Stephen
Tukey, Aaron Chamberlain, Benjamin Mussy, Mr.
Randall, William Owen, Nicholas Hodges, John
Thrasher, John Frothingham, Amos Lunt, Joseph
Berry, Dr. Lowther, John Rolfe, Cutting Noyes and
Thomas Saunders.
August twenty-second was probably remembered for
a long time by the men of the regiment because they
were that day mustered and Enoch Ilsley of Falmouth
" treated " the entire regiment. This was not a treat
of champagne, but probably good old New England
rum.
154 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Lieut. York, of Capt. Bradish's company, with
thirty-seven men mounted guard at Gen. Washing-
ton's headquarters, now the Longfellow house at
Cambridge, September 16. This was probably a
proud day for these soldiers from Falmouth Neck.
The next day Messrs. Owen and Burns came from Fal-
mouth with clothing for the soldiers, which was much
needed to make them comfortable.
During September some of th e men of the regiment
enlisted to man the floating batteries, and some of Capt.
Bradish's company guarded Dr. Church ; and Novem-
ber 15, the record says, that this regiment " took Dr.
Church to guard." Dr. Benjamin Church, Jr., was an
accomplished physician, poet and scholar and was ap-
pointed director general of the medical staff after
the arrival of Washington. He was a member of the
committee of correspondence and the Provincial
Congress, and was convicted of holding secret corres-
pondence with the British, informing them of the
movements of our army. He was exiled and the ves-
sel that bore him towards the West Indies was never
heard from. This was a famous case and created
great excitement at the time, as Dr. Church had been
a trusted officer and an intimate friend of the leading
patriots.
From the journal of William Moody, a soldier in
Capt. Bradish's company, we make the following ex-
tracts in regard to some of the service of the regi-
ment. Mr. Moody served several years in the army
and belongs on the list of Falmouth patriots. He
must have been a thoughtful man to have recorded
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S REGIMENT OF FOOT. 155
his observations for the use of those that were to come
after him. These extracts give additional information
not given in the general movements of the regiment.
July 16th, Sunday. Heard a large firing in Boston by the troops.
" 17th, Making cartridges. This afternoon was fired in
Boston by the shipping eleven cannon.
" 18th, A declaration from the Continental Congress was
read on Prospect Hill.
From the journal of Lieut. Paul Lunt of Newbury-
port we have a fuller account of the above. He
wrote :
A manifesto from the Grand Continental Congress was read
by the Rev. Mr. Leonard, Chaplain of the Conneticut forces on
Prospect Hill, in Charlestown, to those troops encamped upon
and near said Hill. Our standard was presented in the midst of
the regiments with this inscription upon it, "Appeal to Heaven,"
after which Mr. Leonard made a short prayer, and then we were
dismissed by a discharge of a cannon, three cheers and a warhoop
by the Indians.
July 19th, A sergeant of the Regulars' guard spoke with our
sentry with a message. Gen. Putnam went down
to the lines to meet Burgoyne.
" 20th, This P. M., was fired in Boston 18 cannon.
11 21st, 20 of our company and 200 of our regiment went
over to Winter Hill to entrench.
" 22d, Our regiment marched to Cambridge Common in
order to pass muster. The money not being
ready adjourned to next week.
" 23d, Last night about 12 oclock, there was an alarm and
our regiment mustered and turned out, doubled
our guard and laid upon our arms all night.
" 24th, Our regiment went upon Winter Hill to work en-
trenching and from there to Mystic to make gab-
buns (gabions) this afternoon.
156 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
July 25th, They were mustered and paid off. Last night a man
was killed on Prospect Hill by snapping a gun
carelessly.
" 28th, Yesterday a ship fired a cannon and killed an indian
at Roxbury.
" 30th, Some riflemen went down to keep sentry last night.
They killed 5 or 6 Regulars and the Captain.
The Regulars firing all the forenoon by divisions.
" 31st, Our people took 25 Regulars and 12 Tories and car-
ried them to Worcester.
Aug. 1st, Our people hoisted a liberty pole 1 on Prospect Hill
and a flag upon it. Fired a 24 pounder at the
ship but did no damage.
" 3d, Firing cannon from a floating battery.
" 4th, Last night 700 men went from Roxbury to entrench
on the Neck. Four of our men enlisted to man
a whaleboat.
" 7th, Last night the regulars landed at Chelsea, 150 in
in number, and burnt a house and stack of hay.
Our people fired 13 cannon at them and drove
them back.
" 9th, The Riflemen took 8 Regulars on Roxbury Neck
this P. M.
" 12th, Twenty-one cannon fired at Castle William.
" 13th, Last night 3 regulars ran away from Boston.
" 16th, Last night a man swam out of Boston to our sentry
at Lechmere Point. Short allowance.
" 25th, We heard Gage was coming out to-day. Firing in
Boston by Divisions. We heard firing by the
sentry on Ploughed Hill. A ship arrived and
they fired 24 cannon.
" 26th, Four men belonging to Gage's floating battery swam
to Chelsea. They fired cannon and small arms
at them but did not hurt them.
1 This liberty pole was a mast that came out of a schooner that was burned at
Chelsea, and was seventy-six feet high.
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S REGIMENT OF FOOT. 157
Aug. 27th, The Regulars began to fire on Ploughed Hill from
Bunker Hill and the floating batteries with
their cannon. Killed one Adjt. one private and
one Indian. Wounded a Rifleman in the leg.
" 30th, Several bombs thrown onto Ploughed Hill.
" 31st, Last night and this morning the Regulars threw
bombs into the breast- works on Ploughed Hill.
Sixty- three of our regiment went over to Ploughed
Hill to keep sentry.
Sept. 1st, Bombs thrown on Ploughed Hill. Cannonaded
Roxbury. Killed of the enemy 5. 2 of ours.
4< 2nd, Killed one of our men on Ploughed Hill.
" 4th, The enemy bombarding Ploughed Hill. No damage.
" llth, Took 6 regulars and brought them to headquarters.
" 21st, The enemy bombarded all day.
" 23d, 25 men drummed out of service from Marblehead.
" 29th, Lieut. York, with 8 men out of our company to
go in the floating battery.
Oct. 2nd, We put up a liberty pole, hoisted a flag and fired a
gun.
" 3d, Yesterday 60 men drafted to try the boats, over-
loaded one boat, came near sinking her.
" 4th, A sergt. from the Regulars ran away and brought
his halbert and 30, with him.
" 31st, Digging well for the barracks.
Nov. 5th, They sent from Falmouth for the regiment to
come there. (This was on account of the alarm of
November 1.)
" 9th, About 1500 Gageites landed at Lechmere Point to
steal cattle. Our people resisted and had an en-
gagement which lasted an hour. 1
" 23d, This morning we hoisted a large new flag on
Prospect Hill.
i On account of the high tide at that time, our soldiers were oblidged to resist
the British standing in the water up to their waists.
158 MAINE HISTOKICAL SOCIETY.
The author of this diary when writing "Regulars"
meant the British soldiers, " Gage " was the British
general and the " Riflemen "must have been the Mor-
gan Riflemen.
When the British ship Cerberus, that had partici-
pated in the battle of Bunker Hill, came and threat-
ened Falmouth Neck, November 1, 1775, Enoch Moody,
chairman of the town committee, wrote Gen. Wash-
ington under date of November 2, informing him of
the arrival of that man-of-war, with four hundred men
on board, and asked for " a person of martial spirit"
to take command of the defense of the town. Prob-
ably on receipt of the letter Col. Phinney was ordered
to Falmouth Neck, and arrived before November 6,
and took command until the arrival of Gen. Joseph
Frye, November 25, who had been assigned to this
station. The committee requested that Col. Phin-
ney 's regiment be ordered to Falmouth, but that re-
quest was not granted.
Col. Phinney, while in command at Falmouth, re-
ceived the following letter from Gen. Washington,
which manifests the anxiety he felt for the safety of
the town. Falmouth Neck, now Portland, was in-
debted to Col. Phinney for his services during this
alarm, and his presence probably allayed the fears of
the inhabitants.
CAMBRIDGE, Nov. 6, 1775.
SIR : Having received a letter from Mr. Enoch Moody
chairman of the committe of Falmouth that the inhabitants of
that town are greatly alarmed by the arrival of the Cerberus
man of war and are under great apprehensions that some of the
King's troops will be landed there, it is my desire that you raise
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S REGIMENT OF FOOT. 159
all the force you can and give the Town any assistance in your
power. The difficulty of removing troops after they have made
a lodgement or got possession of a place is too obvious to be
mentioned. You will therefore use every possible method to
prevent their effecting that or penetrating into the country, un-
til you have further orders.
I am sir your very humble servant
GEO. WASHINGTON.
To Col. Edmund Phinney at Falmouth.
Probably after the arrival of Gen. Frye, November
25, Col. Phinney joined his regiment at Cambridge,
informed the anxious soldiers what the situation was
on Falmouth Neck, how the town had narrowly es-
caped another attack, and but for the brave yeomanry
of Falmouth and vicinity, who decided to defend the
ruins of the town to the bitter end, the entire settle-
ment might have been destroyed.
The question " Will the Yankies fight ?" was settled
at Bunker Hill, and ever afterwards the British res-
pected their presence i so the commander of the Cer-
berus, with the lesson he learned there, decided it was
safest to sail away. Falmouth people had also learned
a lesson ; the experience was the most bitter for them ;
but the patriots then and there decided that they
never would again stand idly by and let a British ship
burn their town without some resistance.
In the latter part of November, Capt. Manley cap-
tured the British ship London, bound for Boston,
having on board twenty-five hundred stands of arms a
number of cannon and some mortars, including the
thirteen-inch brass mortar " Congress." This was a
fortunate capture for our cause. It is related that
160 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
when the brass mortar arrived in camp that there was
great rejoicing. It was placed on its bed on Cam-
bridge Common, and " Old Put mounted astride with
a bottle of rum in his hand, stood parson, while God-
father Mifflin gave it the name Congress." Mifflin
was quartermaster-general of the army. The mortar
was eventually placed at Lechrnere's Point and burst at
the second or third firing, in the bombardment of
Boston in March, 1776. About a week after the above
capture, another vessel was taken loaded with cloth-
ing for the king's troops which was another help to
the Americans.
In this campaign, Gen. Washington had done all he
could to organize and discipline the army and cause
the British to evacuate Boston, but was afraid to bring
on a decisive battle with his army in such a destitute
condition, and seeing the season passing with no prog-
ress he was much disturbed in his mind. He wrote a
letter to Congress under date of September 20, 1775,
from which the following extract is taken :
It give.s me great distress to oblige me to solicit the attention
of the honorable Congress to the state of this army, in terms
which imply the slightest apprehension of being neglected. But
my situation is inexpressably distressing, to see winter fast
approaching upon a naked army; the time of their service within
a few weeks of expiring ; and no provission yet made for such
important events. Added to these, the military chest is totally
exhausted : the Paymaster has not a single dollar in hand. The
Commissary General assures me he has strained his credit for
the subsistance of the army to the utmost. The Quartermaster
General is in precisely the stme situation ; and the greater part
of the troops are in a state not far from mutiny upon a deduction
from their stated allowance.
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S REGIMENT OF FOOT. 161
Gen. Washington, in this letter, described the exact
situation, but many in the colonies were dissatisfied
because so little had been accomplished, which was
perfectly natural, but they were not familiar with the
embarassments that surrounded Washington, or they
would not have expressed themselves in the manner
they did. John Adams, then in Philadelphia, getting
uneasy at the apparent inaction of the army, wrote
Mercy Warren in November, that Mrs. Washington
was going to Cambridge, and he hoped she might
prove to have ambition enough for her husband's glory
to give occasion to the Lord to have mercy on the
souls of Howe and Burgoyne. Martha Washington
arrived in Cambridge December 11, 1775.
The Continental Congress, in November 1775,
authorized the raising of a regular army of Contin-
entals for one year's service from January 1, 1776,
although urged to make their term longer. This
army consisted of one regiment of artillery and twen-
ty-six regiments of foot or infantry. This was the be-
ginning of the Continental army, the birthday being
January 1, 1776, and their time to expire December
31, of the same year. These regiments were num-
bered from one to twenty-seven, but are known better
by their colonel's name.
Gen. Washington, in organizing the Continental
army, recommended Col. Edmund Phinney as a
suitable man to be colonel of one of the new regi-
ments, and he received his commission as the colonel
of the 18th Continental regiment. He enlisted the
same field and staff officers that had served with him
VOL. VII. 12
162 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
in the 31st regiment, but there were many changes in
in the company officers and men. The new regiment
consisted of but eight companies, while the old regi-
ment had ten, which was the organization decided
upon probably by Washington, and they were mus-
tered into service January 1, 1776, on which date was
raised the Federal flag, the first over the American
camp, which consisted of thirteen stripes and a Brit-
ish union.
About December 31, 1775, the men of the 31st
regiment were discharged from the service and those
that had not re-enlisted returned to their homes.
Many of the soldiers who had re-enlisted were given
furloughs to visit their homes to arrange their affairs
before the opening of another campaign. This regi-
ment retired from the service with credit to itself and
to the District of Maine which it represented.
These early regiments represented the pure patri-
otism of the people, they had no bounties, furnished
their arms and equipments and were anxious to strike
the first blow for their country's liberty. They were
used to hardship, and fear was unknown to them.
The older men were used to warfare, as they had
been accustomed from their earliest boyhood to
defend their homes against a savage foe, and many
had been at Louisburg with Sir William Pepperell,
or had heard their fathers tell of the wonderful suc-
cess of that expedition. These brave men had
resolved when they entered the army that they
would have liberty if it had to be purchased by their
own blood, and it must have been with feelings of
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY's REGIMENT OF FOOT. 163
regret that this regiment should leave the service
with so little accomplished.
When this regiment retired there were but nine
thousand troops in the service. They were confronted
by a powerful enemy, and Lossing says in summing up
the situation at this time, " The disastrous campaign
at the north deepened the gloom that brooded over the
colonists and the year 1775 closed without much hope
for the success of the Americans."
" A Muster Roll of the Field and Staff Officers in ye Regiment of
Foot (31st) in ye Colony service to the first of August, 1775."
ENTERED SERVICE.
Edmund Phinney, Colonel, April 24, 1775.
Samuel March, Lieut. Col., " 24, "
Jacob Brown, Major, " 24, "
George Smith, Adjt., May 7, "
Moses Banks, Qr. Master, " 7, "
Stephen Swett, Surgeon, " 7, "
Mass. Archives, Vol. 26, page 272.
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY.
Col. Phinney was of good Pilgrim and fighting stock. His father,
grandfather, great-grandfather, and great-great grandfather were all
named John Phinney. The earliest John Phinney was at Plymouth,
Mass., before 1638. Col. Phinney 's grandfather was a soldier in the
Swamp Fight in the King Philip war in 1675. His father, Capt. John
Phinney, came from Barnstable, Mass., to Falmouth, and was the first
settler of Gorham, Me., May 26, 1736. He was a captain in the French
and Indian war, and was " a man of sagacity, steadiness, courage and
integrity."
Col. Phinney's mother was Martha Coleman. He was born at Barn-
stable, July 27, 1723; came with his father to Gorham and felled the
first tree in the township, which was a large bass tree on the site of his
father's house. When Col. Phinney was a young man he was one
evening at a distance from the fort in pursuit of the cows when a
party of Indians in ambush fired upon him, and four balls struck him,
breaking his arm and otherwise severely wounding him. He saved
his gun and reached the fort. He went to Falmouth accompanied by
Hugh McLellan and Eliphalet Watson when Dr. Coffin set his arm
and attended to his wounds and they returned home the next day.
164 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Col. Phinney was a sergeant in Capt. George Berry's company, May
19, 1746 to Jan. 19, 1747, also in Capt. Daniel Hill's company from March
to December, 1748. He joined the Windham church Feb. 14, 1748, but
was dismissed to join the Gorham church Dec. 23, 1750. He was a cap-
tain in Col. Samuel Waldo Jr.'s regiment about 1764, in the militia in
1772, and colonel of the 31st regiment April 24, 1775. He was commis-
sioned colonel of the 18th Continental regiment Jan. 1, 1776, taking
part in the siege of Boston and the Ticonderoga campaign of 1776,
retiring from the service Dec. 31, 1776.
Col. Phinney enjoyed the confidence of his fellow citizens and served
them as selectman, justice, committee of safety, member of Provin-
cial Congress, representative to the General Court and ruling elder
of the Congregational church. He was a zealous patriot, and to him
every man was for our liberties or against them, and he wished every
Tory banished from the land.
Col. Phinney married first, about 1751, Elizabeth , who had
eight children, and died Aug. 6, 1795, aged sixty-five years. He
married second, Nov. 21, 1796, Sarah Stevens, and died at Gorham,
Dec. 18, 1808, aged eighty-five years, a respected citizen. He was a
man of integrity, unsullied character and generous hospitality, and an
honor to the town he served so long and well.
LIEUT.-COL. SAMUEL MARCH.
Lieut.-Col. March was the son of Benjamin and Elizabeth (Small)
March of Kittery; married Jan. 27, 1752, Anna Libby, born Nov. 17,
1734, a daughter of John and Keziah (Hubbard) Libby of Scarborough,
and they had fourteen children. He entered the service in this regi-
ment April 24, 1775, and was also lieutenant-colonel of the 18th Conti-
nental regiment in 1776. He was a prominent man in Scarborough,
and a member of the Provincial Congress. He was a cordwainer and
later an innkeeper near Oak Hill. His three sons served in the war,
and four of his daughters married Revolutionary soldiers. He died
in 1804.
MAJ. JACOB BROWN.
Maj. Brown belonged in North Yarmouth and had been a lieuten-
ant in Col. Samuel Waldo Jr.'s regiment in 1764. He entered the ser-
vice in this regiment April 24, 1775, served as major in the 18th Conti-
nental regiment in 1776, and also in Col. Jonathan Mitchell's regiment
in the Bagaduce expedition in 1779. He married, July 13, 1743, Lydia
Weare, daughter of Capt. Peter and Sarah (Felt) Weare.
ADJT. GEORGE SMITH.
Adjt. Smith entered the service in this regiment May 7, 1775, and
served in the same capacity in Col. Phinney's 18th Continental regi-
ment in 1776. He was a captain in Col. Joseph Vose's 1st Massachu-
setts regiment Jan. 1, 1777, and resigned May 3, 1779.
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY's REGIMENT OF FOOT. 165
QUARTERMASTER MOSES BANKS.
Quartermaster Banks was from Scarborough, and was a surveyor
He entered the service in this regiment May 7, 1775, and served in the
same capacity in Col. Phinney's 18th Continental regiment until July
24, 1776. He married Nov., 1754, Phebe Curtis, and came to Scarbo-
rough about 1760. He died at Saco, Oct. 9, 1823, aged ninety-one years.
She died April 4, 1814. They had nine children.
SURGEON STEPHEN SWETT.
Surgeon Swett came from Exeter, N. H., and was the first physician
in Gorham, Me. He married before he came to Gorham, Sarah, who
was said to have been a sister to Lieut -Col. Winborn Adams of Dur-
ham, N. H., who was killed in the battle of Stillwater, Sept. 19, 1777.
They had six children at Gorham and probably lived also in Otisfield,
Buckfield and Windham. He entered the service May 7, 1775.
CAPT. DAVID BRADISH'S COMPANY.
This was a Falmouth company and many of these soldiers became
prominent citizens of the town in after years. Most of the men served
in other regiments and several became commissioned officers.
Capt. David Bradish entered the service April 24, 1775, as captain, and
served in this regiment until Dec. 31, 1775. He was commissioned
major Jan. 1, 1777, in Col. Timothy Bigelow's 15th Massachusetts
regiment, and resigned July 21, 1777. He married July 19, 1767, Abi-
gail Merrill, and died in 1818.
First Lieut. Bartholomew York entered the service April 24, 1775
joined the 18th Continental regiment, Jan. 1, 1776, and was made captain
May 18, 1776.
Second Lieut. Paul Ellis entered the service April 24, 1775, and
served in this company until Dec. 31, 1775; then was captain in Col
Jacob French's regiment, marched from Falmouth, Feb. 13, 1776, and
took part in the seige of Boston, then was captain, Jan. 1, 1777, in Col.
Timothy Bigelow's 15th Massachusetts regiment, took part in the
Saratoga campaign, spent the winter of 1777-78 at Valley Forge, and
was killed in the battle of Monmouth, June 28, 1778. His leg was
struck by a cannon ball and he bled to death before assistance arrived.
He married Mary Noyes, May 19, 1766, and she married May 3, 1767,
Capt. Isaac Parsons of New Gloucester, Me.
Henry Sewall was born in York, Me., Oct 24, 1752, and was a mason
by trade. He was made ensign in September, and served until Dec.
31, then became ensign in Capt. Tobias Fernald's Company, in the 18th
Continental regiment, Jan. 1, 1776, made second lieutenant Nov. 6,
promoted first lieutenant Nov. 13, and served until Dec. 31. He was
appointed first lieutenant in the 12th Massachusetts regiment, Jan. 1,
166 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
1777, and was made, Feb 9, 1778, muster master of De Kalb's division:
appointed captain April 1, 1779, transfered to the 2nd Massachusetts
regiment May 3, 1782, and major and aid-de-camp to Gen. Heath Feb.
5, 1781, and served to June 1783. He settled at Hallowell, Me., and ser-
ved as town clerk thirty-five years, clerk of the District Court of
Maine 1789-1818, register of deeds 1799-1816, and was brigadier-general
and major-general of the militia. He died at Augusta, Me., Sept. 11,
1845, aged ninety-two years, a much respected citizen.
Isaac Child became second lieutenant, in Col. Francis' llth Massa-
chusetts regiment, in 1777, took part in the Saratoga campaign, and
was at Valley Forge. He resigned March 28, 1779.
Zachariah Newell became a sergeant in Capt, Benjamin Hooper's
company in 1776, lieutenant in Capt. John Wentworth's Seacoast com-
pany, 1777, in the llth Massachusetts regiment 1780, and was trans-
fered to the 10th Massachusetts regiment Jan. 1st, 1781.
" Muster Roll of the Company under the command of Capt David
Bradish in Col. Phinney's 31st Regt. of Foot to the first of August
1775."
ALL FROM FALMOUTH.
ENLISTED.
David Bradish, Capt., April 24, 1775.
Bartholomew York, 1st Lieut., " 24, "
Paul Ellis, 2nd " " 24, "
William Farrington, 1st Sergt., May 12, "
" 12, "
" 12, "
" 12, "
" 12, "
12, "
" 12, "
" 12, "
" 12, "
' " 23, "
Benjamin Tukey, " 12,
Benjamin Scolly, " 12,
Daniel Gookin, " 12,
Cornelius Bramhall, " 12,
Abijah Parker, " 12,
Abijah Pool, " 12,
Zachariah Nowell, " 12,
William Hutchinson, " 12,
Jacob Amey, " 12,
Moses Grant, " 12,
Caleb Carter,
2 "
Levi Merrill,
3 "
Abner Dow,
4 "
Henry Sewall,
1 Corp.,
Isaac Childs,
2 "
Daniel Mussey,
3 "
Richard Gooding,
4 "
Jonathan Rand,
Drum Major,
Joseph Harsey,
Fifer,
PRIVATES.
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S REGIMENT OF FOOT. 167
Charles Knight, May 12>
Matthias Haynes, i 2
Enoch Moody, i 2 '
William Moody, < 1 2 '
Lemuel Gooding, 1 2
Moses Burdick, i 2 '
Ebenezer Clough, 1 2 '
John Pettengill, i 2 '
James McManners, u I2l
Jonathan Gardner, 1 2
John Clough, i 2
Thomas Paine, i 2
Ebenezer Newman, u 1 2
Daniel Green, 1 2
Joshua Robinson, 1 2
Joseph Barbour, 1 2
Josiah Shaw, 12
Joshua Berry, ^
Samuel Dow, 13
Tobias Pillsbury, 13'
Thomas Cavanak, 13 ;
Loring Cushing, 13^
Zachariah Baker, 16 ?
Daniel Marston, " 16, "
Henry Flood, 16, "
James Flood, 17,
Joseph Thomes, < 17, "
Samuel Gates, " 17, "
John Mclntosh, 20, "
John Bailey, " 23, "
Philip Fowler, " 23, "
Joseph Cox, " 23, "
George Bell, < 23, "
John Pennyman, " 23, "
John Scott, ' " 23, "
Benjamin Randall, " 23, "
i Richard Conden, . " 23, "
Unlisted in Arnold's Canada expedition September 8.
From this muster-roll we find every man including the officers, but
not including the drummer and fifer, had a cartridge bo.x, all had
bayonets to their guns, excepting four and all allowed one hundred
and thirty miles travel from Falmouth Neck to Cambridge The cap-
tain and lieutenants carried guns, which was the common practice in
the army. The men mostly furnished themselves with guns, bayonets
and cartridge boxes, but a number were furnished by the selectmen.
An October return of this company is in Mass. Archives Vol. 56, p 209.
168 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
CAPT. JOHN BRACKETT'S COMPANY.
Capt. Brackett entered active service the day of the receipt of the
news of the battle of Lexington, and April 24, 1775, commenced to
raise a company for this regiment, which he marched to Cambridge,
July 3 He was son of Anthony Brackett and lived at Saccarappa,
but died at Ipswich, Mass., Sept. 24, 1775. He married (1) Sarah
Knight, daughter of Nathan Knight, Feb. 14, 1733; married (2) Widow
Mary (Proctor) Hicks; she married (3) in 1776, Peltiah March of Sac-
carappa, and died at Otisfield, Maine, Nov. 21, 1817, aged seventy-three
years.
Lieut. James Johnson lived at Stroud water and became captain after
the death of Capt. Brackett. He was a major in 1st Cumberland
County regiment 1778, and in Col. Nathaniel Jordan's regiment in
1779, also in Col. Joseph Prime's regiment in 1780. He was the son of
James and Jane Johnson, and was born March 22, 1735; married
Elizabeth Porterfield, born in 1738, and died Sept. 14, 1812, and he died
in Poland, June 16th, 1831, aged ninety-six years.
Lieut Jesse Partridge first lived in Saccarappa, and then moved to
Stroudwater, where his house is still standing. He also served as
captain six months in Col Greaton's regiment in Washington's army
on the Hudson River in 1778. He died Dec. 31, 1795, aged fifty-three
years
Sergt. Daniel Lunt became captain in the llth Massachusetts regi-
ment and served until June 3, 1783.
Sergt. Archelaus Lewis, served also in the 18th Continental regiment
in 1776, and was lieutenant and adjutant in Col. Vose's regiment
1777-1779.
Corp. James Means served also as ensign in the 18th Continental
regiment, lieutenant in Col. Brewer's regiment, captain in Col.
Sprout's 12th Massachusetts regiment, was transferred to the 2nd
Massachusetts regiment Jan 1, 1781, and served until Nov. 3, 1783.
Stephen Manchester, a private in Capt. Brackett's Co., was one of
the best known men in the regiment. He was then fifty-eight years
of age, and it was he who killed the Indian chief Polin, at Windham,
in 1756, which gave peace and happiness to the settlers of the border
towns in Cumberland County.
Stephen Manchester served in Capt. George Berry's and Capt. Daniel
Hill's companies of Indian scouts in 1747 and 1748, and probably as a
scout at other times. Besides his service in this regiment he served
in Col Phinney's 18th Continental regiment through the siege of Bos-
ton, and was discharged in August. He enlisted for three years, Jan.
1, 1777, in Col Joseph Vose's 1st Massachusetts regiment and served
the entire time of service. He died at Windham, June 24, 1807, aged
ninety years.
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S REGIMENT OF FOOT. 169
" Muster Roll of Capt. John Brackett's Company
in the 31st Regt.
of Foot in the Continental Army at Cambridge. Fort
No. 2"
ENLISTED.
John Brackett,
Capt., Falmouth,
April 24
James Johnson,
1st Lieut.
" 24
Jesse Partridge,
2d "
" 24
Daniel Lunt,
Sergt.,
May 10
Morris Clark,
" 10
Joshua Stevens,
" 18
Archelaus Lewis,
" 10
Charles Frost,
Corp., "
" 21
James Doughty,
a
" 21
James Means,
<
" 12
Enoch Knight,
" 12
Zebulon Knight,
Drummer, "
" 21
Joseph Knight,
Fifer, "
" 18
PBIVATES.
John Blair, Falmouth,
Jeremiah Brackett, "
George Crockett, "
Moses Gammon, "
George Hammond, "
Pearson Huntress, "
George Johnson Jr., "
John Knight, "
Stephen Marriner, "
Uriah Nason, "
David Partridge, "
Jeremiah Pennell, "
John Porterfield, "
Joseph Quimby, "
Enoch Riggs, "
Elias Starbird, "
Samuel Starbird, "
Elijah Ward, "
Henry Webb, "
Jonn Webb,
Mark Wilson,
Stephen Manchester, Windham,
Josiah Peabody, Gorham,
James Brackett, Falmouth,
William Brackett,
George Douty,
Daniel Gould,
Samuel Hicks,
John Huston, "
VOL. VII. 13
16
16
12
10
12
21
10
21
10
10
18
10
10
10
12
10
12
14
12
10
18
12
16
12
12
M
10
16
17
170 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Joseph Johnson, Falmouth, May 12
John Lunt, " " 10
John McDonald, " 12
Amos Noyes, " 10
Nathan Partridge, " "12
Joseph Pennell, " '-14
John Priest, " "10
John Robinson, " 21
John Sawyer. ' 17
John Starbird, " "10
JohnThomes Jr., " "10
Adrial Warren, " "10
James Webb, " " 10
Joseph Wilson, " " 17
Daniel Crockett, Windham, " 12
JohnLoring, " " 16
James Westmore, Gorham, " 13
John Warren Jr., Falmouth, " 10
i John Hammond, " " 12
i Entered the ArtiUery July 25.
Mass. Archives, Vol. 56, page 215.
CAPT. SAMUEL NOTES' COMPANY.
This was a Falmouth company and was probably from that part of
the town now Deering, Westbrook and Falmouth.
Capt. Samuel Noyes entered the service April 24, 1775 . He married
Mary Merrill in 1750. He was a member of the committee of safety
and a prominent man.
First Lieut. Josiah Baker entered the service May 15, 1775. He
married Nov. 13, 1760, Susannah Gibbs.
Second Lieut. Joshua Merrill entered the service May 15, 1775. He
married in 1775 Mary Winslow.
A Muster Roll of Capt. Samuel Noyes' Company in the 31st Regi-
ment of Foot in the Continental Army. Encamped at Cambridge
Fort No 2,
ENLISTED.
Samuel Noyes, Capt., Falmouth, April 24, 1775.
Josiah Baker, 1st Lieut., " May 15, "
Joshua Merrill, 2nd Lieut., " " 15, "
Humphrey Merrill, Sergt., " " 15, "
Daniel Merrill, " " " 15, "
William Cobb, " " " 15, "
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S KEGIMENT OF FOOT. 171
Stephen Merrill, Sergt., Falmouth,
Moses Adams, Corp., "
Enoch Merrill, " "
Amos Merrill, "
Daniel Hunt, " Brunswick,
Samuel Pool, Drummer, Falmouth,
Joseph Dearing, Fifer, "
May 15, 1775
" 15, "
June 20, "
May 15, "
June 20, "
July 11, "
PRIVATES.
Moses Blanchard,
Anthony Mors,
Falmouth,
May 15,
" 15,
(enlisted in Arnold's Canada Expedition Sept. 6th)
Jonathan Sharp,
Jacob Knight,
Moses Merrill,
Mark Mors,
Samuel Noyes, Jr.,
William Buxton,
Moses Sweet,
John Colley,
William Colley,
Rowland Davis,
Silas Merrill,
Israel Colley,
Richard Sweetser,
Nathan Merrill,
Nathaniel Merrill,
John Whitney,
Josiah Clark,
John York, Jr.,
Peater Stewart,
Caleb Woodsum,
David Mclntire,
Joseph Green,
James Frank,
Moses Twitchell,
John Dacy,
Benjamin Field,
John York,
Able Bathorick,
Benja. Hardison,
James Breedean,
Eben Jones,
Stewart Porter,
Falmouth,
u
tt
tt
died Sept. 21st,
North Yarmouth,
Falmouth,
" discharged Sept. 21st
tt
tt
New Boston, (Gray),
North Yarmouth,
Falmouth,
tt
Andover,
Berwick,
Falmouth,
" 10,
tt 11
" 13,
" ' 15,
" 15,
15,
Aug. 9,
tt
15, "
tt
15,
tt
15,
15, "
15,
u
15,
It
15,
15, "
15, "
tt
15, "
tt
15, "
tt
15, "
June 10, "
tt
20, "
it "
20, "
tt
20, "
tt
20, "
if
20, "
tt
22, "
ti
22, "
tt
23, "
tt
23, "
tt
23, "
July
8,
He enlisted under Wescot and was turned over to me October 4th. "
This is probably an October return.
Mass. Archives, Vol. 56, Page 211.
172 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
CAPT. HART WILLIAMS' COMPANY.
Capt. Williams' company was raised at Gorham, and an early com-
pany roll was published in Pierce's history of that town They en-
tered the service April 24, 1775.
Capt. Hart Williams married Martha Phinney, a daughter of Capt.
John Phinney of Gorham, in 1750 He marched his militia company
in the Lexington alarm, and took part in the " Thompson war " in
May, 17, 1775 Capt. Williams entered the service April 24, in this reg-
iment, and Jan. 1, 1776, entered as captain in the 18th Continental
regiment, serving through the siege of Boston and the campaign at
Fort Ticonderoga in the fall of 1776 He served as first lieutenant in
Capt, Abraham Tyler's company, in Col. Thomas Poor's militia regi-
ment at North River, N. Y., from May 15, 1778 to Feb. 17, 1779, and
was a prominent citizen of Gorham. He died in 1797.
First Lieut. William McLellan was the son of Hugh and Elizabeth
McLellan of Gorham; married in 1763 Rebecca Huston of Falmouth,
who died Oct. 13, 1823, aged eighty-one years. He died in Nov., 1812,
aged eighty-three years. He was a soldier in Capt. George Berry's
company May 19, 1746, to Jan. 19, 1747, in Capt. Daniel Hill's company
March to Dec , 1748, and in Capt. Joseph Woodman's company in 1757,
seven months. He entered the service April 24, 1775, in this regiment,
served in 1776 in Col Phinney's 18th Continental regiment, and was
first lieutenant in Capt. Abner Lowell's company at Falmouth, in 1777.
Second Lieut., Cary McLellan, a brother of the above, married (1)
Jan. 3, 1767, Eunice Elder, and (2) Jan. 25, 1785, Mary Parker of Cape
Elizabeth. He entered this regiment with his brother, and served in
the 18th Continental regiment in 1776, at the siege of Boston and Fort
Ticonderoga. He later fitted out a privateer at Falmouth, but after
making one capture was chased once and escaped, but finally was cap-
tured by Capt. Mowat, carried to New York and confined on the
prison ship. He with some of his crew, escaped by overpowering the
guard, after they had succeeded in getting them under the influence
of liquor, and returned home He was a zealous patriot, a man of
energy and courage who had the confidence of his fellow citizens. He
served on important committees, and as selectman of Gorham. He
kept a public house and died at Gorham in 1805, aged sixty years.
Corp. Silas Chadbourne served also as a sergeant in Capt. Briant
Morton's company in 1776, as first lieutenant in the Eleventh Massa-
chusetts regiment in 1777, and resigned March 18, 1780.
" A Return of Capt. Hart Williams' company in the Continental
Army at Cambridge, ye Oct. 8th, 1775."
ALL ENLISTED APRIL 24th.
Hart Williams Capt, Gorham
William McLellan, 1st Lieut.,
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S KEGIMENT OF FOOT. 173
Gary McLellan,
John Perkins,
John Phinney Jr.,
James Perkins,
David Watts,
Silas Chadbourne,
Enoch Frost,
William Irish,
Samuel Gammon,
Thomas Bangs.
Jeremiah Jones,
PRIVATES.
Barnabas Bangs, Gorham
2d Lieut.,
Sergt.,
ii
Corp.
Drummer,
Fifer,
Gorham
on furlough
Ichabod Hunt,
Gorham
Joseph Weymouth,
Bickford Dyer,
Thomas Guston,
Jeremiah Hodgdon,
Daniel Maxwell,
Thomas Poat,
John Parker,
Ezekiel Hatch,
Paul Whitney,
George Robinson,
Joseph McDonell
Peletiah McDonell,
George Hunt,
George Waterhouse,
Sept. 30, 1775
Daniel Whitney,
Thomas Irish,
John Mellvin,
James Morton,
Philip Gammon,
Mass. Archives, Vol.
Ebenezer Mitchell, " entered
" the floating battery
" Abijah Lewis, Buxton
" James Irish, Gorham
" Nathaniel Lombard, "
11 Butler Lombard, "
" Owen Runnells "
" Theodore Rounds, Buxton
" Elisha Cobb, Gorham
" James Jourden, Falmouth
" Napthalim Whitney, Gorham
11 Jonathan Sturgis, "
" Prince Hamlin,
"discharged John Whitney, "
Amos Whitney,
Joseph McLellan,
" Joseph Creesy, Gorham, r. n. b.
" Sylvanus Brown, Gorham
" Solomon Green, "
" Joshua Hanscom, Barwick
56, Part 2, Page 217.
CAPT. WENTWORTH STUART'S COMPANY.
This company was raised principally from the towns of Gorham,
Standish and Windham.
Capt, Wentworth Stuart served as a lieutenant in Capt. Joseph Wood-
man's company, in 1757, and was an officer in the militia and marched
his company in the Lexington alarm. He entered the service April
24, 1775, and took an active part in the " Thompson war," serving as
captain in this regiment until Jan. 1, 1776, when he became a captain
in the 18th Continental regiment and died in the service, with the
174 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
small pox, at Sewall's Point, April 16, 1776, after participating in the
siege of Boston. He married Feb. 4, 1753, Susannah Lombard, daughter
of Rev. Soloman Lombard of Gorham. They had ten children. He
was born Oct. 20, 1731 and his wife Aug. 14. 1734.
First Lieut. Jonathan Sawyer entered the service April 24, 1775,
served also in the 18th Continental regiment, in 1776, and was promoted
to be captain. He was first lieutenant in the 14th Massachusetts regi-
ment Jan. 1, 1777, and died July 19, 1777 He is said to have married
Martha Rich in 1764, and had eleven children.
Second Lieut. Caleb Rowe of Pearsontown (Standish), enlisted April
24, 1775, was first lieutenant in the 18th Continental regiment, in 1776,
and was discharged Feb. 1, 1776 He also served in Col. Joseph Vose's
1st Massachusetts regiment, from May 15, 1777, to Dec. 31, 1779. He
came from Kensington, N. H., and died at Belgrade, Me., in 1819, aged
eighty -four years.
"Return of Capt. Wentworth Stuart's Company in the 31st Regt.
of Foot, Commanded by Col. Edmund Phinney, Sept. 29, 1775, with an
abstract of pay due from the last of July inclusive."
ENLISTED.
Wentworth Stuart, Capt., Gorham, April 24, 1775
Jonathan Sawyer, 1st Lieut., " " 24, "
Caleb Rowe, 2d " Pearsontown (Standish) " 24, "
Josiah Jenkins, Sergt., Gorham, May 15, "
John Watson, " " " 15, "
John York, " Pearsontown, " 16, "
Ebenezer Morton, " Gorham, " 15, "
Nathaniel Stevens, Corp., " " 15, "
Joel Sawyer, " " " 15, "
Peter Moulton, " Pearsontown, " 16, "
John Crocket, " Gorham, " 24, "
Benja. Green, Drummer, " " 24, "
Joseph Stuart, Fifer, " " 15, "
PRIVATES.
Austin Alden, Gorham, " 16, "
JohnGreeley, " " 15, "
JohnFoy, " " 15, "
John Irish, " " 17, "
James Irish, " " 17, "
Richard Preston, Windham, " 15. "
Amos Brown, " " 15. "
Job Hall, " " 15,
William Whitmore, Gorham, " 15, "
Nathan Hanscom, " " 15, "
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S REGIMENT OF FOOT. 175
Joseph Jennings,
Sargant Shaw,
Reuben Cookson,
Abraham York,
Ephriam Bachelor,
Thomas Shaw,
Daniel Bean,
Israel Smith,
Joab Libby,
David Whitney,
George Tesharey,
Daniel Toward,
Joseph Libby,
Joel Rich,
Thomas Skillings,
John Workman,
Jonathan Sanborn,
Desper West,
Arthur Pottenger,
Caleb Graff um,
John Thurlo,
Ephriam Russell,
Nathaniel Nason,
Charles Grant,
Elisha Libby,
Elijah Davis,
Barnabas Rich,
John Skillings.
Rye,
Pearsontown,
Norton,
Gorham,
it
Windham,
Kittery,
Gorham,
Barnerdstown,
Pearsontown,
Gorham,
Falmouth,
Windham,
Gorham,
Penobscot,
Berwick,
" discharged Sept,
Gorham,
May 24, 1775
" 16, "
" 16, "
" 16, "
" 16,
" 16, "
" 16, "
" 16, "
" 16, "
tt 17>
" 23,
" 24, "
" 24, "
" 24, "
" 24,
" 24, "
" 16, "
tt 24, "
" 16, " .
11 24, "
l< 24, "
" 14, "
14, "
15th, " 14, "
14) ii
" 15, "
24, "
" 24,
Mass. Archives, Vol. 56, Part 2, Page 216.
CAPT. MOSES MERRILL'S COMPANY.
This company was raised principally from the towns of New Glouces-
ter and New Boston (Gray).
Capt. Moses Merrill entered the service from New Gloucester, May
15, 1775, and was a selectman of that town. He was lieutenant-colonel
in Col. Timothy Pike's 4th Cumberland County militia regiment in
1776, and served as first lieutenant in Capt. Wm. Cobb's company in
Col. Jonathan Mitchell's regiment in the Bagaduce expedition in 1779.
First Lieut Noah Walker entered the service from New Gloucester,
May 15, 1775
Second Lieut. Nathaniel Haskell entered the service from the same
town, May 15, 1775. He married at Falmouth, Aug. 30, 1763, Deborah
Bailey, and probably moved to New Gloucester before the war.
176
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
" Return of Capt. Moses Merrill's company in the 31st Regiment of
Foot commanded by Col, Edmund Phinney."
ENLISTED.
May 15, 1775
Moses Merrill,
Noah Walker,
Nathaniel Haskell,
Nathan Merrill,
Nathaniel Bennet,
Samuel Blake,
Robert Baley,
William Goff ,
William West,
Zebulon Row,
Joseph Stevens,
George Knight,
William Haskell,
PRIVATES.
James Cabel,
Benja. Clifford,
Jonathan Doughty,
David Donnel,
Seth Dutton,
John Glovger,
Samuel Hammond,
Jacob Hammond,
Dannel Haney,
Nathaniel Ingersol,
Eliphalet Lane,
Joseph Leavet,
Nathaniel Lane,
Zepheniah Lane,
James Lesley,
Benja. Merrill,
John Mors,
James McFarland,
Levi Merrill,
Richard Mors,
Solomon Millet,
John Millet,
Mark Merrill,
Reuben Noble,
Richard Phillips,
Dier Pratt,
Abel Proctor,
Ambros Rines,
Eliah Royel,
Capt.
New Gloucester,
1st Lieut.
15,
, 2d Lieut. "
" 15,
Sergt. "
15,
tt tt
" 15,
" Taunton,
" 24,
" New Gloucester,
" 15,
Corp. "
" 15,
it it
tt ^5
it tt
" 25,
" New Boston (Gray),
" 15,
Drummer, "
" 15,
Fifer, New Gloucester,
" 15,
New Gloucester,
" 15,
"
" 24.
, New Boston (Gray),
" 31,
New Gloucester,
" 15,
New Boston,
" 19,
New Gloucester,
" 15,
tt
i
" 15,
tt
" 24,
New Boston,
" 15,
I, New Gloucester,
June 30,
"
May 15,
"
" 24,
tt
" 15,
tt
" 15,
New Boston,
" 20,
New Gloucester,
" 15,
New Boston,
" 15,
New Gloucester,
" 15,
"
" 15,
"
" 22,
"
" 15,
"
June 30,
New Boston,
May 15,
"
" 15,
New Gloucester,
" 24,
Taunton,
' 24,
Littleton,
" 31
New Gloucester,
" 15,
15,
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S REGIMENT OF FOOT. 177
Ebenezer Stevens, Taunton, May 24, 1775
Jonas Stevens, New Boston, " 15,
Joel Simmons, New Gloucester, " 15,
Joshua Staples, Taunton, 24, "
Noah Stevens, Littleton, 15, "
William Stinchfield, New Gloucester, " 15, "
Jacob Stevens, " 24, "
Nathaniel Stevens, " " 15,
Jonathan Tyler, " < 15,
William Tucker, " 15,
Joseph \Voodbury, " " 15, "
Joseph Woodman, " " 15,
Benja. Youlen, " " 24, "
Mass. Archives, Vol. 56, Part 2, Page 212.
CAPT. JOHN WORTHLEY'S COMPANY.
This company was enlisted at North Yarmouth and but nine of the
men were from other towns.
Capt. John Worthley enlisted in this regiment from North Yarmouth,
April 24, 1775. He came there from " Haletown " and the name was
originally Wortley ; married Nov. 9, 1758, Martha Bailey, daughter of
Robert and Martha Bailey, of Ware, Mass., she was born Feb. 8, 1740
and died June 14, 1817, aged seventy-seven years. They had five sons
and five daughters. Capt. Worthley died June 7, 1810, aged seventy-five
years. His family record is published in "Old Times North Yar-
mouth," page 786.
First Lieut. Bradbury True was the son of Capt. William and Anna
(Bradbury) True, and came from Salisbury to North Yarmouth, about
1760. He married Sarah Pettingill, and enlisted in this regiment, April
24, 1775.
Second Lieut. Crispus Graves enlisted in this regiment, April 24,
1775, and served also as second and first lieutenant in Capt. John Rice's
company in the 18th Continental regiment in 1776. He married in
1765, Susannah Merrill, and Feb. 26, 1796 Martha Whittam.
" Muster Roll of Capt. John Worthley's Company in the 31st Regiment
of Foot in the Continental Army encamped at Cambridge, Fort No. 2."
ENLISTED.
John Worthley, Capt., North Yarmouth, April 24, 1775
Bradbury True, 1st Lieut., " "' 24, "
Crispus Graves, 2d Lieut., " " 24, "
Samuel Stubbs, Sergt., " May 8, "
Stephen Curtis, " " " 12, "
Moses Merrill, " " " 12, "
John Webster, " " " 12, "
178
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
North Yarmouth, May 8, 1775
Jonathan Mitchell, Corp.
Jeremiah Stubbs, " "
Joseph Field, " "
Stephen Prince, " "
Moses Bradbury, Drummer, "
Bela Mitchell, Fifer, "
PRIVATES.
Trueworthy Dudley, North Yarmouth,
Joseph Videtor, "
Nathaniel Gerrish, Royalsborough (Durham),
Daniel Morrison, North Yarmouth,
Jonathan Byram, "
David Byram, "
Paul Sanburn, "
Stephen Blasdel, "
Abraham Reed, "
Peater Brown, "
Joseph \Veare, **
John Cole, <;
Page Tobey,
John Sturdavant,
Thomas Riggs,
Mathias Stover,
William Lawrence,
Seth Rogers,
John Marow,
Falmouth,
North Yarmouth,
Kennebec,
North Yarmouth,
Joseph Hunter,
Jacob Anderson,
Francis Davis,
James Rogers,
Jonathan Ferrin,
John Dill,
Carl McManners,
Michael Ferin,
(Gone to Canada with Arnold.;
North Yarmouth, "
Royalsborough (Durham),
North Yarmouth,
Ceaser Jackson, Negro,
Adams Rval,
(Gone to Canada with Arnold.]
Hollis,
Kennebec,
North Yarmouth,
Sheepscot,
Ely Stiles,
Peleg Smith,
Aaron Harris,
James McLellan,
Daniel Plummer, "
Elkenah Elms,
Beniah Baker, North Yarmouth,
This roll was probably made in October, 1775.
Mass. Archives, Vol. 56, Part 2, Page 213.
8,
12,
8,
8,
8,
8,
8,
8,
8,
8,
8,
10,
10,
10,
12,
12,
12,
12,
12,
14,
14,
14,
14,
14,
14,
14,
I
14,
14,
14,
14,
14,
14,
14,
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S KEGIMENT OF FOOT. 179
CAPT. ABRAHAM TYLER'S COMPANY.
Capt. Tyler's company was raised at Scarborough, and entered the
service in the early part of May.
Capt. Abraham Tyler was a son of James Tyler, of Arundel, and was
the last ferryman at Blue Point. He married, Aug. 11, 1743, Mrs.
Elizabeth Brown, of Biddeford. Capt. Tyler was in the militia and
marched his company at the Lexington Alarm. He entered the ser-
vice April 24, 1775, in this regiment; was captain in the 18th Continental
regiment in 1776, serving through the siege of Boston and the Ticon-
deroga campaign of the fall of 1776, and was captain in Col. Thomas
Poor's militia regiment, at North River, N. Y., from May 15, 1778 to
Feb. 17, 1779.
First Lieut. Elisha Meserve was born Jan. 19, 1741 ; married Jan. 16,
1765, Hannah Fogg, and was the son of Daniel and Mehitable Meserve.
He entered the service in this regiment April 24, 1775, and served in
the 18th Continental regiment in 1776.
Second Lieut. Moses McKenney was the son of Isaac and Elizabeth
McKenney. baptized at Scarborough May 5, 1742, and married, Oct. 20,
1762, Eunice Larrabee. He entered the service April 24, 1775 in this
regiment.
" Return of Capt. Abraham Tyler's Company in the 31st Regt. of
Foot, commanded by Col. Edmund Phinney, Sept. 29, 1775, with an
abstract of pay due from the last of July inclusive."
This company all enlisted from Scarborough.
ENLISTED
Abraham Tyler, Capt. April 24, 1775
Elisha Meserve, 1st Lieut. " 24. "
Moses McKenney, 2d Lieut. " 24, "
Solomon Meserve, Sergt. May 9, "
Ichabod Libbey, " " 9, "
Thomas Libbey, " 9, "
Samuel Plummer, " " 9. "
Samuel Goold, Corp. " 6. "
Isaac Merrick, " " 9,
John Fogg. ' " 9, "
James Tyler, ' "9, "
John Martin, Drummer, " 8, "
Daniel Libby, Fifer, " 8, "
PRIVATES.
Jonathan Berry, " 8, "
John Waterhouse, " 8, '*
Peter Kelley, " 8, "
William Chamberlain, " 8, "
Uriah Graffam, " 8, "
180
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
Thomas McKenney,
John Crocksford,
Samuel Larrabee,
Bartholomew Jackson,
James McKenney,
James Marr,
Job Mitchell,
George Vaughan,
Benja. Hoit,
Abner Harmon,
Zebulon Libby,
John Fly,
James Small,
Abner McKenney,
Nathan Berdeen,
Nathaniel Libby,
Reuben Libbey,
John Mathews,
Elisha Libby,
Simeon Libbey,
Robert Hartley,
Umphrey Hanscom,
Joseph McKenney,
Isaac McKenney,
Dominicus Libby,
Abraham Durgin,
Joseph Soverin,
Charles Bunalt,
Luke Libbey,
Umphrey Tyler,
Gideon Meserve,
Allison Libbey,
John Hobbs,
Joel Moody,
W illiam Libbey,
Gideon Hanscome,
Benjamin March,
Timothy Gerrish,
Mass. Archives, Vol. 56, Part 2, Page 210.
May 9, 1775
" 9, "
9, "
" 9,
" 9,
" 9. "
9,
9,
9, "
9, "
9,
9, "
9, "
9<
9, '<
q t*
9. "
9, "
9, "
9, <*
12, "
12, "
12, "
12, "
12,
June 1,
CAPT. JOHN KICE'S COMPANY.
Capt. John Rice was a retailer and inn-holder; lived at Dunstan and
is said to have been at one time a sea captain. He enlisted April 24,
1775, and served at Cambridge until Jan. 1, 1776, when he commanded a
company in the 18th Continental regiment through the siege of Boston
and died, probably from disease contracted in the service, May 18, 1776.
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S REGIMENT OF FOOT. 181
Two letters of his, from the army, are published in the history of
Scarborough, and from them it is very evident that he was one of those
zealous patriots of that time, whom their descendants delight to honor.
First Lieut. Silas Burbank joined this regiment April 24, 1775 from
Scarborough, served in 1776 in the 18th Continental regiment, joined
Col. Brewer's regiment Jan. 1, 1777, promoted to captain July 1, and
served until Jan. 1, 1781, having been in the service five years and eight
months. His two sons also served in the army.
He married, first, Feb. 14, 1763, Hannah Beard and they joined the
church June 19, 1763. He married, second, Feb. 14,1805, Sally Fitts.
He owned a large farm near Pine Point, was an innholder in 1791, and
had several children.
He was convicted for participation in the * King Riot " at Scar-
borough during the excitement about the stamp act. and confined in
the old timber jail which stood near where the soldiers' monument
now stands in Portland, and from which he wrote a letter to Richard
King, which was published in the history of Scarborough reflecting on
his character and want of education. The King side of the case has
been written, and Silas Burbank lies in a patriot's grave an acknowl-
edged lover of liberty, who no doubt thought that there would be no
liberty in Scarborough until the rule of Richard King was overthrown.
For any mistakes Silas Burbank may have made he atoned for them
all by his services to his country, and should have his proper place
among the patriots of old Scarborough
Silas Burbank served under Washington and Putnam at Cambridge
in 1775, in the siege of Boston the next year, marched to reinforce Fort
Ticonderoga in August, 1776, took part in the battles of the Saratoga
campaign and the surrender of Burgoyne in 1777, spent the winter of
1777-78 at Valley Forge, fought in the battle of Monmouth and ended
his services in the operations on the Hudson River, retiring from the
service Jan. 1, 1781, with a most honorable record. Let us give honor
to whom honor is due.
Second Lieut. Edward Milliken was the son of Edward and Abigail
Milliken and was born March 5, 1733; married May 23, 1754, Elizabeth
Harmon. He enlisted in this company April 24, 1775, and served also
in the 18th Continental regiment through the year 1776, part of the
time as quartermaster.
" Return of Capt. John Rice's Company in the 31st Regt. of Foot
commanded by Col. Edmund Phinne^ , Sept. 29, 1775 with an abstract
of pay due from the last of July inclusive."
ENLISTED.
John Rice, Capt., April 24, 1775
Silas Burbank, 1st Lieut., " 24, "
Edward Milliken, 2d Lieut., " 24,
182
MAINE HISTOKICAL SOCIETY.
Lemuel Milliken, Sergt.,
William Maxwell, "
John Nebegin, "
Eliakim Libby, "
James Milliken, Corp.,
Nathaniel Cairl, "
John Hodgdon, "
Joseph Richard, u
Joseph Waterhouse, Drummer,
John Peterson, Fifer,
PRIVATES.
Joseph Burnam,
Benja. Berry,
William Boobey,
DanielColebroth,
Silas Durgin,
David Durgin,
Seth Fogg,
Daniel Field,
Joseph Gold,
Solomon Hartford,
John Haines,
Nathaniel Jose,
James Larry,
Bezaleel Low,
Abner Lunt,
Daniel Marshall,
Benja. Milliken,
Daniel Moses,
Joshua Milliken,
Abner Milliken,
Jove Page,
Daniel Parcher,
Benjamin Rice,
Thomas Rice,
Lemuel Rice,
Ebenezer Rice,
Joseph Salt,
Thomas Burton,
George Thompson,
Samuel Tibbets,
John Wilson,
John Webster,
Thomas Whitten, Jr.,
Thomas Whitten,
Buxton,
discharged Sept. 16th,
May 8,1775
18,
15,
8,
15,
18,
15,
" 12,
" 15,
" 8,
" 18,
" 18,
" 13,
" 15,
July 3,
MaylS,
" 18,
July 1,
May 18,
" 18,
" 8,
' 15,
* 15,
" 15,
" 15,
" 15,
" 15,
' 18,
July 3,
May 8,
" 8,
* 15,
" 18,
July 5,
May 18,
" 15,
" 15,
" 8,
" 18,
July 3,
May 18,
COL. EDMUND PHINNEY'S REGIMENT OF FOOT. 183
John VVhitten, May 15, 1775
John Durgin, *< 18, "
All this company came from Scarborough, excepting Daniel Field,
of Buxton.
Mass. Archives, Vol. 56, Part 2, Page 207.
CAPT. SAMUEL DUNN'S COMPANY.
This was a Cape Elizabeth company, that entered the service April
24, 1775, and probably served in that town until July 11, when they
probably marched to Cambridge to join this regiment.
Capt. Samuel Dunn was a shipwright, and lived in the western part
of Cape Elizabeth. He married, in 1757, Sarah Skillings, daughter of
Samuel Skilliugs; was in Capt. Samuel Cobb's training company in
1756, delegate to the county convention of September, 1774, and was
prominent in the town's affairs He died about 1784.
First Lieut. Ebenezer Newell was from Cape Elizabeth and went to
Durham, Me., about 1779.
Second Lieut. Samuel Thomes, of Stroudwater, married Betty John-
son, Sept. 12, 1765, and died March 31. 1798, aged fifty-one years. He
entered the service April 24, 1775, was appointed first lieutenant in Capt.
John Skillings' company in llth Massachusetts regiment, Nov. 6, 1776,
and promoted to captain April 3, 1777, took part in the Saratoga cam-
paign, Valley Forge and battle of Monmouth, and retired Nov. 22, 1778.
'* Muster Roll of Captain Sam'l Dunn's Company in ye 31st Regiment
of Foot Commanded by Colo. Edmund Phinney. Belonging to the
Army of the United Colonies of North America."
ALL ENLISTED, APRIL 24.
on furlough,
sick on furlough.
on furlough.
Samuel Dunn,
Capt., Cape Elizabeth,
Ebenezer Newell,
1st Lieut.,
Samuel Thorns,
2d Lieut., Stroudwater,
Reuben Dyer,
Sergt., Cape Elizabeth.
John Robinson,
4. 44
John Gilford,
44 t
Robert Clark,
Daniel Sawyer,
Corp..
John Jordan,
i* "
Levi Done,
it
William Maxwell,
Joshua Wescott,
Drummer, "
Henry Small,
Fifer,
PRIVATES.
Moses Whitney,
Gorham.
184
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Jonathan Fairbanks,
William McKinny,
John Jordan,
Ebenezer Jordan,
Eliab King,
Samuel Robinson,
Robert Jimminson,
Solomon Jordan,
Peter Jordan,
Joseph Maxwell,
John Hans,
John Skinner,
Stephen Atwood,
Peter Sawyer,
James Jackson,
Walter Simonton,
John Fowler,
Francis Cash,
Ephriam Crocket,
Samuel Clark,
Edward Ave^y,
Daniel Dyer,
Jonathan McKinny,
Solomon Newell,
William Johnson,
John Chase,
Elezer Strout,
Wright Allin.
Timothy Johnson,
Moses Hanscom,
Robert Mitchell,
Thomas Jordan,
Thomas York,
Joseph Robert,
Thomas Cummins,
Mark Leach,
John Wimble,
William Elder,
Solomon Jackson,
Micall Davis,
Peleg Willard,
Stephen Hutchinson,
John Bryant,
Joshua Sawyer,
John Miller,
Samuel Groves,
Cape Elizabeth.
on furlough.
Newton.
Cape Elizabeth.
discharged.
discharged, Sept. ye 14th.
on furlough .
Pownalborough,
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 185
Jonathan Sawyer, Cape Elizabeth,
William Maxwell, "
EBENEZEB NEWELL, Lieut.
Mass. Archives, Vol. 56, Page 214.
This was probably an October return although there is no date on
the roll.
" They left the plowshare in the mold.
Their flocks and herds without a fold,
The sickle in the unshorn grain,
The corn, half garnered, on the plain,
And mustered, in their simple dress,
For wrongs to seek a stern redress,
To right those wrongs, come weal, come woe,
To perish, or overcome their foe."
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT-WAS
HE A TORY?
BY B. GOLDTHWAITE CARTER, U. S. ARMY.
Bead before the Maine Historical Society, December 19, 1895.
PART II.
IN the year 1761, or perhaps earlier, Col. Thomas
Goldthwait was appointed by Sir Francis Bernard,
then governor, secretary of war for the Province of
Massachusetts Bay.
He was very active from this date until September,
1763, in settling up the accounts of both officers and
men who had returned from the Crown Point expe-
dition. In this, as well as in all of the other positions
he had been appointed to, he showed unusual Executive
ability, and that he was a many-sided man.
That he was a warm personal friend of both
Thomas Hutchinson and Sir Francis Bernard goes with-
VOL. VII. 14
186 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
out saying, and is shown by his correspondence with
them during the period that he was thrown so closely
with both of these noted men.
The following advertisements, or official notices, were
found in the provincial newspapers of the date of his
appointment as secretary at war :
Province of Mass. Bay.
His Excellency the Captain-General is informed that some of
the officers who have received orders have been very negligent
in their Duty of Recruiting, which he apprehends is one cause
of the Levies being so backward ; it is therefore his Excellencys
Positive Determination to suspend those officers if he finds any
just cause for said complaint.
And he expects that those Troops which are already raised for
Colonel Thwing's Regiment proceed without any loss of time to
Castle William.
Tho. Goldthwait,
Sec'y at War.
Boston, June 9, 1761. (Boston News Letter.)
For the Compleating of the Provincial Regiments Notice is
hereby given (with reference to recruiting them) to compleat
the number to 3000 men. Make frequent returns of numbers,
&c., and that recruiting shall cease as soon as the regiments are
full.
By order of His Excellency,
Tho. Goldthwait
Sec. at War.
July 16, 1761.
Province of Mass. Bay.
The officers recruiting for Col. Holt's and Col. SaltonstalPs
Regiment are hereby notified to collect all the men they have
enlisted and march them immediately to Springfield, where they
will receive other orders.
Each officer upon his arrival there to make a return of his
Deserters to the Commanding officer, giving as particular a
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 187
Description of them as may be, that the same may be trans-
mitted to the Secretary at War.
By order of His Excellency,
Tho. Goldthwait,
Sec'y at War.
Aug. 12, 1761.
(Boston News Letter, August, 20, 1761.)
Province of the Massachusetts Bay.
The officers who were employed in the service of the Province
the last year, that are concerned in making up the Pay Rolls, are
directed to attend at Boston, as soon as may be, upon a Com-
mittee appointed by the General Court to examine the said Rolls :
and the Suttlers who were employed in the Said Service are also
directed to attend the said Committee with their accounts.
By order of His Excellency,
(signed) Tho. Goldthwait,
Seo'y at War.
Boston, Jan. 20, 1763.
(Boston Evening Post, Monday, Jan. 24, 1763.)
In 1763, Col. Goldthwait was appointed to command
Fort Pownall on the Penobscot. A description of this
old fort will not be necessary, as it has been fully
described in a number of historical publications from
plans now in possession of the Bangor Historical Society.
(Vol. 14, N. E. His. Gen. Reg. pp. 7-10.) An engraved
cut is shown in the History of Belfast, Me., pp. 5557.
It was the largest and most important post in the
eastern part of the province, and a very large trade
was carried on with the Tarratine or Penobscot
Indians, and other tribes.
The office of truckmaster, or official trader with
the Indians, was separate and distinct from that of
188 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
commander, and it appears that various persons held
that office : among them Jedediah Preble, his son, John
Preble, and Thomas Gushing ; but during most of the
period, between 1763 and 1775, it was held by Thomas
Goldthwait.
His predecessor, Jedediah Preble, is described in the
History of Maine as a man " whose administration of
affairs at the fort gave general satisfaction, and secured
the respect of all who came in contact with him."
As the acts of Thomas Goldthwait while in com-
mand of Fort Pownall have been frequently cited in
comparison with those of Gen. Jedediah Preble, let us
throw a searchlight upon this : not so much for the
purpose of condemning Preble, but to set Col. Thomas
Goldthwait right.
The writer finds that on August 24, 1763 :
A complaint having been made to the Great and General
Court against Brig. Preble at Fort Pownall about treatment of
garrison and carrying on the Truck Trade, a Committee was ap-
pointed to look into it.
And, on September 9, 1763 :
His Excellency, having communicated to the Board a letter
from Brig. Preble wherein he desires to resign his command at
Fort Pownal and the office of Truckmaster there, and his Excel-
lency having nominated Thomas Goldthwait, Esq., to be Truck-
master at said Fort Advised That his Excellency appoint
Thomas Goldthwait, Esq., accordingly,
(See Council Records of 1763, pp. 227, 277.)
He was, therefore, appointed truckmaster Septem-
ber 9, 1763, and the following commission was duly
issued :
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 189
(L. S.) Francis Bernard, Esq., Captain-General and Governor-
in-Chief over His Majesty's Province of Masschusetts Bay in
New England,
To Thomas Goldthwait, Esq., Greeting ! !
Whereas in and by an act passed in the Fifth year of His
Majestys Reign, entitled, " An act for allowing necessary sup-
plies to the Eastern Indians, for regulating Trade with them, and
preventing abuses therein :" Provision was made that a suitable
person be appointed by the General Court as Truck-Master for
the management of the Trade with the Indians for such place
whence any supplies of Cloathing and Povisions was made in and
by said Act, that in certain cases when a vacancy should happen
in the office of Truck Master, another should be put in by the
Commander-in- Chief, and thereby the office is to become vacant.
I have thought, therefore, fit to appoint, and do hereby, with
the advice of his Majesty's Council, appoint you the said Thomas
Goldthwait to be Truckmaster at Fort Pownall in the room of
the said Jedediah Preble. And you are to govern yourself in
the said office by such Rules and Instructions as you shall from
time to time receive persunnt thereto : and before you shall enter
upon said office, you shall take an oath and give sufficient secu-
rity to the Province for the faithful discharge of the same.
In Testimony whereof I have caused the Publick Seal of the
Province of the Massachusetts Bay aforesaid to be hereunto af-
fixed.
Dated at Boston the 9th day of September 1763, In the Third
year of His Majestys Reign.
By His Exellencys Command,
Jno. Cotton,
D. Sec'y.
He was made captain of Fort Pownall, September
12, 1763, and the following commission was -issued :
(L. S.) Francis Bernard, Esq., Captain-General, &c. . .
To Thomas Goldthwait, Esq., Greeting ! !
By virtue of the Power and Authority unto me granted by his
Majesty, I do hereby constitute and appoint you the said
190 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Thomas Goldthwait to be Captain of his Majestys Fort Pow-
nall at Penobscot, and of the Batteries, Fortifications & Plat-
forms to the said Fort belonging, and of the soldiers, which are
or shall from time to time be posted in garrison there.
You are therefore carefully and dilligently to discharge the
duty of Captain in all things relating to that place, and duly ex-
ercise the inferior officers and soldiers in arms, and to use your
best endeavours to keep them in good order and discipline who
are ordered to acknowledge you as their Captain, and you are
to observe and follow such Orders and Directions as you shall
from time to time receive from me, or the Commander-in-Chief
for the time being, or other of your superior officers, according
to the Rules and Discipline of War.
Given under my hand and seal at arms at Boston, the 12th day
of September 1768, in the Third year of the Reign of our Sov-
ereign Lord George the Third by the Grace of God of Great
Britain, France & Ireland, King Defender of the Faith.
By His Excellencys Command,
Jno. Cotton,
D. Sec'y.
(Book of Commissions, p. 173, Mass. Archives.)
It would seem from the fact that Thomas Gold-
thwait was appointed to succeed Jed ediah Preble upon
the eve of an investigation of the latter's conduct at
Fort Preble, of which there seems to be undeniable
proof, that Gen. Jedediah Preble resigned as the army
term fitly implies : " under fire," or " under pressure,"
for the same acts which Thomas Goldthwait is alleged
to have committed afterwards.
Can it be possible that these two truckmasters and
captains of Fort Pownall may have been confounded
by John Davidson and his subsequent historians ? For
I find in the Centennial Celebration of the Settlement
of Bangor, Maine, September 10, 1869, p. 34, and foot
note, the following :
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 191
Jed. Preble was the first Truckmaster ; he was very unpopular
with the Indians, and they made great efforts to have him re-
moved, and to have Johnathan Lowder, a late gunner at Fort
Pownall substituted. They accused him of lying in bed until 10
o'clock: of treating them with great indifference, going away
and leaving them waiting a day at a time for their supplies, thus
affording the young men an opportunity of getting drunk.
Are there any complaints filed against Thomas Gold-
thwait ? If so, they could be as easily found as those
against his predecessor.
The writer, after a most careful and exhaustive
search fails to find from 1763 to 1775 a single
official complaint made against him, either by the
Indians or soldiers of the garrison under his command.
On the contrary, he was repeatedly appointed truck-
master an office of high trust while still holding
the position, with the exception of one year, of cap-
tain of Fort Pownall.
All charges of cruelty, extortion, arbitrary conduct,
tyranny and cowardice came after the dismantlement
of Fort Pownall, in April, 1775, and were conceived in
malice and hatred.
While commanding Fort Pownall, Col. Goldthwait
was, of course, in frequent correspondence with Sir.
Francis Bernard, then governor of the province. He
continually advised with the governor with regard to
"augmenting" the garrison, and pointed out to him
the danger of not doing so; at the same time when
the acts of the Indians themselves became so flagrant
and intolerable as to demand prompt action, his ready
tact and good judgment repeatedly averted a bloody
outbreak.
192 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
These letters are all official in their character, but
they all indicate very clearly the confidence that the
Indians reposed in him, his wise and judicious govern-
ment of affairs there, and his kind and considerate
treatment of the Indians and soldiers under his charge.
They are too numerous and lengthy to admit of
their introduction entire within the limits of short his-
torical papers, but a number of them give in full
several quiet interviews with certain chiefs and mem-
bers of the tribe, to ascertain their real relations and
intentions toward the English, to locate the malcon-
tents, if any, and ascertain the causes for disaffection of
the latter.
They are in the nature of reports, in which are
clearly defined, in a very intelligent and comprehen-
sive manner, the actual condition of affairs at the
post, and the surrounding region.
One the writer will briefly quote from, which, writ-
ten some time after he had received his appointment,
and after the complaints made against the first truck-
master, would indicate any feeling among the principal
chiefs and Indians against him, if there were any.
March 26, 1764.
SIR : I got here on the 23d instant in the morning. Just be-
fore I came from Boston Capt. Wasgat hinted to me that the
Indians had grown very surly, and that the inhabitants of Maga-
baggaduce were very uneasy about it : he said he owned be was
himself.
I did not pay much regard to it as I had letters from the offi-
cers of the Fort by him which made no mention of it, but still it
made me more anxious about getting down.
Upon my arrival here I enquired of the officers whether there
was any foundation for the report : they told me there was. Mr
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 193
Treat told me that he had wrote a letter on purpose to acquaint
me of it, but Wasgat was gone and he didn't know which way to
convey it.
I found no Indians in but the old squaw, Oso. I immediately
sent for her, and also for Mr. McFarland, and examined her
about it. She seemed very frank and open to me, tho' Mr. Treat
says she had before denied it to him. I enclose your Excellency
the dialogue we had upon it.
Mr. G. I have heard that some Penobscot Indians have pro-
posed to the tribe to break their friendship with the English and
commit hostilities, and, as I know you to be a friend to us I ex-
pect you'll tell mewhether there's any foundation for it or not.
Oso. You may depend on it that I am your Friend, and will
tell you the truth.
Mr. G. Has s<ich a thing been proposed?
Oso. Yes !
Mr. Q. What started it?
Oso. Toma.
Mr. G. What did he say?
Oso. He said to us, * Why shall the English live upon our
lands? Let us take them and drive them off.'
Mr. G. Did he say it to a few or many ?
Oso. He mentioned it to all.
Mr. G. What answer did they make him?
Oso. They said his purpose wasn't good : the English treated
them kindly, and held their lands by conquest.
Mr. G. What answer did he make?
Oso. Says he 'The English have no right to command us :
let us be our own masters, and not be slaves to them.'
Mr. G. What answer did your people make ?
Oso. They said What can we do ? The English have got
possession of our land, and its best for us now to live in friend-
ship.'
Mr. G. Did any Indians join with Toma in this proposal?
Osa. Yes ! some.
Mr. G. Did Toma make this proposal to the St. Johns
Indians also?
194 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Oso. I have heard he did, and believe he did, but I do not
know it : I did not hear it with my own ears.
Mr. a. Where is Toma now?
Oso. I do not know. It is said he is a very great way in
the country.
The next day came in French Meser, one of the Indians that
was in Boston, and with him Anson, another very friendly
Indian. They all agreed in the same story, separately examined.
I found it was the old villian Toma, whom your Excellency had
a conference with last year, and who, upon all occasions, has had
so much respect shown him, together with Espequeunt, another
deceitful fellow, were at the bottom of the affair.
Mr. Treat says he had observed several of them more snappish
and sullen than usual, and couldn't account for it till some more
friendly inclined gave him a hint of this. Meser says the better
sort among them despised them who moved it. He says he plainly
told them so : that they were going to ruin themselves and their
nation : but he says they can make no head.
He says he thinks I shall not see Toma this year. He hopes
I wont lay Toma's faults upon him. I told him if they followed
Toma's plan they might disturb the neighborhood and ruin them-
selves, but they must know they couldn't hurt the fort.
He said he knew it very well, and if Toma was not a fool he
might know it too. But Toma he say'd was a proud man, and
wanted to be greater than they thought him to be. In a little
time, says he, the children will despise him.
I am now at the 29th instant. Capt. Frost came in this
morning: he tells me that the Indians have been surly his
way so much that he had once concluded to move his goods.
He desired me to advise him what to do respecting his Indian
trade. I told him, etc., etc., etc.
This is a very long letter, and relates to unimpor-
tant matters, until the last portion which gives an
interview with the Indian Toma as follows :
Capt. G. I have been informed that you have proposed to
your nation not to renew with the English. Is it so or not ?
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 195
Toma. Who told you this?
Capt. G. The Indians.
Toma. The Indhns and the English epeak against Toma.
All my young men that come to the Fort call themselves gentle-
men. They talk against Toma. They want to be governors
themselves.
Capt. G. It is both your young men and your old men that
have given this information : are they all liars?
Toma. Brother, hear me ! nnd understand me ! You have
two ears and you have a head. God now hears me, and God has
power to tear me this moment in pieces. He knows all my
thoughts. I say I have not had any such design.
Capt. G. You certainly have no cause to be inimical to us.
You know I have always treated you kindly. I have given you
meat. . .and when you had nothing to pay for it. You com-
plained that the English hunters interfered and hurt your hunt-
ing. Gov. Bernard made a representation of it, and obtained an
Act to prevent Englishmen from hunting only within their own
towns. You see we do all we can for you.
Toma. Brother, you are always kind to me. I am always a
friend to the English. 1 myself was the cause of the English
having peace 'with u-, etc., etc.
Capt. What is the reason that your own people and some of
your own family report these things of you ?
Toma. Adduhando, Espequeunt, (these are their Chief Gov-
ernors, as they are called) and I know nothing of this story.
Capt. I have been told that you and Espequeunt first pro-
posed it.
Toma. Brother, hear me ! The Indians have got two hearts:
one is possessed by God, and one is possessed by the Devil.
Sometimes they combat. If the Devil gets the better, then
whatever he (the Indian) speaks of, or whatever he does is bad.
The English have the hearts of women ; they believe every-
thing. What could I aim at ? You see I am an old man : my
eyes begin to lose their faculty of seeing: my ears fail me very
fast : you see my head is growing very white : I cannot live but
a little while. God hears me. I say Mgain I had no such
thoughts.
196 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Capt. I am glad to hear you declare in this solemn manner
that you have had no such thoughts. I wish you would dispos-
sess yourself of the notion that the French will ever retake Can-
ada ? It's a foolish notion. Drive it away ! I fear this thought
causes you to be wavering in your friendship for us : you are a
man of sense : how can you think that the French can retake
Canada? And, if they should, will you then have better friends
than you have in us?
Toma. Brother, we have got little eyes. We cannot see
France or England. If I was to shoot at them (leveling a stick
he had in his hands as if it were a gun, and taking sight) I
should shoot at random, and I might hit them or I might miss
them. The Indians on the back of Canada are very numerous.
Capt. What have you to do with the Indians on the back of
Canada ? or what have they to do with me? Put away that no-
tion ! I have heard several of your people say that you are not
friends to one another.
Toma. Brother, would you say more upon this subject ?
Capt. I have heard that you shou'd say your young men
have told stories about us.
Toma. It is true they told me the English wou'd take me
and poison me. I did not believe it. If I had believed it I
shou'd not have come in. Brother, stop up both your ears ! I
stop up mine.
The balance of this dialogue is very interesting, but
reveals nothing beyond the fact that Toma, in his
most persuasive Indian diplomatic language, denied
that he was in any plot for the overthrow of the
English.
The representation and act referred to concerning
the English hunters is as follows :
On July 19, 1763, Gov. Bernard issued a proclamation forbid-
ding all hostile acts towards the Eastern Indians, compelling res-
titution of furs, &c., taken from them by the hunters, and made
the greatest exertions to soothe their fears.
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 197
This was followed by a legislative act to prevent
the English from hunting in any part of the king's
woods.
Col. Goldthwait further emphasized this act by the
following calm and deliberate letters addressed to a
party of these hunters :
FORT POWNALL, Mar. 24, 1764.
Genm : The Indians complain heavily of the injury you do
them in hunting on a stream which they had taken up. There is
a law against English hunting at all, but it is hardly yet in force :
still, I cannot but hope that you are so friendly to the Common-
wealth that you won't give the Indians any just cause of com-
plaint.
The little advantage you may make will be poor compensation
to you if by this means you should be the cause of disturbing the
p eace and quiet of your Country.
Therefore I earnestly entreat you to quit the stream you are
upon. But, if you will not, and any mischief ensues, I cannot
see how you can acquit your dues if you are apprehended after
the act taken against the Province by your not complying with my
request.
I am, Gent m ,
Y r very good friend,
THO. GOLDTHWAIT.
The answer of the hunters was received upon a
piece of birch bark marked with a pin.
Capt. Goldthwait: this come to let you know that I have
seen the Indians you sent your letter with, and they have given
it to us. and we haven't set any traps where they have any and
we would be very glad you would tell the Indians that we would
(perhaps could) hunt upon the pond, that we were upon it first
and there were no signs of any Indians upon it when we came
here, if there was any traps on it we would not have sat any
there, and as we were here first we think it is our Right to hunt
198 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
here, but if you are not satisfied we will go home, so I am your
humble servant
HANS ROBINSON.
FOBT POWNALL, Mar. 28, 1764.
Gent m : I received your note by Arexes, and am sorry to tell
you that there is an absolute occasion for you to leave the Pond
which you are upon, and which the Indians say & demonstrate
they have y e best right to. I wish you could accomodate your-
selves otherwise for the little time which you have a right to
hunt : but if you are determined to continue where you are, I
fear what will be the consequence.
It is as much as I can do to pacify the Indians, and I hope
you d consider what injury may be done in this Province.
You are liable to a fine and to forfeit your fur, and I shall cer-
tainly use my best endeavours to have the act fully executed.
I am yours, &c.
THO. GOLDTHWAIT. '
The English Hunters
Quantabagood Pond.
These hunters were law-breakers. Col. Goldthwait
had the power vested in him to arrest and punish
them. They are the early settlers whom he is accused
of being unkind to.
" He was very unkind to the early settlers." " He
was cruel, arbitrary, and an extortioner."
Had he been an arbitrary or a cruel man he could,
because he had the power, and doubtless would have
sent out, arrested them at once, and placed them in
confinement inside the fort. Had he been an extor-
tioner he might have sent a messenger to them and
demanded a division of the valuable spoils or a sum-
mary arrest.
The writer asserts that these letters are models of
calm, considerate judgment. They are couched in the
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 199
most careful, courteous and diplomatic language, show
great tact, and indicate the very reverse of a cruel,
arbitrary nature.
In order to offer a strong contrast with Col. Gold-
thwait's methods of governing not only these lawless
hunters, but in his interviews with the Indians, his
rare tact in pacifying them, and smoothing over their
grievances, it is the writer's purpose to introduce a
letter written about this date, by Col. William Lith-
gow, who commanded Fort Halifax, the next fort on
the Kennebec River, to Dr. Sylvester Gardiner, the
celebrated surgeon of Boston, who has been previously
referred to as having married the eldest daughter of
Col. Thomas Goldthwait.
FORT HALIFAX, Mar. 26, 1764.
SIB : The Indians according to the best of my apprehensions
do not at present rest satisfied with the late peace, as appears to
me by some threatening words made use of to me by one Indian,
as that he would in the Spring prevent me from going up or
down this river, and would shut up the gates of this Fort, and as
the fellow behaved with great insolence in other ways I knocked
him off the chair where he sat, and as soon as he had recovered
from the stroke of my fist, he immediately arose from the floor,
stripped up his arms in order for Battle According to their cus-
tom, and at the same time yelling and claping his band several
times on his bare Britch and breast, in an insulting and braging
manner, which gave considerable flow to my spirits.
I then immediately caught him fast by the throat and with my
other arm around his neck I fetched him down with his head
against the chimney Jam with such force which made the Blood
come plentifully out of nose and mouth, and being determined to
follow the advantage I had gained, gave him no time to rise*
but siezed him by the hair of the head and draged him outside
the Door, when I gave him a kick on his Britch and told him if
200 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
I heard any more of his bad Talk I would make him unable to
stand or ao.
Upon which the other Indian present luged him off to their
Lodging, it being just night. Thus the quarrel ended to my sat-
isfaction.
The italics are the writer's. There is no mention
made of this act in any local histories the writer has
been able to find, and the reason appears to be obvious.
Col. Lithgow was not compelled, under stress of cir-
cumstances, when the alarm of war sounded, to have
Fort Halifax dismantled, and he adhered strongly to
the Whigs, as also did Gen. Jed. Preble.
From a strictly military standpoint of speedy justice
and good government however, the foregoing novel
method of dealing with the poor Indian of that period,
comes pretty close to being arbitrary and cruel, and
stands out in sharp contrast with any act that the
writer has yet found, connecting Col. Goldthwait with
similar force, or with the present refined modes of
treating with the wards of the nation.
HALLOWELL RECOKDS. 201
HALLOWELL RECORDS.
COMMUNICATED BY DR. W. B. LAPHAM.
[Continued from Page 105,]
Shubael West, son of Peter West and Hannah Cottle, his
wife, was born at Martha's Vineyard, August 14, 1772. Married
Mercy, daughter of Charles and Deliverance Edmondson, of the
same town, who was born April 16, 1766. Their children are :
Delia Edmondson, b. Sept. 2, 1794.
Charles Edmondson, b. Sept. 14, 1796.
Hannah, b. Feb. 5, 1799; d. Feb. 23, 1799.
Peter, b. Mar. 6, 1800.
George, b. June 26, 1802.
Joseph, b. July 17, 1804; d. Sept., 1805.
Joseph Merry, b. Oct. 14, 1805.
John, b. June 20, 1809.
Gustavus Oscar, b. Nov. 27, 1811.
Hannibal Alphonse, b. Dec. 26, 1813.
Harriet Emeline, b. June 21, 1816; d. Mar. 29, 1837.
Rebecca Edmondson, sister to the above Mrs. West living in
the family, was born at Martha's Vineyard, April 14, 1774.
James Hinkley, son of Shubael and Mary Hinkley, was born
in . Married Mary McKenny, daughter of Matthew
McKenney, of . Came to this town, 1774.
James Hinkley, son of James Hinkley, above mentioned,
was born in Topsham, county of Cumberland, August 14, 1769.
Came with his father's family to this town, 1774. Married
Joanna, daughter of Jonathan and Martha Norcrose of Bath,
who was born, June 3, 1773. Their children are :
Owen, b. Mar. 27, 1794.
Mary McKenny, b. July 7, 1796.
Smith, b. Aug. 1, 1798.
Nicholas, b. Oct. 25, 1799.
Thomas, b. Dec. 15, 1802; d. Sept. 5, 1803.
Pamelia, b. May 25, 1805.
Henry Kendall, b. May 20, 1807.
Martha Ann, b. Aug. 11, 1814.
VOL. VII. 15
202 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Dea. James Hinkley, died , 1840.
Mrs. Joanna Hinkley, died June, 1842.
Oliver Osgood Hinkley, son of James and Mary Hinkley, was
born in Hallowell, August 28, 1787. Married Sarah, daughter
of Isaac and Mary Filsbury of Hallowell, who was born in Lon-
don, state of New Hampshire, December 6, 1791. Their children
are :
Sarah Elizabeth, b. on Thursday, Oct. 26, 1815.
Helen Louisa, b. on Thursday, Oct. 9, 1817.
Amos, b. July 21, 1823.
Thomas Brewster Corlidge, son of Benjamin Corlidge and
Mary Carter, his wife, was born in Boston, December 4, 1786.
Came to this town May 18, 1809. Married Clarissa, daughter of
Loammi and Mary Baldwin, of Woburn, Massachusetts, January
23, 1812. Their children are :
Benjamin, b. Nov. 11, 1812.
Thomas Brewster, b. May 3, 1815.
David Marshall, son of Benjamin and Sarah Marshall, was
born in Ipswich, Mass. Married Anna Stevens El well. Mrs.
Marshall with her two sons and daughter came to this town,
June 22, 1800. Their children are :
Benjamin, b. May 6, 1777 in Ipswich, now settled in Bangor.
William, b. Jan. 1, 1780 in Ipswich.
Enoch, b. July 18, 1784, in Ipswich.
Betsey, b. July 19, 1780 in Ipswich.
Moses H. Rollins, son of Moses and Anna Rollins, was born in
London, state of New Hampshire, August 3, 1777. Married
Lucy, daughter of Samuel and Lydia Potter, of Pittsfield, New
Hampshire, who was born August 12, 1784, and married January
1, 1806, by elder Ebenezer Knowlton of said Pittsfield. Came
to this town with his family, March 9, 1807. Their children
are :
Holman Potter, b. Apr. 14, 1809.
Ariel Mann, b. Apr. 26, 1814.
William Rollins, son of Moses Rollins, was born July 5, 1779.
Came to this town, 1801. Married Betsey, daughter of Andrew
HALLOWELL RECORDS. 203
and Hannah Goodwin of this town, October 12, 1806. William
Rollins died August 19, 1840. Their children are :
Sally Ann, b. Aug. 29, 1807.
Eliza Ann, b. Oct. 12, 1809.
Elzada, b. Aug. 18, 1811.
Hannah Stackpole, b. Aug. 3, 1814.
Alphonzo, b. Nov. 13, 1816.
Lucy Ann, b. Aug. 19, 1819.
Andrew Jordan, b. Mar. 6, 1822.
William Henry, b. Dec. 31, 1826; d. Nov. 8, 1827.
Sewall Winslow, son of Jonathan and Abigail Winslow, was
born in Epping, state of New Hampshire, October 17, 1774.
Married Betsey, daughter of Jonathan and Sarah Whiting of
Winthrop, who was born June 9, 1781. Came with his family
to this country 1810. Their children are :
Jonathan Whiting, b. Apr. 17, 1803.
Hannah, b. May 24, 1805.
Abigail Clifford, b. May 13, 1807.
Sewell Sanford, b. Mar. 3, 1809.
Sarah Whittier, b. Apr. 9, 1812, in Hallowell.
Charles Henry, b. Nov. 10, 1813.
George Albert, b. Sept. 8, 1815.
Fraziette Elizabeth, b. Jan. 28, 1818.
Betsey Flaville, b. Sept. 21, 1821.
Pelatiah Morrill, son of Peasley and Peace Morrill, was born in
Berwick, District of Maine, July 18, 1787. Came to this town
Oct., 1810. Married Rhoda, daughter of Ebenezer and Sarah
Mayo of Hallowell, January 1, 1815. Their children are :
Caroline, b. Nov. 6, 1815.
Emeline, b. Sept. 21, 1817.
Eliza, b. Dec. 11, 1819.
Pelatiah Warren, b. Apr. 2, 1823.
George Mayo, b. Jan. 2, 1828, d. Dec. 29, 1830.
Rhoda Helen, b. Aug. 30, 1830, d. Aug. 13, 1871.
Ebenezer Norton, son of Ebenezer Norton, was born in Mar-
tha's Vineyard, January 9, 1777. Married Clarrissa, daughter of
Elijah Butler of Farmington. Their children are :
Betsey, b. Sept. 25, 1803, )
Mary, b. Nov. 4, 1806, > in Farmington.
Winthrop, b. Dec. 8, 1811, )
204 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Jeremiah, b. Apr. 17, 1813, ) . CT ,, ,,
Henry, b. Sept. 12, 1817, f m Haliowell.
The children of Stephen Brown and his wife :
Ann, b. Apr. 9, 1794.
Judith, b.
Andrew, b. Apr. 11, 1798.
Stephen, b. Aug. 31, 1801.
Betsey, b. May 14, 1804.
David Coombs of married the above named Judith
Brown, and dying left one child, viz. :
Edward Coombs, b. June 9, 1816.
SKETCHES OF THE LIVES OF EARLY
MAINE MINISTERS.
BY WILLIAM D. WILLIAMSON.
Presented to the Maine Historical Society, with an Introduction by Joseph
Williamson, December 10, 1881.
[CONTINUED.]
REV. JOHN URQUHART.
REV. JOHN URQUHART/ a Scotch Presbyterian, es-
tablished at Warren in 1775, was the first settled
minister in that place. He was educated at one of
the colleges in his native country, licensed to preach
by the Allon Presbytery in North Britain, and emi-
grated to this state in the spring of 1774. Warren
was at that time called the " upper town " because it
was a settlement begun in 1736, on the westerly bank
of St. George's River, a short distance above that
called the " lower town " on the other side of the
river. In the former was a meeting-house, at the
1 Urquhart is quite a rare name, pronounced Urcutt ; perhaps in England Orcutt,
at the southward Usqushart.
SKETCHES OF THE LIVES OF EARLY MAINE MINISTERS. 205
lower part of the town, and in the latter a fort/ which
were not far apart. Mr. Urquhart was first at New
Castle, and on his arrival at the plantation, which was
principally settled by Scotch and Irish Presbyterians,
was employed to preach, and a twelve-month after-
ward, settled. He was the next preacher in the plan-
tation after Mr. Rutherford, and probably gathered a
church, though no record of its establishment is now
extant. Warren was incorporated November 7, 1776,
and Mr. Urquhart was accredited the minister of the
town for eight years, yet he preached occasionally in
Thomaston, 2 Gushing, and Stirlington settlement.
But though he was a man of considerable abilities,
his piety was questionable, and his character suspi-
cious; it was said he had married a second wife while
the first one was living. At length, therefore, the
Salem Presbytery, in September, 1783, on hearing the
charges against him, removed him, also the town set-
tled with him for his services, and wished him to leave
them. Still he tarried, until a committee by letter
desired the Presbytery to effect his departure. His
next remove was in the autumn of 1784 to the town
of Ellsworth, situated at the head of navigation on
each side of Union River. The next spring we find
him preaching at Topsham, where a committee from
Ellsworth gave him a call and requested the Salem
Presbytery to install him. Though a listening ear to
the application could hardly be expected,' yet such
was the apparent humility of the candidate that on
1 Incorrect; both were in the upper town.
2 In 1768 the first minister settled in this vicinity was John Urquhart. He
preached to the inhabitants of Thomaston seven years. Hon. Mr. Pierce's MS.
letter.
206 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
the seventh of September, the same year, 1775, that
body gave him installation. But Mr. Urquhart in no
lengthened period found himself losing the favor, the
confidence, and even the charity of his people. His
preaching was powerless, and there were evident
blemishes on his character. What could not be proved
by witnesses could be effected by jealousy and preju-
dice; and early in the year 1790 he was dismissed,
and perhaps ought to have been silenced. For how
appears the mere worldling " in handling the word of
life ? " Alas ! the unyielding evil such a minister
entails upon a young community.
REV. THOMAS MOORE.
REV. THOMAS MOORE, Harvard College, 1769, was
ordained June, 1773, the first settled minister of Wis-
casset. His wife was Anna Kingsbury, of that place,
the sister of Judge Thomas Rice's wife. This was the
southerly, or first Parish in the old and extensive town
of Pownalborough. A settlement at Wiscasset Point
was effected in 1662-63, but all the inhabitants were
driven off by the Indians early in the second Indian
war, which commenced in 1688, and this part of the
state lay waste upwards of forty years. The planta-
tion was resettled about 1730, and the only preaching
the people enjoyed for many years was that of mis-
sionaries. Mr. Moore was not a very powerful or
popular preacher : he was an Arminian, in favor of the
half way covenant, and after a ministry of eighteen
years his pastoral relationship was dissolved. This
was in the year 1791, and he never resettled in the
SKETCHES OF THE LIVES OF EARLY MAINE MINISTERS. 207
ministry. But within two years afterwards, while
preaching in Pittston, he died in an apoplectic fit.
His character was fair, though his piety was doubted.
No one will deny that abstinence from evil and philo-
sophical morality are doctrines of negative goodness,
well worthy to be taught from any pulpit. They are
the pure snows which clothe nature in the whitest
robes. Still, positive holiness arid divine grace are the
light and warmth indispensable to give life and pro-
duce fruits in the heart. Ministers sometimes, but too
late, find their preaching but as the frost of winter.
Mr. Moore's height was of a middle size, of a square
frame, darkish complexion, and good features : a lover
of good food, of which he partook freely. He left one
son, who died at New Providence.
REV. JACOB BAILEY.
REV. JACOB BAILEY, Harvard College, 1755, was a
local Episcopal curate or rector, the first of that
order at the present Dresden. That place was origi-
nally the plantation of Frankfort. After a fort was
established in 1754, near the easterly bank of the
Kennebec, opposite the head of Swan Island, perhaps
three leagues below Gardiner village, the place was
selected as a good site for the court house in Pownal-
borough, that town and the county of Lincoln being
both incorporated in 1760. The Kennebec Pro-
prietors, still further to promote their own interest
and to accommodate such worshipers as attended Court,
soon afterwards erected a church mostly at their own
expense. Being themselves Episcopalians, they also
208 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
employed Mr. Bailey about the year 1770, to officiate
as minister of the new establishment, and also endowed
it with one hundred acres of land which were ulti-
mately vested in trustees for the same purpose. But
there were not many of the sect in that place, and
Mr. Bailey in a few years found it was no soil nor
atmosphere for Episcopacy. As the storm of the
Revolution thickened and, lowering, threatened to
burst upon him, with other loyalists, he retired to
Annapolis-royal in Nova Scotia. He never returned ;
but was there in April, 1795, whence, from his pen, was
published in the fourth volume of Collections of the
Massachusetts Historical Society, a paper " on the an-
tiquities of America." It is written in a good style
and evinces considerable thought and research. In
of one its paragraphs he says : "The Indians had for-
merly a method of conveying knowledge by hierogly-
phics. I am assured form good authority that the
Mickmacks of this peninsula had the same method
(upon the rind of bark) of expressing their sentiments.
There is in this town a gentleman of learning, curious
in his reseaches, who has not only surrounded, but
traveled through the interior length of this province.
He informs me that he has seen those characters both
upon bark and paper, and that some of the Romish
missionaries perfectly understand them."
Mr. Bailey is supposed to be the son of Rev. Abner
Bailey, of Salem, New Hampshire. Where the son
was employed after his graduation, before 1770, is not
known. He was the last on the catalogue of his class,
consisting of twenty-four, when students were " placed "
SKETCHES OF THE LIVES OF EARLY MAINE MINISTERS. 209
or arranged " according to the rank of their parents ;"
though his classmates were Pres. John Adams, Gov.
John Wentworth, Rev. Dr. Sam. Lock, President Har-
vard College, Judges William Brown, and David Sewall,
Hon. Tristram Dalton, and Dr. Moses Hemmenway.
Evidently, the talents of Mr. Bailey were more solid
than flowing, and his piety more philosophical, than
spiritual. As a minister, therefore, he could not so
much excel.
REV. THOMAS LANCASTER.
REV. THOMAS LANCASTER, Harvard College, 1764,
was ordained in November, 1775, the third settled
minister in the first parish of Scarborough. He was
the successor of the excellent Mr. Pierce. He was one
of the patriarchal ministers so much beloved and
revered in his time, for he was the engaged pastor and
teacher of this church and people the protracted period
of half a cen tury- After the death of Rev. Mr. Pierce
and before the settlement of Mr. Lancaster, the pro-
fessors and parishioners with one consent renounced
Presbyterianism, and again became Congregationalists.
Few ministers have shown themselves more faithful to
their vocation and more intent on doing good than the
pious Mr. Lancaster. He sowed precious seed, and in
return had the taste of a rich and pleasant harvest.
REV. WILLIAM FESSENDEN.
REV. WILLIAM FESSENDEN, Harvard College, 1768,
was ordained October 11, 1775, the first settled min-
ister of Fryeburg. This township was granted to
VOL. VII. 16
210 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Gen. Frye in 1762, a settlement was soon commenced,
a church of eleven members was formed, August 21st,
before Mr. Fessenden was settled, and the town incor-
porated, January llth, 1777, under very favorable
auspices. For the people were blessed with a young
minister of talents, piety, and education, zealous to
do good, emulous to excel. He was the son of
William Fessenden, Cambridge, Massachusetts, and a
younger brother of Rev. Thomas Fessenden, Walpole,
New Hampshire. The Congregational meeting-house
is at the village in the southerly part of the town,
" decently finished." A parish fund originating early,
amounted during Mr. Fessenden's life to more than
two thousand dollars. But though he preached the
gospel with fidelity and considerable success, seeing
the members of the church multiplied and the borders
of Zion enlarged, he found himself the minister of a
peculiar people. Unable to satisfy them he relin-
quished his salary in 1803, like the good shepherd that
careth more for the flock than the fleece, and preached
afterwards at times at other places. His pastoral labor
and relation were continued till both were closed by
his death, May 6, 1805, he being in the fifty-eighth
year of his age, and thirtieth of his ministry. He left
a family, Samuel Fessenden, Dartmouth College 1806,
a counselor at law, Portland, senator and major-
general, being his son.
REV. JOHN THOMSON.
REV. JOHN THOMSON, Harvard College, 1765, was
ordained October 26, 1768, the first settled minister of
SKETCHES OF THE LIVES OF EARLY MAINE MINISTERS. 211
Standish. He was the son of Kev. William Thomson,
of Scarborough, and a classmate with Kev. Samuel
Willard, president of Harvard University.
This was originally a tract granted in 1750, settled
in 1760, a plantation called " Pierson-town, and
Hobbstown, " and incorporated, November 30, 1785,
into a town by its present name of Standish.
Mr. Thomson was ordained in Rev. Mr. Smith's
meeting-house in Portland. At that time there was
a church organized of seven male members, and there
were in the town of Standish about thirty families.
To the year 1776, he received his support principally
from the proprietors of the township ; but after that
year they withheld it, believing the inhabitants were
numerous and able enough to maintain their minister
themselves. Mr. Thomson on this occasion acted, in
imitation of his Lord, the part of true, disinterested
benevolence, for he continued to preach there five
years without compensation. In 1781, however, he
suspended his ministrations in Standish, and sought
other fields of labor, and in May, 1783, he was
dismissed at his own request, and in the same month
he was installed the fourth settled minister of South
Berwick, the successor of Rev. Jacob Foster.
The prospects of Mr. Thomson in pecuniary affairs
were now bright and promising, for the parish
owned a tolerable parsonage and other property to
the amount of two thousand dollars, to which must
be added General Lord's donation of fifteen hun-
dred dollars to the funds of the society. But
the church was small, no general revival of relig-
212 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
ion having ever, till lately, distinguished its annals.
Surely so good a minister as Mr. Thomson, might
often feel his heart bleed, on perceiving luke-
warmness so protracted among a people remarkable
for sobriety and the best habits. Still he believed
there would be fruits if he failed not. He was perse-
vering, therefore, in his labors like a primitive apostle,
and he possessed " like precious faith. " His ministry
was of uncommon length, it being in the whole sixty
years ; forty-five of which were at South Berwick.
He died in 1828, aged about eighty-two years.
FIELD DAY.
EXCURSION TO FRYEBURG, SEPTEMBER 12, 1895.
IN accordance with the notice sent out to the mem-
bers of the Society and their friends an excursion was
made to Fryeburg, and a small, but enthusiastic party,
arrived at that lovely, historic village soon after
10 A. M. ? where they were met by Hon. George B.
Barrows, who escorted them through the village point-
ing out the sites of especial historic interest.
The party were then entertained at Mr. Barrows'
residence, and examined his library and a large collec-
tion of autograph documents and other interesting
relics.
A visit was then made to the Kegistry of Deeds, and
the volume containing the deeds in the handwriting
of Daniel Webster was examined with interest.
FIELD DAY. 213
By invitation of Dr. S. C. Gordon, owner of the
Governor Dana homestead, the party visited the beau-
tiful, rejuvenated mansion, and afterwards adjourned
for dinner at the Hotel Oxford.
At 2 P. M., the party took carriages, furnished by
the generous hospitality of Dr. Gordon, and drove to
Jockey Cap and to Lovewell's Pond. Here Mr. Bar-
rows and Mr. C. H. Walker pointed out the ravines
where the savages hid in ambush, and the battle-ground
on the border of the pond. Next were visited Mount
Tom, the Frye Hill and the Fessenden homestead, con-
cluding with a brief call upon Mrs. George F. Shepley
at the Highlands.
In the evening a meeting was held in the Congre-
gational church, President Baxter in the chair, who
read the following paper on Captain John Lovewell
and the Pequakets.
President Baxter's address was as follows :
JOHN LOVEWELL AND THE PEQUAKETS.
On former occasions, I considered at length and with some particu-
arity the campaign against the Pequakets, its causes and results, and
were it not expected that I should have something to say on the subject
on this occasion, I should hold my peace. As it is, I shall be brief. It
doubtless occurred to many of us to-day that had we passed one hun-
dred and seventy years ago over the ground which we were traversing,
we should have beheld very different scenes from those upon which our
eyes so agreeably rested this bright September day.
Instead of the evidences of civilized occupation, of peace and pros-
perity, we should have beheld what a few years later Walter Bryant of
Bow describes as having seen. He says that he " discovered- Indian camps
large enough to hold thirty men; saw the spot where Lovewell was
killed, and the trees full of bullet holes, having also imitations of men's
faces cut out upon them." All this has changed, and the memory of
the events which took place here seems distant and dim, and has but
ittle influence upon the life of the present.
214 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
And yet, the struggle which took place here exerted an important
influence upon our history. It followed in orderly sequence events
which in the scheme of Providence were to shape the conditions which
exist to-day. From the moment when the standards of France and
England were planted upon the North American continent, conflict
between them was inevitable, and it was inevitable too, that the savage
tribes, within the influence of the contending parties, should be in-
volved. Later, when emigration had made it possible for considerable
communities to become organized, and New France and New England
confronted each other, representing different phases of civilization and
dominated by religious faiths irreconcilably hostile to each other, the
conflict assumed a bitterness which could only end in the exhaustion of
one or both parties.
The French affiliated with the savages, married their women, and
adopted many of their modes of life. Their religion, with its eternal
pomp and glitter, particularly appealed to the savage imagination, and
their priests, under the pressure of what they regarded as an impera-
tive duty, labored incessantly to impress upon them the necessity of
rooting out their heretical neighbors.
On the other hand the English regarded the savages with ill-concealed
contempt, almost with abhorrence. Mather denominated them wolves
with men's brains, which was by no means a wholly wrong description
of them.
It was difficult for a Puritan to believe that they possessed enough
spirituality to enable them to become real Christians, and their belief
was not groundless.
The influence of the French, then, over the savages was potent, and
they exerted it with a zeal which was kept ever bright by what they
regarded as a spirit of patriotism and piety.
In August, 1724, only three months before Lovewell's first expedition
against the savages, Norridgewock had been destroyed by the English,
and Pere Rall6 slain. He had been an unrelenting foe of the English,
and had incited the savages against them whenever occasion offered.
The English, therefore, believed that self-preservation demanded the
subjugation of the savage community over which he presided, hence
the strenuous and costly attempts which they made to subdue it.
The destruction of this stronghold of the savages and the loss of their
priest, whose death, although he had persistently courted it, was not
intended by the English commander, added new fury to the rage of the
savages, which the French eagerly encouraged, and it became evident to
the English settlers that war must be waged unrelentingly against a foe
who spared neither age nor sex ; who were inspired not only by revenge,
but by self-interest, to destroy them, for the French had long before
established a market for English scalps and English captives, for both of
FIELD DAY. 215
which they liberally paid. The English did not retaliate by placing a
bounty upon French scalps, but they did enlist men for the war then
being waged, one of the inducements for enlistment being a bounty for
Indian scalps.
Late in 1724 Capt. John Lovewell organized a force of thirty men,
with the intention of penetrating the Indian country and making repris-
als upon the Pequakets, whose principal settlement was within the lim-
its of the present town of Fryeburg. The Pequakets were dangerous
neighbors to the English, and it was believed that unless they could be
severely punished they would, on the approach of spring, attack the
frontier settlements and inflict serious injury upon them.
Undertaking a campaign in an enemy's country is always attended
with extraordinary hazard, and Lovewell's first expedition, consisting of
but thirty men, exposed to the storms of winter, and obliged to traverse
an unbroken wilderness to encounter a foe superior in numbers and
familiar with the ground, seems foolhardy in its inception. This expe-
dition, however, resulted in no loss of life to the English. One savage
was killed and a lad taken prisoner.
Lovewell and his men were welcomed home with enthusiasm; and he
immediately organized another expedition, consisting of eighty-seven
men, which set out in the latter part of the following January.
After several marches, rendered more painful by a scarcity of food, a
camp of ten savages was surprised and the men killed. This ended
Lovewell's second expedition. He had, however, determined to strike a
blow at the stronghold of the tribe, and by the middls of the following
April he had gathered a force of forty-six men, with whom he set out in
the campaign which was to render his name immortal.
Lovewell's plan was well considered. Arriving in the enemy's
country at a place within the limits of the present town of Ossipee, a
fort was erected as a base of supplies and to afford protection in case of
retreat. This fort seems to have been admirably located for defense
and carefully constructed, as it was surrounded by a stockade and
ditch, with a supply of water which could not be cut off. In the fort he
left the surgeon with a small garrison of men and a portion of his sup-
plies, and took up his march for the Pequaket settlement, about forty
miles distant.
On the eighth of May, while at prayers, the party heard the report of
a gun, and looking in the direction of the sound, a savage was discov-
ered upon a point of land on the northeastly side of the pond which now
bears Lovewell's name.
Thinking that the presence of his men had been discovered, and that
the savage had exposed himself to draw them into an ambush, Lovewell
prudently held a council to determine whether it were better to advance
or to retreat. The reply of his men was heroic. "Having," they said,
216 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
" come out to meet the enemy, and continually prayed to God that they
might do so, they would rather trust to Providence with their lives,
yea, would hide ed rather die for their country, than retreat and earn the
title of cowards." Unfortunately, Lovewell did not know that his
enemy was in his rear, hence he ordered his men to leave their packs,
and advance with caution. This enabled the savages, who were upon
his trail, to calculate the weakness of his force. Unaware of the
presence of the enemy in his rear, Lovewell advanced toward the point
where the savage had been seen. Soon he was discovered approaching,
and several guns were fired at him without apparent effect, as he
returned the fire, wounding Lovewell and one of his men with beaver
shot, when he was brought down by Lieut. Wyman.
Not finding the savages in their front, the English returned to obtain
their packs, when the savages, who had followed them, rose from their
ambush and fired upon them. The first fire of the savages was wild,
and did not inflict serious damage.
Finding themselves in danger of being surrounded, the English fell
back to the pond, where the fight was renewed, and continued all
day, with considerable loss to both parties.
The savages, confident of success, at one time called upon their sadly
weakened foes to surrender, which they scornfully refused to do, and
kept up the fight so stoutly that at nightfall the savages withdrew.
When the survivors had time to look about them, they found their con-
dition indeed pitiable. Lovewell was dead, Farrah just expiring, Rob-
bins and Usher too severely wounded to walk, and eleven others more or
less severely wounded. The brave Robbing, perhaps no braver than the
rest for they were all brave enough made the dying request that his
gun should be loaded and left by him, so that he might kill another sav-
age if any came to scalp him before he died. It was necessary to leave
behind those who could not walk, and those who could do so, set out on
their terrible march towards the fort, forty miles away. They were
worn out with fatigue and hunger, having eaten nothing through the
day, and having no provisions with them. It was indeed a terrible
march, for, in addition to physical suffering, was the constant fear of
surprise by a pitiless foe. Four of the wounded, Farwell, Frye, Eleazer
Davis and Jones soon gave out, and at their request they were left behind.
When the fort was reached by the survivors it was, to their great disap-
pointment, found abandoned. The men left to garrison it had heard
that their leader had been killed and their friends defeated, and being
so few in number resolved to abandon their fort rather than to risk a
battle with a foe so greatly superior in numbers and elated with success.
Of the four wounded men left on the march, Davis succeeded in dragging
himself to the fort, where he found provisions which revived him, and
he finally reached home; Jones also succeedsd in reaching home;
FIELD DAY. 21
the others were never heard from. Of the thirty-four men \vho were
in the fight, but nineteen reached home alive, and these were received
as heroes who had achieved a great victory. It is probable, indeed,
that never were victors returning from war more honored than were
these brave men. Love well was eulogized as one of the greatest heroes
whose name had been recorded in history. Symmes, one of the
most eloquent divines of the day, preached his funeral sermon from
the text " How are the mighty fallen and the weapons of war per-
ished. ,
In reflecting upon this subject upon a former occasion, I remarked
that the emergency which called Lovewell and his men to leave their
homes to enter upon so desperate an enterpise as the expedition
against the Pequakets, involved consequences of vital importance to the
people of New England. Their welfare, if not their existence, de-
pended upon the destruction of the Indian power. Paugus, the Pequak-
et chief, had long been the terror of the frontier, and these patriotic
and heroic men had overthrown him. The exploit was indeed a theme
worthy not only of the people's gratitude, but of the best powers of the
orator and poet. The patriotism of Lovewell and his men has been
criticized by sentimentalists on account of the eagerness displayed by
them in securing the scalps of their foes, but to suppose that these
men were actuated by no higher motive than to derive gain from a
tiaffic in scalplocks is to ignore abundant proofs to the contrary.
They were not responsible for the methods devised by the government
to secure proof of effective service rendered it; even if they were, we
should consider the character of the enemy with whom they had to deal.
European methods of warfare could not avail against savages who
prowled about the settlements in the darkness of night, surprising and
killing people in their beds. They could only be successfully reached
by men adopting their own secret methods of attack, and to prevent
them from destroying the growing settlements it was necessary to in-
flict upon them the sharpest punishment. No more lofty patriotism
has been displayed by Englishmen than that displayed by Lovewell and
his hardy comrades. In a season of supreme peril to their country,
amid the fervent prayers of the best people of the land, with an unal-
terable resolution to conquer or perish in the attempt, they went forth
to meet hardships and perils calculated to appal the stoutest hearts.
Their reply when they found themselves in the vicinity of their pitiless
enemy, without knowledge of the numbers they were to encounter, and
knowing that defeat meant death, perhaps by the crudest torture,
should render their names immortal. They had prayed to meet the
enemy, and would trust in Providence and if necessary die for their
country, but would not turn back. What nobler spirit have heroes ever
exhibited? Nor should we ignore the sentiments of the people for
218 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
whose welfare they suffered. They realized, better than we can realize,
the exigencies of the occasion which prompted these men to go forth
against their savage foes, and to the sacrifices which they made, and we
should give due weight to their opinions. They extolled them as
heroes, and the pulpits of New England, occupied by some of the purest
men whom any age can produce, endorsed the public testimony.
The importance of a battle can be properly estimated neither by the
cumbers engaged in it, nor by the numbers left on the field. It can be cor-
rectly measured only by results. Adopting this standard, in doing which
we are supported by an authority no less than Sir Edward Creasy, who has
given the chief place in military history only to those battles which are
acknowledged to have been decisive, and which he finds to be but
fifteen in number, the battle of Pequaket at once assumes important
proportions. It was decisive.
In this battle the Pequakets lost their great chief and many of their
best warriors, and they realized for the first time that the English arm
was long enough to reach them. An enemy who could send out men
versed in their own methods of warfare, who could, with impunity,erect
fortified camps in their country, and attack and destroy their homes,
filled them with dread and made them anxious for peace. So great was
the terror inspired by Lovewell's attack upon them that the savages
abandoned their seat at Pequaket and took up their abode in Canada.
In a short time overtures for peace were made. A treaty was agreed
upon, and New England again enjoyed a season of prosperity, although
the French still endeavored to foment trouble between them and the
savages over whom they exercised a malign influence but with poor
success, as the lesson taught them at Norridgewock and Pequaket
convinced them that the English were dangerous enemies when aroused.
To Lovewell, then, we may accord the honor of having, by his brave
fight at Pequaket, ended a war which might have been prolonged for
years and caused much bloodshed and suffering.
Upon concluding the reading of his paper Mr. Bax-
ter called upon Hon. George B. Barrows of Fryeburg,
who spoke as follows :
MB. PRESIDENT: It is a matter of general regret that the rain of the
morning prevented so many from leaving Portland to attend this meet-
ing, and also that the return of several members after their afternoon
excursion has diminished the attendance of the evening. As for my-
self, counting on an embarrasment of riches from abroad, I had not
thought of speaking at all, and will only allude briefly to some topics
suggested by the walks and drives of the day.
If the State has made it the duty of this Society to collect and pre-
serve whatever may tend to explain and illustrate any department of its
FIELD DAY. 219
history, we should not limit it to writings in books, or collections in
museums, which may perhaps be far removed from the general public.
No illustration of an important event can be so impressive and instruc-
tive as upon the very spot of its occurrence, where it can be known and
read of all men. It may be the duty of the town, or state, or of some other
state, to erect memorials in some particular place, but is it not the priv-
ilege, as well as duty, of this Society to suggest, if not supervise, the
performance of all such neglected duties? Circulars sent to the citizens
of towns of some historical importance, to be read in open town-
meeting, reminding them of their hidden attractions, and proposing
some methods of historical illustration, would be gratefully received;
and should subsequent action follow, in which this Society might bear
a part, a valuable object-lesson would be given.
The interesting paper to which we have just listened has clearly
demonstrated the fine and noble patriotism of Capt. John Lovewell and
his gallant comrades ; and has shown that the peace which prevailed along
our border towns was bought with a price the lives of these brave
men. Let us therefore consider the question of marking their last rest-
ing-place this day visited, of remembering them in granite, and devise
hereafter some way of accomplishment.
But while it is a pleasant duty to recall the valor of our own fallen he-
roes and hold them in grateful remembrance, I venture to assert that I do
not misrepresent our members, when I say that we also honor the mem-
ory of those. other heroes, who died for their homes and native land, and
were buried by the side of their foes on the soil where their fathers had
lived for unknown generations. Let us not forget them; rather let us
remember them by a new baptism of a part of their original territory,
never sold or conveyed.
It would be a fitting memorial to this vanished race, to attach their
names to Mt. Pleasant, the nearest and highest summit, which in the
adjoining town looks down upon the spot where they lived, and the
sheet of water on whose shores they bravely died. Its present name
bears no marked or special significance, it is found here and there in
almost every New England county. I propose that the Society take
measures in some legitimate way, to effect an exchange of names. No
doubt if legislative intervention should be required, it would follow the
line of their recommendation. Several years ago I consulted the pro-
prietors of the mountain territory on this point, and received their gen-
eral assent. I mention a conclusive argument for this mountain
revision, when I state, that a nomadic association has more than once
attempted to transfer the namePequaket from the territory now in this
state, where it belongs, to another state, where it does not belong; and
with the direct object of extinguishing an original and long-established
name, and thereby falsifying an important historical event. The dis-
220 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
interested labors and addresses of Hon. Gustavus Vasa Fox, fortified by
a number of private letters which I received from him, have proved
forever that the symmetrical peak so near us, which we have seen to-
day bright in the sunlight, and veiled in mist is
" THE KEABSARGE "
famous forever for its partnership with the man-of-war that sank the
pirate Alabama. The daughter of a Portland family, familiar with the
mountain visible from that city, had it in remembrance when she
christened the Kearsarge.
Thus we find authority for demanding that historic truth shall receive
no detriment, and that none of our kith and kin shall be defrauded of
their historic rights.
While thus pursuing our monumental investigations, it should not be
forgotten that one of the most important opportunities has thus far not
been considered.
New Hampshire, Massachusetts, New York and Washington have
honored themselves by erecting statues to the memory of Daniel
Webster. But one other spot remains, still unmarked, where a part of
his life was spent.
In this town, before attaining his majority, as teacher, student- at-law
and orator, he began his active life. Shall not the fame of this distin-
guished statesman be thus forever linked with the state of Maine,
through the agency of this Society?
Allow me to call the attention of the young persons present to the
fact that
FBYEBUBG WAS THE FIBST WHITE MOUNTAIN TOWN.
Darby Field came up the Saco in 1642, leaving here his canoes at the
Pequaket village which occupied the site of the present village. He
took guides across the Kearsarge range directly to Mount Washington.
The first white settlers came here in 1762, before any other town in
Maine or New Hampshire within the White Mountain circle was settled ;
and here in 1804, the bell in the academy waked the echoes never before
thus disturbed in this primeval wilderness.
VIEW OF LOVEWELL'S BATTLE- GBOUND.
Yesterday I received a water color sketch of the battle-ground, from
a Brooklyn amateur although a native of Portland which I exhibit
this evening. It prseents its well-known limits, the mouth of Fight
Brook, and the point of rocks extending into the pond, showing also
Chocorua in the distance, between whose base and Ossipee Mount, the
weary march was made.
FIELD DAY. 221
The Rev. Dr. Charles F. Allen, a former resi-
dent of Fryeburg, was next called upon and he spoke
impressively of his great pleasure in the day, the im-
portance of historic investigations, and gave some
reminiscences of his early associations in Fryeburg,
and the family ties that connected him therewith.
Dr. S. C. Gordon followed with an eloquent address
referring to his boyhood days and the old Fryeburg
Academy, and dwelling upon the importance of the
study of local history in our schools.
A. F. Lewis Esq., of Fryeburg, then spoke as follows:
MB. PRESIDENT: You need offer no apology for having chosen for
the theme of your address this evening the History of Lovewell's
Fight. Frederick Kidder, who has written the best history of
that fierce struggle that has ever appeared, says that the story of that
fight will be read with interest so long as Bunker Hill and Thermopylae
remain on the pages of history. Historians have written of it, orators
have declaimed upon it, and poets have sung of it in martial strains, till
it has become embalmed in the best beloved songs and stories of all
New England.
Mr. Chairman, I am not a Fryeburger, " to the manner born," in " this
land of delight," as Paul Coffin calls it; yet I claim to be a genuine son
of Pequaket, having been born a mile away, just over the Jordan (the
Saco) in Conway, a part of the original sachemdom of Pequaket. How-
ever, I have been a dweller here forty years and intend at an early day
to take out naturalization papers so that I may be a full-fledged citizen
of this fair town, and where, of " my right there'll be none to dispute.''
Next to Boston there is no place to be born in like Fryeburg; and as it
was not convenient to be born in Fryeburg I selected a place in full
view of, and within a stone's throw of, this beautiful town. In the fas-
cinating history of Fryeburg has figured the red man, the black man,
the white man and the man somewhat off in color. The red man was
the original proprietor. He had some rights which he thought " white
men were bound to respect." There was where he and -the white man
differed. Whenever the red or the black man has encountered the
white man in our country, the former have been driven to the wall.
The braves who inhabited here were couragous, and I may add, patri-
otic. In colonial days they fought against the English, and in Revolu-
tionary days they fought against the English. The last trace of them as
222 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
a tribe is in a petition dated at Fryeburg in which they ask for guns,
blankets and ammunition for thirteen men who are willing to enroll
themselves on the patriot side. This document was endorsed by the
proper authorities, and the request was granted. When the Pequakets
are unkindly spoken of let us remember this last tableau in their
drama.
Many an interesting tale is told of the lingering remnant of the tribe
of the Pequakets.
From their ancient sepulchres,
Where, amid the giant firs,
Moaning loud the high wind stirs,
Have the red men gone
Towards the setting sun that makes
Bright our western hills and lakes,
Faint and few the remnant takes
Its sad journey on.
Some of the Indians were loath to give up their favorite hunting-
grounds and remained here after the town was settled. Sometimes a
dozen were seen gathered about Kev. Mr. Fessenden's large fireplace
cooking their meat for dinner. Mol Lockett, a famous squaw and doc-
tress, is still remembered by some of our eldest people. She lingered
about here till 1816, and then died in Andover. Many anecdotes are re-
ated of her. Molly was too fond of occuby, the Indian word for rum,
and sometimes resorted to questionable methods to obtain it. One day,
calling at one of her favorite haunts, she bolted through the door in
an unceremonious manner, and holding her jaws in both hands, gave
utterance to most agonizing groans, accompanied by violent contor-
tions of her countenance. "What's the matter, Molly?" inquired the
landlady in sympathizing tones. " Me got toof-ache," replied Molly.
"Gim me occuby! Gim me rum to hoi in mouf! Quick, quick or me
die!" The required cordial was quickly furnished, and Molly as quickly
filled her mouth. But strange to tell, her mouth refused to retain it
and it slipped down her throat. Again extending her hand for the
bottle she muttered, " Golly, dem rum good, but slips down easy.
Gim me more; me make um stay if me try hunder times."
Among the early settlers of Fryeburg a black man was here at
breakfast, and here to stay. Of the three men who alone passed the
first winter in Fryeburg was the famous colored man, Limbo. He was
the slave of the McLellans of Gorham. He had driven the cattle from
Gorham to Fryeburg to winter on the hay cut here on the great
meadows before the town was settled, and thus found his way to Pe-
quaket. Limbo may be considered the first passenger on the under-
ground railroad, and may be regarded as worthy of a monument for his
successful race for freedom. I trust that this Society in locating its
monuments will not forget this early settler of Fryeburg. Strange to
FIELD DAY. 223
relate, Limbo lived in Fryeburg till the day of his death, nearly seventy
years, and so completely did he burn his bridges behind him, and cover
his tracks that his master, only forty miles away, never knew what be-
came of him. His bones repose in the old village cemetery and his hum-
ble tombstone gives him the the proud title of " an honest man, the
noblest work of God."
Eastman Johnson, an eminent portrait painter, in a recent visit to
this village where his boyhood days were passed, though only four
years old when Limbo died, assured me that he remembered him well.
Allow me to say that we are awaiting the completion of our town
history, with great impatience, by the hand that has for years been gath-
ering from the rich storehouse of its annals. We hope that hand will
not be palsied ere the work is complete. We who have read the pro-
duct of his pen, and listened to the magic of his voice, trust that he may
live to put in enduring form a story that will delight the dwellers of
this valley, their descendants and all who shall read its pages. There is
a classic phrase : Serus in ccelum redeas. May this be true of Frye-
burg's historian.
Here, in 1815, Gov. Enoch Lincoln wrote "The Village," the first ex-
tended poem written in Maine, descriptive of the society and scenery of
Fryeburg. Here Longfellow found the inspiration for his first poem,
written at the age of thirteen, "The Battle of LovewelPs Pond,"
and again at the age of eighteen he was here, and contributed
another poem on the same subject, the occasion being the centennial
celebration of Lovewell's fight in 1825. It is a remarkable fact that the
earliest efforts of America's most illustrious orator and her most dis-
tinguished poet are associated with Fryeburg. There are many other
names well up in the galaxy of fame that I might mention did time per-
mit. The professions have been represented by first-class men. Among
the clergy were Rev. Mr. Fessenden, father of Gen. Samuel and grand-
father of William Pitt Fessenden. Emerson and Prof. Andrew P. Pea-
body ministered a brief period here in their early life, and later Drs.
Hurd, Mason, Sewall and Stone. Among the legal lights were Dana, Mc-
Gaw, Col. Bradley, Gov. Enoch Lincoln, Barrows, Chase, A. R. Bradley
and Hastings. Among physicians were Benton, Ramsay, Griswold, Bar-
rows, Lamson, the Towles, and another, who in the prime of life is spend-
ing a part of each year in his native town, Dr. Gordon, whom we are glad
to see and hear to-night. May belong live to enjoy his fine mansion at
the head of the street, and to dispense his generous hospitality to our
own citizens and to the stranger within our gates.
While speaking of physicians, there is one other of whom did 1 not
speak I should deem myself quite disloyal to my native heath. Dr.
Jerome Von Crowniiigshield Smith that last name is quite common
nothing common about the handle to his name in fact, there was
224 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
nothing common about the man. He was born in Conway, just over the
line, a son of old Pequaket, as he called himself. He was an orator; I
heard him when a boy on the lecture platform. He was for several
years mayor of Boston, and where orators were as plenty as in old
Greece and Rome, he has the distinction of being placed among *' Bos-
ton's Hundred Orators." Dr. Smith was a poet as well as orator, and I
will close by reciting the opening and closing ;lines of a poem read by
him in Boston before the Sons of New Hampshire, November 7, 1849:
PEQUAKET.
Pequaket, once the wildest, roughest place,
Where Indians, the hardiest of their race
Tracked the tall moose, struck dead the wolf and deer
With feathered tomahawk and spear,
Tortured their enemies with burning coals,
And feasted daintly from skulls for bowls,
Is changed in aspect now : no savage yells
Echo on mountain sides or through the dells;
The peaceful fields are clothed with waving grain
And man's no longer by the savage slain.
But civilization, with bonnets and caps
And all that belo ngs to domestic mishaps,
Has made life tame as love in a cottage
Since beef is pref ered to bean broth and pottage ;
And ladies now waltz where squaws at their ease
Hung up their papooses in tops of the trees.
Pequaket, Pequaket, the land of my birth,
There's but one Pequaket upon the whole earth :
While dying in battle is thought to be glory
Shall the deeds of thy heroes be blazoned in story.
Eemarks were also made by Rev. B. N. Stone and
William Gordon Esq., of Fryeburg. On motion of
Hon. George A. Emery, of Saco, it was voted that the
thanks of the Society be extended to Dr. S. C. Gordon,
and Messrs. G. B. Barrows, C. H. Walker and A. F.
Lewis for their hospitality and courteous attentions
paid to the members of the Society and their friends
on the occasion of this Field Day Excursion.
REV. JACOB BAILEY. 225
REV. JACOB BAILEY.
MISSIONARY OF CHURCH OF ENGLAND ON KENNEBEC RIVER, 1760-79 ;
HIS CHARACTER AND WORK.
BY CHARLES E. ALLEN, DRESDEN, MAINE.
Read before the Maine Historical Society, November 22, 1896.
IF American history, in that process of rewriting
which now seems to be taking place, is to be correctly
written, many fallacies or fictions, as well as much
prejudice in the rnind of the average American, must
be outgrown. History can never be correctly written
while hatred for even a greatly mistaken political or
religious enemy or opponent exists in the mind of the
chronicler, or is cherished by his readers.
By no means least among our hatreds, as a people,
is that which has been for so many years cherished
against those who, at the time of the war for Ameri-
can independence, remained firm in their loyalty to
their English sovereign, and who have long been
known as Loyalists, sometimes derisively as Tories, or
sympathetically as Kefugees. At the outbreak of hos-
tilities, all colonists were so loyal that they fought
the battles of Lexington and Concord, and of Bunker
Hill in the name of their sovereign, it being with
them a legal fiction that they were only contending
against the illegal acts of the Parliament and of the
king's officers, and not against their lawful ruler.
And so eminent an authority as John Adams affirmed
VOL. VII. 17
226 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
that at least one out of three of the people were firm
in their loyality to the king, a fact which demands for
that class of Americans more considerate treatment
than merely a sneer.
My present paper will deal with one such Loyalist,
the Rev. Jacob Bailey, the first missionary of the
Church of England, on Kennebec River ; and I trust
that I may not be thought disloyal to that govern-
ment which I had the honor, in a humble way, to aid
in defending in the civil war of 1861, if I affirm that
an examination of what remains of the vast volume of
papers which he left, has caused me to become very
much his champion, and to sympathize with him most
fully. When Rev. Mr. Bartlet wrote the Frontier
Missionary some forty years ago, much material he
could not use, had he wished to, because of prejudice.
Some matters he was obliged arbitrarily to suppress
for the same reason ; but in his admirable and pains-
taking work he aimed at justice for his subject, and
succeeded so far as circumstances would permit. But
in his preface to that work, even the late Bishop
Burgess, who seems by writing that preface to have
indorsed Mr. Bartlet' s book, naturally enough, per-
haps, fails to fully comprehend the character of Mr.
Bailey ; while William Willis, writing for lawyers,
knew so little about Bailey that he called him ec-
centric.
It is my wish in this paper to deal wholly with
matters which have never appeared in print, and yet
an introduction of the subject requires some reference
to and quotation from the Frontier Missionary. Such
REV. JACOB BAILEY. 227
reference will be new to those who have never had
the pleasure of reading that book, and may serve to
refresh the memories of those who have. I shall em-
phasize the fact, hinted at in that work, that the bit-
ter opposition to Mr. Bailey was, so far as it was re-
ligious, in reality the Puritan's narrow opposition to
the Church of England, his loyalty to the English
king being only a pretext.
Jacob Bailey was born in the town of Rowley,
Massachusetts, in 1731. The boy, like the man of
later years, although just a little tainted by some
social corruption of the times, was greatly superior to
his surroundings. He was very poor, of very poor
parents, and hence socially he was very low, for soci-
ety often grades its members by any standard other
than that of moral worth or intellect. He entered
Harvard College at the age of twenty, and graduated
therefrom in 1755, at the foot of his class, because the
Puritan commonwealth of Massachusetts was far from
democratic, and his social position was at the foot*
Among his classmates was John Adams, at one time
his friend and correspondent, and whom he again met
at Pownalboro, when Adams visited the section in
1765, as attorney for the proprietors of the Kennebec
Purchase. He taught school in several Massachusetts
towns, having among his pupils a class of young ladies
some years before Puritan Boston thought it prudent
to admit girls to her public schools. Educated a Con-
gregationalist, he preached for a while as minister of
that sect until he came to examine the tenets and dis-
cipline of the Church of England. His change to that
228 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
communion was certainly unselfish, for Episcopacy
was then far from popular in Massachusetts. Nor was
his field of labor such an one as would have been chosen
by a self-seeker. His change of faith, too, was the
occasion of bitterness on the part of some of his ac-
quaintances, of which fact his letters of that period
give evidence.
In religion, the motley company of humble settlers,
such people as make a state possible everywhere, and
who were, at the solicitation of the Plymouth Com-
pany, gathered at the old Kennebec plantation of
Frankfort, was very much mixed. A list of their
names, in Bailey's handwriting with his designations
affixed thereto, gives us Roman Catholics, Presby-
terians, Calvinists, Lutherans, Independents, Quakers,
Churchmen, and people without religious preferences.
Among them were those who could not speak Eng-
lish, nor understand it very well when they heard it
spoken; and when Mr. Bailey afterwards became
their minister it was somewhat amusing to him to
note the earnestness with which they looked at him
as they tried to comprehend his words. These were
the French refugees or Huguenots who, with their
neighbors, asked in November, 1759, that the Society
for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts
would send this young man to them for their religious
teacher, he taking the place of Mr. McClennahan, who
was not fitted for the work. As Frankfort and the
settlements along the westerly side of Sheepscot River
were the following year, as the town of Pownal-
boro. made the shire town of the new county of
REV. JACOB BAILEY. 229
Lincoln, Mr. Bailey's position became not only prom-
inent, but important. It was the first town in New
England where the Episcopal church was established
at the commencement of the town. It was a field
unoccupied, uncultivated and unclaimed by any body
of Christian worshipers, if we may except Catholics,
for Massachusetts Puritans cared little about religion
in the wilderness of Maine, except to oppose some-
body who might interfere with that system of fraud
which they dignified by the name of trade with the
Indians.
Can WQ of to-day realize just what the Kennebec
country was one hundred and thirty-five years ago ?
Mr. Bailey's picture is a vivid one, and as I hope to
show part of that picture in the course of this paper,
I will remark that it was a wilderness of wild animals,
flies, fleas, mosquitoes, and of Indians who might
have been friendly, but who had been made hostile
by repeated acts of perfidy on the part of white sanc-
timonious long-faces, as Mr. Bailey sometimes desig-
nates them. There were no roads worth mentioning,
and very little cleared land. The people were very
poor, but not very ignorant. It is a mistake to sup-
pose that poverty and ignorance always go together.
Some of them were Irish, and others were French,
two peoples which Puritans, with Englishmen, mis-
represented and misunderstood. Indeed, Mr. Bailey
himself at first shared the current prejudice against
the French, which prejudice however, afterwards
became with him very much modified. And he was
earnest in defending the French who were of his little
230 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
flock from misrepresentation by people who knew too
little about them to understand them, or regarded
them as chattels. He took much pains to study
their language.
But I am anticipating. In Mr. Bailey's manuscript
" Journal of a Travel from Gloucester in New Eng-
land to London in Great Britain ; and from thence to
Pownalborough on Kennebec River/' we find that he
commenced his pilgrimage on Thursday, December
]3, 1759, and he walked from the fishing town to the
metropolis of New England. Much of this part of his
journal is quoted by Mr. Bartlet. He tarried in
Boston and in Cambridge almost a month before he
could complete arrangements for his journey and
secure a passage across the Atlantic, which was finally
obtained in a dirty, dingy little cabin in the British
war-vessel called the Hind, Capt. Bond. While he
tarried in Boston he seems to have been the favored
guest of the celebrities of the Episcopal church, and
of others. On shipboard he was surrounded by offi-
cers whom he called " pompous nobodies," and by
squalid sailors, all officiously profane, and nearly all
needlessly drunken even for Englishmen in those
times. One wonders if the discipline on the Hind was
a fair sample of British naval discipline in the eigh-
teenth century.
Despite his dismal surroundings, his greasy ham-
mock, his terrible seasickness^ and the roughness of
this winter voyage across the ocean, he kept a very
minute journal, noting even the distance sailed by the
ship on certain days. But that it would crowd out
REV. JACOB BAILEY. 231
matters which seem to be more important, I would be
pleased to give some records omitted in the Frontier
Missionary, for I am confident they would greatly
interest. I reluctantly pass them by, although I
cannot refrain from presenting an anecdote illustrat-
ing his style of story telling. All his writings are
distinguished by a minuteness, a faithfulness to detail,
dear to the true lover of history, although tiresome to
those who mistake that delirium of fever, which we of
to-day call progress, for real advancement. He is
much amused at a certain Deacon W, who called
upon him at his lodgings, and who was wealthy, and
he relates that when traveling with a young man,
the latter proposed tarrying for dinner at a certain
inn which they passed. The thrifty deacon answered
that he had a friend living a short distance along the
road, and invited his young companion to dine with
him there, assuring him that both would be welcome.
Soon they arrived at a hovel occupied by an old crip-
ple and his wife, who earned a subsistence by making
brooms. The travelers were invited to a meal of
porridge, that being the best the couple could furnish,
and of which the hungry travelers partook and pro-
ceeded on their way. At the time for the next meal
they found themselves at an inn, when the deacon
claimed that as he had been the means of securing
his companion a dinner, he should now return the
favor by paying for both meals at the inn; which the
young man did, and took care to travel no farther in
the deacon's company. That young man was, no
doubt, Mr. Bailey.
232 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
At twelve o'clock on Saturday, the sixteenth day of
February, 1760, and twenty-eight days after leaving
Nantasket, the Hind dropped anchor in Portsmouth
harbor; and while our young candidate for Episcopal
ordination stood upon deck gazing longingly at the
shore, the lieutenant of marines said to him, " Now,
Mr. Bailey, you have a view of a Christian country,
which you had never an opportunity of seeing be-
fore," and he further intimated that he looked upon
the people of New England as a barbarous and inhos-
pitable generation. Mr Bailey was prevented from
landing that day, and he wrote out a description of
the Isle of Wight. The next day Sunday he
took a joyful leave of his dirty prison ship, although
he expresses regret at parting with the friends he had
made among the ship's company. Arrived on shore,
he met with sundry adventures which led him to
think that many of the people of this Christian
country were far worse than those of the Boston he
had left. In fact his descriptions, both of scenes in
England and of social customs and manners in New
England, might be commended to those who bewail
the degeneracy of the present times. Stripped of the
more objectionable passages for writers wrote more
freely in those days they would interest if I had
space to present the details in the compass of an
address like this. I hope that much of the detail may
yet be printed.
On the way to London by " stage machine," he
gave a minute description of the towns he passed
through. In one place, Guilford, while the coach
REV. JACOB BAILEY. 233
changed horses, he went into a shop to make some
purchases. Making some inquiry about English wal-
nuts, the surprised shopkeeper asked him where he
lived that he didn't know about them. When told
New England, the astonished shopkeeper exclaimed,
" Is it possible for a person educated in New England
to speak such good English ! Why, sir ; you speak
as plain English as we do." A crowd collecting, Mr.
Bailey found himself the center of a group of wonder-
ing Britons.
Arrived in London, he was struck by the grandeur
of the buildings, although he pronounced the road
over which he had traveled to be worse than those
in New England, and infested with highway robbers.
This, however, was one hundred and thirty-five years
ago. While in the metropolis, waiting for the very
slow movement of church dignitaries, he visited Dr.
Franklin and other celebrities, inspected Westmin-
ster Abbey, and wrote an elaborate description of that
historic church. In company with John Gardiner, he
went to see the celebrated David Garrick at Drury
Lane theater. Finally, on the second of March, 1760,
Zachary, Bishop of Rochester, affixed the seal of the
dying Thomas Sherlock to the certificate of Mr.
Bailey's ordination as deacon of the Church of Eng-
land ; and fourteen days later he was ordained priest
by the Bishop of Peterborough, taking the ordination
oath, that oath by which he felt himself bound during
the troublesome years that followed.
On his return to his native land he made the fol-
lowing entry in his journal: "Wednesday, May 28.
234 MAINE HISTOKICAL SOCIETY.
About ten to our inexpressible joy made the moun-
tains of Adimenticus, on the coast of New England,
having been out of sight of land from Cape Cornwall
in Britian 32 days. These hills bore from us at noon
W. N. W., about 9 leagues and made something like
this appearance " followed by a drawing of their
outline. On the first of July following he became
" Itinerant Missionary on the Eastern Frontier of
Massachusetts Bay," living at first with Major Good-
win in the barracks of Fort Shirley, afterwards in Fort
Richmond, in 1766 in a log house in Pownalboro,
and finally in the parsonage built in 1770. He con-
ducted services where he could find room, chiefly in
the court house (which is still standing), until St.
John's church was built in 1770, it being the first
Episcopal church edifice completed east of Portland,
unless we except the chapel of Fort St. George in
1607. Matters seem to have run quite smoothly with
our young missionary until he succeeded in obtaining
a grant of land for the proposed church. Certain it
is that the missionary field was unoccupied when he
undertook it. It is evident that he was ambitious,
zealous, industrious and painstaking, often subordina-
ting his own interests to the good of his parish. His
scholarship was good, his reading extensive, his abil-
ities ot a high order. I regret that I find many of
his sermons to be quite dull when compared with his
miscellaneous writings, which are very entertaining,
and often sparkle with wit and humpr.
The first intimation he received that there was any
opposition to him, he had in the conduct of Charles
REV. JACOB BAILEY. 235
Gushing, who from being a regular attendant at
church got to absenting himself therefrom. In addi-
tion to this he found reports circulated reflecting upon
himself as a man and as a minister. Among papers
which he left is a copy of a manly letter addressed to
Gushing asking for an interview, and hoping that the
latter would tell him as a brother why he had taken
offense. No notice was taken of his request. He
afterwards found that Jonathan Bowman was the real
leader in the opposition to him, which opposition
grew so formidable that Mr. Bailey at one time seri-
ously contemplated asking for removal to another
station. These two gentlemen, Jonathan Bowman
and Charles Gushing, were the "M" and "N" of
Bartlet's Frontier Missionary. William Gushing,
afterwards judge of the United States Supreme Court,
seems to have been Mr. Bailey's friend.
What was the nature of this opposition, and why
did these men become enemies to our missionary ?
The reasons were incidentally religious, but often less
worthy motives actuated them. They were of that
Massachusetts Puritan stock whose faces were sternly
set against any church but their own people who,
when pious, were very pious, but seldom very good.
Frankfort had been settled by poor immigrants eight
years before the establishment of the courts at PownaL
boro, and the arrival of lawyer adventurers in the
section. The poor Calvinists, Lutherans and others,
were evidently a religious people. They asked for
Mr. Bailey to be sent them, but they had no concep-
tion of the means adopted by shrewd adventurers ac-
236 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
quainted with the many inconsistencies of English
law, relative to land titles, to increase their estates at
the expense of their unfortunate neighbors. When
Mr. Bailey first came to these people, he was often
amused at their efforts during divine service to com-
prehend the meaning of his words. They spoke
French and German. Their pastor became interested
in them, and they venerated him in return. Bowman
and his party were jealous of his influence, especially
when Mr. Bailey sought to follow the example of the
Catholic missionary at Norridgewock some forty years
before, and tried to shield his people from these
schemers. His writings speak of the low estimate
in which his people were held, and he sought to
correct that estimate. Englishman and Puritan alike
hated a Frenchman and robbed him as mercilessly as
they did an Indian.
One of the most pathetic stories which it has ever
been my fortune to study is that of the Acadians, as
shown in the volume of Massachusetts State papers,
labeled " French Neutrals." It was Massachusetts'
Puritan hatred of anything Catholic or French that
led to the removal of the Acadians from their homes
in 1755. I incline to the belief that the claim of
several writers, all Protestants, that it was a crime
without a parallel in history is hardly an exaggera-
tion. At the time Frankfort was settled and Pownal-
boro incorporated, Massachusetts was engaged in
placing these unfortunate exiles anywhere, to get
the detested French out of her way. Some were sent
to towns in Maine, but probably none to Pownal-
REV. JACOB BAILEY. 237
boro. This incident, no doubt, tended to embarrass
Mr. Bailey. His parish in Pownalboro was largely
composed of Frenchmen, and he was looked upon as
the champion of an alien church and an alien people.
What more was wanted ? His opponents cared noth-
ing for religion. His church was free for the poorest.
After being defeated in their schemes, they became
quiet until the troublous times of the Revolution came.
That gave them an opportunity which they improved
to the extent of driving off the missionary, and en-
riching themselves at the expense of confiscated
estates. Dr. Johnson remarked that " Patrotism was
the refuge of the scoundrel." Oftentimes none are so
patriotic as those who are enabled to enrich themselves
at the expense of political or religious opponents.
Mr. Bailey was a Loyalist ; and it is commonly
supposed that opposition to him was solely on that
account. But Jonathan Bowman and Charles Gush-
ing, also, as officers of Lincoln County, were solemnly
sworn to bear true faith and allegiance to His Majesty,
George III., and that they would give information
of any conspiracies against his person, crown, or
dignity ; and indeed, in a letter dated February 6
1772, thanking Gov. Hutchinson for his commission,
Gushing says, " It is not in my power to make your
excellency better amends than by endeavoring at such
a life as shall denominate me one of his majesty's
faithful subjects." Can we wonder when we consider
that only a few years later, while Gushing still held
that commission, Mr. Bailey asked the question, " Will
Col. Gushing, as sheriff of Lincoln county, dare im-
238 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
prison a man for refusing to take up arms against his
sovereign ? "
When our missionary's name was placed in a list
to be considered by his townsmen, for transportation,
the qualified voters of Pownalboro in town meek
ing voted to strike it from the list, along with those
of Abiel Wood and others, thus practically expressing
their sympathy with him ; and Bailey sent the com-
mittee of safety a letter assuring them that if they
would permit the Loyalists of Pownalboro to enjoy
their homes and property in peace, they would pledge
themselves to be quiet and refrain from giving either
aid or information to the enemies of Congress ; but
they could not conscientiously renounce their alle-
giance to their sovereign. Before matters had gone
thus far, however, his friend and patron, Dr. Gardiner,
wrote him sharply for reading even a Thanksgiving
proclamation issued by the Provincial Congress. And
yet there are those who think that Bailey was stub-
born. The reasons for his refusal to read the Declara-
tion of Independence are best given in his words. Of
that Mr. Bailey writes : " On the 22nd of September,
immediately after divine service, instead of reading
the Declaration of Independency, I said, ' Some of you
perhaps expect that I should read a paper, but I can-
not comply without offering the utmost violence to
my conscience ; and I solemnly declare in the pres-
ence of this assembly that my refusal does not proceed
from any contempt of authority, but from a sacred
regard to my former engagements, and from a dread
REV. JACOB BAILEY. 239
of offending that God who is infinitely superior to all
earthly power.' '
Finally, every other means proving ineffectual,
Gushing, Bowman, Hambleton and Carleton, the com-
mittee of safety, summoned him to trial at the court
house on the twenty-eighth of October. The first
count in the indictment charged him with preaching
sedition, and they had one or more witnesses, where-
upon Mr. Bailey, upon the principle of giving them
the best evidence, read the sermon complained of
It seerns that Samuel Goodwin Jr., was the chief
witness, but when Bailey read the seditious discourse
Goodwin's testimony was not needed. The refusal
to read the Declaration of Independence was next
considered; but after reading his ordination oath to
them, the parson declared that this oath afforded
little satisfaction to the committee, and Gushing asked
him a number of ensnaring questions, among them
whether if the king had broken his coronation oath
that did not absolve his subjects ? To this inquiry,
Mr. Bailey replied that the falsehood and treachery of
one party could never justify the baseness and perjury
of another. " As for instance, no engagements are
more solemn and binding than the marriage vows,
and if the husband commit adultery the wife may not
have liberty to commit the same crime." This re-
mark was intended for high sheriff Col. Gushing, and
illustrates the parson's style of sarcasm. I conclude
this allusion to the trial with an outline of his argu-
ment relative to not reading the Declaration of Inde-
240 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
pendence. Bailey's claim was that in refusing he
was not guilty of contempt of authority, because it
was simply a requisition from the council, and could
not obtain the nature and force of a law. It was
from one branch of the legislative body only. And
farther, the council has not directly ordered ministers
to read the Declaration, and gives no directions from
whom this requisition is to proceed. He observed,
too, that no penalty was annexed to the order, and
by the English constitution no penalty could be in-
flicted. Disobedience to a royal proclamation, or
even an act of Parliament, without a penalty, cannot
subject an offender to any punishment, for in every
law, before it can operate, the authority which enacts
it must specify both the crime and its penalty. " It
is true the offense alleged is contempt of authority,
and that is a crime which deserves punishment. I
answer that the authority offended ought either to
take cognizance of the matter, or to delegate proper
persons to determine the case, and where regard is
had to the liberties of the people the punishment
will undoubtedly be specified. No penalty can be
annexed after the crime is committed."
The offense of praying for the king seems to have
been lost sight of, and finally Mr. Bailey was dis-
charged.
His writings during this period sparkle with both
humor and irony. For instance, we are told in Mr.
Bartlet's book that a liberty-pole was erected to
offend him. But nothing is said about that pole
being cut down. It was cut down, and Mr. Bailey
REV. JACOB BAILEY. 241
was looked upon as the instigator of the act, and he
wrote a letter disclaiming his connection with the
cutting. Among the reasons why he was sorry for
the act, he says that if one pole would give his neigh-
bors so much pleasure it were better to have a thou-
sand than merely one. But he adds, " you are sensible
that liberty may subsist without any pole at all ; and
if all the pines, spruces and firs were lying prone
upon the ground it would not elevate tyranny a bit."
And again, he will no longer wonder at the heathen
adoring images of wood or stone, since he finds so
many professed Christians paying homage to a pole.
When the revolutionists made raids on tea to the
extent of making a teapot of the Kennebec River,
his sympathies were with poor innocent tea that
never harmed anybody. And his letters during this
period almost always contain appeals to his corres-
pondents for tea. After Massachusetts government
granted his request for permission to depart for Nova
Scotia, the season was so far advanced that he was un-
able to get away in 1778, and during the winter at the
request of the members of his parish he thought he
might conduct divine service. Gushing forbade it, and
in no very mild or gentlemanly terms, characterizing his
congregation as a nest of d d Tories. Mr. Bailey
responded that he did not suppose the United States
could possibly be in danger if he ministered to his
people. Bowman and Gushing were determined to
drive him to leave his church, and either imprison or
force him to take the oath of allegiance to Congress.
They attempted to prevent Massachusetts General
VOL. VII. 18
242 MAINE HISTOKICAL SOCIETY.
Court granting him permission to depart in peace,
and even after that permission was granted they
continued to annoy him. The contrast between
his simple petition to the General Court and the mass
of vituperation penned by Cushing to the same body
is very marked.
Finally, in the summer of 1779 he succeeded in
chartering a small schooner of two brothers named
Light, and with part of his effects, his wife and infant
son, and a heavy heart, he commenced his long and
wearisome journey to Halifax. He could not, how-
ever, think of anything but a speedy return to the
scene of his labors. His letters to friends left at
Pownalboro constantly alluded to his hopes of a
return. But the American cause prevailed and pre-
vented the realization of his wishes, because being a
priest of the Church of England he was a marked man
on the part of local officials. Although John Silvester
John Gardiner, afterwards rector of Trinity church,
Boston, read prayers occasionally in the church at
Pownalboro, and Mr. Bailey wrote him about being
ordained for that parish, the church and parsonage,
being stripped by vandal hands, soon went to decay.
The missionary settled at Annapolis, Nova Scotia,
and after a long pastorate, died in 1808, and was
buried in the old cemetery adjoining the fort, about
which for more than a hundred years the English and
French contended for supremacy in North America.
Last summer it was my privilege to stand upon the
site of his church there, to visit the old cemetery, and
to converse with and share the hospitality of his
KEV. JACOB BAILEY. 243
grandchildren. During his life in Nova Scotia he was
as industrious as he had been while on the Kennebec.
He traveled much in the Annapolis valley and else-
where, and left minute descriptions of the country,
then sparsely settled. He made observations on the
minerals of the province, especially in Cumberland
County, long before the mines were worked. The
story of the Acadians interested him very much.
His writings show him to be possessed of a most
Catholic spirit. He shared the average Protestant's
antipathy to what he called the Komish church, and
yet he extended a generous hospitality to some French
Jesuit priests, who called on him while in Pownal-
boro. Indeed, in his MS. History of the Eastern
Country, after giving an account of the destruction of
Father Easle's mission at Norridgewock, he pays a
warm tribute to the self-sacrificing zeal, the education
and culture, of the Jesuit, and closes his narrative by
affirming that " though mistaken in his religious and
political principles, he honestly endeavored to sup-
port the welfare of his disciples, and to pursue the
dictates of his conscience ; but like other upright men,
he perished in the cause he labored to maintain, and
by the power he most heartily despised. To blacken
the moral character of a person for no other reason
than because his country, education, and interest are
opposed to our own, is narrow, base and ungenerous.''
Of his account of the affair at Norridgewock he af-
firms that as he has read every printed description,
and talked with those who were with the expedition,
he believes his account to be as nearly correct as any.
244 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
I find him always a champion of the Indian, al-
though he does not attempt to hide the fact of the
Indians' wanton cruelty to captives, at times. But as
he was himself witness to wanton acts of duplicity on
the part of the whites, he affirms that although his
own ancestors had suffered at the hands of the Indian,
yet he must declare that his sympathies were with
the savage, and he pays warm tribute to the character
of Bomazeen and other chieftains. Of the Lovewell
fight at Fryeburg, he affirms, as have others, that it
was the outcome of a bounty offered by Massachu-
setts on Indian scalps, and the only heroism displayed
was by the savages. Young men from Boston then
included Indians in their list of game, just as to-day
they regard Maine as only a game preserve kept for
their pleasure and profit.
Mr. Bailey delighted to puncture the bubble of
Puritanism, although he speaks highly of the character
of many of the fathers of New England. He says
that when the colonists who first settled Massachu-
setts Bay left England, they signed a letter to the
Archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops, clergy, and
brethren of the Church of England wherein " They
earnestly request their petitions to heaven : allow
them to be nearest to the throne of divine mercy, and
entreat them not to regard any reports to their dis-
advantage which might arise from the disaffection and
indiscretion of particular persons. They profess that
the body of their company esteem it an honor to call
the Church of England their dear mother, and that
they cannot forsake their native country without
KEY. JACOB BAILEY. 245
much sadness of heart and many tears. They ac-
knowledge that the hope and interest they had ob-
tained in the common salvation they had received in
her bosom and sucked from her breasts. They bless
God for their parentage and education in this church,
and, as members of the same body, declare they shall
always rejoice in her safety and unfeignedly grieve
for any sorrow that shall ever betide her ; and while
they have any breath will sincerely desire and en-
deavor to continue her welfare with the enlargement
of her bounds." Mr. Bailey thinks that does not look
as if our forefathers fled into this howling wilderness
to avoid persecution, as he affirms was believed by
multitudes. In the second volume of Hutchinson's
MS. History of Massachusetts Bay, which MS. forms
Vol. 28 Mass. Archives, and still has the mud stains
which it received when thrown into the street at the
time Gov. Hutchinson's house was mobbed in 1765,
occurs the same statements. The MS. was discovered
by W. F. Poole, late librarian of Chicago Public
Library, and I am informed that as a volume it has
never been printed. I do not think Mr. Bailey could
have seen that work from which to cull his statements.
He affirms that the Puritans, so called, who settled
Massachusetts, were naturally devout, ambitious, de-
sirous of enjoying civil and religious liberty them-
selves, but unwilling to grant the privilege to others.
But they were impatient of restraint, and could they
have arrived at dignity and power in England we
should not have heard them complain of the Hier-
archy. He affirms that part of the consideration for
246 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
which they received their charter was that they were
to work for the conversion of the natives to Chris-
tianity. And yet years elapsed before an attempt
was made in this direction by anybody except the
apostle Eliot, of whom Mr. Bailey writes with much
veneration.
He notes the difference between the colony of
Plymouth and that of Massachusetts Bay, calls Sir
Henry Vane " that dark and gloomy hypocrite," thus
showing that his estimate of the first titled governor
of Massachusetts was quite as low as is that of Charles
Francis Adams. Indeed, of the " Great Awakening "
of 1742, he writes in much the same strain as does
Mr. Adarns, except that he dates it from the time of
George Whitefield, or in 1740, and affirms that the
religious frenzy had quite as demoralizing effect upon
the colony as did the witchcraft delusion. He finds
no fault with Whitefield, who he says was an actor,
and who carried his acting into the pulpit at a time
when " orthodox " parsons generally droned out com-
monplaces to a sleeping congregation. His description
of such a sleeping congregation is very amusing.
It seems that an evangelist from Pennsylvania, who
immediately succeeded Whitefield, was the one who
drove the people into religious insanity.
Mr. Bailey appears to have entertained a low esti-
mate of the Quakers, but he vehemently denounces
the Puritans' cruelty towards them.
He speaks still further of Puritan tyranny and in-
tolerance ; and after giving a vivid account of the
trials at the time of the degrading witchcraft super-
KEV. JACOB BAILEY. 247
stition, he says, "It is somewhat curious that 22
persons out of 28 were females. It must have
been, I conceive, a prevailing article of faith in those
times that women are more easily seduced into a
correspondence with the malignant spirits of darkness
than men." Mr. Bailey affirms that the examination
of persons charged was too indecent for publication
even then. And as for pathetic interest, I know
nothing surpassing volume 135 Massachusetts State
papers, unless it be the volumes relating to the
French Neutrals, or Acadians. Mr. Bailey's detailed
account is very minute. At times he quotes from
Hutchinson. A single quotation from Bailey must
suffice at present : " Mr. Samuel Wardwell, when
first apprehended and accused, confessed himself
guilty of witchcraft, and though he afterwards solemn-
ly recanted his confession, yet he fell a sacrifice to
the fury of his adversaries, and what was peculiarly
severe and cruel in his affair, his own wife and
daughter were admitted as evidences against him, by
which means they were able to save their own lives.
The daughter, indeed, upon a second inquiry denied
the guilt of her parent, but the wife upon this circum-
stance in his favor, was never permitted another ex-
amination." He says that when Kev. George Bur-
roughs was about to be " turned off " he repeated the
Lord's Prayer, which was the "worst thing he could do,
for the Prayer is so much a part of the then detested
service of the Church of England that it increased the
anger of the magistrates." Massachusetts did not
fully recover from the effects of this delusion for
248 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
more than half a century, or until Mr. Bailey was en-
tering college.
He was most industrious. His garden occupied
much of his time, and he searched all New England
for fruits, vegetables and flowers for it. He gave
much attention to the fauna and flora of his section ;
and his MS. History of the Eastern Country, designed
for publication, remained unprinted because both he
and his proposed printer were Loyalists and were
obliged to leave the country. His description of the
soil, scenery, rivers, bays, harbors, islands, forests,
animals, etc., of the section were very minute. His
account of the destruction of Falmouth by Mowatt in
1775, which he witnessed, is printed in vol. 5, collec-
tions of the Maine Historical Society. In a letter to
John Gardiner, then a barrister in London, in the
year 1765, Mr. Bailey gives a very glowing account
of the progress of the new settlement in Pownal-
boro, that new farms were being rapidly cleared,
all the land was taken up, manufactures started, and
vessels loaded direct for Europe. Land was worth
more in what is now Dresden, about that time, than it
is at present.
He gives an account of the Indian raid on Swan
Island in 1750, when the Whidden-Noble family was
carried off, and tells a humorous story of the fright-
ened soldier who reported to Capt. Lithgow at Fort
Richmond that he got the news of the murder of
Capt. Whidden and his whole family "from Capt.
Whidden's own mouth."
Of the conference with the Indians by Sir William
Pepperell, and others, commissioners appointed by
EEV. JACOB BAILEY. 249
Gov. Shirley, in 1753, Mr. Bailey affirms that the
Indians got the better of the commissioners in argu-
ment. The original parchment treaty negotiated at
this time at Fort Richmond, is among the treaties
preserved in the Massachusetts Archives.
In his very minute description of the flora of this
eastern country, he calls our butternut tree the lemon
walnut ; and in speaking of the vegetable products
affirms that eight hundred bushels of potatoes per
acre had been raised. And he mentions Capt Whid-
den's fifty bushels of wheat from a bushel of seed, on
Swan Island.
Of natural phenomena, he affirms that the auroral
light was first observed in New England in 1715.
The Memorial History of Boston gives the year 1719.
His description of the climate and weather in the
Kennebec valley might have been written to-day.
There has been no change. And his account of the
Kennebec scenery is true to nature, and finely writ-
ten. He speaks of islands and says Seguin was
wooded, which was true, as it was not cleared of trees
until 1795, when the first lighthouse was established
there. In his account of rivers, he gives the lake
Sebim as the source of the Kennebec. By whom was
it called Moosehead ? His chapter on bays and har-
bors on our coast is as short as is a certain chapter
on snakes in Ireland, for he says the whole coast is a
succession of bays and harbors, and then he stops.
Of the colony which Robert Temple and Edward
Hutchinson attempted to settle about the shores of
Merrymeeting Bay, Mr. Bailey affirms that there were
some 1500 Irishmen who were Presbv terians and of
250 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
the Church of England, and that they removed from
the Kennebec to Londonderry, New Hampshire, and to
Pennsylvania, because they were neglected, insulted,
and even prevented from defending themselves, by
the Massachusetts government. Indeed when they
touched at Boston, he affirms that they were driven
from the Long Wharf by a volley of sticks, stones and
other missiles, and that this treatment was on account
of their religion. I note that those people usually
called " Scotch-Irish," he designates as " Irishmen,"
and he had some warm friends among them, as for
instance, Capt. Callahan, and the Drummonds. Is the
term " Scotch-Irish " an old designation, or a modern
one ? Would Scotchmen generally give Irish names
to places where they settled ?
When we consider the wildness of his surroundings,
the means of communication, and the privations inci-
dent to the situation, we wonder how he could write
so much and oftentimes travel ten, twenty, or fifty
miles by water or through a wilderness to conduct a
service or marry a couple.
I am not Episcopalian ; but I cannot see how any
one could fail to acknowledge that so far as a church
may own any section of country, the field was his.
Massachusetts Puritans never occupied it; and after
his departure twenty-two years elapsed before the
zeal of men like Bowman and Gushing gave Dresden
a church edifice, and the devoted Parker settled
there. Bailey's people were certainly united until
the gentry of Pownalboro sowed the seeds of dis-
cord. With most dissenting churches, the lack of
REV. JACOB BAILEY. 251
some form of service has no doubt tended to make
churchgoing with many a mere fad or fashion, the
fashionable music being at times supplemented by a
sensational discourse by "a popular minister. A lady
in Nova Scotia, of the communion of the Church of
England, told me that she esteemed it a duty and a
pleasure to participate in the service of her church,
even if she never listened to a sermon.
I have endeavored to give my impressions of the
old-time missionary of Pownalboro, as gleaned from
a careful study of the manuscripts which he left. My
self-imposed task is far from complete. While I hope
that much which he wrote may yet be printed, to
give extended quotations from what I have as yet
been able to decipher of the time-stained, faded, torn
and mice-eaten papers would only weary. So far as
I have been able to verify his statements by compar-
ison with other documents in existence, I have found
him to be accurate and conscientious. His influence
over his people was great. I have so far looked in vain
for the names of any among Massachusetts Revolution-
ary soldiers who were known to be indentified, actively,
with his church. In the examination of documents,
and in the work of recording, I have no theories to
prove, and only feel bound to go where the records
lead me. But I now know that old Pownalboro,
and indeed all of Maine, has a grand history which I
little suspected existed, and which partial and narrow
Massachusetts historians have entirely ignored, while
many Maine people, indifferent to their own records,
confine their study of history to a worship of the
252 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
ancestors of Massachusetts men. Think, for instance,
of a sketch of John Gardiner, which makes no mention
whatever of the fact that when he made his famous
speech in Massachusetts legislature in favor of remov-
ing restrictions on theaters he represented a Kenne-
bec town in that body. I affirm that since studying
the papers left by the Loyalist, Jacob Bailey, I am
better fitted for an understanding of the true story
of the great American republic. A real patriot will
honor his own section, his state, his country, its
people, its institutions, and he will not slander others.
Jingoism is not true patriotism. I sometimes think
when I see the veneration felt by English subjects
for their queen, the reverence of the German for his
emperor, even the faith of the Eussian in his ruler,
and contrast it with the ridicule, the falsehoods, and
the abuse which our so-called chief magistrate receives,
that the average American reveres nothing but plu-
tocracy and pugilism. Is America really great, or
merely overgrown dropsical, as it were ? Did
those of us who fought in the late civil war contend
for a nation in the true sense of the word, or for an
unwieldy collection of peoples with diverse interests,
bound together only by a slender thread of selfish
gain ? Mr. Bailey thanked his good fortune that
when he landed in Halifax, penniless, he was at last
in a land of freedom as contrasted with the realm of
discord and tyranny which he had left. Are we
quite sure that we know what the much used and
abused word freedom really means ? Do we use up
the article in repeating the word ? Certain it is that,
REV. JACOB BAILEY. 253
when we consider the treatment given the American
Loyalists of a hundred years ago, we must admit that
republics may be needlessly severe and tyrannical.
Indeed, impartial writers have, with apparently good
reason, compared our treatment of the Loyalists to
the needless severity accorded the Huguenots in
France under Louis XIV. Is any man un-American
when he affirms this ?
Mr. Bailey has been called eccentric. Also un-
yielding. These terms are contradictory, and show
that those who used them knew nothing about the
subject of which they spoke. His opponents were,
as he expressed it, " like the weather cock on yonder
steeple." And they were the ones who would not
yield. Even after he had obtained permission to
leave the country they still pursued him. When he
consented to leave out the objectionable passages
from his church service, he still thought it no harm to
pray for the King. He might have said that the
King needed praying for. Taking the oath they
insisted upon would have proved his ruin. I do not
find that they insisted upon it with his friends Abiel
Wood and Major Goodwin, both of whom spoke
words of kindly sympathy to him, and who were as
much Tory as he.
These events have long since passed, and it would
seem that the time had come for Americans to view
them dispassionately. And when the time is ripe, we
may learn to revere the memory of the brave itiner-
ant missionary of the Kennebec wilderness, as we
study his character portrayed in the manuscripts
which have come to us.
254 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT-WAS
HE A TORY?
BY R. GOLDTHWAITE CARTER, U. S. ARMY.
Bead before the Maine Historical Society, December 19, 1895.
PART III.
WHILE Thomas Goldthwait was in command of Fort
Pownall he was appointed agent for the Waldo heirs,
to survey, settle and develop the vast tract of land in
the Waldo Patent, lying on the Penobscot River, and
included within what is now known as the towns of
Frankfort, Prospect, Stockton and Searsport. During
this period he was in constant correspondence with
Thomas Flucker, who married Hannah, the daughter
of Gen. Samuel Waldo. He was the last provincial
secretary of state. Gen. Henry Knox, Washington's
favorite general and secretary of war, married Lucy,
the youngest daughter of Thomas Flucker. This cor-
respondence was found among the very valuable
papers of the Knox collection, at the library of the
New England Historic Genealogical Society at Boston,
and it was due to the liberal courtesy of Mr. John
Ward Dean of that society that the writer is now
enabled to place before your readers the following :
FORT POWNALL, Oct. 24, 1765.
SIR : I thank you for your kind letter of the 10th inst., by Capt.
Saunders & am extreme glad to hear you arrived safe & sound, &
found your lady & family all well.
Almost ever since you went from hence Mr. Chadwick has been
employed in surveying & exploring the land betwixt my bounds &
the salt marshes, & he thinks there will not be near enough land
REV. JACOB BAILEY. 255
within these bounds to compleat the 24,000 acres, even if he should
take in a ridge of mountains which lyes in the middle, which is by
no means desirable to lay out for settlers, for, by Mr. Chadwicks &
others account of it, 1000 acres assigned to one lott & given away
with it, woud be no temptation to a settler to go on, & if they .once
got a notion that they are to have a part of their lot in such land,
it woud probably strike such discouragement to the settlement that I
could never accomplish it. Therefore I have been thinking that it
will be best to exclude this ridge of mountains as waist land, as is
usual in such cases, & to return no further West than to the foot of
the other mountains, & then what land may be wanting of the 24,000
acres to be made up in land towards Passoggasawackkeeg & to have
the lots in general laid out upon a road to run nearly through the
middle as may be, beginning at the head of the salt marsh, along by
the side of the meadow towards Sandy Point, & from there to ye
road leading to P.
I woud avoid as much as I can giving out lotts upon the shore,
tho' it will be necessary at first to give some there. In short, things
of that sort must be done as they can be done. I think we shouldn't
boggle at little matters in getting on a good settler. You'l please
consider it y'our mutual interest to have it settled so as to make
what land remains valuable.
This is a great undertaking for me who have had so little experi-
ence in such things : however, I dont despair of getting thro' it,
especially if I have the assistance of so good a friend & so able a
Counsellor as his Excellency the Governor, to whom I proposed being
concerned in it, & if he consents to it I shall leave it wholly with
him & you to settle the plan of the Town, which I must carry into
execution as nearly as I can : but in laying out a road you are sen-
sible it must go as land is found suitable for it.
It wont do to carry a road thro' a morass, or over a mountain if
it can well be avoided. Indeed, I cannot see how we ean deter-
mine absolutely upon a road until the land be sufficiently explored,
which Mr. Chadwick is now employ'd about, & probably I can write
you more fully of that by Capt. Saunders next trip.
Mr. Chadwick has given me a small sketch of it, which I send
herewith that you may have some idea of it. You'll see by this
256 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
sketch that the head of the marsh dont lay above 4 miles from my
bound, & the foot of the mountain is not 4 miles from the shore,
which is very different from what I had conceived of it.
Mrs. G. says I must tell you that we had a dish of green peas
yesterday in perfection. She joins me in our best regards to Mrs.
Flucker & your family : to Mr. Winslow, his lady & family, & Mr.
Bethune & his family. If Col Waldo or his Bro r be in town please
to pay my respects to y m .
I am, Sir,
Your most obedient Humble servant,
Tho. Goldthwait.
This foregoing letter was written upon the return
to Boston of Thomas Flucker from a visit to Col.
Goldthwait, at Fort Pownall. Mr. Winslow referred
to was Isaac Winslow of Roxbury, Massachusetts, who
married Lucy, another daughter of Gen. Samuel
Waldo. Mr. Chadwick, the surveyor referred to, is
the same who made the original survey for Sir Fran-
cis Bernard of Mount Desert, when it was granted to
him by the Province. Capt. Saunders is referred to
as follows in the Bernard Papers at Harvard College :
By His Excellency Francis Bernard, Esq., Captain-General and
Governor-in-chief of the Province of Mass. Bay, and Vice Admiral
of the same.
To Captain Bradbury Saunders, Commander of His Majestys
Sloop the "Massachusetts" of the said Province.
You are hereby commanded to take on board the said sloop such
provisions, stores & goods as shall be delivered to you by the Com-
missary General at Boston, for the vitualling & supplying his
Majestys Garrison at Fort Pownall, on Penobscot & the Indians
which depend on the said Fort for their subsistance & carry the
same to Fort Pownall, with all proper expedition.
And after you have delivered the same, you are to receive from
the Commander of the said Fort such goods & things as he shall
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 257
have to return to the said Commissary General for his Majestys
service in keeping & maintaining the said Fort & Truckhouse of the
Indians thereto belonging according to the Act of the Assembly
made for that purpose, & take the same aboard the sloop & bring
them unto the said Commissary General at Boston as aforesaid.
Given under my hand at Boston, the twelfth day of November, in
the year of our Lord, 1765.
(Bernard Papers, Harvard College, Vol. 4, p. 87).
A recent visit to Fort Point and Stockton Springs,
Maine, has enabled the writer to understand these
letters better, and any of your readers who may be
familiar with that locality will have little difficulty in
recognizing the plans for the township referred to.
FORT POWNALL, Nov. 30, 1765.
SIR : Capt. Saunders arrived here on the 23d, and bro't me
your favour of the llth & 19th instant.
Mr. Chadwick now returns and will wait on you with a plan of
the Townships as he has taken it, & I think he'l give you a good
information of everything about it, & when he has done that, I be-
lieve you'l think I could not have laid it out better.
He tells that between this and Passoggasawackkeeg, there may be
another Township superior to this, & if no obstruction attends this
settlement I dont see why that might not be put forward.
I understand .by his Excellency that he is willing to be concerned
in this Township provided the terms be agreeable, but I expect as
soon as it's known it will be improved to his disadvantage tho' he
does it entirely to save me.
It will be a very heavy affair. I must expect the first settlers will
be a burthen upon me for some time, & I know not at present what
assistance I shall want : however may be I may get such settlers as
wont require a great deal.
I have received the six barrels of cider from Mr. Winslow, & I
hope I shall find time to return him thanks for his trouble.
Tho' Saunders is uneasy to be gone, & I've a great deal on hand,
I tho't it would be agreeable to you to have the Island above ye
VOL. VII. 19
258 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Fort (Bethune's) explored, as well as survey'd, therefore I got Mr.
Chadwick to do it, & he has made remarks upon his plan of the
quality of the land. This will enable you to found better judgment
of the value in case you've opportunity to sell it.
I shall enclose an account of the charge as you desired, & also an
account of the charge of surveying the Townships, which I suppose
must be divided up among us as may be settled hereafter.
I am sorry to see the confusions all over the Continent still pre-
vail. God grant they may end in peace & good neighborhood. I
often drink to it & am sure none wishes it more heartily than I.
I am rejoiced to find you speak so pleasingly of your tour to this
country. I wish it may induce you & some more of my friends to
come again. I am sure nothing could give me greater pleasure.
When youv' an opportunity and leisure I shall be very glad to
hear from you & any interesting events that may happen. Mrs. G.
joins me in our regards to you & Mrs. Flucker.
I am, with great esteem & regard, Sir,
Your most obedient & most humble serv't,
Tho. Goldthwait.
The hands which assisted Mr. Chadwick in survey'g the Town-
ship, amount to 22 days, which I believe I cant put at less than 2 /s
p. day & do em justice. Mr. C. himself is to have 4 / p. day. I
found him. He hasn't quite finished the plan.
If Thomas Goldthwait never did any other act for
the province, a glance at this correspondence would
convince his worst critic, that he was, and is, entitled
to the everlasting gratitude of his countrymen for
this great labor of opening up arid settling that mag-
nificent tract of country at the mouth of the Penob-
scot. The surveys here and there ; the laying out of
roads ; supplying the new settlers with necessities to
save them from hardships, perhaps absolute starva-
tion, and to prevent them from leaving their lands
on account of disheartening drawbacks all tell of the
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TOKY? 259
tremendous labors devolving upon him in connection
with his duties as commander and truckmaster of
Fort Pownall. The entire correspondence is a model
of moderate conservatism and calm judgment, yet
showing untiring skill, energy and ability, which
reflects nothing but credit upon his wisdom and sagac-
ity, and which it would be well for some of the pres-
ent generation to emulate.
In one of these letters he briefly refers to the com-
ing struggle ; the burdensome taxation, etc., and one
could hardly call him else than a patriot with such
loyal sentiments to the colony as it clearly expresses.
He says :
FORT POWNALL, Feb. 15, 1766.
SIR : Though I havn't been favored with any letter from you
since mine of the 30th. Nov., I have been preparing to go for'd with
the Township as soon as the Spring opens, & I hope soon to hear that
matters are so accomodated respecting the Stamp Act that business
may go on in its proper channel & that I may proceed and finish
ours.
I can form no opinion from the papers which I've seen how the
Opposition to the Stamp Act is likely to issue. If it shou'd end in
allowing the Colonies a representation in Parliament, I think it will
be making bad worse, for, tho' those representatives serve without
pay, & the Province be at no expense about em who can think they
can influence the Parliament to excuse the Colonies from the
burthens which they themselves bear, & as they will be then laid on
us in effect by our own consent, we can have but little pretence even to
remonstrate against it, & little do many of us know what burthens
those are.
What shou'd we think if in the price of a mug of beer, seven
eights of the cost of it was duties of one kind or another, that 3/4 of
the cost of a gallon of rum was duties, &c. &c. ? When those times
come, woe unto us ! ! But this is a dangerous subject to handle. .
260 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
. I shall be glad to hear from you, and glader to see you here,
as I am with great regard,
Sir, y r most obedient serv't,
Tho. Goldthwait.
My compliments to Mr. Winslow & Messrs Waldo.
To the
Hon. Thomas Flucker, Esq.
FORT POWNALL, April 24, 1766.
SIR : I have been favoured with two letters from you since I
have done ye pleasure of writing to you, but as you are sensible how
my time is generally taken up, I know you'l excuse it.
I wish Mr. Chadwick had come down with Saunders, as it wou'd
have forwarded the settlement : for ye plan which he left with me is
imperfect : & I cannot well judge of the bounds that are agreed upon
However, I am doing what in my opinion, is the first step in such
an undertaking, that is making suitable provision & taking such
measures as may convince the settlers that when they come on, they
wont starve : for I cant expect to get many that are able to bring
much stock of any kind with them.
Mr. Chadwick agreed with me to build a grist mill, which I have
heard nothing about since he went from hence : this is an essential
thing, to encourage settlers, & if I knew he had altered his mind I
shou'd treat with some other.
It will be too late to have an answer to this sent here, as I expect
to go from hence so as to be at Boston by the end of May, & then I
hope I shall have the opportunity of talking over and settling all
matters relative to the Township ; & I hope by that time things will
be come to rights with you.
It seems to me that you cou'd have but little comfort for some
time past. Mrs. G. joins me in our best regards to Mrs. Flucker &
your family, Mr. & Mrs. Winslow, & your brothers Messrs Waldos.
I am, my dear Sir,
Your most obedient, humble serv
Tho. Goldthwait.
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 261
FORT POWNALL, July 25, 1766.
DEAR SIR: We arrived here on the 19th instant, since which
my hands have been so full that I did not think of writing to you by
this opportunity, but one thing comes to my ears which I think
proper to communicate to you.
It is whispered about here that there are several lead mines on
your land on this side of the falls, & some ball has been run out of
y e ore. The man who run it & bro't the ore y l it seemed to be pure
lead. I deliver to Major Goldthwait a ball sealed up which was run
from this ore. He knows not what it is nor anybody else. But I
must tell you I have it from one or two soldiers, & how far such
information can be depended upon you can judge as well as I.
I know common people are sometimes most egregiously mistaken
in such matters. Still, I think this is a necessary hint, & if there
be anything in it worth while, you'll probably hear from me more
about it by the Elk which I expect will sail from hence in 6 or 7
days.
Our best regards to y r lady & family, Mr. Winslow & his family
& lady, & believe me very sincerely,
D 1 S r Y r Most ob't & faithful servant,
Tho. Goldthwait.
(Knox Papers, N. E. Hist. Gen. Society, Vol. 50: 148,
176, 177, 178, 180: Vol. 51: 11, 32.)
The establishment, i. e., the number of the gar-
rison, pay, etc., of the fort, was made annually.
About 1766-67 it had been so much reduced that
the Indians became very bold, and there was immi-
nent danger of an outbreak. The settlers became
alarmed on account of the weakness of the garrison.
On June 20, 1767, the governor sent in a. message
upon the reduction of the garrison at Fort Pownall.
June, 1768, he sent another message dissenting from
the House resolve reducing the garrison. Several
letters were written by Col. Goldthwait stating the
262 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
general condition of things, the uneasiness of the In-
dians, continued alarm of the settlers, etc., and the
wish of the Indians to communicate with the governor.
The Board (council) took into consideration these
letters, and " advised that it be increased by eight
men." "Advised that his Excellency go to Fort
Pownall and quiet the Indians." Later it was further
advised that " Captain Goldthwait send three of their
number to Boston accompanied by Capt. Fletcher, the
interpreter."
About this time also, there came to Col. Goldthwait
a petition from one, Dudley Carlton, " humbly re-
questing that Col. Goldthwait represent to his Excel-
lency the Governor, the true state and circumstances
of the Province to the East and Northward of Penob-
scot River, etc., and a plan ' rooting out the savages,
where it has always been a nursery for them.' '
This period, more than any other, was the turning
point with the early settlers at Fort Pownall and the
surrounding region ; and, as its history is now, and
ever will be of the most vital interest concerning the
development of the Penobscot Valley, its people and
their descendants, the writer adds the following valu-
able correspondence between Col. Thomas Goldthwait
and Sir Francis Bernard, the governor of the prov-
ince.
FORT POWNALL, 6th Sep. 1767
[Extract.]
At present we are in a little confusion, occasioned by some in-
solent and unjustifiable behaviour of the Indians, which has so
frightened the inhabitants that they are so uneasy in their own
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 263
Houses they cannot be prevailed upon to stay in them, and desire
me to give them protection in the Fort.
I cannot deny them, tho' I see at present no real danger. The
insolence of the Indians, I believe, proceeds from there being a large
body of them together, & their knowledge of the weakness of the
garrison.
While I was gone to Mt. Desert a small number of Indians came
in & without applying or giving any notice of their want of provi-
sions, they drove up a flock of sheep in order to kill some, but before
they could carry their design into execution, my people had notice
of it & prevented it.
Afterwards some others took another method. They suffered
their dogs to be loose, and they killed eight sheep, some of which
they carried away with them. On my way from Mt. Desert I had
many complaints from the inhabitants of their sheep being killed by
the Indians, and many other complaints of mischief being done by
them.
I took the first opportunity to demand in a peremptory manner
satisfaction for it. They appeared concerned about it, and promised
that satisfaction should be made ; but, at present they could do no
more than pawn their words, and assure me that I shou'd have no
further cause for complaint.
These very people in all probability, killed the peoples swine
within 5 miles of the Fort next day. Another Indian soon after
shot a hog in the Cove while the owner was almost in sight of him,
ami by the time that the hog was half roasted, (the owner got some
assistance) the Indian got off; but the hog they bro't to me, which
appeared to be full of shot. I have since heard that the Indians
dout deny the fact. They have never been so open and daring in
their insult before. Their wandering about after a priest the last
year made them extreme poor, & perhaps they think they cant be
more miserable let what will happen to them.
What serves to increase the peoples fears is what the Indians
themselves give out, viz : that there are great numbers of Indians
of different tribes now assembled on Penobscot River : that they are
determined to maintain their rights to 12 rivers which they claim,
and that they intend soon to pay me a visit together.
264 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
What truth there may be in this I know not. All I know of
certainly is, that there are a considerable number of Indians of
different Nations, such as Cape Sable, St. Johns, Norridge walks,
Aresequnticooks, with some other Indians, & some white men on
Penobscot River, and they have had a Council with the Penobscots
upon some occasion or other.
A Neutral Frenchman, who is known in Boston came with a
party of Indians from Canada, & has been in here. He tells me
that he came only to spend a little time with the Indians hunting
for his diversion : behaved very civilly and went off.
But there is another thing which has greatly served to alarm the
inhabitants. While I was gone to Mt. Desert, a St. Francois
Indian came in and told the commanding officer that he came express
from Sir. William Johnson to me : that he had a letter from him to
me : but that he must not leave it unless I was here, and that he
would soon be in again.
Last Thursday he came in to see if I had returned : told me he
did not come from his camp, and had not got the letter. He said
he came from Canada and brought 16 Indians in his party who were
now hunting on this River, and that he wou'd be in again on
Monday and bring me the letter, & then open his mind to me. He
then went off, and going up the River, met some of our people, &
told them (he speaks English) , that there were 300 men near Pen-
obscot Falls who wou'd be at the Fort in a few days.
His not telling me this occasioned my sending immediately after
him, & also to get the letter. My people overtook him at Salmon
Point & bro't him back, but without the letter. He denyed what
he had told the people and pressed me to let him fetch the Letter,
but would not consent to my people going with him.
His name is Philip, & has been employed in the English and
French service, and is now an inhabitant of St. Francois. I expect
him in to-morrow, but, in the meantime I shall put the fort in the
best position for defence I can. & my doing this will unavoidaaly
increase the fear of the inhabitants, who are already too much
agitated.
Thursday, the 8th Yesterday there came in four canoes of
Indians, among whom were Philip beforementioned, Espequeunt, &
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT-
Oso & 8 or 10 others. I met them at the shore and asked Philip
for the letter. He said that Espequeunt met him & desired him to
come with him, & that he had'nt the opportunity to go to his camp.
I then took Oso aside & told her I confided in her, and that she
must tell me what she knew about Philip. She said she knew but
little about him ; that he was a Canada Indian & she believed he
wasn't good.
I then had some talk with Espequeunt, but he said he wanted some
refreshment and wou'd say more to me the next day. This morning
he came early and desired to speak with me in private : nobody was
present but Mr. Treat & him & me.
He says he was at Canada 15 days ago & was invited by a French
Gentleman there (whom he took to be an officer, or a man of dis-
tinction by his being laced with gold) , to stay in Canada and assist
them in an enterprise against the English.
He says he told them he was far away from home & his family
wou'd suffer, and that he cou'd not stay. He askt me if there was
a war between France and England. I told him there was no ap-
pearance of any such thing, and that I believed there wasn't the
slightest foundation for such a suspicion.
He said the Canada people told him it was so, but they hadn't
determined what part to take. He said he spoke the truth : he
pointed towards Heaven & said he spoke before God. I askt him
if he had any request to make to Gov. Bernard. He said no. I
then asked Oso by herself if she knew of any ill intention among the
Indians : she said she knew of none ; that Espequeunt was very
secret about the news he brought from Canada : she said she wou'd
always speak the truth to me.
She said she once told me of an intention to surprize the garrison,
{'iid says she " I told you the truth ! " That now, she thout there
\\-as no ill design among the Penobscot Indians. All the Indians
she said, talk about the Englishmen hunting and settling upon the
River, but that was all.
I have not exaggerated, but rather extenuated everything that may
be the occasion of expence or agitation. Mr. Harrod & some other
gentlemen from Boston have been eye witnesses of some of it, and I
think it will be best for your Excellency to hear them upon it.
266 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
I shall be upon my guard, but with as little appearance of my ap-
prehension of danger as may be to avoid alarming the inhabitants ;
for, in my opinion, one or two more frights wou'd break up all the
settlements.
The garrison is too weak, and the Indians know precisely the
strength of it. It is not sufficient to keep them in awe. I ought to
have men enough to send out a party to reconnoitre upon occasion,
and upon occasion to demand satisfaction at their village for any
injury done the English.
I am now at the 9th. Nothing new has appeared, & I think it
best not to detain Wesent any longer. I fear this matter will have
a bad effect upon this settlement and all about here.
In the talk with Espequeunt, he told me repeatedly that he thought
there might be some news of importance from the Governor of Can-
ada to your Excellency. I therefore thought to open it upon such
an occasion, which I hope your Excellency will excuse. It was
brought by some Indians who came from thence before Espequent.
Sep. 10th Last night Oso came in again, and several other
Indians have been in since. They accuse Philip of being the author
of this disturbance. Whatever their intention might be, I believe
there is a stop put to it for the present.
They all promise that satisfaction for the mischief shall be made
that has been done, and that they mean to keep up Peace & friend-
ship with us : but it is not in their power to settle peoples minds as
they were before.
I can hardly persuade them to return to their Homes. Oso now
tells me, that their former Priest at St. Johns was an impostor, and
they have thrown away their Books, and Espequeunt & the others told
Mr. Crawford to-day that if he would go to their village, they wou'd
attend his prayers.
To any fair minded and impartial reader, the fore-
going will appeal to his candor and good judgment as
to the character of the man who could calmly write
such a letter amid such scenes of confusion, doubt,
and fateful rumor. In it there is no uncertain ring ;
no trace of cowardice ; no tyranny ; no hasty conclu-
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 267
sions : no desire, as he says, " to exaggerate, but
rather to extenuate/' all the circumstances, which the
inhabitants, in their terror felt were impending. On
the contrary, he showed a quick perception, ready
tact, a wise discretion, and great determination. He
made a clear-headed, forcible report to the governor,
so that he could readily grasp the situation with its
causes, and apply the proper remedies : at the same
time he quickly resolved (showing him to be a man of
resourceful expedients) to place the fort in a proper
state of defense, and, with his little garrison then
less than thirty men, make as bold stand as possible,
quieting in the meanwhile a gathering of panic-strick-
en people who had moved in and were appealing to
him for protection, counsel and advice.
So far there has not been found a particle of evi-
dence, not a scrap of paper, or written complaint,
which could, even by inference, connect his name
with any cowardice, tyranny, cruelty or extortion to-
ward either settler or Indian. These accusations took
no shape until after the dismantlement of Fort Pow-
nall.
The reply of the governor now follows :
JAMAICA FARM, Sep. 28, 1767.
SIR: I communicated your letter to the Council, and upon full
deliberation they advised that I should order you to augment the
garrison with 8 men, if you shall still think it necessary. I send
you a copy of the minutes which must be your direction.
You have two objects in view, the repressing the insolence of the
Indians, relieving the fears of the people, and if either of these
shall require this reinforcement, you must raise it : for it is expedient
to .ifiiard not only against real danger, but against the ill conse-
quences of the apprehension of it ; especially so detrimental as the
268 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
unsettling of that country would be : and as these 8 men make but
a small addition I have thought of a method to double the service
with the same pay.
Inlist 16 men at half pay & half duty, and let them relieve one
another every week, the whole being paraded at the time of reliev-
ing ; and let them engage to repair to the Castle upon a certain
signal.
You will judge of the practicability of this : but, at all events, let
the men enlisted be cloathed as soldiers. It is in my opinion a very
material circumstance.
I hope you will attend to it. We have very unpleasing accounts
of the frequent exposure of the Fort : it is said that it is always in
the hands of the Indians when they come in to trade in any number.
I am sensible that so small a garrison as you have now must occa-
sion a great relaxation of discipline, as there are not enough men to
exercise it upon.
But you must keep up the form of discipline as well as you can.
Let the Drummers beat all the usual beats : the reveille, the relief
of the guard, the retreat and the tattoo. After the beating of the
latter, let the keyes of the gates be brought to you, and remain with
you till reveille is beaten next morning.
As for the danger arising from the Trading : it will not be re-
moved but by setting the Truckhouse out of the Fort, which, it
seems to me must be done.
I must desire you would do your best to quiet peoples minds that
they mayn't think of deserting their settlements : which would be a
great disgrace as well as detrimental to the Province.
If the people are convinced that it is the smallness of the garrison
which has encouraged the Indians to insult and plunder them (as,
indeed, it has been fully proved before the Council that it is the
chief or sole cause of it) , they should petition the General Court and
pray that they would allow for a larger garrison.
In such case they will have my opinion on their side, whether it
will weigh more or less. I always expected that this reduction
would have these effects.
I have sent you six barrels of powder for the use of the Fort, un-
derstanding that you have now but what belongs to the Truck Trade.
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 269
I will write upon the subject of the Indians in a separate letter that
you may communicate it to them with more care.
I am, Sir, &c.
Fra. Bernard.
Tho 9 Goldthwait, Esq.
P. S. In regard to the Bridge, Platforms & Outworks of the
Fort, you must do what is necessary for their repair, as you pro-
pose, in the most frugal manner.
(Mass. Arch. 38: 343,354.)
The letter of the governor with reference to Col.
Goldthwait's report concerning the Indians and the
alarm in the Penobscot Valley, now follows :
BOSTON, Sep. (28), 1767.
SIR : I have received your letter informing me of the Indians
insulting and plundering the English settlers. I know not whether
my astonishment or resentment at these hostilities was the greater,
and I should have immediately set about punishing the authors of
them if you had not in the same letter informed me that the Chiefs
of the Tribe had apologized for the acts of their people and promised
to make satisfaction.
I am, on that account, willing to leave this to a Treaty, but ex-
pect that they will satisfy not only the people for what they have
lost, but the King's Government also for what his dignity has
suffered by this insult upon his subjects.
I had intended upon this occasion to have set out for Fort Pow-
mill myself, but am obliged to wait here for particular orders which
I expect every day to receive from the King. I must, therefore,
leave this uegociation to you, and if the Chiefs with whom you have
talked are sincere, I hope there will be no great difficulty in it.
I must, therefore, desire that you will call them together as soon
after you receive this as may be, and endeavour to reduce what we
are to expect, and they to undertake, to as great a certainty as can
be.
Tell them that the Reduction of the garrison which is supposed to
have encouraged this insolence, was made by the confidence we had
270 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
in their profession of friendship, and they should not have rendered
our considering them as friends, a reason for their treating us as their
enemies.
You have now an order to augment the garrison if you think fit,
& tell them if nothing but soldiers can keep them in order, they shall
have soldiers enough, and higher up the River than they are at
present.
There is now at Halifax a Regiment quite unemployed, and I can
have from thence at an hours warning, 2 or 300 men to send up to
Passionkeag if it shall be necessary.
If Philip is among them, tell them I insist upon their delivering him
up as a Public disturber of the peace. For, whilst they harbour such
a villian, their enemy as well as ours, they cannot expect that their
professions can gain credit with us. For, if they are really our
friends, they should show the same resentment against a man who
endeavours to make a Breach between us, which we do.
If you can lay hold of that fellow, send him to me in Iron, and I
will take care that he shant disturb Penobscot again. Tell them
not to deceive themselves with idle stories about a War between
P^ngland and France. There never was a more cordial intercource
between the two Kings than there is at present.
There is nothing for them to quarrel about. But, if there should
be a variance, N. America will not be affected by it : for the French
know well they can never get a footing in Canada again : so that if
the Indians will fight on the side of France, they must do it by
themselves.
As to the satisfaction to be made to the sufferers by these plund-
erers : if it is not made when this letter arrives, I desire you will
immediately demand it, and if they cannot pay directly, let the
damages be liquidated & allowed by the Indians, and let them give
their note for the money payable as soon as can be ; and dont be
put off with a pretence that they dont know who did the mischief:
they must know it, and if they wont discover & deliver up particu-
lars, they must answer for it in the whole : but, if they are sincere,
& are really poor (for I understand their pretended priest has
plundered them unmercifully) , I wou'd have them allowed all rea-
sonable time for their payments, they giving security as aforesaid.
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 271
As for the satisfaction to be made the Gov't, you will consider
what is due to its honour upon this occasion. Tell them in general
that I am really & truly their friend, and I desire that they would
not oblige me to appear as their enemy.
I am, Sir, &c.
Fra. Bernard.
Tho s Goldthwait, Esq.
There is nothing to show that the orders of Gov.
Bernard to Col. Goldthwait were carried out. If
Philip had been arrested, placed in irons, and carried
to Boston to be delivered up to Gov. Bernard for im-
prisonment, thus affording ground for charges of cru-
elty to be made against Col. Goldthwait by the
Indians, as also pretext for war, the archives would
undoubtedly show the same. It does not appear that
this plan was carried out; but had it been, the
responsibility for the act would have rested with the
governor and not with Col. Goldthwait.
While Col. Goldthwait was commanding Fort Pow-
nall, he was commissioned, August 5, 1767, judge of
the Court of Common Pleas for Lincoln County, suc-
ceeding Judge Denny of Georgetown. The writer has
found his commission; but aside from its quaintness of
language, and extreme formality, it would hardly
have a place in this paper. (C. E. Mass. 1765-74:
584.) In October 1769, he was appointed colonel of
the 2d regiment Lincoln County militia.
The writer has been unable to find his commission
for the same, but for October, 1771, he has discovered
the following:
List of officers Commissioned for a Regiment of Militia to be
ormed of the inhabitants of all the lands in the County of Lincoln,
272 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
lying East of a River called Damariscotta, and to be called the
Second Regiment of Militia in the County of Lincoln.
Thomas Goldthwait Esq., Colonel
Alexander Nickel, 1st Lt. Col.
Nathan Jones Esq., 2nd Lt. Col.
Mason Wheaton, 1st Major.
Arthur Noble, 2nd Major.
Jed. Preble, Captain a^ a place called Majebag-
waduce, &c., &c.
William Lithgow was colonel of the 1st regiment
of the county of Lincoln.
Belfast, in 1765, when John Mitchell (who was the
first founder of the town ( went there to examine it,
was a howling wilderness, and was merely designated
as " a tract on the southerly side of a township
granted to Col. Goldthwait " when the petition of
John Mitchell and others was referred to the Provin-
cial Assembly of Massachusetts asking for its incor-
poration.
In accordance with this petition, an act was passed,
requesting " that Thomas Goldthwait be empowered,
and he is directed to issue a warrant appointing some
person to notify the inhabitants to hold a town-meet-
ing for this purpose, etc., etc."
In the History of Belfast, by Hon. Joseph William-
son, will be found the warrant, dated at Frankfort,
October, 1773, signed by Thomas Goldthwait, calling
the meeting at the dwelling-house of John Mitchell,
Thursday, November 11, in the forenoon. In the His-
tory of Belfast will also be found a very interesting bill
which John Mitchell rendered to the new town for row-
ing Goldthwait to and from the place of meeting, etc.,
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 273
etc. Col. Goldthwait was chosen moderator and John
Mitchell town clerk, and the town was duly incorpo-
rated.
In the Bangor Historical Magazine some time since,
there was a very interesting article by William D.
Patterson of Wiscasset, Maine, entitled " Some Tran-
sactions of Colonel Thomas Goldthwait at Fort Pow-
nall, 1764 to 1786." These refer to deeds of land.
The writer has found many more, all of which are
valuable as showing the part which Col. Goldthwait
took in opening up, settling arid developing the
Penobscot Valley. His descendants had always sup-
posed that this immense tract of land, owned with Sir
Francis Bernard, was a grant for services rendered
either at Louisburg or Crown Point; but it seems that
it was a direct purchase from Gen. Jedediah Preble,
and originally belonged to the Waldo Patent.
On January 14, 1769, it was :
Resolved That the garrison of Fort Pownall be augmented, and
that it consist of one Captain, one Lieut., one Gunner, a Chaplain,
an Interpreter, two Sergeants, and 32 privates, on the following es-
tablishment : Captain, 4 /10s per mo., Lieut., 3/10, Gunner 3/0,
Armourer 2/10, Chaplain 4/0, Interpreter 3/0, Sergeant 1/10,
Private 1 /4. To continue in force one year.
A conference was had with the Penobscot Indians,
July 26, 1769.
Lieut. Gov. Thomas Hutchinson says in a message
of July 2, 1771 :-
You have reduced the establishment for the garrison of Fort
Pownall from 20 to 10 Privates. The Commanding officer there
has formally represented to me that 20 Privates were scarcely suffi-
VOL. VII. 20
274 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
cient for the necessary service, especially when any considerable
number of Indians came in to trade. This, it is probable, you were
not informed of when you passed the last vote for an establishment.
/ doubt not you will think with me that a Fortress that cost the Crown
so considerable a sum, ought not to be left without a garrison sufficient
for its preservation and defence. I must recommend to you to make
the further necessary provision.
T. Hutchinson.
Council Chamber, Cambridge,
July 2, 1771.
Thus it will be seen that the garrison was annually
increased or diminished by a few men, through the
caprice of a Great and General Court, far removed from
the locality, but not in entire ignorance of its neces-
sities. As has been shown, they were repeatedly
warned.
The writer finds that this practice was kept up
until the opening of hostilities in 1775, when Col.
Thomas Goldthwait was practically left without any
garrison for offensive or defensive purposes. This
criminal neglect on the part of the provincial officials
will be referred to later in connection with the dis-
mantlement of Fort Pownall.
THE JOHN ROGERS FAMILIES. 275
THE JOHN ROGERS FAMILIES IN
PLYMOUTH AND VICINITY.
BY JOSIAH H. DRUMMOND.
Bead before the Maine Historical Society, December 19, 1895.
THERE were so many by the name of John Rogers in
Plymouth, Duxbury, Marshfield, Weymouth and
Scituate in their early history, that it is not wonder-
ful that they have been confounded with each other.
Savage thinks that Deane in his history of Scituate
has " confused two, if not three, into one." Others
have "confused two into one," but the publication of
the colony records and the indexing of the wills and
deeds, give us the means of identifying the different
Johns, and distinguishing them from each other, even
if we cannot trace their origin and early history.
I. THOMAS ROGERS and his son Joseph came over
in the Mayflower in 1620; his other children came
later ; they all settled in what was then Plymouth.
Bradford, p. 449.
Writing in 1650, Bradford says :
Thomas Rogers died in the first sickness, but his son is still living
and is married and hath six children, the rest of his children came
over and are married and have many children. Ib. p. 453.
II. Lieut. JOSEPH ROGERS lived " on Duxburrow
Side " before Duxbury was made a town, and after that
in Duxbury, on Jones River, across which, by special
authority, he maintained a public ferry " near his
276 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
house." About 1655, he moved with his family to
Eastham, where he spent the remainder of his life,
and died early in 1678.
His children, born in Plymouth and Duxbury were,
Sarah, born in 1633, died in infancy ; Joseph, born
July 16, 1635; Thomas, born March 29, 1638; (this
is the " Thomas, son of Goodman Rogers of Duxbury "
the record of whose baptism, May 6, 1638, is found
in the " Scituate and Barnstable " church records) ;
Elizabeth, born September 29, 1639 ; John, born
April 3, 1642 ; Mary, born September 22, 1644 ;
James, born October 18, 1648, and Hannah, born
August 8, 1652.
The will of " Joseph Rogers, senior, of Eastham,
dated Jaii'y 2, 1677, 0. S., and proved Mar. 5, 1677,
0. S.," mentions sons Thomas, John and James, and
daughters Elizabeth Higgins and Hannah Rogers.
Joseph, Jr., had died and his estate been settled in the
early part of 1661; evidently Mary, also, had died;
and Thomas and James died in 1678, soon after their
father. In 1678, John Rogers was appointed admin-
istrator of the estate of Thomas, and administrator
de bonis non of his father's estate in place of Thomas,
deceased.
Freeman, in his History of Cape Cod, says that
John died January 10, 1738, having spent his life in
Eastham, as is also abundantly shown by the records.
This John had a son John, born November 4, 1672,
who was the only grandson of Lieut. Joseph named
John. The latter John was born too late to have
been one of the early Johns in Plymouth and vicinity.
THE JOHN ROGERS FAMILIES. 277
We must, therefore, exclude the descendants of
Lieut. Joseph, son of Thomas of the Mayflower, from
the list of families whom I am seeking to identify.
IIL JOHN ROGERS OF MARSHFIELD.
Writers have assumed that John Rogers of Marsh-
field and John Rogers of Duxbury were the same
man, and son of Thomas of the Mayflower ; but
Savage suggests that he was the brother of Thomas :
apparently he was too old to be the son of Thomas,
but Savage's suggestion, so far as I have been able to
discover, is only a plausible conjecture.
Let it be remembered that Duxbury was made a
town in 1640, but for quite a number of years previ-
ously the territory across the bay had been known
as the " Duxborrow Side "; when made a town, it em-
braced the whole of what became Marshfield, which,
however, was made a town later the same year,
although its bounds were not established till 1642 ;
after the latter date, the towns were entirely distinct.
" The last Will and Testament of John Rogers,
Senior, made the first day of February, in the year of
our Lord, 1660," proved June 5, 1661, gives to his
wife, Frances, " all the land and housing on which I
live," for life, with remainder over to his son, John
Rogers, Jr., who, " when he or his heirs comes to
enjoy the said lands " was to " pay to his sister, Ann
Hudson, five pounds sterling and to Mary and Abigail
Rogers, ten pounds sterling a year."
He gives to his sons Joseph Rogers and Timothy
Rogers " all my land and meddow that lyeth on the
upper side of the creek lying easterly " to be divided
278 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
equally, but " Joseph's land shall lye next to land of
Nathaniel Bosworth."
Also,
I give to my son, John Rogers, all my right and interest in the
land and housing that he now liveth on and to his heirs forever
the apple orchyard my wife shall have and enjoy the tearme of
eight years.
He gives small legacies to his daughters, Ann,
Mary and Abagail and to his grandchild Posy Russell ;
also all his "land at Wamappahesett [Namatakeesett ?]
which John Hudson now lives on," to his grand-
children, Posye Eussell and John Russell, when they
arrive at the age of twenty-one years.
In an agreement, dated July 2, 1673, between John
and Ann Hudson on one part, and George Russell
(the "Posy" of the will) on the other part, it is re-
cited that Ann had been " the former wife of George
Russell deceased " and George was their eldest son.
John and Ann Hudson, February 4, 1674, gave to
John Rogers a receipt for the legacies to Ann in
which it is recited, " Whereas John Rogers, late of
Marshfteld in the Collony aforesaid " etc. John had
then " come to enjoy the lands, whereon he the said
John Rogers then liveth." The agreement is wit-
nessed by Joseph Rogers and George Russell.
Going back to the Plymouth colony records I find
no mention of this John Rogers in connection with
Marshfield till May 4, 1651, on which day John
Rogers of Marshfield was put under bonds for good
behavior, and on June 7, 1651, said John Rogers was
fined five shillings "for vilifying the ministry."
THE JOHN ROGERS FAMILIES. 279
On December 22, 1657, a court of Assistants, held
at the house of John Alden in Duxborrow, issued a
warrant to John Philips to arrest Edward Huchin a
Quaker, stopping at the house of Arthur Howland,
(who, according to Winsor, lived in Marshfield) :
Accompanied with the said Arthur Howland, and Joseph Rogers,
son of John Rogers, of Marshfield and another of his sons .
there the said John Philips charged the said Arthur Howland and
the two sons of John Rogers, above said . . . but one of the
young men, viz., Joseph Rogers, above expressed, refused to assist
him in bringing away the said Quaker.
At the June court in 1663, Joseph Rogers of Nam-
assakeeset was fined five pounds, and at the court in
October following, two pounds and ten shillings,
which last had not been paid in 1664 ; in 1663 also,
he was ordered to " remove his dwelling from Namas-
sakeeset."
As the object of this paper is to identify the Johns, 1
have not attempted to trace the subsequent history
of Joseph or Timothy, or of their sisters.
2. John Rogers, Jr., of Marshfield took the oath of
freeman in 1657; his father died early in 1661, and
the son was then living in Marshfield. In 1667, John
Rogers of Marshfield is named in the list of rates as
owing ten shillings. June 7, 1670, John Rogers of
Marshfield was ordered by the court to return to
William Randall his oxen. In the 1670 list of free-
men of Marshfield is the name of John Rogers and in
the same list for Duxborrow are the names of John
Rogers, Sr., and John Rogers, Jr. In 1674, John
Rogers took from his sister a receipt for the legacy
280 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
left her in the will of their father John Rogers, of
Marshfield, deceased.
William Wyburne, June 7, 1681, made a complaint
against John Rogers of Marshfield, and in it speaks of
him as said John Rogers, Sr. ; the John, Jr., of 1660
had a son John, who had come to man's estate in
1681.
In 1682, John Rogers of Marshfield is mentioned :
and in the list of freemen in 1689 for Marshfield, is
the name of John Rogers, while in the same list for
Duxburrow is the name of John Rogers, Sr.
John Rogers of Marshfield conveyed, April 23,
1705, several parcels of land at Namatakeeset, some
of them in Marshfield and some in Duxborough, and
some in Namatakeeset, not naming any town, and
nearly all of them bounded on Namatakeeset brook.
And January 20, 1707 (0. S.), John Rogers of
Marshfield conveyed land in Duxborough near Hoba-
mo^ck pond " and bounded toward the South by Nam-
atakeeset brook."
Savage says that John Rogers of Marshfield died
May 7, 1717, in the eighty-fifth year of his age an
erroneous date unless there is an error in the date of
his will.
In his will dated May 9, 1718, proved June 24,
1718, John Rogers of Marshfield describes himself as
aged ; mentions his John, to whom he gives the three
hundred pounds " which he hath allready received of
me in money; and three score pounds more," etc.
Gives legacies to his daughter, Abigail Chamberling ;
his daughter, Joanna Butler; his grandson, Samuel
THE JOHN ROGERS FAMILIES. 281
Dogged; his granddaughter, Mary White; and his
granddaughter, Sarah Allyn ; the residue he gives to
his son Thomas :
That is to say, all my lands, housing and buildings, together with
all my removables, goods, and personal estate of what nature or
kind so ever, lying within ye towns of Marshfield, Sittuate, Abing-
ton or elsewhere.
Thomas was probably the ancestor, but not the
father, of Samuel who, according to Mitchell, went to
East Bridgewater. Samuel was born in 1766, while
this Thomas was born one hundred years or more,
earlier.
IV. JOHN ROGERS OF WEYMOUTH.
Deane, in his history of Scituate, has John Rogers
go to that town in 1644 ; makes him marry Ann
Churchman at Weymouth in 1639 ; have a daughter,
Lydia, born in Weymouth in 1642; occupy a farm
(specifically described) in Scituate ; return to Wey-
mouth to die in 1661, and his son, John, occupy his
Scituate farm after him. Deane has " confused " two
Johns into one.
John Rogers was in Weymouth before 1643, and is
probably the John Rogers who was admitted a free-
man in 1637. In the Weymouth "record of lands,"
believed to have been made in 1643 by Rev. Samuel
Newman, John Rogers is mentioned several times in
such manner as to show that he must have lived there
some years previously. Nicholas White's land is
described as embracing two acres that had been " first
granted to John Rogers " ; land previously granted to
him is described in this record ; Richard Silvester's
282 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
land was " bounded on the East with Hingham line, on
the West with land of John Rogers " ; Thomas White
had a certain parcel " pvided Deacon Rogers have
liberty to come through with his hays, he setting vp
the fence again."
He had then been in Weymouth long enough to
become a deacon. He had at least five children.
Lydia is recorded as born in Weymouth, March 27,
1642 ; according to his gravestone his son John, who
was of age in 1660, was born in 1638; he had also
one daughter, who was married in 1659, and another
married in 1660 ; neither of these could have been
younger than Lydia, and it is quite certain that Mary
was older than John, and the approximate dates of
the births of his children are 1636, 1638, 1640, 1642
and 1644. The date of John's birth makes it certain
that his father did not marry Ann Churchman. While
he is not mentioned in the list of landowners in 1636,
he is mentioned in the record of 1643 and in the list
in 1651.
He was townsman or selectman in 1645, 1646, 1652
(when, as such, he witnessed the addition to the Indian
deed of Weymouth), 1654, 1655, 1657, 1659, and
other years; and in 1651 was chosen " town recorder."
He died in Weymouth, February 11, 1661 [new
style].
" Deacon " John Rogers, in his will, dated " 8-12-
1660," proved April 13, 1661, mentions his wife Judith
(who, I judge, was his second wife) ; his daughters,
Mary Rane, wife of John Rane ; "Liddia" White,
wife of Joseph White ; Hannah Pratt, wife of Samuel
THE JOHN ROGERS FAMILIES. 283
Pratt ; and Sarah Rogers, who was then under eigh-
teen years of age. He gives his wife a (contingent)
legacy, and adds that " she may give it to whom she
pleases, provided she gives it to Dea. Rogers' chil-
dren." He gives her one cow and the use of the
other, " except son John marry then one cow to be
his."
The will provides that if John die without wife or
child, certain property shall go to his son-in-law Joseph
White (subject to a payment to another son-in-law)
and to his daughter Sarah. The will is utterly incon-
sistent with the existence of any other son than John,
or any other daughter than those named.
The inventory was presented and sworn to by
Judith Rogers and John Rogers.
2. JOHN ROGERS of Weymouth, son of the pre-
ceding, married Mary Bates, daughter of Edward,
February 8, 1663, new style ; and had Mary, born
April 3, 1664 ; Lydia, born March 1, 1666, new style ;
Experience, born November 29, 1667 ; and Hannah,
born July 23, 1670. His wife, Mary, had evidently
died before October 22, 1683, the date of her father's
will, for he does not mention her, but gives to " my
son, John Rogers," six pounds, and makes his " be-
loved son, John Rogers," one of the overseers. He
afterward married Judith , who survived him;
it is probable that she was the daughter of his
stepmother.
In the 1663 list of landowners, John Rogers is given
as owning lot 38 of 42 acres, in the second division
bounding on the Braintree line.
284 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
In 1677, John Rogers of Weymouth, householder
and churchman, petitioned the General Court to be
made freeman.
John Rogers of Weymouth conveyed real estate by
deed dated January 25, 1678, but not acknowledged
till "Mart. ult. 1685"; in 1678, land in Weymouth
was conveyed, bounded northerly and westerly on
Plymouth line, and on one of the other sides by land
of John Rogers. In 1683, Edward Bates of Wey-
mouth, by his will, confirms to John Rogers "my
former gift of my town lot in ye first division, to him
and his heirs forever." On March 18, 1685, new
style, John Rogers of Weymouth, and others, convey
land in Weymouth to Samuel Torrey.
According to his gravestone, John Rogers died Feb-
ruary 28, 1709, old style, aged seventy-one. Admin-
istration on the estate of " Elder John Rogers, late of
Weymouth, deceased," was granted to Judith, his
widow, and Ephraim Burrill, who was his son-in-law.
The inventory included dwelling-house with orchard
and land adjacent. Micajah Torrey, John Shaw, and
Edward Bates were appraisers.
Experience and Hannah seem to have died before
1726, leaving no issue ; for in that year Mary and the
children of Lydia, who had then deceased, were the
only heirs.
By deed dated April 13, 1726, Mary Holbrook,
widow of Thomas Holbrook of Shelburne, conveyed
to John Burrill all right to land in Weymouth of
the estate of her father, John Rogers, late of Wey-
mouth, deceased, "being one half lately dividable
THE JOHN ROGERS FAMILIES. 285
between the heirs of my sister Lydia Burrell and
myself "
By deed dated September 15, 1726, Samuel Burrill,
Ephraim Burrill, Sarah Shaw and Lydia Burrill con-
vey to their brother, John Burrill, land in Weymouth
of which their grandfather, John Rogers, late of Wey-
mouth, died seized.
By deed dated September 15, 1733, Mary Burrill
conveys to her brother, John Burrill, land in Wey-
mouth, of the estate of her grandfather, John Rogers,
late of Weymouth, deceased, "one-sixth of one-half";
in the deed she mentions her father, Ephraim Burrill,
and her mother, Lydia Burrill. Reg. of Deeds, B. 52,
pp. 177 to 179.
Deane makes John Rogers and wife, Rhoda King,
married in 1656, the parents of Mary, married in 1659,
and of Elizabeth and Hannah, married in 1660 ! It
would seem that these dates, which he gives, would
have called his attention to his error.
The author of the history of Hanover, following
Deane, " confuses " John of Weymouth and John of
Scituate into one, and their children also.
V. JOHN ROGERS OF SCITUATE.
Deane says that John Rogers came to Scituate with
Rev. Mr. Witherell in 1644, and then "confuses" him
with John of Weymouth. Savage says John Rogers
of Scituate, son of John, probably born in 'England,
married, October 8, 1656, Rhoda King, and had John,
and perhaps Abigail and others, but not Mary, Eliza-
beth or Hannah, ascribed to him by Deane, as they,
and the one who married Joseph White, were the
286 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
daughters of " the Weymouth Deacon." The will of
the "Weymouth Deacon " shows that he had Mary,
Hannah, and Lydia, who married Joseph White.
In the first draft of this paper I contented myself
with showing that this older Scituate John was not
John of Weymouth. Upon further consideration I
concluded to make an effort to identify him, and re-
write this portion of the paper. After a careful exam-
ination of the colony records and other authorities I
find that this John was John Rogers of Marshfield.
Scituate and Marshfield are adjoining towns, and
were settled about the same time. John Rogers was
a freeman of Scituate in 1643 (before Deane says he
went there) and in 1644 ; but his name does not ap-
pear again in Scituate for fifty years, so far as the col-
ony records show. As we have already seen his name
is not found in connection with Marshfield till 1651,
and then continuously thereafter. There is no record
of his having been " freeman," unless he is the one
named in the Scituate lists of 1643 and 1644. The
tradition is that Thomas Rogers and others of Rogers
Brook in Marshfield are the descendants of the Scitu-
ate man ; while in fact they are certainly the descend-
ants of John of Marshfield.
Deane says that persons from other towns brought
their children to Mr. Witherell at Scituate to be bap-
tized, " amongst whom were the families of Rogers of
Marshfield," etc, Deane says that Mr. Witherell kept
a record of these baptisms from 1645 to 1674, and
had it kept by others till 1684, but I have been una-
ble to get access to it. He also says that Joseph
THE JOHN ROGERS FAMILIES. 278
White married Mary, daughter of John Rogers, in
1660 ; John Rogers Sr. had a daughter, Mary, who
was apparently unmarried at the date of her father's
will in 1660 ; in another place, Deane says that Eliza-
beth Rogers married Joseph White in 1660 ; the last
is evidently erroneous, as there is no record of an
Elizabeth; there may be another error, as Lydia,
daughter of " the Weymouth Deacon," married Joseph
White ; the John Rogers, who married Rhoda King
of Scituate, was John Rogers Jr., of Marshfield, but
he did not live in Scituate at all.
Deane says that Timothy White married, in 1678,
Abigail Rogers, daughter of John and Rhoda [King]
Rogers; Timothy had died in 1707. John Rogers Jr.,
of Marshfield, had sons John and Thomas, daughter
Abigail and granddaughter Mary White ; when he
made his will in 1718, Abigail's name was Abigail
Chamberling ; but I believe that it will be found that
after the death of Timothy White, as early as 1707,
his widow married a Chamberling, and that Mary
White mentioned in the will, was her daughter by her
first husband.
John Rogers of Scituate, whom I hold to be the son
of John Jr. of Marshfield, and Rhoda King, in his
will dated March 1, 1737, proved July 18, 1738, de-
scribes himself as of Scituate, a shipwright, " aged and
under infirmity of body." He directs that -his wife
Hannah shall be supported out of his estate by his
executor ; gives his son John ten shillings, " having
given him considerable formerly " ; to his grandchil-
dren, the children of -his daughter " Else " [Alice], who
288 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
married Thomas Clark, "twenty pounds in bills of
credit of ye old Tenor, or Silver equivalent thereto,
one ounce of silver being reconed equal to twenty-
seven shillings of said bills " ; and legacies to his
daughter, Hannah Thrift ; to the children of his daugh-
ter, Elizabeth, deceased ; to the son of his son Thomas,
deceased ; to his daughter, Mary Staples ; to his son,
Caleb Rogers ; and to his son, Joshua Rogers, whom
he appoints executor, and to whom he gives " the farm
and land where I now dwell in said Scituate," and all
his other property, but charging upon it the support
of his wife, " his [Joshua's] mother," and the payment
of the legacies, except Caleb's, which was real estate.
Thomas Clark married Alice Rogers, but she had
died and he had married again in 1719.
VI. JOHN ROGERS OF DUXBURY.
I conclude that, beyond any room for doubt, he was
the son of Thomas of the Mayflower, the brother of
Lieut. Joseph, who died in Eastham, the father of the
John who married Elizabeth Pabodie and the grand-
father of the Hannah Rogers, who married Maj. Sam-
uel Bradford. Recalling Bradford's statement that
Thomas brought over his son Joseph, but "died in the
early sickness," and his other children came over later,
were married, and had many children, the records of
Plymouth colony enable us to follow the history of
John with accuracy.
Among those " rated" March 25, 1633, were Joseph
Rogers and John Rogers nine shillings each.
On October 20, 1634, "Edmun" Chanler came and
had recorded that he had sold unto John Rogers a lot
THE JOHN ROGERS FAMILIES. 289
of land adjoining the land of Kobert Hicks, on Dux-
berry side, the lot which he had bought of John Barnes.
In the early part of 1636, Joseph Rogers was au-
thorized to maintain a ferry across Jones' River, near
his dwelling-house.
May 10, 1637, the committee to lay out a road from
Plymouth to Jones River made their return May 10,
in which they say " The highway from Stephen Tra-
cy's grounds through the other grounds as far as the
trees were marked to the bridge at John Rogers, and
from John Rogers, as the way now lieth to the corner
of Jonathan Brewsters cowyard," etc. Jones' River
was in the opposite part of the town to that which
became Marshfield.
Henry Blage, a servant, etc., was turned over by
Widow Elizabeth Watson to Thomas Watson, and by
him turned over, November 8, 1638, to John Rogers
for the remainder of the term.
Among those proposed, March 5, 1631, to " take
up freedom " was John Rogers ; but the record does
not show that it was done at the next court.
John Rogers and Ann Churchman were married
April 36, 1639. He was propounded as a freeman
September 7, 1641, and admitted March 1, 1642 (new
style).
On April 6, 1640, Constant Southworth and Thomas
Southworth, his brother, Joseph Rogers and John
Rogers, his brother, were granted fifty acres apiece of
upland near where Mr. Vassal's farm is at North
River, with apportionable meadow, etc. This was laid
out in Vassal's Range, " near to a certain creeke that
VOL. VII. 21
290 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
runneth up southward " . . . " with the one half of
the marsh land abutting upon the aforesaid upland
together with a small hammock of upland in the fore-
said marsh, which lands lie next to the lands granted
to Francis Cooke and John Cooke." The grantees
sold out soon afterward.
June 5, 1644, John Rogers was appointed surveyor
for Duxburrow. August 20, 1644, he and Joseph
were appointed on the part of Duxburrow to act with
two appointed on the part of Plymouth to lay out a
certain highway, and if they could not agree they
were to choose the fifth man; and Nov. 5, 1644,
Joseph Pryor, "now dwelling with John Rogers of
Duxburrow," chose a guardian.
In 1645 a grant of land at Sawtuckett (Bridgewater)
was made to the inhabitants of Duxbury, and John
Rogers was one of those nominated " to be feofers in
trust for the equal dividing and laying forth the said
lands to the inhabitants." It was divided into fifty-
four shares, of which John Rogers had one. But
when the land was actually laid out he had none, hav-
ing undoubtedly sold, as the whole number of lots
was laid out.
Mitchell, in his history of Bridgewater, devotes four
sentences to John Rogers ; the first is correct ; the
other three follow Deane and are all erroneous.
On June 7, 1648, the court allow and request John
Rogers and others to stake out a highway from Jones'
River Bridge to the Massachusetts Path ; it was further
ordered, June 2, 1650, that if laying out this way was
prejudicial to either Mr. Bradford or John Rogers,
THE JOHN ROGERS FAMILIES. 291
they were to have full satisfaction ; the way was laid
out June 10, " through ground of John Kogers " ; and
June 6, 1654, the court granted to John Rogers of
Duxborow, a tract of upland meadow lying near Jones'
River Pond, in lieu of damages for laying out the way
to Masssachuetts Path.
June 3, 1657, John Rogers and William Paybody
were deputies from Duxbury.
On March 2, 165, John Rogers and William Pay-
body were upon a committee summoned by the court;
June 7, 1659, John Rogers was absent from the grand
inquest, and John Rogers Jr., " stood propounded to
take up his freedom."
Oct. 2, 1660, John Rogers was on the jury in the
trial of a murder case ; June 4, 1661, on the grand
inquest ; May 7, 1662, on the jury of inquest on the
body of Thomas Clark who " came on that side of
Jones' river which is on Duxborrow side " ; June 1,
1663, on the grand inquest; June 5, 1666, a constable
of Duxborrow ; April 24, 1666, and Sept. 20, 1667, on
juries of inquest; and June 3, 1668, on the grand
inquest.
The court gave, June 8, 1666, to John Rogers and
William Paybody " liberty to look for land " ; and
renewed it June 5, 1666, to John Rogers of Dux-
burrow; and July 2, 1667, granted unto John Rog-
ers, Senior, of Duxbury, one hundred acres .of land
lying upon Coteticut River, " if it may be had, if
not, that he have liberty to look out elsewhere."
On July 4, 1673, the court made a grant of one
hundred acres between Taunton and Teticut, on
292 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
the northeast side of the bounds of Taimton to John
Rogers Sr.
June 1, 1669, John Rogers Sr. was surveyor of
highways in Duxbury, and June 5, 1671, on the grand
inquest; July 5, 1671, "John Rogers Sr. of Duxbor-
row " entered a complaint in court.
As I have already stated, on the 1670 list of free-
men, were John Rogers Sr. and John Rogers Jr. of
Duxburrow and John Rogers of Marshfield.
John Rogers was on the jury in a capital case Octo-
ber 27, 1674 ; and on the grand inquest June 7, 1676,
and on the same day John Rogers Jr. was appointed
surveyor of highways in Duxburrow.
March 5, 1677 (old style) John Rogers was surety
on Widow Anna Tisdale's bond ; she was his daughter
or sister according as he was the senior or the junior.
John Richmond, John Rogers and Samuel Smith were
overseers of the estate.
John Rogers Sr. was on coroner's jury, June 3,
1673 ; with Joseph Rogers, was surveyor of high-
ways in Duxburrow; and also June 5, 1678.
John Rogers Jr. was constable of Duxburrow, June
5, 1670; on the jury, October 29, 1671; surveyor of
highways in Duxburrow, June 3, 1674, and again
June 7, 1676.
The records further mention John Rogers Sr., June
3, 1679, Sept. 28, 1680, and July 7, 1681.
On June 7, 1681, John Rogers of Duxbury took
the oath of a constable " to serve in the ward of Mount
Hope [afterwards Bristol] for the present year ; " this
was John Jr.
THE JOHN ROGERS FAMILIES. 293
John Rogers was constable for Duxbury in 1681
and 1683; John Rogers of Duxbury was surveyor in
1682, and on the jury in a capital case in 1684.
On November 9, 1687, John Rogers of Duxborough
by deed duly witnessed, but not acknowledged, con-
veyed to Joseph and Edward Richmond [who were his
grandsons] one hundred acres of land in Middleboro,
with rights of common and further divisions, if any
This deed was proved in court, in place of acknowl-
edgment, September 13, 1693, as was usual when the
grantor died without acknowledging it.
"John Rogers, Sen r of Duxborough," by will dated
August 26, 1691, proved Sept. 20, 1692, gives:
1. To his grandson, John Rogers, all his houses and
lands in the town of Duxborough.
2. To his grandson, John Tisdall, for the use of his
mother Anna Terry, one-half of his land divided and
undivided in Middleboro, excepting his rights in the
Major Purchase, the land " to be disposed of according
to his mother's mind."
3. To his daughter Elizabeth Williams [who was
the wife of Nathaniel Williams of Taunton] the other
half of the Middleboro land ; and his " cattel " were
to be equally divided between these three daughters.
4. To his grandson, John Rogers, all his household
stuff and moneys out of which he was to pay to his
sister, Elizabeth Rogers, forty shillings ; and twenty
shillings each to "his other three sisters," Hannah
Bradford, Ruth Rogers and Sarah Rogers.
5. To his daughter, Abigail Richmond, " that
twenty shillings a year which is my due for fourscore
294 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
acres of land which I sold to my two grandsons, Joseph
Richmond and Edward Richmond."
6. He appoints his "loving son, John Rogers, sole
executor and administrator of this my last will and
testament."
This is the kind of a will that rejoiceth the heart of
the genealogist. He gives the names of all his chil-
dren then living ; gives the surnames of his daugh-
ters' husbands, and the names of many of his grand-
children. It identifies his son John as the one who
married Elizabeth Pabodie, by naming the well-known
children of the latter as his grandchildren. His chil-
dren were John, Abigail, Anna [sometimes called Han-
nah] and Elizabeth.
Abigail married, as his second wife, John Richmond
of Taunton, and was the ancestress of very many of
the families of that name scattered all over the coun-
try. Anna married (1) John Tisdale Jr.; (2) Thomas
Terry, and (3) Samuel Williams of Taunton ; she had
children by the first two ; Elizabeth married Samuel
Williams of Taunton, and had six children, who grew
up and married. I have abstracts of various deeds
that prove these marriages beyond question, in addi-
tion to the statements in the will. I will give but
one. By deed dated July 4, 1710, Anna Williams,
" relict of Samuel Williams, late of Taunton deceased,"
conveys to her son, Benjamin Terry, all lands in Mid-
dleboro, " given to me by the will of my honored
father, John Rogers, late of Duxbury, deceased, ac-
cording to an agreement signed by me, said Anna
THE JOHN ROGERS FAMILIES. 295
Williams, ray sister Elizabeth Williams, and by John
Tisdale and Joseph Richmond dated October 5, 1709."
Plym. Co., B. 22, p. 53.
2. JOHN ROGERS JR., OF DUXBURY. As John
Rogers, Hannah Bradford and John's " other three sis-
ters " were the well-known children of John and Eliz-
abeth [Paybodie] Rogers and are now shown to be the
grandchildren of John Rogers Sr. of Duxbury, of
course John Rogers Jr. must have been his son, and
the John Rogers Jr. mentioned in the records which
I have cited. The father of Elizabeth was William
Pabodie, whose name is mentioned so often in the rec-
ords in connection with that of John Rogers Sr., both
of whom, as well as " Mr. Bradford," lived in Dux-
bury and were neighbors.
We have already seen that John Rogers of Dux-
bury, on June 7, 1681, took " oath of a constable to
serve in the ward of Mount Hope for this present
year " he was licensed October 23, 1681, for " Bris-
tol, alias Mt. Hope, and again June 16, 1683. In
1681, John Rogers Jr., disappears from Duxbury,
and is found in Bristol. He was deputy for Bristol in
1685, 1686, 1689 and 1690, and was selectman in
1686, 1689 and 1690. He is described in deeds as of
Bristol in 1694 and 1696; but on May 27, 1697, "as
late of Bristol, now of Boston."
His son John, legatee under the will of John
Rogers Sr., of Duxbury, died in Boston, unmarried,
November 2, 1696 ; but in the letters of administra-
tion issued to his uncle, Maj. Samuel Bradford, he is
described as " late of Duxbury."
296 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The autograph of John Rogers, made August 2,
1701, in discharging a mortgage, is found in Suffolk
Registry of Deeds, Book 14, p. 433. He lived in Bos-
ton about ten years, but apparently claimed Bristol as
his home, although it may be that he actually lived
in other places during these ten years. His wife died,
and he married Marah Browning of Boston, widow ;
a marriage settlement was made March 22, 5. Wil-
liam and Mary, acknowledged, Aug. 7, 1699, and
recorded November 12, 1702, in which he described
himself as of " New Bristol, alias Mounthope," and as
" a Planter." He owned real estate in Boston, and
there are many conveyances on record to which he
was a party. These deeds show that he moved to
Taunton as early as June 16, 170(3, and bought real
estate there, but moved from there and was living in
Swansey, April 5, 1710; he continued to live there
till about 1726, when he moved to Barrington, where
he died June 28, 1732, in the ninety-second year of
his age. He had then been blind nearly ten years.
He left ninety-one descendants, but none bearing his
name, his only son, John, having died unmarried over
thirty-five years previously. But his daughters had
large families : Hannah married Maj. Samuel Bradford
and settled in Duxbury ; Elizabeth married Sylvester
Richmond (nephew of the John Richmond whom her
aunt, Abigail Rogers, married), and settled in Little
Compton ; Ruth married James Bennett of Robury ;
and Sarah married Nathaniel Searle of Milton. His
second wife survived him, but under the marriage set-
tlement she had no dower in his estate, and had only
THE JOHN ROGERS FAMILIES. 297
certain articles which he gave her in his lifetime. She
died in 1 7 39, and administration was taken out in the
following February.
Perez Bradford of Milton and William Richmond
and Nathaniel Searle of Little Compton were ap-
pointed, September 5, 1732, administrators of the
estate of their grandfather, John Rogers, late of Bar-
rington deceased, his widow and two daughters refus-
ing to administer.
Partition of his real estate was made, by the record
of which these statements as to his family may be
verified.
VII. There was a John Rogers in Billerica ; and
still another in Watertown ; but they have been iden-
tified, and have not been " confused " with those I
have mentioned. I have gone at length into details,
because I am in conflict with Deane, Mitchell, Winsor,
Davis and others, and therefore felt the necessity of
demonstrating my position beyond a reasonable doubt.
I believe all of them have assumed that John Rogers
of Marshfield and John Rogers of Duxbury were the
same, and Deane gives John of Duxbury, John of
Weymouth and John of Scituate as being the same.
The truth is that John of Marshfield, John of Dux-
bury and John of Weymouth were three different
men, each of whom made his will, showing that each
of them had a son John, and two of them- each a
grandson John, son of the son John.
Taking their wills and the dates I have given from
the colony records, and comparing them, it is abso-
lutely certain that John of Marshfield and his son
298 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
John, and his grandson John, were different men from
John of Duxbury, and his son John, and grandson
John, and that both sets were different men from John
of Weymouth and his son John, who had four daugh-
ters and no son.
The next question is, " Which John was the son of
Thomas of the Mayflower ? " It has heretofore been
assumed that John of Marshfield was ; but it has also
been assumed that this John and his wife Frances
were the parents of the John who married Elizabeth
Pabodie ; this last assumption I have shown to be ab-
solutely erroneous. John of Duxbury was the father
of the John who married her, and, I believe, the son
of Thomas. John of Marshfield was apparently too
old, and Savage suggests that he was the brother of
Thomas; he named his sons John, Joseph and Tim-
othy, but had no Thomas; while Joseph, the son
of Thomas, had Joseph, Thomas and John. But quite
conclusive evidence arises from the relations of Joseph,
known to be the son of Thomas and John of Dux-
bury. "Joseph, and John his brother" are named in
the records, and in numerous instances Joseph and
John of Duxbury are named together ; they both
lived in the southerly part of Duxbury, near each
other, while the other John lived in Marshfield.
Joseph came over first, and when John came he nat-
urally would be with his brother. We find him named
with Joseph in 1633, and trace him, almost year by
year, till his death in 1691 ; he married Ann Church-
man in 1639, had a son (John) born in 1640, and a
daughter (Abigail) born in 1642, as is shown by their
ages at the time of their deaths.
THE JOHN ROGERS FAMILIES. 299
I know that Deane gives Ann Churchman to John
of Weymouth, and makes her the mother of Lydia,
born in 1742; but he gives no evidence of his asser-
tion ; moreover, he says they were married at Wey-
mouth, but their marriage is recorded in the Ply-
mouth Colony records, and Weymouth was not in that
colony, and the marriage was not recorded in the
Weymouth records. Besides, he erroneously assumes
that John of Duxbury was John of Weymouth, and
went from Duxbury to Weymouth. John of Dux-
bury named his first daughter Abigail, probably for
one of her grandmothers, and his second daughter
Anna, for her mother. In addition, the tradition in
the families of the descendants of John of Duxbury
has always been that they descended from Thomas of
the Mayflower. Taking all these facts together, they
entirely overcome the mere assumption that John of
Marshfield was the son of Thomas, especially when it
is remembered that the same assumption makes John
of Duxbury and John of Marshfield the same person.
ADDENDUM.
Since the foregoing was completed I have found the
record of an agreement entered into before " Mr.
Bradford, Governor," dated January 23, 1648, old
style, by which Ephraim Hicks sold to John Rogers of
Duxbury land " lying at the Illand creek at Duxbury
aforesaid next unto the land on which the said John
Rogers now liveth." The transaction was not com-
pleted until January 19, 1652, old style. As Island
Creek was in the extreme southerly part of Duxbury
as now existing, and North River, where the other
300 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
John lived, was the northern boundary, the suggestion
that John Rogers of Duxbury lived so near the Marsh-
field line that he was sometimes on one side of it and
sometimes on the other side, has no foundation.
MARTIN PRING.
BY JOSEPH WILLIAMSON.
Bead before the Maine Historical Society, December IS, 1894.
IT is now well settled that Sebastian Cabot, in his
search for the northwest passage, a year before Colum-
bus discovered the American continent, sailed along
the coast of Maine, and that Verrazano, a quarter of
a century later, came in view of some of our islands
and hills. No evidence exists that either of these
navigators made any landing, and it is quite certain
that they formed very crude ideas of our topography.
While the icy seas and shores of Greenland, Labrador
and Canada were depicted on the maps of the six-
teenth century with a high degree of truth, the coast
of New England remained neglected and unknown.
And when at the beginning of the seventeenth cen-
tury French and English adventurers arrived here,
they had to begin the work of exploration anew.
Hudson, who as late as 1609, sailed south of Cape
Cod, and entered the Bay of New York, was justified
in saying that he penetrated an unknown sea. Ex-
cepting the fishery of Newfoundland, the Europeans
MARTIN PRING. 301
at that time were in actual possession of no part of
North America, although the English claimed a right
to the whole by virtue of the prior discovery by the
Cabots. In the language of the poet, the maxim in
those days was,
The time once was here, to all be it known,
When all a man sailed by, or saw, was his own.
The opening of the seventeenth century witnessed
a revival of colonial enterprise under Queen Eliza-
beth, and in March, 1602, Bartholomew Gosnold sailed
for the new world in a small vessel called the " Con-
cord." His company numbered thirty-two persons, a
third of whom intended to remain and plant a colony.
On the fourteenth of May, he sighted our coast near
Casco Bay, calling the place Northland, twelve
leagues southwest of which he visited Savage Rock,
or Cape Neddock, whence the Indians came off, and by
signs desired them to stay, but " the harbor being
naught and doubting the weather," the invitation was
not accepted. In the night, they departed southward
to Boon Island, and thence to Cape Cod, which they
rounded, and searched that island of the group now
known as Cuttyhunk. The erection of a fortified
house there, the lading of their vessel with sassafras
and cedar, the final demoralization of the company,
and its return to England after two months, are de-
tailed by Gabriel Archer and John Bereford, journal-
ists of the voyage.
Although the experience of the voyagers upon the
island and mainland are given in length by the above
named journalists, no mention of any landing within
302 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
the limit of our own State appears, and an explora-
tion of its bays and rivers awaited future navigators.
To one of these, Martin Pring, who followed Gosnold
the next year, belongs the honor of being the first
white man who is known to have set foot upon our soil.
But unlike Gosnold, Waymouth and De Monts, the
particulars of whose adventures have been written by
faithful and painstaking hands, no narrative of the
expedition of Pring is preserved, and therefore he has
been deprived of the prominence which those voy-
agers have enjoyed, and which his fame merits.
Pring was born in 1580. Although the place of his
birth is not determined with certainty, it was prob-
ably Devonshire. For at least four centuries his
family name has so extensively prevailed in that
county as to afford sufficient grounds for believing
that he originated there. In the negligent orthog-
raphy characteristic of the period it is found to be
spelt in various forms. A list of burials preserved at
Awliscomb, a parish midway between Bristol and Ply-
mouth, contains under the year 1569, the name of
" Martyn Pringe." Considering that neither the sur-
name of Pring nor the Christian name of Martin are
of common occurence, the association of the two
names warrants the conclusion that the two Martin
Prings, living so nearly together in point of distance
and time, were related to each other.
Pring first came to notice at Bristol, at the begin-
ning of the seventeenth century. By what means he
was attracted there is unknown. A high prestige
then attached to that port in the line of naval enter-
MARTIN PRING. 303
prise, and any resident of its vicinity touched with
the spirit of adventure would naturally have sought
an opportunity for development there. It was from
Bristol in 1496 that Robert Thome and Hugh Eliot
sent ships for discovery under the world-renowned
Sebastian Cabot, and as early as 1581, Master Thomas
Aldworth, a prominent citizen, and who, thirty years
later was a patron of Pring, wrote " that be had good
inclination to the western discovery" an inclination
which culminated the following year in a subscription
by the merchants of that city, for an exploration of
the coast of America, lying to the southwest of Cape
Briton. A degree of enterprise prevailed there,
which was unequaled in any part of the kingdom.
u Of the earlier years of Pring," says his biogra-
pher, Dr. James H. Pring, from whose account, pub-
lished in 1888, many of the facts in this paper are
derived and incorporated, u no direct information can
be obtained. It is certain, however, that the pru-
dence, integrity and courage which became so conspic-
uous in him as he grew up, were all subordinated to a
high sense of Christian duty. This, indeed, was to a
considerable extent characteristic of most of those
who embarked at that period in this special line of
service. It has been well observed that the difficulties
of crossing the Atlantic at that time were new, and it
required strong courage to encounter hazards which
ignorance exaggerated. The imagined dangers were
infinite ; the real dangers were very great. The ships
first employed for discovery were generally less than
a hundred tons burden ; that in which Frobisher sailed
304 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
was a vessel of but twenty-five tons ; and so perilous
were the voyages then deemed, that the sailors were
accustomed before embarking to perform solemn acts
of devotion, as if to prepare for eternity. The influ-
ences to produce this general effect on the nautical
mind of the period, would not we may be sure be
suffered to pass unrecognized by Pring, who seems to
have been naturally of an earnest and somewhat
serious turn of mind. It was the recognition of his
high qualities, his prudence and courage, joined with
true Christian character, which led the chief mer-
chants of Bristol, with the ready assent of Raleigh
and at the special instance of Hakluyt, the enlight-
ened friend and able historian of those enterprises,
unanimously to elect Pring, at the early age of
twenty-three, to undertake the charge of an impor-
tant expedition of this kind for the discovery of the
north part of Virginia. The singularly complete
success which attended the voyage shows how fully
their confidence was justified.
Although in point of time the expedition of Gos-
nold and Pring were closely connected, they were of
a different nature. The purpose of Gosnold was a
more " purely trading adventure " ; that of Pring wore
the character of maritime exploration. Gosnold's
enterprise was without official sanction ; and Sir Wal-
ter Raleigh, who held the patent covering the whole
of Virginia, on the return to his vessel, confiscated
her cargo of sassafras, then worth fifty pounds per
ton, and of cedar, as contraband. On the other hand,
profiting by Gosnold's experience, Pring first sent a
MARTIN PRING. 305
deputation to the distinguished patentee, asking
permission to visit his territory, " and leave being
obtained of him under his hand and seal/' no time
was lost in fitting out a small ship called the " Speed-
well," of fifty tons, with a crew of thirty men and
boys, and the "Discoverer" (so named to mark the
exploratory character of the voyage), a bark of twenty-
six tons with thirteen men and boys. The commander
of the ship was Pring, and his mate was Edmund
Jones. The captain of the bark was William Broune,
and had Samuel Kirkland as mate. Robert Saltern,
who had been with Gosnold, the year before, went as
chief agent and supercargo, and was furnished with
various kinds of clothing, hardware and trinkets for
trade with the natives. The vessels were provisioned
for eight months.
" We set saile from Milford Haven/' says the narra-
tive of the voyage, in Purchas, his Pilgrimes, " (where
the winds had stayed us a fortnight, in which time we
heard of Queen Elizabeth's death), the tenth of April,
1603. In our course we passed by two lies of the
Azores, had first sight of the Pike, and afterwards of
the Island of Onermo, and Flores, and after we had
runne some five hundred leagues we fell with a multi-
tude of small Islands on the north coast of Virginia,
in the latitude of 43 degrees, the of June, which
Hands were found very pleasant to be hold, adorned
with goodly grasse, and sundry sorts of trees, as
cedars, spruce, pines and firre trees. Heere wee
found an excellent fishing for Cods, which are better
than those of New-Found-land, and withall we saw
VOL. VII. 22
306 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
good and rockie ground fit to drie them upon ; also
we could see no reason to the contrary, but that salt
may be made in these parts, a matter of no small im-
portance. We sayled to the south-west end of these
Islands, and then rode with our ships under one of the
greatest. One of them we named Foxe Hand, because
we found those kinds of beasts thereon. So passing
through the rest with our boats to the mayne land,
which lieth for a good space North-east and South-
west, we found safe riding among them, in sixe, seven,
eight, ten and twelve fathomes. At length, coming to
the Mayne in the latitude of forty-three degrees and an
halfe, we ranged the same to the South-west. In
which course we found four Inlets, the most easterly
whereof was barred at the mouth, but having passed
over the barre, we ranne up into it five miles, and for
a certaine space found very good depth, and coming
out againe as we sailed South-westward, wee lighted
upon two other Inlets, which upon our search we
found to pierce not farre into the Land, the fourth
and most westerly was the best, which we rowed up
ten or twelve miles.
" In all these places we found no people, but signes
of fires where they had beene. Howbeit we beheld
very goodly Groves and Woods, replinished with tall
Okes, Beeches, Pine-trees, Firre-trees, Hasels, Witch-
Hasels and Maples. We saw here also sundry sorts
of Beasts, as Stags, Deere, Beares, Wolves, Foxes,
Lusernes, and Doggs with sharp noses. But meeting
with no sassafras, we left these places with all the
foresaid Islands, shaping our course for Savage Rocke,
MARTIN PRING. 307
discovered three years before by Captain Gosnold,
where going upon the Mayne we found people, with
whom we had no long conversation, because here also
we could find no sassafras."
The cluster of Islands which Pring first fell in with,
was at the mouth of Penobscot Bay, the two principal
of which, comprising North Haven and Vinalhaven,
still retain the name of "Fox Islands." Dr. Belknap
and other historians conclude that after he had passed
the islands as far westward as Casco Bay, the easter-
most of the four inlets which he entered was at the
mouth of the river Saco. The next two were Kenne-
bunk and York rivers, and the westermost and best
was the Piscataqua. From his exploration of the
latter, Pring has been pronounced by Bancroft the
discoverer of New Hampshire. The reason of finding
no people was, that the natives at that season (June),
were fishing at the falls of the river, and the vestiges
of fires marked the places at or near the mouth where
they had resided and taken fish in the earlier months.
Savage Rock is supposed to have been near Cape Ann,
but the Rev. Dr. DeCosta claims that it was Cape
Neddock, at the entrance of York Harbor. Desiring
to collect sassafras, then highly esteemed for its medi-
cinal qualities, but finding none, they doubled the
cape, again pursued a southerly course, and finally
anchored in Old Town harbor, or Martha's Vineyard,
where they remained six weeks. This Pring called
"Whitson Bay," from the name of the "Worshipful
Master John Whitson, then Mayor of the Citie of Bris-
toll," and one of the chief promoters of the voyage.
308 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
In an article entitled "Norumbega and its English
Explorers/' forming a portion of Windsor's History of
America, Dr. DeCosta assumes Whitson Bay to
be identical with modern Plymouth harbor, but his
quite ingenious theory has not been generally adopted.
During the stay in this harbor, the narrative says,
" according to our instructions given us in charge
before our setting forth, we pared and digged up the
earth with shovels and sowed Wheat, Barley, Gates,
Pease, and sundry sorts of garden seeds, which for the
time of our abode there, being about seven weeks,
although they were late sowne, came up well, giving
certain testimony of the goodness of the climate and
of the soyle. The natives came to us some times in
great numbers, at one time as many as one hundred
and twenty at once, We used them kindly, and they
did eat Pease and Beanes with us. The men are of a
tawny or chestnut color, somewhat taller than our
people, strong, swift, well proportioned, and given to
treacherie, as in the end we perceived. Some few of
the men wore plates of brasse a foote long and half a
foote broad on their breasts. Their weapons were
bows and arrows very skilfully made, and of such
length and strength as must have required not only
great dexterity., but great strength on the part of
those who used them. These arrows were of a yard
and an handful long, made of fine light wood very
smooth and round, with three long and deepe blacke
feathers of some Eagle, Vulture, or Kite closely
fastened with some binding matter. Their boats,
whereof we brought one to Bristoll, were in propor-
MARTIN PRING. 309
tion like a Wherrie of the River Thames, seventeen
foot long and four foot broad, made of the barke of a
Birch-tree far exceeding in bignesse those in England,
and though it carried nine men standing upright, yet
it weighed not at the most above sixty pounds, a
thing almost incredible in regard to the largenesse
and capacite thereof."
By the end of July Pring had loaded the Discoverer
with sassafras, when Jones sailed in her for England,
leaving him to complete the cargo of the other ship.
On the ninth or tenth of August, the Speedwell de-
parted from Whitson Bay, and after a passage of five
weeks by the route of the Azores they reached King
Road below Bristol on the second of November, the
bark having arrived about a fortnight before. The
whole voyage occupied six months.
It is quite certain that Pring committed to paper a
detailed account of this voyage, and historians have
generally attributed to him the authorship of the rela-
tion found in Purchas. Such, however, is not the
case, with the exception of a few paragraphs. A
Dutch abstract of his relation is mentioned long
before Purchas' s Pilgrims appeared, but the original
from which it was made has disappeared. It was
undoubtedly in the possession of the compiler of that
work, and one writer without giving his authority,
however, states that Strachey, who in 1618, prepared
an account of the Popham settlement, "used the
Journals of Gosnold, Pring and Rosier " thus inti-
mating that Pring' s Journal was published like the
others. The manuscript may have been among the
310 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
collection of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, which comprised
" all sorts of materials for the history of English North
America, from the first discovery down to the civil war;
memoirs, journals of voyages, charts, charters, minutes
of arguments, letters, sketches of projects, lists of
partners everything to illustrate the events and
their causes and to display the actors, and which, it is
not extravagant to suppose, may, undreamed of by
their possessor, be now feeding the moths in the gar-
ret of some manor-house in Somerset or Devon, or in
some crypt of London, which vast city has always been
the receptacle, often the final hiding-place of such
treasures." New England would welcome its discovery
in a spirit akin to that with which the world would
rejoice at finding the lost books of Livy.
The successful voyage of George Waymouth in
1605, induced the next year several fresh enterprises
to the coast of New England. In one of these Pring
bore a conspicuous part. It appears that Gorges had
previously sent out a ship under Captain Challounge,
but the result of the expedition was disastrous. No
tidings could be obtained of it, and this led to des-
patching another ship to search for the missing one,
and to make further explorations. The latter was in
a great measure intrusted to Pring. Of it, Gorges
gives the following account in his " Briefe Narration."
"Shortly upon my sending away of Captain Chal-
lounge, it pleased the Lord Chief Justice (Popham)
according to his promise to despatch Captain Pring
from Bristoll, with hope to have found Captain Chal-
lounge, whereby his instructions he was assigned, who
MARTIN PRING. 311
observing the same, happily arrived there, but not
hearing by any what became of him (Challounge)
after he had made perfect discovery of all those rivers
and harbors he was informed of by his instructions,
(the season of the year requiring his return) brings
with him the most exact discovery of that coast that
ever came into my hands, and indeed he was the best
able to perform it of any I met withall to this present,
which with his relation of the Country, wrought such
an impression on the Lord Chiefe Justice, and us all
that were his associates, that (notwithstanding our
first disaster) we set up our resolutions to follow it
with effect." On this report an expedition was at
once fitted out to establish a colony.
From the completion of his last American voyage
until 1614, Pring was probably in the East India
service. Purchas makes several extracts from his
manuscript journal of two voyages to that part of the
world between 1614 and 1621. In the last of these
he commanded a squadron of five ships, one of which
was over a thousand tons burden. At that time the
vessels of the East India Company combined many of
the requisites of ships of war ; and the officer in charge
of an entire fleet bore the title of General. While
on this service, he captured a Portugese frigate, and
in cooperation with Sir Thomas Dale, attacked the
Dutch fleet, off the Island of Java. Upon the death of
Dale, in 1619, Pring succeeded to the command of
the whole English East India squadron. After his
return, there is no account of any other voyages
which he performed. His merits were appreciated
312 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
in Virginia, and a record of 1622 shows that "the
Quarter Court of the Virginia Company thought fit
to make Captain Martin Pring a freeman of the Com-
pany, and to give him two shares of land in regard of
the large contribution which the gentlemen and mari-
ners of his ship had given toward good works in
Virginia, whereof he was an especial furtherer."
Captain Pring died in 1626. By his will, executed
that year, it appears that the name of his wife was
Elizabeth, and that he had one son and five daughters.
An imposing monument was erected to his memory in
St. Stephen's Church, Bristol, by the Company of the
Merchant Venturers of that city. The inscription,
which is as follows, " acquires/' says his biographer,
"additional strength from representing the sentiments
of a public body, instead of being due to private and
individual afiections, a source which is apt to be in-
fluenced by partiality."
To the pious
Memorie of Martin Fringe,
Merchant, sometymee Generall to the
East Indies, and one of ye
Fraternitie of the
Trinitie House.
The liuing worth of this dead man was such
That this fay'r Touch can giue you but A touch
Of his admired gifts; the ise quarter' d Arts,
Enrich' d his knowledge and ye spheare imparts
His hearts true Emblenae where pure thoughts did moue
By A most sacred Influence from aboue.
Prudence and fortitude ore topp this toombe,
Which is braue FRINGE tooke vpp ye cheifest roome;
Hope, Time supporters showe that hee did clyme,
SKETCHES OF THE LIVES OF EARLY MAINE MINISTERS. 313
The highest pitch of hope, though not of Tyme.
His painefull, skillful trauayles reach't as farre
As from the Artick to th' Antartick starre;
Hee made himselfe A shippe. Religion
His onely compass, and the truth alone
His guiding Cynosure, faith was his sailes,
His anchovr hope, A hope that never fayles;
His f raight was charite ; and his returne
A fruitfull practice. In this fatall vrne
His shipps fayr Bulck is lodg'd but ye ritch ladinee
Is hous'd in heaven, A hauen neuer fadinge.
Hie terris multum iactatus et vndis.
SKETCHES OF THE LIVES OF EARLY
MAINE MINISTERS.
BY WILLIAM D. WILLIAMSON.
Presented to the Maine Historical Society, with an Introduction by Joseph
Williamson, December 10, 1881.
[CONCLUDED.]
REV. THURSTON WHITING.
REV. THURSTON WHITING, ordained in July, 1776,
was the second settled minister in Newcastle. His
predecessor was Rev. Alexander Boyd, who was dis-
missed in 1758. The interval of eighteen years had
been truly full of anxiety and interest in Newcastle.
The affairs and transactions with Mr. Boyd, and also
with Mr. Ward, made, in their progress and result,
unfavorable impressions upon the minds of the people.
They tended to loosen, and even break, the ties of
sound union, which always in all younger communi-
314 MAINE HISTOKICAL SOCIETY.
ties specially need strengthening. Parochial disputes
and religious controversies are the hotbeds of evil,
which nothing but long labor and much grace can
change into the garden of the Lord. After the
departure of Mr. Ward in 1761, the people employed
several candidates, and invited Rev. Moses Job Lain,
Samuel Perley, William Southmayd, Joel Benedict
and Jesse Reed to settle with them in the ministry,
but they severally returned answers in the negative.
Mr. Whiting first appears as a preacher at Winthrop
in 1773 and next in 1775 at Newcastle, where he is
now settled. The people had been Presbyterians, yet
being willing to adopt Congregational rites and forms
in harmony with his sentiments, they settled him on
that foundation, and a church of the same order was
embodied at the same time. But Mr. Whiting was
not the minister for the people of Newcastle. He
did not in the outset come to them in the power and
spirit of Elijah or Paul. He had not a collegiate
education ; he had no more than ordinary abilities ;
there was nothing captivating, or commanding in the
turn or temperament of the man. 1 Nor was he
endued with the faculty to mold disconnected mate-
rials into form and comeliness and thus build up the
parish. His destiny, at length, proved to be like that
of his predecessor, for in January, 1782, he was dis-
missed, not without reflections by the Council, after
an unpleasant pastorate of five years and six month.
The next year he was preaching in Edgecomb when
1 This, I think, is incorrect, inasmuch as he was never destitute of many warm
friends, and when T knew him in later years possessed an amiable, mild, social
disposition, though he was wanting in firmness. CYRUS EATON.
SKETCHES OF THE LIVES OF EAKLY MAINE MINISTERS. 315
the Council formally restored him to " good standing "
and organized a church, but did not, though requested,
think fit to instal him. In two or three years after
the dismissal of Mr. Urquhart, about 1784-85, Mr.
Whiting removed into Warren and was employed
about ten years in preaching there and in Thoinaston,
but was never resettled after leaving Newcastle.
In 1796 he represented Warren in the General Court,
and it might have been more for his honor, interest
and happiness if he had never engaged in any other
than secular employments, for uneducated, 1 uncon-
verted, self-made men are never distinguished for their
success and usefulness in the ministry of the gospel.
REV. BENJAMIN CHAD WICK.
KEV. BENJAMIN CHAD WICK, Harvard College 1770,
was ordained December, 1776, the second settled
minister in the second parish of Scarborough. His
predecessor was the Rev. Mr. Elvins. His ancestors
were the early settlers of Watertown. His ministerial
labors faithfully performed so wasted his strength and
impaired his health as to affect severely his spirits
and gradually his mind. At his instance, therefore,
he was dismissed in May, 1795, by mutual consent.
Afterwards, by exercise, change of air and of scene,
and freedom from cares, he so far recovered his health
and energies as to be able to preach occasionally,
though without any pastoral charge. He died Novem-
1 His literary attainments were by no means inconsiderable. He entered college,
though for some reason, probably misconduct, did not graduate. He was
acquainted with the Latin, Greek and French languages, wrote a good style, and
his contributions often appeared in the newspapers of the day. C. E.
316 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
her 10, 1819, respected and lamented. His piety
shone with pure light, and might have been splendid
had it not been veiled with gloom and even eclipsed
by the dark planet of ill health.
REV. CHARLES TURNER.
REV. CHARLES TURNER, Harvard College, 1762,
preached and dwelt in Turner, but was never settled
in Maine. He was a descendant of Pilgrim ancestry
at old Plymouth and a minister of Duxbury seventeen
years. He first visited this place, called Sylvester
plantation, in 1776, the year after the first settlement
was begun, and again in 1779, at which latter time he
admitted such as desired to own the covenant and
then baptized them and their children. This, denom-
inated the " half-way covenant," was an unfortunate
beginning of religious establishments in a new town.
Nor did the procedure evince the minister's scriptural
godliness, nor the most correct view of the sacred
ordinances. He continued to preach in different
places and in 1792 he removed into this town, it hav-
ing been incorporated July 7, 1786, and also, as a
compliment to him, taken his surname. After Mr.
Strickland's dismission in 1797, both were, at times,
employed to preach, and in 1802 Mr. Turner was
invited by the parish to settle, but the procedure was
non-concurred by the church and nothing was affected.
Mr. Turner was in the ministry about forty years,
though only fitted for secular employments. No man
can teach what he never knew, nor guide to heaven
in ways to which he is a stranger. He emigrated into
SKETCHES OF THE LIVES OF EARLY MAINE MINISTERS. 317
this new town, principally for the pecuniary advan-
tages of his family, an enterprise wherein he met a
reward. His son, John, a worthy man, was the first
representative of Turner, 1806-7-8-9, in the General
Court and a magistrate.
REV. NATHANIEL WEBSTER.
REV. NATHANIEL WEBSTER, Harvard College 1769,
was ordained April 14, 1779, the third settled minister
of Biddeford succeeding to the pastorate of Rev.
Moses Morrell. He is believed to be the son of Rev.
Samuel Webster, D. D., who, graduated at Harvard
College 1737, was the minister of Salisbury, Mass.,
and died 1796. The subject of this sketch partook
largely of the talents so readily conceded to the
name, and acquired the character of a pious and
devoted divine. His ministry closed with his life, in
1728, after being extended thirty-nine years.
REV. JOHN ADAMS.
REV. JOHN ADAMS was the first minister in Wash-
ington plantation, incorporated a town February 26,
1794, by the name of Newfield. He was the son of
Mathew Adams, an ingenious and literary mechanic of
Boston, whose writing in the New England Journal
raised him to public notice. He died in 1753 leaving
several children without any other inheritanc.e than an
estimable reputation. His son John, above named,
born 1732, was graduated at Harvard College in 1745,
the father having anxiously labored to give him a
liberal education. Having completed a theological
318 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
course of reading, he was ordained in 1748 at Dur-
ham, in New Hampshire, 1 the nephew of Rev. Hugh
Adams, the first minister settled in that place. But,
unfortunately, the subject of this notice was connected
with a people whose opposition, fanaticism and indo-
lence gave him great discomfiture. For in the words
of Dr. Eliot, " any man who received a liberal educa-
tion, who wore a band or black coat, and held a
regular service on the Lord's day, was called hireling,
thief, wolf, or anything that would make him odious.
So insulted, he was often enveloped in gloom, ready
to sink into despondency. In his best days, however,
he was very much the sport of his feelings. Some-
times he was so depressed, as to seem like a being
mingling with the dust ; then, suddenly, he would
mount up to heaven with a bolder wing than any of
his contemporaries. This would happen frequently in
the pulpit, so that when he had been all the week
preparing a sermon which was, according to his own
expression, as dull as his feelings, he would take a
new text and give a flow to his sentiments and expres-
sions, which were much better than he was ever able
to utter with previous consideration. His delivery
was then as lively as his fancy." He was called in
another publication, " a man of superior natural
talents, but rather eccentric in his genius."
At length the people became weary of supporting
a man they did not like, and of paying their money
which they thought they needed more for other pur-
poses in time of war ; therefore, they dismissed him
1 2 Coll. of Farmer Moore p. 365.
SKETCHES OF THE LIVES OF EARLY MAINE MINISTERS. 319
in 1768, and it was a dissolution which ministered
much to his own relief and comfort. In a couple of
years the proprietors of Newfield believing a preached
gospel to be of the first importance in new settle-
ments, freely gave him four hundred acres of land in
consideration of which he removed his family into the
plantation in February, 1781, when it contained only
five or six families. Indeed, the population in 1790
was only two hundred and sixty-two souls. Mr.
Adams was a physician as well as a minister, and
rendered himself exceedingly useful in both profes-
sions, continually doing good, for he preached con-
stantly, somewhere, and practised physic in Newfield,
Lexington, Parsonsfield and Limerick till a short time
before his death. His home was in Newfield and he
died there June 4, 1792, aged sixty years, leaving a
character for faith and good works which will not, for
ages, wholly be lost in oblivion.
REV. DAVID JEWETT.
REV. DAVID JEWETT, Harvard College 1769, was
installed January 2, 1782, the first settled minister of
Winthrop, which was incorporated in 1771. The first
preacher here was Rev. Thurston Whiting, 1773 ; the
second was Rev. Jeremiah Shaw in 1776, when a
church was formed of twenty-seven members. Mr.
Jewett had been recently dismissed from a. pastoral
charge in Candia, N. H., and he now entered upon the
solemn duties and labors of his office as an experienced
teacher. But his ministry was of short continuance,
he being taken from his people by death in February,
320 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
1783, in less than fourteen months after his installa-
tion. Transformed by grace and fitted to die, he was
translated early to the mansions of blessedness. In
his departure, the world had a minister less ; God an
angel more.
REV. CALEB JEWETT.
REV. CALEB JEWETT, Dartmouth College 1776,
ordained November 20, 1783, was the third settled
minister of Gorham. He was a successor of Rev.
Isaiah Thatcher. He was a kindred, perhaps a
brother of Rev. David Jewett, settled at Winthrop.
They were both men of considerable talents, forcible
and persevering, rather than intuitive, free and flow-
ing. Abundant time was taken for the people of
Gorham to become acquainted with his piety and
powers, for he was there more than two years before
he was settled. He was their preacher, in all, about
nineteen years, and though his preaching was inter-
mitted by reason of infirmity a year or two before his
death, his pastoral relation was only dissolved by his
own dissolution, which occurred in 1801 a good and
faithful minister of consecrate memory.
REV. SAMUEL PERLEY.
REV. SAMUEL PERLEY, Harvard College 1763, in-
stalled the eighth of September, 1784, the second
settled minister of Gray. He was the successor of
Rev. Samuel Nash, much such a man and minister,
and continued his pastoral relation about the same
length of time. But neither of them were fit ministers
SKETCHES OF THE LIVES OF EARLY MAINE MINISTERS. 321
for Gray. No; the people there longed for a minister
of splendid mind, interesting manners, pristine piety :
for such a preacher sent from God might have been
the means of showing what religion can achieve.
Mr. Perley had been previously a settled minister at
Seabrook and at Moultonborough, N. H. A repeat-
edly dismissed minister, like an often removed family,
gathers no substance, nor yet fame. He may varnish
and redeliver his old sermons, but they are not new-
cooked viands directly from the fire. On his settle-
ment Presbyterianism was adopted. He represented
Gray in the General Court in 1788, and he worried
along till May, 1791, when he and his people mutually
agreed, and perhaps rejoiced, to be set asunder.
From that time he ceased to preach, though short of
fifty years of age; a minister whose motives and
character were better than his piety and talents.
His son, Jeremiah Perley, was a counselor-at-law,
author of Powers and Duties of Justices of the Peace,
and stenographer of the delegates in the convention
at Portland that formed the constitution, 1820. He
died at Orono, 1830, a pious man.
REV. JOHN STRICKLAND.
REV. JOHN STRICKLAND, Yale College 1761, in-
stalled September 20, 1784, the first settled minister
and second preacher of Turner. Rev. Charges Turner
had previously preached there and his residence was
in that town. Mr. Strickland was a dismissed minister,
having been previously settled first at Oakham, Mass.,
April 1, 1768, dismissed June 24, 1773, and again
VOL. VII. 23
322 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
installed July 15, 1774, at Nottingham, West, N. H.,
and was then dismissed a second time in 1783. He
professed to be a Presbyterian : a church was, there-
fore, previously, August 16 (1784), established on
that foundation, and he was installed by the " Salem
Presbytery " removed there for that purpose. On
this occasion Rev. Dr. Nathaniel Whitaker, lately dis-
missed from Salem, Mass., and John Urquhart, late
minister of Warren, and Mr. Perley, just installed at
Gray, officiated in the ordination. There was at this
time in Turner only two hundred and twenty souls.
For five or six years his situation was satisfactory, as
he enjoyed the praise of his people and his ministerial
success was considerable, as he saw his church in-
crease from thirteen to thirty-two members. But the
day of ordeal had arrived : several of his parishioners
had become affected with the Baptist leaven, and,
consequently, on the seventeenth of November, 1702,
they were incorporated with their brethren in Brook-
field into a religious society. Thus weakened, Mr.
Strickland like a good shepherd that careth for the
flock, agreed to relinquish so much of his salary as the
seceders would have paid and strive to live on the
rest. 1 For the seven subsequent years he rather
existed than lived, and on the eighteenth of May,
1797, he took a final dismission. He continued to
reside in town and was sometimes employed as its
minister. In 1806, March 12, he was installed the
first settled minister in Andover, formerly East An-
dover. He died there full of years and experience in
1 His wife was Patty Stone, by whom he had fourteen children, eleven of whom
survive him. She died May 4, 1805.
SKETCHES OF THE LIVES OF EARLY MAINE MINISTERS. 323
the ministry of the Lord, October 4, 1823, a good
man, though not a great preacher. His death was in
the eighty-fourth year of his age. (See 3 Coll.
Farmer and Moors p. 117, appx. 98.)
REV. NATHANIEL WHITAKER.
REV. NATHANIEL WHITAKER, Nassau Hall 1752, D.
D., at Dartmouth College 1780, was installed Septem-
ber 10, 1784, the first settled minister in (Canaan),
the present Bloorafield. He had been recently dis-
missed from Salem, Mass., and removed into this new
place in hopes of a happier home. Himself a Presby-
terian, he received installation from the Salem Pres-
bytery that adjourned its session at Gray, after rein-
ducting Mr. Perley into the sacerdotal office to
Bloomfield. Dr. Whitaker continued his ministry
about five years, and then he took a dismission and
left the town to labor in some richer vineyards. Dr.
Whitaker was not the first nor the last mistaken
great man that supposed he should be the Alpha
and Omega, in influence and dictation, after a removal
into this eastern country. The settlers of a new-
formed community are often more shrewd and enter-
prising than those left resident in the places of
their nativity. They are, likewise, more jealous of
strangers having more intercourse with them ; also,
abilities and character are as quickly discerned, and
as often in requisition as in places older and more
populous. An oak standing alone is more readily
essayed and even more easily upturned than in a
forest.
324 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
KEV. JOSEPH LITCHFIELD.
REV. JOSEPH LITCHFIELD, Brown University 1773,
ordained July 10, 1782, was the second settled minister
of the Second Parish in Kittery. He was the succes-
sor of Rev. Josiah Chase. Though Mr. Litchfield was
old-fashioned in his appearance, manners and style of
preaching, and formal in his prayers, he was thought
to be unquestionably a pious man, and allowed to be
an orthodox minister. But his salary was small and
his family large ; hence, he was under a necessity of
doing more secular labor than was consistent with a
full discharge of his parochial duties. His useful
ministry was, however, continued through the
lengthened period of little less than forty years. He
died at his dwelling-place January 28, 1828, aged
seventy-eight years. He was probably the brother of
Rev. Paul Litchfield, Harvard College 1775, who died
at Carlisle, Massachusetts, November 5, 1827, aged
seventy-six years. It is good evidence in support of a
minister's usefulness to find that the people of his
parish in New England, who have intelligence and
think and act with independence, have sat, edified
and contented, under his charge and instructions nearly
half a century.
REV. PETER POWERS.
REV. PETER POWERS/ Harvard College 1754, was
probably a descendant of an ancestor having the same
name, and born in 1643 at Charlestown, Mass. Mr.
Powers was many years the minister of Haverhill, N.
1 Originally perhaps " Power." 2 Savage's Wenth 148. Farmer.
SKETCHES OF THE LIVES OF EARLY MAINE MINISTERS. 325
H., situated northwesterly of Dartmouth College.
Being dismissed in 1784, he proceeded to Deer Isle
and the next year took charge of the new church
there, being its first pastor. Animated by a lively
faith in his Lord, he preached the truth with force and
soberness ; truth which his Divine Master set home
with effectual power upon the hearts of his charge,
for in 1798, he had the heartfelt satisfaction of wit-
nessing a revival of religion, which hardly terminated
with the succeeding year. All his parishioners were
awakened to serious thought ; about fifty were sub-
jects of the mighty work, and still others were dis-
ciples of reform. In the midst of this refreshing
season, Mr. Powers was, however, confined to his
house, unable, through illness, to preach to his people
from the lively oracles and mingle with them in spir-
itual sympathies. He died in the fore part of the year
1799, when short of seventy years old. He possessed
talents of a superior order, piety that sanctifies the
affections and faithfulness that searches the heart, yet
never fears, never tires. " An Humble Inquiry into
the Nature of Convenanting with God," was published
by him three years before his decease. It was logical
and able ; intended to encounter the practise of the
"half-way covenant."
REV. SAMUEL NASH.
REV. SAMUEL NASH, Brown University 1770, in the
second class of graduates, was ordained June 21, 1775,
the first settled minister of New Boston, the present
town of Gray, incorporated in June, 1778. A Congre-
326 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
gational church was formed of seven male members in
August, 1774, with hopes of peace divine and reviving
grace. He was, probably, a descendant of the worthy
pilgrim whose name he bore and who settled in Dux-
borough, Massachusetts. Mr. Nash was not the man
for a young, rising community, where the social rela-
tions are to be formed and strengthened and the
original impress of character to be received. It is
quite a mistake to think that ordinary abilities and
glimmering piety will answer for new and small places.
For, surely, new towns need, first of all, able ministers,
in the vigor of life, glowing in (l their first love/' attrac-
tive by the fresh beauties of holiness. Such a minister
will inspire in his people a relish for divine things
which will often be noticeable from generation to gen-
eration. Great is a young people's misfortune to have
a dull minister. Mr. Nash, unsuccessful and disheart-
ened, took a dismission in 1782, thus closing a pastor-
ate of seven years and a few months, perhaps with
regret that he ever entered into the sacerdotal office.
HALLOWELL RECORDS.
COMMUNICATED BY DR. W. B. LAPHAM.
[Continued from Page 204.]
John Smith 3d was born in England. Came to this town
sometime in 1814. Married Margaret, daughter of William and
Jane Vass of this town, formerly from New York. Their chil-
dren are :
Martha, b. Sept. 26, 1815.
Loisa, b. Oct. 6, 1816.
HALLO WELL RECORDS. 327
Henry Smith came to this town with his family March 26,
1816. The children are :
Harrison, b. Dec. 13, 1799.
Pelina, b. May 15, 1802.
Wmthrop, b. June 14, 1804.
Thankful, b. June 16, 1806.
Lucinda, b. Aug. 26, 1809.
Sarson Butler, son of Elijah Butler and Jane Kelley, his wife,
was born in Edgarton, Martha's Vineyard, October 13, 1761.
Married Susanna, daughter of Levi Young of the same place.
Came to this town March, 1811. Died June 20, 1842. Their
children are :
Henry Young, b. Nov. 25, 1783.
Jane Kelley, b.
Susan and Sarson (twins), b. Mar. 21, 1790.
Mary, b. Sept. 21, 1792.
Phebe Young, b. Feb. 28, 1794.
Deborah, b. Dec. 12, 1796.
Elisha, b. Aug, 11, 1799.
Amelia and Nathan (twins), b. Oct. 8, 1801.
Hannah, b. Aug. 11, 1805.
Shepherd N., b. Sept. 2, 1808.
Joseph White, son of Joseph White, was born in Rochester,
state of New Hampshire. Married Sally, daughter of Jonathan
Gardiner of Boston. Their children are:
Sally Mumford Gardiner, b. Apr. 15, 1797.
Mary Hinkley, b. Mar. 15, 1799.
Mr. Joseph White, d. Oct. 26, 1798, age 30.
Ralph Moran, son of William Moran and Betsey his wife, was
born in the county of Kilkenny in Ireland, February 1, 1782, came
to this town 1804. Married Hannah, daughter of Daniel Tibbetts
and Betsey Billington, his wife, who was born in Litchfield.
Their children are :
Mary, b. Sept. 4, 1811.
Eleanor R., b. Mar. 26, 1814.
William Maurice, b. Nov. 26, 1817.
George M., b. May 11, 1821.
328 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Ebenezer Besse, son of Jabez and Ruth Besse, was born in
Wareham. Married Patience Burgess of Rochester. Their
children are :
Warren, b. Mar. 18, 1797, )
Henrietta, b. Aug. 23, 1798, > in Wayne.
Lot Handy, b. Dec. 26, 1799, )
Braddock, b. July 21, 1801, in Hallowell.
Ebenezer, b. Feb. 1803.
George, b. Oct. 6. 1804.
Loisa, b. July 17, 1806 ; d. Nov. 15.
Mary Ann, b. Nov. 21, 1807.
Julia Ann, b. Sept. 25, 1809.
Ason,b. Dec. 24, 1810; d.
Achsah, b. July 25, 1813.
Jabez Dingley of Marshfield came with his family to this town
August 5, ] 816. Their children are :
Harvey, b. Aug. 31, 1797.
Celia, b. June 7, 1800.
Jabez, b. Sept. 6, 1809.
Ichabod, b. July 1, 1812.
Solomon Clark, son of Jonathan Clark and Judith Norton, his
wife, was born in Wells, county of York, March 23, 1774, came to
this town November 9, 1793. Married Margaret, daughter of John
and Betsey Thurston of Exeter, New Hampshire. Their children
are :
Charlotte, b. Nov. 25, 1794.
John, b. Sept. 1, 1798.
Joseph S., b. Oct. 23, 1799.
Ebenezer, b. Dec. 25, 1801; d. Nov. 21, 1884.
Lucretia Page, b. Feb. 9, 1804.
Eliza S., b. July 22, 1806.
William Rufus, b. Nov. 25, 1808; d. Oct., 1835.
Mary Jane, b. Mar. 11, 1813; d. Feb. 22, 1837.
George F., b. Oct. 31, 1815.
Robert Francis, son of Jeremiah Francis, was born in Creigh-
ton in the kingdom of Great Britain and county of Surry, came
to this town, March 1797. Married Mary, daughter of Bachelder
HALLOWELL RECORDS. 329
Bennett of Middleborough. Robert Francis died November 16,
1834. Mrs. Francis died March 3, 1851. Their children are :
Mary Bennett, b. June 6, 1799.
Robert, b. Oct. 23, 1800.
Jeremiah, b. Mar. 18, 1802.
Orrin, b. Feb. 16, 1807.
Elisabeth, natural daughter of Joseph Leigh of this town living in the
family, b. Feb. 16, 1815.
Barney G orb am, married Jane, daughter of Benjamin Johnson
of Hallowell. Their children are:
Hiram, b. Sept. 22, 1804.
Sarah Jane, b. July 13, 1806.
Betsey, b. Nov. 11, 1808.
Olive, b. Apr. 22, 1812.
Gideon Gilman, son of Eliphalet and Joanna Gilman was born
in Gilmanton, state of New Hampshire, Marcb 29, 1770. Came
witb his father's family to this town 1785. Married Nancy
daugh ter of Benjamin and Hilton of this town, by whom
he had one child viz. : Eliza, b. November 10, 1800. Mr. Gilman
died, January 4, 1845.
Mrs. Nancy Gilman died March 30, 1810, and Mr. Gilman mar-
ried Lois, daughter of Benjamin and Silence White of this town.
Their children are :
Lucy, b. Apr. 15, 1813.
Eliphalet, b. Apr. 10, 1815.
Mary, b. May 11, 1817.
Nancy, b. Jan. 15, 1820.
Gideon, b. July 2, 1824.
Ellen, b. July 8, 1826.
John, b. Mar. 19, 1829.
Nathan G. Pratt, son of Richard Pratt and Rebecca Ingals,
his wife, was born in Lynn, November 10, 1770. Married, Mary,
daughter of James Keppell of Salem, who was born Jnly 3, 1773.
Came to this town July, 1809. Their children are:
Mary, b. Mar. 18, 1797; d. Feb. 9, 1842.
Nathan, b. Dec. 15, 1796; d. Aug. 2, 1814.
Harriet, b. Feb. 13, 1800; d. June 3, 1800.
John Gillespee, b. Oct. 17, 1802; d. Oct. 13, 1884.
330 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Eliza Cox, b. Dec. 6, 1805.
Julia Ann, b. Aug. 20, 1808.
James Archer, b. Sept. 10, 1811.
The children of William Harvey, viz. :
James, b. June 4, 1813, in England.
William, b. Mar. 24, 1816, at sea.
Mary Loisa, b. Apr. 22, 1818, in Hallowell.
Henry, b. Sept. 15, 1820.
Charles, b. June 15, 1823.
Edward, b. Feb. 26, 1825.
Grace Greenlief, b. July, 22, 1830.
John Franklin, b. Nov. 22, 1833.
Elisha Nye, son of Elisha Nye, married Nancy Young of this
town. Their children are:
Nancy, b. Dec. 25, 1797,
Elisha Bacon, b. Mar. 12, 1799.
James, b. Oct. 24, 1803.
Tiliston, b. June 25, 1806.
Jane, b. Sept. 14, 1807.
Eleanor, b. Jan. 27, 1813.
Mr. Nye was lost on a passage to Boston, December 3, 1813.
Mrs. Nye afterwards formed an illicit connection with John
Smith of this town, which produced a son whom she named Rufus,
born July 31, 1817.
The children of Solomon Stewart and Margaret Drew his wife
are as follows, viz. :
Sulvanus Freeman, b. Mar. 12, 1800; d. Oct. 2, 1812.
James Gamaliel, b. Apr. 23, 1804.
Mary Collins, b. July 5, 1806; d. Feb. 22, 1807.
Rebecca Hovey, b. Jan. 20, 1808; d. June 4, 1819.
John Collins, b. Oct. 3, 1810; d. 1818.
John Collins, b. Sept. 3, 1812.
Deborah Taylor Ranville Cooper, b. Nov. 24, 1815; d. Sept. 6, 1817.
Solomon Stewart, d. Sept. 13, 1842.
Mrs. Margaret, d. March 15, 1840.
Rufus Davis came with his family to this town March. 1817.
The children are :
Rufus, b. Mar. 3, 1801, )
Betsey, b. Apr. 26, 1802, > in Farmington.
Charlotte, b. Feb. 2, 1804, )
HALLOWELL RECORDS. 331
Shepard, b. May 10, 1806, )
Patty Bullen, b. Nov. 3, 1809, > in New Sharon.
Warren Smith, b. Apr. 30, 1812, )
Mrs. Davis died January 27, 1848.
Moses Davis came with his family to this town February, 1816.
The children are :
Alfred, b. May 2, 1802, in Madbury.
Charles, b. Dec., 17, 1804, in Lee.
Mary Ann, b. Apr. 25, 1816, in Hallowell.
Moses Davis died January, 1842.
Seth Littlefield, son of Jeremiah Littlefield, was born in Wells,
county of York, July 20, 1757. Married Lucy, daughter of John
H. Bartlett and Mary Moulton,his wife, of Kittery, 1780. Came
with his family to this town November, 1795. Mr. Seth Littlefield
died January 21, 1804. Mrs. Lucy Littlefield married Mr. Stephen
Toby of Augusta, September 15, 1809. Their children are :
William Bartlett, b. Sept. 25, 1781, in Wells.
James, b. Sept. 5, 1783.
George, b. Feb. 16, 1786; d. Apr., 1812.
Jeremiah, b. June 3, 1788; d. June 2, 1819.
John, b. Mar. 17, 1791; d. 1821.
Dorothy, b. Oct. 3, 1793.
Nathaniel, b. May 8, 1796, in Hallowell.
Benjamin, b. Mar. 16, 1799; d. Mar. 11, 1814.
Dorcas, b. Oct. 12, 1801 ; d. Aug. 10, 1806.
William B. Littlefield, son of Seth, married Elizabeth C. Nye
of Sandwich, county of Barnstable, October, 1807. Their chil-
dren are :
George, b. Mar. 26, 1809.
Celia Nye, b. Mar. 16, 1811.
William, b. Nov. 19, 1813.
Lucy Boothby, b. Dec. 22, 1815.
Elizabeth M., b. Apr. 13, 1818.
Hannah Emeline, b. Jan. 17, 1820; d. Aug. 21, 1822.
Abigail, b. May 15, 1822.
Jane.
332 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Jeremiah Littlefield, son of Seth Littlefield, married Dolly,
daughter of Eliphalet and Alice Pray of Berwick, county of York,
October 9, 1810. Their children are :
Orilla, b. July 21, 1811.
Nathaniel, b. Jan. 7, 1813.
Johu, b. May 9, 1815.
Susan, b. July 16, 1817.
Mr. Littlefield died June 2, 1819, on his passage from New
Orleans.
Isaac Clark, son of Pease and Alice Clark, was born in Attlebor-
ough, Massachusetts, August 16, 1741. Came with his family to
this town May 3, 1762. Married Alice, daughter of Eliphalet Phil-
brook, of Cumberland, state of Rhode Island. Their children
are :
Anna, b. Nov. 21, 1767.
Lydia, b. Nov. 17, 1771.
Martha, b. Sept. 19, 1773.
Isaac, b. Sept. 5. 1780; d. in Hallowell, 1813.
William and Charlotte, b. Oct. 12, 1788,
Mrs. Alice Clark died August 15, 1810, of a bilious colic, aged
65.
Josiah Bachelder son of Abraham and Anna Bach elder, was
born in London, state of New Hampshire, February, 1779. Came
to reside in this town, 1803. Married Betsey, daughter of Moses
and Anna Rollins of said London. Their children are :
George Albert, b. Dec. 25, 1809, in Hallowell.
Sally Rollins, b. Oct. 1, 1812, in Gardiner.
Josiah Otis, b. Feb. 3, 1814, in Gardiner.
Caroline, b. Apr. 18, 1817, in Hallowell.
PROCEEDINGS. 333
PROCEEDINGS.
DECEMBER 19, 1895.
A meeting of the Society was held in Baxter Hall,
and was called to order at 2.30 P. M., the President
in the chair.
The following greeting to the Pilgrim Society of
Plymouth, Massachusetts, was presented and adopted:
The Pilgrim Society of Plymouth, Massachusetts, celebrates on
Saturday, December 21, 1895, the two hundred and seventy-fifth
anniversary of the landing of the Pilgrims. Organized to commemo-
rate the landing, and to venerate the memory of the intrepid men
who first set foot on Plymouth Rock, the Pilgrim Society, for three-
quarters of a century, has honored itself, as well as the Forefathers,
by the high character of its public celebrations, and by its unwea-
ried efforts to cultivate and perpetuate the Pilgrim spirit. On the
eve of this added commemorative occasion, the Maine Historical
Society, holding in everlasting honor the stalwart virtues and heroic
deeds of the Pilgrims, sends its greetings to the Pilgrim Society,
with the assurance of its fellowship in maintaining and extending
the principles which brought the Pilgrims to these New England
shores. JAMES P. BAXTER,
President of the Maine Historical Society.
Dr. Burrage was delegated to bear these resolutions
to the Plymouth Society, and deliver them in behalf
of the Maine Historical Society.
Mr. Samuel T. Dole, of Windham, read a paper en-
titled Gambo, Old and New, giving particulars of the
gunpowder industry and the casualties that have
occurred at Gambo Falls in the powder mills.
A paper on Colonel Thomas Goldthwaite of Fort
Pownall, Was he a Tory, contributed by Col. Robert
334 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Goldthwaite Carter, U. S. A., of Washington, D. C.,
was read by Rev. Dr. Burrage.
A genealogical paper on the Rogers' Family of
Plymouth was presented by the author, Mr. J. H.
Dmmmond, and it was accepted for publication.
A communication from Mr. Edwin S. Drake of Port-
land was read by the Secretary, giving an account of
the discovery of some human bones on Mr. Stover's
land in Harpswell. These bones were found unjointed
and split.
Votes of thanks were passed for the papers read,
and copies requested.
At the evening session Rev. Dr. Burrage presided,
and Hon. William W. Thomas Jr., read a thorough his-
tory of the colony of New Sweden in Maine.
FEBRUARY 14, 1896.
A meeting of the Society was held in Baxter Hall,
and was called to order at 3 P. M.
A brief sketch of the Life of Otis R. Johnson of
Racine, Wisconsin, a native of Maine, was read by Mr.
Brown Thurston. A paper on the Life and Adven-
tures of Stephen Manchester, the slayer of the Indian
chief Polan, the terror of the early settlers of Cum-
berland County, was read by Mr. Nathan Goold. At
the evening session a paper on Nathan Noble of
Gray, Maine, was read by Mr. Nathan Goold.
MARCH 26, 1896.
A meeting of the Society was held in Baxter Hall,
and was called to order at 2.30 P. M., Mr. George F.
PROCEEDINGS. 335
Emery in the chair. The Librarian and Curator, Mr.
Bryant, made a report of the acquisitions to the
library and cabinet.
A paper on The Little Falls of the Presumpscot
Kiver was read by Mr. Samuel T. Dole of Windham.
Mr. Leonard B. Chapman read a paper on the First
European Occupants of Saccarappa, and exhibited a
number of photographs of landmarks in that locality.
A paper of personal reminiscences of the late
Gov. John Fairfield of Saco, was read by his daugh-
ter, Mrs. B. F. Hamilton of Saco. It was largely
made up of extracts from family letters written by
Gov. Fairfield while in Congress, in which he described
graphically men and doings in Washington.
Kev. Henry 0. Thayer read a paper giving an ac-
count of the life of a pioneer minister on the Kennebec.
Mr. Edwin S. Drake presented to the Society some
additional fragments of human bones found at
Harpswell.
Adjourned until evening.
At the evening session Rev. Dr. Burrage read a
paper contributed by Hon. James W. Bradbury of
Augusta, entitled Some Railroad Reminiscences.
The President, Mr. Baxter, read a paper on the
Municipal Management of Towns, especially in
England.
On motion of Rev. Dr. Burrage, it was
Voted, That the Maine Historical Society urgently appeals to the
members of Congress from New England to advocate the publica-
tion of the Records and Papers of the Continental Congress.
336 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Votes of thanks were passed for the papers read,
and copies requested for the archives.
Adjourned.
APKIL 24, 1896.
A meeting of the Society was held in Baxter Hall,
and, in the absence of the President, Rev. Dr. Burrage
took the chair.
Mr. L. B. Chapman of Deering read a history of
the Mast Industry at Stroud water and Vicinity, as
drawn from original documents.
The second paper was the History of the Eigh-
teenth Continental Regiment of 1776, Commanded by
Col. Edmund Phinney of Gorham, by Mr. Nathan
Goold.
Remarks were made by the chairman and by Rev.
Dr. Dalton.
A Sketch of the Life of Thomas Davee of Piscata-
quis County, contributed by John F. Sprague of Mon-
son, was read by Dr. Burrage.
The Recording Secretary, Mr. Bryant, read extracts
from a rare pamphlet which he had recently received
from London, entitled, Description of Portland in the
United States in a letter from an English Gentleman
in America to his friend in Shropshire, printed in
1816. The author, James Gay, settled in Portland,
and many of his descendants still reside there.
Votes of thanks were passed for the papers, and the
meeting adjourned.
DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN NEW ENGLAND. 337
ORIGIN OF DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS
IN NEW ENGLAND.
BY EDWARD H. KLWELL.
Read before the Maine Historical Society, May 4, 1893.
ALL history proves that governmental institu-
tions among men are not made but grow out of the
conditions and necessities of their surroundings. As
the patriarchal form of government grew out of the
family relations, so monarchial institutions sprung
from the necessity of leadership, and the feudal
system of the middle ages met the need of the times.
Systems fall and rise as conditions change and can
never be made to order.
Nowhere has this fact been more clearly demon-
strated than in the growth of democratic institutions
in New England. They were not purposely planted
here. The Pilgrim forefathers did not knowingly
bring them, nor did the colonists of Massachusetts
Bay purposely establish them. They sprung out of
the soil in the favoring conditions under which it was
comprised. They became a necessity of the times,
not always willingly recognized.
Neither the Pilgrims nor the Puritans came here
with cut-and-dried political institutions. The gov-
ernmental systems of the old world could not be
transplanted to the new. The field was too large
and uncontrolled. All such systems, when attempted
VOL. VII. 24
338 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
here, failed to establish themselves. The plans of
John Locke in North Carolina, and of Ferdinando
Gorges in Maine, with their church establishments,
their orders of nobility, their feudal tenure of land,
gained no foothold here.
The great object of the Plymouth and Massachu-
setts colonists was to establish their own form of
church government and discipline in a place where
they could live under them unmolested. In the
articles of confederation of all the New England
colonies, in 1643, they declared that they came to this
country " to advance the kingdom of our Lord Jesus
Christ, and to enjoy the liberties of the gospel in
purity with peace." Forms of civil government were
a secondary consideration with them.
It is true that both the Pilgrims and the Puritans
brought with them certain principles out of which
democratic institutions naturally sprung. The condi-
tions were favorable, for there were here no rigid
customs to be overcome, no foregone conclusions to
impede a progress to future freedom, sure if slow.
We shall see how the better men of Plymouth, on
board the Mayflower, were constrained, unwillingly,
to grant civil rights to their servants ; we shall see
how the people (the church-members) in Massachu-
setts came to take and keep powers which even
Winthrop, one of the most liberal of the magistrates,
believed to be most dangerous; and how the
people who were not church-members took the
power which had been usurped by the members
alone, and exercised it in common with them ; how
DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN NEW ENGLAND. 339
in short, Massachusetts became a democracy, a thing
of which the Kev. John Cotton, the leading mind at
one time in the Bay, said : " I do not conceive that
ever God did ordain it as a fit government, either for
church or commonwealth, for if the people be gov-
ernors, who shall be governed ? " It did not occur to
him that the people might govern themselves. We
shall see how this democracy, in spite of the opposi-
tion of the leaders, grew up gradually, under the
force of circumstances, the pressure of necessity ex-
pressed by popular demand, questions being met as
they arose, and decided by the conditions which
brought them about.
Though more liberal in their views than the Puri-
tans of Massachussets Bay, the Pilgrims of Plymouth
did not intend a democracy. They had no faith in it.
They came hither without a charter, and no one or
more of the party possessed hereditary or delegated
authority to govern the rest. They thought little of
government until, as they neared their destination,
they heard the rnutterings of some of the smaller
grains of this " choice seed." Some of the more
ignorant sort said, " It is all very well ; but when we
get ashore, there is plenty of room and one will be as
good as another ; and if we have no voice in ordering
matters, we can step out into the woods and order
things to suit ourselves." The leaders said this will
never do, and being men of sense as well as justice,
they said that to deny these men though they were
"servants" a voice in directing their own common
affairs would not only be unjust, but unwise. They
340 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
foresaw the evils and dangers of division, hence they
drew up the compact which bound them all together
into " a civil body politic, for their better ordering
and preservation/' and " by virtue thereof to enact,
constitute and frame such just and equal laws, ordi-
nances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time to
time, as shall be thought meet and convenient for the
general good of the colony, unto which we promise
all due submission and obedience." Each man was
asked to sign this instrument, and by that act he
bound himself to submit to orderly government,
while on the other hand he was admitted to an
equal share in it. This was beginning de novo.
They were all at sea in more senses than one.
They had separated themselves from civil as well
as ecclesiastical authority ; they of necessity fell back
on the primitive rights of the individual. " This,"
says an historian, " was the birth of popular consti-
tutional liberty. Thus were organized the rights of
man. Each man master and servant thencefor-
ward was recognized as a man ; felt the responsibility
of a man, and voted as a man ; his voice counted as
one." But the Pilgrims did not take this long look
ahead. They were providing only for their own
safety in the establishment of order among them-
selves. They had no power to control the inferior
class without their consent. Necessity forced the
superior class to concede what may have well seemed
then an unwise admission. But men build better
than they know. The men of birth and education
among the Pilgrims, while forced to concede civil
DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN NEW ENGLAND. 341
equality, strictly maintained the social distinctions to
which they had been accustomed. " Mr." and
"Goodman" were titles rigidly adhered to.
Plymouth was originally intended as a trading-post.
The purpose was to establish a factory rather than a
colony. The form which government took under the
compact was at first paternal rather than representa-
tive. The governor was chosen annually by general
suffrage and ruled as the father of his people. It
was not until 1624 that he was given a council of five
to assist in the government. The towns which sprang
up had no act of incorporation, no selectmen until
1662, nearly half a century after the settlement at
Plymouth. All business, local as well as general, was
transacted at the general court at which all citizens
were expected to attend. But in process of time
the people complained of the hardship of personal
attendance upon every session without pay, and in
1638 it "was enacted that Plymouth should make
choice of four, and every other town of two, of their
freemen, to join with the court, to enact all such laws
and ordinances as should be adjudged to be good and
wholesome for the whole, provided, that the laws they
do enact shall be propounded at one court, to be
considered and confirmed at the next court." This
latter was a cautious provision, characteristic of the
legislation of both colonies. It was instigated by the
fear of the leaders that the populace might go too fast
and too far. The magistrates of Massachusetts, in
particular, hadthe gift of procrastination in an ex-
traordinary degree. What they could not assent
342 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
to they put off as long as possible. Representation,
in the Plymouth colony, came about of necessity,
eighteen years after the settlement.
It is to be always borne in mind that Plymouth and
Massachusetts Bay were two entirely distinct and
independent colonies, in many respects unlike each
other. They were separated by forty miles of un-
broken wilderness, a distance then as great as five
hundred miles are now. Plymouth was weak, Massa-
chusetts comparatively strong; Plymouth expanded
slowly, Massachusetts grew rapidly ; Plymouth was
poor, Massachusetts comparatively rich ; Plymouth
was republican, Massachusetts essentially aristocratic ;
Plymouth gave a voice in the government to all
citizens of good character; Massachusetts restricted
citizenship to church-members ; Plymouth was toler-
ant of diversity of religious views, Massachusetts
permitted no differences of belief, and persecuted all
heretics ; the Plymouth leaders were plain, unlettered
men, though of sound judgment and wise distinction ;
the Massachusetts magistrates and clergy were men
of culture, graduates of universities, some of them
being among the most learned men of their day in
England. Plymouth at first had no ordained clergy-
men ; Massachusetts swarmed with clergymen and
was largely governed by them ; Plymouth had no
men of rank among its leaders, few being entitled to
have esquire added to their names, and not a great
number were high enough in rank to be addressed as
Mr. Many of the Massachusetts magistrates were
members of distinguished families, with high connec-
DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN NEW ENGLAND. 343
iions, and some of them bear titles of nobility. But
above and beyond all, the Plymouth people were
Separatists ; those of Massachusetts, Nonconformists.
This made a great difference and distinction between
the two colonies.
The Plymouth men had separated themselves from
the Church of England because of its abominations, as
they had cut themselves off from English rule by
their twelve years' expatriation in Holland. The
Massachusetts colonists still regarded themselves as
unembers of the Church of England and were loyal to
the king ; they only refused to conform to what they
^considered the corruptions and abuses of the church,
for which they were persecuted, which led to their
seeking a home in America. They had a horror of
Separatists. The latter had been given a bad reputa-
ition in England as Brownists, from one Brown, who
after being of them had gone back to the Church of
England and was not a man of immaculate character.
All manner of slander against the Separatists was
:afloat in England and had created such a prejudice
against them, insomuch that when the Rev. Ralph
Smith, the first minister at Plymouth, by some chance
rgot smuggled on board a ship conveying colonists from
JEngland to Massachusetts, the friends of the Massachu-
setts people wrote them to beware of him, although
Ihe was a very harmless individual. Circumstances
gradually dispelled this prejudice against the Ply-
mouth people. It was broken in the first instance, as
in so many other cases, by kindly offices and better
knowledge of those against whom it was directed.
344 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
During the winter of 1628-29 a deadly sickness broke
out amongst the people at Salem, the first settlement
of Massachusetts. Having no physician in their dis-
tress, Gov. Endicott sent to Plymouth requesting that
their good Dr. Fuller, who had had experience of similar
sickness at Plymouth, might be sent to their relief.
The doctor not only ministered to their ailments, but
by his conversation so enlightened Gov. Endicott as to
the views and practises of the Plymouth people that his
prejudices were dispelled, and he wrote to Gov. Brad-
ford of Plymouth that he rejoiced that he was
satisfied by Dr. Fuller touching your judgment of the
outward form of worship. "It is," he wrote, " so far as
I can gather, no other than is warranted by the
evidence of truth, and the same which I have pro-
fessed and maintained ever since the Lord in his
mercy revealed himself unto me ; being far different
from the common report that hath been spread of you
touching that particular." The intercourse thus hap-
pily begun was continued by occasional acts of courtesy.,
and the necessity of common defense against the Indi-
ans, resulting in a confederation of all the New Eng-
land colonies in 1643, and the union of Plymouth and 1
Massachusetts by royal decree in 1691. Plymouth
thus had a separate existence of about seventy years,,
but in the end, as we shall see, her principles and
practise prevailed over those of the larger colony into
which she was absorbed.
The Massachusetts colony, having previously
effected a settlement at Salem under Endicott, came
over with their patent under Winthrop in 1629.
DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN NEW ENGLAND. 345
Unlike the Pilgrims they came with authority and a
form of government that of a joint stock company,
which was to have the trade in beaver for seven
years. Their patent provided for a governor, deputy
governor, and eighteen assistants, called magistrates,
to be chosen by the members of the company known
as freemen, who were required to take an oath, and
this oath was the first thing printed when the press
was introduced in 1638. This body was to be the
law-maker and executive, and the formation of a leg-
islature, or a body of delegates from the people, was
not contemplated. The General Court was to meet
four times in the year, when freemen having business
before it might attend, and once a year all the free-
men were to meet in one place, and elect the
governor and assistants, the latter body meeting in the
intervals for the general administration of affairs.
But so little did the freemen regard their right of
election that during the first three years they merely
elected the assistants and allowed them to choose the
governor and deputy from among themselves. It
would seem that they allowed the assistants to con-
tinue in office without reelection annually, for in
1632, in after-dinner talk, the governor told his
company that he had heard that the people intended,
at the next General Court, to desire that the assistants
might be chosen anew every year, and. that the
governor might be chosen by the whole court, and
not by the assistants only. Whereupon Mr. Ludlow
grew into a passion and said that then we should
have no government, but there would be an interim,
346 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
wherein every man might do what he pleased, and
protested that he would then return back into England.
Nevertheless the change was made, though the assis-
tants took care that if they were no longer to choose
the governor, he was to be chosen out of their own
number. These magistrates were jealous of their
power, and took care to keep the government in their
own hands. When the inhabitants of Boston, in
choosing a commission to divide the lands, selected
some of " the inferior sort," " fearing that the richer
men would give the poorer sort no great proportion
of land," the magistrates were highly offended, and
Rev. Mr. Cotton labored with them, " showing that it
was the Lord's order among the Israelites to have all
such business committed to the elders," whereupon it
was agreed to go to a new election, in which the men
chosen were all of the superior sort. The magistrates
went so far as to have it ordered by the General
Court in 1636, that a certain number of the magis-
trates should be chosen for life. The pretext for this
was, as for most things they wished to accomplish,
that it "was shown in the word of God that the
principal magistrates ought to be for life," but the
real motive was to tempt over here some of the
peers and other leading men, who might expect at
home, in due season, to be raised to the upper house,
by assuring them of an equal tenure of power on this
side of the ocean. This council for life existed for
only three years, the magistrates, who were wise in
their day and generation, taking care to avoid the
unpopularity it excited.
DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN NEW ENGLAND. 347
We shall see how out of this oligarchy, under the
pressure of necessity, was slowly evolved, step by
step, against the continued opposition of the magis-
trates, a more democratic form of government.
We find the germ of our free institutions in the
town governments of New England, but the Puritans
had no conception of town government as it is now un-
derstood and practised here. It was a thing of growth.
It sprung out of the conditions in which the people
found themselves ; it came of necessity. As the colony
grew, and it became necessary to form new settlements,
plantations were established at various points. The
germ and center of these plantations was the church.
The people went out as a church, and no house was
to be built at a greater distance from the meeting-
house than one-half mile. This was for convenience
in attending worship, and for safety from the Indians.
But it led to too great density of population, and was
the cause of frequent emigration. The plantation was
not a town as we understand that term. It was a
parish. The church had jurisdiction over the whole
of it, and every inhabitant was expected to attend
worship. The Puritans held that ecclesiastical juris-
diction is committed by Christ to each particular
organized church, from which there is no appeal. From
this it would seem easy, the parish being the town, to
pass to town government. But the magistrates at
first were not ready to grant the people this power.
The plantations, as such, were under the centralized
rule of the court of assistants. They were not incor-
porated, they had no power of self government. But,
348 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
it becoming inconvenient to regulate all matters in
General Court, it was at last ordered in 1635, that
"trivial things should be ended in towns." The magis-
trates were not ready to give up their centralized
power, but they found it convenient to disburden
themselves of trifling matters. Doubtless there were
constant appeals, complaints, requests, coming up from
the plantations which it were not always easy to meet.
So trivial matters were entrusted to towns. The
weightier questions they reserved to themselves. But
the thing grew. The placing of power in the hands
of the people is like the letting out of waters. It is
not to be controlled. Out of these trivial things grew
the town government which is the corner-stone of our
democratic institutions.
At first the town business was transacted at a meet-
ing of the whole body of its free men, who, it should
be understood, must be church-members. The larger
number of men of ripe age were therefore placed in
the position of mere wards of the commonwealth. No
such restriction existed in Plymouth, or afterwards in
Connecticut. In time Dochester designated twelve
men to meet weekly and consult, but they had no
authority beyond other inhabitants who should choose
to meet with them. Watertown at the same time
agreed that three persons should be chosen for the
ordering of civil affairs. In the fourth year from the
settlement of Boston three persons were chosen " to
make up the ten to manage the affairs of the town."
An order was made by the inhabitants of Charlestown,
at a full meeting, for the government of the town by
DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN NEW ENGLAND. 349
selectmen. This name presently extended throughout
New England to the municipal governors eleven
men to be chosen to act for the town, with the advice
of pastor and teachers in any case of convenience
the church still keeping its hand upon the people in
all matters involving morals or religious belief, as the
magistrates did in all civil affairs.
For as yet the town had no representation in the
General Court, which passed upon all weightier matters
relating to them. The freemen might go up to Bos-
ton once a year to elect their rulers. If the distance
was so great as to make it inconvenient for the whole
body to go, a town might send proxies to represent
them in the election. But as the Court of Assistants,
which was the legislative body, did not represent the
towns, it was inevitable that complaints should arise
and protests be made.
In 1632 the first complaint came from Watertown
upon this occasion. For the purpose of fortifying
Newton, since called Cambridge, which was to have
been made the capital, a tax was laid upon the towns
by the Court of Assistants. Whereupon " the pastor,
elder, etc. of Watertown assembled the people, and
delivered their opinion that it was not safe to pay
moneys after that sort, for fear of bringing themselves
and their posterity into bondage." For this offense the
pastor and others were summoned before the governor
and assistants, and were told that the assistants were
representatives of the freeman, being chosen by them,
and hence had the power to lay assessments. " After
much debate," says Winthrop, "they acknowledged
350 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
their fault, confessing freely that they were in error
and made a retraction and submission under their
hands, and were enjoined to read it in the assembly
the next Lord's day." " And so their submission was
accepted and their offense pardoned." Yet the Water-
town people were clearly in the right, for no power
was by the charter granted to the governor and
assistants to raise money by levy, assessment, or
taxation. And although this became a necessity the
power lay with the General Court and not with the
Court of Assistants.
The freemen were now becoming more jealous of
their rights, and grew restive under the rule of the
Court of Assistants. Trivial occasions often open
great causes. It was left to that humble domestic
animal, the hog, to be the occasion of the granting
of representative government in the Massachusetts
colony.
Swine were among the most important of the
domestic stock of the early settlers. The contracts for
labor often required four meals per week of meat, and
the flesh of the swine was relied upon to provide them.
Much of their food was fish, and pork was a necessary
element in its preparation. The herds of swine were
therefore carefully cherished. In some localities
swineherds were appointed to take charge of them.
In others they were allowed to run at large, upon
their being properly yoked, between April 6 and
October 15, and ringed in the nose all the rest of the
year. The Indians stole them and the wolves devoured
them. The wolves were a great pest. They came
DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN NEW ENGLAND. 351
daily about Governor Winthrop's house at Mystic, so
that when he went out to walk he took his gun along,
thinking he might shoot one. Swine were often
pastured out upon the islands to save them from the
depredations of the wolves and the Indians, hence the
number of islands on our coast that bear the name of
Hog. In 1633 the Court of Assistants ordered that
" it shall be lawful for any man to kill any swine that
comes into his corn ; the party that owns the swine is
to have them, being killed, and allow recompense for
the damage they do." This was the cause of frequent
neighborhood quarrels. Those who had swine at large
objected to this provision. They went to the gov-
ernor to advise with him about abrogating it. He
told them that " when the patent was granted the
number of freemen was supposed to be so few that
they might all join in making laws, but now they were
grown so many it was not possible for them to make
or execute laws, and the Company could not be at the
loss of time to attend to it. Yet this might be done.
The General Court might make an order that once in
the year a certain number should be appointed (upon
summons by the governor) to revise all laws, and to
reform what they found amiss therein ; but not to
make any new laws, but prefer their grievances to
the Court of Assistants; and that no assessments
should be laid upon the county without the consent
of such a committee, nor any lands disposed of."
This suggestion was adopted, and two representatives
from each town met to consult about the laws, though
they were not to enact any new ones, having only an
352 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
advisory voice. So it came about that an order was
passed that every town should be at liberty to make
such orders about swine as they should judge best.
The door once partially opened, full representation
naturally followed. The deputies soon began to
exceed the powers granted by Winthrop, and became
competent to make, as well as to mend laws. In 1634
the representative system, brought about by this dis-
pute about swine, was fully established, each town
having three representatives.
For a period of ten years, until 1644, the General
Court, consisting of the magistrates and deputies, sat
and determined matters together, in one body, over
which the governor or deputy governor presided.
But although they sat together they did not vote as
one, the magistrates having a negative voice. No
measure could pass without the consent of six of the
assistants. This was a cause of great difference
between the governor and assistants and deputies.
The latter would not yield the assistants a negative
voice and the assistants, " considering," says Winthrop,
66 how dangerous it might be to the commonwealth, if
they should not keep that strength, to balance the
greater number of the deputies, thought it safe to
stand upon it. So when they could proceed no fur-
ther, the whole court agreed to keep a day of humili-
ation to seek the Lord, which was accordingly done in
all the congregations," and the Rev. Mr. Cotton
preached a famous sermon, in which he laid down the
rights of the magistracy, the ministry and the people
" the strength of the magistracy to be their authority ;
DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN NEW ENGLAND. 353
of the people, their liberty ; and of the ministry, their
purity, and showed how all these had a negative voice,
and that yet the ultimate resolution ought to be in
the whole body of the people, with answer to all objec-
tions, and a declaration of the people's duty and right
to maintain their true liberties against any unjust
violence, which gave great satisfaction to the company"
and composed the quarrel for the time being.
But as years went on new causes of dispute arose
between the magistrates and deputies, until at last
the swine again, in the person of an innocent sow,
came to the solution of the question by the separation
of the General Court into two bodies.
The ballot had succeeded the show of hands, and it
had been decided that the consent of the people was
necessary for levying taxes ; but the powers of the
assembly and the magistrates were not well defined,
and it was not until 1644 that the negative voice of
the magistrates was established. This, as I have said,
was brought about by a quarrel concerning a sow,
which agitated the colony for a period of seven years.
As Winthrop says, it was " a great business upon a
very small occasion."
In 1636 a stray sow in Boston was committed to the
care of Capt. Keayne, who kept it in a yard with a
sow of his own. He had it cried divers times, but
none laid claim to it for near a year. Then,' after he
had killed his own sow, there came forward one Mrs.
Sherman, but not finding her own marks upon the
sow, she claimed that the sow he had killed was hers.
The noise thereof spread abroad, the matter was
VOL. VII. 25
354 MAINE HISTOKICAL SOCIETY.
brought before the elders of the church, many witnesses
were examined, and Capt. Keayne was cleared. But
he had an enemy, one Story, who had a grievance
against the captain, and he took up the cause of Mrs.
Sherman with all the vigor inspired by personal
animosity. The case was brought before the inferior
court, Capt. Keayne was again cleared, and the jury
gave him 3 for his costs. Thereupon he brought an
action against Story and the woman for reporting that
he had stolen her sow, and recovered 20 damages of
either of them. Story now bestirred himself to search
town and country to find matter against Capt. Keayne
and had the case reopened before the General Court.
Seven days were spent in examing witnesses, and
debating the cause, but no decision could be reached,
" because no sentence could by law pass without the
greater number of both the magistrates and the
deputies, which neither plaintiff nor defendant had."
The majority of the magistrates favored the captain,
the majority of the deputies the woman. This excited
the democratic spirit. It became a popular question.
It entered into the politics of the towns. Many of the
people could not distinguish the action for slander
from the principal cause. " What ! " they said, " shall
Mrs. Sherman be fined 20 for demanding her sow ;
she a poor woman ; he a rich man ?" The captain was
unpopular, for he was known to drive hard bargains.
The magistrates had sided with him; it was time
their negative vote was taken away. Winthrop came
to the rescue with a published statement of the
necessity of upholding the same. The case was
DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN NEW ENGLAND. 355
adjourned from court to court. It went as usual to
the elders ; they could come to no decision, but
earnestly desired " that the court might never more
be troubled with it." All consented except Mr.
Bellingham, one of the magistrates, who would have
them lay down " their negative voice, and so the cause
to be heard again/' Mr. Saltonstall, another magis-
trate, issued a treatise against the council, but was
brought to see the error of his way. Story petitioned
for another hearing ; many favored it.
The elders undertook to deal with the deputies of
their town. But the deputies declared their towns
were not satisfied. " Which " says Winthrop, " shows
plainly the democratical spirit which acts over
deputies." The deputies claimed victory ; the mag-
istrates were fain to let the matter drop for the sake
of peace. The deputies continued earnest to take
away the magistrates' negative vote in the General
Court. Winthrop issued a small treatise showing
" how it was fundamental to our government, which
if it were taken away, would be a mere democracy."
As usual he fortified himself from Scriptures. Yet
even this would not satisfy, but the deputies and
common people would have it taken away. An
answer to Winthrop's treatise was written by one of
the magistrates, and the deputies made great use of
it. The magistrates now being so hard pressed it
was, says Winthrop, " their only care to gain time,
that so the people's heat might be abated, for then
they knew they would hear reason., and that the
advice of the elders might be interposed, they agree-
356 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
ing that if the elders decided against them they
would surrender their negative voice. Thereupon
one of the elders wrote a small treatise, laying down
the true form of the government, and showing the
unavoidable change into a democracy, if the negative
voice were taken away. This prevailed for the time
being ; " the people," says Winthrop, " having their
heat moderated by time, and their judgments better
informed, let the cause fall." But only for a time.
The agitation about the negative voice still went on.
At last, in 1644, it being evident that they would be
outvoted, the magistrates passed for separate houses,
as the deputies agreed that the Court should be
divided, "the magistrates by themselves, and the
deputies by themselves, what one agreed upon they
should send to the other, and if both agreed, then to
pass."
So the magistrates saved their negative voice by
going off by themselves, and forming a separate house,
which was the origin of the present Senate of Massa-
chusetts, the division of the Legislature of our states
into two separate branches. So ended the great sow
case, which formed an epoch in the history of New
England. Well has it been said that "the animal
whose wanderings have thus led to the establishment
of two of the great securities of liberty among us may
surely claim, at least, as honorable mention in
history as has been awarded to the geese of the
capitol." The hog should take its place beside the
codfish in Massachusetts halls of legislation.
DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN NEW ENGLAND. 357
The deputies were now presided over by one of
their own number, and the first speaker elected was
William Hawthorne, who being of Salem, may have
been an ancestor of our great romancer. The depu-
ties still remained jealous of the rule of the magis-
trates, who claimed the right to govern in the
vacancy of the General Court. The deputies would
have had a commission appointed to govern in the
interim, composed of seven magistrates and three
deputies. The magistrates objected that this would
overthrow the foundation of the government. They
claimed that by virtue of the patent the magistrates
or Court of Assistants, which had now become a
separate legislative body, was the standing council
of the commonwealth. They offered, as usual, to
refer the question to the elders, but all compromise
being rejected, they declared that if occasion re-
quired they must act according to the power and
trust committed to them. To this Speaker Haw-
thorne replied " You will not be obeyed." When
the deputies and magistrates would not agree the
deputies preferred to refer the question to arbitrators
rather than to the clergy, as the magistrates desired,
well knowing that the clergy would agree with the
magistrates.
In considering this disposition of the deputies to
absorb all powers, it must be remembered that they
were very far from representing the whole body of
the people. The government set up by the Puritans
was still a theocracy, not only because all important
358 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
questions were referred to the clergy, whose decision
in most cases was final, but because no other than
church-members could choose or be chosen to any
office, or even serve as jurymen. Thus all power was
committed to about one-sixth of the males of full age.
Thus all others were to be tried for life, limb or
estate, by those of the church, who were in a sense
their adversaries. As a matter of course, this did not
work well. The more unscrupulous the conscience,
the easier it was to join the church, and abandoned
men who wanted public preferment could join the
church with loud professions, gain their ends and
make church-membership a by-word. True, in a few
years a slight relaxation took place; non-church-
members were permitted to serve as jurymen and to
vote in laying town taxes and choosing selectmen.
But the choosing of deputies still remained with
church-members.
The denial of civil rights to non-church-meinbers
was a cause of much discontent. Even some of the
magistrates disapproved of it. Mr. William Vassal, who
had been one of the first assistants, but was of a less
strait sect than the Puritans, petitioned that the dis-
tinctions in church estate might be taken away, and
that the people might be wholly governed by the laws
of England. For this he is stigmatized by Winthrop
as "a man of busy and factious spirit." A number of
others joined with him in his petition. Among these
was one Dr. Child, a young gentleman, who having
studied physic at Padua had come to this country to
make his fortune. Finding himself denied all civil
DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN NEW ENGLAND. 359
and religious liberty, and being a man of spirit, he
joined in the petition, and threatened to appeal to the
Parliament of England. This was taken as a contempt
of authority and as tending to sedition. They were
summoned to appear before the court to answer for
their offenses. When they pleaded the right of
petition, they were answered that they were summoned
not for petitioning, but for the matter of their peti-
tions. When they pleaded the rights of freeborn
Englishmen, the reply was the peculiar privileges
granted by the patent. When it was pointed out that
the patent required that no laws should be passed
repugnant to those of England, resort was had to the
Jesuitical casuistry that they had no laws diametrically
opposed to those of England, for then they must be
contrary to the laws of God and of right reason, which
are the fundamental basis of English laws, and if any-
thing had been otherwise established by England, it
was an error, and not a law ! Thus all laws of England
which did not conform to the Puritans' idea of the laws
of God, were not laws! When the right was claimed
of an appeal to the English Parliament it was replied
that " appeals do not lie from us by our charter, and
to appeal before any sentence is to disclaim our
jurisdiction."
The result was that Dr. Child was fined 50, and
the others less sums, even the hospitable Maverick, of
Noddle's Island, who had advanced money for fortify-
ing the defenses of the harbor, being mulcted in the
sum of ten pounds. This odious tyranny resulted in
driving all the petitioners, save Maverick, out of the
360 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
country. Dr. Child prepared to leave in high dudgeon,
to prosecute the appeal before Parliament. To this
end he got a petition from the non-freemen to take
with him. The leading magistrates, getting wind of
this, consulted together, and keeping their purpose
secret from those of their own number who did not
accord with their extreme views, they agreed to stay
the doctor for his fine, and to search his trunk, but not
to do so until he had got on shipboard. But fearing
that one of their number had disclosed their intentions,
the doctor was seized on shore, his study and his trunk
searched, and the petitions and appeals, asking that
the laws of England may be established here, that
arbitrary power may be banished, and that liberties
for English freeholders be established here as in Eng-
land, were secured. Dr. Child and others were
apprehended and held prisoners until the ship had
sailed. " His confinement/' says Winthrop, " he took
grievously, but he could not help it." Refusing bail
he was committed to prison, but in the end he got
away to England, where he was loud in rehearsing his
wrongs.
The Puritans naturally dreaded all appeals to Eng-
land for the correction of errors in their administration.,
fearing the loss of their charter to which they te-
naciously clung, in spite of repeated demands for its
surrender. This practical denial of the authority of
England, united with the evil spirit of the clergy, that
would enforce uniformity in ceremonies and belief,
produced the effect of preventing many from coming
DEMOCKATIC INSTITUTIONS IN NEW ENGLAND. 361
to Massachusetts and drove away many who had
already established there their domestic altars.
Civil liberty, it has been said, roots itself in spiritual
liberty. The Puritans claimed spiritual liberty for
themselves, but were not ready to grant it to others,
hence they were slow in arriving at democratic insti-
tutions. They, in common with the age in which they
lived, had not arrived at the truth which Jefferson
proclaimed more than a century later, that " error of
opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to
combat it." But they understood how to reason
together, and this freedom of discussion which pre-
vailed among them, together with the force of circum-
stances and the conditions which surrounded them,
ultimately worked out the free institutions under
which we live.
The church test of citizenship was tenaciously clung
to until the year 1665, when it was reluctantly
yielded, at the requirement of His Majesty's commis-
sioners, and was entirely abandoned, after some
evasions, about the year 1686. Under the charter
granted by William and Mary in 1691 the qualifica-
tion for electors was fixed at a " freehold of forty
shillings per annum, or other property of the value
of 40 sterling." Since then the democratic spirit
has steadily advanced, until now all tests of citizen-
ship, even that of sex, are swept or are being swept
away, and we are launching out into the great ocean
of unqualified equality with all its perils and its
breezy freedom before us.
362 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT-WAS
HE A TORY?
BY B. GOLDTHWAITE CABTER, U. S. ABMY.
Bead before the Maine Historical Society, December 19, 1895.
PART IV.
THE STORY OF FORT POWNALL.
WE come now to the events just preceding the out-
break of the struggle for Independence.
Besides the statements made that Thomas Gold-
thwait was cruel and unjust to the settlers and Indians,
that he was an extortioner, etc., all accounts reflect
severely upon him for the part he took when the fort
was dismantled in 1775, which with the traditions
and stories handed down by those who were more or
less injured by the temporary suspension, through this
act, of the extensive trade which had been carried on
with the Indians, and upon which the very existence
of the settlers then depended had set the seal of
condemnation upon Col. Goldthwait for all time.
Having recently examined into this matter very
carefully and exhaustively, the writer has come across
such strong proof as will, he feels confident, not only
upset and contradict these statements, but will exon-
erate Col. Goldthwait, from all blame in the
matter.
The files of the Massachusetts Archives were not
then so fully accessible to the historians of Maine as
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 363
now, and the history of that event the dismantle-
ment of Fort Pownall of so much significance to
the people of that region, to be written at all at that
time^had to be based upon no more authentic source
than that of John Davidson's manuscript narrative, as
there was no other account to be had.
It is thus graphically described in the following
letter, which the writer believes has never been
printed. It was found accompanying and attached to
the petition of Capt. Goldthwait and the garrison
to the General Court, for pay for their services for
the year 1774-75. (Mass. Arch. 88 : 211.)
The following is an account of the manner which the cannon &
spare arms were taken from Fort Pownall on the 14th of April
1775 by an order of General Gage directed to Tho s Goldthwait,
Esq., Commander of said Fort.
On Friday even'g the 13th of Apl. came into Penobscot river a
Topsail Schooner, which anchored near Fort Pownall, which my-
self and others took to be a Merchantman, going up the River to
purchase Lumber : and early next morning we saw another schooner
which came to anchor near the Former.
Soon after came ashore some sailors from the first mentioned
Vessel to beg some milk for their Breakfasts, and said they were
going up the River to get Lumber.
Presently after came on shore an officer who enquired for the Com-
mander of the Fort, and on seeing him, presented an order from
Gen. Gage for the Cannon and spare Arms : he then returned on
board and immediately appeared a large number of Soldiers on the
Deck (which before was not seen) , who directly got into Boats &
came ashore & marched into the Fort, and went to work getting
out the Cannon, &c. w ch was carry'd on board.
I am convinced at that time 'twas not in Col Goldthwait's
power to have resisted them with the least degree of success, having
only 6 or 8 men in the Fort, and but half a Barr 1 of powder which
the Gunner shew in the Magazine.
364 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
I further declare that I remained at said Fort, 'till the news came
of the Battle of Lexington immediately on which (tho' late at
night), Col Goldthwait dispatched a number of Men in his Barge
to go 20 miles up the River and advise" the people of the news, and
recommended to them to immediately call a Meeting, to consider
what was Elagable to be done.
The meeting was accordingly held the 6 day of May when Col
Goldthwait presided a Moderator thereof. I attended the Meet-
ing myself, and found that after Col Goldthwait's Conduct was
represented to them, that they were universally satisfyed, w ch they
manifested by a General vote, during the whole of the above
transactions I was at the Fort, and look't on Col Goldthwait to be
a Strong Advocate for the Liberties of his Country.
W. Molineux.
The above if required am ready to make oath to
Watertown, 23 Oct. 1775.
I would further add that the Officer which Commanded the party,
said that if Col Goldthwait refused delivering up the Cannon, &c.
'twas his orders to destroy the Fort immediately.
W. M.
The writer has included in the foregoing letter all
erasures, interlineations, etc. It will bear a very close
study as to Col. Goldthwait's motives in calling the
meeting, etc. There is every reason to believe, by a
correspondence had with the Lords Commissioners of
the Admiralty at London, that the two schooners
referred to were the Diana, commanded by Lieut.
John Graves, a nephew of Admiral Samuel Graves,
commanding the British fleet in American waters, and
the Neptune. Both were tenders to the sloop of
war, Canceaux, commanded by Lieut. Henry Mowat,
who later burned Falmouth.
The armed force on board the two schooners
was a large detachment from the 64th British Foot.
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 365
(Cor. British War Office.) The report of the proceed-
ings of the meeting referred to, as held on May 6, has
been searched for but without success.
It may be of interest, just here, to state that the
Diana commanded by Lieut. Graves, was in action
May 28, 1775, at Noddles Island (East Boston), and
after being riddled with shot from two field-pieces
served by Capt. Gideon (?) Foster and a detachment
of men, was run ashore, burned and blown up.
(Moore's Diary of the Revolution, pp. 85-7.) (Vol. 1,
Kemble Papers, New York Historical Society.)
It must be borne in mind that this event occurred
just preceding the actual outbreak of hostilites, five
days before the Battle of Lexington. Col. Gold-
thwait had not been in close touch with the sentiments
and inflamed passions of the people at Boston.
He was at a place remote from the centers of
uprising, where news reached slowly. The writer
does not think that, in that quiet region of Penobscot,
he could have been so keenly aware of the spark of
war then being fanned into an intense flame at
Boston, by any thing he could see at Fort Pow-
nall. But, nevertheless, he was then compelled to
obey that order.
Directly following this, there transpired an event,
which had more to do with shaping public sentiment
in that region, and branding Col. Goldth wait- with the
opprobrious epithets and aspersions which have been
so freely bestowed on him, than the event just de-
scribed. It is thus given in the Rev. Richard Pike's
Centennial Address, previously referred to, as also in
the History of Belfast (pp. 55-57).
366 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The people of Belfast suffered greatly from the scarcity of pro-
visions. One cause of this was that they had gone short of
ammunition, and could take but little wild game. Col. Goldthwait
had ammunition entrusted to him for the public good.
In their distress, the people of Belfast sent to him for a supply,
but he refused to give heed to their representations, and treated
their importunities with contempt. But they were determined not
to be defrauded of their rights by a tyrant and a coward ; so a few
days after they made another application. Taking their guns and
what ammunition they had, they went in numbers to the fort.
Upon drawing near their destination, they deputed two of their
men to go in advance and make the demand. They met with no
better success than their predecessors. The narrator of the account
says : we told him that we were determined to have it, the ammu-
nition, and would take it by force of arms if we could not get it
without.
By this time our company was in sight. We said here comes
assistance, and you may see them. We are determined not to be
treated as the two men were who came to you on this business
before. He cooled down, and gave to each man a pound of powder
and ball and flint.
The next we heard of the Colonel he had gathered up all, and
gone on board a British vessel out of the Country. He adds the
following words which are very suggestive : We heard nothing of
him afterwards, so that what we received at the time was clear gain.
The italics are mine.
This visit to the fort, of the detachment of men
from St. Georges, is even more graphically described
in a letter written by Col. Goldthwait himself to the
selectmen of that town.
This letter has been copied several times, and
published both in the Annals of Warren and in the
Bangor Historical Magazine. But there have been
just enough errors in them of sufficiently vital im-
portance to have it now printed correctly.
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 367
It has now been copied from the original by Mr.
Edward Brown of Thomaston, Maine, in whose posses-
sion it is, who has kindly sent copies to the writer,
with explanations as to the missing sentence, an
altered word, etc., and it is now absolutely correct.
It is given entire, as follows :
To the Gentlemen, the Selectmen of St. Georges, and in the
absence of Selectmen, to Major Mason Wheaton and Capt. Jno.
Mclntire, to be communicated to the Inhabitants of St. Georges.
FORT POWNAL, May 8, 1775.
Gentlemen : On the 27th of last month about 20 arme'd men
arrived here from St. Georges who came in the name & as a Com-
mittee from the people of St Georges & others who they said had
assembled there to the amount of 250 men & this party in their
name demanded of me the reason of my delivering the Cannon, &c.
belonging to this Fort to the Kings forces.
I told them I tho't their request reasonable and that I would give
them all the satisfaction they demanded in this matter, & immedi-
ately left them.
I went into the Fort & got the Governor's letter to me, and it
was read to them. I then informed them that this was the King's
Fort & built at his expense ; that the Gov r was Commander in
Chief of it, that I could not refuse obeying his orders ; that I was
ready to make oath that I had no intimation of this matter until Mr.
Graves who commanded this expedition shew'd me the Governor's
order, within ten minutes after his vessels came to anchor here ; &
in case it had been in my power to have resisted this order, I
should not have tho't it expedient to have done it, as the inevitable
consequence of such resistance, would have been the Total Ruin of
the River : being that a small naval force at the mouth of it, could
entirely stop the provision Vessels & Coasters, and all other mer-
chant Vessels, & must have soon broke up the River.
Upon my representing these facts and reasoning in this manner,
Capt. Gragg & his party appeared to be satisfied : He then told me
368 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
that they had intelligence that the Canadians & Indians were
swarming down upon us ; that the arm'd vessels that went from
hence had killed the peoples cattle at Townsend, & they expected to
meet with the same fate at St. Georges ; that among all the people
that were assembled there, they hadn't ten charges of ammunition,
and were very scant of arms ; & that one part of their orders was to
desire & demand of me a part of ours, I informed them the true
condition of the Fort & the Scarcity of ammunition upon the River ;
still they persisted in their request.
I sometime after told the Serjent he must see what there was &
let them have what could be spared upon such an emergency ; and
he accordingly delivered them 7 musketts 10 lb powder & 24 lbs Balls,
for which Messrs Sam 1 Gragg, Rob. Mclntire & Benj. Burton
gave a rec* for, as a Committee from St. Georges.
Now Gent n as it appears that this alarm was premature, & that
these people came, as they declared, with authority from your
Town ; I hope you'll interfere in it and see that the arms & am-
munition are returned to the Fort, and especially too, as it is now
declared & known to be true that this river is barer of arms and
ammunition than you are at St. Georges.
I shall enclose a copy of the Gov rs letter to me for your satisfac-
tion. I beg the fa v r of you to communicate this letter, together with
the votes passed upon this river (which will be delivered you by a
Committee sent on purpose) to your Town that they may have an
opportunity to act in it as they judge expedient, I am Gent n ,
Y r most humble serv* ,
Tho. Goldthwait.
In the original, there appears the word "letter "
crossed out, followed by the word " order." But in
the copies, it reads " later order." This latter ex-
pression would make it appear that Col. Goldthwait
had already received a prior order, which was not the
case. One order was handed to him by Lieut. Graves,
and this condition with the alternative as stated in
William Molineux' letter stared him in the face.
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 369
There is also omitted in the copies, one very
important sentence, one that in all human probability,
influenced his decision quite as much as the appear-
ance on the scene of an overwhelming force. In
fact, it may have been the strongest motive, or
mainspring of Col. Goldthwait's action in so promptly
obeying the Governor's order. The sentence reads
as follows :
Being thai a small naval force at the mouth of the river, cou'd
entirely stop the provision vessels & coasters, & all other merchant
Vessels, & must have soon broke up the River.
This, with the sentence just immediately preceding
it, shows conclusively that his good military sense
and sound judgment which, by all the letters quoted,
he had previously shown, was, in this case given for
the benefit of the settlers as it had been done on all
other occasions.
To have resisted a large armed force at that
moment, with the few men he had on hand, would
have been not only madness on his part, but would
have invited the prompt destruction of the fort, and
insured a speedy blockade of the Penobscot Eiver, and,
in consequence brought sure starvation to the inhab-
itants of the entire Penobscot Valley. It nearly
followed as it was.
None but a good soldier, with a rare coup d'ceil,
would have known that it was wise to surrender to an
overwhelming force, or have displayed such a remark-
able forethought, as is shown in the sentence now
quoted, as to the consequences to the people had he
not have promptly done so.
VOL. VII. 26
370 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
This was another most dignified and soldierly letter :
written calmly amidst the tumult of his surroundings.
In reading carefully the events of that period, just
prior and subsequent to the battle of Lexington, in
many histories, journals, diaries and narratives, we
have been struck with the generally lawless, unrea-
sonable character of the acts committed by the Whigs,
under the guise of patriotism in carrying out their
loyal plans : and especially in and about the region
of what is now known as Eastern Maine.
It is very evident to our mind that John Davidson
was one of those rough, lawless, border characters,
who reigned supreme at the outbreak of the Revolu-
tionary War, in those sparsely settled districts. The
writer has seen just such within twenty years in
Mexico, Texas, and the Indian Territory.
Everybody was supposed to take sides upon the
spur of the moment at the outset, and if one was
suspected even of being Loyalist, Tory or Neutral,
the first thought was to burn him out, mob, or kill
him, or do him some personal injury.
The Annals of Warren, by Eaton, mention the
lawless acts committed, and the turbulent spirits in
that region, ready to use mob violence, or any other
methods to enforce their demands upon all who did
not agree with them. There was lack of sound judg-
ment and cool reason on both sides. Burton and
Gregg are cited in this valuable work as examples of
this sort. They were the companions of Davidson
and Nichols on their errand to the fort ; and the
two latter were selected to make the demand upon
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 371
Col. Goldthwait. Burton was also in the famous tea-
party of Indians (?) at Boston. (Annals of Warren.)
In Davidson's narrative, this feeling is quite in
evidence, from the manner in which he describes
their visit to the fort, first demanding powder and
ball, then threatening what would be done were it not
complied with, and his general condemnation of Col.
Goldthwait for all his acts.
The narrative was written when Davidson was an
old man, and necessarily from memory ; but his
prejudices do not seem to have died out or even
abated, for his recollections of those days centered
on two events the dismantlement of Fort Pownall,
the incident connected with the ammunition, and
Col. Goldthwait's seeming indifference to his de-
mands.
To further prove the lawlessness, turbulence and
unorganized force of those times, one need only to
consult the archives : they are bristling with facts.
A letter from Marshfield, Massachusetts, to a
gentleman in Boston, dated January 24, 1775, de-
scribes it in very vivid colors there. (Am. Arch. 1 :
177.)
A letter was written by Enoch Freeman, Commit-
tee of Safety, etc., at Falmouth, May 10, 1775, con-
cerning the projected capture of the sloop Canceaux,
Capt. Mowat, by one Col. Thompson. He says :
We are in confusion. Pray let Congress be informed of this
affair, and let us know whether Thompson had such orders, and
pray the Congress to give us some directions, for we are in such
confusion nobody seems rational.
372 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
On May 11, follows a letter from a gentleman of
Falmouth to somebody at Watertown (probably Enoch
Freeman to Samuel Freeman, Secretary of the
Provincial Congress), then the seat of Congress, con-
cerning the doings in the town on that day ; he
describes the rioting, drunkenness, the number of
barrels of rum drank, etc., etc. (Am. Arch., 2 : 550-
552.)
Then follows a letter from Gen. Jedediah Preble,
Chairman of the Committee of Safety, commending
Capt. Mowat for his prudence, gentlemanly con-
duct, etc. (Am. Arch., 2 : 585 )
A letter was sent to Col. Thompson, censuring him
for his unjustifiable conduct, etc. (Am. Arch., 2:
587.)
Numerous other instances are on record.
Numerous letters were written to the Provincial
Congress concerning the act of Col. Goldthwait.
They do not seem to have been wholly free from
jealousy and selfish motives.
In the journal of each Provincial Congress of
Massachusetts is a letter written by Enoch Freeman
of Falmouth, dated Falmouth, May 5, 1775, about three
weeks after Fort Pownall had been dismantled. He
says :
We have lately heard that the Penobscot Indians are highly
exasperated at Captain Goldthwait for suffering the tender to dis-
mantle the Fort there, and carrying off the powder : and truck trade
is stopped we are informed : and that a number of men around
about there are going to take him Goldthwait for delivering up
the fort, into their custody : but what they intend to do with him I
dont hear.
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 373
Perhaps it would be prudent for Congress to send down here and
secure the Indians in our interest, by keeping Truck Trade open,
supplying them with powder, or any other method in their wisdom,
upon mature consideration they may think best.
A hint on this head is enough.
A letter now follows from Gen. Jedediah Preble,
the first Truckmaster. Its animus is clearly seen
and as easily understood. In fact, the letter explains
itself. The truck trade must be kept open and
continued for the benefit of his son John Preble ; and
the influence of the party addressed, whose name is
not given, is solicited for that purpose.
FALMOUTH, June 1, 1775.
Col. Goldthwait will no doubt make interest to have provition
made for the subsistence of the garrison at Penobscot, but I will
leave you to judge whether a man is fit to command such a fortifica-
tion as Fort Pownall who will suffer two schooners to Rob it of guns
& ammunition.
I think it will be the height of imprudence to neglect supplying
the Truck Trade. Shall be much obliged to you to use your influ-
ence that my son may be continued Truckmaster, for he has been
at grate expence to furnish himself with a habitation and other
necessaries for carrying on the Indian Trade.
I am your ready friend & humble servant,
Jedediah Preble.
These waite on you by Capt. John Lane, who arrived here yes-
terday from Penobscot with four Indian Chiefs who are bound to the
Congress.
(Willis Papers, Portland Public Library.)
This letter was undoubtedly addressed to Samuel
Freeman, Secretary of the Provincial Congress.
Acting upon the hint given by the letters of Enoch
Freeman and Gen. Jedediah Preble, both members of
374 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
the Committee of Correspondence and Safety at
Falmouth, the Secretary of the Provincial Congress,
Samuel Freeman, addressed the following letter to
the Penobscot Indians :
In Provincial Congress, Watertown, May 15, 1775.
Friends and Good Brothers: We, the Delegates of the Colony
of Massachusetts Bay, being come together in Congress to consider
whatever is best for you and ourselves, &c. have thought it best
to write the following letter : . . . " Capttain Goldthwait has
given up Fort Pownall to our enemies. We are angry at it, and we
hear that you are angry at him, and we dont wonder at it.
We want to know what you, our good brothers, want from us of
clothing, or warlike stores, and we will supply you as fast as we can.
We will do all for you we can, and fight to save you any time : and
hope none of your men or the Indians in Canada, will join with
our enemies. You may have a great deal of good influence on them."
" We have sent Captain Lane to you for that purpose, and he
will show you his orders for raising one company of your men to
join with us in the war with you and our enemies."
"Brothers! if you will let Mr. John Preble know what things
you want, he will take care to inform us, and we will do the best for
you that we can."
(Am. Arch., 2: 1433.)
The italics are mine. This sudden exuberance of
spirit and excessive liberality, now displayed towards
the Indians, is in marked contrast with the niggardly
policy previously shown.
It looks very much like a clear case of "locking
the stable door after the horse is stolen." Had one-
half of this diplomatic generosity been exercised in
that direction toward reenforcing and supplying Fort
Pownall with its necessary garrison, ammunition and
stores, before Admiral Graves had the opportunity of
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 375
sending down and dismantling it ; had the " ounce of
prevention " been applied at the right time, instead of
the u pound of cure " after the mischief was done ;
Col. Goldthwait's course might have been different,
and all the suffering and misery caused to the inhab-
itants of the Penobscot Valley might have been
avoided.
There was certainly a most remarkable lack of
wisdom shown in dealing with this momentous prob-
lem at the mouth of the Penobscot River.
After the dismantlement of Fort Pownall, the fol-
lowing private letter was sent from that region to the
Provincial Congress at Watertown. This appears in
full in American Archives, 2 : 943.
Extracts have been quoted from it at various times
by the local historians of Maine, but not that portion
which stands out as a strong vindication of the char-
acfer of Col. Thomas Goldthwait.
It is as follows :
PENOBSCOT, (written from Wheelerborough) , June 7, 1775.
(Extract)
Sir : The River excells for fish of various kinds, and easie
navigation for the largest of vessels. The people firmly attached to
the Constitution you precide off, and I am confident will support it
to the last moment of their lives, being willing in general to
encounter any difficulty, rather than yield to that Band of Tyranny
whose plodding Poles (Pates) have long been projecting methods to
enslave us.
I am confirmed in this opinion by an anecdote or two that has come
to my knowledge since my residence on this River, for I live in the
neighborhood of Col Thomas Goldthwait, who was a member of
oar Assembly (as you may remember) for many years, particularly
in the year 1762.
376 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
From whom I had the following story. Richard Jackson, Esq.,
was then the agent for our Province. The Col says that then in
some of his private letters, which he wrote after his appointment,
he intimated his fears that it would not be in his power to do the
Province much service, as there was a principle prevailing in Eng-
land at that time to render the Colony Assemblys useless.
The Colonel also says Mr. Bollin (who was agent before Mr.
Jackson), was continually warning the General Court of this
principle then prevailing in England, and yet, you no doubt
remember, both those Gent" were turned out of their Agency upon
a suspicion that they were not in the interest of the Province.
Certainly, they were faithful as touching the most important
matter, whatever part of their conduct might give umbrage to their
Constituents. And there seems to be some degree of similarity in
the Case of the above gentlemen and Col Goldthwait, For one of
your members, viz : Capt. John Lane, who is now here, says the.
Congress had rec'd very unfavorable acct's of the Col ' 8 conduct,,
Whereas on a fair and impartial examination, it will appear that
Col Goldthwait has been a steady and uniform Friend to our Con-
stitution.
Some unimportant or irrelevant matter follows and
he adds :
Pray excuse the want of order in these hints.
From, Honble Sir, Your Humble Ser't,
In Haste, Elihu Hewes.
P. S.
I have wrote by this opportunity to Joseph Hewes, Esq., in the
Continental Congress. We are Brothers children, and were bro't
up together in the same Family. Your favour in forwarding is
prayed by.
Sir. Yours, &c. &c.
There is an Island in the mouth of this River owned by Isaac
Winslow, Esq., as he saith, contains 6 or 7000 acres. I first
settled on it. There is 10 or 12 good Conn. [Connecticut] men
who are Heartily in our cause and should hold what they have
COL. THOMAS GOLDTHWAIT WAS HE A TORY? 377
taken in their own right. The rest should be deemed Forfeit.
This is my private opinion made to none but you.
To Joseph Warren, Esq. President of the Provincial Congress for
the Mass. Bay.
This letter as a whole will bear a great deal of care-
ful study. Had he at that time had any occasion to
suspect Col. Goldthwait's loyalty to his cause, he
would have so stated it in a private letter to the
President of the Provincial Congress. The writer
will refer to him later.
The following petition was also referred to the
Provincial Congress, of this same date. As it is
headed by Thomas Goldthwait, and it expresses the
strongest sentiments of loyalty to the cause, it would
indicate just the reverse of Toryism or disaffection to
the Province.
PETITION.
G-ent m :
We the subscribers being appointed a Committee by the inhab-
itants on Penobscot River, the inhabitants of Belfast, Major bigwa-
duce & Benjamins River, to make representation to you of the
difficulties & distress the said inhabitants are under, in respect to
the scarcity of corn & ammunition occasioned by the interruption of
vessels, which they depend upon for their supplies, & also in the
impediments in exportations from the Seaport towns, &c.
We accordingly herewith send you the votes of the said inhab-
itants passed by them at a general meeting on Teusday the 6th day
of June instant which we are to pray your consideration of, &c. &c.
We are further to assure you that the said inhabitants are ready
with their lives & all y t they have to support the cause which their
country is engaged in, in defence of their liberties & their priveledges ,
and will hold themselves in readiness for that purpose, &c.
378 MAINE HISTOKICAL SOCIETY.
We are in behalf of the said inhabitants, Gent n ,
Your most humble ser ts ,
Tho. Goldthwait.
John Tufts. Benj. Shute.
Jonathan Buck. Oliver Crary.
Edwin Mooers.
Accompanying it was the following letter :
PENOBSCOT, June 7, 1875.
Gentlemen : The said Committee are also to inform you that it
was represented at the said meeting that the establishment of Fort
Pownall is nearly expired. That the Commander of the s d Fort in
obedience to the command of the Gov r delivered to his order the
Artillery & spare arms belonging to s d Fort : that he also delivered
to our inhabitants in the different parts of this vicinity, upon their
own application, some spare arms & ammunition, reserving only a
small quantity of each for the use of the soldiers belonging to said
garrison, which occasions the said Fort at this time to be very bare
of arms in those respects.
To the Hon. The Gentlemen at Cambridge to represent the
Province in Provincial Congress. (Mass. Arch. 193 : 328.)
It must be borne in mind that this petition and
accompanying letter were written after the disman-
tlement of Fort Pownall and before it was destroyed.
It was also written before the maltreatment of Col.
Thomas Goldthwait: the mutilation of his portrait,
and the indignities he and his family suffered in the
dead of night July 21, 1775, when the lawless
and turbulent spirits collected, under the name of
militia, in command of Col. James Cargill, and burnt
him out of house and home for having, as is set forth
in the above petition :
In obedience to the command of the Governor delivered to his
order the Artillery, &c.
RAILROAD REMINISCENCES. 379
The italics are mine. Could anything in the shape
of loyalty to one's country be stronger, especially
after the act of his, already so many times cited, than
this petition over the signature of Thomas Gold-
thwait? Can anyone doubt of his sincere intentions
toward sustaining the cause of the patriots ? In the
original, the petition looks as though it was drawn up
by Thomas Goldthwait himself. It is my belief that
it is his own handwriting. He would not even allow
another to express his own language in the sentiments
he wished to convey.
RAILROAD REMINISCENCES.
BY HON. JAMES W. BRADBURY.
Bead before the Maine Historical Society, March 86. 1896.
I HAVE always felt great interest in the advance of
the railroad system in my native state, especially as
it so happened that it fell to my lot to aid in obtaining
from the Legislature the charter of the first railroad of
importance constructed within its limits. This was in
1837. While battling for this road I little thought
that within my lifetime more than sixteen hundred
miles of good substantial railroad would be in success-
ful operation in the state.
In 1836 the petitioners for two contesting lines of
railroad towards Boston were before the Legislature
the Shore Line to pass through Saco, Biddeford, Ken-
380 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
nebunk and York, to Portsmouth, and the " Interior
Line " through Gorham, Alfred, North Berwick and
Berwick to Dover, New Hampshire. In the struggle
between them the latter prevailed, and obtained a char-
ter under another name than the Boston & Maine,
which it afterwards received. But it did not proceed
to build during the year.
When the Legislature assembled the next year, the
petitioners for the " Shore Line " applied to me to
assist them and take charge of their case before the
legislative committee, and we were able to satisfy the
committee and the Legislature that, as their contest-
ants had neglected to do anything under their charter,
the petitioners were entitled to have one for the Shore
Line ; and the act for the incorporation of the Port-
land, Saco & Portsmouth Railroad was passed and
approved.
A year or two afterwards the company obtained
an amendment, professedly to avoid a hill in York,
in terms so general as to enable it to avoid Kenne-
bunk and York Village and to go so far to the west as
North Berwick, which was in the chartered line of
the other road. With this I had nothing to do.
Under its charter the Portland, Saco & Portsmouth
was constructed prior to any other railroad in Maine,
excepting only, the few miles of imperfect road from
Bangor to Oldtown.
The Boston & Maine had built its road from Boston
to Dover, New Hampshire, and thence to North Ber-
wick, reaching that place in 1842. It found the Port-
land, Saco & Portsmouth operating its road in connec-
RAILROAD REMINISCENCES. 381
tion with the Eastern, and thus forming a continuous
line between Boston and Portland. Trouble soon
arose between these rival lines. The Boston & Maine
complained that the Portland, Saco & Portsmouth had
unfairly got upon its chartered line, and was manag-
ing its road to monopolize the travel between Boston
and Maine. It refused to connect, or to ticket over
the other line; and it was said it would not stop at
the station for the passengers if the cars were in sight
on the other line, and that its hostile management was
depriving the Boston & Maine of any share of the
through travel. The Boston & Maine then made ap-
plication to the Legislature for relief. Its agent called
upon me to attend to their case before the Legislature.
It was an important case as the life of the road de-
pended upon the result. The battle before the rail-
road committee was a hard one. Among the eminent
lawyers we had to contend with who were employed
by our real opponent, the Eastern Railroad, that con-
trolled the Portland, Saco & Portsmouth was Gen.
Fessenden, in the full maturity of his power. We
asked that the Portland, Saco & Portsmouth should be
required to connect and take our cars over its road
upon the receipt of fare for the passengers that were in
them. This was scouted at as a thing unknown, and
as an unjust use of their property for the benefit of
others, against their will. At the close of the argu-
ment, the committee voted to grant our petition and to
give us a bill. I was directed to prepare the bill and
present it at the next meeting of the committee.
During the week after the adjournment our opponents
382 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
performed so successful lobby work, that when I pre-
sented the bill a member moved to take the vote again
on the petition, and he succeeded in reversing the
action of the preceding meeting, and denying the
prayers of the petitioners. We were surprised. It
chanced that there was another railroad bill pending
before the committee to which there was no objection.
I expressed the hope that the committee would not
kill that bill also, as they had done mine. The reasons
for connection were being discussed by the other mem-
bers of the Legislature, and I felt confident of the result
if we could get our measure before either branch of
the Legislature.
The committee reported in favor of the other bill.
It was a general act concerning railroads. When it
came up for action a senator, who was in favor of the
provisions of our bill, moved that they be added to the
pending bill as an amendment. After a good deal of
discussion the amendment was adopted and the pro-
vision requiring railroads to connect became a law.
Thereupon the two roads, after a little delay,
entered into an agreement for the division of the
through business which continued in force for nearly
thirty years. In 1871, the Eastern gave notice of its
intention to terminate the agreement, and paid the
forfeiture required of the party that should terminate
it. This was regarded by the Boston and Maine as a
declaration of war. It tried to settle, but every offer
of adjustment was rejected by the Eastern. At the
request of the president of the Boston and Maine I
met him at his office in Boston early in January, 1872.
RAILROAD REMINISCENCES. 383
There appeared to be no other mode of relief than to
obtain the right to extend its road to Portland. I pre-
pared a brief petition which he signed. I informed him
that as he had not given the requisite notice, it was
doubtful whether we could get a hearing by the pres-
ent Legislature, which was then in session. The peti-
tion was presented by me to the Legislature immedi-
ately after my return. When it came before the com-
mittee the objection was at once made that the thirty
days' notice required had not been given, and that
under the rules the petition must be referred to the
next Legislature. The reasons for waiving this objec-
tion were urged by me, and upon my proposition that
the objection of the preliminary notice should not be
regarded as waived, but be considered at the hearing,
the committee finally consented that notice for a hear-
ing might be given. This was a substantial victory.
On the day named for the hearing the opponents to
our petition appeared with their lawyer and went into
the general merits of the case so fully as to take away
all force to the objection of want of preliminary notice,
as it plainly appeared that there had been time for the
most thorough preparation.
The committee decided in our favor and reported a
bill giving the right to the petitioners to extend their
road to Portland on the line prayed for, which after a
good deal of debate passed the Senate and House and
was approved by the governor, thus giving to the Bos-
ton & Maine, what it deemed essential to success, an
independent line between Boston and the commercial
capital of Maine.
384 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The next movement in connection with railroads on
this line was made by Judge Rice. He was the presi-
dent of the Maine Central and, to secure proper accom-
modations and rates for freight and fares, he offered to
the stockholders of the Portland, Saco & Portsmouth
to take a lease for the Maine Central of their road and
to pay them eight per cent, on the entire stock, and
to ticket the through business equally over both lines
beyond North Berwick. The Portland, Saco & Ports-
mouth was then so under the influence of the East-
ern that it rejected the offer at the meeting at
which Judge Rice was present and made it, and con-
tinued its arrangement with the Eastern at six per
cent, instead of the eight it could have been sure of
receiving. The Maine Central was also to lay a double
track from North Berwick to Portland, which he judged
would accommodate the business and cost but little in
comparison with the millions that a separate and
nearly parallel line would necessarily cost.
Failing in this he then made an effort to arrange
with the Boston & Maine in regard to the through
business of his road, as that road had accommodation
for his freight which the Eastern had not.
After correspondence and conference the Boston
& Maine appointed a committee consisting of the pres-
ident and Messrs. White and Beckford of the directors
to meet the Maine Central and adjust the terms and
prepare an agreement to be presented to the Board
for its action thereon.
At the request of Judge Rice, in behalf of the
Maine Central, I met the committee in Boston, and
RAILROAD REMINISCENCES. 385
we spent several days in adjusting the terms of an
agreement. By it the Maine Central was to have the
charge of the through business, receive its profits and
pay its expenses, and pay to the Boston and Maine a
sufficient amount to enable it, with its net local earn-
ings, to pay to its stockholders an annual dividend of
ten per cent, in semiannual payments. There were
other provisions that were satisfactory to the Eastern,
so as to secure peace.
Finally, every point was agreed upon and put in
proper form, and the president of the Boston and
Maine, who was the chairman of the committee,
signed the committee's approval, and agreed to rec-
ommend the adoption of the agreement by his Board,
and the stockholders. When the report of the com-
mittee reached the directors and the stockholders
it failed of being adopted. The Boston & Maine
then went forward and completed its line into Port-
land, at a very heavy expense. Up to that time it
had been very economical, and my impression is (as
I write from memory, having no report at command)
that its entire stock and bonded debt were less than
nine millions of dollars.
I rendered one service to the stockholders of rail-
roads which I think is of substantial value. I pre-
pared and sent to the Legislature the bill for the
foreclosure of railroad mortgages, which was passed
and became the law of the state. Its distinguishing
feature is the provision that upon the completion of
the foreclosure, the holders of the bonds may at once
become the stockholders in a new corporation, in pro-
VOL. VII. 27
386 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
portion to their bonds, to continue in the possession
and management of the road, subject to prior claims
thereon.
This saves the small stockholders from being frozen
out by the sale of an equity, that may in some cases be
worth millions, for a comparatively small amount to a
combination of a few rich owners, and secures to every
one his fair proportion of the value of the property.
Under the provisions of this act the holders of the
second mortgage bonds of the Kennebec & Portland
Railroad, which at the time of the foreclosure were sel-
ling at from fifteen to twenty dollars per hundred,
became the stockholders of the Portland and Kenne-
bec, and their stock became worth much more than
one hundred dollars per share several years ago ; while
a sale of their equity in the road under the old law
would not have given them twenty per cent, of the
amount they subsequently received.
A similar law throughout the Union would have
saved millions for those who had not the means to
get into the small syndicate of purchasers.
ADDENDUM.
BY JOSIAH H. DRUMMOND.
THERE are important and interesting historical facts
connected with the railroad controversy in 1871 and
1872, which should be stated in connection with the
history given by Mr. Bradbury.
In 1870 the competition between the Eastern and
Boston & Maine was exceedingly sharp ; unfortunately
RAILROAD REMINISCENCES. 387
parties had secured an interest in the Eastern who
were disposed to use it for speculative purposes. This
they believed could be effected by obtaining the sole
control of the Portland, Saco & Portsmouth Kail-
road. The first movement in this direction was to
terminate the contract of 1847 for the use of that
railroad by the Boston & Maine and the Eastern,
which could be done by notice by any one of the
three parties and the payment of two hundred thou-
sand dollars forfeit.
The Eastern gave the requisite notice to terminate
the contract on the first day of January, 1871 ; it
also effected a contract, dated May 5, 1871, the pre-
cise terms of which were not made public or brought
out in the litigation which followed, but which was
understood to give the full control of the Portland,
Saco & Portsmouth to the Eastern. Thereupon the
latter company advertised that it would put on a
through express train on June 5, in addition to its
other trains, both ways between Boston and Portland.
Of course the Boston & Maine was practically com-
pelled to do the same. There was some question in
the minds of its officers whether the Eastern would
draw the cars of the Boston & Maine on those trains,
and they consulted counsel in Portland with the view
of an appeal to the courts in case of refusal. Later
they became satisfied that there would be no refusal,
and so notified their counsel, but requested him to be
in his office on the fifth.
But they were disappointed ; the new train ran by
the Junction, and the Eastern refused to draw the
388 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
cars of the Boston & Maine on that train ; in the same
manner it refused to draw the Boston & Maine cars
from Portland on the corresponding train to Boston.
An application was made for an injunction practi-
cally to compel the Portland, Saco & Portsmouth (or
really, as it was alleged, the Eastern) to draw the Boston
& Maine cars on those trains ; as the matter was pressing
and delay almost ruinous, application was made for an
injunction, without any hearing, upon the giving of a
sufficient bond ; the application was granted upon the
filing of a bond for fifty thousand dollars ; the bill in
equity was filed June 6, 1871, and the injunction was
issued and served the next day. Of course it was
obeyed.
But on June 13, 1871, a motion to dissolve it was
filed, and later M hearing was had. While the motion
was addressed to Judge Walton, and must be acted
upon by him, it was heard by him in the presence of
five of the other judges at the Law Term in Bangor.
It was argued for the Portland, Saco & Portsmouth
by Judge Libbey, with whom Thomas K. Lothrop,
then president of the Eastern, was associated ; and
Henry W. Paine, then of Boston, was associated with
me for the Boston & Maine.
The court did not dissolve the injunction, but
allowed it to remain in force until the final decision of
the case. It must be borne in mind that this injunc-
tion was temporary, until the whole case should be
heard in the regular manner, and then if the injunc-
tion had been denied the Portland, Saco & Portsmouth
would have their remedy by enforcing the bond.
RAILROAD REMINISCENCES. 389
The Boston & Maine relied upon the act of 1842,
mentioned above by Mr. Bradbury, which compelled
the Portland, Saco & Portsmouth to draw its cars,
while the Portland, Saco & Portsmouth claimed that
the extent of its duty was to carry the passengers,
and, so far as it was concerned, the act of 1842 was
inapplicable or invalid. It is quite a curious coinci-
dence that thirty years after the enactment of this
statute the very parties, which had the contest over its
enactment, should be, for the first time, contesting its
application to them in the courts the Portland, Saco
& Portsmouth, with the Eastern behind it, on the one
side, and the Boston & Maine on the other.
When the application of the Boston & Maine for a
charter to extend its railroad into Portland was before
the Legislature in 1872, the Portland, Saco & Ports-
mouth were drawing the Boston & Maine cars on its
express trains only by the injunction of the court. I
well remember with what tremendous power Mr. Brad-
bury used this fact before the committee of the Legis-
lature in reply to the objection that the required no-
tice of the petition had not been given, and therefore
that no action could be had at that session.
It was intended and expected to make up the in-
junction case for the law court, but it had not been
actually done when Mr. Bradbury succeeded in obtain-
ing the charter for the extension; the injunction,
therefore, was continued in force till January, 1873,
when, as the extension into Portland had been com-
pleted, the case was dismissed without prejudice and
without costs, and the bond canceled, but left on the
files of the courts.
390 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
The Boston & Maine was first chartered under the
name of the " Maine, New Hampshire & Massachu-
setts Railroad Corporation," and its western terminus
was " the village of Great Falls in the town of Som-
ersworth, New Hampshire," instead of Dover.
THE MAST INDUSTRY OF OLD
FALMOUTH.
BY LEONARD B. CHAPMAN.
Rend before the Maine Historical Society, April 2$., 1896.
AT the time of the last settlement of Old Falmouth,
the land was covered by a native growth of soft and
hardwood trees, excepting a few places where clear-
ings had been commenced by those driven from the
soil by the Indians.
An idea of the kind of growth that covered Fal-
mouth Neck, now Portland, is obtained by the record
of the highway from the head of what is now known
as India Street then called King to Libby's
Corner in Deering, and at this date known by the
name of Congress Street. It was the first highway
voted by the new settlers and was in the year of 1728,
as follows :
The highway that goes from King Street up to the head of fore
River, beginning at the head of Middle St. where it comes into s d
way bounded as folio weth at a stake standing on the northern side
THE MAST INDUSTRY OF OLD FALMOUTH. 391
of said way Running south west and be west or there abouts to Mr.
Proctors fence, thence to a great Read oak tree marked with W
near as the way gose and from s d tree to another Red oak marked
with "W, thence to a large white oak tree marked with W, thence to
a large Red oke near a small brook or gulley marked with W,
thence to a large white oke tree with W thence to a Red oak tree
marked with a W. T. the way turnes to the marsh to a Red oak
tree by y e side of the marsh marked with W, thence cross y e
marsch to the point of upland to a small Birch marked with W and
.-a stone by it thence to a small white oke marked with W thence
to a large white oke marked with W, thence to a large Red Oke
to the norword marked with A W. against the head of y Round
marsh thence to Mr. Thams bound of his thirty acre lot. (Old
JFalmouth Records, City Clerk's office, Portland.)
Towering above all in certain localities was the
haughty pine, sought and procured for ships' masts,
yards and bowsprits, the less in size being used for
mill logs.
Mast procuring in those days was an industry of no
small proportions, compared with the means at the
disposal of those engaged in the business. The
market, or place of disposal of the product, was Eng-
land, and the business was under the ban of statutory
law. The Province of New Hampshire was the place
of commencement of the industry in New England as
the data I have been able to obtain shows, Samuel
Waldo appearing before the legislature of the Prov-
ince for the purpose of explaining the law, who, it is
believed, transferred his interest in the business to
ol. Thomas Westbrook in the year 1718 the
pioneer in the industry hereabouts, who established
himself temporarily at the place now known as Dun-
stan Landing, in the town of Scarboro, living, it is
392 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
conjectured, in what is termed in lumber regions, " a
lumberman's camp." Rev. Thomas Smith, the first
minister of Portland Neck, or Falmouth of the last
settlement, for his field of labor embraced the entire
township, frequently alludes in his diary to the act of
loading and the sailing of mast ships; but I propose
on this occasion to present to you statements founded
upon careful perusal of original records, to some of
which, now before me, I not only allude but invite
your attention, and the first is the account book of
Nathaniel Knight ; and I will here acknowledge that I
am indebted for its use to Miss Ruth E. Knight of
Auburn, this state, who has kindly loaned it to me.
Could it speak what an interesting story of local
history it would tell.
But who was Nathaniel Knight ? He was a son of
Nathan Knight, whose wife was a sister of Col.
Thomas Westbrook. Nathan Knight was the son of
George Knight, who died in Scarboro, October 9, 1671,,
will made same year. In 1720 this Nathan Knighfe
came to Duns tan and made a purchase of land at the
Landing and built a dwelling-house, which, on the
fifteenth day of November, 1748, for a consideration
of forty-five pounds, was conveyed to Richard King.,
gentleman, of Scarboro, by Nathan's children, eight
in number, Nathaniel who married with Priscilla Berry
being the eldest. Nathan was admitted to the Scar-
boro church September 12, 1731.
In the year 1735 he purchased a hundred acres of
land at Stroudwater Falls, a mile southerly of Sacca-
THE MAST INDUSTRY OF OLD FALMOUTH. 393
rappa village, where he built a good two-story
dwelling, the cellar hole being plainly visible at this
date. His children were :
1. Mary, born March 6, 1726.
2. Sarah, born March 17, 1728.
3. John, born June 10, 1730 ; died August 3, 1744, and tradi-
tion says carried off and murdered by Indians.
4. Hannah, born August 20, 1732.
5. Elizabeth, born September 16, 1734 ; died January 22, 1736.
6. Nathaniel, born August 1, 1735.
7. George, born Februrary 27, 1739.
8. Priscilla, born May 29, 1742 ; died September 24, 1743.
Nathaniel retained the homestead and married his
cousin Ruth Elden, of Buxton, December 12, 1782.
He was accustomed to say in his young manhood
that he would not marry, but his Uncle Elden, who
married his aunt, the sister of his father, would occa-
sionally inform him that he was raising him a wife, so
at the time above stated, he united in marriage with
Eld en's daughter, she being twenty-nine years his
junior. The farm, the best of the region, comprising
nearly two hundred acres and half a sawmill and a
good house, came into the possession of this Nathaniel.
The house was destroyed by fire, September 4, 1829,
while owned by John Knight, son of the second
Nathaniel and father to Miss Ruth E. Knight, alluded
to above as the possessor of the ancient account book
and other papers now before me. In course of time-
most of the farm went to the late Edward Chapman,
deceased, and is now owned by the City of Westbrook.
394 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
There is nothing recorded in this ancient book of
Nathaniel Knight, senior, that reveals the exact time
it was first used. Evidently memoranda were trans-
ferred to it from time to time. Under date of Feb-
ruary 9, 1728, I find as follows :
Col. Westbrook, Esq. Dr.
Then began ye Oak contract.
To dyating ye men when hewing at Dunstan 77-4-0
To making Walter Hinds Trowsers 0-5-6
To one day carrying things to Stroudwater 0-8-0
To Sundry times my horse and boy to Stroudwater 3-0-0
To 32 days hewing masts at Dunstan @ 7 pr day 14-8-0
To a house 44-0-0
This, evidently, was the house that stood at what
is known as the southwesterly corner of Westbrook
and Bond Street, Stroudwater, which was given the
name of " Harrow House," but is better known in
history as the " Garrison House," which was removed
to make room for the so-called Fickett house, built a
hundred years ago by Samuel Fickett.
The account then goes on :
To driving hogs to Stroudwater 0-8-0
To clearing roads at Dunstan 20-0-0
July 24, 1732. To whole years work which was our
agreement for 40-0-0
To finding myself in victuals in foul whether and from
Saturday night to Monday morning the whole year 10-0-0
November 26, 1732, he commences a record of
what he says is " An account of what Provisions I
found in Partnership with Thomas Westbrook, Esq.,
masting." The account covers four pages of this
THE MAST INDUSTRY OF OLD FALMOUTH. 395
long book, but I can make only two or three extracts
at this time as follows :
To myself 127^ days 63-15-0
To 28 loads of hay 84- 0-0
June 12, 1738, he begins an account with Col.
Westbrook as follows :
To hunting masts, fitting them, and clearing of roads.
The time covered was forty-seven weeks and he
charged one pound per day for his services, but there
is not a date entered after the first.
I will here state, though the fact is known to many,
that the highways, as now used in this vicinity, were
laid out for the purpose of transporting mast logs in
connection with the rivers, and cleared or opened by
Col. Westbrook and others engaged in the mast busi-
ness.
November 1, 1744, he opens an account with Sol-
omon Bragdon, who owned the sawmill on the Stroud-
water River, above the Falls mill, and known fifty
years ago and later as the Curtis mill, as follows :
To 72 %. days work hunting, fitting, clearing and hailing masts,
72-10-0.
Then he charges for going up the Stroudwater River,
" twitching masts into the river, clearing river, bring-
ing down the river," " to soldiers work paid for," and
and then " twitching masts out of the river." Brag-
don is charged also for hauling masts at " Horse Beef "
and at Saccarappa self and four oxen four days
5-10-0.
396 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
For the purpose of showing who Bragdon was I re-
fer to Vol. 2, page 527, time 1761, Cumberland County
Registry of Deeds, as follows :
In consideration of Love and Affection, I Jeremiah Jordan of
Falmouth convey to my beloved grandson and daughters Solomon
Bragdon, Deborah Bragdon, Mehitable Bragdon and Sarah Brag-
don, the heirs of my daughter Deborah Bragdon, the wife of Capt.
Solomon Bragdon of Scarboro, deceased at Spur wink in Falmouth
50 acres of land, etc."
Vol. 2, p. 439, same, and same records. Considera-
ation same as foregoing :
Solomon Bragdon of Scarboro to my son Solomon of Scarboro 60
acres of land in Scarboro, one fourth part of one saw in my saw mill
in Scarboro, now standing on Stroudwater river with the one half
of my privilege on s d streem. The 60 acres was granted to John
Wentworth Esq & Henry Bigford by the proprietors of Scarboro,
etc.
July 24, 1749, and June 5, 1751, he charges Capt.
Joshua Bangs with certain masts at the rate of one
pound per inch in diameter, and Col. Jedediah Preble
at the same rate at the same time.
From the reading of a certain part of the book it
appears he was at one time in company with his
neighbor Babb.
The exact time that George Tate came to this
country as the king's mast agent does not appear by
records, but in the year 1753 he purchased a lot at
Stroudwater and built the house as now seen, though
some changes in the roof were made by a son of his
near the year 1800. His career as a procurer of
masts does not appear in a connected form. He was
a merchant in England, and a few family relics of his
THE MAST INDUSTRY OF OLD FALMOUTH. 397
still exist, one of which is the large family Bible, con-
taining the names of his children and date of time
when born, from which the following is copied :
THE TATE FAMILY.
George Tate, born in London, Eng. Apr. 20, 1700 ; d. 1794 1
Children of George and Eleanor Tate, b. in Eng.
1. Samuel Tate, b. Aug. 3, 1738 ; d -
2. William, " b. Nov. 15, 1740; d. Aug. 1833, in London.
3. George, " b. Nov. 7, 1741 ; died young.
4. George 2 nd The Admiral, b. June 14, 1746 ; d. 1824, at St.
Petersburg.
5. Robert Tate, b. Jan. 23, 1751 ; d. at Barbadoes, 1801.
In the month of May, 1757, Nathaniel Knight
opened an account with Mr. Tate and charges him
with sixty large spars two hundred and fifty pounds.
The charges for masts are few, but the account con-
tinued till January 7, 1769, when a settlement was
made, Mr. Tate writing the receipt for the balance
due Mr. Knight which appears in this old book. For
two-thirds of three masts, Mr. Tate was charged 300 ;
thirteen pounds veal, 1-7-0, and six turkeys,
6-15-0.
September 30, 1754, Mr. Knight came under obli-
gations to furnish Capt. Samuel and Francis Waldo
with a certain number of masts, mainyards and bow-
sprits. The copy, evidently in the hand of one of the
Waldoes, is nearly as fresh as one a year old. '
An abstract reads as follows :
Falmouth, Sep. 30, 1754. I Nathaniel Knight of Falmouth, do
hereby covenant and agree with Messrs. Samuel & Francis Waldo
1 Gravestone at Stroudwater. See Maine Historical and General Recorder,
Vol. II p., 195.
398 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
to Procure & deliver them at Presumscot Dam & Stroudwater
Landing on or before the Twenty-fifth day of October next, the
afore mentioned fifteen main masts, eight fore masts, ten main
yards & ten bowsprits of ye exact Dimentions & Lengths aforesaid
at the rate of two shillings & four pence per Inch diameter for ye
masts yards & Bowsprits which are to be chiefly Apple pines,
alias Norways, & all sd masts & Bowsprits that are over twenty
Inches diameter are to be hewed into Sixteen Squares & thereunder
& yards into Eight Squares as is customary. The above said
masts, yards & Bowsprits are to be handsome straight & sound
sticks, free from Defects of all sorts & are to be delivered on sd
Day & place aforementioned, under the penalty of Two hundred
Pounds.
A little later than the date of this contract,
Nathaniel Knight and. one John Libby constituted
a company, as appears by the old books, for the pro-
curement of masts, and a long list of names of those
who were employed with oxen appear.
Labor was very low at this date. Two shillings
and eight pence paid for a day's labor. William
Haskell is credited with sixteen shillings for self and
two oxen three days.
To Mr. George Johnson, grandson of John Johnson,
who settled upon the wild land, a mile westerly of
Stroudwater in 1747, upon which George now resides,
I am indebted for original papers relating to mast
procuring in the year 1769, copies of which I here
present as follows :
Provinc of ) By the Serveyor General of
New Hampshire j His Majesty's Woods in North America.
Having had application made to me by Edmund Wendell, Agent
to John Durand & Anthony Baron Esq rs under Contract to His Maj-
esty, for supplying the Royal Navy with Masts, Yards & Bow-
THE MAST INDUSTRY OF OLD FALMOUTH. 399
sprits that Lycense be granted to Mess 1 ' 8 John Johnson, James
Johnson, David Small, William Lamb, William Webb all of Fal-
mouth, & Richard Maberry of Windham, in the County of Cum-
berland in the Province of the Massachusetts Bay to go with their
Workmen into the King's Woods in the Township of New Glou-
cester and half of Bakers Town [now Poland] in the County &
Province aforesaid there to cutt & hall Fifty white pine Trees for
Masts, Yards, and Bowsprits being agreed for and to be delivered
to the said Edmund Wendell for the aforesaid Contract, and
Whereas by His Majestys Royal Lycense dated 28th day of October,
1768, to me directed I am authorized to grant such permission.
I do therefore in obedience thereunto grant Lycense to the said
John Johnson, and Company as above named to go into the said
Township of New Gloucester & half of Bakers Town, then, to cutt
and hall to the most convenient Landing, fifty White pine masts
which fifty white pine Trees first to be surveyed and marked by an
Officer lawfully deputed & authorized for said service who is hereby
required to attend said Survey when requested And said Masts to
be delivered to said Edmund Wendell as agent, or to the Agent for
the time being of said Mast Contract also to transmit & deliver
to me, under Solemn Oath, within one year of the Date hereof, an
exact account of the Number and dimensions of White pine Trees
cutt, fell & hailed by virtue of this Lycense. In the execution of
which you are directed not to interfere with or molest any other
workmen lycensed. For all of which and every part thereof this
shall be your full & sufficient Warrant, Dated at Portsmouth, 30th
August, 1769.
J. WENT WORTH. 1
MEMORANDA of Agreemen made & Concluded upon by & be-
tween Edmund Wendell of Portsmouth In the Province of New Hamp-
shire, Merch* of the one part & John Johnson, James Johnson, David
Small, William Lamb. William Porterfield, Jesse Partridge &
William Webb of Falmouth and Richard Mayberry of Windham,
all of the County of Cumberland, Province of the Massachusetts
Bay, Yeoman, of the other part Witnesseth :
1 John Wentworth was governor in 3765.
400 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
That the said John Johnson, James Johnson, David Small,
William Lamb, William Porterfield, Jesse Partridge, W m Webb &
Richard Maberry, for themselves & their Respective Heirs, Exec-
utors, Administrators & Assigns, do hereby Covenant, promise &
agree to & with the said Edw. Wendell, his Executors, Administra-
tors & Assigns, to procure & deliver him or them, at the Common
& Usual place of Delivery at Falmouth aforesaid, on or before the
Thirtieth day of July Next Ensuing, from the date hereof, the fol-
lowing Number & sizes of Masts Yards & Bowsprits, to be sound
& good fit for his Majesty's use, as shall be so esteemed by him the
said Edmund Wendell, or by any other person, the sd. Edmund
Wendell shall think proper to appoint to receive such Masts &c, &
to be hew'd into their sixteen squares viz :
2. Two Mast Thirty- two Inches diameter 32 yards long at
Forty-five pounds Sixteen shillings sterling.
2. Two do Thirty One Inch 8 do 31 yd do at Thirty five pound
four shillgs. *
6. Six do Thirty Inc 8 do 30 yd do at Twenty Eight pound.
10. Ten do Twenty Nine Inch 8 do 29 yd at Twenty two pound
Eight shillgs.
6. Six do Twenty Eight Inch" do 29 yd do at Eighteen pound
Eight shillgs.
6 Six do Twenty Seven Inch 8 do at 29 yd do at Fourteen pound
Eight shillgs.
4. Four do Twenty Six Inch 8 do 28 yd do at Twelve pound Six-
teen shillgs.
36 Masts
1. One Bowsprit Thirty five Inch 8 do 23^ yd do at Thirty four
pound.
3. Three do Thirty four Inch 8 do 23 yd do at Thirty two
pound.
3. Three do Thirty two Inch 8 do 21^ yd do at Twenty three
pound four shillgSf
2. Two do Thirty Inches do 0^ yd at Sixteen pounds.
9 Bowsprits
THE MAST INDUSTRY OF OLD FALMOUTH. 401
1 . One Yard Twenty four Inch 8 do 34 yd do at Twenty five
pound Twelve shillgs.
1. One Yard Twenty three Inch 8 do 32 yd do at Twenty pound
Eight shillgs.
2. Two do Twenty two Inch do 31 yd do at Sixteen pound Six-
teen shillgs.
1. One do Twenty Inch do 28 yd at Eleven pound twelve shillgs.
5 Yards
We the said parties do further agree that the above Stipulated
prices are to be paid for each & every such Mast, Yard & Bowsprit
that on delivery shall be found fit for his Majesty's use, In Cash,
unless We should have Occasion Of supply's, in which Case we
agree to take of said Edmund Wendell, (If he inclines to supply.)
To the True & faithful performance of these presents, We bind &
Oblige ourselves Jointly, & severally by these presents & Each of
our respective Heirs, Executors & Assigns, Each to the other In
the penal sum of Two Thousand Pounds Sterling money of Great
Britain.
In Witness whereof the parties have hereunto Interchangeably set
their hands & Seals the Fifth day of September Anno Domini One
Thousand Seven hund'd & Sixty-Nine. Falmouth Casco Bay.
Edmund Wendell [ Seal ]
John Johnson Jn [ Seal ]
James Johnson, Jur. [ Seal ]
Sign'd, Seal'd & Delever'd Daniel Small [ Seal ]
In the presence of W m Lamb [ Seal ]
William Siemens William Porterfield [ Seal ]
Stephen Riggs Jesse Partridge [ Seal ]
William Webb [ Seal ]
Richard Mayberry [ Seal ]
Four months after the signing of the foregoing, the
company received a communication as follows :
PORTSMOUTH, 26th Dec, 1769.
GENTLEMEN : I have it in command from His Excellency Gov-
ernor Wentworth to acquaint you He has received the Complaint of
VOL. VII. 28
402 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Messes. Wm. Siemens & George Knight of Falmouth that you &
your Company have contrary to your License for cutting Mast Trees
interfered with the said Slemons & Knight in their District by en-
tering upon their half of Bakers Town as agreed upon by a dividing
Line between yourselves, cutt down & barked two considerable
large Trees much to their Damage By which means you have
exposed yourselves not only to an action of Damage from the sd.
Slemons & Knights ; but of Trespass from the Surveyor General,
and it is his Orders that you immediately settle the matter to the
Satisfaction of Messes. Slemons and Knight within a month from
this time, otherwise His Excellency is determined to bring an action
against you for Trespass in a court of Admiralty which you'll do
well to avoid. I am Gentlemen
Your most hum. Svt.
JOHN HURD.
To Messes.
James John Jun.'& Company Mast cuttters & License.
It seems that the Johnson party of mast-cutters got
over the line agreed upon and cut two trees, and
Messrs. Wm. Slemons and George Knight entered a
complaint against them. This is the first and only in-
timation I have that Slemons & Knight were in the
mast business. Slemons lived where Mr. Fred A.
Johnson now resides, in the same Slemons house, west-
erly of Stroudwater; and Knight, who was a son of
Nathaniel Knight alluded to in the foregoing, and be-
came son-in-law to Slemons, being married January 6,
1771, lived on the Buxton road, a mile or more west-
erly of the Johnsons.
The matter of trespass was settled by arbitration,
James Milk, Richard Codman and John Waite being
chosen referees, who, after a bond had been signed by
Messrs. Slemons and Knight in the sum of 100
THE MAST INDUSTRY OF OLD FALMOUTH. 403
lawful money to abide by the award, brought in that
the Johnson Company should pay Messrs. Siemens &
Knight 7-14-6, and that Slemons and Knight should
pay the others for cutting the trees forty shillings.
Accompanying the papers from which the foregoing
copy is made, is the original acknowledgement dated
September 10, 1770, that the money was received and
signed by William Slemons.
A statement made by Wendell dated November,
1770, shows that the Johnson Company received from
him 1375-15-9 lawful money, among the items of
which is one of 400-8-6 paid on an order in favor
of George Tate, and one in favor of Joshua Went-
worth for 35-13-0, thus making it appear doubtful
who J. Wentworth really was that signed the license
whether John Wentworth, governor of New
Hampshire or Joshua Wentworth, another character.
Jonathan Sparrow was a trader at Stroudwater
about fifteen years. In his old daybook, date of June
21, 1804, I select the following:
ASA FICKETT Dr.
To 1 18^ Inch. Mast f $16.96
To carrying dow the same .38
Nov. 17, 1804
JOSEPH MCLELLAN & SON Dr.
To Twelve Masts, 212 inches $189.50
To carrying down the Same 2/ " 4.00
Nov. 17. 1804.
JOHN TABER & SON Dr.
To Eighteen Masts, 3 10, inches $371.26
To carrying down the same, 6.00
$277.26
404 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
These parties were business men in Portland and
" carrying down the same " means, down Fore River
to Portland.
A period of one hundred and sixty-eight years has
passed since the mast industry was commenced in
what is now termed Old Falmouth. The lofty pine
tree has passed away, probably forever. Eecord
evidence of the events of the time is scarce. Rec-
ords of the footprints of the actors are difficult of
obtainrnent. Places of rest of the earthly part of
their lives are not known. Long may the few manu-
script records live in a manner that will illustrate the
good deeds of those who felled the forest trees and
made the water of the river assist in the labors of
civilization, and the hillside bring forth sweet grasses.
One relic of which time, this mammoth mast-chain,
turned up by the plow in the hands of Mr. George
Johnson, some fifty years ago, in the "Johnson
ninety-acre field," located in front of the site of the
first John Johnson dwelling-place in Falmouth, now
Deering, in his behalf, I now present to this Society. 1
Henceforward it is for you to keep, with this meager
offering of mine.
iThe chain presented is now with the relics of the past belonging to the Society;
and for a short sketch of the Johnson family, and a cut of the modernized family
abode, see "History of Cumberland County of 1880."
ANCIENT NAGUAMQUEEGL 405
ANCIENT NAGUAMQUEEG.
BY SAMUEL T. DOLE.
Read before the Maine Historical Society, February 6, 1895.
THE territory of New Marblehead (now Windham)
was confirmed to the petitioners on June 7, 1735,
and they at once began preparations to comply with
the conditions imposed by the Great and General
Court of Massachusetts, and believing that a sawmill
would tend to encourage settlers to come here, we
find that at a proprietors' meeting held in old Marble-
head, August 8, 1735, it was put to vote, to see if a
sawmill should be built in said township at the
general charge. This, however, passed in the nega-
tive, and the meeting adjourned to the twenty-first
of the same month, at which time the following com-
munication was presented for their consideration,
which I copy verbatim from the old records :
To the Grantees of the Township upon Presumscot River, laid
out to several Inhabitants of Marblehead : this Manifesto of George
Pigot, Clerk, Declareth that upon the grant of one Mill right, and
Two acres of land thereunto adjoining to him his heirs and assigns
forever, he will undertake to Erect a Sawmill upon the falls of the
Great River next above the Township lots before Michaelmas Day
1736. Provided he have convenient Highways leading to said mill
laid out by order of the Grantees, with Liberty to cut Timber off
the School lot. George Pigot.
Accordingly it was voted that the above manifesto
be allowed and granted to said Pigot r so long as he or
406 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
his assigns keep up a mill there. This flourish of
trumpets, however, amounted to nothing and we hear
no more about a mill until January 12, 1738, or more
than two years later at which time there were but
four families in the township, viz.: Thomas Chute,
William Mayberry, Stephen Manchester and John
Farrow. On that day it was
Voted, That whereas it is the opinion of the proprietors or
grantees, that the grant made to the Rev. Mr. George Pigot is void,
it appearing to the proprietors that he did not erect said mill by
Michaelmas day 1736, nor hath yet erected the same, nor begun it,
therefore,
Voted, That the committee formerly appointed for receiving the
proposals of any of the proprietors relating to erecting a sawmill,
take under their further consideration the proposal of Ebenezer
Hawks and others, and make report at the adjournment of this
meeting.
At the adjournment on January 19, 1738, this com-
mittee reported as follows :
Forasmuch as it is thought by the said proprietors to be very
expedient to have one or more sawmills upon some part of the
aforesaid tract of land, and conducive to their general good, and
advantage ; and forasmuch as Messrs. Ebenezer Hawks, Black-
smith, William Goodwin, Carpenter, Isaac Turner, Carpenter, and
Ebenezer Stacey, Shoreman all of Marblehead, in the County of
Essex, four of the proprietors have manifested their desires, and
inclinations upon suitable encouragement, to erect and set up 'one or
more sawmills upon some part or place of said tract of land suitable
for that purpose, it was voted for their encouragement in the under-
taking that there be and hereby is given and granted to the above
named Ebenezer Hawks and others all ; the proprietors right, title
and interest in and to any one of the falls of water in the main
river lying above the great bridge lately erected over said river at
their choice or election, together with all the privilege thereunto
ANCIENT NAGUAMQUEEG. 407
belonging, and ten acres of land to be laid out on the northeaster-
most corner of four acres of common land, ordered to lay in common
for the use of said mill as a landing place to lay logs on.
Then follows a list of conditions full of that quaint
legal phraseology our ancestors were wont to use in
their business transactions, from which we learn that
Mr. Hawks and his associates were bound to begin the
erection of their mill on or before the first day of
August, 1738, and have it ready for operation before
the last day of the November following ; they were
also to improve the residue of their water power with
any kind of mills they might think proper, within
five years, also they were positively forbidden to
obstruct by dams or otherwise the free passage of logs
or rafts over said falls. One proviso here recorded
shows, or at least gives us a hint, of the unsettled
state of affairs at that time, for says the old record,
If in case of a war with the Indians the said Hawks and his
associates shall be obstructed in the fulfilment of any condition on
their part, then they shall be allowed the same length of time after
the close of said war, for performing the conditions as is above
limited.
After mature deliberation, these gentlemen selected
as the site of their future operations the falls next
above ancient Saccarappa, at a place called by the
Indians Naguamqueeg, now known as Mallison Falls.
And they chose wisely and well, for the water power
here is one of the best on the river, and at that time
a magnificent forest of pine, hemlock, oak and ash
timber grew in profusion along the river's bank, and
crowned the hilltops on every hand. In fact, the
408 MAINE HISTOKICAL SOCIETY.
whole township was one dense forest almost un-
touched by the woodman's ax.
Having settled the question of locality, these
gentlemen commenced to build the mill at the
appointed time and were making rapid progress when
they were suddenly interrupted by the Indians, who
forbade their building at that place, and by threats
and menaces drove the workmen away, and the work
was suspended for a time. Shortly after, however, a
compromise of some kind was made with the savages,
and the enterprise carried to a successful completion,
and on December 13, 1740, they were able to report
that they had finished and put in operation a sawmill
on said falls ; whereupon the proprietors confirmed
the grant, laid out the ten acres as voted, and also
the common lot of four acres, together with the
necessary roads ; and a plan of the whole was entered
on the proprietor's book of records where it is still to
be seen. This was the first mill of any kind erected
within the limits of the township, and remained, with
various repairs and additions, until the spring of 1843,
when the last of its venerable timbers disappeared in
a great freshet which occured on the river in that
year. It was, according to the best information I can
obtain, about fifty feet long by thirty wide, and
appears to have been an exceedingly wide and sim-
ple affair, containing but one up-and-down saw, put in
motion by an old-fashioned undershot, or as our
ancestors called it, " a flutter wheel." It had none of
the modern appliances for either despatch or economy
in the process of manufacture ; in fact, they were
ANCIENT NAGUAMQUEEG. 409
unable to saw much beside boards and planks. To do
even this they were obliged first to saw the log into
a square stick of timber, and then from one side
manufacture a board, or plank, as the case might be,
and so on until the log was made into the required
article, when another would be subjected to the same
slow process. But with all its inconveniences this
first mill was an important factor in the early growth
of the town. It enabled the settlers to build a better
class of dwellings than is usually found in a new
settlement, and gave a decided impetus to the timber
trade ; which in after years became a source of consid-
erable revenue to the inhabitants.
Several years after this a mill was erected on the
Gorham side of the river, similar in construction and
for the same purpose, but it is said a little better
equipped for business for, whereas the first mill had no
edging saw, this one was the fortunate possessor of
that most necessary piece of machinery. This mill
stood on Mallison's grant, but who built it, or when it
was first put in operation, I am not able to state. But
it is written in the " History of the Libby Family in
America," that Joseph Libby, born in Scarborough,
March 24, 1732, came to Gorham in 1760, and bought
the privilege, and for many years carried on a saw-
mill there : and for aught anyone knows to the
contrary, may have been the first man to improve the
water power on that side of the river. But certain
it is that during its history it had, like its near neigh-
bor, many owners. After Libby came a Mr. Johnson,
then Capt.' Joshua Suett, a Revolutionary soldier who
410 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
died here in 1851 aged eighty-nine years. After
him came his son, Col. Clark Suett, a man highly
esteemed by all who knew him, and who died in 1839,
at the age of forty-eight ; after his decease the mill
was occupied for some years by Jonathan Stevens
and his son William, who leased it of the late Nathan
Winslow, into whose hands the property on both
sides of the river had previously fallen. This was the
last lumbering of any amount done here. These
mills became the center of a thriving village which in
point of age antedates any other in Windham.
In the prosperous days of the lumber business
there were at least twenty dwelling-houses here,
together with two grocery stores, one tannery, one
grist-mill, a small paper mill, a pottery, the first of
the kind in town, one blacksmith's shop, arid a local
physician, Dr. Henry Dupee, who resided here for
some years and then removed to Portland where he
died according to " Deane's Diary," in March, 1811.
In 1822, the Free Baptists erected a small church
edifice here, which was one of the first built by that
denomination in Cumberland County. But as time
elapsed the lumber interest in this vicinity declined
rapidly as .the land became denuded of trees suitable
for milling purposes, and in a few years this once
flourishing village began to show signs of decay and
dissolution ; this was especially the case when in 1822,
a company of Portland capitalists purchased the
water power at Little Falls, three-quarters of a mile
above, and built a large cotton mill which they
operated with uniform success for many years. This
ANCIENT NAGUAMQUEEG. 411
corporation gave employment to many who resided
in the old village, and several moved their houses to
the new center of business, until but two or three of
the original dwellings were left, and aside from these
nothing remained of the once busy and thriving
hamlet but ruined cellars and moss-grown foundation
stones scattered here and there along the principal
street, and so endeth the early history of ancient
Naguamqueeg.
A few words in regard to the names these falls
have borne at different times may not be amiss here ;
as we have seen, they were called by the Indians
Naguamqueeg, and they are so termed in the propri-
etors' book of records. In 1739-40, while building the
dam and mill they were re-christened Horse Beef, a
name they bore without question for nearly one
hundred years, the origin of which, I was informed
by a gentleman who was old when I was a boy, came
about in this wise. He said that when the propri-
etors commenced operations on their mill there were,
of course, no houses in the vicinity. So they built a
temporary dwelling in which to board and lodge their
workmen ; among other things necessary for their
sustenance, a barrel of beef was procured ; this the
men one and all pronounced of the best quality until
one unlucky day the cook produced the hoofs of a
horse which he solemnly declared he had found in the
beef barrel. This produced a tremendous sensation
of course, but investigation proved it to be a fact;
so they headed up the barrel, hoofs and all, rolled it
over the dam, and renamed the falls " Horse Beef."
412 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
In 1830, when the Cumberland and Oxford Canal
was opened to traffic, an attempt was made to change
this queer name to " Lock Falls," and they are thus
designated in a few deeds of that date, which have
come to my knowledge ; but the name never came
into general use, and is now, and for many years past
has been almost forgotten, and the old name Horse
Beef was used until 1866, when a company of gentle-
men in this vicinity purchased the old sawmill site on
Windham side, and built a woolen mill, and in their
charter they were styled the "Mallison Falls Manu-
facturing Company," and the falls by common usage
are now called Mallison Falls.
THOMAS CHUTE.
THE FIRST SETTLER OF WINDHAM, MAINE, AND HIS DESCENDANTS.
BY WILLIAM GOOLD.
Read before the Maine Historical Society, December 23, 1882.
THOMAS CHUTE, the first settler of Windham, was
born in London in 1690, and emigrated to Marble-
ead, Massachusetts, previous to 1725. The first
ge in his carefully kept book of accounts bears
that ('ate. He notes that he raised his house on the
twenty-ninth of February, 1729. He kept a house
of enterta.inu.-ent, and sold all kinds of drinks toddy,
wines, flip, and +he like, and often charged his cus-
THOMAS CHUTE. 413
tomers for melting his pewter pots. There was very
little money in circulation which compelled the
charging of the smallest articles which were finally
paid for in barter. The wealthiest people did not
hesitate to have a grog score in the public house in
what Chute called his " drink book," and when it
became large enough it became a debtor item in his
account book. He also dealt in other kinds of mer-
chandise, hardware, dry goods and crockery. He was
also a tailor, making up his own clothes and those
brought to him by his customers. He also made suits
of colors for vessels, and has on the cover of the book
the quantity of bunting of each color required for an
ensign, and for a suit British of course.
Chute soon became the owner of buildings which
he rented. In 1730 a barber is charged with half a
year's shop rent, six pounds, and on the opposite page
is credited with the " curling of his wig," and " half a
years shaving 10 shilling," also, for " a wig for his
son," and " shaving his head to receive it." He also
had a horse to let, often " double," that was for two
persons to ride on his back at the same time. He
sometimes let his chaise to go to Boston. This was a
pleasure vehicle that was very rare in those days.
In 1733 Mr. Chute was appointed deputy sheriff
by Benjamin Marston, high sheriff of Essex County
and we have his original commission. A large part
of his book is taken up with charges for the service
of writs. The high sheriff was entitled to a share of
the fees which compelled the deputy to keep a book
separate, with the sheriff, in which each writ is
414 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
entered; we have that, also, from which we learn
that in the four years which he held the office he
served neasly one thousand writs, besides other pre-
cepts. Mr. Chute served writs for Wm. Shirley,
who was afterwards appointed governor of the prov-
ince. The first charge to him is in 1733. His
biographers have it that he did not come from Eng-
land until two years later.
James Bowdoin, subsequently governor of the state,
Brigadier Waldo, and Andrew and Peter Faneuil, are
charged with the service of writs in Essex County.
In the book the name of Faneuil is spelt Funel the
same as it is on the family tomb in the Granary
bury ing-ground.
By his book Chute seems to have served occasion-
ally as an attorney as well as deputy sheriff, and did
not hesitate to treat the jury and witnesses. The
following charges were made in 1735 :
Alexander Watts, Mariner.
Dec. To my attending the court three days at Salem,
2 s per day 6 shillings
To my expenses 15 shillings
To cash I gave to treat the jury . . . .10 shillings
We got our case Hines appeals.
At the review of the case he charged again :
1736, May Court. To cash paid Mr. Gridley,
ye lawyer ...... 1 pound
This was Jeremiah Gridley of Boston, who after-
wards became the king's attorney. One pound for
attending court at Salem and making a plea seems at
THOMAS CHUTE. 415
this time a very small fee for one of Gridley's ability
and celebrity. The next charge is :
To cash to treat ye jury after they gave ye cause in
favor of you . . . . . . .10 shillings
At the Ipswich term in the following October, in
another case for the same client, there is a similar
charge for treating the jury, and another for treating
" ye witnesses."
In 1733 Sheriff Marston is charged for cash paid for
whipping John Barnor, and for putting him in jail.
Soon after the treaty with the Indians in 1727, it
was decided by the provincial government to survey
a second or back tier of townships, between Salmon
Falls River and the Androscoggin, and offer them to
settlers on very easy terms. For nearly a century
the old towns had formed a single line between the
ocean and the wilderness, and never were a people's
prudence and heroism more severely tried by the In-
dian enemy. Four new townships were granted :
one of which was New Marblehead, now Windham, on
the petition of inhabitants of old Marblehead in Essex
County.
Thomas Chute was one of the original grantees of
the township, and was chosen one of a committee of
three to accompany the committee of the General
Court in the location and survey of the township,
which was begun in April, 1735. In the distribution
of lots Chute drew home lot number twelve. He
soon decided to make himself a home in the new
township. After closing his business in Essex County
he, with his family, came to Falmouth in the spring
416 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
of 1737. The last entry in his book in Marblehead
is under date of April twenty-fifth. He did not im-
mediately go to the new township, but remained in
Falmouth, where he commenced his old business of
keeping a house of entertainment and working at his
trade. His book contains charges against many of the
leading men of the town, Rev. Mr. Smith, Col.
Thomas Westbrook, and Moses Pearson, for whom in
1738 he made" a plush coat and britches trimmed
with silver lace." From his account we learn that Mr.
Pearson kept an Indian boy, who wore a red jacket,
and a negro, both of whom wore leather breeches.
The church record of the first parish in Falmouth, in
October, 1738, has this entry :
Thomas Chute, Mary his wife, and Abagail, their daughter,
being regularly dismissed from Marblehead church, were admitted
to the one here.
While living at Falmouth, Chute had been prepar-
ing for a new home in the new township, ten miles
off. The precise date of his removal to New Marble-
head is not known. His first charge in the book there
is against Rev. John Wight, the first minister of the
town, for twenty-nine week's board. He was ordained
and settled in the town in December, 1743, and Chute
and his family were dismissed from the Falmouth
church and recommended to that at New Marblehead.
Mr. Chute in his new home became the first settler
of the township. His house was near the shore of
Presumpscot river, which was the best highway to Sac-
carappa, three miles off, where his nearest neighbors
lived. The settlers in the new tier of towns were
THOMAS CHUTE. 417
really picket sentinels for the coast towns sure to
be attacked first in the event of an Indian war. In
1743, in expectation of a French and Indian war, the
General Court of the Province appropriated twelve
hundred pounds for the defense of the eastern set-
tlements, of which one hundred pounds was as-
signed to New Marblehead. This was expended by
a committee of the legislative council in building a
fort of square timber two stories high and fifty feet
on the sides, with flankers of twelve feet square at the
two diagonally opposite corners. These flankers each
contained a mounted swivel gun, furnished by the
proprietors of the township, and a long nine-pound
gun was mounted in front of the fort to fire as an
alarm gun. This was furnished by the Province, and
the whole work was enclosed by a palisade. This fort
was built in February and March, 1743. In the same
book already quoted, Mr. Chute charged for the labor
of himself, his son, and his hired man, on the fort to
the amount of sixteen pounds and six shillings, and
in December of the same year, he credited the Prov-
ince, by the hands of the committee, one hundred and
fifty pounds old tenor, to balance the charge of sixteen
pounds and ten shillings lawful money. Mr. Chute
continued his habits of thrift in the new town. Be-
sides the clearing of his farm he hauled masts to the
river and furnished the settlers with goods of different
kinds, made their clothes and entertained them with
drinks. His neighbors probably gathered at his house
after the labors ot the day, to hear from the outside
world, from some one who had been to town, as the
VOL. VII. 29
418 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
settlement at Falmouth Neck was called, and some
treated in their turn.
Moses Pearson continued his custom to Chute's
house after he removed to New Marblehead. It was
a half-way house on his way to Pearsontown, now
Standish. He often stayed over night. Here is a
sample of Chute's charges to him, " To a bowl of toddy
and oats for ye horse." The same year is this charge:
" To one mug of flip when your son Freeman came
from logging." This was Joshua Freeman, his son-in-
law, who lived where Jeremiah Dow now does on Grove
Street. Rev. Dr. Deane married another of Pearson's
daughters, and fled to Freeman's when the town was
burnt in 1775. In 1749 Mr. Chute attended the Gen-
eral Court at Boston seventy-three days as agent to
defend the inhabitants against Capt. Daniel Hill's
petition : but there is no intimation in the book what
was the purport of the petition. In 1751 John Frost
of Kittery, justice of the Court of General Sessions,
issued a warrant to Chute as " one of the principal
inhabitants," to warn them to assemble for the choice
of officers, according to an act of the General Court.
This warrant is among the papers. In 1762 the town
was incorporated by the name of Windham, and Mr.
Chute was the town clerk from that year until 1766,
when he was chosen selectman, and charged for eight
days 1 work, making " town, county and province
rates." Mr. Chute died in 1770 aged eighty years.
His descendants can be numbered by hundreds. He
had an only son, Curtis, who had lived with the father
THOMAS CHUTE. 419
but was killed by lightning. In Parson Smith's jour-
nal of 1767, June 5, is this entry :
Curtis Chute and one young man were killed in an instant by the
lightning at the Widow Gooding's Harrison and others hurt, and
near being killed, and the house near being destroyed also.
Curtis Chute was a selectman, and in the town
clerk's book of records of Windhain is the following
vote recorded in town meeting :
Voted, that Peter Cobb be selectman and assessor this year in the
room of Curtis Chute, who was killed by the thunder June ye third
at Falmouth.
Thomas Chute had two daughters ; Sarah married
John Bodge of Windham, and was drowned in 1776.
Abigail married Cobham.
Curtis Chute, who was killed at Falmouth left a widow
and five children. She seems to have been a business
woman, and carried on the homestead farm, continued
the old family book of accounts, and reared her four
sons to be useful and respectable citizens. Josiah,
Thomas and James were in the army of the Revolu-
tion. John was selectman in 1806. Pie continued to
live on his grandfather's farm until about 1830, when
he moved to Naples and opened a public house at the
foot of Long Pond, where he died in 1857, aged
ninety years. He was father of John Chute, the
second cashier of Casco Bank. A daughter "married a
Mr. Church, who continued the public house. Josiah
Chute, the son of Curtis, and a grandson of the first
Thomas, was born June fourth, 1759. At the com-
420 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
mencement of the Revolution, he was sixteen years
old. He enlisted in the army and served two years,
but I do not learn with what body of troops he served.
On his discharge he again enlisted in a company
under Capt. Richard Mayberry of Windham. I have
the muster-master's book of records which has Chute's
name and that of his brother Thomas, and says they
were mustered with their company January 21, 1777.
From his former service Josiah was appointed a ser-
geant and clerk of the company. The muster-master's
book says the company was attached to the regi-
ment under Col. Francis. It became the fifth com-
pany of the eleventh regiment of the Massachusetts
Bay forces and was in the left wing of the army under
Gen. Gates in the campaign of 1777, which ended in
the capture of Burgoyne at Saratoga in October.
My own great-grandfather, Nathan Noble, belonging
to Capt. John Skilling's Falmouth and Scarborough
company, was killed by a musket shot in his head
while entering the British works alongside of Capt.
May berry's company just before the surrender. He
had fought for the English at Louisburg thirty- two
years before in the "Canada Expeditions" of 1757,
1758 and 1759 and now was killed by an English
bullet. He also served in Capt. Winthrop Boston's
company at the siege of Boston in 1776.
Chute was not at the surrender of Burgoyne. He
was wounded at the battle of Hubbardton, July
seventh, three months previous, when he received a
musket ball in his shoulder, and his commander, Col.
Francis was killed by his side while enquiring about
THOMAS CHUTE. 421
Chute's wound. He was taken prisoner and put into
a hospital tent, from which he and another made
their escape and were two weeks in the woods before
they got to a friendly settlement and finally reached
his home. After the healing of his wound which re-
quired two years, he returned to his regiment and
having only one month more to serve he obtained his
discharge which I have. It is written in the book of
his own muster-roll. It reads thus :
Headquarters Robinson's House, Peekskill Dec. 12 th 1779.
Sergeant Josiah Chute of the Eleventh Massachussetts regiment
having been reported as a faithful soldier who has been wounded in
battle, and thereby rendered unfit for duty, has leave of absence
from the camp until the first day of January next, in the year 1780.
As Major Knap has reported that the time for which said Chute
engaged to serve in the army, will expire on the said first day of
January next, he is not required to again join his regiment, but to
receive this as a discharge from the army of the United States of
America, as fully as if given after his time of service had expired.
By command of Maj. Gen. Heath.
Th. Cartwright
Aid de Camp.
Mr. Chute was then twenty-one years of age. He
came home to his widowed mother with his depreci-
ated Continental money in his pocket, with which he
was paid off, which was of small value, but he had
good pluck ; he commenced the ordinary business of
his life as if nothing had happened. He engaged in
farming, school teaching, and town business. He was
selectman twenty years, between 1788 and 1816.
He was representative to Massachusetts General Court
ten years, 1805-12 and 1817-20. He was a delegate
422 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
from his town to the convention that formed the con-
stitution of Maine in 1819. He was much respected
by his townsmen. The centennial of the incorpora-
tion of Windham occured in 1862. In response to an
invitation from the citizens of the town, Gov. John A.
Andrew of Massachusetts, a native of Windham, left
his pressing business of sending forward troops to the
army, and on the Fourth of July he delivered a cen-
tenial address to his former fellow citizens. In that
address he alluded to Josiah Chute and another his
fellow soldier, in these words :
But I must mention two men who never should be omitted
these two soldiers of the Revolution, Josiah Chute and John Swett :
venerable when first I knew them, yet intelligent and active. Many
times and oft, on a pleasant morning like this, have I rode with my
mother and listened to the story of events in which they played a
part. You know how warmly glows every emotion of the heart
when we return to the old family hearthstone. So long as memory
bears the recollections of childhood, so long as the earth of Windham
is consecrated by the sacred dust of one [his mother] whom no
fortunes of life can cause me to forget so long will her interests
and people be near and dear to my affectionate memories.
Josiah Chute died October 2, 1834, aged seventy-
five years, leaving seven sons and daughters.
How sleep the brave who sink to rest,
By all their country's wishes blest !
Mr. Chute's son, George W., remained at home,
and smoothed his father's pillow in his last days,
when the British bullet, which he had carried fifty-
five years, caused him pain.
This son, true to the original stock, was a valuable
citizen, and spent his life on the father's farm. Here
THOMAS CHUTE. 423
he substantially walled up a family burial lot, and
also a larger one adjoining, which he presented to the
town for public use. He died a bachelor, on the
twenty-third of November 1882, aged seventy-seven
years. By his will he set aside one thousand dollars,
to be expended by his executors in the erection of
two similar marble monuments in the family burial
lot : one to be inscribed to the memory of Thomas
Chute, his great-grandfather, and the other to his own
memory.
While I was preparing Mr. Chute's will, as he had
no descendants, he expressed a wish that I would
accept these family mementoes, his great-grandfather's
books and papers including the commission as deputy
sheriff, one hundred and fifty years old, and his
father's muster-rolls of December, 1778. One has his
discharge at Peekskill on the back. The other is
dated at West Point, January 1, 1779. They are prob-
ably duplicates. He authorized me to dispose of
them as I thought best for their safe keeping. The
rolls are very valuable. Of course it occurred to me
that the library of the Maine Historical Society was
the proper place for them, where they would be safe
and accessible to all. Accordingly I now present
them to the Society without reserve.
424 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
THE SIMANCAS MAP OF 1610.
BY REV. HEXRY S. BURR AGE.
Read before the Maine Historical Society, February 26, 1891.
IN the " Narrative and Critical History of Amer-
ica," ! Mr. Justin Winsor, in an editorial note, says :
" The cartography of New England in the seventeenth
century began with the map of Capt. John Smith in
1614." When this sentence was penned the most
painstaking researches in England and on the conti-
nent, by different persons and in places where it
might naturally be expected that such researches
would be rewarded, had not brought to light a seven-
teenth century map of the coast of New England
with an earlier date. Such a map, however, has at
length been found in the General Archives of Siman-
cas, Spain, and it is now accessible to all interested in
our early American history, as it has a place in Alex-
ander Brown's "Genesis of the United States" 2 an
exceedingly valuable work published at the close of
1890 by Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston.
But this is not a Spanish map. It is an English
map, and it found its way into Spain soon after its
preparation, in a noteworthy way. The king of
Spain, Philip III., regarded with a jealous eye the
efforts of Englishmen to establish colonies in North
America. March 8, 1607, he wrote from Madrid to
the Spanish ambassador in London, Don Pedro de
Zuniga, as follows : " You will report to me what the
1 Vol. 3, p. 381. 2 Vol. 1, p. 457.
THE SIMANCAS MAP OF 1610. 425
English are doing in the matter of Virginia and if
the plan progresses which they contemplated, of send-
ing men there and ships and thereupon, it will be
taken into consideration here, what steps had best be
taken to prevent it." * Six days after the date of
this letter Philip consulted with his council as to the
manner in which these efforts of the English to
colonize North America could best be thwarted. Two
months later the Spanish minister was directed to
ascertain " with great dexterity " the movements of
the English in this direction, and he was instructed
" to give the king of England to understand " that
the government of Spain complained " of his per-
mitting English subjects of his to disturb the seas,
coasts and lands of his majesty." He was also to
continue to report whatever he might learn concern-
ing English movements in North America, in order
that the necessary remedies might be provided. 3 The
Spanish minister was faithful to his instructions, and
kept his royal master as well informed concerning the
English plans with reference to the occupation of the
American coast as it was possible for one in his posi-
tion, and with the doubtless large means at his
disposal. Information was diligently and skilfully
gathered and promptly communicated.
The anxiety of the king of Spain at this time was
doubtless occasioned by the preparations of the Pop-
ham colonists and their patrons ; and the movements
of the colony were carefully followed. When Sir
John Popham died, Zuniga, under date of August 22,
1 Genesis of the United States, Vol. 1, p. 91.
8 Genesis of the United States, Vol. 1, p. 101.
426 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
1607, wrote to the king : " As the chief justice has
died, I think this business will stop," 1 a shrewd
observation which subsequent events justified. Sep-
tember 10, 1608, Zuniga wrote to the king : U I have
thought proper to send by M. a plan of Virginia [i. e.
South Virginia, ' Genesis of the United States,' Vol.
1, p, 184] and another of the fort [do., p. 190], which
the English have erected there, together with a report
given me by a person who has been there." The
fort to which reference is here made was Fort St. George
at the mouth of the Kennebec. The plan of the fort
was carefully drawn and bears the following inscrip-
tion : " The draught of St. Georges fort erected by
Captayne George Popham Esquier one the entry of
the famous River of Sagadahock in Virgina taken out
by John Hunt, the viii day of October in the yeare of
our Lorde, 1607." It is an evidence of the tireless
activity of the Spanish ambassador that a plan of this
fort should have been secured for the king so soon
after its arrival in England and from a member of the
expedition. The date upon the plan may have been
the date of the sailing of the Mary arid John from the
Kennebec on the return voyage to England. It is
worthy of notice in this connection that the manu-
script of the Popham colony found in the library at
Lambeth Palace a few years ago abruptly closes
October 6, 1607.
Zuniga continued to report to the king of Spain
until the arrival of his successor, Don Alonso de
Velasco, who was appointed Spanish ambassador to
1 Genesis of the United States, Vol. 1, p. 111.
2 Genesis of the United States, Vol. 1, p. 183.
THE SIMANCAS MAP OF 1610. 427
England in January, 1610. Velasco seems to have
been as watchful and efficient in securing valuable
information as was his predecessor. In a letter to the
king, dated London, March 22, 1611, he says that since
coming to England he had endeavored to ascertain
the condition of the people of Virginia, the reasons
that induced the English to continue there, and the
inconveniences that might follow to Spanish interests
because of their occupation of the country. Having
found the reports to vary very much, he says : " I
have tried to ascertain the truth by means of the per-
sons who have come over in the two ships which have
recently arrived, thro the agency of ' Guillermo Mon-
Qon,' admiral of this strait, who, as a person of such
high authority among sailors, has in secret, and with
great skill discovered what follows." 1 The letter
concludes with these words : " This king sent last
year a surveyor to survey that province, and he
returned here about three months ago and presented
to him [King James] a plan or map of all that he
could discover, a copy of which I send by M." It
was not creditable to William Monson that he had
become a pensioner of Spain and was willing for
Spanish gold to betray the interests of his country.
And yet, in so doing, he accomplished a service which
later generations will gladly acknowledge. The map
which he secured for the Spanish ambassador at
length found its way, with the reports of Zuniga and
Velasco, to a place in the General Archives at Siman-
cas, from which, through the Hon. J. L. M. Curry,
1 Genesis of the United States, Vol. 1, p 455.
428 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
late United States minister to Spain, it was secured
by Mr. Brown for his " Genesis of the United States."
Indeed this map is one of the most valuable of the
treasures which Mr. Brown's work contains.
From the above extract from Velasco's letter to
Philip III., we learn that this map was prepared in
1610 by a surveyor whom King James had sent to
Virginia that year for this purpose. Having accom-
plished his task the surveyor returned to England
late in the year and laid his map before the king.
Evidently the map had been prepared with great care,
although only in part doubtless from original surveys.
Its author is unknown. Mr. Alexander Brown, in his
note concerning it, says :
I am inclined to think that the map was compiled and drawn
either by Robert Tyndall or by Capt. Powell. However, I cannot be
certain. 1
And he adds :
I think the map evidently embodies (besides the surveys of
Champlain and other foreigners) the English surveys of White,
Gosnold, Weymouth, Pring, Hudson, Argall and Tyndall, and
possibly others. Strachey, referring to ArgalTs voyage of June to
August, 1610, says he "made good, from forty-four degrees, what
Captayne Bartho. Grosnoll'and Captayne Waymouth wanted in
their discoveries, observing all along the coast, and drawing the
plotts thereof, as he steered homewardes, unto our bay." Purchas
[Vol. iii, p. 590], in a side note to the narrative of Hudson's
voyage along our coast in August, 1609, says. " This agreeth
with Robert Tyndall." Tyndall made a plan of James River for the
Prince of Wales in 1607, which is now probably lost. He made a
chart of James and York rivers in 1608. . . The North Caro-
lina coast, on this map, was evidently taken, chiefly, from Captain
i Genesis of the United States, Vol. 1, p. 458.
THE SIMANCAS MAP OF 1610. 429
John White's survey and drawings. . . . The coast from Cape
Charles to about 41 north latitude, and up the Hudson River to a
little beyond the entrance of the Mohawk, contains only one or two
names, and I think was drawn from the recent surveys of Hudson
(1609) and Argall (1610). . . . I believe the New England
coast of this map shows traces of the surveys of Captains Gosnold,
Archer, Pring, Waymouth, and probably of the North Virginia col-
onists, as well as of Champlaine, and possibly other foreigners.
Unfortunately the maps of these voyagers have not
been preserved, with the exception of the map of
Champlain. That Gosnold and Pring prepared maps
of those parts of the coast that were visited by them is
well known. Mr. Baxter has a small Dutch map entitled
" Northern Part of Virginia, by Bartholomew Gosnold
and Martin Pring," while a note gives the added infor-
mation that in the preparation of this map the maps
of Gosnold and Pring had been " compared with later
and more correct maps." Waymouth also prepared a
map. Rosier, in the preface to his " Relation " of
Way mouth's voyage to the coast of Maine in 1605,
refers to the " perfect Geographicall map of the coun-
try " prepared by Waymouth.
With these and other maps in his possession, the
surveyor sent out by King James, adding such infor-
mation as he was able personally to obtain, executed
his task, and the result was a map surprisingly accu-
rate for that early period, especially in its delineation
of the coast of southern and northern Virginia.
Very naturally that portion of this map on which
is outlined the coast of Maine has the greatest interest
to us. Familiar names greet us for the most part,
such as Cape Porpus, Sagadahock, Cinebaque (Ken-
430 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
nebec), Pemerogat (Pentagoet, Penobscot), lies de
Mountes Deserts, lie haute, etc. Monhegan, called
St. George, is correctly located, and the multitudinous
islands along the coast are largely represented, con-
sidering the scale upon which the map is drawn.
Such marked features of the landfall as the Camden
and Union Mountains are indicated, and a single
mountain west of the Kennebec, may be intended to
represent Mt. Washington as seen from Small Point.
As to the general trend of the coast line the superi-
ority of this Simancas map of 1610 appears when
compared with the maps of the same period, as for
example with Capt. John Smith's map of 1614, and
the Dutch " Figurative Map " of the same year ; also
with Champlain's larger map of 1632, and other maps
of the seventeenth century.
But of especial interest is the bearing which this Si-
mancas map has upon the discussion that has occurred
with reference to the places visited by Waymouth in
his visit to the coast of Maine in 1605; and the
discoveries which Waymouth made at that time.
Hitherto one argument presented by the advocates
of the Kennebec theory, the advocates of the St.
George's theory have not been able satisfactorily to
meet, viz. : that on Capt. John Smith's map of 1614
and on the " Figurative map " of the same year, the
St. George's River has no place whatever ; while on
Champlain's large map of 1632 it hardly attracts
attention. The force of this argument is destroyed
by the Simancas map of 1610. Here the St. George's
River, under the Indian name Tahanock, is delineated
THE SIMANCAS MAP OF 1610. 431
with singular accuracy. The St. George's River has
this marked peculiarity, that on either side are large
coves by which the breadth of the river is greatly
extended. On the coast survey map these coves are
designated as Deep Cove, Gay Cove, Turkey Cove,
Maple Juice Cove, Otis Cove, Watts' Cove, Cutter's
Cove, Broad Cove, and Hyler's Cove. Rosier noted
this feature of the river in his " Relation." "There
were on both sides," he says, " every half mile very
gallant cones ; " and Waymouth's " perfect Geograph-
icall map," which Rosier mentions, could hardly fail to
indicate this noteworthy peculiarity. Certainly the
Simancas map does not. On it these many " very gal-
lant cones " are distinctly marked, although of course
not with the accuracy of our present careful surveys.
Rosier also makes reference to " the codde " of the
river which Waymouth discovered, and up which he
sailed in his vessel. Capt. John Foster Williams, who
in 1797 examined the coast of Maine with reference
to Waymouth's discoveries in 1605, in his report says :
" The word ' codde ' is not common, but I have often
heard it as ' up in the codde of the bay/ meaning the
bottom of the bay. I suppose what he calls ' the
codde of the river' is a bay in the river." There is
such a bay at Thomaston, exactly where from Rosier's
description, we should expect to find it; and this bay
is indicated on the Simancas map of 16 JO. .
Further, the river that Waymouth discovered at
length " trended westward into the maine." So does
the St. George's River at Thomaston. Such a trend
there is in the Tahanock on the Simancas map of
1610. Moreover, Rosier says that Waymouth, when
432 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
he ascended the river the second time, took with him
" a crosse to erect at that point." It is a remarkable
fact that on the Simancas map, where the St. George's
River- trends westward, there is the mark of a cross.
What is this cross but the cross to which Rosier refers,
and which Waymouth erected as a token of English
discovery ? Its indication on the map may be re-
garded as very strong evidence that this part of the
Simancas map was taken by King James' surveyor
from Waymouth's " perfect Geographicall map."
It should be added that on the Simancas map Mon-
hegan is designated " I St. George/' This was the
name given to Monhegan by Waymouth. "The first
Hand we fell with," says Rosier, was " named by vs
Saint Georges Hand." When Waymouth was an-
chored north of Monhegan, " From hence," says
Rosier, u we might discerne the maine land from the
west-south-west to the east-north-east, and a great
way (as it then seemed, and as we after found it) up
into the maine we might discerne very high moun-
taines." In the direction given mountains are indi-
cated on the Simancas map.
This Simancas map of 1610 may have an equally
important bearing upon other historical discussions
pertaining to the beginnings of our American history.
It was a copy, as Velasco testifies, and it is not a little
strange that the original in England should have disap-
peared so long ago that the memory of it had perished.
Its discovery at Simancas at this late day is one over
which we may well rejoice out of full hearts ; and it
cannot fail to have an important place in the cartogra-
phy of the American coast in the seventeenth century.
MAINE SETTLEMENTS AFTER PENOBSCOT EXPEDITION. 433
SETTLEMENTS IN MAINE AFTER THE
PENOBSCOT EXPEDITION.
FROM MASSACHUSETTS ARCHIVES, VOL. 185, PAGE 359.
Petition of Inhabitants of Lincoln Co. to Gen' I Court.
EXTRACTS dated Boston, Oct. 1st, 1779.
" The failure of the late expedition to Penobscot has already laid
desolate a number of very hopeful settlements in these parts : the
inhabitants, men and women, having fled through the wilderness to
the western parts of the state, leaving behind them their stock, pro-
visions, crops and all they had ; many of them are already arrived
in these parts and know not where to lay their heads, being desti-
tute of money and every resource of supply to their families and
must cast themselves on the mercy of the country in general or
expect to terminate their present calamities by a miserable death ;
many more are following them in similar circumstances, and if gov-
ernment does not speedily devise some method for the relief of that
ruined people the prospect before them is horrible indeed Nor is
the condition of that part of the people yet remaining near the shores
in the county much more comfortable than of those who fled ; their
prospects of sustenance by the fruits of the earth are now cut off
& ended : they were engaged in opposing the common enemy when
they should have been attending their grain and hay, and hence
great quantities were much damaged and not a little totally perished
of the residue very little now remains after supplying the retreating
army & the flying families that followed them, and that little is in
jeopardy every hour from the wanton depredations of an insolent
and triumphant enemy who avows the design of treating the coun-
try as a conquered one and its inhabitants as persons taken in actual
rebellion : hence many have been compelled to take an impious and
profane oath contrary to their consciences, and then driven in like
slaves to work at constructing forts, recovering cannon, etc., for the
enemy, and in the meanwhile obliged to find their own supplies and
subjected to be cudgelled, kicked and abused by every petty officer
VOL. VII. 30
434 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
set over them We therefore only beg leave to add that for
aught we can see there is the greatest reason to apprehend that what
is now suffered by the people near Penobscot will be the common
fate of the whole coast of the Counties of Cumberland and Lincoln
before the opening of another campaign ; the provision already made
having hardly a show of intention to defend it ; the whole number
raised being scarce a man to a mile if equally distributed on the
coast and even these are likely to become a grievous burden to the
towns that must maintain them, whose stores are utterly inade-
quate to the wants of their own houses, and without a number of
whale boats the troops as already stationed can never be assembled
seasonably at any place to answer any great purpose either for
offence or defence.
"A very little reflection on the condition of the country invaded,
ravaged, in great part desolated and ruined, may suffice to convince
an impartial mind, that it will be utterly impossible for its inhabi-
tants to supply as formerly an equal proportion of the public funds :
the valuation by which the late tax bills were regulated cannot be
considered as a rule by which to judge of taxable property in that
country now when so great a part of it has fallen into the enemy's
hands and so much more lost at the late destruction of our fleet. . .
. . and from the best judgment we are able to form by a pretty gen-
eral acquaintance with the County of Lincoln, we declare it our
belief that all the money in it would not suffice to pay more than
one-half of the tax last assessed upon it.
With the firmest confidence then, we refer to the wisdom of the
Hon. Court to judge of the policy of laying farther taxes on the peo-
people at this time ; as we cannot prognosticate without pain the steps
that may be taken by a people in their circumstances, deeming them-
selves abandoned by government to the fury of an enemy left secure
of their triumph in the very heart of their country, neglected in
their distress tho' crying for relief to the fathers of the state and
driven to desperation by oppressive burdens which neither themselves
nor their fathers in their best circumstances were able to bear.
Signed by Sam'l McCobb, James Cargill, Josiah Brewer, Water-
LETTER OF JOHN ALLAN. 435
man Thomas, Moses Copeland, Jacob Eaton, Agreen Crabtree,
John Murray, Sam'l Oakman, Sam'l Howard, Reuben Colburn.
(A petition from Selectmen of Winslow, Vassalboro, Winthrop,
and Hallo well was also received Oct. 7, praying to be released from
full pay't of tax and stating their inability to meet the demand.)
A Resolve passed Oct. 8th directing the selectmen of towns in
Lincoln County to which any inhabitants residing at or near Penob-
scot had fled, to supply them with necessaries and present their
accts. to Gen. Ct. The treasurer of Mass, was directed to stay
" execution to the constables of the several towns in the Co. of Lin-
coln until 3d Wednesday of the next sitting of the Gen. Court."
LETTER OF JOHN ALLAN TO MASSA-
CHUSETTS COUNCIL, FROM ARCHIVES,
VOL. 153, PAGE 362-
Indian Encampment, Passamaquoddy, May 28, 1780.
SIR : I have to acquaint the Honorable Board that I arrived
here the 23 inst. in consequence of the movement among the
Indians occasioned by the invitation of the enemy and the reports
propagated among them to the disadvantage of the states.
I have had several conferences with them during the time, do not
find them as usual, tho' I have prevailed with them to continue some
time longer till further news from the westward. The enemy have
received large supplies on St. Johns : a fort is erected about 70
miles up the river where a truck house is fixed : several other per-
sons under government scattered up and down for the purpose of
supplying them. Mr. Franklin and the priest is expected every
hour, the latter to continue at the fort up the river. The day after
my arrival three Indian Expresses from Penobscot arrived .with
strings of Wampum to the several tribes Eastward with intelligence
that 50 Irroquois were thro' in the winter and desired the eastern
436 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Indians to give a final answer of their determination. In the even-
ing, express from St. Johns from the Micmacks and others on the
St. Johns where numbers were collecting for the grand conference
on that account and to meet the priest and Franklin. No doubt the
Britons are at the head of this to create confusion among the Indians.
The great advantage the Britons have by the priest and the large
and good supplies, put me in the greatest difficulty how to act : add
to this I have no instructions or advice what is to be done with the
Indians from the westward.
Mr. Parker who had a quantity of the meat for the Indians is
taken and carried into Magabigwaduce, we have not one morsel of
meat left, consequently nothing but corn and a little butter to use,
as we had meat last winter : there are ten bushels of corn a day
used among the Indians, while this difficulty is kept up, and for
want of meat we are growing short. No provisions have arrived
for any white persons, as to the goods they merely scoff at it, as the
British goods are so superior : their furs are selling everywhere,
particularly beaver, which they sell at St. Johns : other furs to
American fishermen who keep rum for the purpose, and my indigent
situation (having but six persons) prevents my apprehending and
pursuing such to justice. Indeed, the imposition of the American
traders is such that it much discourages the Indians, the Britons
dealing much fairer and on more honorable terms, which is sup-
ported by the British government, and must say from the appearance
of things that those who may continue must be actuated from such
principles of virtue rarely to be found at this day.
HALLOWELL RECORDS. 437
HALLOWELL RECORDS.
COMMUNICATED BY DK. W. B. LAPHAM.
[Continued from Page 332.]
Chandler Robbing, son of the Rev. Doctor Chandler Bobbins,
and Jane Prince, his wife, was born in Plymouth, Massachusetts,
August, 19, 17 . Graduated at Harvard College, 1782, came to
this town 1791. Married Harriet, daughter of Thomas Lothrop
and Lydia Goodwin, his wife, 1792, who was born in said Ply-
mouth. Appointed Register of Probate and a Judge of the Court
of Common Pleas for the county of Kennebec, 1799. Appointed
sheriff of said county, 1816. Their children are :
William Henry, b. Oct. 22, 1795.
Chandler, b. Aug. 21, 1797.
The Chandler first mentioned is of the fifth generation from
Nathaniel Robbins who came to New England from Caledonia in
Scotland in 1670, whose son Nathaniel was the father of Philemon
who was the father of the said Rev. Doctor Robbins.
Nathaniel Dummer, born in Newbury, March 9, 1755, is of the
fifth generation in a lineal descent from Richard Dummer, Esq.,
who came from England with the first settlers of Newbury, Nov-
ember, 1633. The said Nathaniel was the son of Richard, who
was the eon of Nathaniel, who was the son of Richard who was
son of the Richard first mentioned. The first mentioned
Nathaniel married Mary, daughter of Joseph Owen of Provi-
dence, Rhode Island, who was the widow reiict of John Kelton
by whom she had one child, viz., Sarah, who married with John
Odlin Page of this town). Came from Providence- with his
family to this town November, 1789. Died, September 15, 1815.
Children of Nathaniel and Mary Dum r ner are :
Joseph Owen and ( born, Mar. 5, 1780.
Judith Greeuleaf, J Judith G., d. Mar. 19, 1783.
Gorham, b. Sept. 27, 1782; d. Jan. 2, 1805.
Maria, b. Aug. 7, 1787.
438 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Richard Dummer, son of Richard Dummer and Judith Green-
leaf, his wife, was born in Newbury in the Parish of Byfield,
county of Essex, May 19, 1757. Married Hannah, daughter of
Samuel and Susanna Northend of Rowley, June, 1785. Their
children are :
Sophia, b. Oct 2, 1788, in Byfield.
Judith G-reenleaf, b. Mar. 16, 1792, in Byfield.
Elizabeth, b. Mar. 4, 1794, in Byfield.
Susanna Northend, b. Feb. 6, 1796, in Byfield.
Mr. Dummer came with his family to this place October, 1801.
Jeremiah Dummer, son of Richard Durnmer and Judith Green-
leaf, his wife, was born in Newbury in the parish of Byfield.
Married Mehitable, daughter of Paul and Mary Moody of said
Byfield. Came to this town to abide. Their children are :
Charles, b. Sept. 3, 1793.
Mary Moody, b. Dec. 15, 1795.
Harriet, b. Apr. 17, 1798-
Deborah Elizabeth, b. July 21, 1800.
Richard William, b. Mar. 6, 1805.
Jeremiah, b. Sept. 17, 1805.
Henry Enoch, b. Apr. 9, 1808.
Joseph Owen Dummer, son of Nathaniel Dummer, married
Judith Greenleaf, daughter of Richard and Hannah Dummer.
Their children are :
Nathaniel, b. Dec. 30, 1816.
Richard Gorham, b. Apr. 12, 1819.
Hannah Elizabeth, b. Dec. 2, 1826.
Edward Cummings, son of Thomas Cummings and Catherine
Clary, his wife, was born in the city of Waterford in Ireland
August 15, 1786. Came to America in 1800. Married Sophia^
daughter of Peter Lemerica of Dresden. Came to this town with
his family August 15, 1810. Their children are :
Mary, b. Sept. 3. 1807, in Boston.
Thomas, b. Jan. 23, 1809, in Boston.
John, b. 1810, cl.
Cecil, b. Jan. 29, 1811, in Hallowell.
Peter, b. 1813, d.
Henry, b. May 12, 1816.
John, b. Dec. 31, 1818.
HALLO WELL RECOKDS. 439
Daniel Evans 2d, son of George and Lois Williams, his wife,
was born in Allenstown, state of New Hampshire, February 22,
1780. Married Philomela, daughter of Levi and Susanna Dear-
born of Monmouth, District of Maine, came with his family to
this town April 25, 1814. Their children are :
George, b. Aug. 27, 1804, in Monmouth.
Louisa, b. July 14, 1806, in Moumouth.
John, b. Mar. 8, 1809, in Monmouth.
Daniel, b. Oct. 21, 1811, in Monmouth.
Susan, b. June 16, 1814, in Hallowell.
Julia, b. Dec. 22, 1816.
Gorham, b. Aug. 16, 1819.
John Sewall, son of John Sewall and Joanna Stone, his wife,
was born in York, District of Maine, September 13, 1756. May
19, 1791 married Eunice, daughter of William and Abigail Grow
of the same town, who was at that time the widow relict of Wil-
liam Emerson of said York, and then had four children, viz.:
Edward, b. Apr. 24, 1776.
Oliver, b. Oct. 23, 1781 ; d. Dec. 1814.
Sophia, b. Apr. 19, 1784.
Lucy, b. June, 1786; d. Jan. 3, 1842.
Joanna Sewall, only child of said John, was born March 9, 1792.
Came with his family to this town October 8, 1797. The first
mentioned John, is of the fifth generation in a linen] descent from
Henry Sewall, who came from England in 1634 and settled in
Newbury. Samuel and Nicholas, sons of John, and grandsons of
said Henry, settled in York about the year 1708. From them
descended the numerous race of Sewalls scattered over the District
of Maine. Samuel was the grandfather of the first mentioned
John.
Moses Sewall, son of Moses Sewall and Miriam Stone, his wife,
was born in York. He was grandson of Samuel Sewall. Feb-
ruary 10, 1787, married Ruth, daughter of Nathaniel- and Sarah
Barrell of said York. Came with his family to this town 1787.
Their children are :
Sophia, b. May 16, 1788.
Benjamin, b. Jan. 29, 1790.
Charlotte, b. Jan. 24, 1792.
440 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Elizabeth, b. Feb. 19, 1794.
Moses, b. Mar. 24, 1796.
Mary, b. June 24, 1798.
Mr. Moses Sewall died March 24, 1798, and Mrs. Ruth Sewall
married Mr. John Arnold, by whom she had two sons, viz.:
Nathaniel Barrell, b. Mar. 24, 1805.
Henry Augustus, b. Mar. 22, 1807.
David Sewall, brother of Moses, was born August 16, 1766.
Came to this town to settle 1784. September 7, 1793, married
Hannah, daughter of Nathaniel and Sarah Barrell of York, who
was born January 28, 1774. Their children are :
David, b. Oct. 10, 1794 ; d. Oct. 5, 1795.
Mary,b. Mar. 3, 1796; d. Aug. 17, 1796.
A daughter still-born, Feb. 10, 1798.
George Barrell. b. Jan. 29, 1799.
David, b. July 17, 1801; d. Jan. 8, 1812.
Kufus, b. Dec. 11, 1802.
Edward, b. Oct. 15, 1804.
John, b. Mar. 14, 1806.
Charles Albert, b. Dec. 23, 1807.
Hannah Barrell, b. Jan. 15, 1811; d. July 9, 1811.
Olive Maria, b. Feb. 20, 1814.
Charlotte Sophia, b. Sept. 22, 1816.
Stephen Sewall, brother of Moses and David, was born Septem-
ber, 1768. Married Abigail, daughter of John H. Bartlett and
Mary Moultun, his wife, of Kittery. Settled at Bath. Mr.
Stephen Sewall died at Bath. Their children are :
Dorcas, b. Mar. 17, 1789.
William, b. Sept. 17, 1790.
Miriam, b. Feb. 18, 1792.
Stephen, b. Feb. 13, 1794.
John Kannavan, son of Martin Kannavan and Bridget Mayo,
his wife, was born in the county of Mayo, in Ireland, June, 1786.
Came to America 1807. Came to this town July 19, 1811.
Married Mary, daughter of Hunt of Ireland, who was at
that time the widow relict of Ronen and then had one child,
viz.:
John Ronen, b. Jan. 1809, in Boston.
Children of said John Kannavan and Mary his wife.
Martin, b. June 15, 1814, in Hallowell.
HALLO WELL RECORDS. 441
Charles Freeman, son of Barnabas Freeman and Hannah
Hewitt, his wife, was born in Waldoborough, September 30, 1782.
Married Lois, daughter of Andrew Kimball of Belgrade. Came
with bis family to this town October 24, 1815. Their children
are :
John Lyman, b. Mar. 5, 1808, in Vassalboro.
Willard, b. Apr. 27, 1810, in Yassalboro.
Otis, b. Jan. 17, 1811, in Vassalboro.
Thomas Waterman, b. Dec. 24, 1813, in D.
Susan Ann, b. June 19, 1816, in Hallowell.
Charles, b. Feb. 26, 1819.
Charles, b. Oct. 11, 1821.
Louisa, b. Sept. 12, 1824.
Benjamin White was born in 1728 ; came with his family from
Roxbury to this town in 1762, and settled on the east side of the
river. Their children are :
Moses, b. Jan. 22, 1751, in Roxbury.
Elizabeth, b. Oct. 14, 1752.
Mary, b. July 20, 1754.
Benjamin, b. June 12, 1758.
Sarah, b. Aus?. 1, 1758.
Aaron, b. March 1, 1760.
William, b. Feb. 22, 1762.
Jeremiah, b. Nov. 2, 1763, in Hallowell.
Prudence, b. Dec. 2, 1766.
Rebecca, b. May 24, 1768.
Hannah, b. Oct. 15, 1770.
Lyclia, b. June 30, 1772.
Patty, b. June 7, 1776.
Benjamin White, son of the above Benjamin, was born in Rox-
bury, June 12, 1756. Came with his father's family to this town
1762. Married Silence, daughter of Baker of Dorchester,
who was born September 15, 1759. Their children are :
James, b. Oct. 6, 1784.
Mary, b. Sept. 1, 1787.
Lois, b. April 11, 1789.
Lydia, b. Oct. 10, 1791.
Lucy, b. Dec. 8, 1794.
Joseph, b. March 12, 1797.
Hannah, b. June 1, 1800.
442 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
James White, son of Benjamin and Silence White, married Dor-
othy, daughter of Kimball of Readfield, who was born Octo-
ber 6, 1784. Their children are : -
Charles, b. Jan. 10, 1815.
Franklin, b. Aug. 14, 1817.
James Kenney, son of Patrick Kenney and Molly Perkins his
wife, was born in Edgecomb, county of Lincoln, August 26, 1770.
Came to this town July, 1780, and was bound as an apprentice by
the selectmen of Vassalboro to David Jackson, late of Hallowell,
deceased. Married Nancy, daughter of Eliphalet and Joanna Gil-
man of this town. Their children are :
Woodburn, b. Oct. 23, 1792; d. Feb. 25, 1816.
Nancy, b. April 27, 1794.
Eliphalet Gilman, b. March 24, 1796.
Sally, b. April 21, 1798; d. Aug. 5, 1802.
Maria, b. Sept. 9, 1800.
James, b. Jan. 15, 1803, in Gardiner.
Lutherasa, b. Oct. 3, 1805, in Hallowell ; d. July 5, 1815.
Joshua, b. Jan. 11, 1807, in Gardiner.
Lydia, b. Aug. 26, 1810.
William, b. Feb. 1, 1813, in Hallowell.
Ephraim, b. Dec. 17, 1815.
Joanna, b. July 10, 1818.
James Goodwin, son of Andrew Goodwin and Hannah Stackpole
his wife, was born in Pittston (now Gardiner) February 22, 1786.
Came with his father's family to this town. Married Remember,
daughter of Nye of Sandwich. Their children are :
Sophronia, b. July 31, 1804.
Oliver, b. March, 1807.
Emma Jane, b. Feb., 1809.
Julia Octavia, b. Feb., 1813.
James, b. Jan., 1821.
Mr. James Goodwin died February 17, 1821. His death was
occasioned by a limb -falling from a tree on his head, which so
fractured his skull that he died the day following.
John Hesketh, son of John and Mary Hesketh, was born in
Knowsley in the county of Lancashire, in the kingdom of Great
Britain, May 12, 1771. Came with his family to America May 4,
HALLOWELL RECORDS. 443
1797. Came to this town May, 1798. Married Margaret, daugh-
ter of Hedge Syers of Fow, in the county aforesaid. John Hes-
keth died June 8, 1845. Their children are :
Mary, b. Dec. 3, 1795 ; d. Aug. 29, 1802.
Ann Lennar, b. July 13, 1797.
John, b. Dec. 27, 1799; d. Aug. 17, 1802.
William, b. Mar. 14, 1802.
John Kerley, b. Aug. 20, 1801.
Mary Syers, b. Oct. 19, 1806.
Robert, b. June 5, 1809.
Thomas, b. April 13, 1811; d. July 18, 1832.
Margaret Ann, b. Dec. 2, 1813.
Jane Maria, b. May 27, 1819; d. July 15, 1836.
George Gardiner, was born in the kingdom of Great Britain
March 19, 1766. Came to this town January, 1794. Married
Martha, daughter of William and Mary Baxter of Hailburn, county
of Cheshire. Their children are :
Mark, b. Feb. 10, 1789.
Mary, b. June 24, 1792.
Luke, b. Oct. 15, 1793.
Aliza, b. Sept. 9, 1795.
Capt. George Gardiner died May 11, 1839.
David Day, brother of Daniel Day, was born June 3, 1796.
Came to reside in this town 1794. Married Abigail, daughter of
Samuel Lord of Ipswich. Their children are :
William Lord, b. Jan. 16, 1803.
David Goodhue, b. Feb. 6, 1806.
Mrs. Abigail Day died May, 1812, and Mr. David Day married
Lucretia Rich of Bath, June 4, 1820. She was born February 25,
1784, in Ipswich, Massachusetts. Their children are :
Abigail L., b. May 12, 1821.
Samuel Henry, b. June 3, 1824.
, Lucretia Ann, b. Nov. 10, 1827.
Gideon Farrell, son of Josiah and Mary Farrell, was born in
Brimfield, county of Hampshire, October 30, 1779. Married Sally,
daughter of Isaac and Hannah Moore of Western in the county of
Worcester, Massachusetts, who was born in Plymouth County in
444 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
the town of Hanover, Massachusetts, June 23, 1783. Came to
this town April, 1806. Mr. Gideon Farrell died January 18, 1844.
Their children are :
Mary Moore, b. Aug. 18, 1802, in Western.
Frances Elizabeth, b. Nov. 25, 1805, in Portland.
Sarah Ann, b. Dec. 8, 1807.
Charles Gideon, b. Sept. 30, 1810.
Hannah Moore, b. April 6, 1813.
George Washington, b. Dec. 17, 1815.
Lewis Edwin, b. Dec. 7, 1818.
Isaac Eugene, b. Sept. 19, 1821.
Ellen, 1
Louisa, jb- Mar. 26, 1824.
Benjamin Dearborn, son of Levi Dearborn and Anne Haven his
wife, was born in North Hampton, state of New Hampshire, De-
cember 17, 1786. Came to reside in this town September, 1807.
Married Mary Anne, daughter of Joseph and Mary Haven of Bos-
ton. Their children are :
Julia, b. Jan. 18, 1819.
Eunice, b. Jan. 1, 1822.
Samuel Smith was born in Exeter, state of New Hampshire.
Married Hannah, daughter of Jonathan Young and Abigail Scrib-
ner, his wife, of said Exeter. Came to this town with their family,
February, 1793. Their children are :
Abigail, b. Jan. 5, 1779, in Gilmauton, N. H.
Sally, b. July 5, 1782, in Gilmantou.
John, b. May 5, 1786, in Gilmanton.
Samuel, b. Aug. 18, 1789, in Gilmanton.
Susan, b. Sept., 1791, in Gilmanton.
Hannah, b. Mar. 14, 1794, in Hallowell.
PROCEEDINGS. 445
PROCEEDINGS.
ANNUAL MEETING, JUNE 24, 1896.
The Annual Meeting was held at Brunswick in the
Cleveland recitation room at 2 P. M.
The President, Mr. James P. Baxter, in the chair.
Mr. Moses A. Safford was appointed Secretary of
the meeting.
The members present were :
Messrs. Charles E. Allen, Charles F. Allen, J. P. Baxter, John
Marshall Brown, Henry S. Burrage, Horace H. Burbank, Samuel
C. Belcher, Edward P. Burnham, Hubbard W. Bryant, Henry L.
Chapman, Samuel F. Dike, L. A. Emery, Charles J. Gilman, Sam-
uel F. Humphrey, Henry Ingalls, Henry Johnson, Fritz H. Jordan,
James M. Larrabee, George T. Little, Hiram K. Morrell, John A.
Peters, Parker M. Reed, Walter H. Sturtevant, Asbury C. Stil-
phen, Joseph Williamson, Joseph Wood, Marshall Pierce, of Califor-
nia, a Corresponding Member.
The record of the last Annual Meeting was read by
the Recording Secretary, Mr. Bryant, and approved.
The Secretary read also his annual report as Libra-
rian and Curator, and the same was accepted.
The annual report of the Treasurer was read by
Mr. Fritz H. Jordan, and it was accepted to -be placed
on file.
Mr. Joseph Williamson, as Corresponding Secretary
and Biographer, read his annual reports which were
accepted to be placed on file.
446 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
A report of the doings of the Standing Committee
for the past year was read by the Secretary.
Rev. Dr. Burrage, on the part of the Publication
Committee, made a verbal report on the extra work
done in the library daring the past year and suggest-
ed a continuance of the indexing of pamphlets and
manuscripts.
Mr. M. A. Safford presented a copy of the record
of the organization of the York Historical Society, and
Mr. Bryant read a report from the Lincoln County His-
torical Society.
Voted, That the publications of this Society be furnished hereafter
to the auxiliary historical societies.
The President then read a letter from Dr. George
A. Wheeler of Castine, Chairman of the Committee of
Arrangements for the celebration of the centennial
of the incorporation of the town, inviting the members
of the Society to attend the exercises of the celebra-
tion on the ninth day of July, next, and it was
Voted, That the next Field Day excursion of the Society be made
to Castine on the date specified in Dr. Wheeler's letter.
The following Committee of Arrangements were ap-
pointed by the chair : Rev. Dr. Burrage, Joseph Wil-
liamson and Fritz H. Jordan.
The President then appointed the following a Com-
mittee to nominate a Board of Officers for the coming
year :
Edward P. Burnham, Samuel F. Humphrey, Hiram K. Morrell.
On motion of Rev. Dr. Burrage it was
Voted, That the biographical notices of deceased members, fur-
nished by the Biographer, be printed as a part of the Proceedings.
PROCEEDINGS. 447
The Nominating Committee having reported that
they had agreed upon the same Board of Officers for
the coming year on motion of Mr. Stilphen it was
Voted, That Mr. Burnham cast the vote for the present Board of
Officers and having done so the following were declared elected :
For President, James P. Baxter.
" Vice- President, Rufus K. Bewail.
" Treasurer, Fritz H. Jordan.
" Corresponding Secretary and Biographer, Joseph Williamson.
" Recording Secretary, Librarian and Curator, Hubbard W.
Bryant.
u Standing Committee, Rev. Henry S. Burrage, of Portland,
Professor Henry L. Chapman, of Brunswick, John Marshall Brown,
of Falmouth, Edward P. Burnham, of Saco, Samuel C. Belcher, of
Farmington, Henry Ingalls, of Wiscasset, Charles E. Nash, of
Augusta.
The following candidates for resident membership
having been duly nominated in advance of the Annual
Meeting, were balloted for and unanimously elected :
Frank W. Hovey, of Pittsfield.
John Owen Patten, of Bath.
Herbert Payson, of Portland.
The following were elected Corresponding Mem-
bers :
Robert Hallo well Gardiner, of Boston.
Benjamin Vaughan, of Cambridge.
Robert C. Winthrop, Junior, of Boston.
Henry Youle Hind, of Windsor, Nova Scotia.
Robert Goldthwaite Carter, of Washington.
On motion of Professor Chapman it was
Voted, That it is the sense of this meeting that any expense at-
tending the arranging and cataloguing of the pamphlets belonging to
the Society meets with the approbation of the Society.
448 MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Professor Chapman also gave notice of the following
proposed amendment to the By-Laws, to come up for
action at the next Annual Meeting :
NOTICE OF PROPOSED AMENDMENT.
To amend Section 4 of the By-Laws by inserting before the words
"may be elected" etc., the clause " or who have been resident
members for a period of not less than thirty years : " so that the
whole section shall read as follows :
"Persons, whether residents of the state or not, who shall have
attained an eminent distinction in history or kindred subjects, or
shall have done eminent service in promoting the objects of this
Society, or who have been resident members for a period of not less
than thirty years, may be elected honorary members with the rights
and privileges of corresponding members."
On motion of Mr. Burnham, it was
Voted, That the next Annual Meeting be called at 2 P. M. on
the date to be fixed by the Standing Committee.
Adjourned.
I N D EX
INDEX.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
Addresses :
Barrows, G. B., 218.
Baxter, J. P., 213.
Lewis, A. F., 221.
Ancient Defenses of Portland, 1.
Ancient Naguamqueeg, 405.
Army, Continental, 161, 169, 172,
173, 177; Uniform of 94; Named.
98.
Army, Provincial, 93.
Arnold's Canadian Expedition,
167, 171, 178.
Assistants, Court of, 349, 350, 351
357.
Bagaduce Expedition, 164, 175.
Barclay Papers, 106.
Bellingham Will Case, 38.
Biographical Sketches:
Adams, Rev. John, 317.
Bailey Jacob, 207.
Baker, Josiah, 170.
Banks, Moses, 165.
Beard Hannah, 181.
Brackett, John, 168.
Bradish, David, 165.
Brown, Jacob, 164.
Burbank, Silas, 181.
Chadbourne, Silas, 172.
Chadwick, Benjamin, 315.
Child, Isaac, 166.
Chute, Josiah, 420-422.
Dunn, Samuel, 183.
Ellis, Paul, 165.
Fessenden, William, 209.
Oilman, Tristram, 45.
Goldthwait, John, 31.
Graves, Crispus, 177.
Haskell, Nathaniel, 175.
Biographical Sketches:
Heath William, 97, 98.
Jewett, Caleb, 320.
David, 319.
Johnson, James, 168.
Lancaster, Thomas, 209.
Lewis, Archelaus, 168.
Litchfield Joseph, 324.
Lombard, Calvin, 88.
Lunt, Daniel, 168.
Lyon James, 46.
McKenney, Moses, 179.
McLean, Alexander, 50.
McLellan, Cary, 172
William, 172.
Manchester, Stephen, 168.
March, Samuel, 164.
Means, James, 168.
Merrill, Joshua, 170.
Moses, 175.
Meserve, Elisha, 179.
Milliken, Edward, 181.
Moore, Thomas, 206.
Nash, Samuel, 325.
Newell, Ebenezer, 183.
Zachariah, 166.
Noyes, Samuel, 170.
Partridge, Jesse, 168.
Perley, Samuel, 320.
Phinney, Edmund, 163.
Powers, Peter, 324.
Rice, John, 180.
Rogers, John, of Duxbury, 288
John jr., of Duxbury, 295.
John, of Marshfield, 277.
John jr., of Marshfield, 279.
John, of Scituate, 185.
John, of Weymouth, 281.
John jr., of Weymouth, 283.
452
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Biographical Sketches:
Rogers, Joseph, 275.
Thomas, 275.
Rowe, Caleb, 174.
Sawyer, Jonathan, 174.
Sewell, Henry, 165.
Smith, George, 164.
Spring, Alpheus, 49.
Strickland, John, 321.
Stuart, Wentworth, 173.
Swett, Stephen, 165.
Thomas, Samuel, 183.
John, 210.
True, Bradbury, 177.
Turner, Charles, 316.
Tyler, Abraham, 179.
Urquhart, John, 204.
Walker, Noah, 175.
Webster, Nathaniel, 317.
Whitaker, Nathaniel, 323.
Whiting, Thurston, 313.
Williams, Hart, 172.
Winter, Francis, 48.
Worthley, John, 177.
York, Bartholomew, 165.
Bishop, Tyng's, 89.
Boston Massacre, 24.
Brownists, the, 343.
Canal, The Cumberland and Ox-
ford Co., 412.
Charter Rights of Massachusetts
in Maine Early in the 18th
Century, 107.
Chipman, Ward, Papers, 106, 107.
Citizenship, Church Test of, 361.
Codde, defined, 431.
Colonies of Massachusetts Bay
and Plymouth Compared, 342.
Commission of Officers of the
Lincoln County Regiment, 271.
Congress, Continental, 98, 155,
160, 161, 335.
Provincial, 30, 85, 90, 91, 92, 93,
94, 154, 164, 371, 372, 373, 374,
375, 376, 377, 378.
United States, 16, 17.
Council of Plymouth, 1.
Democratic Institutions in New
England, Origin of, 337.
Expedition, Arnold's Canadian,
167, 171, 178.
Bagaduce, 164, 175.
Canadian, 420.
Louisburg, 420.
Penobscot, 433.
Falmouth, Mast Industry of, 390.
Flag, First Federal, 162.
Foreign Emigrant Association of
Maine.
Game, Indians Included in the
List of, 244.
Genealogical Notes:
Amory, 36.
Arbuthnot, 36.
Auchmuty, 36.
Bachelder, 332.
Besse, 328.
Brown, 204.
Butler, 327.
Chute, 419.
Clark, 328, 332.
Corlidge, 202.
Cummings, 438.
Davis, 330, 331.
Day, 443.
Dearborn, 444.
Dingley, 328,
Drew, 104.
Dumaresques, 36.
Dummer, 36, 436, 437, 438.
Evans, 439.
Farrell, 443, 444.
Francis, 328, 329.
Freeman, 441.
Gardiner, 443.
Gilman, 329.
Goldthwait, 31, 35.
Goodwin, 442.
Gorham, 329.
INDEX.
453
Genealogical Notes :
Hallowell, 36.
Harvey, 330.
Herketh, 442.
Hinkley, 201, 202.
Kannavan, 440.
Kenney, 442.
Kimball, 104.
Knight, 393.
Littlefield, 331, 332.
Lorings, 33.
McSparran, 36.
Marshall, 202.
Mascarenes, 36.
Mason, 33, 36.
Mellur, 104.
Moran, 327.
Morrill, 203.
Norton, 203.
Nye, 330.
Ochterlony, 36.
Perkins, 33, 36.
Powalls, 36.
Pratt, 329.
Bobbins, 437.
Kogers, 33, 275, 300.
Rollins, 202.
Sears, 33, 36.
Sewall, 439, 440.
Sherburne, 103.
Simmons, 104.
Smith, 103, 326, 327, 444.
Stevens, 105.
Stewart, 330.
Sweatland, 103.
Tate, 397.
West, 201.
White, 327, 441, 442.
Winslow, 203.
Teaton, 105.
General Court of Massachusetts,
4, 7, 9, 14, 24, 37, 38, 49, 89, 241,
252, 268, 274, 284, 315, 517, 321,
345, 346, 347, 348, 349, 350, 351,
352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 357,
363, 376, 377, 405, 415, 417, 418,
421, 433, 434.
Gestures not Used with Sermons,
48.
Goldthwait, Col. Thomas, Was He
a Tory, 23, 185, 254, 362.
Goodman, 341.
Government, Representative, 341,
342.
Great Awakening, the, 246.
Gun, First Fired at Falmouth, 88.
Hallowell Records, 103, 201, 326,
437.
Hat, Tyng's, 89.
Highway, The First in Falmouth,
390.
Historical Societies :
Knox County Historical Society,
110.
Lincoln Historical Society, 109,
110, 446.
Pilgrim Society, 333.
Washington County Historical
Society, 110.
York Historical Society, 446.
Hog, The, in Massachusetts His-
tory, 353-356.
Horse Beef Falls, Origin of the
Name, 411.
Immigration, Board of, 59, 64, 70.
Immigration and Isothermal
Lines 55.
Jingoism and Patriotism, 252.
Jurisdiction, Ecclesiastical, 347.
Kemble Papers, 365.
" King Plot," The, 181.
Letters:
Allen, John, 435.
Bernard Francis, 189, 267, 269.
Cartwright, Thomas, 421.
Cotton J., 189, 190.
Freeman, Enoch, 92.
Samuel, 374.
454
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Letters :
Goldthwait, Thomas, 40, 41, 43,
186, 187, 197, 198, 199, 254, 256,
257, 259, 260, 261, 262, 367.
Hedlund, S. A., 113.
Hewes, Elihu, 375.
Hurd J., 401.
Hutchinson, Thomas, 273.
Molineux, William, 363.
People of Penobscot, 378.
Preble, Jedediah, 91, 92, 373.
Robinson, Hans, 197.
Washington, Geo., 158, 160.
Wentworth, J., 399.
Liberty, Constitutional, Birth of,
340.
Liberty, Civil and Spiritual, 361.
Love well's Fight, 244.
Maine Board of Immigration, 59,
64, 70.
Maine, Decrease of Population of,
56.
Maine Historical Society:
Proceedings of Feb. 6, 1895, 105;
May 10, 1895, 107; June 26,
1895, 108; Sept. 12, 1895, 212;
Nov. 22, 1895. 110; Dec. 19,
1895, 333; Feb. 14, 1896, 334;
March 26, 1896, 334; April 24,
1896, 336; June 24, .1896, 445.
Maine, Sketches of the Lives of the
Early Ministers of, 45, 204, 313.
Maine, Settlements in after the
Penobscot Expedition, 433.
Maps, Cham plain's, 430; Figura-
tive, 429, 430; Simancas, 424,
430, 432; Smith's, 430; Way-
mouth's, 429, 431, 432.
Mast Chain, 404.
Mast Industry of Old Falmouth,
390.
Memoirs:
Bailey, Jacob, 225.
Chute Thomas, 412.
Goldthwait, Thomas, 23, 185,
254, 362.
Memoirs:
Pring, Martin, 300.
" Midsommas Afton," Celebrated
in New Sweden, 122.
Morgan's Riflemen, Uniform, of,
152.
" Mr." the Use of, 341.
Muster Roll of the 31st Regiment,
165, 166, 169, 170, 172, 174, 176,
177, 179, 181, 183.
Naguamqueeg, Ancient, 405.
Neutrals, The French, 236, 247, 264.
Newspapers, The First in Swedish,
Published in New England, 128.
New Sweden, The Story of, 53, 113.
Northmen, 69.
Origin of Democratic Institutions,
in New England, 337.
Patriotism and Jingoism, 252.
Penobscot Expedition, The Set-
tlement in Maine after, 433.
Petition of Inhabitants of Lincoln
County to General Court, 433.
Phinney's,Col. Edmund, 31st Regi-
ment of Foot, 85, 153.
Pilgrim Society, Greeting to, from
Maine Historical Society, 333.
Portland, Ancient Defenses of, 1.
Presbyterians, Irish, 249.
Railroad Reminiscences, 379.
Railroads:
Boston & Maine, 380, 381. 383,
384, 385, 386, 388, 389, 390;
Eastern, 381, 382, 386, 387, 388,
389; Interior Line, 380; Ken-
nebec and Portland, 386;
Maine Central,384, 385; Maine,
New Hampshire and Massa-
chusetts Corporation, 39;
Portland, Saco and Ports-
mouth, 380, 381, 284, 387, 388,
389; Shore Line, 379, 380.
INDEX.
455
Records of War Department, Lost,
19.
Reminiscences of Railroads, 379.
Revival in Maine, 46.
Rogers, John, The Families of, in
Plymouth and Vicinity, 275.
St. Croix Boundary Commission,
106.
Sawmill Built at Windham, 405,
406, 408, 409.
Scotch, Irish, 250.
Senate of Massachusetts, Origin
of, 356,
Separatists, 343.
Shingles, A Celebrated Bundle of,
128.
Simancas Map, 424.
Sixty-fourth British Foot, 364.
Sketches of the Lives of the Early
Ministers of Maine, 45, 204, 313.
Stamp Act, 259.
Swedish Immigration to America,
53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 62, 64, 65, 66,
68, 69, 71, 73, 76, 77, 84, 113, 116,
117, 120, 123, 144.
Thirtieth Regiment, 100.
Thirty-first Regiment of Foot, 85,
86, 100, 162, 163, 166, 169, 170,
174, 176, 177, 179, 181, 183.
Twenty-ninth British Foot, 24.
Uniform of Continental Army, 94;
of Morgan's Riflemen, 152; of
Putnam, 99; of Washington, 99.
Vessels:
Alabama, 220.
Boxer, 21, 106.
Canceaux, 364, 371.
Cerberus, 158, 159.
City of Antwerp, 63.
Concord, 301.
Diana, 364, 365.
Discoverer, 305, 309.
Elk, 261.
Enterprise, 21, 106.
Fogel Grip, 62.
Hind, 230, 232.
Kalmar Nyckle, 62.
Kearsarge, 220.
London, 159.
Mary and John, 426.
Mayflower, 275, 277, 288, 298,
299, 338.
Neptune, 364.
Orlando, 53, 62.
Speedwell, 305, 309.
Wars:
Of 1812, 21,26.
King Philip, 3, 165.
Queen Anne's, 12, 14.
Revolution, 15, 16, 24, 49, 85, 86,
88, 112, 151, 422.
Spanish Succession, 14.
Thompson's, 87, 88, 172, 173.
Washington, George, Headquarters
Guarded by Troops from Maine,
154; Personal Appearance of, 99;
Uniform of, 99.
" Will the Yankee Fight ?" 159.
York County Deeds, 108.
York County Regiment, 86, 100.
INDEX OF NAMES.
Abnakis, The, 8, 9.
Adams, Charles Francis, 246.
Hugh, 318.
Jacob, 153.
John, 98, 161, 209, 225, 317, 318.
Adams, Matthew, 317.
Moses, 171.
Sarah, 165.
Winborn, 165.
Adduhando, 195.
456
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Alden, Austin, 174.
John, 279.
Aldworth, Thomas, 303.
Allen, Charity, 104.
Charles E., 108, 110, 111, 225,
227, 445.
Charles F., 221, 445.
John, 435.
Micah, 104,
Allin, Wright, 184.
Allyn, Sarah, 281.
Amariscoggins, The, 11.
Amey, Jacob, 166.
Amherst, Jeffrey, 38, 39, 44.
Anderson, Alfred A., 151.
Jacob, 178.
Robert, 112.
Andrew, John A., 422.
Andross, Edmund, 4, 7.
Anson, , 194.
Anne, Queen, 12, 14.
Archbald , Catharine, 33.
Francis jr., 24, 33.
Thomas, 33.
Archer, Gabriel, 301, 429.
John, 153.
Aresquinticooks, 264.
Arexes, 198.
Argall, Samuel, 428, 429.
Arnold, Henry A., 440.
John, 440.
John S., 67, 71.
Nathaniel B., 440.
Ruth, 440.
Arundel, Earl of, 1.
Atwood, Stephen, 184.
Austin, Patience, 105.
Avery, Edward, 184.
Babb, , 396.
Bachelder, Abraham, 332.
Anna, 332.
Caroline, 332.
George A., 332.
Josiah, 332.
Josiah O., 332.
Sally R., 332.
Bachelor, Ephraim, 175.
Bailey, Abner, 208, 209.
Deborah, 175.
Jacob, 110, 207, 208, 225, 226,
227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232,
233, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239,
240, 241, 442, 244, 145, 246,
247, 248, 249, 250, 252.
John, 167.
Martha, 177.
Mrs. Martha, 177.
Robert, 176, 177.
Baker, Beniah, 178.
Josiah, 101, 170.
Silence, 441.
Zachariah, 167.
Baldwin, Clarissa, 202.
Loammi, 202.
Mary, 202.
Baley, Robert, 176.
Bancroft, George, 29, 307.
Bangs, Barnabas, 173.
Joshua, 396.
Thomas, 173.
Banks, Charles E., 107.
Moses, 100, 163, 165.
Barbour, Joseph, 167.
Barclay, Thomas, 106.
Barker, Abijah, 166.
Noah, 71, 73, 81, 119.
Barnes, Catharine, 32, 33, 35.
Henry, 32.
John, 289.
Barnor, John, 415.
Baron, Anthony, 398.
Barrell, Hannah, 440.
Nathaniel, 439, 440.
Ruth, 439.
Sarah, 439, 440.
Barrett, F. R., 108.
G P., 108.
Barrows, George B., 212, 213, 218 r
223, 224.
Bartlett, Abigail, 440.
John H., 331, 440.
Lucy, 331.
Mary Moulton, 440.
INDEX.
457
Bartlett, William S., 226, 230, 240.
Bates, Edward, 283, 284.
Mary, 283.
Bathorick, Able, 171.
Baxter, James Phinney, 2, 22, 108,
110, 111, 213, 333, 335, 429, 445,
447.
Martha, 443.
Mary, 443.
William, 443.
Bean, Daniel, 175.
Beard, Hannah, 181.
Beaubussin, Sieur de, 12.
Beckford, Mr., 384.
Belcher, S. C., 108, 446, 447.
Belknap, Jeremy, 307.
Bell, George, 167.
Bellingham, Richard, 355.
Benedict, Joel, 314.
Bennett, Bachelder, 328, 329.
James, 296.
Mary, 328.
Nathaniel, 176.
Benton, Dr. , 223.
Berden, Nathan, 180.
Bereford, John, 301.
Bernard, Francis, 44, 185, 189, 191,
196, 226, 262, 263, 269, 270,
271, 273.
Francis jr., 26.
Berry, Benjamin, 182.
George, 164, 168, 172.
Jonathan, 179.
Joseph, 153.
Joshua, 167.
Priscilla, 392.
Besse, Achsah, 328.
Braddock, 328.
Ebenezer, 328.
George, 328.
Henrietta, 328.
Jabez, 328.
Julia Ann, 328.
Loisa, 328.
Lot H., 328.
Mary Ann, 328.
Ruth, 328.
Besse, Warren, 328.
Bethune, Mr. , 256.
Bigelow, Timothy, 165.
Bigford, Henry, 396.
Billings, C. E., 112.
Billington, Betsey, 327.
Black, James W., 110.
Blage. Henry, 289.
Blair, John, 169.
Blake, Samuel, 176.
Blanchard, Moses, 171.
Blasdel, Stephen, 178.
Bodge, John, 419.
Bodin > Jonas, 77, 150.
Jonas jr., 150.
Bogeson, John, 150.
Bollin, Mr. , 376.
Bomazeen, 244.
Bond, Capt. , 230.
Boobey, William, 182.
Bossuet, Jacques B., 6.
Bowdoin, James, 414.
Bowman, Jonathan, 235, 236, 237,
239, 241, 250.
Boyd, Rev. Alexander, 313.
Brackett, Anthony, 168.
James, 169.
Jeremiah, 169.
John, 87, 97, 101, 168, 169.
William, 169.
Bradbury, Anna, 177.
James W., 335, 379, 386, 389.
Moses, 178.
Bradford, Hannah, 293, 295.
Perez, 297.
Samuel, 288, 290, 295, 296.
William, 275, 299, 334.
Bradish, David, 95, 97, 100, 154
165, 166.
Bradley, A. R., 223. -
Bradstreet, Simon, 7.
Bragdon, Deborah, 396.
Mehitable, 396.
Sarah, 396.
Solomon, 395, 396.
Bramhall, Cornelius, 166.
Breedean, James, 171.
458
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Brewer, Col. , 168, 181.
Josiah, 434.
Brewster, Jonathan, 289.
Bright, Richard, 33.
Bromfield, Mary, 33.
Brooks, Edward, 45.
Broune, William, 305.
Brown, Alexander, 424, 428.
Amos, 174.
Andrew, 204.
Ann, 204.
Betsey, 204.
Edward, 367.
Elizabeth, 179.
Jacob, 90, 100, 163, 164.
John Marshall, 108, 445, 447.
Judith, 204.
Peater, 178.
Robert, 343.
Stephen, 204.
Sylvanus, 173.
William, 209.
Browning, Marah, 296.
Bryant, Hubbard W., 106, 107,
108, 109, 110, 335, 336, 445,447.
John, 184.
Walter, 213.
Buck, Jonathan, 378.
Bullard, Deacon , 96.
Bunalt, Charles, 180.
Burbank, Horace H., 445.
Silas, 102, 181.
Burgess, George, 226.
Patience, 328.
Burgoyne, Johm, 94, 181, 420.
Burleigh, Albert A., 119.
Burnam, Joseph, 182.
Burnham, Edward P., 445, 446,
447, 448.
Burrage, Henry S., 106 107, 108,
109, 111, 112, 333, 334, 335, 336,
424, 445, 446, 447.
Burrill, Ephraim, 284, 285.
John, 284, 281.
Lydia, 285.
Mary, 285.
Samuel, 285.
Burroughs, George, 247,
Burt, Major , 43.
Burton, Benjamin, 368, 370, 371.
Thomas, 182.
Buswell, Mehitable, 103.
Butler, Amelia, 327.
Clarissa, 203.
Deborah, 327.
Elijah, 203.
Elisha, 327.
Hannah, 327.
Jane K., 327.
Joanna, 280.
Henry Y., 327.
Mary, 327.
Nathan, 327.
Phebe Y., 327.
Sarson, 327.
Shepherd, 327.
Susan, 327.
Buxton, William, 171.
Byram, Jonathan, 178.
Cabel, James, 176.
Cabot, Sebastian, 300, 303.
Cairl, Nathaniel, 182.
Callahan, Capt. , 250.
Cammett, Paul, 153.
Campbell, John A., 34, 35.
Cargill, James, 23, 378, 434.
Carlson, Kjersti, 127.
Carleton, , 239.
Dudley, 262.
Carnig, C. S., 112.
Carter, Caleb, 166.
Carter, R. Goldthwait, 23, 185, 254,
334, 362, 447.
Carter, Thomas, 421.
Cary, A. C., 66.
Cash, Francis, 184.
Gates, Samuel, 167.
Catinat, Nicholas, 5.
Cavanak, Thomas, 167.
Chadbourne, Silas, 172, 173.
Chadwick, Mr. , 254, 255, 256,
258, 260,
Chadwick, Benjamin, 315.
INDEX.
459
Callounge, Henry, 310, 311.
Chamberlain, Aaron, 153.
Joshua L., 59.
Mellen, 29, 38.
William, 179.
Chamberling, - , 287.
Abigail, 280, 287.
Champlain, Samuel de, 428, 430.
Champney, - , 105.
Betsey, 105.
Chanler Edmund, 288.
Chapman, Edward, 393.
Chapman, Henry L., 108, 445, 447,
448.
Leonard B., 108, 335, 336, 390.
Chase, - , 223.
John, 184.
Josiah, 324.
Cheever, Elizabeth, 31.
Ezekiel, 31.
Isaac, 166
Robert, 358, 359, 360.
Chipman, Ward, 106.
Church, Mr. - , 419.
Benjamin, 5, 11, 154.
Churchman, Ann, 281, 282, 289,
298, 299.
Chute, Abigail, 416.
Curtis, 418, 419.
George W., 422.
James, 419.
John, 419.
Josiah, 419, 420, 421, 422, 423.
Mary, 416.
Sarah, 419.
Thomas, 406, 412, 413, 414, 415,
416, 417, 418, 419, 420, 423.
rMavV i
Clarke, } Alice ' 287 ' 288 ' m
Anna, 332.
Charlotte, 328, 332.
Ebenezer, 328.
Eliza S-, 328.
Ephraim, 153.
George F., 328.
Isaac, 332.
Jonathan, 328.
Joseph, 328.
Josiah, 171.
Judith, 328.
Lucretia P., 328.
Lydia, 332.
Martha, 332.
Mary Jane, 328.
Morris, 169.
Pease, 332.
Robert, 183.
Samuel, 184.
Solomon, 328.
Thaddeus, 9, 10.
Thomas, 288, 291.
William, 332.
William R., 328.
Clase, Hilma D., 64, 72.
Nicholas P., 64, 73, 74, 78, 80,
116, 132, 149.
Clay, Catherine, 438.
Clifford, Benja., 176.
Clough, Ebenezer, 167.
John, 167.
Cobb, Elisha, 173.
Peter, 419.
Samuel, 183.
William, 170, 175.
Codman, Richard, 153, 402.
Coffin, Isaac, 36.
John, 36.
Nathaniel, 35, 36.
Paul, 221.
Colburn, Reuben, 435.
Cole, John, 178.
Colebroth, Daniel, 182.
Coleman, Martha, 165.
Colley, Israel, 171.
John, 171.
Collins, Harvey, 77.
Conden, Richard, 167.
Cooke, Francis, 290.
John, 290.
Cookson, Reuben, 175.
Coombs, David, 204.
460
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Coombs, Edward, 204.
Judith, 204.
Cooper, William, 31.
Copeland, Moses, 435.
Copley, John Singleton, 29.
Corlidge, Benjamin, 202.
Clarissa, 202.
Mary C., 202.
Thomas B., 202.
Cottle, Hannah, 201.
Cotton, John, 339, 346, 352.
Jno., 189, 190, 421.
Coulson, , 40.
Thomas, 88, 89. 90.
Cox, Joseph, 167.
Crabtree, Agreen, 435.
Crary, Oliver, 378.
Crawford, Mr., 266.
Creasy, Edward, 218.
Creesy, Joseph, 173.
Crockett, Daniel, 170.
Ephraim, 184.
George, 169.
John, 174.
Lydia, 103.
Crocksford, John, 180.
Cummings, Catherine, 438.
Cecil, 438.
Edward, 438.
E. C-, 108.
John, 438.
Mary, 438.
Peter, 438.
Thomas, 184, 438.
Curry, J. L. M., 427.
Curtis, Phebe, 165.
Stephen, 177.
Cushing, Charles, 235, 237, 239,
241, 242, 250.
Loring, 167.
Thomas, 188.
William, 235.
Cutter, B. F., 70.
Dacy, John, 171.
Dale, Thomas, 311.
Dalton, Asa, 108, 111, 336.
Dalton, Tristram, 209.
Dana, Judah, 223.
Danville, Due, 15.
Davee, Thomas, 336.
Davidson, John, 27,190,363,370,371.
Davis, Alfred, 331.
Betsey, 330.
Charles, 331.
Charlotte, 330.
Daniel F., 110.
Eleazer, 216.
Elijah, 175.
Francis, 178.
Mary Ann, 331.
Micall, 184.
Moses, 331.
Patty B., 331.
Kowland, 171.
Rufus, 330.
Mrs. Rufus. 331.
Shepard, 331.
Sylvanus, 9, 10.
Warren S., 331.
William T., 297.
Day, Abigail, 443.
Daniel, 443.
David, 443.
David G., 443.
Lucretia A., 443.
Samuel H., 443.
William L., 443.
Dean, John Ward, 254.
Deane, Samuel, 22, 95, 275, 281,
285, 287, 290, 297, 299, 410, 418.
Dearborn, Alexander S., 21.
Anne H., 444.
Benjamin, 444.
Eunice, 444.
Henry, 20.
Julia, 444.
Levi, 439, 444.
Philomela, 439.
Susanna, 439.
DeCosta, B. F., 307, 308.
Dearing, ) R lftft
Deering, ( M '' 1(
Joseph, 171.
INDEX.
461
DeKalb, Baron, 166.
De Monts, Pierre du Guast, 302.
Denny, Judge , 271.
Dike, Samuel F., 445.
Dill, John, 178.
Dingley, Celia, 328.
Harvey, 328.
Ichabod, 328.
Jabez, 328.
Dogged, Samuel, 280, 281.
Dole, Samuel T., 105, 107, 333, 335.
405.
Dolliver, Peter, 33.
Done, Levi, 183.
Donnel, David, 176.
Doughty, James, 169.
Jonathan, 176.
Douty, George, 169.
Dow, Abner, 166.
Jeremiah, 418.
Neal, 112.
Samuel, 167.
Drake, Edwin S., 334, 335.
Samuel A., 111.
Samuel G., 37, 97.
Drew, Allen, 104.
Lucia, 104.
Margaret, 330.
William, 104.
William A., 104.
Drummond, Josiah H., 108, 111,
275, 334, 386.
Dudley, Joseph, 12, 13.
Trueworthy, 178.
Dugan, Anne, 104.
James, 104.
Dummer, Anna, 33.
Charles, 438.
Deborah E., 438.
Elizabeth, 438.
Gorham, 437.
Hannah, 438.
Hannah Elizabeth, 438.
Harriet, 438.
Henry E., 438.
Jeremiah, 438.
Joseph Owen, 437, 438.
Dummer, Judith Greenleaf, 437,
438.
Maria, 437.
Mary, 437.
Mary Moody, 438.
Nathaniel, 437, 438.
Richard, 437, 438.
Richard G., 438.
Richard W., 433.
Sophia, 438.
Susanna N., 438.
William, 33.
Dunbar, David, 50, 107.
Dunn, Samuel, 102, 183.
Dupee, Henry, 410.
Durand, John, 398.
Durgin, Abraham, 180.
David, 182.
John, 183.
Silas, 182.
Dutch, the, 6.
Dutton, Seth, 176.
Dyer, Bickford, 173.
Daniel, 184.
Reuben, 183.
Eaton, Cyrus, 314, 370.
Jacob, 435.
Edmondson, Charles, 201.
Deliverance, 201.
Mercy, 201.
Rebecca, 201.
Ek, Carl J., 117.
Ekman, Carl G., 151.
Elden, Ruth, 293.
Elder, Eunice, 172.
William, 184.
Eliot, Dr. , 318.
Hugh, 303.
John, 246.
Elizabeth, Queen, 301, 305.
Ellis, Paul, 100, 165, 166.
Elms, Elkenah, 178.
Elvins, Rev. , 315.
Elwell, Anna S., 202.
Edward H., 337.
Emerson, , 223.
462
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Emerson, Edward, 439.
Ezekiel, 48.
Lucy, 439.
Oliver, 439.
Sophia, 439.
William, 439.
Mrs. William, 439.
Emery, George A., 224.
George F., 107, 334-335.
H., 107.
L. A., 445.
Endicott, John, 344.
Ericsson O. A. L. A., 80.
Espequeunt, 194, 195.
Evans, Daniel, 439.
Gorham, 439.
John, 439.
Julia, 439.
Lois W., 439.
Louisa, 439.
Susan, 439.
Fairbanks, Jonathan, 184.
Fairfield, John, 335.
Faneuil, Andrew, 414.
Peter, 414.
Farmer, John, 318, 323, 324.
Farrah, , 216.
Farrell, Charles G., 444.
Ellen, 444.
Francis E., 444.
George Washington, 444.
Gideon, 443, 444.
Hannah M., 444.
Isaac E., 444.
Josiah, 443.
Lewis E., 444.
Louisa, 444.
Mary, 443.
Mary M., 444.
Sarah A., 444.
Farrington, William, 166.
Farrow, John, 406.
Farwell, , 216.
Fellows, D. W., 108.
Felt, Sarah, 164.
Fernald, Tobias, 165.
Ferrin, Jonathan, 178.
Michael, 178.
Fessenden, Samuel, 210, 223.
Thomas, 210.
William, 209, 210, 222, 223.
William Pitt, 223, 381.
Fickett, Asa, 403.
Samuel, 394.
Field, Benjamin, 171.
Daniel, 182, 183.
Darby, 220.
Joseph, 178.
Files, A. P., 70.
Fisher, Joseph, 64.
Fitts, Sally, 181.
Fitzgerald, Benjam J., 35.
Fletcher, Capt. , 262.
Flint, L. C., 70.
Flood, Henry, 167.
James, 167.
Flucker, Lucy, 254.
Thomas, 254, 256.
Mrs. Thomas, 254, 256, 260.
Fly, John, 180.
Fogg, Hannah, 179.
John, 179.
Seth, 182.
Foster, Gideon, 365.
Jacob, 211.
Fowler, John, 184.
Philip, 167.
Fox, Gustavus V., 220.
Foy, John, 174.
Francis, Ebenezer, 166, 420.
Jeremiah, 328, 329.
Mary B., 329.
Orrin, 329.
Robert, 328, 329.
Mrs. Robert, 329.
Frank, James, 171.
Franklin, Mr. , 435.
Benjamin, 233.
Freeman, Barnabas, 441.
Charles, 441.
E. Dudley, 110.
Enoch, 90, 92, 93, 371, 372,373.
Frederick, 276.
INDEX.
463
Freeman, John L., 441.
Joshua, 418.
Louisa, 441.
Otis, 441.
Samuel, 372, 373, 374.
Susan A., 441.
Thomas W., 441.
Willard, 441.
French, Jacob, 165.
Frobisher, Martin, 303.
Frontenac, L. de B., 6, 8.
Frost, Capt. , 194.
Charles, 169.
Enoch, 173.
John, 418.
Frothingham, John, 153.
Frye, Joseph, 158, 159, 210, 216.
Fuller, Samuel, 344.
Furber, D. L., 112.
Gabrielson, Gabriel, 150.
Gage, Thomas, 152, 156, 158, 363.
Gaines, Myra Clark, 35.
Gammon, George, 169.
Philip, 173.
Samuel, 173.
Gardiner, ) A1 . n AA<3
Gardner, | Allza ' 443 '
George, 443.
John, 233, 238, 242, 248, 252.
Jonathan, 167, 327.
Luke, 443.
Mark, 443.
Mary, 443.
Robert H., 447.
Sally, 327.
Sylvester, 33, 36, 199.
Garrick, David, 233.
Gates, Horatio, 420.
Gay, James, 336.
George III., 237.
Gerrish, Nathaniel, 178.
Samuel, 100.
Timothy, 180.
Gibbs, Susannah, 170.
Gilford, John, 183.
Gilman, C. J., 108, 445.
Gilman, Edward, 45.
Eliphalet, 329, 442.
Eliza, 329.
Ellen, 329.
Gideon, 329.
Joanna, 329, 442.
John, 329.
John Taylor, 45.
Joseph, 45.
Lucy, 329.
Mary, 329.
Nancy, 329, 442. '
Mrs. Nancy, 329.
Nicholas, 45.
Tristram, 45, 46.
Glidden, J. M., 108.
Glovger, John, 176.
Goff, William, 176.
Gold, Joseph, 182.
Goldthwait, Alfred, 35.
Benjamin, 31, 261.
Catharine, 33, 36.
Elizabeth, 33, 35.
Esther, 33.
Esther A., 34.
Ezekiel, 31, 37.
George, 34.
Henry, 24, 34, 35.
Jane, 34.
John, 30, 31, 32, 33.
Joseph, 31.
Mary, 24, 33.
Michael B., 31.
Oliver C., 34.
Philip, 31.
Samuel, 31.
Thomas, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29,
30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38,
40, 41, 42, 44, 185, 186, 187,
188, 189, 190, 191, 196, 197, 198,
199, 200, 254, 256', 258, 260, 261,
262, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274,
333, 362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 368,
369, 371, 372, 373, 374, 375, 376,
377, 378, 379.
Mrs. Thomas, 32, 256, 260.
Gooding, Widow , 419.
464
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
Gooding, Lemuel, 167.
Richard, 166.
Goodwin, Major , 234, 253.
Andrew, 202, 442.
Betsey, 202.
Emma J., 442.
Hannah, 203, 442.
James, 442.
Julia O., 442.
Lydia, 437.
Oliver, 442.
Samuel jr., 239.
Sophronia, 442.
William, 406.
Gookin, Daniel, 166.
Goold, Nathan, 85, 112, 151, 334,
336.
Samuel, 179.
William, 2, 20, 22, 412.
Gordon, S. C., 213, 221, 223, 224.
William, 224.
Gorges, Ferdinando, 1, 3, 310, 338.
Gorham, Barney, 329.
Betsey, 329.
Hiram 329.
Jane, 329.
Olive, 329.
Sarah J., 329.
Gosnold, Bartholomew, 301, 302,
304, 305, 307, 309, 428, 429.
Gould, Daniel, 169.
Graffam, Uriah, 179.
Caleb, 175.
Gregg' I Samue1 ' 367 ' 368 ' 370 '
Graham, William A., 35.
Grant, Charles, 175.
Moses, 166.
Graves, Crispus, 101, 177.
John, 364, 365, 367, 368.
Samuel, 364, 375.
Greaton, John, 168.
Greeley, John, 174.
Green, Benj., 174.
Daniel, 167.
Joseph, 171.
Solomon, 173.
Greenleaf, Jonathan 46.
Gridley, Jeremiah, 414, 415.
Griswold, , 223.
Grover, Samuel, 184.
Grow, Abigail, 439.
Eunice, 439.
William, 439.
Guston, Thomas, 173.
Gutch, Robert, 111.
Hacker, Isaac, 66.
Haines, John, 182.
Hakluyt, Richard, 304.
Hall, Job, 174.
Mrs. Thomas, 112.
Hambleton, , 239.
Hamilton, Mrs. B. F., 335.
Marquis of, 1.
Hamlin, Cyrus, 108, 110, 112.
Prince, 173.
Hammond, Elizabeth, 181.
George, 169.
Jacob, 176.
John, 170.
Samuel, 176.
Hancock, John, 31.
Haney, Daniel, 176.
Hans, John, 184.
Hanscome, Gideon, 180.
Joshua, 173.
Moses, 184.
Nathan, 174.
Umphrey, 180.
Hardison, Benja., 171.
Haines, 76.
Jacob, 75, 119, 121.
Harleman, K. G., 149.
Harmon, Abner, 180.
Doininicus, 145.
Harris, Aaron, 178.
Harrod, Mr. , 265.
Harsey, Joseph, 166.
Hartford, Solomon, 182.
Hartley, Robert, 180.
Harvey, Charles, 330.
Edward, 330.
Grace G., 330.
INDEX.
465
Harvey, Henry, 330.
James, 330.
John F., 330.
Mary Loisa, 330.
William, 330.
Haskell, Nathaniel, 101, 175, 176.
William, 176, 398.
Hastings, , 223.
Hatch, Ezekiel, 173.
Haven, Anne, 444.
Joseph, 444.
Mary, 444.
Mary Ann, 444.
Haviland, William, 44.
Hawks, Ebenezer, 406, 407.
Hawthorn, William, 4, 357.
Haynes, Matthias, 167.
Heath, William, 97, 98, 100, 166,
421.
Hedlund, S. A., 62, 113, 115.
Hedman, John, 137.
Hemmenway, Moses, 209.
Herlin, Anders, 122.
Hertel, Fra^ois, 8, 9.
Hesketh, Ann L., 443.
Jane M., 443.
John, 442, 443.
John K., 443.
Margaret, 443.
Margaret A., 443.
Mary, 442, 443.
Mary S., 443.
Robert, 443.
Thomas, 443.
William, 443.
Hewes, Elihu, 376.
Joseph, 376.
Hewitt, Hannah, 441.
Hicks, Ephraim, 299.
Mary, 168.
Robert, 289.
Samuel, 169.
Higgins, Elizabeth, 276.
Hill, Daniel, 164, 168, 172, 418.
Hilton, Benjamin, 329.
Nancy, 329.
Hinckley, Amos, 202.
VOL. VII. 32
Hinckley, Helen L., 202.
Henry K., 201.
James, 201, 202.
James jr., 201,202.
Joanna, 201, 202.
Martha A., 201.
Mary, 201, 202.
Mary M., 201.
Nicholas, 201.
Oliver, 202.
Owen, 201.
Pamelia, 201.
Sarah, 202.
Sarah E., 202.
Shubel, 201.
Smith, 201.
Thomas, 201.
Hind, Henry Y., 447.
Hinds, Walter, 394.
Hines, , 414.
Hobbs, John, 180.
Hodgdon, Amey, 105.
Jeremiah, 173.
John, 182.
Hodges, Nicholas, 153.
Holbrook, Mary, 284.
Thomas, 284.
Holmes, Albe, 147.
Holt, Col. , 186.
Benj., 180.
Hooper, Benjamin, 166.
Hopegood, 5, 8, 9.
Hovey, Frank W., 447.
Howard, Samuel, 435.
Howland, Arthur, 279.
Hubbard, Keziah, 164.
Hudson, Ann, 277, 278.
Henry, 300, 428.
John, 278.
Hull, John T., 22. -
Humphrey, S. F., 108, 445, 446.
Hunt, Daniel, 171.
George, 173.
Ichabod, 173.
John, 426.
Mary, 440.
Hunter, Joseph, 178.
466
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Huntress, Pearson, 169.
Hurd, , 223.
John, 402.
Huston, John, 169.
Rebecca, 172.
Hutchin, Edward, 279.
Hutchinson, Edward, 249.
Stephen, 184.
Thomas, 29, 38, 39, 41, 42, 185,
237, 245, 247,273, 274.
William, 167.
Iberville, Pierre Lemoine d', 8.
Ilsley, Enoch, 153.
Ingalls, Henry, 445, 447.
Rebecca, 329.
Ingersol, Nathaniel, 176.
Ingraham, Joseph H., 153.
Irish, James, 173, 174.
Thomas, 173.
William, 173.
Iroquois, 8, 435.
Jackson, Benjamin, 180.
David, 442.
James, 184.
Richard, 376.
Solomon, 184.
Jacobson, John P., 150.
James I., 1, 427, 428, 429, 432.
James II., 5, 6.
Jefferson, Thomas, 19.
Jenkins, Josiah, 174.
Jenks, Samuel, 38.
Jennings,*Joseph, 175.
Jewett, Caleb, 320.
David, 319.
Jimminson, Robert, 184.
Johanson, Anders, 150.
Anders F., 80.
Carl J., 151.
Jacob, 150.
J. P., 150.
Soloman, 150.
Johnson, Mr. , 409.
Benjamin, 329.
Betty, 183.
Johnson, Eastman, 223.
Fred A., 402.
George, 398, 404.
George jr., 169.
Henry, 445.
James, 101, 168, 169, 399, 400,
401.
Jane 168,329.
John, 398, 399, 400, 401, 402, 404.
Joseph, 170.
Otis R., 334.
Samuel, 237.
Timothy, 184.
William, 184, 264.
Jones, , 216.
Eben, 171.
Edward, 305,^309.
Jeremiah, 173.
Mariana, 103.
Nathan, 272.
Stephen, d 47.
Jordan, Ebenezer,jl84.
Fritz H., 445, 446, 447.
Jeremiah, 396.
John, 183, 184.
Nathaniel, 168.
Peter, 184.
Soloman, -184.
Thomas, 184.
Jose, Nathaniel, 182.
Jourden, James, 173.
Juhlen, Pehr O., 150, 151.
Kannavan, John, 440.
Martin, 440.
Keayne, Robert, 353, 354.
Kelley, Jane, 327.
Peter, 179.
Kelton, John, 437.
Sarah, 437.
Kelley, Eliphalet^G., 442.
Ephraim, 442.
James, 442.
Joanna, 442.
Joshua, 442.
Lutherasa, 442.
Lydia, 442.
INDEX.
467
Kelley, Maria, 442.
Molly, 442.
Nancy, 442.
Patrick, 442.
Sally, 442.
William, 442.
Woodburn, 442.
Keppell, James, 329.
Mary, 329.
Kidder, Frederick, 221.
Kilby, William H., 106.
Kimball, Andrew, 441.
Dorothy, 442.
Henry, 104.
Lois, 441.
Mary Ann, 104.
Nathan, 104.
Sally, 104.
King, Eliab, 184.
L. R., 71.
Rhoda, 285, 287.
Richard, 181, 392.
Kingsbury, Anna, 306.
Kirkland, Samuel, 305.
Knap, Major , 421.
Knight, Charles, 167.
Elizabeth, 393.
Enoch, 169.
George, 176, 392, 393, 402, 403.
Hannah, 393.
Jacob, 171.
John, 169, 393.
Joseph, 169.
Mary, 393.
Nathan, 168, 392.
Nathaniel, 392, 393, 394, 397, 398,
402.
Priscilla, 393.
Ruth E., 392, 393.
Sarah, 168, 393.
Knowlton, Ebenezer, 202.
Knox, Henry, 254.
Lain, Moses J., 314.
Lamb, William, 399, 400, 401.
Lamson, Dr. , 223.
Lancaster, Thomas, 209.
Landgrave, Frank O., 151.
Landin, Svan S., 132.
Lane, Eliphalet, 176.
John, 363, 376.
Nathaniel, 176.
Zepheniah, 176.
Lapham, W. B., 103, 201, 326, 437.
Larrabee, Eunice, 179.
J. M., 108, 445.
Samuel, 180.
Larry, James, 182.
Larsson, Jacob, 122.
Lars P., 151.
LaSalle, R. R. Cavalier, 7.
Laurell, Jaune L., 150.
Lawrence, William, 178.
Leach, Mark, 184.
Leary, Peter jr., 1.
Leavet, Joseph, 176.
Leigh, Elizabeth, 329.
Joseph, 329.
Lem erica, Peter, 438.
Sophia, 438.
LeMoyne, Charles, 8.
Iberville, 8.
St. Helene, 8.
Lenox, Duke of, 1.
Leonard, Abiel, 155.
Lesley, James, 176.
Levett, Christopher, 1, 2, 3.
Lewis, Abijah, 173.
A. F., 221, 224.
Archelaus, 168, 169.
Allison, 180.
Anna, 164.
Daniel, 179.
Dominicus, 180.
Eliakim, 182.
Elisha, 165, 180. '
Ichabod, 179.
Joab, 175.
John, 164, 398.
Joseph, 175, 409.
Keziah, 164.
Luke, 180.
468
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Nathan, 180.
Reuben, 180.
Simeon, 180.
Thomas, 179.
William, 180.
ZebuloD, 180.
Limbo, , 222, 223.
Lincoln, Abraham, 29, 54.
Enoch, 223.
Lindberg, Oscar, 77.
O. G. W., 149.
Lithgow, William, 199, 200, 248,
272.
Little, George T., 108, 109, 445.
Littlefield, Abigail, 331.
Benjamin, 331.
Delia M., 331.
Dorcas, 331.
Dorothy, 331.
Elizabeth M., 331.
George, 331.
Hannah E., 331.
James, 331.
Jane, 331.
Jeremiah, 331, 332.
John, 331, 332.
Lucy, 331.
Lucy B., 331.
Nathaniel, 331, 332.
Orilla, 332.
Seth, 331, 332.
Susan, 332.
William, 331.
William B., 331.
Locke, I. S., 109.
J. A., 109.
John, 338
Samuel, 209.
Lockett, Moll, 222.
Lombard, Butler, 173.
Calvin, 88.
Nathaniel, 173.
Solomon, 88, 174.
Susannah, 174.
Longfellow, H. W., 85, 98, 223.
Lord, General, , 211.
Lord, Abigail, 443.
Samuel, 443.
Loring, John, 170.
Lossing, Benson J., 26, 163.
Lothrop, Harriet, 437.
Thomas, 437.
Thomas K., 388.
Louis XIV., 5, 253.
Louvois, F. M. de, 6.
Lovewell, John, 213, 214, 215, 216,
217, 218, 219, 221, 223, 244.
Low, Bezaleel, 182.
Lowder, Jonathan, 191.
Lowell, Abner, 172.
Lowther, Dr. , 153.
Ludlow, , 345.
Lundvall, Lars, 151.
Lunt, Abner, 182.
Amos, 153.
Daniel, 168, 169.
Paul, 155.
John, 170.
Lyon, James, 46, 47, 48.
Macaulay, T. B., 6.
McClennahan, Rev. , 228.
McCobb, Samuel, 434.
McDonald, John, 170.
Joseph, 173.
Peletiah, 173.
McFarland, , 193.
James, 176.
McGaw, , 223.
Mclntire, David, 171.
John, 367.
Robert, 368.
Mclntosh, John, 167.
McKenney, Abner, 180.
'Elizabeth, 179.
Isaac, 179, 180.
James, 180.
Jonathan, 184.
Joseph, 180.
Mary, 201.
Matthew, 201.
Moses, 102, 179.
Thomas, 180.
INDEX.
469
McKenney, William, 184.
McLean, Alexander, 50, 51, 52.
McLellan, Cary, 89, 101, 172, 173.
Elizabeth, 172.
Hugh, 165, 172.
James, 178.
Joseph, 173.
Joseph and Son, 403.
William, 101, 172.
McManners, Carl, 178.
James, 167.
Madockawando, 9.
Malmqvist, Anders, 79.
Manchester, Stephen, 168, 169, 334,
406.
Manly, Capt. , 159.
Mantet, D'Allibout, 8.
March, Benjamin, 180.
John, 12, 13.
Peltiah, 168.
Samuel, 91, 92, 100.
Marow, John, 178.
Marr, James, 180.
Marriner, Stephen, 169.
Marsh, Benjamin, 164.
Elizabeth, 164.
Samuel, 163, 164.
Marshall, Benjamin, 202.
Betsey, 202.
Daniel, 182.
David, 202.
Enoch, 202.
Sarah, 202.
William, 202.
Marston, Benjamin, 413, 415.
Brackett, 153.
Daniel, 167.
Martin, John, 179.
Mary, Queen, 5.
Mason, Dr. , 223.
John, 3.
Mather, Cotton, 22, 214.
Matthews, John, 180.
Maverick, Samuel, 359.
Maxwell, Daniel, 173.
Joseph, 184.
William, 182, 183, 185.
Mayberry, Richard, 399, 400, 401,
420.
William, 406.
Mayo, Bridget, 440.
Ebenezer, 104, 203.
Rhoda, 203.
Sally, 104.
Sarah, 104, 203.
Means, James, 168, 169.
Mellus, Charity, 104.
David, 104.
Henry, 104.
John, 104.
Joseph, 104.
Mary, 104.
Rhoda, 104.
William, 104.
Mellvin, John, 173.
Merrick, Isaac, 179.
Merrill, Abigail, 165.
Amos, 171.
Benjamin, 176.
Daniel, 170.
Enoch, 171.
Humphrey, 170.
Joshua, 101, 170.
Levi, 166, 176.
Mark, 176.
Mary, 170.
Moses, 101, 171, 175, 176, 177.
Nathan, 171, 176.
Nathaniel, 171.
Silas, 171.
Stephen, 171.
Susannah, 177.
Meser, French, 194.
Meserve, Daniel, 179.
Elisha, 102, 179.
Gideon, 180.
Mehitable, 179. .
Solomon, 179.
Micmacs, 208, 436.
Mifflin, Thomas, 160.
Milk, James, 402.
Miller, John, 184.
Millet, John, 176.
Solomon, 176.
470
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
Milliken, Abigail, 181.
Abner, 182.
Benjamin, 182.
Edward, 102, 181.
James, 182.
Joshua, 182.
Lemuel, 182.
Mitchell, Bela, 178.
Ebenezer, 173.
Job, 180.
John, 272, 273.
Jonathan, 164, 175, 178.
Nahum, 281, 290, 297.
Robert, 184.
Mol Lockett, 222.
Molineux, William, 364, 368.
Monson, William, 427.
Moody, Major , 14.
Enoch, 153, 158, 167.
Joel, 180.
Mary, 438.
Mehitable, 438.
Paul, 438.
William, 154, 167.
Mooers, Edwin, 378.
Moore, Frank, 365.
Hannah, 443.
Isaac, 443.
J. B., 318, 323.
Luther R., 110.
Sally, 443.
Thomas, 206, 207.
Moran, Betsey, 327.
Eleanor, 327.
George M., 327.
Mary, 327.
Ralph, 327.
William, 327.
William M., 327.
Morgan, Daniel, 152.
Morell, Olof G., 150.
Morrell, Hiram K., 108, 445, 446.
Moses, 317.
Morrill, Caroline, 203.
Eliza, 203.
Emeline, 203.
George M., 203.
Morrill, Peace, 203.
Peasley, 203.
Pelatiah, 203.
Pelatiah jr., 203.
Rhoda, 203.
Rhoda H., 203.
Morrison, Daniel, 178.
Mors, Anthony, 171.
John, 176.
Mark, 171.
Richard, 176.
Morton, Briant, 172.
Ebenezer, 174.
James, 173.
Moses, Daniel, 182.
Moulton, Augustus F., 108, 111.
Johnson, 86.
Mary, 331.
Peter, 174.
Mowat, Henry, 87, 88, 89, 90, 172,
364, 371, 372.
Murray, John, 35, 49, 51, 435.
Daniel, 166.
Nash, Charles E., 447.
Samuel, 320, 325, 326.
Nason, Nathaniel, 175.
Uriah, 169.
Nealley, E. B., 108, 109.
Nebegin, John, 182.
Neely, Henry A., 126.
Nelson, Anders, 151.
Ola H., 151.
Newell, Ebenezer, 102, 183, 185.
Solomon, 184.
Zachariah, 166.
Newman, Ebenezer, 167.
Samuel, 281.
Nichols, - , 370.
Nickel, Alexander, 272.
Noble, Arthur, 272.
Nathan, 334, 420.
Reuben, 176.
Norberg, Michael U., 148, 151.
Norcross, Joanna, 201.
INDEX.
471
Norcross, Jonathan, 201.
Martha, 201.
Norridgewocks, the, 5, 264.
Norris, J., 70.
Northend, Hannah, 438.
Samuel, 438.
Susanna, 438.
Norton, Betsey, 203.
Clarissa, 203.
Ebenezer, 203.
Henry, 204.
Jeremiah, 204.
Judith, 328.
Mary, 203.
Ransom, 132.
Winthrop, 203.
Nowell, Zacharich, 166.
Noyes, Amos, 170.
Cutting, 153.
Mary, 165.
Samuel, 90, 101, 170, 171.
Nye, Eleanor, 330.
Elisha, 330.
Elisha B., 330.
Elizabeth C., 331.
James, 330.
Jane, 330.
Nancy, 330.
Remember, 442.
Tiliston, 330.
Oakman, Samuel, 435.
Olsson, Nils, 78, 81, 149, 150.
Olof, 150.
Oso, 265, 266.
Owen, Joseph, 437.
Mary, 437.
William, 153.
Pabodie ) Elizabeth, 288, 294, 295,
Paybody J 298.
John, 295.
William, 291, 295.
Page, John O., 437.
Jove, 182.
Paine, Henry W., 388.
Thomas, 167.
Palfrey, John G., 22, 29.
Parcher, Daniel, 182.
Parker, Mr. , 436.
Rev. , 250.
John, 86, 173.
Mary, 172.
Parsons, Harriet, 112.
Isaac, 111, 165.
Partridge, David, 169.
Jesse, 101, 168, 169, 399, 400, 401.
Nathan, 170.
Patten, John O., 447.
Patterson. John, 100.
William D., 273.
Paugus, 217.
Payson, Edward, 108.
Herbert, 447.
Peabody, Andrew P., 223.
Josiah, 169.
Pearson, Moses, 416, 418.
Pennell, Jeremiah, 169.
Joseph, 170.
Penney, J. W., 109, 111.
Pennyman, John, 167.
Pepperell, William, 14, 15, 162, 248.
Pequakets, the, 213, 215, 217, 218,
222.
Perham, Sidney, 126.
Perkins, James, 173.
John, 173.
Molly, 442.
Perley, Jeremiah, 321.
Samuel, 314, 320, 321, 322. 323.
Persdotter, Hannah, 79.
Persson, Jons, 79, 149.
Korno, 79.
Nils, 79, 81, 150.
Truls, 150.
W. W. T., 79.
Peters, J. A., 109, 445.
Peterson, John, 182.
Pettengill, John, 167^
Petterson, Petter, 150.
Pehr, 150.
Pettingill, Sarah, 177.
Philbrook, Alice, 332.
Eliphalet, 332.
472
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Philip, 264, 265, 266, 270, 271.
Philip III., 424, 425, 428.
Philips, John, 279.
Phillips, Richard, 176.
Phiniiey, Edmund, 85, 86, 88, 89,
90, 91, 92, 93, 97, 100, 112, 151,
158, 159, 161, 163, 164, 166, 168,
174, 176, 179, 181, 183, 336.
John, 165, 172, 173,
Martha, 172.
Phipps, William, 11.
Pickard, S. W., 22.
Pierce, Hon. , 205.
L., 109.
Marshall, 445.
Pigot, George, 405, 406.
Pike, Richard, 26, 365.
Timothy, 175.
Pilsbury, Isaac, 202.
Mary, 202.
Sarah, 103, 202.
Tobias, 167.
Pilts, Gottlieb T., 149.
Plank, F. R. W., 150.
Plummer, Daniel, 178.
Samuel, 179.
Poat, Thomas, 173.
Polan, 334.
Polin, 168.
Pool, Abijah, 166.
Samuel, 171.
Poole, W. F., 245.
Poor, Thomas, 179.
Popham, George, 426.
John, 310, 425.
Porter, Stewart, 171.
Thomas, 172.
Porterfield, Elizabeth, 168.
John, 169.
William, 399, 400, 401, 404.
Portneuf, 8, 9, 10.
Pottenger, Arthur, 175.
Potter, Lucy, 202.
Lydia, 202.
Samuel, 202.
Powell, Nathaniel, 428.
William, 33, 36.
Powell, Mrs. William, 33, 36.
Powers, Peter, 324, 325.
Pownell, Thomas, 23.
Pratt, Dier, 176.
Eliza C., 330.
Hannah, 282.
Harriet, 329.
James A., 330.
John G., 329.
Julia Ann, 330.
Mary, 329.
Nathan, 329.
Nathan G., 329.
Richard, 329.
Samuel, 282, 283.
Pray, Alice, 332.
Dolly, 332.
Eliphalet, 332.
Preble, Edward, 19, 20.
Jedediah, 20, 23, 90, 91, 92, 93 r
188, 189, 190, 191, 200, 272, 273,
372, 373, 396.
John, 188, 373, 374.
Prescott, William, 100.
Preston, Richard, 174.
Thomas, 24.
Priest, John, 170.
Primatt, Humphrey, 33.
Sarah, 33.
Prime, Joseph, 168.
Prince, Jane, 437.
Stephen, 178.
Pring, Elizabeth, 312.
James H., 303.
Martin, 300, 302, 303, 304, 305,
307, 309, 310, 311, 312, 428, 429.
Proctor, Mr. , 391.
Abel, 176.
Mary, 168.
Pryor, Joseph, 290.
Roger, 32.
Purchase, Samuel, 305, 309, 311,
428.
Putnam, Israel, 97, 98, 99, 155, 160,
181.
Quimby, Joseph, 169.
INDEX.
473
Raleigh, Walter, 304.
Kasle' 1 Sebastian ' 214 > 243 '
Ramsay, Dr. , 223.
Rand, G. D., 109.
Jonathan, 166.
Randall, Mr. , 153.
Benjamin, 167.
William, 279.
Rane, John, 282.
Mary, 282.
Record, Frank, 145.
Redknap, Col. , 13.
Reed, Abraham, 178.
Jesse, 314.
Parker M., 109, 445.
Rice, Judge , 384.
Benjamin, 182.
Ebenezer, 182.
John, 102, 177, 180, 181.
Lemuel, 182.
Thomas, 182, 206.
Rich, Barnabas, 175.
Joel, 175.
Lucretia, 443.
Martha, 174.
Richard, Joseph, 182.
Richardson, A. F., 109.
Richmond, Abigail, 293.
Edward, 293, 294.
John, 292, 294, 296.
Joseph, 293, 294, 296.
Sylvester, 296.
William, 297-
Riddel, William, 52.
Riggs, Enoch, 169.
Stephen, 401.
Thomas, 178*
Rines, Ambrose, 176,
Ringdahl, Erik, 151.
River, George L., 106, 110.
Robbins, , 216.
Chandler, 437.
Nathaniel, 437.
Philemon, 437.
William Henry, 437.
Robert, Joseph, 184
Robinson, George, 173.
Hans, 198.
John, 170, 183.
Joshua, 167.
Samuel, 184.
Rochefoucauld, Due de, 16.
Rockingham, Marquis ot, 1.
Rogers, Abigail, 277, 278, 285, 287,
293, 294, 296, 298, 299.
Alice, 287, 288.
Ann, 278.
Anna, 294, 299.
Caleb, 288.
Elizabeth, 276, 285, 287, 288, 293,
294, 295, 296.
Else, 287.
Experience, 283, 284.
Frances, 277, 298.
Hannah, 276, 283, 284, 286, 287,
288, 293, 294, 296.
James, 178, 276.
John, 49, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279,
280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 286,
287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293,
294, 295, 296, 297, 298, 299, 300.
Joseph, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279,
288, 289, 290, 292, 298.
Joshua, 288.
Judith, 282, 283,' 284.
Lydia, 281, 282, 283, 284, 286, 287,
299.
Mary, 276, 277, 282, 283, 284, 285,
286, 287, 296.
Ruth, 293, 296.
Samuel, 281.
Sarah, 276, 283, 293, 296.
Seth, 178.
Thomas, 275, 276, 277, 281, 286,
287, 288, 298, 299.
Timothy, 33, 277, 279, 298.
William, 296.
Rolfe, John, 153.
Rollins, Alphonzo, 203.
Andrew J., 203.
Anna, 202, 332.
Ariel M., 202.
Eliza A., 203.
474
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Rollins, Betsey, 332.
Elzada, 203.
Hannah S., 203.
Holraan P., 202.
Lucy, 202.
Lucy A., 203.
Moses, 202, 332.
Moses H., 202.
Sally Ann, 203.
William, 202, 203.
William H., 203.
Hollo, 68, 69.
Romer, Wolfgang, 11.
Ronan, John, 440.
Rosier, James, 309, 429, 431, 432.
Rounds, Theodore, 173.
Row, Zebulon, 176.
Rowe, Caleb, 101, 174.
Royel, Eliah, 176.
Runnells, Owen, 173.
Russell, Ephriam, 175.
George, 278.
Mrs. George, 278.
John, 278.
Posy, 278.
Rutherford, Robert, 50.
Ryal, Adams, 178.
Sabine, Lorenzo, 25, 26,
Safford, Moses A., 108, 109, 445,
446.
St. Castine, J. Y. de, 9.
St. Johns Indians, 264.
St. Vincent, Earl, 33.
Salt, Joseph, 182.
Saltern, Robert, 305,
Saltonstall, , 355.
Col. , 186.
Sanborn, Jonathan, 175.
Sanburn, Paul, 178.
Sargent, Epes, 32, 35.
Esther, 32, 35.
Henry, 35.
Lucius M., 35.
Paul D., 35,
William M., 2, 22.
Winthrop, 35.
Saunders, Bradbury, 40, 254, 255,
256, 257, 260.
Thomas, 153, 257.
Savage, James, 275, 277, 280, 285,
298, 324.
Sawyer, Daniel, 183.
Joel, 174.
John, 170.
Jonathan, 101, 174, 185,
Joshua, 184.
Peter, 184.
Scammel, Alexander, 20.
Scammon, James, 86, 100.
Schomberg, A. F., 6.
Schroder, G. W., 60, 62, 116.
Scolly, Benjamin, 166.
Scott, John, 167.
Scribner, Abigail, 444.
Searle, Nathaniel, 296, 297.
Seaton, Messrs, 63.
Sewall, , 223.
Benjamin, 439.
Charles A., 440.
Charlotte, 439.
Charlotte S., 440.
David, 209, 440.
Dorcas, 440.
Edward, 440.
Elizabeth, 440.
George B., 440.
Hannah B., 440.
Henry, 165, 166, 439.
Joanna, 439.
John, 439, 440.
J. S., 109,
Mary, 440.
Miriam, 439.
Moses, 439, 440.
Nicholas, 439.
Olive M., 440.
Rufus, 440.
Rufus K., 447.
Ruth, 439, 440.
Samuel, 439.
Sophia, 439.
Stephen, 440.
William, 440.
INDEX.
475
Sharp, Jonathan, 171.
Shaw, Jeremiah, 319.
John, 284.
Mary Ann, 103.
Josiah, 167.
Sarah, 285.
Sargant, 175.
Thomas, 175.
Shepley, Mrs. George F., 213.
Sherburne, Caroline, 103.
Isaac, 103.
James, 103.
Jephthah, 103.
Lydia, 103.
Naomi, 103.
Phineas, 103.
Rebecca, 103.
Sherlock, Thomas, 233.
Sherman, Mrs. , 353, 354.
Shirley, William, 14, 249, 414.
Shute, Benjamin, 378.
Silvester, John, 242.
Richard, 281.
Simmons, Amelia, 105.
Arthur S., 105.
Charles, 104.
Daniel, 104, 105.
Gorham, 104.
Hannibal, 104.
Noah, 104.
Sarah J., 104.
Simons, Joel, 177.
Simonton, Walter, 184.
Skillings, John, 175, 183, 420.
. Samuel, 183.
Sarah, 183.
Thomas, 175.
Skinner, John, 184.
Siemens, William, 401, 402, 403.
Small, Daniel, 401.
David, 399, 400, 401.
James, 180.
Elizabeth, 164.
Henry, 183.
William, 59, 66
Smith, Abigail, 444.
Ason, 104.
Smith, C. D., 109.
Daniel, 104.
Dorcas, 105.
Elizabeth, 103.
George, 100, 163, 164.
Hannah, 104, 444.
Harrison, 327.
Henry, 327.
Isaac, 103, 104.
Israel, 175.
John, 104, 326, 330, 424, 430, 444.
J. Y. C., 223.
Joseph, 103, 104.
Loisa, 326.
Lucinda, 327.
Martha, 326.
Olive, 104.
Peleg, 178.
Pelina, 327.
Ralph, 343.
Rufus, 330.
Sally, 444.
Samuel, 292, 444.
Sarah, 103.
Seba jr., 111.
Stephen, 104.
Susan, 444.
Thankful, 327,
Thomas, 22, 211, 392, 416, 419.
Winthrop, 327.
Southhack, Cyprian, 12.
Southmayd, William, 314.
Southward, Sylva, 104.
Southworth, Constant, 289.
Thomas, 289.
Soverin, Joseph, 180.
Sparrow, Jonathan, 403.
Sprague, John F.,336.
Spring, Alpheus, 49.
Sprout, Col. , 168.
Stackpole, Hannah, 442.
Stacy, Ebenezer, 406.
Staples, Frank L., 110.
Joshua, 177.
Mary, 288.
Starbird, Elias, 169.
John, 170.
476
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
Starbird, Samuel, 169.
Stevens, , 104.
Benjamin, 105.
Ebenezer, 177.
Ephraim, 105.
George, 105.
Henry, 105.
Isaiah, 105.
Jacob, 177.
Jonas, 177.
Jonathan, 105, 410.
Joseph, 176.
Joshua, 169.
Mary, 104, 105.
Nathaniel, 174, 177.
Noah, 177.
Patience, 105.
Mrs. Patience, 105.
Samuel, 105.
Sarah, 164.
William, 410.
Stewart, D. T. R. C., 330.
James G., 330,
John C., 330.
Margaret, 330.
Mary C., 330.
Peater, 171.
Rebecca H., 330.
Solomon, 330.
Sylvanus F., 330.
Stickney, Daniel, 66.
Stiles, Ely, 178.
Stilphen, A. C., 109, 445, 447.
Stinchfield, William, 177.
Stone, , 223.
B. M., 224.
James M., 59.
Joanna, 439.
Miriam, 439.
Patty, 322.
Story, , 354.
Stover, Mathias, 178.
Strachey, William, 309, 428.
Strickland, John, 316, 321, 322.
Strout, Elezer, 184.
Stuart, Joseph, 174.
Wentworth, 87, 90, 101, 173, 174-
Stubbs, Jeremiah, 178.
Samuel, 177.
Sturdavant, John, 178.
Sturgis, Jonathan, 173.
Sturtevant, Walter H., 445.
Suett, Clark, 410.
Joseph, 409.
Sullivan, James, 22.
Sumner, Increase, 16.
Svensson, Anders, 150.
Christine, 130.
Svan, 130, 149.
Sweatland, Alonzo, 103.
Arabella, 103.
Charles, 103.
Dorcas J., 103.
Edward, 103.
Elizabeth, 103.
Jane W., 103.
Matthew, 103.
Nathan, 103.
Perley, 103.
Rebecca, 103.
Sarah Ann, 103.
Seth, 103.
Zurnah, 103.
Sweet, Moses, 171.
Sweetser, Richard, 171.
Swett, John, 422.
Stephen, 100, 163, 165.
Syers, Hedge, 443.
Margaret, 443.
Symmes, Thomas, 217.
Symonds, J. W., 109.
Taber, John and son, 403.
Talbot, G. F., 107, 111.
Talleyrand, C. M. de., 16.
Tappan, Benjamin, 112.
Tate, Eleanor, 397.
George, 396, 397, 403.
Robert, 397.
Samuel, 396.
William, 396.
Teague, Judah D., 75.
Temple, Robert, 249.
Terry, Anna, 293, 294.
INDEX.
477
Terry, Benjamin, 294.
Thomas, 294.
Tesharey, George, 175.
Thams, Mr. , 391.
Thatcher, Benjamin B., 110.
Isaiah, 320.
Thayer, H. O., 109, 111, 335.
Thomas, John jr., 170.
Joseph, 167.
Samuel, 102, 183.
Waterman, 434, 435.
W. W-, 53, 112, 113, 114, 144, 149,
334.
Thompson, George, 182.
Samuel, 87, 88, 371, 372.
Thomson, John, 210, 211, 212.
William, 211.
Thome, Robert, 303.
Thrasher, John, 153.
Thrift, Hannah, 288.
Thurlow, John, 175.
Thurston, Betsey, 328.
Brown, 112, 334.
John, 328.
Margaret, 328.
Thwing, Col. , 186.
Tibbetts, Betsey B., 327.
Daniel, 327.
Hannah, 327.
Samuel, 182.
Tibbitt, Mr. , 64.
Tisdale, Anna, 292, 294.
John, 293, 294, 295.
Titcomb, Benjamin, 153.
Tobey, Page, 178.
Stephen, 331.
Toma, , 193, 194, 195, 196.
Tornquist, Axel H., 151.
Carl J., 151.
Torrey, Micajah, 284.
Samuel, 284.
Toward, Daniel, 175.
Towles, , 223.
Tracy, Stephen, 289.
Treat, , 193, 194.
Mr., 265.
Trouve, Pastor, 62.
True, Anna, 177.
Bradbury, 101, 177.
William, 177.
Tucker, William, 177.
Tufts, John, 378.
Tukey, Benjamin, 166.
Stephen, 153.
Turenne, H. de la Tour D'A., 5.
Turner, Charles, 315, 316, 321.
George F., 145, 146.
Isaac, 406.
Twitchell, Moses, 171.
Tyler, Abraham, 87, 102, 172, 179.
James, 179.
Jonathan, 177.
Umphrey, 180.
Tyndall, Robert, 428.
Tyng, William, 89.
Urquhart, John, 204, 205, 206, 315,
322.
Vane, Henry, 246.
Vass, Jane, 326.
Margaret, 326.
William, 326.
Vassal, Mrs. , 289.
William, 358.
Vaughan, Benjamin, 447.
George, 180.
Velasco, Alonso de., 426, 427, 428,
432.
Vendome, Louis J., 5.
Verrazano, Giovanni da, 300.
Videtor, Joseph, 178.
Vose, Joseph, 164, 168, 174.
Carl, 149.
Waite, John, 402.
Waldo, Francis, 397.
Hannah, 254.
Lucy, 256.
Samuel, 164, 254, 256, 260, 391,
397, 414.
Walker, C. H., 213, 224.
Noah, 101, 175, 176.
Walton, Judge, , 388.
478
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Ward, Rev. , 313, 314.
Artemas, 85,
Elijah, 169.
Wardwell, Samuel, 247.
Warren, Adrial, 170.
John jr., 170.
Joseph, 97, 377.
Mercy, 161.
Peter, 153,
Warwick, Earl of, 1
Wasgat, Capt. , 192, 193.
Washburn, Israel, 56.
Washington, George, 20, 98, 99,
154, 158, 160, 161, 162, 168, 181.
Martha, 161.
Waterhouse, George, 173.
John, 179.
Joseph, 182.
Waterman, Charles E., 110.
Watson, Eliphalet, 126.
Elizabeth, 289.
John, 174.
Thomas, 289.
Watts, Alexander, 414.
David, 173.
Waymouth, George, 302, 310, 428,
429, 430, 431, 432.
Weare, Joseph, 178.
Lydia, 164.
Peter, 164.
Sarah, 164.
Webb, Henry, 169,
James, 170.
John, 169.
William, 399, 400, 401.
Webster, Daniel, 212, 220.
John, 177, 182.
Nathaniel, 317.
Samuel, 317.
Wendell, Edmund, 398, 399, 400,
401, 403.
Wentworth, Amey, 105.
John, 166, 209, 396, 399, 401.
Joshua, 403.
Phebe, 105.
Timothy, 105.
Wescot , 171.
Wescot, Joshua, 183.
West, Charles E., 201.
Delia E., 201.
Desper, 175.
George, 201.
Gustavus O., 201.
Hannah, 201.
Hannibal A., 201.
Harriet E., 201.
John, 201.
Joseph, 201.
Joseph M., 201.
Peter, 201.
Shubael, 201.
William, 176.
Westbrook, Thomas, 391, 392, 394,
395, 416.
Westergren, Anders, 78.
Westmore, James, 170.
Weymouth, Joseph, 173,
Wheaton, Mason, 93, 272, 367.
Wheeler, G. A., 109, 446.
Whidden, Capt. , 248, 249.
Whipple, William, 108.
Whitaker, Nathaniel, 322, 323.
Whitcombe, Col. , 40.
White, Mr. , 384.
Aaron, 441.
Benjamin, 329, 441.
Charles, 442.
Elizabeth, 441.
Franklin, 442.
Hannah, 441.
James, 441, 442.
Jeremiah, 441.
John, 428, 429.
Joseph, 282, 283, 285, 286, 287,
327, 441.
Lois, 329, 441.
Lucy, 441.
Lydia, 282, 286, 287, 441.
Mary, 281, 287, 441.
Mary H., 327.
Moses, 441.
Nicholas, 281.
Patty, 441.
Prudence, 441.
INDEX.
479
White, Kebecca, 441.
Sally, M. G., 327.
Sarah, 441.
Silence, 329, 441, 442.
Thomas, 282.
Timothy, 287.
William, 441.
Whitefield, George, 49, 246.
Whiting, Betsey, 203.
Jonathan, 203.
Sarah, 203.
Thurston, 313, 314, 319.
Whitmore, William, 174.
Whitney, Amos, 173.
Daniel, 173.
David, 175.
John, 171, 173.
Moses, 183,
Napthalim, 173.
Paul, 173.
Whitsom, John, 307.
Whittam, Martha, 177.
Whitten, John, 183.
Thomas, 182.
Wight, John, 416.
Willard, Peleg, 184.
Samuel, 211.
Simon, 9.
William and Mary, 5, 7, 361.
Williams, Anna, 294, 295.
Elizabeth, 293, 294, 295.
Hart, 87, 101, 172.
John Foster, 431.
Lois, 439.
Nathaniel, 293.
Samuel, 294.
Williamson, Joseph, 45, 204, 272,
300, 313, 445, 446, 447.
William D., 22, 45, 109, 204, 313.
Willis William, 17, 22, 226, 373.
Wilson, Anne, 33, 34.
F. A., 109.
John, 182.
Joseph, 170.
Mark, 169.
Thomas, 33.
Wimble, John, 184.
Winberg, E., 128.
Winslow, Abigail, 203.
Abigail C., 203.
Mrs. Betsey, 203.
Betsey F., 203.
Charles H., 203.
Fraziette E., 203.
George A., 203.
Hannah, 203.
Isaac, 256, 257, 260, 261, 376.
Mrs. Isaac, 256, 260,
Jonathan, 203.
Jonathan W., 203.
Mary, 170.
Nathan, 410.
Sarah W., 203.
Sewall, 203.
Sewall S., 203.
Winsor, Justin, 279, 297, 308, 424
Winter, Francis, 48.
Samuel, 49.
Winthrop, Capt. , 420.
John, 338, 349, 351, 352, 355,
356, 358, 360.
Robert C., jr., 447.
Wiren, Andrew, 123, 124, 125.
Withee, James, 72.
Witherell, Rev. , 285, 286.
Witherspoon, John, 51.
Wood, Abiel, 238, 253.
George W., 112.
Joseph, 445.
Sarah, 33.
Woodbury, Joseph, 177.
Woodman, Joseph, 172, 173.
Woodsum, Caleb, 171.
Workman, John, 175.
Worthley, John, 101, 177.
Wright, Abiel H., 110.
Wyburne, William, 280.
Wyman, Lieut. , 216.
Yeaton, Dorcas, 105.
John, 105.
Mary, 105.
Philip, 105.
Phineas, 105.
480
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Yeaton, Sarah, 105.
Thomas, 105.
Timothy W., 105
York, Abraham, 175.
Bartholomew, 100, 154, 157, 165,
166.
John, 171, 174.
Thomas, 184.
Youlen, Benja., 177.
Young, Abigail S., 444.
Young, Hannah, 444,
Jonathan, 444.
Levi, 327.
Nancy, 330.
S. J., 109.
Susanna, 327.
Zuniga, Pedro de, 424, 425, 426,
427.
INDEX OF PLACES.
Abington, 281.
Adimenticus, 234.
Alabama, 7, 34, 35.
Albany, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43.
Alfred, 380.
Allentown, 439.
Allon, Presbytery, 204.
Andover, 171, 222, 322.
Bullard's, 96.
Stevens' Tavern, 96.
Andrews' Island, 3.
Androscoggin River, 415.
Annapolis-Royal, 208, 242, 243.
Arlington, Wetherby's Tavern, 96.
Aroostook, 66, 117, 121, 129.
County, 65, 132, 135, 146, 147.
River, 65, 67.
Arundel, 179.
Patten's Tavern, 95.
Attleborough, 332.
Auburn, 392.
Augusta, 110, 138, 142, 145, 166,
331, 335.
Capitol, 128.
Awliscomb, 302.
Azores, 305, 309.
Bagaduce, 175.
Baker's Town, 399, 402.
Bangor, 110, 142, 380, 388.
Historical Magazine, 273, 366.
Historical Society, 187.
Bang's Island, 3.
Barbadoes, 397.
Barnerdstown, 175.
Barnstable, 163, 276.
County, 331.
Barrington, 103, 296, 297.
Bath, 49, 201, 440, 447.
Beardsley Brook, 123.
Belfast, 272, 365, 366, 367.
Belgrade, 174, 441.
Benjamin's River, 377.
Berwick, 105, 171, 173, 175, 203,
332, 380,
Lord's Tavern, 96.
Morrell's Tavern, 95.
Biddeford, 179, 317, 379.
Billerica, 397.
Black Point, 4.
Bloomfield, 323.
Blue Point, 179.
Boon Island, 301.
Boothbay, 50, 51.
Boston, 4, 5, 6, 11, 12, 24, 25, 28,
30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39,
44, 87, 95, 97, 152, 155, 156,
159, 165, 172, 174, 179, 180, 186,
190, 192, 194, 202, 230, 250, 271,
295, 296, 346, 348, 349, 353, 365,
371, 379, 381, 382, 383, 384, 388,
413, 420, 447.
Atkinson Street, 32, 37,
Beacon Street, 36.
Charter Street, 30.
Christ Church, 31.
Congress Street, 37.
Cornhill, 24.
INDEX.
481
Cow Lane, 32.
Harbor, Castle William, 156, 186.
Harbor Lighthouse, 151, 152.
Latin School, 31, 32, 34.
Massachusetts Historical So-
ciety, 208.
Milk Street, 32.
North Street Church, 31.
Salem Street, 32.
Trinity Church, 242.
Bow, 213.
Bowdoin College, 111.
Cleveland Lecture Room, 108,
445.
Braintree, 283.
Bridgewater, 290.
Brimfield, 443.
Brintwood, 103.
Bristol, England, 302, 307, 308,
310.
King Road, 309.
St. Stephen's Church, 312.
Bristol, Maine, 50, 51, 52.
Broad Cove, 50, 51, 52.
Bristol, R. I., 292, 295, 296.
Broad Cove, 431.
Brookfield, 322.
Brown University, 324, 325.
Brunswick, 87, 108, 171, 447.
Buckfield, 165.
Buxton, 173, 182, 183, 393, 402.
Bylield, 438.
Cambridge, 90, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96,
97, 98, 99, 100, 151, 153, 159,
161, 167, 169, 180, 181, 183, 210,
349, 378, 447.
Common, 155, 160.
Franklin Street, 97.
Longfellow House, 98, 154.
Prospect Hill, 155, 156, 157.
Putnam Avenue, 97.
Washington Elm, 96.
Winter Hill, 155.
Camden, 430.
Camp 4, at Charlestown, 39, 44.
Canaan, 323.
VOL. VII. 33
Canada, 196, 264, 265, 266, 300, 374.
Candia, 319.
Cape Ann, 307.
Cape Briton, 31, 303.
Cape Charles, 429.
Cape Cod, 5, 276, 300, 301.
Cape Elizabeth, 102, 153, 183, 184,
185.
Cape Jellison, 23.
Cape May, 6.
Cape Neddock, 301, 307.
Cape Porpus, 429.
Cape Sable, 264.
Caribou, 67, 71. 72, 75, 77, 127, 129,
132, 136, 137, 138, 142, 144, 145>
146, 147.
Caribou Stream, 77, 121.
Carlisle, 324.
Carolinas, The, 7.
Casco, 9.
Casco Bay, 9, 11, 301, 307, 401.
Castine, 446.
Charlestown, 97, 324, 348.
Charlestown, Camp Number Four,
39, 44.
Charlestown, Bunker Hill, 93, 100,
157, 158, 159, 225.
Charlestown, Ploughed Hill, 156,
157.
Charlestown and Connecticut
River, 39, 44.
Chelsea, Mass., 26, 29, 30, 34, 37,
38, 39, 156.
Cheshire County, 443.
Colby University, 137.
Concord, Mass., 87, 225.
Connecticut, 6, 155, 348, 376.
Connecticut River, 39, 44.
Con way, 221, 224.
Cornwall County, 7.
Coteticut River, 29l".
Cow Island, 22.
Creighton, 328.
Crown Point, 31, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42,
43, 185, 273.
Cumberland and Oxford Canal,
107, 412.
482
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Cumberland County, 86, 91, 92, 93,
112, 143, 151, 168, 201, 243, 334,
396, 399, 404, 410, 434.
Cumberland Railroad, 332.
Cushing, 205.
Cushing's Island, 2, 3, 22.
Cushing's Pond, 11.
Cutter's Cove, 431.
Cuttyhunk, 301.
Damariscotta River, 50, 51, 272.
Dartmouth College, 49, 210, 320,
323, 325.
Deep Cove, 431.
Deering, 170, 336.
Libby's Corner, 390.
Deer Island, 37, 325.
Delaware, 6, 7.
Devonshire, 302.
Dorchester, 441.
Dover, 3, 380, 390.
Dover, Hanson's Tavern, 96.
Dresden, 110, 207, 225, 248, 250. 438.
Dunstan, 180, 392, 394.
Dunstan Corner. Milikin's Tavern,
95.
Dunstan Landing, 391, 392.
Durham, 45, 165, 178, 183, 318.
Durham Falls, Adams' Tavern, 96.
Duxbury, 104, 275, 276, 277, 279,
280, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293,
294, 295, 396, 297, 298, 299, 300,
316, 326.
East Andover, 322.
East Boston, 365.
East Bridgewater, 281.
Eastern River, 47.
Eastham, 276, 288.
Edgecomb, 314, 442.
Edgertown, 327.
Ellsworth, 205.
Epping, 203.
Essex County, 406, 413, 414, 415,
438.
Exeter, 45, 165, 328, 444.
Gidding's tavern, 96.
Falmouth, 11, 14, 15, 23, 87, 88, 89,
90, 92, 93, 97, 100, 101, 153, 157,
158, 159, 163, 165, 169, 170, 171,
172, 173, 175, 248, 371, 372, 373,
390, 396, 397, 399, 400, 402, 404,
415, 416, 420, 447.
Neck, 154, 158, 159, 167, 390, 392,
418.
Round Marsh, 391.
Farmiugton, 203, 330, 447.
Fish Point, 21.
Florenceville, 64.
Flores, 305.
Fore River, 390, 404.
Fort Allen, 16.
Burrows, 21.
Fairfield, 64, 65, 66, 142.
Gorges, 21.
Halifax, 199, 200.
Loyal, 4, 5, 8, 11, 14, 16, 22.
New Casco, 11, 14.
Number 2, at Cambridge, 97,
152, 170.
Point, 23, 257.
Pownall, 23, 24, 26, 27, 30, 34,
187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 195,
197, 198, 254, 256, 257, 259, 260,
261, 262, 264, 267, 269, 273, 333,
362, 363, 365, 367, 371, 372, 373,
374, 375, 378.
Preble, 11, 17, 18, 19, 21, 190.
Richmond, 234, 248, 249.
Scammel, 2, 17, 20, 11.
Shirley, 234.
Sumner, 16, 19.
Ticonderoga, 164, 172, 179, 181.
William Henry, 11, 50.
Forts and Garrisons:
at Cape Jellison, 23.
at Fish Point, 21.
at Jordan's Point, 21.
at the Kennebec River, 207.
at Marblehead, 417.
at Pemaquid, 11, 50.
at Purpooduc, 10.
at St. George, 205, 234, 426.
at Spring Point, 11.
INDEX.
483
Forts and Garrisons :
at Stroudwater, 394.
at Warren, 205.
Bethune's, 258.
Ingersoll's, 4.
Lawrence's, 4, 9, 10.
Munjoy's, 3.
Fox Islands, 306, 307.
Frankfort, 143, 207, 228, 235, 236,
254.
Fredericton, 63, 64, 117.
Fryeburg, 209, 212, 213, 215, 218,
221, 222, 223, 224, 244.
Dana Homestead, 213.
Fight Brook, 220.
Frye Hill, 213.
Highlands, 213.
Jockey Cap, 213.
Lovewell's Pond, 213.
Mount Pleasant, 219.
Mount Tom, 213.
Gambo Falls, 333.
Gardiner, 36, 207, 332, 442.
Gay Cove, 431.
Georgetown, 48, 104, 271.
Georgia, 7.
Gilmanton, 329, 444.
Glasgow, University of, 50.
Gloucester, 32, 33, 35.
Gorham, 88, 89, 91, 100, 101, 163,
164, 165, 169. 170, 172, 173, 174,
175, 202, 320, 336, 380, 409.
Gothenburg, 60, 62, 113 115.
Gray, 111, 171, 175, 176, 320, 321,
322, 323, 325, 334.
Great Diamond Island, 2, 3.
Great Falls, 390.
Great River, 405.
Greenland, 300.
Guilford, 232.
Hailburn, 443.
Haletown, 177.
Halifax, Mass., 104.
N. S., 63, 64, 242, 252, 270.
Hallowell, 103, 104, 166, 201, 202,
203, 204, 326, 329, 330, 331, 332,
435, 437, 438, 439, 440, 441, 442,
444.
Hampshire County, 443.
Hanover, 285, 444.
Harpswell, 334, 335.
Harrington, 50.
Harvard University, 32, 45, 48, 88,
206, 207, 209, 210, 211, 227, 315,
316, 317, 319, 320, 324, 437.
Haverhill, 324.
Greeuleaf's tavern, 96.
Hingham, 282.
Hobamock Pond, 280.
Hobbstown, 211.
Hog Island, 2.
Hollis, 178.
Hopkinton, 32.
Horse Beef Falls, 395, 411, 412.
Houlton, 117, 142, 150.
House Island, 2, 3, 17.
Hubbardtown, 420.
Hudson River, 6, 168, 181, 429.
Hull, 63.
Hyler's Cove, 431.
lies de Montes Deserts, 430.
Illinois, 7.
Indiana, 7.
Ipswich, 168, 415, 443.
Island Creek, 299.
Isle of Wight, 232.
Jamaica Farm, 267.
James River, 428.
Java, 311.
Jemptland, 119.
Jones River, 275, 289, 290.
River Bridge, 290.
River Pond, 291.
Jordan's Point, 21.
Kenduskeag River, 34.
Kennebec, 178.
County, 437.
Purchase, 36.
484
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Kennebec River, 8, 36, 110, 111, 199,
207, 226, 229, 230, 241, 243, 249,
250, 253, 307, 335, 426, 429, 430.
Valley, 249.
Kennebunk, 379, 380.
Kensington, 174.
Kentucky, 7.
Kilkenny, 327.
Kinderhock, 40.
Kingston, Mass., 104.
N. H., 96.
On-ThameSj 33.
Kittery, 164, 175, 324, 331, 418, 440.
Labrador, 300.
Lake Sabine, 249.
Lechmere Point, 156, 157.
Lee, 331.
Lexington, Maine, 319.
Lexington, Mass., 30, 86, 87, 108,
110, 168, 173, 179, 225, 364, 365,
370.
Limerick, 319.
Lincoln County, 49, 93, 207, 237,
271, 272, 433, 434, 435, 442.
Litchfield, 327.
Little Comptou, 296, 297.
Little Falls, 335, 410.
Little Meadows River, 122.
Littleton, 176, 177.
Lock Falls, 412.
London, England, 397, 412.
Drury Lane Theater, 233.
Westminister Abby, 233.
London, N. H., 202, 332.
Long Pond, 419.
Louisburg, 15, 31, 37, 162, 273,
420.
Lovewell's Pond, 213, 220, 221.
Lyndon, 122.
Lynn, 329.
Machias, 47, 48.
Madawaska River, 130.
Madbnry, 331.
175, 272, 377,
436.
Maine, 5, 6, 7, 11, 18, 25, 29, 34
46, 49, 53, 55, 56, 57, 59, 61, 68,
69, 74, 75, 83, 91, 106, 148, 300,
328, 370, 422, 439.
Major Bagaduce,
Major Bagwaduce,
Majo Bigwaduce,
Major Purchase, 293.
Mallison Falls, 407, 412.
Mallison Falls Manufacturing Co.,
412.
Mallison Grant, 409.
Maple Juice Cove, 431.
Marblehead, 33, 152, 157, 405, 406,
412, 415, 416.
Mare Point, 11.
Marlboro, 32.
Marshfield, 275, 277, 278, 279, 280,
281, 286, 287, 289, 292, 297, 298,
299, 300, 328, 371.
Martha's Vineyard, 201, 203, 307.
Maryland, 6.
Massachusetts, 6, 7, 17, 25, 29, 38,
56, 85, 185, 186, 187, 189, 290, 291,
338, 339, 341, 342, 343, 344, 374.
Mechanic Falls, 110, 111.
Mechisses, 47.
Menotomy, Wetherby's Tavern, 96.
Michigan, 7, 55.
Middleboro, 293, 294, 329.
Milford Haven, 305.
Milton, 296, 297.
Minas, 31.
Minnesota, 55.
Mississippi Valley, 7.
Mobile, 35.
Mohawk River, 429.
Monhegan Island, 3, 430, 432.
Monmouth, 165, 181, 183, 439.
Monson, 142, 336,
Montgomery, 34, 35.
Montreal, 6, 8.
Moosehead Lake, 249.
Moultonborough, 321.
Mount Chocorua, 220.
Mount Desert, 256, 263, 264, 430.
Mount Hope, 292, 295, 296.
INDEX.
485
Mount Kearsarge, 220.
Mount Washington, 220, 430.
Mystic, 155, 351.
Nagwamqueeg, 105, 405, 407, 411.
Namatakeesett, 278, 279, 280.
Nantasket, 232.
Naples, 419.
Nassau Hall, 46, 49, 51, 323.
New Boston, 171, 175, 176, 177, 325.
New Bristol, 296.
New Brunswick, 147.
Newbury, 437, 438, 439.
Newburyport, 155.
New Casco, Marston's Tavern, 90.
New Castle, 52, 205, 313, 314.
Newfield, 317, 319.
Newfoundland, 300, 305.
New Gloucester, 101, 111, 165, 175,
176, 177, 399.
New Hampshire, 6, 7, 10, 56, 307,
391, 399, 403.
New Jersey, 6.
New Jersey College, 51.
New Marblehead, 405, 415, 416,
417, 418.
New Market, Doe's Tavern, 96.
New Providence, 207.
New Sharon, 331.
New Sweden, Del., 62.
New Sweden, Maine, 68, 69, 70, 77,
78, 80, 113, 115, 116, 117, 119,
121, 122, 126, 127, 129, 132, 133,
134, 136, 138, 142, 143, 144, 145,
146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 334-
Capitol, 82, 83.
Castle Garden, 82.
Mount Ararat, 120.
Newton, 184, 349.
New York Bay, 300.
New York City, 110, 326.
New York State, 6, 7.
Nobleborough, 50.
Noddles Island, 359, 365.
Norridgewock, 214, 236, 243.
North Berwick, 380, 384.
North Britain,
Allon Presbytery, 204.
North Carolina, 428.
North Hampton, 444.
North Haven, 307.
Northland, 301.
North River, 289, 299.
North Yarmouth, 45, 46, 100, 101,
164, 171, 177, 178.
Norton, 175.
Norumbega, 308.
Nottingham, 322.
Nova Scotia, 241, 243.
Oakham, 321.
Ohio, 7.
Old Town, 307, 380.
Onermo, 305.
Onslow, N. S., 47.
Oregon, 55.
Orono, 321.
Ossipee, Mount, 220.
Otis Cove, 431.
Otisfield, 165, 168.
Padua, 358.
Parsonsfield, 319.
Passamaquoddy, 435.
Passionkeag, 270.
Passoggasawackkeeg, 255, 257.
Pearsontown, 174, 175, 418.
Peekskill, 423.
Robinson's House, 421.
Pemaquid, 7, 11, 50.
County, 108.
River, 50.
Pemerogat, 430.
Pennsylvania, 7.
Penobscot, 142, 175, 373, 375, 378,
430, 433, 434, 435.
Bay, 23, 307.
Falls, 264.
River, 23, 25, 27, 47, 187, 254,
256, 258, 262, 263, 264, 363, 365,
367, 369, 375, 377.
Valley, 262, 269, 270, 273, 369, 375.
Pentagoet, 430.
486
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
Pequaket, 219.
Perham, 121, 122, 132, 136, 137,
138, 146.
Philbrick's Corner, 77.
Pierson-town, 211.
Pike, 305.
Pine Point, 181.
Piscataqua River, 87, 307.
Piscataquis County, 142, 336.
Pittsfceld, 447.
Pittston, 207, 442.
Plaistow, Sawyer's Tavern, 96.
Plymouth, Eng., 302, 303, 304.
Plymouth, Mass., 163, 246, 275,
276, 278, 284, 288, 289, 290, 299,
308, 316, 333, 334, 338, 339, 341,
342, 343, 344, 348, 437.
Duxburrow Side, 275, 277, 279,
280, 291, 292.
Point Shirley, 37.
Poland, 168, 399.
Portland, 4, 14, 15, 17, 19, 22,23,
110, 112, 138, 147, 158, 210, 211,
220, 321, 334, 336, 380, 381, 383,
384, 389, 390, 392, 404, 410, 444,
447.
Adams Street, 17.
Ancient Landmark Lodge, 111.
Anderson Mansion, 16.
Baxter Hall, 333, 334, 336.
Casco Bank, 419.
Congress Street, 9, 390.
Deering Park, 5.
Fore Street, 16.
Free Street, 16.
Grand Trunk Roundhouse, 4.
Grove Street, 418.
Harbor, 1, 17, 20, 21, 22.
Head, 21.
India Street, 4, 390.
Island, 3.
King Street, 390.
Liberty Hall, 105, 107, 110.
Middle Street, 390.
Munjoy's Hill, 4, 9, 16, 17.
Neck, 3, 14, 87, 88, 89, 90, 95.
Public Library, 373.
Portland, Queen Street, 9.
Soldiers' Monument, 16.
Transcript, 22.
Upper Battery, 16, 17, 19.
Port Royal, 13.
Portsmouth, Eng., 232.
Portsmouth, N. H., 3, 8, 14, 380,
381, 399, 401.
Pownalborough, 184, 206, 207, 227,
228, 230, 234, 235, 236, 238,
242, 248, 250, 251.
St. John's Church, 234.
Presque Isle, 65, 111, 142.
Presumpscot Dam, 398.
River, 90, 105, 335, 405, 416.
Princeton, N. J., 47.
Prospect, 254.
Pullen Point, ) 07
Pulling Point, J l
Purpooduc, 10.
Quampegan, 96.
Quantabagood Pond, 198.
Quebec, 9, 10, 57, 70.
Racine, 334.
Readfield, 442.
Robury, 296.
Rochester, Mass., 328.
N. H., 327.
Rowley, 227, 438.
Roxbury, 152, 156, 157, 441.
Neck, 156.
Royalsborough, 178.
Rye, 175.
Saccarappa, 168, 335, 392, 393, 395,
407, 416.
Saco, 4, 11, 110, 224, 335, 379, 380,
381, 447.
River, 220, 221, 307.
Sagadahock River, 426, 429.
St. Francis, 264.
St. Georges, 93, 366, 367, 368.
Island, 430, 432.
River, 204, 430, 431, 432.
St. John, 63, 266, 435, 436.
River, 63, 69, 118.
INDEX.
487
Salem, Mass., 30, 31, 322, 323, 329,
344, 357, 414.
Presbytery, 205.
N. H., 208.
Salisbury, 177, 317.
Salmon Falls, 8, 264.
River, 415.
Sandwich, 331.
Sandy Point, 255.
Saratoga, 183, 420.
Savage Rock, 301, 306, 307.
Sawtuckett, 290.
Scarborough, 11, 47, 91, 100*, 102,
108, 111, 164, 165, 179, 181, 183,
209, 315, 391, 392, 396, 409, 420.
Oak Hill, 164.
Schenectady, 8.
Scituate, 275, 276, 281, 285, 286,
287, 288, 297.
Seabrook, 321.
Searsport, 254.
Seguin Island, 249.
Sewell's Point, 174.
Sheepscot, 178.
River, 228.
Sheffield, 40.
Simancas, 424, 427.
Small Point, 430.
Somersetshire, 1.
Somers worth, 390.
South Berwick, 211, 212.
South Windham, 105, 107.
Spring Point, 11, 15, 16, 17, 19.
Spurwink, 11.
Standish, 101, 173, 174, 211, 418.
Stillwater, 165.
Stockholm, Maine, 137, 138.
Stockton, 254.
Springs, 257.
Stroudwater, 95, 102, 168, 183, 336,
396, 397, 398, 403.
Curtis' Mill, 394.
Bond Street, 394.
Buxton Road, 402.
Falls, 392, 394.
Falls Mill, 395.
Fickett House, 394.
Stroudwater, Garrison House, 394.
Harrow House, 394.
Landing, 398.
River, 395, 396.
Slemon House, 402.
Westbrook Street, 394.
Surry County, 328.
Swan Island, 207, 248, 249.
Swansey, 296.
Sylvester, 316.
Tahanoch River, 430, 431.
Taunton. 176, 177, 291, 292, 293,
294, 296.
Tennesee, 7.
Teticut, 291.
Thames River, 309.
Thomaston, 205, 315, 367, 431.
Three Rivers, 8.
Tobique Landing, 64, 78, 118.
Topsham, 201, 205.
Townshend, 50, 368.
Township No. Fifteen, 58, 67, 70,
137.
No. Sixteen, 137, 138.
Turkey Cove, 431.
Turner, 316, 317, 321, 322.
Union Mountain, 430.
River, 205.
Valley Forge, 165, 166, 181, 183.
Vassalboro, 435, 441, 442.
Vassal's Range, 289.
Vermont, 6.
Vinal Haven, 307.
Virginia, 6, 304, 305, 425, 426, 429.
Waldoborough, 50, 441.
Waldo Patent, 254, 273.
Walpole, 50, 210.
Walthamstow, 25, 33, 34.
Wamappahesett, 278.
Wareham, 328.
Warren, 204, 205, 315, 322, 366,
370, 371.
Washington, D. C., 447.
488
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
Washington Plantation, 317-
State of, 55.
Watertown, 24, 297, 315, 348, 349,
350, 364, 372, 374, 375.
Waterville, 110, 137.
Watt's Cove, 431.
Wells, 328, 331.
Westbrook, 170, 393.
Western, 444.
Westmanland, 137, 138.
West Point, 34, 423.
River, 47.
Virginia, 7.
Weymouth, 275, 281, 282, 283, 284,
285, 286, 297, 298, 299.
Wheelerborough, 375.
White Head, 3.
Mountains, 220.
Whitson Bay, 307, 308, 309.
Wilmington, 96.
Windham, 164, 165, 168, 169, 170,
173, 174, 175, 333, 335, 399, 405,
410, 412, 415, 418, .419, 420, 422.
Winslow, 435.
Winsor, 447.
Winthrop, 203, 314, 319, 320, 435.
Wiscasset, 206, 273, 447.
Point, 206.
Wisconsin, 55.
Woburn, 202.
Wyman's Tavern, 96.
Woodbridge, 33.
Woodland, 77, 121, 132, 136, 137,
138, 145, 146, 149, 150.
Worcester, 156.
County, 443.
Yale College, 321.
York, 165, 380, 439, 440.
County, 86, 100, 105, 143, 328,
331, 332.
Harbor, 307.
River, 307, 428.
Tillage, 380.
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