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COLLECTIONS
MINNESOTA
HISTORICAL SOCIETY
VOLUME XV.
ST. PAUL, MINN.
PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY.
May, 1915.
PRINTED AND BOUND BY
THE VOLKSZBITUNG COMPANY,
ST. PAUL, MINN.
F
601
V.I 5"
OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY.
Charles P. Noyes, ------ President.
Gideon S. Ives, ----- First Vice-President.
Frederic A. Fogg, - - - . Second Vice-President.
Solon J. Buck, - - - - - - , - Secretary.
Everett H. Bailey, ------ Treasurer
EXECUTIVE committee.
The President, the Secretary, the Treasurer, and two
APPOINTED MEMBERS, FrEDERIC A. FoGG AND FREDERICK G. InGER-
SOLL.
The former Committee on Publications, appointed in 1912,
under whose direction the papers of this volume were accepted
and edited, were the following members of the Executive Council :
William G. White, Chairman, Charles W. Ames, Gen. James
H. Baker, Harold Harris, and Henry S. Fairchild.
Warren Upham, the former Secretary until November,
1914, under whose editorial care this volume is published,
succeeds the late Professor Newton H. Winchell as Arch-
aeologist.
PREFACE.
The papers and addresses presented before this Society dur-
ing the last six years are published in this volume, with memo-
rials of deceased members.
It has been found impracticable, however, to include here
several valuable papers of this series, on account of lack of
space in the present volume.
One of these papers, ''The Discovery of the Site of Veren-
drye's Fort St. Charles, on the Minnesota Area west of the Lake
of the Woods," by Prof. Francis J. Schaefer, Rector of the St.
Paul Seminary, read November 9, 1908, has been published
under the title of ''Fort St. Charles, the Massacre in the Lake
of the Woods, and the Discoveries connected therewith," in
Acta et Dicta, the publication of the Catholic Historical Society
of St. Paul, Volume II, pages 114-133, July, 1909, with two maps
between pages 240, 241, in the same volume.
Other papers, which are reserved in the manuscript collec-
tions of the Library, received during the period covered by this
volume, are as follows : •
"The Journal of a Pioneer in Winona County," by Hon.
Edward B. Drew, read May 10, 1909 ; 125 manuscript pages.
"The Beginnings of St. Anthony, Minneapolis, and the Uni-
versity of Minnesota, ' ' by Daniel S. B. Johnston, read February
14, 1910 ; 24 manuscript pages.
St. Paul, Minnesota, as seen Sixty Years ago," by Marcus
P. Nichols, read December 12, 1910 ; 6 manuscript pages'.
"Minnesota in Panorama; Address of the Soldier's Statue
in "Summit Park, St. Paul," a poem by John Talman, read Oc-
tober 10, 1910 ; 18 manuscript pages.
"William Windom, 1827-1890, His Public Services," a Thesis
by Grace Anne Wright, of Duluth, Minn*., submitted for the
degree of Master of Arts, University of Wisconsin, 1911 ; pre-
sented to this Historical Society, November 15, 1911 ; 80 man-
uscript pages.
CONTENTS.
Railroad Legislation in Minnesota, 1849 to 1875, by Rasmus
S. Saby 1-188
I. Territorial railroad legislation, 1849-1857 1
II. A comparative study of the territorial charters 10
III. The railroad bond issue and the general railroad incor-
poration law of 1858 30
IV. The eventual adjustment of the state railroad bonds.. 38
V. The land grant railroads, 1861-1864 49
VI. Aid to railroads, 1864-1870 57
VII. Attepipts at railroad control, 1861-1870 61
VIII. The Grangers 70
IX. The campaign for railroad legislation in 1870 86
X. Restrictive railroad legislation in 1,871 95
XI. Railroad legislation in 1872 and 1873 Ill
XII. The Granger movement in 1873 120
XIII. The Granger legislation of 1874 135
XIV. The situation in 1874 after the enactment of the
Granger laws 151
XV. The Granger laws repealed and a new railroad law
enacted in 1875 164
XVI. The significance of the Granger movement 176
Bibliography 183
The Five Million Loan, by William Watts Folwell .189-214
The Beginning of Railroad Building in Minnesota, by John H.
Randall 215-220
The Kensington Rune Stone; Preliminary Report to the Min-
nesota Historical Society by its Museum Committee, 221-286
The discovery 221
The inscription 226
References to the topography of the region 227
Where was Vinland? 230
The slight weathering of the rune stone 233
Discussion of the authenticity of the rune record 237
Other rumors concerning Mr. Ohman 240
The tree that grew on the rune stone 245
Review of the finding of the rune stone 246
Notes on the record given by the inscription 249
yiii CONTENTS.
Linguistic objections
Collateral evidence ^^^
Resolutions adopted by the Museum Committee 267
Appendix.
Professor Flom's Investigation 270
Pronunciation and spelling 270
Inflexions 271
Meaning of certain words 271
The runes ^^^
Discussion of these Objections 272
Investigation of the Rumor relating to Sven Fogelblad 277
Bibliography 281
Note added for this Volume XV 286
The Public Lands and School Fund of Minnesota, by Hon.
Samuel G. Iverson, State Auditor 287-314
Foundation of the school fund by Governor Ramsey 288
Debates in the Constitutional Convention 292
Grants of land by Congress 293
Laws of Minnesota relating to the school fund 294
Iron ore lands 297
Investment of money received 299
Statistics of land grants, sales, and resulting fund. 300
Internal improvement lands 304
Public building lands 305
Agricultural College lands 306
Swamp lands 307
Future receipts 310
Suggested changes in the state land laws. 312
Summary of the school system of Minnesota '. . . 313
Eably Dakota Trails and Settlements at Centerville. Minn..
by Albert M. , Goodrich 315-322
Reminiscences of the Little Crow Uprising, by Dr. Asa W.
Daniels 323-336
Boyhood Remembrances of Life among the Dakotas and the
Massacre in 1862, by John Ames Humphrey 337-348
Narratives of the Sioux War, by Marion P. Satterlee .349-370
The Acton Murders, beginning the Massacre 349
The Battle of Acton or Kelly's Bluff * 355
Roster of Captain Strout's Colmpany at Acton 365
The Killing of Chief Little Crow ' .' 366
Historical Notes of Grey Cloud Island and its Vicinity by
JOHN H. CASE ;... 371-378
CONTENTS. ix
■
|V Northern Minnesota BouxnARY Surveys in 1822 to 1826, under
I B' the Treaty of Ghent, by Hon. William E. Culkin 379-392
^B References to Sources consulted ^or this Paper 390
\^m The Sale of Fort Snelling, 1857, by William Watts Folwell. .393-410
\^M A Red River Townsite Speculation in 1857, by Daniel S.. B.
V Johnston 411-434
The company and the plans and outfit 411
Beginning the tramp 412
Wounding two buffaloes, and snowed under 415
Killing my first buffalo 417
An all night drive < 418
A buffalo herd on the Breckenridge townsite 419
Surveying this townsite and killing another buffalo 421
Moulton returns to St. Paul 422
Men on short rations and cattle starving 423
A March flood 424
April blizzards 426
A trying relief experience 427
Two other townsites below Breckenridge 428
My second buffalo and how we got him 429
Millions in it 430
Afterward 433
Experiences in Southwestern Minnesota, 1859 to 1867, by Hon,
.LoRiN Cray 435-454
Memories of the Early Life and Development of Minnesota, by
Thomas B. Walker 455-478
Reminiscences of the Early Days of Minnesota, 1851 to 1861,
Rev. Frank C. Coolbaugh, S. T. D 479-496
Early Days in Minneapolis, by Dr. William E. Leonard 497-514
A Sheaf of Remembrances, by Mrs. Rebecca Marshall Cath-
CART I , 515-552
Reminiscences of Minnesota Politics, by Henry A. Castle 553-598
History of the Parks and Public Grounds of Minneapolis, by
Charles M. Loring 599-608
Postscript, in accordance with request of the Council, by
William W. Folwell 607
History of the Parks and Public Grounds of St. Paul, by
Lloyd Peabody 609-630
The Old System ; public squares 610
Court House Square 610
Rice Park 611
X
CONTENTS.
Irvine Park ^^^
Smith Park • • • • ^^^
Summit Park ^^^
Central Park >• ^^^
Lafayette Square ^^^
The New System of Parks 614
Como Park ^1*
Phalen Park 619
Indian Mounds Park 620
Harriet Island 621
Linwood Park 622
Parkways and Boulevards 622
Mississippi River Boulevard 623
Wheelock Parkway 624
Lexington Parkway 625
Como Avenue Parkway • ■ 625
Como Avenue Boulevard 626
Cherokee Heights and the West Side Boulevard 626
Midway Parkway 627
Playgrounds 627
Streets under the Care of the Park Board 628
Parks and Parkways in Prospect 628
Nathaniel Pitt Laxgford, the Vigilante, the Explorer, the
Expounder and First Superintendent of the Yellow^stone
Park, by Olin D. Wheeler 631-668
Biographic Memorial of Dr. Charles N. Hewitt, by William
Watts Folwell ' 669-686
Biographic Memorial dOF Frederick Driscoll, by Henry A. Cas-
tle 687-710
General James Shields, Soldier, Orator, Statesman, by Henry
A. Castle 711-730
Address at the Unveiling of the Statue of General Shields,
IN the Capitol of Minnesota, October 20, 1914, by Archbishop
John Ireland 731-740
Addresses on the Presentation of the Portrait of Professor
Jabez Brooks 741-748
By JuixjE Hascal R. Brill, of St. Paul. 741
By Gen. Lucius F. Hubbard, of St. Paul 743
By Prof. N. H. Winchell, of Minneapolis 744
By Db. William W. Folwell, University of Minnesota 746
Memorial Address in Honor of Governor Johnson, by Justice
Thomas D. O'Brien 749-751
r^ CONTENTS. Xi
The Statue of Governor Johnson at the State Capitol 752
Me
Me
Memorial Addresses in Honor of General James Heaton
Baker 753-757
By Judge Lorin Cray, of Mankato 753
By Thomas Hughes, of Mankato 754
By Governor Van Sant, of Minneapolis 755
By Hon. Hanford L. Gordon, of Los Angeles, California 756
Memorial Address in Honor of Judge Loren Warren Collins,
by Hon. Colin F. Macdonald, of St. Cloud 757-762
Memorial Address in Honor of Judge Francis Marion Crosby,
by Edward C. Stringer, of St. Paul i 762-764
Memorial Address in Honor of Clarence Christopher Dinehart,
State Treasurer, by Hon. Julius A. Schmahl, Secretary of
State 764-765
Memorial Address in Honor of William Hood Dunwoody, by Dr.
Cyrus Northrop, University of Minnesota 765-773
Memorial Address in Honor of Professor Samuel Bowdlear
Green, by Cyrus Northrop 774-776
Memorial Address in Honor of Governor Lucius Frederick Hub-
bard, by the Secretary, Warren Upham 776-778
Memorial Addresses in Honor of David Lansing Kingsbury 778-780
By Warren Upham 778
By Justice Loren W. Collins 779
Memorial Addresses in Honor of Nathaniel Pitt Langford,
President of this Society 780-789
By Rev. David R. Breed, D. D., of Pittsburg, Pa 780
By Gen. William G. Le Due, of Hastings 782
By Henry S. Fairchild, of St. Paul 783
By Warren Upham, Secretary 786
Memorial Addresses in Honor of Rev. Aaibrose McNulty 789-793
By Father Francis J. Schaefer, Rector of the St. Paul Sem-
inary 789
By Rt. Rev. John J. Lawler, Auxiliary Bishop of St. Paul . . 791
Memorial Addresses in Honor of Rev. Edward Craig Mitchell. .793-800
By Rev. Francis J. Schaefer, of St. Paul 793
By Professor N. H. Winchell, of Minneapolis 795
By Rev. Maurice D. Edwards, D. D., of St. Paul 797
Memorial Address in Honor of William Pitt Murray, by Henry
S. Fairchild 800-802
Xli CONTENTS.
Memorial Address in Honor of Channing Seabury, by Everett
H. BAILEY 802-804
Memorial Address in Honor of Samuel Richard Thayer, by Wil-
liam H. Hinkle 804-805
Memorial Addresses in Honor of Henry Pratt Upham, Treas-
urer of this Society 806-813
By William H. Lightner, of St. Paul 806
By Everett H. Bailey, of St. Paul 810
By Hon. John B. Gilfillan, of Minneapolis 811
By Hon. Channing Seabury, of St. Paul 812
By Rev. John Wright, of St. Paul 812
Memorial Address in Honor of Henry Chester Waite, by Hon.
Colin F. Macdonald 813-816
Memorial Address in Honor of Senator William Drew Wash-
BURN, by Warren Upham 816-817
Memorial Address in Honor of Frederick Weyerhaeuser, by
Newel H. Clapp 817-824
Memorial Addresses in Honor o^ Professor Newton Horace
WiNCHELL 824-830
By Warren Upham, Secretary 824
By Dr. William W. Folwell, University of Minnesota 829
By Colonel James Hamilton Davidson, of St. Paul 830
Memorials of Other Deceased Members, 1909-14, by Warren
Upham 831-848
Samuel Emery Adams , . 831
Charles Edwin Allen ' 831
Charles Gordon Ames 831
Arthur Converse Anderso'n 831
Daniel A. J. Baker 832
Adolph Francis Alphonse Bandelier 832
George Washington Batchelder 832
Albert Stillman Batchellor 832
John Edson Bell 833
Peter Berkey 833
Charles Henry Bigelow . . . .* 833
Clara Wooster Abbie Blackman 833
Julian Clarence Bryant 833
Augustus R. Capehart g34
Theodore G. Carter §34
James Erwin Child 034
Simeon P. Child " * g34
Francis Byron Clarke 835
CONTENTS. Xiii
Eugene B, Crane 835
Frank Bertine Daugherty 835
Thomas Hunter Dickson 835
Reuben Thomas Durrett 835
Richmond Pearl Everett 835
Henry Shields Fairchild 836
George R. Finch 836
Alcee Fortier 836
Henry Gannett 836
Charles Benajah Gilbert 837
Joseph Alexander GUfillan 837
Earle S. Goodrich 837
Halsey R. W. Hall 837
Osee Matson Hall 838
Herbert Leslie Hayden 838
Henry Williamson Haynes 838
Isaac V. D. Heard 838
Rev. J. C. Herdman 838
Sheldon Jackson 839
Edwin Ames Jaggard 839
Daniel S. B. Johnston 839
William Harris Laird 839
Joseph Lockey 840
Thomas Lowry 840
Alfred Thayer Mahan 840
Robert Laird McCormick 841
Charles Jairus Martin 841
George Washington Martin 841
William Worrall Mayo 841
Francis Davis Millet 842
William A. Morin 842
Clinton Morrison 842
John Muir 842
Marcus Philip Nichols , . 843
John D. O'Brien 843
George Wright Peavey 843
Curtis Hussey Pettit 843
David Ramaley 843
Henry Clay Ranney 844
Leonard August Rosing 844
Theodore Leopold Schurmeier 844
Dolson Bush Searle 844
Timothy J, Sheehan 844
Thomas Henry Shevlin 845
Goldwin Smith 845
Robert Armstrong Smith 845
Xiv CONTENTS.
Truman M. Smith 845
Samuel C. Staples 845
H. Ward Stone 846
Reuben Gold Thwaites 846
James Beach Wakefield 847
George Welsh 847
Milo White 847
Oric Ogilvie Whited 848
William Chapman Williston 848
Thomas Wilson 848
I'^'DEX 849-872
ILLUSTRATIONS.
r
IX.
X.
XI.
XII.
XIII.
XIV.
XV.
XVI.
XVII.
XVIII.
XIX.
XX.
XXI.
Figure 1.
Page
Map of the Railroads of Minnesota in 1875 1
The Kensington Rune Stone, Edge View and Face View 221
Map of the Vicinity of Kensington and Pelican Lake,
and of the Farm where the Rune Stone was found 221
Sections of Poplar Trees, showing the estimated size
and age of the tree growing above the Rune Stone 225
Sections of Poplar Trees of a stunted growth, similar
to the trees growing above the Rune Stone 229
Smith's Chart of the Northmen's Routes 233
Portrait of Dr. Asa W. Daniels 323
Portraits of Jesse V. Branham, Jr., Thomas G. Holmes,
Albert H. Sperry, Chauncey Lamson, Nathan Lam-
son, and James Birney Lamson. — People escaping
from the Sioux Massacre, in 1862, under guidance
of John Other Day, at dinner on a prairie 349
Northern Boundary, as shown on a Map by John Mitch-
ell, 1755 379
Portrait of Dr. William W. Folwell 393
Portrait of Judge Lorin Cray 435
Portrait of Thomas B. Walker -. 455
Portrait of Mrs. Rebecca Marshall Cathcart 515
Portrait of Nathaniel P. Langford 631
Portrait of Dr. Charles N. Hewitt 669
Portrait of Frederick Driscoll 687
Portrait of General James Shields 711
Portrait of Professor Jabez Brooks 741
Portrait of William H. Dun woody 765
Portrait of Henry Pratt Upham 807
Portrait of Professor Newton Horace Winchell 825
The Poplar Tree and the Rune Stone 245
:^5# f
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-A
m£.
Minnesota Historical Society.
Vol. XY. Plate I.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA,
1849 to 1875.*
BY RASMUS S. SABY.
CHAPTER I.
TERRITORIAL RAILROAD LEGISLATION, 1849-1857.
The Territory of Minnesota was organized by an act of Con-
gress approved March 3, 1849. It comprised all of what is
now the state of Minnesota and the portions of the Dakotas
east of the Missouri and White Earth rivers. The legislative
power of the territory was vested in a governor and a legisla-
tive assembly consisting of a Council and a House of Repre-
sentatives. The laws in force in the Territory of Wisconsin at
the date of its admission into the Union continued valid and
operative in the Territory of Minnesota as far as applicable,
but were subject to change by legislative enactment. Alex-
ander Ramsey of Pennsylvania was appointed governor of the
new territory.
There were in 1849 only a few straggling settlements along
the principal rivers. According to the territorial census taken
that year, the population numbered 4,680.^ The assessable
property amounted to only $414,936. The Sioux Indians still
*A Thesis submitted to tiie Faculty of the Graduate School of the
University of Pennsylvania in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy; partly read at the monthly
meeting- of the Executive Council of the Minnesota Historical Society,
November 13, 1911. Chapters I and II of this Thesis were published
nearly as here in the Papers and Proceedings of the Second Annual
Meeting of the Minnesota Academy of Social Sciences (Volume II, 1909,
pages 127-166).
After graduation at the University of Minnesota in 1907, Mr. Saby
took a further course of studies there, later was Harrison Fellow in
Political Science at the University of Pennsylvania, and now is an
instructor in political economy and politics at Cornell University. A
great part of his research on this subject was carried forw^ard in the
Library of the Minnesota Historical Society and in the Minnesota State
Library, consulting the state and federal reports, legislative journals
and laws, other books, pamphlets, and files of newspapers, which are
cited in the footnotes of this work and listed in its Bibliography.
1. House Journal (Minn.), 1849, p. 214.
1
2 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
occupied the land west of the Mississippi, and Minnesota on
the whole was ''unsettled and unsurveyed," ^
But the pioneers had an unbounded faith in the future.
Governor Ramsey, in his first message to the legislative assem-
bly, said: ''No portion of the earth's surface perhaps com-
bines so many favorable features for the settler as this terri-
tory. * * * The immigrant and the capitalist need but
perceive these sources of prosperity and wealth to hasten to
seize upon them by settling among us. * * * * It may
not be long ere we may with truth be recognized throughout
the political and moral world, as indeed the 'polar star' of the
Republican Galaxy. ' ' ^
But though the early settlers saw visions of future great-
ness and wealth, their present condition was not so ideal. The
eastern markets on which they were largely dependent were
distant and not easily accessible, and the different settlements
were in poor and primitive communication with each other.
There was but one mail route leading into the territory, on
which was transmitted a weekly mail from Prairie du Chien,
Wisconsin, during the season of navigation, and a semi-monthly
mail from the same place during the winter season.* Many
new roads were needed, and some of the existing roads were
so bad that at times many settlers were prevented from pro-
curing even the most necessary supplies.^ Nine memorials con-
cerning roads and mail routes were sent to Congress in 1849,^
and to all these Congress "responded in the affirmative and
made the necessary appropriations."^ The governor reported
in his message to the legislature in 1853 that work was pro-
gressing satisfactorily on both old and new roads.^
Wagon and military roads were necessary and answered
their purposes, but other means of transportation were fully
as essential to the growth and development of the new terri-
2. Council Journal (Minn.), 1849, p. 187. «
3. Council Journal, 1849, p. 7.
4. From Memorial to Congress, Laws of Minn., 1849, p. 171.
5. Laws of Minn., 1849, Memorial, p. 172.
6. Laws of Minn., 1849, Memorials Nos. 1, 3, 4, 6, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14.
7. House Journal, 1851, p. 22.
8. Council Journal, 1853, p. 32.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. d
tory. The magnificent river systems seemed to afford an ad-
mirable means of connecting the different parts of the terri-
tory with each other, and the whole with the outside world.
Congress had provided for roads, why should it not also open
these natural highways of commerce ? The improvement of
the ''majestic Mississippi," with its gigantic trade affecting
the interests of so many states, seemed logically an object of
national magnitude and national importance.
It was urged that the improvement of the rivers would
expedite the sale and facilitate the settlement of the public
lands through which they flowed. And besides, had not the
federal government assumed special jurisdiction over all nav-
igable streams?^ Congress, however, was not disposed to un-
dertake any such "internal improvements." Its activity in
this line had ceased back in President Jackson's administra-
tion.
By this time railroad construction had made great progress
in many of the older states. Wisconsin territory, of which
Minnesota territory had been a part, had incorporated a num-
ber of railroad companies, two of them as early as 1836;^^ but
naturally, what later came to be Minnesota was not much af-
fected either by the agitation or by the projects at this time.
Minnesota territory soon saw the advantages and possi-
bilities of the railroad. Already in 1851, its legislative assem-
bly memorialized Congress for a "liberal donation and appro-
priation" in aid of railroads.^ ^ A bill to incorporate a rail-
road company passed the house of this assembly, but was neg-
atived in the council.^ ^ In 1852 an attempt was made to in-
corporate another railroad company, but the bill failed to pass
the house in which it originated.^^
By 1853 the transportation problem assumed a different
phase. The boasted river systems were seen to be inadequate,
even though they were extensively improved. They would
9. House Journal, 1851, p. 16.
10. Laws of Wisconsin, 1836, pp. 33 and 54.
11. Laws of Minn., 1851, Memorial No. 4.
12. St. Paul and St. Anthony Ry. Co., H. F. No. 15; House Journal,
1851, pp. 127, 150.
13. Lake Sup. and Miss. Ry. Co., H. F. No. 46. House Journal, 1852,
p. 184.
4 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
have to be supplemented by railroads, if the territory were to
enjoy proper transportation facilities. A railroad would be
needed to connect the navigable waters of the Mississippi and
of the Red river of the North, and another to connect the Mis-
sissippi with Lake Superior.^* The arguments which had been
used to urge Congress to build roads and improve rivers were
now used in favor of federal aid in railroad construction.
Land grants had been made to aid in the construction of canals
in a number of states; but attempts to secure land grants for
railroads for a long time proved futile, even though the trans-
fer of the grant for the Illinois and IMichigan canal to a rail-
road company as early as 1838 might easily have been taken
as a precedent.^"'
Through the repeated efforts of Stephen A. Douglas and
others, the Illinois Central railroad received a federal land
grant in 1850. In supporting the measure Mr. Douglas argued :
"It is following the same system that was adopted in refer-
ence to improvements of a similar character in Ohio, Indiana,
Alabama, AVisconsin, and Illinois in reference to her canal. It
is simply carrying out a principle which has been acted upon
for thirty years, by which you cede each alternate section of
land and double the price of the alternate sections not ceded,
so that the same price is received for the whole It
is an old practice long continued by the government." '"
In 1853 Governor Ramsey recommended that the legislative
assembly memorialize Congress for similar grants in aid of
Minnesota railroads.' ' The sentiment was strong that public
lands ought to be so managed as to secure their speedy settle-
ment. Besides getting aid for their railroads, the territory
would through such grants secure the extinction of the federal
title to the land, wliich many considered only secondary in
importance to the extinction of the Indian title.' ^ The gov-
ernor outlined quite definitely what soon came to be the settled
railroad construction policy of the territory, namely, through
14. Message of Gov. Ramsey, Council Journal, 1853, p. 30.
15. 4 U. S. statutes. 662.
16. Congressional Globe, 1850, p. 845.
17. Council Journal, 1853, p. 30.
18. Ibid., p. 31.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 0
federal aid, in the form of land grants, to build railroads in
advance of actual business needs to settle the country and de-
velop its resources. But the legislative assembl}^ evidently did
not support the governor's plan by acclamation. Three memo-
rials to Congress concerning railroads and railroad grants were
drawn up, but they all failed to pass.^^ Seven bills to incor-
porate railroad companies were introduced at this session, of
which five passed after discussion and amendment. -° Only two
of these charters make any mention of probable federal or state
land grants.-^
In 1854, the IMinnesota and Northwestern Railroad Com-
pany was incorporated, and by its charter any future federal
land grant Avas made over to it in fee simple ''without any
further deed and action." The same assembly memorialized
Congress for a grant of lands.-" Congress complied, but pro-
vided that the land should not accrue to any railroad company
already "constituted or organized."-"* Friends of the Minne-
sota and Northwestern, however, managed to get this provi-
sion enrolled as ' ' constituted and organized. ' ' -* Since the
company, though incorporated, was not yet definitely organ-
ized, this change would give the company a technical claim to
the land. But the change was discovered, and an investigation
followed. The result was a repeal of the land grant act about
a month after its enactment. ^^ The right of Congress to repeal
the act was contested, but after a long process of litigation the
repeal was held valid by the United States Supreme Court. ^"
A tremendous spirit of opposition was aroused on the char-
tering of this company. It was claimed that the legislature
had acted without sufficient consideration; that the territory
had secured no "resulting interest" in the land grant; and
19. Council Journal, 1853, p. 29. H. F. No. 1; House Journal, 1853,
pp. 108 and 198; C. F. Nos. 2 and 3.
20. See House Journal, 1853, Index. C. F. Nos. 2, 6, 7, 16, 21, passed;
C. F. No. 11 and H. F. No. 4 did not pass.
21. Laws of Minn., 1853, ch. 10, sect. 18; ch. 16, sect. 14.
22. Laws of Minn., 1854, p. 159.
23. 10 U. S. Stat., 302.
24. Council Journal, 1855, App. p. 5
25. 10 U. S. Stat., 575.
26. Rice vs. Minn, and N. W. R. R. Co.
6 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
that, as there was no provision in the charter authorizing its
amendment, the company had been placed beyond the reach of
future legislative action. The agitation did not diminish when
it became known that the eastern financier on whose means
the company had mainly depended for the construction of the
railroad had disappeared and ''become a fugitive from the
justice of the community he had basely swindled."-^ The
people were all anxious to get railroads, for they appreciated
their vital importance for the future development of the ter-
ritory; but for this very reason many were unwilling to give
private corporations full control of these quasi-public agencies.
They wanted to keep them under effective public control.
When an amendment to the charter was proposed in 1855,
Governor Gorman,^® in*a special message concerning the Min-
nesota and Northwestern railroad company, asserted that the
purpose of this amendment was evidently to cure all failures
and defalcations of the company. He urged the assembly to
do what it could to secure the repeal of the charter by Con-
gress.-" On the other hand, the assembly received numerous
petitions from interested districts expressing full confidence in
the railroad company.^''^ The contested amendment was passed
by a large majority,-''^ and when it failed to get the signature
of the governor it was without difficulty passed over his veto.'^
Other amendments to this charter were made during this ses-
sion, apparently on the assumption that the company had a
legal right to the land grant.
In his message to the legislative assembly the next year,
1856, the governor reported that the Minnesota and North-
western railroad company had not made the $150,000 guar-
antee deposit required of it, the amendments to its charter had
not been accepted, and no money had been expended in the
construction of the railroad.^-^
27. House Journal, 1855, App. p. 44.
28. Succeeded Gov. Ramsey, May 15, 1853.
29. Council Journal, 1855. App. p. 73.
30. House Journal, 1855, see App.
31. Council Journal, 1855, p. 142.
32. House Journal, 1855. App. p. 143.
33. ibid., 1855, App. p. 6.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA.
Many railroads had been incorporated since 1853, but none
of them proved very active. In the meantime the territory was
growing rapidly in population and in wealth. By 1857 Minne-
sota had over 150,000 inhabitants and taxable property amount-
ing to nearly $50,000,000.^* The need of railroads was felt
more keenly than ever. Said Governor Gorman: ''I should
be glad to see an outlet by railroad from our winter home at
any sacrifice of individual opinion as to policy, and indeed any
other reasonable sacrifice, save the honor of the territory and
the enthrallment of those who take our places. ' ' ^^
It was long believed that, though formidable objections
might exist to granting land to states for railroad purposes,
such objections could not be raised against grants to terri-
tories under the quasi-guardianship of the general govern-
ment."'^ But it was now realized that the same objections ap-
plied, and that a territory did not occupy such an enviable
position after all.
It was also of vital importance to Minnesota at this time
that ''she be a state and fully represented" at AVashington,
because of a projected railroad to the Pacific. The newly
organized Republican party and the Democratic party both
asserted in their platforms of 1856 that it was the duty of the
federal government to aid such a road.^^ It was firmly be-
lieved that the final location of this road would determine
whether Minnesota was to become the ''wealthiest of states"
or a "mere feeder." ^^ The gravity of the situation awakened
a sense of responsibility, and the territory became eager to
step out from the dependent position and to assume the duties
and privileges of statehood.
Minnesota territory had reason to be grateful to the twenty-
fourth Congress. The Minnesota enabling act was passed
February 26, 1857,^^ and one week later extensive land grants
34. Second Annual Report of the Com. of Statistics for 1860-61, p.
121.
35. House Journal, 1855, App. p. 7.
36. Council Journal, 1855, p. 39.
37. McKee, The National Convention and Platform of all Political
Parties (1789-1900), pp. 99 and 94, resp.
38. House Journal, 1857, p. 43.
39. 11 U. S. Stat., 166.
8 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
were made to aid the construction of Minnesota railroads.*" A
special session of the legislative assembly was convened to con-
sider these acts. IMinnesota was now free to "organize her
own institutions in her own way," and the land grants were
hailed as inaugurating a new era in the progress of her people.*^
The legislative assembly accepted the land grants in trust
and granted them conditionally to four railroad companies,
three of which had been previously incorporated. These have
become known as the land grant companies. With St. Paul
and Minneapolis as a center, they were planned primarily to
market the grain raised in the Mississippi and tributary river
valleys in Minnesota and in the great Red river valley in the
Northwest.
1. The Minnesota & Pacific Railroad Company was incor-
porated at this session and authorized to build a railroad from
Stillwater by way of St. Paul, St. Anthony and Minneapolis,
to Breckenridge, with a branch from St. Anthony to St. Vin-
cent.*^
2. The Transit Railroad Company was to build a line from
Winona by way of St. Peter to the Big Sioux river south of
the 45th parallel of north latitude.*'
3. The Root River and Southern Minnesota Railroad Com-
pany was to build one railroad from La Crescent via Target
lake up the valley of the Root river to Rochester, and another
railroad from St. Paul and St. Anthony, via Minneapolis, Shak-
opee City, Mankato and other cities, to the Iowa line "in the
direction of the mouth of the Big Sioux river."**
4. The Minneapolis and Cedar Valley Railroad Company
was to build a railroad from Minneapolis to the south line of
Minnesota west of range sixteen.**
In consideration of the lands granted and the charter privi-
leges given, these companies were to pay into the state treas-
ury annually three per cent of their gross earnings in lieu of
all other taxes, and their lands were to be exempt from taxa-
tion till sold or conveyed.
40. 11 U. S. Stat., 195.
41. Council Journal. 1857. Ex. Session, p. 6.
42. Laws of Minnesota. 1857. Extra Session, p 4
43. Ibid., p. 16.
44. Ibid., pp. 18 and 20.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 9
The constitutional convention met in St. Paul tlie second
Monday in July, as provided for in the enabling act ^"' and
according to an act passed by the territorial legislature in its
special session.*® To be more exact, two conventions met, for
the Republican and the Democratic delegates met separately.
Owing to irregularities at the election, there were many dis-
puted seats and both parties planned to capture the organiza-
tion of the convention. As a result both factions organized
independently. Neither recognized the existence of the other,
and the two are reported separately.*' But unofficially they
compared notes as they proceeded, and finally, through ap-
pointed conferees, they agreed on the same constitution, word
for word.*^ The constitution, emanating as it did from both
conventions and duly signed and certified by each, was ratified
almost unanimously by the people.
The main provisions of the constitution limiting the powers
of the legislature in its relations with private corporations are
the following: First, for the purpose of defraying extraor-
dinary expenses the state may contract public debts not ex-
ceeding $250,000, except by a two-thirds vote of both houses,
yeas and nays recorded;*^ second, the state should never con-
tract any debts for works of public improvement, or be a party
in carrying on such works, except as a trustee in cases where
land or other grants have been made specifically for such pur-
poses;^*' third, the credit of the state was never to be given or
loaned in aid of any individual association or corporation;^^
fourth, no corporation was to be formed under special act, ex-
cept for municipal purposes;''^ each stockholder in any cor-
45. Passed Feb. 26, 1857.
46. Laws of Minn., 1857, Extra Session, ch. 99.
47. The Debates and Proceedings of the Minnesota Constitutional
Convention, officially reported by Francis H. Smith (Dem.);
Debates and Proceedings of the Constitutional Convention for
the Territory of Minnesota, T. F. Andrews, official reporter to
the Convention (Rep.)
48. Folwell, Minnesota, p. 141.
49. Const, of Minn., Art. 9, sec. 5.
50. Ibid., sec. 5.
51. Ibid., sec. 10.
52. Art. 10, sec. 2.
10 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
poration was to be liable to the amount of stock lield;^"^ and
common carriers enjoying right of way privileges were to be
bound to carry mineral, agricultural and other productions, or
manufactures, on equal and reasonable terms."^
These are vital provisions. The first two show that the
delegates at the conventions wished Minnesota to profit by the
example of other states, which by aiding and carrying out in-
ternal improvements had brought themselves to the verge of
bankruptcy and in some cases to actual repudiation.^" Incor-
poration of companies by special act was forbidden, to do away
with the practice of granting special privileges to railroad and
other companies.^* The clause was not passed without oppo-
sition, for it was firmly believed by many that railroad cor-
porations necessarily required special privilege, and that it
would be impossible to frame a general law applicable to all.^^
The clause fixing the liability of stockholders was inserted
to insure a greater degree of responsibility in all commercial
and industrial ventures, including railroads and railroad con-
struction. The most advanced provision is that which by im-
plication declares railroads to be common carriers and attempts
to secure the various industries of the state against unjust dis-
criminations by obliging them to carry the different products
at equal and reasonable terms.
CHAPTER II.
A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE TERRITORIAL CHARTERS.
The territorial legislature of Minnesota incorporated twen-
ty-seven railroad companies. AVith the ''Act to provide for
the incorporation and regulation of railroad companies,"
passed by the first state legislature in pursuance of article 10,
section 2, of the constitution, grants of special railroad charters
ceased, at any rate formally. Old charters were, however, fre-
quently ''revived and continued" and answered the purpose of
new special charters.
53. Ibid., sec. 3.
54. Art. 10, sec. 4.
55. For instances see Scott, Repudiation of State Debts.
Ml"".,".H?"''"",'i°''^^ Debates. F. H. Smith, reporter; Speech of
Mr. Sibley, p. 121.
57. Ibid., see pp. 124-177.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA.
11
March
2,1853
1853, Ch.
12
March
3,1853
1853, Ch.
10.
March
5,1853
1853, Ch.
6
March
5, 1853
1853, Ch.
15
March
5,1853
1853, Ch.
16
March
4, 1854
1854, Ch.
47
March 4,1854 1854, Ch.
RA.ILROAD Charters Granted by the Territory.
Citation, Session
No. Name of Company. Date. Laws of Minn.
1. St. Paul and St. Anthony
Falls,
2. Minnesota Western,
3. Louisiana and Minnesota,
4. Mississippi and Lake Su-
perior,
5. Lake Sup., Puget Sound
and Pacific,
6. Minn, and Northwestern,
Transit (not accepted
by company),
7. Root R. Valley and South-
ern Minn.,
8. Transit,
9. Winona and LaCrosse,
10. Minneapolis and St. Cloud,
11. Minneapolis and Cedar
Valley,
12. Lake Sup. and Northern
Pacific,
13. Mississippi and Missouri,
14. Northern Pacific,
15. Lake Superior and Cen-
tral Minn.,
16. Hastings, Minn. R. and
Red R. of the North,
17. Nininger, St. Peter and
Western,
18. Minn., and Dakota,
19. St. Paul and Taylor's Falls,
20. Minn. Air Line,
21. Minn, and Pacific,
22. Mississippi Valley,
23. Lake Sup. and Crow Wing,
24. Mississippi R. Branch,
25. Minn, and Northwestern,
26. Minn. Central,
27. Neb. and Lake Superior,
(Minn. Improvement Co.,
authorized to build a
railroad).
March
March
Feb.
2,1855
3. 1855
5. 1856
1855, Ch. 24.
1855, Ch. 27.
1856, Ch. 159.
March
1,1856
1856, Ch. 160.
March
1, 1856
1856, Ch. 166.
March
1, 1856
1856, Ch. 158,*
p.
301.
March
1,1856
1856, Ch. 163.
March
1,1856
1856, Ch. 165.
March
1, 1856
1856, Ch. 158,*
p.
280.
Feb.
20, 1857
1857, Ch. 39.
March
4, 1857
1857, Ch. 7.
March
4, 1857
1857, Ch. 24.
March
7, 1857
1857, Ch. 17.
May
22, 1857
1857, Ex. Ses.,
Ch.
7L
May
22, 1857
1857, Ex. Ses.,
Ch.
1.
May
22, 1857
1857, Ex. Ses.,
Ch.
27
May
23, 1857
1857, Ex. Ses.,
Ch.
74
May
23,1857
1857, Ex. Ses.,
Ch.
53
May
23, 1857
1857, Ex. Ses.,
Ch.
49
May
23, 1857
1857, Ex. Ses.,
Ch.
2
May
23,1857
1857, Ex. Ses.,
Ch.
93
May
23, 1857
1857, Ex. Ses.,
Ch.
56
* Two chapters are numbered the same.
12 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
For convenience in reference, these charters are numbered
in the order of their approval. Where several charters were
granted the same day the order is arbitrary.
Number 27 is not included in the list of railroad companies
chartered by the territorial legislature, given by the railroad
commissioner in his report in 1871.'** But as it was accepted
by the company ^^ and later "amended and continued,""" there
is no reason for excluding it.
These territorial charters form an interesting comparative
study. A uniform incorporation law would have worked no
hardship on any of the companies incorporated, for all were to
be built and operated under very similar conditions; and
though conditions may have been somewhat different, an ex-
amination of the charters will reveal few variations which can
})e traced to any such legislative forethought. The form of the
charter, as well as its contents, was in the main determined by
the railroad promoter, for whom the varied charters of the
other states served as models, and not by the legislature. The
charter proposed by the promoter, sometimes amended to be
sure, became the charter of the railroad company. For this
reason we find tliat charters passed during the same session,
and often on the same day, are quite dissimilar.
Though very dissimilar in many respects, the general plan
of the charters is much the same in all. In all but two "^ the
named incorporators, and their successors and assigns, are de-
clared to be a body corporate with usual corporate powers. A
part or all of these incorporators are to constitute a board of
commissioners, under whose direction subscriptions may be re-
ceived after due announcements. A certain amount of cash is
to be paid down on each share subscribed for, and, after a
specified amount of stock is subscribed and cash paid in, the
commissioners are to call a meeting of stockholders for the
purpose of organizing. A board of directors is to be elected.
Every share entitles its holder to one vote, and stockholders
may vote by proxy. The directors are, as a rule, given quite
58. Report of the Railroad Com. (Minn.) for tlie year 1871 p 5
59. Record .s in the office of the Secretary of State.
60. Special Laws of Minn., 1861, Ch. 1.
61. Nos. 18 and 23.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 13
unrestricted powers. Tliey are to manage the affairs of the
company and make all needful rules and regulations; but the
provision, ''not inconsistent with the constitution of the United
States or with the laws of this territory," is frequently added.
The directors are authorized to make "calls" on unpaid sub-
scriptions, within a maximum amount usually stated; and non-
compliance, in all but three cases, involves forfeiture. The
amount of capital stock is fixed, but generally an upper limit
is mentioned to which it may be raised by the directors with
the consent of the majority of the stock.
Right of way is given through private and public property
and across streams, public and private roads, and highways.
Additional lands may also be acquired when necessary for rail-
road purposes. In cases of expropriation, methods of settle-
ment are in all cases designated. The usefulness of roads and
streams is not to be essentially impaired.
Nearly all the charters provide for connecting and uniting,
and some also for consolidation, with otlier railroad companies.
The power to borrow money, give security, and issue bonds, is
quite generally given. Penalties are imposed for damaging or
obstructing the railroads. There is always a time limit set for
completing at least a part of the projected railroad, and often
also for organizing the company and beginning work. More
than half of the charters are declared to be public acts, and in
most of them provisions are made for amendment by the legis-
lature.
This is in short the outline of the normal Minnesota railroad
charter. The plank road and canal charters follow much the
same plan. But the provisions in respect to these different
general features vary considerably, ])oth as to wording and
content, while numerous special features are brought in. Some,
however, have many provisions in common, with many sections
verbatim alike, and in a few instances whole charters are al-
most identical. AVith few exceptions, the charters may be
placed in groups, but within these groups again some may in
turn resemble each other more closely than others.
Numbers 5, IT, 20, 24, and 25, may be said to constitute one
such group. Number 5 differs from the others mainly in pro-
viding different expropriation proceedings. Sections 6 to 15,
14 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
inclusive, of number 11, are "adapted and enacted as parts"
of number 24, "to be known and numbered as therein known
and numbered." Numbers 5 and 11 name the commissioners
who are to open books, while the others make this the duty of
the incorporators or a part of them. The general trend of these
charters is like some of those granted by Wisconsin. The right
of way proceedings of all but number 5 are verbatim like those
found in an amendment to the Madison and Beloit railroad
charter.®^ The provision as to borrowing money and issuing
bonds, which may be exchanged for stock as the directors may
provide, is much like section 16 of the Ohio and Mississippi
railroad charter of Illinois; and numbers 11, 24, and 25, have
similar provisions also as to uniting and connecting with other
roads.®^
Numbers 18 and 23 are very similar, and with these might
be placed the railroad franchises given the Minnesota Improve-
ment Company, but these do not appear to have been made use
of. These two charters appoint the named persons commis-
sioners, under the majority of whom subscriptions may be re-
ceived; when the stockholders organize, they are to become a
body corporate. These charters can easily be traced to Wis-
consin. Most of their provisions may be found almost ver-
batim in such charters as those of the Lake Michigan and IMis-
sissippi,''* Madison and Swan Lake,^^ La Crosse and Milwau-
kee,«« Racine, Janesville and Mississippi,^^ railroad companies,
incorporated by that state. The fifty-year corporation life
limit is, however, not found in the Wisconsin charters. The
first plank road charter granted in Minnesota °^ may also be
traced to the same source.
Another group is numbers 12, 14, and 15 ; and with these may
also be placed numbers 2 and 4. Number 2 is very similar to
the Beloit and Madison railroad charter.«« Number 4 is almost
verbatim like that of the New Haven and IMonroeville railroad
62. Laws of Wisconsin, 1851, p. 203.
63. Private Laws of Illinois, 1851, p. 89.
64. Laws of Wis., 1847, p, 72.
65. Laws of Wis., 1851, p. 172.
66. Laws of Wis., 1852, p. 325.
67. Laws of Wis., 1852, p. 591.
68. Laws of Minn., 1849, p. 91.
69. Laws of the State of Wis., 1848, p. 161
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 15
company, chartered by Ohio.'^^ The provision limiting the bond
issue to three-fourths of the amount actually expended may
be traced to an amendment of the Beloit and Madison charter.'^^
The right to reciprocal use of railroads at connecting points
is like section 23 of the Northwestern charter.^^ Judging from
internal evidence, it would seem that number 4 came directly
from Ohio, while the others came by way of Wisconsin.
The largest group is that which comprises numbers 7, 8, 9,
10, 13, 16, 19, 26, 27, and perhaps also numbers 6 and 17. The
Transit charter of 1854, which was not accepted, would have
belonged to this " group. Number 6 is derived quite directly
from the Illinois Central charter.^^ Governor Gorman char-
acterized it as substantially like the Illinois Central, except
that it left out nearly, if not quite, all the guards and securi-
ties expressly provided for in the Illinois charter.'^* Jn the
effort to float capital into the country to undertake railroad
construction in advance of the economic needs, frontier railroad
legislation almost always had a tendency to be very liberal.
The provisions of the charters of this group may nearly all be
derived from Illinois charters, especially from the Illinois Cen-
tral. The provisions concerning bell or whistle, railroad cross-
ing signs, badges to be worn by trainmen, and fencing, are
similar to those found in Illinois, which had been derived from
New York charters. Such regulations were not so frequent in
Wisconsin and Ohio charters. It may be of interest to note
that the charter incorporating the Minnesota Point Ship Canal
Company ^^ betrays a common origin with this group.
Numbers 1, 3, 21, and 22, do not resemble each other par-
ticularly, nor do they fit into any of the foregoing groups.
Number 1 is in many respects very similar to the Wellsville
and Pittsburgh railway charter granted by Ohio,'^^ and also
to the Dayton and A¥estern charter of the same state. '^^ The
provision authorizing the borrowing of money resembles an act
70. Local Laws of Ohio, 1836, p. 357.
71. Laws of Wis., 1851, p. 203.
72. Laws of Wis., 1852, p. 646.
73. Private Laws of Ills., 1851, p. 61.
74. Council Journal, 1855, p. 122.
75. Laws of Minn., Ex. Ses., 1857, Ch. 75.
76. Local Laws of Ohio, 1846-7, p. 183.
77. Ibid., p. 93.
16 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
authorizing the Mad River and Lake Erie railroad company
to borrow money/*
In number 3 we find the first twelve sections practically
verbatim like those of the charter of the Alton and Springfield
railroad/^ granted by the Illinois legislature in 1847, and some
of tlie remaining sections are also similar. One peculiarity of
this charter is that it provides that in expropriation land shall
be taken *'as provided by the act [of Congress] concerning
right of way approved March 3, 1845." The words '*of Con-
gress" were inserted in brackets by way of explanation, but
are misleading. Congress passed no such act on that day. The
act cited is an act of the legislature of Illinois,^^ and was re-
ferred to in the Illinois charter; this provision was copied in
the i\Iinnesota charter together with the rest.
Number 22 may be traced to Wisconsin. It bears a strong
resemblance to the Northwestern®^ and the Beloit and IMadi-
son ^^ charters of that state.
The provisions of number 21 are mostly derived from Wis-
consin. The first part resembles some Illinois charters;*^ but
the main provisions may be found in the Arena and Dubuque
charter ®* and the land grant charters and enactments of Wis-
consin in 1856.*' Likewise the other land grant enactments of
Minnesota in 1857 may be traced directly to this source. The
general railroad incorporation law of 1858 is from beginning
to end almost verbatim like that of Ohio.*^
It would be difficult in most instances to point out with any
degree of certainty the exact charters which served as models
for those of JVIinnesota. The similarity may in some cases
merely indicate a common origin. I think it quite safe to say
that Minnesota got nearly all her charter provisions from Ohio,
Wisconsin, and Illinois, especially from the two latter. A few
78. Local Laws of Ohio, 1846, p. 27.
79. Private Laws of lUs., 1847, p. 144.
80. General Laws of Ills.. 1845. Ch. 92, p. 478; approved March 3,
81. Laws of Wisconsin, 1852, p. 646
82. Ibid., p. 55.
83. Private Laws of Ills.. 1849, p. 78; 1851, p. 61
84. Gen. Laws of Wis., 1856, p. 680.
85. Ibid., p. 239, Ch. 137; p. 217, Ch. 122.
86. Revised Laws of Ohio, 1854, Ch. 29, p. 191
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 17
scattered provisions may have been taken directly from New
York, Pennsylvania, or New England charters. It is but nat-
ural that railroad promoters in a frontier territory like Min-
nesota should look to the neighboring states, in which railroads
were developing under very much the same conditions, for
charter models.
The length of the charters varies from twelve to thirty-
three sections, the maximum being in numbers 17 and 22,
which were passed in different sessions of the same year. The
number of incorporators varies from eight to twenty-six (the
maximum in numbers 8 and 27). The number of incorpora-
tors, however, plays no important part. W. A. Gorman, on
the floor of the constitutional convention in 1857, said that
many were included merely for the purpose of organizing the
company and never owned any stock at all.*^ Mr. Meeker
added that probably one-half the names mentioned in the acts
granting charters are of persons who are not even aware that
such charters are in existence. ^^ In 1853, when the bill to in-
corporate the St. Paul and St. Anthony Railroad Company (C.
F. No. 7) was before the house, it was moved in the committee
of the whole to amend the bill by adding to the list of incor-
porators four new names and the names of the members of the
legislative assembly.^^ This amendment, however, was not
accepted by the council. But seven new incorporators were
inserted by the house in the bill to incorporate the Louisiana
and Minnesota (C. F. No. 6), and the council accepted the
amendment.''^ In the Minnesota and Northwestern charter the
names of Governor Gorman and Secretary Rosser ''were in-
serted without being consulted on the subject, and both gen-
tlemen were desirous that their names should not be used in
connection with any act of the legislature of this character." ^^
This is indicative of the loose methods of legislation in vogue
at the time. The incorporators were in no way responsible for
the debts incurred. The system was vicious and would not be
tolerated anywhere but in a frontier settlement.
87. Const. Debates, Reported by Francis H. Smith, p. 225.
88. Ibid., p. 225.
89. House Journal, 1853, p. 138.
90. Ibid., p. 137.
91. Council Journal, 1855, p. 212.
2
18 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
The number to constitute the board of commissioners va-
ries, and is often quite indefinite. In some cases all the incor-
porators or a majority of them are authorized to open books.
In two charters (numbers 5 and 11) certain of the incorpora-
tors are named as commissioners. The method most frequently
provided is for the incorporators to appoint three of their
number to serve in this capacity. Two charters (numbers 18
and 23) began by naming the commissioners, "under a ma-
jority of whom subscriptions may be received to the capital
stock of the railroad company hereby incorporated." Ten
charters ^- provide for the meeting and acceptance of the char-
ters on the part of the incorporators.
The amount of capital stock varies greatly, and not entirely
with the length of the road proposed. The lowest is $40,000 ;
and the highest $50,000,000, with the privilege of raising it to
$100,000,000. The last is quite remarkable for a territory hav-
ing taxable property listed at less than two and a half million
dollars. The legislators seem to have been guided by no
economic principle as to stock issue. It appears that neither
they nor the promoters had any definite idea of the amount
of capital necessary to carry out the enterprise, but some and
generally an ample amount was allowed as a matter of course
to get the work started. The charter of the Minnesota and
Northwestern®^ was, however, an exception. It provided that
the capital stock of that corporation should be $10,000,000,
which might be increased from time to time to any sum not
exceeding the entire amount expended on the road. This is an
approach to capital stock regulation, but would most likely
not be very effective in practice. Too much depended on the
mere assertion of the company. Mr. A. J. Edgerton, the rail-
road commissioner, in his report for the year 1873, said : ' ' The
stock in nearly all the companies has been issued as a matter
of accommodation either connected with transfers or in nego-
tiating bonds. In only a very few companies does capital stock
represent any money paid into the company. In some instances
the original projectors, or localities interested, subscribed and
paid for a certain amount of stock, but generally this stock
92. Nos. 6, 7, 8, 9, 13, 16, 19, 22, 26, 27.
93. No. 6.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA.
19
was wiped out by subsequent purchases of the road by issuing
another class of stock. The complaint against watering stock
hardly applies to railroads in this state from the fact that, in
most instances, stock was issued without any cash equivalent,
and representing no material assets, and consequently was
hardly susceptible of dilution. The volume might be increased
from time to time, but the consistency remained the same."^^
Legislation regarding capitalization was lax in territorial days
and from the above report it would seem that it continued lax
for some time after. AVith two exceptions (numbers 7 and 13),
shares of the capital stock were one hundred dollars each.
Two charters (numbers 11 and 24) authorized counties, cities,
and towns, along railroad lines to buy stock and issue bonds
in payment, wiien so decided by majority vote.
We find eleven charters ^•' which contain the provision that
shares shall be deemed personal property. This was common
in railroad charters and in general incorporation laws of the
time. The provision was found in an amendment to a turnpike
charter in ^Massachusetts as early as 1796."*^ It had been incor-
porated into the ]\Iinnesota and Northwestern charter (No. 6),
and when this charter was exposed to its fiery ordeal, this
point was taken up for discussion. It was objected to because
if shares were deemed personal property the stock could only
be taxed where the owners resided. When Governor Gorman
vetoed an act to amend the charter (No. 5, H. F.), he stated in
his objections : ' ' It is clear that this provision was to avoid
taxation in Minnesota. I cannot therefore let go our right to
tax their capital stock and all their property, real and per-
sonal. "^^ This and other objections were given, but they
seemed to have little weight as far as this bill w^as concerned,
for it passed both houses easily by the required two-thirds
majority, and became a law.^^ But two new charters granted
this year (numbers 7 and 8) had both been amended by strik-
ing out this clause.^^
94. Ex. Docs., 1873, Vol. II, p. 132.
95. Nos. 5, 6, 10, 11, 13, 19, 20, 21, 24, 25, 27.
96. Laws of Mass., 1796, Ch. 5, p. 8.
97. Council Journal, 1855, p. 126.
98. Ibid., p. 133.
99. House Journal, 1855, No. 48, H. F., p. 298; No. 5, C. F., p. 296.
20 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
The amount of capital stock which must be subscribed be-
fore the stockholders could meet and organize varies greatly,
not only in amount, but also in per cent of the total capital
stock. One charter (number 17) provides that $500,000 must
be subscribed, and five per cent paid down in cash ; the amount
of capital stock is to be $2,000,000. Another charter (number
20), granted at an extra session the same year, only requires
that ''a sum not more than $50,000 shall have been subscribed
to the capital stock," which in this case is to be $5,000,000.
This last was indeed a chance for the railroad promoter to
begin work with little capital.
The maximum ''call" for payment on capital ,etock is in
three charters (numbers 1, 6, 21) placed at the discretion of
the directors; two charters (numbers 3 and 17) have no provi-
sions at all concerning this matter; in one (number 20) the
maximum call is five per cent per month. From five to twenty
per cent, ten per cent and ten dollars per share, in each case
at the discretion of the directors but on at least thirty days
notice, are the more common provisions. In three charters
(numbers 1, 6, 21) it is provided that when installments are
not paid, stock may be sold at auction, and the balance which
may be left shall be paid over to the owner. The other char-
ters all provide for forfeiture of stock on non-payment, due
notice to be given in all cases.
Each share entitled the owner to one vote, which he might
exercise in person or by proxy. In some cases it is provided
that only shares with paid-up installments entitle the holder
to votes. The directors are to be elected by majority vote. In
only one charter (number 22) is there any irregularity in these
respects. By this charter the land grant companies are author-
ized to subscribe to the capital stock in proportion to the
length and cost of the roads built by each. The directors of
the new company are to be elected from the different com-
panies which are stockholders in proportion to the amount of
stock held; but whenever individual subscriptions amount to
$200,000, such stockholders shall be entitled to one director,
and on larger subscriptions in like proportion.
The number of directors varies from five to fifteen ; and in
some cases where the companies are authorized to consolidate.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 21
the new board of directors is not to exceed twenty-one. Twelve
and nine are the most common numbers. Seven charters ^^"
provide for a board of twelve directors Avho are to be divided
into three classes, each class holding office for one, two, and
three years, respectively. After the first election four new
directors are to be elected annually for a term of three years.
In other charters all the directors are elected annually. Direc-
tors are to be chosen from the stockholders. One charter
(number 6) provides that all must be citizens of the United
States and three of them residents of Minnesota; another
(number 14), that one must be a resident of Minnesota; a third
(number 27), that three must be residents of Minnesota; and
a fourth (number 21), that a majority of the board of directors
must be citizens of Minnesota. One charter (number 7) does
not mention the election of directors at all.
Nearly all the charters provide that the directors may estab-
lish and collect such ''tolls" or rates as they may deem rea-
sonable. One charter (number 5), however, sets the maximum
passenger rate at four cents per mile. An amendment to an-
other ^*^^ sets the maximum rate at ten per cent above the rate
charged by the Illinois Central. Rates were what would induce
capital to build and invest, and it was but natural that the
legislature at the time should be liberal.
The right of way is in all cases granted the railroad com-
panies. The width of the right of way varies. Out of the
twenty-seven charters, eight ^^^ provide that land may be taken,
not exceeding one hundred feet in width; one (number 2). sets
the maximum at one hundred and thirty feet, except where
more is necessary for turnouts, buildings and the like ; another
(number 17), at one hundred and fifty feet. In two charters
there is no definite limit set, one (number 1) authorizing the
company to "enter upon any land, to survey, construct and lay
down said road, " not mentioning width at all, the other (num-
ber 3) authorizing the company to lay out their road wide
enough for a double track. The remaining fifteen provide that
the companies may appropriate to their own use and control,
100. Nos. 6, 8, 9, 10, 13, 16, 19.
101. To No. 6; Laws of Minn., 1855, p. 67.
102. Nos. 4, 12, 14, 15, 18, 22, 23, 25.
22 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
for the purpose of the railroad and its appurtenances, land not
exceeding two hundred feet in width. In the second report
of the industrial commission it is stated, "In C^alifornia the
unusual liberty of laying out its road not exceeding nine rods
wide is given the company." ^'^^^ In Minnesota it was quite
usual to authorize two hundred feet, or over twelve rods. Pre-
vious to 1855 the territory had no authority to grant right of
way through public domain. Governor Gorman called atten-
tion to this fact in his message that year,^^'' just before Con-
gress extended this right, which had for some time been en-
joyed by states,^''-'' also to territories.^"^
The method of effecting a settlement for lands taken for
right of way or for other *' necessary purposes," where the
owner was absent, incapable of conveying, or unwilling to
agree, varied considerably. One charter (number 5) provided
that in such cases a jury of twelve men should be summoned
and sworn by a justice of the peace to ascertain the value of
the land taken. Another (number 1) provided that the dis-
trict judge, or two justices of the peace, were to issue warrants
to the sheriff or marshal of the county to summon three dis-
interested freeholders to arbitrate for the compensation to be
awarded. In four charters (numbers 4, 12, 14, 15) the com-
pany and the landowners or their representatives are each to
appoint an arbitrator, and these in turn to appoint a third, and
then to proceed to estimate the value of the property taken or
the amount of damages sustained. But if owners do not agree
to arbitrate (not in number 4), the company may petition the
circuit court, or the district or county court, for the appoint-
ment of these commissioners. The remaining charters provide
for the appointment of three commissioners by some court or
judge. In seven ^"^ the appointment is to take place on the
application of the railroad company; in one (number 22), on
application of either dissatisfied party. One charter (number
3) provides for such appointment only in cases where owners
are absentees or incapable of conveying their lands, ''accord-
103. House Docs., 57th Cong.. 1st Session, Vol. 72, p. 896.
104. Council Journal, 1855, p. 125.
105. 10 U. S. Stat., 28.
106. 10 U. S. Stat., 683.
107. Nos. 1, 2, 11, 20, 21, 24, 25.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 23
ing to act [of Congress] concerning right of way approved
March 3, 1845." (See foregoing page 16.)
In the remaining charters ^'^^ the three commissioners are to
be appointed on a signed petition of the company, definitely
stating what lands are to he taken, and after publishing the
fact for a certain length of time. The commissioners appointed
are to be from the county in which the property lies. In nearly
all charters it is provided that in estimating the value of the
land taken and the damages sustained, the advantages as well
as disadvantages to the owners are to be taken into account;
and some as a precaution add that in no case shall a balance
be awarded the company.
Most of the charters provide, among the enumerated cor-
porate rights, that the company may acquire, convey, and pos-
sess such real and personal property as may be necessary to
carry on its business. The charters seem to imply that an
effort shall first be made to acquire the right of way and other
necessary lands by purchase or otherwise before resorting to
expropriation. Number 21 is an exception.
Some charters state definitely that only an easement is
acquired on expropriation. In one charter (number 3, section
7), however, there can be no doubt that the intention was to
convey in fee simple. In another (number 21, section 13) the
idea seems to be the same : ' ' and whenever the amount of such
award or judgment shall be tendered or deposited as afore-
said, an absolute estate in fee simple in such lands shall be and
become vested in said company." A third (number 5, section
10) provides that on expropriation and settlement the company
shall have the ''same right to take, own and possess said lands
and material as fully and absolutely as if the same had been
granted and conveyed to said company by deed."
In other charters the wording is more indefinite. Number
7 (section 7) provides that "the said corporation shall upon
payment to each party interested * * * * become in-
vested and seized of the title of the lands or real estate * * * *
and entitled to the full, free and perfect use and occupation of
the same for the purposes aforesaid, which are, for all the ob-
jects of this act, hereby declared to be public purposes."
108. Nos. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 13, 16, 17, 18, 19, 23, 26, 27.
24 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Thirteen charters ^°^ give free right of way through territorial
or future state lands 'Ho be held and possessed so long as the
same shall be used for such purposes." All but three of these
(numbers 6, 19, 21) expressly exempt free right of way
through school lands. Sections 16 and 36 of every township
had been reserved for school purposes by the act of Congress
organizing the territory. For right of way through these lands
the company must pay not less than one dollar and twenty-five
cents per acre as determined by the legislature, the proceeds
going to the school fund.
Federal land grants figured largely in the hopes of the ter-
ritory in securing railroads. The population and wealth of
the territory did not warrant railroad construction on any
large scale, and railroad systems were deemed to be essential
to the development of the natural resources. One of the first
charters (number 2, section 18) provided that the ''fee simple
of all lands granted along the said railroad or otherwise by the
Congress of the United States, for the purpose of aiding said
road, may be directly granted to said company and shall be
vested in or transferred to said company." Four other char-
ters (numbers 12, 14, 15, 16) have like provisions. The charter
granted to the Minnesota and Northwestern (number 16)
makes the provision stronger. The future land grants ''are
hereby granted in fee simple, absolute and without any further
act or deed." Number 5 is authorized to "accept and hold to
its use any grant, gift, loan or power of franchise, which may
be granted to or conferred upon said company by the laws of
any state or of the United States, or by any person or persons,
upon such terms and conditions as may be imposed."
The Minnesota and Pacific (number 21) was given a part
of the federal land grant of 1857 ^^« in its original charter.
Three others (numbers 7, 8, and 11) by special enactments also
received parts of this same grant. No mention of land grants
had been made in their original charters. These grants were
to accrue to the companies proportionately on the completion
of every twenty miles of railroad.
^Q^^ °^ the charters provide for connecting, while many
109. Nos. 6, 7. 8, 9, U, 16, 17, 18, 19. 21, 23 26 27
110. 11 U. S. Stats., 195.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA.
25
provide for leasing, purchase, and reciprocal use at connecting
points, or for consolidation. The charters do not indicate any
general fear of monopoly. One of the last special charters
granted (number 25) provides that the company ''shall have
the power to unite its railway with any other railway now con-
structed or which may hereafter be constructed in this terri-
tory or adjoining states or territories, upon such terms as are
mutually satisfactory between the companies connecting * * *
and shall have the power to consolidate its stock with any other
company or companies."
Six charters ^'^ provided for ''reciprocal use of said re-
spective roads," where the roads connect; and in case of dis-
agreement as to terms either party might appeal to the su-
preme court of the territory, "whose duty it shall be to fix
such terms for the respective parties as may be equitable."
Others simply provide for mutual agreement. Five charters ^^^
authorized the consolidation of stock, change of name, and new
joint board of directors not to exceed twenty-one in number.
In some charters consolidation or connection with certain
named companies is authorized.
Only a few charters contain any provisions concerning tax-
ation. Where no special mention or exemption was made, they
would be taxed as other corporations on their capital stock and
all their property both real and personal. ^^^ A special form
of taxation, however, grew up in connection with federal land
grants in aid of railroads. The Illinois Central was paying
seven per cent of its gross income into the state treasury. It
was believed in Minnesota also that the territory ought to
secure a "fair resulting interest" before she parted with the
federal grants. They might "secure sufficient interest to pay
all the taxes of the territory or future state, if that direction
be advisable, for half a century or more to come." ^^* All that
the charter of the Minnesota and Northwestern secured, how-
ever, was seven per cent of the net earnings to be paid in semi-
annually after the company cleared twenty per cent. If num-
111. Nos. 2, 12, 14, 15, 22, 27.
112. Nos. 12, 14, 15, 22, 27.
113. Council Journal, 1855, p. 126.
114. Council Journal, 1855, p. 36.
26 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ber 12 got land aid, the territory or future state was to have
a ''suitable resulting interest" in the lands and one per cent
annually of the net proceeds of the road. Numbers 14, 15, and
16, simply provide for a ''suitable resulting interest," in pro-
portion to the quantity of land granted and the length of the
road in the territory or future state. Number 21, and enact-
ments giving land grants to numbers 7, 8, and 11, provide that
in consideration of grants, privileges and franchises granted,
the companies shall pay three per cent of their gross earnings
annually in lieu of all taxes and assessments whatever, and the
lands granted are to be exempt from taxation till sold or con-
veyed.
Charters and enactments having provisions concerning fed-
eral lands grants usually provide for carrying United States
mail and such freight and passengers as may be offered by
the government. This was in accordance with conditions im-
posed in the federal land grant acts. Two charters (numbers
17 and 22) have such provisions though no promise is made
of land grants.
Some charters provide for publicit}^ of accounts. Numbers
6, 11, 20, and 24, demand that full and correct accounts of the
financial condition of the companies be published annually.
Number 6 provided that the charter would be null and void if
this annual report were not made to the governor. The others
had no provisions to enforce such publicity. With the land
grant and gross income per centum enactments of 1857,^^'^ pro-
visions were made to secure the territory its dues. The gov-
ernor, or other duly appointed person, was authorized to in-
spect the books and papers of the companies, and to examine
their officers, agents and employees under oath to ascertain
the truth of their accounts.
Powers granted to borrow money and issue bonds are very
liberal. The minimum bond denomination is usually set at five
hundred dollars. This was no doubt to insure against railroad
bonds being issued and used as currency. Number 6 provides,
as so many charters of other states had done, that "no banking
privileges are hereby granted said company."
115. Laws of Minn., 1857, Ex. Ses., Ch. 1.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA.
27
The first charter granted (number 1) authorized the com-
pany to borrow any amount of money not exceeding $200,000,
and to issue bonds in convenient amounts not less than one
hundred dollars each. Seven charters ^^^^ limit the bond issue
to three-fourths of the whole amount actually expended on
the ''road and its appendages" at the time of its completion.
Several charters authorize the companies to borrow on such
terms and rates of interest as they can. Number 21 expressly
provides "any law on the subject of usury in this territory or
future state, or any state where such transaction may be made,
to the contrary notwithstanding. ' '
All the charters, excepting numbers 12, 14, and 15, pro-
vided penalties for damaging and obstructing the railroads.
If these provisions had all been carried out, similar offences
would have been punishable in many different ways. To illus-
trate, if the damage were done to the ^linnesota Western
(number 2), the guilty person would be liable to treble the
damages to be recovered in civil action; but if done to the
Louisiana and Minnesota (number 3), chartered two days later,
he must forfeit treble damages and is furthermore guilty of a
misdemeanor, and on indictment and conviction is liable to a
fine not exceeding $5,000, for the use of the county. If the
damage were done to the Minnesota and NorthAvestern (num-
ber 6), he must pay treble damages to the company and "shall
be imprisoned until payment thereof, unless sooner discharged
by due proceedings of law;" he is further subject to indict-
ment, and may be fined from $30 to $1,000, "to the use of the
territory or future state," or may be "imprisoned in the pen-
itentiary or jail for a term not exceeding five years," in the
discretion of the court. The St. Paul and Taylor's Falls char-
ter (number 19) provides for double damages to be paid to the
company; the offender is furthermore guilty of a misdemeanor
and on conviction must serve from five to ten years in the ter-
ritorial prison, and in case of death resulting from his misdeed
he is to be held guilty of murder in the second degree. These
are a few of the many different provisions. This great discrep-
ancy is due almost entirely to the use of different models in
drawing up the charters.
116. Nos. 2, 10, 12, 14, 15, 16, 27.
28 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
There are time limits set in all the charters. The time for
beginning work ranges from two to five years. Number 9 sets
the time at ten years, but from the context this must be a mis-
print. Five charters"^ provide for completion in ten years,
^lost of them provide for the building of certain of the more
important parts within a specified time. Two companies (num-
bers 2 and 10) are permitted to build their roads in sections.
Some of the charters provide that the grants and franchises
are null and void if the companies do not comply with the time
requirements. Number 13 provides that a failure to comply
with any of the requirements of that charter shall forfeit all
the charter rights and privileges. Similarly numbers 12, 14,
and 15, make compliance with all terms and conditions, the con-
ditions of the charter remaining in force "for the full term of
fifty years." These are the only companies whose charters are
not perpetual, and this provision is not found in the models
from which they were drawn up. In 1853 we find that the com-
mittee on internal improvements recommended that the charter
privileges asked for the Mississippi and Lake Superior (num-
ber 4) be granted for the period of fifty years,^^^ but this re-
commendation was not acted upon. In a message to the legis-
lature in 1855 the governor said: "The modern doctrine is
now well understood among public men, that no corporation
for the concentration of large capital should have perpetual
and unalterable charters, and in most New England states this
guard is reserved to the people as it rightfully ought to be.*'
The three charters out of the seven granted the following year
were thus limited.
Fourteen charters ^^» provide for amendment. The charters
granted in 1853 provide that the legislature may alter or
amend, or alter, amend or repeal. Number 7 provides that any
subsequent legislature may amend "in any manner," The
Transit (number 8) is the first one that provides that the
amendment is not to "destroy or impair vested rights," and
this provision is found in all charters following that make any
mention of amendment at all
117. No.s. 4, 5, 9, 20, 21.
118. Council Journal. 1853. p. 4?,.
119. Nos. 1, 2, 3, -4, 7, 8, 9. 10, 11. U, 19, 25, 26, 27.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA.
29
The house amended the hill to charter the Transit Railroad
Company by striking out this clause,^^" but the council did not
concur and the provision remained. Number 6 made no men-
tion of amendment, but in the amendment to this charter the
following year it was specified that the ''legislature may re-
peal, amend or modify, after the expiration of twenty years,
provided that compensation be made said company for all dam-
ages sustained thereby."
A number of the charters contain general provisions. In
the Minnesota and Pacific charter (number 21) section 27 es-
tablishes a uniform gauge of four feet eight and a half inches
for all railroads in the territory. In the Minnesota and North-
western it was provided that if the charters were not accepted
by the named incorporators any other company approved by
the governor and treasurer of the territory might accept and
be vested with their rights and subject to the liabilities set
forth in the charter. In a rider to number 7 a county is organ-
ized and its government provided for and the county seat of
another county is fixed. Reciprocal rights with connecting
roads are provided for in some charters.
Fifteen ^-^ of the charters provide that "this act is hereby
declared to be a public act." It is a question whether this Avas
done consciously to secure the right to amend. It was most
likely done merely in imitation of railroad charters of other
states. Though declared a "public act," the Louisiana and
Minnesota charter (number 8) is found with the other railroad
charters, not so declared, among the private acts in the col-
lated statutes of Minnesota, 1858.
The charters were all very liberal to the corporations, as
the earlier charters of other states had been. The later expe-
rience of neighboring states, though at times made use of, was
not thoroughly incorporated into the charters. Many restric-
tive provisions are found, but the means of enforcing them are
generally quite wanting. Railroad problems were not under-
stood in advance of actual experience.
120. House Journal, 1855, p. 297.
121. Nos. 3, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, 19, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27.
30 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
CHAPTER Til.
THE RAILROAD BOND ISSUE AND THE GENERAL RAILROAD
INCORPORATION LAW OF 1858.
After the treaties of 1851 with the Indians at Traverse des
Sioux and Mendota, which were ratified later by the Senate
and were proclaimed by President Fillmore in 1853, the ter-
ritory west of the Mississippi was thrown open to settlement,
and the population of the territory increased by leaps and
bounds. Prior to 1855 only a little over half a million acres
of public land had been sold in Minnesota. In 1855 over a mil-
lion acres were transferred to settlers, and in 1856 nearly two
and a half million acres.^--
Only a relatively small area was under cultivation ; but the
territorial newspapers and the prospectuses, handbooks and
other literature scattered broadcast at the time, picture the
agricultural possibilities in the most glowing terms. Lumber-
ing was one of the chief industries and the rivers began to
teem with logs. Villages sprang up as if by magic, often in
anticipation of rural settlement and of industrial and commer-
cial enterprise. Sawmills were run to their full capacity, fre-
quently night and day, to supply the enormous demand for
building materials. Land offices, hotels, and livery stables, did
a flourishing business everywhere.
Speculation was rife on all sides. Unimproved lands,
bought for one dollar and a quarter an acre in the winter of
1856, were surveyed and city lots recorded. In 1857 many of
these lots were sold to eager buyers at fifty dollars an acre,
even though there was not even a log cabin in sight. ^-' Such
paper towns were at times laid out within a mile of each
other. In older settlements city lots bought for five hundred
dollars in the morning might sell for a thousand in the after-
noon of the same day.^24 r^^ie value .of corner lots, factory
sites, and water power privileges, was largely speculative, de-
122. Parker, Handbook for Minnesota, 1856-7, p. 112.
123. Department of Agriculture, Report, 1863,' p. 36; Letter of O. H.
Kelley, Itasca.
124. Parker, Minn. Handbook for 1856-7, p. 20; one .such sale in Red
Wing- described.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 31
pending to a great extent on the final location of the proposed
railroads. Property values in general were abnormally high.
These "wild riots of financial adventure" came to an ab-
rupt close. The Ohio Life Insurance and Trust Company of
New York failed before the Minnesota constitutional conven-
tion adjourned. Other large eastern corporations followed
suit, and the panic of 1857 was precipitated. AVhen the news
reached Minnesota, cash and credit disappeared, and likewise
thousands of speculators who had been caught unawares.
Paper city lots lost their charms, land agencies closed their
doors, factories and mills soon came to a standstill. For a
time it seemed as though the tide of immigration had turned,
and that Minnesota was about to be depopulated. The taxable
property of the state had increased one hundred and two per
cent in 1857. In the two following years there was an actual
decrease of about thirty per cent in valuation.^^^ The follow-
ing table shows the number and area of town plats recorded
from 1853 to 1859 in eighteen counties with forty-seven per
cent of the population of the state :
No. of town
sites.
No. of lots.
No. of acres.
1853
3
1,567
657
1854
30
8,354
2,719
1855
44
20,944
5,196
1856
107
39,683
13,966
1857
182
90,584
20,855
1858
50
18,076
4,689
1859
12
4,932
1,462
The state commissioner of statistics, in his report for the
year ending January 1, 1860, estimated the total area occupied
by town lots at over 100,000 acres, or twenty-two per cent of
the cultivated area of the state. Of the estimated 374,000 city
lots, 362,000 were unoccupied and unimproved.^ -^ Judging
from the decrease in the number of votes cast, and from re-
ports of a number of towns and cities, the commissioner con-
cluded that the urban population had decreased twenty per
cent since 1857. St. Paul, the capital and largest city, is said
to have lost half its population during the panic. This pop-
ulation was in the main transferred to agricultural pursuits,
125. Commissioner of Statistics, Minn., First annual report, for the
year ending Jan. 1, 1860, p. 147.
126. Ibid., pp. 148-9.
32 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
and as a consequence the cultivated area was more than
doubled in 1858 and in some counties more than quadrupled,
while the population of the state as a whole increased only
6,000 as compared with an increase of about 50,000 in the pre-
vious year.
Prior to 1857 agriculture had not been materially devel-
oped in Minnesota. Speculation in city lots had proved more
fascinating than wheat raising. Many of those who had tried
farming had not met with the best of success. The army
worm paid a visit in 1855, and grasshopper raids followed in
1856 and 1857.^^^ When the panic and hard times came, the
farmer suffered with the rest.
On receiving the federal land grants, Minnesota had felt
assured of railroads in the immediate future ; but the panic
nipped the promising railroad construction in the bud, and the
people began to fear that the land grants would eventually re-
vert to the government on account of the inability of the rail-
road companies to meet the time requirements specified in the
grants.
"When the legislature convened in December, 1857, it im-
mediately set about to devise some plan whereby it might
relieve the financial situation and help the railroads. It was
hampered by the constitutional provision forbidding the gift
or loan of state credit to any individual association or cor-
poration.^28 Accordingly a constitutional amendment was pro-
posed ^^^ which authorized the issue of state bonds to the ex-
tent of $1,250,000 to each of the four land grant railroad com-
panies. The bonds were to be issued and delivered at the rate
of $100,000 for every ten miles of road ready for superstruc-
ture and another $100,000 for every ten miles ''actually com-
pleted and cars running thereon."
The railroads were to pay the interest on the state bonds
and all expenses connected with their issue. The net profits
of the companies were pledged for the payment of the interest.
The first two hundred and forty sections of land accruing to
127. Department of AgricuUure, Report for 1863, p. 36 letter bv
O. H. Kelley.
128. Const, of Minn., Art. IX, sec. 10.
129. General Laws of Minn., 1858, ch. 1.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 33
each company were to be placed by deed trust at the disposal
of the governor and secretary of state. As further security the
railroads were to give first mortgage bonds on their roads, lands,
and franchises, to the full value of the bonds received from
the state. Each railroad comj^any was placed under obliga-
tion to complete fifty miles of its road before the close of the
year 1861, one hundred miles by the close of 1864, and four-
fifths of its road by 1866.
The constitution made necessary the enactment of several
general incorporation laws, for the incorporation of some kinds
of corporations was not provided for in the general incorpora-
tion laws in force at the time.^^° Accordingly the legislature
passed a number of new incorporation laws,^^^ among them
''An act to provide for the incorporation and regulation of
railroad companies." ^^^
The law is almost verbatim like that enacted in Ohio in
1852.^^^ Its provisions in the main do not differ materially
from those found in various special charters of the time, but
the fact that all future railroad companies were to be subject
to the same laws was in itself a decided step in advance; for
the evident inconsistency and unnecessary confusion, if not
actual injustice, of incorporating similar companies under dif-
ferent laws would be done away with.
According to the new law any number of persons not less
than five might incorporate a railroad company by filing with
the secretary of state a sworn certified statement specifying
the name of the company, the name and residence of each of
the persons forming the association, the termini of the pro-
posed road and the county or counties through which it would
pass, and lastly the amount of capital necessary to construct
the road.^^*
The state attempted no direct control of stock issue.
Though limited in the first instance to the amount of capital
130. Statutes of Minn., 1851, chs. 36-42, incl.
131. See Statutes of Minn., 1849-1858, ch. XVII, pp. 274-337; Cor-
porations, their formation and regulation.
132. General Laws of Minn., 1858, ch. 70.
133. Laws of Ohio, Vol. 50, p. 274; Act approved May 1, 1852.
134. General Laws of Minn., 1858, ch. 70, sec. 1.
3
34 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
declared necessary for the construction of the road, the amount
of capital stock might later be increased by the directors if
they deemed it necessary and secured the consent of a ma-
jority of the stock already issued/^^ The borrowing power of
the railroad company was limited to an amount not exceeding
its authorized capital stock. The bonds and promissory notes
issued might be secured by pledging property and income, but
were not to bear more than eight per cent interest.^''"
Railroad companies were permitted to consolidate when-
ever any portion of their lines was so constructed as to admit
of continuous passage. One railroad company might aid other
companies in bringing about such connection by subscription
of capital stock or otherwise and was authorized, after con-
nection had been made, to buy or lease these lines, or to make
such ''arrangements for their common benefit" as might be
agreed upon.^^^ There was no mention made of parallel and
competing lines, of which so much is heard later.
Every railroad company incorporated under the new law
was required to make a full annual report to the state auditor.
This report was to give the amount of capital stock of the
company, the gross receipts for the year, the cost of repairs
and incidental expenses, the net amount of profits and the divi-
dends made, with such other facts as might be necessary to
show the condition of its affairs. The auditor was to transmit
an abstract of such reports to the legislature.^ ^^ No authority
was given, however, to investigate the accuracy of the reports,
and no penalties were provided for in case the companies neg-
lected or refused to report.
The most interesting feature of the law from the point of
view of state regulation is the fixing of maximum rates of
freight and fare. No railroad incorporated under the law was
permitted to demand or receive for the transportation of pas-
sengers more than three cents per mile, nor more than five
cents per ton-mile for the transportation of property when
transported thirty miles or more, but if transported less than
135. Ibid., sec. 7.
136. Ibid., sec. 13.
137. Ibid., sec. 24.
138. Ibid., sec. 18.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 35
thirty miles such reasonable rates might be charged as were
fixed by the company or prescribed by law.^^^
The special charters had nearly all given over to the com-
panies the right to fix their own rates, but the state legisla-
ture of 1858, in following the lead of Ohio, asserted its right
to regulate rates on roads thereafter incorporated. In the
general incorporation act for plank road and turnpike com-
panies enacted in 1851, the legislature had expressly reserved
its right to regulate the rates of toll/^*^ This law was still in
force and the same principle was now applied to railroads.
But though the legislature fixed maximum rates of charges,
it provided no means for the enforcement of the law, and at-
tached no penalties for its violation. The companies were evi-
dently supposed to comply with this and other requirements of
their own free will.
The legislature of 1858 had planned, by its proposed amend-
ment to the constitution approved by the governor ^larch 9, to
expedite the construction of railroads, save the land grants,
and secure a safe currency for the people. ^*^ The electors rat-
ified the amendment by an ''overwhelming majority of votes"
the following April. ^*-
But this specious financial scheme proved a dismal failure
in every way. The railroad companies did not proceed accord-
ing to the spirit of the amendment. They refused to give ex-
clusive first mortgage to the state, and won out against the
governor in the courts.^^'^ On the other hand the people never
regarded the bonds as state obligations at all. Sixty-seven
members of the legislature, who had voted for the bond issue,
publicly pledged themselves never to vote for a tax to pay
them. The bonds, which at first were eagerly bought at par,
could not be disposed of at any reasonable price despite the
best efforts of the governor and of the companies.^**
139. Ibid., sec. 12. (Verbatim from the Ohio Law, sec. 13.)
140. Statutes of Minn., 1851, ch. 39, sec. 55.
141. House Journal, 1859-60, p. 389 ff.; Report of a special com-
mittee on railroads, railroad grants, and Minnesota railroad
bonds. General laws, 1858, chs. 32 and 33; Banking' act and
an amendment to the same.
142. Ibid., p. 15.
143. 2 Minn., 13; application of Minn, and Pac. for a mandamus
against Governor Sibley upheld.
144. House Journal, 1859-60, p. 15; Governor's Message.
36 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
For a while the work of the construction companies was
carried on with rapidity, if not thoroughness, and a great num-
ber of bonds were issued according to the agreement, which
was construed liberally for the railroad companies. These
bonds were sold and hypothecated at a ruinous discount, mostly,
it was believed, to speculators. Before long construction oper-
ations had to cease for lack of funds. The companies had no
capital or credit of their own and had depended almost en-
tirely on the proceeds from the state bonds. When the rail-
roads realized their mistake, they offered to submit to the con-
ditions originally imposed by the governor, namely, to issue
exclusive first mortgage bonds to the state,^*^ but their sub-
mission came too late. They were by this time entirely dis-
credited.^^«
In all, $2,275,000 in bonds were issued. All tliat could be
shown for this large sum was two hundred and forty miles of
** incomplete, fragmentary and disjointed portions of grad-
ing," which had cost on the average less than $3,000 per mile.
Only fifty miles of well-built superstructure was ready for the
rail.i^^
When the legislature met in December, 1859, Governor
Ramsey in his message admitted the folly of attempting to
loan the state credit to the land grant railroad companies.
He recommended their dispossession and the transfer of their
interests to more responsible hands. He counselled strongly
against any form of repudiation, but recommended that, since
the outstanding bonds could at the time be secured on favor-
able terms, thej^ ought to be bought in and withdrawn imme-
diately and new bonds issued instead.
The legislature could hardly be expected to follow this last
recommendation. Its members reflected the sentiment preval-
ent throughout the state. Tlie great majority of the people
absolutely disowned the "swindling bonds," as they were
called, and claimed that those who held the bonds had bought
145. Tenth Census Report. \ ol. VII, pp. 632-634, gives an account
of Minnesota's bonded debt.
146. House Journal, 1859-60, p. 15.
147. House Journal, 1859-60, p. 390; Report of the concurrent com-
mittees on railroads, railroad grants, and Minn, railroad bonds.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA.
37
them on speculation at a large discount, fully realizing the risk
they were taking.
A joint committee on railroads, railroad grants, and Min-
nesota railroad bonds, was appointed. This committee con-
ducted an extensive investigation of the controverted question
and made several reports. Heated discussions were carried on
in both Houses, but it proved hard to come to any satisfactory
conclusion.
Early in the session the governor was directed by a joint
resolution to destroy the blank and unissued Minnesota state
railroad bonds in the presence of a joint legislative commit-
tee.^''^ They would at any rate make sure that no more were
issued.
The railroad companies having defaulted in the payment of
interest on the bonds issued by them and held by the state,
it was the duty of the governor to foreclose the deeds of trust
held for the state. ^''^ This the retiring governor had not done.
By an act passed toward the close of the session, it was made
the duty of the governor to foreclose the deeds of trust if in
his opinion the public interest required it. He was further-
more authorized at his discretion to bid in for the state the.
property, rights, and franchises of the companies at such sale.^''*^
A few days later two amendments to the constitution were
proposed by a concurrent resolution.^ "'^ According to the first
no law levying a tax or making other provision for the pay-
ment of interest or principal of the Minnesota state railroad
bonds was to be effective before ratified by a majority vote of
the electors of the state. The second amendment forbade the
further issue of bonds under what '^ purports to be an amend-
ment to section ten of article nine of the constitution," and
expunged this amendment from the constitution, reserving to
the state, nevertheless, all rights, remedies, and forfeitures
accruing under it.
This resolution secured the approval of Governor Ramsey
148. General Laws, 1860, p. 303; Joint Resolutions, No. 4, approved
Jan. 13.
149. Cf. General Laws, 1860, ch. 88, sec. 1, with General Laws of
1858, ch. 1, sec. 1, p. 11.
150. General Laws, 1860, ch, 88, approved March 6.
151. Ibid., p. 297; Concurrent Resolution, No. 1, approved March 10.
38 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
and at the following November election the amendments were
ratified by an almost unanimous vote of the electors. The peo-
ple believed the state had been hoodwinked by designing poli-
ticians and railroad men in the first instance, and they con-
strued proposals of settlement or adjustment as indications
of further corruption. If refusing to acknowledge the validity
of these state bonds was repudiation, they were quite willing
to bear the odium. They rather looked upon such repudiation
as a vindication of their honor.
CHAPTER IV.
THE EVENTUAL ADJUSTMENT OF THE STATE RAILROAD
BONDS.
The people of the state would gladly have consigned the
repudiated Minnesota State Railroad Bonds to oblivion, but
those who held the bonds were not so ready to forget. Bonds
with a par value of $2,275,000 ^''- and their coupons attached
were not to be given up without a struggle. The state not
being suable, the case had to be fought out with the legisla-
ture and with the people who had voted the repudiation.
Nothing was done by the legislature before 1866, when it
passed an ''act for the equitable adjustment of the state rail-
road bonds." This act provided for the appointment by the
governor of a committee of three to investigate who the hold-
ers of the railroad bonds were and what the bona fide holders
had paid. They were authorized to receive bids, and all claims
not presented before January 1, 1867, were to be forever
barred.^'^^ This attempt at securing an equitable adjustment
proved futile.
Early in 1866 it was discovered that Minnesota had a claim
to 500,000 acres of internal improvement lands under an act
of Congress approved September 4, 1841.^'''* These lands were
152. Railroad Company. Bonds issued. Amount of grading.
Minn, and Pac, $600,000 62 mi., 3,213 ft.
Mpls. and Cedar Valley, 600,000 69^4 mi.
Transit, 500,000 50 mi.
Southern Minn., 575,000 Minn. Valley, 371^ mi.; Root
R. Branch. 20 mi., 1,004 ft.
153. General Laws, 1866, ch. 5, p. 9.
154. 5 U. S. Stat., 453, ch. 16, sec. 8.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 39
to have accrued to the state on her admission into the Union
in 1858, but, perhaps on account of the large land grants of
1857, the older general grant was overlooked. When Governor
Marshall had his attention called to this claim by Mr. Drake,
later president of the St. Paul and Sioux City railroad com-
pany, he immediately had the matter investigated, with the re-
sult that the Secretary of the Interior conceded the claim to
the state.^^^
The governor now thought that he saw a practicable solu-
tion to the state bond difficulties. The bonds had been issued
to secure internal improvements ; these lands were given to the
state for this same purpose. He therefore believed that the
lands might properly be given to settle the outstanding bonds.
In this way the stigma of repudiation could be removed from
the state without subjecting the people to taxation. He brings
out these points strongly in his message to the legislature in
1867, and appeals to their sense of honor and their state pride.
He assumes that the people generally believe something is due
on the bonds and that they intend to pay whatever is justly
due. He suggests two ways of disposing of the lands with this
object in view. Either the proceeds of this sale may be set
apart as a sinking fund to pay whatever ultimately is due to
the bondholders, or the bondholders may be given the lands
in exchange for their bonds.' ^^
The legislature followed the recommendation of the gov-/
ernor. It passed an act providing that the proceeds to the
state from the federal land grant of 1841 and the gross income
percentage paid in by the railroads after the passage of this
act were to be set aside as a sinking fund for the adjustment
of the Minnesota State Railroad Bonds.^" Certain judgments
recovered in the district court of Ramsey county against the
Minneapolis and Cedar Valley railroad company for construc-
tion work were recognized by the legislature and placed for
payment on the same footing with its state railroad bonds.^^^
The people, however, were not yet ready for any such set-
155. Exec, docs., 1866, p. 18; 1867, p. 23.
156. Ibid., 1866, pp. 18-20; Governor's Message, Jan. 10, 11
157. General Laws, 1867, ch. 53.
158. Special Laws, 1867, ch. 152.
40 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
tlement; and when the act was submitted to the electors, ac-
cording to the constitutional amendment of 1860, it was re-
jected by a vote of 49,763 to l,935/=«
When the next legislature met in 1868 Governor Marshall's
position was unchanged, but the legislature was not prepared
to take any definite action in view of the recent second repu-
diation by the people.'^*^ The people had no intention of pay-
ing the "swindling bonds of '58," and suspected those who
worked for an adjustment of collusion with the bondholders.
The committee appointed by the governor the previous year
reported to the legislature the results of its investigations. Ac-
cording to this report the holder of the largest amount of rail-
road bonds was Mr. Selah Chamberlain, a railroad contractor.
He claimed that his bonds had cost him above par in work and
material furnished. The committee had employed an experi-
enced engineer to examine the work done, and he reported that
the grading had only cost $2,843.42 per mile, instead of $9,500
as alleged by Mr. Chamberlain. Some holders had admitted
paying as low as seventeen and a half cents on the dollar for
their bonds. The report of this committee naturally confirmed
the people of the state in their belief that they were not deal-
ing with honest creditors with just claims.^*'^
An amendment to the constitution was proposed by the leg-
islature, providing that no law disposing of the internal im-
provement lands or of the proceeds from them was to be oper-
ative until it had been ratified by a majority vote of the elec-
tors. The legislature, however, might, without such vote, pro-
vide for the appraisal and sale of the lands and the investment
of the proceeds in state or national securities.^^^ If this amend-
ment were ratified, what would prevent the legislature from
investing such proceeds in Minnesota state railroad bonds?
The people refused to take any such chances and the amend-
ment was lost.^*'-'*
In 1869 Governor Marshall sent a special message to the
159. A. J, Edgerton, Compilation of the railroad laws of Minn.
(1872), p. 43, footnote.
160. Red Wing- Argtis, Jan, 23, 1868.
161. Folvvell, Minnesota, p. 327.
162. General laws, 1868, ch. 108.
163. Edgerton, op, cit., p, 44,
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA.
41
legislature, in which he discussed the Minnesota State Railroad
Bonds at length and urged the wisdom and propriety of meet-
ing an obligation which would have to be met sooner or later.
A number of memorials from aggrieved bondholders were pre-
sented to the legislature. These demanded settlement on vari-
ous pleas. One stated that he, a resident of New York, had
been induced by the governor of Minnesota personally to pur-
chase the bonds held by him.^^* Several New York bankers
claimed to be innocent holders and demanded the protection
of the state against the acts of her own officers appointed by
herself.^^^ Another memorial was presented hy an executor
in New York in behalf of a deceased bondholder's widow and
orphans.^^®
The state press was in favor of Governor Marshall's recom-
mendation. The St. Paul Press claimed that only two news-
papers in the state opposed hira.^^^ The legislature proceeded
to enact what became known as the Delano bill. This bill gave
Mr. Delano thirteen j^ears in which to buy up the disputed
bonds at practically his own price, in return for which he was
to receive the entire internal improvement land grant. He
was in no way made responsible for carrying out his trust, nor
for the manner in which it was done.^®* This measure was not
at all satisfactory to the governor and he promptly vetoed it.
In 1870 the legislature passed another bill to bring about a
settlement. This bill provided for the surrender of all out-
standing railroad bonds with attached coupons in exchange
at par value, but with no interest allowed, for internal im-
provement lands at prices to be determined at public auction
in St. Paul the following September. The lands were to be
exempt from taxation for a period of ten years, but the mini-
mum price was fixed at $8.70 per acre,^^^ which was several
164. The St. Paul Daily Press, Feb. 2, 1869, p. 2; Memorial of J. D.
Souter, New York, Jan. 13, 1869.
165. Ibid., memorial addressed to the governor and dated Jan. 19,
1869.
166. Ibid., dated Jan. 25, 1869.
167. Ibid., Feb. 9, 1869. The papers referred to are the Hastings
Gazette and St. Cloud Journal.
168. Ibid., March 11, 1869, p. 1, and the bill given in full, pp. 2 and
3-5.
169. General laws, 1870, ch. 13, p. 18.
42 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
times the market value of unimproved land in those regions.
This act was signed by the governor, and was approved by
the people at a special election held the following May; but
the bondholders did not wish for settlement on these terms,
and the required number of bonds were not deposited for the
act to become operative.
In his message to the legislature in 1871, Governor Marshall
again urged the use of the internal improvement lands 'Ho
save the honor of the state and save the people from taxa-
tion. "^^*^ Other plans, however, were more interesting to the
legislature at this time. Railroad companies had long looked
with longing eyes on this desirable land grant, and the people
in frontier settlements were clamoring for its distribution in
aid of new railroad projects. The Sauk Rapids Sentinel ex-
pressed the sentiments of many when it said: ''We sincerely
hope our legislature will this winter finally dispose of these
lands and thereby get rid of a matter which has become almost
as annoying and vexatious as the bonded debt itself. Divide
up the land, gentlemen, as quickly as possible, but don't forget
to give us a share up this way."^^^
A number of such division schemes were proposed and met
with no particular objection in the press. After much log-roll-
ing and lobbying, a bill was finally passed which divided all
the lands among several railroad companies. The bill in its
final form was rushed through without a hitch and received
the support of men of both political parties. The fate of the
internal improvement lands seemed settled, when the unex-
pected happened, the governor vetoed the bill. He gave as his
reasons that the bill did not have the free and voluntary con-
sent of the majority of both Houses of the legislature, and
that they were not authorized to dispose of the lands in this
manner.
The veto came as a surprise to the members of the legis-
lature as well as to the people. It met with various receptions
in different parts of the state. Rochester, though in the anti-
monopoly storm center, felt keenly disappointed. The Federal
Union, a Rochester paper, said : "This is sad news, and it will
170. Minn. Exec. Docs., 1870, p. 7.
171. Sauk Rapids Sentinel, Jan. 27, 1871.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 43
tend to retard greatly the prosperity of this portion of the
state. This is confirmed by the St. Paul papers." ^^- The
Rochester Post commented: ''St. Peter glorified and jollified
over Governor Austin's veto of the land division bill with
bonfires, cannon firing, and band playing. Rochester did none
of these things. St. Peter was not a point in the land divide.
Rochester was a point in the land divide. This makes a great
difference between St. Peter and Rochester." ^^^ In an edi-
torial of the same issue, however, was stated: ''While we in
this vicinity, as residents of a locality which the bill proposed
to benefit, may regret the loss of the new roads which were
promised through its operation, we cannot but respect the gov-
ernor for his action."
On the whole, Governor Austin received the hearty sup-
port of the press, and he gained the respect of the people for
his high motives and fearless action.^ ^* Politicians and those
personally interested in the "land grab" swore vengeance and
tried to bring about his political destruction. These virulent
attacks Avere promptly met in the courts and the governor was
vindicated. The Republican state central committee issued a
circular in defence of the governor, and characterized the
work of his enemies as an iniquitous conspiracy against the
people of Minnesota.^ ^■'^ The people had faith in Governor
Austin, and there was from this time, as Professor Folwell
says, no question of his re-election, should he desire it.^^®
The internal improvement lands continued to weigh heavily
on the hands of the state, and the governor, fearing with good
reason that they might be misapplied, recommended to the leg-
islature of 1872 that they be sold in the same manner that
school lands were, and that the proceeds be held as an internal
improvement fund subject only to the vote of the people.^^^
The legislature accordingly proposed this as an amendment to
the state constitution, providing further that the proceeds
172. Federal Union, March 11, 1871.
173. Rochester Post, March 11, 1871.
174. Ibid., March 11, 1871 (editorial); St. Paul Dispatch, March 14,
1871; New York Times editorial quoted in St. Paul Dispatch,
March 14, 1871.
175. Published in Minneapolis Tribune, Nov. 3, 1871, and elsewhere.
176. Folwell, Minnesota, p. 269.
177. Exec. Docs., 1871, Governor's Message, .Jan., 1872.
44 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
from these land sales were to be invested in United States
bonds or in Minnesota State bonds issued since 1860/'^ This
constitutional amendment, which was ratified at the next gen-
eral election,^ "^ made any adjustment of the railroad bonds in
the near future highly improbable. The people would not sub-
mit to taxation to pay the repudiated bonds, nor were they
very likely to vote for tlie application of the internal improve-
ment fund to this purpose.
The bondholders were unable to pursue any remedies at
law against the state on her bonds, and when it became appar-
ent that no legislative relief was forthcoming, Mr. Chamber-
lain, who held state railroad bonds amounting to over half a
million dollars, which he had received for construction work
from the Southern Minnesota, brought suit against its succes-
sors, the St. Paul and Sioux City and the Southern Minnesota
railroad companies, seeking to charge with the payment of the
bonds the two hundred and forty sections mortgaged by the
original company under the amendment of 1858 and purchased
by the state under the foreclosure of this mortgage and now
held by the defendant railroad companies. He contended that
the position of the state in relation to the bonds was simply
that of a surety, the principal debtor being the original South-
ern Minnesota railroad company, whose president had endorsed
and transferred to him the bonds, and that therefore the con-
veyance by that company of its land grant to the state to in-
demnify the state created a trust in favor of the holder of the
bonds. His claims were not sustained in the federal circuit
court, and the supreme court likewise in its October session
in 1875 held that the bondholders had no equity for the appli-
cation of the land to payment of their bonds.'^'^ As to the
validity of the bonds themselves. Justice Field in his state-
ment of the case said: ''The bonds issued are legal obliga-
tions. The state is bound by every consideration of honor and
good faith to pay them. Were she amenable to the tribunals
of the country as private individuals are, no court of justice
178. General laws, 1872, ch. 14.
179. Exec. Docs., 1872, Governor's Message, Jan., 1873.
180. 92 Otto, 299, Chamberlain v. St. Paul and Sioux City Railroad
Company et al.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 45
would withhold its jvidgiiient against her in an action for their
enforcement."^®^
The supreme court had earlier in the same session reviewed
the claims of Mr. Farnsworth and others against the St. Paul
and Pacific for tlie payment of bonds issued by its defaulted
predecessor, the Minnesota and Pacific. ^^^ It was held that the
original company had forfeited its franchises and all interest
in the land grant, and tliat its successor iiad secured title free
from any lien. The right of the state to foreclose the trust-
deeds was sustained, but obiter dicta it was said that the adop-
tion of the constitutional amendment of November, 1860, cer-
tainly had the effect to impair tlie value of the bonds of the
state, and that the holders of tlie bonds were injuriously af-
fected by the amendment.^^^ Such statements, coming from
the highest judicial tribunal of tlie nation, were far from grat-
ifying to those who took a pride in the good name of the state
of Minnesota.
Governor Davis, in his parting message to the legislature
in January, 1876, discussed at length the history of the bonds
and the moral obligations of the state, and strongly recom-
mended the appointment of an impartial commission to adjust
the claims.^^* Governor Pillsbury, in his inaugural address to
the same legislature, likewise devoted much time to the same
question.^®^ He believed that the bond issue was premature
and unwise, but since the state had in 1860 obtained by fore-
closure the security for the bonds, he thought it evinced a
childish, ignoble disposition to repudiate the results of an act
of folly deliberately committed by themselves. The earnest
pleas for the vindication of the honor of the state were of little
avail, except to keep up the agitation in the legislature and
throughout the state.
The next year Governor Pillsbury again took up the ques-
tion for discussion in his message and affirmed the validity of
181. Ibid., p. 304.
182. 92 Otto, 49, Farnsworth et al., trustees, v. Minnesota and
Pacific Railroad Company et al.
183. Ibid., p. 71.
184. Exec, Docs., 1875, vol. I, p. 35 ff.; Gov. Davis' message, Jan.,
1876.
185. Ibid., Inaugural address of Gov. Pillsl)ur>-, Jan., 1876.
46 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
the ''dishonored bonds" in no uncertain language.^^^ This
year the legislature passed an act constituting the governor,
the secretary of state, and the attorney general, commissioners
of the public debt of Minnesota. These commissioners were
authorized to prepare Minnesota six per cent thirty-year bonds,
redeemable after twenty years, and to issue these at the rate
of $1,750 for each outstanding state railroad bond with cou-
pons attached. The judgments against the Minneapolis and
Cedar Valley railroad company for construction work, which
the legislature in 1867 had recognized,^*^ were to be liquidated
as though state railroad bonds had been issued.^^^ This act
was passed in pursuance to an understanding with Mr. Cham-
berlain and other bondholders, and was considered equitable
by them.^^^ An amendment to the state constitution was pro-
posed, which was to authorize the legislature at its discretion
to apply the internal improvement lands and the proceeds from
them to the redemption of the principal of the bonds that
might be issued in settlement of the Minnesota state railroad
bonds.^»° When these measures came before the electors of the
state they were rejected by a large majority. The time for ad-
justment had not yet come.
The governor in his next message deplored the rejection of
what he believed to be liberal terms which the bondholders
had offered, and again made his recommendations under the
heading, ''Dishonored Bonds." The legislature at this ses-
sion (1878) proposed to exchange the internal improvement
lands for the "outstanding documents known as the Minne-
sota state railroad bonds, the validity of which the people of
Minnesota do not recognize, but which it is desirable to be re-
covered and destroyed. "^9^ All bondholders depositing their
bonds before the first Monday in July, 1879, were to have, as
far as possible, an equal chance. The choice of land was to be
given in the order of the deposit of the bonds after that date.^^-
186. Exec, docs., 1876, Governor's message, Jan., 1877.
187. Special laws, 1867, ch. 152.
188. General laws 1877, ch. 92, sec. 6.
189. Ibid., introduction to enactment.
190. General laws, 1877, ch. 5; proposed amend, to Art. IV, sec.
32, 6.
Ill' ?v,^.^^'*^^ ^^'^•'' ^^'^' ^^'- ^^' introduction to enactment.
192. Ibid., ch. 85,
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 47
This measure fared no better at the polls than did those of the
year before.
Governor Pillsbury continued his pleas for the vindication
of the honor of the state and for the redemption of the ''dis-
honored bonds" in his messages to the legislatures in 1879
and 1881, the sessions at this time having been made biennial.
The bondholders were getting impatient, and Mr. Chamberlain
and others again proposed a compromise. It was realized that
no settlement could be made which the people would accept.
In 1881 the legislature authorized and required the judges of
the state supreme court to determine the constitutionality of
issuing bonds to settle the vexatious claims without submit-
ting the question to the vote of the people as required by the
amendment of 18G0. In case any of the judges of the supreme
court did not qualify to serve, the governor was authorized to
appoint district judges to fill such vacancies. If this tribunal
decided that submission to the people Avas not necessary, new
bonds were to be issued immediately to pay fifty per cent of
the principal and interest of all outstanding claims, connected
with the defaulting land grant companies in which the state
had an interest; otherwise the act was to be submitted to the
electors. The governor, auditor, and attorney general, were
designated a board of commissioners to carry out the provi-
sions of the act.^^"^ Another act was passed, providing that
the proceeds from the internal improvement lands were to be
applied to the payment of interest on the x)roposed Minnesota
state adjustment bonds and to form a sinking fund for their
payment at maturity. According to the constitutional amend-
ment of 1873, this act was to be submitted to the vote of the
electors.^''^
The judges of the supreme court refused to serve, and the
governor accordingly appointed five district judges to con-
stitute the tribunal. A writ of prohibition was served upon
them, and when the case came before the supreme court the
attorney general argued that the legislature did not have the
authority to set up this tribunal, and that the act was repug-
193. 'General laws, 1874. ch. 104.
194. 92 Otto, 49 and 299.
48 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
nant to the amendment of 1860. The supreme court decided ^»^
that the amendment of 1860 was repugnant to the constitution
of the United States, because it ''impaired the obligation of
contracts," '»* and further, that the act of the legislature dele-
gating legislative power to state judges was also void. The
federal supreme court had already expressed itself, obUer
dicta, to the same effect '^* and the case was not appealed.
The ''dishonored bonds" could now be redeemed without
the support of a popular vote. Governor Pillsbury immedi-
ately called an extra legislative session in October, 1881. An
act was passed providing for the issue of Minnesota state ad-
justment bonds which were to replace the former bonds and
claims at fifty cents on the dollar, as had been agreed to by the
claimants.^ ^'^ An internal improvement land fund bill was
passed, which was virtually that of the previous regular ses-
sion re-enacted.^®^ The title was changed from "An act for
the adjustment of Minnesota state railroad bonds" to "An act
providing for the adjustment of certain alleged claims against
the state." This change was perhaps intended to make it more
palatable to the people when they came to vote on its adop-
tion. The act was submitted to the electors and was ratified.
The issue of adjustment bonds having been voted by the leg-
islature, they chose to meet the obligations of these new bonds
with the proceeds. of the internal improvement lands rather
than submit to taxation.
The adjustment bonds were to be prepared by the governor
and auditor and dated January 1, 1881. They were thirty-year
bonds bearing five per cent interest after January 1, 1884, and
were payable at the option of the state after ten years. The
state, however, reserved the right to pay cash on selling the
bonds if it could secure money at less than five per cent in-
terest.^^^
A writ of injunction was served upon the governor, re-
straining him from signing or issuing the adjustment bonds.
He disregarded the writ, however, and the bonds were duly
195. 2y Minn., 474; State vs. Young, decided September
196. General laws, 1881, special session, ch. 1.
197. Ibid., ch. 71.
198. General laws, 1881, special session, ch. 1, sec. 2,
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 49
signed, countersigned, and delivered. AVhen the state treas-
urer, Mr. Kittelson, was about to pay interest on the new
bonds, an action was brought in the Hennepin County district
court to restrain him from doing so, on the ground that the
constitutional amendment of 1858 authorizing the issue of the
original state railroad bonds was void, that the act of 1881
authorizing the issue of the new bonds was void, and, further,
that the new bonds had been signed and issued in violation
of a writ of injunction. The district court denied the petition
and was sustained by the supreme court, which decided against
the plaintiff on all points.^ °^
No further legal difficulty was encountered. The credit of
the state was good, and by November 30, 1882, new bonds at
four and a half per cent could be issued to retire the adjust-
ment bonds.^°^ After a long struggle and much difficulty, ad-
justment was thus finally substituted for repudiation, much to
the satisfaction of Governor Pillsbury.
CHAPTER V.
THE LAND GRANT RAILROADS, 1861-1864.
The legislature which met in January, 1861, was nominally
free to carry out any policy that might be deemed conducive
to early railroad construction and favorable to the interests of
the state. The land grant companies, of which the state
through foreclosure and purchase noAV had possession, repre-
sented the more important projected railroads; and in connec-
tion with them were the immense federal land grants which
would accrue as fast as the railroads were built. Railroad
construction so heavily subsidized ought to be assured of suc-
cess if properly managed, now that the state and nation were
recovering from the effects of the panic. But there was no
inclination or ability on the part of the state to build the roads
herself. The corporate interests were merel}^ held temporarily
199. 29 Minn., 555; Secombe vs. Kittelson. (FuU account of facts
given.)
200. Eleventh Census, Report on Wealth, Debt, and Taxation.
Part I, p. 106; Account of new issue: $4,253,000. See also
Tenth Census Report, Vol. VII, p. 634.
50 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
and without merger or extinguishment.^"^ If construction
were delayed, the federal land grants would be lost, for they
were contingent on the fulfillment of definite time require-
ments.
Some immediate action was deemed necessary and the sim-
plest course was taken. The Minnesota and Pacific railroad
company was regranted freely its former road, lands, proper-
ties, privileges and immunities, free from all liens and claims
held by the state.^"^ The property and franchises of the
other three companies were likewise "continued, granted and
transferred" to different groups of persons named in the en-
actments.^"^
According to these enactments the Minneapolis and Cedar
Valley and the Southern Minnesota companies were to be tem-
porarily favored with a more lenient rate of taxation. During
the first three years they were to pay one per cent of their
gross earnings, the next seven years two per cent, and after
ten years the full three per cent as required in the original en-
actments of 1857. These companies were, however, required to
keep an accurate account of their gross earnings, and to trans-
mit abstracts of these accounts certified under oath to the state
treasurer annually; and the governor, or any other person ap-
pointed by law, w^as given plenary powers to ascertain the
truth of the affidavits and the correctness of the abstracts. In
collecting her percentum the state was given a prior claim
over all other creditors.
The Minnesota and Pacific had these restrictive provisions
in its original charter granted in 1857,-"* and did not get the
benefit of the lower tax rate. The Transit also continued lia-
ble to the full three per cent gross income tax, but was now
the only land grant company not subject to the stricter reg-
ulations as to reports and investigation.
No mention was made of the state railroad bonds, for they
had been virtually repudiated the year before. No attempt
was made to bring the charter rights of these companies into
201. So held later in Ry. Co. vs. Pascher, 14 Minn., 297.
202. Special laws, 1861, ch. 5.
203. Ibid., chs. 2, 3. and 4.
204. Session laws, 1857, extra session, ch. 1, sec. 18.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 51
harmony with the provisions of the general incorporation law
enacted in 1858. The main interest quite apparently centered
on getting railroad construction resumed and the roads com-
pleted. The most important condition which the legislature
in each case imposed was that a certain number of miles of
railroad must be built within stated periods of time, to entitle
the companies to the regrant of property and franchises. Each
company was required to deposit $10,000 with the governor as
a guarantee of good faith, to be forfeited if their obligations
were not fulfilled.
Governor Ramsey had pointed out in his message to the leg-
islature the importance to the agricultural interests of a rail-
road communication between the navigable waters of the Mis-
sissippi and the head of Lake Superior, especially if in the
"precipitate madness of sectional excitement" the free nav-
igation of the Mississippi should be obstructed. The federal
land grant of 1857 had not provided aid for such a railroad.
The governor, therefore, recommended that this work be aided
as far as possible by favorable legislation without "pecuniary
involvement" on the part of the state, and suggested the dona-
tion of swamp lands along the line of such road, if it would
not become a precedent which would divert the remainder of
these lands from "other and more legitimate purposes. " -^^
The legislature accordingly amended and continued the
Nebraska and Lake Superior charter of 1857 by giving a new
set of incorporators under a new name, the Lake Superior and
Mississippi railroad company, a new special charter which gave
this company the state swamp lands for seven miles on either
side of the proposed road.-''^ The original had been accepted
by the incorporators, but, as the corporation had not been dis-
solved by judicial decree for non-user of its charter rights and
non-compliance with the conditions on which these were grant-
ed, the charter was technically operative ^"' and as such sub-
ject to legislative amendment. It was evidently deemed ex-
pedient to depart from the spirit if not the letter of the clause
205. Exec, docs., 1860, p. 12. Governor's Message, .Tan. 9, 1861.
206. Special laws, 1861, ch. 1; the amended act was ch. 93 of 1857
extra session laws.
207. Records in office of the secretary of state.
52 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
of the constitution forbidding the incorporation of other than
municipal incorporations by special act.-^« The legislature
could have brought the Lake Superior and Mississippi railroad
company, as well as the land grant companies, under the gen-
eral railroad laws, had they so desired ; but to satisfy the rail-
road interests, and thereby to promote and facilitate an early
completion of these very important roads, the old regime of
special railroad legislation was continued.
The regrant of property and franchises of the land grant
companies made in 1861 brought no results. The people had
looked forward to rapid railroad construction to meet the de-
mand for improved transportation facilities which increased
with the rapidly growing population, but with the approach
of the Civil War construction plans had to be postponed. The
Minnesota and Pacific had to be postponed. The Minnesota
and Pacific was the only land grant company that complied
with the enactments of 1861 by paying the costs of the fore-
closure and depositing $10,000 as a guarantee of good faith.
But the security and all charter rights and privileges were for-
feited because the company failed to construct a railroad from
St. Paul to St. Anthony, a distance of ten miles, by January
1, 1862, as required.^"^ The state remained in possession of
the land grant ''railroads." There was as yet not one mile of
completed railroad in the state.
Governor Ramsey recommended to the next legislature the
passage of a general law authorizing any company, on making
a proper guarantee deposit, to exercise the forfeited rights of
the defaulted companies. Since there was no ability on the
part of the state to construct these roads, and in view of the
fact that the grants would otherwise soon be lost, he believed
that no obstacle should be placed in the way of those whose
far-seeing enterprise might induce them to undertake even a
small part of these improvements immediately.^^^
The legislature, however, made another regrant of the char-
ter rights of the land grant companies to different companies
as had been done the year before. An act was passed creating
208. See 93 Wise, 604, and cases there cited.
209. Art. 10, sec. 2.
210. Exec, docs., 1861, p. 21; Governor's Message, Jan., li
I
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 53
the St. Paul and Pacific railroad company. To this company
was granted, free and clear of all claims, all the franchises and
interests of the Minnesota and Pacific which had been acquired
by the state, and also all rights, lands and property, granted
to the company by the act of May 22, 1857. These grants were
made on the condition that certain parts of the projected road
were completed within specified times. The company was re-
quired to deposit with the governor $10,000 to be forfeited to
the state if it failed to complete the portion of its road be-
tween St. Anthony and Anoka by January 1, 1864. The de-
posit might be made in money or bonds of the United States,
or of the state of Minnesota or any state of the Union in good
credit.^^^
The charter and land grant rights of the Minneapolis and
Cedar Valley were vested in a new group of men and their suc-
cessors, who were to retain the old corporate name. This com-
pany was to deposit $10,000 as evidence of good faith, if any
other nine men were willing to deposit that amount as a guar-
antee that they would build the railroad and comply with the
enactment.-^ ^ There is no mention of deposits in the regrants
of the property and franchises of the other two land grant com-
panies, the Root River Valley and Southern Minnesota and the
Transit. The name of the latter company was changed to
Winona and St. Peter.-^"^ The Root River Valley and Southern
Minnesota enactment is interesting, for in this the grantees are
expressly created a body corporate under the name and style
of the former company.^^'^ In the other enactments, and in
three of the regrants of 1861, new companies were evidently
created, for charter rights were given to the grantees, their
associates and successors.^^"'
The St. Paul and Pacific accepted the legislative grant, and
immediately prepared to take up its work. As a deposit it
offered $10,000 in Minnesota state railroad bonds, but the gov-
ernor refused to accept these bonds as good security.-^^ In
211.
Special laws, 1862, ch. 20.
212.
Ibid., ch. 17.
213.
Ibid., ch. 19.
214.
Ibid., ch. 18, sec. 1.
215.
Ibid., 1861, chs. 2, 3, and 4
216.
Exec, docs., 1862, p. 22.
54 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
the summer of 1862 ten miles of railroad were built to con-
nect St. Paul and St. Anthony. The Winona and St. Peter
was organized, and, beginning their construction work at Wi-
nona, the company worked westward. According to Governor
Ramsey, it had ten miles completed, with cars running, when
he sent in his message to the legislature in January, 1863.-^^
The other two companies did not even organize, and the
next legislature, without any further action, gave the same
rights and privileges to new companies in the hope that the
work would be taken up. The St. Paul and Pacific was author-
ized to build two branch lines, one from some point on its line
near St. Cloud to Duluth,^^^ and another from St. Paul to Wi-
nona.2^^ In the connection with the former were congressional
land grants ;22*^ the latter was to be subsidized by a grant of
all state swamp lands within the limits of seven miles on either
side of the branch.
The Minneapolis and Cedar Valley organized and began
its work. By the close of the year it had connected Mendota
and Northfield by rail. The Winona and St. Peter extended
its line as far as St. Charles, making a total of twenty-nine
miles. The St. Paul and Pacific fulfilled its obligations by com-
pleting its line between St. Anthony and Anoka. ^-^
The people were encouraged by the sight of railroad con-
struction, but neither they nor the companies were satisfied
with the slow rate of progress toward the realization of their
great hopes for the future. They were anxious to get railroads
to Lake Superior, that Duluth might rival and eventually
eclipse Chicago. With St. Paul in railroad communication
with the British northwest, St. Anthony with Iowa, Winona
connected with railroads in the Minnesota Valley, and the
Minnesota railroads a link in the chain of Pacific and Atlantic
railroad communications, many felt convinced that Minnesota
would soon become the great railroad and commercial center
of the United States. Governor Swift believed that the aid of
Congress and encouragement by the state legislature would
217. Ibid., p. 22.
218. Special laws, 1863, ch. 3.
219. Ibid., ch. 4.
220. 12 U. S. Stat., 624; Joint Resolution approved July 12, 1862.
221. Exec, docs., 1863; Governor's Message, Jan., 1864.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 55
be necessary, if Minnesota were to complete the work assigned
to her in this continental program, and he warned the legis-
lature against ill-advised economy.^-^
The Root River Valley and Southern Minnesota did not be-
gin work on its lines and in 1864 its forfeited property, fran-
chises, and land grant rights, were given to two new, inde-
pendent companies, namely, the Minnesota Valley railroad
company, which was to build its main line from St. Paul, St.
Anthony, and Minneapolis along the Minnesota river to South
Bend, and from there on in a southwesterly direction to the
state line; and the Southern Minnesota, which was to build a
railroad from La Crescent to Rochester, and a "branch" ex-
tending across the state through its southern tier of coun-
ties.^^^ These companies immediately organized and began
their work.
The name of the Minneapolis and Cedar Valley was changed
to Minnesota Central and its ''charter" of 1862 was amended
by materially changing one section and adding nine new sec-
tions.^^* This left but little intact of the original charter of
1856, of which the later acts were amendatory.
To secure the more speedy construction of the St. Paul and
Pacific, this company was permitted to form division compa-
nies to undertake the construction and management of definite
parts of its rather indefinite projected lines. This was in-
tended to attract foreign capitalists, who, while they might
readily be induced to finance railroads within the borders of
a rapidly growing state, were somewhat reluctant about fur-
nishing capital to a company planning to build a railroad from
St. Paul across the great Western wilderness to the Pacific.
The first division of the St. Paul and Pacific railroad com-
pany was accordingly organized without delay. The St. Paul
and Pacific by contract gave this division company its rights
and interests pertaining to the part of its line extending from
St. Paul to Watab, and also of the line from St. Anthony to
a point between the Big Stone lake and the mouth of the Sioux
222. Ibid., 1863, p. 5; Inaugural Address.
223. Special Laws, 1864, Ch. I, chs. 1 and 2,
224. Special Laws, 1862, ch. 17, which had been "amended to read
as" sees. 1-14 of Special Laws, 1863, ch. 2.
56 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Wood river.225 Foreign capital, especially from Holland,
flowed freely, and, as later investigations showed, was spent
freely. Much more money was expended than honest con-
struction, mostly on level prairie, could demand ;^^* but rail-
roads were being built, and that was the main consideration
at that time.
The organization of the holders of special and preferred
stock, under the name of the First Division of the St. Paul and
Pacific, was formally recognized by the legislature in 1866;^-^
and a further subdivision was authorized, giving to the holders
of stock issued on the line from St. Anthony westward an in-
dependent corporate existence under the name of the Great
Western Railway of Minnesota.-^^ By this system of division
and subdivision, an indefinite number of corporations could
have come into existence, all enjoying special charter privi-
leges and independent of the p^eneral railroad laws. For the
purpose of financing construction, the tendency toward decen-
tralization was marked. The construction of parts of the main
line and of the branches was generally contracted for sepa-
rately. When each division thus built was pledged as security
separate from the rest, it formed a tangible asset, and those
who held bonds secured by one division were not materially
affected by the issue of bonds secured by other divisions. On
the other hand, the solvency of the company as a whole would
not be imperiled through failure to meet obligations on one of
its parts. In 1864 both the Southern Minnesota and the Minne-
sota Valley were authorized to issue special stock on any part
of their railroad or branches, and to pledge the net receipts of
the different divisions toward the payment of dividends on
such special stock.^^^ In the ease of the St. Paul and Pacific,
this idea of division was carried to the extreme, in that this
company under legislative sanction could virtually give to the
stockholders of each of its divisions a separate corporate ex-
225. See Special Laws, 1866, ch. 1, sec. 1.
226. Exec. Docs., 1873, p. 7; Governor Austin's Messag-e.
227. Special Laws, 1866, ch. 1.
228. Special Laws. 1866, ch. 2.
Special Laws, 1864, Ch. I, chs. 1 and 2; General Laws, 1864,
ch. 55 provides for the registry of such organizations and
agreements.
229.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 57
P
H istence. This decentralizing tendency, however, was only tem-
B, porary, its purpose being merely to facilitate railroad con-
H struction. When the railroads were built and put into serv-
es ice, the tendency toward consolidation immediately began.
W h<
CHAPTER VI.
AID TO RAILROADS, 1864-1870.
The national government did not disappoint the state in her
hopes for further aid in railroad construction. On May 5, 1864,
Minnesota was given five alternate sections on each side of the
proposed line from St. Paul to Lake Superior.^"*' A week later
four additional alternate sections per mile were given to aid
the already subsidized line projected from St. Paul, St. An-
thony and Minneapolis, southwestward to the state line.^"^
These grants were accepted by the state legislature in 1865,
and were given to the Lake Superior and Mississippi ^^^- and
the Minnesota Valley ^"^ railroad companies respectively. A
discussion arose in the state senate as to whether the Lake Su-
perior and Mississippi could be given the grant. In answer to
one of a series of resolutions submitted to him, the attorney
general gave as his opinion that since the amendatory act of
1861, on which the existing company based its corporate rights,
had in fact created new and distinct corporate franchises in
aid of a different enterprise, to the destruction of the original
franchise, this act was repugnant to the clause of the consti-
tution prohibiting the formation of corporations by special
acts.-"* His opinion, however, was disregarded by the legis-
lature, and the act was passed granting the land and recogniz-
ing as valid the amendments of 1861 and 1863.^"^
In March, 1865, Congress extended the time for the com-
pletion of the railroads of the land grant companies, and in-
creased the land grants of 1857 to ten sections per mile for
230. 13 U. S. Stat., 64.
231. 13 U. S. Stat. 74.
232. Special Laws, 1865, ch. 2.
233. General Laws, 1865, ch. 15.
234. Opinions of tlie Attorney General (Minn.), 1858-1885; his opin-
ion was given Jan. 31, 1865; the act was approved Feb, 23, 1865.
235. Special Laws, 1861, ch. 1; 1863, ch. 5.
58 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
each of the railroad lines and branches.^'^ In the following
session Minnesota was given five alternate sections per mile on
each side of the proposed line from Houston to the western
state boundary in aid of this road,^" and another similar grant
to aid the construction of a railroad from Hastings to the Avest-
ern boundary.-'^^ The former grant was given to the South-
ern Minnesota.2^9 The latter was given to the Hastings, Min-
nesota and Red River of the North railroad company.^^" This
corporation had been created the previous year by an act
amendatory to the charter of a company of the same name
granted by the territorial legislature in 1857.^*^ In all, about
twelve million acres,^*- or very nearly one-fourth of the total
land area of Minnesota, was given by the federal government
to aid the construction of her railroads.
Railroad Co. Date of Grant. Amount.
1st Div., St. Paul and Pac, Mch. 3, 1857, and Mch. 3, 1865. .1,248,450 ac
Minn. Western, Mch. 3, 1857, and Mch. 3, 1865 815,000
Minn. Central, Mch. 3, 1857, and Mch. 3, 1865 180,000
Winona and St. Peter, Mch. 3, 1857, and Mch. 3, 1865 1,670,000
St. Paul and Sioux City, Mch. 3, 1857, and May 12, 1865. .1,205,000
Lake Superior and Miss., May 5, 1863 862,000
Southern Minn., July 5, 1866 500,000
Hastings and Dakota, July 5, 1866 350,000
St. Vincent (St. P. and Pac), Mch. 3, 1871 1,500,000
Northern Pacific (in Minn.), July 2, 1864 3,392,000
Besides these congressional land grants, there were also
land grants made from the state swamp lands held under acts
of Congress passed in 1851 and 1860.-*^ As we have already
seen, the Lake Superior and Mississippi in 1861 received a
grant of the swamp lands within seven miles of each side of
its railroad.2^^ In 1863 the St. Paul and Pacific received from
the state a grant of all the swamp lands lying within the limits
of seven miles on each side of a proposed branch road from St.
Paul to Winona in aid of this branch.^*^ In 1865 certain swamp
236. 13 U. S. Stat., 526, act approved March 3, 1865.
237. 14. U. S. Stat., 87, act approved July 4, 1866.
238. 14 U. S. Stat., 87, act approved July 4, 1866.
239. Special Laws, 1867, ch. 6.
240. Ibid., ch. 12.
241. Session Laws, 1857, ch. 39.
242. Donaldson, The Public Domain, Its History and Statistics.
243. Acts approved Sept. 28, 1851, and March 12, 1860.
244. Special Laws, 1861. ch. 1.
245. Special Laws, 1863, ch. 4.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 59
lands were set apart and granted to the Southern Minnesota
and the Minneapolis and St. Cloud railroad companies, to ac-
crue at the rate of four sections of land for each mile of cer-
tain parts of their railroads completed within specified time
limits.^''* In 1864 a new group of incorporators had been given
the charter of the old Minneapolis and St. Cloud railroad com-
pany incorporated in 1856.^^^ Fortunately the new corpora-
tion did not organize within six months as required, for the old
company had organized and kept up its corporate existence
and was not willing to see its valuable franchises turned over
to others.-"** The legislature, therefore, repealed the sections
of the act of the previous year which conflicted with the rights
of the old corporation.
The national and state governments were not the only
sources of beneficent aid; the local governments were, accord-
ing to ability, even more liberal. In 1864 St. Paul was author-
ized to provide for the purchase of depot grounds and right
of way for the use of the Minnesota Central,-*^ and the action
of its city council in voting the issue of bonds to the amount
of $250,000 was legalized and confirmed by the state legisla-
ture.^''" According to the general statutes of 1866 it was un-
lawful for the corporate officials of any county, township, city,
town or village, unless specially and expressly authorized by
law, to incur any liability for the payment of either tlie prin-
cipal or interest for which it would be necessary to levy more
than a fixed maximum rate during the current year or any
subsequent year. The oflftcials were made personally liable for
all contracts made in contravention of these provisions.-"^^ This
practically meant that municipal aid to railroads could only
be given by special legislative consent; but, judging from the
increasing number of enactments from 1866 and on, which au-
thorized such aid by counties, towns, cities and villages
throughout the state, such consent must have been readily
obtained.
246. Ibid., 1865. chs. 1 and 3.
247. Ibid., 1864, ch. 5, amending Session Laws, 1856, ch, 160.
248. Ibid,, 1865, ch. 4, sec. 1, summarizes the facts of the case.
249. Special Laws, 1864, ch. 37.
250. Ibid., ch. 49.
251. General statutes, 1866, ch. 11, sees. 78-80.
60 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
When a municipal bond issue was authorized, the legisla-
ture, as a rule, limited the amount which might be issued and
fixed a maximum rate of interest and also a certain time within
which the bonds were to be made payable. In each case the
question of bond issue was to be referred to the voters of the
territorial unit concerned, and the bonds were not to be deliv-
ered until the railroad companj^ had fulfilled its part of the
agreement. Taxation to meet the obligations of the bonds was
generally expressly authorized, and tlie levy and collection of
taxes for this purpose were made the duty of the local officials.
Beginning in 1869, the legislature frequently fixed the
maximum total indebtedness which might be incurred for the
purpose of aiding railroads as a fixed per cent of the assessed
valuation of the taxable property, generally ten per cent. In
November, 1872, this per cent was fixed as the maximum for
all counties, towns, cities and villages within the state, by the
adoption of an amendment to the state constitution.- '^ An act
of 1871 provided for the registration of all municipal bonds at
the office of the state auditor. The auditor was required to
ascertain annually the amount of interest due and accrued on
such bonds in each county, and to transmit statements of the
amount due to each county auditor. The county auditor in
turn was required to levy sufficient taxes in each of the local
units to pay the interest on its bonds. These taxes were to be
collected along with the state taxes and according to the same
laws.^^^
The different localities had been willing, and many others
were still willing, to vote almost any bonus demanded by the
railroad companies; but experience had already shoAvn that
when the burden began to be felt, and when the railroads
failed to fulfill all their expectations, they were not all willing
to meet their obligations. A centralized administration of
these taxes became necessary to insure their levy and prompt
collection and disbursement.
252. General Laws, 1872, ch. 13, ratified at the November election.
253. General Laws, 1871, ch. 17.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 61
CHAPTER VII.
ATTEMPTS AT RAILROAD CONTROL, 1861-1870.
Special railroad legislation occupied the attention of the
state legislature a great deal of the time during the sixties. It
is evident that the idea of legislating railroads into existence
had not yet been abandoned. Land grants were invariably
given to companies not under the general railroad law, and as
long as the legislature had federal and state lands at its dis-
posal; and later, wlien the time limits set for the completion
of the railroads were about to expire, it tried in each instance
to drive the best bargain possible through special legislation.
At first the main consideration was the early completion of the
roads, but soon various kinds of control and regulation became
common stipulations. The railroad companies looked upon
their charters as contracts which the state could not materially
alter without their consent. They would accept or disregard
the legislative enactments at their pleasure. If a company
could not get Avhat it wanted from one legislature, it would
wait and try to get it from the next. In the meantime the
demand for its railroad would be constantly increasing, and a
popular clamor would support its demands.
In the year 1862 the St. Paul and Pacific built ten miles
of railroad and trains began to run between St. Paul and St.
Anthony. By the end of 1865, notwithstanding the Civil War,
which had just been concluded, and the Sioux Indian mas-
sacres of 1862, which had cast gloom and discouragement over
the state, there were two hundred and ten miles of railroad in
Minnesota, of which over half had been built in that one year.
In the four following years one hundred and five, one hundred
and fourteen, one hundred and thirty-one, and two hundred
and ten miles, respectively, were built. The year 1870 added
three hundred and twenty-two and a half miles, making a total
mileage of one thousand ninety-two and a half, with gross re-
ceipts amounting to nearly three million dollars in that year.^^*
In spite of the impatient struggle for railroads in evidence
in all parts of the state before railroads were built, we find
254. Report of Railroad Commissioner, 1871, p. 42, and table insert-
ed opposite p. 40.
62 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
that no sooner had they been built than an equally impatient
struggle with the railroads began. The railroads were charged
with discrimination and extortion, and the power of the state
control became a subject for heated discussion. Throughout
the confusing mass of special legislation intended mainly to
facilitate railroad construction, we find, strangely enough, a
marked tendency toward state control.
The old territorial charters had, as a rule, authorized the
railroad companies to fix their own rates ; and, as we have seen,
a number of these charters were from time to time revived and
continued. As long as the different railroads remained inde-
pendent, it was often difficult to get them to make proper con-
nections; and, connections having been made, each would
through its rate-making powers try to get the lion's share of
the profit on the joint traffic. It was not long before some sort
of government regulation was found to be necessary. In the
years 1862-65 the legislature in amending the territorial char-
ters frequently inserted the. provision that the railroads were
to transport all passengers and freight delivered to them by
any connecting line on the same terms and at no higher rate
for the same service than was at the time charged patrons liv-
ing on their own lines, and the connecting lines were to be
governed by the same rule.^^^
From 1866 to 1870 a number of the special railroad laws
contained the provision that the railroad company should be
bound to carry freight and passengers at reasonable rates.
Two companies were authorized to build branch roads condi-
tional on compliance with this provision.^^** Four enactments
authorized the construction of branches with this provision
applicable to the branches.^" In two of the revived charters
this provision was incorporated as an amendment.-'^ One com-
pany was authorized to withdraw a $20,000 guarantee deposit,
provided it submitted to this exaction.-^^ The evident object
of this provision was to make the railroads possessing special
255. Special Laws, 1862, chs. 17, 19. 20; 1863, chs. 1 and 2; 1864, ch.
I, chs. 1 and 2; 1865, ch. 2.
256. Ibid., 1866, chs. 4 and p.
257. Ibid., 1867, ch. 18; 1868, ch. 9; 1890, chs. 59 and 60.
258. Ibid., 1867, ch. 11; 1870, ch. 57.
259. Ibid., 1866, ch. 6.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 63
rate-making powers subject to the common law rule that com-
mon carriers may only charge uniform and reasonable rates.
If railroads were placed on the same footing as other common
carriers, the question of reasonableness would, in the absence
of legislative enactment, be determined in court. The right
of the legislature to fix rates for turnpike, canal, and plank-
road companies, had been generally accepted, and maximum
rates were frequently fixed in the charters. Until the Dart-
mouth College decision,^®" the state legislatures could estab-
lish or change rates for common carriers at any time. After
this decision they would have the same right unless "con-
tracted away" in the charters. As a result of this series of
enactments, the principal lines of the state were legally bound
to carry passengers and freight at reasonable rates. Later the
legislature tried to determine what the maximum of reason-
able rates was.
In 1866 the legislature authorized the construction of two
branch roads, expressly reserving in each case the right to
regulate the price of freight and fare on the proposed branch.^®^
A similar reservation was made in an act authorizing an Iowa
company to build a railroad connecting its line in Iowa with
the Minnesota Central at Austin, Minnesota.^^- In 1867 the
congressional land grant of the previous year was given to the
Southern Minnesota, "provided, that the legislature shall have
the right to fix and regulate from time to time the rates of
freight and passenger tariffs on said railway, or on any branch
or division thereof. " ^^^ A discussion arose in this legislature
as to whether it had the constitutional power to fix and reg-
ulate freight and passenger rates, and particularly whether the
exercise of such power would be in conflict with the judicial
power. These questions were referred to the attorney general,
who gave as his opinion that "as the courts must decide from
the evidence in each case as it arises, whether such rates are
equal and reasonable, therefore, legislative enactment to fix or
establish such rates specifically would, unless accepted by the
260. 4 Wheaton, 518, February Term, 1819.
261. Ibid., 1866, chs. 7 and 11.
262. Ibid., 1866, ch. 8.
263. Ibid., 1867, ch. 6.
64 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
company, be in derogation of the judicial powers, and of no
binding force or validity."^®* As a result of this opinion, no
more laws asserting the right of the legislature to make any
such regulation were passed for several years. The offending
provision in the Southern Minnesota enactment -®^ w^as imme-
diately repealed, and the company announced in a prospectus
issued some time later that the state had ''disclaimed all right
to interfere by legislation with the rates of freight and pas-
sage over the road, no such right having been reserved by the
charter."^®*'
The general incorporation law of 1858 had fixed a maximum
rate of three cents per passenger mile, and five cents per ton
mile, for companies organized under this act. In the general
statutes of 1866 this provision remained unchanged. The leg-
islature had not succeeded in fixing maximum rates for the
companies not under the general law, and the question came
up for discussion why unaided railroads under the general law
should not be allowed to charge as much for their services as
the companies who had been heavily subsidized with land
grants.-®^ A bill was introduced in the legislature of 1869, the
object of which was to bring all the railroads of the state un-
der the same general law respecting rates.^®^ This bill was
defeated, and another bill passed, which authorized any rail-
road company organized under the general law to charge such
reasonable rate for freight and passengers as might be fixed
by the corporation or prescribed by law.'-®^
The territorial charters had in most cases provided differ-
ent penalties for damaging or obstructing trains, or endan-
gering the lives of passengers, on the different railroads. This
lack of uniformity was remedied by a general law enacted in
1868, wliich was made applicable to all the railroads of the
state.2'0 The legislature did not find it necessary in this case
264. Opinions of tlie Attorney General (1858-1884), pp. 237-8, Feb.
20, 1867.
265. Special Laws, 1867, ch. 7.
266. Prospectus of Southern Minn. Railroad Company, 1869, p. 10.
267. St. Paul Daily Press, Feb. 18, 1869, p. 1 c. 2
268. Ibid., Feb. 14, 1869.
269. General Laws, 1869, ch. 78, sec. 2.
270. General Laws, 1868, ch. 57.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 65
to make an amendment to each of the several territorial char-
ters in force at the time.
From the first the gross income tax was invariably asso-
ciated with federal land grants. This idea seems to have orig-
inated in Illinois, in connection with the Illinois Central, the
pioneer land grant railroad company.^^^ In 1854 Wisconsin
made a gross income tax of one per cent, in lieu of all other
taxes, applicable to all her railroads.^^^ The constitution of
the state of Minnesota provided that ''all taxes to be raised in
this state shall be as nearly equal as may be, and all property
on which taxes are to be levied shall have a cash valuation and
be equalized and uniform throughout the state." ^^^ When
state lands were given, no mention was made of the gross in-
come tax ; for instance, when the Lake Superior and Mississippi
was given state swamp lands in 1861.^^* But when the same
company four years later was given a federal land grant, a
gross income tax was imposed on the company in lieu of all
other taxes, state and local. -^^ In the former case a gross in-
come tax would have been clearly unconstitutional, but in the
latter the state, as a trustee of the federal government, could
dispose of the lands under such conditions as it might see fit
to impose, being responsible only to Congress for the manner
in which the trust was executed. This form of taxation was
believed to be less burdensome and vexatious to the railroads,
especially in their infancy, and ultimately more advantageous
and productive to the state.^^^
Three per cent was at first the usual rate required; but, as
an added inducement to an early construction of the projected
lines, the burden was temporarily made lighter. By special
enactments in each case, every company having claims to fed-
eral land grants was, by 1865, required to pay only one per
cent of its gross receipts annually for the first three years after
the first thirty miles of railroad had been completed, two per
cent for the next seven years, and after ten years the full three
271. Private Laws of lU., 1851, p. 61.
272. General Laws of Wis., 1854, ch. 74.
273. Art. p., sec. 1.
274. Special Laws, 1861, ch. 1.
275. Ibid., 1865, ch. 2; Land grant of May 5, 1864.
276. St. Paul vs. Ry. Co., 23 Minn., 469.
5
66 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
per cent. Later land grants contained similar provisions. In
1870 the nine railroad companies paying gross income taxes
paid according to this plan.^^^
The companies favored this form of taxation, for it relieved
them of all local taxation. They seem to have regarded the
temporary reduction as a very substantial aid."^ The people
as a rule were satisfied with this method of taxing the rail-
roads, for, while the companies were exempt from local tax-
ation, the state as a whole would be benefited by this substan-
tial source of income to the state treasury.
In connection with the collection of the gross income tax
came a certain amount of supervision of accounts. This was
expressly provided for in the enactments. The governor, or
any other person legally appointed, was given authority to
inspect the books and papers of the railroad companies and to
examine their officers, agents and servants under oath, to as-
certain the truth of their reports.
According to the original enactments the land grants held
by the railroads were exempt from taxation until sold and
conveyed. Interpreting this provision liberally, the railroad
companies rented out land on long time leases and delayed in
formally conveying much land actually sold, thus withholding
such land from the operation of the tax laws. Since the rail-
roads were not subject to general law, the legislature tried to
remedy the evil by passing a series of special enactments, pro-
viding that land was to be sold, conveyed, or leased; but, in
case of delinquent taxes on such land, the title or interest of
the railroad company or of any trustee or mortgagee was not
to be impaired, only the improvements and interests of the pur-
chaser or lessee being liable to forced sale.-^^ It was optional
with the companies in each case, however, to accept these en-
actments or not, as they chose. The revived charters of the
Hastings, Minnesota and Red River of the North and of the
Minnesota Central also contain these provisions.^^^ The right
of the state legislature to. exempt the lands from taxation, con-
ditioned on the payment of a percentage of the annual gross
277. Report of the Railroad Commission, 1871, table opposite p. 40.
278. Prospectus of Southern Minn. Ry. Co., 1865, p. 9; 1869, p. 14.
279. General Laws, 1865, ch. 15; Special Laws, 1865, chs. 5, 7, 8, 9, 10.
280. Special Laws, 1866, ch. 12, sec. 19; 1867, ch. 11, sec. 19.
i
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 67
earnings of the companies, was not seriously questioned for
over thirty years. The gross income tax itself was clearly rec-
ognized in a constitutional amendment ratified in 1871.^®^
When in 1895 the state legislature tried to subject to taxation
the land grants still held by the railroads, this act, though up-
held by the state supreme court, was declared unconstitutional
by the federal supreme court because it impaired the obliga-
tion of contracts made by the state with the railroad compa-
nies.-^- The state supreme court had up to this time (1898)
consistently upheld the gross income tax and the exemption
from other forms of taxation of railroad franchises and prop-
erty, including the land grants received from the federal gov-
ernment.^^^
In 1871 the railroad commissioner estimated the total land
grants to railroads in Minnesota at 12,222,780 acres, "an area
larger than the whole of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Con-
necticut, and one-half of New Hampshire, embracing much of
the finest wheat land in America. ' ' ^*** Up to the close of the
year 1870 municipal aid to these railroads had been voted to
the sum of $1,751,000, of which $888,000 had been received.-^-^
In his discussion of the aid given the first division of the St.
Paul and Pacific, the commissioner concludes: "It appears
then that the public has granted for its construction $43,452
per mile for the length of the road."^^® Other railroad com-
panies had received, in lands and municipal aid, from $8,400 to
$29,000 per mile, according to his estimation.-^' Six years be-
fore the Southern i\Iinnesota railroad company, to which the
state had given about half of the property and interests of one
of the original land grant companies, estimated the value of its
share of the roadway, grading and bridging of its defaulted
predecessor at over $200,000. It valued fifty thousand acres of
281. General Laws. 1871, ch. 18.
282. Stearns vs. Minn., 179 U. S., 223; reversing 72 Minn., 200 (1898).
283. Ry. Co. vs. Parcher, 14 Minn., 297; Minn. vs. Ry. Co., 21 Minn.,
315 and 472; Ry. Co. vs. St. Paul, 21 Minn., 526; Ramsey County
vs. Ry. Co., 33 Minn., 537; Todd County vs. Ry. Co., 38 Minn.,
163; St. Paul vs. Ry. Co., 39 Minn., 112; State vs. Luther, 56
Minn., 156.
284. Report of the Railroad Commissioner, 1871, p. 12.
285. Ibid., p. 50, table 10.
286. Ibid., p. 13.
287. Ibid., p. 12, ff.
68 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
its federal land grant at about $300,000, and its one hundred
and fifty thousand acres of state swamp lands at $375,000, with
prospects of immediate increase and both grants exempt from
taxation till sold by the company.-^"^ These figures are not
much below those of the railroad commissioner. The people
had not forgotten these grants and they naturally looked for
corresponding benefits.
The state had heavily subsidized these railroads, and as a
result 9931/2 miles, out of a total mileage of 1,0921/2, were oper-
ated by land grant companies, although thirty-nine other com-
panies had been incorporated under the general incorporation
law during the years 1858 to 1870.-^^ We find, then, that over
ninety per cent of the mileage was governed by special law
and subject to an extra-constitutional system of taxation. Ac-
cording to the Dartmouth College decision, these companies
were virtually beyond the control of the state whose legisla-
ture had originally created them.
The main railroad problem had at first been how to get rail-
roads constructed. When the railroads actually began oper-
ation, new problems arose which proved fully as difficult.
Railroads were being built in advance of the business needs
of the country, and competition for larger shares of the meager
business soon led to discrimination. The companies tried at
non-competitive points to make up for their low rates at com-
petitive points. Farmers at some places had to haul their
wheat fifteen or twenty miles beyond their nearest market, to
get the benefit of more favorable rates. Between certain
points freight charges were so high that farm products and
merchandise could be hauled more cheaply by team.-^" The
success of individual shippers, as well as the prosperity of
entire communities, depended largely on the good will of the
railroad companies.^^^ In order to secure elevators and proper
facilities for handling grain along their lines, some railroads
had guaranteed to certain grain-dealers special reduced rates
and rebates. This resulted in a virtual monopoly of the local
288. Prospectus of Southern Minnesota Railroad Company, 1865, p. 5.
289. Report of the Railroad Commissioner, 1871; see list in appen-
dix, p. 93, tt.
290. Ibid., p. 17.
291. Stickney, the Railway Problem, ch. 4.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 69
grain markets, and frequently led to gross abuses which the
state had no power to remedy under the existing interpretation
of the law. Other railroad companies had built their own ele-
vators and bought the grain themselves. Competitors were
generally denied access to the railroads, and those who se-
cured access were unable to compete because of the higher
rates charged them. AVhen farmers decided to ship the grain
themselves, they almost universally found it an unprofitable
undertaking.-^- Loud and frequent complaints of extortion,
and of unjust and burdensome discrimination, were heard
along the different lines right from the start. The farmers
especially believed themselves to be at the mercy of the "cor-
porations." The situation was all the more exasperating be-
cause the railroads operating at the time had been so heavily
subsidized by the state. In 1865 the directors of a land grant
company had looked upon their enterprise as a ''trust liberally
bestowed upon them by the state to be carried out faithfully
and honestly, but also for the development of the resources
of the state, and as a part of its well-devised system of im-
provements. ' ' ^^^ The public in general was not very well sat-
isfied with the manner in which the companies had carried out
their trusts.
The state had given the railroad companies appropriation
rights which could legally be exercised only for public pur-
poses. These rights had been freely made use of. From this
it was argued that the railroads were public highways, and
that all had an equal right to their use.^^^ The courts had held
the railroads to be common carriers. As such they would,
under the common law, be bound to serve the public at equal
and reasonable rates without discrimination. This restriction
had, according to the Dartmouth College decision, been con-
tracted away in the case of the special charter companies. The
vested rights of the companies were upheld by the courts, but
now the people began to believe that they, too, had certain
292. Ibid., ch. 3.
293. Prospectus of the Southern Minnesota Railroad Company, 1865,
p. 12.
294. For instance, in a letter read at the Minn., State Grange,
June, 1870, and ordered printed for circulation. O. H. Kelley,
ratrons of Husbandry, pp. 256-259.
70 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
''vested rights," and they meant to assert them. This struggle
on the part of the people to maintain its common law right of
control over railroads as common carriers has become known
as the Granger Movement.
CHAPTER VIIT.
TKi^ GRANGERS.
The Granger ^lovement derives its name from the Gran-
gers, a term popularly applied to the Patrons of Husbandry, a
secret agricultural order whose lodges are known as granges.
The so-called granger or anti-railroad movement, which re-
sulted in restrictive legislation, aiming to control railroad rates,
in Illinois, Iowa, Minnesota, and Wisconsin, was only a com-
paratively local manifestation of a general farmers' move-
ment, which had for some time been gaining momentum both
in this country and in Europe. In the United States the Na-
tional Order of the Patrons of Husbandry proved one of the
most efficient organizations for this general movement, which
resulted in a very marked advance in the social, economic, and
political position of the American farmer. The membership
of the order had a phenomenal increase among the farmers of
the country at the time when the farmers, especially in the
middle west, were in the midst of their revolt against what
they termed railroad oppression ; and the popular name of the
members of the order immediately became associated with the
anti-railroad agitation in a few states, rather than with the
more general movement.
The two decades preceding 1870 had been a period of or-
ganization among the farmers. Societies for the promotion of
agriculture had been organized in this country as early as
1785, and for many years a number of these societies did much
good in encouraging this industry by holding fairs and award-
ing prizes for the best cattle, sheep, farm produce, and farm
implements, exhibited. They also awarded prizes for essays
on agriculture, and distributed these essays and other agricul-
tural literature among the farmers. The proceedings of their
meetings were generally published in the local papers, and in
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA.
71
this way some came to exert a wide influence. The members of
these societies, however, were not the average farmers of the
community, but were in the main ''gentlemen, merchants, and
landowners," who from philanthropic and patriotic motives
wished to foster and develop the agriculture of the country. A
large proportion of the farmers at the time looked upon their
occupation as mean and servile, and comparatively few took
any pride in their work.
A number of county and state agricultural societies were
formed in the first decade of the nineteenth century; but the
main incentive to an active interest in such organizations came
in the year 1837-8, when food products had to be imported to
the amount of several million dollars. Congress in 1839 appro-
priated $1,000 ''for the collection of agricultural statistics and
investigations for promoting agriculture and rural economy
and the procurement of cuttings and seeds for gratuitous dis-
tribution among the farmers." This appropriation was made
at the suggestion of the commissioner of patents. After 1847
appropriations became regular and were constantly increased
in amount, so as to be more commensurate with the end in
view. The first United States Agricultural Report was made
by the patent office in 1839. This office through its agricul-
tural division did much for the advancement of agriculture,
and demonstrated the need of a separate department of agri-
culture.
As early as 1841 an attempt was made to organize a na-
tional agricultural society, but without success. In 1852 twelve
state agricultural societies called a national convention, which
met at Washington, D. C, June 14, 1852. Twenty-three states
and territories were represented, and the United States Agri-
cultural Society was organized. This society met annually at
Washington, D. C, and held successful agricultural exhibitions
in different parts of the country every year until the outbreak
of the Civil War.
In an address published in the agricultural report of 1852,
the number of agricultural societies in the United States was
said to be three hundred. ^^^ Five years later the commission-
295. Agricultural Report,
of Patents.
1852, p. 22; Report of the Commissioner
72 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
er of patents named twenty-one states in which state agricul-
tural societies had been incorporated, and estimated the total
number of agricultural societies at eight hundred.-^® The
commissioner of patents, and later the commissioner of agri-
culture, encouraged the formation of such societies in every
part of the country, and advocated a more intimate union and
a more decided co-operation on their part with the general
government in the great work of agricultural improvement.
The government was especially interested in efficient local or-
ganizations which could furnish agricultural statistics.^'^^ In
1867 there were 1,367 agricultural societies recorded on the
books of the department of agriculture. Most of the county
societies had been organized between 1850 and 1860, while the
greater number of the more numerous township societies and
farmers' clubs had been started after 1860.-^^ In some states
many more were organized between 1867 and 1870.^^^
The state, county, and township societies were in various
ways encouraged and subsidized by the state and national gov-
ernments. In most cases their main function seems to have
been to hold annual fairs and exhibits, or to assist in such
undertakings. These fairs were of great educational value to
the farmers, and did much to encourage invention and im-
proved agricultural methods. At first the work was unjustly
criticized and ridiculed by those whom it was intended to ben-
efit, but later the farmer came to see that he actually could
learn something new about farming. But when the farmers
themselves became interested, they were not content with an-
nual meetings, fairs and exhibitions, and the voluminous lit-
erature distributed among them. They proceeded to organize
farmers' clubs, which met frequently for social intercourse and
mutual aid in solving practical every-day problems. As early
as 1846 the Monthly Journal of Agriculture published a set of
296. Ibid., 1857, p. 13.
297. Ibid., 1860, pp. 20-22; Report of the Commissioner of Agricul-
ture, 1863, p. 9.
298. Report of the Commissioner of Agriculture, 1867, pp. 364-403.
List of agricultural societies, their officers, date of organiza-
tion, etc.
299. List of agricultural and pomological societies, farmers' clubs,
etc., on the books of the Department of Agriculture, July 1,
1870, 47 pp.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 73
rules for the organization and government of farmers' clubs,
and urged the farmers to unite and look iafter their own wel-
fare as the other classes were doing.''°° Agricultural papers
frequently published such constitutions, and the call to unite
became more urgent as time went on and the practicability
of such organizations became more apparent. Most of the
township organizations in the lists of agricultural societies pub-
lished by the commissioner of agriculture in 1867 and in 1870
were farmers' clubs. This movement was general, and we find
these clubs in all parts of the country. It was at this time
that the order of Patrons of Husbandry appeared on the scene
and gave this general movement an efficient centralized organi-
zation.
The idea of a national agricultural order originated with
Mr. Oliver H. Kellej^ a native of Boston, who moved to Min-
nesota in 1849, settling on a farm near Itasca, Sherburne
county. He spent the winter of 1864 in Washington, receiv-
ing a clerkship in the department of agriculture by the friendly
aid of Senator Ramsey of Minnesota. He returned to Minne-
sota in the spring of 1865. On January 1, 1866, he received a
commission as special agent of the agricultural department to
investigate the agricultural and mineral resources of the South.
As a government official he did not expect a very friendly re-
ception, but, being a freemason of good standing and a man of
tact and pleasing address, he travelled through all the states
east of the Mississippi without any unpleasant experiences,
returning to Washington, April 21, 1866. The war had just
closed, and the work of material recuperation had scarcely
begun. Mr. Kelley became convinced that there was need of a
fraternal organization of all the farmers in both North and
South, to obliterate sectionalism and to elevate the farmers as
a class to a position of dignity and power. Agricultural clubs
were numerous, but they were neither permanent nor effective.
He conceived the idea of a union of agricultural societies for
practical co-operation in the promotion of their common inter-
ests, a masonry of farmers.
Mr. Kelley spent the summer of 1866 at work on his farm
in Minnesota, but returned to Washington in November.
300. Monthly Journal of Agriculture (New York), vol. II, p. 241.
74 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Early in January, 1867, he secured an appointment in the post
office department. In the summer of 1867 he succeeded in in-
teresting a small select group of men, most of whom were
clerks in various departments.-^"^ After much work and care-
ful deliberation they completed a scheme of organization, and
on December 4th they constituted themselves the National
Grange of the Patrons of Husbandry. As modified the follow-
ing January, the plan of organization was as follows :
Subordinate Granges.
1st degree. Laborer (male) or Maid (female) ;
2nd degree. Cultivator or Shepherdess ;
3rd degree. Harvester or Gleaner;
4th degree, Husbandman or Matron.
State Grange.
5th degree, Pomona (Hope). All masters and past masters
of subordinate granges are entitled to this degree ex officio.
National Grange.
6th degree. Flora (Charity). All masters and past mas-
ters of state granges are ex officio entitled to this degree.
Those of the sixth degree constitute the national council and
meet annually.
7th degree, Ceres (Faith). All who have served one year
in the national council are eligible and on attaining the degree
become members of the senate. All acts and resolutions origi-
nate in the council, but are subject to the approval or rejec-
tion of the senate.
The order was designed to include on equal terms all men
and women interested in agriculture. The first officers were
to serve five years, so as to secure the control of the order in
the hands of the founders during its formative period. A cir-
cular was published in February, setting forth the educational
and social advantages offered by the new order which by the
charm of secrecy would tend to insure permanence. Mr. Kelley
301. W. M. Ireland, chief clerk in Finance Office of Post Office
Dept.; Wm. Saunders, superintendent of tlie garden and
grounds of the Agricultural Dept.; Rev. A. B. Grosh, clerk in
the Agricultural Dept.; Rev. John Trimble, clerk in the Treas-
ury Dept.; J. R, Thompson, clerk in the Treasury Dept.; F. M.
McDowell, vineyardist at Wayne, N. Y.
I
r
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 75
had advocated the insertion of a few words relative to co-oper-
ation in protecting the members from imposition and fraud, for
he was satisfied that such a feature would be necessary to make
the order popular. Others, however, were of a different opin-
ion, and it was not incorporated.
Mr. Keliey resigned his clerkship in February, 1868, that
he might devote his entire time to the promotion of the order.
A trial grange was organized, and the ritual was practiced and
perfected; and soon a regular subordinate grange, which was
given the name Harvest Grange, was established in Washing-
ton. Keliey now decided to leave for Minnesota to begin work
among tlie farmers there. Before he left, the National Grange
met (six in all) and authorized him to visit the different states
to organize the order, and generously voted him an annual
salary of two thousand dollars and necessary travelling ex-
penses, "the same to be collected by him from receipts from
subordinate granges. ' '
On April 3, 1868, ^Tr. Keliey left Washington, determined
to work his way to Minnesota by organizing granges. He had
a remarkable faith in the project, and believed that the order
could and should pay its own expenses. He attempted to or-
ganize a grange in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, but did not suc-
ceed. At Penn Yan, N. Y., he met with cheering words from
a brother Mason and Patron, Mr. McDowell, who had for some
time been interested in the order, but he failed in his attempt
to establish a grange. At Fredonia, N. Y., however, he met
with success, and the first regularly organized grange of the
order was there established. Mr. Keliey next had an agree-
able visit with a friend of the order in Spencer, Ohio, Mr. Bart-
lett, whom he instructed in the work of organization and au-
thorized to introduce the order in that part of the state. In
Chicago he found a club ready to be organized into a grange.
This was encouraging at the time, but the grange did not ma-
terialize. His next visit was to Madison, Wisconsin, where he
had hoped for much, but met with complete failure. He
reached St. Paul, Minn., May 1. On the way from Washington
he had received dispensation or charter fees at Harrisburg,
Fredonia, Columbus, and Chicago. He now received by mail
an application for a dispensation from Newton, Iowa, enclos-
76 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ing the required fee of fifteen dollars. These receipts paid the
expenses of his trip, but the prospects of the order were not
the brightest.
The farmers of Minnesota were at this time far more in-
terested in protection against middlemen, corporations and
monopolies, than in any plan for social or educational improve-
ment. They had lost interest in the old agricultural societies
and were ready for something new. The Farmers' Union, an
agricultural monthly, which was started in Minneapolis in
August, 1867, with a claimed circulation of ten thousand, im-
mediately took up the farmers' cause. It recommended month-
ly township fairs, where farmers could meet to buy and sell
to each other directly, without the aid of middlemen.^"- It
planned to protect the farmer against unscrupulous agents who
practiced fraud and deception, and urged all who had been
swindled to give information.'''*'^ The editor, Mr. Nimocks, was
secretary of the Minnesota Farmers' Mutual Fire Insurance
Association, and he made effective use of the columns of his
paper in advertising the "Farmers' Association." He gives
the following account of its origin: "On the 15th of July,
1865, a number of farmers of this state assembled at Minne-
apolis and organized a club or association for the purpose of
assisting one another when fires occur, or, in other words, do
their own insuring and save a large amount of money and thus
avoid being swindled by irresponsible insurance companies.
. . . Each farmer insured is a member, and has a voice in
its affairs and a vote in the election of officers. " ^"*
In November, 1867, the Farmers' Union began an active
campaign for the organization of social farmers' clubs. It
proposed to have in the field an able corps of associate editors
and traveling correspondents, to assist in the establishment
of such clubs in every neighborhood in the state for the bene-
fit of farmers, their wives, and families.''*^'' This plan was car-
ried out during the winter, and, judging from the letters from
farmers' clubs in different parts of the state, the farmers must
have taken considerable interest in the work.
302. The Farmers' Uriion, Aug-., 1867 (Vol. I, No. 1).
303. Ibid., Sept., 1867.
304. Ibid., Aug., 1867.
305. Ibid., Nov., 1867; Jan., 1868.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 77
When Mr. Kelley, on his return from Washington in May,
1868, began to work for his order, the Fanners' Union pro-
nounced his plan of organization the most perfect that liad ever
been introduced, and recommended it -heartily to the farmers
of the state. It continued, however, for some time to work for
the establishment of farmers' clubs as before. One effective
argument for organization was the co-operative feature, where-
by farmers w^ould be ena])led to purchase machinery, nursery
stock, groceries, and other necessities, without the expensive
services of retailers and commission men, who frequently were
guilty of charging exorbitant prices. The success of the Farm-
ers' Association in the field of insurance was [)ointed out as a
proof of the practicability of co-operation, and the farmers
were urged to apply this principle of co-operation in other
fields.
It is not to be understood that the Farmers' Union was the
cause of this great agitation among the farmers of Minnesota
at this time. It merely offered the farmers a formula accord-
ing to which it was believed they w^ould be enabled in a large
measure to improve their condition. The times w^ere hard and
the discontent was general throughout the state. This discon-
tent was due partly to local conditions and partly to general
causes. A general movement toward improved farming and
improved farmers had been in progress for several decades in
this country and in Europe. Where any material advance was
made, a period of social and political re-adjustment, with its
struggle and its discontent, necessarily followed.
The immediate causes for discontent, however, were more
concrete. The farmers of the state blamed the railroads and
the middlemen for the hard times, and later they added high
taxes, high protective tariff, and bad currency, to their list of
grievances. Retailers and agents, as a rule, fixed a large mar-
gin of profit on goods sold. This practice was to some extent
justified by the risk involved, for the farmers at that time
seldom paid cash, and many of them were notoriously slow
payers. Large profits on cash sales, and good accounts, made
up for possible losses on doubtful accounts. But wdien the
farmers realized that high prices were in a large measure due
to these large profits, they felt swindled and their ire was
78 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
aroused. Many irresponsible men did swindle them outright,
thus adding fuel to the flame.
With the rapid extension of interstate railroad systems, the
question of railroad regulation and railroad control had al-
ready in 1868 ceased to be merely a matter of local concern.
In the second session of the fortieth Congress, the committee
on roads and canals was instructed by the House to investi-
gate whether Congress had the power, under the constitution,
to provide by law for the regulation and control of railroads,
especially those extending through the several states, so as to
secure, first, the safety of the passengers ; second, uniform and
equitable rates of fare; third, uniform and equitable charges
for the transportation of freight; fourth, proper connections
with each other in the transportation of passengers and freight ;
and if, in the opinion of the committee. Congress possessed
such powers, it was to report a bill which would secure these
objects.^"*^ The committee reported that in its judgment Con-
gress had such power over railroads connecting two or more
states, but that it had no constitutional power to legislate in
relation to railroads which do not form parts of continuous
lines extending from one state to another. The committee did
not report any bill, for they were not in possession of much
necessary information.^"^ Two members of the committee sub-
mitted a vigorous minority report.^*^^
The need of railroad regulation was general, but the situa-
tion became most acute in the frontier states where imports
and exports had to be transported great distances, and where
discrimination seems to have been most flagrant. Communities
and individuals discriminated against could justly complain of
unreasonable charges, and when the railroads insolently main-
tained their vested rights to fix charges to suit themselves the
people did not find the ''oppression" more tolerable.
Mr. Kelley immediately began his campaign for the new
order. Believing thoroughly in publicity, he lost no time in
enlisting the services of the press. The order was advertised
as a national organization, making rapid progress in a num.ber
306. Congressional Globe, 1867-8, part 3, p. 2331.
307. 40th Cong., 2d Session, House of Representatives, Report No.
47, pp. 1-8.
308. Ibid., pp. 8-20.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 79
of states, and now being introduced in Minnesota as a protec-
tive organization which would be of great benefit to its mem-
jjgpg 309 rpj^g headquarters of the order were in Washington,
D. C, and its nine officers were from seven different states and
the District of Columbia.^^*' The constitution of the order and
its circulars were printed in the various newspapers of the
state. In his monthly report to the National Grange, made
August 1, 1868, Mr. Kelley says: ''I can now report to you
the friendly aid of five agricultural papers, whose columns are
open to our cause, viz. : The Prairie Farmer, Chicago : Farm-
ers' Chronicle, Columbus, Ohio; Ohio Farmer, Cleveland; Rural
World, St. Louis; Farmers' Union, Minneapolis. Besides these
the various daily and weekly papers in the state will publish
any matter to advance our interests." "^^^
Mr. Kelley availed himself of every opportunity to bring
the order before the farmers. He attended a meeting of the
executive committee of the State Agricultural Society held in
June, 1868, and seems to have received encouragement from
its members.'^^^ He attended a horticultural fair in Minne-
apolis the first week in July and met many farmers. In a re-
port of this fair which he sent to the Sauk Kapids Sentinel, he
expresses his pleasure because of the interest which the offi-
cers of the state and county agricultural societies in Minnesota
were taking in the new order. He optimistically estimated
that according to present prospects at least fifty granges would
be represented at the coming State Fair.^^^ The editor of the
Sauk Rapids Sentinel congratulated the Patrons upon the in-
crease of their number since the first grange was organized in
the state, and added: ''They may well feel encouraged. The
order is endorsed by the executive committee of our state agri-
cultural society and by all the leading farmers who have be-
come familiar with the order." ^^^ A month later he reported:
''Granges of the Patrons of Husbandry are springing up in all
309. Sauk Rapids Sentinel, June 19, 1868.
310. Ibid., June 19, 1868.
311. Kelley, Origin and Progress of the Order of Patrons of Hus-
bandry in the United States, p. 117.
312. Ibid., p. 110.
313. Sauk Rapids Sentinel, July 10, 1868.
314. Ibid., July 17, 1868.
80 MINNESOTA HISTORiCAU SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
parts of the state. The farmers are looking after their inter-
ests, and every town should have a branch of this order." ^^^
This was no doubt what Mr. Kelley wanted, but as a matter
of fact the order was at the time meeting a rather cool recep-
tion. The farmers were not ready to join a secret society whose
objects and purposes they were not familiar with. The cir-
cular did not give them sufficient definite information. They
considered it too flowery and ambiguous. They had no need
of a "mutual admiration society," but wanted an association
that would aid and protect them.^^^
In a letter to the officers of the National Grange, dated
July 12, 1868, Mr. Kelley writes: ''In the country the farmers
ask, 'What pecuniary benefit are we to gain by supporting
the organization?' Let the National Grange point it out, let
it show that each Grange is of itself a Board of Trade, and by
the system of communication between subordinate, state, and
National granges they can market their produce independent
of the Chambers of Commerce, Millers' and Wool Growers' As-
sociations, which are gotten up to control the market
Ask them this question, 'Why not the producer establish the
price of his products as well as the manufacturer?' Not to
secure exorbitant demands, but to get a fair profit over the
cost of raising the crops. No man can accumulate money who
sells below cost. If you hit this point right, you will sweep
the West Mark my word, there is a revolution
going on among the people, and if you strike the right chord
in a new circular letter, you will soon see the Patrons will be
a power, and yourselves at the head of it." "^^
During the summer two abortive attempts had been made
at establishing subordinate granges. The first active grange
in Minnesota was the North Star Grange which was organized
in St. Paul, September 2. Col. D. A. Robertson, the leader in
this grange, immediately set to work and revised the circular
of the order, with the hearty approval of Mr. Kelley. The new
circular was issued over the signature of 0. H. Kelley, Secre-
tary of the National Grange, and under the date, "National
315. Ibid., Aug. 21, 1868.
316. Kelley, op. cit., p. 110.
317. Ibid., pp. 113-114.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 81
Grange, Washington, D. C, Sept., 1868." According to its
statement, the objects of the order were to advance educa-
tion, to elevate and dignify the occupation of the farmer, and
to protect its members against the numerous combinations by
which their interests are injuriously affected by means of com-
bined co-operative association. The order was to provide sys-
tematic arrangements for procuring and disseminating infor-
mation relative to crops, demand and supply, prices, markets
and transportation throughout the countrj^, and for the estab-
lishment of depots for the sale of products in the cities; also
for the purchase and exchange of stock and seeds, for employ-
ment bureaus, for ascertaining the merits of newly invented
farm implements, and for detecting and exposing those that
were unworthy, and for protecting, by all available means, the
farming interests from fraud and deception of every kind.^^^
On the new circular, embodying these with the former provi-
sions, was based the real foundation of the order.^^^
But even though the order trimmed its sails to the agita-
tion among the farmers, its progress continued far from sat-
isfactory. By the close of 1868 only four granges in Minne-
sota had paid their dispensation fees, and a fifth had been
organized gratuitously. But Mr. Kelley continued the strug-
gle, though at times "almost against hope." ^^^
Beginning with the new year, prospects brightened. By
February 20, six new granges had been added to the list, and
on February 23, 1869, the Minnesota State Grange was duly
organized,^^^ and continued its session two days. It was here
suggested that the different subordinate granges should lease
flouring mills in their respective localities and appoint a busi-
ness agent at St. Paul, who was to receive the flour and ship
it to New York, where it would be sold on commission.^^^ The
executive committee accordingly appointed Mr. Prescott state
agent. Mr. Kelley approved of this business feature, and be-
gan to look around for men of means to support the enterprise.
The National Grange held its first annual session in "Washing-
sis. Ibid., pp. 125-130; Sauk Rapids Sentinel, Oct. 2, 1868.
319. Kelley, op. cit., p. 130.
320. Ibid., p. 151.
321. Ibid., p. 165.
322. Ibid., p. 168; Letter from O. H. K. to McDowell, March 1, 11
6
82 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ton, April 13. They here discarded the Minnesota state agency
as premature.^" Every subordinate grange in Minnesota, how-
ever, approved of the plan, but held it to be a local matter
which did not necessarily involve the order. Their immediate
concern seems to have been to secure farm machinery at re-
duced rates. Mr. Kelley was glad to see something started,
for, if the farmers could be brought to fight the retail dealers
through the order, the order would be advertised throughout
the state and nation. If the agency proved a success, the Na-
tional Grange could adopt the plan. If it failed, all official
connection with it could be disclaimed.^^* At the meeting of
the National Grange held in Washington, January 25, 1870,
Mr. Kelley could report a total of forty-nine granges, forty of
which were in Minnesota. Iowa had three granges; Illinois
had three ; and Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York, each one.^-^
So far the Grange Patrons had been mainly interested in
their fight with the middlemen. Many communities through-
out the state were still without railroads, and w^ere anxious to
secure them at any cost. The agitation against railroad abuses
had not yet taken any definite form. In Illinois the situation
was different. The main railroad lines had already been built.
Corn, their chief farm product, could not bear heavy trans-
portation charges and discriminatory rates would be particu-
larly oppressive. Hence it was not long before the farmers
were engaged in a lively struggle with the railroads. The
Prairie Farmer was instrumental in calling a convention of
producers, to meet at Bloomington, Illinois, April 20, for the
purpose "of devising means to combat the vast railroad mo-
nopolies that threaten to overwhelm the country. " ^^-® Mr,
Corbett, the editor of this paper, considered this the best op-
portunity that had ever been offered for the order of Patrons
of Husbandry to make itself felt among the farmers, and there-
fore wrote to Mr. Kelley, inviting him to attend the conven-
tion and bring the order before them. He closed his letter
with the following words: ''You must be present fully pre-
323. Ibid., p. 180; Letter from O. H. K. to McDowell, April 17, 1869.
324. Ibid., pp. 186-7; Letter from O. H. K. to McDowell, May 4, 1869.
325. Ibid., p. 219; second Annual Report.
326. Ibid., p. 245; cf. Periam, A History of the Origin, Aim and
Progress of the Farmers' Movement, p. 225.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 83
pared to make a telling appeal for the cause through the or-
ganization to which you have already devoted so much time
and labor. You can do more for it here in a single day than
in months in the usual manner. Please let me hear that you
will be present." ^^^
Mr. Kelley does not seem to have been prepared to incor-
porate anti-railroad agitation in the program of the order, and
did not accept the invitation. The convention was attended
by a large number of leading farmers from different parts of
Illinois. Governor John M. Palmer sent a letter in which he
expressed the hope that the convention would assert and pre-
pare to maintain that there is no interest in this country that
is or can be beyond the control of the law.^^^ A series of eight
resolutions were drawn up in which it was declared: ''First,
that the present rates of taxation and transportation are un-
reasonable and oppressive and ought to be reduced; second
that our legal rights to transportation and market ought to be
clearly set forth and defined. "^-^
On the thirteenth of May, 1870, a constitutional conven-
tion adopted a new constitution for the state of Illinois which
was subsequently ratified by the people. This constitution
reflects the influence of the farmers of the state by devoting
seven sections to railroads,"'"^ and another seven to ware-
houses.^*^^ Railroads were declared public highways, and it
was made the duty of the general assembly, from time to time,
to pass laws establishing reasonable maximum rates of charges
for the transportation of passengers and freight on the dif-
ferent railroads of the state, ^^- and to pass laws to correct
abuses and prevent unjust discrimination and extortion in
rates on the different railroads, and to enforce such laws by
adequate penalties.^^-'' These provisions led directly to the en-
actment of the so-called Granger laws of 1871 and 1874. When
the constitutional convention met in May, 1870, there were
two subordinate granges in the state, and when the legislature
327. Kelley, op. cit., p. 245-6; W. W. Corbett to Kelley, April 11, 1870.
328. Periam, op. cit., p. 228.
329. Ibid., p. 229.
330. Const, of 111., 1870, Art. II, sees. 9-15.
331. Ibid.,Art. 13.
332. Ibid., Art. II, sec. 12.
333. Kelley, op. cit., p. 269 and 271.
84 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL. SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
met in January, 1871, only one more had been organized. As
an advertisement for the order, a temporary state grange was
organized in Chicago in July, 1870 ;^'^* but it did not prove
active and had to be reorganized in 1872, v\^hen granges began
to get numerous.
On May 20, 1870, Mr. Corbett wrote a letter to Mr. Kelley,
in which he expressed his firm conviction that the order had a
work to perform in the war that was about to be waged by
the people against the monstrous monopolies. Said he : ' ' Rail-
road Companies, AVarehouse and Telegraph Companies, are
crushing the life out of the producing classes. * * * *
AVe know the claims of vested rights that Railroad Companies,
in the West especially, lay claim to. A corporation on the
plea of public interests, gets the right of way, condemns prop-
erty— our very homesteads, perhaps ; to do this they are public
corporations, acting for the public good. The charter and right
of way once gained, this public character ceases, and railroad
companies are private institutions not amenable to Legislatures
or Courts, because the legislature has given away its power to
regulate them. They can extort, oppress, rob. They can dis-
criminate in favor of certain localities and individuals; they
can combine with owners of warehouses, or build warehouses
of their own, and force shippers to pay toll on every bushel
of grain that passes over their road ; they can and do refuse
to deliver grain or other produce, except to such persons or
companies as may pay into their own coffers. *****
We, as Patrons of Husbandry, have united for common good
and for common protection. * * * * ^Ve must not be
political in the common acceptance of the term, only so far
as to control politicians and office-holders, to make them talk,
legislate, and decide on the side of the people all the time,
^ * * * whichever party will declare itself to stand on
our platform, and whichever candidate will unqualifiedly
pledge himself to carry out the reforms we demand, such party
and such candidates should receive our votes. *****
Opposition to monopolies seems to me to be entirely consistent
with the design of our Order; with it as one of the watch-
words, I believe we have the opportunity of extending our
334. Kelley, op. cit., pp. 269 and 271.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 85
Granges indefinitely throughout all these North- Western
States. """"
This letter was read before the ^linnesota state grange
which met June 22, 1870, and it gave such general satisfaction
that it was ordered printed for circulation.^^^ Mr. Kelley had
some misgivings as to the result of such a war, but looked upon
the publication of the letter as another way of bringing the
order more prominently before the public^''''' Definite expres-
sion was here given to the farmer for his grievances against
the railroads. The agitation against railroads soon became as
lively in Minnesota as in Illinois.
When the IMinnesota state grange met in June, 1870, there
were sixty-six subordinate granges in the United States, of
which fifty were in IMinnesota. The order had been advertised
as national, and ^Ir. Kelley was anxious to make it such in
fact as well as in name. The other officers of the National
Grange had disappointed him by their inactivity. He decided
to move to Washington and make that city his headquarters,
believing that he could in this way exert a wider influence. "^^^^
The services of a number of good men were enlisted in a
number of states, and the order began to make a remarkable
progress throughout the country. "Co-operation," and '^down
with the monopolies," were proving popular catchwords. The
growth of the order for several years \yas unprecedented. The
number of granges organized each year for 1868 to 1874, in-
clusive, was as follows :^^^
State granges.
Subordinate granges.
Granges
in Minn,
(Total No.)
1868
0
10
5
1869
1
38
33
1870
2
36
19
1871
2
130
1872
8
1,105
1873
22
8,868
358
1874
4
11,941
It was with these figures in mind that Mr. Aitkin, an old
Granger, said in an address before a convention of agricul-
335. Kelley, op. cit., pp. 256-259; W. W. Corbett to Kelley.
336. Ibid., p. 256.
337. Ibid., p. 259.
338. Ibid., passim.
339. Department of Agriculture, Special Report No. 2 (1883), p. 63.
86 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
turists held at the Department of Agriculture in January,
1883: ''From the Potomac to the Rio Grande, from the Golden
State to the Hudson, and even into the pineries of Maine, and
across the border, throughout the length and breadth of the
Dominion of Canada, farmers fairly leaped, as with one pre-
concerted bound, to the upholding of the Grange standard."
CHAPTER IX.
THE CAMPAIGN FOR RAILROAD REGULATION IN 1870.
The discontent among the farmers of Minnesota was con-
stantly increasing during the later sixties. They were not
enjoying the prosperity they had looked for, and as the hard
times continued they became more and more convinced that
they were being exploited. In general they attributed their
sorry plight to three main factors: the exorbitant charges of
the middlemen, the financial policy of the national government,
and the increasing power of corporations and monopolies, es-
pecially of the railroad companies.
When the legislature convened in 1870, Governor Austin in
his inaugural address ^^*^ took occasion to examine the popular
complaints against the management of the railroads within
the state, and also to present as fairly as possible the rail-
roads' side of the case. Realizing that the charges made by
either side against the other might be neither wholly true nor
wholly false, he advised that a commission be created to make
full inquiry into the alleged abuses and to present some plan
remedying the difficulties, if abuses be found to exist. He did
not question the constitutional right of the legislature to reg-
ulate freight and passenger tariffs, nor doubt the necessity
of so doing, but he desired regulation based on accurate knowl-
edge gained by careful investigation. ''If the people are
wronged," he said, "it would be a short-sighted policy on the
part of the companies to strive to perpetuate the wrong; for
when the people can bear it no longer, they will arise in their
might and find some means of redressing their grievances, and
then there will be danger of injustice on the other side. If
340. Minn. Exec. Docs., 1869, Inaugural Address (25 pp.), Corpora-
tions, pp. 6-14.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 87
tlie popular complaints are not well founded, a full impartial
investigation will establish the fact, vindicate the corporations,
and put the question forever at rest, — a result much to the
advantage of all concerned.""'*^
The governor's recommendation met with general approval
among the people. A bill embodying its main features was in-
troduced in the Senate and passed, but when the bill reached
the House it was permitted to die of neglect.^*^
The question of railroad regulation had not figured promi-
nently in the preceding campaign, but in the campaign of 1870
it sprang into prominence in different parts of the state. The
farmers in particular were aroused. As we have seen, the
order of Patrons of Husbandry was proposed to them as a
means of self-protection against railroads and monopolies, but
its growth at this time was slow. It was not yet strong enough
to exert the influence its friends expected of it.^*^
The anti-railroad sentiment was especially marked in the
first congressional district, where the "Winona and St. Peter
railroad was very unpopular at the time. In the Republican
convention of this district, held in Owatonna July 6, emphatic
protests were made against railroad extortions, and the fol-
lowing declaration was embodied in their platform : * ' * * *
the tendency toward consolidation of parallel or competing
lines of roads, and of roads without competition from other
roads or lines of water transportation, to exact extortionate
rates of tariff for the transportation of freight, and to operate
the corporations in the interests of jobbers, speculators and
monopolies, without regard to the interests of the people, is
dangerous to the commerce and industries of the country, and
should be restrained and suppressed by the exercise of all pow-
ers over the subject delegated to Congress or retained to the
state. "^''^ In support of this plank in the platform. Governor
Austin said in the convention: ''I believe the masses of our
state are beginning to suffer from the extortions and burdens
341. Ibid., p. 14.
342. Ibid., 1870, Governor's Message, pp. 38-39.
343. See Wabasha Weekly Herald, Sept. 15, 1870, p. 1, c. 3: "Now
why don't this Order come up to its pretentions? * * * It
is time the Patrons showed themselves equal to their under-
taking."
344. Minneapolis Daily Tribune, July 7, 1870, p. 1, c. 4.
88 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
imposed by merciless, greedy monopolies and soulless corpora-
tions, to an extent hardly equalled from all the taxes imposed
by the combined general and state governments. To relieve
them from these burdens will test the powers and resources of
politicians and statesmen more severely than the old well-worn
issues of the past. The wrongs aimed at in the resolution have
rapidly grown in great proportions, and if necessary in order
to correct them, we should seize them by the foretop and shake
them over hell till they get a smell of their manifest des-
tiny. "^*^
It is not to be understood, however, that this was primarily
an anti-railroad convention. The delegates were fully as in-
terested in the tariff, and it must be considered a notable
achievement that the discordant elements managed to agree on
resolutions heartily endorsing President Grant and Congress,
and at the same time urging the reduction of the tariff to a
revenue standard."^^** Mark H. Dunnell was nominated for Con-
gress, pledged to corporation control and tariff for revenue
only. Republican county and senatorial district conventions
endorsed this platform, and quite generally passed resolutions
in favor of legislative railroad regulation.-^'''
The Democrats of the first congressional district met in con-
vention at Owatonna, September 15. Some of the county dele-
gations were decidedly mixed. In Fillmore county, for in-
stance, the delegates had been chosen in a ''people's conven-
tion," without regard to former political affiliation. ^^^ There
were quite a number who had hitherto regularly affiliated with
the Republican party, who now refused to support Mr. Dun-
nell, contending that he was a monopolist and a politician.
Though evidently many had looked for this to be distinctly
an anti-monopoly convention, resolutions offered against mo-
nopolies and railroads were voted down and not included in
345. St. Peter Tribune, Oct. 26, 1870, p. 2, c. 2.
346. Minneapolis Daily Tribune, July 7, 1870, p. 1, c. 4, for party
platform. See also St. Paul Daily Pioneer, July 7, 1870, p. 1,
c. 4; July 9, p. 1, c. 1.
347. See Wabasha County Republican platform, Wabasha Weekly
Herald, Oct. 6, 1870, p. 1, c. 4; 20th senatorial district Republi-
can platform, The Wells Atlas (Faribault Co.), Oct. 14, 1870,
p. 1, c. 3.
348. Federal Union (Rochester), Sept. 17, 1870, p. 1, c. 3.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 89
the platform.'"*^ This may have been done to gain votes for
their congressional candidate, Mr. Buck, in frontier counties
where the people were still clamoring for railroads and favor-
able railroad legislation.
The Olmsted county Democratic convention, which met at
Rochester, September 10, had shown itself more militant. A
call had been issued to ''all men, irrespective of past party
associations, who are in favor of taking the robbers by the
throat. ' ' ^-'^ While nominally a Democratic convention, it was
in reality a joint convention of Democrats, anti-monopolists,
and " anti-tariffites. " It was here resolved that the state leg-
islature had the power and ought to fix the maximum rate of
charges on all .transportation lines in the state, and to regulate
and control the consolidation of transportation companies.
They agreed not to support any man for office who would not
pledge himself to work faithfully for these principles and to
bring about at once ''such legislation as will protect farmers,
merchants, tradesmen, and all other citizens of the state, from
a repetition of intolerable and heartless swindles like those
that have been and are now being perpetrated upon them by
the management of the Winona and St. Peter railroad. ' ' ^"
All the candidates nominated in this convention, excepting one,
were farmers, men who had "consistently opposed monopolies
and protective tariffs for years. ' ' "'^-
On September 12 a call was issued for an indignation meet-
ing against the abuses of the Winona and St. Peter railroad
company, and for considering the "propriety of contesting the
legality of the present rates of tariffs in freights or securing
some other relief from the oppression. " '^^^ The meeting was
to be held at Rochester, September 16. This call was signed
by thirty-seven men, of whom only six were Democrats. The
Democrats felt aggrieved at this, and decided to capture the
meeting.'^^^ They thought it a device of the managers of the
349. Rochester Post, Nov. 5, 1870, p. 2, c. 3; for platform see also
Federal Union, Sept. 24, 1870, p. 4, c. 3; St. Paul Daily Pioneer,
Sept. 16, p. 4, c, 2; and Sept. 17, p. 1, c. 2,
350. Federal Union (Rochester), Sept. 17, 1870, p. 4, c. 3-7.
351. Ibid., Sept. 17, 1870, p. 1, c. 4.
352. Ibid.
353. Ibid., Sept. 24, 1870, p. 4, c. 4.
354. Ibid., Sept. 24, 1870, p. 1, c. 3.
90 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Republican party for making political capital out of the anti-
railroad sentiment of the community.''"^ When the Republi-
cans found the Democrats ready to join them they held back.
A Democrat was elected chairman and another secretary. The
committee of five on resolutions was mainly Democratic. The
resolutions offered and accepted at the meeting had been pre-
pared beforehand by Mr. Jones, a Democratic candidate for
state representative. These resolutions denounced the wheat
rings and the excessive transportation charges, and demanded
redress by the railroad company and the enactment of state
laws to afford the people ample protection in the future. •'^'*^
Little or nothing came of this indignation meeting. One
member of the committee appointed to report to the railroad
company believed that the company had been punished enough
already, and feared that the stirring up of popular feeling
would lead to the destruction of property if not of life.^^^
A dispute arose as to which party was entitled to credit
for leadership in the anti-railroad crusade. The Democrats
blamed the Republican party for the existence of the vexing
problem, it having been in power continuously for ten years.
The Republicans in turn pointed to the first congressional dis-
trict platforms, in which they were openly pledged to railroad
control, while the Democrats were not.^"^^ They could also
refer back to territorial days, when Democratic legislatures
had granted the charters on which the railroad companies
based their rights to manage their business in their own way
without state interference.
In the first congressional district the anti-railroad senti-
ment ran high, but in the second it was not so marked. There
the tariff question was of greater interest. For a long time
it seemed as though the Republicans would be hopelessly di-
vided, but when they finally met in convention in St. Paul,
September 1, they agreed on a platform in which they, like the
first district Republicans, endorsed President Grant and Con-
355. Rochester Post, Sept. 24, 1870, p. 3, c. 4.
356. Federal Union, Sept. 24, 1870, p. 4, c. 4.
357. Ibid., Dec. 10, 1870, p. 1, c. 3.
See Address of the Rep. Congressional Committee to the voters
of the First District, St. Charles Herald, Oct. 21, 1870, p. 2, c.
1-3.
358
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 91
gress, and pledged themselves to the "sound and incontro-
vertible doctrine of tariff for revenue only. ' ' ^°^ The platform
does not mention the 'railroads at all, save to commend the
Northern Pacific and to recommend liberal national aid in its
favor. General John T. Averill was nominated for Congress.
Many Republicans of the second district were dissatisfied
with the results of the convention, being pleased with neither
candidate nor» platform. Consequently a number of them,
twenty-five hundred according to the St. Paul Pioneer, joined
in signing a petition requesting Ignatius Donnelly to run as an
independent candidate on a low tariff, labor and economy plat-
£qj,^ 3C0 rpjjg Democratic district convention, which met in
St. Paul, September 15, endorsed his candidacy and platform.^^^
No definite stand was taken on the railroad question.
In the November election the Republicans elected both con-
gressmen, though by a reduced majority, and made gains in
the lower house of the state legislature. They elected thirty-
three representatives, the Democrats twelve, and two were
elected on independent tickets. The preceding House had con-
tained twenty-eight Republicans and nineteen Democrats. The
1871 Senate, however, would contain twelve Republicans, eight
Democrats, and two Independents, as against fourteen Republi-
cans and eight Democrats in 1870.'^®^
The Federal Union of Rochester announced the results of
the election under the following headlines: ''The People Vic-
torious! Monopolists Sentenced! Our Railroads must be
managed in the interests of the Whole People, instead of being
run to enrich Wheat Rings and other Speculators. The People
have spoken! Their will must be obeyed! Death to all who
dare betray them."^^^ In that part of the state two anti-
monopoly parties had been in the field, and the results of the
election in many cases merely determined what men were to
be permitted to carry out almost identical anti-monopoly
pledges.
359. Minneapolis Daily Tribune, Sept. 2, 1870, p. 1, c. 1; platform,
p. 2, c. 2 and 3.
360. St. Paul Daily Pioneer, Sept. 14, 1870, p. 1, c. 2.
361. Ibid., Sept. 16, 1870, p. 1, c. 1, and P. 4, c. 2.
362. Minneapolis Daily Tribune, Nov. 12, 1870, p. 1, c. 3.
363. Federal Union, Nov. 12, 1870, p. 1, c. 3.
92 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Popular interest in the railroad issue did not subside with
the election. On November 12 the Federal Union issued a call
for a convention: ''To the people of the first congressional
district, to those who are being fleeced annually by the extor-
tions of the railroad monopolists and rings of speculators, to
those who are willing to do their duty as citizens by lending
their assistance and influence in honorable and proper efforts
to procure the repeal of such legislation as is prejudicial to the
public interests, and the enactment of such laws as will protect
the people against the extortion of railroad companies and all
other monopolies, including wheat rings. ""^^ The convention
was to be held in Rochester, December 1. The people of the
second congressional district were urged to hold a similar con-
vention, and to co-operate in bringing to bear upon the state
legislators ''a force they cannot resist, and which will
strengthen them in their efforts to carry out the objects we
have in view. ""''^ Editors "without regard to partisan pro-
clivities" were called upon to help advance the movement.
State senator-elect Hodge (Dem.) issued a fiery appeal to the
people of Olmsted county: "* * * and now, without dis-
tinction of party, let us organize our forces for the contest. A
call has been made to meet in convention * * » f^j. ^^le
purpose of taking counsel together and of devising ways and
means whereby we may effectually, thoroughly and forever
emancipate ourselves from a system of railway extortions that
have become too galling and oppressive for a free people to
endure. ' ' ^^^
At this convention the committee on resolutions presented
the following grievances:
1. Railroad charges were exorbitant, and places were dis-
criminated against. They showed that the Winona and St.
Peter railroad company made the following charges for the
transportation of wheat:
From Eyota to Winona, 38 miles. 15c. per bushel.
From Rochester to Winona, 45 miles ....15c. per bushel.
From Kasson to Winona, 58 miles 17c. per bushel.
From Owatonna to Winona, 92 miles 10c. per bushel
From Mankato to Winona, 150 miles 13c. per bushel.
364. Ibid., p. 1, c. 7.
365. Ibid., p. 1, c. 7.
366. Ibid., Nov. 19, 1870, p. 4, c. 5; Letter dated Nov. 15, 1870.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 93
They contended that if the rates from the two latter places
to Winona were reasonable, the other rates must be exorbitant.
They believed that the transportation charges should be re-
duced from twenty to fifty per cent or more.
2. The Winona and St. Peter railroad company discrim-
inated in favor of certain associations or ^' rings," to the ruin
of local business men. ,
3, The railroad company had assumed authority to grade
the grain and had permitted its employees to favor its ''ring"
patrons.
The convention passed resolutions calling for reasonable
rates with no discrimination, and for a satisfactory elevator
system not owned or controlled by the railroads. A committee
of seven was constituted a permanent executive committee. A
memorial to the state legislature was drawn up, urging the
enactment of laws (1) compelling the railroads of the state to
carry freight and passengers at fair, equitable, and reasonable
rates; (2) to make unfair or partial discriminations by means
of lower rates, drawbacks or rebates, criminal offences; (3) to
forbid the railroad companies to own or operate elevators or
to purchase grain for speculation."^^
The farmers had at first been anxious to get elevators and
warehouses on almost any terms. With a fluctuating market
the storing of grain might not always prove profitable, and
besides it was perhaps only a question of time when the farm-
ers would build granaries and store their own grain. ''"^ In
order to meet the demands of the farmers, the railroad com-
panies frequently made arrangements with certain persons or
companies, who furnished facilities for receiving and storing
grain and were given a certain "toll" on every bushel shipped
at their station, or in other cases rebates, large enough to cover
market fluctuations and ward off competition.^^'^
To pay such tolls or rebates and still get a good price for
transporting the grain, the railroad companies were practically
367. Ibid., Dec. 3, 1870, p. 1, c. 4-8; Proceedings of tlie Anti-Monop-
oly convention.
368. Stickney, The Railway Problem, p. 22.
369. For contracts of this kind see Report of the Senate Committee
to investigate the elevator monopoly on the St. Paul and Pac-
ific in 1874, St. Paul Dispatch, Feb. 14, 1874. See also Roches-
ter Post. Feb. 11, 1871.
94 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
forced to make the regular rates quite high. These high trans-
portation charges tended to lower the prices of farm products,
and the farmers soon began to denounce the "wheat ring" in
no uncertain terms.^^°
The farmer fared little better when the elevators were
owned and operated by the railroad companies. The farmer
then felt himself at their mercy, both as to grading and trans-
portation charges, and independent buyers were as effectually
barred out as under the other system. The Winona and St.
Peter railroad company in the summer of 1870 forced the
farmers at Rochester to* sell their wheat stored in the com-
pany's elevators at what was generally considered an unfavor-
able price. Under the pretext of having to rebuild and repair
the elevators in Rochester, the company set a date at which
the grain must be sold, or twelve cents a bushel per month
storage, without responsibility for safekeeping, would be
charged.^^^
The railroad companies also frequently gave a monopoly of
the wood and coal supply in towns and cities to certain favored
individuals or corporations. While this originally may have
been intended to simplify a crude industry and to give better
service to the consumer, the system soon proved oppressive
and aroused the antagonism of many town people, enlisting
their sympathies with the farmer. At times those who enjoyed
these monopoly rights in hauling grain and fuel — in common
parlance, the ''rings" — became so powerful that instead of
continuing to receive rebates as a favor, they practically con-
trolled the railroads and fixed their own rates by playing off
one railroad against another. "^
The executive committee provided for in the Rochester con-
vention, December 1, issued a call for a state convention to be
held in St. Paul the first week of the following January. This
convention did not prove a success. Farmers in different parts
of the state had called meetings to elect delegates,^^^ but there
seemed to be a general suspicion, based on certain develop-
370. Stickney, The Railway Problem, p. 22.
371. Federal Union, Sept. 24, 1870, p. 1, c. 3.
372. Stickney, The Railway Problem, p. 23.
373. St. Paul Daily Dispatch, Dec. 27, 1870, p. 1, c. 1, quoting- Man-
kato Union.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 95
merits at the Rochester convention, that certain played-out
politicians were trying to mount the reform wave and get back
into political power.^^* The regular Republicans opposed the
convention strongly, and the Republican press gave it little or
no support. Both Republicans and Democrats regarded it as
a scheme for organizing a new independent Anti-Monopoly
party.^^^
The first session was adjourned to the following evening
without any action or speeches, because of the small number
present."'^® At the regular session Mr. Donnelly made the prin-
cipal address. He complimented Governor Austin on the fear-
less way in which he handled the railroads, but expressed lack
of confidence in the legislature which had just convened. He
did not believe that it would do anything to ''relieve the peo-
ple of the master monopoly that was closing its monster meshes
around them." ^^^
The convention adopted a series of anti-railroad resolutions,
and authorized its president to appoint a committee of seven
to call future conventions and to urge further organization
throughout the state. ''^^ This plan, which would inevitably
have led to the organization of a new political party within
the state, met with no popular favor and was for the time being
abandoned.
CHAPTER X.
RESTRICTIVE RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN 1871.
When the legislature met in January, 1871, the people of
the state began to look with keen interest for the fulfillment
of campaign pledges. "We wonder," said the St. Paul Dis-
patch, ''whether the blandishment of railroads, operating in
the shape of passes, upon the members of the present legis-
lature, will lead them to forget their first love, and the prom-
ises made the people during the late campaign. We shall look
374. Ibid., Jan. 5, 1871, p. 1, c. 1.
375. Federal Union, Jan. 7, 1871, p. 1, c. 4; St. Paul Daily Dispatch,
Jan. 5, 1871, p. 1, c. 1; Jan. 6, p. 1, c. 1.
376. St. Paul Daily Dispatcli, Jan. 5, 1871, p. 1, c. 1.
377. Ibid., Jan. 6, 1871, p. 4, c. 1 and 2.
378. Ibid., p. 4, c. 2.
96 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
with anxiety for a notice of the fact that the honorable mem-
ber from has introduced a bill regulating the rate of
charges by railroad companies for passage and transporta-
tion. ""^
Governor Austin in his message to the legislature again
took up the railroad question and discussed it at length. "'^^
Since his inaugural address his ideas concerning railroad regu-
lation had become more definite. After further investigation
he had come to the conclusion that the system of freight tariffs
and elevator charges practised by some of the railroads was
unjustifiable, extortionate and oppressive to the last degree.
They destroyed wholesome competition (1) by their discrim-
ination in favor of particular markets and lines of transpor-
tation, against private warehouses and buyers and shippers
not in the "ring;" (2) by drawbacks and rebates, which en-
abled the favored speculator to manipulate to market to the
injury of both consumer and producer; (3) by the establish-
ment of arbitrary grades of grain and classes of freight."'*^
To remedy these evils the governor recommended that the
following measures be adopted by constitutional enactment
and appropriate legislation:"^^
1. All existing special railroad charters not in operation
within a specified time were to be declared void."^^
2. Every railroad company doing business within the state
to maintain an office in the state, where certain records were
to be kept for public inspection.^^*
3. No parallel or competing lines of railroad to be per-
mitted to consolidate. "^^^
4. All railroads to be declared public highways free to all
for transportation under regulations prescribed by law, includ-
ing maximum reasonable charges.-^^"
5. No stocks or bonds to be issued except for money, labor.
379.
St. Paul Daily Dispatch, Jan. 9, 1871.
380.
Minn. Exec. Docs., 1870, Governor's Message, pp. 38-55.
381.
Ibid., p. 39.
382.
Ibid., pp. 53-55.
383.
Cf. Const, of 111. (adopted in convention May 13, 1870),
XI, sec. 2.
Art.
384.
Ibid., sec. 9.
385.
Ibid., sec. 11.
386.
Ibid., sec. 12.
I
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA.
97
or property actually received and applied to the purpose for
which the corporation was created; all fictitious increase of
capital stock or indebtedness void.^^^
6. The state's right of eminent domain to apply to rail-
road property and franchises in the same way as to other prop-
erty.^^^
7. Laws for the correction of abuses and the prevention
of unjust discrimination and extortion to be enforced by ade-
quate penalties, involving, if necessary, forfeiture of property
and franchises.^^^ Public warehouses were also to be defined
and similar provisions applied to them.^^"
These seven propositions were taken almost verbatim from
the constitution of Illinois adopted May 13, 1870.
Among the legislators many were "breathing dire threat-
enings" against the railroads. One of the leading newspapers
of the time says: ''Almost every other member has a bill or
resolution or scheme to launch upon the subject, and it prom-
ises to be one of the leading topics this winter." ^^^ The Roch-
ester Board of Trade presented to the legislature a memorial
relating to alleged extortionate freight charges of the Winona
and St. Peter railroad company.^°^ Two thousand citizens of
Olmsted, Winona and Fillmore counties petitioned for the en-
actment of a law compelling the railroad companies of the
state to carry freight and passengers at equitable and reason-
able rates.^^^
The anti-monopoly element was strong within the legisla-
ture, and strong pressure was brought to bear from the out-
side. But it is quite apparent that the railroad interests were
not without representation and influence. A bill which pro-
vided for the apportionment of the internal improvement lands
of the state among the different railroad companies was skil-
fully engineered through both houses of the legislature, meet-
ing practically no opposition. This "Land Grab" bill failed
387.
388.
389.
392.
393.
7
Ibid., sec. 13.
Ibid., sec. 14.
Ibid., sec. 15.
Ibid., Art. XIII;
Warehouses.
391. St. Paul Daily Dispatch, Jan. 18, 18 71, P. 2, c. 1.
House Journal, 1871, p. 52.
Ibid., p. 52.
98 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
to become a law only because of the governor's veto and his
unsparing exposure of its questionable character.^®*
Early in the session the Hastings and Dakota railroad com-
pany applied for an extension of time for the completion of its
road and soon found itself in hot water.^^^ It was charged
that the large stockholders had gobbled up the smaller ones
and issued to themselves preferred stock which rendered ut-
terly worthless the common stock held hy the original Hast-
ings stockholders.^^" The city of Hastings had given a liberal
bonus to the railroad company, but found itself discriminated
against. Shakopee also was in arms. The legislature had re-
quired the company to run its line of road through Shakopee ;
but as there was a township as well as a city named Shakopee,
the railroad company insisted that it could satisfy the legal
requirements by passing through Shakopee township. Senator
MacDonald, however, managed to introduce and rush through
both houses of the legislature a bill changing the name of
Shakopee township to Jackson.^^^ It was believed that this
measure would compel the company to pass its line through
the city of Shakopee.
The railroad company found it expedient to make conces-
sions. Arrangements were made whereby its old stock was
placed upon an equality with the new preferred stock. Prac-
tically all opposition now vanished, and a bill was passed grant-
ing the desired time extension.^^^
In the later sixties a number of railroad enactments had
reserved to the legislature the ''right to regulate the price of
freight and fare." When a similar provision was inserted in
a proposed amendment to the Minnesota Western charter, it
was violently attacked by some of the anti-monopolists. Mr.
Jones of Olmsted county strongly insisted that this right ex-
isted independently of such express provision, and contended
that if inserted it would virtually concede that the right de-
pended on its insertion and would thus place the friends of
394. See foregoing Chapter IV, p. 42.
395. St. Paul Daily Dispatch, Jan. 24, 1871, p. 1, c. 2.
396. Ibid., Jan. 20, 1871, p. 4, c. 1.
397. Ibid., Jan. 24, 1871, p. 1, c. 2; Special Laws, 1871, ch. 91, p. 395.
398. Special Laws, ch. 63,
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. \3\)
legislative control in a false light.^®® The provision was finally
omitted.*'^® Formerly it had been regarded as a safeguard of
the rights of the people, but in this session it was characterized
as stale, flat and unprofitable, ancient and worn out.
But, strangely enough, the legislature made use of another
provision to secure reasonable rates and service without dis-
crimination. A number of enactments gave certain railroad
companies special privileges or grants on the express condition
that proper connections should be made at points of intersec-
tion with other railroads, and that freight should be received
at such junctions and transported at rates not exceeding the
lowest rates charged on any portion of their lines for corre-
sponding distances, and not to exceed the lowest average rate
of the railroads of the state for similar distances; cars of con-
necting railroads were to be transported at rates allowed by
common usage for exchange of car service from time to time;
no discrimination was to be made in favor of or against any
locality, person, or connecting railroad.^°^ One would have
expected this legislature to pass a general law to this effect,
rather than to revert to the old practioe of attempted general
legislation by uniform special enactments.
Formerly territorial charters had at times been revived and
continued in an amended form, thus evading the general in-
corporation law. The legislature of 1871 passed a similar act,
but it was promptly vetoed bj^ the governor, who refused to
sanction the revival of an old territorial charter *°^ under which
the incorporators could claim exemption from effective state
control.''*'^
Governor Austin was fearless in his use of the veto power,
and proved himself faithful to his campaign pledges. Though
the legislature might Avaver and pass laws under questionable
influence, the people found that they could depend on their
governor to do what he believed to be right.
399. St. Paul Daily Dispatch, Feb. 1, 1871, p. 4, c. 5; practically so
held later (1876) in Winona and St. Peter Railroad Company
vs. Blake, 94 U. S., 180.
400. See Special Laws, 1871, ch. 71, p. 278.
401. Special Laws of Minn., 1871, ch. 63, sec. 3; ch. 64, sec. 3; ch.
66, sec. 5; ch. 67, sec. 2; ch. 70, sec. 2; ch. 71, sec. 2.
402. That of No. 9, Special Laws, 1856, ch. 159.
408. St. Paul Daily Dispatch, March 7, 1871, p. 4, c. 6.
100 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
It was not until the legislature had been in session for some
time that the Senate proposed a joint committee to investigate
the alleged railroad abuses. By joint resolution this commit-
tee, to be composed of three members from the Senate and five
from the House, was to investigate and report to the legis-
lature then in session on the following points :
1. The amount and probable value of lands held by the
railroads for other than railroad purposes.
2. The amount and probable value of all other real prop-
erty so held.
3. The amount and probable value of all personal prop-
erty so held.
4. The annual gross earnings and necessary operating
expenses.
5. The rates charged for freight, passenger, and elevator
service.
6. The number of acres sold or contracted to be sold, and
the average price per acre.
7. The cost per mile of construction and maintenance of
railroads.
8. AVhether there is any discrimination against individuals
or localities.
9. All other facts the committee may deem proper and
necessary information for the legislature.
In making its investigations the committee was given full
power to send for persons and papers.^°^
It was impossible for them to investigate and report on
the whole field assigned them in so short a time ; and so, con-
trary to the expectation of those who did not wisli for any
particular results, they devoted most of their time to hearing
the testimony of those who claimed to have suffered wrongs,
and instituted an investigation for their benefit. Six railroad
companies were investigated.*"^
The testimony taken in regard to the Winona and St. Peter
railroad company went to show that there were discriminations
in favor of individuals and of certain points along the line, and
404. St. Paul Daily Press, Feb. 16, 1871, p. 1, c. 1; Committee Report,
405. Namely, St. Paul and Pacific, Milwaukee and St. Paul, Lake
Superior and Mississippi, St. Paul and Sioux City, Winona and
St. Peter, and Southern Minnesota railroad companies.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 101
that the management of its railroads was exasperating to the
farmers and ruinous to independent wheat dealers. The
"rings" were given special rebates. One member of such a
''ring" testified that he was charged a net twelve cents per
bushel when the regular rate was fifteen cents, but he tried to
justify the system by claiming that he gave the farmers the
benefit of the rebate. A miller and buyer likewise testified
that the policy was injurious to the other buyers but was a
benefit to the producers. The Winona and St. Peter railroad
company owned most of the elevators along its lines.
Several witnesses were examined with reference to the St.
Paul and Sioux City railroad company, but nothing was elicited
to sustain any charges of discrimination in rates or of unfair
management of its elevators. The company owned and con-
trolled the elevators along its line and made no elevator
charges.
On the St. Paul and Pacific the elevators were owned by
individuals or corporations with whom the railroad company
had special contracts, giving them exclusive rights and allow-
ing them from two to three cents a bushel for handling the
grain. This railroad company also carried wood much cheaper
for parties with whom they had special contracts, which vir-
tually prevented others from shipping wood over their lines.
There were also complaints against the freight charges of this
railroad company. One man testified that he found it cheaper
to haul his flour from Minnetonka City to Minneapolis in win-
ter than to ship it by rail. A merchant in Anoka testified that
he hauled his goods from Minneapolis by team when pur-
chased in considerable quantities.
The committee agreed with Governor Austin in regarding
competition an insufficient remedy for railroad abuses. In the
first place only points of intersection and places near by would
be benefited, and secondly the ''tendency toward consolidation
and confederation is almost sure to bring lines built as com-
peting under one management or an agreed uniform scale of
rates, that extinguishes all competition and in the long run
compels the people to expend in overcharges all and more than
has been saved from cheap rates in times of the most active
rivalry. ' '
102 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
The committee called attention to the fact that there was
no longer in any one state an independent railroad system.
Minnesota farmers were vitally affected by the combination
of New York and Pennsylvania railroads that had previously
been competitors.*"^ ''It is clear," says the committee in its
report, "that state lines have been obliterated by this process,
that in very many instances the power which it is desired to
control exists and operates beyond the jurisdiction of the
state." The committee had realized this quite forcibly when
they came to investigate the Minnesota Central, for they found
that it had passed under the control of a Wisconsin corpora-
tion, and its officers were therefore beyond the limits of the
state and not subject to their subpoena.
The committee had found a disposition among many to
believe that the railroad problem could only be solved by the
federal government in the exercise of its constitutional power
to regulate commerce among tlie different states.*"^ This had
been proposed repeatedly in the preceding campaign, espe-
cially by speakers on the Republican stump.*"^ The committee,
however, regarded this as a source of relief which should not
be sought until all other means were exhausted.
As a partial remedy for the grievances complained of, and,
if possible, to prevent the recurrence of such grievances, the
committee recommended that a railroad commissioner be ap-
pointed; and they reported favorably on a Senate bill provid-
ing for the appointment of such a commissioner and prescrib-
ing his duties. They further recommended the enactment of
a law regulating the freight and passenger tariffs on all the
railroads of the state. The report of the committee was laid
before the senate February 15 ; and five thousand copies of the
report, including all evidence and statistics gathered, were
ordered printed for the use of the legislature.*"^
The St. Paul Daily Press comments on this report : ' ' The
406. St. Paul Dispatch, Dec. 22, 1870, p. 1, c. 4, and Dec. 29, 1870, p.
4, c. 5, ten of pools formed by Eastern trunk lines, after which
rates on Western bound freights were raised ten per cent.
407. See Winona county Republican platform, St. Charles Herald,
Oct. 21, 1870, p. 2, c. 1.
408. For instance, Mr. Stearns; Rochester Post, Nov. 5, 1870, p. 2,
c. 3.
409. House Journal, 1871, p. 166.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 103
report is rather a statement of facts, or rather of the testi-
mony elicited by the investigation, than of conclusions founded
upon evidence, which in fact formed no part of the duties of
the committee. " ^^^ The Minneapolis Tribune did not consider
the report worth the paper on which it was written, because
too little time had been given for a thorough investigation, and
expressed the hope that the legislature would not stultify itself
by attempting to pass such a bill during the short remnant of
that session, because both time and material were wanting and
any hasty legislation on such an important and intricate mat-
ter would be sure to be many times worse than nothing.*^ ^
Many who sincerely favored a thorough-going reform real-
ized the need of more time in which to grapple with the com-
plicated problem. A number were in favor of appointing a
temporary board of railroad commissioners to continue inves-
tigations and report their conclusions to the next legislature.
Others, however, were anxious for immediate action. Their
constituents were clamoring for legislation. To them this pro-
crastination was a clear indication that their representatives
were being won over by the ''monopolists." Said the Owa-
tonna Journal: ''Do those legislators who left the people brim
full of virtuous indignation at these things, who went breath-
ing out 'threatenings and slaughter' against the perpetrators
of the wrongs they suffer, whose indignation has been turned
to reconciliation and whose threatenings have been changed
to gentle cooing of sucking doves, hope to come back to their
constituents with honeyed words and ingeniously constructed
lies, to palliate this offense of confidence violated, sacred trust
betrayed and hope deferred, while aiding the riveting still
tighter the chains and adding to the power by which they are
held in bondage to these corporations which are sapping the
life-blood of the people to enrich themselves?" '^^^
The legislature finally passed an act creating the office of
railroad commissioner.*^^ This commissioner was authorized to
investigate railroads and their operations, their pecuniary con-
dition and financial management, and to report annually to
410. St. Paul Daily Press, Feb. 16, 1871, p. 1, c. 3.
411. Minneapolis Daily Tribune, Feb. 17, 1871, p. 1, e. 2.
412. Owatonna Journal, Feb. 9, 1871, p. 2, c. 1.
413. General Laws, 1871, ch. 22; approved Mch. 4, 1871.
104 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
the legislature. That the commissioner might be enabled to
perform these duties, it was made a felony for officers of rail-
road companies to neglect sending in annual reports in such
form and at such a time as the commissioner might prescribe.
It was likewise made a felony for any one to wilfully obstruct,
hinder and impede the commissioner in the performance of his
duties. He was empowered to issue subpoenas, administer
oaths and compel obedience in the same manner as would a
court of law. All the books, papers and documents of railroad
companies were to be open to his inspection.
This act can hardly be called a Granger law. The railroad
commission or commissioner idea did not originate in the so-
called Granger states. It had been adopted in a number of
states for different purposes.
The general assembly in Rhode Island in 1839 passed an act
to establish railroad commissioners."^'* According to the pro-
visions of this act, the general assembly was to appoint a board
of railroad commissioners consisting of not less than three
members. It Avas the duty of this board upon complaint or
otherwise to examine into the transactions and proceedings of
any railroad corporation in order to secure to all citizens of the
state the full and equal privileges of the transportation of per-
sons and property at all times, that might be granted directly
or indirectly by any such corporation to the citizens of other
states, and "ratiably in proportion to the distance any such
persons or property may be transported on any railroad as
aforesaid." The board was given full power to send for per-
sons and papers and to examine under oath. It was required
to report as often as twice a year to the general assembly on
such matters as public interest might require.
In 1844 New Hampshire passed "An act to render railroad
corporations public in certain cases and constituting a board
of Railroad Commissioners. ' ' This commission was authorized
to investigate and report on the public utility of proposed rail-
roads. Where expropriation rights were granted, the com-
mission, in conjunction with the road commissioners in the
Public Laws of Rhode Island, 1839-40, p. 1087; act of June 14.
1839.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 105
different counties, would assess the damage done to private
property.*^^
In 1853 the Connecticut legislature passed an act ''to pre-
vent injuries and the destruction of life upon railroads and
railroad trains," which provided for an appointive railroad
commission. This commission was given only investigating
and advisory powers. ^^'^
Two years later New York established a board of three rail-
road commissioners to consist of the state engineer and sur-
veyor, ex officio, one person to be selected by the stock and
bondholders of all the railroads, and the third to be appointed
by the governor. The board was authorized to report to the
attorney general illegal acts and irregularities on the part of
the railroad corporations. In their regular reports to the leg-
islature, they were to suggest additional legislation to secure
to the public greater safety and benefit in the use of the rail-
roads.^^ ^
In 1858 Maine enacted a law ''to secure the safety and con-
venience of travelers on railroads." An appointive railroad
commission was established, whose main duty was to examine
into the condition of the railroads, their rolling stock, speed
of trains, time tables, rates, and connections.*^^
Ohio had all along been taking an advanced position in the
line of railroad regulation. In 1867 the legislature of Ohio
passed an act "to provide for the appointment of a commis-
sioner of railroads and telegraphs, and to prescribe his du-
ties." *^^ The commissioner was authorized to investigate com-
plaints and prosecute all violations of any of the laws relating
to railways, to examine into the condition of railroads, and
to order repairs when necessary. Detailed reports were re-
quired of the railroad companies, and the commissioner in turn
was directed to report annually to the governor.
In 1869 INIassachusetts established an appointive board of
railroad commissioners to have general supervision of all rail-
roads within the state. Their powers were in the main ad-
415. Laws of N. H., Nov. session, 1844, ch. 128.
416. Public Laws of Conn., 1853, ch. 74.
417. Laws of N. Y., 1855, ch. 526.
418. Public Laws of Maine, 1858, ch. 36.
419. Laws of Ohio, vol. 64, 1867, p. 111.
106 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
visory,'^2° Section twelve of the Minnesota act requiring the
investigation of accidents resulting in personal injury or loss
of life is verbatim like section fourteen of the Massachusetts
law.
The law which evidently served as a model for the Minne-
sota act, however, was that passed by the legislature of Ver-
mont in 1855,"^^^ most of it being verbatim the same. The chief
differences are that in Vermont the railroad commissioner was
to be appointed by the judges of the supreme court, while in
Minnesota he was to be appointed by the governor. In both
cases the salary was to be paid out of the state treasury, but in
Vermont the salary and expenses were to be apportioned among
the railroad companies in proportion to the expense incurred
and the time spent on each. The penalties provided for in the
Minnesota act are more stringent than those of its model.
The real Granger law of this session was passed shortly
before adjournment, — the so-called Jones Railroad Bill.'*^^
This was an act to regulate the carrying of freight and pas-
sengers on all railroads in Minnesota, and it passed both
Houses by a large majority. In the Senate only four voted
against it.^^^ By this act freight was classified, and maximum
legal freight charges were fixed as follows :*-*
CL....S0PFK.,«HT, ^-fjl-- »50ml,«. ^™ °Sf .^SSYoL
1 All kinds of grain, 6c per ton mile, 5c per ton 4c per ton 3!^c per ton 20% more,
potatoes, flour, meal, car load lots. per mile. per mile, per mile,
beef, pork, and meats
of all kinds.
2. Sawed timber, lura- $10 per car load 18c extra per 13c extra, lie extra. 20<g more,
ber, lath, shingles, of 20,000 lbs. car load per
coal, and salt. mile.
3. Dry goods and other
mdse., usually called 25% more than Class 1.
first class.
4. S u g a r in barrels Same rates as Class 1.
and fourth class
freight.
5. Wood, less than 35 miles, $9.00 per car load of not less than 6 cords.
35-60 miles, 18c extra per cur load per mile.
60 miles and over, 13c extra per car load per mile.
The railroad companies were authorized to charge five cents
420. Laws of Mass., 1869, ch. 408.
421. Public Acts of Vermont, 1855, No. 26.
422. General Laws of Minn., 1871, ch, 24, approved March 6, 1871.
423. St. Paul Daily Pioneer, March 2, 1871, p. 1. c. 1.
424. General Laws of Minn., 1871, ch. 24, sec. 1, summarized and
tabulated.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 107
a mile for carrying passengers.'^-^ These charges for freight
and passenger service were declared to be the maximum of
reasonable rates.^^*'
Under the general railroad incorporation law of 1858 *^^ and
the General Statutes of 1866,^^^ railroads were permitted to
charge only a maximum of three cents a mile for passengers,
and five cents per ton-mile for freight transported thirty miles
or more. These provisions had been repealed in 1869, and rail-
roads incorporated under the general law were permitted to
charge such reasonable rates as might from time to time be
fixed by the corporation or prescribed by law.*-^
All railroads in the state without exception were by the
new law declared to be public highways, and therefore all per-
sons had the right to service at reasonable rates/'^^ No addi-
tional charges were allowed for handling, transferring or stor-
ing freight, excepting a reasonable storage charge on all
freights kept for a longer period than two days after notice
had been given the consignee.^^^ When freight was carried
over two or more lines, the rates were to be the same as would
have been charged if the goods were carried over only one
line.''^^
It was made the duty of all railroad companies in the state
to receive all kinds of freight at any depot or station, what-
ever brought for transportation, and to provide suitable places
for the reception and storage of such freight.'*^^ Equal facili-
ties for shipment were to be furnished all shippers,^^* and all
freight to be transported without discrimination within a rea-
sonable time and in the order received.*^^ No discrimination
in favor of any warehouse or elevator was allowed ;^''^ and if
freight were carried for any one at less than the maximum
425. Ibid., sec. 2.
426. Ibid., sec. 9.
427. General Laws of Minn., 1858, ch, 70, sec. 12,
428. General Statutes of Minn., Revision, 1866, ch. 34, title I, sec. 35.
429. General Laws of Minn., 1869, ch. 78, sees. 2 and 3.
430. General Laws of Minn., 1871, ch, 24, sec. 8.
431. Ibid., sec. 8.
432. Ibid., sec. 6,
433. Ibid., sec. 4.
434. Ibid., sec. 4,
435. Ibid., sec. 7.
436. Ibid,, sec. 4.
108 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
legal rates, the railroad company was obliged to transport
freights of the same description for all other persons at the
same reduced rates during the time such discrimination was in
force.*"
If any railroad company failed to comply with any of the
requirements of this act, the aggrieved party was entitled to
one thousand dollars damages to be recovered in civil action,
the company paying the costs/^^ Besides this, demanding or
receiving higher rates than the legal maximum rates was to be
deemed a misuser of charter powers ; and, on receiving proper
evidence, the attorney general must proceed against the rail-
road company for the forfeiture of its charter and franchises,
or for the collection of a fine not exceeding one thousand dol-
lars for each violation of the provisions of the act, at the dis-
cretion of the court trying the case.*'^^
The evident intent of the act was to prevent discrimination
of all kinds against which the people had risen in revolt. If
all railroads were public highways and all railroad companies
common carriers, it followed as a corollary, in the minds of the
legislators, that they had a legal right to i)rescribe rates for
all. Disregarding the Dartmouth College decision, the legis-
lature asserted its authority to determine what was the max-
imum of legal rates for all railroads, without making any dis-
tinction between those organized under special law and those
incorporated under the general incorporation law. This is
the radical departure from previous legislation, and it stamps
the act under discussion as a Granger law.
We have already referred to the main provision concern-
ing railroads embodied in the Illinois constitution of 1870. It
had there been considered necessary, or at least expedient, to
authorize the legislature to fix maximum legal rates for all
railroads.''**^ Michigan had in the same year amended its con-
stitution **^ so as to give its legislature this power *^- and to
437. Ibid., sec. 7.
438. Ibid., sec. 8.
439. Ibid., sec. 9.
440. Const, of Ills. (1870), Art. XI, sec. 12.
441. Laws of Mich., 1870, Extra session. Joint Res. No. 1, proposed
amends.
442. Const, of Mich., Art. 19A, Of Railroads, sec. 1.
I
J
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA, 109
prohibit the consolidation of parallel and competing lines/^'*
Governor Austin, as we have seen, recommended "constitu-
tional enactment and appropriate legislation" to the legisla-
ture of Minnesota, but this body was convinced of its powers
to regulate railroad rates on common law principles, without
express constitutional authority. In this respect it was more
radical than the Grangers of Illinois and Michigan.
The people of Minnesota had failed in their attempt to leg-
islate railroads into existence, and they likewise encountered
difficulty in legislating them into submission. Under the cir-
cumstances, a law satisfactory to all parties would have been
inconceivable. Before the passage of the Jones Railroad Bill,
the Owatonna Journal characterized it as an incongruous,
blundering affair, which looked very much as though some
one other than a friend of real progress had figured in its con-
struction.^^* On the other hand, the Federal Union (Roch-
ester), another railroad reform paper, expressed confidence in
the new law and considered its enactment the fulfilment of the
pledge of the democracy of Olmsted county.''*"' The St. Paul
Daily Pioneer commented on the enactment of the new law in
the following words: ''The bill known as the Jones Railroad
Bill to regulate the rates for carrying freight and passengers
by railroads in this state went through the senate with a rush,
only four senators having the nerve to vote against it."***^
As a rule, the newspapers of the state had very little to say
about the new law.
In his first communication to the legislature, the railroad
commissioner, A. J. Edgerton, reported that the railroads with-
out exception had refused to comply with the law,**^ but con-
tended that there could be no doubt that the legislation had
been beneficial, because, directly or indirectly, it had caused a
great reduction in the price of transportation.**^
It was not long before a case was brought before the courts
to test the constitutionalitv of the law. John D. Blake and
443. Ibid., sec. 2.
444. Owatonna Journal, March 2, 1871, p. 2, c. 2.
445. F'ederal Union, March 11, 1871, p. 5, c. 3.
446. St. Paul Daily Pioneer, March 2, 1871, p. 1, c
447. Railroad Commissioner's Report, 1871, p. 10.
448. Ibid., p. 28.
110 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
others brought action against the Winona and St. Peter rail-
road company in the district court for Olmsted county, for
refusal on the part of the defendant to deliver certain freight
on tender of payment according to rates fixed by law. The
court decided in favor of the defendant, holding that the leg-
islature had no constitutional power to fix rates.^^^
The case was appealed to the state supreme court, which
reversed the decision of the lower court, holding that the act
of 1871 was valid, operative, and applicable to the defendant
in this case. In the first place, the law did not impair the
obligation of a contract with the defendant, for the state had
never expressly granted to the defendant the right to charge
any toll for freight or passengers carried over its road, and
its right to demand compensation would depend upon the lan-
guage of its charter, and not upon the rules of common law.
The court, assuming that the right to take some toll existed
by necessary implication, believed that this right could be ex-
ercised to its full extent under a law fixing a maximum rate.
Secondly, the law in question was not a usurpation of judicial
authority by the legislature, for while the legislature repre-
sents the sovereign as a party contracting with the defendant,
it also, in the capacity of sole law-making power, acts for the
sovereign in exercising the sovereign right of control over
franchises in the hands of the subject.*"^"
The railroad company appealed to the federal supreme
court, and the case was numbered among the Granger cases.'*^^
This court did not base its decision on a strict construction of
the charter rights of the company, as had the state supreme
court; but, following the principles laid down in Munn vs.
Illinois, held that state legislatures had the right under the
constitution to regulate intra-state railroad rates, and to pro-
vide penalties for violations. This decision was rendered in
1876, some time after the Granger movement had subsided.
The state had not pressed its claims against any of the other
449. See Blake et al. vs. The Winona and St. Peter Railroad Com-
pany, 19 Minn., 41S, 419, and 420.
450. 19 Minn., 418, (October term, 1872); note pp. 428 and 429 in
particular; see also State vs. Railroad Company, 19 Minn., 434;
Nation, vol. 17, p. 266.
451. 94 U. S., 180; Winona and St, Peter Railroad Company vs.
Blake,
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. Ill
railroads ; and when the final verdict was given Minnesota had
already changed her railroad laws twice since the enactment
of the law of 1871, the constitutionality of which was upheld.
CHAPTER XI.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN 1872 AND 1873.
In his message to the legislature which met in January,
1872, Governor Austin characterized the law prescribing max-
imum legal freight and passenger rates as crude and ill-con-
sidered in many of its provisions, affording but little protec-
tion to the agricultural interests of the state. He recom-
mended a careful revision. But notwithstanding its imperfec-
tions and the fact that the railroad companies had professed
to disregard it, he felt convinced that it had, in no small de-
gree, modified their charges and thus saved to the people no
inconsiderable sum. He commended the work of the railroad
commissioner very highly, and approved of his recommenda-
tions.''^^
The legislature of 1871, as we have seen, created the office
of railroad commissioner, but it had neglected to make appro-
priations for his salary and necessary expenses. It was feared
at the time by many friends of reform that the act might for
this reason fail to become operative.''^^ But General Edgerton,
Governor Austin's appointee, immediately entered upon his
duties and the following legislature made the expected appro-
priation *^^ and provided him with a contingent fund for the
year 1872.*^^ The office was not to perish for want of funds.
The report of the railroad commissioner, made directly to
the legislature as required by law, shows plainly that he real-
ized the responsibility of his position, and that, while thor-
oughly in sympathy with the movement for railroad regula-
tion, he wished to conduct his investigations impartially and
reach conclusions supported by facts.
As to infringement of the laws, he reported, as we already
452. Minn. Exec. Docs., 1871, vol. I, pp. 17 and 18.
453. Rochester Post, March 11, 1871, p. 2, c. 4.
454. General Laws of Minn., 1872, ch. 110. See Governor's Message,
p. 18, Minn. Exec. Docs., 1871, vol. I.
455. General Laws of Minn., 1872, ch. 100.
112 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
have noted, that the railroads had all refused to conform to the
maximum freight and passenger rates prescribed by the new
railroad law, and that the attorney general had commenced
action to test the validity of this form of legislation.*^*^
He had not yet had time to make a thorough inspection of
the different roads, as was contemplated by the law, but from
what he had learned he could report that the different railroads
were very generally improving the condition of their roads.'*"
In discussing land grants made to railroads, he takes up
different companies and estimates the value of the land grants
and the local aid rendered them.*^^ He reaches the conclusion
that the different railroads of the state had received from the
public no less than fifty or sixty million dollars, which he re-
gards as given in trust that the state may be developed and
that its mineral, agricultural and other productions and man-
ufactures may be transported to market on equal and reason-
able terms.*^^
Great complaint had been made against the AVinona and
St. Peter railroad company for making unjust discriminations
against certain places."^*^ The commissioner entertained seri-
ous doubts as to the effectiveness of unregulated competition
as a remedy for such abuses. He believed that fair and just
rates from all places should be established by law. Then,
whenever the railroads cut rates to break down competition,
they would have to do so at their own expense and not at the
expense of producers residing at a distance from the com-
petitive points.'**'^ He was not prepared to subscribe to the
radical position taken by certain members of the Illinois con-
stitutional convention that the ''right to regulate and prescribe
the terms of the use of that which has been taken and is held
for the public use" can never be irrevocably surrendered by
the legislature to any board of directors, but he presented
their arguments and admitted that they had much force.**'-
He believed, however, that the time would soon come when the
456.
Ry. Commissioner's Report, 1871, pp. 10 and 11,
457.
Ibid., pp. 11 and 12.
458.
Ibid., pp. 12-16.
459.
Ibid., p. 39; see Const, of Minn., Art. X, sec. 4
460.
Ibid., p. 17.
461.
Ibid., p. 20.
462.
Ibid., pp. 32-36.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 113
principle would be recognized that the public as well as the
railroad corporations have ''vested rights;" and that, if such
unreasonable rates are charged, or such discriminations made,
as would obstruct the necessary commerce, or paralyze the
various industries of the state, it is as much the duty of the
legislature to interfere and remove such unjust obstructions
as it is the duty of a court to abate a nuisance.*^^
There was some doubt as to the power of the legislature to
prescribe rates for all the railroads of the state until the courts
had decided certain pending cases. But four of the principal
railroads had charters which expressly provided that freight
and passengers should be transported at reasonable rates. The
commissioner believed that, if the legislature amended the char-
ters of these roads and placed them under just and whole-
some restrictions, of which there could be no doubt it had the
power, the whole question would be settled; for, when these
roads were compelled to adopt reasonable rates and cease un-
just discriminations, the other roads would have to fall in
line.'^^*
Railroad lands were exempt from taxation until sold or
contracted to be sold. Tn many counties the amount of land
thus held by the railroads was very large, and consequently
the burden of taxation fell heavily on the settlers and became
the cause of much complaint and ill-feeling. The commis-
sioner found that in a number of cases much railroad land had
been contracted away, but on such terms that the title re-
mained with the railroad company. These lands, therefore,
were not listed for taxation. One company had sold its road-
bed and equipments, but kept its land grant and claimed ex-
emption from taxation. The commissioner recommended that
every means should be used to make these lands subject to tax-
ation as soon as contemplated by the laws exempting them.*®^
Railroad companies were to pay a certain annual tax or
per centum of their gross earnings. In the past no direct pro-
vision had been made for an examination into the correctness
of the returns sent in by the companies. The commissioner
463. Ibid., pp. 39-40.
464. Ibid., pp. 36-37.
465. Ibid., pp. 21-25.
114 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
therefore recommended that the companies be required to send
in monthly statements of their gross earnings, and that the
commissioner should at least once a year make a personal in-
vestigation to ascertain the correctness of their returns.^^®
Since the authority of the legislature over special charter
railroads had not yet been judicially determined, it was not to
be expected that any important railroad legislation would be
enacted during the session. Governor Austin had been nom-
inated by acclamation as a candidate to succeed himself, and
was re-elected by a large majority in Noveraber.*^^ The Dem-
ocrats, during the campaign, had denounced the Republican
administration for its utter failure to enforce the laws of the
state relating to corporations,**^'' but the voters remained loyal
to the party in power. The legislature was strongly Republi-
can and the grangers remained in the ascendancy. Thirteen
of the forty-one senators, and fifty-three of the one hundred
and six representatives, are listed as farmers in the legislative
handbook of 1872.*«9
Few general railroad laws were enacted during this ses-
sion. The railroad commissioner was required to examine the
books and accounts of the railroad companies at least once a
year to ascertain the amount of gross earnings of each road.
An act was passed to compel the railroads of the state to build
and maintain proper cattle-guards and fences along their
line.''^^ Their failure to do this in the past had been a source
of great annoyance and loss to the farmers, and a law to this
effect had been strongly urged by the railroad commissioner in
his report.*^^
But quite a number of special railroad laws were enacted.
Three acts were passed giving companies the privilege of build-
ing branch lines, with provision for securing proper connec-
tions with intersecting roads and reasonable rates and services
without discrimination.*^^ These provisions were identical with
466. Ibid., pp. 25-26.
467. World Almanac, 1872, p. 69: Austin, 46,415; Young, 31,441.
468. St. Paul Daily Pioneer, Sept. 14, 1871, p. 4, c. 2; Dem. party
platform.
469. Legislative Manual of the state of Minn., 1872, pp. 146-153.
470. General Laws of Minn., 1872, oh. 26.
471. Railroad Commissioner's Report, 1871, pp. 16-17.
472. Special Laws of Minn., 1872, chs. 96, 122, and 124.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 115
those which we noted as inserted in a number of special acts
by the legislature in the winter of 1871.*^^
Two other acts confer special legislative benefits on the
express condition that the companies shall at all times carry
freight and passengers at reasonable rates/^^ while a third
makes it a condition that the railroad shall be subject to all
laws of the state which are general in their nature.*^^ An Iowa
corporation was permitted to extend its line into the state on
condition that it paid a three per cent gross income tax to the
state and charged such reasonable rates for the transportation
of passengers and freight within the state as might be fixed
by the company or prescribed by general law.*^^ The First
Division of the St. Paul and Pacific was authorized to build a
branch line on condition that it would carry freight and pas-
sengers on this branch at such reasonable rates as might from
time to time be prescribed by law.'*^^
These enactments show the determination of the legislature
to bring the railroads operating with special charters under
legislative control by special agreements, since there was some
doubt as yet as to their amenability to the general law.
Two acts passed by this legislature very liberally left blank
the maximum amount of common and preferred stock which
might be issued in connection with branch lines.^^^ What
would seem to be another step backward in railroad legisla-
tion was the revival of two territorial charters. The charter
of the St. Paul and St. Anthony railroad company ^^^ had been
revived and amended for the St. Paul street railway company
in 1868. This amended charter was now revived and further
amended by the legislature in 1872.*®° The Winona and La
Crosse railroad charter, granted in 1856,'"^^ was rcAdved and
continued for a new set of incorporators."®- The new corpo-
473. Ibid., 1871, chs. 63, 64, 66, 67, 70, and 71.
474. Ibid., 1872, ch. 93, sec. 3; ch. 119, sec. 2.
475. Ibid., ch. 100, sec. 2.
476. Ibid., ch. 95, sec. 2.
477. Ibid., ch. 120, sec. 1.
478. Ibid., ch. 96, sec. 1; ch. 124, sec. 2.
479. Session Laws of Minn., 1853, ch. 12.
480. Special Laws of Minn., 1872, ch. 112.
481. Session Laws of Minn., 1856, ch. 159.
482. Special Laws of Minn., 1872, ch. 101.
116 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ration was to carry freight and passengers over its road at just
and reasonable rates.*^^
At this session an amendment to the constitution was pro-
posed, providing that the legislature should not authorize any
municipal corporation to aid a railroad to an amount exceed-
ing ten per cent of the assessed value of the property within
its boundaries.^^'^ This proposed amendment was ratified by
popular vote in the November following.''^'*
During the summer of 1872 the presidential campaign and
national issues were of primary interest throughout the state.
At this time there was in some states considerable disagree-
ment in the Republican ranks with reference to the tariff, the
civil service, and the administration reconstruction policies.
In Missouri the dissenting element, or Liberal Republicans,
gained control in January, 1872. They called a national con-
vention which met in Cincinnati in May, nominated candi-
dates for president and vice-president, and drew up a plat-
form embodying their main tenets. The Democrats met in
national convention in Baltimore, July 9, and adopted the Lib-
eral Republican platform and candidates. By making this
coalition they hoped to defeat the administration Republicans
in November.
In Minnesota the defection within the Republican party
was not particularly strong. The Republican state convention
met May 8, and in its platform expressed its confidence in the
national administration and heartily endorsed President Grant
for a second term.*^^ The three congressional district conven-
tions followed suit.*" In none of these platforms was any
specific mention made of railroads. The St. Paul Dispatch was
the only prominent Republican paper in INTinnesota to espouse
the Liberal Republican cause,*^^ althougli their presidential
candidate, Horace Greeley, had been quite popular in the state.
The opposition element in the state united as in the previ-
483. Ibid., ch. 101, sec. 9.
484. General Laws of Minn., 1872, eh. 13; Const, of Minn., Art. 9,
sec. 14.
485. Railroad Commissioner's Report, 1872, p. 39.
486. St. Paul Daily Press, May 9, 1872, p. 4, c. 2-3.
487. Ibid., July 12, 1872, p. 2, c. 3, First dist.; July 17, p. 4, c. 2,
Second dist.; July 19, p. 4, c. 1, Third dist.
488. Smalley, The History of the Republican Party, p. 193.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 117
ous campaign ^^^ and presented platforms denouncing the na-
tional and state administration and demanding reform. They
caused quite a stir in many parts of the state but the adminis-
tration Eepublicans came out victorious in the November elec-
tion. Grant received 55,708 votes; Greeley, 35,211.*^'^ The
Liberals were defeated by a large majority in all three con-
gressional districts, ^^^ making a good showing in only a very
few counties. In the state legislature the Republicans made
gains over the preceding year, having thirty members to the
opposition's eleven in the Senate, and seventy-eight to the op-
position's twenty-eight in the House.'^"- In the summer and
fall of 1872 the papers had very little to say about railroad
abuses. There seems to have been comparatively little agita-
tion, yet we find that about as large a proportion of farmers
were elected to the legislature as in 1871.*^'^
The St. Paul and Pacific, Lake Superior and Mississippi and
the Northern Pacific railroad had a Railroad Building at the
State Fair in November, 1872, and gave an exhibit of what
had been raised on lands lying within the limits of their land
grants. A special committee appointed by the state agricul-
tural society gave an eight column report of this exhibit in the
Farmers' Union, and commended the railroads very highly on
their liberality and enterprise in bringing to public notice the
productiveness of their lands. In the opinion of this commit-
tee thousands of settlers would be attracted to the state, and
hundreds of thousands of dollars be invested, as a direct result
of this exhibition, which it was hoped would become one of
the prominent features of future state fairs.^^"*
When the legislature met in January, 1873, there seemed
to be no measures of exciting interest demanding action.''^^
489. St. Paul Daily Pioneer, June 16, 1872, p. 4, c. 1; July 11, p. 2,
c. 1; July 20, p. 2, c. 1.
490. Smalley, op. cit., p. 194.
491. The Tribune Almanac and Political Register, 1873; First dist.,
20,371 to 10,841; Second dist., 15,257 to 10,832; Third dist., 19,182
to 12,609.
492. The World Almanac, 1873, p. 42.
493. Legislative Manual of the State of Minn., 1873, pp. 166-171, 12
farmers in the Senate and 52 farmers in the House; St. Paul
Daily Pioneer, Jan. 10, 1873, p. 4, c. 2.
494. Farmers' Union, Nov. 7, 1872, pp. 2-3.
495. St. Paul Daily Pioneer, Jan. 7, 1873, p. 2. c. 1.
118 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
The railroad cases were still pending, and it was generally
understood that appeal would be made to the federal supreme
court, if the railroads lost out in the state courts. Under the
circumstances the prospects for immediate railroad reform were
not promising.
The governor in his message informed the legislature that
all the companies, local and non-resident, operating within the
state, continued to disregard the maximum rate law.*^* As an
intelligent basis for judicious legislation, he recommended the
appointment of an able committee to make a searching and far
reaching investigation.^^' He favored making conspiracy
against trade, or the entering into a combination to prevent
competition, an indictable offense punishable by fine and im-
prisonment ; and in case directors or managing officers were
convicted, such conviction should work the forfeiture of the
franchises of the corporation.'^^^ In addition to necessary state
legislation, he recommended that Congress be memorialized to
exercise its constitutional prerogative to regulate commerce
among the several states, and by an act embracing the entire
system of the Union to accomplish what the several states by
their discordant legislation, their deficient legislation, and their
non-legislation, could never accomplish. ^^'^ The governor re-
commended that Congress be further memorialized to aid in the
construction of canals to give continuous water communica-
tion from the Mississippi river and its tributaries to the sea-
board. He believed that this was fully as important to the
people of the West as the correction of railroad abuses."*"'^ He
urged the farmers especially to profit by the experience of the
trades unions and the protective and co-operative societies of
other trades and calling, and to organize for securing economic
independence.^"^
The railroad commissioner in his report to the legislature
gave a short summary of the origin and progress of each road
496. St. Paul Daily Pioneer, Jan. ]0, 1873, p. 2, c. 2; Minn. Exec.
Docs., 1872, vol, 1, Governor's Message, p. 5.
497. Ibid., p. 8.
498. Ibid., p. 8.
499. Ibid., p. 8.
500. Ibid., p. 8.
501. Ibid., p. 10.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. llO
already constructed or in the process of constrnction.^"^ He
again called attention to the fact that much railroad land was
escaping just taxation, and urged the legislature to take appro-
priate action.
As a remedy for discrimination against places he recom-
mended the enactment of a pro rata law similar to that pro-
posed by the Massachusetts Commissioners in their report for
1870.^°-^ The commissioner was convinced that discrimina-
tions, both against persons and localities, were opposed to the
well-defined principles of common law, and claimed for the
state an inalienable police power to prevent and restrain such
infringement on the rights of the public.^"*
The commissioner reported in the main favorably on the
physical condition of the roads, and was enthusiastic over their
rapid extension throughout the state. He commended the
practice of building railroads in advance of actual business
needs, asserting that Minnesota was twenty-five years in ad-
vance of what she would have been if the "timidly conserva-
tive ideas of the past" had prevailed.^''^
If the legislature had carried out the recommendations of
the governor and railroad commissioner, much of its time
would have been occupied with important remedial railroad
legislation. As it turned out, comparatively little was done.
An act was passed making the state treasurer collector of
railroad taxes and providing more adequate means for their
collection.^*^^ This act did not go as far as desired by the rail-
road commissioner. Any railroad company organized under
the laws of Iowa was authorized to extend its lines into Min-
nesota, and, as to these extensions, was to possess all the pow-
ers, franchises, and privileges, and be subject to the same lia-
bilities, as railroad companies organized under the general laws
of the state.
During this session a large number of counties, towns, cities
and villages were authorized by special law to issue bonds fo
502. Railroad Commissioner's Report, 1872, pp. 5-22.
503. Ibid., p. 45, See Railroad Commissioners' Report (Mass.), 1870,
p. ex. The Mass. Commissioners in turn copied the Mich, law
of 1869, No. 109, sec. 17, cl. 9.
504. Railroad Commissioner's Report, 1872, p. 46.
505. Ibid., p. 50.
506. General Laws of Minn., 1873, ch. 114,
120 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
aid in railroad construction.^^^ An act was passed which on
the face of it would seem to amount to partial repudiation.
The city of Hastings was authorized to adjust and compromise
its outstanding bonded railway indebtedness at a rate not to
exceed fifty cents on the dollar, new bonds to replace the old.°^^
As in 1872, attempts were made to bargain with railroad
companies as to rates through special legislation. The Mil-
waukee and St. Paul railroad company was authorized to build
a bridge across the Mississippi river from La Crosse on con-
dition that it would carry freight and passengers on equal and
reasonable terms f^^ and on this same condition the legislature
extended the time for the completion of certain branch lines
of the St. Paul and Pacific railroad company.'''^ ° Many gran-
gers throughout the state must have thought this provision
rather superfluous.
CHAPTER XII.
THE GRANGER MOVEMENT IN 1873.
In the winter of 1873 the agitation against railroad abuses
was resumed, and before long it surpassed in intensity the
railroad war of 1870. In this renewed contest the grangers of
the Order of Patrons of Husbandry figured prominently. The
farmers had learned to recognize the need of efficient organiza-
tion, and as the purposes of the grange were frequently inter-
preted to meet the particular needs of different localities and
the grange everywhere was proclaimed the farmer's best means
of self-protection against all oppression, granges began to
spring up on all sides. Soon many unauthorized organizers
were in the field, making the best of the movement for their
personal interests, political or financial, and the Worthy Mas-
ter of the National Grange found it necessary to give notice
to the effect that no dispensations would be issued in Minne-
sota on the application of any person except deputies ap-
pointed by the Master of the State Grange.^^^
507. Special Laws of Minn., 1873, chs. 152, 153, and 156-166.
508. Ibid., ch. 151.
509. Ibid., ch. 106.
510. Ibid., ch. 107.
511. Farmers' Union, March 29, 1873, p. 102, c. 3; notice dated Wash-
ington, D. C, March 18, 1873.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 121
The constitution of the Order forbade the discussion of
political questions in the meetings of its granges. But how
could a constitutional provision prevent the discussion of rail-
roads, monopolies, middlemen, and the tariff, when the mem-
bers of the grange had in many cases united for the express
purpose of discussing these questions and planning concerted
action? And even if such discussion had no recognized place
in the grange meeting proper, there was nothing to prevent an
informal discussion before or after the regular program. At
this time these questions were uppermost in the minds of the
people everywhere.
The Minnesota State Grange held a large and enthusiastic
meeting at Lake City in February. '''^^ In his address to the
State Grange the Lecturer, Mr. D. C. Cummins, proclaimed as
the highest ambition of the Order the elevation of the ' ' family
of husbandmen from their present ignoble position to that
exalted station in society and government which the contem-
plation and imitation of nature's works, associated with in-
telligence, is calculated to do."'*^'' It is difficult to see how
the Order could accomplish such purposes without taking part
in the political activities of the day.
There seems to have been no ban placed on the discussion
of the railroad problem at this meeting. The Grange even
went so far as to pass the following resolution:
Resolved, That the Secretary of the State Grange request our
representatives in the legislature of the present session to use their
influence to pass a bill in eitect to appropriate a sum of money suffi-
cient to employ the necessary legal council to test the validity of the
present law on our statutes, defining the charges of railroads for
freight and passenger tariffs over their respective roads.'''i4
By this resolution the Grange officially showed its interest
in existing reform laws. It was not inclined, however, to pro-
pose definite plans for further reform.
During the months of March, April, May and June, Ignatius
Donnelly made a series of addresses before the granges in
Dakota, Rice, Goodhue, Fillmore, Mower, Olmsted, Winona
and Washington counties. These addresses were on live ques-
512. Farmers' Union, March 1, 1873, p. 67, c. 4.
513. Ibid., May 3, 1873, p. 140, c. 4.
514. Ibid., March 15, 1873, p. 83, c. 5.
122 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
tions of the day, such as ' ' The necessity for co-operation among
farmers ; Patent laws against them ; Railroad legislation against
them ; The robberies of high tariff against them ; The evil of
paper currency against them; Their remedies: Cheap trans-
portation, ship canals, specie payment, and low tariff." Ex-
tracts from his speeches were published in pamphlet form and
widely circulated.^^^ Mr. Donnelly was very popular as a
speaker, and by his brilliant wit and his spontaneous eloquence
he could hold the attention and win the applause of an audi-
ence on any subject, whether thej^- were convinced by his argu-
ments or not.
Mr. Donnelly gave the Patrons credit for having revolu-
tionized the interpretation of the laws concerning railroads in
bringing them under the control of the state legislature. To
him the Order of Patrons of Husbandry meant reform, revolu-
tion; it was the fulcrum Archimedes wished, from which to
move the world. He believed it to be 'Hhe foundation of an
universal party, the party of the people — the party of the farm-
ers of the West, the planters of the South, and the poor men
of the whole nation * * * * it will name the next Presi-
dent of the United States !"^^^ It is very probable that Mr.
Donnelly was far more interested in the foundation of such a
new political party than he was in the Order itself. He was
mainly interested in the Order as a means to this end.
In the "P. of H." column of the Farmers' Union, May 10,
1873, appeared some fiery "declarations of principles and
rights." A series of resolutions had been adopted at Fari-
bault which were endorsed as the "true ringing declaration
of a determined class of men to change the order of railroad
government and extortion." These resolutions demanded im-
mediate legislation, state and national, to protect labor against
the encroachment of capital, to prohibit the consolidation of
parallel railroad lines, to fix the maximum of railroad charges,
and to prevent unjust and oppressive discrimination between
local and through freight. They maintained that the inherent
power of the people over the railroads had never been for-
515. I. Donnelly, Facts for the Granges (21 pages). The subjects
of his speeches cited above are those given on the title page
of this pamphlet.
516. Ibid., p. 10.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 123
felted, and protested against the subterfuges of the legisla-
ture in avoiding the enactment of necessary laws. The farm-
ing community was described as being in an embarrassed and
prostrated condition, and a general bankruptcy of the farmers
of the state was declared inevitable if the law-making powers
did not come to their aid in this great emergency/"^^^
A lively discussion arose among the grangers of the state
as to what discussions were political and therefore barred
from the granges. One Patron in a letter to the Farmers'
Union, the official organ of the State Grange, calls the outcry
against the grangers' dabbling in politics senseless, and con-
tends that it is the "imperative duty of the friends of morality
and good government to combine their influence in the main-
tenance of pure political action." He says further: ''The
Order of P. of H. has undertaken one of the greatest moral
reforms that ever blessed an oppressed people, and they are
fully competent to complete the task so well begun. Party
ties should no longer be heeded, unless parties present men
for the suffrage who are known to be paramountly favorable
to the agricultural and other industrial interests of the coun-
try. "^^^
Another Patron says: "Let us throw politics away and
elect good, honest, intelligent farmers for every office in the
State except our legislature. Some might think we were a
little piggish if we wanted that body composed wholly of
farmers. * # * Patrons, this is a point worth looking
after. Let us think of it at election time."^^^ A little later
this Patron writes : ' ' Let us inform our next legislators that
they shall have our votes with the understanding that they
will work for the interests of the farmer and pass a law fixing
reasonable rates of transportation and compelling railroad
companies to carry our produce to market in reasonable time
and be responsible for the safe delivery at any desired mar-
ket; and they should be informed that if they break the con-
tract and vote in favor of the railroad monoplies, they should
be subject to the decision of Judge Lynch and close confine-
517. Farmers' Union, May 10, 1873, p. 148; c. 1.
518. Ibid., May 3, 1873, p. 140, c. 1; Letter of Wm. Close.
519. Ibid., March 22, 1873, p. 93, c. 4; Letter of Geo. E. Hopkins.
124 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ment under a white oak limb for a term of not less than five
minutes nor more than fifteen. ' '^^^
"Bro." J. S. Denman wrote: ''And now, brothers, as elec-
tion draws near and our town caucuses and county conventions
are at hand, we must be up and doing. * * * If we are
going to bring about a reform in politics, every man in every
town wants to attend the caucus and see that the right kind
of men go to the county convention." -'-'^
The question occupying the minds of a great number of
grangers was what action they should take in the coming cam-
paign. They had common interests, and it seemed absurd for
one to go to the polls and vote one ticket while his neighbor
voted another.^-^ The local grangers were hampered in giving
formal expression to their political views by the constitutional
provision already referred to. But in many counties there was
a County Council composed of representatives from the dif-
ferent subordinate granges in the county. These Councils were
extraneous to the constitutional plan of the Order, and were
therefore not considered bound by the constitution as were the
national, state, and subordinate granges. Mr. Donnelly and
others for this reason urged the formation of County Councils
in all counties and encouraged political discussion and political
action by them.^'-"'
The Steele County Council of Patrons of Husbandry met
at Owatonna in the first part of June, 1873, and after some dis-
cussion drew up a very vigorous set of resolutions. They
agreed that the railroad companies must be radically reformed
and controlled by the strong hand of law. The aid of every
Patron and of every fair-minded man was invoked to secure
legislation fixing maximum charges, preventing watered stock,
and prohibiting the consolidation of competing lines. Rail-
roads were to be compelled to assume all the duties of common
carriers, and particularly to receive and transmit freight with-
out discrimination or favoritism. They resolved finally, ''That
we recognize the fact that to secure and enforce these enact-
520. Ibid., May 10, 1873, p. 148, c. 2.
521. Ibid., July 5, 1873, p. 211, c. 2.
522. Ibid., June 21, 1873; Letter of Wm. N. Plymat, p. 197, c. 3.
523. Donnelly, Facts for the Granges, p. 19.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 125
ments our votes must enforce our wishes and our action must
be strongly political, though not partisan in its bearings. " ^^*
Other County Councils met and adopted similar resolu-
tions.^^"'
Another plan frequently adopted by the Grangers to secure
concerted political action was to call meetings of the members
of the different subordinate granges in a county, who were to
act ''not as grangers but as citizens. " ^-*^ Such a meeting was
held in Brownsdale, Mower county, July 26, 1873. The grangers
here issued a call for a county convention to organize a new
political party and to issue a call for a state convention.^-^
Mr. J. J. Hunt, Master of the Brownsdale Grange, presided,
and Mr. Donnelly delivered the principal address.^^^ The con-
vention drew up a series of resolutions. They expressed a lack
of confidence in both existing political parties, and condemned
the present management of railroads whereby monopolies and
rings secured special advantages. They considered it the duty
of the attorney general to enforce the law of 1871, and de-
manded an amendment of this law so as to make its provisions
more fair and equitable to the people. They called for a county
convention of farmers and laborers to meet at Brownsdale,
September 25, to nominate candidates for county offices.
Finally an invitation was extended to all who agreed with
them in these declarations of principles to meet in mass con-
vention at Owatonna, September 2.^*-^
The people throughout the state were thoroughly aroused,
and many were beginning to believe with Mr. Donnelly that the
time had come for the organization of a new political party to
carry out the proposed reform. As in 1870, the Republican
party aligned itself against ''railroads and monopolies," and
appealed for the support of all who favored reform."^ In its
state convention held in St. Paul, July 16, they adopted in their
524. Farmers' Union, Jan. 28, 1873, p. 205, c. 2.
525. For instance, Le Sueur County Council, Oct. 7, Farmers' Union,
Oct. 18, 1873, p. 333, c. 1; Olmsted Countj' Council, Oct. 17, The
Minn. Record (Rochester), Oct. 25, 1873.
526. Donnelly, Facts for the Granges, p. 19.
527. Ibid., p. 19; St. Paul Daily Pioneer, July 27, 1873, p. 1, c. 2.
528. Farmers' Union, Aug. 9, 1873, p. 252, c. 1-4. The address is
given in Donnelly, Facts for the Granges.
529. Ibid., Aug. 9, 1873, p. 252, c. 4.
530. See Duluth Minnesotian, Nov. 1, 1873.
126 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
platform resolutions to the effect that no rights should be
vested in railroad corporations beyond the control of future
legislation, and that the legislature should attach such condi-
tions to all new grants, and to amendments and extensions of
old charters, as would place the rights of legislative control
over such corporations beyond question. They pledged them-
selves in favor of the enactment of such laws as would limit to
just and reasonable rates all tolls, tariffs, and charges of rail-
road and transportation companies.'^"^
There was a hard fight in the convention between the old
*' Ramsey dynasty" and the ''young Republicans" over the
candidate for governor. Mr. Washburn, the Ramsey aspirant,
had a strong political backing and was considered by many a
worthy favorite ; but, after a series of ballots, the choice fell
on C. K. Davis, a St. Paul attorney, whose lecture on ''Modern
Feudalism" had made him popular with those who favored a
more stringent corporation control. Mr. Davis was nominated
on a very narrow margin, and was not very enthusiastically
supported during the following campaign by some of the old
party leaders ; but as he had been a pioneer in the anti-monop-
oly movement, his nomination was quite generally looked upon
by the people as an overthrow of the "politicians." ^^^
It is not to be understood, however, that Mr. Washburn
was opposed to reform. He had been actively interested in the
enactment of the law of 1871, and in the campaign of 1873 he
spoke strongly in favor of railroad regulation, state and na-
tional.^^^ Throughout the state most of the Republican can-
didates pledged themselves to support the farmers' movement.
The Democrats co-operated with the new Anti-monopoly
party during this campaign. They postponed holding their
state convention till after the Owatonna Anti-monopoly con-
vention, having made up their minds to support its candidates,
provided they and the platform adopted were acceptable.
They contended that the new movement was fully in accord
531. St. Paul Daily Press, July 17, 1873, p. 4, c. 2; Federal Union,
July 25, 1873, p. 2, c. 4.
532. St. Paul Daily Dispatch, Oct. 11, 1873, p. 2. c. 1; St. Paul Daily
Press, July 17, 1873, p. 1, c. 1; July 20, 1873, p. 2, c. 6, quotes
nine papers endorsing Mr. Davis.
533. Farmers' Union, Nov. 1, 1873, p. 349; speech before Dodge
Courity Agricultural Society, Sept. 26, 1873.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 127
with Democratic principles and deserved Democratic sup-
port.^^*
Some subordinate granges had met and appointed delegates
to the convention to be held in Owatonna, September 2, and
other granges were considering what action to take, when
State Master Geo. I. Parsons issued a notice giving it as his
opinion that not only was such action unwise but also in direct
violation of the fundamental law of the Order, and that it
subjected the granges so doing to the danger of a revocation
of their charters. He expressed profound regret and mortifica-
tion at having witnessed a departure from the cherished prin-
ciples of the Order.^^^
This move on the part of the State Master was perfectly
consistent with the original aims of the Order and was heartily
endorsed by many of the Patrons,'^^^ but it proved an effective
check on organized political action by the granges, much to the
chagrin of the Anti-monopolists. It was frequently interpreted
as being in itself partisan, because it influenced so many to act
through the regular Republican party organization who other-
wise would have joined the new movement. Mr. Donnelly was
unsparing in his criticism of State Master Parsons, who, he
said, would vote for the devil himself if he were regularly
nominated by the Republican party.^^^
But the anti-railroad agitation was by no means checked.
It continued as lively as before among the grangers, and gran-
gers had by this time come to mean all those who sympathized
with the farmers' movement, whether they belonged to the
Order of Patrons of Husbandry or not. As a matter of fact,
in many localities most of the farmers did belong to granges.
The regular agricultural societies of the time took no part in
the movement. The hitherto numerous farmers' clubs and so-
cieties, other than granges, had nearly all suspended opera-
tion, or had been transformed bodily into granges. The grange
was practically the only vital farmers' organization during this
534. St. Paul DaUy Pioneer, Sept. 2, 1873, p. 2, c. 1; St. Paul Daily
Press, Aug. 19, 1873, p. 1, c. 1.
535. Farmers' Union, Aug. 16, 1873, p. 261, c. 2.
536. For example, North Star Grange (St. Paul) by unanimous res-
olution; Farmers' Union, Aug. 23, 1873, p. 269, c. 1.
537. See Anti-Monopolist, July 16, 1874.
128 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
period. Though the granges could take no active part in
politics officially, yet they continued as before to afford a com-
mon meeting place where farmers could discuss more or less
formally the questions in which they were so vitally interested
and come to an informal understanding on issues and candi-
dates.
The Owatonna convention was not so well attended as many
had hoped for, although twenty-three counties were repre-
sented.^^^ A long series of resolutions was drawn up and
adopted, which was to serve as the platform of the new Anti-
monopoly party. They pledged themselves to recognize no
political party or candidate as worthy of support which did
not declare that the government cannot alienate its sovereignty,
either in whole or in part, to any person, association, or cor-
poration, for any purpose whatever. They would support no
candidate who objected to the exercise by the legislature of its
power to reverse or annul at any time the chartered privilege,
or "so-called vested rights" when exercised by the corporation
to the detriment of public welfare. They also condemned pro-
tective tariff, high official and congressional salaries, and ''back
pay." They condemned the wood and coal rings which mo-
nopolized the fuel supply in the cities. They favored free
water communication with the ocean. They held that the state
ought to bear the cost of suits against railroad companies, and
commended the state supreme court on its decision in the case
of Blake vs. The Winona and St. Peter railroad company.
Farmers and laborers were advised to choose and elect their
own candidates in the coming elections, independent of the
action of all other political organizations.'*''^
The convention nominated candidates for all state offices,
and urged the minor political subdivisions of the state likewise
to present complete tickets at the coming election.
During the campaign on the stump and through the press,
the Republicans showed that the law of 1871 had been enacted
by a Republican legislature and had been upheld by Repub-
lican judges. They claimed that they continued to support
538. St. Paul Daily Pioneer, Sept. 3, 1873, p. 1, c. 1.
539. Ibid., Sept. 3, 1873, p. 1. c. 2; Farmers' Union, Sept. 6, 1873, p.
285, c. 1-3. The resolutions are also given in full in Martin,
History of the Grange Movement, p. 510.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 129
the reform movement, and that they were pledged to further
reform legislation. On the other hand, the Anti-monopolists
insisted that the law of 1871 had never been enforced by the
Republican officials, the railroads having disregarded it from
the start. They contended that the pledges of the Republican
platform referred only to future roads and further grants to
existing roads, and that they seemed to imply an acknowledg-
ment of vested rights in former grants.^^^
The railroads were by no means disinterested observers
during this campaign. They realized that much was at stake
and made free use of passes and other valuable considerations
which they were in a position to offer.^*^
During the years 1872 and 1873 a fierce railroad war was
waged, in which Minnesota was vitally interested. The people
of the state had long been looking for the completion of a rail-
road connecting Minneapolis and St. Paul with Duluth, to
bring into competition with the all-railroad route to Chicago
a cheaper route eastward via the great lakes, and thus to re-
duce rates on products sold and on goods shipped in. And
low rates came almost immediately on the opening of the new
road. The distance from the Twin Cities to Duluth is one hun-
dred and fifty-six miles, while the distance to Chicago is four
hundred miles. The promoters of the Lake Superior and Mis-
sissippi railroad company figured on doing most of the carry-
ing trade, during the season of lake navigation, for the entire
section of the country comprising all of Minnesota and the Da-
kotas and the parts of Wisconsin and Iowa nearer Duluth than
Chicago. But President Mitchell of the Milwaukee and St.
Paul railroad issued a decree '^ making every station on its road
as near Chicago on Lake Michigan as Duluth on Lake Supe-
rior," and though the actual difference in distance in many
cases was fully two hundred and fifty miles this difference was
to be ignored in fixing freight charges.^^^
Rates were fixed in such a way that cities and towns within
fifty miles of Minneapolis and St. Paul were practically com-
pelled to sell their produce and buy their goods in Chicago.
540. Federal Union, July 25, 1873, p. 2, c. 4.
541. Stickney, The Railway Problem, p. 100.
542. Ibid., p. 98.
9
130 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL. SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
While this rate war was on, the farmers in many districts en-
joyed extremely low transportation rates, but the railroads
had to recoup themselves the best they could during seasons
of closed navigation and in districts where competition was not
strong. It was claimed that districts in Wisconsin had to pay
a considerable part of the expense of the transportation of
favored sections in Minnesota during this rate war,^*^ and this
may account to some extent for the strength of the granger
movement in Wisconsin at this time.
There was little or no anti-railroad agitation in Minnesota
in 1872. It may be that the people were waiting to see what
the results of the legislation enacted in 1871 would be, and of
the contest between the railroads. But in 1873, as we have
seen, the anti-railroad sentiment in this state was not to be
ignored — a sentiment shared, however, by many other states.'^**
In September, 1873, the Milwaukee and St. Paul railroad
joined with the West Wisconsin and the Winona and St. Peter
railroads in raising the rate on w^heat to Chicago three cents a
bushel.'^*^ The Northern Pacific, which had control of the Lake
Superior and Mississippi railroad and connections,^^* did not
make any advance in rates and was highly commended by
many for its action.^*' The concerted increase of railroad rates
called forth a storm of indignation and gave new impetus to
the granger movement.^^^
In the midst of this intense agitation came the panic of
1873. This financial crisis was the inevitable conclusion of
543. Ibid., p. 112.
544. Railway Gazette, Dec. 27, 1873, 'The Railroad Year." Under
this caption the paper says the year has been distinguished by
the growth of distrust and jealousy of railroads, and gives in-
stances from a number of states not usually classed as granger
states, namely, Wisconsin, Illinois, Iowa, and Minnesota.
545. Duluth Weekly Tribune, Sept, 18, 1873.
546. To make connections with the Twin Cities from Duluth, the
Northern Pacific leased three connecting lines: the Lake Supe-
rior and Mississippi, May 1, 1872; the Minneapolis and Duluth,
Sept. 1, 1871; and the Stillwater and St. Paul, Nov. 1, 1870. See
Railroad Commissioner's Reports for 1871, p. 40, app., and 1873,
p. 163 app.
547. Duluth Minnesotian, Sept. 20, 1873; Nov. 1, 1873, from the St.
Paul Press, Oct. 29.
548. Duluth Weekly Tribune, Sept. 18, 1873, "The Three Cent Ex-
tortion" (from St. Paul Press); Duluth Minnesotian, Sept. 20,
1873, "Increase of Railroad Charges;" Farmer^' Union, Sept. 27,
J873, p. 308, c. 2, "A Protest,"
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 131
an era of over-speculation and misdirected production, and it
was national and international in its scope. In this country
money had been scarce and the rate of interest high at dif-
ferent times during the two preceding years. The crisis was
precipitated September 18, by the failure of Jay Cooke, who
had been unable to float a large issue of Northern Pacific
bonds. The news of this failure shattered all confidence, and a
general panic ensued on Wall street, thence spreading over
the whole country.
Minnesota had also had her share of speculation. Railroads
had been pushed as never before, and almost altogether on
borrowed capital, in spite of the fact that different railroad
companies had been showing deficits at the end of each year.'^*^
As in the other Granger states, railroads were built far beyond
present business demands. Enormous sums of capital were
tied up for the time unproductively, and in such amounts per
railroad mile as to offer little hope for remunerative returns
for some time to come. Business enterprises of all kinds were
undertaken with frontier optimism, and to a considerable ex-
tent on borrowed capital, for money at the time was plentiful.
But when the crash came ready cash disappeared and busi-
ness operations were suspended. Even the farmer found it
nearly impossible to dispose of his products.^^^ Fortunately
Minnesota had comparatively few business failures,^^^ and, as
the crops that summer had been reasonably good in spite of
local devastation by the grasshoppers,^^^ the people of the state
looked upon the depression as merely temporary.
The railroads suffered severely, it is true, but their '' ab-
sentee owners," who were popularly ranked with tyrants and
oppressors, did not get much sympathy. The farmers through-
out the middle west had been in arms against ''railroads and
monopolies" for several years, and now it was freely charged
549. Railroad Commissioner's Report, 1871, appendix: 1872, app., p.
207; 1873, app., p. 231; Railroad Gazette, Oct. 11, 1873, p. 414;
Poor's Manual of the Railroads of the United States, for 1872-3,
pp. xlii and xliii; for 1873-4, pp. xl and xli.
550. St. Paul Daily Dispatch, Sept. 19, 1873, p. 4, c. 2, "The Sense-
less Panic."
551. St. Paul Daily Pioneer, Sept. 20, 1873, p. 4, c. 2; St. Paul Daily
Dispatch, Sept. 19, 1873, p. 4, c. 2; Oct. 10, 1873, p. 2, c. 1.
552. St. Paul Daily Dispatch, Sept. 20, 1873, p. 2, c. 1.
132 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
that they had thereby shaken public confidence in railroad in-
vestments and brought ruin to the country. The grangers in
-turn pointed to the recent disclosures of immense frauds in
connection with several of the larger railroads and particu-
larly to the Credit Mobilier,^^^ and saw in this a sufficient rea-
son for a shaken faith in railroads as operated at the time.
Some might admit that their warfare had precipitated an un-
avoidable catastrophe, but they denied being in any way its
cause. They believed for a while that after all the panic was
only a flurry in the fictitious values in which the speculators
had been interested, and that good honest industry, the eco-
nomic ''bone and sinew" of the country, would not be mate-
rially affected.*^^*
The grangers remained firm in their conviction that their
cause was just and continued their fight for railroad regula-
tion. The campaign seemed in the main unafi'ected by the
panic.
The Olmsted County Council of Patrons of Husbandry met
October 17. They passed a resolution declaring that it was
the duty of the state and general government to establish rea-
sonable maximum rates of freight upon railroads. The Coun-
cil submitted twenty-five questions to the subordinate granges
of the county for discussion. None of these referred to the
railroad or monopoly problems of the time. This seems to in-
dicate that they intended to live up to the letter of the law and
not formally discuss political questions in the granges.^"*^
The Democrats and Liberal Republicans met in state con-
vention at St. Paul on September 24 and formally endorsed the
553. See House of Representatives, 42d Congress, 3d session, Report
No. 77, Credit Mobilier Investigation, Feb. 18, 1873 (pp. xix.
523); Report No. 78, Affairs of the Union Pacific Railroad Com-
pany, Feb. 20, 1873 (pp. xxvi, 770); Report No. 78, part 2; Re-
ports No. 81, 82, and 95; Senate Report No. 519, 42d Congress,
3d session, Feb. 27, 1873 (pp. xxxvi, 162); J. E. Stevenson,
Speeches in the House of Representatives, Feb. 26 and March
1, 1873, and Exhibit of Credit Mobilier Legislation and Oper-
ations (Wash., 1873); J. B. Crawford, The Credit Mobilier of
America, its Origin and History; St. Paul Daily Dispatch, Oct.
3, 1873, p. 2, c. 1; Farmers' Union, Oct. 4, 1873, p. 308, c. 3; The
Duluth Minnesotian, Sept. 27, 1873; Cultivator and Country
Gentleman, Oct. 23, 1873, XXXVIII, 683, "Cause of the Panic."
554. St. Paul Daily Pioneer, Oct. 23, 1873, p. 2, c. 1; Nov. 1, 1873, p.
2, c. 2; Nov. 9, 1873.
555. The Minnesota Record (Rochester), Oct. 25, 1873.
i
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 133
platform and candidates presented by the Anti-Monopolists at
Owatonna/'^^ It was believed that concerted action on the
part of all the opposition forces would inevitably lead to a
Republican defeat at the polls in November.
The unusual interest taken in this off-year election is shown
by the comparativelj^ heavy vote cast throughout the state on
election day. The voting was frequently for men rather than
parties. The number of votes received by different men on
the same ticket varied considerably. Of the state offices, the
most lively contest was for the office of state treasurer. Dur-
ing the legislative session of the previous winter the treasurer
had been accused of placing state money at the disposal of a
''gang of St. Paul politicians" without securing to the state
any compensation for its use.^"'' An investigation followed
which disclosed a number of irregularities. The state treas-
urer was receiving a comparatively small salary, but through a
secret, well-established practice of depositing the state money
judiciously the party in power was enabled to strengthen its
organization and the treasurer could add materially to his
rather meager income. When these facts became known a gen-
eral hue and cry for reform was raised, and during the cam-
paign of 1873 great political capital was made of this example
of "Republican corruption and mismanagement."
The Republican convention had made a tactical mistake in
not nominating for state treasurer Mr. E. W. Dyke, whom
Governor Austin had appointed to fill the resigned treasurer's
place, and who had filled this position, creditably. The oppo-
sition element saw in this another flagrant example of "ring"
rule within the Republican ranks, and the Anti-monopolists,
seizing their opportunity, nominated Mr. Dyke as their candi-
date for this office.
In the November election the Republicans were victorious..
They elected the entire state ticket, with the exception of
treasurer. To this position Mr. Dyke was. elected by a good
majority. i
Of the one hundred and six representatives, the Republi-.
556. St. Paul Daily Pioneer, Sept. 25, p. 2, c. 1; Duluth Minnesotian.
Sept. 27, 1873, "The Demo-Liberal Convention.'^
557. St. Paul Daily Dispatch, Oct. 20, 1873, p. 2, c. 1; Oct. 27, p. 2, c.
1; Nov. 1, p. 2, c. 1.
134 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
cans elected seventy-eight. Of twenty senators to be chosen
at this election, the Republicans elected a sufficient number to
give them thirty out of a total of forty-one members of the
Senate.^^^ This was an increase in the Republican member-
ship in both the House and Senate over the preceding year.^^^
The defeat of the opposition was variously explained. The St.
Paul Pioneer claimed that it was due to lack of efficient cam-
paign organization, asserting that the Democratic state central
committee had never met, and that the Anti-monopoly com-
mittee had likewise done absolutely nothing to keep able men
in the field.^««
It is to be noted, however, that the defeat of the Anti-mo-
nopoly party and its allies did not mean the overthrow of the
farmers' movement. By nominating C. K. Davis, a known
sympathizer with the grangers, for governor, the Republican
party practically adopted this movement as its own, and seri-
ously interfered with the plans of Mr. Donnelly and others to
identify the anti-monopoly movement with a new political
party. '^^^ A letter which Mr. Davis published shortly after his
nomination was instrumental in reassuring many whose faith
in the party was wavering.^*^ Had Mr. Dyke been nominated
state treasurer by the Republicans, the opposition party would
have made a sorry showing. All Republicans were by no
means in accord with the granger ideas of their gubernatorial
candidate. This was evident at the state convention, and later
throughout the campaign. But under his leadership the gran-
ger element remained in the ascendency and the party gained
a decisive victory at the polls.
The interest in the railroad question did not subside after
election. Although the railroads were about to go into the
hands of receivers, the people remained determined that they
should be compelled to submit to law.
During the annual meeting of the State Grange held in
Faribault in December, the State Master delivered an address
558. World Almanac, 1873, p. 42.
559. Cf. World Almanac. 1872, p. 69.
560. St. Paul Daily Pioneer, Nov. 12, 1873, p. 2, c. 1.
561. St. Paul Daily Press, July 17, 1873, p. 1, c. 1; Aug. 19. 1873, p.
1, c. 1.
562. Smalley, The History of the Republican Party, p. 196.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 135
on transportation. Although he had opposed political action
on the part of subordinate granges, his speech was thoroughly
in sympathy with the farmers in their complaints of exorbitant
and unjust tariffs and in their demands for reduced rates. He
held that since the railroads of the state had been largely built
by the people through land grants and bonuses, it was unjust
for them to earn dividends on other than their actual invest-
ments and thus make the people pay dividends on their own
donations. He therefore recommended that the State Grange
send a select committee to the next legislature to assist in the
framing of a law looking to the correction of the evils of the
existing system of transportation. He also recommended that
assessments be levied on the granges for carrying on any suit
in which the validity of such a law might be contested.^®^
It is difficult to understand how Mr. Parsons could con-
strue such action on the part of the State Grange to be any-
thing but political in its nature. Later in the session a motion
to provide for such a ''lobbying" committee as recommended
by the State Master was voted down because of the expense
involved, and especially because many deemed the plan dis-
creditable to the Order.^^*
CHAPTER XIII. '
THE GRANGER LEGISLATION OF 1874.
During the campaign of 1873, as we have seen, the railroad
question was the most vital issue in most parts of the state.
The widespread dissatisfaction with the railroad management
of the time found expression through caucuses and conven-
tions, in party platforms, and in campaign speeches, and was
voiced in no uncertain tone on election day. In the legislature
which met in January, 1874, a large majority, regardless of
party affiliations, had been pledged to railroad regulation. Of
the one hundred and six members of the House sixty-four were
farmers, and there was also a good sprinkling of farmers in
the Senate.^^^ Most of these were Patrons and came as ''ex-
563. Farmers' Union, Dec. 27, 1873, p. 412, c. 4-7.
564. Ibid., March 7, 1894, p. 68, c. 1.
565. Minn. Legislative Manual, 1874, pp. 148-153; Farmers' Union,
July 18, 1874, p. 220, c. 1.
136 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
press representatives of the Grange movement. ' ' ^®^ There
seems to have been a general feeling of confidence in these
legislators. Most of them v^ere believed to be men who had
the ''moral courage to attack iniquity in its very citadel. "^^^
At the opening of the session the more radical element tried
to unite all those who were pledged to reform and thus cap-
ture the organization of the House. All "anti-monopolists,"
without regard to former party ties, were invited to meet in
a caucus to nominate candidates for the elective House
offices.^^^ Their candidate for speaker, a member of the
grange, lost out by only three votes. Many felt this defeat
keenly and took it as an indication that the cause was lost for
the time being.^^^ The Pioneer, in commenting on the organ-
ization of the House, expressed itself as follows :^^*^ ' ' It was to
their credit that a few members of the House elected on the
Republican ticket came here with an honest purpose to aid
reform. It was to their discredit that the ring-master, with
whip and club, drove them into the monopoly trap, by which
the organization of the legislature Avill be handed over in all
its parts to those corrupt and venal few who have so long
preyed on the vitals of the state. * * * The party of
monopoly and corruption is still in the ascendant in Minne-
sota."
Mr. Donnelly, who had been elected senator, immediately
expressed lack of faith in the legislature and began prepara-
tions for a new campaign. He was appointed to serve on the
Senate railroad committee, but refused to meet with the other
members because he did not believe they were in sympathy
with the people."^
Governor Austin, in his final message to the legislature,
reviewed the railroad situation at length. It is evident, from
his recommendations and remarks, that his position in regard
to railroad regulation remained unchanged. The state supreme
court had upheld the constitutionality of the law of 1871 in
566. Farmers' Union, .July 18, 1874, p. 220, c. 1; "Mr. Donnelly once
more."
567. St. Paul Weekly Pioneer, Feb. 20, 1874.
568. St. Paul Daily Dispatch, Jan. 5, 1874.
569. Ibid., Jan. 7, 1874; "Defeated by Treachery."
570. St. Paul Daily Pioneer, Jan. 4, 1874.
571. Farmers' Union, Feb. 21, 1874, p. 52, c. 2.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 137
the Blake cases, but the railroad company had appealed to the
federal supreme court. The governor deemed it advisable to
make it the duty of the attorney general, or of the railroad
commissioner, hereafter to prosecute suits of this nature at the
public expense. ^^^ He believed that the law of 1871, if main-
tained, would be found too arbitratry and inelastic, especially
because all railroads could not justly be required to carry
freight and passengers at the same rates.^^^ He recommended
that complaints against railroad companies should be heard
and determined by a board to consist of the railroad commis-
sioner and a number of efficient men appointed to serve with
him.^^"* He approved of adopting in the main the French plan
of strict government inspection and supervision of all roads,
the regulation of their charges, and allowing no tariff ad-
vances without showing good cause and obtaining leave. "^^^
He believed as before, however, that cheap transportation could
only be secured by improving and extending the waterways.
He urged a considerate attention to the claims of foreign
creditors at this time of financial depression. The railroads of
the state had been built largely by foreign capital, the St. Paul
and Pacific alone having twenty-six million dollars in bonds held
in Holland. Though the money had in many cases not been
honestly applied, he considered the claims just and worthy of
consideration.^^®
The Winona and St. Peter railroad company stood in need
of legislative confirmation of its claims to certain lands. The
governor suggested that in this, as in other cases where rem-
edial legislation was sought, it should be given with such con-
ditions as would expressly secure the company's submission
to the general laws and regulations of the state. As we have
seen, the legislature had frequently embodied special provi-
sions as to reasonable rates in such enactments, but these had
not gone to the extent of requiring a full surrender of their
special privileges. Since all the special charter railroads had
not come before the legislature at the same time for relief, it
572. Minn. Exec. Docs., 1873, vol. 1, Governor's Message, p. 16,
573. Ibid., p. 18.
574. Ibid., p. 19.
575. Ibid., p. 20.
576. Ibid., pp. 11-12. '
138 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
had been repeatedly argued with effect that such a provision
in an individual instance would be an "unfriendly and unjust
discrimination. ' ' ^"
Governor Davis, in his inaugural address, showed himself
equally interested in securing reform. He was not certain that
the law of 1871 would be binding on other railroad companies,
even though it were held applicable to the Winona and St.
Peter.^^^ He considered the claims of the special charter rail-
roads, if upheld, a standing menace to the state. He proposed
two remedies. First, the state 's right of eminent domain might
be applied to the railroads in such a way that the state on
payment of just compensation could acquire the right to pre-
scribe rates. The measure of such compensation could not be
what abuse and extortion on the part of the companies would
yield if permitted to continue forever, but would have a more
reasonable standard.^^® Second, he recommended a constitu-
tional amendment prescribing that when any statute is enacted
in favor of or for the benefit of a company at its instance, the
company should by the mere force of the beneficial enactment
be subject to such duties and control by the state as the amend-
ment might propose. Since railroad companies were frequently
in need of such favorable and enabling legislation, he believed
such a policy would soon annihilate the claims of the special
charter companies to self-regulation. ^®° The new constitution
of Pennsylvania, adopted in 1873, contained such a provi-
sion.^^^ As we have seen the retiring governor recommended
a similar plan, but not so fully developed.
The railroad commissioner, in his annual report, complained
that his powers were too limited to remedy the railroad abuses.
He called attention to the fact that he could not commence
suits against railroad companies and had no power to prevent
extortions, his duties being mainly limited by the law to the
collection of facts and statistics for the information of the leg-
islature.^^^ He made no recommendations in this regard, but
577. Ibid., pp. 13-14.
578. Ibid,, Inaugural Address, p. 12.
579. Ibid., p. 13.
580. Ibid., pp. 13-14.
581. Const, of Penn. (operative Jan. 1, 1874), Art. 17, sec. 10.
582. Railroad Commissioner's Report, 1873, pp. v and vi.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 139
left it to the legislature to determine whether an extension of
powers would be advisable.
The commissioner had continued his investigation of rail-
road lands which were legally subject to taxation, and re-
ported new cases of evasion."'^'^ Most of the companies paid
their gross income tax promptly, but where the companies neg-
lected or refused to make returns of their gross earnings there
was no proper method provided by law for its collection. He
recommended legislation to remedy this defect.^'®'*
Various remedies against unreasonable rates are discussed.
In view of the fact that most of the railroads of the state were
bound by their charters to transport freight at reasonable
rates, and since proofs as to reasonableness or unreasonable-
ness were mostly in the exclusive possession of the railroad
companies, he contended that the burden of proof ought to be
shifted from the shipper to the companj^, and that the legisla-
ture should establish certain rates to be prima facie reasonable.
The railroads would be permitted to bring forward proofs to
rebut this assumption of reasonableness."'*-^
The railroads continued to insist on their 'S^ested rights"
and immunity from the general laws and regulations. Dis-
criminations continued to be the rule, rather than the excep-
tion. The commissioner believed that as long as the railroads
insisted on these wrongs, so long would the revolt against them
assume greater and greater magnitude. ^^"^ He again reviewed
the federal, state, and municipal aid to the railroads of the
state, and contended that the people had not shown themselves
unfriendly to the railroads as often charged. They had been
liberally dealt with in franchises, land grants, bonuses, and
right-of-way donations; and all that the people ask for these
prodigal gifts, said he, is security from extortion and freedom
from unjust discrimination.^*^
The great question before the legislature of 1874 was the
solution of the perplexing railroad problem. All agreed that
something must be done, but there was a great variety of opin-
583.
Ibid.,
pp. vi-xi.
584.
Ibid.,
p. xiv.
585.
Ibid.,
pp. xlv-xlvi
586.
Ibid.,
p. Ixiii.
587.
Ibid.
p. Ixiii.
140 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ions in the legislature and throughout the state, as to what
should be done. Many held that nothing short of a constitu-
tional amendment defining clearly the power of the state over
railroads would suffice. St. Julien Cox proposed in the Senate
to add an article of ten sections to the constitution.^'^^ These
sections embodied the main provisions of the recent Illinois
and Pennsylvania constitutions relating to railroads. -'^^ This
proposed amendment was received with favor by many anti-
monopolists in both houses, but its consideration was indefi-
nitely postponed by a vote of eighteen to thirteen."'^" One pro-
vision of this proposed amendment for])idding the consolida-
tion of parallel lines was later in the session enacted as a law.^°^
It is verbatim from the Pennsylvania constitution, except that
it applies to railroads only and not to railroads and canals. ^^-
At its annual meeting in December the State Grange had
decided against maintaining a ''lo])bying committee at the
capital during the legislative session. •'^'■^' But when the legis-
lature met the executive committee of the State Grange, at the
request of a number of legislators, appointed a committee to
confer with them as to what legislation was desired by the
Patrons and farmers of the state. "'"^ Its members were given
seats in the Senate, with the understanding that they w^ere to
look after matters of interest to the farmers."'^'' In certain
quarters much was expected of this committee, •'^^''' but little was
accomplished beyond stirring up considerable ill-feeling in
many of the granges because it had been appointed against
the express wishes of the State Grange. "'^^
At first the farmer element in the legislature had a feeling
of distrust and jealousy toward the other members, which
threatened to interfere seriously with the legislative work, but
588. St. Paul Evening Journal, Jan. 9, 1874; An address to the Anti-
monopoly Party in Minn., 1874, p. 9.
589. Const, of Ills., Art. XI, sees. 9-15; Const, of Penn., Art. XVII,
sees. 1-12.
590. An address to the Anti-monopoly Party in Minn., 1874, p. 9.
591. General Laws of Minn., 1874, ch. 29.
592. See Const, of Penn., Art. XVII, sec. 4.
593. Farmers' Union, Mch. 7, 1874.
594. Ibid., March 28, 1874.
595. Ibid., Feb. 21, 1874, p. 52, c. 2.
596. Ibid., p. 52, c. 2.
597. Ibid., March 7, 1874, p. 68, c. 1; March 21, 1874, p. 84; Apr. 11,
1874, p. 108.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA.
141
this soon passed away.'"^** The reformers were divided into two
main factions. The more radical wislied to follow up the state
supreme court decision in the Blake case, and advocated laws
fixing the rates of charges arbitrarily on the plan of the law of
1871. Others favored the enactment of a new law framed on
the theory that the railroad corporations should each be al-
lowed to charge a reasonable toll, after taking into account the
benefits they had received from the people. "'''''
A bill establishing maximum reasonable rates and p)rovid-
ing stringent penalties was introduced in the Senate, but met
the same fate as the proposed constitutional amendment, — it
was indefinitely postponed. All the six who voted against
postponement were anti-monopolists. One had been elected as
an independent, and five as Republicans; of tliese five, three
were grangers.*'""
State senator Donnelly introduced a bill based on the law
of 1871. Its main feature was a provision that whenever any
railroad company refused to obey the law, it should at once be
put into the hands of receivers. Railroad companies were in
this way to be compelled to obey the law while litigation was
going on. They were not to have the privilege of refusing
obedience until the law had been sustained in the highest
courts.''"^
In the House a bill was introduced by Mr. Crandall, and
was favorably reported by the committee of the whole.""- This
bill was in the main like the Illinois railroad law, but it in-
cluded a maximum rate above which the railroad commission-
ers were not to go in fixing rates. The railroads Avere to be
divided into classes according to the amount of business done,
and rates were to be prescribed for each separately.""^ This
bill passed the House by a vote of sixty-five to twenty-nine,""''
but came only as far as the second reading in the Senate.""^
598. Ibid., Feb. 14, 1874, p. 44, c. 2.
599. Owatonna Journal, Apr. 9, 1874; Speech by Hon. Amos Coggs-
well.
600. An Address to the Anti-Monopoly Party in Minn., 1874, p. 10.
601. Ibid., p. 10.
602. House Journal, 1874, p. 185; H. F. No. 36.
603. Farmers' Union, Feb. 14, 1874, p. 44; see also Feb. 21 and 28.
604. House Journal, 1874, p. 217; H. F. No. 36.
605. Senate Journal, 1874; see Index, p. 622, Bills of the House, No.
142 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
The House indefinitely postponed a bill to provide for the
appointment of a board of railroad commissioner s,'''^'' but passed
a bill creating the office of assistant railroad commissioner.^"^
A number of bills were also under consideration in the Sen-
ate, when its Railroad Committee introduced a substitute bill
for all pending railroad bills, including those passed by the
House. ®"^ This bill passed the Senate,*"^^ but did not prove
stringent enough to suit the House. First the committee on
railroads, to which it was referred, reported back a substi-
tute,^^^ but on recommitment they reported it back with amend-
ments and recommended its passage.®^^ Two successive con-
ference committees were appointed before the bill as amended
by the House with some further amendments was acceptable
to both houses.*'^- The House for a long time insisted that a
maximum rate should be fixed above which the commissioners
were not to be allowed to go, but was at last forced to yield.*'^'^
The bill passed the House by a vote of eighty-three to tliree.*'^*
In the Senate only two votes were cast against the bill, those
of Donnelly and Drake,^^^ one the leader of the new Anti-
monopoly party, and the other the president of the Southern
Minnesota railroad and Republican leader in the Senate.**'^
Donnelly objected to the bill because it gave a commission of
three appointed by one man, the governor, the power to fix
rates without any limits whatever. "The people elected a leg-
islature to regulate railroads," said he, ''and after sixty days
session the Republican majority discard all the bills proposed
by the Anti-monopolists, and coolly tell the people, ' You picked
the wrong men; we know nothing about railroads, we are too
ignorant and incapable to fix a schedule of charges.' '"^^^
606. House Journal, 1874, p. 185; H. F. No. 4.
607. Ibid., p. 235; H. F. No. 86, here by misprint No. 36.
608. Senate Journal. 1874, p. 291; S. F. No. 271. See Farmers' Union,
Feb. 28, 1874.
609. Ibid., p. 344. The vote stood 29 to 7.
610. House Journal, 1874, p. 424.
611. Ibid., p. 463.
612. Ibid., pp. 498, 550, and 562. See St. Paul Daily Press, March
6, 1874. p. 2, c. 2; St. Paul Daily Dispatch, March 6, 1874,
p. 4, c. 2.
613. St. Paul Daily Press, March 6, 1874, p. 2, c. 1.
614. House Journal, 1874, p. 563.
615. Senate Journal, 1874, p. 482.
616. Rochester Post, March 14, 1874.
617. An Address to the Anti-Monopoly Party, 1874, p. 12.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 143
This railroad law of 1874 ®^^ created a board of three rail-
road commissioners to be appointed by the governor, with the
consent of the Senate, for a term of two years. No stockhold-
er, trustee, assignee, lessee, agent or employee of any railroad
corporation was to be eligible to this office. The commission-
ers were severally required to give bonds with security in the
sum of twenty thousand dollars for the faithful performance
of their duties. The governor was given authority to remove
any member when convinced that he was guilty of malfeasance
or non-feasance of official duties."^ ^ The salary of each was
fixed at three thousand dollars per annum and necessary ex-
penses.*-*^
They were to be in session at all times for the performance
of their duties, and were required to keep a record of all their
proceedings and to make an annual report to the governor,
containing such information as would disclose the actual work-
ings of the system of railroad transportation in its bearings
upon the business of the state and such suggestions as they
might deem appropriate. The governor might also direct them
to make special investigations and reports.*^^ They were given
plenary powers of investigation, and were authorized to em-
ploy experts when they deemed it necessary.®^^
The commissioners were directed to make a schedule of
maximum legal rates of charges for each of the railroads doing
business within the state.®^^ Special charter railroads were not
excepted. The law fixed no maximum rates whatever except
for terminal charges.*-*
The published schedules were to be deemed prima facie
evidence of what were reasonable rates at any given time. The
commissioners had authority to revise the schedules as often
as circumstances might require, and the changes were binding
after publication for three successive weeks in two weekly St.
Paul newspapers.*-^ The act forbade unjust discrimination of
618.
General Laws of Minn.
1874,
ch. 26
619.
Ibid., sec. 1.
620.
Ibid., sec. 2.
621.
Ibid., sec. 3.
- 622.
Ibid., sec. 4.
623.
Ibid., sec. 5.
624.
Ibid., sec. 9.
625.
Ibid,, sees. 6 and 7,
144 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
all kinds and virtually enforced flat pro rata transportation
charges. Different companies might charge different rates, but
each company was obliged to charge the same rates at differ-
ent points for transportation in the same direction on all parts
of its main lines, its branches, and on other roads which it used
or operated. All variations in charges for services under sim-
ilar circumstances, directly or by means of rebates or draw-
backs, were made prima facie evidence of janjust discrimina-
tion, and competition with another railroad at any point could
not be proffered as a sufficient excuse or justification. Com-
mutation, excursion, and thousand mile tickets might be issued
as before. Otherwise there were onlj^ two exceptions to the
general rule: Agricultural products might be shipped from
outside the state to points within the state at uniform rates,
less than the established local rates; and lumber might be
transported to points at least twenty-five miles outside the
state at special rates.®-^
Railroad companies were required to furnish cars for the
transportation of freight when requested to do so, and to re-
ceive all freight offered and transport it with reasonable dis-
patch.*^-^ At all points within the state where two or more
railroads intersected, it was made the duty of the railroads to
provide for the convenient transfer of cars and freight from
one line to another without unreasonable or unnecessary de-
lay.«28
All who owned coal, wood, or lumber yards, elevators, ware-
houses, mills or factories, at or near any railroad, were given
right of access to the railroad tracks for necessary connec-
tions at a reasonable annual rental, which was to be determined
by the railroad commissioners where the parties could not
agree.'^®
If any railroad company charged unreasonable rates or
unjustly discriminated against any person or corporation,
town, village or city, the aggrieved party had a right to re-
cover in a civil action treble damages, together with costs and
626. Ibid., sec. 9.
627. Ibid., sec. 10.
628. Ibid., sees. 11 and 12.
629. Ibid., sec. 13.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA.
145
a reasonable attorney's fee.*'^" Any company guilty of violat-
ing any provision of this act was liable to a fine of one thousand
dollars for the first offense, and from two to five thousand dol-
lars for the second and subsequent offenses. In all cases aris-
ing under the act, either party had the right to trial by jury.®^^
Whenever final judgment was rendered against a railroad for
the recovery of a penalty prescribed by this act, it became the
duty of the railroad commission to institute quo warranto pro-
ceedings to procure the vacation of the company's charter and
the extinguishment of its franchises; and if the company con-
tinued to violate the act while this case was pending, the judge
before whom sueh proceedings w^ere instituted was authorized
to appoint receivers for the company.®^^
Any resident of the state feeling himself aggrieved because
of the violation of any provision of this act had the privilege
of making a complaint in writing and under oath to the board
of railroad commissioners. If the commissioners on inquiry
deemed it proper, they could require the attorney general or
the proper county attorney to bring suit against the com-
pany.^^^ Employees and agents of railroad companies were
made personally liable for willfully aiding in the violation of
the law in the same manner as the railroad companies them-
selves.^^*
The act was not to be construed as repealing the common
law remedies against railroad abuses, but expressly provided
that its remedies were cumulative. Actions brought under its
provisions were given precedence over ail other business in the
courts of the state, excepting criminal business f^'' and no such
action commenced on behalf of the state might be dismissed
unless the reason for dismissal were recorded.*'^®
The board of railroad commissioners was to possess the
powers and perform the duties given the railroad commis-
sioner under the law of 1871, except as changed in this act.®"
630.
~Ibid.,
sec.
15.
631.
Ibid.,
sec.
16.
632.
Ibid.,
sec.
17.
633.
Ibid.,
sec.
19.
634.
Ibid.,
sec.
23.
635.
Ibid.,
sec.
18.
636.
Ibid.,
sec.
22.
637.
Ibid.,
sec.
24.
10
146 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL, SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
The remainder of that law was repealed, as was also the max-
imum rate law of that year, but the repeal was not to affect
suits brought under it.®^^
The provisions of this law were drawn freely from two laws
passed by the legislature of Illinois, namely, the act creating
a board of railroad and warehouse commissioners, enacted in
237]^ 639 ^jj^ g^jj g^Q^ ^Q prevent extortion and unjust discrimi-
nation, enacted in 1873.^^^
While competition alone was no longer relied upon as an
efficient safeguard against railroad extortion and abuses, the
sentiment remained strong that competition must be main-
tained as far as possible. The legislature therefore passed an
act to prevent the consolidation of the stock, property, or
franchises of parallel or competing companies by purchase or
lease, nor were their interests to be merged by means of com-
mon officers. The question whether railroads were parallel or
competing was to be decided by jury as in other civil cases.^^^
An act was passed making railroad companies liable for
fires along their lines, such fires being made prima facie evi-
dence of carelessness or neglect on the part of the company.®^^
Another act relative to proceedings in expropriation for
railroad purposes was made applicable to all railroads whether
incorporated under the general law or by special charter.^^^
This last feature virtually repealed a great amount of special
law, for such provisions -were found in all special charters.
The senate appointed a committee early in the session to
investigate ''elevator monopoly" along the lines of the St. Paul
and Pacific.^** On February 12 this committee reported that
they had conclusively established the fact that a small group
of men had enjoyed a complete monopoly of handling, storing,
and forwarding grain on the main line of the St. Paul and
Pacific railroad ever since it was built. Written contracts had
been found which gave them these exclusive privileges. The
committee held that a railroad is a common carrier and as such
638. Ibid., sec. 25.
639. Revised Statutes of Illinois, 1874, p. 828.
640. Ibid., p. 816.
641. General Laws of Minn., 1874, ch. 29.
642. Ibid., ch. 30.
643. Ibid., ch. 28.
644. Senate Journal, 1874, p. 86.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 147
has no right to establish a monopoly of the storage or commis-
sion business, but should be compelled to furnish facilities to
all who desired to build warehouses and handle grain. As a
remedy for the evils complained of by the farmers along the
line, the enactment and rigid enforcement of a suitable ware-
house law was recommended. As a further remedy, an action
might be brought against the railroad company to vacate its
charter for the long continued exercise of ultra vires powers
to the detriment of the people.^''^
The legislature acted upon the recommendations of this
special committee.*'^® A law was enacted declaring all ele-
vators and warehouses situated on any railroad within the
state to be personal property and subject to taxation as such.^*^
By joint resolution the attorney general was instructed to im-
mediately commence judicial proceedings to vacate the charter
of the First Division of the St. Paul and Pacific railroad, or to
take other action as might be proper to remedy the alleged
abuses.^^^
Complaints with reference to the handling of grain were
not confined to any one railroad. They were quite general.
The farmers believed that they were exploited both as to grade
and weight. When they shipped their own grain to market
the loss of weight en route was frequently such as to discour-
age similar independent shipments in the future. Various
measures were proposed to afford relief. A bill to revive the
common law responsibility of common carriers passed the Sen-
ate but failed in the House. •^'^^ Another bill to remedy the evil
of ''shortage and stealage" in the transportation of grain by
requiring certified weight at the shipping point also failed.®''^
A bill was passed, however, which fixed the maximum charge
of two cents per bushel for receiving, elevating, handling and
delivering grain, and provided that the grain inspector must
in no way be interested in the purchase and shipping of grain.
645. Ibid., pp. 231-234; Report of the special committee on ware-
houses and elevators on the St. Paul and Pacific.
646. See St. Paul Daily Dispatch, Feb. 14, 1874, p. 2, c. 2, "Elevator
Monopoly."
647. General Laws of Minn., 1874, ch. 32.
648. Ibid., p. 310; Joint Res. No. 30.
649. An Address to the Anti-Monopoly Party, 1874, p. 10.
650. Ibid., p. 10.
148 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
If a railroad company refused to handle grain at the prescribed
rate, any person would, on demand, have the privilege of build-
ing and maintaining a warehouse or elevator at the station,
without payment of any compensation to the railroad com-
pany. Violations of this act involved the penalty of a fine of
from one hundred to five hundred dollars.^'*^
Since the legislature had so strongly asserted its authority
over all railroads, one would hardly expect it to make special
agreements with railroads for the express surrender of their
rate-making power. This course of action had, as we have
seen, been recommended by Governors Austin and Davis and
by the railroad commissioner, and it was considered expedient
because the federal supreme court might yet decide against the
.rate-making powers of the legislature in the case of special
charter corporations.
The time limit for the completion of branch lines of the
Minneapolis and St. Louis railroad company was extended for
a period of five years on condition that "passengers and freight
shall always be carried on said lines of railroad at such rea-
sonable and equitable rates as may be from time to time fixed
by law. "®"^ This was also one of the conditions upon which
time extension was granted to the St. Paul and Pacific rail-
road company.^-^^
The Green Bay and Minnesota railroad company, a Wis-
consin corporation, was permitted to extend its line into the
city of Winona with the privileges and liabilities of railroad
companies organized under the general law and subject to the
laws regulating the "rate of taxation or rates of freight and
passenger traffic" as pertaining to the operation and use of its
railroad in Winona.^"'*
There were considerable sums due for materials and serv-
ices in connection with the construction of certain lines of
road of the St. Paul and Pacific. The legislature passed a law
making the railroad company liable for all these debts and
providing that no lands accruing to the company were to be
transferred by the state till all debts due to citizens of the state
651. General Laws of Minn., 1874, ch. 31.
652. Special Laws of Minn., 1874, ch. 103.
653. Ibid., ch. 106, sec. 2.
654. Ibid., ch. 100.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 149
were paid, and if these debts were not paid within six months
the governor was authorized and directed to sell public lands
held for the company to pay the debts to pay these claim-
ants.*^^^ We have here reflected the very prevalent hostile sen-
timent toward absentee claimants. The law was later declared
unconstitutional.^^^
Owing to the financial stringency following the panic of
1873 the St. Paul and Pacific had been unable to complete two
of their lines in the northern and western part of the state
within the time specified by .the act of Congress granting the
company lands. The legislature urgently requested Congress
to continue the land grants to the state but directed the Min-
nesota senators and representatives in Congress not to permit
the passage of any act of time extension which did not grant
the lands in question directly to the state of Minnesota for her
to grant to any company or companies on such conditions as
experience had shown necessary for the protection of the
people. ^"'^
The development of water transportation had been a sub-
ject of special interest in Minnesota from the earliest terri-
torial days but during the farmers' movement during the early
seventies the question was discussed with particular enthu-
siasm. Some doubted that railroads could ever transport
bulky freight, such as grain, great distances at a rate reason-
able to the farmers. Many grangers believed that the only
way to bring railroads to terms was to bring them into direct
competition with water transportation wherever possible.
Newspapers published all sorts of projects, as editorials and
in their correspondence columns. The legislature of 1874 re-
flected the public opinion of the time by its unusually large
number of memorials to Congress bearing on this subject.
One joint resolution memorialized Congress to cause a sur-
vey to be made of the water routes between the navigable
waters of the Minnesota river and the Red river of the North
to ascertain the feasibility of connecting the two by canal.*^®
655. Ibid., ch. 105.
656. Minn. Exec. Docs., 1876, vol. 2, p.. 621.
657. General Laws of Minn., 1874, p. 305, Joint Res. No. 24.
658. Ibid., p. 291, Joint Res. No. 7.
150 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
In another they asked for an appropriation for improving the
navigation of the river and lake of St. Croix."^^ A third re-
quested Congress to make appropriations for the improvement
of the harbor of Duluth to keep it up to the growing necessi-
ties of the Northwest.^®*^ In other resolutions they requested
their senators and representatives in Congress to use their in-
fluence to secure the improvement of navigation on the Mis-
sissippi river®°^ and on the Minnesota river"°^ and the con-
nection of St. Croix river with Lake Superior by canal, locks
and dams.^'''^
It was believed that by connecting the river systems of
Minnesota with each other and with Lake Superior nearly all
parts of the state would haA^e the benefits of cheap water
transportation and of reduced rates on the railroads which
were in competition. Navigable rivers and lakes were by act
of Congress under the direct control of the federal govern-
ment and free to all, hence no private individual could mo-
nopolize their use. The case of canals was different and in the
last mentioned resolution it was stipulated as a condition that
the proposed canal and improved water courses should for-
ever remain under control of the United States government.
It is not to be understood that this agitation in favor of
water transportation was confined to Minnesota and that it
was only of local interest. President Grant in his fourth an-
nual message to Congress, December 2, 1872, called attention
to three proposed waterways to connect the West and the
South with the Atlantic seaboard and recommended that a
committee or commission be appointed to consider the whole
question of cheap transportation.^®* The Senate appointed a
select committee "to investigate and report upon the subject
of transportation between the interior and the seaboard." This
committee spent a good portion of the year 1873 in investigat-
ing the subject of transportation and in its report, submitted
to the Senate in the spring of 1874 it discusses at length a num-
659. Ibid., p. 307, No. 26.
660. Ibid., p. 302, No. 19.
661. Ibid., p. 294, No. 12.
662. Ibid., p. 297, No. 15.
663. Ibid., p. 299, No. 17.
664. Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 1789-1897,
vol. VII, p. 195.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA.
151
ber of proposed improved waterways and canals "''^ and unani-
mously recommends four water routes as particularly feasi-
ble.''^^ It may be of interest to note that the chairman of this
committee was Mr. Windom, senator from Minnesota. He does
not seem, however, to have taken any active part in the gran-
ger movement in this state.
A great number of municipal corporations had been author-
ized to issue bonds in aid of railroad construction by the leg-
islature in 1873. Many more desired the same privilege in
1874. New Ulm had by a four-fifths majority voted to give
the Winona and St. Peter a right of way through that city and
was authorized to issue bonds for this purpose."^^ The city
council of Winona had resolved to issue bonds to the amount
of fifty thousand dollars in aid of the Green Bay and Minne-
sota railroad company when authorized by the legislature to
do so. The legislature gave the desired consent.*'®^ Other vil-
lages, towns and counties were authorized to give aid to rail-
roads ^^^ and from the reports of the railroad commissioner we
learn that the aid given was considerable.
War was being waged, not against railroads but against rail-
road management and railroad claims based on the Dartmouth
College decision.®^® The farmers were not enemies of the rail-
roads but they were determined to assert the supremacy of
the people over everything within the state, including railroads.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE SITUATION IN 1874 AFTER THE ENACTMENT OF THE
GRANGER LAWS.
The new railroad law was variously received by the press
of the state. The St. Paul Press told of its enactment under
665.
667.
670.
Senate Report 30 7, Part I, 43d Congrress, 1st Session; Report of
the Select Committee on Transportation Routes to the Sea-
board, pp. 161-240.
Ibid., pp. 243-254; see also Senate Misc. Doc. No. 104, 43d Con-
gress, 1st Session; Mr. Windom's Resolution.
Special Laws of Minn., 1874, ch. 54.
Ibid., ch. 57.
Ibid., chs. 59, 61.
See Chas. Francis Adams, Jr., Railroads, their Origin and
Problems, pp. 126-8; E. W. Martin, History of the Grange Move-
ment, p. 335; The American Law Review, .Tan., 1874, "The Dart-
mouth College Case;" and the following Ch. XVI.
152 MINNESOTA HISTORlCAl^ (SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
the headlines, "The People's Triumph, The New Railroad
Law." It claimed that the representation of the railroads in
the legislature had been so small that they had had nothing
to say in its enaetment.^^^ The Minneapolis Tribune did not
consider the problem solved, but believed the law the best that
could have been devised under the circumstances. The legis-
lature had not *' killed the iron horse to gratify the insane
caprices and spleen of some fanatics and demagogues," but
''had at least put a snaffle on him and a curb bit to hold his
rebellious nose in subjection." "^^
The Rochester Post, under the heading, ''Donnelly and the
Railroad Bill," would not claim perfection for the bill in all
its details, but gave it credit for incorporating the wisest and
most judicious thoughts, deductions, and decisions, of the best
brains and the clearest heads of that legislature.*'"
The Record and Union (Rochester) conservatively ex-
. pressed its belief that while the new bill was an advance on
that of 1871, it would not prove "adequate to the consumma-
tion desired." ^^*
On the other hand, the St. Paul Dispatch regarded the bill
as a triumph of the railroad companies and objected forcibly
.to the plenary powers, ministerial and judicial, executive and
legislative, which had been granted to the commission, and
considered its appointment by the governor as a dangerous
grant of power to the executive.^^^
Among the people likewise there was a difference of opinion
as to the wisdom of the new law. The more radical Anti-
monopolists attacked it violently. Amos Coggswell, an Anti-
monopolist member of the legislature, in a speech before the.
Turtle Creek grange in Steele county, expressed his convic-
tion that the law would be a complete failure. In the first place
it was unconstitutional because it embraced more than one
subject in one act, besides not having sections ten to four-
teen, referred to in the title. In the second place, it would
afford no real remedies. He did not believe the railroads would
671. St. Paul £)aily Press, March 7, 1874, p. 2, c. 1.
672. Minneapolis Daily Tribune, March 7, 1874, p. 2, c.
673. Rochester Post, March 14, 1874.
674. Record and Union, March 13, 1874.
675. St. Paul Daily Dispatch, March 6, 1874, p. 4, c. 2.'
RAILROAD LEGISLATIOPs IN MINNESOTA. 153
pay any attention to the commission if it should attempt to
reduce rates.'^^^ A more general sentiment in regard to the
new law seems to have been that while it would not cure all
the evils of which complaint had been made, still it would
check the more flagrant wrongs, such as discrimination against
persons and places.®"
As members of the new board of railroad commissioners,
the governor appointed ex-governor Wm. R. Marshall, John
J. Randall, and A. J. Edgerton, who had served as railroad
commissioner since 1871. Though some were disappointed to
.find that the Grange was not represented on the board,**^^ the
appointees seem on the whole to have been quite acceptable to
the people.
This commission had been created to bring the railroads
into subjection to the law, but the times were particularly un-
favorable for carrying out any disciplinary measures. The
financial stringency following the panic of 1873 had increased
rather than abated. The railroads of the state were on the
verge of bankruptcy. Money was very scarce under the most
favorable circumstances, and bankrupt railroads under the
ban of the law could offer no alluring inducements to men with
capital. Naturally enough, men in railroad circles believed
that this ban must be removed. State Senator Drake, presi-
dent of the St. Paul and Sioux City railroad company, in a
letter to J. A. Kiester, said: *'It may as well be laid down
at once as a maxim, that no money will be furnished by capi-
talists from abroad or at home, to build roads, until by judicial
decisions or otherwise the absolute control of roads when built
will belong to those who built them."®^^
The railroads felt themselves aggrieved. There was little
or no business, and they were in no mood for reducing rates.
In Wisconsin a new railroad law became operative by publica-
tion April 28. President Mitchell, of the Chicago, Milwaukee
and St. Paul railroad, immediately notified the governor of
that state that the board of directors on the advice of able
676. Owatonna Journal, Apr; 9, 1874.
677. See Farmers' Union, Apr. 11, 1874, p. 109, c. 3; Resolutions of
Dodge County Council.
678. Anti-Monopolist, Dec. 24, 1874; Mr. Parsons' Address.
679. Anti-Monopolist, July 23, 1874; Mr. Drake on Railroads.
154 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
counsel, and after due deliberation, believed it their duty to
disregard so much of the law as attempted arbitrarily to fix
rates of compensation for freight and passengers/'^" AVhen
this became known, it was quite generally believed that the
railroads in Minnesota would do likewise, and the people did
not like the prospects of lengthy and expensive litigation which
eventually might bring no relief.®^^
The commissioners published their schedule of maximum
legal rates in August. In preparing this schedule they could
not be guided by any rule of remunerative interest or divi-
dend on legitimate cost and operating expenses, for, excepting
the River Division of the Milwaukee and St. Paul, the rail-
roads were not earning remunerative revenues. Two rail-
roads were in the hands of the receiver, three had defaulted in
interest of debts, and others maintained credit by assessment
on stockholders.^^2 But, though operating at a loss, they were
guilty of unjust discrimination and of excessive charges at
non-competing points. The commissioners tried to interfere
as little with the control and regulation of the roads by their
owners as was consistent with the prevention and correction of
such abuses.
The schedule published by the railroad commissioners di-
vided freight into four main classes and ten special classes.
Articles of freight were arranged alphabetically under each,
and following this list of freights came a statement of what
each road might charge for each class according to the dis-
tance transported. Rates were somewhat different on different
roads, but the same rates were applicable on all parts of the
same road.*^^
The avowed aim of the commissioners was not to reduce
rates but to remedy abuses. According to the law of 1874,
competition at a certain point did not constitute a valid ex-
cuse for lowering rates to and from that place. If the sched-
ule of the commission had been rigidly enforced, rates would
680. Wisconsin Railroad Commission Report, 1874, app., pp. 1-4.
681. MinneapoHs Daily Tribune, July 16, 1874.
682. Railroad Commissioner's Report, 1874, p. 6.
683. St. Paul Weekly Pioneer Press, Aug. 6, 1874, Supplement, gives
official publication of schedules.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 155
have been raised at the so-called competitive points and low-
ered at the intervening points.
The competing points were as a rule centers of popula-
tion and of industry. To a large extent they had been made
so through railroad discrimination. Any increase in rates
would naturally meet with protest at such places.
The railroad companies in Minnesota, unlike those in Wis-
consin, did not openly refuse to comply with the new sched-
ule. As stated in New York Tribune editorials, the railroads
rather expressed their intention of trying to accommodate
themselves to the new rates.^^* When the schedule went into
effect legally, the railroad companies actually raised rates at
a number of places, and the opponents of the new law attacked
it violently. The Anti-Monopolist called it a fizzle and a fraud,
and held it to be quite natural that the railroads should accept
the schedule of the commission.®^"' The St. Paul Dispatch said
the ''Grange ironclad railroad law" worked reform with a
vengeance, and went on to show how rates had been raised on
the St. Paul and Pacific.®^®
The reduction of rates at non-competing points was slight
and was no source of great satisfaction to the farmers. Any
reduction made at such places was more than counterbalanced
in the minds of the people by raised rates at other points.
Where the traffic was small and the rates were lowered, the
railroad companies gave slower and inferior service, besides
withdrawing from service as many trains as they possibly
could. They informed their patrons that they were losing
money as it was and consequently had to reduce expenses in
all ways possible. The St. Paul and Sioux City threatened to
withdraw a passenger train on their line unless they were per-
mitted to charge five cents per passenger mile. The people
along the road petitioned the railroad commission to permit
this charge, and the commission complied with their request.
The Owatonna Journal in commenting on this incident says:
684. New York Daily Tribune, Aug. 5, 1874, p. 4, c. 4, "The Railway
Problem in Minnesota;" Aug. 10, 1874. p. 4, c. 3, "Minding
Other People's Business." See also The Railroad Gazette, Aug.
15, 1874, p. 314; Anti-Monopolist, Aug. 13, 1874.
685. Anti-Monopolist, Aug. 13, 1874.
686. St. Paul Daily Dispatch, Aug. 6, 1874.
156 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
''Tally one for the company. What company will next threaten
to withdraw a train?" ^^^
The railroad commissioners had to deal gently with the
bankrupt companies and this attitude was frequently inter-
preted as an indication that they were in "cahoots with the
railroads." The commission cost the state ten thousand dol-
lars a year. This was a material increase in state expenses,
and it was feared that expensive litigation would add to the
burden. The grangers did not work in harmony, and this in-
ternal discord had a deadening effect.
Besides appointing the so-called lobbying committee, which
met with so much disfavor, the State Grange executive com-
mittee also appointed a special committee to investigate and
report on the ]\linnesota Farmers' ^lutual Fire Insurance
Association, popularly called the Farmers' Association.®^^
This organization had started in 1865 as a farmers' association
for mutual aid in case of fire, and was incorporated under the
laws of the state in 1867.*''*" It was extensively advertised in
the Farmers' Union, which began publication as a monthly in
August, 1867. Mr. W. A. Nimocks, the editor of this Minne-
apolis farm paper, was secretary of the association. In 1869
its membership numbered over four thousand,'^''^ and it claimed
to insure at the rate of seventeen cents per thousand dollars.*'*'^
In 1873 the State Grange took preliminary steps towards ab-
sorbing the association, and a committee appointed by the
State Grange to investigate made a very favorable report to
the state convention in December. They reported fifteen thou-
sand farmers insured, one hundred thousand dollars paid out
in losses, and insurance at one-third the usual cost.®*^^
But the committee appointed by tlie executive committee
presented a far different report. The company was declared
unsound. Tliey claimed that there was only $50,762.15 on hand
to meet the liabilities of 12,752 policies covering $9,622,084,
687. Owatonna Journal, Dec. 3, 1874.
688. Farmers' Union, March 7 ,1874.
689. Ibid., Aug., 1867, Vol. 1, No. 1.
690. Ibid., Aug., 1869.
691. Ibid., April, 1869.
692. Ibid., Dec. 27. 1873.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 157
and condemned the business management of the enterprise.^^^
This adverse report greatly exasperated the grangers. They
believed that the chairman of the committee, Mr. Sherwood,
had for personal reasons tried to discredit the association.^^*
Its officers immediately published a lengthy reply to this re-
port and assured the public that the association was sound to
the core,''^'' and it seems that they were given greater credence
than Mr. Sherwood's committee.
The Patrons had from the beginning been interested in
co-operation. They had frequently tried to unite and elimi-
nate the ''middleman's profit," and while many of their ven-
tures were not particularly successful it was generally believed
that their activities had forced retailers to reduce their prices
materially. In 1873 the executive committee of the State
Grange had appointed a state agent to carry out co-operative
plans. The agent, Mr. J. S. Denman, on his own responsibility
organized a Patrons' Co-operative Society and incorporated it.
He made the headquarters of the society at Winona, but
planned to establish sub-agencies in the different counties.
No distinction was made among those who dealt with the so-
ciety, a small commission being charged of all whether patrons
or not.«^«
Mr. Denman 's announcement of his plans created a great
stir. He was denounced as a middleman because he charged
a regular commission. He was accused of having acted with-
out authority in incorporating the state agency. His action
was officially investigated and declared illegal. The State
Grange, at its meeting in December, 1878, Avould not recognize
him as its agent nor sanction any of his acts."'^^ Nevertheless
the grange proceeded to create the office of state agent, at-
taching a salary of fifteen hundred dollars, and unanimously
elected Mr. Denman to this position.*''^^ But though the lead-
ers tried to smooth over the difficulty, the mistrust and ill feel-
693. St. Paul Daily Dispatch, Feb. 25, 1874; Farmers' Insurance Com-
pany (a four column report).
694. Farmers' Union, March 7, 1874.
695. St. Paul Dispatch, March 3, 1874, "The Other Side."
696. Farmers' Union, Nov. 22, 1873, "The 'fifth wheel' in the Grange;"
Dec. 13, 1873, "What is it?" Dec. 20, 1873.
697. Ibid., Dec. 27, 1873; "The Duty of the Patrons."
698. Ibid.
158 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ing was not altogether swept away. Many who had been at-
tracted to the order because of its co-operative features were
disappointed and lost interest in the grange work.
State Master Parsons had in a large measure checked the
formal participation of grangers in the campaign of 1873.
Mr. Donnelly's plan to create a new granger party had mis-
carried, but nevertheless the granges had been an important
factor at the polls and in the legislature.
In the winter of 1874 Mr. Donnelly resumed his efforts to
organize an independent anti-monopoly party. The anti-mo-
nopolist members of the legislature met while the legislature
still was in session, and a committee of five was appointed to
prepare an address to the people of the state.^^^ The address
aimed to show that what good had been accomplished by the
legislature was to the credit of the anti-monopolists, and that
the best measures and real reform had been blocked by the
Republican majority. All friends of reform were invited to
meet in every township of the state June 27 to elect delegates
to county conventions.'^^*' There were at the time over three
hundred active granges in the state. William Paist, secretary
of the State Grange, was chairman of the committee which
prepared the anti-monopolist address. Nominally through him,
the anti-monopolist address and circulars were sent to all the
granges of the state to be read at their meetings.^^^ Later Mr.
Donnelly assumed all responsibility.^*'^ This irregular proced-
ure met with the approval of some grangers,^**" but on the
whole it seems to have been strongly resented. For instance,
the Lone Cedar Grange, in a spirited reply to the request to
have the anti-monopolist circulars presented to the grange by
its officers, treated this request as an insult, because grange
officers were under solemn obligation not to use their position
to influence any member in matters of politics or religion.^*'*
A prominent Patron of Hennepin county sent in a com-
plaint to Grand Master Adams of tlie National Grange, and^
699. Address of the Anti-Monopolist Party, 1874.
700. Farmers' Union, March 14, 1874. See also Address of the Anti-
Monopolist Party, 1874.
701. Farmers' Union, March 21, 1874.
702. Ibid., May 30, 1874.
703 Ibid., March 21, 1874; letter from "A Burns Granger."
704. Ibid., June 13, 1874.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 159
received the following reply : ' ' I have no doubt but the Mas-
ter of your State Grange will promptly apply the correction
to any subordinate grange that will so far forget its constitu-
tional obligations as to take part in partisan politics. I fully
agree with you that our Order must not, as such, become a
political organization ; but I most earnestly hope that our mem-
bers will be true to their duty as American citizens and take
an active and prominent part in moulding the institutions and
laws of our country. ' ' ''^^
State Master Parsons then published the following notice,
dated July 11, 1874: ''Upon any complaint made to me that
any Grange in this jiirisdiction has violated article XIII of the
constitution of the National Grange [prohibiting political
activity], I shall not hesitate to suspend that Grange and ask
the Worthy Master of the National Grange to revoke its char-
ter upon proof of guilt after hearing. " ^°«
Mr. Donnelly immediately began an attack on Mr. Par-
sons for this action, accusing him of having issued the notice
for partisan purposes, namely, as in 1873, to save the Repub-
lican party from disruption. Again a lively discussion was
evoked. Those who had joined the order to secure legislative
reform were not content ''to amuse themselves with running
little parlor machines while others ran the government. ' ' ^*^^
The more radical members looked upon Mr. Parsons' action as
despotic, and became thoroughly dissatisfied with the order.
Men of all sorts of opinions had joined the grange, and
often for widely differing purposes. In the enthusiasm of or-
ganization each one confidently looked to the order for the
realization of his ideals. The work of organization continued
to flourish and the number of granges was greatly increased,^"®
but misunderstandings and disputes are fatal in any fraternal
order. While the growth of the order was at its height, re-
ports began to spread that it was dying. As early as January,
705. Anti-Monopolist, July 30, 1874.
706. Ibid.,July 30, 1874.
707. Ibid., July 16, 1874; letter from Lewis Porter, a Patron, to the
Rochester Record and Herald,
708. Grange Advance, Dec. 22, 1874, Meeting of Minnesota State
Grange. State Master Parsons reported the organization of
142 granges in Minnesota, and 12,000 in the United States and
Canada, during the year 1874.
160 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
1874, while granger legislatures were in session in several
states, The Nation had almost prophetically said: "The farm-
ers' movement, politically considered, has indeed passed in the
last few months through the various stages of progress from
birth to decay and dissolution, to which all movements of the
sort seem nowadays to be destined. " ^^^ This publication was
not in sympathy with the farmers' movement,"" and was not
blinded by enthusiasm for its progress.
The Grange, however, protested life and vitality. In De-
cember the Grange Advance gives as a news item that there
were at that time 21,472 organized granges in the United
States, an increase of 364 during the last month. It then asks,
Does this look much like dying? But the item is immediately
followed by this comment: "Patrons who are now will-
ing to desert the field on account of some little neighborhood
troubles or personal differences are like men who have plowed
the ground, obtained and sowed the seed, and watched the
crop to maturity, refusing to harvest because neighbor Jones,
or Smith, or Jenkins, have killed their bull pup.""^ It is
evident that the patrons themselves recognized signs of dis-
loyalty and indifference within their ranks.
The campaign conducted in Minnesota in the summer and
fall of 1874 was not very exciting. Hard times dampened the
enthusiasm of the people. Mr. Donnelly failed to arouse the
interest of the farmers in his Anti-Monopoly party, and the
grangers seem to have taken no active part in the campaign in
any way.^^^ The question of railroads and monopolies did not
come up for serious discussion. At the election the Republi-
cans elected twenty- four state senators, and the Democrats
seventeen. Sixty Republicans and forty-six Democrats were
elected members of the lower house.
The State Grange met in Mankato December 15, 1874. In
709. The Nation, vol. 18, p. 55, "The Farmers' Future."
710. Ibid., vol. 16, see Index, under The Week, "Railroad excite-
ment in Illinois;" p. 249, "The Farmers* Clubs, and the Rail-
roads;" p. 329, "The Latest Reform Movement;" p. 397, "The
Grangers and the Judges;" vol. 17, see Index under The Week,
"Farmers' Fallacy," etc.; vol. 18, pp. 55, 325, 340, 294, "The
Cheap Transportation Report;" vol. 19, p. 36, "The Granger
Method of Reform;" p. 199, "The Right to Confiscate."
711. Grange Advance, Dec. 22, 1874, P. of H. column.
712. Record and Union, Dec. 11, 1874.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 161
his opening address State Master Parsons strongly condemned
the new railroad law, asserting that the operation of that law
as executed was an actual aggravation of the evil. He be-
lieved, however, that one end had been gained, namely, that
"We hear no more of chartered rights above and beyond the
power of the legislature to restrict. For reasons obvious to
the dullest understanding, the corporations affected, with one
accord, make haste to yield a ready obedience to the behest
of the Commissioners. The fault of this condition of things is
not to be found in the provisions of the law itself, but in the
execution of those provisions. The measure which we had
fondly hoped would afford a relief from our burdens, has been
turned against us and made an agent of still greater oppres-
sion.""^
He reported some progress during the past year by way of
securing competition among sellers and thereby reducing the
prices of all goods bought by the farmer. He believed that
cheaper transportation could be secured on the same principle
by bringing water transportation into competition with the
railroads."*
At this convention the following resolutions were drawn up
and were adopted, it is said, with enthusiasm :
Whereas, One of the greatest causes of the general industrial de-
pression is the want of cheap means of transportation to the sea-
board; and
Whereas, This result can only be obtained by competition, secured
by the opening of water channels between the Mississippi and the
ocean by way of our lakes and rivers; therefore,
Resolved, That we cordially endorse the report of the select com-
mittee on transportation submitted to the Senate during the first ses-
sion of the Congress. * * * *
Resolved, That the present state law for the regulation of rail-
roads is expensive and useless to the people and vexatious to the
roads, and we demand its repeal, and in the name of 20,000 voters we
demand the passage of a law that shall guarantee cheap transporta-
tion for the productions of the farm, especially wheat.
Resolved, That we propose to exercise our right of franchise in
defence of our own interests, and we promise to act unitedly at the
713. Anti-Monopolist, Dec. 24, 1874; Grange Advance, Dec. 22, IJ
714. Ibid.
11
162 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ballot box against those who prove themselves hostile or indifferent
to our welfare.
Resolved, That while religion or politics should not be discussed
in the work of the Order, we hold that each Grange has a right, and
that it is a duty, to discuss and understand all the great economic
questions of taxation, which underlie our prosperity as a people, and
that we propose to exercise that right, regardless of its effects upon
political parties or politicians.
Resolved, That Minnesota's true outlet for her production to
Eastern markets is via Lake Superior, and we call upon the legisla-
ture of the state at its coming session to make an appropriation for
a survey of the watershed between the St. Croix and Lake Superior
to ascertain the best route and the lowest cost of a canal between
them.715
The Grange also endorsed the project of opening the Fox
and Wisconsin rivers that the people of the Northwest might
have another opening by water to the Great Lakes.
These resolutions would seem to indicate that the grangers
still had an interest in politics. They here proposed a defi-
nite legislative program, and while they did not come out as
a new political organization they did pledge themselves to act
unitedly at the ballot box against candidates who were hos-
tile or indifferent to their plans. They tried to make a distinc-
tion between politics and partisan politics, which does not seem
to have been made clear to anyone. As was said in a letter
to the Anti-Monopolist : ' ' The great question is settled at last.
The Grangers can discuss whatever they please except partisan
politics. As no one has ever even wanted to discuss partisan
politics, not even Donnelly, I suppose those little creatures who
were in favor of the 'hush up policy' will hide their heads in
shame and silence. If State Master Parsons had said 'partisan
politics' there would have been no controversy about the mat-
ter." "«
Col. Samuel E. Adams was elected State Master to suc-
ceed Mr. Parsons. Mr. Donnelly tried to make political capital
out of this fact, construing it as a disapproval of Mr. Parsons'
action in forbidding political activity on the part of granges.
In the Anti-Monopolist he said: "The State Grange draws a
715. Anti-Monopolist, Dec. 24, 1874.
716. Ibid., Aiigr. 13, 1874.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 163
long breath of relief. The old man of the mountain who had
so long ridden it is no more. Parsons is dropped out of sight
deeper than plummet ever sounded. * * * He preserved
the Republican party in power at the expense of the Patrons
of Husbandry. He tried to emasculate the Order and to reduce
its members to silence and nothingness. But for his presence
we should today have one thousand subordinate Granges in
Minnesota, instead of five hundred." ^^^
With a new state master and a set of resolutions so strongly
tinged with politics, the State Grange to all appearances was
about to enter the political arena. As a matter of fact, how-
ever, the grange masters in convention did not by these reso-
lutions truly express the sentiments of their subordinate
granges. The resolutions were not the spontaneous product of
grange enthusiasm. They not only failed to arouse enthusiasm,
but in many instances they met with determined opposition.
Several subordinate granges passed resolutions protesting
against the demanded repeal of the railroad laws.^^^ The
grangers were not prepared to take any united action at the
ballot box at this time. Many believed that Mr. Donnelly was
back of this movement, and later in a speech in the state senate
he acknowledged his authorship of the resolutions.'^"
i\Ir. Parsons was not re-elected state master, but to con-
strue this as a disavowal of his policy of keeping the grange
out of politics does not seem to be warranted. Mr. Donnelly,
as we have seen, was bitterly opposed to Mr. Parsons person-
ally, and undoubtedly had influence in bringing about his de-
feat. But Colonel Adams, a war Democrat, who was elected
to succeed him, was in favor of the same general policy as Mr.
Parsons, and he says that this question did not come up as an
issue in the election. '^'^
717. Ibid., Dec. 24, 1874.
718. Rochester Post, March 6, 1875.
719. Owatonna Journal, March 4, 1875.
720. In an interview at his home in Minneapolis. July 27, 1909.
164 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
CHAPTER XV.
THE GRANGER LAWS REPEALED AND A NEW RAILROAD LAW
ENACTED IN 1875.
The railroad law of 1874 had proved disappointing. It was
enacted to curb the arbitrary power of the railroads and to
make them amenable to state control; but, owing to the finan-
cial stringency following the panic of 1873, it had been im-
possible to give it what its friends would call a fair trial.
Business was at a stand-still, and the railroads were unable to
meet their obligations incurred in times of optimism and pros-
perity. At the State Grange an attempt had been made to re-
vive interest in further railroad regulation, but it met with no
hearty response. By the winter of 1875 the state press had
come to an almost unanimous decision in favor of an about-
face in the railroad policy of the state.
The St. Paul Press considered the practical results of the
law ''mischievous in the extreme," and believed it "univer-
sally demonstrated, because experience has painfully admitted,
that the experimental legislation of last winter in this state
was a disastrous mistake," though administered leniently.'^^^
The Minneapolis Tribune characterized the farmers' move-
ment as a senseless railroad war. In its judgment "ten years
will not suffice to repair the injury to the state which the law
has inflicted. * * * The railroad war of the West is re-
sponsible to a great degree for the hard times of which we
have been complaining so much recently." ^^^
The St. Paul Dispatch said: "The mistake wiiich has been
made in this war upon railroads is now very generally con-
ceded, and few have the temerity to longer attempt to ride
upon the commune sentiment as a political hobby." ^-'^ And
again : ' ' The comments of the Stillwater Messenger, reprinted
elsewhere, reflect the sentiment of nine-tenths of the people of
721. The St. Paul Daily Press, Feb. 26, 1875, p. 2, c. 1; "Pvepeal of
the Railroad Law."
722. The Minneapolis Tribune, March 5, 1875, p. 2, c. 1 ; "The New
Railroad Law."
723. St. Paul Daily Dispatch, Jan. 21, 1875. p. 2. c. 2; 'Paralyzing
Business."
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 165
Minnesota. We can call to mind but three newspapers ^-* of
the state, which have given expressions to opinions in favor
of the present law or any law regulating railroads. We know
the business portion of the community desire to see the rail-
road restriction removed.""^
The St. Cloud Press observed: ''Never before in this coun-
try have the railroad interests felt the result of unjust laws
more than now. Never before have the people felt the result
of these laws with the same bitterness as now.'^^^
The Grange Advance, a grange organ, in discussing the law
of 1874, said: ''It was an illy advised law gotten up in a
hurry near the close of the session as an excuse for not doing
anything else, providing for three commissioners who should
stand between the people and the legislature and bear the
odium of the failure. "^^^
The Wisconsin State Grange in its annual meeting, Jan-
uary 14, 1875, in speeches and by resolutions, called for modifi-
cations in their granger laws.^^^ The Wisconsin railroad com-
missioners reported that the Potter law had proved a failure/^^
Governor Taylor likewise frankly admitted that railroad reg-
ulation in Wisconsin had not been a success.^"*' News of this
kind was circulated freely by the press in Minnesota. When
the state legislature convened in St. Paul in 1875, it seemed
that the "country press joined with the city press in demand-
ing such modifications in the legislation as will enable railroads
to operate at a fair profit." ^"^
Mr. Edgerton, one of the railroad commissioners, made a
724. These probably were the Rochester Post (see Feb. 27, 1875),
Owatonna Journal (see March 4, 1875), and Record and Union
(see Feb. 5, 1875). I found no other papers that stood by rail-
road control, and these recognized the sentiment against it.
725. St. Paul Daily Dispatch, Feb. 9, 1875, p. 2, c. 1; "A very gen-
eral sentiment."
726. Reprinted in the St. Paul Daily Dispatch, Jan. 19, 1875, p. 3,
c. 1.
727. Grange Advance, March 2, 1875.
728. St. Paul Daily Dispatch, Jan. 19, 1875.
729. Ibid., Jan. 9, 1875, p. 3, c. 1; St. Paul Daily Pioneer, Feb. 17,
1875, p. 2, c. 1; "The Potter Law."
730. St. Paul Daily Dispatch, Jan. 21, 1875, p. 2, c. 2; "Paralyzing
Business."
731. Minneapolis Tribune, Jan. 16, 1875, p. 2, c. 1; "Steps that
should be retraced;" reprinted in St. Paul Daily Dispatch,
Jan. 21, 1875, p. 2, c. 2.
166 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
speech at Mantorville which became generally known as the
"confiscation speech." The St. Paul Pioneer in commenting
on the address said: '*He shows that he has compelled the
Winona and St. Peter railroad to run at a cost of $30,000 a
year beyond their receipts, and then he asks : Now let me ask
any responsible man if he would advise any greater reduction
on this road till the results of a few months would demonstrate
its possibility. In other words he says. Can we put our hands
deeper into the pockets of the owners of this road, until we
find whether, after the end of a few months, they have any
more money left for us to take." The paper goes on to char-
acterize the plan of the railroad commission as a cool and de-
liberate scheme of legalized plunder."^"^
The Owatonna Press declared: "A gang of highway rob-
bers would not improve this statement. Not content with tak-
ing away all the profits of the Winona and St. Peter road, the
owners are compelled to lose over $30,000 yearly. * * *
Is there any wonder there is 'hard times?' Let justice be
done though the heavens fall. ' ' ' ^^ Strange as it may seem,
the Winona and St. Peter railroad company, which had been
the main factor in exciting the railroad war in 1870, and which
again in 1873 had been the chief object of attack, was now
pictured as suffering injustice at the hands of men who had
been appointed to bring relief to an oppressed people.
The general belief seems to have been that the granger
movement was more or less directly the cause of the financial
depression. The railroad law and the panic became associated
in the minds of the people as cause and effect, — they were now
suffering the ''quick return which communism always reaps
for aggressive assaults upon the bulwarks of national exist-
ence.""*
It may be true, as Governor Davis said in his message to
the legislature in 1875, that Minnesota was not so badly af-
fected by the panic as other states, but, after all, this was poor
consolation. The commercial and industrial interests, and par-
732. St. Paul Daily Pioneer, Jan. 16, 1875, pp. 2, c. 1; "A Railroad
Commissioner's Boast and Petition."
733. St. Paul Daily Pioneer, Jan. 16, 1875, p. 2, c. 3; "Another Opin-
ion upon Commissioner Edgerton's Confiscation Speecii."
734. Ibid., Feb. 26, 1875, p. 2, c. 1; "The People and the Railroads."
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 167
ticularly the railroads/^^ were the first to suffer, but the ef-
fects of the panic were soon shared by the farmer as well. The
grangers had looked to the legislature for relief from railroad
oppression, and the granger laws had been enacted for their
benefit. The railroads now complained that these laws were
oppressive and confiscatory, and that they would never regain
credit while such laws were in force. Railroads, ''reduced to
penury and starvation" and compelled by law to serve the
public at rates "far below cost," were no longer oppressors,
but victims of oppression. The idea became more and more
prevalent that something must be done to help the prostrate
railroads and to restore prosperity. The grangers had never
planned to cripple the railroad industry. They had meant to
control the roads for the public interest. Though no longer
militant, they had no inclination to give up their contention
that the state had the right to control railroads. Some change
in policy seemed necessary, but many were reluctant about ac-
cepting radical changes.
When the legislature met in January, 1875, the senatorial
election appeared to be of greater interest to the people and
to the legislators than railroad legislation. No one seemed to
have very definite ideas as to just what should be done, and
no one seemed anxious to commit himself on the railroad ques-
tion.^^«
The governor in his message characterized the railroad law
of 1871 as crude in its conception, harsh towards the people it
intended to benefit, and unjust to the weaker railroads, its sole
value lying in the fact that it asserted the right of the legisla-
ture to protect the people against excessive rates and unjust
discriminations, and that it had been upheld by the courts.
But on the whole he favored the law of 1874. ''Statutes," said
he, "are generally vindicated or condemned by their results.
The statute has resulted in the substantial abolition of local
discrimination. " ^^^
The railroad commission could not present a very gratify-
735. The Railroad Gazette, Sept. 27. 1873; "The Railroads First
Affected by the Financial Crisis."
736. St. Paul Daily Dispatch, Jan. 28, 1875; "Where are the Gran-
gers?"
737. Minn. Exec. Docs., 1874; Governor's Messag'e.
168 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ing report. Two railroad companies were in the hands of re-
ceivers, three had defaulted in interest of debts, and the others
had maintained their credit only by levying assessments on
their stockholders.^^® They had interfered as little with the
railroads as was consistent with the prevention and correction
of abuses. The commission believed that the main benefit of
the law was that it at an early stage asserted the right of the
state 'Ho so far regulate and control these indispensable and
beneficent agencies of material and social development as to
protect the people from evils and oppressions that are felt in
older communities," and that ''the certain effect will be to
check and repress the growth of evils that have scarcely any
present existence here, but which the experience of older states
demonstrates are sure in time to develop." ^^^
In actual operation they had found the pro rata principle
too inflexible, and recommended changes looking toward flex-
ibility, that "the rates may be varied to equitably adapt them
to the circumstances affecting cost and profit of service on
different parts of the same road."^''*^
AVhen the railroad question finally was taken up for discus-
sion, little enthusiasm was shown one waj^ or another. Mr.
Morse of Minneapolis introduced a bill in the House, which
substituted a single advisory commissioner for the strong rail-
road commission under the law of 1874. This bill was favor-
ably acted upon without any particular discussion in the com-
mittee of the whole, but w^hen it came up for the final reading
in the House, Mr. Brown, who opposed the bill, protested that
it was being rushed through without due consideration. He
admitted that a reaction had taken place in the minds of the
people, making them more favorable to the railroads than be-
fore, but he objected to creating the office of railroad com-
missioner with merely the clerical powers of gathering sta-
tistics and reporting to the governor.'^*^ Mr. Egan, in support
of the bill, tried to show that the evils to be remedied were
future rather than present evils, as indicated in the railroad
commissioner's report, and therefore he thought the Morse
738. Minn. Railroad Commissioner's Report, 1874, p. 6.
739. Ibid., p. 9.
740. Ibid., p. 8.
741. Record and Union. Marcli 6, 1875; "Tlie Legislature."
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 169
bill sufficient under present circumstances. Mr. listoe, another
representative, said on the floor of the House that some farm-
ers howled for railroads, and some against them. His people
howled for them, and hence he would encourage them by vot-
ing for the bill.^^2
The Morse bill passed the House by a large majority, but
met with greater opposition in the Senate. The Senate com-
mittee on railroads reported against a repeal of the existing
law,^** but later a joint committee on railroads agreed to re-
port favorably on the hew bill.^** The reports of the Massa-
chusetts railroad commissioner, Mr. Adams, seem to have ex-
erted a considerable influence at this time. Mr. Adams' opin-
ion was that "the only effective restraint upon railroad cor-
porations, consistent with the freedom of action absolutely
necessary to successful management of their complicated busi-
ness, is the moral one of public opinion. * * * He says in
substance that experience has demonstrated that no railroad
company will persist in palpable abuses in the face of official
exposure, backed as it is sure to be by public opinion. "^*^
Arguments of this nature gave the bill under consideration a
strong theoretical justification. It was not to be considered a
mere repeal of the old law, but rather a positive measure based
on good sound principles.
The bill did not pass the Senate without a struggle. A
number of the Anti-Monopolists of the previous year rallied to
the support of the law of 1874, which was about to be repealed.
While they did not favor some of its details, they were in
sympathy with the principle of state control underlying it.
Senator Coggswell, one of their number, denied that the law
had injured the railroads. He attributed the cessation of rail-
road construction to want of capital seeking investment, to the
absence of land grants, and to the general lack of confidence
among capitalists in railroads and business management.'^*^
Senator Westfall disowned the law of 1874 as the offspring
742. Ibid.
743. St. Paul Daily Dispatch, Feb. 12, 1875, p. 2, c. 2; "The Railroad
Law."
744. St. Paul Daily Press, Feb. 26, 1875, p. 2, c. 1; "Repeal of the
Railroad Law."
745. Ibid.
746. St. Paul Daily Dispatch. March 3, 1875. p. 2.
170
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
of the grange movement, considering it merely a compromise
measure. He proposed, however, "to hold and stand on the
ground already taken, — that the people have a right to reg-
ulate freights and tariffs. "^^^ Senator Donnelly also spoke
vigorously against the bill. He had voted against the law of
1874 at the time of its enactment, but he ''preferred it to no
law at all."^*«
Those who favored the bill did so for various reasons. Sen-
ator Graves "voted for the bill only out of consideration for
the impoverished condition of the railroads ;" ^^'^ Senator
Doughty because there was nothing to the bill but repeal. '^^°
Senator Knute Nelson favored a simple repeal instead of this
"sugar-coated" bill. He "preferred to take his medicine
straight, but was compelled to take it as it was offered." His
constituency were anxious to secure railroads and were of the
opinion that the existing law kept capital out of the state. '^^^
There was little enthusiasm for the Morse bill as a positive
measure. It passed the Senate by a vote of twenty-eight to
thirteen, and was approved by the governor.^''^
The new law ^"^ provided for one railroad commissioner, to
be elected at the general election for a term of two years. He
was required to give ten thousand dollar bonds, approved by
the governor, for the faithful discharge of his duties.^^* His
salary was fixed at three thousand dollars a year, and provi-
sion was made for a secretary at a salary of twelve hundred
dollars.'^^^
It was made the duty of the commissioner to inquire into
the neglect or violation of the laws by the railroad companies
or by their employees and officers, to inspect each railroad and
its equipment with special reference to public safety and con-
venience, and to investigate as to financial condition and man-
Railroad
747.
Rochester Post, March 6, 1875; "Westfall on the
Law."
748.
St. Paul Daily Dispatch, March 3, 1875, p. 2, c. 4.
749.
Ibid., March 4, 1875, p. 2; Morse Bill passed. 28 to 13,
750.
Ibid.
751.
Ibid.
752.
Ibid.
753.
General Laws of Minn., 1875, ch. 103.
754.
Ibid., sec. 1.
755.
Ibid., sec. 2.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 171
agement.'^® He was to report annually to the governor, and
to make such suggestions and recommendations as he deemed
advisable/^^ The president or managing officer of each rail-
road company was required to report under oath to the rail-
road commissioner annually, on or before October 1/^^ The
commissioner was empowered to investigate books and papers,
and to examine officers or employees under oath or otherwise.
He was given power to issue subpoenas and to compel obedi-
ence in these matters, in the same manner as regular courts of
law. Wilful obstruction or refusal to give testimony was made
a misdemeanor punishable by a fine of not over one thousand
dollars.^^9
Railroad companies were'prohibited from charging one per-
son or corporation more than another "for a like service from
the same place, and upon like conditions and upon similar cir-
cumstances;" and all concessions of rates, drawbacks, and
contracts for special rates, were to be "open to all persons,
companies, and corporations, alike under similar circumstan-
ces." ^^*^ Unreasonable charges for any privilege or service on
the part of railroad companies was likewise prohibited.'^^^
It was made the duty of railroads, "when within their
power to do so, and upon reasonable notice," to furnish suit-
able cars to all who applied, and to "receive and transport
such freight with all reasonable dispatch," and to provide
"suitable facilities for receiving the same at any depot" on
their lines.^''-
Any railroad company which violated the provisions of this
act, as to "extortion or unjust discrimination," was to forfeit
treble damages and costs to the aggrieved party. The railroad
law of the previous year was repealed, but the repeal was not
to affect any pending action.'^®^
The enactment of this law meant a definite change of policy
756. Ibid., sec. 3.
757. Ibid., sec. 4.
758. Ibid., sec. 5.
759. Ibid., sec. 6.
760. Ibid., sec. 7.
761. Ibid., sec. 8.
762. Ibid., sec. 9.
763. Ibid., sec. 10.
172 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
in regard to railroad control/^'' The railroad commissioner
was given plenary powers to investigate and report, but had
no power to prevent or correct abuses. Unreasonable charges,
as we noted, were forbidden, but were in no way defined.
Discriminations were likewise prohibited, but in such guarded
terms that little substantial protection was afforded. The ag-
grieved party would have to bring civil action against the
railroad company and prove that different charges had been
made for "like services from the same place and upon like
conditions and similar circumstances," or must show in court
that the charges were unreasonable, or that cars had not been
furnished upon reasonable notice, when it was in the power of
the railroad companies to do so. Discriminations and extor-
tions were no longer offences against the state and punishable
as such. They were again placed within the domain of private
law, and the individual aggrieved must himself bring action,
and must stand the cost in case of an adverse decision.
The legislature also passed "An act for the protection of
exporters of grain from this state." ^®^ According to this law,
"common carriers" doing business within the state and en-
gaged in the transportation of grain, were required to give a
receipt for the amount of grain received and were bound to
deliver the same amount to the destination, allowing a max-
imum of forty-five pounds loss per carload during transporta-
tion. Refusal to give such a receipt when demanded made
the company liable to a fine of from ten to fifty dollars. In
case of refusal or neglect to deliver the amount of grain so
receipted, the common carrier was made liable for all loss be-
yond the legal maximum, and was subjected to a fine of fifty
to one hundred dollars for each offence. All prosecutions un-
der this act were to be made in the name of the state, under
the direction of the attorney general.'^"*'
The purpose of this law was to remedy the "shortage and
stealage" abuse against which the farmers and independent
shippers had so long contended. The railroads were here called
common carriers and the legislature undertook to regulate
764. See the Railroad Gazette, March 13, 1875, p. 109, "Minnesota
Railroad Laws;" The Nation, vol. 20, p. 183.
765. General Laws of Minn., 1875, ch. 88.
766. Ibid., sec. 3.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 173
them in their transportation of grain. The penalties under
the law were not severe, but the manner of enforcing them was
in striking contrast with the weak provisions of the act cal-
culated to prevent discriminations and extortions.
These were the important general laws passed at this ses-
sion. Numerous special laws were passed authorizing cities,
counties and towns to issue bonds in aid of railroads.^''^ This
shows that the people in different parts of the state were
anxious to see railroad construction resumed. A number of
special laws were passed by the legislature to aid railroads.
Two railroads were given state swamp lands.^^^ The St. Paul
and Pacific railroad company had its time limit for completion
extended, but was bound to charge only just and reasonable
rates and to make no unjust and unreasonable discrimina-
tions.^^^ The Minneapolis and St. Louis railroad company was
authorized to extend a branch line, and its charter rights were
made applicable to this branch, provided passengers and freight
were carried over the lines, "at such equitable and reasonable
rates as may from time to time be fixed by law.""'* These
acts are a reversion to the previous type of railroad regulation.
Direct legislative control of railroad rates, as contemplated by
the granger laws, had been given up as inexpedient, but the
legislature promptly resumed the plan of regulation by special
law wherever possible.
The granger legislature of 1874 had passed laws to control
railroad rates and railroad management, but, as we have seen,
they also memorialized Congress for river improvements and
canals, in order to bring a cheaper means of transportation into
competition with the railroads. The legislature of 1875, which
repealed the granger laws and by joint resolution directed the
attorney general to discontinue the suit pending by express
order of the preceding legislature against a railroad company
to have its charter declared forfeited,"^ continued the agita-
767. Special Laws of Minn., 1875, chs. 126, 127, 129, 130, 131, 132.
768. Ibid., chs. 51 and 54, the Taylor's Falls and Lake Superior and
the Duluth and Iron Rang'e railroad companies, resp.
769. Ibid., ch. 49.
770. Ibid., ch. 63. Other special acts were chs. 50, 52, 57, 58, 64.
771. General Laws of Minn., 1875, p. 218; Joint Resolution No. 19.
Suit had been brought against the First Division of the St.
Paul and Pacific railroad company.
174 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
tion for extended and improved water transportation. By-
joint resolution Congress was requested, verbatim as in 1874,
to make a survey of the ''water routes between the navigable
waters of the Minnesota river and the Red river of the North, ' '
to ascertain the feasibility of a canal connection between the
two. Surveys had been made of the two rivers and measures
were progressing for improving the navigation on the rivers,
it is stated in the resolution, but the surveys were not being
made with the idea of connecting the rivers and making them
a continuous navigation system.^^^
Congress was in like manner ''requested" to survey the
Red or Otter Tail river to ascertain the feasibility of improv-
ing that river from Fergus Falls upward to where the North-
ern Pacific crossed it near Perham.'^''^ The senators and repre-
sentatives of the state in Congress were urged to use their in-
fluence to secure the improvement of the Red river between
Breckenridge and Manitoba,"'' of the Mississippi river at St.
Paul,"^ and of the Minnesota river. "® It was believed that
navigable streams and canals under the control of the federal
government would forever remain in competition with rail-
roads and tend to keep do^^n their rates.
The Minneapolis and St. Paul papers quite generally en-
dorsed the new railroad law. The St. Paul Dispatch had advo-
cated the Morse bill from the time it was introduced."^ The
St. Paul Pioneer heartily commended it, and congratulated the
state upon its passage; for, "While the new measure in no
respect abates the principle of state control, it substitutes for
the heavy hand of iron-clad tariffs a system which will accom-
plish every just reform and at the same time secure capital
against the arbitrary persecution which has resulted in blight-
ing railroad interests all over the West. By the new bill the
interests of the people are amply guarded, while those of the
p. 213; Joint Resolution No, 10.
p. 207; Joint Resolution No. 1.
p. 208; Joint Resolution No. 2.
p. 210; Joint Resolution No. 5.
p. 210; Joint Resolution No. 6.
St. Paul Daily Dispatch, Feb. 23, 1875, p. 2, c. 1, "A Sensible
Bill;" Feb. 26, 1875, p. 2, c. 1, "The Pending Railroad Bill;"
March 1, 1875, p. 2, c. 1, "A Political Movement;" March 2,
1875, p. 2, 0. 1, "The New Railroad Law."
772.
Ibid.
773.
Ibid.
774.
Ibid.
775.
Ibid.
776.
Ibid.
777.
St. 1
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 175
railroads are secured against violent and communistic confis-
cation. "^^«
The Minneapolis Tribune said: "The Morse bill virtually
restores to the railroad companies the right to manage and
control their own property, which right was taken away from
them last winter. =* * * Thus has our state at last taken
a step calculated in the end to repair the injury inflicted upon
her by the senseless railroad war." "^
The press outside the Twin Cities was not so unanimous in
its approval. The Grange Advance said: ''A number of our
exchanges are amusing themselves by miscellaneously pitching
into the new railroad laAV. * * * While we do not think
it perfect, we cannot agree with the broad assertions that are
being constantly paraded before the public in the following
style : The Minnesota legislature at its recent session virtually
sold out to the railroads and repealed all the legislation of
1874, and left the people at the mercy of the corporations." ''^^
The Owatonna Journal was one of the papers here referred
to. It came out strongly against the bill and ''asserted un-
hesitatingly that all the railroad lawyers this side of perdition
could not have framed a clause to expressly grant the right of
discrimination in better terms or more effectively. ' ' ^^^ Ex-
governor Austin wrote to the Journal a letter commending it
on its attitude and characterizing the repeal of the law of 1874,
without enacting a better substitute, as a "criminal piece of
stupidity and folly." He predicted an early repeal of the
"Morse fraud. "^^^ rpj^^ Monticello Times agreed with Mr.
Austin that the law of 1874 had not been given a fair trial.'^^^
The Rochester Post considered the enactment of the law an
"acknowledgment by the legislature that the attempt to fix
rates of compensation for transportation services by a differ-
ent system from that by which other values are fixed has
proved a failure. ' ' ^^* Its tone is quite moderate considering
778. St. Paul Daily Pioneer, March 4, 1875, p. 2, c. 1, "The New-
Railroad Bill."
779. Minneapolis Daily Tribune, March 5, 1875, p. 2, c. 1.
780. Grange Advance, March 2, 1875.
781. Owatonna Journal, March 4, 1&75.
782. Ibid., March 25, 1875.
783. Anti-Monopolist, Apr. 15, 1875.^
784. Rochester Post.
176 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
its previous stand. The Windom Reporter called the railroad
law a farce, and continued: ''Common law guarantees as
much protection, and the penalties of the new law will have
no effect in frightening the railroads to adopt a reasonable
tariff. "^«^ The Winona Republican said: ''The bill prac-
tically amounts to a total surrender on the part of the state
of the right to regulate railroads * * * it would be better
to have no railroad law at all and save the useless clerk
hire."^s«
The Anti-Monopolist perhaps came out the very strongest
against the repeal of the former law. It called the new law a
"sham, a mockery, a delusion, and a snare. "^^^ It quoted the
Chisago County Post as saying: "The new railroad law is not
well thought of by the state press; in fact, there are few papers
in the state that do not denounce the law as a sham conveying
no meaning whatever. " ^^^ This last statement is too sweep-
ing, but enough quotations have been given to show that the
new law was not favorably received by all. There were many
throughout the state who were disappointed because the gran-
ger law of 1874 was not given a longer trial.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE GRANGER MOVEMENT.
The repeal of the granger laws in Minnesota and the neigh-
boring granger states, following the sudden decline in granger
activity, was taken by many as an indication that the granger
movement had spent its force and accomplished nothing. But
such was hardly the case. The grangers did not succeed in
solving the railroad problem, but as a direct result of their
revolt against the railroad abuses of their day the fact came
to be generally recognized that the people as well as the rail-
road corporations have "vested rights," and this was no mean
contribution toward its solution.
785. Anti-Monopolist, March 18. 1875, "The Railroad Law;" Win-
dom Reporter quoted.
786. Ibid., March 11, 1875, "The New Railroad Law;" The Winona
Republican quoted.
787. Ibid., March 18, 1875.
788. Ibid., March 25, 1875,
\
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA.
177
Whenever attempts were made to subject the railroads to
regulation in the interest of the people, they sought refuge
behind the Dartmouth College decision. In this case the
United States supreme court had held that the original charter
of Dartmouth College constituted a contract between the
Crown and the trustees of the college, which was not dissolved
by the Revolution, and that an act passed by the state legis-
lature of New Hampshire altering this charter without the
consent of the corporation impaired the obligation of the con-
tract and was therefore null and void.^^^ All rights once
legally vested in corporations were thus placed beyond the
reach of subsequent state legislation. ''This decision," said
Chancellor Kent approvingly, ''did more than any other sin-
gle act proceeding from the authority of the United States to
throw an impregnable barrier around all rights and franchises
derived from the government ; to give solidity and inviolability
to the literary, charitable, religious and commercial interests
of the country. "^^° This statement, made in 1826, seems al-
most prophetic in the light of later developments. The growth
of corporate enterprise and the part this decision was to play
could not be foreseen, even by such far-sighted men as Mar-
shall and Kent. The doctrine laid down in this decision was
followed in later cases in federal and state courts, and it soon
came to be regarded as a settled principle of American consti-
tutional law that charters of private corporations were invio-
lable contracts between the legislature and the corporators, and
that the subsequent power of the legislature was restrained by
their terms.'^^^
This decision did not lead to an amendment of the federal
constitution calling for a different interpretation of the provi-
sion in question, as did the decision in Chisholm vs. Georgia •''^-
but the different states began almost immediately to guard
against the interpretation of future charters as inviolable con-
tracts by expressly reserving to the state legislature the right
789.
790.
791.
792.
12
The Trustees of Dartmouth College vs. Woodward, 4 Wheaton,
518; decided 1819.
1 Kent's Com., 392; First edition, 1826.
See 94 U. S., 185, Stone vs. Wisconsin, dissenting opinion.
2 Dallas, 419; decided 1793. The eleventh amendment was pro-
posed in 1794.
178 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
to alter, amend, or repeal acts incorporating private corpora-
tions/^^ The first plan was to insert a provision to this effect
in the charter when granted, ^^'^ and soon became quite general.
Another plan was to make the reservation of legislative power
of amendment or repeal applicable by general law to all fu-
ture charters.^^"' A third plan was to insert this reservation
of power in the state constitution. Beginning with the Dela-
ware constitution as amended by a constitutional convention
in 1831, we find that by 1866 this provision is to be found in
the constitution of at least fifteen different states.'^^^
From the great amount of legislation and constitutional
enactment which it provoked, it is evident that the doctrine
promulgated in the Dartmouth College decision was regarded
as new and not altogether acceptable by the different states.
And as time went on and railroads were built and railroad cor-
porations grew in power, the situation became more and more
serious ; for the new corporations, though controlling an essen-
tial factor in the economic life of the country, claimed exemp-
tion from state regulation in the interests of the public they
were serving as common carriers, because their charter rights
were constitutionally beyond legislative interference. Even
where reservation had been made that charters might be al-
tered or repealed, it was a matter of grave doubt in some quar-
ters whether, after all, this reservation was not an empty for-
mula.'^^^ If a company had vested rights in the franchises
793. 10 Barbour, 260, New York Supreme Court, 1851; Amer, Law
Review, vol VIII, p. 189 (Jan., 1874), "The Dartmouth College
Case."
794. For instance. Laws of New York, 1819, ch. 110, sec. 3; Laws of
New Hampshire, 1820, ch. 34, sec. 10. The provision may be
found later In charters of most of the states.
795. 1 New York Revised Statutes (1829), 600, sec. 8, — this provision
dates from Dec, 1827; Session Laws of Mass., 1830, ch. 81; 3
Public Laws of Maine, ch. 503, approved March 17, 1831.
796. Del., Const, of 1831, art. 2, sec. 17.
N. Y., 1846, art. 8, sec. 1. Penn., amend., 1857, art. 1, sec. 26.
Wis., 1848, art. 11, sec. 1. Kan., 1859, art. 12, sec. 1.
Cal., 1849, art. 4, sec. 31. W. Va., 1861, art. 11, sec. 5.
Mich., 1850, art. 15, sec. 1. Nev., 1864, art. 8, sec. 1.
Ohio, 1851, art. 13, sec. 2. Md., 1864, art. 3, sec. 51.
Ore.. 1857, art. 11, sec. 2. Mo., 1865, art. 8, sec. 4.
Towa, 1857, art. 8, sec. 2. Tex., 1866, art. 7, sec. 31.
797. 1 Amer. Law Rev., 451, 456, ft. (Apr., 1867); "Legislative Con-
trol over Railway Charters."
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 179
granted, to what extent would the legislature be authorized to
interfere materially with these property rights? And the
United States supreme court later did decide that the reserved
power of alteration and amendment was not without limit, but
that "the alterations must be reasonable, they must be made
in good faith, and be consistent with tlie scope and object of
the act of incorporation."'"^
The right of the legislature to control its own creatures,
the corporations, was at the time of the granger movement no
longer an academic question of political and legal theory; it
was a vital question in the economic life of the country, and it
had to be faced squarely. Thomas M. Cooley, the eminent
jurist, expressed his opinion of the situation in 1873 as follows:
"It is under the protection of the decision in the Dartmouth
College case that the most enormous and threatening powers
in our country have been created; some of the great and
wealthy corporations actually having greater influence in the
country at large, and upon the legislation of the country, than
the States to which they owe their corporate existence. Every
privilege granted or right conferred — no matter by what means
or on what pretence — being made inviolable by the Constitu-
tion, the government is frequently found stripped of its au-
thority in very important particulars by unwise, careless, or
corrupt legislation; and a clause of the Federal Constitution,
whose purpose was to preclude the repudiation of debts and
just contracts, protects and perpetuates the evil."^""
In an address in 1873 James A. Garfield criticised the judi-
cial application of the Dartmouth College case, and ventured
the opinion that some feature of that opinion as applied to the
railway and similar corporations must give way under the new
elements which time had added to the problem, and said fur-
ther : "It will be a disgrace to our age and to us if we do not
discover some method by which the public functions of these
organizations may be brought into full subordination, and that
798. 95 U. S., 319, 324; Shields vs. Ohio.
799. Cooley, Constitutional Limitations, Third ed., 1874 (preface
dated Dec, 1873), pp. 279, 280 note. This statement is not
found in the first edition, published in 1867, before the granger
movement had brought the question into prominence.
180 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
too without violence and without unjust interference with the
rights of private individuals. ' ' ^"^
Railroads had from their first appearance been considered
common carriers, both in England and in the United States j^*'^
and, this being the case, many failed to see why railroads
should not, like other common carriers, be subject to legis-
lative regulation. That railroads, though constructed by pri-
vate corporations and owned by them, were public highways,
had been the doctrine of nearly all the courts since the ear-
liest days of railroad construction.^"- Because they were pub-
lic highways for the public benefit, the right of eminent do-
main had always been given to them;^"^ and courts had fre-
quently held that the public had an interest in such roads,
whether they were owned and operated by a private corpora-
tion or not.^°^ Because railroads performed public duties and
functions and were indispensable to the public interests, the
state legislature could rightfully tax or authorize taxation for
the purpose of aiding railroads.®^'' The United States supreme
court in 1872 expressed this doctrine in the following words:
''A railroad built by a state no one claims would be anything
else than a public highway, justifying taxation for its con-
struction and maintenance, though it could be no more open
to public use than is a road built and owned by a corporation.
Yet it is the purpose and the uses of a work which determine
its character." ^^^
The railroads reaped all the benefits of their quasi-public
character, but in the matter of business management they
claimed to be private corporations subject only to such provi-
sions as were to be found in their charters. The railroads may
have had some reason to fear the legislatures of the time. On
800. James A. Garfield, "The Future of the Republic, its Dangers
and its Hopes;" 5 Legal Gazette (Phila.), 408-9, Dec. 19, 1873.
801. See Redfield on Carriers and other Bailees (Cambridge, 1869),
ch. 3, "Railroads Common Carriers," and cases there cited.
802. Alcott vs. The Supervisors, 16 Wall., 678.
803. Sharpless vs. The Mayor of Philadelphia, 21 Penn. State Re-
ports, 147, 169-170; decided 1853.
804. Ibid., 169; 2 Mich., 427; 18 Minn., 482; 56 111., 377-379; see also
3 Wall., 654, 663, and cases there cited.
805. 21 Penn. State Reports, 147; 2 Mich., 427; 3 Wall., 654 r for argu-
ments contra, see 20 Mich., 462.
806. Alcott vs. The Supervisors, 16 Wall., 678, 696.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 181
the other hand, the people had grievances against the rail-
roads, some imaginary and unfounded, perhaps, but many were
very real and substantial, and particularly in the western
states the people were in no mood to permit court decisions
of the past to stand in the way of redressing existing wrongs.
Lawyers who had not forgotten the Dartmouth College deci-
sion began in some places to find themselves ineligible to the
elective judiciary.^^^ The courts had always in the past been
ready to protect the corporations in their chartered rights, but
the people now began to demand that the courts should be
equally ready to insist that they perform faithfully to the pub-
lic those duties which were the objects of their chartered
powers.^"^
The granger movement was an attempt on the part of the
people to secure control over railroad corporations and to pre-
vent extortionate and discriminating rates by legislation,
which, according to the usually accepted understanding of the
Dartmouth College decision, would be unconstitutional. The
granger states were those whose legislatures enacted such laws
and provided means for their enforcement. Cases involving
the constitutional rights of state legislatures to regulate rail-
road rates soon came before the United States supreme court
from three of the four granger states, namely, Iowa, Wiscon-
sin, and Minnesota.^"^ The railroads contended that state laws
fixing maximum rates, or authorizing railroad commissions to
do so, were unconstitutional, because they impaired the obliga-
tion of the charter contract, because they virtually deprived
the corporations of property without due process of law, and,
finally, because such laws were a regulation of inter-state com-
merce over which Congress had been given exclusive jurisdic-
tion.^^*' The constitution of the state of Wisconsin reserved
to the legislature the right to amend or repeal charters.®^^ The
railroad corporations here argued that this reservation clause
must be construed in connection with the fourteenth amend-
so?. Martin, History of the Grange Movement (1873), p. 335.
808. See 56 111., 365, 379.
809. From Iowa, 94 U. S., 155; from Wisconsin, 94 U. S., 164, 179,
and 181; from Minnesota, 94 U. S., 180 and 181, note.
810. The Chicago, Burlington and Quincy Railroad Company vs.
Iowa, 94 U. S., 155, 158, ff.
811. Const, of Wis., Art. 11, sec. 1.
182 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ment of the federal constitution, for the right to a reasonable
compensation for their services was not a franchise or privi-
lege granted by the state, but an inherent right which could
not be abridged or impaired by the state, — the question of rea-
sonableness was not for legislative but for judicial determina-
tion.^^-
The supreme court, however, followed the decision it had
just rendered in the case of Munn vs. lUinois.^^^ In this case
it had held constitutional an Illinois statute which fixed the
maximum charges for the storage of grain in warehouses at
Chicago and other places in the state having not less than
one hundred thousand inhabitants. The court asserted that,
under the powers inherent in every sovereignty, a government
may regulate the conduct of its citizens toward each other, and,
when necessary for the public good, the manner in which each
shall use his property; when the owner of property devotes it
to a use in which the public has an interest, he in effect grants
to the public an interest in such use, and must, to the extent
of such interest, submit to be controlled by the public for the
common good as long as he maintains the use ; of the propriety
of legislative interference within the scope of legislative power,
the legislature is the exclusive judge.^^^
In applying the principle of this decision in the railroad
cases the court disappointed the railroads, for they had relied
on the Dartmouth College decision as a precedent. It had been
so long judicially declared that it was supposed to be no longer
open to discussion, that charters of private corporations were
inviolable contracts, protected by constitutional guarantees
against legislative interference. '^^^ The decisions in the gran-
ger eases did not overrule the Dartmouth College decision, but
they did assert the general principle that a legislature has a
right to regulate the compensation for the use of all property
and for services in connection with it, the use of which affects
the community at large, even though the charter of a company
confers upon it the right to charge reasonable rates.^^® The
812. Peck vs. Railroad Company, 94 U. S., 164, 167.
813. 94 U. S., 113; decided 1876.
814. Ibid., see summary.
815. See Stone vs. Wisconsin, 94 U. S., 185, dissenting opinion.
816. Ibid., 186.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 183
railroads could no longer seek refuge behind the ''impregna-
ble barrier thrown around all rights and franchises derived
from the government" by the Dartmouth College decision.^^^
As public highways and common carriers, they were held sub-
ject to state regulation, and thus were ''practically placed at
the mercy of the legislature of every state." ^^^
Later decisions have modified to some extent the principles
laid down in the granger cases, and afford the railroads ample
protection by a liberal interpretation of the fourteenth amend-
ment, which makes the federal judiciary the final judge as to
the reasonableness of rates prescribed according to state law.^^^
But since the granger movement in the early seventies and the
decisions handed down by the federal supreme court in the
granger cases in 1876, the railroad corporations have not laid
claim to vested rights beyond reasonable legislative control.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
The following publications have been examined in the prep-
aration of this thesis, many of them being cited in its foot-
notes.
Acts, Joint Resolutions and Memorials passed by the First Leg-
islative Assembly of the Territory of Minnesota, 1849. Republication
of Important General Laws of Wisconsin now in force in the Terri-
tory of Minnesota, by Provision of the Organic Act, 1849. (These are
published together, and the chapters are numbered consecutively
throughout the volume.)
Session Laws of the Territory of Minnesota, 1850-1857. (Pub-
lished annually; extra session in 1857.)
Collated Statutes of the Territory of Minnesota and Decisions of-
the Supreme Court; collated pursuant to a Resolution of March 5,
1853. St. Paul, 1853.
Public Statutes of the State of Minnesota, 1849-58.
General and Special Laws of Minnesota, 1858-1875. (Annual ses-
sions; no session in 1859; extra session in 1862.)
The General Statutes of the State of Minnesota, 1866.
817. 1 Kent's Com., 392, first edition.
818. 94 U. S., 185. See C. F. Adams, Railroads, their Origin and
Problems, pp. 127, 129, 147.
819. Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul Railroad Company vs. Minne-
sota, 134 U. S., 418, decided March 24, 1890; see dissent by Jus-
tice Bradley, p. 461, ff. Reagan vs. Farmers' Loan and Trust
Company, 154 U. S., 362. Smyth vs. Ames, 169 U. S., 466.
184 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
An Analytical Index to the General and Special Laws of the Ter-
ritory and State of Minnesota from 1849 to 1875. By John C. Shaw
and John B. West. St. Paul, 1876.
Journals of the Council and of the House of Representatives of
the Territory of Minnesota. (The Legislative Assembly met annually
from 1849 to 1857, with an extra session in 1857. The Governors' Mes-
sages are found in these Journals.)
Journals of the Senate and of the House of Representatives of
the State of Minnesota, from 1858 to 1875. No session in 1859.
Debates and Proceedings of the Minnesota Constitutional Conven-
tion; Officially Reported by Francis H. Smith. [Democratic.*] St.
Paul, 1857.
Debates and Proceedings of the Constitutional Convention for the
Territory of Minnesota; T. F. Andrews, Official Reporter to the Con-
vention. [Republican.*] St. Paul, 1858.
Minnesota Executive Documents, 1860-1875. (These contain the
governors' messages, auditors' reports, treasurers' reports, etc.)
Reports of the Railroad Commissioner for the years 1871 to 1873,
inclusive; annual.
Report of the Railroad Commissioners for the year 1874. (Under
the law of 1874 a board of three commissioners was appointed, and
served until the repeal of this law the following year. From 1875 to
1884, inclusive, a single railroad commissioner served and presented
annual reports. The present Railroad and Warehouse Commission
dates from 1885.)
Reports of Railroad Commissions or Commissioners of other states,
particularly of Massachusetts, Ohio, Illinois, and Wisconsin.
Annual Reports of the Secretary of the Board of Agriculture [of
Massachusetts]. Boston; 1854, and onward.
A. J. Edgerton [Minnesota Railroad Commissioner], Compilation
of the Railroad Laws of Minnesota; St. Paul, 1872.
Original Records in the Office of the Secretary of State of Min-
nesota, in St. Paul.
Minnesota: Its Place among the States; being the First Annual
Report of the Commissioner of Statistics, for the Year ending January
1st, 1860. Hartford, Conn. 1860.
Second Annual Report of the [Minnesota] Commissioner of Sta-
tistics, for the years 1860 and 1861. St. Paul, 1862.
Legislative Manuals of the State of Minnesota.
♦ Two constitutional conventions convened independently of each
other in St. Paul; for both Democrats and Republicans claimed victory
at the polls. Neither convention recognized the other, but unofficially
they compared work as they proceeded and finally agreed upon the same
constitution, word for word. The constitution was accepted almost
unanimously by the people. The enrolled copy of the Democrats was
sent to Washington. The other is preserved in the Library of the Min-
nesota Historical Society in the capitol at St. Paul. See Neill's History
of Minnesota, 1858, pp. 627-8.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 185
Opinions of the Attorneys General of tlie State of Minnesota,
1858-1884; St. Paul, 1884.
Session Laws and Revised Statutes of the following states:
Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Con-
necticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland,
Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois,
Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa, Missouri, Kansas, Nebraska, and Oregon.
(In tracing the origin of the Minnesota territorial railroad charters,
special attention was given to the turnpike, canal, plank road, and
early railroad charters of these states.. See Chapter II.)
State Constitutions and the Federal Constitution.
State Court Reports of Minnesota, Michigan, Illinois, and Penn-
sylvania, cited in this work.
The following are important Minnesota Supreme Court cases deal-
ing with the railroad gross income tax and railroad land grants:
Railway Co. v. Parcher, 14 Minn., 297.
Minnesota v. Railway Co., 21 Minn., 315; 472.
Railway Co. v. St. Paul, 21 Minn., 526.
Ramsey County v. Railway Co., 33 Minn., 537.
Todd County v. Railway Co., 38 Minn., 163.
St. Paul V. Railway Co., 39 Minn., 112.
State V. Luther, 56 Minn., 156.
Minnesota v. Fred. Stearns, 72 Minn., 200.
(Reversed Stearns v. Minn., 179 U. S., 223.)
United States Supreme Court Reports.
United States Statutes at Large.
The following is a list of United States Statutes concerning land
grants to Minnesota:
Act of June 29, 1854, 10 U. S. Statutes, 302, Land grant.
Act of Aug. 4, 1854, 10 U. S. Statutes, 575, above grant repealed.
Act of March 3, 1857, 11 U. S. Statutes, 195, Land grant.
Act of March 12, 1860, 12 U. S. Statutes, 3, Swamp lands granted.
Act of July 12, 1862, 12 U. S. Statutes, 624, Route changed and
land grant.
Act of May 5, 1864, 13 U. S. Statutes, 64, Land grant.
Act of May 12, 1864, 13 U. S. Statutes, 72, Land grant.
Act of July 2, 1864, 13 U. S. Statutes, 365, Northern Pacific grant.
Act of March 3, 1865, 13 U. S. Statutes, 526, Grant of 1857 in-
creased.
Act of July 4, 1866, 14 U. S. Statutes, 87, Land grant.
Act of July 13, 1866, 14 U. S. Statutes, 93, makes up probable defi-
ciencies.
Act of July 13, 1866, 14 U. S. Statutes, 97, relating to choice of
lands.
186 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Public Lands: Local and Temporary Laws. Revised Edition,
1882. Government Printing Office, 1883.
Senate Reports.
House of Representatives Reports.
Congressional Globe.
Annual Reports of the Commissioner of Patents (on Agriculture),
1837-1861, incl.
Annual Reports of the Commissioner of Agriculture, 1862-1888, incl.
Department of Agriculture; Special Report, No. 2, 1883.
List of Agricultural and Pomological Societies, Farmers' Clubs,
etc., on the books of the Department of Agriculture, July 1, 1870. (47
pages.) Washington, 1870.
Tenth Census of the United States; Report, Volume VII.
Eleventh Census of the United States; Report on Wealth, Debt,
and Taxation.
Adams, Charles Fkancis, Jr. Railroads, their Origin and prob-
lems; Revised Edition, New York, 1878. The Granger Movement; 120
N A. Review, 394.
An Address of the Anti-Monopoly Party of Minnesota to their
Constituents. A Review of the Legislation of 1874. (Prepared by a
committee, Ignatius Donnelly, chairman.) St. Paul, 1874.
CooLEY, T. M. A Treatise on the Constitutional Limitations which
rest upon the Legislative Power of the States of the American Union.
First edition, Boston, 1868; third edition, Boston, 1873.
Crawford, J, B. The Credit Mobilier of America, its Origin and
its History. Boston, 1880.
Darrow, J. W. Origin and Early History of the Order of Patrons
of Husbandry. Chatham, N. Y., 1904. (This pamphlet is based on O.
H, Kelley's book on this subject.)
Donaldson, Thomas. The Public Domain, its History and Sta-
tistics. Government Printing Office, 1884.
Donnelly, Ignatius. Facts for the Grangers. (A pamphlet of 21
pages.) St. Paul, 1873.
FoLWELL, William Watts. Minnesota, the North Star State. In
American Commonwealths series: Boston and New York, 1908.
Gabfield, James A. The Future of the Republic: Its Dangers and
its Hopes. (An address delivered in 1873.) Reported in Legal Ga-
zette, Philadelphia, Dec. 19, 1873.
Goodwin, T. S. [Nom de plume, Gracchus Americanus.] The
Grange, a Study in the Science of Society. G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1874.
Gordon, J. H. Illinois Railway Legislation and Commission Con-
trol since 1870. Illinois University Studies, vol. I.
RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. 187
Kelley, Oliver H. Origin and Progress of the Order of Patrons
of Husbandry in the United States; A History from 1866 to 1873.
Philadelphia, 1875.
Kent, James. Commentaries on American Law. 4 volumes; New
York, 1826.
Laerabee, William. The Railroad Question. Chicago, 1893.
McKee, T. H. The National Conventions and Platforms of All
Political Parties, 1789-1900. Third edition, Baltimore, 1900.
Martix, E. W. History of the Grange Movement, or The Farmers*
War against Monopolies. Philadelphia, 1873.
Meyer, Balthasar H. A History of Early Railroad Legislation in
Wisconsin. Wis. Historical Society Collections, vol. XIV, pages 206-
300; Madison, Wis., 1898.
Million, John W. Aid to Railways in Missouri. Chicago, 1896.
Neill, Edward D. The History of Minnesota from the Earliest
French Exploration to the Present Time [1858]. J. B. Lippincott and
Co., Philadelphia, 1858.
Paine, A. E. The Granger Movement in Illinois. Illinois Univer-
sity Studies, vol. I.
Parker, N. H. The Minnesota Handbook for 1856-7. Boston, 1857.
Periam, Jonathan. A History of the Origin, Aims and Progress of
the Farmers' Movement. Chicago, 1874.
Poor, Henry V. Manual of the Railroads of the United States.
New York, 1868, and onward.
Prospectus of the Southern Minnesota Railroad Company, 1865;
Ibid., 1869.
Redfield, I. F. The Law of Carriers of Goods and Passengers,
Private and Public, Inland and Foreign, by Railway, Steamboat, and
Other Modes of Transportation. Cambridge, Mass., 1869.
Richardson, James D. A Compilation of the Messages and Papers
of the Presidents, 1789-1897. Ten volumes. Government Printing
Office, Washington, 1896-99.
Sanborn, J. B. Congressional Grants of Land in Aid of Railways.
Madison, Wis., 1899.
Scott, W. A. Repudiation of State Debts, New York and Boston,
1893.
Smalley, E. V. The History of the Republican Party from its
Organization to the Present Time, to which is added a Political His-
tory of Minnesota from a Republican Point of View. St. Paul, 1896.
Smith, Stephe. Grains for Grangers, Discussing all Points bearing
upon the Farmers' Movement for the Emancipation of White Slaves
from the Slave Power of Monopoly. Union Pub. Co., Chicago, Cincin-
nati, San Francisco, 1873.
188
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Stickney, a. B. The Railway Problem, with Many Illustrative
Diagrams. St. Paul, 1891.
Tribune Almanac and Political Register. New York.
World Almanac. New York.
The following Minnesota newspapers have been quoted or
directly referred to in this Avork:
Anti-Monopolist, St. Paul.
Duluth Minnesotian.
Duluth Weekly Tribune.
Farmers' Union, Minneapolis.
Federal Union, Rochester.
Grange Advance, Red Wing and
St. Paul.
Hastings Gazette.
Minnesota Record, Rocliester.
Minneapolis Daily Tribune,
Monticello Times.
Owatonna Journal.
Owatonna Press.
Record and Union, Rochester.
Red Wing Argus.
Rochester Post.
Sauk Rapids Sentinel.
St. Charles Herald.
St. Cloud Journal.
St. Cloud Press.
St. Paul Daily Dispatch.
St. Paul Evening Journal.
St. Paul Daily Pioneer.
St. Paul Weekly Pioneer.
St. Paul Weekly Pioneer Press.
St. Peter Tribune.
Stillwater Messenger.
Wabasha Weekly Herald.
Wells Atlas (Faribault County),
Windom Reporter.
Winona Republican.
The following out-of-state newspapers and periodicals have
been quoted or referred to :
American Law Review, Boston.
Cultivator and Country Gentle-
man, Albany, N. Y.
Harper's Weekly, New York.
Legal Gazette, Philadelphia.
Monthly Journal of Agriculture;
New York. 1846-48.
Nation, New York.
New York Daily Tribune.
North American Review, New
York (Boston till 1877).
Railroad Gazette, New York.
THE FIVE MILLION LOAN.
BY WILLIAM WATTS FOLWELL,
Professor Emeritus of the University of Minnesota.
The granting of public lands by the national government to
aid in the construction of railroads, beginning in 1850, did not
become an established policy till 1856. In the congressional
session of that year, after elaborate debate, thirty grants carry-
ing some 15,000,000 acres were made, about equally divided
between the South and the AVest.
When Minnesota appeared as an applicant for admission
to the Union as a state a year later, the moment was naturally
regarded as an appropriate one to renew her request for a rail-
road grant. The fact that the territory had been deprived of
a generous benefaction three years before, through no fault of
her own, but by the mistake or misconduct of persons tamper-
ing with the bill of June 29, 1854, aroused a degree of prej-
udice in favor of her renewed claim. It was true that the Min-
nesota and Northwestern Railroad Company was still contest-
ing the right of Congress to repeal the grant; but Congress,
having passed the act of repeal, could not charge the grant
against Minnesota.
It did not require extraordinary effort to secure the pas-
sage on March 3, 1857, of a bill carrying a generous land grant
for Minnesota railroads. The bill was peculiar in that it did
not make a grant to the state (then territory) of Minnesota,
to be disposed of freely by her legislature, but designated in a
general way the routes of the roads to be built, and constituted
the territory and future state the trustee and agent for the
government for its purposes. It provided that the lands, being
''every alternate section, designated by odd numbers, for six
sections in width on each side of the roads," could be sold only
in batches of sections, as building progressed, and that all lands
* Read at the Annual Meeting of the Minnesota Historical Society,
January 16, 1911.
190 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
not sold for the purposes of the act within ten years should
revert to the United States.
If the reader will be at the trouble of tracing on a map of
Minnesota the routes named in this act, he will perceive that
taken together they formed a well-devised scheme for a pri-
mary system of Minnesota railroads. He will remember that
northern Minnesota was to remain for many years a wilderness.
The system comprised four elements : first, the line of the Great
Northern railway, crossing the state westwardly, and its great-
er branch to St. Vincent on the Ked river and international
boundary; second, that from St. Paul up the Minnesota river
to continue southwest to the Missouri river, with a branch via
Faribault to the Iowa line; third, a route from Winona to St.
Peter, thence pointing westward; and fourth, a portion of the
well-known line of the Southern Minnesota.
The scheme was an ambitious one, in marked contrast with
the more reasonable counsel of Governor Gorman, that the first
effort be to secure a single road connecting with the outside
world. But it was struck out in the boom period preceding the
panic which came on in the late summer of the same year. It
was no time for timidity nor even moderation in business ven-
tures.
There had been chartered by special legislation, previous to
1857, fifteen railroad companies; and nearly as man^^ more
were incorporated in that year. Had all built their contem-
plated roads, the state would have been thoroughly ''grid-
ironed." Probably all the companies had hopes and some ex-
pectation of being aided by land grants. That all would be,
was of course impossible. To establish a condition under which
the fittest might survive and flourish, the leading spirits of
four interests "got together," and worked out a plan for a
railroad system which would reach all the principal centers of
business, concentrate the largest possible amount of interest,
and elminate much undesirable competition, political as well
as commercial.
Of this ''combine" of corporations, three existing and one
inchoate, the Honorable Edmund Rice of St. Paul, brother of
the Minnesota delegate, was the leader. The incorporators
were mostly Minnesota men, among them the head men of both
THE FIVE MILLION LOAN.
191
political parties and representatives of the largest towns. The
few names of eastern gentlemen indicated the expectation that
fiscal co-operation would be needed from that quarter. It was
the belief of Minnesota people that the system of roads was
to be so greatly under home control that no clique of outside
investors could dominate it. The united interests were so in-
fluential at Washington that they easily dispersed the slight
and disunited opposition and triumphantly carried through the
just mentioned bill, virtually conveying to themselves near six
million acres of public lands.
Governor Gorman, in the last days of his service, called an ex-
tra session of the legislature of 1857 to meet on April 27. From
the opening hour all interest centered on three railroad bills,
which had been drawn up by the skillful attorneys of the par-
ties chiefly interested. Governor Medary embodied the text of
the act of Congress of IMarch 3, granting the lands, in a spe-
cial message, and counseled strict conformity to its provisions
and careful protection of the public interest. A bill accepting
the trust of the general government was promptly passed. The
conditions of this trust were such that small discretion was left
to the Minnesota legislature. There was some skirmishing in
the chambers to secure additional branches and locations of
routes so as to pass through certain towns, which was quite in-
effective. After suflicient delay to allow opposition to expend
itself in unwelcome amendments, the three bills were passed in
a bunch about the middle of May, by votes practically unani-
mous. The newspapers of St. Paul abound in allusions to the
presence of crowds of outside speculators, "moneyed vul-
tures," keen for plunder, but their efforts seem to have been
confined to looking out for townsite interests, and for railroad
connections eastward. Congress had put the division of the
land beyond their power.
A proposition submitted to the House early in the session
for a consolidated bill had been lost by the odd vote. No
sooner, however, had the separate bills been carried through to
third reading than there was a general desire to have them
merged to one "omnibus" bill. The House had passed a bill
to encourage the destruction of gophers and blackbirds and
sent it to the Council for concurrence. The latter body, in
192
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
committee of the whole, made merry with the measure by
amending the title to include the ' ' Sioux Indians, ' ' and Rolette
moved its reference to the military committee. On May 20, the
Council went into committee of the whole for the further con-
sideration of this bill, and after some time spent therein re-
ported an amendment, striking out all after the enacting
clause, and inserting an omnibus railroad bill vesting the land
grant in four corporations. The amendment was agreed to and
the title changed to correspond. The next day the message of
the Council announcing its concurrence in the House bill to
encourage the destruction of gophers and blackbirds, with an
amendment, was received by the House. A ruling of Speaker
Furber that the so-called amendment was not truly such, but
was entire new matter, was appealed from effectively, by a
vote of 28 to 8. There were but three negative votes on con-
currence. The act thus passed and promptly approved, forms
chapter I of the Session Laws of 1857, entitled ''An Act to
execute the trust created by an Act of Congress * * * and
granting certain Lands to Railroad Companies therein named."
The division into three sub-chapters indicates the make-up
of the act by simple assemblage. The first of them incorpo-
rates the Minnesota and Pacific Railroad Company, and em-
powers it to build from Stillwater via St. Paul and St. Anthony
to Breckenridge on the Sioux Wood river, with a branch from
St. Anthony via Anoka, St. Cloud and Crow Wing to St. Vin-
cent, near the mouth of the Pembina river.
The second sub-chapter authorizes the existing Transit
Company to build from Winona via St. Peter to the Big Sioux
river south of the forty-fifth parallel of north latitude.
The last of the three subdivisions embraces two companies :
(1) the Root River Valley and Southern Minnesota Railroad
Company, empowered to construct a railroad from La Cres-
cent up the Root river valley to a point of junction at Roch-
ester with the Winona and St. Peter, also another line from
St. Paul and St. Anthony, via Minneapolis, up the valley of
the Minnesota river; (2) the Minneapolis and Cedar Valley
Railroad Company, authorized to build from Minneapolis via
Mendota and Faribault to the south boundary of Minnesota,
west of range sixteen.
THE FIVE MILLION LOAN.
193
To each of the companies severally the act assigns all the
estate and interest of Minnesota in the lands granted by Con-
gress in aid of railroad construction for its particular route
or routes, under certain conditions. So soon as any of them
shall have located its line, it is to have absolute title to one
hundred and twenty sections, and thereafter to a like amount
whenever twenty continuous miles shall have been completed,
to be free of taxes so long as they remain in the possession
of the companies; and in consideration of the grants, privi-
leges and franchises conferred, the companies are required to
pay annually into the state treasury three per centum of their
gross earnings in lieu of all taxes and assessment whatever.
When the legislature of 1857 broke up on the 15th of May,
the members dispersed to their homes to congratulate their
constituents upon the prospect of the immediate beginning of
railroad building and tlie ensured development of a great sys-
tem of a thousand miles or more in the course of a few years.
A cloud was soon to cover this bright prospect. The panic
of 1857 struck the country late in August. It fell upon the
West with extreme violence. Not one dollar could these four
Minnesota railroad companies raise. Their interests in the
lands were only expectant. They must each survey and locate
at least twenty miles before title could pass to a first batch of
120 sections. At five dollars per acre these would be worth
$384,000. It would require great faith in a capitalist to lend
more than half this sum on wild lands in good times. With
millions of acres of railroad lands offering in the market in
other states and territories, neither large nor rapid sales could
be expected. The Transit Company offered all its lands be-
tween Winona and Waseca, some 500,000 acres, at one dollar
an acre, and found no buyers.
If the stockholders had been disposed to pay in a large per
cent of the face value of their shares, the slump in business
made it impossible for them. Many of them could not save
their private fortunes from the wreck. The people of Minne-
sota felt sorry for themselves, and extended their sympathy
to the members of the corporations which had planned gen-
erously for the public advantage and their own.
During the fall months of 1857, the people were occupied
194 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
with the question of ratifying their new constitution, with the
election of representatives to Congress, and with the choice of
a legislature, which would have the selection of two United
States senators. The railroad interests were naturally alert
to discover any possible escape from the mire into which they
had sunk. They of course had no money. There was almost
none in the Territory. The military and Indian disbursements
furnished the little in sight. Could the companies but survey
and locate each a twenty-mile section of road they would re-
ceive each 76,800 acres of land, which could be sold or hypoth-
ecated. Could they build and set in operation twenty miles,
as many more acres would fall in, and the business begun
would yield an income. Population would flow in, cultivation
extend, towns develop, and land values, especially those of
railroad lands, would mount. In the course of a few years
Minnesota would have a great railroad system worth millions
which had not cost her a cent.
All that these companies lacked was a start, just a little
sum to locate and build, say, fifty miles apiece. The whole state
was interested; why should not the state, following the exam-
ple of the national government, assist these worthy enterprises,
of so much account to her? Other states, as Illinois and Mis-
souri, had rendered such assistance to railroad construction.
The proposition was not novel.
But there was the state constitution, forbidding the legis-
lature to contract a debt in excess of $250,000, and requiring
that, in case a debt were made, the legislature should in the
same act provide for a tax sufficient to cancel it within ten
years. A loan of money by the state was out of the question.
The framers of the constitution had borrowed from that of
Wisconsin a paragraph reading "The credit of the state shall
never be given or loaned to any individual, association, or cor-
poration." This prohibitory provision furnished a clue. It
appeared to suggest that there was such a thing as loaning
''credit," without incurring liability for ultimate payment
and thus making a debt. The case of an indorser protected by
ample collateral, duly assigned, was quoted. Could not the
state take some such part? And a scheme was worked out, by
which the state was to furnish her promissory obligations to
THE FIVE MILLION LOAN.
196
the railroad companies, who should obligate themselves to pay-
principal and interest and to secure the state against possible
responsibility. The state was merely to furnish ''accommoda-
tion papers" to wealthy corporations in a pinch for ready cash,
taking ample security.
The ''Five Million Loan bill" in the eighth Legislative
Council, on the 24th of February, 1858, met with no opposition ;
and it was passed by that body on March 2, by a vote of 24 to
7. Three days later the House of Representatives concurred
by a vote of 47 to 24. Some opposition was made, but a favor-
able report from a select committee of nine secured the pas-
sage. Objection was made to such hasty action, one member
declaring that the legislature had given more time to changing
the county seat of Dodge county than to this important bill.
There were then, and later, insinuations, even open assertions,
that the legislative bodies had been corrupted. The proof
thereof is yet to be revealed. It was not necessary to bribe a
body of men so willing to believe in a plausible scheme for
which their constituents were clamoring.
The bill, thus passed, proposed the adoption of an amend-
ment to the constitution of the state, still awaiting the ap-
proval of Congress. The essential portion of this amendment,
only, need be given. It was proposed to add to the paragraph
above quoted, "The credit of the state shall never be given
or loaned, etc.," for substance, an exception, that to aid the
four companies in the construction of their roads, special bonds
bearing seven per cent interest semi-annually shall be "issued
and delivered" to an amount not exceeding five millions of
dollars, as a "loan of public credit." These bonds were to be
denominated "Minnesota State Railroad bonds," and the faith
and credit of the state were to be pledged to the payment of the
interest, and to redemption of the principal thereof. The
bonds were to be issued in batches as construction progressed.
The amendment further provided that upon the completion
of "any ten miles" of road, ready for ties, the governor on sat-
isfactory evidence thereof, was to issue and deliver to the prop-
er company bonds to the amount of one hundred thousand dol-
lars; and a like amount when "any ten miles" of road should
be actually completed, with cars running thereon; and so on,
196 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
for further ten mile sections.. The state was thus "to loan its
credit," and see the good work go on without further concern.
As an assurance that no claim could ever arise against the
state, the companies were bound, if they accepted the condi-
tions of the act, to make provision for paying the special state ^
bonds, interest and principal, when due. As security for faith-
ful performance, they were to execute proper assignments of
their net profits of operation, to pay interest as it should ac-
crue ; they were each to execute and deliver to the governor a
deed of trust to the state of the first 240 sections (153,600 acres)
of their lands, free from incumbrances ; and the proceeds of all
sales of these lands were to be applied to the payment of in-
terest and principal, if defaulted, and to form a sinking fund
to meet future defaults. Finally, "as a further security," each
company was required to transfer to the treasurer of the state
an amount of its own first mortgage bonds, corresponding to
the special bonds issued to it. These corporation bonds the
governor was authorized to sell, in case of default by the com-
panies; and he might also foreclose the mortgages in payment
of interest on the special state bonds.
This elaborate amendment to section 10 of article 9 of the
state constitution was submitted to the electors of the state on
the 15th of April, 1858. For the six weeks intervening, the
Loan Bill was the uppermost topic of public and private dis-
cussion. There was a remnant of conservative men who did
not lose their heads, and they pointed out with unerring fore-
sight the weaknesses and vices of the bill, which experience
later revealed to the mass of voters. The legislature had not
mistaken the sentiment of their constituents, which had been
voiced in numerous public meetings. The greatest effort made
by those chiefly interested in ratification was to assure the peo-
ple that in no conceivably probable event could the state have
to come in and pay those bonds. Sixty-seven members of the
two houses united in a published statement, pledging them-
selves individually and collectively to vote against any prop-
osition to levy a tax either for the interest or principal of the
proposed loans of public credit. "We claim," they add, "to
have removed all probable chance of taxation .... and
we shall resist, as one man, any proposition of the kind."
THE FIVE MILLION LOAN.
197
Senator Rice and thirty-eight Democratic leaders, includ-
ing Joseph E. Brown and Franklin Steele, published a letter
strongly urging ratification; but it cannot be said that the
measure was Democratic. Gorman opposed it vigorously, and
D. A. Robertson contributed to newspapers a series of strong
and clear critical articles. A correspondent writes to Governor
Ramsey, ''Judge Cooper is raising the devil and making every
possible effort to defeat the loan." Mr. Sibley and Mr. Ram-
sey were both on the directorates of one or more companies and
remained silent. The former certainly voted in the negative.
The Pioneer and Democrat of ^t. Paul refrained from com-
ment during the pendency of the bill in tRe legislature, but be-
fore the election advocated ratification in a series of editorial
articles, reprinted in pamphlet form. The Republican organ
at the capital. The Minnesotian, opposed the loan consistently
from the earliest proposal, but the Republican party did not
take ground against it.
The election was held as appointed. Few expected any such
majority of votes for the loan as was shown by the official can-
vass, published on the 6th of May, being yeas 25,023; nays,
6,733. Only in a few rural counties were the nays the more
numerous. The cities and towns, large and small, gave large
majorities for the loan. In the city of Winona, out of 1,103
votes only one was cast in the negative, that of the Hon.
Thomas Wilson, later chief justice of Minnesota.
All the people wanted railroads, for the best of reasons.
These 25,000 who voted for the "loan of credit," misled by pub-
lic men who ought to have known better, deceived themselves
into the belief that a loan of credit by the isue of bonds did
not create a debt, unless in empty form. If the companies
should ever default in payment of the state bonds, and their
assigned ''collateral" should prove insufficient, their confis-
cable property and franchises would certainly protect the state
against ultimate loss.
The four corporations promptly accepted the conditions of
the amendments, and immediately there was a great show of
activity. By midsummer contracts were let and construction
begun. On the 4th of August, Governor Sibley, who had prom-
ised in his inaugural message to hold the railroad companies
198 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
to a strict and yet reasonable compliance with law, gave them
a formal notice to that effect, reciting the conditions of the
loan of credit substantially as expressed in the constitutional
amendment, with one deviation of importance. This was, that
the first mortgage bonds of the companies, to be transferred
to the state treasurer in exchange for the special state bonds,
should have priority of lien over all other bonds which the
companies might issue. The talk was that they would be likely
to issue some $20,000,000.
Two days later the senate by resolution called on the judges
of the supreme court for their opinion on the state of the law
in this regard. Justice Flandrau, for the court, declined to
depart from the traditional usage of deciding cases only as
they arise in actual litigation. The Minnesota and Pacific
railroad company by its attorney thereupon moved in the su-
preme court of the state that a mandamus issue commanding
Governor Henry H. Sibley to accept its bonds in their usual
form without stipulation of priority of lien. Counsel having
been heard, the court on November 10th ordered that the man-
damus issue, finding in the terms of the amendment no war-
rant for the demand of the governor. The bill had been pur-
posely and most adroitly drawn so as to exclude such priority.
The journals of the houses show that propositions to secure
priority to the state had been voted down. The state's bonds
were ''special bonds," those of the company were not. It was
merely obligated to transfer to the state an undistributed
amount of first mortgage bonds, that is, as the court held, a
bunch separated out of whatever mass of first mortgage bonds
a company might issue in the course of its enterprises.
Governor Sibley, as advised by the attorney general, obeyed
the order of the court, and presently issued and delivered to
the plaintiff company state bonds to the amount then earned.
He was counseled by friends to ignore the action of the court
and assert the right of the executive, as a co-ordinate branch
of the government, to act according to his own best judgment
and discretion. Mr. Sibley was capable of such independ-
ence, but he doubtless decided to conform, not because the
court had commanded, but because he was convinced that it had
properly construed the law. He was severely criticised, both
THE FIVE MILLION LOAN. IQQ
rfor taking the position lie did and for yielding to the court.
Governor Sibley got little credit with political opponents,
whose principal organ, The Minnesotian, charged that, inter-
ested as he was in the Minneapolis and Cedar Valley road, he
was at least desirous to accept the bonds of the companies as
offered, and therefore welcomed the mandamus. It is safe to
say that this was but one of a long and continuous series of
defamatory exercises in which that newspaper delighted.
It may be added that, but for the action of the Minnesota
and Pacific Company, the other three companies would have
acceded to the executive demands and made their bonds ex-
changed with the state a prior lien. In fact, some issues had
already been made in exchange for companies' bonds conced-
ing the state's prior lien, though under protest. Had the com-,
panics conformed to Governor Sibley's demand and transferred
to the state bonds securing to the state an exclusive prior lien,
it may be questioned whether the outcome would have been
materially changed. The mischief which resulted was not
caused by any depreciation of the companies' bonds. They
were never worth anything, and could not be in fact a "fur-
ther security."
The beginnings of construction in the late summer and fall
of 1858 were continued in the following season, the contractors
accepting from the companies the state bonds at a figure agreed
upon, doubtless much below par. The decision of the supreme
court had not contributed to maintain their value. About July
1, 1859, all the companies were in extremities. The special
state bonds, their only resource, had sunk to such a figure as
to be of no further use as collateral. They therefore advised
their contractors to cease work, which they did.
The next six months was a period of dejection in Minne-
sota. The railroad system which in April, 1858, the people
believed themselves to be calling into being by the magic loan
of the state's credit, had appeared only to sink into chaos.
Many persons who had performed labor, supplied subsistence,
and furnished tools and materials for railroad construction,
were unpaid, or were possessors of state bonds of uncertain
and declining value. The distress caused by the continued
scarcity of real money was much aggravated by considerable
200 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
issues of circulating notes by state banks, based on deposits of
the special railroad bonds.
The first state legislature, which did not close its adjourned
session till the middle of August, 1858, provided by law that
there should be no further session till the first Wednesday in
December, 1859, unless sooner convened by the governor. No
extra session was called, and the second state legislature con-
vened on the date prescribed. Its proceedings were looked for-
ward to wfth great interest and some apprehension. Governor
Sibley was still in office, and delivered his farewell message in
person to the houses in joint convention.
The railroad bonds were of course the uppermost topic.
The governor recited the issue and delivery of these bonds, in
conformity to the constitutional amendment as judicially in-
terpreted; their failure to acquire a market value, which he
attributed to 'Hhe determined and mischievous efforts" of
Minnesota citizens; the default of the companies to meet the
interest as stipulated; and the suspension of work. He in-
formed the legislature that the companies had graded in all
239 miles and 1,893 feet, not very unequally divided, and that
there had been delivered to them 2,275 one thousand dollar
special bonds. These he declared to be a state obligation, vol-
untarily assumed. ''Minnesota," he said, "will not for a mo-
ment tolerate repudiation. Better, far better, that we be vis-
ited by pestilence or famine, for these are the instruments of
God, for which we are not responsible." Governor Sibley's
simple, high-minded counsel was, immediately to acknowledge
indebtedness, and emphatically to assure the holders of these
bonds that the state would pay in full so soon as in condition
to do so.
On January 1, 1860, Mr. Sibley was succeeded in office by
Alexander Ramsey, who had been elected in the previous Oc-
tober over George L. Becker. In his message the matter of
''transcendent importance" was the special state railroad
bonds, which he declared ought to be "rightly adjusted and
settled satisfactorily to all parties, upon principles of justice,
equity and honor." He submitted a plan for adjustment. As-
suming that the state would acquire by foreclosure the prop-
erties and franchises of the four companies, he proposed that
THE FIVE MILLION LOAN.
201
new charters of liberal character be granted to parties who
would undertake to build thoroughly and substantially 250
miles of road, the state agreeing to grant a bonus of $10,000 a
mile in general state seven per cent bonds, always upon con-
dition that an equal amount of special Minnesota railroad
bonds be returned to the treasury for cancellation. The gov-
ernor was informed that the greater part of these latter bonds
were still in the possession or control of the companies, or of
"their immediate representatives," the contractors. His ex-
pectation was that their stockholders would immediately and
eagerly accept the new charters and resume work. The great-
er proportion of the old bonds would thus be provided for.
As for the small remainder, his proposition was to retire them
by issuing to holders other general bonds, at a rate to be ascer-
tained by the legislature. The constitution should be amended
so as to reduce the amount of bonds for railroad purposes from
five millions to two and a half millions.
With characteristic intuition, Governor Ramsey proposed
this plan not as ideal, but as one which could be worked. His
chief concern was to secure an immediate settlement. Next to
that he desired the immediate building of the railroads. He
warned the legislature and the people, that if this vexed ques-
tion were not settled, it would remain to disturb politics, di-
vide the people, and occasion annual corruption in legislative
halls. The end he declared would be as in other states; bond-
holders, who had bought for a few cents on the dollar, would
subsidize the press, raise the cry of repudiation, and knock
year after year at the doors of the legislature, which ,at length
worn out by importunity, would vote them great fortunes.
"Now," said he, "now is the very time to settle, arrange and
adjust these unfortunate and deplorable railroad and loan com-
plications.". This man of common sense, amounting almost to
genius, never counseled more wisely.
The legislature thus addressed, composed in great part of
inexperienced men, was too completely saturated with an ex-
isting public sentiment, regarding these bonds, to give much
heed to sound business counsel. The public had been assured,
by none more emphatically than by the agents of the four com-
panies, that the state railroad bonds were really evidences of
202 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
company debt, amply covered by company securities. The peo-
ple took them at their word, and held them to the faith thus in-
culcated. The bonds were special bonds, known so to be by
all takers, who took risks. They, the takers, were perfectly
aware of this understanding on the part of the people, who
had given expression to it at the election of April, 1858.
The Minnesota people of 1859, believing that they had been
tricked by the companies into voting for an ambiguous con-
stitutional amendment, could easily suspect that they never
intended to build the roads, but only to do grading enough to
secure $10,000 of bonds per mile. The report was widely spread
that the grading done was in detached portions where work
was light, that lines were excessively crooked, and grades
much too steep, that the tracks were in places below high water
mark; in short, that they were generally skimped and totally
unfit for superstructure. In some places even the right of way
had not been legally acquired. It was believed that certain
experienced contractors had worked their will with the in-
competent officials of the companies. Over all was the bald
truth that all the state had to show for two and a quarter mil-
lions of special bonds, to say nothing of the land grant, was
240 miles of discontinuous, ill-executed grading.
Imbued with this sentiment and sharing in it, the legis-
lature appointed a joint committee of sixteen to consider and
report on railroads, railroad grants, and Minnesota state rail-
road bonds. This committee was unable to come to any agree-
ment. Six reports were submitted, each accompanied by a
proposed constitutional amendment. One member. Senator
Mackubin, alone proposed a full payment of principal and
interest, but with an apparatus of redemption much too com-
plicated to be comprehended by the wayfaring man. All other
propositions contemplated "adjustment" and scaling down.
If the best heads of the two houses for such a business could
come to no agreement, the members at large were less likely
to, and they did not. Weeks passed in unprofitable discourses
and projects. There was but one thing which that legislature
could at length agree upon touching these bonds. It could, in
sea phrase, simply "clap a stopper" on the whole proceeding,
and leave successors to wrestle with the problem, which it had
J
THE FIVE MILLION LOAN.
203
vainly essayed to solve. It took two amendments to article
10 of the state constitution to effect this. The one was to ex-
punge from the constitution the amendment of 1858, author-
izing the loan of public credit by means of special bonds; the
other was an addition to section 5 of the same article, declar-
ing that any law to levy any tax or make provision for pay-
ing the special bonds should have no effect until adopted by
a majority of electors voting thereon. Both these amendments
were ratified November 6, 1860, the former by a vote of 19,308
to 710, the latter differing but slightly.
At this point mention must be made, and that only, of a
series of events closely related to the Five Million Loan.
In the summer of 1860, Governor Ramsey foreclosed the
mortgages of the defaulting railroad companies, and at the
public sales bought all the properties and franchises of each
for the sum of $1,000.
The legislature of 1861 generously restored them all to the
same companies, requiring each to deposit with the state treas-
urer the sum of $10,000 as a guarantee fund.
One company, the Minnesota and Pacific (predecessor of
the Great Northern Railway) put up the money and built
fourteen hundred feet of track, over which it ran its first
locomotive to a shed for storage. All the old companies now
gave up. In the winter of 1861-62 four new companies were
organized, and to them the legislature turned over the land
grants under liberal conditions. These companies in the course
of time built the contemplated roads.
The vote on the expunging and referendum amendments to
the constitution was notice to all the world that the people of
Minnesota would at least take time to consider on the pay-
ment of the bonds, in which they felt there was no equity.
They numbered less than 175,000, but there was indignation
enough for a million at the fraud which had been practiced
on them.
The war of the slaveholders' rebellion came on, and during
its continuance no claimant was absurd enough to waste effort
in futile appeals. But no sooner was that struggle over and
past, than the legislature began to be bombarded, as Governor
Ramsey had predicted. In the session of 1866 bills were intro-
204 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
dueed in both houses for the payment in full of the bonds. In
the same winter an act was passed creating a commission to
ascertain and report to the legislature the names of the bond-
holders, the amounts held by each, and their cost to the then
present bona fide owners. The commission was also author-
ized to receive proposals for adjustment.
It was in the same year that the discovery was made that
there were coming to the state 500,000 acres of public land,
granted by a forgotten act of Congress in 1841 for internal im-
provements. No sooner was the favorable action of the gen-
eral land office made known, than suggestions came from many
quarters to devote these lands to paying off the old bonds.
Governor Marshall in his message of January, 1867, voiced the
proposal, and urged the legislature to pay whatever might
justly be due, by using the lands "providentially" placed at
their disposal. They willingly responded by the passage of
an act creating out of the proceeds of the sales of those lands
a ''state railroad bond sinking fund." Whenever a sum of
$20,000 should from time to time be accumulated, bondholders
might bid for this cash, those taking who offered the most
bonds for the least money.
Under the amendment of 1860 that act was referred to the
people, who rejected it by a decisive vote. They did not feel
sure that Divine Providence had destined those lands to pay-
ing for dead horses. It is highly probable that they were
moved upon by the report of the state commission. That body
listed 1,840 of the 2,275 bonds as reported to them by 106
holders, who, some under oath, and some not, gave the cost
to themselves at prices ranging from "more than par" down
to 171/^ cents on the dollar. Thirteen persons or corporations
held 1,414 bonds, and three persons 1,142.
The largest holder was Mr. Selah Chamberlain of Cleve-
land, Ohio, an important figure in the railroad history of the
state. He held 967 bonds, which he averred had cost him
"more than par value" in expenses of construction. A ques-
tion being raised whether he had not been paid, by the three
companies with whom he had contracted, excessive prices for
work done, the commissioners employed a capable engineer to
survey the 120 miles of grading done by him and estimate the
J
THE FIVE MILLION LOAN. 205
true cost at the time. The estimate of the expert showed the
true cost at the time to have been $341,211, equal to $2,843.42
per mile. Mr. Chamberlain's bonds therefore appeared to have
cost him a fraction over 30 per cent of their par value in work
performed.
This revelation did not assure the people of honest admin-
istration of the credit they had generously loaned. The pro-
posals for adjustment by holders were exceedingly variant;
some demanded all that was ''nominated in the bond," others
a certain per cent, and a few were willing to take whatever
might be allowed to the most favored owners.
The winter of 1868 passed without legislative action, but
the session of 1869 was much occupied with a scheme of set-
tlement embodied in the so-called "Delano bill," which, hav-
ing passed both houses, was presented to the governor on the
last day of the session. Governor Marshall declined to give
the bill his approval, doubtless for the reason that it proposed
to turn over the 500,000 acres of internal improvement lands
to the one person for whom the bill had been named, and to
give him thirteen years in which to buy up the bonds at his
own prices.
Governor Marshall in a special message again urged the
legislature to devote "the lands" to the payment of "the
bonds." Again he suggested that "providentially the state
had in her hands the means of providing for whatever was
justly due the holders." Michigan had adjusted a railroad
debt of twice the amount, and Illinois one six times as great.
The regents of the State University had paid off a debt of
$125,000 with 14,000 acres of land, an encouraging example.
He appealed to a great party pledged to equity and justice,
to add to its proud record. In his last message, delivered to
the legislature of 1870, the same high-minded executive re-
peated the substance of the special message of the previous
winter, again expressing his conviction that "the lands" had
been "providentially" reserved to pay off these bonds.
The legislative bodies appear to have been moved by the
executive appeals, and set about framing an act for the pur-
pose. When passed, it provided for the virtual exchange of
bonds, at par value, for land at $8.70 per acre. The 500,000
206 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
acres at that price would yield $4,250,000, just about enough
to redeem the bonds. The lands turned over were to remain
free from taxes for ten years, if left wild so long. This act,
as required by the amendment of 1860, was referred to the
people, and was ratified by a vote of 18,257 to 12,489.
But again, the bondholders, the high-minded governor, and
many citizens, were disappointed. It was a condition of the
act that it should not go into operation unless at least 2,000
bonds should be deposited for exchange. Only 1,032 bonds,
including those of Mr. Chamberlain, were turned in. At a
meeting held in New York, September 1, 1870, the holders of
1,080 bonds resolved 'Ho respectfully decline an offer of less
than 25 per cent of their just claims against a debtor able to
pay in full."
A year passed and Governor Austin, fresh from the people,
expressed for them, in his first message, their surprise at the
refusal of the bondholders to accept ''so fair and equitable a
compromise." "The bonds," he said, "are of questionable
validity, and, if not actually fraudulent, are so intimately con-
nected with what the great majority of the people believe to
have been a fraud upon the state, as to make them odious.
. . . A large proportion of the bonds cost their present
owners but 171/2 to 50 per cent of their face."
The legislature of 1871, however, was not indifferent to the
clamors of the bondholders and the demands of citizens for
some kind of settlement. A bill known as "the Chamberlain
bill" was brought forward, and in spite of the absorbing in-
terest of that legislature in the "land-grab" measure for divid-
ing the 500,000 acres among certain railroad companies, which
Governor Austin put to sleep by his famous veto, the Cham-
berlain bill was hospitably treated, amply discussed, and finally
enacted.
The leading part in the debate was taken by General Sib-
ley who had consented to leave his retirement to throw his
influence and vote in the House of Representatives for some
reasonable plan of settling the bond question. His speech was
prepared with care, both in English and French, and was re-
duced to the smallest compass consistent with clearness. He
related the story of the issue of the bonds, and the great pains
THE FIVE MILLION LOAN.
207
he had taken, as governor at the time, to require exact and full
compliance by the railroad companies with all lawful condi-
tions. He had waived his executive prerogative and obeyed
the mandamus of the supreme court. The bonds when issued
were rendered valueless by the unholy warfare waged upon
them by citizens of the state. The state ought to pay ''every
cent" of principal and interest. In his peroration General Sib-
ley declared that but for his abiding faith that Minnesota
would acquit herself in the premises, he would transfer him-
self to some community where he would not be subjected to
the ''intolerable humiliation" of citizenship in a "repudiating
state frowned upon by a just and righteous God, and abhorred
by man." Although a member of the minority, Sibley's influ-
ence overcame opposition, and assured the passage of the bill.
The act as approved was prefaced by a preamble assert-
ing that doubts prevail whether the state railroad bonds are a
"just and valid debt of the state," and that the purpose is to
determine that question and adjust existing claims. The gov-
ernor was authorized to appoint three lawyers as commission-
ers, having the powers of referees in equity procedure. The
first duty of the commission was to determine whether the
bonds deposited Avere "a legal and equitable obligation against
the state." Should they decide in the affirmative, they were
thereupon to award the amount due each bondholder on the
basis of their cost to him. The act provided for the issue of
new 30-year bonds, with additions of. principal so figured in
as to make the interest seven per cent, and appropriated all
railroad taxes to the payment of such interest, any surplus
thereof to form a sinking fund for the extinguishment of the
principal. It may be surmised that some votes were cast for
this law by members who, without any gift of prophecy, could
foresee what fate would meet it at the polls. The Minnesota
electors in November, 1871, declared their unalterable resolu-
tion not to be taxed for the bonds.
The legislature now had rest for about five years from
wrestling with the bond question. At the annual election of
1872, according to Governor Austin's urgent recommendation,
the voters ratified an amendment to the constitution forbid-
ding the appropriation of the proceeds of sales of the 500,000
acres of internal improvement lands for any purpose until after
208 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
an affirmative majority vote of electors upon any enactment
therefor, the people thus reserving to themselves the privilege
of deciding upon the destination by Providence or otherwise
of that grant.
In the meantime the matter was taken into the courts. In
1873, Mr. Selah Chamberlain brought suit in the United States
Circuit Court for the district of Minnesota against the St. Paul
and Sioux City Railroad Company and others, demanding a
decree in equity that the company should redeem the state
bonds held by him, because it had come into possession, by gift
of the state, of a portion of the land grant of 1857. It was
contended that where the state acquired title and possession
by foreclosure in 1860, she took the lands and property of the
railroad companies with all their incumbrances. As assets,
they were affected by all lawful liabilities. After trial, Jus-
tice Dillon dismissed the suit. The companies, he held, re-
ceived the lands from the state free and clear from all incum-
brances. The state was not a surety for the companies, but
an original obligee.
Mr. Chamberlain lost his suit, but the court vouchsafed him
a sweet morsel of consolation in an obiter dictum. The bonds,
said Justice Dillon, ''are the legal obligation of the State
. . . . they were issued for work actually done upon the
the roads at the rate specified in the constitutional amendment.
. . . . If the state were liable in the courts .... the
bonds would be legally enforceable against it. Justice and
honor alike require the court to recognize these bonds as bind-
ing against it."
Believing doubtless that he could fare no worse in the court
above, Mr. Chamberlain appealed his suit to the supreme court
of the United States, which in October, 1875, affirming the de-
cision of the court below, followed its example in administer-
ing like words of comfort. ''The bonds issued," said Justice
Field for the court, "are legal obligations; the state is bound
by every consideration of honor and good faith to pay them.
Were she amenable to the tribunals of the country, as private
individuals are, no court of justice would withhold its judg-
ment in an action for enforcement."
It is believed that Mr. Chamberlain's capable attorneys got
all they really hoped for in their suit. These casual remarks
THE FIVE MILLION LOAN. 209
of the courts were not decisions. The state was no party to
the suit, and was not heard. These obiter dicta had their ef-
fect. The state of Minnesota was branded by the supreme judi-
cial authority of the nation as a repudiator and defaulter. She
had not done what honor and justice alike required her to do.
The effect on the public men of the state was notable. With-
out distinction of party, they rapidly drifted to the position
that Minnesota could not afford to wear that brand of infamy.
The mass of the people, however, still hung doggedly to their
ancient grudge against the conspirators, who, as they believed,
had deceived and defrauded them.
Governor Davis was closing his term of office with the year
1875, a few weeks after the publication of the dicta of the
courts. In his final message to the legislature of 1876, after
sketching the history of the bonds, he recommended the crea-
tion of a board of commissioners to hear and determine the
claims of the bondholders, and expressed the belief that the
people would stand by the awards. States, as well as men,
ought to do justice, and it was no derogation of sovereignty
to submit claims against them to arbitration. The United
States and Great Britain had composed the Alabama claims
that way.
According to Minnesota custom, Governor Pillsbury deliv-
ered his inaugural address on the same occasion, and the bur-
den of it was the extinguishment of the state railroad bonds.
The bonds were issued deliberately in due form in obedience
to a mandate of the people. The state had acquired the fran-
chises and assets of the defaulting companies and had them
under her control. She is now able to pay, and the only ques-
tion is. Will she pay an honest debt? His practical suggestion
was to exchange new bonds for the old ones, and to devote the
internal improvement lands (which, he adds, have been ''pro-
videntially" received and kept for the express purpose) to
form a sinking fund for the ultimate liquidation of the new
obligations. There was no suggestion of compromise or scal-
ing down the bonds.
The legislators, who listened to these recommendations,
gave them not the least regard. They evidently did not feel
sure that Providence had invited them to dispose of the inter-
nal improvement lands in this particular manner. Not a sin-
14
210 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
gle bill, resolution, or report relating to the bonds, is recorded
in their journals.
In his message to the legislature of 1877, Governor Pills-
bury returned to the charge with vigor. Under the heading
"Dishonored Bonds," he recapitulated the arguments, all now
familiar, for the settlement of the old bonds. Again he put
the question, ''Is Minnesota willing to pay an honest debt?"
On February 10, 1877, Mr. Selah Chamberlain presented to
the houses a memorial reciting the history of his claim, quot-
ing the opinions of judges upon its validity, and offering to
scale it down. He figured the nominal value of each of his
bonds on June 1, of that year, to be $3,110.85 (interest evi-
dently compounded) ; and, doubtless acting for other bond-
holders as well as for himself, he made the offer to accept for
each the sum of $1,550 in six per cent bonds to be issued of
that date. Before the close of the month a bill was passed
agreeing to this proposition, by a senate vote practically unani-
mous and a house majority of more than two-thirds. A com-
panion bill devoting the internal improvement lands to the
payment of the proposed new bonds became a law. Both acts
had of course to run the gauntlet of a popular vote ; and both
were mercilessly slaughtered at the polls.
The legislature of 1878 listened patiently to Governor Pills-
bury 's paragraphs on ''Dishonored Bonds." He deeply de-
plored the rejection of the proposition of the bondholders, and
exhorted to further effort. Repudiation, he assured them, was
far more damaging to the state than the grasshopper. "With
little hope of its ratification the houses passed a bill to ex-
change "the lands for the bonds," differing only in details
from the act of 1877. It shared the fate of that act on refer-
endum.
In his message of 1879, Governor Pillsbury could only ex-
press his deep regret at the unreadiness of the people to pay
an honest debt, and made no definite proposition. There was
no session in 1880, the act for biennial sessions having gone
into effect. The year 1881 was the last of Mr. Pillsbury 's third
term, and he resolved to signalize it with a final effort to rouse
the people and their representatives to their duty. Again un-
der the caption "Dishonored Bonds," he marshaled all the
THE FIVE MILLION LOAN.
211
considerations which should impel them to payment of their
honest debt. He implored the legislative body to apply itself
to the adjustment of the bonds as its solemn duty, and sug-
gested that in the preservation of the half million acres of land,
it seemed as if Fortune (not Providence) herself would lure
the state from dishonor. The executive appeal had its effect
upon the houses which presently got to work on the necessary
bills.
The principal act, passed by a two-thirds vote in the senate
and a three-fourths vote in the house, is a curiosity in legisla-
tion. It started out with a preamble reciting that there were
controverted claims outstanding against the state, that these
deserved fair treatment and settlement, and that claimants had
submitted propositions for adjustment. A "tribunal" con-
sisting of the judges of the supreme court was created, the
original duty of which should be to decide whether the legis-
lature had power to adjust and pay the bonds without the ref-
erendum provided for in the repudiating constitutional amend-
ment of 1860. If any judge of the supreme court should be
disqualified or should decline, the governor was authorized to
fill the vacancy by appointing one of the district judges of
the state. In the event that the tribunal should decide against
the validity of the repudiating amendment of 1860, it should
proceed to exchange new bonds, styled ''Minnesota Railroad
Adjustment bonds," for those outstanding, at 50 per cent of
the amount due on the latter, the bondholders each to execute
a proper release. If, however, the decision should be that the
question of paying the old bonds must be submitted to the peo-
ple, the act was to be so submitted at the next general election.
If adopted by a majority of electors, then the exchange of new
for old bonds would follow.
Not one of the five judges of the supreme court was willing
to serve on this amphibious tribunal. As the law provided,
the governor therefore appointed five judges of the district
court in their places. It was the 26th day of July when five
district judges, willing to serve and supposed to be individually
favorable to sustaining the act, met at the capitol to organize
as a tribunal.
The bondholders appeared by counsel, and Attorney Gen-
eral Hahn for the state. The latter at once filed an objection
212 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
against the competency of the tribunal. At the same moment
the members were served with an order from the State Su-
preme Court to show cause why a writ of prohibition should
not issue. This order had been made upon information of a
distinguished attorney, Mr. David Secombe, alleging that the
act of the legislature pretending to constitute such a tribunal
was unconstitutional. The attorney general was allowed to
control the procedure, and to amend the petition for the writ,
by adding an allegation that the act was repugnant to the con-
stitutional amendment of 1860 forbidding payment of the bonds
unless after an affirmative vote of the people. Under the title
of ''State vs. Young," the proceedings in the supreme court
occupy 121 pages of the 29th volume of the Minnesota reports.
The court in its opinion, written by Chief Justice James Gil-
fillan, acknowledged the signal assistance of counsel on both
sides, declaring that "it has rarely been the good fortune of
any court to have a cause before it so ably and exhaustively pre-
sented by counsel."
This is perhaps the most celebrated of all cases which had
up to this time come before the court and probably will long
remain so. It is not difficult for the careful reader to get at
the meat of this decision. The act of 1881, it was held, was
not unconstitutional because in conflict with the repudiating
amendment of 1860, for that repudiation itself was void.
When the state contracted with the bond-buyers in 1858, the
right of petition to the legislature existed, and the legislature
was at liberty and indeed was bound to provide for the pay-
ment of any obligations already incurred. By depriving the
legislature of this power, the putative amendment of 1860 ''im-
paired the obligation" of the contracts, a thing forbidden to
the states by the national constitution. This conclusion, seri-
ously questioned by able lawyers, was most welcome to all who
desired the payment of the old bonds without appeal to pop-
ular vote.
The court, taking up the contention that the act in issue
was unconstitutional because devolving judicial functions on
a non-judicial tribunal, promptly decided in the affirmative,
and issued the writ of prohibition.
The roadway was clear for legislative action on the bonds
without referendum. Believing that the legislature would be
THE FIVE MILLION LOAN.
213
in the right frame of mind, Governor Pillsbury called it to meet
in extra session on October 11. In this expectation he was not
disappointed, and soon had the satisfaction of approving a bill
passed by very large majorities, after a little filibustering by
the dwindling minorities. It would be well for the fair fame
of Minnesota if it could be truthfully recorded that this leg-
islation did not cost bondholders a considerable sum of money.
The act was entitled '^An act to provide for the adjust-
ment of certain alleged claims against the state," as if it were
to be understood that the propositions of compromise, volun-
tarily made by the bondholders, did not rise to the dignity of
''claims" pure and simple. The now customary preamble in-
troduced the act, which briefly provided for the delivery to any
of the bondholders new ten to thirty-year four and a half per
cent bonds, called "Minnesota State Railway Adjustment
Bonds," at 50 per cent of the nominal value of the old bonds.
A companion bill, devoting the proceeds of sales of the ''prov-
idential" internal improvement lands to the liquidation of
the new bonds, met with but slight opposition. When voted
upon at a subsequent general election, the two acts were rati-
fied by more than two-thirds of the electors, which indicates a
change of heart among the people. The signing of the new
bonds occupied the last days of Mr. Pillsbury 's governorship,
a duty he performed with greater satisfaction than any other
in his long period of executive service.
The passage of the two bills, however, did not conclude the
long struggle over the bonds. There were citizens then, as
now, who believed that the bonds, no matter with what regu-
larity and solemnity issued, never created a valid obligation
against the state in equity, and never ought to have been rec-
ognized nor adjusted. One of these, Mr. David Secombe, sued
out an injunction from a court commissioner to restrain the
governor from signing the new bonds, to which the latter gave
no heed. The same plaintiff later played a last card by bring-
ing an action in the Hennepin county district court to restrain
the state treasurer from paying interest on the new bonds.
The ground of the action was the allegation that the constitu-
tional amendment of 1858 purporting to authorize the original
issue was void because not adopted by the people according to
the provisions of the state constitution regarding amendments.
214 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
The pretended amendment was proposed, voted on, and pro-
claimed as adopted, before the admission of the territory of
Minnesota to the Union, and while such admission was pend-
ing in Congress. The territory of Minnesota, it was contended,
could not amend a state constitution, which had not been ac-
cepted and ratified by Congress.
Justice Mitchell, for the court, made short work of resolv-
ing this puzzle, by citing the peculiar language of the Minne-
sota enabling act, authorizing the people ''to form a constitu-
tion and state government," and "to come into the Union."
The court observed that it was the accepted theory of the time,
that Minnesota became a state when she ratified her constitu-
tion in October, 1857, and that the legislature then elected was
a state legislature. The court, however, did not care for any
theory of the matter. The government organized in the De-
cember of 1857 was in fact a state government, by the consent
and understanding of the people, and technical inquiries re-
garding irregularities were not, under the circumstances, to be
tolerated. Finally it was held that all irregularities had been
healed by the Congressional act of admission. This same de-
cision vindicated the legitimacy of the laws (some ninety in
number) passed by the legislature of 1857-8 at its first session.
During the twenty-three years between the issue and adjust-
ment of the state railroad bonds few citizens of Minnesota lost
sleep because of guilty consciences, and the financial credit of
the state was not below that of any of her neighbors. Within
a year from the passage of the adjustment act, all but forty-
three of the old bonds had been surrendered, of which number
fifteen had long been in the treasury. The value of the new
bonds issued was $4,255,000. A large block of these was pur-
chased for the school and university funds, and the cash paid
to claimants. Mr. Selah Chamberlain took out $1,992,053.70;
three others, $715,000; and the remainder was distributed to
175 parties.
On December 8, 1910, the last Minnesota Refunding Bonds,
successors to the Redemption Bonds of 1881, to the amount of
$180,000, were solemnly burned in the engine house of the State
Capitol. AVith that ceremony closed the last chapter of the
''Five Million Loan."
THE BEGINNING OF RAILROAD BUILDING
IN MINNESOTA.*
BY JOHN H. RANDALL, ST. PAUL.
The Territory of Minnesota had a very sparse settlement
north of Saint Paul in 1856. The Chippewa and Sioux tribes
occupied the greater part of that section of the Territory. The
majority of the white settlers were south of Saint Paul and
along the Mississippi river.
It was not thought there was anything north of Saint Cloud
worth going after, save the pine lumber. The lumbermen at
Saint Anthony bought large stretches of this timbered land
from the government at $1.25 an acre, and after stripping the
timber from the land, leaving what they considered only sand
barrens, they refused to pay the taxes and these lands reverted
to the State. The result is that the State sees, in the not very
distant future, a school fund of some $100,000,000 from royal-
ties from the iron ore discovered a few years ago underlying
this section, making Minnesota one of the richest states in the
Union.
When I came into the Territory in 1856, the nearest railroad
to Saint Paul was at Galena, Illinois.
March 3, 1857, Congress passed an act to aid in the construc-
tion of railroads in the Territory of Minnesota, making a grant
of the right of way and of the odd-numbered sections of the
public lands within six miles on each side of the located lines
of road. One of these railroads was to commence at Stillwater
and run via Saint Paul and Saint Anthony to the foot of Big
Stone lake and the mouth of the Sioux river, on the western
boundary of the Territory, with a branch from Saint Anthony
via Saint Cloud to the Red river of the North.
On May 22, 1857, by act of the Territorial Legislature, the
Minnesota and Pacific railroad company was incorporated and
♦Accepted by the Publication Committee, November 11. 1912.
216 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
given this grant, with all the rights and franchises that had
been conveyed to the Territory by the government.
During 1857 the engineers located the line west to Big Stone
lake and north to Crow Wing, finishing the location surveys on
November 22, 1857, and turning in their maps to the governor
of the Territory and also filing a duplicate copy with the Gen-
eral Land Offices at Washington, D. C, December 5, 1857.
In July, 1857, Edmund Rice, president of the Minnesota and
Pacific railroad company, entered into a contract with Selah
Chamberlain, of Cleveland, Ohio, to build the road from Still-
water to Crow Wing. He was to begin work October 1, 1857,
and to complete the same by September 1, 1859. The part of
the road between Saint Paul and Saint Anthony was to be
ready for the cars October 1, 1858. Work was carried on for
thirty days and then stopped.
In September, 1857, the Ohio Trust Company, of Cincinnati,
failed, and the result of that failure was the terrible panic of
1857, which ended all work requiring money, from the Atlantic
to the Pacific. At that time there were no banks in Saint Paul,
but there were nine broker firms that were doing a banking
business. Most of them succumbed to the pressure and went
out of business, as there was no money to be had. You could
not give away a corner lot at that time, as no one would as-
sume the taxes on any property, and some of us had to go
ninety days or more without seeing as much as a five-cent
piece; but there was a disposition to stand by each other, so
we had our three meals a day and a place in which to sleep.
A new contract was entered into with Mr. Chamberlain in
April, 1858. He commenced work again and graded the road
from Saint Paul up the river to about opposite Clear Lake, some
sixty-two miles, when again he stopped, and as a result the state
foreclosed and took over all the property of the Minnesota and
Pacific company. From 1858 to 1861 the property was held by
the state. To get the road constructed, the state by act of the
Legislature turned back the lands and franchises to the Min-
nesota and Pacific company on March 8, 1861, upon the com-
pany depositing ten thousand dollars as a guarantee of good
faith that work should be commenced at once and be finished
THE BEGINNING OF RAILROAD BUILDING. 217
between Saint Paul and Saint Anthony by the first day of Jan-
uary, 1862.
A contract was entered into at once with the banking house
of Winters and Harshman, of Dayton, Ohio, to build this piece
of road between Saint Paul and Saint Anthony. Messrs. Win-
ters and Harshman associated with themselves Mr. Elias F.
Drake, a lawyer in Dayton, and the president of a small rail-
road running between Dayton and Cincinnati, and sent him to
Saint Paul to care for their interest in the construction of this
ten miles of road.
Mr. Drake brought the first locomotive, the William Crooks,
into the state, with other construction material, and laid a
piece of track fourteen hundred feet long, from the river up
on the bank that had been graded by Mr. Chamberlain, and
then failed to meet the conditions fixed by the state for the
construction of the ten miles, and again the property was
taken over by the state.
March 10, 1862, the Legislature made another effort to get
the road under way, passing another act, which turned the
property over to the same organization, called by another
name, the Saint Paul and Pacific railroad company. The con-
tract was renewed with the Dayton firm and the work was com-
pleted, and the company commenced its regular business by
putting on its train July 2, 1862, starting from its little depot,
of seven by nine feet, situated on the railroad bank down near
the mouth of Phalen creek, and terminating on the prairie
back of the old University building in Saint Anthony.
The conditions as to the lay of the land here at Saint Paul
will account for starting the road where they did. A bluff
some ninety feet in height at its highest point, thence sloping
west toward Jackson street and east toward Trout brook, was
on the north side of what was known as the Government road
from Point Douglas to Fort Snelling, now Fourth street, and
from this road the land dipped into what was called the river
bottom. Third Street was laid out on the map as running
across this low land. The valleys between this bluff and Day-
ton's bluff on the east were about four hundred and fifty feet
wide, the banks on each side being from forty to fifty feet high.
Trout brook (the valley down which the main line of the North-
218 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ern Pacific railroad comes into the city) and Plialen creek (the
valley down which the Duluth branch of the Northern Pacific
comes) ran down these two valleys. The embankment of the
road, from the river up these valleys, was about fifteen feet
high. Fourth street was graded to cross this fill, and the next
crossing was what is now known as Lafayette avenue.
Kittson's Addition, and other additions laying out this sec-
tion of the city east of Broadway, were simply on paper; the
streets were not graded, and only here and there was a shanty
to be seen. For nearly twelve months the passengers had to
go to the little depot down on Phalen creek to take the cars for
Saint Anthony.
Early in 1863 a contract was made for the construction of
a trestle some three-quarters of a mile long, from the levee
at the foot of Sibley street to the railroad embankment at the
crossing of Fourth street. The trestle was from four feet high
at Sibley street to twenty-two feet high where it crossed the
creek. It was used by the trains from 1863 till after 1868.
The owners of the bluff north of Fourth street commenced
grading their property about this time, and the company
bought all of the dirt they could, paying twelve and a half
cents per cubic yard, a like sum being paid by the owners to
the contractors. This dirt was in part hauled onto the rail-
road grounds at the west end of the bluff, while the company
was grading their property up to Pennsylvania avenue and
hauling the other part by cars to fill the trestle at its east end.
In 1864 Mr. Edmund Rice retired from the presidency of
the road, and Mr. George L. Becker succeeded him in that
office.
The company was buying, in the late sixties and early sev-
enties, the lots lying south of the alley of the blocks between
Third street, as laid out, and the river, when the president re-
ceived a communication from the stockholders of the company,
saying, ''You are a fit subject for an insane asylum, Mr. Beck-
er, to ever think Saint Paul will be large enough to require a
railroad yard of the size you are building." We were paying
laborers at that time eighty cents a day, and they were laying
up money on that wage.
THE BEGINNING OF RAILROAD BUILDING. 219
In 1862 a contract had been made with Mr. E. B. Litch-
field, of New York City, to build the branch line from Saint
Anthony to Crow Wing and the main line from Minneapolis
to Big Stone lake.
The iron for the road under the Litchfield contract was all
purchased in England, unloaded at New York, railroaded to
Chicago and unloaded there, reloaded and railroaded to Prairie
du Chien, which was the nearest railroad point to Saint Paul
on the river up to the late sixties, there loaded on barges and
brought to Saint Paul, and there loaded on cars at the bank
and hauled to its final destination.
I began service with the St. Paul and Pacific company the
2nd of July, 1862. There were three officials in the office, pres-
ident, secretary, and chief engineer. The treasurer was an
official of the First National Bank. My official position was
general ticket agent, chief accountant, chief clerk in the en-
gineering department, and paymaster. The outside employees
were one conductor, one engineer, one fireman, and one bag-
gageman, with one or two men at the roundhouse. When
either the conductor or the baggageman was sick or away, the
general ticket agent ran in their stead on the road.
In September, 1862, settlement was made by the engineer-
ing department with Mr. Drake, for the Dayton bankers, for
the construction of the ten miles of road between Saint Paul
and Saint Anthony ; and the same month Mr. William Crooks,
the chief engineer of the company, was accepted by the gov-
ernment as colonel of one of the Minnesota regiments that went
south.
Hard times came on as the result of the war, and the work
under the Litchfield contract was very slow. It took two years
to build from Saint Anthony to Anoka, a distance of seventeen
miles, then another year to reach Elk River, and still another
year before the road was completed to Saint Cloud, which was
in the fall of 1866, taking four years to construct sixty-five
miles of road.
In 1866 a contract was made with De Graff and Company
for the construction of the main line from Saint Anthony to
Big Stone lake. During 1866 the slough on the Saint Anthony
side was bridged, crossing to Nicollet island at its northwest
220 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
end, and in 1867 the main channel of the Mississippi river was
bridged from the island to the shore on the Minneapolis side.
The location was changed and the end of the road was at Breck-
enridge, which point was reached in 1871, taking four years
more.
This was about the first railroad company in the country to
construct its line ahead of settlement. Between Minneapolis
and the prairie west of the Big Woods there were only two or
three small settlements with less than a dozen houses in either.
There were no settlers between the Big Woods and the Red
river of the North. The first buildings in any of the towns west
of the Big Woods were the depots. Litchfield, the first town
on the prairie, was largely made up the first winter by moving
the houses on runners from a settlement six miles north on
Crow river.
During these early years other roads were being built in
the parts of the state lying south and southwest of St. Paul;
but the first ten miles, from St. Paul to St. Anthony, of the old
Saint Paul and Pacific railroad, now the Great Northern rail-
way, was the first railroad in this great Northwest. In this
imperfect way I have sketched the beginnings of this great
railway system, and hope I have given some faint idea of what
it was to build a railroad in the early days.
U.V^^t,*.-A
y>'
Minnesota Historical Society.
Vol. XY. Plate III.
A-^'. Ice-formed Boulder Beach
B-B. Ancient Boulder Beach
C. Lagoon,
D. Sand Spit,
Iake
Olof OAman's Farm (BS Acres)
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^I'^^^A^^^^i^^f^^^
I
MAP OF THE VICINITY OF KENSINGTON AND PELICAN LAKE, AND
OF THE FARM WHERE THE RUNE STONE WAS FOUND.
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE.
Preliminary Report to the Minnesota Historical Society
BY its Museum Committee.*
As the Museum Committee is charged with the responsi-
bility of making a recommendation to the Society respecting
the authenticity or the fraudulent origin of the Kensington
Rune Stone and its inscription, it is thought best to review
somewhat carefully the facts as to the discovery of the stone.
For this purpose the results of the three visits made to that
locality by Prof. N. H. Winchell, investigating the subject for
this Committee, will here be cast into one statement.
The Discovery.
The stone was found on the farm of Mr. Olof Ohman on
the southeast quarter of section 14, Solem township, Douglas
county, about three miles northeast from Kensington station on
the ''Soo Line," on November 8, 1898. The owner of the farm
was having a patch of land cleared of timber preparatory to
plowing, and his men were grubbing out the stumps. There
were present at the finding, or immediately thereafter, the fol-
lowing persons: Olof Ohman, his sons, Olof Emil Ohman, 12
years of age, and Edward Ohman, 10 years of age, and Nils
Olof Flaaten, owner of the adjoining farm.
The exact location was on the southern slope of one of two
knolls which together form the higher part of what has been
called an *' island," because formerly surrounded by a lake and
now surrounded by a grassy marsh. These knolls have an
extreme height, above the surface of the marsh, of fifty-five
feet, the smaller knoll rising about fifty feet. The stone lay
forty-four feet above the marsh. (See the map, Plate IH.)
When the stone was found, its inscribed side was down, and
about six inches of soil covered it. A poplar or aspen tree
* Presented at the monthly meeting of the Executive Council, May 9, 1910; published in
advance of this volume, December, 1910.
222 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
grew above it, and spread its principal roots about it, running
into the ground on opposite sides. On being cut away the
stump carrying the roots lay adjacent for some weeks and was
seen and noted by several visitors. Estimates as to the size
and oge of the tree vary somewhat, some stating that it was at
least ten years old and others that it was from twenty to thirty
years old, and one estimating it as probably forty years old.
According to Mr. Sam Olson, of Kensington, this tree was about
four or five inches in diameter at about fifteen inches above the
stone, and about ten inches in diameter at six or eight inches
above the stone. The roots of the tree, especially the largest
one which spread over the surface of the stone, were flattened
by contact with the stone during the period of their growth.
The flattening of the roots is an important feature, as it denotes
that the tree had been in contact with the stone during the
whole time of the life of the tree.
In the spring subsequent to the finding of the stone Mr.
Samuel Olson and a party visited the place and made some
excavations where the stone was found, having the idea that
the men who were massacred had been buried there, and that
the stone was designed to mark their burial place. He saw,,
and all his party saw, the stump of the tree that grew on the
stone. The members of this party, besides Mr. Olson, were the
following: Cleve Van Dyke, executive clerk to the late Gov-
ernor Johnson, then superintendent of schools of Douglas
county; J. P. Hedberg, now at Warroad; John M. Olson, who
furnished a team, now at Alexandria; Albert Larson, now in
Canada; John E. eTohnson, of Kensington; Emil Johnson, now
at "Warroad; Gulick Landsvark, living two miles east of Ken-
sington; and Lars Goldberg, now at Bowbells, N, D.
Mr. Samuel Olson and Mr. John E. Johnson signed a joint
statement that the tree must have been at least ten years
old, and more likely twenty or thirty years old. The rest of
the party have not been consulted,* but Mr. Joseph Hotvedt
♦Letters were written later to each of those named. Answers were
received from several of the party, all of them confirming the descrip-
tion of Mr. Olson. Letters to others were not answered, or were re-
turned unopened.
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE.
223
stated that he saw the roots and verified the description of their
flatness, "such as would be caused by lying against a stone.*'
Mr. Olson made a drawing to show the appearance of this
stump when in contact with the stone. He thinks the largest
root ran over and across the stone, but Mr. Olof Ohman was
positive that the largest root ran down into the ground at the
edge of the stone, and that a smaller root ran across the upper
face of the stone. This smaller root he thought was about
three inches in diameter.
For the purpose of ocular illustration Mr. Holand later
procured on the spot from Mr. Ohman four sections cut across
some poplar trees growing on Mr. Ohman 's farm, viz., sections
shown in Plates IV and V, marked a, b, c, d. The certificates
of Olof Ohman and of his son Edward, as well as of Mr. Samuel
Olson, are given also. The annual rings of growth on these
sections can be counted as follows: On a, 37 annual rings;
on b, 42 annual rings; on c, 38 annual rings; on d, 31 annual
rings. From three to five years should be added for the de-
cayed centers.
According to Mr. Ohman the tree had the appearance and
rough bark of a stunted growth, illustrated by sections c and d,
■ on which are about as many growth rings as on the larger sec-
tions a and 6. If these sections a and & fairly represent the size
of the tree, and if it still had an annual growth illustrated by
c and d, which certainly were from stunted trees, the age of
the tree was probably nearer fifty years than ten years.
Statement of Olof Ohman.
[Translation.]
Kensington, Minn., July 16, 1910.
The sections a, h, c, d, were all cut on my property in the vicinity
of where the rune stone was found, undor the same timber conditions.
The section a is of the same size as the tree which grew over the
stone; but both a and h are from much more luxuriant trees than that
which stood over the stone. Sections c and d are from a tree which in
its growth is more comparable with the rune stone tree, but are about
three inches less in diameter than that.
Olop Ohman.
224 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Statement of Edward Ohman.
July 16, 1910.
The section marked a is of exactly the same size, as far as I can
remember, as the tree under which the rune stone was found.
Edward Ohman.
State^nent of Samuel Olson
Kensington, Minn., July 18, 1910.
Having seen the four sections cut by Olof Ohman to show the
size of the tree under which the rune stone was found, my impression
is that the rune stone tree at its base was a little longer in its oval
diameter than section b, and that it tapered so as to have about 18
inches above the base a diameter a little larger than section c.
S. Olson.
It should be stated here that Professor Flom's account of
his interview with Mr. Olson carries a misapprehension of what
Mr. Olson said as to the size of the tree. Mr. Olson says that
he said that the tree tapered so that at 15 or 18 inches above
the stone it was about four or five inches in diameter.
The topography of Mr. Ohman 's farm and the adjoining
counlry is morainic, the elevations rising sometimes somewhat
abruj)tly to the height of fifty or seventy-five feet, or even a
hundred feet, above the adjoining lowlands. The material of
the drift is clay of a limonitic yellow color, but at a depth of
fifteen to twenty feet this clay is blue. There are very few
boulders in the clay, yet on the tops of some of the drift hills
granitic and other boulders are numerous, and sometimes they
are found in numbers near the bases of the hills and in the
swamps. They are sometimes large and conspicuous, and fre-
quently have been gathered into heaps in the fields. About
seventy-five in a hundred of the boulders are of granite ; about
five in a hundred are of limestone; about five in a hundred
are of gabbro or of gabbroid rocks; five in a hundred are of
Keewatin greenstone, including Ogishke conglomerate; about
five in a hundred are of dark nondescript rock, sometimes
quartzpse; and the other five in a hundred may be compared
with the rock of the rune stone, being some of the various
forms of graywacke.
V.
Minnesota Historical Society.
Vol. XV. Plate IV
) SIZE ANn AfiP r>c TUir TDcc norwA/iKirt Aork\/c -tljc: diimet e-rr\Mtr
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE. 225
The extreme length of the Eune Stone is 36 inches, the
width across the face 15 inches, the thickness 51/2 inches, and
its weight is about 230 pounds. It is of graywacke, but its
shape and dark color suggest that it is trap. Its flat surfaces
and angular jointage are due apparently to long continued
heating and slow cooling in contact, or near contact, with
igneous rocks. On its inscribed face is a layer of calcite cov-
ering a part of the area in which the inscription was engraved.
This calcite was deposited in a jointage-opening, probably
when the rock was in its native place ; and it has been revealed
by the removal of an adjoining parallel mass, the joint plane
itself causing the even face on which the engraving was made.
The reverse of the inscribed side is not so regular and has evi-
dently been through the rough experiences of glacial action,
since it bears a number of distinct glacial striae.
The men who found the stone are plain and simple farmers,
working hard to derive a subsistence for themselves and fam-
ilies from their land. The honesty and candor of Mr. Olof
Ohman become evident to anyone who converses with him.*
He does not speak English readily, but seems to understand
English when he hears it spoken in common conversation. He
states that his education comprised six terms of school in
Sweden, of six weeks each, in an elementary country school,
where the children gathered for instruction, first at one farm
house for a week and then at another, six weeks in all mak-
ing one term. I was told that Mr. Ohman came to his farm in
1890, and on consulting the register of deeds at Alexandria I
found lands deeded at four different dates, now constituting
the Ohman farm, from 1890 to 1898, from Halvor Stenson, Ole
Amundson, and E. J. Moen.
After finding the stone, it was exhibited for a time in the
drug store at Kensington. It was later sent to Minneapolis
and was examined by Prof. 0. J. Breda, also to Evanston, 111.,
and was examined by Prof. George 0. Curme. As they pro-
nounced it fraudulent, it was returned to the finder in March,
♦Not one of aU who have interviewed Mr. Ohman, whether believers
or non-believers in the authenticity of the inscription, has seen any
reason to question his veracity.
15
226 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
1899, who placed it carelessly in his yard, where it served as
a stepping stone near his granary for eight years, without fur-
ther notice. In 1907 Mr. Hjalmar Rued Holand obtained it of
Mr. Ohman, and has brought it again to notice and wider
study. By Mr. Holand it was brought to the attention of the
Minnesota Historical Society ; and the Museum Committee was
directed to investigate its authentic or fraudulent record, and
to report their recommendation to the Executive Council. Mr.
Holand has since exhibited it in Chicago, 111., Madison, "Wis.,
and Northfield, Minn., giving in each place a lecture. This
has brought out various criticisms, pro and con, and the bur-
den resting on the committee has considerably increased.
The members of this committee appreciate the great im-
portance of the question which is in their hands, and they
know, collectively and individually, that it is due to American
history, before they stamp the stone with their approval or
their rejection, to make an exhaustive investigation and an
impartial discussion of all the circumstances.
The Inscription.
The runic inscription, shown by Plate II, has been translated
as below and published by Mr. Holand in Harper's Weekly,
October 9, 1909.
On the face of the stone :
8 goter ok 22 norrmen po opdhagelse fardh fro Vinland of
vest vi hadhe laeger vedh 2 skjar en dags rise norr fro dheno
sten vi var ok fiske en dhagh aeptir vi kom hem fan 10 man
rodhe af blodh og dhedh A V M fraelse af illy
On the edge of the stone:
har 10 mans ve(d) havet at se aeptir vore skip 14 [?] dhagh
rise from dheno oh ahr 1362
No one has called in question the correctness of this trans-
lation. In explanation of the transliteration Mr. Holand
writes: "The runic alphabet had only one character, \), to
indicate three, or what became three, different sounds, th, dh,
and d. Out of 2,000 runic inscriptions we find only about a
half dozen having a separate sign, ^, for d. This character,
t>, was later supplemented by 6, which was used medially arid
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE. 227
finally. This however was used only in the literature written
in Roman characters, and was never used in runic inscriptions.
In most cases this \> has now been superseded by d, but
there is reason to believe that in the fourteenth century it had
a soft sound. I have therefore translated it with dh. ' '
The English translation is as follows:
"Eight Goths [Swedes] and twenty-two Norwegians upon
a journey of discovery from Vinland westward. We had a
camp by two skerries one day's journey north from this stone.
We were out fishing one day. When we returned home we
found ten men red with blood and dead. A V M [Ave, Virgo
Maria], save us from evil.
[We] have ten men by the sea to look after our vessel four-
teen [or forty-one?] days' journey from this island. Year
1362."
REFERENCES TO THE TOPOGRAPHY OF THE REGION.
There are two or three references to natural objects to
which we should give special attention:
(a) Their camp was near two rocks in the water (skerries),
one day's journey north from the stone;
(b) The location of the stone was on an island;
(c) The sea was fourteen days' journey from the stone
(doubtfully forty-one).
(a) Professor Fossum and Mr. Holand searched about lake
Christina, Pelican lake, and other lakes, lying about one day's
journey (twenty miles) toward the north. The former found
no rocks about the shores which could be accepted as the rocks
mentioned in the inscription. Mr. Holand, guided by Rev. 0.
A. Norman of Ashby, found several large boulders standing
in the water about 300 or 400 feet from a sharp point on the
southwest shore of Pelican lake, which seemed to him to an-
swer the description. There are twelve or thirteen of them
and hence they are too numerous, and for the purpose of locat-
ing a camping-place they would hardly be referred to, and
certainly would not be at all in accord with the number ''two."
Mr. Norman remarked, on occasion of a late interview, that
the term "skerry" is applicable to one rock or a series of rocks,
and that there are two lines or series of boulders which run
228 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
not exactly parallel, and that those lines might be called the
skerries referred to in the inscription; but such lines are not
distinguishable from the land.
There are, however, on the point itself, at the water's edge
and at the extremity of the point, two enormous boulders. One
is of red porphyritic granite, cut by a coarser red dike, three
inches wide, with dimensions of 6 feet by 4 feet by 3^^ feet,
with rounded contours. The other is of gray gneiss, banded
with light reddish laminae, 6 feet by 4i/^ feet by 4 feet, irreg-
ularly and bluntly angular, showing some brecciation and a
pegmatyte vein about an inch wide. These boulders are in the
most exposed position, and are very conspicuous objects to
anyone standing on the land a few rods farther back. Some
small boulders and sand form the immediate breakwater of
the beach, and also compose the point itself for some distance
inland from the boulders.
This part of the point is liable to destruction by ice and by
waves and winds of every season. That it is transitory is
proved by the fact that the roots of a small oak are uncovered
to the height of fourteen inches above the present surface, and
this oak must have started to grow when the surface on which
it sprouted was so much higher than now. Under such condi-
tions, at times when the adjoining beach may have been
washed away, the large boulders would be surrounded by
water. It is also very certain that 548 years ago the lake level
was somewhat higher than it is now, and that circumstance
alone, without the removal of the stones and sand lying now
about the big boulders, would have brought these stones into
the water, and would give them exactly the characters required
to comply with the inscription. The present beach line is
parallelled, on either side of the point, by a higher beach com-
posed of boulders, gravel, and sand, which could have been
formed only when the lake was about two feet higher than
now. This upper beach fades away into the mainland of the
point, but between its arms embraces a small lagoon. If the
explorers' camp was on this point, near its extremity, the two
big boulders would be chosen very naturally as reference
points in the inscription.
I
Minnesota Historical Society.
SECTIONS OF POPLAR TREES OF
THE TREE GROWING >
SECTION C.
Vol. XV. Plate V.
UNTED GROWTH, SIMILAR TO
THE RUNE STONE.
SECTION D.
\
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE. 229
(b) The stone is said to have been located on an island,
but when found it was not on an island. It was on a morainic
hill which is now surrounded by a grassy marsh, and which
may have been an island in a small lake prior to the desicca-
tion of the country which has converted many lakes into
marshes and many marshes into meadows. This gradual dry-
ing up of the country is a well-known feature throughout
the western part of the state. It has been known and many
times noted during the last fifty years throughout the North-
west. If the stone be genuine, therefore, the present disagree-
ment with the facts, as with the skerries, is due to physical
change in the surface of the country.
(c) The stone was fourteen days' journey from the sea.
At no place could the sea be reached in that space of time,
with their means of travel, other than Hudson bay. There
is some doubt whether this figure should be 14 or 41, and if
it be 41 it would allow the supposition that the party pene-
trated the country by way of the Great Lakes. There are,
however, insuperable objections to such an idea. It is a very
improbable suggestion that from any place which may have
had the name of Vinland a party would penetrate North
America by that route, by sail and by foot, to encounter the
natives in a tragic death only in western Minnesota. That
suggestion need not be further considered; and the more so,
since the route of possible travel, or at least most probable, as
shown by the accompanying map (Plate VI) of the regions
north to Hudson bay and of the proximity of Minnesota
through a well known water route, would have been from
Vinland to Hudson bay, and to lake Winnipeg via Nelson
river, and thence up the Eed river of the North. This map
is based on the chart of J. T. Smith, published in 1839 at Lon-
don, in a work entitled "The Discovery of America by the
Northmen in the Tenth Century." By this map it appears
that the entrance to Hudson bay is directly west from West-
bygd and Eastbygd, the chief settlements of Greenland, and
could hardly fail of being well known. It is the route which
the ships of the Hudson Bay Company followed for about
230 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL. SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
three hundred years in reaching the region of furs tributary
to Hudson bay.
WHERE WAS VINLAND?
It will be noted that, according to Smith's map, Vinland
was eastern Massachusetts; and it is customary, in writings
dealing with the Northmen's discoveries, to mention three
parts of the coast of North America, namely, Helluland, Mark-
land, and Vinland, the last being farthest soath. But that
there was confusion in the application of these geographic
terms there seems no room to question. It seems to be a mere
assumption that Helluland was north of Markland, for it is
sometimes said to be northeast of Greenland, and even to be
duplicated, one to the northeast and one to the southwest,
while Eafn has placed one at Labrador and one at Newfound-
land. This last made it reasonable to place Vinland much
further south (Nova Scotia).
That Vinland was not exclusively Nova Scotia, but still less
exclusively Massachusetts, is evident from Joseph Fischer's
work, ''The Discoveries of the Norsemen in America" (St.
Louis, 1903), at page 3, when, in quoting from Adam of Bre-
men's oldest work, Fischer states that the objections to Adam's
tales consisted mainly in a statement like the following:
"After Wineland there is no habitable land in that ocean, but all
that emerges is icebound and wrapped in impenetrable mist,"
Adam was the earliest, according to Fischer, who called
attention to the arctic and North American discoveries of the
Northmen, having written in A. D. 1067. Perhaps the objec-
tion to Adam's account of Vinland was based by Fischer on
an idea of Vinland which grew up afterward without suffi-
cient warrant, and it is necessary to inquire to what land
Adam's original description was intended to be applied. It
could not apply to the region south of Labrador, but it is ap-
plicable to the country north and west, i. e., adjoining Hudson
strait and extending into Hudson bay ; and it seems to indicate
that from the first the Northmen knew something of the rug-
gedness and inhospitable nature of at least the northern part
of Hudson bay. It is perhaps reasonable to presume that at the
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE. 231
first the term Vinland was applied to the whole known coast
of North America, and that it was only at a later epoch that
it was localized and restricted to Nova Scotia or to Massachu-
setts. But that would discredit the story of the discovery of
grapes by the enthusiastic German, unless it can be shown
that grapes grew spontaneously as far north as Labrador.
Note. — Since the foregoing was written, the important
researches of Prof. M. L. Fernald on the ''Plants of Wineland
the Good" have been printed (Rhodora, February, 1910), which
show conclusively that the ''grapes" referred to by the trans-
lators of the sagas, were not the fruit of the grape vine (Vitis),
but some form of currant (Ribes), or the wine-berry of north-
ern Europe (Vaccinium Vitis-Idaea), and that the last named
species is common in northern Labrador. As the so-called
"grai)es" were gathered so abundantly as to fill their after-
boat in the spring of the year, it seems certain that the fruit
so gathered was that which is now well known as wine-berry
(Vaccinium Vitis-Idaea), which is so abundant in the* spring
as to constitute the food supply for birds when they return
from the south. Professor Fernald also shows that the "self-
planted wheat," mentioned as one of the products of Vinland,
was the strand wheat (Elymus arenarius), having a similar
northern distribution. The tree which the Norsemen pro-
cured in Vinland, as identified by Fernald, was not maple, but
some form of curly birch, probably the canoe birch (Betula
papyracea). These researches not only confirm the descrip-
tion of Adam of Bremen, but render it probable that the people
of Vinland were acquainted with more or less of Hudson bay.
It is well known that students of Norse records have found
difficulty in reconciling the statements respecting Vinland, not
only as to the name of the discoverer, but as to the nature of
the country and its products. It occurs to this Committee that
possibly these discrepancies can be reconciled by the supposi-
tion that two different eastward-facing coasts have been con-
founded and considered as one. The earliest accoants are per-
fectly applicable to the west coast of Hudson bay. The Flatey
book states that in Vinland were glaciers, and these are well
known about the northwestern confines of Hudson Bay, but are
232 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
not found in Nova Scotia nor in Massachusetts, and only
scantily in Labrador. The description by Adam of Bremen, and
the earlier dates given by the Flatey book, giving Bjarne as
the discoverer of Vinland, seem to point to the west coast of
Hudson bay. After the lapse of about fifteen years (985 to
1000) Leif 's accidental voyage to Vinland took place, and there
is reason to suppose that he and his successors visited points
on the Atlantic side of North America, but supposed they had
visited the country which had already been named Vinland.
From his and Karlsefne's sagas, there rose the geographic dis-
tinctions of Helluland, Markland, and Vinland, so much spoken
of by all later accounts. The Committee has not taken the time
necessary to verify or to disprove this hypothesis, and desires
merely to call attention to it as a possible solution of contra-
dictions that appear in the historic records, avoiding the neces-
sity of rejecting either as untrustworthy.
Dr. Henrik Nissen, of Minneapolis, has called attention
to *' characters " described as engraved on the rocks of the
shore of Hudson bay, not far from Fort George, and suggests
that they may be runes made by the Norsemen.
There certainly was no permanent colonization of Vinland,
and according to Fischer all arguments hitherto brought for-
ward to support the idea of colonization by the Norse have
proved to be fallacious. The definite history of the voyages
to Vinland ends at A. D. 1121, but there is sufficient account to
show that until the year 1362 voyages from the Scandinavian
settlements in Western Greenland were occasionally made to
Vinland. The western settlement in Greenland was about that
time attacked by Eskimo and destroyed, and probably within
a half century later the eastern settlement suffered a similar
stroke. The year A. D. 1406 is the last date given in the Ice-
landic annals for the arrival of a foreign vessel in Greenland.
A colony in Vinland, if it existed, therefore must have perished
about the same time as the destruction of the Greenland colo-
nies. In the absence of other evidence, the statement of th«
Kensington Rune Stone, that a party of thirty men started
from Vinland on an exploring tour westward, may be under-
stood to refer merely to a winter spent by the party in Vin-
miuMi
Minnesota Historical Society.
60
50
40
SNITHS CHART
or THE
NORTHMEN'S ROUTES
WITH REFERENCE TO THE LOCATION
OF THE
KENSINGTON RUNE STONE
Track of Na ddodd i&ei) = = ^ = = =
•' EireH the Red (982) ^
"Biarni/JerizcZ/sonOes)
-LeiJEireJison ^ooo)
" Thor vald(£002)
"Thorstein Uoos)- .
"ThojfinnKarrsefTtif^OO?)'"'-'^ >J^
'BiornAsbrand6on(99d)''"^-^ O
'Gudlei/Gudluugr(i028) -^
Ken o/Nordiseta US66) =-== r^
Adelbrand&ThorvaldClZe^-^^^ •^
-qS-
I
Vol. XV. Plate VI.
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE.
233
land, or even to a temporary landing there, rather than to any
l)reviously existing settlement or colony.
According to Storm's ''Studier over Vinlandsreiserne "
(pages 76, 77), an expedition was sent by King Magnus from
Bergen in 1355, under the command of Paul Knutson, into
American waters, the purpose of which was to defend the
Greenland settlements against the Eskimo. It has been sup-
posed that this expedition, or a part of it, returned in 1364.
THE SLIGHT WEATHERING OF THE RUNE STONE.
It may be assumed that, if this stone was erected, as it
claims, by explorers in 1362, it was set up on end, and that the
lower end, where no runes are engraved, was buried in the
ground. When it was found, according to the testimony of
Mr. Ohman, its inscribed face was downward. Now the lower
end of the stone is not cut off squarely, but is roughly beveled
on one side. Gravitation alone acting on a beveled stone
would cause the base to be diverted to one side, in the same
manner as a single-beveled stake when driven into the ground.
In settling into the ground, owing to the direction of the bevel,
this stone naturally would fall with its face side upward. Its
position therefore was determined by some other force than
gravitation. Either it was purposely placed with the rune in-
scription down, which is not reasonable to suppose, whatever
its age, or it was acted on by some other force which caused it
to fall over forward. We cannot of course state how many
forests have grown and been thrown down by tornadoes within
the 548 years through which it may have been in the spot; nor
how many forest fires have devastated the region; nor how
many buffaloes have rubbed against it; nor, finally, to what
acts of violence the native Indians may have resorted to coun-
teract its evil influences. Numerous works of the mound-build-
ing Indians are known in the immediate neighborhood, and
Ihey certainly would have discovered the monument. If they
participated in the massacre of the ten men at the camp, they
would quite certainly look upon the stone as a retributive
threatening reminder of their pale-face victims.
234 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS..
The interior of the stone is dark or dark gray. On close
inspection it can be seen to contain many grains of quartz
which are roundish, showing a sedimentary detrital origin. In
a thin-section, prepared for microscopic examination, it shows
not only rounded quartz grains but also feldspar grains, and a
finer matrix consisting chiefly of quartz and biotite. The dark
color of the stone is due to much biotite, mainly, but also to an
isotropic green mineral (chlorite?), magnetite, and hematite.
The quartz has become mainly re-formed by secondary growths.
There is a crypto-gneissic elongation prevalent in the mica,
and also to some extent in the larger quartzes.
The weathered surface is somewhat lighter, and yet it is firm
and wholly intact. It is evident that the surface color has been
acquired since the Glacial period, and therefore that some 7,000
or 8,000 years may have elapsed since its face was first exposed
to the elements. The rcA^erse of the inscribed side is more
altered by weathering and carries evident older glacial stria-
tions.
The first impression derived from the inscription is that it
is of recent date, and not 548 years old. The edges and angles
of the chiseling are sharp, and show no apparent alteration by
weathering. The powder of the stone when crushed is nearly
white. None of this powder is preserved in the runes on the
face of the stone, and it is necessary therefore to allow it some
years of age, but it is quite impossible to draw a decisive infer-
ence of the age of the inscription from that alone. The edge
of the stone differs in this respect from the face, since most of
the rune letters show the white powder formed by crushing
the stone. This difference was said to be due to the fact that
the runes on the edge had been filled with mud and had been
cleaned out by scraping them with an iron nail. Indeed in the
runes in some places on the edge can be seen with a pocket
magnifier small quantities of fresh metallic iron evidently
derived from that process.
The freedom of the face of the stone from glacial marking
is to be noted. It seems probable that the smooth jointage sur-
face on which the inscription is made was of more recent date
than 7,000 or 8,000 years. It is plain that the calcite deposit
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE.
235
that covers a part of it was formed in a joint-opening before
the stone was separated from its neighbor, and that it has had
approximately as long direct exposure to the elements as the
rest of that surface. The well preserved condition of this cal-
cite, as a whole, no less than the non-glaciation of the face of
the stone, indicates a period of exposure less than 7,000 or 8,000
years. Marble slabs in graveyards in New England are more
deeply disintegrated than this calcite, when they stand above
the surface of the ground.
The immediate surface of the calcite, especially the edges
formed by cutting the runes, is smoothed by a recent friction of
some kind, much more than the surface of the graywacke ; and
this is attributable to wearing away when the stone served as
a stepping-stone at the granary.
If the engraved face of this stone was separated from its
neighbor since the Glacial age, as seems certain, it must have
been in some way protected from the action of the elements;
and consequently the calcite is comparable with the white, fine-
grained limestone boulders and pebbles that are common in the
body of the drift in that part of the state. Such boulders when
freshly taken from the till in deep excavations are not rotted,
but are fresh and firm and smooth as marbles, and show dis-
tinctly the fine glacial scratches which they received during the
Ice age, which ended about 7,000 or 8,000 years ago. When, how-
ever, they are found exposed at the surface of the ground, they
have lost this smoothness and all the glacial marking, and their
surfaces afford a fine white powder of natural disintegration.
As there is nothing of this on this calcite (which is also the
principal ingredient of the limestone boulders), it is evident
that either the calcite has but recently been exposed or has
been protected from the weather. If the slab was separated
from its neighbor 548 years ago, it must have lain with its face
side down during the most of that period, and if separated
earlier it must have been covered by drift clay. If it was so
separated fifteen or thirty years ago, it may have lain with its
face side up and probably would show no more weathering than
it now evinces. In short, there is no possible natural way to
preserve that calcite scale from general disintegration for 548
236 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
years except to bury it beneath the surface. If it were not
thus buried and still is intact, it must have been exposed and
the inscription must have been made less than a hundred years
ago, and probably less than thirty years ago.
The general ''mellow" color of the face of the graywacke,
and of the whole surface of the stone, is also to be noted. This
is the first apparent effect of weathering. Graywacke may be
estimated to be fifty to a hundred times more durable in the
weather than calcite, some graywackes being more resistant
than others.
There are six stages of the weathering of graywacke which
are exhibited by the stone, and they may be arranged approxi-
mately in a scale as follows :
1. A fresh break or cut - . . . . 0
2. Break or cut shown by the runes of the face - 5
3. Edge-face, which has not been engraved, but was
apparently dressed by a rough bush-hammering 5
4. The inscribed face of the stone . _ - 10
5. The finely glaciated and polished back side and
the non-hammered portion of the edge - - 80
6. The coarse gouging and the general beveling and
deepest weathering of the back side - - 250 or 500
These figures are but rough estimates and are intended to
express the grand epochs of time through which the stone has
passed since it started from the solid rock of which it formed
a part prior to the Glacial period ; and to a certain degree they
are subject to the errors of the personal equation of the person
who gives them. Prof. W, 0. Hotchkiss, state geologist of
Wisconsin, estimated that the time since the runes were in-
scribed is "at least 50 to 100 years." If the figures in the fore-
going series be all multiplied by 100, they would stand :
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
000: 500: 500: 1,000: 8,000: 25,000 or 50,000
Since 8,000 years is approximately the date of the end of the
latest glaciation (5), the numbers may all be accepted as the
approximate number of years required for the various stages
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE.
237
of weathering. Hence stages (2) and (3) may have required
each about 500 years.
The composition of the stone makes it one of the most dur-
able in nature, equalling granite, and almost equalling the dense
quartzyte of the pipestone quarry in the southwestern part of
Minnesota. On the surface of this quartzyte, even where
exposed to the weather since they were formed, the fine glacial
scratches and polishing are well preserved, and when covered
by drift clay they seem not to have been changed at all.
Discussion of the Authenticity of the Rune Record.
Owing to the existence of the belief with some that the in-
scription was made by Mr. Ohman, and the rumors that seemed
to confirm that suspicion, a member of the Committee has made
three separate visits to the locality, and has examined into all
the facts that have a bearing on such supposed origin of the
stone. There is no need to rehearse the details of this search.
A summary review, however, seems to be called for in order
that the result reached by the Committee may be seen to be
based on a thorough investigation.
There was a rumor that a man of the name of Ohman had
taken part, about fifteen years ago, in the exploitation of a so-
called '^fossil man" found in Marshall county, in the Red river
valley. As the owners of this wonderful specimen disagreed
and went into court to settle their dispute, the facts were made
a matter of record. On consulting Judges Andrew Grindeland,
of Warren, and William Watts, of Crookston, it was found that
one of the parties was named O'Brien, and that his name had
been confounded with Ohman.
It was rumored that Mr. Ohman had rune books, was fam-
iliar with rune characters, made runes on the sidewalk, on win-
dow casings and granaries, and was generally regarded as a
"queer genius," resembling Uriah Heap, of Dickens. These
rumors came to the committee in letters from different direc-
tions, and on occasion of the third trip to Douglas county were
met with not only at Kensington, but also at Elbow Lake, at
Brandon, Evansville, Moe, and sometimes at intervening farm-
houses. In order to find the truth of these rumors the whole
238 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
region was pretty thoroughly canvassed, and a record was
made of all information obtained. These rumors will be
treated of separately.
Rune Books. It was found that Mr. Ohman had a Swed-
ish grammar, published in 1840, the author of which was
C. J. L. Almquist, issued at Stockholm. This rumor was en-
countered by Mr. Holand, when he was in the neighborhood
in 1907, when he procured the stone of Mr. Ohman. He saw
the book, when Mr. Ohman was absent, as he asked Mrs.
Ohman the privilege of examining Mr. Oilman's * library."
He considered that it had nothing to do with the rune stone
and discredited the rumor. When, more recently, interest in
the stone became more active and the rumor became wide-
spread, it was thought necessary to procure this ''library,"
or at least to get the historical facts about the "rune book."
It was purchased from Mr. Ohman for fifty cents, although he
reluctantly parted with it, and would be glad to have it re-
turned to him. On the front fly-leaf is written
Sv. Fogelhlad^
Stockholm, d. 16 Nov. 1868.
It is a duodecimo volume, and has 472 pages. On pages
117 and 118 are shown sixteen rune characters in vertical
column, with their corresponding names and Roman equiv-
alents.
Mr. Ohman, when asked where and when he obtained this
book, stated that he got it from Mr. Anderson, who obtained
it from a preacher. This was on the occasion of our second
visit to Mr. Ohman 's house. On occasion of our third visit he
also stated that, after the rune stone was found, Mr. Anderson
had suggested that he should take it home for the purpose of
reading the rune record by means of the rune alphabet con-
tained in it ; that he did so, but found more characters on the
stone than in the book, and could not translate the record, and
that he had not returned the book. It transpired later that
Mrs. Anderson and Mrs. Ohman are cousins.
Sven Fogelhlad. When asked about the name on the fly-
leaf at the front of the book, Mr. Ohman said that it was that
of a broken-down preacher who used to be at Anderson's farm-
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE.
239
house, and who was then well known in the surrounding region,
as he got a precarious living amongst the farmers, partly by-
teaching their children in little school-gatherings, by binding
books, and by little light jobs, but principally by charity. He
was always poor, by reason of his fondness for intoxicating liq-
uor. He had his home, so far as he could claim one, at Mr.
Anderson's farmhouse, and when he died, which was at the
age of about seventy years, in 1895 or 1896, his books were
left in the possession of Mr. Anderson. Mr. Samuel Olson, of
Kensington, said he never saw Mr. Fogelblad, and is of the
opinion that he died prior to his going there fifteen years ago.
These points were verified by others. They were carefully fol-
lowed up, because it had been intimated by some that Mr.
Fogelblad may have traced out the runes for Mr. Ohman to
carve on the stone, and that the "rune book" formerly
owned by Mr. Fogelblad had been the source of the necessary
knowledge. (See the Appendix for more concerning Mr. Fo-
gelblad.)
Mr. John A. Holvik, a student of the United Church Semi-
nary, St. Anthony Park, St. Paul, had begun a search for the
book which Fogelblad left at Mr. Anderson's at the time of his
death, said to have been at the house of Mr. Ohman and to
have given aid to the engraving of the rune inscription. After
the book was obtained in the investigation by this Committee,
he examined it at leisure for two or three days, and wrote the
following letter concerning it.
Leiter of John A. Holvik.
St. Anthony Park, Minn., April 20th, 1910.
Prof. N. H. Winchell, St. Paul,
Dear Sir:
After comparing in detail the Kensington inscription with the book
bearing the name of Sv. Fogelblad, I am prepared to make the follow-
ing statements.
1. The book is a grammar of modern Swedish, published in 1840.
2. It contains some material on the development of the language:
(a) A system of runes;
(b) Noun declensions of Old and Middle Swedish:
(c) Verb conjugations of Old and Middle Swedish;
240 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
(d) Short selections to illustrate the language at different periods
from A. D, 1200 to the present time.
(e) Selections to illustrate different dialects.
3. The rune system is the Futhork of sixteen characters. The
runes of the inscription are the later "punctuated" (stungne) runes.
4. The declensions give the four cases for nouns in Old and Mid-
dle Swedish. The inscription has only nominative and genitive forms.
Furthermore, the word for ship, used as a type word in the fifth de-
clension, is spelled skep in Middle Swedish. The inscription has
skip.
5. The conjugation gives plural inflection for all verbs in Old and
Middle Swedish. The inscription uses singular verb forms with plural
subjects.
6. A selection from the fifteenth century gives the constructions:
"wi ware .... wi hafwe " The inscription has "vi var
..... vi har."
7. A selection frpm the year 1370 gives the preposition "a." The
inscription uses the proposition "po" (which is objected to by some
linguists).
8. Some of the rune characters indicate (according to some runol-
ogists) that the author of the inscription must be from Dalarne in
Sweden. A selection in the book shows the characteristic diphthongs
of the dialect of Dalarne; but a characteristic feature of the inscrip-
tion is the lack of diphthongs.
To summarize: the difference in rune systems, and the so-called
"errors" in the inscription, with some parallel correct forms in the
book, make it evident that there is no connection between the inscrip-
tion on the Kensington Rune Stone and the book bearing the name Sv.
Fogelblad.
Yours truly,
J. A. HOLVIK.
OTHER RUMORS CONCERNING MR. OHMAN.
It was rumored that Mr. Ohman was a stone mason, and
hence that he might be skillful in cutting rune letters. There
seems to be no truth nor basis for this rumor, other than the
natural desire to explain a puzzle. It may have been suggest-
ed by some one, asked by another whether true or not, inti-
mated by another, and affirmed by the fourth. Once stated
as a fact, it was hence additional evidence, united with the pos-
session of the rune stone and the alleged possession of "rune
books," that Mr. Ohman made the inscription on the stone.
Mr. Ohman is a carpenter. No one was found who knew of
his working as a stone mason, though several were asked.
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE.
241
The rumor that Mr. Ohman made rune characters on the
sidewalks, on fences, and on granaries, asking people if they
could read them,* was apparently a very easy one to verify
or disprove. And so it proved to be. Everywhere, whenever
this statement was made, the question was asked whether the
person making it ever knew of Mr. Ohman 's making rune
characters. The answer was, "No, but Mr. So-and-So can give
you the facts. He lives at Brandon, or near Brandon." On
arriving at Brandon, where the rumor was prevalent, I was
directed to Mr. 0 , who was said to know more of the
peculiar mental processes of Mr. Ohman "than any man on
earth.'' He at once declared that Mr. Ohman was in the habit
of making rune characters, as a joke, and "knew all about
runes." Asked to state whether he himself ever saw Mr.
Ohman make runes at any time, disregarding the rumor, Mr.
0. said he never had himself known of his making runes, but
that Mr. Gunder Johnson, about four miles farther south, had
known of his making runes. We drove then directly to Mr.
Gunder Johnson's farm. The following is copied from our
note book, written at the time of the interview :
"Mr. Gunder Johnson says his little testimony is not worth any-
thing one way or the other. He knew Mr. Ohman, who built his house,
about 26 or 27 years ago. Mr. Ohman and he were talking about old
Norsk one day, and Ohman said there were old letters which were
called runes, and Mr. Ohman took a pencil and made some on a board,
saying they were runes. Mr. Johnson never knew of his making runes
at any other time, nor of any preacher living with Ohman who made
runes, nor any living in this country who could make them, nor any-
one passing through here who could make them."
Later, when Mr. Ohman was told that people said he made
runes on sidewalks and on granaries, etc., he indignantly de-
manded. "Who said it?" When he was told that Mr. Gunder
Johnson stated that he had made them on a board when he
worked for Mr. Johnson 26 or 27 years ago, he denied it, but
add^d that he "could not recall any conversation with Mr.
Johnson about runes," and that if at any time he had said
♦According to Professor Flom, it was Mr. Fogelblad who thus amused
himself, and he mentioned also evidence thait Mr. Ohman thus carved
runes. He expresses his confidence in Mr. Ohman's veracity.
242 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
anything to Mr. Johnson about runes, ''It was because he had
learned it in school in Sweden. Every school boy, and every
Swede and Norwegian, knows something about runes, but not
so as to use them."
So far as we can see, therefore, the common rumor that Mr.
Ohman made rune characters on the sidewalks and on fences,
in hours of idleness, and was familiar with runic literature, was
derived from the simple fact that 26 or 27 years ago, accord-
ing to Mr. Gunder Johnson, though forgotten by Mr. Ohman,
he had made some rune characters for Mr. Johnson with a
pencil on a board when he was working on Mr. Johnson's house
as a carpenter, in order to show him the kind of letters form-
erly used by the Scandinavians. The following is also ex-
tracted from our field book, bearing on the existence of this
rumor.
"I found Mr. Gunder Johnson a very talkative man. I recall it
now, and record it for its bearing on the existence and spread of the
idea that Mr. Ohman knew runes long ago, had a number of books
on runes, and made runic characters on the walks, window casings,
and the granary doors about the country. I have traced up, under
the direction of those who believed and repeated this story, all the
promising lines of evidence, and I have found the report especially
prevalent and detailed about Brandon, where Mr. Ohman lived 26
or 27 years ago. I have asked, not for the. story, but for positive state-
ments as to whether the parties affirming the story actually knew of
Mr. Ohman's making runes. They said they did not, except Mr.
Gunder .Johnson, and some of them said they knew nothing about it
except what emanated either from Mr. O. of Brandon oi Mr. Gunder
Johnson.
"The incident which seems to have given origin to the rumor was
probably dormant until Prof. Breda and Prof. Curme pronounced the
stone a fraud, and the stone had been returned to Ohman's farm.
Then all the people began to speculate as to how the stone was in-
scribed. All minds turned to Mr. Ohman. Eight years passed. The
knowledge of Mr. Gunder Johnson about Mr. Ohman's making runes,
and the fact that he retained the fraudulent stone, were coupled
together and seemed to explain each other, springing at once Into
importance, I have no doubt, through Mr. Johnson. The 'idea was,
very naturally, given broadcast. There was no other possible ex-
planation of a fraudulent rune stone found on Mr, Ohman's farm and
kept by him, however indifferently.
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE.
243
'Mr. Ohman is a rather taciturn man, and he toolc no pains to coun-
teract the report that he was the impostor. One man said that if
the rune inscription were genuine, it was a very valuable historic
document, and any man would have made it well known as a valuable
possession, the inference being that, as Mr. Ohman did not make it
notorious, he must have known it was fraudulent. His neighbors
made sport of him for keeping, or even for having made, a fake in-
scription. Mr. Gunder Johnson's knowledge was amplified, as such
rumors grow in a farming community, and some intimated that, as
Fogelblad was a scholar, he was the man who traced out the runes
for Mr, Ohman to cut on the stone.
"More lately, as it became known that Mr. Ohman had "rune
books," the story was credited by many who had no knowledge of
the case nor any personal acquaintance with Mr. Ohman; and during
the last few years, when the recent renewal of inquiry about the
stone, became known by the people of this region, of course all the
rumors, however increased in detail, were revived also, and there is
no doubt that some have innocently spread the story, on the assump-
tion that what was reported and was not denied must be true. In its
exaggerated form it was sent in letters to members of this Committee,
and these letters prompted this thorough investigation."*
*The following- correspondence, received after this Report was first
written, bears upon the recollection of Mr. Gunder Johnson as to Ohman's
writing- runes for him.
Clipping from the "■Deconili Post."
Rumor relates that Mr. Olof Ohman was accustomed to 9,muse him-
self with scratching runes. It happened that Prof. Winchell found the
originator of this rumor in Gunder Johnson, of Brandon. Ohman main-
tained that he knew nothing about runes; but Gunder Johnson related
that when Ohman, 26 or 27 years ago, built a house for him, he made
some runes on a piece of wood to show what kind of writing was used
In the old days in the Scandinavian lands. Ohman would not maintain
that he had not done this, but said that he could not remember it.
Letter fro?n Hans Voigt, Mcintosh, Polk County, Minn.
[Translation.]
Mr. Olof Ohman: 16 May, 1910.
I clip this from the Decorah Post, and send it with the following
remarks. Is the Gunder Johnson, in Brandon, who has started this
rumor, that you used to amuse yourself with writing runes, the same
as the Gunder Johnson, Hojbergsner, from the town of Mo? If so^ then
the house referred to was built for him by you in 1882, and I was there
and painted it; and if this is so, then I believe you remember me. I
had, in fact, a wedding down there, and you were present. At that time
I made on a piece of wood some marks which were, after a fashion, to
represent runes, as he says. So it seems to me that it is this incident
which has popped up in Mr. Johnson's memory. If this is right, then
let me hear from you. I had a long time ago forgotten your name.
Hans Voigt.
244 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Ohmau is not a thrifty farmer. His premises are in disor-
der. His cattle, pigs, chickens, and his children, have a com-
mon way of approach to his front door, and when it is muddy
the floor of his house is also muddy. There is no grading, no
sidewalk, no fence, to make his home pleasant; and it is plain
that the farm is not at its best. This listlessness has its influ-
ence in estimating the causes of the apparent neglect of Mr.
Ohman to make the most of his discovery. After the rune
stone had been pronounced a fraud by two professors (Breda
and Curme), his interest in it extended no further than to in-
sist on its return to him. A Swede farmer, in ignorance of the
ways and means to have the inscription further investigated,
not fully knowing the English language, and having no spare
money to use in a doubtful quest, he was obliged to let the
stone rest in his yard uncared for.
It should not be inferred from the foregoing discussion of
"rumors," as to Mr. Ohm an 's agency in fabricating the rune
inscription, that there is a prevalent opinion connecting him
with it. Most of the people, and especially his neighbors, be-
lieve that these rumors are baseless, and affirm their confidence
in Mr. Ohman as well as in the genuineness of the rune stone.
It is chiefly at a distance from Ohman 's farm, and among
strangers, that these rumors are sustained by those who have
curiosity enough to form opinions about the discovery. The
pastor, Rev. Mr. Saethre, of the church where Mr. Ohman 's
children were confirmed, said that Mr. Ohman came to that
vicinity, to his knowledge, later than himself, which was
twenty-five years ago. He is confident that Mr. Ohman, whom
Letter from Olof Ohman.
[Translation.]
Prof. N. H. Winchell, St. Paul:
Today I received a letter from northern Minnesota, which in part
clears up the reported rune scratches that I have been said to have made
at Gunnar Johnson's when I built his house. I do not remember that I
wrote any runes, either there or anywhere else. And as to Gunnar
Johnson saying I know Old Norse, he is mistaken. I have never learnt
the Icelandic language. Sincerely,
Olop Ohman.
This shows that Mr. Johnson's recollection is at fault, rather than
Mr. Ohman's.
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE.
245
he has known ever since he came to his farm, **is utterly in-
capoMe of making the inscription." He has never heard that
Mr. Ohman traveled about and made runes on the sidewalks and
granaries in idle hours, nor has he ever heard of a clergyman
in that region who did so.
THE TREE THAT GREW ON THE RUNE STONE.
As it is well established that a poplar tree grew in the soil
above the stone, it is plain that the size of the tree has a direct
bearing on the possible fabrication of the inscription by Mr.
Ohman, or by any person since Mr. Ohman located on the farm.
Mr. Samuel Olson, of Kensington, who was of the party that
excavated in the earth where the stone was found, in the
spring of 1899, expecting to find the remains of those who
were massacred, made from memory a pencil sketch of the
stump and roots of the tree as they appeared at that time, which
is reproduced below.
Fig. 1. The Poplar Tree and the Rune Stone.
a, the largest root; b, the smaller roots that went down perpendic-
ular; c, en^ of the stone; d, the tree 4 or 5 Inches in diameter;
the foot of the tree, 10 inches in diameter.
Note. — Mr. Ohman and his boy said that the main root went down
the side instead of over the top.
No one was found who questioned the existence of this tree,
nor the flatness of the roots caused by long contact on the
stone. Indeed, one man who regarded Mr. Ohman as the pos-
sible maker of the inscription stated that he saw the roots
and that they were flattened on one side.
246 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
The shortest time that has been assigned to the growth of
the tree is ten years. Mr. Ohman took the first part of his
farm in 1890. The stone was found in the fall of 1898 on that
portion of his farm which was the earliest deeded to him, and
which he received by warranty deed from Halvor Stenson.
If Mr. Ohman is responsible for the stone, he must have buried
it with its face downward in sufficient soil at once to support
a young tree, and the tree would have had the period of eight
years to attain the size which it had in 1898; and if the tree
were as large as most of those who saw it have testified to,
its growth in eight years is put entirely outside of possibility.
It would then be possible still to presume that the stone was
put there during the ownership of the land by Mr. Stenson.
The Committee has taken no steps to ascertain the truth that
might be in such a hypothesis, nor to learn anything of the
antecedents of the land earlier than the record of the deeds to
Mr, Ohman.
Review of the Finding of the Rune Stone.
The foregoing sketch of the facts of the finding of the stone,
and of the attendant conditions, embraces everything of im-
portance that has come within the scope of our inquiry. It
may be well, before leaving this part of the subject, to call at-
tention to some obvious inferences which bear on the question
of the authenticity of the stone.
1. The inscription was made upon a boulder of graywacke
found in the near vicinity.
2. The inscribed face of the stone has not passed through
even the latest glaciation, but the opposite side shows such
glaciation that it may have witnessed two ice-epochs. The
boulder had been split along an old jointage plane, and the
inscription is mainly on the resultant even face. The inscribed
edge was also, doubtless, caused by a jointage plane, but ap-
pears to have been shaped by hammering.
3. The inscribed face appears weathered so as to indicate
that it was separated from its companion piece perhaps sev-
eral thousand years ago (but has not been glaciated), or was
affected by water that entered along the joint-opening for a
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE.
247
long time before such separation. The preservation of the cal-
cite scale shows that since its separation it has been protected
from the weather.
4. Two remarkable boulders are at the end of a sharp
point, at the southwestern side of Pelican lake,* and though
they are not now surrounded by water, they probably were so
548 years ago, and may stand for the '^ skerries" referred to
in the inscription. If the inscription is modern, the engraver
could hardly refer to these boulders as ''skerries." They are
about twenty miles north of the place where the stone was
found.
5. The stone was found on an elevation surrounded with
a swamp, and it is in keeping with a slow known physical
change to suppose that the elevation was formerly surrounded
by water, and that the term ''island" was applicable. If the
inscription is modern, the engraver must have known that 548
years ago this elevation was an island.
6. The sea was said to be fourteen days' journey distant
from the place of the stone. t The sea at Hudson bay is about
♦Professor Flom has carelessly adopted a "Pelican lake" which lies
in northern Otter Tail county, about 48 miles farther toward the north-
west.
fit has been suggested by Mr. Holand that the inscription should be
translated "forty-one days" instead of fourteen days; but such a use
of the characters for 1 and 4 would require a similar use of the charac-
ters for 1 and 3 in the final date (1362), which would be impossible.
Keating says that the journey from Fort Douglas, which was one
mile north of Fort Garry (now Winnipeg), to York Factory, required for
canoes loaded with furs, 15 to 20 days, and in returning with supplies
30 to 35 days. Unloaded canoes usually traveled much faster, and prob-
ably made the journey In about half that time. Long's Expedition, Vol.
II, p. 79.
Oliphant says (Minnesota and the Far West, p. 223) that he made
80 miles per day in descending the Mississippi river from Fort Ripley
to Fort Snelling, and that in higher water 100 miles have been passed
over in 8 hours.
Hennepin, in defending his asserted voyage to the mouth of the
Mississippi in 1680, says it was not impracticable, that he had time
enough and to spare, since canoes have been known to go 90 miles a day
upstream.
Duluth, when he rescued Hennepin, declared that he travelled 80
leagues, or about 240 miles in two days and two nights and till the
next day at ten o'clock A. M., which was somewhat more than 100 miles
per day. (Shea's Translation of Hennepin's Description of Louisiana,
Appendix.)
Prof. Andrew Fossum first suggested the route from Hudson bay.
248 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
that distance from Douglas county, for a canoe party descend-
ing the Nelson river. If parties reached Minnesota by that
route they must have brought boats with them by way of lake
Winnipeg and the Red river of the North. It is not easy to
see any reason for their leaving the regular watercourse and
taking their boats across the country to Pelican lake, but if
they were fishing on Pelican lake they must have had boats.
At Pelican lake they would have been about twenty-five miles
from the nearest point of the Red river of the North.
7. When found, the face of the stone was down. On any
supposition as to the maker of the inscription it seems to be
necessary to assume that it was not originally placed in that
position. Owing to the easy disintegration of calcite in the
weather, it is evident that the inscription is either recent or
the stone was so placed (or was overturned) as to protect
the inscription from the weather.
8. The age of the tree which was growing on the stone
seems to show that the inscription was made prior to the occu-
pancy of the farm by Mr. Ohman.
9. Mr. Fogelblad, whom rumor has associated with the
stone, died in 1895, three years prior to the finding of the stone.
The tree must have started to grow on the stone at least as
early as 1888, according to the shortest estimate of its age.
The committee has not learned the date of Mr. Fogelblad s
coming to the region, not deeming it important. The relation
of the rune stone to the Swedish grammar owned by Mr. ii^ogel-
blad at the time of his death is expressed by Mr. Holvik. Ac-
cording to his opinion, the book could not have been the source
of the information necessary to construct the inscription.
and calculated that the downward trip could be made in about fourteen
days. For the purpose of reaching more definite data the Committee has
measured, on maps, the route in question, with the following' result:
From Pelican lake to Pembina 3514 townships, right line - 213 miles.
Pembina to lake Winnipeg, li^ deg. lat. ----- 103 miles.
Across lake Winnipeg, 1 2/3 deg. lat. ----- 115 miles.
Lake Winnipeg to York Factory, 41^ deg. lat. - - - 311 miles.
Add for crookedness ------------ 200 miles.
Total traveled distance - ---942 miles.
The trip therefore could be made in canoes in 14 days by travelling at
the rate of about 67 miles per day.
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE.
24^
10. If the stone is fraudulent, it seems necessary to ex-
onerate both Mr. Fogelblad and Mr. Ohman from the imposi-
tion. (See the Appendix.)
Notes on the Record given by the Inscription.
The inscription has been acceptably translated as below :
Eight Goths and twenty-two Norwegians upon a journey of
discovery from Vinland westward. We had a camp by two sker-
ries one day's journey north from this stone. We were out fish-
ing one day. When we returned home, we found ten men red
with blood and dead. A. V. M., save us from evil.
Have ten men by the sea to look after our vessels fourteen days'
Journey from this island. Year 1362.
Without reference at this time to the language used, and
not considering the peculiarities of the grammatical inflections,
it may be worth while to take a general view of the record.
One is struck first with the simplicity of the statements and
the omission of non-important details. This simplicity, unfor-
tunately for the historical value of the record, goes so far as to
omit the name of the leader of the party, as well as that of the
patron or king who may have sent it out.
It is a mixed party, of Swedes and Norwegians. By reason
of the order in which these are mentioned it is probable that
the scribe was a Swede, since he names them first, although
composing only about one quarter of the whole party.
The party started from Vinland, a very remarkable state-
ment in the light of the fact that it is not known, even at this
day, that a permanent or even a temporary colony was estab-
lished in Vinland. The expression ' * from Vinland ' ' may mean
in a direction westward from Vinland. In the light of the
results of Professor Fernald's studies on the ''Plants of Wine-
land the Good," it is remarkable, if the stone is fraudulent,
that the location of Vinland, by the statements of the record,
should agree with the location of that country by Fernald,
since all modern (and even earlier) descriptions of Vinland
have placed Vinland either in Nova Scotia or in Massachusetts.
Could it have been a random and accidental coincidence, that a
fraudulent record should correct the current historical belief
250 minn:e}sota historical society collections.
of the times? How could an impostor come to the knowledge
that Vinland was nowhere except in Labrador or at least in
the region about the entrance to Hudson strait? What credit
could be given to his record by going counter to the accepted
history of his time? This agreement with the latest research
as to the location of Vinland is a very suggestive fact.
They went "westward" from Vinland, and they had their
ships till within fourteen days' journey of the end of their
exploration, when they left them ''at the sea," with ten men
to guard them. If the record be fraudulent, what reason could
there be for saying that their camp was fourteen days' journey
from the sea? How much more probable it would be to say
that their camp was forty days or even two months' journey
from the sea, especially if Vinland was where it has been
thought to be ; and how much more probable that an impostor
would not attempt to make a definite statement. If the record
is fraudulent, the impostor was very foolish not only in giving
the distance of their camp from the sea, but also in saying how
far it was north from the stone. Not only so, but he attempted,
more foolishly, to give guides to the exact location of the camp
by saying it was "near two skerries." If the stone had been
noticeably more than one day's march from those skerries, or
if the camp had been noticeably nearer or more distant than
fourteen days' journey from "the sea," there would be much
doubt thrown upon the record by such a discrepancy.
The exactness with which the location of the camp is de-
scribed can be attributed to the probable burial of the ten
men at the camp, and the natural desire to describe geograph-
ically the place of the bloody massacre of ten of their com-
rades; while the agreement of this exactness with the facts in
nature shows how improbable it was for a faker runologist to
have made the inscription. If the record be fraudulent, it is a
remarkable fact that those two skerries exist, and at the right
distance, and that there are no others.*
It is still more remarkable, on the hypothesis that the stone
♦other lakes in the vicinity, within a possible range of twenty miles,
have been searched over by Prof. Fossum, Rev. O. A. Norman, and Mr.
H. R. Holand, without finding anything that could be called "two
skerries."
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE.
251
is fraudulent, that within modern times they could not be
called skerries, as they are not now surrounded by water.
Hence the impostor-scribe was not only a runologist, but he was
able to look backward through the physical change that has
come over the region, and to describe those boulders as they
were 548 years ago, when there is no doubt that the water of
the lake was so high as to surround them and thus warrant the
description which he made of them. He must have been a
geologist.
H the record is fraudulent, it is also remarkable that the
impostor could see that 548 years ago the hill on which the
stone was placed was surrounded by water so as to warrant
the application of the term ''island." He must have known,
and must have made allowance for the fact, that within recent
time the country has dried up considerably, and that what
are now marshes were then lakes.
If the stone be fraudulent, it is singular that the impostor
ran the risk of all these details and violated none of them. A
well considered fraud is usually characterized by the omission
of details. Here was a recklessness and a fearlessness amongst
details which betoken honesty and truth. The very discre-
pancies, where the details diverge from present geographic
knowledge, when correctly understood are turned to so many
points of confirmation.
'*We were out fishing one day." That is a remarkable
and rather singular statement, especially if the stone be fraud-
ulent, since the fishing was on a lake twenty miles distant
from the place at which the inscription was made. Again, they
must have had boats. There is no reference to them. Where
could they have got boats ? Not a word is said as to how they
reached the place where they were encamped, nor as to the
direction to the sea. Such links as are necessary to make a
connected and reasonble story would certainly be given by an
impostor. But here the briefest statement is made of the lead-
ing facts, and the reader is left to connect them as best he can.
We are not at a loss to supply the links. The boats must have
been birch bark canoes, used to this day by the northern
252 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Indians, easy to propel in the water and easy to "portage"
over the land.
"We found ten men red with blood and dead." That is a
remarkable statement. Why should the fact of the gory ap-
pearance of the dead men be stated at all? and especially why
should it be stated before stating the fact of death? The mur-
derers are not mentioned nor indicated. These peculiarities in
the record may be explained by attributing the massacre to
Indians, with whom they may have had some dealing. The
appearance of the bloody corpses implies the scalping knife.
The appearance of the bodies is stated before the fact of their
death, and must have made a deep impression on the explorers,
although it is probable that the men were dead before they
were scalped. If the stone is fraudulent, it is singular that,
within modern times, when the scalping of white men by In-
dians is a familiar fact, the massacre should be described in
that manner. An impostor would hardly observe the nicety
of the significance in inverting the terms of description, or
that of mentioning the bloody appearance of the dead at all.
Then comes the most remarkable feature of this remark-
able inscription, "A. V. M. " Hail, Virgin Mary ! or Ave Maria.
This is a distinctly Catholic expression. According to Arch-
bishop Ireland, no modern Scandinavian would utter it, as they
are Lutherans. It would be strictly appropriate in 1362. If
the stone be fraudulent, the impostor artfully employed a term
suitable to the date of the inscription; but we would hardly
expect an impostor, such as this man must have been, to be so
religious as to call on Mary, or on any of the gods of the
Vikings, or on any of the saints of Christianity. On the sup-
position that the stone is fraudulent, this is a decided ana-
chronism and would hardly be introduced by an impostor.
If the stone is fraudulent, the base perpetrator was artful
enough to make use of rune characters appropriate to the date
1362. The ancient runes are sixteen in number, according to
the grammar of Almquist. The inscription contains several
characters not found in the old runic alphabet, and some that
are peculiar to itself or to some locality.
Rev. 0. A. Norman, of Ashby, called our attention to a sin-
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE.
253
gular coincidence, viz., the frequency of the expression calling
upon Mary, in Scandinavia, at the time of the "black death,"
which prevailed in the fourteenth century. A poem or song,
entitled ''Fornesbronen," was recited at the burials of the
many dead, and appears to have become well known. It was
lately reprinted in a brochure at Fergus Falls, Minn., entitled
"Telesoga." Each verse ends with an appeal to Mary to grant
help and freedom from evil. The sudden and bloody death of
ten of their comrades seems to have impressed the living in a
manner similar to the mysterious death of the black plague.
If the stone be fraudulent, the impostor seems to have been
aware of the prevalence of that prayer in the fourteenth cen-
tury, and very shrewdly appended it at the proper place in this
inscription.
It appears, from several considerations, that the scribe was
a rather illiterate Swede. If the ston« be fraudulent, it is
singular that such a man should prove himself capable of such
literary and historical knowledge, and of such artful cunning.
If the stone be fraudulent, it seems necessary to suppose that
a non-educated Swede should be able to make the inscription
and to accomplish the following :
1. A simple, straightforward record.
2. Correct the prevalent notion as to the whereabouts of
Vinland.
3. Refer to two skerries, which could not have existed
when the record was made but did exist 548 years ago.
4. Refer to an island, which was not an island when the
stonu was inscribed, but was so 548 years ago.
5. Define exactly the location of the camp with reference
to the seaside and with reference to the stone.
6. Describe the massacre in such a way as to indicate that
the men were scalped by Indians, although no mention is made
of Indians.
7. Make the prayer to the Virgin Mary common in Scan-
dinavia in 1362, but anachronistic in the nineteenth century.
8. As an impostor, utter the common prayer of a devout
Catholic of the fourteenth century.
254 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
9. Use in part some ancient runic characters instead of
those common in later centuries.
10. All this deceit and laborious cunning, without any
ascertainable motive, perpetrated in an unpopulated, or at most
only a sparsely inhabited, region amongst a wilderness of
forests.
Linguistic Objections.
Notwithstanding these considerations, which point toward
the genuineness of the Kensington Rune Stone, there are lin-
guistic objections, which, it is claimed, are insurmountable. It
is claimed by those who are expert in the Scandinavian lan-
guages, and who present those difficulties, that linguistic evi-
dence is paramount in importance, and that other considera-
tions are pertinent only after the linguistic objections are re-
moved.
A summary statement of these objections is about as fol-
lows:
Cei*tain words not in use in Sweden at the date given the
inscription, viz. :
opdagelse. It is pointed out that this word is not in Soder-
vall's dictionary, nor in that of Kalkar, the latter being a dic-
tionary of the old Danish (and Swedish) language covering the
years 1300 to 1700, and that in modern Swedish the word
opdage is uppdaga; that ^ ' opdagelse^ ^ is made by adding to the
root the suffix else, which in the form ilsi is not found in Swe-
dish or Danish prior to 1300; that ^' opdage^ ^ itself is a bor-
rowed word, allied to the Dutch opdagen and the German ent-
decken; and that, if it had existed in 1362, its only meaning
could have been dawning.
po, which appears twice in the inscription. This word,
derived from upp a becomes pa and paa, and in Sodervall's
dictionary is said to date from about 1400, and to have, in the
older Swedish, only the active sense, ''to designate an action
by some one, or a condition or state of a person," which is not
the sense in which it is used here.
laeger is objected to as a word in Swedish at the date of
1362, on the ground that it shows a Germanic influence, dating
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE.
255
from the sixteenth century or later, its earliest date in Kalkar
being 1534.
dag is, on the stone, thag (or dliag), meaning day, but in
1362 d had supplanted dli and should have been used. The
use of ''the thorn" (the rune \i for dli or th or d) indicated a
modern Swede runologist. The same objection lies against dh
in opdagelse, Vinland, and ded, and other words.
vore skip should have been written vorum skipum, to agree
with the language of Sweden in 1362.
har, var, kom, and fan, are first person plurals, as used, and
should have the ending om, viz., hafthom (or hathom), varom,
komom, and funnom. These would have been found in the
" Mariaklagan, " had any first person plurals been used in the
part with which comparison is made, since in the third person
plurals found in it the full inflectional endings are used.
ded (or theth, or dhedh) should have been d0dh, and is
apparently a reflection of the English word ' ' dead. ' '
from is English.
mans is an incorrect plural English Avord for men.
0 is written with e rune inside an o. o appears for the first
time in Swedish in 1495.
In short, the language of the stone, it is claimed, is a mix-
ture of modern Swedish, Norwegian, and English.
It is fortunate f^r the cause of historic truth, no less than
for linguistic criticism applicable to the inscription of this
stone, that quite a number of American as well as some Euro-
pean experts in runes and in Scandinavian literature have
given close attention to this stone, and have afforded their
aid to the Committee in their eft'orts to reach a warrantable
conclusion as to the authenticity of the record for the date
which it claims. The Committee has also taken advantage of
the published opinions of others, so far as we have learned of
them, whenever such opinions have been based on specific and
critical linguistic points. A mere "opinion," pro or con, has
been passed by without consideration; for it is plain that not
only the labor would be practically endless should the Com-
mittee entertain unsupported opinions, but that in the end the
result would be based on others' opinions and would not be a
256 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
creditable and judicial consideration of the problems with
which the Committe is charged.
The following eminent and critical scholars have aided the
Committee, and to them the thanks of the Historical Society-
are due :
Helge Gjessing, University of Christiania, Norway;
Hjalmar Rued Holand, Ephraim, Wis. ;
0. J. Breda, Christiania, Norway, formerly of the University
of Minnesota ;
George 0. Curme, Northwestern Universitj^ Evanston, 111. ;
Chester N. Gould, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. ;
Rasmus B. Anderson, Madison, Wis. ;
Dr. Knut Hoegh, Minneapolis, Minn. ;
Gisle Bothne, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis;
John 0. Evjen, Augsburg Seminary, Minneapolis;
Andrew Fossum, St. Olaf College, Northfield, Minn. ;
P. P. Iverslie, Minneapolis, Minn. ;
George T. Flom, University of Illinois, Urbana, 111. ;
Julius E. Olson, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. ;
J. A. Holvik, United Church Seminary, St. Anthony Park,
St. Paul, Minn. ;
Olaf Huseby, Norwegian journalist and author, Fosston,
Minn. ;
J. J. Skordalsvold, Minneapolis, Minn., formerly professor
of Norwegian Literature in Augsburg Seminary;
0. E. Hagen, Meridian, Wis., formerly professor in the Uni-
versity of South Dakota, Vermilion, S. D.
It is needless to say that among these there is divergence
of testimony, and sometimes contrariety, not only in the re-
sults which they have reached, but sometimes in their esti-
mates of the value of the linguistic peculiarities of the lan-
guage of the inscription.
With one exception, the members of the Committee are all
linguistic scholars and are capable of judging the force of
linguistic arguments, pro or con, and we have attempted to
compare judicially the evidence that has been adduced.
It should be remarked at the outset that the argument
against the rune inscription is like this : As the translation of
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE.
257
the Bible in King James' version does not employ the words
hoy or girl, but instead uses lad and damsel, if a book pur-
porting to be a copy of the King James version were found to
contain the words hoy and girl, it would at once be classed as
fraudulent. Likewise if words are found in the Kensington
rune stone inscription which were not in use in 1362, the in-
scription is fraudulent. But it is evident at once that such a
comparison of these cases involves a possible error. Two books
actually in print can be compared with preciseness, and one
can be pronounced a fraud with positiveness when it does
not agree with its prototype. In the case of this stone, a
definite inscription is to be compared with a ''usage," and it is
the wide uncertainty of that usage that gives rise to the vari-
ety of evidence and opinion.
It should be remarked also that the usage with which
the stone may be compared may be that of a considerable
period of time, say a whole century; it may be that of high-
class- and dignified literature, or that of common or ordinary
writing, or that even of everyday speech. It is plain therefore
that it is important to determine the standard to which the
inscription ought to show a conformity. It should also be re-
membered that, as in English, these standards change from one
into the other with lapse of time. A usage which was preva-
lent only in common speech, say in the fourteenth century,
might be found in literature in the fifteenth century, and in
the more dignified language of legal documents not till the
sixteenth century. As our slang words creep slowly into litera-
ture, and finally are recognized in the standard dictionaries,
so the colloquial terms and usage of the Swedish gradually
came into use in the higher type of literature.
It is agreed by all, so far as we have learned, that the
inscription, whether false or genuine, was made by a Swede
and a rather unlettered man, a good mechanic, and probably
from ancient Gothland, now the south part of Sweden, or from
Visby, on the island of Gothland, where foreigners were numer-
258 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ous from all commercial points in Europe.* In such a city the
influence of foreign languages would be apparent and more
pronounced than in any other part of Sweden, except perhaps
Stockholm. If the engraver of the inscription were an unlet-
tered Swede, it appears that the standard with which it should
be compared is not that of high-class standard literature,
whether legal documents, educational treatises, or poems, but
more reasonably the colloquial vernacular of Gothland. It
would be necessary to allow for some effect of German and
perhaps English contiguity. Hence, as the stone claims to date
from the fourteenth century, it is reasonable to compare it
with the colloquial usage of that century.
Here arises another important consideration, viz., the four-
teenth century was a period of change and confusion, arising
from the introduction of Christianity. Here was in full swing
the transition to the modern forms and usages. Indeed the
language of Sweden and Denmark in the fourteenth and fif-
teenth centuries "was much like that of the present. "t and,
"to that degree agrees with the new that nothing except an
occasional business or law expression will stop a reader of the
present. "J This change was not accomplished without much
irregularity, and perhaps this is most apparent in the four-
teenth century. The German language made a powerful im-
press on the Swedish. Dahlerup declares, "Never has our lan-
guage received so great influence from abroad (especially Mid-
dle Low German) as it received in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries." II Those irregularities consisted in a more or less
prevalent dropping of case endings, disregard of grammatical
agreements, especially in common speech, and differences of
spelling.
*The present city of Goteborg was founded in 1619. An earlier town
of the same name, on the island of Hisingen, not far from the present
site, had been destroyed by the Danes during- the Calmar war (Enc.
Brit.); but as that had been founded within twenty years before the
new town (History of Sweden, by Victor Nilsson, 1899, pp. 188, 189), it
appears reasonable to consider the scribe to have been a native of Visby
on the large island of Gothland, which was an important commercial
city from the twelfth century to the seventeenth.
tDahlerup, Det Danske Sprogs Historic, 1896, p. 31.
JKalkar, Ordbog, p. xxxii; also f. n. to p. xxxi,
llOp. cit., p. 26.
TPIE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE. 259
With these facts in mind, we will examine in succession
the difficult linguistic points which we have already mentioned.
opdagelse is claimed to be a modern word. It is a serious
objection to this word that it is not found in two standard
dictionaries, Sodervall's and especially Kalkar's, the latter pur-
porting to be a dictionary of the old Danish (and Swedish)
language, covering the years 1300 to 1700. The root of the
word was known, also the prefix op {upp), and the suffix else
{Use). It was a neuter verb, signifying to appear, to daivn.
In the inscription it has an active signification, to discover.
Yet Kalkar gives a quotation dating from 1634 in which this
word appears in its active sense, viz., "Et skib med rofoere for
landit var opdageV^ (A vessel with pirates icas discovered off
shore). The fact that the date of this quotation is 1634 does
not sJiOW that this signification of this word was not in earlier
use, lor Kalkar gives numerous other quotations with dates
showing similar German influence, dated later than their
known earliest use, as follows :
understanda is dated 1610, but is found in Den Jydske
Lov of 1241. (Brandt, Gammeldansk Lasebog, 1856, p. 29, line
15.)
ophange in dated 1575, used in a provision of Waldemar
Seier of 1250 (ditto, 41, 3, as uphengia).
opladhu, dated by Kalkar 1550, used in a diploma of
1329 (ditto, 77, 5, as tiplader) ; and numerous others.
Kalkar's dictionary was not complete. He is now com-
piling a supplement, which will contain hundreds of words
missed by him in his first edition. The following, similar to
opdagelse, may be mentioned, in use about 1400, which were
omitted by Kalkar: opfostre, upfodde, ophrande, opraet-
tilsae, forymmels, paamindelse (ditto, 98, line 23; 169, 8; 168,
6). This shows simply that opdagelse may have been one of
the common words omitted by Kalkar, and therefore that the
absence of this word in Kalkar's Danish dictionary is not cer-
tain evidence that it was not in use in Gothland in 1362, at
least in common speech; for, as has been remarked already,
the standard dictionaries of any language are the last to rec-
260 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ognize innovations, such as this appears to have been, from
other languages.
We fail to see the force of the objections to opdagelse in
the fact that the modern Swedish for opdage is uppdaga.
The use of the older word seems to us rather to be a difficulty
in assigning the inscription to modern invention.
The difficulty with po in the inscription consists of two
parts: (1) It is used earlier than is recognized by Sodervall's
dictionary; and (2) it is used correctly to designate ''an ac-
tion by some one, or a condition or state of a person," which is
thought to be not the sense in which it is used here.
The fact that Sodervall's dictionary assigns this word to
"about 1400" is in some degree an objection to its use in 1362;
yet, if it be recalled that in common speech many words are
in use long before they are recognized in standard literature
and in dictionaries, and that the difference of time here
amounts to only thirty-eight years, it appears to the Commit-
tee that the word po was more likely than not to have been
known and used at the date assigned to the rune stone. In
the middle of the fourteenth century, moreover, we find pa,
po, and upa, used side by side.
As to the significance of the word po (on), used as a prepo-
sition before the word opdagelse, its force, as defined by the
objectors, is to be inferred from the connection. ''On a jour-
ney of discovery" implies a verb such as going, and if that
be supplied the phrase reads "going on a journey of discov-
ery," which gives the preposition exactly the sense required.
Again, it is quite likely that in pronunciation pa, the orig-
inal word which became paa, was sounded so nearly like po
that the unlettered scribe preferred po to any other spelling.
Further, as there was no rune character for aa, this sound
was commonly expressed by the rune for o.
laeger. The original Norse form was legr, but in Swedish
the e became a, and under the influence of German contact the
word took the form of laeger, or lager. It is assumed by the
objectors that this final form was due to the sixteenth cen-
tury and hence could not have been used in 1362 ; but Falk and
Torp state that in Swedish-Danish the transition from e to a
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE. 261
took place about 1200 (Lydhistorie, Kristiania, 1898, page 11,
No. 2).
It is further objected to this word that in the sense here
employed (camp) it was not employed in 1362, but meant bur-
ial place or lying together; yet Kalkar illustrates it in the
sense used in the inscription, viz., ''The angels of the Lord built
their camp round about them : Herrins engel slaar I'dgre
omkring thennom" (date of this writing, 1524?). This diction-
ary covers the period from the fourteenth to the seventeenth
century.
dhag, opdhagelse, Yinlandh, dhed, and other words in the
inscription, are spelled with the rune character [> (called
thorn). It is claimed that the more modern character for d
(f ) had supplanted the "thorn" in 1362, and ought to have been
used. The thorn was usually used at this time for both th and
dh; but it appears that t was gradually supplanting th, and d
was taking the place of dh. It is plain from all sides that the
thorn ([j), used exclusively on the inscription, was warrant-
able as a character either for that dental which was sounded
th, or for that which was sounded by dli. At the same time,
so far as we can learn, the distinct character for d {'\) had a
recognized existence ; but whether there was any rule or regu-
lated practice, in 1362, as to the use of f for d, we have been
unable to find out. No one has referred to any regulated prac-
tice, and it seems to us that any criticism demanding the ex-
clusive use of the character for d {']) in 1362 where the in-
scription shows dh, should be supported by such a rule. There
is not a word in the inscription which calls for the dental
sound th, and it is hence plain that where the thorn sign ((j)
is used it was intended to take the place of the sign for dh
(or for d).
Further, while the character ^ was used at the time, it occurs
so rarely that it seems most runesmiths were ignorant of its
existence or ignored it. For instance, it does not occur a single
time in the twenty-six Swedish and Danish runic inscriptions
from the middle period quoted by Vigfussen on pages 447-449
of his "Icelandic Reader and Grammar." The thorn however
occurs 142 times in these same inscriptions. It appears also
262 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
that there was great latitude in the use of this character p, in
that it not only commonly represented th and dh, but also fre-
quently d, and even t. In inscription No. 4, on page 448, we
find ristu spelled with |d instead of the t. Therefore, while
f (or d) might have been accessible in elementary text-books,
the writer of the inscription has shown a close agreement even
with written usage in Sweden in the middle ages^ by using \}
exclusively. Had "] only been used, that character, as it seems
to the Committee, would have constituted a greater objection
than the exclusive use of p.
hadhe, har, var, horn, and fan. These are unquestionably
verb forms of the first person plural, past tense {har is pres-
ent), used by the rune-maker, and purporting to be from the
date of 1362. The validity of these forms is questionable. It
is evident that if fraudulent these abbreviated terms might be
those which the inscriber of the stone would employ in the
nineteenth century. The Committee are of the opinion that
if these five verb forms cannot be satisfactorily explained, the
stone will be suspected as a forgery. They have therefore
given particular attention to the question whether such abbre-
viations were warrantable in the year 1362.
The statement has been made already, in general terms,
that this was a period in the history of the Danish-Swedish and
Danish-Norse languages when great confusion prevailed, be-
cause of a tendency toward the modern usages, and it would
be possible to assign such verb changes to that general state-
ment. The Committee, however, have thought that, owing to
the sweeping character of this difficulty, it would be well to
disregard the general principle, and to find, if possible, exam-
ples in practice dating from the fourteenth century, of such
verb changes as are here shown by the rune stone.
Dahlerup, commenting on this period, says: ''Numerous
verb forms, especially in documents showing Jutland influ-
ences, show that the speech undoubtedly in many parts [of the
country] had given up the logical use of the plural forms"
(Det Danske Sprogs Historic, p. 33). As an example of this
he quotes: ^^Alle fugle som hedder volucres pa Latin,^' "tlie
faar,'' "the gik,'' "the kan," "I seer,'' etc. In all these illus-
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE. 263
trations we find singular verbs with plural subjects. We have
other examples of this, as in a letter of 1340, which begins,
"Allae men thettae href ser eller 7t0r" (Brandt's Lasebog,
p. 79, line 1). Similarly a letter of 1329 begins, Allae maen
thettae href ser aeldaer h0raer (ditto, 77, 1). This shows at least
that the old classic rule, that the inflectional ending of the verb
must agree with its subject, was not maintained in the four-
teenth century. The third person plural preterite for hafa is
hofdu; but as early as 1200 we find Witherlax men hawdhe
honum uraet giorf (Kong Knuts Viderlagsret in Brandt's
Lasebog, p. 39, line 1). Gamle Kong Eriks Kronike, written
about 1320, says, "The hado updtith therra maaV (Svenska
Medeltidens Rim-Kronikor, G. E. Klemmings's edition, Stock-
holm, 1865, first part, line 1514; see also line 2581). Upsala
Kronike, of the fourteenth century, reads, "hadae m0ss [plural]
aedet opp 0xen som var af osth giord (Hunde Kongen og
Snio in Hallenberg, No. 51, also quoted in Brandt's Lasebog,
p. 72, line 1). In Mandevilles Reiser, of about 1400, we simi-
larly find hadhe: "ikcae hadhae vy . . . .frem kommiV (Brandt's
Lasebog, 123, 10); ^^ta wy hadae gongit hoos tho milae,'^ etc.
(ditto, 122, 16). See also the frequent use of "the hade,''
they had, in Svenske Medeltidens Rim-Kronikor.
As to the form har, here used in place of the regular full
inflectional haffvom, we find that in many, perhaps in most,
writings of the fourteenth century, the termination of the first
person plural, vom, had largely disappeared. It is retained,
however, in an important work dating from 1320, Gamle Eriks
Kronike, where also nearly all the old endings are preserved.
Instead of haffvom, we find the modern forms have on' haver;
but, according to Falk and Torp, for a long time the v was
elided in pronunciation, making ha and har, or was replaced,
even in the fourteenth century, by u, the following e being
dropped. Thus: "lak haur af herrana horV (Gamle Eriks
Kronike, 1320, Klemming's ed., line 4404) ; "Thet haur konung
Bierge giort" (ditto, line 4480). The rhythm also shows that
it was pronounced as a single syllable. Similarly in a diploma
of 1386 we read, "Wi haive unt oc lathet wore kerae hymdn
(Brandt's Lasebog, p. 79, line 18). In a letter of Queen Mar-
264 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
garet, of 1393, we read: ^'3Ieth al thene rat som han og honnes
fatkir ther til hawe haft og hatce.'' In the last two instances
u (or t?) is IV, which also illustrates the confusion which has,
in aJl modern languages, attended those half consonants. In
the next, u is plainly and simply used for v. In a book of
remedies, about 1360, we read ''Wi haua nu talet ok sagt oc
screicdt thet som tharflekt ar^' (Molbech's Ordbog, xlix) ; also,
"Thorn ther hauer howeth ivdrJc,'^ etc. (ditto, xlix).
Summarizing our inquiry on this word, we find :
(a) that the plural hafvom had been largely dropped in
the fourteenth century ;
(b) that the singular for haver had largely superseded it;
(c) that according to Falk and Torp, eminent philologists,
this V has long been dropped phonetically;
(d) that haur, the immediate phonetic predecessor of har,
occurs sporadically in Gamle Eriks Kronike, the ablest literary
work of the times, written in 1320.
If we add to this a probable advance in phonetic and gram-
matic development in the region of Gothland, there seems to
be no longer remaining any valid objection to the use of the
spelling seen on the stone.
It should further be borne in mind that the author of this
inscription, if it be genuine, would be extremely unlikely to be
an educated literary man, but rather a plain man of action.
As such he would write as he spoke. On the contrary an im-
postor of today, trying to reproduce the language of an ancient
period, could only be a philologist, and would try to follow the
literary usage of the time, instead of employing forms adapted
to his own day. The apparently modern, but defensible, use
of the word har, is therefore, in the opinion of this Committee,
good evidence of the phonetic authorship of the record in the-
fourteenth century.
var is the first person plural, used for the old and reg-
ular form varum. The discussion of har applies largely to
this word. In the fourteenth century it was the common form.
In the chronicle of the Danish kings, written about 1250 and
1300, we find the singular and plural forms struggling side
by side. In line 12 we read, Hialti ok Birghi var i hans tima.^^
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE. 265
while in line 15 we read, '^Slenge ok Vege varu i hans tima.''
After this time the singular var is dominant. Many illustra-
tions could be given of plural subjects used with the sin-
gular var. Var is frequently seen in the form vare, as 'Hha
varc wi aey fraelste aff helvedis nodh" (devotional poem from
about 1425, Brandt's Lasebog, p. 262, 8).
kom is used for komom, the plural ending, like others al-
ready discussed, having been dropped off in the period under
discussion.
fan. This form, although we have no examples to quote,
may be assumed to have been used for the old plural form,
analogous to kom, var, and liar.
dhedh (or dedh). The use of e for 0 or ae, in the four-
teenth century, or vice versa, was frequent. Hence the un-
critical maker of the inscription did not pass beyond the war-
rant of his time. The Danish dialect had ded in 1390. It is
evident that the thorn (|d) must have been intended here to
express the symbol dh (th as in /7m, and not th as in thistle),
which in English found its equivalent in d, and in German in
the word todt. The spelling of this word may have been in-
fluenced somewhat by a knowledge of the English pronuncia-
tion of the same word, and by the Danish ded.
from in its form is English. It is given, however, by Falk
and Torp's Etymologisk Ordbog, as occurring sporadically in
the old Swedish, meaning from. The easy phonetic substitu-
tion of 0 for long a or aa is so apparent in this word that it
needs no effort at explanation. The letter m, however, is in
this place quite antique, unless it is adopted directly from the
English, and seems to furnish an argument for the authen-
ticity of the stone rather than against it.
In the old Aurland's church in Sogn, Norway, completed
in the Catholic time, about 1300, there was a pair of very small
panes of glass. The two panes were a present to the church
''from" so-and-so. When the church was razed, the panes
were bought by an enlightened gentleman in the district, and
they may be found safely treasured there yet.
The work entitled ''Gamle Eriks Kronike" was the product
of some writer living in that part of Sweden known as Vest-
266 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
gotland, written about 1320. This work contains a great many
of the words of the inscription, used in the same meaning.
This was perhaps the home of the Goter mentioned in the in-
scription.
This inquiry might be extended so as to include several
other words that have been criticised, but as we have brought
under review the chief of the objections from a linguistic point
of view, we deem it unnecessary to go further into details.
From the examination of the language of the stone the
Committee think that they are warranted in making the fol-
lowing conclusions :
1. It cannot be the work of some unlettered amateur of
the present day.
2. It is either the uncritical record of an exploration of
the fourteenth century, or the fabrication of a consummate
philologist familiar with the dialect of Vestgotland in the four-
teenth century, which was essentially the Dalske dialect of
Dalarne of the sixteenth century.
3 No expert philologist would make the blunder of writ-
ing ded for dod. A modern philologist familiar with the evolu-
tion of 0 from au would hardly make such an error, but such
phonetic mistakes were common among the uncritical people
of the fourteenth century.
4. The peculiarity of spelling ''and" as both ok and og
is abhorrent to the scientific precision of a modern philologist,
but was very natural in the fourteenth century, when the
sounds of k, t, and p, were frequently confounded with those
of g, d, and 6.
5. The use of the phrase, " vi var ok fiske,'' belongs in
the same class of colloquialisms as skullen for skiilde hart,
haden for havde han, etc. These phrases are all on the lips
of the people in common speech, but no well informed person
would suffer them to appear in a serious narrative in writing.
But m the fourteenth century, with its greater phonetic free-
dom, they were all common.
6. Several obsolete words, which were in use in the four-
teenth century, such as lacger, rise, skjar, af illy, and from,
as well as the peculiar numeral characters, strongly indicate
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE. 267
that no modern impostor made the inscription, as the works of
scholars proving that they were in use at that time have mainly-
been published since the stone was found.
7. The linguistic internal evidences of the genuineness of
the stone coincide with and confirm the indications that come
from the finding of the stone and its attendant condition.
8. The numeral which expresses the number of days' jour-
ney distant from the seashore is more probably meant for
fourteen than forty-one.
COLLATEKAL EVIDENCE.
Attention should be called again to the stone found by
Verendrye and sent by him to Paris in 1737-40. The charac-
ters could not be read by any parties in Quebec, but were be-
lieved to be of Tartarean origin, there being then a belief en-
tertained by many scholars and archeologists that America
was peopled by Asiatics. The particulars of this finding, so
far as they are known, are given by the Swedish botanist
Kalm, who traveled in America in 1748-51.
Again, there was evidently European blood in the Mandan
Indians. All travelers who visited them reported instances
of light-colored hair and skin, and blue eyes. Catlin presumed
that the party of Madoc, a Welsh prince, had reached them,
and that their descendants would account for the remarkable
physiognomy. It is doubtful, however, that the mixing of the
dark Iberian complexion of the Welsh with that of the Indians
would ever produce blue eyes, while it seems certain that the
blond complexion of the Northmen of Europe would produce
them.
These facts constitute an a priori affirmative case indicating
that people from northern Europe mingled with the Mandan
Indians.
Resolutions Adopted by the Museum Committee.
The following resolutions, wiiich were adopted unanimously
by this Committee April 21, 1910, are not expected to terminate
the investigation, but to show the present belief of its members.
268 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Resolved, That this Committee renders a favorable opinion of
the authenticity of the Kensington rune stone, provided, that
the references to Scandinavian literature given in this Com-
mittee's written report and accompanying papers be verified
by a competent specialist in the Scandinavian languages, to be
selected by this Committee, and that he approve the conclusions
of this report.
Resolved, that this action of the Committee be reported to the
next meeting of the Executive Council, and that Mr. Holand be
so informed.
E. C. Mitchell, Chairman.
F. J. SCHAEFER,
O. D. Wheeler,
N. H. Winchell,
Warren Upham, Secretary.
In the next monthly Council Meeting, May 9, 1910, this sub-
ject was introduced by Rev. Edward C. Mitchell, chairman of
the Committee, and large parts of this Report were read by
Professor Winchell, followed by his presentation, for the Com-
mittee, of these Resolutions. After much discussion by the
President and several members of the Council and others of
the Society, the Council voted that the Report and Resolutions
of the Museum Committee be received and printed, with a state-
ment that the Council and Society reserve their conclusion until
more agreement of opinions for or against the rune inscription
may be attained.
Subsequently Professor Bothne, having been selected by
the Museum Committee, in accordance with its resolutions, for
verification of references and a statement of his opinion, sent
to the committee the following letter.
The University of Minnesota,
Minneapolis, July 19, 1910.
Prof. N. H. Winchell,
Dear Sir: I am going away tomorrow, and cannot attend
your meeting next Saturday. I have examined your report
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE. 269
carefully, have visited Kensington and neighborhood, and have
read most of the papers and articles relating to the rune stone.
I have always believed with the great authorities of Nor-
way and Sweden, Magnus Olsen, Moltke Moe, M. Hogstad,
Bugge, Noreen, Schriek, Montelius, that the language is too
modern, besides being faulty ; and a more careful study of the
words has not changed my opinion. In some places where the
rune \) (thorn) is used, it is not used properly. But I shall not
enter into details at this time.
That the Norwegians discovered Vinland is a fact. That they,
in the fourteenth century, may have penetrated into the coun-
try as far as the present Kensington, is possible. But what
has been testified to about the finding of the stone is not con-
vincing, and I do not consider the Kensington stone authentic.
It seems to me that the stone should be brought to Norway
to be examined by expert runologists, and, in my opinion,
nothing else will dispose of the matter.
Yours respectfully,
GiSLE BOTHNE.
270 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
APPENDIX.
Professor Flom's Investigation.
Since the foregoing was written, a learned contribution has
been made to the subject by an eminent philologist, Prof.
George T. Flom, of the University of Illinois, who reaches an ad-
verse decision. This was courteously furnished to the Com-
mittee in manuscript, but has since been revised and pub-
lished in June, 1910, by the Illinois Historical Society, entitled,
''The Kensington Rune Stone, a Modern Inscription from
Douglas County, Minnesota." His objections can be classified
as follows:
PRONUNCIATION AND SPELLING.
1. hadhe. hafthe should have been used; that is, the dis-
appearance of f or 17 before a consonant had not yet taken
place.
2. t)edh should be vidh. The change to e begins about 1400.
VG, in the third line from the end, is an attempt to use the mod-
ern Swedish-Norwegian ve.
3. fro should be fra, as fro and fram never occur in Middle
Swedish.
4. of cannot be compared with the sense ''too," which
would be beside the point; and of vest is as impossible as "too
west ' ' in English.
5. oh would have been in Middle Swedish, in the regular
way, do.
6. ahr. The same error occurs here as in oh. These spell-
ings belong to a much later time.
7. dhag, opdhagelse, landh, dhedh. There was no need for
the Swedish scribe to employ the rune |d for d, as well as for dh
and th; for d then had its own symbol {']).
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE. 27l
INFLEXIONS.
8. var, kom, fan, har. The transference of the singular
form to the plural is comparatively recent.
9. mail, as plural, is irregular.
10. vi hadhe. The modern scribe here employed his own
speech, with an antiquarian effort shown in introducing h after
the dental.
11. fra dheno sten should be fra paessom stcn (variant of
f^aemma stcn) ; '4ater fra may also govern the accusative, which
would give the form fra paenna sten. ' '
12. at se aeptir vore skip should be, regularly, at se aeptir
varom skipum. The rune stone's inscription is that of present
speech, Norwegian rather than Swedish, except for the word
aeptir.
13. from dheno oh. oh is feminine in Old Swedish, and the
feminine form of dheno should have been used, i. e., fra paenna
0. (Compare fi^a dheno sten above.)
MEANING OF CERTAIN WORDS.
14. po, then just forming from upp a, up pa, could not be
used in this way (i. e., with an activity) , but only as a preposi-
tion meaning upon. The use here is modern (in Swedish com-
paratively recent).
15. opdhagelse must have dated from after the Refor-
mation. It is Dutch, and its meaning as here employed is from
High German entdecken.
16. laeger is a loan from the German. The Old Swedish
word was laegher, which also was used differently.
17. rise should be in Old Swedish resa, which came into
Swedish from German in the fifteenth century.
18. Two quotations are given, from the fourteenth century
and the fifteenth century, to show how consistent the language
was at that time. One is from Sjalinne Throst, 1370, MS. 1430,
the other from Margaret's Chronicle, late fifteenth century,
MS. 1514-1525.
272 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
THE RUNES.
19. Examination shows that the runes employed are not
those of the Mariaklagan, Middle Swedish of about 1400, which
are the same as in the Scanian Law (1300). The Kensington
scribe therefore did not use the regular Norwegian and Middle
Swedish runic alphabet, but employed characters either in-
vented by himself or from some other dialect, ''a different
alphabet."
20. This paper shows use and knowledge of runes "until
the last century." Hence there is some likelihood of some-
one having skill enough to write runes in the latter half of the
nineteenth century.
21. It finds that the particular alphabet of the Kensington
stone was in use in the sixteenth century in Elfdalen; and it
infers that the sixteenth century is ** modern," yet in important
respects quite different. For instance, the thorn, \>, was used
by the Kensington scribe for th, dh, and d, whereas at the date
claimed for the stone d had its own character,"^. He must
therefore either have been ignorant of ^, or, in modern style,
used \y for d.
Discussion of these Objections.
Most of these critical objections have been presented by
others, and are referred to in the body of the foregoing report.
There are 21 items, as numbered, and they will be reviewed
here in numerical order. Numbers 1, 3, 7, 8, 10, 14, 15, and 16,
have been shown to be either invalid or at least of questionable
character adverse to the record.
No. 2. ve is undoubtedly the phonetic for vedh, which is
spelled in full (vedh) in the fourth line, but probably pro-
nounced as spelled here (ve). If the rune scribe were perpe-
trating a fraudulent record of 1362, and was acquainted with
the word vedh, he would scarcely introduce a modern spelling
of that word (ve).
No. 4. The translation far to the loestward is not required.
The use of of for af is an instance of the phonetic confounding
of a, aa, with o.
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE. 273
No. 5. oh. The difference in sound between this word and
do was so slight that the rune scribe was phonetically at liberty
to use either.
No. 6. ahr. Dahlerup says that ''as early as in Old Danish
[1050-1350], the original long a had begun to approach the
sound of aa" (Det Danske Sprogs Historic, p. 31). This in-
creased length of sound was indicated also by the spelling ahr.
No. 9. man. The common form for the plural was menn,
or man. The form here used is irregular for any date and can
hardly be justified, although in Gamle Eriks Kronike (1320) is
the expression ''10,000 man them forslo" (Klemming's edi-
tion, 326).
No. 10. vi hadhe. If the faker scribe knew the antiquarian
style, it is hard to explain why he used his own speech at all.
(Compare No. 2.)
No. 11. fra dhcno sten. The error of not distinguishing the
gender of nouns in the application of the demonstratives was,
and is, common. The final letter (o) was frequently substi-
tuted for a; but as sten is masculine, this form of the adjective
is quite allowable. The final letter o, being unaccented, was
frequently substituted for a, and vice versa.
No. 12. at se dptir vore skip. This illustrates the con-
fusion of inflexional usage of the fourteenth century. Ac-
cording to Falk and Torp, about this period e was changed to a
in the word cptir and others in the Swedish language ; but the
change was not permanent, the letter e being restored, and a
century later we find dptir, eptir, and dffthir, and eftir, used side
by side (Svenska Medeltidens, Rim-Kronikor, third part).
As the scribe employed dptir, it seems that, unless he was a
learned linguist, he must have been contemporary with this
temporary change.
Professor Flom contends that a writer of the fourteenth
century would have written varom sMpum. We find however
that case endings were not so invariably respected as is com-
monly supposed. Even in the Icelandic sagas, which show a
far more precise literary practice than the Swedish of the
fourteenth century, the case endings are sometimes violated.
For instance, in the Vinland saga (A. M. 552) we read: "Lata
18
274 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
their i haf fram tvenmim skipum tJicgar their eru hunir" (Vig
fusson's Grammar, p. 123, line 23). haf is there nominative
and should be dative, while tvennnm sJcipum is dative and
should be accusative.
Such disregard and confusion of case endings is still more
common in the Swedish of the fourteenth century. Molbech
says of this period: ''The old mother tongue's declensions
and endings, which in the fourteenth century but meagerly
remained, almost completely disappeared at the close of the
century" (Molbech 's Ordbog, p. xlvii). We find therefore that
the expression in the inscription is not out of harmony with
fourteenth century usage.
No. 13. This shows the same irregularity of declension
as we find above to be characteristic of the period.
No. 17. rise. Kalkar gives this spelling as an Old Swed-
ish noun (meaning journey) of the middle ages. The modern
form, reise or reysa, occurs more commonly in the literature
of that period.
No. 18. These quotations from the standard literature ex-
hibit the usage of scholars, among whom there was great
dissimilarity of standards. The Kensington stone shows rather
the usage of the common people, and, as already stated, the
two cannot be expected to agree in detail.
No. 19. The runes used are not precisely like those com-
mon in 1362, as illustrated by the Mariaklagan and the Scanian
Law, these being of about that date, but embrace novel char-
acters, thirteen in number (including punctuations). It can-
not be understood why an unlettered Swede of the nineteenth
century, attempting a fraud of 1362, should invent, or import,
thirteen characters not in common use; since this variation
from the common use would hardly be expected to further the
acceptance of the fraud. The proper comparison would be
with other inscriptions of West Gothland, which the two runic
documents referred to are not.
No. 20. It is certainly true that a scant and waning knowl-
edge of runes continued till the nineteenth century.
No. 21. This particular alphabet, according to Professor
Flom, appears to have been in use in the sixteenth century in
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE. 275
Elfdalen, in central Sweden, though with some divergences.
How much earlier it was used, we do not know ; but as people
from Gothland (''8 Goths") were of this party and also used
this alphabet, it is evident that it was used in Gothland or West
Gothland.
This energetic discussion brings out important new facts
which every one who is seeking only the truth will welcome;
but every one will be at liberty still to make such application
of the facts as his own judgment dictates. There are curious
anomalies in the arguments of the author, such that the facts
presented seem not to be used in their logical sequence, nor in
the bearing which they have on each other and on the main
issue.
The rune character |d (thorn) is confounded by Flom with
a similar character having the upper and lower ends of its
semicircle continued somewhat to the left of the vertical bar.
This form is said to have taken the place, in part, of |d in the
modern Dalecarlian runic alphabet, when, on the disappear-
ance of the sounds dh and th, a special character was required
to represent the sound of d, which grew into prominence and
persisted. The character thus used does not appear on the
Kensington stone, but \> only; and hence only the sounds that
\) represented can be fairly ascribed to the stone. Professor
Flom's new transcription, on pages 25-26 of his address, seems
to be based wholly on his confusion of these rune forms. In
1362 the thorn {\)) must also have represented the sound of (/
in those cases where the d sound in spoken language had sup-
planted dh or til, though it had not yet been given a special
character in written language. The modern runic alphabet,
according to Flom, employs only the new form which repre-
sents the sound d.
On the stone the rune \i occurs fourteen times, distinctly
cut, without any suggestion of the modern rune character rep-
resenting d. Yet notwithstanding this the author assumes
that the scribe, a man of the latter half of the nineteenth cen-
tury, as he supposes, and hence familiar with that modern
rune for the sound of d, ignorantly inscribed J3 (the thorn) in
these fourteen places. It is not intimated that the use of the
276 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
old character was due to the scribe's cleverness, to make the
inscription seem ancient, although that would be a consistent
view for Professor Flom to take, but he says distinctly that
the scribe was ignorant of the character used for d. As a mat-
ter of fact, the modern sound of d was only beginning to be
used in spoken language in 1362, and was very rarely recog-
nized then in runic script by f, the character for t punc-
tuated and thus changed to indicate the d sound.
Professor Flom shows that a rune system was used in Da-
larne in the sixteenth century and later (page 24), but fails
to show how much earlier. Doubtless runes were well known
there in 1362, since their use seems to have prevailed through-
out Scandinavia from a much earlier time. To except Dalarne
would be without reason, unless some special conditions can
be shown to have operated against runes in that district. The
inference therefore is that they were the ancestors of the Da-
larne system of 1600. It remains to ascertain how the ancient
runes used there differed from those of 1600 or those of more
recent time, and whether they manifested those characters that
do not agree with the modern Dalarne system, nor exactly
with that of the Scanian Law\ Finding important divergences
of the Kensington stone from modern runes, Flom abruptly
attributes them sometimes to the ingenuity and sometimes to
the ignorance of the scribe, not even considering the possibility
of their being due to their archaic date.
It is unlikely that a faker with the keenness necessary to
guide him in injecting into the inscription certain ancient
forms of language should so far forget himself as to leave off
the old inflections of the verbs (om, um, etc), thus giving his
work a decidedly modern look. It is more probable that in
1362 those endings had already been dropped in speech, but
that a skillful impostor, familiar with ancient literature, would
retain them in his inscription.
The conclusions of the appendix (page 43) seem not to be
based on the facts brought out by Professor Flom's address.
No. 1 is deficient because his address does not treat of ''the
language as spoken at the time." He only discusses it as writ-
ten and especially its inflexions, which were dropped much
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE. 277
later in the written than in the spoken language. No. 2 is
faulty, for he does not at all discuss "the runic series of the
time'* (1362). He finds that the Kensington inscription agrees
substantially with the recent Dalecarlian system, and where it
shows discrepancies (which may arise from greater age) he
regards them as evidences of forgery by the scribe. No. 2 is
further faulty because of the uncertain significance of the word
"modern." Some things that are modern, say of the nine-
teenth century, began to exist in the fourteenth, but are still
"modern," which indeed may be the case of the Dalecarlian
rune system as a whole. The verdict of the committee who
reviewed Flom's arguments, being founded on evidence not
proven, or only assumed, is therefore not conclusive.
The genuineness of the Kensington rune stone must be de-
termined, if Professor Flom's identifications be accepted, by an
investigation directed to the question whether the Dalecarlian
system of runes existed at the date 1362 ; for the linguistic ob-
jections are largely swept away, and the runic objections
appear to be turned into probable evidence in favor of the
stone.
Investigation of the Rumor relating to Sven Fogelblad.
The following article, reporting an investigation of an
alleged forgery of the Kensington Rune Stone, contributed by
Mr. H. R. Holand, is reprinted from the Minneapolis Journal,
in which it was published August 9, 1910.
Since the famous rune stone of 1362 was found near Kensington,
Minn., twelve years ago, it has been subject to a close scrutiny, and
many persons have been accused of having forged it. These have,
however, been acquitted one after another until now only one remains.
This man is one Fogelblad, who was formerly a Swedish Lutheran pas-
tor.
According to the statements of Professors R. B. Anderson and G. T.
Flom, the leaders of the opposition against the genuineness of the in-
scription, Fogelblad was a Lutheran clergyman who later was deposed.
He is said to have turned against his former faith and written books
278 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
against Christianity, among which was one entitled "Age of Reason."
He made his home at Kensington, where he is reported to have carved
runes on window casings and doors, etc. One of his favorite subjects
of discourse was a strange narrative of how "Scandinavian explorers
had visited that region (around Kensington) hundreds of years ago."
When he suddenly died, "Fryxell's famous book on the Runes of East
Gothland" was found in his trunk. This book was later given by one
Andrew Anderson, in whose home Fogelblad died, to Olof Ohman, the
finder of the stone. According to Flom and R. B. Anderson this book
is a complete commentary on the inscription of the stone.
Such is the rumor published in several newspapers, and now latest
in a pamphlet published by the Illinois State Historical Society. It
must be admitted that, if this is true, it is serious circumstantial evi-
dence against the truth of the inscription.
Although I have made four or five earlier trips to Kensington and
vicinity, I had not heard this rumor, and I have therefore just made a
special trip thither to see what could be learned of this man's life and
character.
I have spent a week in following the trail through Douglas, Grant,
Pope, Meeker and Carver counties. I have talked with persons who
knew him in Sweden, with farmers who entertained him for years,
with men and women whose entire schooling has been received from
him, and, finally, with those who were with him when he died. Al-
though I have interviewed more than a hundred persons, there has
been perfect harmony in all their accounts, especially concerning his
character.
The following is a' summary:
Sven Fogelblad was born about 1820-25 in Sweden. He studied
theology and the necessary classic studies that went with it in Upsala.
His first public appearance is some time before 1860 when we find
him as a jolly curate under Rev. Mr. Rolander in Tomberg parish in
Westgothland.
He resigned his pastorate and came to America. Here he was al-
most persuaded to re-enter the ministry as pastor of a Swedish con-
gregation at Litchfield. But at the critical time his old enemy, drink,
tripped him up.
He made his first appearance around Kensington about 1885-90. He
is described as a short, thickset man of about 70 years of age, always
cheerful and neat. He must have overcome his drink habit, for none
of the people around Hoffman and Kensington ever saw him drink or
under the influence of drink. He had no permanent home here, but as
itinerant schoolmaster used to sojourn for a few weeks at different
farmhouses, getting 50 cents per month for each child taught. His
classes used to number six to eight pupils, giving him an income of
$3 to $4 per month, which was all he needed for clothes. When the
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE. 279
times and the seasons were inconvenient for schooling he used to quar-
ter himself upon a farmer. He was extremely lazy, and was never
known to have assisted in the harvest or carried in a pail of water
or an armful of wood. He preferred to repair old pipes, bind books,
make kitchen knick knacks, etc.
In spite of his laziness the farmers were always glad to see him
because of his wealth of local news. He knew of births and deaths and
other doings far and wide, and was the forerunner of the village news-
paper. Moreover he was always absolutely reliable in all his gossip,
conscientious and kindhearted in all his narratives, and clean and
agreeable in person. He was without any ambition and never studied.
He wrote neither books nor pamphlets, his literary efforts consisting
of humble doggerels, which rarely if ever were printed. He, however,
boasted to several that upon one illustrious occasion long ago In Swe-
den he had written an article for which a paper had paid him ten
kroner (about $2.50).
Although he always seemed contented, there was an undercurrent
of melancholy in him, and those who know him best say he was never
happy after he left college. Those days evoked his liveliest memories,
and his eyes always overflowed with tears when he told of the times
when he with 300 or 400 other students used to sing the stirring Swed-
ish songs. On the whole, he appears to have been a tenderhearted,
superficial person in general, with a deep conscientiousness which pre-
vented him from squaring his creed with the doctrine of the church,
wearing his sorrows as well as his joys upon his sleeve, inspiring con-
fidence in all by his openhearted ways.
He had been visiting for a year with a nephew in Scott county,
when he in 1895 returned to Kensington to visit friends. On approach-
ing the house of one Andrew Anderson, he suddenly felt ill, where-
upon he went in there and died after a three days' attack of an un-
known malady.
Those who knew him best in Grant and Douglas counties are Messrs,
Oslund, Thompson and Simonson of Red Rock Lake, Hendrickson of
Hoffman, Ekberg of Herman, and Moen, Carlson, Benson, Ohman and
Oberg of Kensington, all among the most respected farmers of that
section. To these persons and many others I put the following ques-
tions:
Did you ever see or hear of Fogelblad making runes on window
casings, doors, or elsewhere? Did he ever speak of American discovery
or of Scandinavians having visited this section long ago? Do you be-
lieve he could have had a hand in making the Kensington inscription?
To all of these questions I received an invariable and unequivocal
"no." Not one had seen him make runes, not one had heard him speak
of Scandinavian explorers in Minnesota, not one believed he could pos-
sibly have had anything to do with the Kensington stone. Many of
280 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
these persons doubted the stone's genuineness, but, no matter who
had chiseled it, they said, they were sure Fogelblad was innocent. He
was, they said, too honest and conscientious to have perpetrated such
a fraud; he had no aptitude whatever for practical jokes and decep-
tions; he was too lazy to have executed it, and too garrulous to have
concealed it if he had. Furthermore, it is plain from the limitations
of his early training and later opportunities that he was entirely igno-
rant of the fine runological and linguistic points involved in this in-
scription. Finally, he did not make his appearance around Kensington
until many years after the tree above the stone had wound its roots
around it.
As to "Fryxell's famous book on the Runes of East Gothland,"
which, according to Professors Flom and Anderson, contains all the
material for this inscription, I assert Fogelblad never possessed or saw
this book, for one excellent reason — such a book never existed except
in the overwrought minds of these gentlemen of imaginary rune lore.
Fryxell never wrote any book whatsoever on runes. For information
on this, see every Swedish encyclopedia. The only nut of truth in this
entire bag of husks is that Andrew Anderson in whose house Fogelblad
died, found an old Swedish grammar (by Almquist) among his books.
On page 34 are two lines of runes to illustrate the development of the
language. This book he gave to Olof Ohman, the finder of the stone,
who by its help tried to make out the inscriptions, but without suc-
cess. Three years ago I looked over Ohman's books in his absence and
found this work, but saw at once that it had nothing to do with the in-
scription, as the runes are different. Last spring this book was again
brought into the discussion by suspicious persons, and I then asked
Professor Winchell, the state archaeologist, to send for the book, which
he did. He then laid it before Norse scholars, who said it would be
quite impossible to have constructed the inscription from this alphabet.
The small collection of books left by Mr. Sven Fogelblad
at his death, at the home of Mr. Andrew Anderson, was found,
on inquiry by the Museum Committee, to have been disposed
of in part to Rev. M. A. Nordstroem, of Riverside, California.
In order to push the investigation of this question still further,
inquiry was made of Mr. Nordstroem as to the existence of
any works on runes, and especially by Fryxell on runes, in the
collection owned by Fogelblad. Mr. Nordstroem replied, after
some delay due to change of residence, that the books got
by him were on philosophy, that Fogelblad had no work by
Fryxell, and added that, in his opinion, Fogelblad could not
have made the inscription.
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE. 281
Bibliography.
The chronologic order is followed, as showing best the devel-
opment of discussion of this subject. The time included ex-
tends to September, 1910, giving a considerable number of
references later than the date of this Report by the Museum
Committee, but preceding its publication. Many minor articles
and comments in magazines and newspapers are omitted.
Breda, Prof. O. J. An interview giving an account of the dis-
covery of the Rune Stone. Minneapolis Journal, Feb. 22, 1899.
News Report, the first announcement of this discovery published in
the Norwegian press, Skandinaven, Chicago, Feb. 22, 1899.
Aaberg, E. E. Further account of the discovery, written by a
local resident acquainted with its details. Skandinaven (semi-weekly),
Chicago, March 1, 1899.
Curme, Prof. G. O. Interview presenting in a brief paragraph
his objection to the use of the decimal system in the inscription.
Skandinaven, March 1, 1899.
Kirkeberg, Rev. O. L. An able translation of the inscription,
with argument in favor of the genuineness of the stone. Skandinaven,
March 1, 1899.
Curme, Prof. G. 0. A lengthy interview, favoring the genuineness
of the inscription, but object;ng to the apparently English word from.
Skandinaven, March 3, 1899.
CoNRADi, P. A. Detailed discussion of the inscription, presenting
arguments for and against its genuineness. Skandinaven, March 10,
1899.
Editorial Article in Skandinaven, March 15, 1899, summarizing
the objections of Prof. Oluf Rygh as published in Morgenbladet, Chris-
tiania, Norway. These are the supposed English words, from, of, ded,
and unusual runic characters.
Flom, p. L. Communication showing that from was in use in Nor-
way in the middle ages. Skandinaven, March 24, 1899.
Breda, Prof. 0. J. Interview giving a cablegram from professors
of Christiania University, discrediting the inscription chiefly because
of its numerous supposed English words. Minneapolis Tribune, April
16, 1899.
This opinion silenced all who had been interested in the Rune Stone,
and we find nothing further printed about it until 1908.
Holand, Hjalmar Rued. First account of the stone in the
revival of the discussion, containing a detailed defense of its genuine-
282 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ness and a full translation. Skandinaven, Jan. 17, 1908; printed also
in several other Scandinavian newspapers.
HoLAND, H. R. The second chapter, pages 8-22, in his "De Norske
Settlementers Historic" (Ephraim, Wis., 1908), gives an account of
the visits to America by the early Norsemen between the years 1000
and 1362, and concludes with a description of the Kensington Rune
Stone. A view of the stone is presented from a photograph, and its
inscription is printed in the rune characters, with a manuscript trans-
literation.
■ HoLAND, H. R. Notes of correspondence with Prof. Magnus Olsen
and Helge Gjessing, of Christiania University, giving Mr. Gjessing's
objections to the inscription and answers to them. Decorah Posten,
Decorah, Iowa, May 14, 1909.
Gjessing^ Helge, Runestenen fra Kensington. The full publica-
tion of his objections, in Symra, Decorah, Iowa, Vol. 5, No. 3, pp. 113-
126, Sept., 1909.
IvERSLiE, P. P. Kensingtonstenen. An able support of Mr. Hol-
and's arguments in favor of the stone and in opposition to Mr. Gjess-
ing's conclusions. Kvartalskrift, Eau Claire, Wis., July, 1909, pp. 13-21.
Editorial Article in La Nature, Paris, France, Aug. 14, 1909,
giving the history of the discovery of the stone and discussions of it,
and presenting the probability of its genuineness.
HoLAND, H. R. "An Explorer's Stone Record which antedates
Columbus: a Tragic Inscription unearthed in Minnesota, recording
the Fate of a Band of Scandinavian Adventurers." Harper's Weekly,
Oct. 9, 1909, p. 15.
FossuM, Prof. Andrew. "Hudson Bay Route to Solve Prob-
lem." A defense of the inscription by an able presentation of the
feasibility of the explorers' route by the way of Hudson bay, the
Nelson river, lake Winnipeg, and the Red river. Norwegian American,
Northfield, Minn., Oct. 22, 1909. This article was printed also in Nor-
wegian in Skandinaven, Oct. 26.
HoLAND, H. R. "The Skerries Discovered." An account of the
author's discovery of the skerries mentioned in the inscription. Nor-
wegian American, Nov. 19, 1909. The same account in Norwegian,
accompanied by a map of Pelican lake, showing the position of the
skerries and probable location of the camp of the explorers, was
published in Skandinaven, Nov. 29.
Odland, M. W. "The Kensington Rune Stone is Genuine." Min-
neapolis Journal, Nov. 29, 1909.
Norman, Rev. O. A. "More about the Rune Stone, by
one who was associated in the Discovery of the Skerries." Ashby
(Minn.) Post, Dec. 3, 1909.
News Report of a meeting of the Minnesota Historical Society,
Dec 13, 1909, giving synopses of addresses by H. R. Holand, Prof. N.
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE. 288
H. Winchell, Prof. Andrew Possum, and Dr. Knut Hoegh, all in defense
of the genuineness of the inscription. Pioneer Press, St. Paul, Minn.,
Dec. 14, 1909.
News Report, noting resolutions by the Council of the Minnesota
Historical Society, requesting the Governor of Minnesota to institute
a search in Paris for a supposed rune stone found in the Northwest by
Verendrye in his expeditions of 1738-43, related by Peter Kalm
in his "Travels into North America" (London edition, 1771,
Vol. Ill, pp. 124-128). The Dispatch, St. Paul, Dec. 14, 1909.
News Reports, more detailed, of the addresses on Dec. 13, in the
meeting of this Historical Society, including nearly all of Professor
Winchell's address. Norwegian American, Dec. 17, 1909.
Hoegh, Dr. Knut. Report by the chairman of a committee
appointed by the Norwegian Society of Minneapolis to investigate the
discovery of the stone. The report shows that it had lain where it
was found since about 1860, at least, and strongly favors the genuine-
ness of the inscription. Symra, Vol. 5, No. 4, pp. 178-189, Dec, 1909.
HoLAND, H. R. A reply in Symra, Vol. 5, No. 4, pp. 209-213, to the
arguments of Mr. Gjessing in its preceding number as before cited.
Upham, Warren. "The Kensington Rune Stone, its Discovery,
its Inscriptions, and Opinions concerning them." Records of the Past,
Washington, D. C, Vol. IX, Part 1, pp. 3-7, Jan.-Feb., 1910; with prints
from photographs showing the inscriptions on the face and edge of
the stone.
Daae, Dr. Anders. Concise summary of the discussion up to
date, concluding that the opponents of the stone have not properly
investigated the subject before forming their conclusions. Aften-
posten, Christiania, Norway, Jan. 18, 1910.
News Report of a meeting of the Chicago Historical Society,
Feb. 3, 1910, in which an address relating to the probable genuineness
of this Rune Stone was delivered by H. R. Holand, followed by argu-
ments of Dr. Chester N. Gould, of Chicago University, and Prof.
George T. Flom, of the University of Illinois, against it. Skandinaven,
Feb. 5, 1910.
Anderson, Prof. Rasmus B. "Prof. Anderson calls it a Fraud,"
a sharp attack on the Rune Stone and Mr. Holand's integrity. Wis-
consin State Journal, Madison, Wis., Feb. 7, 1910.
Holand, H. R. Rebuttal of the arguments presented in the pre-
ceding article. Wisconsin State Journal, Feb. 8, 1910.
Holand, H. R. An interview entitled "Wed with Indians," present-
ing the probability that the blue-eyed Mandan Indians are the result of
intermarriage of the explorers of 1362 with the Indians of that region.
Pioneer Press, Feb. 15, 1910.
Anderson, Prof. R. B. Editorial attacks against the Kensington
stone and Mr. Holand. Amerika, Madison, Wis., Feb. 18, 1910. In
284 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
the next issue of Amerika, Feb. 25, are a letter by Warren Upham,
Secretary of the Minnesota Historical Society, concerning that society's
investigation of the stone and its inscriptions, and Professor Ander-
son's editorial reply.
Gates, Rev. Horatio. A summary of the discovery and discus-
sion, with numerous references supporting the genuineness of the
inscriptions. Republican Gazette, Willmar, Minn., March 24, 1910..
HoLAND, H. R. "A Fourteenth-Century Columbus," noting that a
Norse expedition under the command of Paul Knutson sailed from
Bergen to Greenland in 1355 and returned in 1364, and that probably
they went into Hudson bay and thence advanced inland to the site of
the Kensington stone. Harper's Weekly, March 26, 1910.
Hagen, Prof, O. E. "Ad Utrumque Parati Simus." An interesting
discussion of the credentials of this Rune Stone, with the conclusion
that the runes and the language of the inscription will yield "its own
vindication or condemnation." Amerika, April 1, 1910.
Huseby, Olaf. a defense of the language of the stone, particu-
larly of the word from. Skandinaven, April 9, 1910.
HoLAND, H. R. A reply to Professor Flom's objections to the
inscription, as presented by him at the meeting, Feb. 3, of the Chicago
Historical Society. Skandinaven, April 21, 1910.
HoLAND, H. R. "The Oldest Native Document in America;" the
address delivered before the Minnesota Historical Society as before
noted, Dec. 13, 1909, giving a narration of the finding of the Rune
Stone, with affidavits relating thereto, and a full statement of the
arguments, general, runic, and linguistic, on both sides of the contro-
versy, showing the probable reliability of the inscription as a his-
torical record. Journal of American History, Vol. IV, No. 2, pp. 1G5-
184, April, 1910.
Breda, Prof. O. J. "Rundt Kensington-stenen." A satirical arti-
cle, noting the improbabilities of an exploration so far inland, and
reminding the reader of the adverse opinions uttered by Norse scholars
when the stone was found. Symra, Vol. 6, No. 2, pp. 65-80, May, 1910.
Dieserud, Juul. "Holand og Kensingtonspogen." Detailed objec-
tions against the language of the inscription. Skandinaven, May 4,
and Amerika, May 13, 1910.
WiNCHELL, Prof. N. H. News report entitled "I believe the Stone
is Genuine." Norwegian American, Northfield, Minn., May 13, 1910.
This article and others in the St. Paul and Minneapolis newspapers.
May 10-12, contain extracts from the Report of the Museum Committee
of the Minnesota Historical Society, read by Professor Winchell at the
society's monthly meeting, May 9.
HoLAND, H. R. "Kensington-stenen." Lengthy replies to Mr. Dies-
erud's objections stated in the foregoing article. Skandinaven, May
18 and 23, 1910.
THE KENSINGTON RUNE STONE. 285
Anderson, Prof, R. B. "The Kensington Rune Stone once
more: Draw your own Conclusions." This article claims that one
Andrew Anderson practically admitted to the writer that he and Olof
Ohman, the finder of the stone, assisted a former preacher named
Fogelblad in forging the inscription. Amerika, May 27, 1910; reprinted
also in the Democrat, Madison, Wis., of the same date.
WiNCHELL, Prof. N. H. "Letters from Rune Suspects." Letters
of Andrew Anderson and Olof Ohman, denying and disproving the
preceding accusation, and showing the impossibility of any collusion
between them. Norwegian American, June 10, 1910.
Anderson, Prof. R. B., and Prof. N. H. Winchell. "Opinions
differ on Rune Stone." An interview with the former, accusing Rev.
Sven Fogelblad of making the inscription, and letters from the latter
and from Andrew Anderson, refuting that statement. Minneapolis
Journal, June 10,' 1910.
IvERSLiE, P. P. Rebuttal of the arguments against the inscription
presented by Mr. Dieserud as before noted. Amerika, June 10, 17, and
24, 1910.
Daae, Dr. Anders. "Var Normandene i Amerika i 1362?" Re-
view of recent developments in the discussion, including a signed invi-
tation from professors at Christiania University that the stone be
brought there for renewed investigation. Aftenposten, Christiania,
Norway, June 12, 1910.
Flom, Prof. Gp:orge T. "The Kensington Rune Stone; a Mod-
ern Inscription from Douglas County, Minnesota." This address,
delivered to the Illinois State Historical Sociefy at its Annual Meet-
ing, May 5-6, 1910, is a very elaborate array of arguments, from many
points of view, against the genuineness of this rune inscription, with
intimation that Mr. Fogelblad may have been its author. Publication
of the Illinois State Historical Library, No. 15, June, 1910; 43 pages,
with a large plate view of the rune stone, showing separately the
records on its face and edge, and a plate of the runic alphabets used
in the Scanian Law, the Lament of the Virgin, and this Kensington
inscription.
ScHAEFER, Rev. Francis J. "The Kensington Rune Stone."
Narration of the discovery, description of the stone, with a plate from
photographs, and discussion of the inscription, concluding that it
probably is genuine. Acta et Dicta (published by the St. Paul Catholic
Historical Society), Vol. II, No. 2, pp. 206-210, July, 1910.
Dieserud, Juul. Restatement of his arguments against the
stone. Skandinaven, July 11, 1910.
HoLAND, H. R. Reply to the article last cited. Skandinaven, July
29, 1910.
HoLAND, H. R. Report of a thorough investigation of the rumor
relating to Sven Fogelblad, entirely exonerating him from complicity
286 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
in authorship of the inscription. Skandinaven, Aug. 4, and the Min-
neapolis Journal, Aug. 9, 1910; reprinted in the preceding pages 57-60.
IVERSLiE, P. P. "Comments on the Rune Stone," in support of its
genuineness. Norwegian American, Aug. 12, 1910.
Grevstad, N. a. Editorial review of Professor Flom's address,
before noted, the reviewer's conclusion being that the arguments in
favor of the stone are stronger than its opponents admit. Skandi-
naven, Sept. 5, 1910.
HoLAND, H. R. "Mere om Kensington Stenen." Statement of the
geological features of the stone, and notes of the opinions of experts
concerning the antiquity of the inscription. Skandinaven, Sept. 17,
1910.
Petterson, a. E. An interesting summary of Icelandic traditions
of late voyages to Vinland, supporting the genuineness of the stone.
Skandinaven, Sept. 24, 1910.
HoLAND, H. R. "Are there English Words on the Kensington Rune
Stone?" An investigation of the supposed English words (the most
common objection), showing them to be of ancient Norse usage,
exhibiting philological features practically impossible for a forger.
Records of the Past, Vol. IX, Part V, pp. 240-245, Sept.-Oct., 1910.
Note Added for this Volume XV.
In accordance with the recommendation of Professor Bothne
(page 269), this Rune Stone, which had been on exhibition
about a year in this Society's Museum, was taken by Mr.
Holand in May, 1911, for exhibition at the Norman Millennial
Celebration in June at Rouen, France, where he gave an ad-
dress on this subject.
Later in the summer, Mr. Holand traveled with this stone
to Sweden and Norway, and it was examined by expert Scan-
dinavian runologists and linguists, especially at the University
of Christiania. Their criticisms, and the theory of Professor
Flom, that the inscription has modern forms of runes and of
words peculiar to the district of Dalarme, are reviewed by
Holand in an article entitled "The Kensington Rune Stone
Abroad," in Records of the Past (Vol. X, Part V, pages 260-
271, Sept.-Oct., 1911).
After carefully considering all the opposing arguments, the
Museum Committee of this Society, and Mr. Holand, owner of
the stone, believe its inscription is a true historic record.
THE PUBLIC LANDS AND SCHOOL FUND
OF MINNESOTA.*
BY HON. SAMUEL G. IVERSON, STATE AUDITOR.
An Address at the Monthly Meeting of the Minnesota
Historical Society, in the Hall of the House
of Representatives, February 13, 1911.
Mr. President and Members of the Historical Society :
It is with a sincere appreciation of the honor conferred
upon me that I accept the invitation of your officers to pre-
sent a paper on the "Public Lands and School Fund of Minne-
sota." It is eminently proper that a narrative of this nature
should be found among your files, for this honorable society
and its membership have been intimately associated with the
established State School Land policies and the resulting school
fund since 1849.
It has been the settled policy of the United States since the
Republic was formed, to assist new Territories and States by
grants of land for common schools, a university, public build-
ings, charitable institutions, and other purposes. The manner
of handling or disposing of the lands was left with the people
of the several states. The Federal Congress has up to the
present time regarded the Public Domain as belonging to the
people in general, and its laws have been framed so as to en-
courage the settlement and development of the country. Pub-
lic lands have never been regarded by the United States Gov-
ernment as a source of revenue or profit. Most of the states
admitted into the Union before Minnesota followed the gen-
eral policy of the Federal Government to a large extent, and
made liberal prices and terms on their school and other public
lands, to encourage settlers and develop their states. Minne-
sota early adopted a conservation policy, which should aid the
state's development and also insure the enjoyment of our rich
♦Published in advance of this volume, February, 1911.
288 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
natural resources by the citizens of coming generations. It
will be the aim of this paper to tell how the people of Minne-
sota have handled the liberal gifts of land received from the
United States Government.
Our achievements in this regard are sources of wonder-
ment among people in older states of the Union, and of emula-
tion by the citizens of those states which have been admitted
in recent years. The results have not been due to automatic
operations, but to determined and intelligent work on the part
of the splendid men and women of territorial days. Neigh-
boring states, as well located geographically, of equally favor-
able climatic conditions, received about the same, or even
larger, grants of land from Congress; they also had vast
tracts of rich agricultural lands, majestic forests of valuable
timber and immense deposits of iron and other minerals. The
Minnesota School Fund will, however, receive more money
from one section of school land, the Hill Iron Mine, than the
states of Michigan, Wisconsin and Iowa combined have re-
ceived, or will ever receive, from all the lands granted to them
by Congress. It will be my endeavor to present as briefly as
possible those facts in our history which have been largely
instrumental in shaping the land laws, which have proven so
beneficial to our citizens, and even to the people of other states.
The discussion will contain no reference to Government and
Indian lands, or to any part of the public domain, but be con-
fined wholly to lands granted by Congress directly to the terri-
tory or state for the welfare of the people.
FOUNDATION OF THE SCHOOL FUND BY GOVERNOR RAMSEY.
On January 9, 1861, Governor Ramsey delivered a remark-
able message to the Legislature. Among other public matters
discussed, he therein stated that he believed in fifty years from
that time the three million acres of school land, when sold,
would yield an annual revenue which would raise our educa-
tional system above the level of that of any other state in the
Union. Of the remaining lands granted by Congress to the
state government, including swamp lands, he stated they might
realize seven million dollars, the income from which would
PUBLIC LANDS AND SCHOOL FUND OF MINNESOTA. 289
endow the University and Normal Schools, pay off the public
debt, and aid in establishing a system of broad, public chari-
ties. The old saying, ^' Where there is a will there is a way,'*
has been well illustrated in this connection. Under right guid-
ance our early legislators were saved from the errors that be-
fell neighboring states. They builded wiser than they knew.
Our great War Governor spoke with almost prophetic fore-
sight. His dream, if such it may be called, of a great school
fund has become a reality. The half century period has just
been passed and our school fund alone, in actual, interest-
bearing securities, amounts to Twenty-one Million Five Hun-
dred Thousand Dollars, and we still have more than a million
acres of school land alone unsold. The lands in the other funds
have produced more than Six Million Dollars, and there are
now about two million acres unsold.
The school fund is not, and perhaps never will be, large
enough to wholly support our public schools, but it now is and
will always be a great help to the tax-payer and a guaranty of
free common schools. The lands of the other funds have been
largely devoted to the purposes indicated in that message.
Our people of today speak of our school fund with feelings of
pride, and have good reason to believe that before another
fifty-year period has passed our State Trust Funds will have
reached the Two Hundred Million Dollar mark. These are
marvellous figures. The business of caring for the sale or leas-
ing of land is not an ordinary function of state government.
During all these years the State has occupied the position of
trustee or guardian. Therefore the story of our "State Lands
and the School Fund of Minnesota" is of unusual interest, as
it is intimately related to the entire romantic history of the
State. It is interesting to recall some of the early incidents
which led up to the adoption of sound policies for the care
and control of these lands.
The assets of a State or Nation may be placed in three
divisions, the natural resources or endowment from an All- Wise
Creator, its citizenship, and its government and laws. These
are the essentials. There can be no organized, successful com-
munity without harmonious union of these three indispensable
290 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
factors in nation building. The intelligence, happiness, and
prosperity of a people, to a large extent, may be measured by
those standards.
In natural' resources Minnesota was highly favored. No
like area on the North American continent was more lavishly
endowed with fertile lands, forests, mines, lakes, rivers, and
salubrious climate. Here was indeed a land flowing with milk
and honey, where untold treasure merely awaited the oncom-
ing pioneer. The fame of these glittering opportunities spread
abroad and attracted many brave men and women who were
willing to grapple with strenuous frontier life. Ohio, Pennsyl-
vania, New York, and the New England states, contributed
most of the earliest arrivals, and soon afterward came the
sturdy immigrants from Canada and Europe. No Territory
was more fortunate in its pioneers. The organization of the
Territorial and State governments brought the ablest men of
the Territory together. A sound provisional government was
launched, with wholesome and practical laws. The foundation
or groundwork of any structure is exceedingly important, and
none more so than one upon which is to be erected a political
structure dedicated to civilization and humanity's inherent
rights. Here again was Minnesota highly favored.
President Taylor sent a Governor to the Territory who was
a diplomat, a master in statecraft and with wide experience
in public affairs. Above all else he was honest, patriotic, and
carried a level head on a pair of broad shoulders. Alexander
Ramsey was a giant among big men who were his co-laborers.
He was pre-eminently ''the Man of the Hour." He wove into
the basic political structure of Minnesota the same elements of
strength that Washington and Lincoln gave to the Republic, —
wisdom and true patriotism. Ramsey was in truth the founder
of our great commonwealth and the father of the Minnesota
School Fund.
The act of Congress authorizing a Territorial Government
for Minnesota was approved March 3, 1849. Among other
things it provided that when the lands in the Territory should
be surveyed, sections 16 and 36 in each township were reserved
for the purpose of schools in the Territory or State which
PUBLIC LANDS AND SCHOOL FUND OF MINNESOTA. 291
would follow. Prior to that time Congress had only granted
one section (16) in each township to a new territory or state.
Minnesota, therefore, was tt e first to receive this double allow-
ance for schools. In the same year a census was taken, which
showeii the total population to be 4,940. The value of all prop-
erty, both real and personal, was assessed for taxation pur-
poses, and amounted to $806,437.48. During the first year of
the Territory's existence the total amount of warrants drawn
on the Treasury was $1,030.50, truly a modest beginning.
Governor Ramsey reached the Territory in May, 1849. The
following September the first session of the Legislative As-
sembly of the Territory was held in St. Paul. The joint session
was held in the dining room of a hotel built of logs, situated
on Third street. Among the sound words in his first message
to the Legislative Assembly were :
Nature has done much for us. Our productive soil and salubrious
climate will bring thousands of immigrants within our borders; it is
of the utmost moment that the foundations of our legislation should
be healthful and solid Thus you will see, gentlemen, that yours
is a most interesting and responsible position, and that in your hands,
more than in that of any future Legislative Assembly, will be the
"destinies of Minnesota." ... No portion of the earth's surface,
perhaps, combines so many favorable features for the settler as this
Territory.
In the introductory part of this memorable message the
Governor displayed that breadth of vision which marks him
as a constructive statesman. With rare wisdom he compre-
hended the seriousness and the importance of the work they
were about to undertake as it might affect the welfare of the
future commonwealth. I quote the following:
To this distant land, so recently a wilderness, the Congress and
Executive of the Nation have just given a name, an organized govern-
ment, and boundaries of the most extended character. These have
been given us, that we may in the future bear a distinctive part in that
common destiny of progress by which the American name and Amer-
ican institutions are, by superior intelligence, labor and energy, con-
tinually borne peacefully onward, to occupy distant regions with civil-
ization and cultivated happiness.
That our part is sustained in a manner in consonance with the
national character — that the footsteps of our infant commonwealth
292 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
are guided and the twig bent, while it is yet young, in the true direc-
tion of political and moral greatness— depends, in a vast degree, upon
the earlier legislation of the Territory. Whilst this legislation should
be politically wise, it should likewise indicate, as it can measurably
create, that high moral tone which will ever attract us tens of thou-
sands of people who rightly deem a regard for an eternal future as
a consideration not to be lost sight of in the selection of a location
for the pursuit of temporal happiness or wealth.
The establishment of a public school system, as well as the
handling of the school lands, received careful thought and at-
tention. Our pioneers believed in the profound doctrine laid
down in the great Ordinance of 1787, that ' ' Religion, morality,
and knowledge, being necessary to good government, schools
and the means of education shall forever be encouraged. ' ' They
proceeded slowly and cautiously in the organization of the
public school system. As early as February, 1851, the Terri-
torial Legislature passed an act creating the University of
Minnesota, and adopted a memorial to Congress asking for a
grant of one hundred thousand acres as an endowment for its
support. Congress the same year did make the grant of two
townships, or about 44,000 acres, for that purpose. The lands
were to be set apart by the Secretary of the Interior.
DEBATES IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION.
The members of the Constitutional Convention, which met
in 1857, had an extensive debate on the manner of handling
the school lands and school funds. It was proposed and
strongly supported, that each county organization should have
complete control over the school lands within its borders ; that
the sale should be conducted by and through the county com-
missioners; and that the money collected should be received,
cared for, invested, and apportioned, by the county authorities.
It was urged that as the funds would some day be very large,
it would be dangerous to trust so much wealth to the care and
control of any single state officer, or of a central board, com-
posed of several state officers. The questions were debated
with fervency and zeal. The printed debates record that the
experiences of the neighboring states were frequently referred
to, and the members were warned to avoid those methods
which had produced such unfortunate results.
PUBLIC LANDS AND SCHOOL FUND OF MINNESOTA. 293
Thomas Wilson, of Winona, Thomas J. Galbraith, of Shak-
opee, and others, spoke against the county plan, advocating one
permanent central fund, the income from which should be di-
vided equally among all the school children of the entire state,
treating them all alike. It was pointed out that in certain
counties where the school population might be numerous, and
in need of large amounts to help support the schools, the in-
come from the school fund would be small because of the small
acreage and inferior quality of the land . On the other hand in
certain counties of more extensive areas, but more sparsely set-
tled and having fewer school children, the school fund might
be greater, owing to the larger acreage of land, which might
include tracts of valuable pine timber. Under the State Per-
manent Fund proposition, all the school children of the state,
in city, village or country, in densely or sparsely settled coun-
ties, were placed on an absolute equality, and each should
share alike in the division of the income from this fund. It
was also maintained that this was in harmony with the terms
of the Act of Congress making the grant, as it was a grant to
the State of Minnesota for the use of schools, and not a grant
to the county.
It was finally decided that the school lands should be sold
at public sale, the principal to be forever preserved inviolate,
and undiminished as a perpetual school fund of the state, and
that the income arising from such fund should be distributed
to the townships in proportion to the number of scholars be-
tween the ages of five and twenty-one years. The Legislature
was given authority over the investment of the funds. The
debate showed a wide range of opinion among the members,
but the sentiment seemed to crystallize, as the several argu-
ments were made, in favor of one central fund. When it came
to a vote there were only five votes in favor of the county plan
and thirty-nine in favor of the state-wide consolidated plan.
GRANTS OF LAND BY CONGRESS.
Up to the time of the actual establishment of the state gov-
ernment, several grants of land had been made by Congress
for the various uses of the state.
294 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Under Sections 8 and 9 of Chapter 16 of an Act of Congress
approved September 4, 1841, a grant of five hundred thousand
acres of land was made to the several states then in existence,
and further grants of a like acreage to each new state there-
after admitted into the Union. The act further provided that
the land so granted should not be disposed of at a price less
than one dollar and twenty-five cents per acre, and that the net
proceeds from the sale of said land should be faithfuly applied
to internal improvements, namely, ''roads, railways, bridges,
canals and improved water courses and draining of swamps,
and such roads, railways, canals, bridges, and water courses,
when drained, or improved, to be free for the transportation
of United States mail, munitions of war, passage of troops,
without payment of any toll whatever." The Act of Congress
authorizing a State government, approved February 26, 1857,
carried with it several specific grants to the State : first, sec-
tions 16 and 36, or 1,280 acres, in each township for the use
of schools; second, seventy-two sections for a University, to be
selected by the Governor (additional to the grant made in
1851) ; third, ten sections, or 6,400 acres, to be selected by the
Governor, for piiUic huildings; fourth, all salt springs within
the state, not exceeding twelve in number, with six sections
of land adjoining, or contiguous as may be, to be selected by
the Governor, to be used or disposed of as the Legislature shall
direct. On March 12, 1860, Congress passed an Act granting
to Minnesota all the swamp and overflowed lands within our
borders, which had not been previously reserved or conveyed.
LAWS OF MINNESOTA RELATING TO THE SCHOOL FUND.
In his second message to the State Legislature, delivered
in January, 1861, Governor Ramsey minutely discussed the
need of a careful management of our school lands, and again
reminded the Legislature of its responsibilities to future gen-
erations. He said :
Of this magnificent grant, the great gift of the nation to all the mil-
lions who are to inhabit the soil of Minnesota, you are stewards in
their behalf, and it devolves upon you to see that the sacred trusts
involved are faithfully executed
The precedent which you shall establish will go far to shape the
PUBLIC LANDS AND SCHOOL FUND OF MINNESOTA. 295
future policy of the State in this regard, and therefore upon you will
depend, in a great measure, whether these vast estates, consecrated to
the noblest aspirations of a free people,— to Education, which is the
root of liberty, and to Charity, which is its fruit,— shall be husbanded
with a wise and statesmanlike economy, or squandered with a blind
improvidence, — whether the institutions to be built upon these ample
foundations shall be forecast to the broad measure of our destiny, or
stunted in their germ by a selfish eagerness for premature results. . . .
Looking, then, at the ultimate fund to be derived from the school
lands as a permanent resource of education for all time to come, it is
for you to decide what this magnificent endowment is to be worth as
an instrument of social development to the unborn millions of the
future. The estimate now placed upon it will be the witness to pos-
terity of the loftiness or the meanness of the views which actuate us.
This estimate will be expressed first of all in the minimum price
which you shall affix to the lands. The question of a minimum, you
will perceive, is in fact the cardinal point to be established.
Here, again were the business sagacity and foresight of
Governor Ramsey visible. The United States government, un-
der its cash entry and pre-emption laws, was selling the public
domain at a fixed price of $1.25 per acre. To a large extent
that established the price for all lands. It was urged by many
that if the State should offer its lands at the government price
it would encourage settlement. On the other hand, it was
claimed that the State should adopt a much higher price, say
ten or twelve dollars per acre, in the interest of a larger school
fund. The Governor advocated a middle ground, stating that
to fix a very high price would retard settlement and place the
state in the position of the speculator, as it could hold its lands
for an indefinite term without paying taxes, relying upon fu-
ture settlements and population to bring a higher price; and
that if the state should sell at the low price, the same as was
done in neighboring states, the lands would soon all be gone
and a comparatively small fund would be realized. The out-
come of the discussion was fortunate, a conservative policy was
established.
The first result was that the Legislature of 1861 (Chapter
14, G. L. 1861) created a Board, consisting of the Governor,
Attorney General, and Superintendent of Public Instruction,
to have the general care and supervision of all state lands.
296 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
The State Auditor was named ' ' Register, ' ' and the State Treas-
urer was designated ''Receiver," of said Board. The minimum
price was the amount fixed by the regular board of appraisers,
which in no case should be less than $7.00 per acre, and 25 per
cent of the purchase price was to be paid on the day of the
public sale, the remainder to run twenty years at six per cent.
On the lands that were chiefly valuable for timber, 75 per cent
of the purchase price was to be paid in cash, or secured in a
satisfactory manner. The same Act provided that the funds
arising from such sales should from time to time be invested in
United States bonds or bonds of the State of Minnesota.
In 1862 (Chapter 52, G. L. 1862) this law was changed,
making the State Auditor ex-officio Commissioner of the Land
Office, and fixing the minimum price at $5 per acre, and pro-
viding that 15 per cent of the purchase price should be paid
at the time of the sale on agricultural lands, and on timber
lands 75 per cent, and the remainder to run twenty years at
the rate of seven per cent, payable in advance.
In 1863 (Chapter 12, G. L. 1863) the Legislature again
changed the law, particularly as to timber lands, authorizing
the Commissioner of the State Land Office to sell pine timber
at public sale by the thousand feet, after the same had been
duly appraised, payment to be made upon a survey or scale of
the amount of timber cut by the Surveyor General of Logs and
Lumber, in the district where the timber was situated. Land
classified as "Pine Land" was not to be offered for sale until
the timber had been sold. With the exception of a reduction
in the rate of interest from seven to five per cent, and later to
four per cent, and the extension of time of payments on the
remainder to forty years, and increasing the kinds of securities
in which school funds may be invested, the law of 1863 is sub-
stantially the same as the one under which we are operating
at the present time.
In 1885 the Legislature (Chapter 269, G. L. 1885) expressly
provided that no timber on state lands should be sold under
any conditions, unless such sale was necessary to protect the
state from loss. Such liability of loss or damage could be by
fire, windfalls, or from any other cause, which, in the opinion
PUBLIC LANDS AND SCHOOL FUND OF MINNESOTA. 297
of the Governor, State Treasurer, and Commissioner of the
State Land Office, would be deemed sufficient. This provision
has continued. During these years the State has only sold its
pine timber when the land examiners reported that it was in
danger of waste or destruction.
Another very important law was passed by the Legislature
of 1901 (Chapter 104, G. L. 1901), reserving to the State all
minerals on lands owned or that might thereafter accrue to the
State.
IRON ORE LANDS.
During many years there had been explorations for min-
erals in the northeastern part of Minnesota, particularly for
the precious metals, gold and silver, and several mining camps
flourished. During the early seventies iron ore was found in
the vicinity of Vermillion lake, and in 1875 a grant of swamp
land was made to a railroad company to aid in developing the
iron mines. This became the Duluth and Iron Range Railroad
Company, which has been a prominent factor in the develop-
ment of the iron ore industry in Minnesota. In the eighties
there were rumors of iron ore discoveries southwest of Vermil-
lion lake, on what has since been known as the Mesaba Range.
Up to that time there had been no thought of withholding the
state lands from sale on account of the iron ore or other min-
erals. After the timber had been regularly sold, the lands
were then subject to sale for agricultural purposes at the min-
imum price of $5.00 per acre. The timber on a great many
of the lands in that region had been sold and the land was sub-
ject to sale, and no doubt many were anxious to purchase them.
This is apparent from a report made by Capt. William W.
Braden, who was State Auditor from 1882 to 1891. In this re-
port to the State Legislature, covering the two years ending
July 31, 1888, Auditor Braden stated under the head of ''Min-
eral lands:"
I have refused to sell lands in the "Iron Range" of St. Louis, Lake and
Cook Counties, believing that the law authorizing sales, especially in
the above named counties, should first be amended so as to reserve
to the state all the mineral rights. Without doubt, valuable deposits
of iron ore will be found on state lands. Such lands should not, in
298 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
my judgment, be sold by the acre. Suitable laws should be passed
allowing them to be leased for a long term of years, the lessee paying
to the State a stated price per ton for the ore mined, as a royalty.
Had Auditor Braden yielded to the pressure of those who
wanted him to sell the lands outright, which he could have
lawfully done, we would not today be talking of a two hundred
million dollar school fund. Through his refusal to sell, the
State retained the fee title in those valuable tracts of cut-over
lands, which have since shown up countless millions of tons of
iron ore. Mr. Braden arbitrarily, and without express author-
ity of law, reserved the mineral on certain state lands which
he sold in the vicinity of Grand Rapids in 1890. That was in
a country far removed from any known iron discoveries. Since
that time iron has been discovered even to the westward of
Grand Rapids. In the Legislature of 1889 a bill drawn by Mr.
Braden was enacted into a law, permitting the leasing of state
lands for iron mining purposes.
At this point your attention is called to the law passed by
the Legislature of 1863, directing that the state lands should
be classified, and that those known as ''pine timber lands"
should not be sold outright until the pine had been sold at pub-
lic sale and the timber accounted for according to a surveyor
general's scale. That Act reserved the fee in the State, until
such time as the land should be wanted for agricultural pur-
poses. Thus it happened that when iron was discovered the
State found itself the owner in fee of about 40,000 acres of
lands situated squarely on the narrow belt of land extending
from Mesaba station on the Duluth and Iron Range Railroad
southwest to Grand Rapids. If the State had offered its lands
with standing timber for sale, the chances are that nearly all
would have been sold, perhaps for a high price per acre, in
which event the iron deposits would of course have fallen to the
several buyers. The most valuable iron mines on the range
were obtained from the government, under the Federal land
laws, without any regard to the fabulous wealth that lay
beneath the surface. The classification of the lands in the
early days was for the purpose of insuring to the State a fair
return for the value of the timber, because it was reasoned out
PUBLIC LANDS AND SCHOOL FUND OF MINNESOTA. 299
that land carrying timber varied greatly in value, according to
the quality and quantity.
There is a suggestion of luck in the finding of these large
iron mines on state lands. The State's good fortune has come
as a blessing to us and to millions of Minnesota's future citi-
zens, because at critical times in the affairs of the State her
servants acted with wisdom and devotion to the public welfare.
The range of iron ore bearing lands has been extended into
other counties, far removed from the original discoveries, and
large deposits have been found. There appears no limit to the
future possibilities. The law of 1901, reserving all mineral
on state lands for the exclusive use and benefit of the school
and other trust funds to which the lands belong, insures large
returns from future discoveries.
INVESTMENT OF MONEY RECEIVED.
Under the constitution adopted in 1857, the Legislature was
given full authority to prescribe the method of handling the
funds and to specify the kinds of securities. It has always
been a matter of great concern to find safe investments for the
moneys received from the sale of lands, timber, and minerals.
Permanency and security for the funds, rather than high rates
of interest, have been the things sought for. The first law on
the subject limited the investments to bonds of the United
States and of the State of Minnesota. A few years later a
Board of Investment was created consisting of the Governor,
State Treasurer, State Auditor, President of the Board of
Regents of the State University, and the Chief Justice of the
Supreme court; and the bonds of several other states of the
Union were added to the list of permissible investments. Some-
time thereafter the bonds of all the states of the Union were
recognized.
In 1886 an amendment to the constitution was adopted by
the people, authorizing the investment of these funds in school
district bonds within the State at five per cent interest, limiting
the amount that could be loaned to three per cent of the as-
sessed value of the real property, and creating a smaller Board
of Investment to conduct this business, consisting of the Gov-
300 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ernor, State Treasurer, and State Auditor. This last method
has been amended from time to time, until now the loans can be
made to all the municipalities of the State, such as counties,
townships, cities, villages, school districts, and county ditch
bonds, all at a uniform rate of four per cent interest; and
the maximum amount that can be loaned has been increased
to 15 per cent of the assessed real property valuation.
Under this system the State Auditor makes a levy upon
all the taxable property within the municipal corporation for
both principal and interest as the bonds become due, and
the amount is paid to the County Treasurer by the property
owners with their general taxes. At the proper time the State
Auditor makes a draft on the county treasurers for the princi-
pal and interest due, which is paid into the State Treasury in
the same manner as all other demands of the State. It is a
gratifying fact, and a tribute to the business judgment of both
the Legislators and the Board of Investment, to be able to state
that from the beginning of the State government to the present
time not one dollar has ever been lost on the investments of
moneys belonging to the school and other trust funds. The
income derived from the investments in the permanent school
fund alone, has increased from $70,016.45 in 1864 to $807,164.11
in 191*0.
The distribution is made in March and October yearly on
the order of the State Superintendent of Public Instruction.
This now produces about two dollars a year for each pupil in
our public schools. The total income since the organization of
the State, which has been apportioned twice a year for the ben-
isfit of the public schools, reaches the enormous sum of $18,020,-
173.47. In other words, that is the amount actually received
as the income from our permanent school fund; and we have
the principal intact, amounting to twenty-one and a half mil-
lion dollars, and now increasing at the rate of more than a
million dollars a year.
STATISTICS OF LAND GRANTS, SALES, AND RESULTING FUND.
A historical review of this kind would be incomplete with-
out showing in detail the total acreages actually acquired by
PUBLIC LANDS AND SCHOOL FUND OF MINNESOTA. 301
the State under the various congressional grants, the amounts
conveyed by sale or otherwise, the proceeds resulting from
sales of land, timber, or minerals, and the securities in which
the trust funds are invested. The acreage granted and ap-
proved to the State up to the present time under the several
acts of Congress are :
School lands 2,955,902.80 acres.
Internal Improvement lands 499,286.50 "
Public Building lands 6,395.12 "
Agricultural College lands 94,439.28 "
State University lands 91,524.99 "
Salt Spring lands 44,917.69 "
Swamp lands 4,461,157.14 "
Total 8,153,623.52 acres.
By an Act of the State Legislature (Chapter 133, G. L.
1873), the Salt Spring lands were transferred to the custody
and control of the Board of Regents of the State University of
Minnesota, to be sold in such manner or in such amounts as
they may see fit, devoting the proceeds for a geological and
natural history survey of the State. The law provided that the
Board of Regents shall make a full statement of the sales of
the Salt Spring lands, together with the moneys received, when
the geological and natural history survey of the State shall
have been completed. In recent years the amounts collected
from the sale of the lands and interest on land contracts have
been regularly paid into the State Treasury and paid out again
on the requisition of the Board of Regents for the natural his-
tory and geological surveys. No permanent fund was ever
created from the Salt Spring lands. The total amount ob-
tained to date and expended on the geological and natural his-
tory survey is about $315,000, which presumably is about the
sum realized from the sale of the lands, both principal and in-
terest. AA^ith the exception of the Salt Spring lands and a por-
tion of the first grant to the State University, all the lands
granted by Congress to the State of Minnesota have been han-
dled and managed by the State Auditor's Department.
The following is the acreage of the lands granted or con-
302 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
veyed by acts of the State Legislature or sold under the State
land laws :
School lands : . . . 2,015,332.26 acres.
Internal Improvement lands 491,528.79
Public Building lands 6,395.12
Agricultural College lands 94,439.28
University lands 69,354.04
Salt Spring lands 44,917.69
Swamp lands 2,945,251.00
Total 5,667,218.18 acres.
The acreages of unsold and unconveyed lands at this time,
which have been patented to the State, are :
School lands 940,570.54 acres.
University lands 22,170.95 "
Internal Improvement lands 7,757.71 "
Swamp lands 1,515,906.14 "
Total 2,486,405.34 acres.
The following statements show the total accumulations from
all sources, credited to the several funds, and the securities
owned by the respective funds, up to and including August 1,
1910. The receipts from the Agricultural College lands are
included in the University Fund.
Permanent School Fund.
Accumulations.
Sales of lands $12,725,306.42
Amounts paid on forfeitures, right of way, etc 193,120.65
Sales of timber 6,053,690.73
Mineral permits and leases 277,050.77
Royalty on iron ore 1,391,832.86
Profits on sales of bonds 361,569.94
Total $21,002,571.37
Investments.
Cash in State Treasury $100,462.81
Unpaid principal on land contracts 5,953,905.95
Bonds as follows:
PUBLIC LANDS AND SCHOOL FUND OF MINNESOTA. 303
Alabama ($143,000) 5 per cent 140,755.00
Delaware, at 3 per cent 4,000.00
Louisiana, at 4 per cent 150,000.00
Massachusetts, at 3 per cent 2,595,000.00
Massachusetts, 31/2 per cent 300,000.00
Minnesota Capitol certificates, 3 and 3i^ per cent 1,900,000.00
Minnesota cities, counties, townships, and school
districts 8,037,017.61
Tennessee, 4i^ per cent 270,000.00
Utah, 314 per cent 100,000.00
Virginia ($1,635,000), 3 per cent 1,451,430.00
Total $21,002,571.37
Permanent University Fund.
Accumulations.
Sales of lands $831,341.57
Amount paid on forfeitures, right of way, etc 15,540.81
Sales of timber 500,441.21
Mineral permits and leases 70,803.00
Royalty on iron ore 22,329.65
Transfer from State Institutions Fund 7,292.73
Transfer from Internal Improvement Land Fund 150.00
Profits on sales of bonds 900.00
Total $1,448,798.97
Investments.
Cash in State Treasury $17,924.98
Unpaid principal on land contracts 283,384.94
Bonds as follows:
Delaware, 3 per cent 131,000.00
Minnesota cities, vilages, etc., 4 per cent 539,244.00
Massachusetts, 3 per cent 130,000.00
Tennesee, 4% per cent 80,000.00
Virginia ($355,000), 3 per cent 267,245.05
Total $1,448,798.97
hiternal Improvement Land Fund.
Accumulations.
Sales of lands $2,808,549.38
Amount paid on forfeitures, right of way, etc 21,008.05
Sales of timber 114,190.44
Mineral permits and leases 850.00
Total $2,944,597.87
304 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Investments.
Cash in State Treasury $8,573.77
Unpaid principal on land contracts 277,930.35
Louisiana bonds, 4 per cent 23,000.00
Virginia bonds ($55,000), 3 per cent 52,093.75
Railroad adjustment bonds, destroyed 2,533,000.00
Prison Building certificates of indebtedness, 4 per cent . . . 50,000.00
Total $2,944,597.87
Deducting $2,533,000, Railroad Bonds, leaves $411,597.87 actually in
the fund.
Swamp Land Fund.
Accumulations.
Sales of lands $971,428.51
Amount paid on forfeitures, right of way 9,265.69
Sales of timber 460,672.17
Mineral permits and leases 65,137.00
Royalty on iron ore 74,751.83
Total $1,581,255.20
Investments.
Cash in State Treasury $9,087.62
Unpaid principal on land contracts 770,493.58
Louisiana bonds, 4 per cent (transferred from State In-
titutions Fund) 38,000.00
Minnesota Capitol certificates, 3 per cent 200,000.00
Minnesota school districts, cities, counties, etc 466,694.00
Virginia bonds ($100,000), 3 per cent. 96,980.00
Total $1,581,255.20
Total Amount received for all the Funds.
Permanent School Fund $21,002,571.37
Permanent University Fund 1,448,798.97
Internal Improvement Land Fund 2,944,597.87
Swamp Land Fund 1,581,255.20
Total $26,977,223.41
INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT LANDS.
The 500,000 acres of Internal Improvements Lands, granted
in 1841, have had a somewhat meteoric career. They lay
PUBLIC LANDS AND SCHOOL FUND OF MINNESOTA. 305
dormant until 1872, when by constitutional enactment a per-
manent fund was created. In 1881 the Legislature (Chapter
104, G. L. 1881) passed an Act to apply the moneys of this fund
to the payment of the railroad adjustment bonds of 1881. These
bonds were issued as a compromise in the settlement between
the State and the holders of the old State Railroad Bonds of
1858. By a substantial vote the people appropriated these fine
farming lands toward the extinguishment of the folly of the
Legislature of 1858.
In 1891, when the bonds of 1881 were subject to call, a re-
funding act was passed (Chapter 31, G. L. 1891) to refund at
a lower rate an amount of bonds which, with the proceeds of
the Internal Improvement Fund, would provide for the entire
bond issue of 1881. The amount of the fund thus used for the
purchase of the bonds of 1881 was $2,533,000, which were duly
destroyed. The last of the issue of 1891 which refunded the
remainder, was paid by the State in July of 1910. Thus, after
a lapse of 52 years and the payment of millions of money, did
the people maintain the honor and credit of the State.
In 1896 the people voted to devote the remainder of these
lands for the purpose originally intended, namely, for good
roads, bridges, and highways in general. The fund now holds
over $400,000 in securities, and the remaining lands should .
bring this up to a half million, which will no doubt forever
remain as an endowment for better roads and bridges in the
State.
PUBLIC BUILDING LANDS.
The ten sections of lands given to the State in the Enabling
Act for Public Buildings were selected in the County of Kan-
diyohi, and they remained undisturbed until the Legislature
of 1901 (Chapter 177, G. L. 1901) passed an act directing the
State Auditor to sell the lands and to credit the proceeds to
the Revenue Fund for the purpose of completing the State Cap-
itol Building. The total amount realized from the 6,395 acres
was $125,482.00. The sales were made under the same condi-
tions as other state lands.
306 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
AGRICULTURAL COLLEGE LANDS.
In an Act approved July 2, 1862, Congress made a grant of
lands amounting to 30,000 acres for each senator and repre-
sentative in Congress, under the apportionment of 1860, as an
endowment for the support of a college where the leading ob-
ject shall be "to teach such branches of learning as are related
to agriculture and mechanic arts." Under that grant the State
was entitled to 120,000 acres. The act provided that if double
minimum lands were selected, that is, lands within the limits of
a railroad grant, then the State should be charged double for
each acre so selected (page 243, Vol. 5, U. S. Land Decisions).
The State Auditor in 1867 selected 25,511 acres of such lands
which counted double on the grant. Therefore the State
actually received on this grant 94,439.28 acres only, but it was
a complete satisfaction of the terms of the granting act. These
selections were very choice agricultural lands and were all
sold many years ago.
The Legislature of 1865 (Chapter 7, G. L. 1865) passed an
Act to establish an Agricultural College and Experimental
Farm. It was located on Section 16, Township 115, Range 28,
which is near Glencoe in McLeod county. The act created a
board to be known as ''The Agricultural College Board/' to
consist of the Governor, Secretary of State, and President of
the State Agricultural Society, as ex-officio members, and four
members to be elected by the Legislature. The Board was
given full care and management of the College and farm and
the disposition of the lands and funds donated. All the swamp
lands in McLeod county were donated to that college, and the
interest from the proceeds from sales of the lands granted by
Congress was applied and appropriated annually to the main-
tenance of the Agricultural College. By Chapter 9, G. L. 1865,
the Legislature in effect amended the former act by providing
that the lands granted by Congress should be appraised and
sold and the moneys handled in the same manner as school
lands, that is, creating a Permanent Fund as an endowment
for the Agricultural College. The act further provided that if
any part of the moneys invested should be lost, through any
PUBLIC LANDS AND SCHOOL FUND OP MINNESOTA. 307
cause, the loss should be replaced by the State, so that the fund
should forever remain undiminished.
In Chapter 1, G. L. 1868, the Legislature passed a law to
reorganize the University of Minnesota, and to establish an
Agricultural College therein. This repealed the Act establish-
ing the Agricultural College in McLeod county; and by Chap-
ter 55, G. L. 1868, the lands granted by Congress as an endow-
ment for a College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts were to
be sold in the same manner as school and other state lands, and
the proceeds to be credited to the Permanent University Fund,
the same as other lands granted by Congress for University
purposes. Therefore the proceeds from the sales of the Agri-
cultural College lands and the University lands became merged
in the Permanent University Fund, and the income from the
investments was appropriated for support of the University.
SWAMP LANDS.
By an Act approved September 28, 1850, Congress granted
to the State of Arkansas all the swamp and overflowed lands
unfit for cultivation, to enable that state to construct the nec-
essary levees and drains to reclaim them. In an Act approved
March 12, 1860, Congress extended the provisions of that act to
Minnesota and Oregon. The manner of selecting these lands was
largely left discretionary with the Secretary of the Interior.
After some correspondence between the Governor and the
Interior Department two propositions were submitted to the
State, first, whether the State would be willing to abide by
the field notes of the surveys as designating the lands, or, sec-
ond, whether in the absence of their non-acceptance of these
notes as a basis, the State would furnish evidence of the char-
acter of the lands from an actual survey in the field. The first
plan suggested would cause no expense whatever to the State.
As a consequence the Legislature in 1862 (Section 48, Chap-
ter 62, G. L. 1862) passed a law to the effect ''that the sur-
veys on file in the Surveyor General's office are hereby adopted
as the basis upon which will be accepted the swamp lands
granted to the State by the Act of Congress of March 12,
1860." That was the rule by which swamp lands were selected
for the State until 1886, when the Department of the Interior
made the field notes of survey simply prima facie evidence of
308 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
the character of the lands, subjecting them to contest and com-
pelling the State to defend its title by competent proof. This
rule prevailed until 1903, when the Interior Department, in a
large measure, reinstated the rule of accepting field notes of
the surveys, and with slight modifications that method con-
trols the selecting at the present time.
The actual character of the swamp lands at the time of
making the grant was largely unknown, beyond the fact that
they were generally low and fiat, open meadows or bogs, and
some covered with timber, as is usually found on such lands.
The question of their disposition received considerable thought
and attention. By some it was contended that the proceeds
from sales should be devoted to the purpose of draining and
improving them, as the terms of the granting act implied.
On the other hand it was urged that Congress had specified
no method by which this should be done; and in other states,
which had received similar grants and had devoted all or a
part to the reclamation of the land, the results had not proven
satisfactory. The lands were considered of little value, which?
was shown by the very liberal grants made by the early legis-
lators in aid of railroad construction.
It is exceedingly fortunate that the lands were not all given
away, because on three contiguous forty acre swamp tracts,
which the State has received, the trust funds will be enriched
by nearly ten million dollars from the iron ore contained
therein. This is the well known Scranton mine near Hibbing.
Instead of creating a fund from the sale of these lands and
using the proceeds for the reclamation of them, our early leg-
islators apparently preferred to give them to railroads or other
corporations, so that they would in that way come into the
possession of private parties who would have an interest in
draining or making them fit for use and occupancy.
In 1881 the people adopted an amendment to the State
Constitution (Section 2, Article 8), providing that all the
swamp lands owned by the State, or that would thereafter
accrue to the State, should be in all respects treated and sold
in the same manner as school lands, and that the principal
derived from such sales should become a permanent fund, one-
half of the proceeds therefrom to be apportioned to the com-
PUBLIC LANDS AND SCHOOL FUND OF MINNESOTA. 309
mon school fund of the State, and the remaining half to the
educational institutions in the relative ratio of the cost of the
support of said institutions. That amendment was in effect a
repeal of a grant of 525,000 acres made by the Legislature in
1865 to several State institutions. In 1907 (Chapter 385, G. L.
1907) the Legislature made the provisions of the constitution
effective by directing the disposition of the funds as was
therein specified.
No doubt the intention of the framers of that amendment
to the constitution was to forever prohibit further grants of
lands to railroads or other corporations, and saving the re-
mainder to our school fund and to aid in maintaining our
other institutions. As a result of that very wise provision, we
have saved approximately two million acres of the swamp land
grant, many of them exceedingly valuable. The total acre-
age of swamp lands that have been patented to the State up
to the first of August, 1910, was 4,461,157.14 acres. From
these lands 2,885,635.63 acres have been conveyed by the
State to railroads and other corporations under acts of the
Legislature, and 150,954.79 acres have been sold under state
laws, leaving at this time 1,424,566.72 acres unsold. All the
railroad grants have now been filled, excepting that of the
Duluth and Iron Range railroad, which is still entitled to
6,505 acres. An additional 600,000 acres of swamp lands are
now in process of being selected and approved, for which the
state will at no distant day receive patents.
The following statement shows in detail the dates of the
legislative granting acts and the names of the companies and
the number of acres of swamp land received by each. It is
good evidence of the desire of the people to encourage rail-
road and other transportation facilities fifty years ago.
Swamp Land Grants to Companies by Acts of the Legislature.
Date of Act. Grantee, No. of Acres
March 8, 1861, Lake Superior and Mississippi (now
St. Paul and Duluth) R. R. Co 694,399.17
March 8, 1861, Taylors Falls and Lake Superior
(now St. Paul and Duluth) R. R. Co. 91,829.96
310 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
March 12, 1861, County Commissioners of McLeod
county, as Trustees of Stevens
Seminary 4,684.17
March 7, 1862, Madelia and Sioux Falls Wagon
Road 4,683.71
March 5, 1863, St. Paul and Chicago (now Chicago,
Milwaukee & St. Paul) R. R. Co. 462,336.00
February 11, 1865, Minneapolis and St. Cloud (now
Great Northern) R. R. Co 425,664.00
February 16, 1865, Southern Minnesota Railroad Co 36,777.84
March 2, 1865, Minnesota Central (now Wisconsin,
Minnesota & Pacific) R. R. Co... 275,000.00
March 2, 1865, Cannon River Manufacturing Asso-
ciation 24,190.45
March 9, 1875, Duluth and Iron Range R. R. Co.... 600,214.33
March 3, 1881, Little Falls and Dakota R. R. Co... 265,856.00
Total 2,885,635.63
FUTURE RECEIPTS.
Of the $27,000,000 received and credited to all the funds,
$7,128,994.55 represents sales of timber, and $1,902,755.11 from
iron-bearing lands. There are about three million acres un-
sold. Much of this land carries pine or other timber of com-
mercial value. It is safe to estimate that $7,000,000 more will
be realized from future timber sales. Of iron-bearing lands
the State is the largest single fee owne*. We do not own the
largest mines, but we do actually own more in the aggregate
than any individual or private corporation.
The acreage held under the State Mineral Law at this
time is :
School lands 20,368.80
University lands 3,931.28
Swamp lands 5,017.82
Total acres 29,317.90
Under these contracts the lessees agree to pay all general
taxes on the land, and a royalty of 25 cents a ton. The min-
imum output is 5,000 tons a year after a railroad reaches
within one mile of the land. Before that time an annual fee
of one hundred dollars is paid. In 1910, for taxation pur-
PUBLIC LANDS AND SCHOOL FUND OF MINNESOTA. 311
poses, the State Tax Commission assessed certain state lands
as active mines and fixed the tonnage as follows:
2,330 acres School land 105,294.969
440 acres Swamp land 31,059,977
520 acres University land 8,844,871
Total tons 145,199,817
The money valuation placed on this tonnage for taxation
is $17,035,312.00. That represents a little more than one-tenth
of the acreage now under contracts with the State. These
lands show up an average of about 1,750,000 tons per forty.
This is probably somewhat higher than the entire acreage will
produce, but it is not unreasonable to estimate an average of
one million tons per forty for all the lands under lease. This
will produce 750,000,000 tons of iron, which at 25 cents per
ton will make the splendid sum of $187,500,000. This added
to our present funds and other receipts will bring the total to
something more than $200,000,000.
These are very large, almost startling figures, but from
information even now obtainable, it is reasonable to believe
that this enormous sum will be realized from those lands now
under contract within the coming forty-five years. As an addi-
tional source of future income, we have the very large acreage
of state lands scattered over northern Minnesota, in many of
which iron ore has been developed in paying quantities. An-
other fact to be considered in this connection is that the min-
eral law of 1889 was repealed in 1907, and it is expected that
when a new law is enacted it will provide for a higher roy-
alty per ton and a much larger minimum output. This will
in no small degree enhance the future prospects from the iron
on state school lands.
The lands too wet for cultivation are being drained. The
Legislature has appropriated $100,000 a year for several years
for that purpose. It is therefore fair to assume that the re-
maining three million acres, when sold for agricultural pur-
poses, will yield the minimum price of $5.00 per acre, or $15,-
000,000.
The State Government has never undertaken the actual
development of school and other state lands. No attempt has
312 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ever been made to clear or fit agricultural lands for farming
purposes, to cut the timber and sell the logs or other forest
products; neither has the State ever attempted to explore or
develop those lands which are situated in the iron district.
Exploring and developing iron is very expensive and some-
what uncertain, and the State has contented itself with
merely being a lessor, giving options or contracts to those who
were willing to spend their money in explorations. Parties
dealing with the State in this matter were protected in their
expenditures, because, under the law, if ore was found they
could obtain a binding contract good for fifty years.
SUGGESTED CHANGES IN THE STATE LAND LAWS.
The policy adopted by our pioneers for the care and sale
of our school and other state lands, and the laws regulating
the same, have received a great deal of comment in news-
papers and otherwise in the last few years, and in many in-
stances both policy and laws have been criticised. The main
reason for such contention is that the laws are regarded as not
elastic enough to permit easy acquirement of both timber and
land by those who intend to settle upon and cultivate the land.
While it must be admitted that our laws are far from per-
fect, the size of the existing funds should not be forgotten.
The results have been most favorably commented upon by
magazine and newspaper writers throughout the country.
The State's good fortune is due to the fact that nearly fifty
years ago our legislators and executive officers acted with
almost prophetic wisdom. The achievements under these land-
marks of the State, even though they now appear ultra-con-
servative, should cause them to be gratefully remembered.
Time, however, has brought about many changes in condi-
tions. In justice both to the interests of the State at large
and to the citizens who live in the counties where state lands
are largely located, certain modifications of our laws should
be made.
Roads should be built under the supervision of the State
Highway Commission, the cost thereof to be assessed against
all the adjoining land that may be benefited. In that way
school and other state lands can be made to contribute directly
PUBLIC LANDS AND SCHOOL FUND OF MINNESOTA. 313
to the building of roads, and the Legislature may provide for
the same by an adequate appropriation. The reclamation of
the wet lands by drainage should continue; a complete and
comprehensive fire protection organization should be installed,
covering the entire district from Cook county nearly to the
Red river of the North ; common schools should be assisted in
frontier communities not able to support them. The Legisla-
ture could make an appropriation which may be distributed
by the local and state authorities, within reasonable safe-
guards. Land not suited for agriculture should be kept for
forestry purposes, thus insuring a continuous timber supply.
The building of roads, drainage, forest fire protection, and
schools, are undertakings of such a magnitude that private
enterprises should not be called upon to undertake them. The
enactment of laws along the lines suggested above may not
entirely satisfy all critics, but I believe they will be valuable
aids, to the sale of lands, and to the settlement and develop-
ment of those districts where the State Trust Fund lands are
largely located.
SUMMARY OF THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF MINNESOTA.
It has been the purpose of this paper to present a fairly
accurate historical review of the various land grants made by
Congress to the State, and the disposition of the proceeds from
such lands. Some space has been profitably devoted to public
events in the early history of the Territory and State, which
have had a marked bearing upon the laws by which these mag-
nificent inheritances have been conserved. We have seen the
funds grow year by year, and the moneys securely invested,
and we now talk of hundreds of milJions in the future.
Our schools of learning command the admiration of the
country. Our great State University, with five thousand stu-
dents, we confidently believe will receive an endowment from
these lands of twenty-five million dollars, insuring a perpetual
income of one million dollars a year. This will indeed be a
princely income, and it gives positive assurance that higher
and professional branches of education will be forever among
the opportunities open to ambitious young men and women.
314 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
The five normal schools are models of their kind. There are
at this time 207 high schools, each receiving $1,750 of direct
aid for maintenance from the Legislature, which is additional
to the school fund distribution; 173 graded schools receive
$600 each; 400 semi-graded schools receive $300 each;- 1,860
rural schools of the first class receive $150 each, and 1,127
rural schools of the second class receive $100 each. The Legis-
lature has set aside about $850,000 a year from the General
Revenue Fund, to aid the schools named. The total number of
pupils attending public schools in 1910 was 440,083 ; the gross
sum expended in the year for teachers' wages and all other
expenses was $13,724,437.48; the teachers number 15,157;
there are 8,609 schoolhouses, of the value of $28,506,866 ; libra-
ries costing $735,702 are found in 6,566 of the schoolhouses.
As we review the educational developments of the past few
years and contemplate the unbounded possibilities of the years
to come, our thoughts are filled with deepest gratitude to Alex-
ander Ramsey and his compatriots of pioneer days. The foot-
steps of the infant commonwealth were guided rightly; the
young twig was bent in the true direction. Honesty, fidelity
and devotion to the common welfare, were among the materials
used in building the foundation of the Permanent School Fund.
The influence of such work upon succeeding legislation is
very apparent. The great heritage received from a generous
parent government has been sacredly preserved and conse-
crated to the noblest aspirations of a free people, education
and charity. "We of a younger generation are enjoying mani-
fold blessings and opportunities. Free popular education is
the unerring equalizer of human conditions, and this has been
guaranteed to all coming generations. The wealth of these
great funds must be guarded by legislators and state officials,
with never-ending vigilance. The old landmarks were firm,
safe, and sensible, and they should be stoutly supported. In
due time a magnificent, perpetual institution for good, the
great school fund will be completed. It will brighten the lives
of all our future citizens, and will stand as an enduring monu-
ment to the public and private virtues of the founders of the
Commonwealth of Minnesota.
EARLY DAKOTA TRAILS AND SETTLEMENTS AT
CENTERVILLE, MINN.*
BY ALBERT M. GOODRICH.
In the southeastern corner of Anoka county in this state is
the township of Centerville. In this township is a cluster of
five or six small lakes, the outlet of which is Rice creek, which
flows thence southwesterly into the Mississippi river, just north
of the city limits of Minneapolis. From these lakes the city of
St. Paul receives in part its water supply at the present time.
In some places these lakes are very close together, only a few
yards of solid ground intervening. Some six miles farther
north is another lake about a mile in diameter, called Howard
lake, which is also drained by Rice creek. Not many years ago
these lakes were frequented by thousands of wild ducks and
geese, and I believe that to a very large extent this is still true.
Howard lake and several of the Centerville lakes are very shal-
low, and wild rice grows in them to such an extent that in the
late summer the water is entirely obscured and they look like
green meadows. The waterfowl feed upon the rice, and late
in the fall, when the stalks have bent over and fallen beneath
the surface of the water, they dive after the rice, refusing to
leave this feeding ground until the last open space has frozen
across. In the spring they are back again as soon as there is a
crack in the ice big enough to hold them, much thinner in body,
and ravenous for another taste of their favorite food.
A short distance westward from the Centerville lakes is a
tract of marsh land, which stretches northeasterly almost to
the northern boundary of Anoka county. Much of this marsh
land has now been drained, but it originally covered probably
seventy or eighty square miles, and early settlers tell of a time
when they could go the entire distance from Centerville to Lin-
wood in boats. Much of the country surrounding Centerville
♦Read at the monthly meeting of the Executive Council. April 12, 15
316 MINi>fESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
is well wooded, and wild game abounded in the vicinity long
after it had disappeared from other parts of the state. For
illustration, about 1856 a hunter who had gone into this region
drove into St. Paul with a four-ox team and a load of forty
buck deer.
It is not to be supposed that the Indians had overlooked
this ideal location for one of their settlements ; and I believe it
can be shown that, except for a few years when the war be-
tween the Dakotas and the Ojibways was at its height, there
has been no time during the past two hundred and fifty years
when there has not been an Indian village or a cluster of Indian
villages in the vicinity of these lakes. Indeed, a large propor-
tion of the present inhabitants of Centerville township have an
admixture of Indian blood; and to this day the language of
the Canadian French traders and bushrangers, who intermar-
ried with the Ojibways, is quite as familiar there as English.
I shall call as my first witness Nicholas Perrot. Perrot was
credited with a better understanding of the mode of life and
habits of thought of the western Indians than any other man
of his time. He was not exactly an explorer. He was content
to be years behind other white men in his first sight of the
Mississippi river, but he made himself familiar with the geog-
raphy and history of the region by questioning the best in-
formed among the Indians. I quote from Perrot 's Memoir as
translated for the Collections of the State Historical Society of
Wisconsin, Volume XVI, pages 16-19 :
The Outaouas finally decided to select the island called Pelee
[Prairie island] as the place of their settlement, and they spent sev-
eral years there in peace, often receiving visits from the Scioux. But
on one occasion it happened that a hunting-party of Hurons encoun-
tered and slew some Scioux. The Scioux, missing their people, did not
know what had become of them; but after a few days they found their
corpses, from which the heads had been severed. Hastily returning
to their village, to carry this sad news, they met on the way some
Hurons, whom they made prisoners; but when they reached home the
chiefs liberated the captives and sent them back to their own people.
The Hurons, so rash as to imagine that the Scioux were incapable of
resisting them without iron weapons and firearms, conspired with the
Outaouas to undertake a war against them, purposing to drive them
EARLY DAKOTA SETTLEMENTS AT CENTERVILLE. 317
W
» from their own country in order that they themselves might thus se-
H cure a greater territory in which to seek their living. The Outaouas
^ and Hurons accordingly united their forces and marched against the
Scioux. They believed that as soon as they appeared the latter would
flee, but they were greatly deceived; for the Scioux sustained their
attack, and even repulsed them, and, if they had not retreated, they
i would have been utterly routed by the great number of men who came
from other villages to the aid of their allies. The Outaouas were pur-
sued even to their settlement, where they were obliged to erect a
wretched fort; this, however, was sufficient to compel the Scioux to
retire, as they did not dare to attack it.
The continual incursions made by the Scioux forced the Outaouas
to flee. They had become acquainted with a river, which is called
Black; they entered its waters and, ascending to its source, the Hurons
found there a place suitable for fortifying themselves and establishing
their village. The Outaouas pushed farther on, and proceeded as far
as Lake Superior, where they flxed their abode at Chagouamikon
[Chequamegon]. The Scioux, seeing that their enemies had departed,
remained quietly, without pursuing them farther; but the Hurons were
not willing to keep the peace, and sent out several hostile bands against
the Scioux. These expeditions had very little success; and, moreover,
drew upon them frequent raids from the Scioux, which compelled them
to abandon their fort, with great loss of their men, and go to join the
Outaouas at Chagouamikon. As soon as they arrived there, they
planned to form a war-party of a hundred men, to march against the
Scioux and avenge themselves. It is to be observed that the country
where they roam is nothing but lakes and marshes, full of wild rice;
these are separated from one another by narrow tongues of land,
which extend from one lake to another not more than thirty or forty
paces, and sometimes no more than five or six. These lakes and
marshes form a tract more than fifty leagues square, and are trav-
ersed by no river save that of Louisianna [the Mississippi] ; its course
lies through the midst of them, and part of their waters discharge into
it. Other waters fall into the Ste. Croix River, which is situated north-
east of them, at no great distance. Still other marshes and lakes are
situated to the west of the St. Peter River, into which their waters
flow. Consequently, the Scioux are inaccessible in so swampy a coun-
try, and cannot be destroyed by enemies who have not canoes, as they
have, with which to pursue them. Moreover, in those quarters only
five or six families live together as one body, forming a small village;
and all the others are removed from one another at certain distances,
in order that they may be able to lend a helping hand at the first alarm.
If any one of these little villages be attacked, the enemy can inflict
very little damage upon it, for all its neighbors promptly assemble,
and give prompt aid wherever it is needed. Their method of naviga-
tion in lakes of this kind is, to push through the wild rice with their
31B MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
canoes, and, carrying these from lake to lake, compel the fleeing enemy
to turn about, and thus bewilder him; they, meanwhile, pass from one
lake to another until they thread those mazes and reach the firm
ground.
The hundred Hurons became involved among these swamps and
without canoes; they were discovered by some Scioux, who hastened
to spread the alarm everywhere. That was a populous nation, scat-
tered along the circumference of the marshes, in which they gathered
abundance of wild rice; this grain is the food of those people, and
tastes better than does rice. More than 3,000 Scioux came together
from every side, and besieged the Hurons. The loud noise, the clamor,
and the yells with which the air resounded showed them that they
were surrounded on all sides, and that their only resource was to make
head against the Scioux (who were eagerly striving to discover their
location), unless they could find some place by which they could re-
treat. In this straitened condition, they concluded that they could not
do better than to hide among the wild rice, where the water and mud
reached almost to their chins. Accordingly, they dispersed in various
directions, taking great pains to avoid noise in their progress. The
Scioux, who were sharply searching for them, and desired only to meet
them in battle, found very few of them, and were fully persuaded that
the Hurons were hidden in the wild rice; but they were greatly aston-
ished at seeing only the trail made in entering the lake, and no trace
of the Hurons' departure. They bethought them of this device: they
stretched across the narrow strips of land between the lakes the nets
used in capturing beavers; and to these they attached small bells,
which they had obtained from the Outaouas and their allies in the
visits which they had made to those tribes, as above related. They
divided their forces into numerous detachments, in order to guard all
the passages, and watched by day and night, supposing that the Hurons
would take the first opportunity to escape from the danger which
threatened them. This scheme indeed succeeded; for the Hurons
slipped out under cover of the darkness, creeping on all fours, not sus-
pecting this sort of ambuscade; they struck their heads against the
nets, which they could not escape, and thus set the bells to ringing.
The Scioux, lying in ambush, made prisoners of them as soon as they
stepped on land. Thus from all that band but one man escaped; he
was called in his own language Le Froid ["he who is cold"]. This
same man died not a long time ago.
In regard to the location of these Dakota settlements among
the rice lakes, Perrot says that the St. Croix river ''is situated
northeast of them, at no great distance." If he means this to
apply to the Mille Lacs region, it is simply not true. But it is
true of the little cluster of rice lakes at Centerville. More-
over, Rice creek, which runs through these Centerville lakes.
EARLY DAKOTA SETTLEMENTS AT CENTERVILLE. 319
may be traced by traveling in a northeasterly direction to a
point a mile or two beyond Howard lake, until one comes to
its source in a small lake within half a mile of Forest lake in
the northern part of Washington county. The outlet of Forest
lake is the South branch of Sunrise river, which runs north-
easterly throughout its course and joins the St. Croix river,
agreeably to Perrot's statement that from these lakes and
marshes "other waters fall into the St. Croix river." I am
inclined to think that in this portion of his statement Perrot
is not describing the general location of the Dakota settle-
ments, which he says ''form a tract more than fifty leagues
square," but the particular place where this battle occurred.
Again, he describes the character of the country as con-
sisting of ' ' lakes and marshes, full of wild rice ; these are sep-
arated from one another by narrow tongues of land, which
extend from one lake to another not more than thirty or forty
paces, and sometimes no more than five or six." This would
certainly not be true of the entire Dakota country. But it is
eminently true of the Centerville lakes, as any duck hunter
who has stood on the narrow runways between these lakes will
testify.
It seems probable that Perrot was writing from descriptions
given him by Indians who took part in the battle, and not from
personal observation. This battle appears to have taken place
in the autumn of 1661, and Perrot did not visit the Dakota
country until about 1683, more than twenty years later, al-
though he was living among the Wisconsin Indians before 1671.
The ingenuity of the Dakotas in setting their trap for the
Hurons will occasion less surprise when it is remembered that
this identical device was practised by Radisson to guard the
entrance to his fort at Chequamegon bay two years previous,*
and that these little bells were among the tools and trinkets
which Groseilliers and Radisson sold to the Dakotas at the time
of the grand council at Knife lake. The Hurons undoubtedly
became familiar with the Dakota settlements at Centerville
during the time of their residence on Prairie island. The war
upon the Dakotas was evidently the result of their knowledge
of the easy indolence with which the Dakotas lived in this land
■Minnesota Historical Society Collections, vol. X, Part II, p. 485.
320 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
of plenty, while they themselves and their Ottawa allies were
enduring the horrors of the famine of 1659-60 ;t and they be-
lieved that the Dakotas with nothing but stone weapons to
bring to the defense, could never stand against a determined
attack with powder and ball.
My second witness is Father Hennepin. It seems tolerably
certain that there were Dakota villages at Centerville in Hen-
nepin's time. His statement of the matter is not clear, but his
language seems to imply that on his overland trip, after arriv-
ing at the first Dakota villages (presumably those at Center-
ville), he traveled five days in order to reach Mille Lacs. After
telling of the arrival in the vicinity of the site of St. Paul of
himself and his two companions, with the Dakotas who had
captured them, Hennepin says (A New Discovery, original Eng-
lish edition, page 163; edition edited by R. G. Thwaites, page
247) :
Here the Barbarians order'd us to land in a Creek of the River
Meschasipi; after which, they held an Assembly, to consult what they
were tq do with us. In short, they separated, and gave us to three
of their Chiefs, instead of their Sons which had been kill'd in the War:
Then they seiz'd our Canou, and took away all our Equipage. The
Canou they pull'd to pieces, for fear it might assist us to return to
their Enemies: Their own they hid amongst the Alders, to use again
when they should have occasion to hunt that way. So that tho' we
might have gone conveniently enough quite up into their Country by
Water, yet were we oblig'd, by their Conduct, to travel no less than
sixty Leagues a-foot.
It is difficult to explain this conduct of the Indians except
on the theory that many of them lived at Centerville, which
could not be reached by way of Rum river.
My third witness is Jonathan Carver, who visited what is
now Minnesota in 1766-67. In the book entitled Kathio, by the
late Hon. J. V. Brower, attention is called, on page 92, to the
fact that Carver's map shows Dakota villages near Centerville
and Howard lake.
My fourth witness is the ill-fated James W. Lynd, who was
the first to fall in the Sioux massacre of 1862. Fortunately the
manuscript for the book on the Dakotas which he had in prep-
aration was found after his death, although in a mutilated con-
flbid., pp. 487-492.
EARLY DAKOTA SETTLEMENTS AT CENTERVILLE. 321
dition, and is now in the possession of the Minnesota Historical
Society. A portion of this manuscript was published in Volume
II of this Society's Historical Collections. My quotation is
from an unpublished portion of this manuscript (page 18),
Lynd says:
They [the Mdewakantonwan tribe] were at one period split up
into two bodies, one called Ma-tantonwan, and the other Wakpa-aton-
wedan. The signification of the former is unknown; the latter means
Those- Who-Dwell-on-the-Creek, because they had their village on Rice
creek, a stream which empties into the Mississippi seven miles above
the falls of St. Anthony.
Both these names given by Lynd may be recognized in the
list of the bands of the "Scioux of the East," given in Le
Sueur's journal. * ' Mantantons, " Le Sueur says, means "Vil-
lage of the Great Lake which empties into a small one;" and
''Ouadebatons" he translates as 'Hhe River Village," showing
apparently that in the year 1700 there was a village on Rice
creek.
The Dakotas appear to have abandoned their settlement at
Centerville about the end of the eighteenth century. The Mde-
wakantonwans had been driven from Mille Lacs* about the mid-
dle of the century by the invading Ojibways, and now found it
necessary to make a further retreat. Their settlements at Ka-
posia, on the Mississippi just below St. Paul, and at Lake Cal-
houn, now became their outposts on the side exposed to Ojib-
way attack. But they still made annual visits to Centerville
for the purpose of gathering the wild rice. Lieutenant Z, M.
Pike wrote in his journal under date of Sept. 21, 1805 (edition
edited by Elliott Coues, Vol. I, pages 74-76) :
Embarked at a seasonable hour; breakfasted at the Sioux village
on the east side [Kaposia]. It consists of eleven lodges, and is sit-
uated at the head of an island just below a ledge of rocks. The vil-
lage was evacuated at this time, all the Indians having gone out to
the lands to gather fols avoin [wild rice].
Centerville appears to have been without permanent inhab-
itants from this time until white people had made settlements
at St. Paul and in the St. Croix valley, soon after which a few
mixed bloods and Ojibways took up their abode there and fur-
nished the nucleus for the present village.
21
322 EARLY DAKOTA SETTLEMENTS AT CENTERVILLE.
From my History of Anoka County, 320 pages, published in
1905, the following notes are added, relating to the first white
settlements in this township.
The lakes of Centerville had long been a paradise for hunt-
ers and trappers, but no permanent dwelling was erected until
the arrival of F. W. Traves in 1850. In the spring of 1852,
Francis Lamotte came, and in the fall Charles Peltier, Peter
Cardinal, and F. X. Lavallee. These four settled in section 23.
Joseph Houle lived there during the same year, but did not
make a claim until some years later. During the winter Oliver
Dupre arrived, and the next year came Paul and Oliver Peltier.
In 1854 Charles Peltier built a sawmill, and in company
with F. X. Lavallee and Francis Lamotte platted the village
of Centerville. The settlers in the village and vicinity were
mostly French, and this came to be known as the French set-
tlement.
Meanwhile German settlers had been making claims near
the home of Mr. Traves in the western part of the town, among
them Henry Wenzel, who came in 1855, and this place was
known as the German settlement.
The town of Centerville was organized August 11, 1857.
The first religious service was at the residence of Francis
Lamotte, where mass was said by Father Kaller in 1854, who
continued to visit the place occasionally for several years. He
was succeeded by Father Robert, and in 1861 by Rev. Joseph
Goiffon. The Church of St. Genevieve of Paris was erected in
1859. •
CL. lAj . PHw-^-^eiuJ
Minnesota Historical Society.
Vol. XV. Plate VII.
REMINISCENCES OF THE LITTLE CROW UPRISING.^
BY DR. ASA W. DANIELS.
Considering the two thousand lives involved, largely women
and children, the successful defense of New Ulm was the most
momentous event of the Indian war of 1862-3. From that de-
feat the Indians turned westward and abandoned further com-
bined raids upon the settlements. The active part taken by
the citizens of St. Peter will ever be an impressive chapter in
the eventful history of that city. Her immediate and generous
response with volunteers, and their long and hurried march,
enabled them to join in defending New Ulm in the afternoon,
and later to participate in the uncertain issue of battle that
held the beseiged in its grasp for a whole day. The command
of General Sibley would have reached the city too late to save
it from savage fury, and had not the response been immediate
from St. Peter, Le Sueur, and Mankato, its fate must have been
too horrible to contemplate.
Some of the events of that battle have never been fully
stated in the official reports, and others not mentioned came
under the observation of the writer. Therefore it will be of
interest to learn, from one who had superior opportunities, the
particulars of the battle as seen by him.
The news of the Indian outbreak reached St. Peter during
the night of Monday, the 18th of August, 1862, it having com-
menced at the Lower Sioux Agency at seven o 'clock that morn-
ing. Major Galbraith, who had reached St. Peter in the even-
ing before, on his way to Fort Snelling with a company of
recruits, learning of the situation, at daylight started on his
return to Fort Ridgely, which he reached in time to participate
in its defense.
At four o'clock in the morning of Tuesday the writer was
notified of the outbreak and was asked by Captain Dodd to go
•Read at the monthly meeting of the Executive Council, November
14. 1910.
32-4 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
to the Rounseville and Briggs neighborhood, six miles to the
northwest, and notify the settlers, and he informed me at the
time that messengers had already been dispatched in other
directions. I was soon on the way, going from house to house,
spreading the alarm, and sending others to more distant loca-
tions. On my return the refugees were already pouring in,
and by noon the village became crowded with men, women, and
children. Some had been attacked on the way, and bore their
wounded with them. All were in most pitiable condition, hav-
ing in their fright and haste taken little clothing and no pro-
visions, reaching their destination completely destitute. Every
house was sympathetically thrown open to the refugees, and
was soon filled from cellar to garret. The vacant Ewing House,
a hotel of fifty rooms or more, and an uncompleted store build-
ing, were soon filled, and being of stone afforded safety and
comparative comfort; but many were compelled to resort to
sheds and barns, or to remain unsheltered for some nights, until
better provided.
A little more than a year before the outbreak I had located
in St. Peter, having left the Government service at the Lower
Agency as physician and surgeon to the Sioux Indians, after a
service of more than seven years. I had visited them a month
before and heard from them many complaints, principally
against their physician. Dr. Humphrey. My long service among
them had been satisfactory to myself and the Indians, and I
had made many warm friends in every band, among them be-
ing Little Crow, and I may say most of the other chiefs. There-
fore, when the news of the outbreak came, I was in great doubt
in regard to its being general, but thought it confined to a sin-
gle band, and that the outrages had occurred when they were
under the influence of whiskey sold them by the whites. But
within twenty-four hours my confidence in my old friends was
rudely shattered, and I came to realize, on seeing the dead and
wounded, that the outbreak was general and of the most bar-
barous character.
As a government officer, I had observed for more than two
years the close intimacy that was growing up between the
Sioux and Winnebagoes. This was apparent from frequent
1
REMINISCENCES OF THE LITTLE CROW UPRISING. B^S
visits of large parties of Winnebagoes to the Agency, inter-
marriages that took place, uniting in games, and tribal pledges
of friendship. No doubt some of the Winnebagoes participated
in the battles that took place, but were too discreet to have it
known. Had success attended the Sioux at Fort Ridgely and
New Ulm, there is little doubt there would have been a union
of the tribes against the whites.
My brother, Dr. J. W. Daniels, had served for five years as
physician to the Upper Sioux, at Yellow Medicine, thirty miles
west of the Lower Sioux Agency, and resigned at the same time
that I did, both of us expecting appointments in some of the
regiments going south. A few months later he was commis-
sioned as assistant surgeon in the Sixth Minnesota Regiment,
and soon afterward he was promoted to be surgeon in the First
Cavalry. I received an appointment, but from domestic condi-
tions was compelled to resign.
At St. Peter, to which we return after this slight digres-
sion. Captain Dodd and Major Flandrau had enlisted about one
hundred and forty men to march at once to the defense of New
Ulm. Many of these volunteers fled from their country homes
in the morning, hurriedly disposed of their families, and bravely
responded to the call for a thirty miles march before the close
of their eventful day.
I joined them as the surgeon of the command, and we were
on our way about midday. The men were armed with double-
barrelled shot guns, a few rifles, and some other arms of un-
certain efficiency. Some were on horseback, and a few in bug-
gies; having to carry my surgical and medical cases, I availed
myself of the latter conveyance. On reaching Courtland,
twenty miles, a heavy shower drenched the command, but the
march was continued, all being enthusiastic to reach New Ulm,
where, refugees informed me, there was a battle going for-
ward and much of the town burned. We reached Redstone,
two miles from the village, just as it was getting dark, and
from that distance it did look as if the whole town was on fire ;
but, crossing the ferry, we pushed on and reached the vicinity
of the Dacotah House about ten o'clock at night.
As we were leaving St. Peter we were joined by a command
under Captain Tousley, of Le Sueur, of nearly one hundred
326 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
men, who continued with us on the march to New Ulm. With
them as surgeons were Dr. Otis Ayers and Dr. William W.
Mayo, father of the two distinguished surgeons at Rochester.
It was midnight before we found quarters for the night, and
then I shared my bed with Dr. Ayers, passing a comfortable
night after a long and strenuous day.
Early on the morning of Wednesday we were looking over
the situation as left from the engagement the afternoon before.
On a vacant lot near the center of the town lay six dead,
brought in from the scene of the engagement, and others had
been cared for by their families. The physicians then visited
the wounded and cared for them, and for some of the refugees
who were ill from fright and anxiety.
During the forenoon of Wednesday, Captain Bierbauer came
in with nearly a hundred men from Mankato, and a few men
came from Nicollet, under the command of Captain Samuel
Coffin. An organization was formed on that day by the mili-
tary, who selected Major Flandrau as commander. Captain
Dodd as lieutenant, and S. A. Buell as provost marshal. Pick-
ets were established on the outskirts of the town, and guard
duty for the night. During the day quarters and the commis-
sary departments were established for the different commands.
A company of sixteen mounted men from St. Peter, among
whom were Henry A. Swift and Horace Austin, afterward gov-
ernors of the state, had started to the front some hours before
the command under Flandrau was ready to leave, and had
reached New Ulm in time to participate in the battle of Tues-
day afternoon.
Thursday morning, after guard mount and after a com-
pany had been selected to dig rifle-pits, a company of a hun-
dred men, under the command of Captain Dodd, was ordered
to go to the Little Cottonwood settlement, six miles south, to
bury the dead and rescue any that might be hiding or wounded.
Dr. Ayers and myself were detailed to accompany the com-
mand. The doctor invited me to have a seat with him on his
buck-board, which I thankfully accepted. The command had
hardly made half the distance to the settlement before they
were fired upon from ambush, but none were wounded, and.
REMINISCENCES OF THE LITTLE CROW UPRISING. 327
after returning a volley, we continued our march. Three
mounted Indians soon showed themselves, but at a safe dis-
tance, observing our course, and in derision waving their
blankets, keeping in sight most of the time during the march.
On reaching the settlement, the saddest scene presented
itself that humanity is ever called to witness. The massacre
had probably taken place on the Monday before, and the dead
were lying in all directions about the farm houses, — in bed, in
different rooms of the house, in the yard, near the grain stacks,
and on the lawn. During the three days that the remains had
been exposed the flies had done their work, and as a result the
faces of the dead presented a revolting spectacle. Trenches
were dug, and the bodies were gathered together and laid with-
in, blankets were spread over them, and a prayer was offered ;
then earth to earth, ashes to ashes; and the command turned
sadly away, having witnessed a burial scene that could never
be forgotten. On our return we reached New Ulm late in th^
afternoon.
By the military the day had been passed in strengthening
the defenses of the town, providing themselves with ammuni-
tion, and fixing upon positions of advantage in case of an
attack.
News came in during the day, of fighting at Fort Ridgely,
and of Captain Marsh's defeat at the Agency, and many other
alarming accounts from refugees.
The principal event of Friday was the detailing of one
hundred and forty men, under the command of Captain Tous-
ley, to go to Leavenworth, west and south of Fort Ridgely,
expecting to find persons there unable to escape and that might
be rescued, but nothing definite was known in regard to the
situation there. Drs. Ayers, Mayo, and myself joined the com-
mand,— I again having a seat with Dr. Ayers. The route was
across an open prairie, and we had not proceeded far before
we discovered three mounted Indian scouts to the north keep-
ing in line with us and watching our course. Late in the after-
noon we reached the vicinity south of Fort Ridgely and for
the first time heard cannonading going on there, the sounds
reaching us at short and regular intervals. After its signifi-
328 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
cance had fully impressed me, I said to Dr. Ayers that the In-
dians had attacked the fort in great force, and that, as scouts
had been watching our course, in case we continued our march
to Leavenworth they certainly would withdraw from the fort
during the afternoon or in the morning and cut us off. We
had expected to remain at Leavenworth during the night, re-
turning the next day. Dr. Ayers agreed with me fully, and
rode forward and consulted with Captain Tousley, who called
a halt and gave his reasons for doing so, asking of the com-
mand to express their wishes by a showing of their hands. It
was carried by those in favor of going forward by two or three
votes.
We continued our march for another hour, the warning
notes of the cannon coming to us regularly ; the sun was nearly
setting, night coming on, and fatigue was telling upon the
command, when a second halt was called and another vote
taken, which resulted in an order to return to New Ulm. We
reached our return destination after midnight, thoroughly
worn out and disgusted from this long and useless march,
which might have resulted not only in the destruction of the
command, but perhaps in the capture of New Ulm.
The morning of Saturday was warm and fair, and at first
we hopefully looked forward to an uneventful day. Much
time had been taken in preparing for an attack, by burning
outer buildings, digging rifle-pits, and loop-holing such walls
as might be made serviceable. On that morning Colonel Flan-
drau gave me a dozen men and I barricaded the avenue a little
west of the Gross hotel.
From the roof of the Erd building, a central business block,
with a glass an extensive view was had of the surrounding
country, and at this point of observation a watchman was on
duty during the day.
The first surprise and alarm of the morning came when at
guard mount, west of the town. Lieutenant Edwards was in-
stantly killed by an Indian so concealed in the grass that dan-
ger was unsuspected.
About eight o'clock a. m. the watchman from the roof saw
Indians collecting some two miles west of the town, and signal
REMINISCENCES OF THE LITTLE CROW UPRISING. 329
'smokes from the northwest. His observations were confirmed
by officers and others.
The certainty of a deadly conflict with a barbarous foe, when
no quarter is expected, is a most trying test of courage, but,
with few exceptions, the situation was heroically accepted.
The women and children were hurried to places of safety, the
command was got under arms, and the physicians selected
rooms for receiving the wounded, Drs. Mayo and McMahon in
the Dacotah House, and Dr. Ayers and myself in a store room
on the opposite side of the avenue.
Within one hour the large body of Indians who had been
forming on the west, were seen to be moving rapidly upon the
town. The signals indicated a like approach from the north.
When aware of their approach, Colonel Flandrau posted his
men upon the slope of one of the terraces on the west, with a
line of skirmishers in front. Little Crow was mounted and led
his warriors, who were on foot. In a long line with flanks
curved forward, they approached in silence within a quarter
of a mile of the defenders, when they gave a terrific war-cry
and rushed forward upon a run, holding their fire until they
had received that of our men, and then delivering an effective
volley at close range. The defenders fell back in a panic and
the whole line retreated to the barricades. The assault was
well executed, and had it been pushed to its limit might have
resulted in the capture of the town. But our men soon rallied
behind the barricades and buildings, which arrested the on-
ward rush of the Indians and compelled them to seek protec-
tion of the outer buildings.
Lieutenant Huey, with seventy-five men, was ordered to the
ferry to prevent the Indians from crossing from the north side.
Either from a misunderstanding or over-confidence, he crossed
his command to the north side of the river, there meeting a
large body of the enemy, retreated to Nicollet, and was not
seen again until the following day. This unfortunate event
was a serious loss to the defense.
The firing from both sides became rapid, sharp and gen-
eral, the Indians gradually pushing their way in surrounding
330 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
the town, which they accomplished before midday. They
fought with the utmost boldness and ferocity, and with the
utmost skill and caution from every hollow and grass patch,
and from behind every house and hillock or log.
The crisis came at two p. m., when the Indians fired build-
ings on both sides of the avenue in the lower part of the town.
A strong wind was blowing from the east, and the conflagra-
tion threatened the destruction of our only defense. Colonel
Flandrau rallied a sufficient force, and charging down the
street, drove the enemy from the avenue. But just at this
critical time the wind changed to the opposite direction, and
clouds, which had been gathering for hours, shed upon our
threatened locality a sufficient shower of rain to prevent the
further extending of the flames.
The unfortunate incident in the dny's battle that led to the
death of Captain Dodd has never been correctly reported. In
justice to the brave men that participated in that critical move-
ment, a correct understanding should be had of the reasons
that, at the time, seemed to make the undertaking imperative.
It will be remembered that Lieutenant Huey had retreated
toward Nicollet in the morning, and all through the day we
looked for his return with reinforcements, which really took
place the following day.
About five p. m. there appeared beyond the Indian outer
line, at the east, some forty or fifty men, marching in single
file, under the command of an officer, carrying an American
flag. They were dressed in citizens' clothing, and had all the
appearance of the reinforcement so anxiously expected.
The Indians had again gained possession of buildings on
the avenue east, perhaps five blocks from the Dacotah House,
and from that position were delivering a galling fire upon our
line.
Immediately, on discovering what all thought to be our
reinforcements, Captain Dodd, in a short, impassioned speech,
volunteered to lead any that would follow, to the clearing of
the avenue of Indians and joining our reinforcements beyond.
Rev. Father Sunrisen and Dr. Mayo both made brief speeches,
urging all to unite in support of Dodd. Some twenty men fell
REMINISCENCES OP THE LITTLE CROW UPRISING. 331
into line, Dodd and Shoemaker being mounted, and proceeded
down the avenue. It was a movement of only a few minutes
consideration, and seemed to promise an important result.
Captain Dodd leading, the small volunteer force rushed for-
ward with a cheer, hardly coming within the Indian lines be-
fore receiving a deadly volley, which hurriedly sent them back
to positions of safety. Captain Dodd wheeled his horse and
reached a log blacksmith's shop, when the horse plunged for-
ward and fell. Partially supporting himself, with others as-
sisting, the fatally wounded leader was taken into the build-
ing. A temporary cot was provided, where he was made as
comfortable as possible. The building was loop-holed and a
half dozen were firing from it, as it was one of the important
positions on our outer line. Dodd had received three mortal
wounds, two other slight wounds, and the horses ridden by
Dodd and Shoemaker were both killed. The writer had wit-
nessed from our hospital the whole movement, saw Dodd fall,
and hurried to his assistance. There was little that could be
done, as he was in a dying condition, surviving only about one
hour. He appreciated his condition, and met it courageously,
giving me messages to his wife and to Bishop Whipple, with
the utmost coolness and consideration. Thus passed a cour-
ageous and heroic spirit, a man of large mental endowments,
and one whose life had been full of stirring incidents.
William B. Dodd deserves more than passing notice, as he
was one of the most energetic, fearless and reliant, among the
early pioneers of southern Minnesota. He contributed largely
to the settlement and development of that part of the state.
**Lest we forget," it may be well to remind the present gen-
eration of some of the services he rendered the state and his
home town.
He was largely instrumental in securing from the govern-
ment the appropriation for the building of the Dodd road,
from St. Peter to Mendota. He superintended its laying out
and construction. He located the townsite of St. Peter, and
from the first had the most supreme confidence in its future.
He lived to see his wilderness claim develop into a thriving
city, and he would have succeeded in making it the capital
332 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
city of the state had not his enemies resorted to the most in-
famous methods. He led two volunteer companies against the
Indians, the first in pursuit of Inkpaduta after the Spirit Lake
massacre. During the years of 1853-4 he was at times acting
United States marshal. He volunteered for service in the south
during the civil war, but was rejected on account of impaired
sight. He was one of the delegates to Washington that suc-
ceeded in making his city a chartered point on the Winona and
St. Peter railroad. He was a ready and impressive speaker,
and had held several positions of trust from the state.
The party we had supposed to be reinforcements, upon the
volley from the Indians and our men falling back, suddenly
disappeared, and it proved to be a stratagem to draw out some
of our men and cut them off. Had the Indians in the buildings
held their fire until they had advanced a half block farther, it
would have been successful.
In explanation of how the Indians became possessed of so
many suits of citizens' clothing, it may be said that twenty-
two months before one hundred and fifty suits were issued to
them by the government, under the pledge of becoming farm-
ers, much of this clothing having never been worn more than
a few days.
The assault, commencing in the morning at 9 :30, was kept
up without interruption until dark, when the Indians with-
drew in the direction of Port Ridgely. During the evening all
buildings outside of our barricades were burned. By ourselves
and the Indians one hundred and ninety buildings were de-
stroyed. We lost ten killed and fifty wounded, the small loss
being accounted for by the fact that we were fighting from
loop-holed buildings and barricades. The Indian loss has
never been known. Both hospitals received and dressed the
wounded, providing temporary cots for them. Some that were
only slightly wounded returned and continued in the fight dur-
ing the day.
Saturday night was anxious and disturbed with desultory
firing by our guards, and perhaps by the Indians. Sunday
morning it seemed from heavy firing that the assault was to
be renewed, but it gradually lessened and by noon it ceased
REMINISCENCES OF THE LITTLE CROW UPRISING. 333
IP
I B entirely. About noon Captain E. St. Julien Cox arrived with
II about fifty men, accompanied by Lieutenant Huey with part
1 1 of his detachment, who had been cut off the day before.
11 During Sunday afternoon search was made for the recov-
|B ery of the dead. Three or four were found that had fallen so
IH far out as to be exposed to any indignity that the Indians
IH might offer, but none were scalped or otherwise mutilated.
I^K Jerry Quane, a St. Peter volunteer, had the totem of Little
IB Crow attached to the clothing over his breast. The totem was
"™^ the skin of a crow, preserved in its natural form, symbolic of
his family name. The parting with such a treasured emblem
was to boastfully inform us from whom the brave defender
had met his death.
Early on Monday morning the order was issued for the
evacuation of the village. Colonel Flandrau must have been
wholly responsible for this move, as I am sure the medical
officers were not consulted and were entirely ignorant of it
until a short time before the movement commenced. "We had
received reinforcements the day before, our position was
stronger than ever, the sanitary condition did not necessitate
great urgency in moving, and the volunteers would have loy-
ally remained. General Sibley was at St. Peter, and would
have arrived within a very few days, therefore it was a mis-
take to retreat from New Ulm until- relieved by him. The
route was a part of the way through a forest, and had a few
Indians attacked, a panic and massacre would have followed.
It is an ungracious and unwelcome task to criticise the colonel,
but a truthful statement seems to demand that it should be
done, in this respect at least. Nearly two thousand men, wo-
men, and children, took up the march for Mankato, thirty miles
distant, bearing the wounded in conveyances. Fortunately the
long march was uneventful and we reached our destination
late in the evening, where we received a generous reception.
On Tuesday the volunteers from St. Peter reached home
and disbanded. The writer brought with him Rev. Mr. Saun-
ders, severely wounded, who had volunteered with the Le
Sueur company.
334 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Some of the wounded were left at Mankato, but most of
them came to St. Peter, and their care became most urgent.
My brother, assistant surgeon with Gen. Sibley's command,
assisting, we established a hospital in the court room of the
court house. The room was large, well ventilated, and afforded
space for twenty beds, sufficient for the most serious cases.
The care of the hospital devolved upon me, as my brother left
with his command two or three days later.
Of the cases that came under my care, the most serious were
as follows : Mr. Summers, of Nicollet, shot through the spinal
column, died. Rufus Huggins was shot through the knee joint,
and, refusing amputation, died. A New Ulm volunteer, hav-
ing a shot through the mouth, severing the tongue, recovered.
A Sibley county volunteer, with a compound comminuted frac-
ture of the arm bone near the shoulder joint, had amputation
and recovery. Rev. Mr. Saunders, with an abdominal wound,
recovered. Mr. Bean, a St. Peter volunteer, with a shot
through the face, fracturing his lower jaw, recovered. A St.
Paul volunteer, with a penetrating gunshot wound of the brain,
lived two or three years and died insane at St. Peter.
From the time the news of the outbreak was received, the
citizens of St. Peter were active in providing for the refugees
and the protection of the city. They organized committees for
the various duties, as care of the sick, supplying food and
clothing, and fortifying. Night and day guard duty was kept
up, earth-works were thrown up, rifle pits dug, and barricades
erected.
In the early fall the hospital was removed from the court
house to the Ewing House, a hotel building that had ^been
vacant for some time until occupied temporarily by the refu-
gees. In January, 1863, I was succeeded in charge by Dr.
Charles W. Le Boutillier, who was assistant surgeon of the
First Regiment, and was captured at the first battle of Bull
Run and paroled on condition of not again serving against the
South. He died suddenly while occupying this position April
3, 1863.
During the fall and winter of 1862-3, St. Peter was garri-
soned by two companies of the Sixth Regiment, and Kasota by
I
REMINISCENCES OF THE LITTLE CROW UPRISING. 335
'a cavalry company. This period was marked by the unusual
amount of sickness. A few cases of smallpox occurred, first
at Kasota, and afterward in the hospital ; and cases of typhoid
fever, diphtheria, measles, and scarlet fever, were frequent.
Much of the disease was the result of the overcrowded condi-
tion of the city and the lack of sanitary conditions.
Through the next winter, of 1863-4, St. Peter was the regi-
mental headquarters of the Sixth Regiment, under command
of Colonel Crooks. This added to the already crowded con-
dition of the city and was a source of increased unsalutary
conditions. The quarters were without proper conveniences
for personal cleanliness, crowded, badly ventilated, and with-
out sewerage. The water supply was from shallow wells and
soon became polluted. The result was that typhoid fever,
cerebro-spinal meningitis, measles, diphtheria, and smallpox,
soon became epidemic, all taking on a most malignant type.
Dr. Alfred Wharton, surgeon of the Sixth Regiment, had
charge of the hospital, assisted by Dr. Potter. They faithfully
and efficiently performed their duties under the very trying
and adverse conditions that existed. Nine deaths occurred
from smallpox, with a sad mortality from other diseases.
These diseases were not confined to the military by any
means but involved the whole city, resulting in many families
being stricken, the cloud of disease and death hanging like a
pall over many households.
The loss of life in the Sioux massacre, according to an
estimate by Agent Galbraith, which was made with delibera-
tion and may be accepted as conservative, was 654.
The additional loss of life that was caused directly and
indirectly by the outbreak, in the many settlements across the
extensive frontier, has never been known, but must have been
very large. From a somewhat careful observation, and from
consultation with parties who had good means of judging, the
writer is of the opinion that the loss from disease and battle,
and that in the frontier settlements resulting from the out-
break, must have been as large as that suffered directly from
the hands of the Indians in the massacre.
336 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
In closing this paper the writer, who was so long and inti-
mately associated with the Indians as a government official,
desires to say that he found this people possessed of many of
the virtues common to the human family, and that socially and
morally their lives were of a standard quite as high as among
many of the civilized races. The outbreak was induced by
long-continued violation of treaty obligations on the part of
the government, inflicting upon these unfortunate wards un-
told want and suffering. Like violent acts of mobs among
civilized communities, the massacre was a barbarous and un-
reasoning protest against injustice. Had the government faith-
fully carried out the treaty obligations and dealt with the
Sioux justly and humanely, the outbreak would not have oc-
curred.
;OYHOOD REMEMBRANCES OF LIFE AMONG THE
DAKOTAS AND THE MASSACRE IN 1862.*
BY JOHN AMES HUMPHREY.
My father, Dr. Philander P. Humphrey, was born in Tor-
ringford, Connecticut, on the 26th day of February, 1823. My
mother, Susan Angier Ames, was born July 8th, 1829, and was
the only daughter of Horatio Ames, who carried on a large iron
manufacturing business in Falls Village, Connecticut. She was
a granddaughter of Oliver Ames of North Easton, Massachu-
setts, who founded the celebrated shovel manufacturing busi-
ness located in that town for many years, and whi^h is still
carried on by the Ames family.
I was born in Falls Village, June 15th, 1850, and about two
years later my parents brought me with them to Minnesota.
They eventually settled at Kasota, near which then promising
village my father pre-empted a good farm of 160 acres. In
1857 he was a member of the Council in the Minnesota Terri-
torial Legislature. My brother. Jay Phelps, eight years younger
than myself, was born in Kasota.
Subsequently my parents determined, inasmuch as the
growth of Kasota had not fulfilled anticipations, to move to
St. Peter, which then seemed certain soon to be made the state
capital and to become a large city. A comfortable house was
built therefore in St. Peter (only the ground floor was actually
finished inside) ; and I well remember the day when it dawned
upon my childish mind what a struggle my parents had made
to clear the home from debt before they moved into It.
Watches, chains, and about everything they possessed of mer-
chantable value, had been sold to make payment for the house
in full. At that period actual money was scarce and difficult
to obtain, while land could scarcely be realized upon. How my
parents managed in those days to secure food sufficient for
healthful existence, is a problem which I have never been quite
♦Read at the monthly meeting of the Executive Council, March 14, 1910.
388 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
able to solve. Certainly existence is the right word for express-
ing what we went through. Gertrude, the youngest child of
my parents, a sweet baby very much like mother, was born in
St. Peter.
My father was educated at Oberlin College, and became by
profession a homoeopathic physician. Homoeopathy was not
the fashion then, and for that reason the money returns from
his practice were not what they should have been. As a mere
boy, much too young to understand the reason why, I remem-
ber harboring almost murderous feelings toward Dr. Catlin,
who practiced allopathy and appeared to be always on the go.
He kept two horses; my father J^ept one. But for Dr. Catlin 's
son, about my own age and a schoolmate at the local district
school, my affection was unbounded, and we were fast friends.
It may be added, however, that it seemed that the harder a
doctor worked the poorer he became, for people really had not
money to pay even modest bills.
In 1860, through the split in the Democratic party and its
putting two candidates in the field for president of the United
States, the election by the Republicans of Abraham Lincoln for
that office was accomplished. It followed that Democratic
government officers were turned out of their comfortable berths
(which they had by long years holding become accustomed to
look upon as theirs by right), and Republicans were appointed
in their places. My father by this time had acquired real es-
state of prospective value, but was without what may be termed
working capital. He therefore applied for the position of gov-
ernment physician at the Lower Sioux Agency, twelve miles
above Fort Ridgely, on the south bank of the Minnesota river.
This he obtained in due course, and thereby became the re-
cipient of the munificent salary of $1,000 per annum, with a
comfortable house to live in, besides some very small perqui-
sites. For example, he was the postmaster, 'and in that way
increased his income by a few dollars. He removed his family
in 1861 from St. Peter to the Lower Sioux Agency. There we
lived in comparative peace and comfort for a little more than
a year.
Social life, one might say, there was none. My father, un-
fortunately for himself, was not a sportsman; he had no taste
LIFE AMONG THE DAKOTAS AND THE MASSACRE. 339
for fishing, shooting, boating, cards, or horses; he even could
not swim. He took an exceptional interest in politics, and held
such pronounced abolitionist views regarding African slavery,
when these views were decidedly unpopular even in the Re-
publican party, that, although a member of the Congregational
church, he ceased to affiliate with any religious organization,
because they would not take action on this burning question.
He was, however, a religious man to the point that by precept
and example he condemned the sale of, and indulgence in, alco-
holic liquor of all kinds, and also of tobacco. He defended
earnestly Christian doctrine in argument with German and
other infidels and agnostics of his time. His moral tone was
elevated, and his example was helpful in the community.
He had a hasty temper, and I, his eldest son, suffered the
most from it, especially during those months at the Lower
Sioux Agency, probably owing to the fact that there was no
suitable school for white children, so that I was obliged to
study at home and recite lessons to my parents, etc. Parents
often know more about bringing up children when their first-
born arrives, than after they have tried to bring up a number.
It is a dreadful thing to be the firstborn of the family. Per-
fection is expected from them.
My mother, by temperament, accomplishments, and the pos-
session of exceptional personal beauty, was qualified to grace
any position in society. Instead, however, of seeking by mar-
riage the position in life which reasonable ambition would seem
naturally to prompt, she chose for her husband the man she
loved, poor in this world's goods, but rich in high principle and
sound education. She entrusted to him her future happiness,
and hoped to assist him to secure an independence for them
both. Her father, rich at that time, practically disinherited her
for doing so. She become a loyal self-sacrificing wife and
mother, and spent her too short life solely for husband and
children.
The atheist, the agnostic, or the nominal Christian, can give
no reasonable explanation for the fate that befell this Christian
woman, and indeed the entire family, excepting one; and it
would be equally impossible for such persons to give any suffi-
cient reason why the eldest boy escaped with his life.
340 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
My father read his books and newspapers ; discussed politics,
religion, and philosophy, that is, when anybody came along to
argue with him ; listened to my recitations ; and prescribed for
and gave medicine to the Indians, and visited them in illness
when called upon. It was true, however, of the Indians that
when they were seriously ill, that is, near death's door, they
chose the incantations and doses of their own medicine men.
I went to some of their "medicine dances" (so called),
where I suppose their most sacred rites were practiced ; and it
was a pitiful sight to see those dying from consumption and
other ailments brought and placed in a certain location, set
apart, supposed to be consecrated and thereby made efficacious.
Unwittingly upon one occasion I stumbled into this enclosure,
and I believe that only my youth saved me from instant death.
I was very roughly handled, and the expressions on the faces
of the Indians, together with the deathlike stillness that fell
upon the scene, unmistakably told me that I was in great dan-
ger. I visited their villages fearlessly, picked up much of their
language, was invariably treated kindly by them, and they
called me the *' little medicine man." I can pronounce the
equivalent words in the Sioux language, but cannot write them
properly.
My mother was fully occupied with household duties and
care of the children. She even had to make my suits of clothes.
A servant was quite out of the question in that wilderness, even
if one could have been afforded. I had to be nurse for my little
brother and sister, and am sorry to say that I sometimes re-
belled. This was because after I had studied lessons and re-
cited them, sawed and split all the firewood (no coal in those
days), looked up the cows (there were no fences), milked them,
taken care of the horses, carried all the water, built the fires,
etc., I felt somehow entitled to a little play. But I seldom got
it.
Sundays I often attended services at the Episcopal mission
close by. Rev. Mr. Hinman, the clergyman in charge, con-
ducted the service with the help of his housekeeper who made
all the responses. Mr. Hinman was married, but his wife was
an invalid and could give him little assistance. He was a pro-
tege of Bishop Whipple, who took great interest in the enter-
LIFE AMONG THE DAKOTAS AND THE MASSACRE.
341
prise and visited it. The many years of patient, self-sacri-
ficing labors of other missionaries, like Dr. Riggs and Dr. Wil-
liamson and their families, were rewarded with better results.
They gathered together a few genuine converts, who stood the
test when the days of trial came. But these missionaries were
overzealous in defense of the Indians subsequent to the awful
massacre of 1862.
As a race, I maintain that the Sioux Indians are cruel,
crafty, and treacherous, and utterly wanting in sense of grati-
tude for favors rendered to them. They would beg for and
accept help from white people, and would sneak back later, not
only to murder but to torture the generous donors and their
helpless women and children. It is idle to attempt to prove
that they were not responsible for their dreadful deeds. They
were quite intelligent enough to discriminate between white
men who had misused them and helpless women and children,
who were physically and morally incapable of doing so. The
simple fact that their defenders were willing to trust their own
lives, and the lives of those dearest to them, in their power, is
quite good enough proof for me that in their opinion the Sioux
Indian was responsible for his acts. Granting that he had been
badly treated by some palefaces, he knew that he was not jus-
tified in committing murder, and especially in outraging and
torturing them as well.
If the red Indian is a human being capable of understand-
ing the teaching of Christian missionaries, he must possess a
soul and the power of choosing good or evil. There has been
implanted in him belief in the existence of ''the Great Spirit,"
desire to worship him, and sense of dependence upon and ac-
countability to him. I quite believe that the Sioux Indians of
the period we are writing about knew beyond question that
killing human beings was looked upon by the Great Spirit as
the equivalent of what the word murder expresses to white men.
I knew the notorious Little Crow. He had the face of a
fanatic, the voice of a hypocrite (its quality was insincere),
and the bearing of a leader, but he did not impress one as being
the possessor of sound judgment. He was a dreamer and a
schemer. He overestimated his own ability and misled his peo-
ple. He had been given exceptional opportunities for acquir-
342 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ing some adequate estimate of the relative strength of the In-
dians and the whites, but he utterly failed. He gave his people
oratory, but could not give them wisdom. Neither was he any
braver than the average of his race. He would not stand up
to an open fight, even when the chances were tremendously in
his favor. He ought to have easily captured Fort Ridgely, with
its decimated garrison and filled with refugees ; but his tactics
of dodging behind trees and crawling in the grass, instead of
walking right in with the loss of a few of his braves, withheld
from him the prize and the prestige. I was there, and am quite
able to form an opinion.
There was freedom, and even grandeur, about my boyhood
life at the Sioux Agency. It was perfectly natural and health-
ful; body and mind were sound. The atmosphere of unselfish
mother love surrounded me at home; and when I walked, or
rode abroad astride a noble horse, nature soothed and satisfied
me. The God of my boyhood was exacting and despotic, and
fear of the consequences of sin was always in my mind. How
much more delightful would have been this life, if his infinite
love and care for me had been taught me as well! My condi-
tion would then have been ideal. To know that punishment is
remedial and not vindictive, think you it would have made any
difference ? 0, the comfort of existence in this world in the
conscious presence of a personal God of love ! Such relation-
ship was intended for the child, and for him when grown up,
too.
At length, after a bright, restful Sabbath, tht5 fateful Mon-
day, the 18th of August, 1862, arrived. My mother was ill in
bed, but had nearly recovered. I slept with my dear little
brother in an upper room. In the small hours of that morning
I could not sleep soundly; like a nightmare, apprehension of
impending disaster settled down. Shake it off I could not, until
in desperation I dressed and went downstairs. Talking about
premonition, I quite understand what the word means. Appar-
ently nobody else in the house was awake. I took the water
pails, and, quietly leaving the house, went a short distance to a
spring, with the intention of making journeys enough back and
forth to fill the tubs for the weekly washing. The weight of
my foreboding was so heavy upon me that I walked slowly and
LIFE AMONG THE DAKOTAS AND THE MASSACRE.
343
lingered when I got to the spring, expecting every instant to
see or hear something horrible. Leaving the spring and reach-
ing the top of the hill, I saw Indians in parties of three or four
hurrying into our small village from the direction of the en-
campment of Little Crow and other chiefs. These took up con-
venient points for observation at first. Soon I saw a teamster
approach a wagon, with his pair of horses. Then one party of
Indians ran to him and demanded them. He refused the re-
quest, when one of them emptied the contents of his gun into
his abdomen. His suffering was so dreadful to witness that
another Indian soon quieted him with the butt end of a gun.
This was the beginning of the outbreak at the Lower Sioux
Agency.
I immediately ran, as fast as my bare feet would carry me,
to our house. By this time father had dressed and was in the
surgery, and I said to him, ''Father, something awful is going
to happen." He replied, "Nonsense," and kept on with his
work. I then begged him to step outside the house and look
for himself. He would not move. I then told him what I had
seen; not before would he move and show any interest. After
a good look outside, without saying a word he walked into the
house hurriedly and assisted mother to get up and dress. I
meantime looked after the children, and then we all walked out
by the back door, leaving everything behind. We started
toward the ferry, with intention of crossing and making our
way to Fort Ridgely. But father had been too slow. Those
precious minutes through his blind sense of security cost the
lives of himself, wife, and two of their three children.
When we reached the ferry, it was to find the ferryman
gone and the then typical western flat-bottomed boat, which
was propelled across the stream by means of a rope and pulleys,
on the opposite bank. All the small canoes and row-boats were
there as well. Hopelessness was depicted in father's face, for
he could not swim ; and he had threatened me with punishment
such as I had never experienced (which was saying a great
deal), if he ever found that I had ''been iur swimming." Oc-
casionally when my guilty eyes had noticed a searching glance
of his shot at me, I had felt that I wilted ; but congratulate me,
my hair was dry, and punishment was postponed. I had learned
344 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
to swim. There had been nobody to ''give me away," for I al-
ways sneaked off alone; and I did nearly drown once, but the
fascination was upon me and I persisted. I now boldly plunged
into the river, swam to the other side, secured a small boat and
rowed back to them, and we all crossed in silence. Looking
back, I somehow feel that, after this exhibition of my skill, all
should have been allowed to escape. Had we been only those
few minutes earlier, all our lives would have been saved, for a
number of our neighbors who were ahead of us at the ferry
escaped to Fort Ridgely by wagon conveyance.
We were toe late and therefore now plodded on foot along
the main road toward the fort. The sun's rays soon beat down
upon us with such power that they began to affect my mother,
while the small children were unable to walk rapidly. When
we had covered probably two and a half miles, we stopped, for
by that time mother had become actually faint. We had no
breakfast, not even a cup of tea before starting. We then dis-
covered a path and at the end of it, only a few yards distant, a
cabin, which we reached to find it vacant, as its occupants had
fled. Until then we had neither seen nor heard Indians, and
prospects for escaping seemed to brighten. My father took
down a pail, and directed me to follow a footpath till I should
find the spring and to return with water. I secured water,
down in a ravine which proved to be well wooded, as was also
the pathway leading to the spring.
Returning a little more than half the distance, I heard the
crack of a rifle and listening presently heard the sound of
voices, both from the direction of the cabin. I knew we had
been overtaken, and debated whether or not I should complete
the return and try to help. Quickly I decided that my pres-
ence would be useless. Then I deposited the full pail a few
yards from the path, ran back to the spring, and from it ran
along the ravine. There I was hidden from sight, and could
make plans in comparative safety. I must have been alone an
hour or two, when I decided that the Indians would not have
waited longer in the expectation that I would return to the
family. Then I decided to carefully seek the open road toward
Fort Ridgely and below the cabin. In doing so I met the owner
of the cabin, Magner by name, who, accompanied by another
LIFE AMONG THE DAKOTAS AND THE MASSACRE.
345
man, was sheltering as I had been. I joined them, and before
long we venteured to the main road.
Looking down the road, we discovered men coming toward
us, who proved to be Captain Marsh with about fifty soldiers,
hastening to the Agency to quell the disturbance there, which
had been reported early in the forenoon by the first refugees
who had fled to the fort. Magner and his companion imparted
to Captain Marsh what information they had, and we all joined
the expedition.
This to me was a return journey, but I knew it was the
safest way to get a look at that cabin and learn the fate of our
family. To go there was the matter of only a few minutes.
The little force halted when the footpath was reached, and,
with Magner and a few soldiers detailed for the purpose, I ap-
proached the spot where the building had been. The murderers
had set fire to it, and the smouldering ruins which had fallen
into the cellar contained the mortal remains of my mother and
brother and sister. That was the first suggestion, as we all
stood there, and subsequent investigation (made a few days
later) proved that it was correct. My father's body lay a few
feet away. A bullet had pierced the center of his forehead,
and the fiends had cut his throat. His axe, a poor weapon for
such conditions but the only one he possessed, lay near him,
showing that he went outside the cabin and met them like a
brave man. How long I stood there, I do not know ; the shock
was so great that I became momentarily insensible to material
siirroundings and saw only in spirit the scene of death, — truly
I was alone with my dead.
When I came to my normal self, every living person had
vanished, and I ran fast up the road to overtake the soldiers.
This had been their first introduction into the land of desola-
tion, which was extending rapidly. Soon the road descended
along the valley bluff which follows the north side of the Min-
nesota river. The sight of dead men, women, and children, now
became frequent all the way to the ferry which we had crossed
a few hours before. The effect was depressing, and the few
words spoken were in undertone. Those poor souls fleeing for
their lives had been shot down from the cover of underbrush
and tall coarse grass which grow rankly in these western river
valleys.
346 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
The ferry boat had been left temptingly on the north side
of the river, and Indians were in plain sight on the opposite
side, on the bluff which rises abruptly to the Agency. A parley
took place, through interpreter Quinn, between Captain Marsh
and the Indian leader. It is now apparent that the object of
the Indians was to induce Captain Marsh to send his force
across, and when the boat was in midstream to pick his men off
from both banks. Probably not a man would have escaped,
and, had the Indians who were hidden in the tall grass on the
side where we were not been too impulsive, I believe that their
plan would have succeeded. There was not a suspicion that
we were surrounded by them until they rose suddenly and
poured their fire across into us. More than half of our men
fell, and it seems a miracle that a single man escaped. But the
grass that had hidden them hid us, and those who lived were
led by Providence out of the ambuscade to a point not far down
the river. Captain Marsh was unhurt and escaped with a small
party of survivors. During the firing I had sat in an army
wagon on top of a barrel of provisions. When I saw the im-
mediate effect of the fire from the Indians and realized the po-
sition, I joined the survivors and made it a point to keep about
in the middle of them so that I should not fail to keep up. Sev-
eral soldiers did become separated from us in the confusion and
excitement.
Captain Marsh insisted upon crossing the river at the point
just mentioned, in opposition to the judgment of his men. He
was in command, however, and would have had his way had
he not entered the water first, considerably in advance of his
men, and drowned in midstream in sight of all. He could not
swim, and help did not reach him.
How it came about I do not know, but the party I was with
had now dwindled to perhaps ten or twelve men. We kept on
down the river, still on the north side, and about dark filed up
onto the bluff into the Fort Ridgely road. I think Magner was
with us. The poor fellows were tired, and having, as it seemed
to them, escaped from the jaws of certain death, became a bit
demoralized and relaxed their vigilance. Two of them dropped
their muskets, and were going on without them ; I picked them
up, and was trudging along, having a strong feeling within me
LIFE AMONG THE DAKOTAS AND THE MASSACRE. 347
that they might be wanted, when they took them from me with-
out saying a word. We reached the fort about midnight, and
then ended a long and eventful day.
I stayed during the siege, but will not give my experience
of it, as many others have written faithful and graphic ac-
counts. Final relief came when General Sibley arrived with
men and a long line of wagons loaded with provisions for the
besieged. This was a happy day for everybody. The wagons
were soon unloaded and filled up again with several hundred
refugees, who, in care of Mr. B. W. Smith, of St. Paul, with a
very small escort, started on the afternoon of the same day on
the return journey to St. Peter. I climbed in somewhere, and
reached St. Peter in due course unharmed, I went to the home
of Governor Swift, who lived across the street from my father's
house, where I was kindly received. "While there I struggled
hard with soap and water to get rid of some of the outside dirt,
but it was grimed in too deep to come off with one operation.
Leaving St. Peter, I walked to Traverse des Sioux and
stopped a night with the Mclntyres, who were old friends of
our family. The following morning one of them walked with
me to a spot where the stage coach for Shakopee passed, gave
me $1.50, and with his blessing boosted me up to the front seat
witli the driver, at the same time telling him briefly who I was
and something of my recent experience. A boy soon gains the
good will of a man who lives with horses, and we got on to-
gether famously all day.
When we came to the point where fares were collected, mat-
ters were put right for me by the stage driver and payment was
not pressed. But when we stopped at the hotel at noon for
lunch and I had partaken heartily along with the other pas-
sengers, I was stopped on the way out and payment was de-
manded. Having only $1.50 and a long journey before me, I
was economical of the truth and told the collector that I could
not pay him. When he had about exhausted his vocabulary of
profanity, he asked my name. This I was willing enough to
give him, and a gentleman who had been listening to the one-
sided argument ordered him to allow me to pass, stating that
he knew my father well, etc. I never learned the name of this
348 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
kind man, but I was glad to get up on the coach again with my
capital still intact.
We reached Shakopee about sunset and drove to a hotel,
where all alighted and passengers for St. Paul were obliged to
stop for the night, as the steamboat to complete the journey
did not leave until the following morning. I walked to the
hotel counter, and when my turn came was asked what I
wanted. *'A bedroom," I replied. Again I was in trouble; I
wonder that the man stopped to ask my name, when my style
of dress is considered, and that I did not carry even a small
parcel. But he did, and God had sent another gentleman to
stand there at that special time to hear it, and to explain that
my father was a personal friend and business customer of his.
His name was Mr. Howe, and his firm supplied my father with
drugs. So I was made comfortable, and when I left that hotel
in the morning the $1.50 still traveled with me. But I parted
with some of it for steamboat fare, for I knew that when I
reached- William L. Ames, my uncle, in St. Paul, I should be
looked after and not need it.
You shall now hear what I wore when I presented myself
at my uncle's in St. Paul: a man's black soft hat (expecting to
swim the river, I had left my own hat and coat at the river
bank where Captain Marsh was drowned, and had replaced
both at the fort) ; a man's linen duster, which nearly swept the
ground; trousers (worse for wear, of course); a very dirty
shirt ; and a flannel band which my mother had fastened around
my neck for sore throat a day or two before the massacre. I
had one brace to hold up my trousers, possibly two ; but I cer-
tainly had no other clothing nor luggage on that day when I
entered the confines of civilization.
Minnesota Historical Society. Vol. XV. Plate VIII.
Jesse V. Branham, Jr. Thomas G. Holmes. Albert H. Sperry.
m^..
—wl^
People escaping from the Sioux Massacre, in 1862, under guidance
OF John Other Day, at dinner on a prairie.
Chauncey Lamson. Nathan Lamson. James Birney Lamson.
NARRATIVES OF THE SIOUX WAR.*
BY MARION P. SATTERLEE.
The; Acton Murde;rs, beginning the Massacre).
In recounting the occurrences of the Indian Massacre, the
necessity of differing with the statements and opinions of emi-
nent writers produces an embarrassment, only relieved by the
fact that they could not have witnessed all the incidents, being
dependent upon others mostly for their information. Further,
the tales here recounted are given but slight courtesy by mili-
tary historians, and we shall not trespass upon the military
field, which has been so copiously covered by able authorities.
To those not familiar with events leading up to the Sioux
Massacre of 1862, it may be briefly stated that in 1851 a treaty
was made with the Sioux tribes by which they released some
24,000,000 acres of land for a total consideration of $2,075,000.
This was to be paid, a part down and the balance in annuities.
The sum of $495,000 was to be ''paid to the chiefs in such
manner as they hereafter in open council shall request." In-
stead, the Indians were forced by the authorities to pay traders'
debts to the amount of $220,000, or go without their money.
The payment of 1862 was held back at least two months while
the Indians were on the verge of starvation. It is the old, old
story of our Indian policy. The Indians could not enforce the
treaties made, and it is doubtful if they were competent to buy
a sack of flour, especially if a bottle of ''firewater" was in the
deal. The whole treaty and style of procedure was as farcial
as the negro vote in Mississippi after the war. Missionaries and
officials talked wisely about the "Father at Washington" and
the "Great Spirit," but the effective work was done by unprin-
cipled traders, agents, and the "liquid spirit" which steals
away the brains of men, especially Indians. Trite as their say-
♦Read at the monthly meeting of the Executive Council, September
11, 1911.
350 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ing, "We need the money," was the demand, "We want the
land;" and a few reckless promises, more or less, given to In-
dians made no difference — few were recorded.
Lest this appear pessimistic, it is well to explain that it was
hard to deal reasonably with these strange people who claimed
the land. As said by Rev. Samuel W. Pond, "They were not
models for imitation, neither were they properly objects of con-
tempt." Those who care to investigate will find many reasons
for the outbreak of 1862, but the essential facts are, that the
Indians were obnoxious to and in the way of the whites, were
preyed upon by conscienceless traders and boot-legging liquor-
sellers, and were neglected by the government and its agents,
till at last long smothered anger and acute hunger produced a
storm that broke in fury, the opening event of which was the
murders at Acton on Sunday, the 17th day of August, 1862.
In Acton township, Meeker county, on section 21, lived Rob-
inson Jones, postmaster, Indian trader, and farmer. He was
married to Mrs. Ann Baker the previous year, on January 14 ;
but through some error her name appears as Ann Baker on the
monument erected over the remains of the victims at Ness
Cemetery. Living with them was Jones' niece, Clara D. Wil-
son, aged fifteen years, and her half brother, eight months old.
The house was a two-story log building overlooking a marshy
lake on the south, and was surrounded by heavy timber known
as the Acton Woods, a part of the once famous "Big Woods."
The Pembina-Henderson trail passed at the back of the house
and along the west side.
About a half mile southeast of this place was a cabin of
small size occupied by Howard Baker, a son of Mrs. Jones by
a former marriage. His family consisted of a wife and two
small children, and stopping with them on this day were Mr.
and Mrs. Viranus Webster, who had a day or two before come
from Wisconsin and were looking for a homestead. The house
faced south and was surrounded by timber, and the above men-
tioned trail ran a few feet in front of the house from east to
west. A monument, commemorating the "First Bloodshed of
the Massacre," was erected in 1909 on the site of this cabin.
On the 10th of August, twenty Indians of the Shokpay
(Shakopee) band left the Lower Agency on the Minnesota river
NARRATIVES OP THE SIOUX WAR.
351
to hunt in the Big Woods and were divided into several par-
ties. About nine o'clock on this Sunday morning, six of these
Indians appeared at the Jones residence and made the usual
demands for something to eat, and no doubt wanted whiskey in
addition, as they knew that Jones kept it for sale. Chief Big
Eagle, in an account given in Volume VI of this Society's Col-
lections, names four of these Indians, as follows : Sungigidan
(Brown Wing), Ka-om-de-i-ye-ye-dan (Breaking up), Nagi-wi-
eak-te (Killing Ghost), and Pa-zo-i-yo-pa (Runs against some-
thing when crawling). Rev. S. W. Pond names two more;
Hdinapi and Wam-du-pi-dan, as taking part. This treacherous
pair had married into the Shokpay band. All of the six claimed
the distinction of doing the killing, and all probably did shed
blood, as five people were shot down, four of them within a few
seconds of time. With the honor goes the disgrace of causing
the loss of lands and money of all the Sioux in the state of
Minnesota, and the massacre of about a thousand innocent
people.
One of these Indians had borrowed a gun from Jones the
preceding spring, and had not returned it as agreed. This act
might now be deemed a trivial matter, but it was not so when
people lived largely by hunting and guns were not on sale.
Jones was a stalwart man and had no fear of, or regard for,
the Indians. He refused to give them anything, and entered
into an altercation with them over the borrowed gun. The
Indians became angry and left, going toward the cabin where
the Baker and Webster families were living. Knowing that
the newcomers would be alarmed at the appearance of the
Indians, Jones locked up the house, leaving the niece and her
brother inside, and, taking his gun, went over to the Baker
cabin, his wife accompanying him.
The Indians had made no demonstration when they arrived.
Baker's little son had given them water, and the men had fur-
nished them with tobacco ; but, when Jones came up, the quar-
rel over the gun was renewed and the Indians became very
sullen. Finally, they wanted to trade guns, and incidentally
to shoot at a mark. One of the Indians and Baker traded guns,
the Indian paying three dollars boot in the trade. A target
was fixed on an oak tree some six rods from the cabin, and a
352 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL, SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
trial of guns was made. Afterward all returned to the house,
the Indians immediately reloading as if they were going on
hunting. Mrs. Jones and Mrs. Baker, with the two children,
were in the house, and Baker, after hanging up his unloaded
gun, stood in the doorway, leaning against the casing. Mrs.
Webster was in the wagon near by, getting out some articles
wanted, and Mr. Webster, who had not been shooting with the
rest, was carrying the things to the house from the wagon.
Jones, evidently suspicious of trouble, had stepped around th*
corner of the house to reload his gun. One of the Indians
walked a distance on the road toward the Jones place, and
the others were about the cabin door. Suddenly one of them,
carrying his gun across his elbow and standing near Mr. Baker
at the door, shot him through without lifting the gun from his
arm. Immediately the shooting was participated in by all the
Indians. Mrs. Jones was shot while sitting just inside the door,
Mr. Webster in the dooryard, and Jones, who ran toward the
woods, endeavoring to load his gun as he went, was shot down
near a corncrib about three rods from the house. Mrs. Baker
had her youngest child in her arms and was either pushed or
fell into the cellar thrjough an open trap door, where she
stayed until the Indians left. Mrs. Webster in her fright fell
down in the covered wagon and was not molested, nor was the
oldest child who lay on the bed in the cabin. After the shoot-
ing the Indians went north on the trail, and, in passing the
house of Jones, caught sight of Clara Wilson, shot her to death
through a window in the pantry, and then continued on out
of the woods. There were left alive, of the three families, Mrs.
Baker and two children, Mrs. Webster, and the baby boy at
the Jones place.
Contrary to all succeeding events of this kind, they did not
mutilate the dead, nor steal or burn property, which leads to
the conclusion that enmity toward Jones and his family was
the real motive of the murders. They did not get any liquor
at the Jones place, and liquor cannot be blamed for the tragedy,
for the settlers found afterward that the house was not en-
tered, nor the liquor kept there disturbed. The fact that Jones
kept liquor and sold it to the Indians, led many of the set-
tlers to think that the murders were simply the outcome of a
NARRATIVES OF THE SIOUX WAR. 353
drunken brawl, but that there was no outbreak of a general
nature, and some were probably killed while delaying flight on
this theory. There are many stories of Indians appearing at
different places in the neighborhood during the same after-
noon, and probably some of the band of twenty hunters did
appear; but it is certain that the six who did the killing were
the ones who soon after made a show of arms and stole a team
of horses, with which they carried the news of the murders
to Little Crow at the Lower Agency that night. The war for
the extermination of the whites commenced at daybreak next
morning.
Four Indians came to the residence of Peter Wicklund, at
Lake Elizabeth, a few miles from the Baker place, while the
families of A. M. Ecklund, P. M. Johnson and Jonas Peterson
were at dinner with the Wicklunds. Two came to a window
and two at the door, and pointed their guns threateningly at
the people. Mrs. Ecklund got up from the table and went to
them, and, pushing their guns aside, demanded to know what
they*wanted. They told the men to come out as they wanted
to talk with them. The men, four in number, went out with
them a few rods from the house and were told that the Chip-
pewa (Ojibway) Indians had murdered the Jones and Baker
families at Acton. The settlers did not believe them and went
back to the house, and the Indians went away. On going to
feed the stock that night, it was found that the team of Mr.
Ecklund had been stolen. Indians riding double on two horses,
with a third holding to each horse's tail and running, were
seen that afternoon going toward the Agency.
After the shooting at the Baker place, the women finally
came from their places of concealment and cared for Jones,
who lived for some time in such terrible agony that he tore
up the ground in his death writhings. They took the two chil-
dren and went to the residence of John Blackwell, about four
miles west of the present Litchfield; but not finding anyone
there, went to the home of Nels Olson and told their pitiful
story. Ole Ingeman was at once sent as a messenger to Forest
City, the county seat, with the news, and the settlers organized
a party to go to the scene of the tragedy.
23
854 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
The party started from the Tver Jackson place, eleven in
number, and, approaching the house from the east, they went
up cautiously and called, if any were there alive, to ' ' cry out, ' '
but received no response. It was about nine in the evening
and the moon was shining, but it was dark in the woods.
After a time they went into the house and lit a lamp, with
which they found the bodies. They covered the body of Jones,
which lay outside, with a wagon box to keep off animals, closed
the door of the cabin where the other bodies were, and then
debated the safety of going to the Jones place, where the chil-
dren had been left, fearing that the Indians were there in a
drunken carousal. They decided that it would not be advis-
able to go, and had started to return, when they were joined
by another party of six, and as they were now seventeen, they
determined to go.
On arriving at the Jones place all was still, and entering
the house, with the lamp which they had brought, they found
Clara Wilson dead on the pantry floor, where she lay in a pool
of blood. On their opening the door into a bedroom, the httle
boy got up from the bed and began to cry. The slug which
killed the girl was found and kept for a number of years by
Evan Evanson, a member of the party. Taking the boy, they
returned to the Iver Jackson place, where the neighbors had
assembled.
The next morning settlers from all parts of the surround-
ing country gathered at the Baker place to bury the dead, and
to consider this act of the Indians, whether it was mere mur-
der, or if the long threatened outbreak had indeed begun.
Rough boxes were made for the five bodies, and as they were
about ready at noon to start for the Ness settlement, eleven
mounted Indians appeared over the hill about forty rods to
the southeast, coming toward the cabin, who on seeing the
gathering stopped. Some of the men hailed them and started
toward them, but apparently scenting danger they turned and
fled to the south. They were followed to a marshy run which
they rode through but the settlers could not cross. A party
was then made up, among whom were J. B. Atkinson, A. H.
DeLong, and James McGraw, who followed the Indians for
several miles but could not overtake them.
NARRATIVES OF THE SIOUX WAR.
355
The bodies were then taken to the Ness settlement ceme-
tery and buried, and the graves are now marked by a mon-
ument placed by the State. The day following the burial, the
news of the massacre reached most of the settlers by means of
a party escaping from the Agency, conducted by John Other
Day, a friendly Indian, and the settlers gathered at Forest
City, where a stockade was erected and a home guard com-
pany organized under Capt. George C. Whitcomb. However,
many settlers in the county of Monongalia (the north half of
the present Kandiyohi county) did not hear the news in time
to escape, and nearly a hundred were killed by the Indians.
The BATTLit OF Acton or Kelly's Bluff.
An English soldier said that ''the glory of war, for the
private, consists in getting killed in battle and having your
name misspelled in the army reports." This was much the case
of the Minnesota settler who fought off the Indians, either
alone or in assisting army troops. Perhaps had the civil war
been off the map of events, history might have been more kind.
It was not for grand parade that citizens were asked to leave
their families and go into the unknown districts to rescue
friends and relatives from savages; on the contrary, it was to
encounter certain hardship and suffering, and perhaps death
in a terrible form. Neither was there then, as now, a floating
population ready to enter the work from the love of excite-
ment. These men were from the leading business houses and
homes of Minneapolis, and they responded to the call of hu-
manity in the same spirit as the ''Boys of '76," when danger
threatened their homes. They went out to meet a foe that
knew no rules of war and gave no quarter in victory. We
know now, that had Fort Ridgely fallen, every Indian tribe in
the state would have been in war-paint and there would have
been a question if the streets of our Twin Cities might not have
flowed with blood as did those of New Ulm. While St. Paul's
contingent went forth, led by the Indian fighter. General H.
H. Sibley, the Minneapolis men were raw recruits, led by an
inexperienced leader. It was a body of men to be proud of,
who consented to face these conditions, stayed the tide of mur-
356 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
der, and stopped the rush of settlers from the state. The band
known as Strout's Company, including a part of his Company
B, Ninth Minnesota Regiment, were about one third volunteer
soldiers and two thirds citizens in and about Minneapolis.
In keeping with the spirit of the times a song was written,
commencing thus:
"Brave Captain Strout and Company B,
They will make the redskins flee.
And drive them west into the sea.
And stop the warwhoop forever.
Chorus: The Union forever, hurrah, boys, hurrah,
Kill every Indian, papoose and squaw;
The Indians must be slain or driven to the plain
And silence the warwhoop forever."
While the meter and rhyme are somewhat irregular, the
emotion is too plainly expressed to be mistaken, and the In-
dian warwhoop was ''silenced forever," so far as Minnesota is
concerned. It is endeavored here to collect the full data of
this campaign of Indian fighters, and no pains have been spared
to get the names, routes, camping spots, and dates, to a nicety,
and accurate beyond dispute.
General history is very mute regarding Captain Richard
Strout and his men who fought off the Sioux Indians at Acton
on September 3, 1862, for three reasons:
First, the petty jealousy in public work, among leaders, in-
cluding the printed abuse of a former Land Office appointee,
who at the time pretty nearly directed the Indian war, — if you
let him tell it.
Second, the company was composed of citizens who went
forth of their own accord, virtually a sheriff's posse, such as
might be picked up now to arrest robbers. About twenty were
newly enlisted, undrilled soldiers, and the rest civilians. This
fact has kept the company out of military history, or, worse,
"damned it with faint praise."
Third, the 'Hee-hee" crowd, who saw an excruciatingly
funny side to the Indian war, made these citizen soldiers the
butt of much ridicule, despite the fact that, outnumbered more
than four times, they beat off a savage foe, who later annihi-
lated the idolized Custer and his unexcelled Indian-fighting
soldiers. Add to this the efforts of misinformed writers, who,
NARRATIVES OF THE SIOUX WAR.
357
having no knowledge of the times, Indians, or pioneer condi-
tions, have elaborated or twisted the story until a participant,
as Private DeWitt C. Handy says, "has to scratch his head to
remember if he was in the battle."
It is true that these men were not soldiers, and many were
like A. H. Rose, who says, ''I had never fired a gun before the
battle, but they showed me how to load, and I pointed my gun
at the Indians, shut my eyes, and pulled the trigger."
These are the chief reasons that Captain Strout and Com-
pany B are almost unknown in their home city. Many parties
are now dead, and harsh language is unbecoming ; but only the
tongue of slander can tell other than this: "Strout and his
men went forth in good faith, and performed their duty boldly
and without wavering, so far as they were able." For defense
of this position read the story.
On Sunday, August 17, 1862, five persons were massacred
by Sioux Indians at Acton, in Meeker county. This outrage
precipitated the celebrated Minnesota Sioux Indian War of
that year. Word was received in Minneapolis the 19th, and
following this came tidings from the Lower Agency that every
person there had been killed, that Company B, of the Fifth
Minnesota, under Captain Marsh, had been ambushed and
nearly all slaughtered, and that the Indians had commenced
the long threatened ' ' war of extermination. ' ' By the next day
the refugees from near settlements came pouring through the
city in mortal fear of Indians, panic-stricken, deserting every-
thing and fleeing for life. Fears for the safety of relatives and
friends on the frontier, and anger at the horrible outrages
committed, created intense excitement. Sunday, the 24th, was
a memorable time at the churches and public gatherings. It
was decided that the state and citizens must act at once, and
not wait for the slow moving general government, or the state
would be depopulated and ruined.
Leading in the earnest movement, Captain Strout, who was
organizing a company for the Ninth Minnesota volunteers, w^as
ordered to gather what he could of his company (the men were
on leave preparatory to enter the service), enlist citizens for
short term service, and report at Glencoe, McLeod county. On
Tuesday the 26th, at noon, the company assembled at Bridge
358 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Square, on Nicollet avenue and Second street, about sixty men
strong, not including teamsters. They were equipped with
discarded smooth-bore Austrian muskets, no uniforms, nor
sufficient wagon train, but the captain had authority to impress
teams as he might need them. Each member was given his
complement of ball cartridge, and they marched away up the
river, and camped in the northern part of Brooklyn township
that night.
The next morning a team owned by Andrew Smith was im-
pressed from D. B. Thayer's threshing crew, at Osseo, and
others were secured along the route till a good part of the men
could ride. Wednesday night they camped at Monticello in
Wright county, after a hard march. Thursday they made a
fifteen-mile march, camping at night in Clearwater. Friday a
march of thirty-five miles to Forest City ended at dusk. Sat-
urday they went by way of Greenleaf and Cedar Mills to
Hutchinson, where they camped about the church. On the
day's march they found one place where the people had fled
leaving the table spread for a meal, at another the beds were
thrown open as if flight had commenced in the night. But
they saw no Indians, nor further signs.
Sunday morning, August 31, they marched to Glencoe, their
objective point, and arrived in time for the church meeting.
As matters were reported serious at the settlements lying to
the northwest, it was decided to return to Forest City, so on
Monday they marched back to Cedar Mills, where camp was
pitched. On Tuesday they went leisurely to Acton, and con-
siderable time was spent in repairing a bad slough crossing, a
fortunate job. On that afternoon they entered the Acton
wo'ods from the east, and after inspecting the Baker place,
where four persons had been murdered, they marched on to
the Jones place and pitched their camp. The place was sur-
rounded by timber, and the tents were set in the yard about
the house.
Captain Strout has been criticized for camping in these
woods, despite the fact that no damage resulted from the act.
In reply to his critics, let us note that the Sioux were prairie
Indians, and there is no record of their selecting a battle
ground in timber. Birch Coulie and Wood Lake were fought
NARRATIVES OP THE SIOUX WAR.
359
on the prairie; Custer's command was slaughtered in the open.
The two latter fields were selected for battle by the Indians.
At Acton the Indians had the command surrounded in the
dense timber, and could have forced battle had they so de-
sired. The opening tragedy of Birch Coulie is a sample of
what Strout might have met had he camped in the open prairie.
The Sioux strong point in fighting was to make themselves
invisible by covering their heads and bodies with prairie grass,
which practice has caused men time and again to testify that
*Hhe Indians seemed to rise out of the ground." Furthermore,
the attack was not made next morning until the company was
a long mile from the woods, though Indians were in the timber
at the time. It is not known that Captain Strout considered
the question, but his judgment is not censurable if he did.
On this Tuesday, September 2, Captain George C. Whit-
comb and a squad of the Forest City Home Guards were at
Hokan Peterson's place, about twelve miles from Forest City.
He was watching Indians at the Acton woods, some three or
four miles off, when suddenly about 150 Indians rose from the
grass a few rods away. The squad escaped in short order but
lost a wagon which stuck in a miry place. On arriving at For-
est City, Captain Whitcomb found Strout 's messenger, saying
that his company would camp at Acton that night. From what
he had seen, Whitcomb knew that the Indians were preparing
to entrap Strout 's command. He at once called for volunteer
scouts to warn Strout of his danger and tell him to examine his
ammunition. Three brave fellows, Jesse V. Branham, Jr.,
Thomas G. Holmes, and Albert H. Sperry, stepped forward.
A digression here is needed for the benefit of the present
generation, regarding conditions of those days. Sioux Indians
on the prairie were as treacherous as snakes in grass. They
were absolutely noiseless in action, would crawl as fast as white
men walk, and were nearly as fleet of foot as a horse. There
were no roads, as we know them now; such as there were con-
sisted of trails following the high ground to avoid the marshes,
and leading to the best places to cross prairie streams, which
often made long detours necessary. Every Indian knew them,
foot by foot, and also knew every short cut which might be
traveled under favorable conditions of weather or season.
360 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
It was the duty of these men to find a roundabout way to
get to Acton, to avoid usual crossings where they might be
waylaid, keep away from the prairie groves where they might
be ambushed by straggling parties, discover any Indians . en-
deavoring to cut them off on the prairies, and lastly to dis-
cover and approach Strout's camp wherever he might be by
breaking through the Indian lines, which they knew were
drawn about him waiting only for daylight to give battle.
Those who appreciate the conditions will wonder that men
would dare to undertake it. The squad was placed in charge
of Branham, a man of undoubted ability and courage. Cap-
tain Whitcomb wrote later, ''I feared I would never see them
again." They went east several miles passing between Litch-
field and Darwin, as now known, then southwest passing be-
tween Round and Minnie Belle lakes, far down into Greenleaf
township, thence northwest by Evanson lake, where they struck
the Henderson-Pembina trail. At the outlet of the lake they
hunted on hands and knees, in the mud, till they found evi-
dence that Strout's train had passed and was following the
trail toward Acton.
Nearly the entire time they traveled on the grass outside
the road to deaden the sound of the horses' hoofs. Finally
they approached the Acton woods after passing Kelly's Bluff.
All was deathly still about them until as they reached the
Baker cabin the dogs rushed out barking loudly, no doubt
revealing their presence to the Indians, but not to the sleeping
company. There is little question, judging from developments
and Indian tales, that a score of warriors slunk from the road
and permitted the scouts to pass in, believing their prey would
be increased just that much. After the noise and alarm they
felt their way more cautiously than ever. Branham put his
hand on Holmes' shoulder, as they reached the Jones place,
and asked if he could not see the white tents in the yard.
Holmes assented, they hailed the guard and were admitted,
where they delivered to Captain Strout their message. Captain
Whitcomb writes:
It has been shown beyond the shadow of doubt that when Bran-
ham, Sperry and Holmes were within six rods of Strout's camp, a head
warrior, brother-in-law of Little Six (Shok-pay), with his warriors
NARRATIVES OF THE SIOUX WAR.
361
stood on the road, and at their approach eleven on each side stepped
back, allowing them to pass in. Red Dog was to lead the attack on
the north, Mic-aw-pan-eta on the east, Little Six on the south, and
Bald Eagle, a renegade chief of the Standing Buffalo band, on the west.
Signals were to be given by hooting, in imitation of an owl from tree
tops, to show the location of the leaders. Little Crow had the super-
vision of the attack. At 3 a. m. the final signal was to be given and
the harvest of death to begin, but the awful consequences were averted
by the timely message carried by these three brave men who proved
themselves the bravest of the brave.
A council was called, and a detail was set at pounding
down the large caliber bullets to fit the guns. After consulta-
tion it was decided not to break camp till daylight, though
some favored an immediate retreat to the open prairie. In-
structions were given, in case of attack, 'Ho hug the ground
and fight, each for himself." There is some criticism placed
on Captain Strout for this misfit in ammunition. The facts
are, that the state had a number of Austrian and Belgian
muskets, bored 62 and 59 (lOOths inch) caliber, and ammuni-
tion to fit. Criminal carelessness on the part of the issuing
officer transposed the sizes. Captain Grant and Company A of
the Sixth Minnesota were confronted with 'the same mistake,
and this in the midst of the bloody battle of Birch Coulie. The
proper cartridges for these guns were sent to Fort Abercrom-
bie, where they were too small to be of service, and the bullets
flew wild from the guns. The first lot issued by Strout was
right, and he had no reason to suspect that the rest was dif-
ferent. That night each man had twenty rounds perfect, the
reserve was all wrong.
Camp was broken early in the morning, and Branham, on
Strout 's advice, was to lead them out without a battle if pos-
sible, on account of the poor arms and ammunition. He was
placed in charge of the mounted men, consisting of his detail
and scout A. H. DeLong, and led the way some distance in
advance. Branham intended to go to Forest City by the route
the scouts had taken. The command left the woods and pro-
ceeded on the trail across a rolling prairie, with Long lake on
their left. Passing through a swale and while ascending to
higher ground, the scouts saw a peculiar glisten in the morn-
ing sunlight and soon became convinced that it was caused by
362 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
guns in the hands of Indians, who were skulking along a fence
in a wheat field near Kelly's Bluff. It was afterward found
that these guns were Springfields from Captain Marsh's com-
pany, massacred at Redwood Ferry August 18th. Word was
sent back to Strout to prepare to fight, and to spread his men
in wide open order. The scouts and Indians exchanged shots.
Indian signals, waving blankets and yelling, were com-
menced ahead ; and soon a large body of mounted Indians, from
the woods, charged the rear. Sergeant Kenna was ordered to
charge them with a squad of twenty men ; as he did so the In-
dians spread out from the trail and came up on each rear
flank, trying to encircle the command. At this point the com-
pany were on very low ground, and the losses were severe.
Privates George W. Gideon and Alva Getchell were killed, sev-
eral others were wounded, and for a short time there was con-
fusion of both men and teams. Scout Branham was shot
through the lungs and thus a valuable aid was put out of the
fight. In a few moments Strout had matters in hand. The
company was divided into four squads, under Lieutenant Clark
and Sergeants Getchell and Kenna, and placed at the front,
rear, right and left of the wagon train, and they soon spread
out, driving the redskins back, at the same time making less
of a target of themselves. By strenuous fighting the left squad
kept the Indians from getting between them and the lake,
while the others, by driving them back, permitted the wagons
to reach the higher and more advantageous ground. It was
good maneuvering, and most gallantly performed. Reaching
the base of Kelly's Bluff, it was debated whether to entrench
or to retreat toward Hutchinson, and it was decided to go to
that point. Scout DeLong had already gone through the In-
dian lines for reinforcements from Captain Harrington at
Hutchinson.
Along Kelly's Bluff Private Edwin Stone was killed and
several more wounded. The dead were left behind and their
bodies were horribly mutilated, when buried by a detachment
from the Third Minnesota a few days later. Every wounded
man was placed in the wagons, and the retreating fight was
continued to Cedar Mills. At the marshy crossing repaired
the previous day, the Indians pressed them hard and captured
NARRATIVES OF THE SIOUX' WAR.
363
one team and two wagons. In fact they had calculated to cap-
ture or kill the whole outfit at this point, and would have suc-
ceeded if those repairs had not been made. Everything that
could be spared was thrown from the wagons, and the way
the Indians fought each other for the food was amusing even
in battle. About fifty noble warriors on hands and knees fought
for a half barrel of sugar like pigs, and the pursuit lagged.
Scout DeLong with reinforcements met the company a short
way out of Hutchinson. On that night the wounded were
placed in a hotel, just outside the stockade, and at daylight
next morning the Indians attacked the town and their quar-
ters were riddled with bullets, but all were safely taken into
the stockade.
The losses of the company in the battle were three killed,
eighteen wounded, nine horses, two wagons, and all commis-
sary supplies. The battle was the fiery baptism of a number
of good soldiers of the civil war, some of whom fell in battle,
some perished in Andersonville, and some, thank God, still live.
The result of the campaign was the discouragement of Little
Crow and his followers. This was the fourth and last battle
which he personally conducted in the massacre war of 1862.
It is but fair to say that fortune was kind to Strout and
his men, but none the less must we commend the noble inten-
tions and acts of those heroic citizens who placed their lives in
jeopardy for the stricken, outraged settlers. The savage
hordes have gone; the commander and most of his company
are beyond the veil of death ; and glorious Minnesota has risen
from an unknown wilderness to a peerage among the States.
This account is as accurate as can be given at this time,
and is verified by several members of that gallant body of home
defenders. On the 21st of August, 1909, a monument was
placed at Acton, at the Baker place, by the state, marking the
site of the ''First Bloodshed." There were present, of the sur-
vivors of this battle, A. H. Rose, DeWitt C. Handy, Milton C.
Stubbs, James Marshall, Scouts Jesse V. Branham, Albert
Sperry, and A. H. DeLong; of people interested in the event,
Evan Evanson, who accompanied the party to the Jones house
after the murders of the 17th, Nathan Butler, who built the
Baker house in 1857, Hon. G, A. Glader, who assisted in bury-
364 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ing the bodies of Stone, Getchell, and Gideon, a few days after
the battle, and Mrs. Ellen, widow of Capt. Lewis Harrington,
of the Hutchinson Home Guards. To all of these thanks are
due for the details of this account. The exercises were under
the supervision of Senator J. W. Wright of Litchfield, and
were participated in by several thousand citizens.
About a year after the foregoing narrative was read in the
meeting of this Society, a banquet was given at the Nicollet
House in Minneapolis, on the evening of November 20, 1912,
to commemorate the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Battle of
Acton and to honor its survivors.
At the appointed hour the tables were filled by groups of
men whose past career or present relations made them con-
genial company, and not the least in the pleasures of the even-
ing were the visits of friends recounting the events of a half
century ago. After the repast, which was accompanied with
patriotic selections by veteran Charles H. Freeman's orchestra.
President Anton Knoblauch opened the meeting with the fol-
lowing words:
"Friends and Members: We are guests of the Center Improvement
Association, whose object is not only that which its name implies, but
also to preserve and perpetuate the history, traditions, and landmarks
of this section of our city. We are here this evening to honor Captain
Strout's Company of citizen soldiers, partially made up of business
men from this part of the city, who in September, 1862, went to battle
at Acton and Hutchinson against the Sioux Indians, so that the set-
tlers might pursue the tilling of their lands unmolested."
Mr. Knoblauch then introduced Marion P. Satterlee as mas-
ter of ceremonies for the evening, who, by the aid of Edward
A. Bromley's stereopticon views, told of the upbuilding of the
Association district since 1858. Then followed a description
of the organization of Strout's Company, during the excite-
ment of the massacre tidings of murder and destruction; of
the sacrifices of these men, who left their families and homes to
fight the savages. A detailed statement of their marches and
the battles was given, also an account of the killing of Chief
Little Crow by Nathan Lamson and his son Chauncey, near
Hutchinson, on July 3, 1863.
NARRATIVES OF THE SIOUX WAR.
365
A most able address was given by Ex-President William W.
Folwell of the State University, on ' ' The Causes leading to the
Massacre of 1862."
The roll of the men composing the Company was then
called; ten responded to their names, eleven were reported
absent, 27 were reported dead, and for 22 no report was made.
In response to the toast, "To the Dead," Ex-Governor
Samuel R. Van Sant gave a fine eulogy of the men who died
for their country fighting rebellion in the South or the Indians
at home. He declared that the present generation is receiving
the benefits of the deeds of patriots. Union, Confederate, and
civilian soldiers, whose work lives after them.
To the toast, ''To the Absent," Edward A. Bromley re-
sponded, comparing the sad absence long ago of loved ones
"gone to the war" with our regrets for those absent from this
reunion.
The toast, "To those Present," was responded to by J. H.
Crandall, a member of Strout's Company, who encouraged all
to show their appreciation of our triumphal progress as a
nation, in war and in peace, by true manhood and right living.
At the call for soldiers of the Sioux War present, twelve
men who fought at Birch Coulie, and four or five each from
Fort Ridgely, New Ulm, Forest City and Wood Lake battles,
responded by rising and were heartily cheered.
Roster of Captain Strout's Company at Acton.
At the Roll Call after the banquet those present responded
to their names ; for the dead and the absent, response was made
by members of the Company.
Corratt, C, no report.
Crandall, James H., present.
Gushing, M., no report.
Day, J. W., in California.
Adkins, F., dead.
Allan, William C, present.
Ames, James A., dead.
Beadle, Frank, sergeant, dead.
Bennett, Abner C, died of wounds. Doherty, A., in city.
Blondo, Lyman, dead.
Bostwick, R. C, dead.
Brown, W., quartermaster sergt.,
dead.
Carr, Ezra T., sergeant, dead.
Chambers, Thomas, dead.
Clark, W. A., lieutenant, dead.
Douglass, C. H., no report.
Florida, Joel, dead.
Friederich, A. A., present.
Gemasche, George, no report.
Getchell, Alva, killed at Acton.
Getchell, D. W., sergeant, in city.
Gideon, George W., killed at Acton.
366
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Green, John, dead.
Ham, C. D., no report.
Handy, DeWitt C, present.
Handy, Joel, dead.
Hanscomb, A. B., no report.
Hawkins, D. C, no report.
Hart, Joseph, no report.
Higgins, Judson C, in city.
Hoag, A., no report.
Hubbard, R. R., no report.
Huckins, J. W., Northfleld.
Hunter, William, no report.
Jacques, Winter, in city.
Johnson, C, in city.
Kenna, Michael, sergeant, dead.
Kirtz, Fred, no report.
Laraway, Albert, dead.
Larkins, J. K., no report.
Little, George W., no report.
McConnell, J. C., no report.
McNeill, Neill, dead.
Marshall, James, present.
Marshall, Thomas, dead.
Mayer, Robert, no report.
Merritt, L. W., in city.
Morrison, George H., dead.
Muir, Robert, no report.
Murch, J. P., no report.
Murray, John W., present.
Perkins, J, H., dead.
Rose, Anson H., present.
Smith, H. A., no report.
Snell, S. D., no report.
Stone, Edwin, killed at Acton.
Strout, Richard, captain, dead.
Stubbs, Milton C, present.
Sweeney, James, Robbinsdale.
Sweesing, Fred, present.
Thompson, N. R., dead.
Tippin, F., no report.
Weeks, N. R., died of wounds.
Wise, A. H., no report.
Wolverton, J. A., dead.
Worthingham, Emory, dead.
Scouts.
Jesse V. Branham, Jr., Fargo,
Thomas G. Holmes, Long Beach,
Cal.,
Albert H. Sperry, present, these be-
ing of Captain Whitcomb's Com-
pany, Forest City. »
Albert H. DeLong, Forest City,
Citizen guide for Captain Strout.
The Killing o? Chiee Little Crow.
Tay-o-ah-ta-doo-tah (His Scarlet People) was the third
chief of the Kaposia band of Medawakantonwan Dakotas
(Sioux) to be known by the name of "Little Crow." This
tribe was divided into eight bands. The lower band, called
Kiuska, lived where Winona now stands; the Kaposia band,
just below St. Paul; Black Dog, just above Fort Snelling;
Pinisha, at Nine Mile creek on the Minnesota river; Reyata
Otonwa, at Lake Calhoun; Tewapa, at Eagle creek; and the
Tintatonwan, at Shakopee, the largest village of the tribe.
Little Crow had six wives and at least twenty-two children.
He put away his first two wives when he married the third one.
His mother was named Minne-okha-da-win (musical sound of
water running under the ice). His family history was one of
NARRATIVES OF THE SIOUX WAR.
367
tragedy. His father was accidentally shot while pulling his
gun from a wagon, and died of the wounds. Two brothers
were killed by the Chippewas, and two sisters committed sui-
cide. Little Crow's braves killed two of his brothers in a bat-
tle for the chieftainship, and he was shot through both wrists
in the fight. Army surgeons would cut off the maimed wrists,
but it was refused and the Indian medicine man proved his
superiority by saving his patient and both wrists. The wounds
were disfiguring and were always concealed by bands of skunk-
skin, as degrading to a chief.
Little Crow is the reputed leader in the Massacre of 1862,
though he was only a minor chief in the Sioux tribe. As a
matter of fact, he was defied by a large number of friendly
(or at least neutral) Indians, who threatened several times to
take his captive whites from him, and who saved many white
people from being murdered. Little Crow had more credit
than was his due, and investigation will show that the mas-
sacre was chiefly the work of a disorganized gang of cut-
throats whom no one could call warriors in a true sense. After
the crushing defeat at Wood Lake by Gen. H. H. Sibley, Little
Crow fled into Dakota, from whence he returned the follow-
ing summer (1863), for the purpose of stealing horses and
provisions from the Minnesota settlers. His companions were
his son, Wo-wi-napa (One who appeareth), Hi-u-ka, a son-in-
law, and a number of others. They committed a number of
depredations, among others killing James McGannon in Wright
county. The story of the shooting here given is related by J.
B. Lamson (called Birney), of Annandale, Minn., the brother
of Chauncey, and son of Nathan, who jointly killed Little Crow
on July 3, 1863.
In the early summer of 1863 (following the massacre, which com-
menced August 17, 1862), most of the neighboring settlers at Hutch-
inson were gathered at the village so as to be near the stockade,
which was guarded by soldiers and civilians, in expectation of attack
by the Indians who had been on the warpath since the outbreak, and
who had previously attacked the town in September, 1862. Some of
the settlers were trying to raise a little crop for food, on their farms,
and the work was done by a part of the family while others were
scouting for Indians. I had spent most of the spring on our home-
stead, about six miles directly north of the village, caring for the
368 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
stock and crops, which though small were very valuable to the set-
tlers who were defying the savages and holding to their homesteads.
On the 3rd of July I had gone to the village to spend the Fourth,
and father and my brother Chauncey had taken my place at the farm
and on that evening were out hunting for deer. About an hour be-
fore sundown they were a strong two miles northwest from the farm,
on a road running by a marshy lake (there were a number of such
marshes or lakes called by the Indians "Scattered lake") ; and at the
point described there was a low place where the water crossed the
road in the spring, and just beyond the ground rose again. Farther
on was a bend where the road bore away to the right to pass around
the lake, and at the opposite side from the marsh there was a black-
berry patch of considerable size. Where the road ran out into the
clearing, it was some distance of open brush to the dry run. Father
and Chauncey walked into this open space for several rods in plain
sight of the patch, when suddenly they observed an Indian jump on
his pony and then off on the other side from them. Providentially,
the Indian had not observed them, and they immediately sought cover
in the brush and laid their plans; for to see an Indian meant death
to him or his white enemy in those days.
Father was past sixty-three years old, but he was a true frontiers-
man, andi brother Chauncey was not behind in frontier training. They
had hurriedly noticed that there were two Indians and did not know
but that there were more. After consultation Chauncey took a posi-
tion which covered the road between them and the Indians, Kneeling
on one kfiee, with his rifle cocked, he held his position while father
crept forward and to the left till he got a poplar tree in the black-
berry patch in direct line between him and the Indians. He then
went forward to the poplar which was covered with vines, and from
this vantage point, at a distance of about thirty-five feet, he shot the
larger one of the two Indians (Little Crow), the ball entering the left
groin. Both Indians and father went to the ground at the shot, and
all was quiet as death, while each was trying to locate the other.
Father was armed with a Colt revolver and thought he would try
another shot at them with this, but he was not expert in its use and
concluded to keep it for close quarters, if necessary.
The Indians seemed unable to locate the spot from which the shot
had come, but father knew that the smoke from the black powder
would soon rise from the tree and realized that he must get away
from there. He had crawled ba'ck in his own path for about two rods
when they riddled the tree with shot. It was afterward found that
one slug and thirteen buckshot had struck it. One buckshot struck
father on the left shoulder, as he was crawling away on hands and
knees, which made a slight flesh wound about four inches in length;
this caused him to change his course and get out of the line of fire.
He turned squarely to the right and went a few feet, and then he
NARRATIVES OF THE SIOUX WAR. 369
tried to load his rifle but got a bullet several bores too large for the
gun; it stuck about five inches from the muzzle, and he could not
force it home. Being afraid that his white shirt would be seen by the
Indians, he took it off and tucked it inside his trousers from where
he subsequently lost it. Crawling to the road, he crossed it and con-
cealed himself in a clump of hazel brush about sixteen feet across.
He determined to stay there and to use his revolver if discovered.
Little Crow skulked round the raspberry patch, following the road,
and as he came in range Chauncey saw him and rose to his feet to
shoot. Both fired, and so close were the reports together that the
roar of Little Crow's shotgun drowned the crack of Chauncey's rifle
to father. Little Crow was skulking in the Indian istyle, leaning far
forward, his gun extended, with the butt almost at his shoulder, so
as to get instant aim. He shot from the left shoulder, but evidently
he did not get his gun to the shoulder before flring, as Chauncey's
bullet struck the stock of his gun and then entered the left breast.
Passing well through his stooping body, it stopped just inside the skin
of his back, only a few inches from where father's bullet had come
out. A slug from Litle Crow's shotgun grazed Chauncey's head. Both
went to the ground, and Chauncey commenced to reload his rifle, when
he discovered that he had no bullets, and then he remembered that on
leaving the house father had taken all the bullets from the table and
slipped them into his pocket. This also accounts for father getting a
bullet too large for his gun, as the rifles were of different caliber or
bore.
Being thus unarmed, and not daring to approach the brush where
he had seen father go, Chauncey determined on a ruse to draw the
Indians away from him, if possible. He crept away a fed rods, then
boldly rose up in plain sight and started on a run for Hutchinson.
Father could not see this from his place of concealment, nor did he
know the effect of Little Crow's shot. He did know that the Indian
had fallen not ten feet from where he lay, and he could hear his groans
of anguish, and he lay perfectly still waiting events. After a time the
son Wo-wi-napa came up to his father, and they talked for nearly an
hour before the chief died. Father, not understanding the Sioux lan-
guage, could not know what was said, but he heard the son mount the
pony and ride away. He had placed a new pair of moccasins on his
father's feet, and on leaving threw away his own single-barreled shot-
gun and took the double-barreled gun of his father. The single-barrel
gun was afterward found by scouts.
After all sounds had died out father crept away, and he finally
reached Hutchinson about four o'clock the next morning. In the mean-
time, Chauncey had reached town about ten o'clock at night, and on
hearing the news a party of thirteen soldiers and five civilians was
organized to go to the scene of trouble. I accompanied them out to
our homestead, where we waited till nearly daybreak and then went
on to the place of the shooting. As I was familiar with every foot of
24
370 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
the ground, from having hunted over it time and again, I was slightly
in advance, leading the party.
On arriving at the turn in the road I saw a body lying at my feet
in the dull light of morning, and I was terror-stricken with the thought
that it was father, but it flashed through my mind that the bare breast
was copper-colored and not that of a white man, and without a second
glance I shouted, "Here he is, boys." We soon found the shirt which
father had lost, and some thought he had been killed, but from the
bullet holes in the shirt I knew that wound had been a slight one,
though I could not know but that he had been killed later. We could
not find him nor any more Indians, so we took up the trail of the pony.
Before we had gone a great way we were overtaken by a troop of
soldiers scouting for Indians, and they kept on the trail while we
returned to town. While we were gone, father had returned from
town to the place of shooting, with a neighbor and his team to take
the body into town. When he arrived at the body he found that the
troop in passing had taken the pains to scalp the Indian, probably to
get the reward offered by the state at that time for Indian scalps.
They placed the body in the wagon and drove back to Hutchinson, all
unaware that the corpse was that of the hated Little Crow.
The fact that there was one more "good Indian" was enough to add
to the joy of the celebration of the "Fourth." Among those in attend-
ance was Hiram Cummins, a private of Company E, Ninth Minnesota
Volunteers, who at once declared that the body was that of Little
Crow. Many treated his statement as a joke, but he said, "There is
no doubt about it. Here are marks that no man could mistake. He
has a row of double teeth all the way around, and both his wrists are
broken and ill set." On pulling up the skunk skins from the wrists
the truth was apparent, though hard to think true.
Little Crow's son, after leaving his father, went northwest-
ward to Devil's lake in Dakota, where he was captured later
in a starving condition by General Sibley's troops. "When
killed Little Crow had on a coat which the son says was given
him by Hi-u-ka, the son-in-law. This coat was taken from
James McGannon, whom they murdered on the Kingston road
in Wright county. The bones of one arm and the skull and
scalp of Little Crow are in the Museum of this Historical So-
ciety. The remainder of his body was taken by the medical
fraternity and treated with their usual courtesies in such cases.
HISTORICAL NOTES OF GREY CLOUD ISLAND AND ITS
VICINITY.*
BY JOHN H. CASE.
Grey Cloud island, about five miles long and one to two
miles wide, is situated in the south end of Washington county,
Minnesota, between St. Paul and Hastings. It is bounded on
the west end and south side by the Mississippi river, and on
the north side and east end by the Grey Cloud creek or slough.
The name Grey Cloud in the Dakota or Sioux language is
Mar-pi-ya-ro-to, with the addition of one more syllable, win,
meaning woman. It was the Sioux name of both the wife and
the daughter of James Aird, an Indian trader. The wife, first
bearing this name, was a sister of the Sioux Chief Wabasha
who took part in the war between the United States and Eng-
land in 1812, and her father's name also was Wabasha. She
was born at her father's village, where the city of Winona now
stands, and died in 1844 at Black Dog's village, sometimes
called Grey Iron's village, about six miles southwest of Men-
dota, on the Minnesota river in what is now Eagan township,
Dakota county. She was buried in one of the Indian burial
grounds near their village. Her marriage to Aird was in 1783
or soon afterward, and they had one child, a girl named Mar-
garet.
James Aird was a Scotchman, born in Ayrshire, and is said
to have been a cousin of Robert Burns, the poet. He came to
America about 1783, landing at Quebec, and probably in that
year came to Wabasha's village as a trader in the employ of
the Hudson Bay Company, He afterward went to Prairie du
Chien for the same company, where Joseph Rolette, Sr., was
at the head of the company's trading post. Aird died at Prairie
du Chien in the fall of 1819 or 1820. Hazen Mooers, the well
*Read at the monthly meeting of the Executive Council, May 13, 1912.
372 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
known trader among the Sioux, who came to what is now Min-
nesota in 1819, and Aird's granddaughter, Jane Anderson,
were present when he died. A part of this information was
obtained from this Jane Anderson, afterward Mrs. Andrew
Robertson, who died at the Sisseton Agency in South Dakota,
or at Brown's Valley, Minn., in the fall of 1905.
Margaret Aird was married to Captain Thomas Anderson
about 1805 at Prairie du Chien. He was an officer in the British
army, and took part in the capture of Fort McKay at that place
in the war of 1812. He was born at Cornwall, Canada, in Jan-
uary, 1778, and died at Port Hope, Canada, in 1874. They had
three children, Mary, Angus M. (an early Indian trader in
Minnesota), and Jane, who married Andrew Robertson, head
farmer for the government at the Yellow Medicine Agency, and
afterward superintendent of Indian schools on the reserva-
tion, from about 1854 to 1858.
In the Dakota language Margaret Aird was named Mar-pi-
ya-ro-to-win, the same as her mother. She separated from
Captain Anderson after they had been married about eight
years, and later married Hazen Mooers, who was the first agent
or trader for the American Fur Company at Lake Traverse,
Minnesota, building the trading post at that place. Margaret
was with him there, and also at the next post where he was
stationed, called Little Rock, in the west part of the present
Nicollet county, on the Minnesota river. Mooers and his fam-
ily removed in 1838 from Little Rock to what is now called
Grey Cloud island. They were accompanied by Andrew Rob-
ertson and family, and also by Joseph R. Brown, who was well
known to nearly all the pioneers and traders of those early
times. They all came there together on the same day.
Mooers and Robertson took possession of three large bark
lodges on the west end of the island, which had been vacated
in the preceding autumn by Medicine Bottle's band of Sioux,
when they moved across the river to their new village at Pine
Bend, in Dakota county. Brown built a log house farther east
or down the river. It was while living on this island, from
1838 to 1847, that Andrew Robertson named it Grey Cloud
island, after his mother-in-law, Margaret Aird Mooers, whose
GREY CLOUD ISLAND AND ITS VICINITY. 373
name, in its English translation, like that of her mother, was
Grey Cloud. Margaret died at Black Dog's village in 1850,
and was buried there.
The band of which Medicine Bottle was chief had its origin
through the dissatisfaction of some members of the band of
Big Thunder and of Little Crow, father of the chief of that
name who led the Sioux massacre in 1862. Previous to the
treaty of 1837, their village was on the east bank of the Mis-
sissippi river about two miles below the present city of St.
Paul. After this treaty, by which the Sioux ceded their lands
east of the Mississippi, they removed the village to the west
bank of the river, where it was known to the early settlers as
Kaposia, on the site of South Park, near the South St. Paul
stock yards. A few families of that band left the old village
on the east side and chose as their leader a noted counselor and
medicine man named AVaukan-ojan-jan, meaning Spirit Light
or Holy Light, as translated into English by his daughter, but
called Medicine Bottle by the early fur traders and pioneers.
They went down the river about eight miles and built some
large bark and willow lodges on the northwest end of Grey
Cloud island, where they lived and had their fields and gardens
until the autumn of 1837. Two of their vacated lodges were
occupied the next year, as before noted, by Mooers and Rob-
ertson with their families, and the third one was used by them
as a storehouse. In May, 1839, these men built two log houses,
with stone chimneys, near the river, and they farmed a part
of the gardens and cornfields formerly cultivated by the In-
dians. That year they raised potatoes, corn, and garden truck,
some of which they sold at Fort Snelling for the use of the
ofiicers and troops ; and in 1840 they raised some grain on these
fields and sold a part of it at the fort. These notes of early
farming on Grey Cloud island were told to me by Mrs. Mary
Brown, a daughter of Hazen Mooers, wife of John W. Brown,
who was a half brother of the distinguished Joseph E. Brown.
Their marriage was on this island, on New Year's day in 1846.
In the fall of 1837 or the spring of 1838, Medicine Bottle
and his band moved across the Mississippi to the west bank a
short distance farther south, at the place called by the early
French and Canadian voyageurs Pin de Tour, now known as
gy^ MINNESOTA HISTORICAL, SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Pine Bend. The meaning of both these names is ''The bend
in the river where the pine trees are." Some of these white
pines are still standing there on the side of the bluff, being con-
spicuously seen from the decks of passing steamboats. A large
village of bark and willow houses or lodges was built at this
place, and sometimes beside the permanent lodges there were
many tepees of poles and skins during the spring and fall hunt-
ing seasons.
The situation of this village was a fine one for the Indians.
The marshes and heavy timber on the bottomlands around
Spring lake and Belanger island, east of them, in what is now
Nininger township, were full of small game, such as geese,
ducks, muskrats and mink; and on the high land were found
the prairie chicken, foxes, partridges and quail, and pigeons
by the thousands that sometimes nested and roosted in the
heavy timber on Belanger island. The timber consisted of
soft maple, cottonwood, elm, hackberry, and ash, most of which
was still standing in 1856 when I came to Nininger. The wild
pigeons had their roosts and nests on this island in 1859. The
last that I saw of their great flocks, which were sometimes one
to two miles long, transverse to their course of flight, but
usually not more than fifty feet wide, was in the spring and
summer of 1871. Flock after flock followed each other, at
short intervals, sometimes for several days.
Spring lake, southeast of this village a short distance, was
alive with large fish, among which were catfish, buffalo, pike,
and pickerel, also sunfish and other small kinds. In the win-
ter of 1856-57 our people went up to the primitive sawmill near
the junction of Spring lake and Belanger sloughs, shut down
the gates to the flume, and threw out so many of these large
fish as to fill half a wagon box.
The land on which this Sioux village stood, together with
their gardens and cornfields, was afterward pre-empted by
William A: Bissell, the first white settler at Pine Bend, in the
present Inver Grove township, Dakota county. The village
was near the river under the bluffs, on government lot 10,
section 35; and the gardens and cornfields were on the hill,
on the south half of the southeast quarter and on the southeast
quarter of the southwest quarter of section 34, Inver Grove.
GREY CLOUD ISLAND AND ITS VICINITY. 375
Bissell first visited Medicine Bottle's village in 1849 or
1850; and in 1851 Medicine Bottle allowed him to put up a
small log shack under and near the bluff, perhaps a quarter or
half a mile north or northwest of their village. He moved his
family down from Red Rock with a span of horses and sled,
on the ice late in the fall of 1851, and occupied this shack.
The family had been living with some of the early settlers and
missionaries at Red Rock, among whom were John A. Ford,
Mr. Irish, Mr. Holton, and others. In 1852 Bissell built a
hewed log house, covering it with shingles split mostly from
oak logs ; and the same year he raised some potatoes, corn, and
garden stuff. He paid for this land August 6, 1855, and his
receipt was signed by the government receiver, R. P. Russell,
of Minneapolis.
The old Indian trail from Wabasha's village, on the site of
Winona, to Little Crow's village, at Kaposia, or a branch of
this trail, ran into Medicine Bottle's village and out again
through what was afterward known as Bissell's coulie. Also
a branch from this trail went to Fort Snelling. Captain John
Tapper, the first ferryman at Minneapolis, who died in 1909,
told me that he came over this trail in the fall of 1844 from
Lake Pepin to Mendota. He said that it was nearly dark when
he and his companions arrived at Medicine Bottle's village,
and they stayed there all night. The chief entertained them
as well as circumstances would permit, and the next morning
they followed the trail to Mendota and were ferried across the
Minnesota river to Fort Snelling.
In 1853 William Strathern of Rich Valley, Dakota county,
and William Senescall, took claims within a mile or two of
Bissell. These two men in the spring of that year ploughed a
part of the Indian cornfield for Bissell, and he put it into
wheat. This wheat was cut with a cradle and threshed with
a flail by Walter Strathern, a brother of William, later in the
fall or winter. Walter is now living on his original pre-emp-
tion claim taken in 1853 at Rich Valley. A part of this wheat
was hauled by William Strathern around by the way of St.
Paul and Cottage Grove to the grist mill of Lemuel Bolles in
Afton, where it was made into flour. William Senescall was
376 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
living at Stewart or Glencoe, Minn., a few years ago; he was
a member of Company F, Hatch's Battalion.
Medicine Bottle and his band lived at Pine Bend fifteen
years, leaving there for the new Sioux Reservation on the up-
per Minnesota river in the fall of 1852. Both the chief and his
wife were true friends and neighbors of the Bissell family, and
just before they left for their new home they came to the Bis-
sell home to bid them good-bye. They had their faces painted
and ran out of the house, threw themselves on the ground, and
carried on their lamentations after the Indian fashion of ex-
pressing sorrow at the loss of friends or relatives. They felt
very badly on account of having to leave the Bissells and their
old home and hunting grounds. Mr. Bissell died at Sauk Cen-
ter in December, 1871, and was buried there.
The third and last village of Medicine Bottle and his band
in Minnesota was one mile west of the government buildings
at the Redwood or Lower Sioux Agency. He was accidentally
killed near his lodge or house in this village before the out-
break of 1862. Outside of his house he had a scaffold erected
for drying corn, and hanging from the rafters was an iron
chain with a sharp hook on the lower end. Some of his family
were cleaning or cutting up a wild duck, and he was feeding
his chickens, when one of them ran off with a piece of the duck.
The chief ran to catch it but stumbled, and in falling the sharp
hook caught him in the mouth, penetrating his brain. He ex-
pired in a few minutes from hemorrhage. He was attended by
Dr. Asa W. Daniels, the government physician at the Redwood
Agency, now living in Pomona, California, who has supplied
this account of his death. Dr. Daniels further writes :
We looked upon Medicine Bottle as a civilized Indian. He lived
in a frame house, cultivated a plot of ground, did not believe in con-
juration nor practice it, but possessed considerable knowledge in bleed-
ing, cupping, and the hot steam bath, and kept medicinal barks, roots,
and herbs, which he used in cases of sickness. He was an Indian of
much ability, honest, truthful, and bore the duties of life faithfully,
and always gave good advice and worthy example to the others of his
people.
Another Sioux whose name in English was Medicine Bottle,
also called Grizzly Bear, a nephew of this chief and son of Grey
GREY CLOUD ISLAND AND ITS VICINITY. 377
Iron, took part in the massacre, for which he and the young
chief Shakopee, called Little Six, having been captured in 1864,
were tried by a military commission at Fort Snelling and were
hung there November 11, 1865.
The site of the city of Hastings was earlier called Oliver's
Grove, after Lieut. William G. Oliver, who was ascending the
Mississippi with one or more keel boats late in the autumn of
1819, but was prevented from going farther by a gorge of ice
in the bend of the river opposite to this city. The boat or boats
were probably run up to the outlet of Lake Rebecca, to be out
of the way of the ice when the river broke up in the spring of
1820. Lieutenant Oliver was on his way from Fort Crawford
at Prairie du Chien with supplies for the soldiers at St. Peter's
camp, now Fort Snelling, among whom was the first settler of
Hastings, Joe Brown, the drummer boy, then about fourteen
years of age.
Oliver passed the winter here with some soldiers guarding
these supplies. I imagine that he put up a log camp on the
bottomland near where his boats were tied, as it was covered
with very large elm and maple trees, which with the smaller
growth of willows and maples along the riverside would pro-
tect the camp from the northwest wind and also furnish plenty
of fuel.
"When I first saw the bottomlands on the long island ad-
joining Lake Rebecca, between Nininger and Hastings, they
were covered with heavy timber, soft maple, white and black
ash, elm, cottonwood, and hackberry; and on the lower end of
the island, next to the river for half a mile, was a dense grove
of willows and small maples so close together in some places
that one could not get through them. I was quite familiar with
these woods and also Oliver's Grove when I was young, be-
cause my father's stock at Nininger was pastured on these
bottoms and I had to drive the cows home at night during the
summer months, sometimes finding them as far down the river
as Oliver's Grove.
After leaving the army, Joseph R. Brown commenced to
trade with the Indians about the year 1826. He had a trad-
ing post in 1832 at St. Croix Falls, Wisconsin, which he left
378 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL. SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
in a boat or canoe on one of the last days of July in that year,
coming down the St. Croix to its mouth and thence up the
Mississippi to Oliver's Grove. Here he built a one-story log
house on what was afterward platted as Lot 1, Block 12, of the
original townsite of Hastings, at the southwest corner of
Second and Vermillion streets. This house stood in a beauti-
ful grove of white and bur oaks. An extensive belt of oak
woods, including white, bur, black, and red oaks, continued
thence three miles northwest along the bank of Lake Rebecca
and on the second plateau above the river, to the home of my
father, James R. Case, in section 18, Nininger. The grove in
Hastings extended south as far as to the site of Hon. Albert
Schaller's home, on Fifth street, where some of its large trees
yet remain.
^1
II
NORTHERN MINNESOTA BOUNDARY SURVEYS IN 1822
TO 1826, UNDER THE TREATY OF GHENT.*
BY HON. WILLIAM E. CULKIN.
At the close of the War of 1812, the treaty of Ghent, signed
December 24, 1814, at the Netherland city of that name, set-
tled the terms of peace, but said nothing about the real con-
troversy which precipitated the struggle. The war had been
brought about by the conduct of the British in holding up
American ships on the high seas and taking from them men
whom they claimed as owing service to Great Britain. The
war being ended, Britain was ready to give up the practice of
search of American ships and seizure of American men, but
she was by far too proud to say so. The practice would be
abandoned, but Britain would give no promise on compulsion
exerted by the colonists, who themselves, in British eyes, were
disloyal servants of the crown. The British retained the rights
to pretend that the concession of freedom of the sea to the new
republic was due to the forbearance and toleration of the
mother country, not to valor of the Americans on land and sea.
But there were minor matters of controversy between the
countries, and, as a treaty of peace had to be made, it was
advisable to adjust these quarrels. One dispute related to the
boundary between the American possessions and the remain-
ing British areas on the north. The boundary had been set
forth in the treaty of Paris in 1783, but had never been marked
on the ground, and the language of the treaty in some in-
stances was indefinite and difficult to determine its intent.
The treaty of Ghent provided for the settlement of the
boundary by arbitration. In this discussion we have to do
only with the seventh article, which deals with the boundary
from the Straits of Mackinaw to the Lake of the Woods and
therefore is relevant to Minnesota history. It provided that
♦Read at the monthly meeting' of the Executive Council, September
8, 1913; previously published in the Duluth News Tribune, July 27, 1913.
380 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
the two commissioners, one from each side, who were to
be appointed to settle the boundary from Lake Erie to the
Straits of Mackinaw under other provisions of the treaty, after
having finished that work, were
"authorized upon their oaths impartially to fix and determine, accord-
ing to the true intent of the said treaty of peace of 1783, that part of
the boundary between the dominions of the two powers which extends
from the water communication between Lake Huron and Lake Supe-
rior to the most northwestern point of the Lake of the Woods; to
decide to which of the two parties the several islands lying in the
lakes, water communications and rivers forming the said boundary
do respectively belong, in conformity with the true intent of the said
treaty of peace of 1783; and to cause such parts of the said boundary
as require it to be surveyed and marked."
We thus see the magnates of the two powers sitting in coun-
cil among the spires and palaces of ancient Ghent dealing with
the boundary of the far-off wilderness, now the home of many.
The American commissioner was Peter B. Porter of Niagara
county, New York, himself a borderman, with a just sense of
his personal dignity, the importance of his commission, and
the future of the country. The British representative on the
Lake Superior line was Anthony Barclay of Nova Scotia, who
had succeeded John Ogilvy, who had died of fever contracted
on the St. Clair flats while working in the open air in the line
of duty. Everything indicates that Mr. Barclay, like his co-
commissioner, was an extremist on his side. The two com-
missioners met at Utica, N. Y., on June 18, 1822, and issued
orders for a survey of the line between the Sault Ste. Marie
and the Lake of the Woods. They did not accompany the sur-
veyors and agents who went into the field.
During the summers of 1822 and 1823 the surveyors went
over the ground from the starting point to the Lake of the
Woods. Evidently considering the Grand Portage line as the
course of the boundary, they surveyed that line only. They
reported to the commission at a meeting held at Albany, N. Y.,
in February, 1824. Everything indicated the acceptance of
the Grand Portage route, the present boundary. But a meet-
ing was held at Montreal in October, 1824, and here contro-
versy arose. The British commissioner, Mr. Barclay, ordered
NORTHERN MINNESOTA BOUNDARY SURVEYS. 381
a survey of the route from Lake Superior to Rainy lake and
the west by way of the St. Louis river, or, as it was some-
times called, the Fond du Lac river.
Mr. Porter demanded a survey of the route via the Kamin-
istiquia river, which, lying northeast of Pigeon river, was more
favorable to the United States.
Under these orders surveys were made, and thus the first
survey of the Duluth harbor was made in 1825 by the interna-
tional surveyors under the British claim that the true bound-
ary was through the main channel of the St. Louis to the Em-
barrass river, up that stream to the head of canoe navigation,
across a portage to the Lesser Vermilion, now the Pike river,
down the Pike to Lake Vermilion, across that lake to the
Greater Vermilion, and down that river and through the con-
necting waters to the Lake of the Woods.
The language of the treaty of 1783 describing the boundary
through Lake Superior and on to the west is as follows:
"Through Lake Superior northward of the Isles Royale and Pheli-
peaux, to the Long lake; thence through the middle of the said Long
lake and the water communication between it and the Lake of the
Woods, to the said Lake of the Woods; thence through the said lake
to the most northwestern point thereof."
This language seems plain enough, but the fact is that when
this survey was made no one could find Isle Phelipeaux, and
no one could say what body of water it was that Benjamin
Franklin and his associates in the treaty of 1783 meant by the
words "the Long Lake." There were long lakes in plenty,
but which lake and how long? As to Isle Phelipeaux, that,
alas, had entirely disappeared. No trace of it could be found.
Neither Indian nor trapper could conjecture its whereabouts.
Here controversy arose.
The commissioners, their agents, and the surveyors, prob-
ably knew from the beginning of the faxilty Mitchell map used
and followed by the negotiators of 1783; but if they did, they
ignored or obscured the fact for diplomatic purposes. Isle
Phelipeaux and Long lake were clearly delineated on that map.
Long lake was merely a bay at the mouth of Pigeon river, and
Isle Phelipeaux a clearly defined island on the map south of
382 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Isle Royale, which, in fact, never existed. But as the line had
to pass north of Isle Royale by that map and as it shows Isle
Phelipeaux south of Isle Royale, using the Mitchell map, the
reference to Isle Phelipeaux became wholly unimportant. But
the commissioners did not have the Mitchell map, or they chose
to ignore it, in the beginning. Reading the treaty of 1783 with
the Mitchell map in hand made it clear where the boundary
was to be. We know that toward the end the Mitchell map
was before the commissioners.
There was one other circumstance tending to determine the
actual course of the boundary, and around this the quarrel
raged. The language of the treaty indicated that the line was
to follow ''the water communication between it [Lake Supe-
rior] and the Lake of the "Woods." That, of course, could
mean nothing else but that the old traveled water and canoe
route was intended by these negotiators in 1783 to be the
boundary.
Unfortunately, there were at least three water routes lead-
ing from Lake Superior to Rainy lake.
One of these, starting near where Fort William now is,
followed in general the course of the Kaministiquia river and
arrived at length at the Rainy lake, and thence continued
down the Rainy river to the Lake of the Woods.
The second route was the old, well known Grand Portage
route, which eventually became the boundary, following up
the course of the Pigeon river to its source, crossing the height
of land to those rivers and lakes which flow into the Rainy lake
and river, and continuing thence to the northwest corner of
the Lake of the Woods.
Finally, the third route passed through the Duluth harbor,
up the St. Louis river, across the height of land into the Pike
river, and thence across Vermilion lake to Rainy lake.
There was no dispute as to the boundary from the Lac la
Pluie (Rainy lake) to the Lake of the Woods, and in the nature
of things there could be none, as the Rainy river was the only
possible route westerly in its neighborhood, whereas easterly
from where the Rainy river flows from Rainy lake, Lake Supe-
rior might be reached at least in the three ways that have been
NORTHERN MINNESOTA BOUNDARY SURVEYS.
383
just described. Here was the crux of the problem, Which
water route was the true line?
The American commissioner, Porter, coming from a mili-
tant border family of Americans residing near Niagara Falls,
seeing that an agreement was not immediately available on
the Grand Portage route, declared that he stood for the route
by the Kaministiquia. Barclay, the British commissioner, a
Canadian, then advanced the extreme claim that the true, an-
cient traveled route to the north was via the St. Louis river.
Each could at least argue that the course claimed by him was
a traveled route, although both had to admit that the Pigeon
river route was, in recent days at least, of far greater impor-
tance than any other.
Let us state the arguments advanced by Mr. Barclay in
support of his contention that the true boundary was through
the line of the St. Louis river. He advanced five separate rea-
sons. The first was that ''the St. Louis river answered the
description in the treaty, since after expanding into a lake
(St. Louis bay) it discharged itself into the lake [Superior]
not by a bay, as did Pigeon river, nor by a narrow stream, as
the Kaministiquia, but by a narrow mouth made by two
points." It is difficult to see very much in this argument or
even to understand it, but Mr. Barclay insisted upon it.
His second reason was that the St. Louis river was an an-
cient commercial route to the north. This argument could not
be denied, but at the same time this qualification was pos-
sessed by the Pigeon and the Kaministiquia river routes as
well. He correctly argued also that the St. Louis route was
more ancient than the Kaministiquia route, but here again the
Pigeon river route might claim great antiquity.
The third reason the commissioner offered was that the St.
Louis river route was the true one because it was the most
easily navigable, being interrupted by the fewest portages.
This claim could not be disputed.
Fourth, he argued that the old name of the St. Louis river
was the Lake river, meaning the largest tributary of Lake
Superior, and that the term ''Long lake" was intended to
mean Long Lake river or Big Lake river. As a matter of fact
384 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
the Ojibway name of the St. Louis river was and now is Big
Lake river, Kitchigami-zibi, that is, Lake Superior river.
Fifth, he argued that the language of the treaty implied
that the boundary west of Isle Royale should run to the south-
west. This inference was insisted upon because the treaty
said that the boundary was to run north of Isle Royale, and,
said Mr. Barclay, if they intended the boundary to go to a
point north of Isle Royale, it would have been easy to say that
the boundary should go to that precise point without mention-
ing Isle Royale. But because the treaty said that the boundary
should pass north of Isle Royale, it was argued by him that it
was intended after having passed Isle Royale it should go
south. It was unnecessary to say that it should go north of
Isle Royale if the line had to pass thence north to go to the
Kaministiquia or the Pigeon river.
The American commissioner took, of course, precisely op-
posite grounds, arguing that if the St. Louis river was meant
it was ridiculous to go north of Isle Royale merely for the
purpose of giving the United States an apparently worthless
island. He said that while the St. Louis route was no doubt a
commercial route, it was a very obscure one, and that it was
the manifest intention of the treaty makers to follow routes
which were known at the time when the treaty was made.
In any event, the persistent Barclay had forced a survey of
the western end of Lake Superior, the Duluth harbor, the St.
Louis river, the Embarrass river. Lake Vermilion, and the
waters connecting it on its northern side with the present
boundary waters.
It is likely that this survey, the first made of the route de-
scribed, was the best and most accurate. It was made in the
summer of 1825. The surveyors, fully equipped with every
instrument known to their science, reached the harbor of Du-
luth in June. It must have been a considerable party with
their assistants, canoe men, ax men, chain bearers, guides, and
commissary. The maps which they made, showing their sur-
veys, prove the high character of their work. These excellent
surveyors did not appear to be much concerned in the contro-
versy as to the boundary, as their work bears no evidence
NORTHERN MINNESOTA BOUNDARY SURVEYS. 385
whatever of partisanship. Their concern was merely to make
a true survey. Barclay's object was to prove that there was
a waterway for canoes via the St. Louis to the north.
It is true that this work done by these men was the first
scientific survey made in the North Star State. St. Louis
county may then claim the honor which arises from the fact
that it was within her borders that the first scientific work was
done in Minnesota.
The maps showing this survey bear the certificate of the
two commissioners and of David Thompson, surveyor, to the
effect that they are true maps of the survey made under the
seventh article of the treaty of Ghent by order of the commis-
sioners.
They show that at the exit from St. Paul bay to the lake
the natural mouth of the river was in a very swampy condi-
tion, and this condition covered a large portion of Allouez bay.
Almost facing the natural exit, on the opposite shore, is shown
the mouth of Left Hand river. This is now known as the
Nemadji river. About half way up the bay on the Superior
shore is a notation showing the site of the old Northwest Fur
Company's factory. There is a small square indicating the
site of the building. This is about opposite Oatka beach. Here
for a long time the Montreal fur traders had a post, probably
dependent on the one at Fond du Lac.
The surveyors numbered the prominent poiirts of land and
islands as they appear in their plats from 1 to 53 in the dis-
tance from the entrance of the harbor to the place where the
Embarrass river flows into the St. Louis. Thence they start
again at one, and on reaching Vermilion lake they again fall
back to one. These numbers on the plats refer to field notes
which are in the archives at Washington and London, which
give more specific information of the places referred to. Num-
ber 1 on the surveyor's plat is the extreme tip of Minnesota
Point. Number 2 is a marshy islet not far from the mouth of
the river, where the water flows into the lake from the bay.
Numbers 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8, are very small islets in the
north part of the bay. All of these appear in the outside har-
bor not far from Rice's and Connor's Points. They have long
25
386 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
since disappeared, undermined by the floods whose force and
direction were changed by the harbor improvements and the
digging of the Duluth canal. The point of land in Superior
known as Connor's Point is marked Bear's Passage in the sur-
vey. It is likely, however, that this name was intended not to
be applied to the point, but to the strait between the inner and
outer harbor now spanned by the Interstate bridge. The origin
of the name can only be conjectured.
The bends in the river, with its numerous islands and bays,
from the Interstate bridge to Fond du Lac are shown as in
modern maps, although some details are lacking. More swamp
is shown in the old survey than in recent ones. Nature was
not at that time aided by the huge dredges which have dug
hundreds of thousands of tons of rock and dirt from the bot-
tom of the river. Above the upper harbor shown in the map
there is a bay marked Pekagumew. On modern maps this ap-
pears as Pokegama bay.
Going up the river we come to the trading post marked
''American Factory," showing four buildings on the site of
the present village of Fond du Lac. The island in the river at
that place is well shown. Passing a little above Fond du Lac,
we reach the Grand Portage, 11,915 yards in length, a distance
of nearly seven miles, over which the travelers were obliged to
carry their boats and their goods. The river was not surveyed
parallel to the portage trail, but its exis1:ence is indicated by
dotted lines. At the western end of the long portage the sur-
vey of the river is resumed. A short distance from where the
Grand Portage reaches the river, another portage is found of
2,029 yards, more than a mile. The canoeing is comparatively
good from this place up the St. Louis river to the mouth of
the Embarrass river, which on the old map is the ' ' Riviere aux
Embaras." The extraordinary convolutions of the St. Louis
just west of Forbes station on the line of the Mesaba railroad
are perfectly shown on the old map. At this place the river
seemed to be undecided whether to go north or south, but it
finally decided to cast its lot with Lake Superior. The height
of land is reached in the vicinity of the villages of McKinley
and Biwabik.
NORTHERN MINNESOTA BOUNDARY SURVEYS. 387
Near the headwaters of the Embarrass river there is a
portage of 6,270 yards, about three miles and a half, across
the height of land to the lesser Vermilion, now called the Pike
river, and with a few portages the route enters Vermilion lake.
The waters of the Pike river and of Vermilion lake flow toward
the north and eventually reach Hudson bay. The survey of
Vermilion lake was conscientiously and carefully made. Every
island is delineated and numbered. The indentations of the
shore are laid down with care and skill. The course of the old
route is farther shown across the lake into the greater Ver-
milion river, which flows rapidly to the north. No survey
since that time was made with greater care or more conscien-
tious fidelity.
This body of men, perhaps fifty in number, including the
various laborers, and the agents of the respective governments,
with the secretaries, the chainmen, the cooks, and camp serv-
ants, must have startled the denizens of the wilderness, human
and otherwise. It must have suggested to the Indians what
was behind. Up to this time the natives had met the mission-
ary and the trader, the first seeking his salvation and the
second seeking his furs; but these two did not greatly inter-
rupt the ordinary current of Indian life. There was a greater
menace to the natives' mode of life in the clink of the survey-
ors' chain than in the exhortations of the missionary or the
intrigues of the trader. By this time the redskin had, in a
manner, adjusted himself to the views of the man of prayer
and the man of trade; but how was he to square himself with
this inexorable organization coming up behind?
This party, following this old trail through St. Louis
county, startled the deer and the moose, the bear and the
beaver, as never before. The waters of the bay and river be-
fore that time had been disturbed for a century and a half
only by the casual and infrequent trader, and for a short dis-
tance by an expedition of American observers in the year 1820.
But we may leave this subject as it is. Enough has been shown
to justify the statement that northeastern Minnesota, now tak-
ing a prominent part and place in every field of modern de-
velopment, first in many things and second but in few, is enti-
388 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
tied to the first place and first mention when the history of
Minnesota is finally written. This is the old and not the new
part of this state.
The commissioners at their meeting in 1827 had the whole
matter on the table and sought to reach an agreement. At this
time Mitchell's map was in the hands of Mr. Porter, and he
offered to give up his claim to the route of the Kaministiquia
river, provided the British commissioner would accept a line
in the center of Pigeon river, known as Riviere aux Tourtes,
and thence by the ordinary route to Rainy lake. Then the
British commissioner offered to surrender his claim to the St.
Louis river route, if Mr. Porter would accept a boundary along
the course of the Grand Portage, the line to commence thus
where the village of Grand Portage now is, about ten miles
southwest of the mouth of Pigeon bay. This suggests that Mr.
Barclay was seeking to preserve to the British the posts of the
Northwestern Fur Company, which would stand on American
soil if the center of the Pigeon bay and river was made the
boundary.
There was no difference finally between the commissioners,
except as to that strip of land between the Pigeon river and
the old existing portage route called the ''Grand Portage" at
that point, an insignificant area. But they could not agree,
and they reported their disagreement as to this matter and
others to their respective governments. They agreed as to the
line west of Rainy lake.
After the report of the commissioners nothing was done for
a period of about fifteen years, and the differences were not
settled until 1842, when matters were compromised in what is
known as the Webster-Ashburton treaty. By that treaty the
Pigeon river boundary was settled on, although a right was
reserved to the British to use the portages on the American
side of the river.
It is a singular fact that the president of the United States,
in submitting the Webster-Ashburton treaty to the senate, said
that the region between the Pigeon river and the St. Louis
river was considered valuable as a mineral region, showing
that even in that early day, long before any mineral wealth
NORTHERN MINNESOTA BOUNDARY SURVEYS. 389
was discovered north of Lake Superior, its existence was sus-
pected.
The map by John Mitchell, dated in 1755, forming Plate IX
at the beginning of this paper, which makes frequent refer-
ences to it, was evidently compiled to a great extent from hear-
say ; but it was used as supposedly the best map then available,
for the country north and west of Lake Superior, by the pleni-
potentiaries who framed the treaty of Paris in 1783 between
the United States and Great Britain. It has three radical er-
rors which had an important effect on the settlement of the
boundary.
It erroneously indicates that the main thread of the St.
Lawrence river system extends up to the Lake of the Woods,
and that the waters of the Lake of the Woods flow into Lake
Superior. Therefore the treaty makers fixed the boundary at
Pigeon river on the theory that the river was the main exten-
sion of the St. Lawrence system of waters. The fact is that the
Pigeon river extends only about thirty miles from the lake.
At that point rises the height of land, and all waters west of
it go to the Hudson bay. Had the diplomats not been misled
by this map, and had they known the truth, they would have
used the St. Louis as the boundary and Duluth would be in
Canada.
There is no such lake as the Long lake shown on the map.
At the mouth of the Pigeon river there is a bay six or eight
miles in length. The delineation and name given by Mitchell
were undoubtedly derived from the ''Lac Long" on the map
drawn by the Assiniboine chief, Ochagach, with others, for
Verendrye in 1728, which map aided for a map by Buache, the
French geographer, in 1754.
Mitchell's map shows Isle Phelipeaux, but there never was
any such island. The nearest land southeast of Isle Royale is
the Keweenaw peninsula. Possibly the map maker had heard
that the point of the peninsula was cut off from the main land
by streams, lakes and marshes, used as a canoe route with
portages, in the course of the present canal, so that he intended
to show that point as an island.
The fanciful nature of the map is also shown by the Apostle
390 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
islands. Mitchell made exactly twelve of them, in order to
conform with scripture. There are in fact a larger number of
islands in the group.
The map does not show Minnesota Point nor the Duluth
harbor. Manifestly it was carelessly made from hearsay, and
other maps in existence at the time were overlooked or ignored.
This was, however, the official British map. Its errors gave
rise to much controversy.
John Mitchell was a botanist and an author of numerous
works in the natural and physical sciences and in history. He
was born in England, and had his university education there ;
came over to America about 1700, and lived in Virginia forty-
seven years, writing and publishing botanical works; and re-
turned in 1747 or 1748 to England, where in 1755 he published
this map of the British colonies in North America. The next
year another edition of his map was published in Paris, and a
second English edition appeared in 1757, which was reprinted
in 1782. There are copies of all these maps in the British Mu-
seum Library.
David Thompson, who had charge of the surveys of the St.
Louis and Vermilion route, and of the Pigeon river route,
which latter was accepted as the international boundary, was
born in Westminster, now a part of London, England, in 1770 ;
and died near Montreal, Canada, in 1857. He was in the serv-
ice of the Hudson Bay Company eight years, 1789-1797, and
of the Northwest Fur Company the next eighteen years. He
was the earliest professional surveyor and geographer in Min-
nesota, coming in 1798 from the Red river valley to Red lake,
and thence to Turtle lake on the most northern tributary of
the Mississippi river, mapping these lakes and streams for their
insertion on a large manuscript map of Canada which he pre-
pared for the Northwest Company.
Refe:rEnces to Source:s consulted FOR THIS Paper.
History and Digest of the International Arbitrations to which the
United States has been a Party, by Prof. John Bassett Moore, 53d
Congress, Second Session, House of Representatives, Miscellaneous
Documents, No. 212, in six volumes, 1898; Vol. I, Chapter VI, "Bound-
ary from Lake Huron to the most Northwestern Point of the Lake of
NORTHERN MINNESOTA BOUNDARY SURVEYS.
391
the Woods: Commission under Article VII of the Treaty of Ghent,"
pp. 171-195, with the part of Mitchell's map northwest of Lake Superior
at page 180; Vol. VI, Maps under Articles VI and VII of the Treaty
of Ghent.
Numbers 36 to 39 in this series of maps present the survey of the
west end of Lake Superior, the harbor of Duluth and Superior, and
the proposed boundary by way of the St. Louis and Embarrass rivers
to Vermilion lake; and numbers 40 to 55 are plats of the survey on
the route accepted as the international boundary, from Pigeon bay
and river to the Lake of the Woods.
Six topographic sheets are added, numbered 56 to 61, which show
the land relief or contour of Isle Royale, the contiguous northwest
shore of Lake Superior, and the routes surveyed along the Pigeon and
Arrow rivers and onward to the east end of Namekan lake, near Rainy
lake.
The History of Minnesota, by Rev. Edward D. Neill, fourth edition,
1882, with several maps; especially Appendix A, "Early Charts of
Lake Superior and Upper Mississippi," pp. 797-802, containing Ocha-
gach's map at page 800.
The Geology of Minnesota, Final Report, in six volumes, 1884-1901;
Vol. I, Chapter I, "Historical Sketch of Explorations and Surveys id
Minnesota," by Prof. N. H. Winchell, pp. 1-110, with maps, including
the map of Ochagach on page 19.
The Aborigines of Minnesota, by Prof. N. H. Winchell, 1911; Chap-
ter II, "Aboriginal Geography of Minnesota — Old Maps," pp. 24-62.
Travels and Adventures in Canada and the Indian Territories, be-
tween the Years 1760 and 1776, by Alexander Henry, published in
1809, pp. 236-246.
Voyages from Montreal ... in the Years 1789 and 1793, by
Alexander Mackenzie, published in 1801; first part, "A General His-
tory of the Fur Trade from Canada to the Northwest," pages i-cxxxii,
with a map.
Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River, Lake
Winnepeek, Lake of the Woods, etc., performed in the Year 1823,
. . . under the Command of Stephen H. Long, compiled by Prof.
William H. Keating, in two volumes, Philadelphia, 1824, and London,
1825, with a map.
Report intended to illustrate a Map of the Hydrographical Basin
of the Upper Mississippi River, by J. N. Nicollet, 1843, 170 pages,
with a large and most admirable map.
392 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Minnesota in Three Centuries, 1655-1908, four volumes, published
in 1908; Vol. I, by Warren Upham, pp. 267-278, 287-9, and 295-313,
quoting much from the works of Henry and Mackenzie, before cited.
Minnesota Historical Society Collections, Vol. VII, The Mississippi
River, and its Source, by Hon. J. V. Brower, 1893, 360 pages; Appen-
dix, "How the Mississippi River and the Lake of the Woods became
instrumental in the Establishment of the Northwestern Boundary of
the United States," by Alfred J. Hill, pp. 305-352.
M. H. S. Collections, Vol. VIII, 1898; "The International Boundary
between Lake Superior and the Lake of the Woods," by Dr. Ulysses
Sherman Grant, pp. 1-10, with a map; "Minnesota's Northern Bound-
ary," by Prof. Alexander N. Winchell, pp. 185-212; "Route of the
Fur Trade along the Northern Boundary of Minnesota," by Captain
Russell Blakeley, pp. 362-372, containing extracts from Henry and
Mackenzie.
The Public Statutes at Large of the United States of America, Vol.
VIII, 1848, "Treaties between the United States of America and For-
eign Nations, from the Declaration of Independence of the United
States to 1845, with Notes," edited by Richard Peters, 617 pages.
Public Treaties of the United States, in force on the first day of
December, 1873, edited and published under the direction of the Sec-
retary of State, 1875, 902 pages.
I
^c^U^^<*^ ^^t^^,^^
Minnesota Historical Society.
Vol. XV. Plate X.
THE SALE OF FORT SNELLING, 1857.*
BY WILLIAM WATTS FOLWELL.
When Major General James AVilkinson, commanding at St.
Louis, issued his order of July 30, 1805, to First Lieutenant
Zebulon Montgomery Pike, to proceed up the Mississippi river
with all possible diligence, he added the postscript, "You will
be pleased to obtain permission from the Indians who claim
the ground, for the erection of military posts and trading
houses at the mouth of the St. Pierre, the falls of St. Anthony,
and every other critical place which may fall under your ob-
servation. ' '
It was not till the 21st of September that Pike and his de-
tachment made camp on "the northeast point of the big island
opposite St. Peter's," which still bears his name. The next
day a war party of Sioux, some 150 strong, returning from a
futile raid on the Chippewas, arrived in the neighborhood.
The leader was Little Crow, grandfather of the chief of the
same name who headed the outbreak of 1862. After a coun-
cil, held on the 23d, a formal treaty drawn by Pike was signed
by him and two Sioux chiefs.
This document purported to grant to the United States
two tracts of Indian lands, one being "nine miles square at
the mouth of the St. Croix," the other being "from below the
confluence of the Mississippi and St. Peter's up the Mississippi
to include the falls of St. Anthony, extending nine miles on
each side of the river. ' ' It stipulated that ' ' in consideration of
the above grants, the United States shall pay [filled up by the
senate with 2,000 dollars]." Pike had previously crossed the
hands of the two chiefs, who made their marks, with $50 apiece.
He now distributed presents prized by Indians, to the value
of $200, and concluded the solemnities with a gift of sixty
gallons of liquor. The area of the tract thus indefinitely de-
scribed was over 100,000 acres.
*Read at the monthly meeting of the Executive Council, Sept. 9, 1912.
394 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
It was doubtless at the instance of the American Fur Com-
pany that after 1816 the government was moved to extend its
authority to the territory about the upper Mississippi. Early
in 1819, John C. Calhoun, who was Secretary of War under
Monroe, ordered a detachment of troops to occupy the tract
bargained for by Pike. Lieutenant Colonel Henry Leavenworth
arrived there with a small command on the 23rd of August.
Traces of the cantonment erected can still be found near the
southern end of the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul railroad
bridge. The government had never paid any part of the un-
named consideration of Pike's treaty, and it was thought
proper that payment should precede occupation. Accordingly
Major Thomas Forsyth was sent up from St. Louis with $2,000
worth of presents to be distributed among the Sioux chiefs
supposed to have an interest and a right to convey. Major
Forsyth joined Colonel Leavenworth at Prairie du Chien and
accompanied him up river. On his arrival he held interviews
with Wabashaw, Little Crow, and other lower chiefs. To all
he made handsome presents of blankets, tobacco, powder, etc.
By means of these, and by judicious use of the ''milk" he
had brought along, he succeeded in obtaining parole quitclaims
which were regarded as sufficient to clear the title to the grant.
See Forsyth's journal and narrative, published in the third
volume of this Society's Historical Collections, pages 139-167.
No action seems to have been taken toward a survey and
delimitation of the military reservation of Fort Snelling till
about the time of the treaty of 1837. By that time squatters,
— ex-soldiers, engages of the Fur Company, and principally
refugees from the Selkirk settlements, — had multiplied. A
count made that year gives the number as 150, with 200 horses
and cattle. These squatters were cutting the timber and wood,
using up the pasturage and meadows needed for the garrison,
and, what was the greatest nuisance, some of their number
would at times furnish illicit liquor to thirsty soldiers. Upon
representation of commandants, the government decided to
have them all cleared off the reservation. This could not be
done till boundaries were established.
In the fall of 1837 a survey was made under orders of
Major Plympton by Lieutenant E. K. Smith. Two years later
THE SALE OF FORT SNELLING, 1857.
395
this survey was revised by Lieutenant Thompson. The area
reserved for military purposes did not, of course, embrace the
whole of the Pike concession. The main body lay in the angle
of the two rivers with its most northerly point near the mouth
of Bassett's creek in Minneapolis. The line did not cross the
Mississippi there, but followed that stream down to near Des-
noyer's, where it struck eastward and southeastward to the
''Seven Corners" in St. Paul, thus enclosing some 4,500 acres
east of the Mississippi. There was a still smaller portion south
of the Minnesota river. In all there were about 38,000 acres.
The reason for that jog in the east line is not hard to guess.
This tract of land at the head of navigation of the Mississippi,
tri-sected by two rivers, known to be in part, at least, exceed-
ingly fertile, was eagerly coveted by early settlers.
When the territory was created in 1849, it was taken for
granted in Minnesota, that, so soon as the expected treaties
with the Sioux could be concluded and the Indians removed
westward. Fort Snelling would lose its importance as a mili-
tary post and would be abandoned. When Mr. Sibley went to
Washington as a delegate to the 31st Congress, he was ex-
pected to secure two things : one, the Sioux treaties ; the other,
the opening of the Reserve to settlement. Early in the winter
of 1850, inquiries from constituents about ''reduction," and
with them suggestions that "old friends" be favored with
prompt information of action to be taken, were frequent.
Meanwhile those old friends were not waiting for Congress to
act, but were selecting their favorite locations on the Reserve.
The whole tract was marked off for claims. "Every inch,"
writes one, "is taken on both sides of the river." Some citi-
zens "went over and marked their names on trees, and stuck
up pieces of board in the sand." Neither of the desired ob-
jects was accomplished in 1850. Both, it was believed in Min-
nesota, would be reached in the next session.
In the session of 1851, Mr. Sibley received numerous re-
minders of what was expected of him as to the Reserve. Gov-
ernor Ramsey and others sent a petition asking that 100,000
acres of public lands, including the Fort Snelling reservation,
be set apart by Congress for the endowment of a university.
The Territorial Legislature on February 19 memorialized Con-
396 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
gress to the same effect. Judge B. B. Meeker, of the Terri-
torial Supreme Court, urged Mr. Sibley, in a letter of Decem-
ber 11, 1850, ''to be on the lookout" for a certain military man
who was endeavoring to have the pre-emption laws extended
over the reservation. He would have the tract sold to the high-
est bidder, and the money appropriated to endow a university.
''Could you," writes he, "carry a bill through for that pur-
pose, you would do more for the present and future genera-
tions, more for the Territory, and more for yourself politically,
than all you have yet done or can do."
Sibley was not indifferent to these suggestions, with which
he doubtless sympathized. Early in the session of 1851, he
prepared a bill providing for the reduction of the reservation
to an area of one mile square, lying in the forks of the two
rivers, and for opening the excluded portion to settlement with
recognition of pre-emption rights. The bill was introduced
into the Senate by Stephen A. Douglas, and passed by a unani-
mous vote. When it came up in regular course in the House,
upon a favorable report of the Committee on Territories, objec-
tions were raised. Fort Snelling, it was urged, was one of the
most important military stations on the continent. The bill
ought not to pass till after the military authorities should be
consulted and their favorable judgment had. Mr. Sibley was
himself constrained to move a reference to the committee on
military affairs. On the last day of the session, that commit-
tee made an adverse report, which was agreed to by the House.
His enterprising got no sanction for the premature location of
claims.
In the following summer. Colonel Francis Lee was called
upon for his opinion in regard to reducing the reservation. In
his report he protested that one square mile was not to be con-
sidered. It was his judgment, however, that the portions east
of the Mississippi and south of the Minnesota might be re-
leased, and that the north and west boundaries might be drawn
in. Congress by an act passed August 26, 1852, adopted this
officer's recommendation, and ordered the excluded lands to
be surveyed and sold at public auction. Two years ran by
while the surveys were going on. The boundaries of the re-
duced reservation, thus determined, were as follows:
THE SALE OF FORT SNELLING, 1857. 397
Beginning at the middle of the channel of the Mississippi river
below Pike's island; thence ascending along the channel of said river
in such a direction as to include all the islands of the river to the
mouth of Brown's [now Minnehaha] creek; thence up said creek to
Rice lake; thence through the middle of Rice lake to the outlet of
Lake Amelia: thence through said outlet and the middle of Lake
Amelia, to the outlet of Mother lake; thence through said outlet and
the middle of Mother lake, to the outlet of Duck lake; thence through
said outlet and the middle of Duck lake, to the southern extremity of
Duck lake; thence in a line due south to the middle of the channel of
the St. Peter's river; thence down said river so as to include all the
islands to the middle of the channel of the Mississippi river; reserv-
ing further, for military purposes, a quarter section on the right bank
of the St. Peter's river at the present ferry, and also a quarter section
on the left bank of the Mississippi river at the present ferry across
that stream.
The routine proceedings of the general land office having
been completed, the reserve lands east of the Mississippi were
offered for sale on the 11th of September, 1854, at the Still-
water land office. According to tradition and expectation and
the ''ethics of the border," the squatters had organized a claim
association and appointed Mr. William R. Marshall to do the
bidding in a manner to save time and prevent confusion. A
sufficient number of the members were present to obviate the
approach and interference of undesired competitors. As each
parcel of land was offered, a bid of one dollar and a quarter
an acre was made, and that was invariably the highest bid. In
total, 4,523.47 acres were sold for $5,654.28.
The claimants on the excluded lands west of the Mississippi
had also formed their ''Equal Rights and Impartial Claim Pro-
tective Association," and had used it effectively to discourage
claim jumping by tardy landseekers ; but they were not obliged
to resort to the same method of acquiring titles as that just
described. Through the interposition of Hon. Henry M. Rice,
the Minnesota delegate, an act of Congress was secured early
in the winter of 1855, extending the right of pre-emption to
occupants of this part of the reserve. Under this act, 19,733.87
acres were bought from the government for $24,668.37, less
the costs of survey and sale. On the lands thus disposed of
the city of Minneapolis has been mainly built.
A few warrant locations and private entries brought the
398 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
entire area of the reductions to 25,184.58 acres, and the total
receipts therefor to $31,643.97.
There remained, after these reductions, the tract in the
fork of the rivers and including Fort Snelling, variously esti-
mated to contain seven to eleven thousand acres. It was be-
lieved that no long time could elapse before this tract would
be offered to settlers. The time and the manner were subjects
of interested curiosity.
Among those interested there was no one who had better
reason than Mr. Franklin Steele, sutler at the Fort for many
years, who had been in the Territory since 1837. He had been
a large and skillful operator in lands, lumbering, and merchan-
dising, and had already, as was believed, accumulated a great
fortune. By permission of the military authority, he had
erected a fine dwelling, a storehouse, and other buildings near
the fort. "While these improvements gave Mr. Steele technic-
ally no pre-emption right, the sentiment of the frontier would
have held infamous any competition for the purchase of the
quarter section surrounding them. On what ground may have
rested the presumption that this residue might be disposed of
at private sale, is not known ; but Mr. Steele on April 24, 1856,
through Delegate Rice, made a proposal to buy the whole tract,
estimating its area at 5,000 acres, for $75,000, cash down. The
Hon. Jefferson Davis, secretary of war, on May 6 replied to
Mr. Rice, that the reservation was still needed for military pur-
poses, so that Mr. Steele's offer could not be entertained. The
quartermaster general, Thomas S. Jesup, had advised the sec-
retary that the offer, though far below the value of the lands,
was more than they would bring at a public sale, on account
of the banding together of speculators. If sold, he added, 150
acres should be retained.
The authority for a private sale was believed to issue from
the act of Congress of March 3, 1819, empowering the secre-
tary of war to sell all such military sites as ''may have been
found or may become useless for military purposes." A ques-
tion was raised as to the applicability of this remote statute.
The attorney general ruled that its efficacy had been long ex-
hausted. It was thereupon seen to be desirable that there
should be new legislation to cover the sale of reservations later
THE SALE OF FORT SNBLLING, 1857. 399
to be found unnecessary. Rice undertook the task, and suc-
ceeded in having inserted in the army appropriation bill of
March 3, 1857, a brief paragraph extending the provision of
1819 to ''all military sites which are or may become useless for
military purposes." Very few persons, in Congress or out,
could have known the immediate purpose of this unnoticed
amendment. It was not long before those who did know, or
who presently learned, began a series of exceedingly interest-
ing movements.
Hon. John B. Floyd, former governor of Virginia, had been
appointed secretary of war by President Buchanan, soon after
his inauguration on March 3. On the 7th of April, Delegate
Rice addressed to the new secretary a letter, in which he rec-
ommended the sale of the Fort Snelling reservation, except,
say, 40 acres for a depot of supplies. He advised a survey into
lots not exceeding 160 acres, sale at public auction at or above
a minimum price, and that the equities of occupants be re-
spected. Two days previously Mr. Rice had written to Alex-
ander Ramsey from Washington: ''I now think I shall get
an order issued for sale of the Snelling and Ripley reserva-
tions, but this for your ear alone."
Early in April, Dr. Archibald Graham of Lexington, Vir-
ginia, visiting in Washington, called on the secretary of war
to pay his respects to him as a Virginian. In the conversation,
Dr. Graham remarked that he was going to Minnesota to make
some investments, and inquired whether the secretary might
not have some public business that way which would pay his
expenses. That official replied that he had nothing unless it
was an agency for selling some old forts, mentioning Fort
Snelling. The dutiful citizen had been in Minnesota three
years before and had learned something of the value of the
Snelling lands and adjacent property. He would consider the
matter. The secretary's offer was, however, declined after a
few days taken for respectful deliberation. If the purpose of
the call was to ascertain the secretary's intentions, that pur-
pose was fulfilled.
John C. Mather, a member of the senate of the state of
New York, had seen a copy of the army appropriation bill, and
had observed the provision for the sale of some military reser-
400 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
vations. By chance the two gentlemen just named met in
Brown's Hotel, and fell into conversation about investments in
western lands. It would seem that the Virginian made a deep
impression on the New York statesman, and a tentative agree-
ment was there made towards an operation in the Snelling
reserve.
Mr. Mather of New York had a neighbor, another state
senator, Mr. Richard Schell, ' ' a regular speculator, ' ' in his own
phrase, who had learned from the newspapers that some forts
would be sold. Upon the matter being opened to him, he was
disposed to invest some of his wife's money, if Mather, whom
he trusted absolutely, should assure him that all was right.
As the result of a conference between Graham, Mather, and
Schell, in New York or Washington, ''The New York Com-
pany" was formed in April. Toward the end of April, Dr.
Graham traveled to Minnesota where he saw Mr. Franklin
Steele. On his return his report was so satisfactory that ''the
combination" decided to proceed.
The Secretary of "War evidently considered it his duty to
sell the Snelling reservation under the late legislation. In
April he gave Major Seth Eastman, U. S. A., verbal instruc-
tions to proceed to that post and make a survey of the place.
He was instructed to ascertain the area, and to subdivide it
into forty-acre lots. He was informed by the secretary that
when the survey was completed he would send an agent to sell.
This information the major considered as confidential and kept
to himself.
Mr. William King Heiskell, a fellow townsman of the secre-
tary, now comes into the play. This gentleman was a farmer,
had served in the Virginia legislature, had been a third cor-
poral in the militia and a deputy sheriff. As a hard student of
neyrspapers he professed himself generally well informed. Un-
able to bestow on this crony a four or five thousand dollar place
as desired, the secretary called Mr. Heiskell to Washington,
and offered to him the business of selling the Fort Snelling
reservation. Although the pay allowed by law was but eight
dollars a day and expenses, instead of a five per cent commis-
sion, the agency was accepted. On May 25, Mr. Heiskell was
duly commissioned, and was entrusted with the delivery to
THE SALE OF FORT SNELLING, 1857. 401
Major Eastman of a commission to act as his colleague. On
the same day he was furnished with the instructions of the
department. The commissioners were first to ascertain wheth-
er any bona fide settlers had established just claims to any por-
tions of the reserve ; next, to sell all the lands embraced, except
portions justly claimed by settlers, if any, either at public
auction or at private sale, in forty-acre lots, or in whole, ac-
cording to their best judgment, but in neither case to sell for
less than $7.50 per acre. Further, and as if an afterthought,
the commissioners were to examine the fort with reference to
military uses, and, if their judgment so dictated, to reserve
from sale the existing buildings and surrounding lands not less
than forty acres.
On delivering his commission to Mr. Heiskell, the secretary
said to him: ''Old fellow, I want you to do the best you can
for the government. I want that sale to be the best ever made
in the United States. Keep your eyes skinned; you are going
among a parcel of sharpers and speculators."
While awaiting his commission and instructions in Wash-
ington, Mr. Heiskell fell in with Dr. Graham of Virginia, ''it
Height have been upon the streets, in the capitol grounds, or
anywhere else." The latter (Graham) testified that he had
never seen the commissioner before. Mr. Heiskell, in his tes-
timony, claimed an acquaintance with the medical man of five
or six years standing. Whether by accident or arrangement,
these two gentlemen were soon traveling together to Saint
Paul, where they arrived on the 31st of May.
On the journey the commissioner revealed the general, but
not the particular, object of his business, for that he "com-
municated to nobody." It is an interesting coincidence that
Mr. John C. Mather arrived on the same Sunday morning and
accompanied Mr. Heiskell to church. This gentleman was not
traveling at his own expense. On May 26 the Secretary of
War had commissioned him an agent to examine the Fort Rip-
ley reservation near the mouth of the Crow Wing river, with
a view to its sale. There is a mystery about this appointment.
The appointee, when questioned, less than a year after, could not
tell how he happened to be appointed, nor how he learned of
his appointment, nor whether he had any interview with the
26
402 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
secretary on the subject. He had not asked for the appoint-
ment.
Commissioner Heiskell arrived in Saint Paul on Sunday;
Monday was election day ; Tuesday he did not find Major East-
man; Wednesday is not accounted for; Thursday he went to
Stillwater; and on Friday, the 5th of June, he found Major
Eastman at the Fort,
On Saturday the two ''got to talking." It did not take
them long to agree that the whole reservation ought to be sold,
and at private sale; that $90,000 would be a fair price; and
that the refusal ought to be offered to Mr. Franklin Steele.
Before noon they made inquiry of Mr. Steele in writing, as to
what sum he would be willing to pay for the whole tract, and
received the reply that he would be pleased to pay the sum
offered by him the year before, $75,000.
This offer the commissioners promptly declined, and in-
quired if he would not raise his bid to $90,000. To this prop-
osition he assented. In the afternoon of the same day a con-
tract was drawn up and signed. The document was drafted
by Mr. John C Mather, who had returned from a rapid jour-
ney to Fort Ripley. The draft was not materially modified by
the commissioners and the purchaser. It should, however, be
related that Mr. Heiskell testified that two or three days were
spent by himself in writing out the agreement, and that he had
exhausted nearly a quire of paper before getting a draft to
suit.
The contract, which is of course of record, was terse and
simple. The commissioners, acting on behalf of the United
States, sell the tract of land described to Franklin Steele, who
binds himself and assigns to pay the sum of $90,000, one-third
on July 10 proximo, and the residue in two annual payments
thereafter. A deed will be delivered so soon as the grantee
shall have made his first payment, and possession will be given
so soon as the government can dispense with the property.
Major Eastman not having completed his survey, the area was
stated to be ''about seven thousand acres."
The commissioners could not have examined the law gov-
erning sales of government property, or they would have dis-
covered that they had no right to sell on credit; and it never
THE SALE OF FORT SNELLING, 1857.
403
occurred to them to exact interest on the deferred payments,
nor a mortgage to secure them. The rate on current loans at
the time was two and a half per cent a month or more. It was
understood that Mr. Steele would waive all claims to pre-emp-
tions on his own account, and that he would satisfy other
claimants.
On the second of July, Commissioner Heiskell submitted his
report to Secretary Floyd, who secured the approval of the
President the same day. On that day Hon. Robert Smith, the
pioneer concessionary at the Falls, called in person at the War
Department to ascertain why no reply had been made to his
letter of inquiry about a rumored sale of the Snelling reserva-
tion. If it was to be sold, he desired to know when and in
what manner. Being informed that the sale had already taken
place, he assured the person who so informed him that he must
certainly be in error. He and other inquirers had to be con-
tent with the courteous regrets of the secretary, that letters
he had ordered written had not been received.
Mr. Smith had been in Minnesota in the first half of June,
and had inquired of everybody, including the surveyor gen-
eral, but could not learn that any action had been taken with
reference to the sale. Not the slightest reference to the trans-
action can be found in the Saint Paul newspapers, absorbed as
they were in the roaring farce of the constitutional conven-
tion,— with possibly a single exception. No military officer at
Fort Snelling had been taken into the secret, except Major
Eastman, who had his reasons for silence.
Colonel Lorenzo Thomas, senior staff officer on the staff of
Lieutenant General Winfield Scott, commanding the army, ar-
rived in Saint Paul on the first day of August to learn that the
reservation might have been sold, and, if not, that it would
probably soon be sold. Major Eastman so informed him. In
a report to his chief. Colonel Thomas ventured to say, ''I do
not know under what circumstances the post of Fort Snelling
was sold, but am perfectly certain that no military man on
the spot, at all acquainted with the state of affairs, would have
recommended the measure." This report was submitted to the
secretary of war on August 28, On the day following that
minister put on it an endorsement, not calculated to cheer the
404 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
heart of the staff officer or his general. "The dissertation
about Fort Snelling," said the secretary, "its sale, and the
importance of it for a military depot, is a gratuitous inter-
meddling in a matter already disposed of by competent au-
thority. When this department is required to report to sub-
ordinates under what circumstances the post of Fort Snelling
was sold, or any other act was done, the duty shall be per-
formed; but until then a 'military man' will probably under-
stand that a superior in authority is not to be called on for an
explanation of any order."
The sale was confirmed on July 2, and the first payment of
$30,000 was made, after some delay, on July 25. That sum was
made up of $10,000 contributed by Mr. Steele, $13,000 by Mr.
Schell, and the remaining $7,000 by Mr. Mather. Dr. Graham
paid in no money, but obligated himself to compensate the
company for an undivided third of the purchased property by
services as manager at a salary of $5,000 a year. On July 19
the assistant quartermaster at the Fort turned over the prop-
erty to Mr. Steele and took his receipt.
The order of the Secretary of War, through the adjutant
general's office, dated July 31, excepted the post proper and
the buildings required for the use of troops, and directed the
maintenance of the military post till further orders. The flag
was hauled down and the garrison marched out June 1, 1858.
In the autumn of 1857, Secretary Floyd bethought him of
a proceeding which he might properly have instituted before
the sale. He appointed a board of military officers, of which
General Harney was president, to meet at Fort Snelling, ex-
amine the post and all its circumstances, and give their opinion
of its abandonment. The report submitted was in such terms
as to assure the secretary that he had not erred in confirming
the sale. Of this report it was said, by political antagonists,
that it conformed to expectations.
The mystery and silence that brooded over the sale of the
Snelling Reserve were not to be prolonged indefinitely. On
January 4, 1858, the Hon. Robert Smith moved in the House
of Representatives for a select committee to investigate the
transaction. The committee was appointed, proceeded to their
duty, and on April 27 submitted their report. When printed.
THE SALE OF FORT SNELLING, 1857.
405
together with the findings of the minority, the testimony of
witnesses, and documents, it forms an octavo volume of 456
pages. It is H. R. Report No. 351, Thirty-fifth Congress, first
session. The expenses for witnesses, fifty in number, were
$14,830.25 ; and the whole cost of the investigation was placed
above- $20,000.
The testimony was conflicting, even bewildering. One
group of army officers testified that Fort Snelling was neces-
sary for military purposes, and should have been retained in-
definitely ; another, that it was either wholly useless, or of so
little use that a small remnant would be sufficient. As to the
value of the property, opinions were equally diverse. Robert
Smith produced a copy of his letter to the Secretary of August
12, 1857, in which he had declared that if the land had been
properly sold it would have brought four times the price esti-
mated. Hon. Henry M. Rice, whose experience in handling
real estate in the Territory had been extensive, would not have
given fifty cents an acre for townsite purposes, if compelled to
grade the streets ; but for agricultural purposes the land was
in his judgment worth three or four dollars an acre. Charles
H. Oakes, the Saint Paul banker, laughed at Steele for paying
the price he did. Great pains was taken to impress on the
committee the fact that had the sale not been made in the
manner it was, but at public auction, a combination of buyers
would have held the price down to $1.25 an acre, quoting the
example of the previous sales above mentioned. Of this dan-
ger it appears that the two commissioners were both in great
dread, but each seems to have caught it from the other. On
the other hand, it was shown to the committee that when Fort
Dearborn, at Chicago, was sold in 1840, after advertisement
for sealed bids above a minimum, fifty-two and three-fourths
acres had brought $105,000 and a fraction. One witness swore
that a proposition had been made to him to let him have one
twenty-seventh interest in the venture for $25,000. Mr. Steele
deposed that he had actually sold that same fractional interest
for $6,666.
The committee recommended the passage of five resolu-
tions, for substance as follows:
1. That the sale of Fort Snelling was without authority of
law:
406 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
2. That the action of the Secretary of War, in disposing
of the post without the knowledge or opinion of any
military officer, was a grave fault;
3. That the agents appointed were "unqualified, inexpe-
rienced, and incompetent men;"
4. That the management of the sale induced a combina-
tion against the government;
5. That John C. Mather, a government employee, violated
his duty in participating in the transaction; that
Steele, Graham, and Schell were aware of such ille-
gality; and that therefore the sale was and continued
to be void.
The recommendation of the minority was to substitute for
the resolutions proposed by the committee a single resolution,
declaring that the evidence had failed to impeach the fairness
of the officers and agents concerned, or to furnish reasons for
further action by the House.
The report came up for consideration on June 1. On that
day and the next day eighteen elaborate speeches were deliv-
ered, which occupy 125 columns of the Congressional Globe,
First session. Thirty-fifth Congress. It was a partisan debate.
The Republican orators did not conceal their elation over the
opportunity of smirching the administration. Democratic mem-
bers found in the evidence sufficient foundation for extensive
and dignified apologies.
A New York representative at length came forward with a
proposition of compromise embodied in four resolutions, in
brief :
1. That the investigation had disclosed nothing derogatory
to the Secretary of War ;
2. That the sale, however, was injudiciously made ;
3. That the House disapproves of its terms ;
4. That the papers be referred to the Secretary of War, for
such action as he, with the advice of the attorney gen-
eral, might deem proper. This proposition pointed
of course to an expectation that should the matter be so
referred by Congress, the secretary would retain the
reservation and adjust the equities of Mr. Steele and his
friends.
THE SALE OF FORT SNELLING, lg'57. 407
The whitewashing proposition of the minority was immedi-
ately rejected by a vote of yeas 116, nays 86. The compromise
resolutions were severally adopted, the test vote being yeas 133,
nays 60. On the question to substitute them for the resolutions
of the committee, the vote stood yeas 88, nays 108. The resolu-
tions of the committee then coming up, the first, declaring that
the sale was unlawful, because Fort Snelling was at the time
and ever since necessary for miltary purposes, was voted down,
yeas 81, nays 86. Thereupon a motion to lay the whole matter
on the table prevailed, yeas 83, nays 76.
The long sequel must be summarized. In the ambiguous
situation in which the matter was left by Congress, Mr. Steele
and his friends were unwilling to make the deferred payments
and defaulted. In 1860 the Government brought suit, which
was continued from term to term, and discontinued in 1865.
On the outbreak of the Slaveholders' Rebellion, Fort Snelling
was reoccupied as a recruiting and outfitting station, and has
ever since been in military use. In 1868 Mr. Steele filed a
formal claim against the United States for $162,000, being the
amount of rentals due him, at the rate of $2,000 a month, from
April 23, 1861, and proposed an offset against his dues to the
government.
On April 23, 1868, Lieutenant General Grant, in a com-
munication to the adjutant general of the army, expressed his
judgment that Fort Snelling ''should be held by the United
States forever." The sale, he added, to Mr. Franklin Steele
was either in fraud or in ignorance of its military importance ;
but, said he, ''Mr. Steele is not in my judgment a party to the
fraud." The general's recommendation was to sell the two
fractions reserved beyond the rivers for ferry control, and to
satisfy Mr. Steele with the proceeds.
On November 10, 1870, a board of officers, appointed by the
Secretary of War, recommended that the government transfer
to Mr. Steele the main body of the tract, 6,394.80 acres, in sat-
isfaction of his adjusted account, and retain the remaining por-
tion, 1,521.20 acres, as a permanent military reservation. A
joint resolution of Congress of May 7, 1871, ratified this set-
tlement.
In a later year the government repurchased a considerable
portion of the land alienated to Mr. Steele. -
408 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
It was not an absurd expectation in 1857 that the Snelling
reservation would be abandoned and later disposed of. In
1853 Fort Ridgely had been built, and not long afterward Fort
Abercrombie. "With sufficient armaments and garrisons they
could hold the Sioux in order, and Fort Ripley would protect
the agent and traders among the peaceable Chippewas. Fort
Snelling had already become nothing more than a place for
receiving and forwarding supplies to those advanced posts.
No reserve of twelve square miles was needed for this purpose.
Forty acres would be quite sufficient. The garrison had been
reduced to a mere guard for the quartermaster and his store-
houses. The probability therefore that the reserve would be
soon in the market was no secret. It was in the minds of many
persons operating in northwestern lands. Robert Smith, as
indicated above, had his eye on it.
Since the foregoing account was written, a certain letter,
found among the papers left by Mr. Franklin Steele, has
turned up, which seems to suggest the origin of the particular
operation which resulted in the clandestine sale of 1857.
Major Samuel Woods was stationed at various northwest-
ern posts in the late '40 's and early '50 's. He led the expedi-
tion from Fort Snelling to Pembina in the summer of 1849,
and was in command of Fort Snelling in 1848 and '49, and
again in 1850. He was at Fort Ridgely in 1853. He had a
taste for land speculation, and at one time had lands on Grey
Cloud island, and at Little Falls; and he also owned lots in
Minneapolis and in Traverse des Sioux, which he valued at
$25,000. Writing from San Francisco on the 9th of October,
1857, to Steele, Major Woods used these words, "I think you
and Rice ought to have let me in to that Fort Snelling game,
as we started the game together. ' '
Mr. Steele of course was in a position to be best informed
in regard to the policy of the War Department, and to have
the greatest interest in a possible sale of the Reserve. He was
within his rights in planning to become a purchaser, and even
a preferred purchaser.
Mr. Rice 's part may have rested on purely political grounds.
He and Steele were of the same party, and at the time were
actively co-operating in politics. But it may be remarked
THE SALE OF FORT SNELLING, 1857. 409
that Rice gave himself an amount of trouble which a mere
political friend would hardly have a right to exact. It was
Rice who presented Steele's proposition to the War Depart-
ment in April, 1856, to pay $15 an acre for the land, with
recommendation for its acceptance. It was Rice who secured
the adoption of the amendment to the army appropriation bill
of March 3, 1857, authorizing the sale of military sites ''which
might become useless for military purposes." On April 7 he
advised the Secretary of War to sell the reservation, except
perhaps forty acres for a depot of supplies. About the same
time he wrote to Mr. Ramsey, ' ' for his own ear alone, ' ' that he
expected to get an order issued for the sale of the Fort Snell-
ing and Ripley reservations.
It ought to be added that Delegate Rice was an indefatiga-
ble worker for the Territory, and that he laid great numbers of
constituents under obligations for services in their behalf. He
was in that year an aspirant for the position of United States
senator, to which he was elected in December, 1857. Steele
expected the second senatorship, and attributed his failure to
obtain it to Rice's ineffective support. Rice said afterward
that Steele did not fight hard enough.
Major Woods, who had left the country, naturally dropped
out of the ''game."
From what is now known, a conjectural rationale of the
operation may be ventured. The game originated not far from
the junction of the Minnesota and Mississippi rivers. The
Minnesota delegate undertook to obtain the necessary legisla-
tion in Congress, and to use his well-known influence with
Southern statesmen in moving the War Department to prompt
action. The money to "finance the deal" had to come from
the East, since all northwestern funds were already pledged
to cover the margins of local speculation. The gentleman from
Virginia, Dr. Graham, who had been in Minnesota, undertook
the double task of sounding the new secretary of war, and of
finding parties who would put up hard money for an operation
promising early and satisfactory returns.
There is more reason to believe that Floyd was pleased to
accommodate friends in a little deal in a remote region of
which he had no knowledge, than that he expected to share in
410 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
possible profits. His action bears the appearance of perfunc-
toriness under direction of some managing agent.
The expectation of all concerned evidently was that the
deal would require only a small sum of ready money, that sales
of the surveyed property would be promptly made, that the
proceeds of these sales would realize enough to pay off the
assumed debt, and that the proprietors would then be able to
handle the remaining parcels of the land at their comfortable
convenience. One such sale was arranged.
It should not be forgotten, finally, that this operation, which
seemed gigantic in its day, was engineered in the months when
the boom that had prevailed in the Territory for some years
was at its highwater mark. Fletcher Williams, in his History
of Saint Paul (Volume IV, this Society's Historical Collections),
says on page 380, ' ' Perhaps in no city in America was the real
estate mania, and reckless trading and speculation, so wild and
extravagant as in St. Paul." The sale of the reserve was
barely consummated before the great financial panic, which fell
on the country at large, smote Minnesota with a violence pro-
portioned to the recklessness of speculation which had pre-
vailed here. With no market for real estate, the reserve lots
could not be sold, nor even given away. No investors could
be found to throw good money after bad, in meeting the de-
ferred payments to the government. The original investors
charged off their losses, and a lively chapter in the history of
Fort Snelling was closed.
NoTi:s.
For documents relating to Fort Snelling, from the time of Pike's
expedition to December, 1868, see House Executive Document No. 9,
Fortieth Congress, third session, entitled "Sale of Fort Snelling Res-
ervation," 107 pages, with a map, in No. 1372, Congressional Series.
On June 17, 1857, Commissioner Heiskell wrote to Secretary Floyd:
"The best and most respectable persons will unite to prevent the sale
over $1.25 per acre. . . . We consider this the best sale that has
ever been made, as may be seen from the records." He refers to a
combination of disappointed persons in a scheme of obtaining the
property for much less than its value.
The House Committee of Investigation, appointed under the reso-
lution of Hon. Robert Smith, January 4, 1858, were Burnett of Ken-
tucky, Faulkner of Virginia, Morrill of Vermont, Morris of Illinois, and
Pettit of Indiana. The report of the committee was signed by Morrill,
Morris, and Pettit.
A EED RIVER TOWNSITE SPECULATION IN 1857.*
BY DANIEL S. B. JOHNSTON.
From the age of seventeen, in 1849, to my arrival in St. Paul,
July 21, 1855, I was a school teacher during winters, and part
of the time during summers. My district school pay ran from
twelve to sixteen dollars a month and boarding round fare.
Naturally, when I got to St. Paul I set about trying to better
myself financially, as I owed fifty dollars and had only four
cents to pay it with.
A chance was offered me in November, 1856, to become one
of a company of five to make townsites along the Red river of
the North, with a fifth interest and all expenses paid, if I would
help hold the towns by occupation, I thought opportunity had
knocked at my door and I said yes, promptly. My journal of
this expedition supplies the following narrative.
the: company and the: plans and outfit.
George F. Brott of St. Cloud, E. Demortimer and J. "W,
Prentiss of St. Paul, and J. C. Moulton and I of St. Anthony,
made the company. Brott and Demortimer were the financial
backers of the concern, Moulton its travelling superintendent,
and Prentiss and I were to be the resident townsite managers.
Moulton, Prentiss and I, English Bill, our cook, two guides, and
four ox team drivers, were to go on the trip, in total ten men.
Two sleds were built for rough usage. One was to be loaded
with corn and cob ground feed for our five yoke of oxen. The
other sled was to carry provisions for ten men and our garden
and farm tools. Six of the ten men were to remain on the Red
river during the winter. Our two guides were French and
Chippewa half-breeds named Pierre and Charlie Bottineau
(pronounced Birchineau). The distance we had to travel was
about one hundred and twenty-five miles in a westerly direc-
*Kead at the monthly meeting of the Executive Council, May 13, 1913.
412 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
tion from St. Cloud, Minnesota, to the junction of the Bois des
Sioux and Otter Tail rivers where they head the Red river of
the North.
Our expedition began on the last day of the year 1856, in
one of the severest winters the oldest inhabitants of the North-
west had yet seen. , We started at that time because we had
heard that other parties were planning to get out ahead of us,
and there was no "get left" in any of our party that I had
ever heard of.
It was intended at first to make a canoe trip up the Minne-
sota river and down the Bois des Sioux in October, 1856 ; but
a freeze up somewhere en route was feared, so that it was de-
cided to wait until we could get ready for a winter trip with
ox teams, lumber woods fashion.
My outfit garments were three thick woolen shirts, three
pairs of heavy woolen drawers, three pairs of woolen stock-
ings with a pair of Indian moccasins drawn over them, and a
pair of thick elk skin overshoes laced high on my ankles. Then
came a pair of Canada gray trousers and leggings to button
down on the overshoes to keep the snow out when we had to
break roads. A short coat of Kentucky jeans, and a lamb skin
cap, wool inside and made to come down over my neck, with
side flaps to tie with strings over my nose to keep it from
freezing, and a pair of fur gauntlets, completed my garment
outfit. I was not pretty, but even in forty below zero weather
I was comfortable. I had no colds, nor did I freeze any part
of my body during all the terrible exposure of that terrible
winter of 1857.
When we struck unburned prairie, we had to break our
roads through snow a foot to eighteen inches deep and often
drifted from four to eight feet deep. These drifts were some-
times ten to fifteen rods wide, and all had to be shoveled
through, often with temperature ten to thirty degrees below
zero. On the burned prairie the snow was usually blown down
to a three to four-inch icy crust, which cut the fetlocks of our
cattle unmercifully.
BEGINNING the: TRAMP.
Wednesday, December 31, 1856, Moulton and Prentiss
started from St. Paul with the loaded teams. I followed on
A RED PaVER TOWNSITE SPECULATION IN 1857. 413
r Friday, January 2, 1857, in a blinding snow storm, picking up
on my way Pierre Bottineau and his brother from their home
in St. Anthony. I had a span of horses and driver and intended
to overtake Moulton and the teams about the time they reached
St. Cloud. Before we got out of St. Anthony our sleigh tipped
over in a snow drift. We righted without breaking anything
and went on to Elk River, where we stopped for the night.
The next morning we started for St. Cloud at daylight. It
was very cold. As the ox teams had broken the roads in fair
shape, we made good time reaching Boyington's tavern, about
fifteen miles from St. Cloud, in time for dinner. There we
overtook Moulton. I got out and assumed charge of the teams,
and Moulton and Prentiss went on with Bottineau and brother
to St. Cloud. I got to Colonel Emerson's stopping place oppo-
site lower St. Cloud at half past six, pretty tired, as I had to
walk most of the way over not the best of roads. At Emer-
son's we put up for the night.
Monday, January 5th, we moved up the Mississippi and
crossed at the upper ferry, headed by the guides, and started
across the prairie in the direction of St. Joe. The guides went
ahead on snow shoes. Prentiss and I followed. Between the
four of us we made a road that our teams followed with more
or less difficulty, for the snow was about eighteen inches deep
and what track there had been was drifted full. We made
eight miles to St. Joe by night.
The necks of three of our cattle had begun to gall. We
changed the bows and wrapped them with soft cloths. The
next day we reached Cold Spring, ten miles farther on. The
7th we go to Richardson's, seven miles from Cold Spring. The
8th, which was Thursday, we made only five miles, as we had
to cross snow drifts three to four feet deep with not a sign of
a road anywhere. Up to this time roofs had sheltered us and
our cattle at night. There was only one spare bed in any of
the settlers' houses, and usually none at all. Then all of us
had to sleep on the floor under a comforter about fifteen feet
long, eight feet wide, and three inches thick, quilted with cot-
ton batting and made specially for the trip.
Friday, the 9th of January, we started at daylight, again
a very hard day. On the unburned prairie snow drifts were
414 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
crossed, which the guides on their snow shoes beat down for
the teams the best they could. Progress was slow, but we
made ten miles and camped under our tent for the first time,
with our feet to a rousing hot wood fire. We slept comfortably
and soundly.
Saturday, the 10th, we crossed a grassy lake near which
we had camped the night before. It was very bad getting on
and off the lake. We teamed only about seven miles that day,
and camped on the shore of a beautiful lake that Bottineau
called Lake Henry.
The 11th was Sunday, and, tired out, we rested. A Dutch-
man had built a house about half a mile away from our camp.
It was about a third of the way to our destination from the
Mississippi, and the last house between us and the Pacific coast,
so far as we knew.
Just after we had breakfasted, a boy about twelve years old
sauntered up opposite our fire to investigate. I was sitting on
our bedding next to Pierre Bottineau, our main guide. '^See
me scare that boy," said he in a low voice. Suddenly grab-
bing his hunting knife in his right hand and letting out a wild
Indian yell that made the woods ring, he went over the top
of the log fire after the boy. Didn't that boy run? Well, he
did.
Our preparations for camping consisted in finding timber
and water. The lakes and ponds were only five to ten miles
apart and usuallj^ wooded on one side or two sides, so this was
not a difficult thing to do. For our bedding we usually found
swamp reeds or prairie grass. On this we spread our unlined
buffalo skin overcoats and waterproofs. Over us we had our
comforter of wool, padded with cotton batting, about three
inches thick and firmly quilted. This covered ten men and was
about fifteen feet long, as I have stated. We slept with all our
clothes on, and there was no chance to change or wash any of
them short of the end of our journey. We slept spoon fashion,
and when one wanted to turn the rest of us had to turn also.
Sometimes my hips got pretty cold on the frozen ground when
the under-bedding happened to be thin.
Monday, tbe 12th. we found trouble again from the galled
shoulders of our cattle. This time we changed the off ox to
A RED RIVER TOWNSITE SPECULATION IN 1857. 415
^the near side and wrapped the bows with more soft cloth. On
this day we crossed elk tracks. The guides went after them,
but unsuccessfully.
From the 12th to the 23rd the days were much alike in
travel experiences. There was heavy pulling for the cattle and
shoveling across strips of unburned prairie for us, and con-
siderable flinching of our cattle as the icy crusts cut their
ankles where fires of the summer and fall had burned the
prairie grass. Brilliant sun dogs predicted stormy weather.
WOUNDING TWO BUFFALO^S^ AND SNOWED UNDER.
On Friday, the 23rd, we crossed the last of a chain of lakes
near their head. They were about three miles long. As our
teams were crossing we saw two buffaloes feeding on the
swamp grass, about two miles away. We stopped the teams
and sent them off under Prentiss to a patch of woods bordering
the lake, to find a camping place. The guides, followed by
Moulton, English Bill (our cook), and myself, started to circle
around the meadow where the buffaloes had been feeding.
About two miles farther away we found where the animals,
evidently frightened, had gone out to the prairie on the jump.
The guides took the pony and started on the trail, and the
rest of us returned to camp, and none too soon.
A lively blizzard was sweeping down. All hands cut and
dragged the dryest wood we could find while the snow drove in
great blanket sheets fiercely upon us. Gradually it put out our
fire, and wet and exhausted, our tent blown down, we were
doubtful what to do. At this juncture the guides returned.
*' Spread out the bed and get into it as quick as you can,"
shouted Pierre, and we obeyed. It seemed to me there was an
inch of drifted snow on the buffalo skins when we got in and
covered up head and ears. How the wind howled through the
creaking tree tops overhead, and how we shivered in our wet
clothing! It was pretty cold for a while, but gradually we
steamed up and went to sleep. Through the night the wind
drifted from four to six inches of snow upon us. Pierre said
that the snow, covering us as it did, probably kept us from
freezing to death, as the wind changed in the night and the air
became intensely cold.
416 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Pierre waked me about three in the morning, trying to start
up the fire from a few coals that were still alive under the logs
of the afternoon fire. He was singing in Chippewa. I pulled
the bed clothes down a little and a chunk of snow rolled in,
nearly as big as my head. I asked Bottineau to turn his Chip-
pewa jargon into English, and he said it was to give us en-
couragement. Crawling out of that steaming bed into down
below zero air, to try to dry our wet clothes, as we had to do
that morning, certainly needed encouragement. The guides
had overtaken the two buffaloes and put four shot-gun bullets
into them. They evidently were severely wounded, but had to
be left because of the rapidly approaching blizzard. Our cat-
tle and pony, partially sheltered from the wind, among the
trees and back of broken bluffs, were less exposed than we
were and fared comfortably well.
As our guides predicted another storm, we moved our camp
to a less exposed place near our cattle, and laid over on Sat-
urday, the 24th. When the sun arose, a brilliant sun dog ap-
peared on each side of it, and a bright crescent swung down
above it. It was a beautiful sight but portentous. Hardly had
we got settled when the storm burst again with renewed fury.
We could not see, even hazily, ten rods before us in any direc-
tion. Toward evening the wind slackened, and we dug our
bed clothes out of the snow and dried them before the fire the
best we could in preparation for a night of doubt. We slept
safe and warm, however.
Sunday, the 25th, dawned clear but intensely cold. Usually
we did not travel on Sunday, but today, in this time of sudden
storms, we felt called to push on. Our cattle also were grow-
ing weak, and the ankles of some of them were swelled as large
as tea kettles, having been cut by sharp snow crusts and in-
flamed by freezing. They stained the snow with gushing blood
at nearly every step they took. Besides, we were some thirty-
five miles from our destination on the Red river, and there was
only one reliable patch of timber on the way. This was at
Lightning lake. We were ten miles distant from that lake, and
we did not know what deep drifts of snow might obstruct our
way. A few small groups of poplar trees, two or three inches
A RED RIVER TOWNSITE SPECULATION IN 1857. 417
f
■ in diameter, were strung far apart along the Otter Tail river,
H but they were miles from the route we were to follow on our
H way to the Red river. The guides said our safety lay in push-
B ing on as fast and direct as we were able. After we had gone
B about five miles, Moulton and Charlie Bottineau concluded to
H go after the wounded buffalo. About that time one of our
B oxen fell, and it seemed as if we could not get the discouraged
H animal on his feet again. We still had five miles to go to reach
H the woods of Lightning lake, and night was near. We finally
H got through, however, and selected a place for our camp on the
south side of the lake under a high bluff. Moulton and Charlie
returned without seeing the buffalo.
The wind changed during the night, and on Monday it
began to blow again. Pierre, our head guide, vetoed all at-
tempts of our anxious men to make a start across that treeless
twenty-five mile prairie to the Bois des Sioux river.
Tuesday, the 27th, started in clear and cold. The Leaf
mountains on our right, twenty to thirty miles away, and the
Coteau des Prairies ahead and toward the left, about sixty
miles distant, loomed white and cold in the bracing morning
air. According to Bottineau, Lightning lake took its name
from a man in a former expedition being struck by lightning
and killed, a few rods back of where we camped.
l_i. '■ ^ KILLING MY FIRST BUFFALO.
Shortly after we started, we saw two buffalo off to the left.
Pierre and Moulton started after them. Charlie and I went on
ahead of our teams. We were soon met by Pierre with the in-
formation that one of the animals that he and Charlie had
wounded was near. Charlie and I started on a trot in the
direction Pierre pointed. The snow was more than a foot deep,
with a crust on top, through which we broke about every fifth
step. In that way we ran over a mile. On reaching his trail
we followed it in nearly the direction the teams were pointing.
At the last bench of land before coming to the wide level
prairie east of the Bois des Sioux river, we crawled carefully
up to the summit of the bench. About forty rods away we
saw the buffalo lying in the snow. He saw us as goon as we
418 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
saw him. I said to Charlie, ''We must run him down," and we
started as fast as we could in the pursuit. The buffalo dragged
himself on three legs about twenty rods farther, and then gave
up. Charlie reached him first and emptied both barrels of his
gun into him without bringing him down. I had a breech-load-
ing Sharp's rifle, with caps on a tape which ran out one at a
time as I cocked the gun. Nearly breathless from wallowing
through the snow, I reached the buffalo just as Charlie fired
his second shot. My first shot went wild, but I had a cartridge
in before Charlie could get a ball down one barrel. We tried
to get around to his side, but snorting, with his bead-like eyes
glowing like coals of fire through the shaggy hair of his fore-
head, the buffalo swung on his crippled hips and faced me. I
told Charlie to attract his attention in front and keep on load-
ing his gun. I stepped around to his left side and put a bullet
in his heart, which killed him.
Hearing the sound of our firing, Moulton soon brought the
teams around, and we were all highly pleased that we would
not have to eat pork for supper. Unhitching our teams, we
fed them from our rapidly diminishing store of cattle feed.
Then kindling a fire with the dry poplar poles that we had
loaded on our sleds at Lightning lake for that purpose, we
cooked our first meal of buffalo meat, which, with our starved
cattle, was soon to be our only food until new supplies could
be sent to us from St. Paul.
AN ALL NIGHT DRIV^.
As there was no sheltered place to camp and Pierre was
anxious to get ahead for fear of another snow storm, we de-
cided to keep going through the night. The guides traveled
by the North star, and when that was clouded over by the
below zero fog that swept over us every few minutes, we had
to stop and wait for the air to clear. As soon as our cattle
stopped, the drivers dropped on the snow and into a sleepy
drowse from which we had to arouse them in some cases by a
vigorous shake. It was easy to freeze to death in the temper-
ature of that night. Fortunately nearly all the prairie had been
burned over, else probably our cattle would not have lasted
A RED RIVER TOWNSITE SPECULATION IN 1857. 419
through. As it was, they staggered as they slowly walked.
Constantly in fear of the wind rising on that twenty-five mile
prairie in the moonless night of the 27th and sunless day of
the 28th until four in the afternoon, while I followed our stag-
gering men and cattle, it was anything but a play spell.
Soon after leaving the place where we killed the buffalo, we
found a huge drift where we had to shovel our way nearly
thirty rods. It was a slow, hard job, but we finally got the
teams through. It delayed us so much that by daylight fully
twelve miles of the twenty-five remained to be crossed. Dur-
ing the day and night of the 27th we had traveled only about
thirteen miles. About daylight of the 28th our teams refused
to go any farther. I had wet my feet running down the buffalo,
and though I kicked and threshed the best I could, they were
now nearly frozen. We stopped and kindled a fire with our
dry poplar poles, and I changed my stockings for dry ones.
After feeding our teams and eating a hasty breakfast, we went
slowly on again toward a patch of timber about four miles up
the Bois des Sioux river. There was only one place on the 28th
where we had to shovel the road and that we soon got over.
When we reached the Bois des Sioux late in the afternoon, we
were about as happy a bunch of men as you often see.
A BUFFALO HE^RD ON THF BRKCKKNRIDGe: TOWNSITF.
Thursday the 29th we started for the junction of the Bois
des Sioux and Otter Tail rivers, where we were to make our
first town, called Breckenridge. The guides and Moulton and
I went ahead of the teams that were coming down along the
right bank of the river under Prentiss. Near the junction of
the two rivers to form the Red river of the North we saw fresh
buffalo tracks. We followed them to the mouth of the Bois
des Sioux, when the guides left us with instructions to keep
down by the river out of sight and to keep quiet while they
went after the buffalo, which evidently were quite numerous.
In about an hour we went down the bed of the Red river about
a half mile to where the banks were high. Climbing to the top,
we saw a herd of fully eighty buffalo basking on the prairie
east of the river and the guides crawling through the snow to
420 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
get up to them. They were in a bend of the Otter Tail and
only about eighty rods from the Red river.
Moulton and I at once started up the river on the run wal-
lowing through four foot drifts to stop the teams, which were
not more than three quarters of a mile away and in a direct
line with the buffalo. I led the teams down out of sight toward
a point of timber opposite where the city of Wahpeton now
stands. Here we prepared to camp with as little noise as
possible.
The guides crawled through the snow which was about
eighteen inches deep, breaking the crust from underneath.
The animals had their heads down below the surface of the
snow, where they had pawed it away to get at the dry grass.
The bulls fed outside and the cows and calves in the center,
so as to be protected from the wolves which hovered around
the herd. When all was quiet the guides would crawl up to the
cordon of bulls. As they slowly approached, the bulls would
come up, smell their wolf-skin caps and snort a little. The
guides would lie perfectly quiet. The bulls, evidently believ-
ing the caps were dead wolves, would go on pawing and feed-
ing. As the guides got up near a cow or calf they would fire
and drop their guns in the snow and hold their wolf-skin gaunt-
lets over the gun locks to keep them dry. The startled buffalo
would jump away a few rods and turn around to see what had
made the noise. Seeing nothing moving but themselves, they
would paw the snow and go to eating again. In this way they
killed a cow and two calves, and wounded two cows that they
could not get, owing to the approach of night. They then tied
a red handkerchief to a ramrod and stuck the rod in the snow
to keep the wolves away, and left the carcasses to freeze.
On Friday the 30th, Moulton and I tried to survey some of
the townsite, but the wind blew so hard that we could not
straighten our tape line chain, and we had to abandon the
effort. A double team started under the lead of Prentiss and
Charlie Bottineau to bring in the dead buffalo. It was a very
severe day, and when night came the teams had not returned.
We in camp became very uneasy. As it began to grow dark
some one shouted "Whoa!" down on the river. Pierre sprang
I
A RED RIVER TOWNSITE SPECULATION IN 1857. 421
to his feet with the exclamation, ''They've come ! 0, God, I'm
so glad ! ' ' Soon Prentiss came into camp nearly exhausted and
called for hot tea. He emptied cup after cup in quick succes-
sion until he got warm. They had been compelled to abandon
one of our best oxen about four miles up the Otter Tail, and
had lost their way and wandered fully eight miles without
finding the dead buffalo. A terrible night of storm followed,
which we were long to remember.
Saturday the 31st opened clear and cold. We had been
twenty-nine days traveling to the town we were to make at
the head of the Red river of the North, and in many ways had
gained a memorable experience. But we were after money,
and the glamour of the ' ' million in it " brightened all the diffi-
cult ways we had come since leaving St. Paul.
SURVEYING THIS TOWNSITE) AND KILLING ANOTHER BUFFALO.
The morning of the 31st, Pierre Bottineau started with the
teams to see if he could find the dead buffalo, while Moulton
and I began to survey the Breckenridge townsite. As we had
only a hand compass and an ordinary tape line, and a very
crooked stream to meander, it was slow work. All we expected
to do, however, was to block out the site and leave the filling
in to be done in St. Paul. We were not very particular as to
the absolute accuracy of such doings in those days. About four
o'clock in the afternoon we had the main lines completed.
We climbed the river bank to return to the camp, when we
saw the team halted, that Pierre had taken out in the morning.
Hastening up to solve the trouble, we heard the report of two
guns in quick succession on the low ground bordering the river.
Then a huge buffalo bull, weighing probably a ton, lurched into
sight through the snow at the base of a sharp rise from a marsh
fronting me. I was alone, having got some distance ahead of
Moulton. When I saw the bull he was about thirty rods away,
coming directly toward me and rounding the inner edge of the
deep drifted bluff that evidently he could not break through.
On the river side of the marsh the guides ran back and forth
to keep him from crossing. As the buffalo passed them they
would pump balls into him from their double-barrelled shot
422 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
guns. Seeing me on the bank, the bull turned and raced back
in front of the guides. Four bullets again struck him. He
then made three convulsive leaps forward, the last clearing
fully fifteen feet. Then his legs sprawled out and he went
down and soon was dead.
The team, having on the sled the cow and two calves and
part of the ox (evidently he had died shortly after Charlie left
him the evening before), went on to camp, headed by Pierre,
while Moulton and I helped Charlie dress the buffalo just
killed. It was near sundown and too late for the teams to
return, so Charlie fixed his red handkerchief in a split stick
and stuck it in the snow by the carcass to keep the wolves away,
and we walked up the river bank to the camp at the mouth of
the Bois des Sioux, which we reached about dusk.
The next day was Sunday, February 1st. We hauled in the
buffalo body and spent the rest of the day writing to friends
at home, for Moulton and the guides and Billy, their cook, were
to return soon to St. Paul. Having now about a ton of buffalo
meat on hand, we packed it in ice the best we could, and felt
that we were safe from starvation until supplies could reach
us in the spring, unless a warm spell should set in early in the
spring, a thing that exactly did happen.
Moulton had brought a tough, wiry Indian pony through to
the Bois des Sioux, to draw back the necessary supplies for
himself and our guides. The guides and Barrett, one of the
teamsters, had been rigging a jumper and had it nearly com-
pleted ready to load on Monday, the 2nd. Moulton and I had
completed the townsite survey, and all was ready except the
harness for the pony, to be made of raw buffalo hide. It con-
sisted of a front shoulder piece, and two hide traces all in one
strip and held in place by an equally broad back band. Mean-
time two of our men had been felling trees to enclose a yard for
our cattle.
MOULTON RETURNS TO ST. PAUL.
February 3rd, Moulton and the two guides and the cook
left the Red river camp to return to St. Paul, expecting to reach
our Bois des Sioux camp about four miles up the river about
dark. From there they were to take the first good chance to .
1
A RED RIVER TOWNSITE SPECULATION IN 1857. 423
cross the twenty-five mile wide prairie to Lightning lake in
daylight and before storms would rise again.
Wednesday, February 4th, all went to work at the mouth
of the Bois des Sioux cutting logs for our shanty, as we had
only a tent for shelter.
MSN ON SHORT RATIONS AND CATTLE STARVING.
"We started from St. Paul with only a barrel of flour, and
as we gave Moulton part of that, there was but little left.
Nothing could be done but to take the remainder of the corn
and cob meal away from the cattle and put them on elm tree
browse, using the meal for ourselves. It was tough business
for both sides, but there was no other way. There was only a
little more than a two bushel and a half bagful of it left. This
we divided on the second of February in daily portions to last
till April 1st, the date we expected Moulton back with supplies
for our relief.
The division gave, for each of the six men who remained,
enough of this coarse mixture, when wet in water and baked
in our old-fashioned tin oven before the fire, to supply a cake
roughly measuring six inches in length, three inches in width,
and a half an inch in thickness, at night and morning. At noon
we had buffalo meat chopped up, and a slice of pork cut from
about fifty pounds that was left of a 150-pound hog we started
with from St. Paul. This was boiled into a soft, thick concoc-
tion that Bottineau called "boo-yeh." We also had about a
peck of beans left. On such living bowel trouble soon started.
I was the first victim. We had a case of drug remedies, and by
their aid we kept ourselves fairly well patched up during the
remainder of the winter.
Soon our cattle began to weaken. Our second ox was found
in a few days, unable to get on his feet. We shot him, buried
his quarters in snow and ice, and hauled the body a few rods
away from the stable and left it for the wolves to quarrel over.
The stable we fastened tight at night, and we soon became
used to the howls and fighting yelps and snarls of these animal
devils of the woods and prairies.
On Thursday, the 19th of February, we finished mud-chink-
ing between the logs of the shanty we had built, and moved
424 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
into it from the tent that for six weeks had been our home.
Our bed was made of poplar poles covered with willows and
weeds. On this foundation we spread out buffalo skins and
waterproofs and the few blankets we had. Our thickly padded
bed comforter covered us. We still slept with all our day
clothes on. At first we had neither door nor window. We used
our tent over these openings to block out the cold the best we
could. We had a rip saw, and with that we soon made rough
basswood boards for door and window casings, and with cracks
battened got along quite comfortably. The roof was made of
20-inch shake shingles, split from sawed-off oak logs.
On Wednesday morning, the 25th, a third ox could not get
up and Prentiss shot him. We saved the quarters and hauled
the body out to the wolves. That night a strong southeast wind
drove snow an inch deep upon our bed clothes. All hands
turned out in the morning and calked the cracks of the roof
with dry grass that we found under the snow out on the prairie.
At the time we built our shanty house the point where the Otter
Tail river joins the Red was covered west of the bluff with a
thick growth of elm, oak, and basswood trees. We built our
house at the north end of this grove, and the stable for our cat-
tle on the fifteen-foot rise a few rods off and nearly fronting
the house, which faced the bluff. South of the house, near the
point, was where we cut down trees for a cattle fence and
where our cattle were herded, except in extreme dry weather
and cold nights, and also where we fed them their meals of
elm browse.
On Wednesday, March 4th, we divided what salt we had
left, confining us to about a pint a week until April 1st. On
the 6th we divided our beans, limiting us to less than a quart
a week for the same time. We tried to help out our food sup-
ply by shooting prairie chickens and rabbits in the patches of
wood along the river, but the weather was so severe and the
snow so deep that we were not very successful.
A MARCH FLOOD.
Sunday, March 15th, the weather suddenly turned warm,
and the snow began to melt. No effective work could be done
by any of us on account of bowel trouble. Tuesday, the 17th,
A RED RIVER TOWNSITE SPECULATION IN 1857.
425
we had to kill another of our cattle, very poor ; the only parts
worth saving were the hams, heart and tongue. As the buf-
falo cow had thawed we skinned her and found the flesh spoiled,
so we dragged her down on the ice for the wolves to eat. Our
meat supply was now nearly gone, only the hams of one ox
and half of a buffalo calf remained. On Saturday we divided
the last of our corn and cob meal. Some discouragement pre-
vailed as the snow melted and the river rose above its banks
during this unseasonably warm spell, and the worst of it was
that we feared its effect on the supply teams then on the way
to relieve us. That we had reason to fear was fully known
later.
On the morning of Friday, April 3rd, the water from the
river began to come into the house, the level of the house foun-
dation being only about four feet above the summer stage of
water in the river. The only thing to do was to pile our things
on the bed and let it come. It rose about eight inches more
and then came to a stand.
Our fire place was built under the ridgepole of the house,
and was well mudded with clay about eighteen inches above
the earth floor. The smoke went through the roof. The fire-
place was built of logs and was about four feet square. We
had received fair warning of what was to come later on, so
we began to build a temporary shed, about twelve feet square,
farther back Avhere the ground was some fifteen feet higher.
In our feeble condition this was slow work. Though the air
had turned cold, the water rose more than a foot higher in the
house that afternoon. We cut and dragged in elm logs and
built up the floor and fire bed so that our feet and fire would
be above water. Then we went to bed with our bed poles only
about a foot above the flood.
Sunday, the 5th, was clear and intensely cold. Ice had
frozen during the night thick enough to bear an ox. There
was no chance to rest that day, for the weather might turn
warmer on short notice. So we cut and backed logs up the
fifteen foot bank through water knee deep, the remainder of
our oxen being so weak we could not use them. Six of the
oxen had died, and we had eaten all that was eatable of three
of them, and God only knew when Moulton could come to our
relief.
426 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Thursday, April 9th, I shot a large otter in the last bend
the Otter Tail river makes before uniting with the Bois des
Sioux to form the Red river. I skinned the otter, and stuffed
the skin; then, in order to promote variety in our cooking, we
set Prentiss at work roasting it without parboiling, which we
should have done. As our salt was gone, there was no season-
ing to temper the intense oily, fishy condition of the meat. We
thought it would taste better cold, so we laid it by for break-
fast on the 10th, but the taste was so strong that we had to
throw it out for the wolves to eat.
Ed Dunn, one of our men, started for St. Paul afoot and
alone on the morning of the 10th, with eight days' supply of
meat from our cattle that had starved to death. We could not
spare him either a gun or an axe. All the weapon we could let
him have was a butcher knife, and the only covering a heavy
Mackinaw blanket. Months afterwards we heard he had got
off the road going toward St. Cloud, and wandered away west-
ward across the prairie that Bottineau was so careful to shun
through fear of storms. He reached a settler's house on the
Minnesota river at last, with both feet frozen so badly that his
toes had to be amputated. He said, before starting, that we
were all bound to die anyway, and he preferred to make at least
one desperate struggle for his life.
APRIL BLIZZARDS.
Sunday, the 12th of April, our beds were drifted over with
fine snow that had sifted through the roof in a blizzard during
the night. The storm was even worse than the one which
snowed us under at Lightning lake. It brought a hard outlook
for Ed Dunn, we thought, unless he could have reached a patch
of timber somewhere.
After Dunn left us on the 10th, we poured water into our
molasses keg, shook it up, and afterward doled it out carefully
until the 14th, when we saw the last of it. Sweets and salt
were now gone for good. There was nothing to keep the four
of our remaining cattle alive but elm buds, and nothing for
us but the quarters of three of our starved cattle, for our buf-
falo meat was gone. Then the sky promised still another snow
storm. It came, and Tuesday the 14th was another terrible
A RED RIVER TOWNSITE SPECULATION IN 1857. 427
"day. "Where was Moulton and his relief teams? They ought
to have been through to us by April 1st. We feared something
had happened. As subsequent events proved, something had
happened.
Wednesday the 15th was intensely cold for April, with
cloudless sky and freezing fast all day. Ice that opened on the
river during the thaw, now closed so as to bear loaded teams.
Only two places where the water ran rapidly were now open,
and they were closing. We felt much regret for loss of our
thermometer. Crows for several days had become very tame.
We could get within four or five rods of them before they would
fly. The cold continued on the 16th and 17th.
A TRYING re:ue:^ kxpe:rie:nce:.
On the 17th of April Moulton came through to us with three
men, and told of a hard time trying to come to our relief. The
party bringing supplies started from St. Paul on the 9th of
March. The warm wave struck them on the 15th of March.
They kept on over the fast melting snow until they reached
Lake Pomme de Terre, and then, thoroughly frightened, sev-
eral of the men threw off their loads and turned back, despite
all Moulton could say or do. At once Moulton and three of
his men loaded their packs with biscuits and started for us,
though we were fifty miles distant and the prairies were swim-
ming with water.
They finally came to the swamps at the head of Mustinka
river, some fifteen miles from us, and found them deep under
water. They waded in snow and slush nearly an hour until,
hip deep, and no hope ahead, and night coming on, they had to
retreat. Chilled to the bone, they made their way back to a
small patch of woods, built a fire, dried their wet clothes as
best they could, and went back to Lake Pomme de Terre, put
up a shelter shanty, and two weeks later they crossed those
swamps to us on the ice. I got half a biscuit from what they
had left when they reached us.
The men of those days were here mainly for what they
could make, and were willing to take chances to get what they
were after. We, of this Red river venture, were built that way.
428 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
We thought we saw Opportunity at the door, we locked arms
with her, but found on this trip that it was not Opportunity
at all.
TWO OTHER T0WNSITE:S BELOW BRECKINRIDGE.
On the morning of April the 19th, Moulton and his men and
I started down the river to make more towns, our only depend-
ence for food being our guns and a seven and a half pound can
of meat biscuit. This meat biscuit was made of beef boiled soft
and the fat poured over it while hot, the whole being pow-
dered when cold. It made a nourishing soup.
Our first stopping place was to be Graham's Point, near
where Fort Abercrombie was afterward built, about twelve
miles below Breckenridge. Here the first town below Breck-
enridge was to be started. English Billy, our cook, who was
one of Moulton 's men, and I, were to hold it, our only depend-
ence for food being our guns and the fish in the river, with no
salt.
Prentiss, Barrett, teamster Bill, and Bob, were to remain in
Breckenridge to hold that site. Mark Leadbeater and John
Hunt were to go downstream with Moulton to start a third town
at the mouth of the Sheyenne river, where we hoped the North-
ern Pacific railroad would cross the Ked river into Dakota.
As there were no more provisions at Breckenridge, the last
ox of our faithful ten had to be killed on the morning of the
20th, about the time we were eating our meal of meat biscuit
soup at Graham's Point. After that meal I was to go out on
the prairie to see if I could find game. Moulton and his two
men went on down the river with their guns and what was left
of the meat biscuit, and he promised to keep out of sight on
the river ice while I hunted for something for Billy and me
to eat.
Walking up the bank from the lower level where we had
put up our tent, I saw what looked like four buffaloes feeding
on bare spots of the prairie about three miles away and some-
thing like a mile from the river. I began to stalk them, as we
say in hunting parlance. Soon they swung around and fed on
the bare places toward the head of what used to be called
Whiskey creek. I followed them as carefully as I could until
i
A RED RIVER TOWNSITE SPECULATION IN 1857. 429
I came within about a mile of them, when they moved to a
lower level out of sight. I then started on a trot and had come
considerably nearer to where they went out of sight, when they
slowly went up the bank where the drifted snow was lightest,
and disappeared. I took their trail up to the foot of a rise
which was about fifteen feet high. All was silent as a grave-
yard. I began to climb, half expecting to sight the buffaloes a
mile away. As I poked my black sheep-skin cap above the rise
I saw four bulls, weighing I should say a ton each, standing
in a huddle and evidently considering in their animal minds
what to do next. Instantly four buffalo tails flashed into the
air and away all went across the country toward Breckenridge.
It was useless to shoot and perhaps scare some other game, so,
shouldering my gun, I walked down toward the bed of the
creek out of sight, as the snow had begun to fly and I had no
intention of losing my way, for I knew that the creek at flood
time emptied into the Red river about a mile to the westward.
MY SECOND BUFl^ALO AND HOW WE^ GOT HIM.
As I walked along, looking for small game, I saw just ahead
of me a buffalo lying on a point of land where the snow had
been blown away. I tried to edge around out of sight till I could
get a fair shot, when I heard a cap crack, then another, and
another, in quick succession. The buffalo rose to his feet with-
out seeming to be in any hurry, and moved off on the prairie
and out of sight. I hurried down around the point. There
stood John Hunt, back towards me, and holding his gun by
the muzzle end of the barrel with breech upraised above his
head as if about to smash it down on the trunk of a tree just
in front of him. ''I'll break it ! Damned if I don't break it,"
he muttered. "Better think four times, before you do that,
John; extra guns are not very plentiful out here," I said.
''Where did you come from," be blurted, as he plumped the
butt of his gun down into the snow at his feet. "No matter,
now, you've got your priming wet. Reload, and we'll get that
buffalo yet, ' ' I said. * ' Get that buffalo, ' ' John replied, disdain-
fully ; " He 's half way to Pembina by this time. " " Don 't waste
time talking," I said; "snow out there on the prairie is knee
480 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
deep, and that buffalo poor, and not frightened. He '11 be com-
ing back to the shelter of this coulee in a few minutes if let
alone. Reprime your gun and we'll crawl up the bank and see
about it."
John did as I directed. As we got to the top of the bank,
we saw the buffalo standing about fifteen rods away, looking
northward and evidently considering what he had better do
next. Then, as I expected, he turned around and came back
toward the bare grassy spot he had just left on the slope of
the bluff. "We were lying in a place where the bull could not
see us. He came a few steps directly toward us and then turned
sidewise, as if making for a bare spot a little farther eastward
on the bank of the creek. I said to 'John, "When he stops will
be our chance. We will aim at his heart. I will count one, two,
three, and when I say three, let both guns crack." The buffalo
waded slowly two or three rods through the snow and stopped.
I counted three. Both guns sounded as one. The buffalo made
a tremendous bound, followed by two more, and then, all
sprawled Out, he went down, and before we got to him he was
dead. I could put three of my fingers into the hole our balls
made through his heart.
Snow was falling, fresh meat tempting. Moulton and Mark
came up and raised a tent. Meantime the buffalo was cut open,
the liver taken out, and we were roasting strips of it on the end
of sharpened sticks in the fire. There may have been sweeter
meals for me. If so, I could not remember them. Having
skinned the buffalo and dried the skin stretched on stakes back
of the fire, we spliced it with my oilcloth blanket, and this in-
creased our overhead shelter from the snow. The storm soon
ceased and it turned colder. We continued to cut thin strips
of all that was eatable of the buffalo, and jerked it by drying
on poles before the fire. Billy, my cook, and I, then went into
permanent camp in the woods opposite Graham's Point, while
Moulton, having been crippled by tipping over a cup of hot tea
upon one of his feet, had to wait over until the river cleared of
ice so that he could go down by canoe.
MILLIONS IN IT.
Tuesday, the 21st of April, Theodore H. Barrett of St.
Cloud, a surveyor whom Moulton brought to plat our Brecken-
I
A RED RIVER TOWNSITE SPECULATION IN 1857. 431
ridge and Graham's Point townsites, arrived at the point, and
meandered the town that was to be. On the 22nd he finished
his Graham's Point plat, and on the 23rd went to Breckenridge
and completed that survey in the rough, nearly as Moulton and
I had already meandered it. Most of the day, in correcting this
work ready for the plat, we had to wade through prairie ponds,
and some of them nearly knee deep. But what of that? There
were still millions in it.
About noon I saw five buffalo cows and four calves on the
bank of the Bois des Sioux river just above its mouth, where
part of Wahpeton now stands. I wounded three of the cows,
but they got away so far toward the Wild Rice river, to the
westward, that I thought it would not pay to follow them.
Friday, the 24th, we surveyed two claims bordering the
townsite of Breckenridge. It rained all night. The river rose
so fast that we had to move our things and camp in the shanty
on top of the bluff to the southward. On the 25th we also had
to move our Graham's Point camp to higher ground.
Sunday, the 26th, we spent in camp at Graham's Point.
Monday, the 27th, Billy and I began on our cabin. Again we
had to move camp on account of the rising water, moving twice,
and one of our removals was in the night. On the 28th, the
next day, we continued the cutting and carrying of logs for
the cabin. Barrett, the surveyor, helped us with the heaviest
logs. "We could not roll some of them up more than half way
on the skids without sitting down to rest, being so weak; but
this was no wonder, as we had nothing to eat but stewed buf-
falo meat and tea and boiled cat fish without salt.
John and Mark started on the 28th to fix a crossing of the
Otter Tail river, as we intended to send John and Barrett to
St. Cloud to hurry supplies and breaking teams. We also
planned to have some ox meat brought down to the point on
a raft from Breckenridge. The current of the high water was
so swift, however, that a raft could not safely come. So Pren-
tiss and John Hunt came down on foot. At Breckenridge the
men had killed a buffalo the week before. The water on the
30th was about eighteen feet above low water mark.
On May 1st the river was falling rapidly. Barrett, John
432 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
and Prentiss started from Breckenridge for St. Cloud the morn-
ing of the second. Barrett was to stop at Lake Pomme de Terre
and bring back Harris to superintend at Breckenridge, bring-
ing along some temporary food supplies to help out the buffalo
meat. Sunday, May 3rd, Moulton came down to Graham's
Point from Breckenridge in a canoe with an Indian and went
down to the mouth of the Sheyenne river to make another
town there. The Indian said he passed men with boats some
distance up the Otter Tail, who were coming down the river.
Monday, May 4th, Joe Whitford, who was afterward killed
by the Indians in 1862, came with a Frenchman and an ox and
cart, expecting to appropriate the townsite we were on; but,
finding it occupied, he went across the river and camped where
Graham formerly had his camp, from which this point received
his name. All of Dakota was Indian territory, and he was lia-
ble to be driven off at any time. Whitford was sent by a Little
Falls company and was a welcome arrival to us, for we had
been living on tea and boiled catfish without salt for several
days. They had flour. It was the first I had tasted since Jan-
uary, and like a fool I filled my stomach with pancakes and
syrup. After supper I went down in the woods and rolled in
agony behind a log until vomiting relieved me.
Friday, the 8th, teams and supplies came to Breckenridge.
Saturday, the 9th, I went down with Bill Simpson toward Whis-
key creek to pick out a claim for him. Mark went down to the
Sheyenne about noon. Harris and Barrett remained at the
Point. Sunday, the 10th, we rested in camp. Monday, the
11th, supplies came down to the Point from Breckenridge, a
welcome arrival. May 12th I went up to Breckenridge to see
to things there, both Prentiss and Moulton being gone.
Wednesday, the 13th, McDonald and his men came down
the Otter Tail in boats. They were seven days coming from
Otter Tail lake. They started by way of Crow Wing before
we started from St. Paul, and got frozen into Otter Tail lake
and had to winter there. Tom Patmore and Bob went down to
the Point ahead of them, to look after our claims. They re-
turned on Friday, the 15th, and reported that two of Becker
and HoUinshead 's men, who had located about six miles south
A RED RIVER TOWNSITE SPECULATION IN 1857. 433
of the mouth of the Wild Rice river, had been up begging pro-
visions to keep them from starving.
Saturday, the 16th, Harris and Barrett, one of our team-
sters, started from the Point to Sheyenne. George and Sweet-
ser followed about noon to help hold that site against McDon-
ald's men, if they acted ugly. A few days later Moulton re-
turned with the men who had wintered at Sheyenne, and hur-
ried them, half starved, through to St. Cloud to receive pay for
vacating the townsite. It was a waste of money. That Shey-
enne townsite is now a farm, and we never entered a foot of it.
In those days the Red river of the North was to be the com-
ing steamboat avenue of travel between the United States and
Manitoba, besides being the main outlet of a rich farming re-
gion. This came true for a few years between Fargo and the
border. Above Fargo the river was at all seasons, except flood
time, not much better than a good sized creek, and so crooked
that its chief ambition seemed to be to tie itself into all kinds
of bow knots. From May 17th until I started to St. Paul in
the latter part of June, I Was chiefly engaged in directing gar-
den and farming operations.
AFTERWARD.
In August, 1857, I went back to editing the St. Anthony
Express. The financial panic of that year having begun, I took
no further interest in Red river townsites. The indomitable
Brott, however, persevered. He started a building at Brecken-
ridge to be a steam saw mill of 150 horse power, and had mill
machinery strung along all the way from St. Paul to the Red
river, when he did not know that a single saw log, so large as
sixteen feet long and a foot through, could be floated down
the crooked shallow Otter Tail river, even in a June freshet,
without snagging.
"When the Civil War began, Brott 's men enlisted. Barrett,
the surveyor of our townsites, became the colonel of a colored
regiment, was promoted to the rank of brigadier general, re-
turned to Minnesota and for many years owned a large farm in
Grant and Stevens counties, where he died about a dozen years
ago.
In 1862 the Indian war began. Whitford was killed by the
434 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Indians, and the Breckenridge mill building was burned. Of
course, all we had done up there fell into ruins.
Brott went east before the end of the Civil War, loaded a
steamer with supplies for the South, steamed around to New
Orleans, and there patched up his shattered fortunes. He died
about ten years ago in the city of Washington. Endowed with
tireless energy, no amount of unfortunate circumstances seemed
to discourage him. Continually under the harrow of debt, its
teeth, however sharp, seemed only to wound him slightly be-
fore he was up and getting ready to go under again.
The Graham's Point and Sheyenne enterprises were aban-
doned. At Breckenridge I selected two hundred lots as my
share, and they were deeded to me by Henry T. Welles, who
had become the proprietor of the town. The railroad built the
town so far away from them, however, that they became worth-
less even for tax purposes. What has become of them I have
not heard, and I have not seen a foot of that country since
June, 1857. The medicine I took during six months of that
year cured me of the townsite speculation fever so completely
that I have never felt a touch of it since.
i
I
j^^^-/'i^(^>rc^^
Minnesota Historical Society.
Vol. XV. Plate XT.
1
EXPERIENCES IN SOUTHWESTERN MINNESOTA,
1859 TO 1867.*
BY HON. LORIN CRAY.
I am neither one of the very early pioneers of Minnesota,
nor yet a historian. In early life my horizon was very narrow.
Yet I saw and experienced a few of the realities of frontier life,
of which some of you saw and experienced many.
Recounting events which have occurred in our immediate
neighborhood is to us the most interesting of all history. We
are familiar with localities, and are much more impressed with
the facts. Our imagination helps us to see the Indian canoe on
our rivers and lakes, and the tepee upon the banks ; and later,
our memory recalls the log cabins and rude surroundings of
the pioneers, followed still later by beautiful farms and bright
cities and villages.
The lives and experiences of some of the early settlers of
Minnesota are household words in this state, but of the history
and experiences of many others little is known, and what is
being handed down is passed along by just such gatherings as
we have here.
In the early spring of 1859 my father and brother-in-law
started with teams of oxen and covered wagons from our home
near Oshkosh, Wisconsin, to seek a location in the West, where
homes could be gotten without money and without price. It
was not definitely determined where they would go, but it was
to be somewhere in the great n^w state of Minnesota, to us an
unknown region.
Pioneer emigration by the then only method known to us,
the covered wagon drawn by oxen, was quite brisk that year,
and inquiry made by father of explorers returning for their
families, influenced them to go to the western part of Blue
Earth county.
'Read at the monthly meeting of the Executive Council, March 13, 1911.
436 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
In October of the same year all the earthly belongings of
my father, being my mother, seven children, and a handful of
household goods, were loaded into a wagon drawn by a pair of
unbroken steers, and we were ready to start for our new home.
The two cows which we had were to be driven behind the
wagon. My elder brother drove the steers attached to the
wagon, and we, the younger children, drove the cows. In the
short period of precisely thirty days we reached our new home
near the southwestern corner of Blue Earth county. Now we
make the trip in twelve hours.
The year had been a peculiar one in Wisconsin. There had
been severe frost at some time in every month during the en-
tire summer. Corn and other produce was badly frostbitten,
and by October first all vegetation was brown and dead.
But there had been much rain in Minnesota, evidently pre-
venting frosts; and when we crossed the great "Father of
Waters" at La Crosse, much swollen and turbid, we were
greeted by green foliage, and the freshness of spring. Vege-
tation was rank, grass tender, crops good, foliage magnificent ;
and, boy-like, I at once fell in love with Minnesota. At that
time the southern part of Waseca and Blue Earth counties was
almost wholly uncultivated, producing a wonderful growth of
wild grasses.
We crossed the Blue Earth river about thirty miles north of
the Iowa line, and it then seemed that we had reached the very
limit of civilization. One could look from the river west, south-
west, and northwest, and except a few settlers' cabins near
the river, not a sign of human life or habitation could be seen.
In fact, the western part of Blue Earth, Faribault and Brown
counties, and all of Martin, Jackson, Watonwan, Cottonwood,
Eock, Nobles, Murray, and Pipestone, Redwood, Lyon and Lin-
coln counties, were entirely unsettled, save for a few settlers
along the Minnesota, Blue Earth, Watonwan, Des Moines and
Rock rivers, and around the Chain lakes and lake Shetek.
Our first impression was that we were entirely without
neighbors. The nearest settlers were a mile distant, and there
w^ere only four or five families nearer than four miles away.
But we soon learned that we had neighbors, even though the
distance was considerable.
EXPERIENCES IN SOUTHWESTERN MINN., 1859-67. 437
Frst one neighbor and then another would extend to every
family in the vicinity an invitation to spend an afternoon or an
evening. Someone would hitch his oxen to his wagon or sled,
and, going from house to house, gather up a full load, and then,
at the usual gait for such conveyances, we rode and visited
until we reached the appointed place, where perhaps eight, ten
or a dozen persons spent the afternoon or evening in the one
little room where the meal was being prepared and the table
spread. In this way many warm friendships were formed,
never to be broken. Such neighbors are, as a rule, neighbors
in fact, as well as in name.
A man was asked, "Why did you return to the west, after
having gone back to New York, and having spent two years
there?" His answer was, ''Neighbors! Would you want to
spend your life where the people twenty feet away do not know
your name, or care whether you live or die ? We used to have
neighbors in the west, but when our baby died in New York
not a person came near us, and we went to the cemetery alone.
We thought we would come back home."
How very many have had nearly the same experience ! On
the frontier a settler becomes ill, and his grain is sown, other
crops are planted, and the harvest is gathered. A widow buries
her husband, and her experience is the same. Why is this?
Because they have neighbors. It is no light thing for one to
leave his harvest and go miles to save the crop of another, but
it has been done times without number; and the neighborly
sentiment, which prompts such kindly acts, counts for some-
thing in making up the sum total of human happiness in this
short life of ours.
What did we have to eat that year? Potatoes and corn, no
flour, no meat, some milk. I doubt whether there was a barrel
of flour within three miles of our home. No wheat had been
raised, no hogs had been fattened ; corn and potatoes were the
only food.
In 1859, 1860, and 1861, the Blue Earth valley was supplied
with mail by a weekly stage route from Mankato to Garden
City, Vernon, Shelbyville, Winnebago, and Blue Earth City.
The post office for our country for miles around was Shelby-
438 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ville, then quite a promising village about two miles south of
the present village of Amboy.
"We were five miles from Shelbyville, and to get our mail
we must go this distance and cross the Blue Earth river, either
in a canoe or by fording. I remember one occasion in the very
early spring, when the river was scarcely free from ice and
was much swollen, filling its banks. Five or six of us, neigh-
bors, started for Shelbyville to get our mail, and to hear the
postmaster read the news from a weekly St. Paul paper which
came to him, there being at that time, I think, no newspaper
taken west of the river. We reached the river, the ice had
gone out, and the canoe was on the other side. We agreed to
draw cuts and decide who should swim the river and get the
canoe. The lot fell upon Jonah, and I have had chills ever
since. I am not quite certain that the cuts were fairly held.
Shelbyville is dead, very dead, and it is deserving of a parting
tear.
The first religious service in our neighborhood was con-
ducted in a little log school house near our home in the early
summer of 1860, and was attended by very nearly the entire
settlement. The men were nearly all in bare feet; the women
were dressed in drills and denims ; the children were compelled
to stand for want of seats.
In the autumn of 1860 large flocks of blackbirds, such as I
think were never since seen in this country, attacked the corn
crops and destroyed much corn. This was general over all
southwestern Minnesota. It is no exaggeration whatever, when
I say that dense flocks would consume an entire day and even
longer in flying over a given point. The state offered forty
cents per hundred for their heads, many were poisoned, but
apparently no benefit was accomplished.
The same year sandhill cranes were so numerous, voracious,
and bold, that they could scarcely be driven from the fields.
The following spring of 1861, the water in the Blue Earth
river rose twenty-six feet in forty-eight hours, breaking the
record, I believe, for that eccentric stream, flooding the bot-
toms, floating away much wood and fencing material gotten
out by the farmers, and drowning several persons. One family
EXPERIENCES IN SOUTHWESTERN MINN., 1859-67.
439
living on the bottomland, whose shanty was surrounded by
water in the night, lost several children.
Soon came the War of the Rebellion. My older brother at
once returned to Wisconsin and enlisted in the Third Wiscon-
sin Volunteers.
In 1861 a state war tax of one dollar for each legal voter
was levied. My father was a voter. It was not a very heavy
emergency tax, to be sure, but my brother-in-law and myself
worked an entire day and late into the night, with two teams of
oxen, cutting a large saw log and hauling it to the mill at Shel-
byville, which log we sold for a dollar in order to pay this tax.
I enlisted on August 17, 1862, and on August 18 the Sioux
Indian troubles began. There were no railroads, telegraph or
telephone lines, but one stage line, and I could never under-
stand how the reports of these troubles spread as rapidly as
they did. Although the massacre began about sixty miles from
us, yet on the 19th of August our whole country had reason-
ably reliable information of the uprising. A neighbor came to
our house in the night, neighbor went to neighbor, and so the
news travelled. The men were in a fury of excitement and
anxiety; the women and children were quaking with fear.
Wagons were hastily loaded with women and children and
a little food, animals were turned loose to provide themselves
with food, houses were left unlocked, oxen were hitched to the
wagons, and a general stampede was started toward the east,
with all eyes turned toward the west. No one knew whither
they were going; they only knew that they dare not stay.
A halt was made at Shelbyville, the strongest buildings
were selected for occupancy, the women and children were
placed inside, and the men acted as pickets. In the whole
country there were scarcely a dozen guns.
Reports came worse and worse. New Ulm, twenty-five
miles away, was attacked, and another stampede began for the
east; some stopped at Wilton, Owatonna, and Rochester, and
some, so far as was ever heard, are going yet. After waiting
two or three weeks and hearing encouraging reports, some of
the more venturesome returned to their homes with their fam-
ilies, only to remain a few days, and were again driven away
440 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
by the near proximity of the Indians and the sickening re-
ports of their murders. What was true of our neighborhood
was true of every settlement in all southwestern Minnesota.
When the stampede from our neighborhood started, my
father drove our oxen with my mother and five children in the
wagon. On reaching the Blue Earth river about four miles
away, one of the oxen was taken sick, and could be driven no
farther; he lay down and died. Here was a somewhat un-
pleasant dilemma, but a swarthy young man in the caravan
went into the woods and, as he put it, ^'fiscated" a young un-
broken steer, put him into the yoke, and make him work.
When they returned several weeks afterward, the steer was
turned loose where he was found, and we have not yet ascer-
tained whose property he was.
The unsettled and terrifying conditions then existing con-
tinued until late in the fall, when, under the general belief that
the Indians would not move on the war path in the winter, the
greater number of the settlers returned to their homes to save
what they could of their nearly destroyed and wasted crops.
Some of them, indeed quite many, never returned. With feel-
ings of partial security, and encouraged by their escape from
slaughter thus far, the settlers remained at their homes, under
an intense strain of anxiety but nearly undisturbed, until 1864,
when rumors of Indian troubles were again heard ; but the set-
tlers were not so easily terrified as before, and held their
ground.
Many a day during this time my younger brothers and sis-
ters sat upon the roof of our straw-covered cattle shed and
watched for Indians, while father worked in the field. Little
wonder, if some of the children of pioneer days became pre-
maturely old and thoughtful.
On the 11th day of August, 1864, after quite a long period
of freedom from Indian disturbances, a party of eight or ten
Indians suddenly appeared in the edge of the timber on the
east side of the Blue Earth river, between Shelbyville and
Vernon, and, taking wholly by surprise Mr. Noble G. Root and
his two sons, who were stacking grain, shot and killed Mr. Root
and seriously wounded one, and, as I think, both of his sons. ■
EXPERIENCES IN SOUTHWESTERN MINN., 1859-67. 441
The Indians then crossed the river in a westerly direction,
reaching the open country where the Willow Creek cemetery
now is. On that day, Mr. Charles Mack of.Willow Creek, with
his team and mower, had gone to the farm of Mr. Hindman, a
near neighbor of ours a short distance from Willow Creek to
mow hay for Mr. Hindman, who in exchange had gone to the
farm of Mr. Mack to assist Mr. Jesse Mack in stacking grain.
They were loading grain directly across the road from the
cemetery, when, on looking toward the road, but a few rods
away, they saw these Indians coming directly toward them.
They both hastily got upon the load, and Mr. Mack whipped
his horses into a run, when, in crossing a dead furrow, Mr.
Hindman was thrown from the load, pitchfork in hand, strik-
ing upon his face in the stubble and dirt. Eubbing the dirt
from his eyes as best he could, he started to run, and as soon
as he was able to open his eyes and see, he discovered that he
was running directly toward the Indians. He reversed the en-
gine somewhat suddenly, put on a little more steam, and made
splendid time in the other direction toward the creek bed, less
than a quarter of a miFe away.
Once in the creek, the water in which was very low at that
time, he followed the bed of the creek for nearly a quarter of
a mile, and then stopped to rest and to wash the dirt and blood
from his face. He then left the stream and started up the bluff
on the opposite side, which was quite steep and covered thickly
with timber and brush. Nearly at the top of the bluff he came
to a little opening in the brush, and looking around about a
hundred feet, he saw those Indians deliberately watching his
approach. Utterly exhausted and unnerved, he dared not run ;
he paused, and in a moment one of the Indians drew a large
knife and started directly toward him. Concluding that his
day of reckoning had come, he took the position of a soldier
with his pitchfork at "charge bayonets" and awaited the ap-
proach of the Indian, who came within a very few feet of him
and stopped. Each stood, looked, and waited for the other to
open the meeting; finally the Indian turned as if to retreat,
and Mr. Hindman turned again toward the creek. He reached
it. There was no official time-keeper, and the exact time is
442 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
not recorded. He then followed the creek bed down to the
house of Mr. Mack, where he found a pony belonging to him-
self, which he had ridden there that morning, and started with
all speed toward his own home, where he arrived just before
dark.
His children were gone, his house ransacked, nearly every-
thing broken or destroyed, and in the meadow a short distance
from the house was the dead body of Mr. Charles Mack. By
this time darkness had set in. His wife had gone that day
about two miles to the house of Mr. Jesse Thomas to attend a
neighborhood quilting. He again mounted his pony and
started across the prairie for that place. When about half the
distance had been made, the pony looked sharply to one side
and neighed loudly. Mr. Hindman looked through the semi-
darkness in the direction indicated, and there, about two or
three hundred feet away, were the Indians ; four of them were
mounted, the others on foot. Mr. Hindman put whip and spur
to his pony and ran him for nearly a mile, then he stopped in a
valley to listen for the Indians; he did not hear them, and he
has always insisted that he has never seen them since.
On arriving at the home of Jesse Thomas he found it de-
serted, ransacked, and nearly everything destroyed.
It was later learned that his children saw the Indians at-
tack Mr. Mack, that they ran from the house and secreted
themselves in the very tall grass of the slough in which Mr.
Mack was mowing, and escaped with their lives.
The ladies at the quilting had a visit from the Indians ; they
saw them approaching from a belt of timber but a few rods
away, and, escaping by a back door to the cornfield which came
quite up to the -house, all their lives were saved.
No more honest, kindhearted and generous neighbors ever
gave their lives in defense of their property and their families,
than were Charles Mack and Noble G. Root.
I need not dwell upon the furor of alarm which this Indian
raid again caused in that settlement, and indeed all over south-
western Minnesota. Many settlers again seriously contem-
plated finally abandoning their homes and property and flee-
ing for their lives ; they had nearly lost all faith in the assur-
EXPERIENCES IN SOUTHWESTERN MINN., 1859-67. 443
ances of protection by the public authorities. But squads of
armed men were organized, the country was scoured, pickets
were put out, the women and children were corralled as well as
possible, and after a while confidence was again partially re-
stored.
This was the last Indian raid into southwestern Minnesota,
save the raid into Blue Earth county on the 2nd day of May,
1865, in which the Jewett family in Rapidan were murdered,
with the circumstances of which all are familiar.
It has been written that the half-breed Campbell, who was
hanged in Mankato for participation in this murder, ''was cap-
tured by an armed citizen by the name of Dodge, and taken to
Mankato." This is not correct. This man Dodge, whom I well
knew, and who signed for enlistment in my company, was
walking along a public road near Jones' Ford, going toward
Mankato about three miles away, when he fell in with Camp-
bell going in the same direction. Nothing was said or done in
the way of a capture, but Campbell's actions and talk were
such as to create suspicion that he knew of the killing of the
Jewett family. On arriving at Mankato, Dodge related his ex-
perience and suspicions, and Campbell was then taken into cus-
tody. Campbell was on his way to Kasota at the time, where
his mother then lived. He was tried a few days after this mur-
der on the Court House lawn in Mankato, by a sort of drum-
head court-martial, and then and there was executed by being
hanged to a tree.
William J. Jewett, who was a baby in arms when this fam-
ily was murdered, and who was struck upon the head and left
for dead, but who of the entire family survived, was this last
summer killed in an automobile accident in the suburbs of
Mankato.
I have said that I enlisted on August 17, 1862. We were
mustered on the 19th and assigned as Company D of the Ninth
Minnesota, but we did not meet the other companies of our
regiment for more than a year thereafter. On the very day of
our muster we learned of the Indian outbreak at the Lower
Agency, and our company was ordered to march at once to St.
Peter.
444 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Company D was made up very largely of farmer boys right
from the harvest fields, dressed in denims and straw hats, some
in bare feet, and we were not in first class marching order, nor
very presentable. Uniforms and Government clothing could
not be had, and, more than this, the only arms with which we
could then be furnished were old Austrian and Belgian mus-
kets, which had been stored and poorly cared for since the war
of 1812. Very many of the muskets were utterly useless as fire-
arms.
Notwithstanding these little deficiencies in our make-up, we
made a forced march to St. Peter, looking more like a squad of
Missouri bushwackers than Union soldiers. On our arrival at
St. Peter we at once dug a line of rifle pits along the crown of
the bluffs, extending from the present location of the Insane
Hospital on the south to the Minnesota river on the north ; and
we spent the fall and winter in drilling, picketing in the rifle
pits, and scouting the country toward New Ulm and Fort
Ridgely and in the vicinity of Swan lake. I well remember
that there were brought into St. Peter a woman and children
who had been found hiding in the tall grass and rushes near
their house which was yet burning, the husband and father hav-
ing been killed.
After the second battle at New Ulm, and when that city
was evacuated, there came over the hill on the New Ulm road
and into St. Peter, very early one morning, a very large num-
ber of men, women and children, with horse teams, or oxen, on
horseback and on foot, a veritable mob or rabble which had
been on the road all night coming from New Ulm to St. Peter,
in imminent peril of their lives. Two large stone warehouses
stood on the river front at St. Peter, and these were hastily
converted into barracks and what we then called ''soup
houses" for these refugees, where they remained a long time.
We so called these quarters because for want of sufficient ra-
tions, on which to feed these people, they were fed largely on
soup made in great kettles as the cheapest food and that which
would make the food supply go farthest. The old Court House,
a frame building not far from the Episcopal church, was con-
verted into a hospital for the sick and wounded, of which there
EXPERIENCES IN SOUTHWESTERN MINN., 1859-67. 445
were many, the patients lying upon the floors for want of beds
or cots.
We were diligently and persistently drilled in military ma-
neuvers through the entire winter, and became quite proficient.
While as a steady diet we did not enjoy these drills, there were
some amusing experiences. A company of German cavalry was
there, and their orders on drill were given in German. Our
infantry company and the German cavalry company would fre-
quently have a sham battle. The infantry would advance, de-
ploy as skirmishers, and the cavalry would charge us with their
horses on the run. The infantry would rally on the center, and,
as the cavalry came near, fire with blank cartridges; then the
horses would throw their riders and run away. This was too
strenuous work for the cavalry and we discontinued it. The
hospital was fast filling with injured cavalry men, and the
horses were not at all schooled to their work by this manner
of drill.
A little incident illustrates the freight problem then and
now. I was at a ford on the Minnesota river, A man came
along with a team of oxen and a wagon loaded with cook
stoves. He crossed the river and in going up a sharp hill the
chain broke, the wagon ran back, tipped over upon the stones,
and every stove was broken. The man was about ready to
have a nervous collapse. He said that he had gone from Man-
kato to St. Paul for this load of stoves for a Mankato dealer,
had been on the road two weeks, that he was perfectly willing
to lose his time and expenses, and to ask no compensation, but
that if he should be required to pay for the stoves, it would
take all the property he had on earth. I hope that he was not
required to pay for the stoves.
While at St. Peter, in the early part of December, 1862, a
few of us learned, by grapevine telegraph, late one afternoon,
that an effort was to be made the following evening by the
citizens of Mankato, New Ulm, and vicinity, to kill the Indian
prisoners, three hundred and more, then in camp at Mankato
near the present site of Sibley Park. As no admission fee was
to be charged, the select few determined to attend the enter-
tainment. After dark we corrupted a wagon-master, secured
446 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
a team of Government mules and a wagon, and started for Man-
kato, where we arrived about nine o'clock in the evening. I
have never seen a correct history of this fiasco in print.
The headquarters of the blood-thirsty citizens was the old
Mankato House, located where the National Citizens' Bank
now stands, and liquid refreshments were being served liber-
ally, without money and without price, A very large crowd
had gathered, but there seemed to be no great haste to march
on the Indian camp. Several times a start was made by a
squad of fifty or a hundred persons, who would proceed for a
few hundred feet and then halt, finally returning for more
refreshments.
Nearly at midnight the supply of refreshments must have
become exhausted, for the army moved. Several hundred of
the citizens started south along Front Street for the Indian
camp, straggling along a distance of several blocks. When the
head of the column reached West Mankato, it halted until the
rear came up, and while a rambling discussion was going on as
to just what they should do, and how they should do it. Cap-
tain (since Governor) Austin and his company of cavalry sur-
rounded the whole squad and ordered them to move on toward
Colonel (since Governor) Miller's headquarters, right at the
Indian camp, where now they seemed reluctant to go and re-
fused to move.
Captain Austin ordered his men to close in, which they did,
crowding the citizens, and yet they refused to move. Finally
he gave the command ''Draw sabers," and when a hundred
sabers came out in one movement, the army again moved on
Colonel Miller's headquarters at the Indian camp.
The scene there was supremely ridiculous. Colonel Miller
came out from his tent and spoke kindly to the citizens, and
asked why they had congregated in such large numbers.
Every one who answered at all insisted that their mission was
wholly peaceful, being utterly ignorant of any evil designs,
and finally the Colonel ordered their release and suggested
that they go home, which they hastened to do.
The next morning these Indians were removed, under guard
of all the troops in the city, to log barracks which had been
EXPERIENCES IN SOUTHWESTERN MINN., 1859-67. 447
^g- built for them on Front street, diagonally across the street
H from where the Saulpaugh Hotel now stands. The removal
H was accomplished without incident, except that occasionally
^m an epithet was hurled at the soldiers for being engaged in
H guarding and protecting the Indians.
^m These barracks were -occupied by the Indians only about
^1 two weeks. They had been there little more than a week, when
^B the officer of the day, making his morning inspection, which
^m was very formal, thought that he saw a hatchet or a knife un-
^" der the blanket of one of the Indians. Without a change of
countenance or a suspicious movement he proceeded in the in-
spection until it was completed, retired from the barracks, and
at once caused to be quietly mustered around the barracks
every soldier in the city with loaded guns and fixed bayonets.
Then with a squad of soldiers he entered the barracks, and,
searching every Indian, secured a large number of hatchets,
knives, clubs, and other weapons. These weapons, it was
learned, had been gotten at the Winnebago Agency, about
twelves miles from Mankato, by several squaws who prepared
food for these Indians, and who were allowed to go to the
woods to gather fuel for their fires.
Immediately after this discovery the Indians who were un-
der sentence of death were removed to a stone building but a
few feet distant, where they were kept under heavy guard.
The guard which had been kept around the barracks had been
comparatively light, and had the Indians moved in the night
time before their plans were discovered, they would probably
have escaped.
A few days after this incident, my company came from St.
Peter to Mankato on December 26, 1862, to act as a guard on
one side of the scaffold at the execution of the thirty-eight
Indians who were then hanged, about one hundred and fifty
feet northerly from the location of the Saulpaugh Hotel, and
between Front street and the river, of\ which execution so
much has been written and said.
In the very early spring of 1863 my company was ordered
from St. Peter to Judson on the southwest side of the Minne-
sota river, very near where Judson station now is, about mid-
448 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
way between Mankato and New Ulm. There we built a sod
fort about 150 feet square and about ten feet high, making an
excellent fort for resisting Indian attacks, and we there re-
mained until May of that year, scouting the prairies and tim-
ber lands, and bearing dispatches between New Ulm, St. Peter,
South Bend, and Mankato. The remains of the fort can still
be seen, and an engineer's draft of it is in the files of this His-
torical Society.
While in this fort I was on one occasion ordered to go to
the stables, saddle the fleetest mule, and carry certain impor-
tant dispatches to Mankato. Riding mules was not my long
suit, but I obeyed. I had proceeded about two miles, when I
came to a narrow bridge which my mule refused to cross. We
fought it out and the mule conquered. I succeeded in getting
him so unmanagable that he turned and ran back to Judson
with me, in spite of all that I could do. I was so mortified that,
rather than go to the fort, I let him go direct to the stables,
where I dismounted and secured a driver's ''black snake."
Remounting, I applied it so vigorously that when we reached
the bridge the second time, neither of us knew it. I was com-
plimented for making such excellent time.
In early May, 1863, one platoon of our company was or-
dered to Fairmont in Martin county, and the other platoon to
a small prairie lake in the same county, then called Chanyaska
lake, about eleven miles northwest from Fairmont and a short
distance north of Elm creek.
I was with the platoon under Captain Skaro, which was
ordered to Fairmont. We marched from Judson by the way
of Garden City, Vernon Center, and Shelbyville to Winnebago
City, and from there we marched across the prairie as nearly
in a direct line as possible to Fairmont. If there were any
roads, we did not see them ; our course the whole distance was
through prairie grass.
We approached Fairmont from a northeasterly direction.
Halting on a hill or elevation a short distance from there, we
caught the first sight of our destination. From this standpoint
the landscape was most beautiful and attractive.
To the east from whence we came could be seen a sea of
rolling prairie, with the timber on the Blue Earth river eigh-
EXPERIENCES IN SOUTHWESTERN MINN., 1859-67. 449
teen or twenty miles away, and extending from the Blue Earth
county line southerly to Blue Earth City and beyond. To the
south our vision extended across the prairies to the Iowa line,
with the timber of East Chain lakes as the only obstruction to
our vi^w. To the north was Elm creek, which could be traced
by the skirting trees from a distance west of the Central Chain
lakes in an easterly direction to the Blue Earth river, with the
mounds in Blue Earth county, near which I lived, plainly visi-
ble beyond the valley of Elm creek, twenty miles away. To
the west, as placid as molten silver, were seen the waters of
two of the Central Chain lakes, and the timber skirting two
or three more, beyond which was an endless sea of rolling
prairie.
Immediately in our front, sleepy and quiet, was the little
log fort which we were to occupy. The few little homes upon
the lakes then occupied, were hidden in the woods, and the lit-
tle fort was the only visible evidence of the handiwork of man.
The fort was located just southerly from the present beau-
tiful Court House, the westerly wall running about parallel
with the high bluff of the lake shore, and about fifty feet from
where the bluff begins to descend toward the lake. It was
constructed of large, long logs, and was about eight feet high
and a hundred and fifty feet square ; it enclosed the first Mar-
tin county court house, which was used by us as a mess room.
This Court House was about 18 by 24 feet, built of boards, one
story high, and is there yet, just to the south of the Court
House grounds, and should be preserved.
This fort had just been vacated by a company of "Wisconsin
cavalry in anticipation of our arrival. A draft of this fort
made by government engineers is now in the files of this So-
ciety.
We found on investigation that we had inherited from the
cavalry company two canoes and a small flat boat, which were
lying at what is now the boat landing on Sisseton lake. These
boats furnished us with very much amusement. It was a fa-
vorite pastime to engage in naval battles, the two canoes
against the flat boat, and more than once I found myself and
canoe tipped over in the middle of the lake, my paddle cap-
tured, and I left to ^et ashore as best I could.
29
450 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
The platoon ordered to Chanyaska lake, under command of
Lieutenant Patton, arrived there about the time that we
reached Fairmont. This was a shallow prairie lake, with
heavy marsh grass all around it, and was literally alive with
geese, brant, and ducks, and quite frequently large swans could
be seen upon its waters. This platoon constructed a sod fort
near the shore of the lake much like the fort we had built at
Judson.
About once in each month our platoons changed locations,
so that each platoon was in each fort about an equal length of
time. Our duties consisted of scouting the prairies to the west
of us for Indians, but not one was seen by us that summer.
A line of forts was constructed and occupied that sum-
mer, extending from the Iowa boundary northerly to Fort
Abercrombie, and cavalry scouts frequently passed along this
line, carrying our mails, and keeping us posted as to Indian
disturbances.
Captain McLeod, General Sibley's chief of scouts, a very
congenial man, frequently visited us.
We had a few good musicians in our company and we de-
termined to have a celebration at Fairmont on July fourth,
and a dance in the evening. We invited our friends and rela-
tives all along the line from Blue Earth City to St. Peter, and
I think that about every one came. Our barracks, which we
surrendered to the ladies, were filled to overflowing. We sol-
diers slept upon the stable roofs, the ground, in our boats,
everywhere and anywhere ; but, because of the mosquitoes, the
most of us slept nowhere. The platoon from Chanyaska came
over and we had a royal time, rounded out with an all-night
dance.
The day before the 4th, six of us went out on lake Sisseton
and lake George with our three boats and killed thirty-six
geese ; another detail of men caught fish in abundance ; and on
the fourth our meals were mostly fish and goose, goose and fish,
boiled, fried, baked, stewed, and broiled.
The unusual movement of Indians and troops on the west-
ern plains that summer seemed to disturb and break up the
usually large herds of buffaloes which roamed there, dividing
EXPERIENCES IN SOUTHWESTERN MINN., 1859-67. 451
them into smaller herds which wandered in many directions.
On two occasions in the early morning our pickets discovered
buffaloes across Sisseton lake to the west of us, on one occasion
two, and on another three. We immediately organized hunt-
ing paties, succeeded in killing all of them, and enjoyed the
novelty of buffalo steak very much.
We had one horse which belonged to one of our officers,
and on one of these occasions there was a peddler at our fort
who drove an old and somewhat crippled horse. These horses
were both taken by the soldiers on the buffalo hunt. The man
riding the peddler's horse approached quite near a buffalo
after we had surrounded him, and fired, wounding the buf-
falo, which quickly lowered his head and charged directly at
him. It was with the greatest effort that this man succeeded
in getting the machinery of that horse in motion quick enough
to escape being caught; both man and horse then and there
retired from the field.
We succeeded, at both of our forts, in catching alive foxes,
prairie chickens, quails, cranes, geese, and an endless variety
of. ducks, making really an interesting collection, which we
kept in cages and pens, cared for and fed, until we turned
them over to our successors. We also had a tame hawk at each
fort, wings entirely uncut, at liberty to come and go as they
would, but they were the most tame of any of our collection,
and came long distances to answer the bugle call for meals.
At our fort at Fairmont we learned a lesson in order which
I think none of us have ever quite forgotten. One dark night
after midnight the drum sounded the long roll, which means
''An attack, get into line quick!" Things had been going
smooth, and we had gotten extremely careless in the location
of our clothing on retiring to bed, and such confusion as this
call caused can hardly be imagined. I jumped from the upper
bunk which I occupied, and fell straddle of the neck of an
occupant of the lower bunk, who was trying to get on one of
my shoes; the other one I could not find. In fifteen minutes
from the first tap of the drum we were in line, some without
shoes, some without hats, several without guns, nearly all in a
partial state of undress, only to receive a well deserved scold-
ing for our utter disorder.
452 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
After two more similar experiments, we could, in utter
darkness, get into line of battle, fully equipped, in three min-
utes from the first tap of the drum. I am still inclined to prac-
tice the lesson I then learned.
About the first of October we were relieved by a company
of Minnesota cavalry, and were ordered to join our regiment
at Fort Snelling and go south.
On the 8th day of October, 1863, there stood upon the hur-
ricane deck of a steamer gently steaming down the Mississippi
river past Lake City, where the present generation of soldier
boys are wont to camp, and toward the Sunny Southland then
grim with the smoke of battle, eight healthy, cheerful and light-
hearted soldier boys, discussing the question whether we, and
how many of us, would ever see Fairmont again.
One lies buried at Benton Barracks, Missouri ; one sleeps in
the Soldiers' Cemetery at Memphis, with seventy-two thou-
sand loyal comrades; five went to a soldier's death under the
scorching sun, within the prison stockade at Andersonville. I
alone, of all these, was privileged to look again upon Fairmont
and those beautiful lakes.
About the time of the close of the war, immigration became
brisk, many new settlers came into southwestern Minnesota,
and signs of -thrift and prosperity were for the first time mani-
fest in all directions. In the years 1866 and 1867 there was a
veritable farmers' boom throughout all the country; much new
land was broken and much building done. All of the grain
crop seemed to be needed for bread, seed, and feed for the
newcomers. There was no occasion to haul produce to market.
It was all eagerly taken at the farm.
There was in 1866 a splendid crop of everything. Wheat
sold at the farm in the spring of 1867 at $2.00 to $3.00 per
bushel; oats at 50 to 75 cents; potatoes at $1.00 and upward,
and everything else accordingly. This caused a great increase
in acreage of producing ground, which was increased many-
fold. Some said that wheat would never go below $2.00 again.
How about the result of all this? The crop of 1867 was a
very bountiful one. Farmers were compelled to pay from $3.00
to $3.50 per day each for six or seven harvest hands to follow
EXPERIENCES IN SOUTHWESTERN MINN., 1859-67.
453
the old hand rake or self rake reapers, and the wheat crop sold
at 35 to 55 cents per bushel. Debts had been created for new
machinery at high prices and high rates of interest. Low
prices of produce prevailed for many years, and the result was
an extended period of great depression and very hard times.
Many farms were lost under mortgages, and many of the early
settlers were compelled to go elsewhere and start again.
A true pioneer is very seldom fitted to compete with the
more shrewd and experienced man of the world. He is as a
rule quite unable to reason from cause to effect, or to foresee
approaching conditions and profit thereby. He is quite incom-
petent to deal with the average business man at arm's length,
and the result is inevitably ''the survival of the fittest," as
has been very heartlessly said. He suffers hardship and priva-
tion, sometimes starvation and death, to open and develop
some garden spot on this earth, only to be crowded out by his
more shrewd successor, who lives to enjoy the fruits of his toil.
In this day and age of great and rapid transitions, of in-
dustrial and commercial war, wonderful inventions and intense
life, when the industrial, commercial and social world is going
at such a furious pace, let us not forget that the pioneers of all
this country, both east and west, made all this possible; yes
indeed, made this country. They are the people who made
this great state, and who are entitled to the credit for pretty
nearly all that is good and worthy in it.
They came in the days when men across the great river
hitched oxen to covered wagons, and with their families and
household goods drove over corduroy roads, through sloughs
and sand, through forests and over prairies, across half a con-
tinent to the frontier beyond. Mere girls and boys driving
teams and following cows, as joyous as if life was one long
holiday; tired women, gazing from under the canvas tops,
wondering whither bound; children as ruddy as cherries,
first riding and then running alongside, — all were chasing the
setting sun.
Stories of trampling of fighters on the march and in the
clash of arms, there are in plenty, surrounded by all the ro-
mance and glamour of which poets love to sing; but because
454 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
these heroes and heroines of pioneer days went forth from our
own borders, because they shed a martyr's blood without a
martyr's prayer or a martyr's whine, because, when they won
the game of life's battle, they were dust grimed, ragged vic-
tors, because they were heroes and heroines of the common-
place, their history is largely unwritten.
It is easier to be a hero of the regiment, marching in uni-
form and pomp to the music of the trombone and tuba, than a
hero of the spade and the axe, the milk-pail and the frying-pan.
Yet the conquest of the frontier was wrought by the heroes
and heroines of the homespun, by the men and women, too,
with rifle in one hand, and the implements of toil in the other.
Of no class is this more true than of the early settlers of
southwestern Minnesota, men and women with muscles of iron
and nerves of steel.
"He is swart from the glow of the merciless sun,
And his muscles are sore from the work he has done;
He has builded his home where the prairie wolves roam;
He's the hewer, the blazer of trails.
He is crude with the strength of the seeker of toil,
From the hot barren wastes he is gathering spoil.
For a nation that lives from the bounty he gives;
He's the builder, the winner of ways.
Where the silent wastes bake in the summer's hot glow.
Where the forests are choked in the shroud of the snow,
By his brain and his brawn a new nation is born;
He goes forward to conquer new realms.
And the world has its heroes of lace and gold braid,
That are honored and wined for the waste they have made;
But the world little knows of the debt that it owes
To the hewer, the blazer of trails."
"ffUAMUil^^
Minnesota Historical Society.
Vol. XV. Plate XII.
MEMORIES OF THE EARLY LIFE AND DEVELOPMENT
OF MINNESOTA.*
BY THOMAS B. WALKER.
When Fort Sumter was fired upon and the greatest war of
history was launched by the Southern Confederacy, it aroused
determined opposition over the northern states and created a
patriotic warlike feeling that perhaps has never been equalled
in history, for defense of the American Republic against im-
pending division and destruction. At the same time, it created
also a feeling of depression and disappointment that might be
likened to the appearance of the sun in time of a total eclipse.
As the war progressed and vast armies were called out on
both sides, nearly every family in the north was filled with
apprehension as to some member of the family or relatives or
friends that were in the army and subject to more than even
chances of being killed or severely wounded. It clouded every
household. The wheels of industry, trade and commerce, in
fact all occupations, seemed almost entirely to stand still, ex-
cepting the routine work of the farmer. The call for 75,000
men brought out one or two hundred thousand volunteers more
than were called for; and it took so many men from the col-
leges of the country, and caused so much discouragement, that
some of the colleges were closed.
I joined two Ohio military companies, and, as a represent-
ative of them, used up a month or two trying to get either one
of them into camp at Cleveland. But all the time, when prom-
ised the next vacancy, companies would come in from different
parts of the state without permission and would more than fill
all vacant quarters.
I had shipped to Grand Rapids and Chicago several car-
loads of grindstones, which constituted all the capital that I
*Read at the Annual Meeting of this Society, January 12, 1914.
456 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
possessed, mostly earned by work in the hardwood forests of
northeastern Ohio. Finding that the feeling of disappointment
and destruction of trade, during the first year of the war, had
led those to whom the grindstones were sold to refuse to take
them, I started West to look after them. First I went^to Mich-
igan, and finding that the men who had bought the grindstones
at Grand Eapids would not receive them, and that no others
would take them at any price, I was compelled to retail them
to the farmers through western and central Michigan, taking
them by team through the country and selling them singly at
reduced prices. Then going westward to Chicago, I found it
impossible to sell the grindstones there, located on the wharf,
to anyone at any price, so I went to Milwaukee, hoping that
the big firm of Nazro would purchase them. But neither he
nor any other hardware dealer could see any object in pur-
chasing them, as trade was almost entirely dead. I then went
westward to Madison, and found it as impossible there to sell
as it had been in the other places; and as I could not sell the
grindstones, it became necessary to seek employment to gain a
livelihood.
Having spent a number of years in the study of the sciences,
particularly of mathematics, mostly outside of school but car-
ried on to a knowledge of the higher branches, I thought teach-
ing along that line would be of interest to me, both in pursu-
ing my studies further and in securing a livelihood. I therefore
went to the home of the president of the University of Wis-
consin and called to see him. His very pleasant and queenly
appearing wife told me to be seated in the library and she
would bring the president from down in the grove, in which
the house was situated. He had quite a considerable collec-
tion of books on his library shelves, and among them I was sur-
prised to find Newton's Principia, which I had never found in
any library before, with one exception. I had taken down this
book and was looking it over, when the president came in, in
his slippers and dressing gown, and without my knowing of
his coming. He looked over my shoulder and saw the book I
had in my hand, and wanted to know what I was doing with
that. I said to him that I wanted to find out if he had studied
EARLY LIFE AND DEVELOPMENT OP MINNESOTA. 457
it, and how far he had succeeded in getting. Having told me
how far he had gone, he questioned me about a problem or
scholium that he, and even those who had for several years
studied the Principia in Yale or Harvard; had never been able
to solve. Upon my showing him that I had succeeded and had
proved it to Professor Schuyler of Baldwin University, he then
inquired what I knew about Schuyler. I told him that I was
from Berea, where Dr. Schuyler was professor of mathematics
in Baldwin University. To this he said that Professor Schuyler
had written a very admirable series of textbooks on mathe-
matics.
When I told him that I would like a position to teach mathe-
matics, it struck him more than favorably, as he said that that
was his line of work, and that it did not give him any time to
run the university and he wanted some one to handle the
classes. We went around with his horse and buggy among the
members of the Board, and I found that the general scare
which everywhere existed made them hesitate about making
any arrangements for the future running of the school, not
knowing whether or not it would ever open again. The presi-
dent, whose name I have forgotten, said that when school
would open again, which he hoped would be in the fall, he felt
quite certain that I would be offered a position as assistant
teacher in mathematics. A majority of the board were really
in favor of engaging me, and the other members were not op-
posed, excepting only their apprehension as to future pros-
pects of the university in such calamitous times. This came to
pass in the fall, when I was on the government surveys in the
northern part of Minnesota and could not accept. If this open-
ing had occurred or had been decided upon before I came to
this state, it would without doubt have changed the course of
my whole life.
I then went westward to McGregor Landing. On the way
I stopped at several places, but could find no market for my
grindstones as far as Prairie du Chien. As McGregor was the
liveliest little town in the West, the farmers coming in for fifty
or a hundred miles with their grain and to buy their goods, I
went there with more hope of selling. I stayed there one day
but could sell no grindstones.
458 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
In the evening, in front of the hotel, a very plain but
friendly appearing man sat down beside me and explained that
he was in charge of lumber rafts, coming down the river from
the city of Minneapolis. Upon inquiring of him where Min-
neapolis was, he was perfectly astonished that I, an American
citizen, did not know where the great town of Minneapolis was
located. But after excusing and explaining, I learned a great
many other things of importance pertaining to this Northwest
and particularly Minneapolis. I learned that Mr. George B.
Wright, the principal government surveyor of this region, was
going with a party to survey a large tract of land for the gov-
ernment. Upon inquiring about it, I concluded to go to Min-
neapolis to see him, as my health was somewhat out and I was
in need of employment, particularly because I could not sell
my grindstones that were piled up in Chicago. Upon learning
from the landlord, who sat on the other side of me, that the
steamer, ''Diamond Joe," the best steamer on the river, was
due about this time, on the way to St. Paul, and hearing, while
he was explaining this, the old bull whistle of Diamond Joe,
that rolled up and down the river for thirty miles in favorable
weather, begin bellowing about five miles below, and upon be-
ing informed that the boat sometimes did not even throw the
gangplank unless passengers or freight appeared on the dock,
I settled with the landlord for my hotel bill, for which I had
previously arranged rates, and when the boat landed, which it
did for an hour or so, I secured my passage in a good, airy,
pleasant state room. On the upper deck I found a very capa-
ble business man going through to Minnesota, with whom I
had a very pleasant acquaintance and from whom I gained
many points of interest and value in practical life.
In St. Paul I tried again to sell my grindstones. I then
went to Minneapolis, and not wishing to get rid of the extra
quarter of bus fare, I carried my satchel from the east side
station over to Minneapolis, across the suspension bridge, for
which I had to pay five cents toll. I tried there to sell the
grindstones, but none were wanted. Mr. Curtis H. Pettit, who
kept the hardware store nearest to the bridge, remembers my
coming and often speaks of it, as I carried my hand satchel
EARLY LIFE AND DEVELOPMENT OP MINNESOTA. 459
with me and presented myself to him at his front door, where
he was standing without a single customer in his store, and
perhaps not one had been there that day.
The war had paralyzed everything in the way of business
and industry, except that of the farmer, who used his old tools
and machinery without purchasing anything more to work
with. I arranged with ]\Ir. Wright to go on the surveys with
him, and then having made a sale, deal or trade with D. C.
Jones, the agricultural dealer of St. Paul, for the two carloads
of grindstones in Chicago, I went back to arrange for this ship-
ment and to arrange some matters in Michigan, and came back
to Minnesota in time to deliver and settle for the grindstones
before the surveying party was to start.
When my stock of grindstones, which I had sold or traded
to Mr. Jones, arrived at the wharf in St. Paul, I was present,
and Mr. Jones brought his contract to the wharf and directed
the clerk to supervise the handling of the grindstones and to
take out of the lot the nicked and spalled ones. When they
were being unloaded I was there and met the clerk, who seemed
to be a very pleasant, capable and straightforward young man,
who showed me his directions for sorting out the nicked and
spalled ones. After he got through with the sorting and had
not had occasion to take out any of them on account of their
being damaged, he said that several had some little nicks but
not one was damaged so much that it was not worth more than
any other grindstones of their size which he had ever seen come
into St. Paul ; and hence there was no dockage, as he said the
lot was freer from shot or hard spots than any he had ever
seen. I was somewhat interested in his frank appearance, ac-
tivity, and apparent ability, and asked him what wages he was
receiving. He informed me that he was getting $75 a month,
and upon inquiry as to whether that represented the current
wages here, he informed me that it was not by any means the
case, but that when he came three years before, he worked for
only $20 a month to begin with, and that they had granted
freely an advance to this point, and he explained that it was
because he had made himself so useful that they could not get
along without him. Upon my wanting to get more of his name
460 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
than *'Jim," I was informed that the more complete title that
he was known by was Jim Hill,
Twenty-eight years afterwards, I went with Bierstadt, the
painter, at the time of the exposition in Minneapolis, to see
Mr. Hill's art gallery. He took us in person up to his house,
and went so far as to give us prices and history of the pictures ;
and at lunch, which we took at his house, he asked me if I
remembered the circumstances of our first meeting down on
the wharf, when he was clerk for Bcjrup & Oakes, and when I
shipped those grindstones that he was assigned to sort out. I
told him I certainly did, and he thereupon said that it was the
finest lot of grindstones, the freest from nicks and spalls, the
best in shape, freest from shot, with the truest eyes and smooth-
est surfaces, that he had ever seen, and told me who had pur-
chased them.
The explanation to his key to success, expressed by making
himself so useful that they could not get along without him,
represents characteristic features, which, added to his com-
manding abilities and matchless energy, have made his life-
work most useful and helpful, from a material, industrial, and
economic point of view, and quite comparable to that of any
person in this country.
Sir William Van Home, the American-born citizen, who
performed valuable services in building railways in Canada,
for which he was honored and credited for services to his coun-
try, which were much less than Mr. James J. Hill's contribu-
tion to this country, said to me a couple of years ago in New
York city, and repeated subsequently the same last year here
at my home, that Mr. Hill's services in the development and
settlement of the Northwest are not to any worthy extent ap-
preciated and cannot be estimated, that his integrity and re-
liability as to all trusts and confidence placed in his hands cause
him to be more relied upon than anyone with whom he ever
became sufficiently acquainted to make a definite comparison.
He said, ''Perhaps you are better acquainted with Mr. Hill
and know his character and history better, and he has per-
haps more confidence and good will toward you than to any
of us, yet I know him from a railroad and transportation point
EARLY LIFE AND DEVELOPMENT OF MINNESOTA. 461
of view better than anyone else." He illustrated his views by
saying, ''If I were suddenly called upon to select an adminis-
trator, and Hill were present, and I should ask him to act for
my estate, he would not care to undertake that additional trust,
but would do so if I asked him ; and when he had accepted, I
will say that there would not be the slightest scruple about
leaving my affairs in his hands. I should know that even the
benefit of doubts would go to my estate, and that a complete
and satisfactory business method would be used in the adjust-
ment of all affairs. All the millions of money that have been
placed in his hands to build railways with have been most
faithfully and conscientiously used to carry forward to a suc-
cessful termination the object in view. In pursuing his rail-
way affairs, whoever or whatever gets in his way must get out.
If he comes to mountains, he goes around them, over them, or
through them, the best way to get there. His life-work in this
Northwest has been invaluable to the people, far beyond their
appreciation of his services." But Sir William Van Home fur-
ther said, "When it comes to competition with Mr. Hill in the
railway business, well, the last time I met him in New York
city, on Wall Street, we took luncheon together and we passed
a very pleasant hour of time ; but, I pledge you, we never
passed a word regarding railroads, or traffic arrangements, or
anything pertaining to them."
On the 15th of August, 1862, I was in Minneapolis and
helped Mr. Wright in his outfitting, and started on the 20th
of August for the government surveys. We were met, just as
we arrived opposite St. Cloud, with the news of the fearful out-
break of the Sioux Indians and the murder and massacre of so
many of the settlers, which was even exaggerated beyond its
actual and fearful proportions. We continued on our journey
to Fort Ripley and stayed there, standing guard with a view
to defend the fort against an army of Sioux that were reported
coming from the New Ulra country, the region of the outbreak,
and also against an additional force of Chippewas who were
reported as coming down from Leech lake to attack the fort.
On our way from St. Cloud to Little Falls, we met the Chip-
pewa agent, Lucius C. Walker, coming down in a buggy with
462 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
his driver, and he seemed not so much excited as instead to
have a rather apprehensive look, saying that the Indians were
trailing him down and were then going down parallel to the
road that we were on, but two or three miles farther east, on
the old Indian trail from Crow Wing to St. Cloud. He waited
a little and told us about this, and then proceeded on to St.
Cloud, where he left his buggy and took a saddle horse, and,
with his revolver for defense, continued his travel down the
road. About three miles below Big Lake, his body was after-
ward found by the roadside, with a bullet through his head
and from such direction and evident distance that John Arm-
strong, the wood dealer, who found him, said the shot came
from a more distant place than would be possible if he had shot
himself.
The real facts of the death of Agent Walker were never
definitely known, but there were two theories, one that he shot
himself, as one barrel of his revolver was emptied, and from a
reported bad record in his Indian Agency affairs. This record
was afterward found to be perfectly straight, and no reason
whatever was found in his family or business affairs that would
have the slightest tendency to lead him to commit suicide. The
other theory was that the Indians killed him.
After our surveying crew had remained at Fort Ripley for
some time, we came away and the party disbanded. George B.
Wright and myself took the job of examining land grants for
the St. Paul and Pacific railroad company, north of Minne-
apolis and St. Paul and extending above St. Cloud on the east
and west side of the river.
After returning from the work on the railway lands, I went
into the office of Levi M. Stewart, in the Dayton Block, on
Washington avenue and Helen street (now Second avenue
south), to continue my studies that I had been pursuing during
my spare time for three or four years. While there, I became
acquainted with W. S. Chapman and Henry T. Welles, the two
most prominent capitalists and business men then in Minne-
apolis. Mr. Stewart was attorney for Mr. Chapman, who came
there almost every day about land matters, and I became quite
well acquainted with him, and having heard considerable about
EARLY LIFE AND DEVELOPMENT OF MINNESOTA. 463
the pine timber, although I had not seen any of it, I advised
him to secure land scrip and let me locate timber on joint ac-
count, with payments of principal and interest on my part to
be made from the sale of the timber or logs. Mr. Chapman
readily agreed to this, and he began purchasing Sioux half-
breed scrip, which he was obtaining at the very modest price
of 50 cents to 75 cents an acre. Thereupon I prevailed on Mr.
George B. Wright to go into the woods in the winter to carry
on the government surveys in the timber, with the intention
on my part to keep records of the best tracts of pine timber
for location with Mr. Chapman. Although Mr. Wright said it
was unprecedented and impractical to work in northern Min-
nesota woods in the winter, yet I persuaded him that it could
be done and got him to outfit and start for the country north-
east of the site of Brainerd, which town did not exist for a
number of years later, and to survey several townships in which
was some good pine timber. When we left Crow Wing on our
way, it was 22 degrees below zero,^-cold, clear weather, with
about one foot of snow. The snow got to be two or three feet
deep before we got through^ but we surveyed two townships
and a portion of a third one, when the ugly appearance of the
Indians, who had not quieted down since the Indian war had
begun, induced us to leave a little earlier than we should have
done otherwise.
While I was at work, I received a letter from Mr. Chap-
man, asking me to come to Minneapolis and go with him to
California, where he said the Sioux scrip was worth from $5
to $10 an acre to locate on redwood timber, which was very
valuable and the land enormously heavily timbered. I could
not leave, so he went without me, taking with him the scrip.
This made my extra efforts to secure timber land notes fruit-
less, and so I turned them over to Mr. Wright, and he got some
profit from them through lumbermen who located claims on
some of the lands.
The next year I went with Mr. Wright and finished up his
quite large contract of surveying. The next year after that, I
went on the St. Paul and Duluth railroad survey, and remained
during the early part of the year in laying out the road
464 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ready for grading, from St. Paul up to Wyoming; and then
moved on up to Duluth, to begin a return survey to meet the
one running up from St. Paul. At Duluth, Mr. Dayton, presi-
dent of the road, Mr. Banning, Mr. Saxton, and two others of
the directors, came there to look over the situation, and as far
as they could see following up the river where the road was
to run, to the Falls of the St. Louis.
While at Duluth, Mr. Thornton, the chief assistant, and
Mr. Gates A. Johnson, the chief engineer, were trying to locate
a true meridian line by means of a solar compass, when they
found themselves unable to secure the declination of the. sun.
They had the latitude exactly marked where Minnesota Point
joins the main land, and where General Meade had laid off the
four-mile base and built a level table the whole length in order
to secure an accurate base to work from. He had it measured
about a hundred times with rods adjusted to temperature, and
took the average of all the nearest measures. From this base
line he had measured the -shores of the whole of Lake Supe-
rior by trigonometric surveys, without laying out any other
base. Having found a Tribune Almanac, giving the length of
the day, they wondered whether or not I could find the decli-
nation from those figures. I was catching trout a couple of
miles farther up the shore, there being nothing for me to do
in the work of laying out a meridian, as my instrument was
only the level. Having been summoned, I had to leave two
large trout that I had not been able to catch, for they would
not look at my bait nor condescend even to smell of it.
I went back to the U. S. district land office, where the di-
rectors and officials were located, and found a formula, which,
as I remember it now, was that the sine of the ascensional dif-
ference is equal to the tangent of the latitude into the tangent
of the declination of the sun, from which, having the latitude
and the ascensional difference, or the difference between six
o'clock and the time of the setting of the sun, it is sufficient
to find the declination. From this I made a table of hourly
difference, and gave it to them about ten o'clock. They had
secured a solar compass from Mr. George R. Stuntz, the gov-
ernment surveyor at Superior City, and, having made use of
EARLY LIFE AND DEVELOPMENT OF MINNESOTA. 465
my table, tliey laid out a line at that hour through the cen-
tral portion of what is now the city of Duluth, about one-half
mile in length. Having laid it out then and set up their picket,
they waited until an equal time after twelve o'clock at noon,
and upon testing it again, there was but two or three feet dif-
ference given for the picket at the end of a half mile distance.
As this error was as much to the right after dinner as it had
been to the left before dinner, the hub was put in halfway be-
tween the two, and tlie nail for the center. This was used in
starting the transit survey from there to the connection with
the line from St. Paul up to about Chengwatana, on the Snake
river, some sixty or seventy miles from St. Paul. The survey
starting from Duluth was followed down, and it was far into
the winter, the later part of December, when we connected with
the survey from the south and returned home, where I found
my wife very sick and anxiously waiting for me.
The next year I secured quite a large contract in the south-
western part of the state, to subdivide a portion of Rock and
Nobles counties, where General Bishop had some time before
run the township lines for these and some other counties. Be-
fore going, I arranged with one of the prominent lumber firms
of Minneapolis to go into the northern pine forests and sur-
vey a number of townships in the Pokegama region, and to
cruise the timber lands and locate a lot of land scrip on lands
for use by this firm for lumbering purposes. I was authorized
to secure a lot of scrip at the price of $3.50 per acre, and any-
thing that I could get as a commission on this price I would be
entitled to. I secured from Mr. Oakes, private banker in St.
Paul, who in some way through the agency of Bishop Whipple
had much to do with the Indians, a quantity of Chippewa scrip
to the extent of something over four thousand acres, on which
Mr. Oakes finally reduced the price to me, allowing me a com-
mission of 25 cents per acre. Having arranged for the pur-
chase of the scrip, it came to St. Paul from Chicago. The firm
did not take it then, but said they would take it later, and, as
I had to go to my surveys in southwestern Minnesota early in
June, I had to leave the timber surveying and land scrip mat-
ters for this firm to settle and arrange.
466 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
When I came back,, a couple of months later, and sometime
before the southwestern survey was completed, I found to my
surprise that the scrip had been taken up and I was not cred-
ited, a statement being made that a certain Mr. Brown had pur-
chased this scrip for his own use ; and I also found that George
R. Stuntz had been engaged to do the government surveying
for which I had been engaged, in the quite noted timber lands
around Lake Pokegama and on the Mississippi river below.
My intention was at this time to follow railroad surveying,
and afterwards to be a contractor and builder of railroads, and
finally, perhaps, as Mr. James J. Hill afterward did, to become
interested as a stockholder in the roads. But this disappoint-
ment of not receiving my commissions on the scrip, which
would have amounted to a little over $1,000, and the loss of the
work in doing the surveying, led me to abandon the railroads
and join Dr. Levi Butler in a pine timber enterprise, whereby I
should-secure the land notes and locate and look after the af-
fairs in the pine timber region. I then put in the latter part
of the winter in attending to some of Dr. Butler's previously
arranged timber enterprises, and in the spring made my way
to Pokegama in a large dug-out boat that I made at Bine Knoll,
which carried me and the spring and summer's supply of pro-
visions, wherewith I examined the whole timber region that
Mr. Stuntz had surveyed.
Having made full preparations for locating the timber when
the plats were received at the local land office, I succeeded in
what the newspapers call a "scoop," securing almost every
fine forty acres of timber that was near and most valuable,
around Pokegema lake and the river below. That lumber
firm failed to get one single quarter section that was good.
They did locate one quarter that was in a swamp, from a wrong
description of the land which they intended to locate, and the
scrip was afterward removed. The breach of faith on the
part of the lumber firm changed my whole course of life into
that which I had not intended to follow, lumbering. Having
located these lands, it became necessary for me to continue in
the firm of Butler, Mills and Walker ; and when the logs which
Dr. Butler and Mr. Mills had secured in the winter's logging
EARLY LIFE AND DEVELOPMENT OF MINNESOTA. 467
that I had no financial interest in, only to look after it for
them, came into the booms, they were taken into ownership
of our new firm. Some of the east side mills were engaged and
rebuilt, and through Mr. Ed. Brown, the east side lumberman,
the logs were manufactured into lumber ; and this work marked
the beginning of the lumber firm then incorporated, of Butler,
Mills and Walker.
Later in the summer, I went up by way of Leech lake with
a haying crew, and went through the temporary, noisy Indian
disturbance that came tolerably near ending in our being
killed by the Indians ; but, having finally gotten there, by way
of Leech lake and Leech river and down the Mississippi to
Pokegama, I secured an abundant supply of hay from the ex-
tended hay meadows running along the river, and prepared for
logging that winter. I met there two very industrious Chip-
pewas, by the name of Naugonup and Chechegum, who had
locations at the outlet of Trout lake, a mile or so from where
the town of Coleraine and the Walker-Hill iron mines are now
located.
Finding that I intended to begin lumbering and bring in
some crews of lumbermen that winter, they set to work to raise
a crop of potatoes to sell to the contractors during the fall and
winter. Their experience and that of Joseph Tuttle, who em-
barked in a civilizing enterprise at Waukenauboo lake, which
I will refer to later, gave me the first real vi-ew of the calamity
of socialism. These two men, Naugonup and Chechegum, raised
about thirty-five bushels of potatoes on a little tract of very
rich land that is now occupied by Gilbert Hartley as a summer
home, in a very beautiful and attractive situation. It was cov-
ered with hardwood timber, mostly maple, and in a storm all
the timber on this tract was swept down in so much of a heap
that afterwards it burned off clean the great mass of wood,
fuel, and brush that was available, thus completing the clear-
ing. These potatoes were stored in holes under the houses, and
some rough poles and boards were put over them for a floor.
There being no road from Mr. Haney's lumber camp, six or
seven miles distant, the potatoes could not be moved until the
swamps froze, when they could be hauled over a summer trail
that a team could go over to bring them.
468 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
The Indians at Oak Point, twenty-five miles away, heard of
this horrible conspiracy on the part of these two Indians with
Mr. Haney, to deprive the band to which they belonged of their
natural rights to appropriate all the surplus above the day's
supply and to transfer it to a lot of white men in the lumber
camps. This was so repugnant to their ideas, of the rights of
one fellow in the product of the other fellow 's labor, that they
went in force with their canoes down the Mississippi, past the
Pokegama falls, and up the Prairie river and past its falls, and
thence on a portage across to Trout lake, thence across the lake
to the two little log houses under which the potatoes were
stored, and took away across the lake and over the river and
thence down, retracing their way, every potato that the enter-
prising two Indians had raised for their own benefit, to buy pro-
visions and carry them through the winter. Afterward these
two Indians were always at a discount and somewhat ostra-
cized by the band, because of their attempt at robbing the
band of its interest in the produce of their labor.
Naugonup and Chechegum were at that time up on Swan
river above Swan lake, when the Indians came to take the pota-
toes. If they had been at home, very probably the invaders
might have meted out to them greater punishment, even more
than the confiscation of their supply of potatoes.
Several years before this, a very enterprising and capable
young Chippewa Indian, named Joseph Tuttle, was sent to Al-
bion, Michigan, by his friends in St. Paul, or by the Indian
missionary association, to be educated. He went through the
school course and graduated and returned to his native heath,
which was at "Waukenauboo or Hill lake, about ten miles south
of Pokegama. He then married a young woman whom he had
known before he left, perhaps being engaged to her, and started
out to establish a nucleus of civilization and progressive life
among his native people. He built a two-story house down by
the junction of Willow river and the outlet of Hill lake, cleared
up a piece of ground, put in some fish traps, was the owner of
a good Winchester rifle, was a good hunter, and altogether was
an industrious fellow. His house was not very large, but suffi-
cient for himself and his family, if he could have been pro
EARLY LIFE AND DEVELOPMENT OF MINNESOTA. 469
tected from the multitudes of relatives and friends who saw
no reason why, if he caught more fish than he needed for his
family for that day, they should not take the remainder.
When his corn was ripe or ready to eat, or his potatoes ready
to dig, there was not the slightest reason or good citizenship
in his raising any objections to his friends, relatives, and mem-
bers of the band, taking the remainder above the immediate
needs. Nor was there any reason why, when it came night and
any of them were short of blankets or wigwam room, to sleep
in, they should not occupy the floor of his house, and sometimes
even the second floor where he and his family were sleeping.
All the game that he secured, any rice that he had left over,
or sugar from his maple trees, must be subject to division, from
the natural rights of the others to share the product of his
labor.
Two years later I met him at Pokegama, living in a wig-
wam. He spoke perhaps the best English of any one around
the lake. He told me that the customs of the Chippewas were
absolutely a bar to progress and resulted in complete paralysis
of any ambition or industry being pursued by any members
of his band and race, that he had been compelled to abandon
his homestead where he had located, and that he had changed
his residence to Pokegama lake.
During the spring and summer and in later years in the
logging operations in that region, it was our custom to employ
the Indians so far as we could, as a policy, as well as from
necessity ; but we were quite disappointed by the fact that they
worked only a little while, then collected their pay, and went
off on a hunt and a resting spell. This was, as we found, be-
cause any further earnings that would leave a surplus above
their immediate needs must be divided among the neighbors or
other members of the band. In gathering rice in the fall, in
making sugar in the spring, the custom of the Indians was to
use this product to pay off the traders for supplies obtained
during the previous winter, and, to very great extent, to buy
back piecemeal, on credit at a much higher price, the rice and
sugar which they had sold to the traders for the double pur-
pose of settling their account and, if possible, to leave a sur-
470 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
plus that could be doled out to them during the winter, instead
of having to divide it up with their neighbors.
We found that it was not indolence or lack of willingness
to work, which caused the Indians to live in poverty and want,
but from the inevitable outcome of the socialistic doctrine that
has prevailed in all tribal life, which in the long ages before
civilization began has made life a burden and a period of pov-
erty, hardship, and dire want, through the impossibility of any
person receiving the benefit of his own labor or enterprise.
My observations of these experiences among the Chippewas
were nearly duplicated also when carried to a trip of inspec-
tion in the South, where I found the same customs and habits
to a large extent prevailing, so that they keep the colored race
at the bottom and in general poverty, in place of being inde-
pendent farmers, mechanics, and workmen, living in comfort
and with the conveniences and advantages of life as their com-
mon inheritance.
In addressing a large school of over 1,200 negro boys and
girls in Montgomery, Alabama, not long ago, I said that social-
istic customs existing among them are the calamity of their
people ; the fact that no one could profit by his own industry
and build up a home and a fortune, because he was compelled
to divide up with his relatives and neighbors to that extent
that it became practically impossible to advance from a renter
to a landholder and prosperous citizen. Afterward the several
colored teachers came to me and in the most emphatic manner
expressed the view that I was the first one that had ever
seemed to apprehend or understand the real cause underlying
the misfortune, poverty, and hard times of the colored people
of the South.
The next year but one, after Butler, Mills & Walker began
operations at Pokegama, the mills on the St. Anthony side
burned down and the firm of L. Butler & Company was organ-
ized while I was absent in the woods. They constructed a big
mill on the east side, and in this I became interested more par-
ticularly in selling stumpage to the new firm; and finally,
when it came along toward 1873, I saw the impending twenty-
years' panic coming and I withdrew from the business entirely,
EARLY LIFE AND DEVELOPMENT OF MINNESOTA. 471
refusing to retain any interest in the lumber business, from
which I had foreseen that our lumbermen could not stand the
competition with Canada, on a free trade basis. My partner,
Mr. Butler, at first agreed to join in at least suspending opera-
tions until better times, or to withdraw entirely from the fur-
ther manufacture of lumber. Afterwards he decided to con-
tinue, and the result was that the panic wasted almost his
entire fortune, which his will indicated to have been about one
million dollars.
In anticipation of the panic, for over a year before it came,
I used every feature of persuasion to induce Dr. Butler, my
then partner in the firm of Butler & Walker, to withdraw and
to avoid that which I considered inevitable, under the circum-
stances existing in the lumber business, which, even at best
and in good times, gave but small margin of profit. When re-
verses came, they more than ate up any surplus profits above
the cost of living, that the lumbermen could secure from their
lumber business. At first he agreed to withdraw, but after-
ward made the matter worse by continuing on a less favorable
basis than before. He purchased my half interest in a consid-
erable amount of timber we owned jointly, which I let him
have at one dollar a thousand less than the amount that J. Dean
& Co. had rather urgently offered to pay for it. When the
panic came, I had no lumber, logs, nor any interest in any mill-
ing plant, but had paid off my debts and was free from all such
obligations, which would otherwise have closed out my much
smaller capital and property interests.
The panic of 1873 broke down the nervous system of Dr.
Butler to that extent that he never rallied from it, and after
several months of prostration he died, ending a very strenuous,
active life.
In 1877 I joined with Major Camp, who had some surplus
capital, and began the Camp & Walker firm of buying timber
and selling logs. Sometime after this. Major Camp desired to
enter into the lumber manufacturing business, which I reluct-
antly went into, more on the policy which I have always pur-
sued, of trying to adjust my views and the policy to be pur-
sued, as far as it appeared not too objectionable, to the wishes
472 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
and judgment of my partners, of whom I have had quite a num-
ber, including Henry T. Welles, Franklin Steele, Levi Butler,
Major Camp, Herrick Brothers, Mr. Akeley, and one or two
others that I do not now name.
After my joining with Major Camp, it soon came to pass
that the J. Dean Pacific Mill was for sale at auction. By a
thorough investigation of the value of the mill, machinery, and
outfit, for which we secured Mr. Menzel of Milwaukee to ex-
amine for us, and which was perhaps the beginning of his in-
terest in Minneapolis, where he located and spent the remainder
of his life, it was figured out that the mill and machinery were
worth about $90,000, and the real property $20,000 or $30,000.
When the auction sale began, there were gathered in the J..
Dean lumber office, next to the mill, the Harrisons, Deans, and
Mr. Johnson, who owned the big iron works adjoining the mill
property, and a considerable number of lumbermen, among
whom several had formed little organizations or associate inter-
ests to purchase the mill. Major Camp and I concluded that
we would bid up to about $80,000, and I was installed as bid-
der for Major Camp and myself.
The property was started off at $20,000, and then by bids
of one thousand it went up to $25,000 or $26,000; then by
500 's, to about $30,000 or $32,000; then by 100 's, coming very
slowly, it ran up to $35,000; and then, to my utter astonish-
ment, Major Camp came to me and said he did not care to go
higher, although we had agreed to go more than double that.
I said, '^Very well," and continued on bidding; and as I was
in the back part of the house, near to where the owners were
sitting, the report was spread that I was just bidding up for
the owners, and not in good faith for myself. That seemed to
take the starch out of the bidders who had come there with the
same intention that Major Camp and I had, of bidding up to
$80,000, and tK? final outcome was that it was struck off for
$37,500 to me personally.
The next day Major Camp came to me and said that, if I
was willing, he would be glad to take a half interest in the mill
and make use of it in manufacturing the logs from the timber
that we had secured. This established the firm of Camp &
EARLY LIFE AND DEVELOPMENT OF MINNESOTA. 473
Walker, which continued for eight or ten years, until I became
weary of trying to make a sufficiently profitable lumber manu-
facturing business by cutting only twenty millions of logs in a
season, when, there was about as much overhead or general
expense as there would be in cutting forty or fifty million. As
Major Camp refused to go beyond the small cut, we decided to
sell the mill. I then embarked in the northwestern enterprise
of manufacturing lumber at Crookston and Grand Forks ; and
Major Camp withdrew or retired on a comfortable fortune and
property interests that we had together, including the Central
Market and the property around it, together with some timber-
land interests in the pineries.
The beginning of my lumber manufacturing on the Clear-
water river was owing to the fact of my having sold logs to
the lumber firm of Jarvis & Barridge of Winnipeg, who failed
to meet their payments so that I had to take security on the
lumber sawed and piled; and afterward, through the agency
of the banks in Winnipeg and Montreal, I closed out and se-
cured most that was due me and canceled off the balance.
As I had continued lumbering on the Clearwater river, I
began the construction of a mill at Crookston, in which I manu-
factured lumber from as many logs as the limited driving facili-
ties of the river would allow, until later when I constructed
another mill at Grand Forks, which I ran for several years.
After this later mill once burned down, I rebuilt it, and when
it was destroyed a second time I did not rebuild it, but gave
the millsite and boomage to the city and closed out the busi-
ness.
The plant at Crookston ran for some time afterward, and
then was sold to the Shevlin-Carpenter Company, who have
been running it from that time to this.
In 1889 a general agreement to sell my Minnesota timber-
lands to parties in Michigan was made, with terms, conditions,
and estimates arranged; and, presuming that the sale would
go through, I turned my attention to the western coast, to se-
cure there a tract of timber to continue lumbering after clos-
ing out here, more on account of my sons, who had all decided .
to go into the lumber business. I began explorations of the
474 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
western timber from Montana through Idaho, Washington,
Oregon, and California. My many years' superintendent, Mr.
Kline, with many assistants, explored all of these states in a
general way, at least sufficiently to determine the advantages
of each ; but as the timber deal that I had arranged here fell
through, from serious misfortune in one of the families, I did
not follow up the western timber deal until 1894.
While I was in New York about 1890, my superintendent of
logging and general business man, Mr. F. J. Kline, who was a
graduate of Chicago University and was with me thirty-seven
years, telegraphed to me that a man from Michigan, Mr. Healy
C. Akeley, was looking for a location for a millsite at St.
Cloud, with a view of handling the Itasca Lumber Company's
timber that Mr. Turnbull had arranged for in northern Minne-
sota. I therefore wired Mr. Kline, to ask Mr. Akeley to wait
until I got home, as it would be a serious drawback to Minne-
apolis, and to the whole lumber interests, including himself, if
he should locate on the highway of our logs coming to Minne-
apolis, for which reason I urged him to wait until I could get
back home. I started immediately, and came back to Minne-
apolis. I had never heard of Mr. Akeley before. He lived at
Grand Haven, Michigan, and had been extensively engaged in
lumbering with parties in Chicago.
When I came, I went over the map with him, showing him
the misfortune that would come to all parties if he located on
the river where he would not be able to handle the four or five
hundred million of logs coming to Minneapolis, from which he
should sort out his, whatever amount it would be, which at
most would be only a fractional part. After talking this over
with him, he turned to me and said, "If I should come here, I
do not suppose that you would sell me an interest in your tim-
ber?" This was rather a stumper, as I had then not the slight-
est thought of selling to him or anybody else any interest in
the timber that I owned in that great area around Leech lake
and extending off beyond Itasca lake.
I did not know what to say, but I had been advising him to
come to Minneapolis and manufacture lumber here, so that I
said to him, ''I have no timber for sale, at least have had no
EARLY LIFE AND DEVELOPMENT OP MINNESOTA.
475
intention of selling, excepting to sell logs or stumpage ; but if
you wish to buy a half interest in this large uncut tract, I will
sell it to you." Thereupon he asked how much timber there
was per acre, and how many acres there were. I had no map,
as I did not have any expectation of having to use it, so I ex-
plained to him about how much white pine and how much
Norway pine there was on the land, and made a general guess
only, as to the acreage, which was quite a large tract. He then
inquired when I would want him to pay. I told him that could
be arranged by making a sufficient cash payment and leaving
the remainder on a moderate rate of interest until it was paid
off. He then said, *'I will see you about this tomorrow."
The next day I went back and carried a map and showed
him where the timber lay. The timber that I offered him was
in what was then a remote timber region, which my compet-
itors and friends in the lumber business had decided I needed
a guardian for locating, as they looked upon it as inaccessible
timber that would cost more to log and drive than it would be
worth when the logs were in the booms.
I told Mr. Akeley what these reports were, but explained
to him that there were practicable ways of handling the tim-
ber, and that it would soon be necessary to reach that more
distant timber in order to supply the mills with logs. He then
said that he would purchase a half interest in this timber at
the prices I named, and would pay me a very considerable sum
in cash and the balance in deferred payments, running over a
couple of years, if that would be satisfactory to me. I in-
formed him that that was entirely satisfactory and that he
could have the timber on those terms, and he said: ''Very
well, I will take it." I then said, "I suppose you mean after
you have examined the timber;" and upon this he said, "Well,
you know what you are selling." I said, "Yes, but how does
that show to you what you are buying?" He then replied,
"As you have looked up the timber, I have looked you up, and
that satisfies me as to what I am buying."
We closed the deal, he paid me the money, and I gave him
a list of the lands, but he did not call on me for a deed for
twelve or fifteen years. He afterward expressed great regret
476 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
that he did not confine his entire operations in Minnesota to
his dealings with me, as these have been very satisfactory and
profitable in place of the reverse in his other operations.
After several years of experience in the timber industry, I
found that the lumbermen on our side of the line could not
compete with Canada successfully, to make a reasonable profit,
excepting in the favorable years that came around occasion-
ally. The Canadian lumbermen were favored in quality of
timber and market facilities, and in special favors from their
government, while our lumbermen were handicapped by prej-
udiced treatment and discrimination, even to persecution for
practices that were freely given in Canada. Timber supply,
taxation, wages, and freedom of organized business and co-
operation, were all strongly in their favor and against us. In
seasons when the market had been overstocked by the floods
of lumber from Canada, bringing hard times and failure, it
made conditions for the lumber industry here the least favor-
able and the least favored, through adverse laws and their en-
forcement, and through public prejudice without just cause,
that pertained to any industry or occupation.
"When from these causes the lumber trade was prostrated
and lumbermen largely closed out, then, upon recovery, a num-
ber of years later when the demand exceeded the supply for
several years and prices went up temporarily, there was a
margin of profit in lumber. I watched carefully the signs of
the times and the prospective coming of the panics, which prej-
udiced treatment of the lumbermen aided materially in bring-
ing on and intensifying ; and when the panic or depressed years
could be foreseen, I got from under, as in 1873, and also in
another period of depression about halfway between then and
now.
In 1892, I provided for the anticipated panic of '93 by sell-
ing logs and stumpage and some tracts of timber and some
stocks, bonds, etc., from which proceeds I could see my way
through the panic. I cut no logs that winter excepting a small
stock on the Clearwater river, and in this way would have been
comfortable during the panic, had it not been for others who
were satisfied that no serious troubles were in store and re-
EARLY LIFE AND DEVELOPMENT OF MINNESOTA.
477
fused to make any arrangements to provide for such financial
troubles.
In 1894, I began the timber enterprise in California, which
had been explored in 1889 but had been laid aside because the
sale of my entire tract of Minnesota timber was not completed
as I had made agreement for it. I have since then secured a
large tract of timber in northeastern California, in Siskiyou,
Shasta, Modoc, Lassen, Plumas, and Tehama counties. It is
the best and finest tract of pine timber left in the country, and
it is being made accessible by branch lines of the Southern
Pacific railway, of about one hundred and fifty miles. This
railway line is completed and ready for operation to within
fifteen or twenty miles of the new town of Westwood, where
we are installing one of the largest lumber plants in the United
States. We have one preliminary mill built that has furnished
lumber for houses for about twelve hundred people, and the
superstructure of a very large plant is about completed, for
which the machinery will be available in a month or so by
means of the completed railroad line.
In 1895, I made a stumpage agreement with several promi-
nent lumber firms for the sale to them of the Walker & Akeley
timber, and also, at the same time and terms, to cover the Pills-
bury timber in the same territory that I had been engaged in
locating for them. This was the largest timber contract that
has been made in Minnesota. The logging company, consist-
ing of the lumber firms of the Brainerd Lumber Company,
Nelson Tenney, E. W. Backus Co., J. W. Day & Co., and the
Carpenter, Lamb Co., was called the Minnesota Logging Com-
pany. They built the Brainerd & Northern railway to Leech
lake and beyond, and cut several hundred millions of logs,
when the continuing depressed prices and hard times led them
to an adjustment and cancellation of the contract with Walker
& Akeley and the Pillsbury Company.
About 1898, I decided to build a mill on the Upper Crow
Wing lake, where I located the town of Akeley and changed
the name of the lake to Akeley lake, in honor of my partner,
Mr. H. C. Akeley. I had fifteen million feet of logs in the lake,
which I had cut for a Michigan firm who had agreed to build
478 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
a mill at that point, and I was to supply them with sixty mil-
lions of logs for a term of years.
Among the many beautiful regions of northern Minnesota,
explored by timber cruisers and first occupied by logging
camps and lumbermen's mills, none surpasses the vicinity of
the villages of Akeley and Walker, with the very remarkable
and unique Crow Wing chain or series of lakes. When nearly
all the pine timber has been cut off, after many years the
stumps left by the axman will disappear, leaving no reminders
of the first great industry of this region; but it then will be
not less valuable for the stockman and farmer than formerly
for the logger and lumber manufacturer. Pasturage, mowing
lands, and cultivated fields, are taking the former place of the
pine woods.
About twenty years ago, before the founding of these vil-
lages, this chain of lakes was examined by Warren Upham and
Prof. J. E. Todd for the Geological Survey of Minnesota. Their
descriptions are published in Volume IV of its Final Report
(pages 77 and 84-88), which show that many interesting ques-
tions connected with the glacial and modified drift deposits,
and including the origin of this series of lake basins, await
further investigation.
The first sawmills in St. Anthony and Minneapolis marketed
their lumber by rafting below the Falls, over which the lumber
was carried in sluiceways down to the quiet waters, where the
lumber was put in rafts containing one million or two million
feet. The rafts were taken down the river sometimes by steam
tugs and sometimes being floated with the current and steered
by very large rear oars that kept them in the channel. This
piloting required very careful work and experienced men to
avoid breaking the rafts on the curved banks of the river and
on the bars and shallows.
After the coming of the railroad builder in 1862, and with
the great extension of railroads during the decade of 1870-80,
they have ever since furnished abundant outlet to eager mar-
kets for all the lumber manufactured from the once immense
but now nearly exhausted Minnesota pineries.
REMINISCENCES OF THE EARLY DAYS OF MINNESOTA,
1851 TO 1861.*
BY REV. PRANK C. COOLBAUGH, S. T. D.
In the early days of which I speak there was no zealous
rivalry, nor even friendly competition, between the Twin Cities.
Minneapolis was not yet on the map, and St. Anthony was only
a wayside village ; while St. Paul had already assumed the form
of a thriving and bustling city, of prosperous proportions, with
two thousand people or more, the capital of the Territory. Of
course there was a town of St. Peter, on the St. Peter river,
the would-be rival and competitor for capital honors, but it
was of less size, less prospects, and far away from the tem-
porary and permanent head of navigation. For no little time
both St. Peter and Minneapolis later strove, with much federal
aid and no little misappropriation of money, to become the
head of navigation, but all efforts and subsidies proved vain.
Nature discountenanced, disfavored, and rendered futile all
such artificial efforts.
Above the Falls of St. Anthony stretched an unbroken
wilderness of prairie and pine forest, trodden only by the foot
of the wandering red man. At the confluence of the Missis-
sippi and St. Peter rivers stood Fort Snelling, with its stone
walls and frowning batteries, the military guardian of the un-
bounded West. Opposite to the fort and beneath it, crouched
the modest hamlet of Mendota, wherein dwelt that prince of
men, Henry Hastings Sibley, whose humble but baronial home
yet stands as a memorial of him, the first governor of the state
of Minnesota, and at no time less than among the first and fore-
most of its pioneer citizenry.
The textbook of geography in 1845 speaks of all this region
as a country "unknoAvn and occupied by Chippewas, Menom-
inees, and other Indians; wild rice in the marshes, furnishing
food; the soil fine, and certain districts rich in mines of iron,
♦Read at the monthly meeting of the Executive Council, May 12, 1913.
480 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
lead, and copper." Be it observed that so late, then, as only
six years before my personal observations begin, this section
was reckoned as unknown, an unexplored region.
In 1848 Hon. Stephen A. Douglas introduced a bill into the
United States senate, which became a law March 3, 1849, creat-
ing Minnesota Territory, to which a governor was shortly ap-
pointed. In 1851 all that land about Fort Snelling westward
of St. Peter river and the Mississippi was a military reserva-
tion under the immediate control of the commandant of the
fort. Minnehaha sang its joyous notes to the wild Dakotas
and the birds of the air. Two white men with their families,
alone, lived on the entire reservation, leagues in extent. Phil-
ander Prescott and John H. Stevens. Prescott came hither in
1820 as a clerk to a man named Devotion, who first brought
merchandise here for the Indian trade. About two years later
the Columbia Fur Company brought the second installment of
goods and opened extensive trading with the Indians. In 1826
Joseph R. Brown made a claim near ''Little falls," or "Brown's
falls," as Minnehaha was then called, but he abandoned it in
1830. An impression had prevailed that farm products would
not mature in this high latitude, and all military provisions
were shipped from the south until 1823, when the soldiers un-
der Lieutenant Camp experimented in potatoes, corn, cabbages,
and onions, and discovered that they would grow and mature.
Early pioneers from the Hudson Bay Company and the
Selkirk colony had settled on this reservation in 1827, and on-
ward, but were driven off by the United States soldiers in the
year 1840, and their houses were torn down or burned. Abra-
ham Perry, having large herds of cattle, was forced from his
claim. He pitched his tent on the east side of the river, be-
yond the limits of the reservation. Philander Prescott, govern-
ment farmer for the Indians, broke the first sod outside of the
vicinity of the fort, on a piece of ground near lake Calhoun, in
1830, under the direction of Major Lawrence Taliaferro, gov-
ernment agent of the Sioux. On that very spot in August,
1852, my sister and I, with the family of Dr. A. E. Ames, picked
bushels of wild strawberries. The abandoned cornfield was
literally one vast bed of the prolific and luscious native fruit.
Prescott 's house and his small farm adjoining it were but
a few rods from Minnehaha creek and its waterfall. He was
EARLY DAYS OF MINNESOTA, 1851 to 1861.
481
married to an Indian woman of the Dakotas, and they had a
large family of girls and boys, whom I knew. Owing to his
marriage and kindly spirit, he was most influential among the
Indians, and was not less popular among the incoming white
settlers. He was the first white man to fall a victim to the sav-
age butchery of the massacre in August, 1862. His death was
a sacrifice for his fellowmen. Aware of the conspiracy among
the hostile Sioux to rise and destroy the palefaces, he sternly
opposed it in secret council and also openly. He was ambushed
and murdered, lest his better and wiser counsels should prevail.
It may be well to recall that the portion of our state west
of the St. Croix river and east of the Mississippi, in which the
greater part of the city of St. Paul is located, was originally
in the Northwest Territory ceded by Virginia to the United
States. Out of that generous cession were created Ohio, Mich-
igan, Indiana, Illinois, and Wisconsin, and so much of Minne-
sota as lies between the St. Croix and the Mississippi ; but the
larger part of this state west of the Mississippi, including Fort
Snelling, comes of the Louisiana Purchase from Napoleon
Bonaparte for fifteen million dollars in 1803. Thus the area of
Minnesota's tenure passed through not less than six or eight
jurisdictions before it became either a territorial or state unit.
Referring to this peculiar fact. General Sibley was wont to
remark jocosely, "I was successively a citizen of Michigan,
Wisconsin, Iowa, and Minnesota, both state and territory, with-
out changing my residence at Mendota."
The second of the two men living on the military reserva-
tion in 1851 was Colonel John H. Stevens, a veteran of the
Mexican war, the first settler in Minneapolis proper, in 1849,
ever a prominent and influential citizen. I well recall his cot-
tage, a story and a half in height, perched on the very edge of
the river bank, and hard-by the landing place of the ferryboat,
of which Captain John Tapper was for a long time the able-
bodied and trusty ferryman.
The ferryboat itself was of the primitive character familiar
enough to all pioneers, whose running stock consisted of a rope
cable stretched from shore to shore, the river's current supply-
ing the force to drive it to and fro according as the movable
keel or side board was raised or lowered.
General James H. Baker has well stated, in his sketch of
31
482 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Governor Alexander Ramsey, how much is due to the state-
craft of Sibley, the skill of Eamsey, and the combined wisdom
and diplomacy of both, with the government and in treaties
made in 1851 with the Sioux Indians, in securing so vast a
fertile region on the west side of the Mississippi, claimed, oc-
cupied, and sold by the aboriginal tribes.
In 1851, between St. Paul and the village of St. Anthony
there stretched an old Indian trail, used as a highway, mid-
way of which stood a solitary road house or tavern, known as
Desnoyer's, whose deep dug well and iron-bound bucket fur-
nished water to the laboring horses, and whose bar quenched
the not less thirsty pioneer. Of its kind it was a sort of Samar-
itan inn, such as yet stands on the downward slope from Jeru-
salem to Jericho, a resort for the wayfaring and weary man,
but so decently kept that no scandal or scene of riotousness
was ever associated with it.
It was in August, 1851, when the Coolbaughs, with other
passengers, disembarked in St. Paul from that famous old Mis-
sissippi steamer, War Eagle, and stepped for the first time on
the soil of Minnesota Territory. We had come immediately
from farm life in Winnebago county and from Freeport, Illi-
nois. My father's health failing, he was advised to seek a
higher latitude and healthier climate, and, hearing of Minne-
sota, he sought a new home here. We came as a family from
Pennsylvania, from the banks of the Susquehanna in Bradford
county.
My father, Daniel M., was of German descent, yet repre-
sented by the Von Kaulbachs of the fatherland. The first Cool-
baugh in America is said to have come twenty-three years after
the Jamestown colony of 1607, a sea captain from Holland.
My mother was of English blood, born in Stockbridge, of the
Massachusetts Whitneys, whose names are enrolled among the
minute mim of 1775, similarly as members of my father's fam-
ily furnished recruits to the worn and battered ranks of Wash-
ington's army at Valley Forge.
Our journey from the Susquehanna to Eock river, Illinois,
was through that long stretch of country known as "the Over-
land Road West," in a prairie schooner drawn by four horses,
camping by the wayside when taverns were not at hand. When
we subsequently landed in Minnesota, we were five in number.
EARLY DAYS OF MINNESOTA, 1851 to 1861. 483
my father and mother, my sister, a baby brother, and myself.
The day we disembarked was fair and beautiful. The scene
that first met our eyes was not unattractive. Tall rugged cliffs
of white sandstone, capped with gray limestone, rose to view
as we looked westward on both sides of the river. A few scat-
tered shacks and larger warehouses confronted us, while far-
ther up the hill shoreward we beheld scattering stores and
some few residences. To the right and eastward, near and
far away, stretched a great wide-spreading green morass, look-
ing so deep and forbidding that seemingly no foot of man could
traverse it; but all that waste has long since been recovered
and now is occupied by the Union Station, its extensive yards,
and the very many wholesale and other establishments in the
immediate vicinage.
A pleasant feature of our voyage up the Mississippi was
the passing of certain points that have since taken on increase
of size, city form, and urban beauty and interest, such as
Winona, Red Wing, Hastings, each of these being then marked
as habitations only by slab shacks and Indian tepees. Along-
side of these places, the War Eagle discharged her cargo of
live stock. The work was accomplished by the cattle being
forcibly pushed over the gunwales, and each beast, as it fell,
was submerged for the instant, then rose, and, expelling the
water from its nostrils, made for the shore, a process so rude
and novel that it brought every passenger to view the scene.
Among the most notable incidents, however, was the ap-
pearance on board of the governor of the new territory. Young
as I was, I had already noted the presence of this stranger
among us, a tall, stately man, dark visaged, heavy-browed, of
giant form, whom my father introduced afterward to my
mother as Alexander Ramsey. A feeling of satisfaction and
added security seemed to pervade the body of passengers when
aware of the companionship of the chief magistrate of our
destined home. I still clearly recall my first sight of this
great man, for as such we Minnesotans can truly think and
speak of him. In the fullness of health and maturity of vig-
orous strength, Ramsey stood a prince among men. I have
heard it said that when Daniel Webster was in London and
walked the Strand, or threaded the not less crowded Hyde
Park, passersby would stop and question each other, "What
484 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
king is that?" Such was the dignity of Webster's carriage,
the massiveness of form, the majesty of brow, the eagle eye of
the great Expounder of the Constitution. Similarly Governor
Ramsey throughout all his life exercised a powerful personal
influence. He needed no crown to mark the dignity of his
bearing, the royal majesty of his nature, or the wisdom of his
reign and rule.
"With Ramsey at the helm, whether in St. Paul or in Wash-
ington, with his inspiring genius and commanding figure, there
never was any question as to how Minnesota stood or should
stand during the trials and despondencies in the Civil War.
It has ever seemed to me that with the glory of the old First
Minnesota Regiment and its heroic deeds of valor, at Gettys-
burg and on other fields, should be interwoven the life-story
of Alexander Ramsey, who was the first governor among all
the states to proffer a regiment to Lincoln at his first call for
troops in the beginning of the war.
Finding a temporary shelter for the family, my father pro-
ceeded at once to St. Anthony on a prospecting tour. In his
absence we who were left behind, a Sunday occurring, attended
the only religious services known to us at that time, that of the
Rev. Edward D. Neill, whose subsequent career proved him to
be one of our state's most accomplished gentlemen, scholars,
and authors. Later, during the early years of my ministry in
the Parish of the Holy Trinity, St. Anthony, we became friends
and neighbors, when he assumed the presidency of the newly
created Macalester College, located then in the heart of St.
Anthony, being opened and maintained some years in the large
stone structure known as the Winslow House. This hotel was
an adventurous proposition, having been built for the accom-
modation of wealthy southern patrons, who early flocked hither
in summer time with their negro slaves. Upon the breaking
out of the war, they deserted in a body, which ruined the pat-
ronage and prospects of the Winslow House, so that this large
building stood unused till the founding of Macalester College.
With my father's return from his prospecting tour, we
learned that he had determined to make St. Anthony his home.
Thither immediately he, with my mother and the other child-
ren, drove in one of the old fashioned Concord coaches,
drawn by four horses, of the stage line owned by Borup and
EARLY DAYS OF MINNESOTA, 1851 to 1861. 485
Oakes. I was left to follow with the household goods. Seated
beside the driver on the top of the high piled furniture wagon,
it seemed a long and toilsome way to the Falls. Having passed
Desnoyer's halfway house, suddenly the driver left his seat,
and, seeking the road, brought back in his hand a horrid-look-
ing instrument, which he described as an Indian scalping knife.
From that hour on till we reached the village, I was in mortal
terror lest a painted savage might spring from behind a tree
and scalp us.
Being settled in our new home, we children began to attend
the school, in its building on University avenue, about two
blocks from the Winslow House. Of this school E. P. Mills,
E. W. Merrill, and D. S. B. Johnston, were teachers at different
times. It was the foundation and beginning of the State Uni-
versity. A Congregational meetinghouse was already built,
and a minister of that denomination settled, the Rev. Charles
Secombe. An Episcopal church was also in process of erection,
of which twenty-one years afterward I became the rector.
The year 1851 was of the period when the flood tide of im-
migration set in, transforming the territory in a short time
and at a rapid rate into the full age and strength of other com-
monwealths. The people who flocked hither were not of for-
eign birth and polyglot tongues as now. They were native-
born citizens, some being stalwart sons of Maine, from the pine
forests of the Penobscot, who loved the echoes of the resound-
ing axe; others came from the rugged hills of Vermont and
New Hampshire, and from the low shores of Massachusetts and
Connecticut, sturdy and intelligent pioneers; yet others were
from the Empire State, and not a few from the steep hills and
the beaufiful valleys of Pennsylvania, and from the City of
Brotherly Love. Of the foreigners who came, France, Ireland,
and Scotland furnished the larger part.
A finer class of people, I am led to indulge the thought,
never sought the West than those who first came to these
shores of the Mississippi. They flocked here not only from the
states mentioned, but from ''Little Rhody" and New Jersey,
also Buckeyes from Ohio and Hoosiers from Indiana, with now
and then "the man from Missouri," and a scattered few from
Virginia and Kentucky, of pure English blood, gentle manners,
and large vision.
486 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL, SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Some of you may remember the address of Gov. John A.
Johnson, remarkable for its winsome simplicity and pure elo-
quence, delivered Commencement Day in 1907 at the Univer-
sity of Pennsylvania. He happily touched upon the close rela-
tionship existing between that state and Minnesota by reason
of kinship and mutual sympathy, and through Governor Ram-
sey and other less notable but worthy folk coming from thence.
As a fact, two of our territorial governors were from Pennsyl-
vania, and, of the state governors. Miller, the fourth, and Mc-
Gill, the tenth, were also natives of Pennsylvania. Thus four
of our chief magistrates came from the Keystone State.
Without disallowing or lessening what was so felicitously
spoken by Governor Johnson, in the beautiful and tender allu-
sion to the feeling of fellowship between the great state of
"William Penn and Minnesota, the thought may be extended
without attenuation of the chain, that Minnesota is bound not
only by more than a fourfold tie to Pennsylvania, but also by
a bond of many ply to other states which have contributed
largely to the Nation, whose sons came to Minnesota to help
lay deep and strong the foundations of a new commonwealth
not less great than that of their fathers. Let us not forget that
If our state stands not far from the foremost of seven and forty
sister states, it is not our rivers and lakes alone, our forests, our
broad acres of fertile soil and waving grain, that in fifty years
have elevated Minnesota to her place as the great cereal and
dairy producing area of the continent, with other features not
less contributary to the welfare of humanity, not solely her
natural resources, great and manifold as they are ; but more is
due to the spirit, the inexhaustible energy, and the resource-
fulness of her high minded citizenry, who have enlarged and
ennobled the annals of accomplishments, not less in the field,
in shop and factory, by the arts of peace, than on the battle-
fields of our great Civil War, for liberty, justice, equality, and
the preservation of the Union.
I am not ashamed to confess that my heart swells with pride
when I think of the long list of honored names Minnesota has
enshrined in her bosom and inscribed, too, on the deathless roll
of fame, not all equally known and published, but each in his
place and function helping to approximate to the fulfillment of
duty, rendering civic, social, and moral benefit to his state and
EARLY DAYS OF MINNESOTA, 1851 to 1861. 487
nation, according to the ability within him, and in the figure
employed by Paul when speaking of a temple growing into the
stateliness of perfection, ''by that which every joint supplieth,"
In 1853 it began to be understood that the officers of Fort
Snelling were not so opposed to the occupation of the Military
Reservation as formerly. Two men were already there, Phil-
ander Prescott and Col. John H. Stevens. Another ventured
over, Calvin A. Tuttle, moving into the abandoned barracks
which the soldiers had. occupied while constructing the govern-
ment sawmill and grist mill in 1821 and 1823. Under their long,
low-browed roof, the first funeral in Minneapolis occurred,
upon the death of a child, my sister singing the appropriate
hymn.
Other men crept over the river as if by stealth. Among the
first was Anson Northup, the early adventurer who built the
first hotel in Stillwater in 1846, the American House in St. Paul,
1848, and the St. Charles in St. Anthony in 1850. He also ran
the first steamboat on the Red river of the North. His house
stood on the high bank facing and overlooking the Falls, near
the site of the great Washburn flour mills. Dr. Alfred E.
Ames, whose family came from Belvidere, 111., also moved over
and built a house in 1853. At his suggestion, my father moved
over, making a claim of eighty acres and building the third
new house. Other pioneers followed thick and fast, and soon
the west side was spotted with little habitations.
Recognizing the fact that with such abundant water power
an industrial town would likely spring up, the settlers organ-
ized an association for self protection, agreeing that no one
among them, squatting near or about the Falls, should lay
claim to more than eighty acres of land. This was strictly ad-
hered to, and the same association administered such law, jus-
tice, and punishments, as it deemed necessary ; for as yet there
was no court, no judge, no jury. "Jumpers" and other un-
desirable intruders were unceremoniously notified, and, if nec-
essary, they were forcibly and bodily ejected.
In 1851 a newspaper was published on the east side, called
the St. Anthony Express, under Elmer Tyler, edited by Isaac
Atwater, who was assisted directly or indirectly by several
other young men, as Colonel Spooner and George D. Bowman.
All these young men were poor, and it was understood that they
488 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL. SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
were "keeping bachelor's hall" in the printing office. It was
reported that they lived principally upon mush, milk, and mo-
lasses. Whether true or false, it matters little, but one thing
I do know, that the young editor was inured to hard fare and
plain living; for I heard him say some years later, in a public
address delivered at the laying of the corner stone of the great
Episcopal schools in Fa^-ibault, that when working his way
through Yale College it was his habit to eat for his noonday
meal the cold boiled potatoes left over from his breakfast. I
visited the printing office one day, and upon the huge stove,
centrally located for the diffusion of heat, I saw a big iron pot
and within it a seething, bubbling mass of yellow meal. Few
lawyers had a more extended or lucrative law practice than
Judge Isaac Atwater, who became a resident of the west side,
accumulated a large fortune, and died not long since at an
advanced age, laden with honors, leaving generous bequests to
church and eleemosynary uses. Mr. George D. Bowman, who
had studied at Bowdoin College, was for a time an inmate of
our home, a young man of rare taste and fine education. To
him, following the suggestion of Charles Hoag, is to be accred-
ited the public adoption of the future name of the growing
town, Minneapolis, "the Minnehaha City." He advocated this
name in the Express, and talked not a little about it.
Charles Hoag and Miss Marion Coolbaugh taught school in
the First Presbyterian church, which, in allusion to its very
slender spire, was called "the Toothpick." Rev. Dr. Knicker-
backer, the Episcopal pastor, later bought the "Toothpick"
church, and established in it the first parochial school. This
school was taught by Mrs. W. E. Jones and Miss Leonora Hall,
who later was the wife of George H. Christian.
Minneapolis soon began to have its own newspapers. In
1853, the Northwestern Democrat appeared, beginning in St.
Anthony under George W. Prescott, but the next year it was
sold to W. A. Hotchkiss, who moved it to the west side of the
river. Electa Hartwell and my sister Marion folded the first
Minneapolis issue, from the old Franklin hand press. In 1857
it was again sold, to Mr. W. F. Russell, who changed its name
to The Gazette. After other changes of both name and own-
ership, the paper came into the posesssion of Hon. William S.
King, who rechristened it as The State Atlas.
EARLY DAYS OF MINNESOTA, 1851 to 1861.
489
The Chronicle was started in 1866 by my friend and school-
mate, Willard S. Whitmore, nephew of Congressman Cyrus
Aldrich, associating with him Col. John H. Stevens, Fred L.
Smith, and Col. Le Vinne P. Plummer. The following year it
was joined to the Atlas and appeared under the name of The
Tribune.
The original sites of St. Paul, St. Anthony, and Minneapolis,
were far more attractive in their natural setting and landscape
beauty than would now appear, even under their present urban
improvement and embellishments. Wooded hills surrounded
one and all. Not the least attractive was St. Paul, whose entire
early settlement nestled closely within the valley of the cir-
cumjacent and overlooking hills. The rough and rugged cliffs,
of snowy whiteness as seen from the river's edge, were sur-
mounted with a heavy growth of oak and pine. The natural
and simple grandeur of the Falls of St. Anthony, unbroken
and undimmed by the later constructions of apron and dam
and mills, cannot now well be conceived of, even in the glow of
a fervent imagination. They were grand and beautiful, as
every old settler can testify.
The lofty bluffs in the rear of Minneapolis, crowned with a
rich growth of stately oaks, stood as a splendid background to a
picturesque landscape. Along the summit of these ancient
cliffs ran a well-worn footpath, an old trail, giving touching
evidence that the red man appreciated these heights and sought
the solitary haunts to enjoy the beauty of his native land. One'
autumn night from the top of these natural watch towers, I
beheld the oft dreaded prairie fires, raging in many distinct
and far separated places, illuminating with spectacular and
fearful splendor the darkness of the sky.
Another feature, not the least interesting to the lover of
humanity, has been withdrawn. Three tribes of the North
American Indians centered around the Falls of St. Anthony,
the Winnebagoes, the Sioux, the Chippewa. Their trails cen-
tered at and radiated from the Falls, like the spokes of a wheel
to the iron-bound felly, leading to and from their respective
homes and hunting grounds. Here, on the broad and smooth
rock ledge above the Falls, they forded the river on foot and
astride their ponies. Not infrequently bands of these several
tribes peaceably invaded our settlement, danced in our streets.
490 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
and sought our favor and our gifts of bread and pork and
beans. Of course they were armed, each equipped with toma-
hawk, scalping knife, bow and feathered arrow, or flintlock
gun. Scalps hung at their waists, and eagle feathers adorned
their head gear and war locks, bearing conspicuous but silent
evidence of battles fought and enemies slain.
To their credit, be it said, however, that during all their
close neighboring and frequent visits (not wholly unwelcome
to break the monotony of frontier life), I never knew nor saw
an immodest act of Indian maid or woman, nor did I hear of
theft, crime, or misdemeanor. Law or no law, little "fire
water" was sold or given to these children of the forest, and
though I saw hundreds at a time, and not at infrequent inter-
vals smaller groups and scalping parties, and at one time sev-
eral thousand, yet I saw little intoxication. I say it boldly
and gladly, in the defense of the much abused and maligned
red man, that the Indian of early times, uncontaminated by the
bold, bad white man, was not of and by himself the vicious,
hostile, repulsive, defiant creature so oft depicted. If from his
original estate he has fallen into the low, sneaking thief, tramp,
robber and cut-throat, dissolute and debauched, it is the white
man who has done it, who has injured and betrayed his simple
habit and confiding nature.
You may call me wise or call me foolish, but I am now, and
for life long have been, the constant friend of the red man;
and I say unhesitatingly that I believe Fenimore Cooper has
not more greatly or erroneously exaggerated his native virtues
than his adversary has grossly distorted his vices and traduced
his virtues. I have some sense of the smiling incredulity with
which I may be heard, but I have not the less assurance of the
fairness and justice of my judgment, formed from personal
acquaintance and from the observation of wiser and better men.
The venerable Bishop Whipple, known among the red men
as ''old Straight Tongue," because he always told the truth,
used to quote Generals Miles, Meade, Sheridan, Halleck, and
other officers, to attest that not one treaty out of the many
had been fully and fairly carried out by our Government. The
Bishop was further wont to say, that in all cases where the
Indian had been charged with wrong and misdoing, later in-
vestigation and subsequent facts proved that these acts were
EARLY DAYS OF MINNESOTA, 1851 to 1861. 491
invariably in retaliation for the white man's prior misde-
meanors, not less cruel, not less injurious, murder and outrage
being not excepted.
In 1872, as United States commissioner, with others, I vis-
ited the various tribes of Chippewas from Leech lake and Lake
Winnebagoshish to Red lake, tributary to the Red river of the
North ; and during the length of those days I found them as I
knew them in the earlier days of my boyhood, unperverted,
friendly, a faithful and confiding group of men and women,
ready and willing to be led, and brutish only when misled by
swinish lusts and distraught and maddened by the fiery flames
of the paleface's whiskey. I met Hole-in-the-Day, knew Little
Crow, Good Thunder, and other less notable chiefs and head
men of the Northwest, and not a few of the common rank and
file. I can even say that I knew "Old Bets," of long and doubt-
ful recollections, here in the city of St. Paul; but there were
better days even for her, the earlier, when fairer things can be
well said, before she became a common vagrant.
Will you bear with me while I relate a single incident? In
Lafayette, Indiana, I met a lady parishioner, who chanced to
show me a daguerreotype which she cherished with the fondest
attachment. To my great surprise, it was that of *'01d Bets."
The lady was the daughter of an army officer who had been
sent with his company to occupy Fort Snelling. She was born
while the company was in winter quarters on the little island
in the Mississippi just below the Fort. The company was there
encamped because of the insufficient barracks of the uncom-
pleted fort. Strange to say, upon this lady's birth, ''Old Bets"
or ''Young Bets," as it was then, was summoned and acted as
nurse to mother and child. So kind and so gentle, so efficient
were the services of the Indian girl, that the lieutenant and his
family ever cherished the kindest thoughts and warmest affec-
tion for her.
The first building used in Minneapolis as a schoolhouse is
said to have been an abandoned lumbermen's camp, a veritable
shanty 20 by 30 feet in size, on Anson Northup 's land, near his
house, and hard by the present St. Paul and Milwaukee station.
Between it and the site of the station was a small, deep pond,
in which the boys used to swim during the noon recess and
after school. In front was a wide-spreading swamp, where
492 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
cowslips grew in abundance, and the white and yellow moc-
casin flowers. The teacher of this school was May Miller, sis-
ter of Col. John H. Stevens' wife, later Mrs. Robinson. She
was succeeded by a seafaring man, Green by name, who, learn-
ing the utility of flogging in the English navy, extended its
service lustily and at short intervals upon us boys.
I recall several other private schools in different places, one
especially on Bridge street, taught by Miss Electa Hartwell,
since we boys used to infest the baker 's shop just over the way
and invest our change in gingerbread, in pieces of so large di-
mensions that we were wont to speak of them as ''quarter sec-
tions," not an unfamiliar term or epithet to the sons of
pioneers. Mr. A. K. Hartwell, a brother of Electa, also kept a
school in Fletcher's Hall on Helen street.
In November, 1858, the historic Union School, a two and a
half story brick building, built by the city, was opened under
George B. Stone, with a staff of teachers, two of whom were
Mrs. Lucy Eogers and Mrs. S. B. Grimshaw. At a later time,
when the city of Minneapolis wanted the block of land on which
this first schoolhouse stood, to erect the present City Hall, the
block was found a portion of my father's original plat of eighty
acres, secured, patented and owned by him, then and now, re-
corded in the county records under the name of D. M. Cool-
baugh. Under the ruling of Judge Lochren, this valuable piece
of property was adjudged forfeited by our family on the score
of its having been in possession of other hands for twenty
years without protest, no witnesses nor documents appearing,
either of his giving or in any wise disposing of the same. Here
in this school I acquired a sufficiency of Greek and Latin and
other knowledge to gain an entrance to an Eastern college.
Mr. George B. Stone was called from Fall River, Mass. He
was a graduate of Brown University, a ripe scholar and skill-
ful teacher, a wise disciplinarian and thorough organizer, un-
der whose guidance the several city schools took form and or-
der. All of the old surviving pupils, as I myself, look back
with precious and grateful memories to the sweet and tender,
but strict and strong, personal influences he brought to bear
upon us. Under his loving and masterful sway we had to work,
learned to work, and, further, learned to love the work. His
was the most thorough and rigid discipline I ever knew, of
EARLY DAYS OF MINNESOTA, 1851 to 1861. 493
"which there was no let-up until we acquired the habit of ab-
solute self control. He put every pupil upon his honor, both
as to behavior and study, and then attended to our keeping it
untarnished. In the due course of time, the order was most
perfect and self regulating, and the zeal and interest in study
[iinequalled. Mr. Stone resigned to accept the broader field and
more lucrative position of a professorship in Washington Uni-
versity, then as now a favorite institution of St. Louis. Dur-
ing the Civil War he visited the barracks of the young soldiers,
particularly those of the Minnesota troops temporarily quar-
tered there, relieving the tedium of idle camp life by supplying
school books to the soldiers and instructing them in the pros-
ecution of studies broken off by enlistment and service.
One schoolmate, George Case, grandson of Emmanuel Case,
years after the war, told me that under the kindly and gen-
erous tuition thus furnished he completed his algebra and
geometry. Under Prof. Stone's supervision other soldiers ad-
vanced themselves in interrupted courses of reading and study.
To many besides myself, he remains the ideal, most beloved
teacher. Thoroughness was the marked characteristic of his
life and his work.
Under his guidance an organization was formed of the High
School and intermediate classes, known as ''The Chrysalis," in
which the study of parliamentary law was cultivated, with
presentation of original essays, recitations, and an occasional
play before the footlights. Thus were engendered the love of
books and some elementary familiarity with the best British
and American authors. At Mr. Stone's suggestion we had a
course of public lectures by professional men of local reputa-
tion, and now and then of wider prominence. One most pleas-
ing and acceptable lecture was by William L. Banning of St.
Paul. We secured Bayard Taylor, then perhaps the most pop-
ular lecturer in the country, his subject being, "The Land of
the Midnight Sun;" his price was high, several hundred dol-
lars, but we cleared seventy-five dollars.
This sum we devoted to the establishment of a public
library, of which at that time there was none. To the best of
my knowledge and belief this was the first money donated for
that laudable purpose, and not long afterward it eventuated,
with increase of other gifts and the growth of popular interest,
494 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
to the founding of the Athenaeum, which still later and more
fully developed into the present Minneapolis Public Library.
Years after our humble incipient effort a splendid endowment
came, to make sure and permanent our feeble enterprise,
through the generous bequest of lands and rentals from Dr.
Kirby Spencer, a dentist, then a resident of the city.
Between the years of '51 and '61 many men of note, and
some of more than national reputation, visited the Twin Cities.
The wife of Cyrus Aldrich, first Congressman from Minne-
apolis, once told me the very great number of well known and
distinguished personages she had entertained in her hospitable
home. The number was so great, the names so numerous, I
would fail in any attempt at recall. Two came whose name
and fame were equally great at home and abroad, Edward
Everett and "William H. Seward.
The visit of Seward in the newly created state of Minne-
sota was not an ordinary event. It was more than of local
importance. It encouraged the feeling that we were a real
and increasingly large factor of the mighty forces upbuilding
the Greater Union yet to be. His coming was of national sig-
nificance. His words and his prominence in the world's pol-
itics combined to create and make substantial (to democra-
tize) that growing sentiment, that Minnesota was to bear an
essential and conspicuous part in the nation's glory, which sub-
sequently Alexander Ramsey, the "War Governor, could rely
upon when in Washington he offered to Lincoln the first body
of volunteer troops to face the rising, yea, the already risen
Rebellion.
Seward was full of statecraft, an accomplished scholar and
cultivated gentleman, a diplomat of the highest order, a royal
patriot, a wise far-seeing citizen, an American whose vision of
his country's greatness was like that of Marcus Tullius Cicero,
of unlimited scope, whose eagle eye scanned the horizon on
land and sea to extend his country's mission. No man now
doubts the wisdom of the Alaska Purchase, though at the crisis
of its issue he stood quite solitary and alone in the advocacy
of the scheme whose ratification has strengthened the long arm
of the republic, with Pacific coast lines from San Diego on the
south to Bering's strait on the north, and has further enriched
her with inexhaustible mines of gold, silver, copper, and coal.
EARLY DAYS OF MINNESOTA, 1851 to 1861. 495
Seward was heralded to speak in St. Paul on September 18,
1860. Well nigh all Minneapolis invaded St. Paul to hail the
chief of statesmen and give him welcome. The streets of the
city were alive with citizens from near and far; wide-awakes
and military companies marched in procession with the citi-
zens, at beat of drum and martial airs. Upon the steps of the
first Minnesota capitol, the venerable statesman faced an im-
mense throng of the new state's representative sons, and ex-
pectancy beamed from every eye. From that rostrum of the
public forum, he delivered an address of singular and prophetic
foresight.
This address, entitled ''Political Equality the National
Idea, ' ' is published in The Works of William H. Seward, edited
by George E. Baker, 1861, forming pages 330-347 of Volume
IV. First he alluded to his voyage by steamboat from Prairie
du Chien to St. Paul, with praise of the grandeur and beauty
of the river valley, its inclosing bluffs, "sentinel walls that
look down on the Mississippi, ' ' and the splendor of Lake Pepin
seen at the close of an autumn day. Continuing in the intro-
ductory remarks which led up to his main theme in the presi-
dential campaign then in progress, Seward said:
I find myself now, for the first time, on the highlands in the center
of the continent of North America, equidistant from the waters of
Hudson's bay and the gulf of Mexico, from the Atlantic ocean to the
ocean in which the sun sets In other days, study-
ing what might perhaps have seemed to others a visionary subject, I
have cast about for the future, the ultimate central seat of power of
the North American people. I have looked at Quebec and at New
Orleans, at Washington and at San Francisco, at Cincinnati and at
St. Louis, and it has been the result of my best conjecture that the
seat of power for North America would yet be found in the valley of
Mexico; that the glories of the Aztec capital would be renewed, and
that city would become ultimately the capital of the United States of
America. But I have corrected that view, and I now believe that the
last seat of power on the great continent will be found somewhere
within a radius not very far from the very spot where I stand, at the
head of navigation on the Mississippi river and on the great Mediter-
ranean lakes.
If Seward's words and vision of the future helped to create
and substantiate the idea of Minnesota's fellowship in the un-
exampled development of the great middle west, Edward
496 MINNESOTA HISTORICAI^ SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Everett, a year later, awakened the latent ardor and kindled
the slumbering embers of loyalty to duty into flames that led
our patriots and their sons in the First Minnesota and other
regiments on the fields of carnage to make more bright and
enduring the glory of Freedom's heights, and to leave the Star
of the North shining with increase of splendor. Who shall say
that the voice of Everett, appealing to loyalty and to duty, was
less efficient, in preaching the crusade of war, than the Chicago
minstrel, Jules Lombard, of whom Lincoln said that his pa-
riotic verse and voice of wondrous melody enlisted more sol-
diers for the Union army than any hundred and fifty recruiting
officers with beating drums and sounding fifes?
Everett delivered in St. Paul in 1861 his famous oration on
the Life of George Washington. I was fortunate in being able
to crowd in and secure a seat in the front row. His was the
first form, figure, face, and bearing, that filled my youthful
dream of an ideal patriot, scholar, statesman. Nothing seemed
wanting in the man before me that could more fully round out
a great orator. His splendid stature, his dignified demeanor,
his noble countenance and lofty brow, his matchless voice, his
scholarly choice of phrase and diction, his noble subject, ''First
in war, first in peace, first in the hearts of his countrymen,"
— these, one and all, enthralled me.
When in the peroration, in view of the ''irrepressible con-
flict" of the Civil War and the dire necessity to rise and save
the Union, he called on old men and children, young men and
maidens, to fly to the rescue in the name and power of Wash-
ington, lifting high his hands above his lordly head, he cried,
"Come one, come all!
Come as the winds come, when forests are rended.
Come as the waves come, when navies are stranded."
My feelings were- one with the wrought-up multitude beside
me, that we thought we heard, as it were, the voice of God and
the great prophet of Sabaoth, calling us to arms and to duty.
With the lapse of more than half a century, I cannot even yet
think long nor speak well of that awe-inspiring hour, when
American eloquence reached its climax, without a return of the
thrill that then convulsed and the power of speech that over-
whelmed.
EARLY DAYS IN MINNEAPOLIS.*
BY DR. WILLIAM E. LEONARD.
Along with the great flood of western immigrants caused by
the discovery of gold in California in 1848, came a fuller tide
of men and women into the Mississippi valley, pioneers of
more substantial type than the hardy adventurers who went
over the Rockies, — men who sought homes for their families,
not sudden wealth for themselves. These came into the fertile
prairies of Illinois and Iowa, from New York and New Eng-
land, a generation later than the same class of worthy pioneers
settled northern Ohio and Indiana. From 1848 to 1860 they
streamed up the great river and its tributaries by hundreds
and by thousands, settling in Minnesota and adjoining states
and territories. Some authentic figures of comparison will
make this remarkable influx more evident.
In 1850 the town of St. Anthony was credited with 538 in-
habitants, and there were a half dozen people on the west side.
Only four years later that town had 3,000 citizens, if we in-
clude the 500 then estimated to be on the west side; and on
November 2, 1854, they asked the Legislature for a city char-
ter, "in order to manage their local affairs better," and to
make a better comparison with St. Paul, which then claimed
7,000 inhabitants. This charter was obtained in 1855. The
*' wild-cat currency" of '57, and the hard times of the two years
following, checked this rather too rapid growth, but yet there
were over 6,000 people at the Falls when the Civil War broke
out. In 1849, when Minnesota was organized as a territory, it
had 4,057 inhabitants, and 6,077 a year later ; after eight years,
in 1857, there were numbered 150,037 souls, and 172,022 three
years later, showing more than 4,000 per cent increase for the
eleven years.
♦Read at the monthly meeting of the Executive Council, May 11, 1914.
This paper was illustrated with about sixty lantern views, loaned by
Edward A. Bromley, photographer and journalist, whose extensive anti-
quarian knowledge of the Twin Cities has also supplied much other aid.
32
498 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
As typical of the homes these sturdy settlers built, I may
mention the log cabin by Joseph Dean in 1849, just off the
Shakopee road on the north bank of the Minnesota river. This
''claim shanty" still stands in most excellent preservation, a
hundred yards from the north end of the Bloomington bridge,
being used as a storehouse for household goods, just as sub-
stantial and dry a receptacle as a bonded warehouse. Mr.
Dean's interests and home were transferred to the city of
Minneapolis, where he became a leading lumberman and citi-
zen.
The Falls of St. Anthony were really the pivotal point in
this region, for they promised a splendid water power, waiting
development. Each settler in the new village of St. Anthony
strove to make it the center of commercial activity. There was
the ''Upper town," around the site of the Pillsbury mill, and
extending along Main street as far up the river as to Third
avenue north; and the lower or ''Cheever town," the region
now recently made part of the larger University campus, in-
cluding Prospect, State, Church, Union, and Harvard streets.
Near the site of the Elliott Hospital of the University, in front
of his hotel, the Cheever House, Mr. William A. Cheever erected
a wooden lookout tower, on the door of which a sign read "Pay
your dime and climb." He was on the stage route up the old
Territorial road, and received many guests and dimes. But the
following event as chronicled in the Minnesota Republican for
Thursday, October 19, 1854, quite cut off Mr. Cheever 's chances
for being the center of the town.
The Regents have consummated the purchase of the Taylor &
George property on the bluff above Cheever's, as a site for the Uni-
versity buildings. They have obtained 25 acres at this point, which
Is universally admitted to be the most beautiful location in the West,
commanding, as it does, a magnificent view of the Falls, river, and
country on the west of the river, and covered with large and stately
oaks. The price paid was $6,000.
Eighteen years later, as a student, I actually surveyed the
old campus with rod and chain and found it to contain twenty-
three acres and a fraction. The "view of the Falls" is not so
good since the apron was put in. Spirit island has disappeared,
and the Great Northern viaduct, the Tenth Avenue bridge, the
Pillsbury dam, and the railway freight bridge just below, have
EARLY DAYS IN MINNEAPOLIS. 499
been built, quite cutting off the outlook up the river. But the
greater University campus, more than five times as large now,
really affords fine river views. The value of this really beau-
tiful site has gone up into several hundred times its original
cost, evidencing the wisdom of those first Regents. Yet I must
confess great sympathy with Dr. Folwell's plan once laid be-
fore the Legislature, to set aside on upper Lake Minnetonka
several hundred acres for all the departments of the Univer-
sity, and thereon to construct such stately buildings as are now
being erected, but far away from the trains and noise of the
city and in ideal setting of suburban beauty.
The St. Anthony Express, the first newspaper at the Falls,
founded in May, 1851, is remarkable for its high note of citi-
zenship in its local items, as for instance: ^'Let us place Min-
nesota University on a basis equal to that of Yale;" "Keep
litter off the streets, improve your lots with shrubbery and
fence, and build in good taste back from the sidewalk." It
printed a series of ''Letters to Young Ladies," after the style
of the modern Ladies' Home Journal.
No story of Minneapolis is complete without prominent
mention of Col. John H. Stevens, who for Franklin Steele and
himself located the first claim dwelling house on the west side of
the river, a modest wooden building which I well remember in
my boyhood, on the hillside some 100 feet from the river, where
the recently discarded Union Station stood. Winding down to
the river in front of his house, from the bridge road, after the
ferry was superseded, was the road up which was hauled most
of the water used for domestic purposes in the town. At any
time during the day could be seen a flat cart backed into the
river, one horse and one or more barrels, to be filled by dipping
with a pail, completing the outfit. Later from this little shore
line in front of Col. Stevens' house we venturesome boys would
walk out on the logs, backed up from the mill pond below, to
the boom line, some 75 feet. If we slipped and went between
the logs, as we did occasionally, for the whole trick was a for-
bidden one, we might come up between logs and be saved or hit
our heads on one and stay under forever! The former expe-
rience was mine, once only. Lower down the river, where the
flour mill raceway now begins, was a shady, unfrequented high
shore, where our fathers used to take us to teach us to swim.
500 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
You know how this Stevens house, well preserved, built in
1849 by Charles Mousseau (whose son is still on the police
force) and Captain John Tapper, the ferryman, was purchased
by the city and hauled by the school children of Minneapolis,
on May 28, 1896, from Sixteenth avenue south and Fourth
street to its present permanent and picturesque resting place
in Minnehaha Park just north of the west end of the bridge
leading to the Soldiers' Home.
Colonel Stevens was always a factor in the growth of the
city and the state, being especially enthusiastic and untiring in
his devotion to intelligent agriculture. A beautiful bronze
statue of him, in his long coat and slouch hat, stands at the
foot of Portland avenue, placed there in his memory by his
daughter, the late Mrs. P. B. Winston.
The Minnesota Eepublican records that "the Minnesota
mill, Capt. Rollins owner, ground 36 bushels and 29 pounds of
corn into flour in less than one hour." Such was the humble
beginning of the greatest flour industry of the world. When,
as a student in Philadelphia in 1876, 1 told that our city ground
25,000 barrels of wheat flour daily, no one believed me ! Last
year (1913) the Minneapolis production of flour was in round
numbers over 17,000,000 barrels, averaging over 50,000 daily.
Affairs boomed in the new town of ' ' All Saints, ' ' as the we^t
side was known until Mr. Charles Hoag, November 5, 1852,
devised the combination of Minnehaha, Dakota for "Laughing
Water," with the Greek affix, "polls," a city, meaning "Laugh-
ing Water City" or "City of the Falls." This unique and
euphonious name, although objectionably hybrid from a phil-
ological view, has helped to make our city famous ; for it tells,
even without the silent "h," long since dropped, just what
and where it is. The town in Kansas that adopted our name
has by no means the same right to it. Under date of November
2, 1854, we read :
In this promising town there are already built, and in process of
building, fifteen stores, of which ten are open to trade, one hardware,
one book-store, one extensive furniture establishment, one well sup-
plied with carriages and chairs, and the balance pretty well filled with
dry goods and groceries, etc. ' Minneapolis has also a sawmill, a black-
smith shop, a Government land office, a printing office, a post office,
a land agency and surveyor's office, one physician, three organized
EARLY DAYS IN MINNEAPOLIS. 501
churches with pastors, and about 500 inhabitants, with room for a
good many more. It is directly opposite St. Anthony, and the two
places are in a few weeks to be united by a complete and elegant wire
suspension bridge. When that bridge becomes free and the two towns
are incorporated into one, maybe there will be a city as large as any
in Minnesota.
This naive prophecy has been fulfilled, but not immediately.
The bridge was not free until after the Civil War, for I myself
later used its tickets, three cents one way or five cents over
and back. The bridge was paid for by stock, the first issue
being for $35,000, sold to the people of the two towns. ''Six
dwellings a week or 300 a year," is the rate recorded for the
growth of Minneapolis, November 25, 1854. No wonder they
could afford a bridge !
It is a pity that there is no picture of John Tapper's ferry,
over which, up to January in 1855, all the citizens and the
manufactured supplies for the little town were brought.
There were many delays in completing the bridge. As early
as December 14, 1854, E. H. Conner, the foreman, and the five
or six men employed, first crossed the loose planking. Foot
passengers were thereafter allowed to cross, but in January
the bridge swayed in the wind so violently as to break up the
planking, and it became necessary to place fresh wire guys to
new piers on shore on each side The toll for crossing on these
rather uncertain planks was one dime for each foot passenger
each way. Not until January 23, 1855, was the bridge formally
opened to travel, and the occasion was part of a brilliant cele-
bration and dinner at the St. Charles Hotel.
In the spring of 1855 the census of Hennepin county was
taken as 4,100; and it is recorded, ''We have had an east-
ern mail every day for four days." That spring was evidently
an early one, for we read that Allen Harmon, whose claim was
away out near what is now Twelfth street and Hennepin
avenue, and who gave his name to Harmon Place, "had pota-
toes in bud on the 30th of May, and new potatoes on June 24th. "
This new community, largely derived from New England,
was not unmindful of the education of its youth. May 29, 1856,
the Board selected the northwest half of block 77, where the
City Hall now stands, as a site for the Union School House ;
and in 1857 this "double brick school house, the best school
502 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
building north of St. Louis," was opened to scholars. It was
built by Eobert E. Grimshaw, a contractor who came to Min-
neapolis two years before, the father of U. S. Marshal W. H.
Grimshaw, Elwood G. of Deadwood, Mrs. James Hunt of Cali-
fornia, Mrs. George W. Cooley, Mrs. Charles M. Jordan, and
Mrs. A. E. Benjamin of this city. He designed it as an exact
copy of a school building in his home town, Bustleton, a suburb
of Philadelphia. Mr. Grimshaw was responsible for many of
the larger early buildings, including the Harrison Block, at the
corner of Washington and Nicollet avenues, the First National
Bank, and Vogeli's drug store on the opposite corner, which
were recently razed for the Gateway Park, and the four Harri-
son residences, which are still standing.
In my childhood recollections Mr. Grimshaw was notorious
for his leading connection with a debating club, ''The Liberal
League," abhorred by the good church people, but kept much
alive each Sunday afternoon in Harrison's Hall by Mr. Grim-
shaw, S. C. Gale, C. A. Widstrand, 0. C. Merriman, Dr. A. F. El-
liott and others.
That Union School House was my first, and it brings back
many recollections. It seemed to us very palatial. A broad
central hall led through the building to rooms on either side,
cut off from the hall by sliding glass partitions, so that the
four rooms of each floor could be practically thrown into one
for general school exercises. A huge wood-burning stove, long
enough to receive four-feet cordwood, heated each room; and
each stove gave more radiation by having a long, hollow circular
sheet-iron drum above the fire box. This school house, with its
lively assemblage of some 250 children, was the scene of as many
epoch-making events as any of the seventy school buildings in
the present city. "We were likewise ''Good, bad, and indiffer-
ent," as nowadays.
The second principal, who shall be nameless, was a powerful
man, of a very fiery temper. Two brothers of Scotch descent,
living not far from the school, were to him especially exasperat-
ing by their breaches of discipline. He so far forgot himself
one day as to kick these boys down the stone steps. The boys
went home, nursing their bruises and their temper, and through
their parents moved for the principal's dismissal. He was a
good teacher and disciplinarian, and was kept in his position by
EARLY DAYS IN MINNEAPOLIS. 503
a lenient community because good teachers were scarce. The
boys could not forget and one night in 1864 the Union School
went up in smoke. Shavings saturated with kerosene were
seen burning on each floor, so that there was no doubt as to the
incendiary origin of the fire. The Scotch family suddenly dis-
appeared from the community, and the board had to house their
children in temporary quarters while a new building was being
constructed.
Although the ambitious citizens of Hennepin county held
their first fair in 1854, a year before the United States gave
them clear title to their claims and enabled them to record a
plat of Minneapolis, the first State Fair was not held until 1860,
being then in the old quadrangle at Fort Snelling. Governor
Lewis Cass of Michigan, whose name was given to nine counties
in as many states and to two towns in Michigan, was the orator
of that occasion. To Fort Snelling we took all eastern visitors
and strangers, where ' ' The Old Lookout ' ' gave a truly magnifi-
cent view of the valleys of the Mississippi and Minnesota. The
removal of that old round wooden platform, in the modernizing
of the Fort in the 90 's, was a distinct scenic loss to the vicinity
of the Twin Cities.
Minnehaha Falls, known as Brown's Falls until made famous
by Longfellow's ''Song of Hiawatha" in 1855, has done more to
advertise Minneapolis than any other one thing, for no one can
come here without seeing the supposed scene of his legends.
This waterfall and the beautiful Minnehaha Park surrounding
it are one of the most familiar and valuable assets of the city.
The first daily paper at the Falls was The Falls Evening
News. From Volume I, No. 1, September 28, 1857, I select the
following interesting and instructive advertisements in the
separate Minneapolis columns.
"W. D. Washburn, Attorney & Counselor at Law, Cor. of
Helen & Second Sts., Collections, to invest and loan money, enter
and locate lands, pay taxes, examine titles, and attend promptly
to all business entrusted to him." Here follow in full fifteen
references to eastern men and firms outside of the territory and
five in St. Paul and elsewhere, as the humble beginning of the
business and fortune of the future United States senator.
Edwin S. Jones, afterward Judge of Probate and president
of the Hennepin County Bank, has a similar card ; also Cornell
504 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
& Vanderbergh, who became judges, one of the Supreme Court ;
Sherburne & Beebe (the late Judge Franklin Beebe), with some
twenty references ; Henry Hill, Parsons & Morgan, Cushman &
Woods, Carlos Wilcox, etc., all in the real estate and legal lines.
I think it was David Morgan of the above firm, whose funeral
five years later in the old Plymouth Church, at the corner of
Fourth street and Nicollet avenue, was the first I ever attended.
It was an awesome occasion, with a large attendance, for Mr.
Morgan had gone out among the first volunteers in the Indian
outbreak, and was brought home with an arrow through his
heart.
C. A. Widstrand, advertising his ' ' Music & Stationery Store, ' '
was an independent and notable figure on the streets of those
days, much beloved by all who knew him.
Thomas Hale Williams, Minneapolis Bookseller and Sta-
tioner, Minnetonka street (next south of the Suspension
Bridge), became, upon the organization of the Minneapolis
Athenaeum two years later, in 1859, its librarian, and was for
years the uncompromising custodian of this really excellent
book collection, the nucleus of our present Public Library. It
may be of interest to note here that the original stockholders in
the Athenaeum, in lieu of their former legal rights given up to
the public, have the privilege of demanding the purchase by
their permanent librarian of any line of books they may see fit,
with the further understanding that the original Athenaeum
Library is always to be kept intact.
To go back to our advertisements : George H. Keith, M. D.,
dentist, was afterward postmaster; commemoration of his wife
was recently very beautifully manifested by her son-in-law,
Mr. E. A. Merrill, in the gift of the Free Baptist church prop-
erty, on Fifteenth street and Nicollet avenue, to the Young
Women's Christian Association. A. L. Bausman, dentist, min-
istered to nearly all the early citizens of prominence, and was
always an important political factor.
C. L. Anderson and W. H. Leonard, my father, physicians,
were partners and friends ; M. R. Greely, M. D., adds to his card
this unique offer, ''Surgical operations performed either with
or without the use of chloroform or ether, ' ' an offer that would
not attract nowadays.
On April 5, 1860, the first Plymouth Church building, a
EARLY DAYS IN MINNEAPOLIS.
505
wooden structure of some pretensions, facing Fourth street on
the southeast corner of Nicollet, burned to the ground, having
been set by incendiaries. The fire was thought to be the re-
sult of the church's drastic action in a very stirring temperance
movement. It was late in the afternoon, as I have reason to
remember distinctly, for a certain small boy had been sent to
bed early for punishment and found it a most exciting diversion
to watch the fire from the upper back widow of his Second
street home, just north of Hennepin avenue. As the flames
lighted up the sky, the few intervening buildings were brought
into bold outline, especially the original First Baptist Church, a
brick building facing Third street between Hennepin and Nicol-
let avenues, the most ambitious of the churches of that day.
Plymouth Church was rebuilt larger than before, on the same
site ; and it was removed in the 80 's, to make way for the present
buildings, to Seventh avenue north and Third street, where it is
now a crowded tenement building.
The Plymouth Church quintette in those early years con-
sisted of Harlow A. and S. C. Gale, brothers, Mr. and Mrs. C.
M. Cushman, and Mr. Joseph H. Clark. They were in demand
not only on Sundays, but for many funerals and concerts. Mr.
S. C. Gale, Mrs. Cushman, and her brother, Mr. Clark, still sur-
vive, the latter living in Santa Monica, California.
Refugees from the Sioux massacre, in 1862, came even to
Minneapolis, more than eighty miles from the scenes of the
slaughter. Scores of the frightened settlers and their families
came, generally in the covered farm wagons or ''prairie schoon-
ers" in which they had journeyed forth only a few years before.
On the wagons were all the household goods they could crowd,
with the family ; and behind were such cows, calves, colts, and
dogs, as could travel. Every home was opened to them for the
days of the scare. They flocked into our side of the town from
Bottineau prairie, in Wright county, as the unwooded stretch
from Buffalo to Monticello was called, and from the northern
part of Hennepin county, wild, tired, and hungry. I remember
how our big house served as barracks for a time, even the halls
being occupied by women and children.
It will always be the glory of Minnesota, that she was the
first to respond to the call for troops in the stirring first months
of the Rebellion. But, as elsewhere, the burdens fell doubly
506 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
upon those left behind. Men were actually scarce. It was
impossible to get work done, and women and children were
pressed into the service for unusual labor. Many physicians
went into the army, leaving more than double duty for .those
left behind in a community rapidly increasing by immigra-
tion. Dr. Philo L. Hatch used to tell how for one week he
never had an opportunity to sleep in bed, but went from one
call to another, day and night. The mails were never more
eagerly sought. We small boys had the regular duty of going
for letters, and in doing so had to either wade through or skirt
a small frog-pond at the lower end of the present Gateway
Park, where the City Hall stood from 1887 to 1912.
The post office of war times was in various locations around
Bridge Square, at First street and Hennepin avenue, later at
the Pence Opera House corner, and for years in Center Block
(recently razed), in a building known as 216 Nicollet avenue,
owned by R. E. Grimshaw; and later still it occupied the first
floor of the City Hall, until the present Post Office Building
was completed, which again is soon to be succeeded by the
new building now in progress of construction.
Everybody lived ''down town" in those days, for there was
no strictly residence portion of the city. All were neighbors
and friends, greeting each other with a ''Good morning," and
going home to dinner (not lunch) at noon, closing their shops
for an hour or so.
The Gale brothers, S. C. and Harlow A., lived near Third
avenue south and Third street, in a white wooden house long
since torn down. Judge E. S. Jones lived on Second ave-
nue north, between First and Second streets, in a two story
brick dwelling, now a hotel for Icelanders. B. S. Bull lived
across the alley from Judge Jones ; 0. M. Laraway and Thomas
Gardner, over stores on Bridge Square ; J. B. Bassett, in a very
substantial brick dwelling on the river bank in the present
Omaha freight yards. My father, Dr. William H. Leonard, and
Mr. Schuyler Johnson, Mrs. Andrew Einker's father, lived on
the south side of Second street near Hennepin avenue, in build-
ings which are now a hide store and the headquarters of the
Volunteers of America ; and I might recall many other familiar
names of early citizens, whose homes were down on Fifth and
Seventh streets toward the old Court House.
EARLY DAYS IN MINNEAPOLIS.
507
Dr. Alfred E. Ames, whose large and splendid home (for
those days) was on the corner of Fourth street and Eighth
avenue south, had the first greenhouse in the city and employed
William Buckendorf, a young German, as his gardener. In the
very stringent times of 1857, William received a letter from
the old country on which was due fifty cents postage. He
knew it contained money and asked Dr. Ames for the change.
The doctor replied, ''William, I know I owe you for several
months' wages besides, but I have not seen half a dollar in
many days. I'll tell you what I'll do, you take this deed to
lot so and so, on Seventh street, next to William Washburn's
house, and see if you can raise some money on it." Just what
William got for a lot, now worth thousands, the story does
not tell, but he paid his postage !
The second schoolhouse stood on the corner of Helen street
and Washington avenue, where the Post Office is now being
built, and where the Windom Block stood for years. It was
used while the new Washington School was being built, in
1864-67. It was a rambling wooden building, owned by Mr.
Loren Fletcher, housing all the scholars of the city only by
considerable crowding. Back of it, near the center of the
block, was a low wet spot frequented by the pigs belonging to
the owners of the shanties between there and the river along
First and Second streets. On warm afternoons, when lessons
lagged and we were anxious to be out of doors, we boys on the
front seats, while the teacher was in the back of the room, by
a skill acquired by long practice outside, would call those pigs
so enticingly that they actually came up to the back door and
would stick their fore feet and heads into the room. One day,
when quite engrossed in this pastime, a resounding whack on
the side of the head reminded me that I was guilty of a serious
breach of discipline. The Russell brothers, sons of R. P. Rus-
sell, sat behind me and aided and abetted this scandal.
The close of the war brought back the veterans and their
accompaniments. In my father's case, these included two
horses, one of which, a big white charger known as ''Charlie,"
had carried him as surgeon through the siege of Vicksburg.
A colored woman servant was also included, "Aunt Hester
Patterson," who had been his cook for a year or more in that
and other campaigns. "Aunty" proved a notable darkey char-
508 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
acter, a stalwart ex-slave from Mississippi. She arrived in true
southern fashion, with all her earthly belongings tied in a huge
sheeted bundle on top of her head. As she strode over from
the East Side stage office across the bridge to my father's house
on Second street, she literally swept down with her bundle all
the loose store goods hanging to the low wooden awnings of
those days. Her path through Bridge Square was strewn with
wreckage, making her coming notable for days. Her destina-
tion was "Dr. Leonard's mansion," for that was her sole idea
of the unfamiliar North. Aunty lived to become a well known
figure among her own and the white people and finally died in
the 70 's, in a shanty built for and given to her by some of the
lumbermen on Hennepin island, who operated their line of saw-
mills, known as the ''East Side platform," burned in 1870 and
never rebuilt.
Minneapolis became a town by act of legislature in 1856,
but it was not until 1867 that she obtained a city charter. In
the beginning of this last corporate existence she had essen-
tially the limited boundaries of the old town, being bounded
on the east by the river, north by Sixth avenue, west by Lyn-
dale avenue, and south by an irregular line from Lyndale and
Hennepin avenues to Cedar avenue and to the river. Only five
years later, in 1872, Minneapolis absorbed the older town of
St. Anthony, had a population of about 20,000, and began to
expand in all directions.
In July, 1906, a half century as town and city was celebrated
by the Hennepin County Territorial Pioneers and the Native
Sons of Minnesota, with a procession across the city and
speeches on Richard Chute Square, at the same time establish-
ing the ''Godfrey House" in that little park as the oldest dwell-
ing in St. Anthony and a repository of local historical memen-
toes.
June 22, 1862, the "William Crooks" was the first railway
engine to haul a train up to the Falls, arriving on Main street
in St. Anthony at the east end of the bridge from Nicollet
island. The depot was soon removed to Second avenue north-
east and Fourth street, and for a year all west side people had
to go over there to take or meet a train. Our first Minneapolis
depot was on Third street and Third avenue north, that of the
St. Paul, Minneapolis & Manitoba railway, earlier the St. Paul
EARLY DAYS IN MINNEAPOLIS.
509
& Pacific railroad, which was in some ways a better name than
the final one, the Great Northern railway.
In 1868 the value of the manufactured product of the new
city of Minneapolis was $5,000,000. The next year St. Paul
and Minneapolis sent out the Northern Pacific railroad survey,
starting from Washington avenue.
Our ambitious town got a great scare in 1869, when a sec-
tion of the limestone ledge under the Falls fell into and
wrecked a tunnel that Mr. William W. Eastman was building
under Hennepin island. ''Save the Falls" was the cry heard
in Washington, and the United States . government proceeded
to spend over a million dollars to construct a concrete barrier
from shore to shore underneath the limestone, a dam of solid
masonry some twenty-five feet high, fifteen feet wide at the
base and four feet at the top.
Washington avenue was the main street of those days.
Some notable houses were the leading dry goods store, of Bell
Brothers (J. E. and D. C. Bell), at the corner of Nicollet ave-
nue; Charles M. Cushman's book store, and George Savory's
drug store ; and lastly Bond 's restaurant, the only good place
for "a spread" in town, except that of Cyphers, a later rival,
which stood next to Deshon's livery on Nicollet avenue below
Washington avenue, where the Miller-Davis printing plant is
now. All of the University eating functions in the early years
were held in one of these then palatial parlors, but there were
strict regulations as to being away and at home by ten-thirty
o'clock! That would seem strange nowadays.
By 1867 the Washington School was completed and occu-
pied, on the site of the Union School and of the Court House.
It was a fine substantial building of four stories and basement,
built of limestone from Minneapolis quarries. There were four
grade rooms on each floor, except that the third story had at
its north side one large room devoted to the High School.
Recitations were held in the upper French-roof story. The first
principals managed the whole from an office in the basement,
and taught classes in the High School at certain hours. Other
ward or grade schools multiplied as the town grew, but this
building was the headquarters for years.
The first Superintendent of Public Schools was George B.
Stone ; W. 0. Hiskey in 1868 reigned over twenty-seven teach-
510 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ers; but to Orson Y. Tousley, who was superintendent from
1871 to 1886, should be given the credit of putting the school
system on its feet. During the early part of his administration,
indeed from the opening of the Washington building, there
stood on the corner of Third avenue north and Fifth street, in
the extreme corner of the school yard, a wooden bell-tower or
''Pagoda," perhaps two and a half stories high, the bell of
which not only summoned to school, rang for recess, etc., but
for years rang the alarm for all fires in the city, day or night.
The fire alarm duties extended to James Bulger, the janitor of
those days, and it was certainly a privilege to a boy to live
within one block of that tocsin and get warning of all fires!
The habit of responding to fire alarms is sometimes strong with
me yet. There was no mistaking its warning, when in August,
1872, it rang for the destruction of my father's residence and
five other dwellings in the block where the Security and Mc-
Knight buildings now stand, while the firemen, through some
mistake in cut-offs, stood by helpless without water. This bell,
with its too frequent clangings, was soon afterward superseded
by a fire-alarm telegraph system.
Superintendent Tousley was a noted character whom many
of us remember well. A graduate of Williams College and a
lawyer, he came to us from a school in Ohio, tall, stern, a bril-
liant speaker and teacher, but rather given to bullying his
pupils. He occasionally met his match, as, for instance, when
Miss Lillie Clark (late Mrs. Fred C. Lyman) flashed back, ''You
are talking to a lady. Professor!" At another occasion he sur-
prised George H. Morgan (now a major in the U. S. army) and
myself in the coat room, when we should have been in our seats.
"What are you boys doing here?" he roared; "Swapping jack
knives, unsight and unseen, ' ' was our truthful answer. ' ' Who 's
getting the best of it?" he asked, with a relaxing smile; "I
am," promptly answered the lucky one, disclosing the knife
in his hand. The humor of the situation appealed to him, and
he laughingly dismissed us to our seats without further com-
ment.
One day, in the midst of the lessons, a little boy timidly ap-
peared at the door and stood trembling, awaiting recognition.
"What do you want?" roared Tousley; "I want to see Pro-
fessor Toosley," stammered. the boy. "Who sent you here?"
EARLY DAYS IN MINNEAPOLIS.
511
he roared back across the long room ; ' ' Miss Cruikshank from
Room A," was the answer. ''You go back to Miss Cruikshank,
and tell her that the 'ou' in my name is pronounced like 'ow'
in 'cow,' " and the boy disappeared as though shot from a gun !
He was appointed a Regent of the University and served
one term, when federal duties took him from the city. Return-
ing on a visit some years later, he told some of us grown-up
boys that he could not believe we dreaded and hated him so,
and endeavored to correct the earlier impressions by a cor-
diality of which he was very capable. After most excellent
service in compiling the official records of the Chicago Exposi-
tion of 1893, for the United States government, he died in 1902,
at the age of sixty-eight years.
On August 26, 1865 (the date I find in "Mrs. Abby Men-
denhall's Diary"), Gen. U. S. Grant visited Minneapolis. I
well remember how my father lifted me above the crowd in
the Nicollet House lobby, to look at the grim, gray warrior, in
whose command he was for three years, and who was then be-
ing groomed for the presidency. My impression is of a retiring
man, short in stature, weary of the vociferous attention he was
receiving, but a man of iron strength and will.
In those days after the war, the Athenaeum gave each win-
ter a "star course" of lectures in the old Pence Opera House,
among which I recall (for they were real treats even to small
boys) Anna Dickinson, on "Breakers Ahead;" Wendell Phil-
lips, on "The Lost Arts;" and Richard Proctor, on "Astron-
omy. ' '
The Academy of Music, on the site of Temple Court, was
built in 1869, and there the lively growing town heard opera by
Adelaide Phillips and many others ; Robert G. Ingersoll, in ' ' The
Mistakes of Moses;" John G. Holland, who used to stand in
the lobby and study his audience as they filed in ; and, of local
talent, Rev. James H. Tuttle, and many others. The Academy
was burned on Christmas Day, 1884, when the thermometer
ranged. away below zero.
In the 70 's were held "Bill King's Fairs," in a now thickly
settled territory south of Franklin avenue from Twenty-third
avenue south to the river. Great wooden buildings displayed
the merchandise and stock, and a really fine race course brought
the best horsemen of America. Col. William S. King was a
512 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
wonderful impresario and manager and always kept things
lively, while his secretary, Hon. Charles H. Clark, was a most
efficient aide. On one occasion Horace Greeley, of the New
York Tribune, was the orator and received from the manage-
ment the finest pair of blankets the North Star Woolen Mills
then made, valued at $50.
In 1875 the second Suspension Bridge, with its fine stone
towers and broader dimensions, superseded the one of 1855, to
be itself torn down, giving place for the present stone arch
bridge, in 1890.
May 2, 1878, in the early evening, six great flour mills were
blown up by an ignition and explosion of flour dust, and eigh-
teen lives were lost. Over in Lakewood cemetery, on the knoll
overlooking Lake Calhoun, is a flne granite shaft commemorat-
ing the event with the names of the victims; and a similar
memorial tablet is placed on th^ north side of the rebuilt
''Washburn A" mill. Each of these memorials bears the in-
scription; ''Labor, wide as earth, has its summit in Heaven."
On the East Side, a place of much repute in the early times
was "the old Chalybeate Springs," on the river bank just be-
low the site of the Pillsbury "A" Mill. The city of St. Anthony
built wooden steps and a long platform at these springs, for
strangers and the public generally; and in the palmy days of
the Winslow and Tremont hotels, before the Civil War, the
walks were thronged with people who came down on summer
afternoons and evenings to enjoy the scenery and the health-
ful iron water. Later, in my student days at the University, it
was a resort for those who would walk together and alone !
Only a few weeks ago, my daughter and I found the springs,
with the red-stained ground and the old iron pipe, still flow-
ing as of yore, but with no steps nor walks and an outlook
badly damaged by the debris of new channels and by the city
ownership of Hennepin island with its pumping station. The
water still smacks of iron, and is still therefore "chalybeate;"
and just above, as it has stood since 1855, was the old limestone
shop of E. Broad, the first iron worker, where the broad-axes
and logging tools of that day were made.
Instead of the Minikahda, Interlachen, and Athletic and
Boat Clubs of today, society of long ago resorted to the Lake
Calhoun Pavilion, a large summer hotel, where Mrs. Foreman 's
EARLY DAYS IN MINNEAPOLIS.
513
fine residence now stands. Hops and functions were held there,
it being reached by carriages, and by sleighs in the winter time.
This Pavilion was destroyed by fire within two years and was
never rebuilt. It is worthy of note that it stood on the site of
the first dwelling of white men in this city, as commemorated
by the tablet on a boulder beside the Lake Calhoun parkway,
bearing this inscription: ''On the hill above was erected the
first dwelling in Minneapolis by Samuel W. and Gideon H.
Pond, Missionaries to the Indians, June, 1834. Dedicated by
the Native Sons of Minnesota, May 30, 1908."
The University Coliseum, a huge wooden structure seating
more than 3,000 people, the forerunner of the present Univer-
sity Armory, known irreverently among the students as ' ' Pills-
bury 's Barn," was the place for University commencements,
balls, military drilling, and gymnasium work, from 1884 to
1894, when it was burned quite to the ground. It stood just
southeast of the present Sanford Hall, the women's dormitory,
on the triangle of ground added to the campus from the home-
stead of Mr. George W. Perkins, the late father-in-law of L. S.
and George M. Gillette.
The first street car in Minneapolis, horse-drawn of course,
was started in 1875 ; but the first electrifying did not take place
until 1888. Many will remember that just before this change
for using electricity the Minneapolis Street Railway Company
had spent many thousands of dollars in placing a cable line out
First avenue south (now Marquette avenue), and was ready to
put it in operation when electric power was shown to be far
more economical.
This paper may well be concluded by noting the names for-
merly borne by the streets (now called avenues) which run
transverse to the course of the Mississippi. These were re-
named numerically as avenues within the first year after the
union in 1872 of St. Anthony and Minneapolis, to distinguish
them conveniently from the streets which are parallel with the
river, being therefore intersected by the avenues. Washington
and University avenues are exceptional, being parallel with the
Mississippi, so that more properly they should be called streets.
Under dates of 1873 and 1874, maps of the enlarged city show
in their order southeastward from Nicollet avenue and parallel
33
514 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL, SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
therewith, running thus transverse to the river, the following
streets : Minnetonka, Helen, Oregon, California, Marshall, Cat-
aract, Russell, Ames, Rice, Smith, Pearl, Huy, Hanson, Lake,
Vine, Clay, Avon, and Lane streets, these being respectively the
First to the Eighteenth avenues south, lying between Nicollet
and Cedar avenues. Both the old names as streets and the new
names as avenues are given on these maps, which belong to the
time of transition from the old to the new.
East of Cedar avenue on these maps are Aspen, Oak, Wal-
nut, Elm, Maple, Pine, Spruce, Willow, Birch, and Orange
streets, being respectively the present Nineteenth to the Twen-
ty-eighth avenues south.
In the order from Hennepin avenue to the northwest and
north were Utah, Kansas, Itasca, Dakota, Nebraska, Harrison,
Lewis, Seward, Marcy, Benton, the next unnamed, then Moore,
Fremont, Clayton, Bingham, Breckenridge, Cass, Douglas, Bu-
chanan, Christmas, Howard, Clay, Mary Ann, and King streets,
these being renamed respectively as the First to the Twenty-
fourth avenues north.
On the St. Anthony side. Central avenue had been earlier
called Bay street; and thence southeastward were Mill, Pine,
Cedar, Spruce, Spring, Maple, Walnut, Aspen, Birch, Willow,
Elm, and A, B, etc., to G and H streets, now respectively the
First to Nineteenth avenues southeast.
Passing northwest and north from Central avenue, in the
northeast part of the city, were in succession Linden, Oak,
Dakota, Todd, Dana, Wood, St. Paul, St. Anthony, St. Peter's,
St. Martin, St. Genevieve, Prairie, Grove, and Lake streets,
which now are, in the same order, the First to the Fourteenth
avenues northeast.
Evidently the confusion arising after the two municipalities
were united as the new and greater Minneapolis, through the
several duplications of street names west and east of the river,
was one of the chief reasons for their renaming as avenues and
under numbers for the four main divisions of the city. What
was lost in the historic origins of the former names, dating from
the first surveys and plats, seems to have been more than offset
by the increased convenience, local significance, and systematic
^efiniteness of the present nomenclature.
j7£/i^s^ Y^ck^/--^^ A^
Minnesota Historical Society.
Vol. XV. Plate XIII.
A SHEAF OF REMEMBRANCES.*
BY MRS. REBECCA MARSHALL CATHCART.
I have heard it said that the most uneventful life, if care-
fully written up, would make an interesting book, and I have
been persuaded to prove this statement.
My life has seemed to me to have experienced little be-
yond ordinary, commonplace events, yet, at the earnest request
of my children, and overcoming my extreme dislike for the
manual drudgery of writing, I shall try to jot down some remin-
iscences of my childhood in Illinois and Wisconsin, as well as
those of later years in St. Paul, Minnesota, hoping to interest
those who care for early memories of our city.
My earliest remembrances are those in frontier life. My
great-grandparents, both paternal and maternal, came from
the north of Ireland and were what is known as Scotch-Irish.
They came to this country in the eighteenth century and set-
tled near Philadelphia. I know very little about their lives, as
they were too busy trying to establish homes to keep any record
of daily experiences.
My paternal grandfather, David Marshall, visited Kentucky
before the War of the Revolution; at the outbreak of the war
he enlisted and served throughout the war in the Pennsylvania
troops under Gen. Anthony Wayne ; after peace was declared,
he married Sarah Graham, and bride and groom started for
their future home in Kentucky on horseback, making the en-
tire journey in that way. They bade good-bye to their rela-
tives, never expecting to see them again; however, a sister of
my grandmother married and went to Lexington to live some
years later. A descendant of hers, James Fisher Robinson, was
governor of Kentucky during a part of the Civil War, in 1862-3.
We often talk and tell stories of heroes during the forming
*Read at the monthly meeting of the Executive Council, November
10, 1913.
516 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
of the West, but there were heroines as well, and I always think
of my grandmother Marshall as one of that number. In 1872
I visited my ancestor's home in Kentucky; the farm on which
my grandfather located was near Paris, Bourbon county.
While I was there, one among many incidents which my mother
had told me as happening there was forcibly brought to my
mind; it occurred soon after the birth of my grandmother's
eldest child. The first settlers had built their log cabins of
one room near together as a protection from the Indians, and
these little settlements were called stations; each cabin had a
hole in the wall closed with a wooden plug, and every morning
before opening the door the occupant would look out of this
opening to see if any Indians were around. On the morning
of this incident my grandfather looked out, as usual, and saw
an Indian with his gun pointed at the door of the adjoining
cabin. He took down his rifle, loaded it, asked my grand-
mother to hold a charge in her hand, and then, not wishing to
frighten her, said he saw a deer; he fired and wounded the
Indian, whereupon other Indians appeared and carried off the
wounded one. The settlers were roused by the noise of the shot
and traced the trail of the Indians a long way by the drops of
blood, but could not catch up with them. I was much inter-
ested in visiting the cabin, which was then used as a chicken
house and was still standing on its original site on the farm
owned by my grandfather, and in actually looking through the
very hole through which my grandfather fired.
My maternal grandfather was Samuel Shaw; I know he
lived in Carlisle, Pa., and married my grandmother there, her
maiden name being Rebecca Lowry Black; I was named Re-
becca Lowry after her. My mother, named Abigail, was born
in Carlisle, February 19, 1789, and was eight years old when
her father and mother moved to Kentucky. My grandfather
Shaw located on a farm near my grandfather Marshall, and
both families grew up together in the famous ''blue grass re-
gion."
In the year 1820 a number of families emigrated from Ken-
tucky to Ohio and Missouri ; my father and mother were among
the emigrants and went to Missouri. They located on a farm
near Boonville, and there the four younger children were born.
A SHEAF OF REMEMBRANCES.
517
two sons, Joseph Miller and William Rainey, and two daugh-
ters, Sarah Jane and myself, Rebecca Lowry.
In 1830 my grandfather Shaw, having become dissatisfied
with slavery, decided to remove to a free state and Illinois at-
tracted him ; he went to Quincy with his family, consisting of
five grown children, his wife having died, and located on a
farm three miles out of the village, where he died in 1832.
My father had financial reverses in Missouri, chiefly owing
to the burning of a large barn stored with tobacco, and he de-
cided to join my mother's family at Quincy. I was born on
May 30, 1830, and in the following September my father moved
to Quincy. They traveled, as all emigrants did in those days,
in covered wagons during the daytime, and camped out at
night. My father bought a farm in the vicinity of grand-
father Shaw, but before he was able to move onto it he was
taken ill with typhoid fever and died, leaving my mother with
six children, the eldest one twelve years old, and the youngest,
myself, six months. Now came the time to show what a heroine
my mother was ; she moved to the farm with her small children
that fall, and the first winter proved a terrible one for her.
She and all the family had the ague, as indeed all the inhab-
itants of that region were subject to chills and fever; my
mother had a chill every alternate day, and on the interven-
ing well day she worked hard to get ready for the sick day.
I was so ill that my aunts kept me at my grandfather's place;
no one thought I would live, nor desired me to live, as it was
deemed I could not have good sense should I live; yet now I
am well and vigorous after eighty-three years of active life.
In 1832 an epidemic of cholera visited the country and was
particularly severe in Quincy and the surrounding district.
My grandfather Shaw and my oldest brother were stricken
with the dread disease, and both died the same day; my aunts
were helpless from fright, and my mother had everything to
do; she prepared them for the burial, and returned from the
funeral to take up her burden again. One of her neighbors,
Mr. Edward Pearson, helped her in every way he could, and
they both nursed cholera patients without catching the disease.
My mother's next trial was the death of the eldest of the
remaining children from fever; after this she rented the farm
518 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
and moved into the village of Quincy. My first recollections
begin when I was about five years old; our family numbered
five, my mother, two brothers, aged nine and eleven, a sister
seven years old, and myself ; my sister died in her eighth year.
My brothers and I attended a school taught by Mr. Stafford
and his sister, situated near where we lived; I must have
learned to read at this early age, as I can never remember the
time when I could not read. Mr. Stafford's mother taught me
to work a sampler also, and I well recollect how patient the
dear old lady was, how stupid I was, and how many tears I
shed ; I have thought ever since it was a mistake to teach chil-
dren too young. From the time I was nine years old until I
was fourteen, I was very fortunate in attending a school kept
by a lady of fine character and education; she was a Mrs.
Thornton, and I feel that I owe all I know to her faithful
teaching.
My mother was a strict disciplinarian; with her to speak
was to be obeyed. I remember one instance : my brother Wil-
liam was very easily provoked to laughter, and one day began
laughing in school ; the teacher demanded to know what caused
him such mirth ; my brother 's answer did not please the teach-
er, and he gave him a severe whipping. My brother felt that
the teacher was unjust, so he took his books and went home ;
mother heard his complaint, and then took down a whip and
told him to return to school, which he did. The teacher after-
ward acknowledged he was wrong, and begged my brother/s
forgiveness. In those days discipline was strictly maintained,
and there was no need of parental schools.
My mother had two brothers who served in the Black Hawk
War; one died during the war, and the other retired with the
rank of captain; he lived in the mining region of Wisconsin,
about twelve miles from Galena, Illinois. My brother Joseph
went to live with this uncle when he was sixteen, and in a
year or two my brother William joined him; this left my
mother and me alone.
In the spring of 1844 mother and I visited my brothers,
and we remained with them a year; to me it was a year full
of physical benefit, as the great freedom from school, and out-
of-door life at a period when I was growing rapidly, estab-
A SHEAF OP REMEMBRANCES. 519
lished my health, and I think my four score years are due to
this one year spent in the lead mining district of Wisconsin.
We returned to Quincy in the spring of 1845, and I again
took up my school duties ; but my good, efficient teacher, Mrs.
Thornton, had gone to Oregon, and the school seemed to be run
to support the teacher, not to educate the pupils. I made very
little progress, and have always felt that I was defrauded of
the education I ought to have had.
In 1849 my brothers left AVisconsin and went to the new
territory of Minnesota. In May of that year my brother Wil-
liam came for mother and me, and, much to my delight, we
started for our new home. We came by steamboat to Galena,
and then changed to another boat for the upper Mississippi.
The trip in those days was delightful ; the boats were large, the
captains were gentlemen, and the food was of the best. Since
traffic by railroad has been introduced, all this has been
changed.
Our trip up the river was made at the most favorable time
of the year, and most of each day was spent on the hurricane
deck ; the scenery of the upper Mississippi was grand, far sur-
passing the Hudson. I feel very sorry for people who traverse
Europe for the purpose of enjoying grand scenery and have
never looked upon the magnificent bluffs of the Mississippi
river. Our boat, the Lady Franklin, with Captain Smith in
command^ landed at Mendota the morning of the tenth of May,
1849, for Mendota was then of more importance than St. Paul.
Mr. Sibley, afterward Governor and General, lived there; as
he was the delegate to Congress from the territory of Minne-
sota, his residence and influence had made Mendota a place of
prime importance. After lying there most of the day to dis-
charge freight, the Lady Franklin brought us to St. Paul, as
all our passengers were bound for this point.
The only hotel here was a small one built partly of logs and
partly of frame work, called the St. Paul House; it was sit-
uated on the corner of Third and Jackson streets, on the site
of the present Merchants' Hotel. Besides being the only hotel,
it was also the post office, and Mr. J. W. Bass was both land-
lord and post master. Here we were crowded like sardines in
a box, and some of the younger members among the passen-
520 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
gers had to sleep on the floor, I among the number. One of
the passengers was a Mrs. Parker from Boston, the future land-
lady of the American House then being built.
Those days are very vivid in my memory. The morning
after our arrival a Miss Bishop introduced herself to us as the
school teacher, and asked my mother and me to take a walk
with her and see the village, I might say, the Indian village.
Our walk took us up a high hill at the rear of the hotel, from
which we had a splendid view of the bluffs on either side of
the river as far as to Fort Snelling. All the surrounding coun-
try was in its primitive state, and the prospect was a glorious
one; as we gazed around there came to our notice Dayton's
bluff (but not Dayton's then) on the east; what is now Sum-
mit avenue on the west; and the Wabasha bluff on the north.
Could anything be grander than the view at that time? Who
could imagine then that this little French and Indian village
would one day become one of the largest and most important
cities of the Northwest? Oh, if our future citizens could have
realized this great fact, how much more wisely would they
have wrought! The Third street bluff might have been kept
intact as a boulevard for all time, and Summit avenue could
have been laid out so as not to destroy the bluff line. God did
everything for our city, but man's greed has defaced the
Creator's work.
The second day after our arrival a party was made up to
visit St. Anthony Falls, noted from the time it was discovered
by Father Hennepin on his voyage down the river in 1680. We
drove up the river until opposite Fort Snelling, and then lost
our way; no one in the party knew the road, but after going
through the woods for some distance we finally struck the right
path between St. Paul and St. Anthony. During our drive we
saw several deer, and realized we were indeed in the wilder-
ness. The thunder of the falling water reached our ears long
before we came to the famous cataract; but when at last our
eyes saw the great volume of water that rushed over the preci-
pice, the sight surpassed all our expectations. It was superb;
no one can realize now anything of the grandeur of the scene
as it was then; no wonder that the poor Indian worshipped
the Great Spirit of the cataract. But here again man has de-
A SHEAF OF REMEMBRANCES.
521
stroyed for utilitarian purposes what the savage worshipped.
The only building, except sawmills, at the Falls of St. An-
thony at that time. May 11, 1849, was a boarding house for the
mill hands. Two sawmills were operated on the east side just
below Nicollet island; several small buildings were in the pro-
cess of erection, however, and among them a one-story frame
house was being built by my brothers, Joseph M. and William
R. Marshall. The front room was intended to be used as a
general country store, and the rooms back of that for a resi-
dence ; it was the only plastered house in the village. Today
the Pillsbury ''A" mill stands near the site of that early home,
and the little village of 1849-50 has long since been swallowed
up in the progress and enterprise which have built the stirring
city of Minneapolis.
After remaining a few weeks in St. Paul, waiting for our
house to be finished, we moved to St. Anthony. We had very
little furniture, as everything had to be hauled by team from
St. Paul ; aside from merchantable things, only what was abso-
lutely necessary for our living was taken over ; our dining table
all summer was a dry goods box, although my mother had
brought fine mahogany furniture with her, tables, chairs, sofas,
bureaus, washstands, and dining-room set. Governor Ramsey
wished to buy the parlor set, offering my mother several hun-
dred dollars for it; my brothers urged her to sell it and buy
real estate, but she said that she had but a few years to live
and she wished to live those few years respectably. Part of
this furniture is still preserved by the family as an heirloom.
The summer of '49 was a most interesting period in my
life. I had been raised under the strict rules laid down by the
straitest sect of the Presbyterians, and had never been to a
dance, theater, or any place of amusement supposed to have
the Evil One for a patron. Here I was like one let out of
prison, and each day was one of joy and gladness. People were
pouring into the Territory; every steamboat's passenger list
was full; every stage arriving in the village of ' St. Anthony
was crowded with tourists; some came to settle, others to spy
out the land. The stage stopped within a few rods of our
house, and the tourists always crossed from our side of the
river to Hennepin island, on a foot bridge, in order to get the
522 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
best view of the Falls. They were invariably enraptured with
the sight; as I have said, the fall of water at this time was
grand, the river not being obstructed with logs, and the preci-
pice over which the river dashed not having broken away. My
brothers had inherited the hospitable spirit of our Southern
ancestors, and our home, poor as it was, became a center of
entertainment J and thus it was that those travelers from the
far East partook of our meager fare, with many thanks, all
the recompense asked. It is a great source of regret to me
that I did not keep a visitor 's book during the years of 1849-50,
as so many distinguished people were our guests during those
years, some spending two or three days, while others took only
one meal.
Our guests were not all white citizens, however, for many a
time when I was busy in the house I became conscious that
some one was near me, and on looking around I saw a half
dozen Indians inside the door; their moccasined feet had not
made the slightest noise. It was not very pleasant to have
such visitors, although they were perfectly harmless ; they were
inveterate beggars, and would never leave until you gave them
something to eat. After a while I learned to keep the outside
door locked.
Altogether that first summer in our new home was delightful,
but we all dreaded the approach of winter. It would be at
least five months after the close of navigation before it would
be resumed, and during that time we should be practically
prisoners, our only means of communication with the rest of
the world being by stage, a very hard and dangerous journey
in any direction.
A great number of young men from eastern cities came also
that first summer; most of them settled in St. Paul, commer-
cial life appealing to them more than manufacturing. Many
succeeded in business, went back east to marry, and returned
with their brides ; few, very few, of these founders of our com-
monwealth are now living, but their children and grandchil-
dren are our present active citizens. Fortunately for our new
Territory, the rough class which emigrated to Colorado, Mont-
ana, and the territories farther west, did not come to Minne-
sota, there being no mineral resources to attract them.
A SHEAF OF REMEMBRANCES. 523
Governor Ramsey and the other territorial officers came in
May, 1849. Most of those officials were old war horses, who
had been living on politics the greater part of their lives; al-
though many of them were men of ability, I am sorry to say
that in many respects they did not prove shining examples.
Ramsey was an exception; he had plenty of good common
sense, and though not as brilliant, perhaps, as some of the
judges, he was a safe man and made a most excellent governor,
never, however, losing sight of the political outlook and the
part he was to play. He was most fortunate in having a charm-
ing wife, to whom was due much of his success, and of whom I
shall have more to say later.
The American House, with Mrs. Parker as landlady, was
headquarters for the territorial officers. Mrs. Parker was a
large, handsome woman, rather masculine, but well adapted to
conduct the business of a frontier hotel. Hon. Henry M. Rice,
afterward delegate to Congress and United States senator, was
the principal owner of the American House, and he had secured
her as landlady; there was a Mr. Parker, but he was chiefly
known as Mrs. Parker's husband. When the hotel was first
opened, it was called the Rice House, and it continued to be
so called until there arose a quarrel between Mr. Rice and Mrs.
Parker. I do not know the cause of it, but I know that Mrs.
Parker felt so bitter that she practiced at a mark for weeks,
declaring her intention of shooting Mr. Rice. Finally, how-
ever, she gave up her desire for blood, and revenged herself
by changing the name of the hotel from Rice House to the
American House, and later it was burned down. Mrs. Parker
built a fine dwelling on Irvine Park, was confirmed in Christ
Church, and lived to an honorable old age.
St. Anthony was first settled by lumbermen who came from
the vicinity of Bangor, Maine ; they were a sturdy, honest, and
industrious class of men. We were the only family of South-
ern lineage, but my brothers were also typical pioneers, with
plenty of enterprise and endurance. Brother William, although
not then twenty-four years of age, became a leader in both
business and political affairs. He surveyed and platted the
village of St. Anthony in the autumn of 1849, and named the
streets.
524 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
The inhabitants being also God-fearing men and anxious
for mental improvement, built a schoolhouse, which was to be
used as a church and lecture hall as well as for school pur-
poses. The Presbyterian, Baptist, and Methodist ministers from
St. Paul came over on alternate Sundays to hold service in this
building, and my mother always gladly entertained them from
Saturday night until Monday morning.
St. Paul and St. Anthony united to celebrate the Fourth of
July, 1849, with a parade, a banquet, and a ball. The army
corps from Ft. Snelling was invited to join in the parade, and
indeed it really was the parade, but I was too busy preparing
for the ball to see it myself. The oration of the day was deliv-
ered by Judge Meeker in a grove on the site of Rice Park ; the
banquet was held in the American House in the afternoon ; and
the ball was in the same place in the evening. These festivi-
ties also marked the opening of the American House. The elite
of both villages attended the ball, and as the men outnumbered
the women there were no wall flowers throughout the evening.
Just before supper was served, my attention was attracted
to a group of ladies who had entered the dining-room; they
were Mrs. Ramsey, Mrs. Sibley, Mrs. H. M. Rice, and Mrs.
Steele. I do not think four handsomer women could have been
found in the United States. Mrs. Ramsey was easily distin-
guished from the others, however, on account of her regal bear-
ing, and she immediately captured my admiration to the exclu-
sion of the others; but meeting the other three at a later date,
and seeing how beautiful they were, I wondered how I could
have been so partial that evening.
The first Territorial Legislature met in St. Paul in the fall
of 1849; it met in the Central House, a boarding house near
Third street and what are now Cedar and Minnesota streets.
Besides being a hotel, it was also the place where many society
functions were held. My brother William was a member of
this legislature and frequently walked from St. Anthony to
St. Paul to attend to his public duties. This was the legisla-
ture which decided the location of the Capitol, the State Uni-
versity, and the State Prison; of course the capitol had been
already located in St. Paul by Congress, when General Sibley
was our territorial delegate, but many attempts were made to
A SHEAF OF REMEMBRANCES.
525
have it moved, and several times the efforts were very nearly-
successful. My brother earnestly argued for locating the State
University at St. Anthony.
A few society people in St. Paul planned to celebrate Christ-
mas, '49, by a sleigh ride to Banfil's on Manomin creek, about
nine miles above St. Anthony. I was invited to be one of their
guests, and Mr. Whitall, a brother of Mrs. H. M. Rice, was my
escort. The sleighing was fine and being well protected with
fur robes the drive was delightful to us, and it seemed very
short. We arrived at Banfil's in time for an early supper,
which consisted of viands that even in these luxurious days
would be tempting to the appetite ; after supper the dining-
room was cleared, and we had a grand dance.
The musicians were colored barbers from St. Paul, and the
leader was a large, fine-looking man named Taylor; he had a
voice a brigadier general might envy, and as at that time the
figures were called off, a clear, strong voice was much sought
for. He was killed in the Indian outbreak of '62. This colored
band was in great demand in both St. Paul and St. Anthony
during several years.
We danced until the wee, small hours of the morning, and
then retired for a short rest; after a breakfast equally as ap-
petizing as our supper of the night before, we prepared for our
drive home.
An amusing incident occurred just as we were ready to
start for home. One of our party was a stalwart, young man,
afterward known as Sonny Dayton ; he was quite smitten with
a young lady whose escort was a Southerner of blue blood, but
of diminutive stature. This couple were seated opposite each
other when suddenly Mr. Dayton came up to the sleigh, lifted
the small escort out, jumped in himself and signaled the driver
to start. The Southerner was what was called a fire-eater, and
we fully expected coffee and pistols for two, but happily the
affair closed without any blood being shed.
When the restraints of an older and long settled community
are thrown off, as they are to a large extent in newly settled
districts, an unseemly indulgence is often a source of great
embarrassment to those of stronger character, and the experi-
ence of those early days bore ample testimony to this fact.
526 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
I remember well the New Year's Day of 1850. I was spend-
ing the holidays with Mr. and Mrs. Edmund Rice in St. Paul ;
early in the morning of this day a delegation of Sioux Indians
from the west side of the village, which was still an Indian
reservation, called to pay their respects. They shook hands
with us, said in English, ''Happy New Year," and then seated
themselves on the floor. Mr. Rice sent to the baker's for
bread, and gave each one of them a loaf ; after staying a short
time, they bowed in a very courteous manner and left. Dur-
ing the afternoon several of the territorial officers called ; they
were gentlemen born and bred, but they had so far forgotten
both birth and breeding that they fell far below our savage
guests. Mrs. Rice felt so insulted by their behavior that she
had what we women call a good cry, when they at last reeled
out of her home.
My brother William became greatly interested in some of
the young clerks who had fallen under this influence, and
brought them to our home to recover from the effects of too
much liquor. He persuaded two of them to resign and return
to their homes; one of them became a prominent Baptist min-
ister, and the other a famous editor in Dayton, Ohio. They
both said they owed their salvation to my brother's efforts in
their behalf. My brother was also held in such respect by the
territorial officers that during a week when he was a guest at
the American House, while busy surveying an addition to St.
Paul, no liquor was served at the table; but, to compensate
themselves for their self-denial, on the Saturday my brother
left, the officials of the Territory had a jamboree and flooded
the dining-room as well as themselves with the vile stuff.
In the spring of 1850 the Episcopalians began missionary
and pastoral work in the Territory, and the Associate Mission,
consisting of three clergymen, Rev, James Lloyd Breck, Rev.
Timothy Wilcoxson, and Rev. John A. Merrick, arrived in St.
Paul and located on the mission grounds now called Park Place.
They organized Christ Church in St. Paul, and planned to visit
Stillwater, St. Anthony, and other places, holding service once
a Sunday. They walked to these several stations and were
faithful workers in God's vineyard. The seed sown then has
A SHEAF OF REMEMBRANCES.
527
produced a truly bountiful harvest for the reapers who are jIow
gathering it and sowing again.
One little incident occurred that summer which is worthy
of being told. One Sunday we expected the Rev, Mr. Wilcox
son to hold service in St. Anthony, and my mother prepared
supper for him in her hospitable way, but he did not come. My
brothers and I went to church, and found that he had gone
directly there. The service began, but in the midst of it Mr.
Wilcoxson fainted; the congregation was dismissed, and later,
when he was taken to our home, we found out that he had
walked from St. Paul and begun the service without having
anything to eat; nature was outraged and rebelled. We took
the best possible care of him, and the next morning, after a
comfortable breakfast, he left us to return to St. Paul. As a
sequel to this, five years later when my mother lay dying in
St. Paul, Mr. Wilcoxson comforted her with the Church's
prayers and blessing.
A personal experience during this early residence in St.
Anthony shows how the unexpected may come to pass. A
young man from Boston became the guest of my brother, and
being a devout Episcopalian held many an argument with me
over our differing religious beliefs, he upholding the ''faith
once delivered to the saints," as represented by the Episcopal
Church, and I arguing for my mother's form of doctrine, rep-
resented by the Presbyterian Church. Finally he ended our
argument by saying, "You will some day be a good church-
woman, and to help you become such an one I will send you a
Book of Common Prayer, and I know you will use it." I said,
"You will only be wasting money, as I will never use it;" but
he was as good as his word, and I received a beautifully bound
copy of the Prayer Book. In the year 1853 I married a devout
churchman, and the prayer book sent was used until it had
grown shabby, and it has since been carefully preserved as a
memento of former days.
In June, 1850, I enjoyed two interesting and unique river
excursions. One was early in that month, when Mrs. North
and I were guests on a little steamboat called the Governor
Ramsey, on its trial trip up the river ; the boat was built above
the Falls, to ply on the upper Mississippi, and it was small and
528 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
of very light draught. We left St. Anthony one morning, the
weather being delightful so that we spent all our time on deck
under an awning. Captain Rollins, if I am not mistaken, was
in charge of the boat ; at evening he tied up to the river bank,
navigation being so uncertain that the pilot did not dare to
proceed during the night. We reached our destination the next
day, and, I think, landed at what is now Saint Cloud ; at least,
it was below Sauk Rapids.
At this time a treaty had been arranged by the Governor
between the hostile tribes of Indians, the Sioux and Chippe-
was, to take place at Fort Snelling ; so awaiting our boat were
several hundred Chippewas to be transported to the fort. Mr.
Beaulieu was the interpreter; he was a French Canadian who
had lived many years among the Chippewas, and had an Indian
wife. The Indians came on board, and we steamed down the-
river on our return trip. Mrs. North and I were much inter-
ested in watching our Indian passengers, who were well con-
trolled by their chief; no body of white men could have be-
haved better. Indians are great admirers of red or curly hair,
and my hair, though brown, curled naturally and profusely,
and it was so worn according to the fashion of those days.
Several of them came to me and lifted my curls in their hands,
saying in their native tongue, "Pretty, pretty." It did not
make me feel very comfortable, but I knew that they meant
no harm, only admiration, and I didn't resent their familiarity.
The homeward trip was charming; the little steamboat stood
its trial trip satisfactorily ; but it did not prove to be profitable
afterward, and it was taken to pieces and transferred to the
Red river.
Quite a party of St. Anthony people attended the treaty at
Fort Snelling, on the 12th of June. AVe went in a farmer's
wagon and across a prairie where now stands the city of Min-
neapolis, not a single cabin meeting our eyes in any direction ;
there were many wild flowers, and the air was fragrant with
the wild strawberries. We passed Lake Calhoun and Lake
Harriet, and crossed their outlet above Minnehaha Falls. Like
St. Anthony Falls, the natural beauty of these lakes and of the
picturesque Minnehaha have been partially spoiled by the hand
of man.
A SHEAF OF REMEMBRANCES. 529
It was an interesting scene at the fort ; the Chippewas were
stationed on the ground inside the fort, when the Sioux
marched up the steep hill and circled around their deadly ene-
mies. The commandant had the guns trained on them ready
to use if there should be the least outbreak; but the Indians
were cowed, knowing the white men had them in their power.
The Chippewas were a much finer appearing body of men than
the Sioux; and their chief, Hole-in-the-Day, was a dignified,
grand looking Indian, reminding one of the Indian chiefs we
read about in colonial days.
Governor Ramsey and the commissioners had everything
planned, and acted with such good judgment that they accom-
plished what they wished. On our return home across the
prairie, we lost our way and were several hours getting back
on the right trail, so we arrived home late in the evening.
Fifty-one years later I met these tribes of Indians, or rather
members of these two tribes, amid very different surroundings
and on a very different occasion; it was at the funeral of our
beloved Bishop Whipple, held in the cathedral at Faribault.
A band of Christian Chippewas and a band of Christian Sioux
came to show their love for one who had been to them truly
an apostle ; each band had a share in the service, one band
singing a hymn in their native language during the service in
the cathedral, and the other band singing outside the cathedral
at the close of the service. I, who had known them when to
meet was to murder each other, could not but marvel at the
power of Christ which could convert deadly enemies into
brothers. The hymns they sang were much more effective as
funeral hymns than those rendered by the cathedral choir ; and
I remember feeling this same way when attending the me-
morial service for Queen Victoria in Honolulu. The native
Hawaiians sang at that service, and their music was pathetic
and solemn, being much better adapted to a mournful occa-
sion than that of the American choir.
My second river excursion was enjoyed on the first steam-
boat that made an exploring trip up the Minnesota river. On
the morning of June 28, 1850, the Anthony Wayne under
charge of Captain Dan Able left St. Paul for a journey up the
530 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
unknown waters of the St. Peter river, now called the Minne-
sota. There was a gay crowd on board, composed of our most
prominent citizens, with quite a number of young men and
women who later grew to be the bone and sinew of our great
Northwest. At this time I was the guest of Mrs. Edmund Rice
of St. Paul, in whose home I met the gentleman who was my
escort on the excursion; he was Gen. Sylvanus B. Lowry of
Stearns county, whose principal city, St. Cloud, was then a
small village. General Lowry was a Kentuckian by birth, the
son of a Presbyterian minister, and had all the polish of a well-
born gentlemarrT We had a band of music on board, and also
a quantity of fireworks, which were to be fired off the night
we reached the highest point on the river. I shall never forget
the beauty of that ride; the vegetation was perfect, as it al-
ways is in this climate in June ; the banks were gay with wild
flowers of gorgeous hues, and acres and acres of wild roses
covered the islands we passed by. We landed at various
points, amusing ourselves by gathering flowers and walking
through grass a foot or more in height. Sunset brought us
to a mission station, now the city of Shakopee, and the mis-
sionary in charge was the Rev. Samuel W. Pond.
The Indians there were Sioux or Dacotahs ; they had never
seen such a monster as a steamboat, and were so excited that
Mr. P(5nd would not let us set off the fire works, and said that
the Indians probably could not be restrained and might cause
great trouble. The night was anything but peaceful, however ;
it was not the Indians who disturbed us, but billions upon bil-
lions of mosquitoes; they filled the air, and the walls of our
cabin were black with them; we walked the deck all night
fighting them off. In the morning the captain concluded he
had reached the highest point to which it was safe to go and
turned homeward; aside from the plague of mosquitoes, we
had a jolly time dancing and feasting to our heart's content.
Again my greatest admirers on this trip were some half-civil-
ized Indians who often touched my curly hair, saying, in their
language, ''Pretty, pretty."
My mother's health not being very good, my brother Wil-
liam thought it best for her to visit her old home in Kentucky,
A SHEAF OF REMEMBRANCES.
531
and accordingly arrangements were made for us to spend the
winter of 1850-51 in the South; we were to leave St. Paul on
the last steamboat of the season, about the first of November,
and we boarded in St. Paul at the Central House a few days
waiting for the steamer. At the hotel we found Miss Harriet
E. Bishop prepared to be a passenger also ; we w^ere much sur-
prised to find that she had decided to leave, thinking her more
permanently established than many others. But a great dis-
appointment had come into her life, and as her story was quite
romantic and unusual for those days, I shall tell it here.
In 1848 Governor Slade of Vermont, who was much inter-
ested in educational matters, sent out two teachers to Minne-
sota; they were Miss Amanda Horsford (later Mrs. H. L. Moss)
to Stillwater, and Miss Bishop to St. Paul. One year later he
sent Miss Backus to St. Anthony. Miss Bishop found St. Paul
an Indian half-breed village with a very few white people, but
she opened the first school here in a log hut and did her duty
faithfully to her pupils. As I have before said, she was the
first one to greet us on our arrival in May, 1849, and she be-
came quite intimate in our family and was always a welcome
visitor.
Miss Bishop became engaged to Mr. James K. Humphrey, a
young lawyer of St. Paul, and some years younger than her-
self, but not her equal intellectually. She was devoted to him,
and during all one summer had planned to be married in the
fall ; Mr. Humphrey had built a pretty cottage on Irvine Park ;
the trousseau had been completed, and everything was going
smoothly; but, alas, there was a rock ahead which made ship-
wreck of all these fond anticipations and plans. Mr. Hum-
phrey's sister, Mrs. Selby, came back from the East, where she
had been spending the summer, and she forbade the bans; her
only reason stated was that Miss Bishop was older than her
brother ; and he then and there proved our opinion of him,
that he was weak, and broke the engagement. Miss Bishop
was broken-hearted and decided she could not remain in St.
Paul ; we all sympathized with her, but thought that she would
realize after a time that he had not been worthy of her love.
Nevertheless the result was that her life was wrecked and she
532 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
seemed to lose her fine mental balance. She married a few
years after this, and was the author of a historical book enti-
tled ''Dakota War Whoop, or Indian Massacres and War in
Minnesota, of 1862-3; "but she had lost her prestige as Miss
Bishop, and twenty years later she died in this city, almost
unknown. An island in the river was named Harriet after her,
and today this island is covered with the Public Baths and
Playgrounds, so that in a certain sense her name will always
be connected with the education and enlightenment of youth.
Upon our arrival South, it was thought best that I should
spend a few months in a boarding-school in Quincy, Illinois,
my former home. The school was organized and run by Cath-
erine Beecher, sister of Henry Ward Beecher; the teachers
were all from Boston and very celebrated women. I had the
privilege of selecting my studies, and chose music, Latin,
French, and history. Mrs. Dana, an aunt of Richard Dana,
author of ''Two Years Before the Mast," was the history
teacher; and her daughter, Miss Dana, taught Latin and
French.
In June, 1851, my mother and I returned to Minnesota and
to our home in St. Anthony. The trip by steamboat from
Quincy to St. Paul was delightful in the beautiful summer
weather; the present generation cannot realize what the Mis-
sissippi was and still is.
The summer of 1851 passed very much as did the summer
of '49 ; numerous tourists came to view the country, and many
became permanent residents- One especially interesting event
of that summer was the visit of the Swedish authoress, Fred-
rika Bremer ; she was the guest of Governor and Mrs. Ramsey,
and they brought her to St. Anthony Falls to enjoy its beauty.
They called on my mother, and later my brother William and I
accompanied them on a visit to Mrs. North, who lived on Nicol-
let island.
It is very hard to believe that sixty years ago that island
had only one house on it, and that one built of logs ; it was also
heavily wooded, and in its wild state was very beautiful.
There was no bridge connecting it with the main land; the
crossing had to be made on the pine logs lying in the mill dam
A SHEAF OF REMEMBRANCES. 538
above the sawmills. Mrs. North was a fine musician, and I had
taken music lessons from her, and so I had become quite ac-
complished in making this dangerous passage every day. But
naturally Miss Bremer was terrified at the prospect, and Gov-
ernor Ramsey and my brother had to use their best peirsuasive
powers to get her started on the perilous journey. Fortunately
the logs nearer the mill were more tightly jammed, and the
noted authoress reached the island safely. Mrs. North enter-
tained us with some of the finest selections of music, both vocal
and instrumental, and at the conclusion of our visit we re-
turned to the main shore over the same log jam. I remember
one remark of Miss Bremer on that memorable visit; she was
asked to sing, but declined, saying, "I only sing for God in
the church, and for little children."
When I now visit the city of Minneapolis and see Nicollet
island, with its streets and row upon row of houses, street cars
crossing it, and bridges on either side, I think progress is all
utilitarian. No grand cataract, no magnificent forest trees, no
majestic river, are there now; but everything has been bound
and fettered, to add to the wealth and comfort of man. I am
glad that I lived in the wild days when nature reigned supreme.
In the fall of 1851 I went to Rock Island, Illinois, to act as
bridesmaid to my friend. Miss Slaymaker, and while I was away
my family made a momentous change. My brothers had de-
cided that the future of St. Anthony would be greatly retarded
from the fact that the water power was in litigation, and that
it might be years before the lawsuits would end and the power
could be used; but they knew that St. Paul, as the head of
navigation, was bound to be a commercial city, and so they
decided to remove to this place. Then, too, the strife between
the ''Twin Cities," as they were fain to be called, was well
begun.
St. Anthony residents contended that their city was the
head of navigation; and indeed, to prove it, one steamboat was
induced to ascend the river as far as Cheever 's landing, a point
near where the University now stands. The citizens of St.
Anthony made a great celebration over the event, and in the
evening a dance on board the boat was given; but on the re-
534 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
turn of the boat to St. Paul, the captain said that nothing would
ever induce him to take that risk again. He had not expected
to reach St. Paul without the loss of the boat, and perhaps of
life; but we passengers knew nothing of the danger and en-
joyed it all. As far as I know, that was the first and last time
a boat reached Cheever's landing.
On my return to St. Paul from the wedding, I found my
family living there. My brother had bought several lots on
Irvine Park, and had a much more comfortable house than the
one we had in St. Anthony.
The winter of 1851-2 was spent very pleasantly; small
dancing parties were given, and many sleigh rides were taken
on the river to Fort Snelling. In the spring of '52 my brother
Joseph kept the house on Irvine Park, and my brother William
bought a house on the northwest corner of Rice Park and
Fourth street, into which my mother, himself, and I moved. In
this house I was married, and in it my mother died ; it has long
since been torn down, and the only thing left to remind me of
those old days is a maple tree, one of a row that my mother
had transplanted there; it still flourishes, but each spring I
expect it will disappear to give place to modern improvements.
In this locality was the First Methodist Church; it was
built in 1849, and was used as a place of worship by the Meth-
odists for many years ; later it was occupied by the New Jeru-
salem or Swedenborgian congregation; it still stands to re-
mind us of the day of small things, in contrast to the present
beautiful Methodist church edifice just completed in a fashion-
able part of the city. I do not think that one member of the
congregation who worshipped in the little brick church on Rice
Park in 1849 is now living. Truly, man passes away like a
shadow, but "the word of God abideth forever."
In 1852-3 my brothers had a hardware store on Washing-
ton street, near the corner of Fourth street; they sold it to
John Nicols, and it is now a large wholesale store, the firm
name being ''Nicols, Dean & Gregg," two of the proprietors
being son and son-in-law of the Mr. Nicols who purchased it
from my brothers. Afterward my brothers organized a bank
that failed in the great panic of 1857, which was so general
A SHEAF OF REMEMBRANCES.
535
that not one citizen of the Northwest escaped the crash ; busi-
ness houses fell down like card houses. Every one had to start
anew to build up his fortune, but all being young and full of
energy we went to work immediately; in a few years we had
forgotten the trials and economies of the panic, which really
lasted until the outbreak of the Civil War in 1861-
As I think of those years, I cannot remember that the loss
of money made any of us unhappy ; we all went down together,
and we were all willing to economize and live plainly, enter-
taining our friends and having a happy time in a simple way.
Youth, happy youth, always hopeful, looks forward to the
good time, which most of us realized.
We were living on Rice Park when I met my husband. I
was taking tea with Miss Day, a friend of mine who was visit-
ing her brother who lived on the corner of Wabasha and Tenth
streets, opposite the old Capitol, and in the evening two young
gentlemen called on us, Mr. William P. Murray and Mr. Alex-
ander H. Cathcart. I had never met either gentleman before ;
the evening passed pleasantly, and in a few days, having asked
my permission, both gentlemen called at our house. The win-
ter of 1852-3 was a gay one, and my acquaintance with Mr.
Cathcart progressed so rapidly that I was engaged to him in
the spring, and we were married the following November on
the tenth day of the month. Mr. Cathcart, born and raised in
Toronto, Canada, was a member of the Church of England, and
at his request, we were married by an Episcopal clergyman.
After our marriage we attended Christ Church, became com-
municants of the church, and I am still a member, having com-
pleted my sixtieth year of enjoyment of this great privilege.
My mother had been failing in health for a year or more,
and died in January, 1854; her grave was one of the first in
Oakland Cemetery. She was a member of the First Presby-
terian Church, on Third street midway between Market and
St. Peter streets, of which the Rev. Edward D. Neill was pastor.
My marriage and my mother's death brought great changes
to our household, and in the spring of '54 we left the home on
Fourth street and for a few months lived on Seventh street be-
low Broadway. We then bought a house on Robert street, at
536 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
that time a very pleasant location, though now one of the most
forlorn parts of the city. The little cottage is still standing,
and it is hard to realize that it was once a comfortable and
happy home.
In the fall of 1857 my husband purchased a newly built
residence on Summit avenue between Rice and St. Peter streets ;
at that time this location was one of the best in the city. The
block opposite our home was owned by the Episcopal Church,
and it was expected that the future bishop's residence and the
cathedral would be built on those grounds.
The three clergymen, Dr. Breck, Rev. Mr. Wilcoxson, and
Rev. Mr. Merrick, occupied a building there ; the grounds were
beautiful, each clergyman having a flower garden amidst the
fine native oak trees; this gave us a charming outlook, and we
felt settled for life. Alas, how uncertain life is! Now that
fine neighborhood has deteriorated; the mission property has
been allowed to go to rack and ruin; boarding houses have
crowded in, and the bishop's residence and cathedral are in
Faribault.
When we moved to the Summit avenue home, no grading
had been done on either Rice street or St. Peter street. The
ascent up St. Peter street was very steep, and the road ran
through a Roman Catholic cemetery, one of the first to be
located in the city. A little below, we crossed the street in
front of the old Capitol on Wabasha street on a plank walk
elevated a few feet, as all the ground below the St. Peter street
hill was then a tamarack swamp ; the trees had been cut down,
but the swamp was not yet drained. It is very difficult now to
realize that this condition existed, when I see that part of the
city so closely built up with large substantial houses; and it
seems like a dream when my mind, going back to 1857 and the
following years, recalls the many nights I worried about my
husband's returning after nightfall across that swamp, and
lest he should stumble into one of the empty graves in the
cemetery. Gradually this cemetery was removed, and when
St. Peter street was graded and the mission grounds leased to
a company who were to build the Park Place Hotel, it became
necessary to remove all the bodies remaining; it was a grue-
A SHEAF OF REMEMBRANCES.
537
some sight to see wagon load after wagon load of them taken
away.
On the mission grounds there was a spring of water, which
was supposed to contain a great deal of iron, and the good
clergymen had it so arranged that people generally could drink
the water, thinking it very beneficial; but, like many other so-
called health-giving remedies, it proved, on being analyzed, to
have no medicinal qualities at all, but to be only the seepings
of the tamarack swamp.
The panic did not materially affect Mr. Cathcart's business
until 1862, when he compromised with his creditors, by giving
or assigning to them all his property, and continued to carry
on his dry goods store, the largest one in the city- We removed
from our homestead on Summit avenue, between Rice and St.
Peter streets, to another house on Summit avenue near where
James J. Hill now lives. This house was built by Mr. Master-
son, a young lawyer, who went East and brought back his
bride to this far Western home, but his visions of happiness
disappeared within two years, as his wife died; the house was
closed, and it was not again occupied until we moved into it in
the spring of 1863.
Mr. Masterson had planted grape vines on his terraces, and
also pear and peach trees ; he was fond of gardening and took
great care of the little orchard. Knowing that peaches and
pears were too tender to endure our cold climate very well, he
dwarfed the trees, training the branches on the ground so that
they could be well covered during the winter ; as a reward for
this skillful care, the trees and vines were all bearing fruit in
the fall of '63. He was proud of the results of his labor, as
well as he might be ; these delicate fruits had never before been
raised in this climate out of doors, and, as- far as my knowledge
extends, they have never been grown successfully up to this
time, 1913. Grapes of a hardy variety are grown in abundance,
but Mr. Masterson was able to raise the choice varieties which
have never been cultivated so far north.
Wishing to give his friends a rare treat, he invited over a
hundred of them to partake of the fruit on the lawn surround-
ing his former home, and urged every one to eat all he or she
538 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COT.TiKCTIONS.
could, afterward distributing what was left among them. Our
family received a quantity of pears, which being kept in a dark
place improved with age. I have written about this little at-
tempt at fruit growing in early days because I am almost the
only one left to remember this feasting on fruit which was sup-
posed impossible to be raised in Minnesota; but Mr. Master-
son's enthusiasm expired after he had proved his experiment
to be successful, and he allowed both grape vines and fruit
trees to die out, so that there was never again such a picnic
on those grounds. A fine residence has now replaced the house
built for his bride, and an automobile garage occupies the ter-
race where his grape vines grew.
Summit avenue was a lonely place at this time. Between it
and Selby avenue stood a dense forest of native oaks, and the
few houses were separated by large, unoccupied grounds.
Many and many a night, after the Indian massacre of 1862,
have I lain awake listening for the Indian warwhoop, and
thinking how easily they could come through the woods and
kill us all.
Our present inhabitants, in their palatial homes that line
our famous avenue, may think that I am drawing on my imagi-
nation in giving these pen pictures, but it is all true.
The foregoing reminiscences have told some of the inci-
dents of the Territorial days and the early statehood of Min-
nesota; and I wish now to emphasize the social life and qual-
ities of some of my early friends and acquaintances. •
As I have said, the Twin Cities were particularly fortunate
in the class of young men which they attracted- They were
mostly college-bred men from fine families, who had the enter-
prise and enthusiasm to test Horace Greeley's advice, ''Go
West, young man, go West."
Those who went to St. Anthony have proved what they •
could do by the wonderful city of Minneapolis, which in time
absorbed the town of St. Anthony. Almost all the pioneer
founders have passed into the Great Unknown, but "their
works do follow them." The little village has become a great
and mighty city, known all over the world in sending the ' ' staff
of life" to its utmost bounds.
A SHEAF OF REMEMBRANCES. 539
St. Paul, being the head of navigation, and the state capital,
attracted the commercially and politically inclined; many of
the young men who came here were budding lawyers, pros-
pective merchants, and bankers. They had so much energy
that they did not sit down and wait for business, — indeed, that
would have been a weary waiting, — but set to work at the first
task that offered itself; some who afterwards became famous
as lawyers and bankers,, taught school, did carpenter work, or
employed their time in other ways earning an honest penny.
Most of them had become engaged to be married before com-
ing out here, and as soon as they could make and keep a home
they brought their brides here, and then began the social life
of our city.
As early as the years 1843-4 some of the most prominent
citizens were living at Fort Snelling and Mendota. Henry H.
Sibley married Miss Steele in '43, and when Governor Ramsey
came in May, '49, he and his wife were entertained by Mr. and
Mrs. Sibley in their hospitable home at Mendota. Franklin
Steele, Mrs. Sibley's brother, was then sutler at the fort, and
he had a charming wife who became a leader in the social life
of our city.
I must not neglect to give due honour to the very earliest
pioneer women, Mrs. John R. Irvine and Mrs. Jacob Bass. We
forty-niners found them here, and they antedated us by several
years. Mrs. Irvine came in the year 1843, and endured great
hardships in the truly pioneer days; she was a remarkably
handsome woman, and her mental characteristics equalled her
physical beauty ; through all the trying yars before this North-
west could be called civilized she kept her womanly qualities,
and when refined social life displaced the early frontier so-
ciety, Mrs. Irvine took her place among the best; during the
many years she was permitted to live in our midst, she was
prominent in all good works, and died at a good old age, great-
ly regretted.
Mrs. Bass came, a very young bride, to the French and half-
breed village called St. Paul, and assisted her husband in wel-
coming the new comers whom every steamboat brought to the
newly organized Territory. I remember well the pleasant
54:0 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
greeting which my mother and I received on reaching the St.
Paul House, after the dreary landing at what seemed to us the
end of civilized life. Mrs. Bass was then the mother of two
sons, one aged six years and the other six months. Edgar, the
elder, and I became friends and spent part of each day picking
flowers in a deep ravine back of the hotel, and decorating the
dining-room table. The difference of twelve years in our ages
did not prevent our comradeship, as Edgar was a manly little
fellow; he became an officer in the U. S. army, and is now on
the retired list. Mrs. Bass helped greatly in the formative
period of our social life, and when her husband became wealthy
and built a beautiful home on Woodward avenue, she enter-
tained in a most hospitable manner; and, by the way, their
house was the first one in St. Paul to have French plate glass
windows. She died this past summer, 1913, and we all feel
that our city has been made the better for her life.
Ex-Governor Marshall, in his address before the old set-
tlers of Hennepin county, considered the coming of Henry M.
Rice the turning point in favor of St. Paul. Socially it was a
most fortunate incident, for Mr. Rice brought his bride, a
charming Southern girl, in the spring of '49, and they began
housekeeping in a cottage he built on Third street near what
is now Washington street; this cottage was beautifully fur-
nished, and it was the beginning of one of our loveliest homes.
Mr. Rice had the task of removing the Winnebago Indians
from their reservation at Fort Atkinson in 1848 ; it was a most
difficult undertaking, as the Indians were very unwilling to
move to the cold Northwest. While superintending the re-
moval of this tribe, he became interested in St. Paul and bought
an interest in the village from John R. Irvine; this property
was surveyed and called Rice and Irvine's Addition, and after-
ward it became an important part of the city.
Another addition to the social life of 1849 was the arrival
in July of Mr. and Mrs. Edmund Rice, with Mr. Rice's sister,
who later, in 1851, married Mr. William Hollinshead, a prom-
inent lawyer from Philadelphia. Mr. Rice being a lawyer, a
law firm was established bearing the name, ''Rice, Hollinshead
& Becker."
A SHEAF OF REMEMBRANCES. 541
. Another charming family came that same summer, Rev.
Edward D. Neill and wife; Mr. Neill purchased a lot on the
corner of Fourth street and Rice Park, and built a two story-
brick house, which was a most attractive home for many years.
This was the first brick dwelling house in the city. Mrs. Neill,
a very attractive lady, became a social power, standing for the
best religiously and socially. Mr. Neill built a small chapel
on Washington street during the summer of '49, and this
chapel was the progenitor of the First Presbyterian Church
built on Third street in 1850; unfortunately this chapel was
burned down in the winter of that same year.
Mr. J. W. Selby and his family came in '49 also ; they came
from Ohio, and after looking around Mr. Selby decided to buy
a farm adjoining the village ; this farm extended from what is
now College avenue to Dale street, and from Dayton avenue
to Summit avenue. On hearing of this purchase, Mr. Rice said,
''What a fool Selby is to go out into the woods." Mr. Selby
built a very small cottage on the hill near where the First
Methodist Church (now abandoned) stands; St. Anthony hill,
as it was called, was very steep and had a tamarack swamp at
its foot, crossed by a corduroy bridge. After the arrival of
Mrs. Selby, with her sister and an attractive young brother,
this home became the social center for young people, and one
of the chief winter diversions was coasting down hill in front
of their house, where Selby avenue now is. After some years
Mr. Selby built a very handsome residence on Dayton avenue,
on a lot which ran back to Selby avenue. I can well remember
the time when Mr. Selby 's cows and horses pastured luxu-
riously on this farm site, and I felt the force of Mr. Rice 's com-
ment; but now these ''woods" are in the most thickly settled
portion of the city. Mr. Selby died before his property be-
came very valuable, however; his widow sold the homestead
to Norman Kittson for a large sum, and Mr. Kittson built a
grand house on the site of it. Since his death the mansion has
made way for the Roman Catholic Cathedral, which is now in
process of erection. Mr. and Mrs. Selby were devout Presby-
terians, Mr. Selby being an elder in the First Presbyterian
Church and an ardent supporter of the pastor. Rev. E.D. Neill.
542 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
I trust their knowledge is now so developed in the Great Be^
yond that their souls are not vexed by the cathedral occupying
their old home site.
In May, 1849, Dr. Charles William Wulff Borup and his
brother-in-law, Mr. Charles H. Oakes, came to St. Paul and
added much to our social life. Both gentlemen married wives
of mixed French and Indian blood, who were sisters and had
been well educated in an eastern school ; they were ladies and
a great addition to our little circle. Both men built attractive
homes, much more modern than any other in our embryo
town; Dr. Borup 's occupied a city block fronting on Ninth
street, and his garden and hothouses were the admiration of
our citizens for many years. Mr. Oakes' residence was on
Eighth street, and at that time and for several years later
Eighth street from Jackson to Broadway was the fashionable
part of the city and boasted many handsome houses.
We are indebted to Dr. Borup for the first musical cultiva-
tion in St. Paul; he was very fond of music, had a fine musical
education, and his family of several daughters inherited his
talent and became fine pianists under his training. After his
home was finished. Dr. Borup gave frequent musicals in which
local talent assisted, and one of these local musicians became
the founder and principal supporter of the later musical soci-
eties of St. Paul. Richards Gordon's name and the work he
accomplished are well known, but back of him great credit
should be given to Dr. Borup for the high standard he set as
the musical impulse of our people. The entertainments given
by Mrs. Borup and Mrs. Oakes were of the most refined type,
and I feel sure that any one attending them could easily have
imagined she was in an eastern city, instead of a frontier town
in the extreme Northwest.
One of the young men who came in '49 was Dr. David Day ;
he had not selected his bride then, but waited several years
before he brought from Pittsburg a most charming young
woman, indeed a very j^oung woman, only eighteen; she was
the daughter of General Butler of the United States army. Dr.
Day died some years since, but his widow and lovely daughter
are still with us, and no social function is complete without
A SHEAF OF REMEMBRANCES. 543
dear Mrs. Day. I must also mention here Mrs. Day's older sis-
ter, the widow of Senator McMillan; the senator and his wife
came to Stillwater in 1854, and to St. Paul in '56. Senator
McMillan's ancestors were Scotch-Irish, descendants of the
Covenanters, and his religion was a part of his life never laid
aside, but Sunday and week days the same. His wife fully
agreed with him, and their family was raised to truly love
God and their fellow men ; no personal sacrifice was too great
to show their loyalty to God and his divine laws, or to help
their neighbor. Mrs. McMillan is still with us, and surely her
children and grand-children ''rise up and call her blessed."
In 1849 Mr. Henry L. Moss, a young lawyer of Stillwater,
married Miss Horsford and brought her to St. Paul to live;
Miss Horsford was one of the teachers sent out by Governor
Slade, you remember, at the request of Dr. Williamson, one of
the early missionaries, and she had settled in Stillwater, an
older place than St. Paul and larger at that time. Mrs. Moss
was a remarkably intelligent, well educated woman, petite and
attractive in appearance, and greatly interested in all philan-
thropic work. Mr. Moss built a home on Exchange street, near
Irvine Park, where they lived for over fifty years. They gave
many notable entertainments, of which two should go down
into history, the one in 1874 when they celebrated their silver
wedding, and the other in 1899 on the occasion of their golden
wedding.
Among the early merchants were three brothers who came
to St. Paul in 1849; they built a two-story building on Third
street near what is now Exchange street, and this building is
still standing and apparently will last another half century.
These brothers were Abram, Edwin, and Charles Elfelt, sons
of a Jewish family in Philadelphia; this family belonged to a
very high class of Jews, the same from which Walter Scott
took his character of Rebecca in Ivanhoe. It was Washington
Irving who told Scott about her ; she was a Gratz, and in her
grandfather's time Jefferson was often a guest at his house.
A great-granddaughter, married to a cousin of Ex-Governor
Marshall, told him that Jefferson wrote the Declaration of
Independence in her great-grandfather's house.
544 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
The Elfelts were refined, cultivated men; they opened a
fine stock of dry goods in their new building, and for several
years they had the leading dry goods store in the city. In
1852 Mr. Abram Elfelt brought his bride from Philadelphia, a
most beautiful woman, who became a social leader; their
daughter, Mrs. Bramhall, is now prominent in advancing plans
to improve our civic life, and especially in conserving our for-
ests. Mr. Elfelt built a modern house on the west side of
Irvine Park, and furnished it with furniture brought from
Philadelphia. Mr. and Mrs. Elfelt were most hospitable, and
many dancing parties were given in their beautifully ap-
pointed home.
The second story of the Elfelts' dry goods store was a
hall, which was called Mazurka Hall, and it filled a great need
during several years; almost all our public dancing parties
were held there, and many public meetings. I often think that
this building should be purchased by the city, to be preserved
as an historical relic. It is sad for us pioneers to see building
after building demolished, which rendered such great service
in the early days; and many times not even the site is pre-
served, but all must give way to progress.
Many have written about the pioneer men, but very little
has been told of the pioneer women who came from luxurious
eastern homes to endure the hardships of our border life. How
nobly they bore them, and what brave men and women they
reared to take their places and carry on their work of advanc-
ing Christianity and civilization in this great territory.
Among the most notable of these women stood Mrs. Ramsey,
the Governor's wife; she was not only queenly in appearance,
but had most charming manners. Her Quaker education had
given her simplicity, which, combined with cordiality, im-
pressed one with the genuineness of her character; no one
for an instant could think she was acting a part.. Her tone of
voice and manner of talking were so fascinating that I loved
to listen to her. She was the same charming personality after
returning from Washington, where Governor Ramsey had
served as Secretary of War and of the Treasury; no worldly
•prosperity could change her. The last entertainment she
A SHEAF OF REMEMBRANCES. 545
gave was a reception, perhaps two years before she died ; after
the reception she was criticized for being close, as she had
neither flowers nor music. All the disagreeable things said
came to her ears, and she said to me, ''I gave that reception
without flowers or music on purpose; I could have had both,
but I wanted to show my friends that a reception could be given
in a simple way. It was the kind of an entertainment that
most of our citizens can afford to give, and I wanted to rebuke
the extravagance of our friends of moderate circumstances."
Her death was a great loss to our city, where she dominated
society and set a sensible example to our citizens.
Mrs. Goodhue, wife of James M. Goodhue, the founder and
editor of our first newspaper, The Pioneer, was a woman of
unusual intellectual ability and very great social qualities.
She not only kept her household in order, but could edit her
husband's newspaper in an emergency. Her sister. Miss Cor-
delia Kneeland, lived with her, a young lady whose great wit
and conversational talents made a success of many of our social
entertainments.
Indeed, when I think of the fall of 1849 and the winter of
1850,1 cannot imagine a finer society than existed in the villages
of Mendota, St. Paul, and St. Anthony, and at Fort Snelling,
small as the numbers were. All attended the social functions
given in St. Paul, and, with the regimental band from the fort
for music, the parties could not fail of being a success. Most
of the entertainments had to be given in a hall or hotel, of
course, as the few private homes were too small to accommodate
them.
In July, 1850, Colonel Robertson of Ohio became a citizen
of St. Paul ; and his wife, a very attractive young matron, be-
came noted for her hospitality. She was the first person to
have regular *'at home" days. Her sister, bride of Lafayette
Emmett (afterward Judge Emmett), was also a most charming
hostess and both Mrs. Robertson and Mrs. Emmett were for
many years a social and intellectual force among us.
In the spring of 1851 General James H. Simpson arrived,
accompanied by his wife and a young sister-in-law. Miss Champ-
lin. Mrs. Simpson was a fine pianist, and proved an added
35
546 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
inspiration to our musical society, taking part in the musical
entertainments given by Dr. Borup. Her brother, Mr. Champ-
lin, married Dr. Borup 's oldest daughter. Mrs. Simpson was
not only a cultivated musician, but a very fine conversationalist,
and had a very cheerful, bright disposition, always seeing the
humorous side of life. Such a cheerful temperament endeared
her to her friends, who, however despondent, always felt hap-
pier after an interview with her. Both the General and his
wife were devout Christians, members of Christ Church, and
were a great help in sustaining the parish in its formative
period; both have passed away years since, but their works
live after them.
Miss Champlin married John B. Cook, and for many years
dispensed a gracious hospitality in the city; both have now
joined the great majority across the "dark river."
In 1852 Mr. and Mrs. Charles L. Willes came from Cleve-
land, Ohio, Mrs. Willes coming on her wedding trip; they
bought a home on Irvine Park, adding another to our attractive
homes. Mrs. Willes was beautiful and refined, worthy to join
the group composed of Mrs. Ramsey, Mrs. Sibley, and others of
our company forming the best society. Mr. Willes had the
advantage of some of our young men, in that he was well to
do and could help in civic improvements in many ways. Mrs.
Willes is still with us, and her children and grandchildren are
leaders in social and intellectual life.
In May, 1853, Governor Gorman came with his family;
Mrs. Gorman did the honors of the governor's mansion in a
most gracious way; she was fond of entertaining, and during
her husband's term of office, and for several years after, kept
open house for all, and many were the. social gatherings that
were enjoyed there. The most notable event, perhaps, was the
marriage of her eldest daughter to Harvey Officer, a rising
young lawyer of St. Paul; the wedding ceremony and recep-
tion were held at the home, and nothing was lacking to make
the occasion a society function equal to a wedding of these
latter days.
Mrs. Gorman's sister, wife of Robert A. Smith, many times
Mayor of St. Paul, was a great assistance to Mrs. Gorman in
A SHEAF OF REMEMBRANCES. 547
entertaining; she is still living, and although her later years
have been spent in caring for an invalid husband, she is remem-
bered as a gracious entertainer, not only at Mrs. Gorman's,
but later at her own home on Summit avenue. May she be
w^ith us many days to come !
Another most charming v^roman must not be forgotten, Mrs.
Prince, v^^ife of the late John S. Prince, one of the most prom-
inent early bankers; upon her arrival here, in 1854, she took
her place as a leader in society. Mr. Prince built a most at-
tractive home in lower town, and from the time it was occu-
pied until his death no home in the city equalled it in hospi-
tality ; delightful entertainments for both old and young were
given, and to be welcomed by Mr. and Mrs. Prince was an
event in one 's life. I remember one occasion when a children 's
party was in full swing; Mr. Egbert Thompson came in and
in a depressed manner said, ''Well, I have missed it all my
life ; when I was young, children were of no account, and now,
when I am old, old people are of no account. " Mrs. Prince lived
to a good old age, dying this past summer, 1913; each year
of her life was a benediction to her children and her friends.
Yet another of the women who came in 1853 is with us, Mrs.
Hunt, widow of Mr. Edgar Hunt; she is a deeply religious
woman, and has been a power for good in the Episcopal
Church, as well as in the community; her children and grand-
children have followed in her footsteps, and are active workers
in church and society for the uplift of all.
In March, 1854, William R. Marshall brought his bride from
Utica, N. Y. ; she was the daughter of George Langford, a
banker, and was connected with the most prominent families
of Oneida county. Mr. and Mrs. Marshall began housekeeping
on the corner of Fourth street and Rice Park ; Mrs. Marshall,
having been reared in the center of culture and refinement,
brought these qualities into her new home, and for forty years
she was a most delightful hostess.
Through her influence, two of her sisters also became resi-
dents of St. Paul ; one was the wife of William Spencer, son of
Joshua Spencer, the most noted lawyer of New York ; and olie
was the wife of James W. Taylor, who became prominent as our
548 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
consul at Winnipeg, being held in such esteem by the English
that at his death the flag of Windsor Castle was lowered. Both
these women had a delightful personality, and took a leading
part in social life for many years ; they were also most efficient
in helping to care for the sick, in the days before trained nurses,
or indeed any kind of nurses, were here. In those days kind
neighbors went and ministered to the helpless ones ; and many
now living can remember how the anxieties attending the sick
bed were removed when Mrs. Spencer appeared, and many a
dying one's last hours were comforted and soothed by her gen-
tle words and tender ministrations. Children and grandchil-
dren are living in our midst and ''rise up to call her blessed,"
Mrs. Marshall also influenced two young brothers to join
her in the fall of 1854, and these brothers became permanent
citizens. Mr. Nathaniel P. Langford died in October, 1911,
greatly lamented, having taken an active part in all our civic
affairs and always for the benefit of the city. The other brother,
Augustine G. Langford, married Elizabeth Robertson, daughter
of Col. D. A. Robertson; he died in Denver many years since,
but the sons, Nathaniel and W^illiam Langford, are among our
best business men, and, no doubt, their children will follow in
their footsteps.
In 1860 Miss Fanny Spencer visited her brother, William
Spencer, and during this visit she met Mr. Amherst H. Wilder,
who immediately fell in love with her; they were married in
1861, and settled permanently in St. Paul. This marriage
proved a very important event for the city, not only in starting
a new home and adding to the social life, but eventually in
founding the ''Wilder Charity," which will continue to benefit
the worthy poor among us for all time. Mrs. Wilder was a
very superior woman; she had a fine education, and all her
early life had been spent in the midst of intellectutal and culti-
vated society; the guests in her father's house were such men
as Henry Clay and Daniel Webster, and she imbibed from her
earliest years a love for things which make for refinement and
culture. She excelled in conversation, and could maintain her
side in argument with the most highly educated men. A sad
calamity it was to St. Paul when the Wilder family, father.
A SHEAF OF REMEMBRANCES. 549
mother, and daughter, Mrs. Appleby, passed away within a few
years of each other.
So, indirectly, the coming of Mrs. Marshall brought a num-
ber of people who have added to our growth both in intellectual
advancement and wealth.
In the spring of 1854, Mr. and Mrs. Thomas W. Coleman
came here from Canada ; they resided in St. Paul several years,
and afterward in Iowa, but returned here in 1877. Mr. Coleman
invested largely in real estate, and also bought stock in one of
our banks; the family consisted of two daughters, Jenny and
Emily, and a sister of Mrs. Coleman. Mrs. Coleman and her
sister, Miss Newington, at once became important members of
our circle, having moved in the best society in Canada, and we
all know an educated Englishwoman cannot be excelled in re-
finement and good manners. Mrs. Coleman played delightfully,
and many impromptu dances were indebted to her for the
music which added so much to the enjoyment of the young peo-
ple. Mr. Coleman purchased the Brown residence, which after-
wards was sold to the city for a hospital, and their home became
a place where young people loved to congregate. Miss New-
ington some years later became the wife of Ex-Governor Gor-
man, and for many years led in church work and philanthropic
and social activities. Miss Jenny Coleman, the older daughter,
married Mr. G. W. Armstrong, a young lawyer, and their sons,
James and John, today rank among our most useful citizens;
one is a lawyer and one a physician, continuing the good work
begun by their father and grandfather. Mrs. Armstrong is now
living, a most gracious lady beloved by all who know her.
I hope I have done justice to a few of the pioneer women
who bore the heat and burden of the day ; we were truly blessed
in the character of these women who laid the foundation of
our family and social life; their children and grandchildren
have maintained their principles, so that St. Paul is known as
one of the most refined cities in the Union. I have mentioned
only a few of the gracious, charming women who made their
home among us then ; but I have neither strength nor time to
write of the many who came after 1854, and who kept up the
high moral and intellectual standard of their predecessors.
550 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Our method of entertaining in those early days made us all
like one family, each of our friends, or perhaps only a certain
number of our friends, contributing to the menu ; this was made
necessary because we had no public caterers and our domestic
help was very inexperienced. One of the wonders of that time
was what famous housekeepers and cooks our ignorant, help-
less brides became ; after sixty years the mention of their names
brings to mind the savor of good viands. When an entertain-
ment was planned, one would send the salad, another the rolls,
and another the cake, etc.; the hostess had very little to do,
except to see that her house was in order; and she, of course,
returned those favors when her friends entertained. I was
amused and reminded of old times, when celebrating the fiftieth
anniversary of my arrival in St. Paul, by having some of the
older friends say to me, ' ' Why did you not ask me to make the
salad?" or ^'Why did you not send to me for cake?" and *'I
expected to have to send you some lamps. ' ' When I was mar-
ried, Mrs. Goodhue made the bride's cake, and Mrs. Emmett
and Mrs. Simpson assisted in making the fruit cake, salad, etc.,
for the supper. Such close intimacy endeared us to each other,
and the bonds of friendship lasted all through our lives.
During those days surprise parties were quite common, or
at least so-called surprise parties; but the lady of the house
that was intended to be surprised always had a hint that some-
thing unusual might occur on such and such an evening. We
generally received a hospitable welcome, and soon the dancing
began and a delightful evening was spent.
One party, however, was made more of a surprise to the
guests than to the host and hostess. In the family of one of our
prominent citizens there was a young lady visiting ; the young
people thought it would be all right to take music and refresh-
ments and surprise the hostess and her guest in the customary
way. The hint was duly given, and the hostess signified that
the party would be welcome ; everything went off as scheduled ;
the guests were welcomed by the hostess, as her husband was
out of town ; dancing began soon, and all were having a merry
time, when the host came home quite unexpectedly. He was
A SHEAF OF REMEMBRANCES.
551
furious at having his home invaded by uninvited guests, al-
though they were the cream of our little circle, and he told
them in no very civil words that when he wanted guests he
would invite them. The guests left in double-quick time, and
none of them ever entered that house again; the hostess, a
lovely woman, never had a social position, or, rather I should
say, a position in society. This ended surprise parties among
our best society people.
Telling of parties, I must not omit one which proved almost
a tragedy ; I am not quite sure of the year in which it occurred,
but think it was the very cold winter of '55. The party was
given by Mr. and Mrs. D. A. J. Baker at their farm, now Mer-
riam Park.^ There was a stretch of prairie to be crossed, reach-
ing from what is now Mackubin street but then called Mar-
shall's farm, to what is now Snelling avenue. The invited
guests started about seven o'clock in sleighs to meet at a ren-
dezvous and go all together, which arrangement proved very
fortunate and saved many lives. On reaching the crest of the
hill, called St. Anthony hill, a sharp wind met them and the
atmosphere became filled with snow in a short time; it was a
genuine blizzard. The road was soon obliterated, and the in-
stinct of the horses remained their only guide. Mr. John Cath-
cart led the line of sleighs, and he said afterward that it was
much more like a funeral procession than a prospective dancing
party. One or two of the sleighs wandered out from the line,
but fortunately reached a house on Governor Ramsey's farm,
quite far to the north of University avenue, or, as it was then
called, the ' ' Territorial road. ' ' They were fortunate in finding
shelter for the night, as otherwise they would have been frozen
to death, there being no other house within miles. The party
led by Mr. Cathcart finally reached Mr. Baker's, but how it was
impossible to tell; several of the party were frostbitten, but
only one seriously ; a Mr. Wolf had his hands frozen and suf-
fered intensely, but recovered eventually without losing his
fingers. My brother William started for Mr. Baker's in a
double sleigh drawn by a fine pair of horses, but had gone only
a short distance when he turned back, realizing the great dan-
552 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL, SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ger of being lost in a Minnesota blizzard. However, ''All's
well that ends well," and our party returned home the next
morning grateful to the Power that guided them safely.
After 1855 immigration came so rapidly that a great change
took place in our social life ; the family parties were succeeded
by social circles formed in the churches, the members feeling
that they should become acquainted with each other. A few of
us older residents still kept our social compact, but the early
custom of all citizens meeting together had to give way to
smaller and more formal affairs.
Now, after sixty-four years, few, very few, can remember
those youthful, happy, hospitable days in the little French and
Indian village which has grown into our great, cosmopolitan
City of St. Paul.
REMINISCENCES OP MINNESOTA POLITICS.*
BY HENRY A. CASTLE.
I arrived in Minnesota in July, 1866, having left my old
home at Quincy, 111., on account of lung trouble contracted dur-
ing my army service. I had always been interested in politics
as a Republican. In May, 1864, I was a delegate to the Repub-
lican State Convention at Springfield, 111., which sent delegates
to the National Convention to re-nominate Abraham Lincoln as
President. In that convention I wore my uniform as a cap-
tain of Illinois volunteers, having just recruited a company for
my second term of service. This convention also nominated
Richard J. Oglesby for governor of Illinois and a full state
ticket. Returning from my army service in the fall of 1864, I
made speeches in favor of Lincoln's election and cast my first
presidential vote in November, for the great Emancipator.
I was thus, on coming to Minnesota, somewhat prepared to
take an interest in political affairs. This tendency was stim-
ulated by the fact that I brought with me letters of introduc-
tion to William R. Marshall, then governor, from his old friends
in Quincy, where he had spent his boyhood years. Governor
Marshall received me most kindly, and thus within a week after
my arrival in St. Paul began the acquaintance which lasted
during his entire life with constantly increasing respect on my
part for his commanding abilities, sterling integrity, and ami-
able character.
I spent the fall and winter of 1866-7 at Anoka, and attended
there in October my first political meeting in the state, which
was addressed by General C. C. Andrews, then just returned
from his prolonged and honorable army service. I was not
yet a voter, but, had I been, should undoubtedly have voted for
'Read at the monthly meeting of the Executive Council, May 13, 1907.
554 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Ignatius Donnelly at what proved to be his last election as rep-
resentative in Congress.
1867.
On January 1, 1867, at the invitation of Granville S. Pease,
then and now its proprietor, I assumed the editorship of the
Anoka Union, a relation which continued for five years, al-
though I only remained for a few months a resident of Anoka.
In this capacity I helped organize the Minnesota State Edi-
torial Association at St. Paul in February, 1867. There I met
practically all the newspaper men of the state, only fifty or
sixty in number at that time, and formed associations, many
of which have lasted until now.
In April, 1867, I removed to St. Cloud, Minn., where I re-
mained one year. Soon after my arrival I became involved, at
the village caucus, in a political contest in behalf of my friend,
Governor Marshall. He was a candidate for re-nomination and
was opposed by the so-called Donnelly element of the party,
then specially represented in St. Cloud by L. W. Collins, after-
ward justice of the Supreme Court, C. D. Kerr, afterward judge
of our St. Paul District Court, and W. B. Mitchell, then and
long afterward editor of the St. Cloud Journal. Governor
Marshall's interests were represented by J. E. West, T. C. Mc-
Clure, and others, and my belligerent disposition carried me
into a wordy debate with Captain Collins, which afforded us
material for some amusement in after years. Marshall was
defeated at St. Cloud, but was victorious in the State Conven-
tion and was easily elected in November.
The state constitutional amendment granting equal suffrage
was voted upon at that election, and was an issue in the cam-
paign. I made some speeches in the northern part of the state,
especially devoted to that issue, and some others in Stearns
county in the interest of C. A. Gilman, candidate for state
senator, pledged to the re-election of Alexander Ramsey, United
States senator, which would occur during Mr. Gilman 's official
term. Gilman was elected, although Stearns county was
strongly Democratic, and I thus gladly contributed somewhat
to the election of Senator Ramsey for his second term.
During this canvass I heard, for the first time, Cushman
K. Davis deliver, or attempt to deliver, a political speech. It
REMINISCENCES OF MINNESOTA POLITICS. 555
was at the court house in St. Cloud where Captain Davis, as
he was then known, occupied the platform with Sam Beeman,
a well known political orator from southern Minnesota. Bee-
man was a fluent and vigorous speaker, with a tremendous
voice, and a remarkable gift of ''continuance." He spoke for
more than two hours, greatly interesting the audience, and
when he closed two-thirds of those present left the hall. This
was embarrassing for Captain Davis, who bravely started in,
however, in a modest way, with a shrill voice to rehearse a
carefully prepared speech. Within five minutes half of the
people who had remained disappeared. Davis saw that he must
be brief and tried to jump to the conclusion of his speech, but
failed to land at the right place. He became covered with con-
fusion, stammered and repeated himself, but finally struck his
peroration and wound up what was admittedly a complete
failure. Contrasting this episode with the wonderful success
Senator Davis afterward achieved as an orator in many widely
divergent fields, one must arrive at the conclusion that, in some
cases at least, orators are made and not born. On my speak-
ing with him many years afterward, when multiplied successes
had made it safe to allude to this early failure, Senator Davis
told me that he had other discouragements nearly as bad in his
early career. During this same campaign he spoke at Lake
City, where things passed off smoothly, as he thought, and he
expected a glowing compliment in the local paper. Getting
hold of the next issue he was astonished to see that the only
allusion to his speech was couched in language something like
this: ''A young man named Davis also spoke. In our opinion
this handsome young man would be more effective in address-
ing an audience of one with his arm around it."
1868.
I removed to St. Paul in April, 1868, and established my
permanent residence which has since remained here. This was
the year of the celebrated contest for the Republican nomina-
tion to Congress between Ignatius Donnelly, the then incum-
bent, on one side, and W. D. Washburn, General L. F. Hub-
bard, and General C. C. Andrews, on the other side. I had
formed the favorable acquaintance of General Andrews dur-
ing my year at St. Cloud, and had accumulated a growing po-
556 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL, SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
litical distrust of Mr. Donnelly. Consequently I opposed Don-
nelly's renomination in my editorials in the Anoka Union and
I went to the district convention as a proxy delegate from Ot-
tertail county (the first time that county had been represented
in any convention) in the interest of General Andrews. Don-
nelly bolted the convention and was nominated by his friends
with a pretext of regularity. In the anti-Donnelly convention,
Washburn withdrew and General Hubbard was nominated. A
little later, however, having been put in a false position as to
a matter of arbitrating the differences by some of his campaign
managers. General Hubbard resigned the nomination. The con-
vention was re-assembled and General Andrews became the
final nominee and made the campaign. The Democrats nomi-
nated E. M. Wilson of Minneapolis, who was elected in Novem-
ber, as the opposing Republican candidates divided the over-
whelming party vote of the district. There were then only two
Congressional districts in the state, and this district embraced
everything north of Wabasha county.
The fight within the party was bitter and unrelenting. I
made many speeches, winding up the night before election at
St. Cloud, where I occupied the platform with Governor Mar-
shall, and whence we sent to Mr. Wheelock's St. Paul Press,
which ardently supported Andrews, the cheering intelligence
that the prairies of northern Minnesota were on fire with en-
thusiasm for our favorite. The returns a few days later showed
that he came out third in the race.
1869.
In January, 1869, occurred the second election of Alexander
Ramsey as United States senator, which was full of surprises,
criminations, recriminations, stratagems and strategies. I was
an interested observer, being heartily in favor of our distin-
guished senator, but not sufficiently on the inside to know as to
the truth or falsity of many of the serious allegations made in
connection with the affair. Ramsey's following then, as later,
while embracing unquestionably a very large section of the
party, was controlled and manipulated by a select coterie
of shrewd politicians, embracing Federal office holders and
wealthy contractors in St. Paul and elsewhere, who had grown
REMINISCENCES OF MINNESOTA POLITICS. 557
rich from post traderships and furnishing army supplies, In-
dian goods, etc.
While Eamsey was thus successful in his re-election, the
methods of his supporters had become somewhat unpopular
and the nomination of Horace Austin for governor later in the
year was distinctly an anti-Ramsey movement. Donnelly came
serenely to the front as a candidate for governor against Aus-
tin in the Republican convention, and McKusick of Stillwater
was another candidate, but Austin received a majority of the
delegates. He had lukewarm support at the polls, however,
from the dominating element of the party, and was elected by
an uncomfortably small majority over George L. Otis, the
Democratic candidate.
1870.
General John T. Averill of St. Paul, a popular and able man,
whom it was always a delight to honor, was the Republican
nominee for Congress in 1870, and again Donnelly appeared,
this time as an independent candidate with Democratic sup-
port. He announced that he would run solely on the platform
of ' ' Ignatius Donnelly. ' ' The Democrats made no nomination,
and mostly voted for him, but Averill was elected. The St.
Paul Pioneer, then the state organ of the Democracy, was non-
committal and gave Donnelly little or no assistance. I hap-
pened to be present when General H. H. Sibley made a per-
suasive and almost pathetic effort to induce H. L. Carver, then
the proprietor of the Pioneer, to support Donnelly in his paper.
Carver said he would do so whenever the Democrats endorsed
Donnelly, but as they failed to do this formally he was never
called upon to fulfill his promise.
Mark H. Dunnell, who had for several years been State
Superintendent of Public Instruction, was elected to Congress
as a Republican from the First District this year, and began his
notable career of fourteen years' conspicuously able and useful
public service.
In 1870 I was appointed by Governor Austin a member of
the State Board of Trustees of Soldiers' Orphans, and held the
position by successive appointments for ten years or until the
close of the institution. There was no salary attached to the
558 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
office. Among my colleagues Col. H. G. Hicks and Maj. 0. B.
Gould were specially prominent.
1871.
The state convention of 1871 re-nominated Governor Austin
with little or no opposition. Mr. Donnelly came back into the
fold, making a characteristic speech at the convention, in which
he stated that he found the platform of "Ignatius Donnelly,"
on which he had run for Congress the year before, was alto-
gether too narrow. He pledged himself to support the tickjet
this year and be a good Republican forever after. But the
next year he was to be seen shouting in the front ranks for
Horace Greeley, Democratic candidate for President, and dur-
ing the remainder of his long life he was found, as a rule, active
in the opposition.
One episode of this convention is significant as the first
entry of C. K. Davis as a candidate in state conventions. F.
R. E. Cornell, of Minneapolis, was attorney general and had no.
opposition for re-nomination. At the noon recess of the con-
vention Captain A. H. Reed of Glencoe came to me and sug-
gested that we go to Cush. Davis and ask him to be a candidate
for attorney general as a representaive of the Union soldier
element. I willingly consented, though I doubted the success
of our mission as Mr. Davis was then United State district at-
torney, which I regarded as an equally important and more
lucrative position. To my astonishment, however, Captain
Davis, without a moment's hesitation consented to run, showed
much eagerness for success, and authorized us to get tickets
printed and muster all his friends to his support. The time
was too short, during the few hours that intervened before the
nomination was reached in regular order, to secure enough
votes to defeat Cornell. But the episode is interesting as in-
dicating Mr. Davis' laudable ambition to get before the people,
and as the beginning of a moulding of political events in his
interest, which during the remainder of his life commanded
my active support.
1872.
In 1872 General John T. Averill was re-elected to Congress
from the St. Paul district, and Mark H. Dunnell from the First
district. There was now, for the first time, an election for a
REMINISCENCES OF MINNESOTA POLITICS. 559
third Congressman, and H. B. Strait of Shakopee was elected,
thus inaugurating a total service of fourteen fruitful years in
the House of Representatives, — losing one intermediate term,
1879-81.
General Grant was renominated for President, and the St.
Paul Republicans organized a Grant and Wilson club, embrac-
ing the entire city, which was a strong and energetic organiza-
tion, doing very efficient work throughout the campaign. I
had the honor to be unanimously elected president of this club,
with Frank Fairchild as secretary, W. D. Cornish vice-presi-
dent, and H. R. Brill, now our esteemed senior judge of the
District Court, treasurer. At the November election, St. Paul
went Republican on the national ticket for the first time.
In October I was nominated as a Republican candidate for
the Legislature in the Fifth ward of St. Paul, embracing the
territory now covered by the First, Second and Third wards.
I was elected in November over James Smith, Jr., an old citi-
zen and prominent lawyer, the Democratic candidate, after a
spirited contest.
1873.
In January, 1873, began my service in the Legislature, which
then met annually and was limited to a term of sixty days. It
was, in some respects, the most notable session which the state
had then seen. It was specially notable for the large number
of members, who then were, or afterward became, distinguished
in public life.
In the Senate were W. H. Yale, lieutenant governor, S. S.
Beeman, Milo White, W. G. Ward, L. F. Hubbard, J. L. Mc-
Donald, D. M. Sabin, Edmund Rice, J. S. Pillsbury, C. H.
Graves, R. B. Langdon, L. L. Baxter, Henry Poehler, and others
almost equally distinguished.
. In the House were A. R. Hall, speaker, George P. Wilson,
T. S. Van Dyke, S. P. Child, W. C. Williston, E. W. Durant,
George Benz, L. Fletcher, C. H. Clarke, A. Barto, F. E. Du Toit,
E. St. Julian Cox, Stephen Miller, J. V. Brower, J. W. Blake,
and others.
Of these men, two, Hubbard and Pillsbury, were afterward
governors, and one, Stephen Miller, had already been gov-
ernor; D. M, Sabin became United States senator; White, Mc-
560 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL. SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Donald, Rice, Poehler, and Fletcher, became Congressmen;
Baxter, Williston, Cox, and McDonald, became district judges ;
and several others occupied prominent positions in the political
and business life of the commonwealth.
One unofficial episode of the session was an intense excite-
ment created by the refusal of the Merchants Hotel to enter-
tain the colored orator, Frederick Douglass, who came to St.
Paul to deliver a lecture. ''Deacon" W. L. Wilson solved the
problem by taking Mr. Douglass to his home, but an indignant
legislator introduced a resolution removing the capital from
St. Paul on account of this insult to the colored race. The res-
olution went over under notice of debate and did not after-
ward materialize. Later in the session, Mr. George Benz and
myself, the only two Republican members of the House from
Ramsey county, secured an appropriation of $10,000 to extend
the old Territorial capitol, then in use by the State, after an
effort nearly equal to that required in 1893 to begin the con-
struction of our present capitol, costing nearly $5,000,000.
A notable official episode of the session was the impeach-
ment of William Seeger, state treasurer. I voted against the
articles of impeachment, and have never had occasion to regret
my action. They were overwhelmingly carried, but Mr. Seeger
resigned and the Senate proceedings which subsequently en-
sued were nugatory.
The year 1873 witnessed the nomination of Cushman K.
Davis for governor, an event of intense and lasting interest in
itself, with many far reaching influences on the politics of the
state. My own relations to this movement were somewhat in-
timate. It was the beginning of my separation from many of
those with whom I had worked harmoniously within the party
for several years. Hon. W. D. Washburn, of Minneapolis, was
the choice announced for governor by the Republican influ-
ences which had dominated from the beginning of the state
government, — the so-called Ramsey dynasty. Ramsey county
was expected to go for Washburn ; St. Paul had no candidate ;
Governor Austin was, in some quarters, talked of for a third
term ; and Augustus Armstrong, of Rochester, was put forward
by that part of southern Minnesota. The St. Paul Dispatch, then
an avowed Democratic paper, conducted by H. P. Hall, had, in
REMINISCENCES OF MINNESOTA POLITICS. 561
ra spirit of supposed mischievous interference in Republican
plans, frequently suggested the name of C. K. Davis for gov-
ernor, but little attention was paid to it by Republicans in the
absence of any indication that Davis desired the nomination.
One Saturday afternoon in Rice Park, H. R. Brill, then pro-
bate judge and active in politics, asked me if I thought Davis
could be nominated. I replied that I had no knowledge that
he desired the nomination. Brill said, "Let's find out, and, if
he does, we can carry this county for him." The same day I
received a letter from S. P. Child of Faribault county, asking
me if Davis was a candidate. The next Monday I went to
Davis' law office to find out. At the door I met W. L. Wilson,
who was going on the same errand. We asked the question,
and, without giving us a direct reply, Davis inquired what we
thought about it. We told him that a good deal depended on
Governor Austin's attitude. If he were a candidate, it would
divide the anti- Washburn strength and there would be little
hope; if he were not, we believed the experiment was worth
trying, especially if we could get some assurances of a few
leading St. Paul men of their active help. Mr. Wilson and my-
self agreed to make some inquiries and meet in the afternoon
at Davis' office to report. Mr. Wilson saw D. W. IngersoU,
General J. B. Sanborn, and some other leading men, who said
that they would support Davis. I went to the capitol to see
Governor Austin. He was absent, but his private secretary, A.
R. McGill, afterward governor, promptly assured me that Aus-
tin was not a candidate, was perfectly willing to retire, and
that he, McGill, would gladly see Mr. Davis enter the field. I
then went to former Governor W. R. Marshall, my mentor and
friend, and was surprised to find him ready to embark heartily
in the Davis movement. He had always been, and still was, a
'•Ramsey" man, but he said he would fight Ramsey's battles
when Ramsey was a candidate ; we would not sacrifice so good
a man as Davis on the mere suspicion that his promotion might
sometime in the future injure Ramsey. This was a manly and
independent position to take, as was eminently characteristic
of Marshall ; but few of the other leading Ramsey men followed
his example, — we had them all to fight.
562 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Mr. Wilson met me at Davis' law office in the afternoon as
agreed, and we made our encouraging report. Mr. Davis
promptly decided to formally announce his candidacy, and tak-
ing from his desk a letter from Liberty Hall of Glencoe which
inquired as to his position, he wrote a brief reply stating that
he would be a candidate and would be grateful for the sup-
port of his Republican friends.
In order to secure immediate publicity, it was decided that
I should take copies of these letters to the St. Paul Press, the
Republican organ, and ask their insertion. The Press was out-
spoken for Washburn, but it was hoped that its editor, Mr. J.
A. Wheelock, would print the correspondence as a matter of
news.
I wrestled vigorously with Mr. Wheelock for two hours that
evening. He did not refuse to print the letters, but labored
hard to secure a reconsideration of the decision. He foresaw
numerous political complications that would result, whether
the movement was successful or otherwise, and urged me
strongly to go back to Davis and induce him to change his
mind, — but I told him the decision was final. Next day the
letters appeared at the head of the editorial column, but were,
as was expected, accompanied by vehemently adverse com-
ment. That interview was the parting of the ways between
Mr. Wheelock and myself, the beginning of a political estrange-
ment that lasted twenty years.
The Davis men organized the city of St. Paul, and carried
it at the primaries, winning in four of the five wards, and also
in the country towns, and sending from the county convention
a strong delegation for Davis.
Meantime a vigorous correspondence was carried on
throughout the state, the time being very short, and the work
for Washburn having been quite thoroughly done. The men
largely relied on in the different counties to come down to the
state convention in Davis' interest were Republican members
of the last legislature and Republican editors of county news-
papers. We had no money to pay the traveling expenses of
delegates, but all these men had railroad passes, and then, as
afterward in emergencies, proved a valuable resource to draw
REMINISCENCES OF MINNESOTA POLITICS. 563
upon when their services were needed. The editors, especially,
were a practically solid phalanx behind Davis during all his
political career.
Personally I visited a few counties, including Goodhue coun-
ty. There I met General Hubbard, who, as soon as he was as-
sured that Davis had an earnest following, went to work ener-
getically in his own and other counties. General Hubbard had
a vivid recollection of some injustice done him five years be-
fore by the influences that were now supporting AVashburn;
this, added to his sincere personal admiration for Davis, made
him an enthusiastic and effective supporter. Gen. John B.
Sanborn, always zealous, unselfish and faithful, was another
tower of strength in this and future battles.
When the state convention assembled, it was found that, in
spite of Governor Austin's announced declination, a good many
county conventions had instructed their delegates to support
him. Many of these delegates were now anxious to vote for
Austin, unless he formally absolved them. Austin seemed
afraid that Davis could not beat Washburn and hesitated to
positively decline. In fact, he stated that, if nominated, he
would be obliged to accept. This, in effect, made him a candi-
date and threw cold water on the Davis enthusiasm. If, on the
first ballot, Austin should show more votes than Davis, our
forces would be expected to go to him. At Davis' request I
went to Governor Austin early in the morning of the day of
the convention and frankly stated our position. I told him
that Davis never would have gone into the race had not Sec-
retary McGill positively assured me that he, Austin, was not a
candidate ; that now things had so shaped themselves that Aus-
tin's candidacy would be bitterly resented by the earnest
friends of Davis, and that in this state of feeling Washburn
would win the nomination. I asked Austin to write a letter to
the convention, explicitly stating that he was not in the usual
sense of the term a candidate, and had not been ; that no dele-
gates were there at his request, and that he would be satisfied
to have either of the candidates, aside from himself, receive the
nomination. He promptly agreed to write the letter and at
once did so, sending one copy to General Hubbard, represent-
564 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ing Davis, and another to Levi Butler, representing Washburn,
and the letter was read to the convention. This letter accom-
plished the object of releasing some Austin men to Davis, so
that on the first ballot Davis and Austin each received 77 votes ;
and thereafter Davis constantly gained, while Austin steadily
lost. Years afterward I was told by one of Austin's friends
that most of them considered he made a great mistake in writ-
ing that letter, and that they blamed me for suggesting it to
him. But I have always considered it a manly and proper
thing for Governor Austin to do, — furthermore, that but for
this letter Washburn would have been nominated, many Davis
men preferring him to Austin under the circumstances.
The convention met July 16, 1873, and in the preliminary
skirmish the Washburn forces seemed to have a victory over
the combined opposition in the election of William H. Yale of
Winona as temporary chairman by a decisive majority, but
subsequent events failed to justify this promise. The final bal-
lot gave Davis 155 and Washburn 152 votes, thus by a narrow
margin nominating our candidate and changing the entire po-
litical history of the state. Many interesting and exciting epi-
sodes occurred during the convention. A disputed ballot for
Davis was found under the lining of General Sanborn's hat,
used as a ballot box, and was counted, no doubt properly ; if it
had not been counted, Davis would still have had a majority.
The excitement over the result was almost painful in its in-
tensity. Davis appeared on the platform and made, as would
be expected, a splendid acceptance speech.
A very influential personage in the Washburn ranks at this
time, and in the ranks of the Ramsey element at all times, was
General R. N. McLaren of St. Paul, United States marshal. He
was an intelligent, systematic and tireless worker against us,
and had many admirable qualities and was as generous and
honorable an opponent as one ever meets in political warfare.
One of his good qualities was a graceful, manly acceptance of
defeat. He knew when his side was whipped. General Mc-
Laren came to me on the floor of the convention as soon as the
result was known and said: ''You must be chairman of the
Republican State Committee; you have earned it; Davis'
REMINISCENCES OF MINNESOTA POLITICS.
565
friends are entitled to it in making his campaign, and I will
try to see that you get it." I had no desire for the position
with its responsibilities, and I told him I would not be ap-
pointed, as I knew the dominating influences of the convention
operating through Chairman Yale too well to believe that this
concession would be made. I was correct in my judgment. C.
H. Pettit of Minneapolis was made chairman of the committee ;
it had little interest in Davis or the ticket ; it raised a consid-
erable campaign fund, but spent very little, turning over about
three-quarters of it to the committee for the ensuing campaign.
Davis made speeches throughout the state, and was every-
where received with enthusiasm. The people were with him,
but the machine was against him. It was desired that his ma-
jority should be small. Ara Barton was the Democratic nomi-
nee, and Davis' majority was something like 6,000, as against
three times that number for Grant as President the preceding
year.
One thing which dampened the enthusiasm of the Ramsey
Republicans who had opposed Davis, was the fact that ^ his en-
thusiastic young friends, immediately after his nomination,
raised the cry of ''Davis for Senator in 1875." Davis himself
looked with favor on this proposition, but was doubtful about
the expediency of mixing it up with his current gubernatorial
campaign. Still, as the state senators to be elected with him
in November would hold over and have a vote in the United
States senatorial election in 1875, it was necessary to make at
least some preliminary movements in that direction. As one
of those movements, Davis requested me to become a candi-
date for state senator from my district in St. Paul. I was an-
tagonized by Hon. E. F. Drake, capitalist, railroad president,
successful in business, able and experienced in politics, who
was an avowed Ramsey man. The district embraced the Fourth
and Fifth wards of St. Paul and the county towns. There were
twenty delegates in the district convention, and when they
went into secret caucus, I had twelve of them pledged and Mr.
Drake had eight. But Col. John L. Merriam was a delegate
inside, and when the doors were opened it was announced that
Drake had received twelve votes to Castle eight, and that
566 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Drake was nominated. This was a sample of the vicissitudes
of politics to which we had already become accustomed and of
which we were all to learn more later on.
1874.
Cushman K. Davis was inaugurated governor early in Jan-
uary, 1874. Shortly before his inauguration I was requested
by Adjutant General Mark D. Flower, who like myself had
been one of his ardent supporters, to go with him and ask
Davis to appoint A. R. McGill as his private secretary, — McGill
having served four years in that capacity for Governor Austin
with distinguished ability. Governor-elect Davis promptly told
us that he had already decided to appoint ^'Deacon" Wilford
L. Wilson to that position. This was an unthought of thing to
both of us, but I promptly recognized its wisdom and emphat-
ically endorsed it. Davis was then under thirty-five years of
age and had the reputation of being, to draw it gently, a little
''wild," which reputation was very largely undeserved, but
which made it especially appropriate that the antechamber of
his official home should be occupied by a man twenty years
older than himself, of the highest character for purity of morals
and dignity of bearing as well as sincere religious faith and
practice. Mr. Wilson's appointment was at once a guarantee
* of correct politics and dignified administration.
Senator Hoar of Massachusetts, in his eloquent memorial
address after the death of Senator Davis, used this language :
''He met every occasion with a simple and quiet courtesy. There
was not much of deference in it ; there was no yielding or sup-
plication or timidity in it. ' ' The aged and dignified Massachu-
setts senator, accustomed for years to deference from every-
body, showed in this phrase a tinge of disappointment that he
had never received such from this stalwart young colleague
out of the west. I never saw Governor Davis show much defer-
ence to people in all his career, but must make an exception in
the case of Mr. Wilson. He showed him unquestioned defer-
ence and respect from the beginning.
When it was discovered that Davis could not make McGill
his private secretary. Governor Austin, in the last days of his
administration, appointed McGill insurance commissioner, in
REMINISCENCES OF MINNESOTA POLITICS. 567
the place of Pennoek Pusey who resigned for that purpose.
Davis was not consulted about this and resented it as an in-
fringement on his prerogative. He was naturally sensitive and
somewhat suspicious ; and though he then admired McGill, and
years afterward learned to trust him implicitly, to lean on him
unreservedly and to confide his highest interests to his keeping,
he was dissatisfied with this procedure. As a means of check-
mating it, if found advisable, Davis went before a notary pub-
lic and signed an oath of office immediately after the Legislat-
ure had canvassed the vote, and two days before the public in-
auguration. He thus became legal governor, and the appoint-
ment of McGill, which was promptly sent in by Governor Aus-
tin, was of no validity. The Senate held up the appointment
until after the inauguration; but a few days later Davis per-
sonally requested the senators to confirm it, and from that time
forward he was one of McGill's warmest friends. The fact of
his taking the oath of office in advance was probably never
known to more than three persons, and is only narrated now
as an unwritten incident of politics which throws a side light on
the relations and motives of the parties interested.
Soon after his inauguration. Governor Davis became an
avowed candidate for United States senator to succeed Alex-
ander Ramsey at the election to be held in the winter of 1875.
W. D. Washburn and Horace Austin also entered the field as
candidates, and the autumn of 1874 was largely devoted by
their friends to securing the nomination of candidates for the
Legislature in their interest. It was the field against Ramsey,
and the three gubernatorial rivals in 1873 were now allies. In
Ramsey county the conflict raged with great bitterness. Hor-
ace Thompson, president of the First National Bank, secured a
nomination for the Legislature in the fifth ward, and though
after his nomination he recognized Davis sentiment in St. Paul
to the extent of pledging himself to vote for Davis for senator,
enough Republicans in the fifth ward had become alienated to
join with the Democrats and elect P. R. Delano as their repre-
sentative,— although Flower, McCardy, T. S. White, myself, and
many other Davis men, vigorously supported Mr. Thompson,
relying on his promise which, no doubt, would have been ful-
filled and might have been decisive in Davis' favor.
568 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
This year W. S. King of Minneapolis was nominated for
Congressman; he was bitterly opposed by the St. Paul Press,
under the management of Mr. Wheelock, who lavished his
choicest morsels of invective in voicing his hostility. The peo-
ple were warned against ''The strumpet of corruption which
strides in naked horror through the land," and were told how
deeply they would be disgraced if King were allowed to suc-
ceed. He was nominated, however, and elected, but the pre-
science of Mr. Wheelock was apparently justified. The Pacific
Mail scandal came to the surface and Mr. King spent a consid-
erable portion of his official term in Canada, evading the serv-
ice of a subpoena to appear as witness in a Congressional in-
vestigation,— on the alleged ground, believed by many to be
absolutely correct, that he was thereby protecting the precious
reputations of many unsullied senators and congressmen.
1875.
The winter of 1875 witnessed, during the legislative session,
the memorable senatorial contest which resulted in the defeat
of Alexander Ramsey and the election of S. J. R. McMillan,
then Chief Justice by recent appointment of Governor Davis.
The leading candidates against Ramsey were Davis, Washburn,
and Austin. The mp^i^ine. that is, the Federal office holders
and the railroad and capitalist element, carrying what we
younger men called the "barrel" with them, presented a united
front in favor of Ramsey. Davis was then leading candidate
in opposition, and many of his sanguine friends believed he had
the certainty of ultimate victory. There was no specially valid
reason, as appears from this distant perspective, why Ramsey
should have been displaced. He had served two terms in the
Senate after creditable records as Territorial and State gov-
ernor. But we were impatient and really thought he was too
old to longer perform efficient service. The shortness of our
vision and the irony of fate were vividly presented to my mind
twenty-five years later, when I saw ex-Senator Ramsey, still
hale and vigorous at the age of eighty, on a front seat at the
funeral of Senator Davis, worn out and stricken down at the
age of sixty-two.
When the legislature of 1875 assembled, active work began
and the adherents of the different candidates were rounded up.
REMINISCENCES OF MINNESOTA POLITICS. 569
A secret caucus to nominate for United States senator was
called for a certain evening, and the preceding night a confer-
ence of the friends of Governor Davis was held in his room at
the capitol. Twenty-nine or thirty senators and representatives
were personally present and each solemnly pledged himself to
support the governor in the caucus. Two or three more were
vouched for, so that we fully counted on a minimum of thirty-
two votes. When the caucus met the next evening, Davis re-
ceived twenty-one votes on the secret ballot. His real friends
then saw how they had been deceived and resolved to expose
the treachery. Senators L. F. Hubbard and Thomas H. Arm-
strong, who led the Davis forces, demanded a recess for con-
sultation. They finally secured it and called on the Davis men
to go to the governor's room. Twenty-nine men responded to
the call, gathered around the governor and looked each other
in the face. Senator Hubbard said, "Who of us are the trait-
ors? The only way to find out is to abandon the caucus and
appeal to the vote in the Legislature, where each man must be
recorded." The result was that the caucus was adjourned and
never again reassembled in force. Ramsey's adherents held
what we called a ''rump" caucus and nominated him. But
this was not considered binding on those who did not partici-
pate, and the friends of the other candidates carried the fight
into the open session of the Legislature. Here Davis received
his twenty-one votes ; he discovered who his true friends were,
and was enabled to give a pretty good guess as to who were the
traitors. After many weary days of caucusing and balloting
and criminating, a compromise was effected by which all the
other candidates were dropped and Judge McMillan, whom
nobody had thought of at the beginning, least of all himself,
was elected senator. He was re-elected in 1881, served cred-
itably but not conspicuously for twelve years, and then in 1887
Davis came into his own.
One of the first acts of Senator McMillan, in the spring of
1875, was to recommend to President Grant the removal of J. A.
Wheelock, editor of the Press, from the position of postmaster
of St. Paul, to which he had recently been reappointed after
serving four years. Frederick Driscoll, his business associate,
570 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
was assistant postmaster, both salaries, aggregating about
$7,000 a year, thus going to the support of the Republican
organ. The President demurred, but Senator McMillan insisted,
and since by long precedent the local postoffice is considered
the personal perquisite of a senator, he finally had his way.
Dr. David Day, his brother-in-law, received the post office which
he held nearly fourteen years and administered with marked
efficiency. But the iron entered the soul of the party organ..
The defeat of Ramsey and the loss of the post office absolved
the Press from its party fealty; having about that time con-
solidated with the old Democratic Pioneer, it became an inde-
pendent newspaper with all that the name implies. It freely
criticised Republican administrations, state and national, and
for some time gave little support to party candidates, state or
local. But Mr. Wheelock was too loyal a Republican, and too
ardent a controversialist, to remain long in a position of neu-
trality. Within a year or two, the exaltation of Pillsbury in
the party measurably consoled him for the occultation of Ram-
sey. The Pioneer Press donned its war bonnet and plunged
into the midst of the fray, on the Republican side.
Governor Davis declined the re-e],ection which he could have
had for the asking in spite of some hostilities within the party,
caused by the so-called "bolt" of his adherents in the Legis-
lature. As a matter of fact, that movement never injured the
political status of any who participated in it. Senator Hubbard
was elected governor a few years later, and all the other friends
of Davis in the Legislature had honorable political careers dur-
ing the next decade. None of them was willing to give up his
heritage as a Republican or surrender his prerogatives of local
leadership. During the few years preceding, some of the ablest
Republicans in the state had been driven from the party, after
more or less serious defeats for nominations, etc., by the dom-
inant faction, — among them Thomas Wilson, James Smith, Jr.,
Morton S. Wilkinson, Ignatius Donnelly, and William L. Ban-
ning. But the ''Davis men" swallowed their defeat, justified
their insurrection, and stood by their colors.
John S. Pillsbury was nominated for governor by the Repub-
lican State Convention of 1875, his opponents being Dr. J. H.
REMINISCENCES OF MINNESOTA POLITICS. 571
Stewart, of St. Paul, and Ex-Governor Horace Austin. Pills-
bury was elected in November and served six years, through
three terms, — the only governor of Minnesota up to this time
who has enjoyed that distinction.
During Governor's Davis' term he tencjered me several offi-
cial positions which I declined, as I was then practicing law in
St. Paul and preferred my professional work. Finally, on No-
vember first, 1875, he offered me the position of adjutant gen-
eral, which Mark D. Flower resigned, for the brief remainder
of his term. As this would not interfere with my plans, the
duties of the office alluded to then being somewhat nominal
and the salary correspondingly low, I accepted, and held over
several months under Governor Pillsbury. I then voluntarily
retired and Gen. H. P. Van Cleve, one of the recognized heroes
of the Civil War, succeeded me.
1876.
The year 1876 was made memorable by the Hayes and Til-
den campaign for the presidency. At the convention which
elected delegates to the Republican National Convention, I was
made a member at large of the Republican state central com-
mittee. When the committee organized, George A. Brackett of
Minneapolis was elected chairman and I was elected treasurer.
Dr. J. H. Stewart of St. Paul was nominated for Congress
to succeed Col. William S. King, whose service had been neither
creditable to himself nor acceptable to his constituents. The
Pioneer Press was lukewarm in its support of Dr. Stewart, and
the Dispatch, the only other daily paper in the city, was
avowedly a Democratic organ. Finding that H. P. Hall, the
owner of the Dispatch, was willing to sell it at a reasonable
price, a movement was inaugurated in the special interest of
Dr. Stewart to purchase the paper. Many leading Republicans
promptly subscribed to the stock of the new concern, among
them Senators Windom and McMillan, Governor Pillsbury, ex-
Governor C. K. Davis, Postmaster Day, Russell Blakely, D. M.
Sabin, General McLaren, General Hubbard, and others. Some
of these subscribers made it a condition that I should take
editorial charge of the paper, at least until after the Novem-
ber election, to which I consented. We took possession of the
572 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL. SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Dispatch September 13, 1876, and in one day transformed it
from a belligerent Democratic to an equally aggressive Repub-
lican sheet, to the great astonishment of many members of both
parties who were not in the secret. The remaining six weeks
of the campaign were made as lively as possible, and at the
election Dr. Stewart was successful, and the State went for
Hayes by a large majority.
After election there seemed to be a unanimous desire on
the part of the Dispatch stockholders that I should continue
as editor-in-chief of the paper, which position after delibera-
tion I finally accepted. This terminated my professional work
as a lawyer and began a career in daily journalism which I
continued, except a short interval, for about nine years. The
Dispatch under my direction warmly advocated the re-elec-
tion of Senator Windom, and no formidable candidate ap-
peared against him. The tremendous excitement succeeding
the election, as to whether Hayes or Tilden had been chosen, is
a matter of history and need not be detailed here. Suffice it to
say that Minnesota had her share of the excitement and par-
ticipated freely in the criminations and recriminations which
were indulged in.
1877.
The first important political event of 1877 was the com-
promise at Washington by which the electoral commission was
established to pass upon the electoral vote as between Hayes
and Tilden, which resulted in the victory of Hayes by the nar-
rowest possible margin, 8 to 7.
"When the Legislature met at St. Paul no opponent to Sen-
ator Windom appeared, nevertheless he left his important du-
ties in Washington and came here to look after his interests.
Even after the Republican caucus had unanimously endorsed
him and Windom had ostensibly returned to Washington, it
developed that he tarried in Winona until he had actually been
elected, thus betraying a nervousness and lack of confidence in
his friends or in himself which was entirely unjustifiable.
John S. Pillsbury was re-nominated and re-elected gov-
ernor; the state central committee of the previous year was
continued, Mr. Brackett remaining chairman and myself treas-
REMINISCENCES OF MINNESOTA POLITICS. 573
urer during the years 1876 to 1878. I was furthermore secre-
tary and treasurer of the state central committee (C. K. Davis,
chairman) from 1881 to 1883, and chairman of the committee
from 1884 to 1886, In 1884 our committee conducted the
Blaine and Logan campaign, giving the ticket the then unprec-
edented Republican majority of 42,000 in this state. During
all these campaigns I handled or was cognizant of all moneys
collected and disbursed by the committees. It is a significant
fact, in view of some heavy expenditures of campaign funds in
this state during subsequent years, that the largest sum dis-
bursed in any of these campaigns was the" fund of 1884 which
amounted to exactly $850.
1878.
At the Congressionl Convention of 1878, W. D. Washburn
of Minneapolis defeated Congressman J. H. Stewart for the
Republican nomination in this district. Ignatius Donnelly suc-
ceeded in getting the Democratic and '^ Granger" nomination.
Then followed the celebrated ''Little Brass Kettle" campaign,
which created great excitement throughout the district, then
embracing practically the whole of Minnesota north and west
of St. Paul. Washburn was elected by over 3,000 majority, but
Donnelly contested the election on the alleged technical irreg-
ularity of a few votes in Minneapolis, relying on a Democratic
Congress to seat him. Donnelly came very near succeeding in
this attempt, and the contest which was kept up during the
entire two years of Washburn's term largely neutralized his
influence.
I favored Stewart for the nomination, but ardently sup-
ported Washburn for the election both in the Dispatch and on
the platform.
1879.
Previous to the Republican State Convention for 1879, it
was announced that Governor Pillsbury would be a candidate
for nomination a third time. There was no precedent for this
proposition, and it was strongly opposed by many strong party
men. Lieutenant Governor J. B. Wakefield and Gen. L. F.
Hubbard were candidates for the nomination, and both had
extensive support.
574 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
The Dispatch, under my control, vigorously opposed the
renomination of Governor Pillsbury, although he and many of
his supporters were still stockholders in the paper. Consider-
able bitterness was engendered during the pre-convention can-
vass. Pillsbury was nominated by the convention, and al-
though the Dispatch supported him loyally as the party can-
didate, and although he was elected by a comfortable majority,
I personally incurred his lasting enmity. The ill feeling be-
tween us lasted for twelve years, when it was finally termi-
nated through the intervention of our mutual friend, Ex-Gov-
ernor Marshall.
Pillsbury was nominated by the convention, as stated; but
the remainder of the opposition "slate," which our friends
made up, was victorious in the convention, namely, for lieuten-
ant governor, C. A. Gilman, secretary of state, F. Von Baum-
bach, and treasurer, Charles Kittelson. Mr. Gilman here spe-
cially displayed the qualities of political astuteness and stead-
fastness, which were often seen later.
As a result of experiences in this pre-convention contro-
versy, the Dispatch thenceforward assumed an independent
attitude within Republican party lines. It adopted for its own
guidance a platform of civil service reform and the elimina-
tion of state and federal officeholders from active manipulation
of party politics. We thus antedated by more than twenty-
five years the current Roosevelt policy which now commands
practically universal approval. In this course I was sustained
by stockholders owning more than a majority in amount of the
capital of the paper, although a numerical majority of the
stockholders, comprising officeholders and adherents of what
we called the ''old machine," were arrayed against me.
1880.
The lines were again drawn early in 1880 between the two
elements of the party. The Republicans of the state were, ad-
mittedly, overwhelmingly in favor of nominating James G.
Blaine for President. The officeholders and the machine were
in favor of U. S. Grant. As a means of taking the stat^ away
from Blaine, the device of carrying it for Senator "William
Windom of our state as a candidate was adopted. C. K. Davis
REMINISCENCES OF MINNESOTA POLITICS. 575
was put forward in the Blaine interest for delegate at large to
the Republican National Convention. A spirited campaign fol-
lowed; Ramsey county was carried for Blaine and Davis, but
the combined influence of the officeholders and of state pride
resulted in the selection of a Windom delegation by the state
convention.
The Republican National Convention met in Chicago and
was one of the most notable in the history of American politics.
The splendid oratory of Garfield, Conkling, and others, in their
nominating speeches was in itself sufficient to signalize the as-
semblage. Its notable achievement was the abolition of the
unit rule which resulted in the nomination of James A. Gar-
field, Minnesota's alleged candidate. Senator Windom, cut a
sorry figure in the proceedings; he never received a vote out-
side of our delegation, and the phrase ''Windom 10" became a
matter of national ridicule. At Chicago, before the conven-
tion met. General McLaren of St. Paul, one of the enthusiastic
Windom boomers, said to me : ''I am astonished in talking to
men from other states to find how few of them know anything
about Senator Windom." I replied: "General, who are the
two senators from Nebraska?" *'I don't know," he said.
"Neither do I," said I, "and that shows how local the reputa-
tion of a supposedly great man may be."
The Democrats nominated Gen. W. S. Hancock for Presi-
dent, and a campaign ensued which on national issues was
quite tame in Minnesota, since there was no question as to how
the vote of the state would stand.
In June, 1880, with the consent of my associates in the own-
ership of a majority of the Dispatch stock, I sold my interest
to Ex-Governor W. R. Marshall and Gen. C. C. Andrews, who
soon acquired the entire ownership. I thus retired for a short
period from the active work of journalism. I engaged actively
during the early autumn in the speaking campaign in the north-
ern part of the state, for W. D. Washburn, the Republican
nominee for Congress against Gen. H. H. Sibley, the Demo-
cratic candidate. Later, I went with Gen. J. B. Sanborn into
the First district, the southern part of the state, where we made
a thorough canvass for Mark H. Dunnell, the Republican can-
576 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL. SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
didate. There was a triangular fight in this district and a close
contest;. W. G. Ward was an independent Republican candi-
date, and H. G. Wells was on the Democratic ticket. Dunnell
was successful and continued his useful career in the House of
Representatives.
1881.
When the Legislature of 1881 assembled, one of its first
duties was to elect a successor to Senator S. J. R. McMillan.
Ex-Senator Ramsey, then serving as Secretary of War in the
cabinet of President Hayes, appeared as a candidate against
McMillan, having the support of the Pioneer Press and many
of the old political associates. Ex-Governor C. K. Davis also
entered the lists, but as no preliminary organization in his
favor had been attempted, he did not make a conspicuous show-
ing. Senator McMillan was re-elected, and Davis' ambition
remained ungratified for another six-year period.
When President Garfield was inaugurated March 4th, he
appointed Senator Windom Secretary of the Treasury. This
created a vacancy in the senate which Governor Pillsbury filled
by appointing Gen. A. J. Edgerton of Dodge county as senator.
In the summer of 1881 an active canvass began for the nom-
ination for governor. I warmly espoused the cause of Gen. L.
F. Hubbard, and was entrusted by him with the management
of his campaign throughout the state. A systematic organiza-
tion of his friends was effected in nearly every county, and
there was from the beginning an almost uninterrupted series
of favorable reports. Hon. A. R. McGill, insurance commis-
sioner, announced his candidacy and accumulated a very cred-
itable support in certain directions. To the astonishment of
everybody the Pioneer Press, at a late period, announced the
candidacy of Governor Pillsbury for a fourth term. A some-
what exciting canvass followed in several counties. The Pills-
bury and McGill forces combined in Ramsey county, carried
the county convention by a small margin, and secured the
county delegation to the state convention. When the state con-
vention met, Clark Thompson of Houston county also appeared
as a candidate, but General Hubbard was nominated over all
REMINISCENCES OF MINNESOTA POLITICS. 577
by a handsome majority. A new State Central Committee was
selected, whereof C. K. Davis was made chairman and myself
secretary and treasurer.
One of the incidental results of this convention, which I
always lamented, was the defeat of my friend Greenleaf Clark
of St. Paul for justice of the Supreme Court, a position to which
he had been appointed a few months before by the governor to
fill a vacancy, a position which he was qualified to dignify and
adorn, and to which his numerous friends desired to see him
formally elected. But the committal of the Ramsey county
delegation to the Pillsbury interest in the state convention,
which interest was in a minority, neutralized their influence,
and, as matter of practical politics, naturally involved the de-
feat of Judge Clark. It was a lifelong disappointment to him
and he always seemed to blame the Hubbard element in the
party, whereas in reality he only had his St. Paul friends, who
identified his interests with those of Pillsbury, to thank for his
discomfiture.
At this convention, Gen. James H. Baker was nominated for
railroad commissioner, under circumstances which vividly il-
lustrate the fortuities of politics. General Baker had served
as secretary of state, as colonel of the Tenth Minnesota regi-
ment in the Civil War, and as United States commissioner of
pensions ; he was a popular and effective campaign orator, with
a wide state acquaintance. He had come up to the convention
from his farm in Blue Earth county to support Col. Clark W.
Thompson for governor, and with no thought of office for him-
self. The night before the convention I was talking with Gen-
eral Baker at the hotel and incidentally remarked that Ex-
Governor Marshall apparently had no opposition for renomi-
nation as railroad commissioner, an office which he had then
held for eight years. The general remarked that he supposed
this position came by appointment from the governor, as had
formerly been the case. I replied that it was now elective, and
would come before the convention.
Next day. General Baker in a remarkably eloquent speech
presented the name of Colonel Thompson for governor. After
Hubbard's nomination. Gen. Baker announced himself a can-
578 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL, SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
didate for railroad commissioner. He had many personal
friends among the delegates ; his ringing speech had favorably
impressed many others; Governor Marshall, anticipating no
opposition, had made little or no effort in his own behalf, and
General Baker was nominated. He was, of course, elected, and
held this important position five years.
In the midst of the Hubbard campaign I purchased the St.
Paul Dispatch from Ex-Governor Marshall, and on September
17, 1881, resumed control of the paper as its editor and sole
proprietor.
In the fall of 1881, the Minnesota Supreme Court rendered
a decision which opened the way for a settlement of the old,
repudiated State Railroad bonds, and Governor Pillsbury at
once called an extra session of the Legislature to act upon the
question. Although I had come to the state long after this
largely fraudulent indebtedness had been contracted, I had
always favored any fair adjustment that would relieve our
commonwealth of the stain attached to its repudiation. But
when this extra session convened, I saw so much of the dis-
graceful methods employed to secure votes for the settlement
proposed, heard so much of the shameless bargaining and sale
going on, that I aligned the Dispatch with those who opposed
the plan; demanded that the people be heard, and that there
be, at least, enough delay to thwart the plans of those who
expected and finally did reap rich harvests from the fields
of corruption opened before them. But Governor Pillsbury
wanted to signalize the close of his administration by wiping
out the stigma, and helped to ''jam" the measure through.
Selah Chamberlain, the principal bondholder and popularly be-
lieved to be a party to the original fraud, secured his unearned
millions. The outside credit of the state was restored and the
incident was closed.
This extra session was, by law, required to elect a United
States senator to fill Mr. Windom's unexpired term, vice Gen.
A. J. Edgerton, holding the place ad interim by appointment.
AVindom had retired from the cabinet after Garfield's death;
he now wanted to go back to the senate, and General Edger-
ton declined to contest the position with him. Some little op-
REMINISCENCES OF MINNESOTA POLITICS.
579
position was mustered, under the lead of C. A. Gilman, lieuten-
ant governor, but Windom was elected. It was generally con-
ceded that Senator Edgerton would have been successful had
he consented to make the race.
1882.
The important political events of 1882 were the nomination
and election of our increased Republican Congressional dele-
gation, and preparations for the senatorial election to be held
in January of the succeeding year.
Under the new apportionment Minnesota was entitled to
five representatives in Congress instead of three, which num-
ber had been our allotment for ten years. The exciting con-
tests were in the first and fifth districts. In the first district
Mr. Dunnell, the incumbent, was defeated for the nomination
by Milo White. Dunnell attributed his overthrow to Windom,
a conviction which produced important consequences a little
later.
In the fifth district one of the liveliest contests in the politi-
cal history of Minnesota ensued. C. F. Kindred of Brainerd, a
wealthy and ambitious young aspirant, entered the field with
the avowed purpose of spending money freely to secure the
nomination. There were several other candidates, the most
formidable being Knute Nelson of Alexandria. The district
convention assembled at Detroit on the Northern Pacific rail-
road. As. a representative of both the Dispatch and the State
Central Committee, I attended this convention and witnessed
its turbulent proceedings. There were many contesting dele-
gations, and the indications of a split were numerous from the
beginning, the only question being as to which side should
gain the most points in favor of regularity. It was Kindred
against the field, all the other candidates having combined in
opposition to him. The history of that riotous convention has
often been written; its scenes of disgraceful confusion cannot
be exaggerated ; it was for a considerable period nothing but a
howling mob, and bloodshed was narrowly escaped. The Kin-
dred forces held the convention hall, while their opponents
withdrew in a body, proceeded to a tent which had been pitched
in a vacant lot as a precautionary measure, and performed
580 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
their duties in a standing position but with much harmony and
enthusiasm.
The convention in the hall unanimously nominated Kin-
dred as the alleged Republican for Congress from the fifth
district, and the convention in the tent unanimously performed
the same distinguished service for Knute Nelson. Impartial
observation on the ground thoroughly convinced me that Mr.
Nelson had a decisive majority of the bona fide delegates
elected to the convention, and I promptly decided to support
him in the Dispatch. Governor Davis and many other friends
favored Kindred. There were abundant financial inducements
to newspapers which would advocate Kindred, and a campaign
of great bitterness as well as of liberal financial disbursements
on the Kindred side ensued. The Democrats nominated a can-
didate and hoped to elect him, owing to the Republican divi-
sion. But Mr. Nelson was elected by a considerable plurality
and thus began a career which has been followed by his elec-
tion three times to Congress, twice to the governorship, and
three times as United States senator.
The issue of general interest throughout the state centered
in the coming senatorial election. Mr. Windom only remained
in the cabinet a few months, and when the Legislature met in
extra session during the autumn of 1881 he was, as we have
seen, chosen to fill his own unexpired term, General Edgerton
having temporarily succeeded him. But a very serious opposi-
tion to Windom 's re-election for a third term had now devel-
oped throughout the state. The Dispatch took strong ground
in opposition, and the Republican press of the state was ar-
rayed with almost entire unanimity against him. In addition
to conducting the Dispatch actively along the anti- Windom
line, it was my duty to superintend an organization in all the
legislative districts to secure the nomination of state senators
and representatives committed to our policy. We had no
avowed candidate, but simply demanded the defeat of Win-
dom and an open door for all competent Republicans. Mark
H. Dunnell, the most tireless political worker I ever met, threw
himself energetically into the anti- Windom contest, giving it
his undivided attention for several months. As a result of the
REMINISCENCES OF MINNESOTA POLITICS. 581
efforts thus put forth we were fully convinced, when we
scanned the names of Republicans elected to the Legislature
in November, that Mr. Windom would not return to his long
occupied seat in Washington.
One of the incidents of this lively contest was my arrest
for criminal libel, the only instance of a suit civil or criminal
being brought against me during my strenuous journalistic
career. An active and zealous Federal official, an inspector of
the post office department by grace of Mr. Windom, was
alleged to be very busy looking after the senator's interests,
to the neglect of his official duties. I took occasion to criticise
his conduct in the paper, applying to the derelict official some
semi-humorous epithets, without a particle of malicious feel-
ing, for I had no personal acquaintance with the gentleman.
Feeling aggrieved, or incited thereto by some of Mr. Windom 's
Winona friends, the inspector went to that city and swore out
a warrant for my arrest, charging me with publishing lan-
guage regarding him which was calculated to humiliate and
degrade him in the eyes of the public. The Winona county
sheriff served his warrant on me in St. Paul; I went before
Judge W. T. Burr of our municipal court, as permitted by
statute, and gave bonds to the amount of $500 for my appear-
ance in court at Winona, in case an indictment should be found.
When the court met, the election had passed, the excitement
had subsided, and the grand jury saw fit to ignore the case;
hence I had no further trouble therewith. It is interesting to
note that the post office inspector alluded to is still in the pub-
lic service after a long and highly creditable career, having
been entrusted by his official superiors with many important
functions far beyond the grade to which he has attained.
1883.
The winter of 1883 was signalized by the prolonged and
acidulated contest in the Legislature over the election of a
successor to Senator Windom. Those who received the larger
number of votes in opposition were ex-Congressman M. H.
Bunnell, Ex-Governor Davis and Governor Hubbard, though
scattering votes were cast for many others.
The popular sentiment among Republicans against Win-
dom was based on the fact that he had measurably withdrawn
582 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
himself from interest in and sympathy with state politics, dur-
ing his long absence in Washington, as well as the fact that he
was believed to be largely in the hands of the same coterie of
officeholders, contractors, etc., which had assumed to control
the party since its organization. This feeling of hostility
seemed to justify his opponents in resorting to radical meas-
ures for his defeat. It was consequently decided that they
would not participate in a Republican senatorial caucus, which
w^ould probably be under machine influences.
Efcrts were therefore directed toward securing the concert
of all anti-Windom members of the Legislature to abstain from
the caucus. Numerous consultations were held by the anti-
Windom leaders, Mr. Dunnell, Generals Sanborn and Averill,
C. A. Oilman, C. K. Davis, and others, with legislators, and
finally a conference was called one evening at the law office of
General Sanborn to which all the anti-Windom members of the
Legislature were invited. The attendance was encouragingly
large, and the reports from reliable absentees indicated that
the movement to defeat a binding senatorial caucus would be
successful.
After attending that conference I went to the Merchants'
Hotel, where I met Hon. D. M. Sabin of Stillwater, a member
of the Legislature prominent in the Windom councils, who had
just come from a meeting of Mr. Windom 's friends. I called
Mr. Sabin aside, told him that Windom was doomed to defeat,
and said that I hoped influential Republicans of both factions
would fix their minds on a generally acceptable candidate who
could be elected and be a credit to the state. Without admit-
ting my deductions, Mr. Sabin inquired whom I had in view.
I told him that in my opinion Governor Hubbard, although he
was not in the field and evidently did not desire the office,
could get more votes in the Legislature than any other man
now mentioned. Besides his official prestige and his acknowl-
edged merits, he would have the support of many friends of
Lieutenant Governor Gilman, who would succeed to the gov-
ernorship. I also spoke of several other available names as
alternatives. To each of these suggestions Mr. Sabin made
some mild objection, but did not indicate any preference of his
REMINISCENCES OP MINNESOTA POLITICS.
583
own. This interview is significant from the fact that Mr. Sabin
himself was ultimately elected senator as the outcome of the
movement. It was afterward charged by Windom's friends
that Sabin had been in the anti-Windom ''conspiracy" from
the beginning, and was therefore treacherous to his chief. I
believe that I was cognizant of every important move through-
out the state for the defeat of Windom, and I did not know
of a single place where Mr. Sabin 's influence was thrown in
our favor. We always classed him as a Windom man and I
thoroughly believe today that down to the moment when I
told him the outcome of our conference, he was faithful to
Windom and expected to see him elected.
The senatorial caucus, as we had planned and predicted,
was a failure. Of 110 Republicans in the Legislature, only 62
went into the caucus. This was not a majority of the Legis-
lature and the caucus could not make a nomination that would
be binding on those Republicans who did not participate. The
contest was thus thrown into the open Legislature where after
balloting many days, for numerous candidates, the anti-Win-
dom Republicans mostly concentrated their votes on Mr. Sabin,
who then by preconcerted arrangement received enough Dem-
ocratic votes to secure his election.
Mr. Windom, who had come from Washington late in the
day to look after his interests, which had been personally neg-
lected through his supreme self-confidence, left St. Paul the
moment Sabin was elected, without even thanking the two
score or more devoted friends who stood by him to the last.
Mr. Windom thus practically disappeared from Minnesota
politics, only appearing here afterward to feed his revenge in
trying to defeat the aspirations of some of those who had con-
tributed to his downfall.
At the Republican state convention of 1883, Governor L. F.
Hubbard was re-nominated without opposition. Meantime a
constitutional amendment providing for biennial elections and
sessions of the Legislature had been adopted, by means of
which his second term was extended to three years. Governor
Hubbard thus served five years in the executive chair, with a
success which demonstrated in civil life the same high quali-
584 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ties that had won for him honor and promotion as an officer
in the civil war. It is a noteworthy circumstance that at the
outbreak of the Spanish American war in 1898, thirty-three
years after the close of his previous military service, he again
tendered his sword to the Government, was appointed a briga-
dier general by President McKinley, and commanded a division
of troops of the new generation of patriotic Americans.
Early in 1883 I was appointed inspector of illuminating oils
by Governor Hubbard. The emoluments of the office were not
so large at that period as they afterward became, but the
duties were important' and I held the position during the re-
mainder of the official term.
At about this period there began to appear in state con-
ventions and in the Legislature a new generation of militant
Eepublicans who affiliated, as a rule, with the progressive wing
of the party, and soon gave evidence of the qualities which,
in the next decade, were to lift them high in the councils of
the state and the nation. As examples it will suffice to men-
tion Moses E. Clapp, J. A. Tawney, John Lind, R. G. Evans,
Frank A. Day, H. Steenerson, F. C. Stevens, G. S. Ives, Tams
Bixby, Frank M. Eddy, F. B. Kellogg, and Joel P. Heatwole.
1884.
In May, 1884, there arose in the state, and especially in
Ramsey county, a peculiar contest over the delegation to the
Republican National Convention. Minnesota was, as always,
for James G. Blaine, and C. K. Davis was universally recog-
nized as an exponent of Mr. Blaine's candidacy in this state.
Meantime Senator D. M. Sabin had been made chairman of the
Republican National Committee, a position of honor and influ-
ence and a credit to our state. Mr. Sabin expressed a desire to
be elected one of the delegates at large to the National con-
vention, and I believed with others that it was due him as a
proof of the confidence and endorsement of his constituents.
But Governor Davis joined with Mr. Wheelock, Mr. Driscoll,
W. R. Merriam, and some other St. Paul Republicans, in a
movement to carry Ramsey county against Sabin. I, here, for
a second time, parted company temporarily with Governor
Davis. I joined with General Sanborn, General McLaren, W.
REMINISCENCES OF MINNESOTA POLITICS. 585
B. Dean, Mark D. Flower and others, in carrying the county
for Sabin, as against Davis, Merriam, and their following. We
elected a delegation to the state convention which was in-
structed to support Sabin for delegate at large, but I person-
ally reserved the right to vote also for Davis as another dele-
gate, believing that there was room in this state and on the
delegation for both these distinguished men. After the county
convention I had a stormy interview with Governor Davis, who
felt crushed and humiliated by the outcome. I consoled him
by quoting Lincoln's telegram to Richard Yates: "Possess
thou thy soul in patience; stand by, and see the salvation of
the Lord."
When the delegates to the Republican state convention
assembled in St. Paul, it was manifest that the sentiment in
favor of Blaine was duly represented, and that the long time
favorite of the outside counties, C. K. Davis, was their choice
for one of the delegates. In the forenoon before the conven-
tion met, a Blaine caucus was called at the Merchants' Hotel,
in which I, alone of the Ramsey county delegation, partici-
pated. It was here decided to present Z. B. Clarke of Swift
county as our candidate for chairman of the state convention,
and C. K. Davis as one of the delegates at large to Chicago.
When a motion was made to support D. M. Sabin as another
delegate, Hon. Frank A. Day of Martin county, later private
secretary to Governor Johnson but then an ardent Blaine Re-
publican, moved to send a committee to Senator Sabin and
secure his pledge to vote for Blaine. The motion was about
to be carried, when I vigorously protested against submitting
our senator to this inquiry. I expressed my belief that he
would vote for Blaine as the unquestioned choice of his state,
and argued that whether he did or not we could afford to show
our confidence in him and our appreciation of the honor which
had been conferred on Minnesota by his exaltation to the lead-
ership of the party in the nation. My appeal was successful,
and Mr. Sabin was endorsed without the exaction of a pledge.
The event proved that I was wrong in my supposition, Mr.
Sabin having previously pledged himself to vote for President
Arthur and feeling obliged to carry out that pledge, — but it
586 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
fortunately made no difference in the result ; Blaine was nomi-
nated at Chicago, but was defeated by Grover Cleveland.
When the state convention assembled, Z. B. Clarke was pro-
posed for chairman by the Blaine side and Gen. John B. San-
born by the opposition. My vote was the only one cast for
Clarke from the three leading counties of the state, Ramsey,
Hennepin, and Winona. Mr. Clarke was elected chairman by
a small majority, and I was immediately made secretary of the
convention without opposition. Mr. Clarke, on assuming the
chair, made a very brief address which for several years was
quoted with amused approval throughout the state. He said :
''This honor is unexpected, but I promise you to discharge my
duties as your presiding officer honestly and impartially — in
the interest of James G. Blaine." He did.
The further proceedings of the convention were without
special incident. My plan of sending both Davis and Sabin to
the National convention was now satisfactory to all parties,
and two other delegates at large were selected. Davis and
Sabin sat fraternally in the great Chicago convention; Sabin
presided over its preliminary organization, and Davis made a
memorably brilliant address, proposing the nomination of Mr.
Blaine.
At the conclusion of our state convention I was named as
the member of the state central committee from the state at
large, afterward being elected chairman thereof. From my
affiliation with the majority I was able to secure the selection
of Mark D. Flower as district member of the state committee
and W. B, Dean as presidential elector, although both of them,
as delegates from Ramsey county, had voted against the organ-
ization. General Flower, being the incumbent of a Federal
office, soon resigned from the committee ; Major John Espy of
St. Paul was chosen in his place and elected secretary. Major
Espy and myself conducted the vigorous campaign for Blaine
which ensued, and which, as before stated, resulted in a ma-
jority of 43,000 for our candidate with the expenditure of only
$850.
The next important political event of the year 1884 with
which I was connected was the contest for -Republican nomi-
REMINISCENCES OF MINNESOTA POLITICS. 587
nation of Congressman in this district. Hon. Loren Fletcher
of Minneapolis, long an aspirant, was now in the field with the
backing of his own county and several others. Albert Scheffer
of St. Paul was also a candidate; Ramsey county supported
him, and I was one of the delegates to the district convention.
There was a contested delegation from Washington county, and
the forces were so nearly equal that this delegation would de-
cide the result. On the question of the admission of delegates
from Washington county the convention was so evenly divided
that one delegate, H. F. Barker of Isanti county, had the cast-
ing vote. Mr. Barker was opposed to both Fletcher and Schef-
fer, but expressed a willingness to join the Scheffer delegates
in nominating Hon. J. B. Gilfillan of Minneapolis. As the
only other alternative seemed to be a split in the convention,
two candidates, and a Republican defeat in the district, Mr.
Scheffer and his friends consented to the arrangement. Mr.
Barker came into our camp; Washington county was neutral-
ized, and Mr. Gilfillan was nominated. Mr. Fletcher was great-
ly disappointed, but eight years later, when Hennepin county
became a district of itself, he was elected to the coveted posi-
tion and served an aggregate of twelve years in Washington,
greatly to the benefit of his admiring constituents.
1885.
Under the operation of the Constitutional amendment pro-
viding for biennial sessions, the year 1885 was the first year in
the history of the state when no election was held. There was
consequently a rest from political conflict, the forerunner of
similar grateful periods of political repose which have since
been enjoyed on alternate years.
In the spring of 1885, finding my health seriously threat-
ened by the laborious duties of editor, proprietor, and business
manager of the Daily Dispatch, and having a satisfactory offer
from Mr. George K. Shaw of Minneapolis, I sold the property
to him and retired from daily newspaper work. One year later
Mr. Shaw sold the paper to his associate, Mr. George Thomp-
son, who has retained the ownership until this time and has
built up the magnificent institution to which Minnesotans point
with pride, the St. Paul Dispatch of today.
588 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
After passing through a period of serious illness resulting
from overwork, I occupied such leisure time as I could spare
from the development of suburban property to the formation
of an organization throughout the state for the election of C.
K. Davis to the United States senate by the legislature of 1887.
The sentiment was overwhelmingly in his favor, the old guard
of Republican editors was everywhere alert and active; the
accession of Cleveland to the presidency had broken down the
oligarchy of officeholders which had been the nucleus of the
strength of both Windom and McMillan; in a word, the coast
was clear and it only needed concert of action to insure suc-
cess.
1886.
The year 1886 was what is denominated an ''off year" in
politics. The Republican party suffered accordingly. Three of
the five Congressional districts in the state elected Democratic
representatives, Thomas Wilson, John L. Macdonald, and Ed-
mund Rice, — the two Republicans elected being John Lind and
Knute Nelson.
At the Republican state convention, Hon. A. R. McGill was
nominated for governor, the opposing candidates being C. A.
Oilman and Albert Scheffer. My name was presented to the
convention for lieutenant governor, and I received over 100
votes, notwithstanding the fact that the previous nomination
of Mr. McGill, also a resident of St. Paul, precluded any pos-
sibility of my success.
Mr. Windom appeared in this convention as a delegate from
Winona county for the avowed purpose of helping his friends
and punishing his enemies. Notwithstanding the fact of his
presence, his special protege, Samuel H. Nichols, was defeated
for clerk of the Supreme Court, an office which he had held for
eleven years. Mr. Windom was subsequently appointed Sec-
retary of the Treasury by President Harrison, and died in
office. He was credited to Minnesota notwithstanding the fact
that he had some years before become a permanent resident of
New York city. His interference in Minnesota appointments
while a member of Harrison's cabinet was the source of much
friction between himself and Senator Davis, who naturally re-
sented it.
REMINISCENCES OP MINNESOTA POLITICS. 589
The systematic canvass for members of the Legislature
friendly to the election of C. K. Davis as United States senator
was continued this year, and after the election in November it
was easy to predict from the complexion of the returns that
victory was assured.
1887.
The legislature of 1887 passed a bill creating the Board of
Trustees of the State Soldiers' Home, and Governor McGill
appointed me a member thereof. I was elected president of
the Board when it organized, and served in that position, with-
out salary or perquisite, for twelve years. The labors of the
Board, including the responsibility of building and adminis-
tering the Home, as well as the disbursement of the outside
relief fund, were very exacting, and an undue share of them
naturally devolved on the president. But there were pleasant
incidents and associations connected with the service that to
some extent recompensed the effort.
When the legislature assembled in January, 1887, Senator
McMillan came home from Washington, announced his can-
didacy for a third term, and energetically sought support. It
was soon revealed, however, even to him, that C. K. Davis was
the predestined Republican nominee. Senator McMillan grace-
fully withdrew; Davis was nominated at an open Republican
caucus with substantial unanimity, and was elected by the Leg-
islature with the enthusiastic support of a united party.
This result was the fruition of twelve years' effort on the
part of the annually augmenting fraternity of Minnesota Re-
publicans with whom I had been closely identified. We had
now placed our favorite in the arena where we believed his
splendid natural gifts and his wide range of acquirements
would lead to a career of conspicuous usefulness to his state
and his country.
This ended, in an aureole of success, the first twenty years
of my experiences 'of and participation in the political affairs
of this state. My activities were thenceforward less pro-
nounced, although I did not cease my interest, nor abstain
from work. The later field was more circumscribed. I had
served my turn on state committees, and I no longer controlled
590 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
a daily newspaper. The chronicles of the second twenty years
will therefore permit a briefer and less detailed treatment.
1888-1907.
At the Eepublican state convention of 1888, Governor A.
R. McGill was a candidate for renomination. He was entitled
to this endorsement, both by uniform party precedent and by
the excellence of his administration. But W. R. Merriam, an
ambitious young banker of St. Paul, could not restrain his im-
patience for the coveted prize, and appeared as a candidate.
This led Albert Seheffer, also of St. Paul, to enter the field, and
a contest of great animation ensued. I favored Governor Mc-
Gill, and worked earnestly for his success. Seheffer and Mer-
riam fought desperately for Ramsey county, and Seheffer won.
With his consent three avowed McGill men, including myself,
were placed on the Ramsey county delegation to the state con-
vention. I was made one of the McGill managers, and was
selected to deliver the nominating speech. Mutual friends had
arranged that Seheffer should withdraw in favor of McGill, if
the latter developed the greater strength ; but Seheffer, hoping
to gain, failed to withdraw in time to effect a winning com-
bination, and Merriam was nominated. The result caused some
political and personal bitterness that was never sweetened.
One humorous episode relieved some of the somber features.
After the final vote, a friend asked Seheffer how many dele-
gates he had to buy. "Ah," said he, "from the rapidity with
which my vote shrank, I fear I'll be accused of selling dele-
gates."
In the legislature of 1889, Senator D. M. Sabin was a can-
didate for re-election, with Hon. W. D. Washburn as his op-
ponent. Although on the friendliest terms personally and po-
litically with Sabin, I had incurred no obligation to him, and
my deliberate preference was now for Washburn. I therefore
did all in my power to aid him. Washburn was elected, and
during the single term to which his service in the Senate was
limited, he made, as was to be expected from his high char-
acter and long public experience, an unblemished record.
The year 1890 was another decidedly "off year" for Minne-
sota Republicans, due to the reaction against the McKinley
I
REMINISCENCES OP MINNESOTA POLITICS. 591
tariff bill, just enacted and not yet tested. W. R. Merriam was
re-elected governor by a plurality of 2,200 over Judge Thomas
Wilson, the Democratic nominee. But as the "Alliance" can-
didate, S. M. Owen received 58,500 votes, and the Prohibition
candidate over 8,000, Mr. Merriam lacked nearly 65,000 votes
of a majority. Worse than that, four of the five Republican
candidates for Congress were defeated, the only successful
nominee being Joh% Lind in the second district, who turned
Democrat shortly afterward. A notable event of this year was
the election of Kittel Halvorson, Farmers Alliance candidate
for Congress, in the fifth district. A. J. Whiteman, of Duluth,
was the Democratic nominee, and S. G. Comstock, the then in-
cumbent, the Republican. Mr. Whiteman induced Halvorson, a
farmer in Stearns county, to run on the Alliance ticket, with
the expectation of reducing the Republican vote, Whiteman
paying all Halvorson 's campaign expenses. To the astonish-
ment of everybody, especially Whiteman, Halvorson was
elected. He served one term in Congress; lived, it is said, on
his "mileage;" saved the $10,000 salary to improve and en-
large his farm, and retired on his laurels. Whiteman devel-
oped into a criminal of the deepest dye, and is now an inmate
of the New York penitentiary.
In February, 1892, I was appointed postmaster of St. Paul
by President Harrison, on the recommendation of Senator Da-
vis, and held office until November 1, 1896, or eight months
beyond the allotted four years' term, although after the first
year I served under the second Democratic administration of
Grover Cleveland. After Cleveland came in, some hostile Dem-
ocrats sought to secure my removal on the ground of ' ' offensive
partisanship, ' ' but failed. They were told that removals would
only be made on a defective official record, and as I was per-
mitted to remain in office eight months after my time expired,
it is fair to assume that the record was satisfactory. I admin-
istered the civil service law as to the 200 employees of the post
office in good faith, and made no attempt to use them for par-
tisan politics. But I did not surrender my political convic-
tions, nor cease working for my party in all proper ways. I
made speeches in every campaign, as usual, and participated in
592 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL. SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Republican conferences and conventions, unmolested. What-
ever may be said adverse to President Cleveland, he was cer-
tainly sincere and consistent in his civil service policy.
In 1893 Senator Davis was a candidate before the legis-
lature for re-election. The state convention of 1892 had unan-
imously endorsed him as the party candidate and in most of
the counties Republican senators and representatives had been
instructed to support him. The legislature of 1891 had been
controlled by a combination of Democrats and Populists ; hence
the efforts of Senator Davis' friends were principally directed
to securing a Republican majority, trusting to these endorse-
ments and instructions, undoubtedly backed by public senti-
ment, to ensure his election. The majority, on joint ballot, was
about twelve, but when the legislature assembled it developed
that a secret campaign of debauchery and corruption had been
inaugurated to defeat Davis, with the hope of electing an un-
avowed, but well recognized Republican aspirant in his stead.
No more brazen, defiant, and demoralizing movement was ever
inaugurated in any state. Votes were shamelessly trafficked in,
and so recklessly that the price paid in many instances was
well known, in advance, to the Senator 's supporters, who had a
detective force systematically at work and kept advised of
every movement. Enough Republican votes were bought and
actually paid for to prevent a majority for Davis on the first
joint ballot, but several of the bribed members weakened at
the last moment and Davis received precisely enough votes to
elect him, not one to spare. I was cognizant of all the details
of the contest ; held at one time, for possible use as evidence in
criminal prosecutions, a considerable sum of the corruption
fund paid to one of the members ; and I yet retain interesting
correspondence and memoranda, which, for the credit of the
state, it were better to consign to oblivion. The miserable con-
spiracy failed; Senator Davis was re-elected, and most of the
persons who betrayed him were effectually reckoned with by
their indignant constituents.
Early in 1896 a very strong sentiment was manifested in
certain portions of the country in favor of the selection of Sen-
ator C. K. Davis as the Republican candidate for President.
nEMINISCENCES OF MINNESOTA POLITICS. 593
His eloquent speeches in the Senate on several important ques-
tions had made him a national reputation, and his ringing tele-
gram to the Duluth labor leaders in 1894 had evinced the pos-
session of qualities too rare in public men. Not only did hun-
dreds of newspapers in many states express favorable opinions
of his candidacy, but volunteer offers of support v^^ere received
from influential Republicans in various sections. In addition, a
considerable number of his colleagues in the Senate and House,
who were powerful political factors in their respective states,
were ready to assist if there was any hope of success. A num-
ber of Senator Davis' friends, including myself, formed a cor-
respondence bureau in St. Paul which brought encouraging
news from all quarters. But, a little later, the popular senti-
ment for McKinley became so strong that it was evident no
other aspirant could make headway against it. Senator Davis
promptly acquiesced in the proposition to give our state dele-
gation to McKinley, who had no more effective champion in
the campaign, or more loyal, trusted counsellor during the try-
ing crises of his administration.
At the Republican state convention of 1896, Gov. David M.
Clough, who had succeeded to the seat of Gov. Knute Nelson
when the latter was chosen United States senator to succeed
Washburn a year previously, was a candidate for the nomina-
tion for governor. Hon. Moses E. Clapp of St. Paul was pro-
posed in opposition to Mr. Clough and commanded my earnest
support, as a matter of personal and political preference. But
he came late into the field, and although we made a vigorous
and measurably successful fight in Ramsey county Governor
Clough was victorious.
In the campaign of 1896, although still postmaster of St.
Paul under a Democratic administration, I spoke many times
in various counties for the Republican ticket, — as, indeed, I
have in every national and most of the intermediate contests,
since 1864.
In May, 1897, on the special recommendation of Senator
Davis, approved by Senator Nelson and the entire Minnesota
delegation in Congress, I was appointed Auditor for the Post
Office Department in Washington. The bureau over which the
594 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Auditor presides is attached to the Treasury Department, al-
though it is located in the Post Office Department building, and
it is exclusively engaged in adjusting and recording the ac-
counts of that great governmental institution, which employs
more men and handles more money than all other branches of
the government combined. The Auditor's office has over 700
employees; it settles and records, every working day in the
year, 3,000 accounts of postmasters, contractors and others, in-
volving about $8,000,000 daily, or two and a half billions of
dollars a year. The business is rapidly increasing, and the
strain on the faithful clerks and the experienced chiefs of divi-
sion, as well as on the head of the office, is tremendous. I held
the position until January, 1904, six years and eight months, —
a longer period than any other incumbent since its creation in
1836.
During my stay in Washington, I kept advised, through the
newspapers, through correspondence, and through frequent
visits to the state, of the general currents of Minnesota politics,
although I necessarily lost touch, to a considerable degree, with
the constantly changing personnel of the party.
In 1899, Senator Davis was re-elected without opposition,
thus securing the then unprecedented honor (since worthily con-
ferred on Senator Nelson) of a third term in the Senate from
this state. During the early months of 1898 there had been
some mutterings of coming hostility to him, which led his
friends to take some precautionary steps in his behalf. But
the events of the Spanish-American war, which brought our
Senator into such conspicuous eminence, which brought into
exercise on the highest plane of statesmanship his commanding
abilities and the special attainments he had, for years, been
cultivating, which made him the leader of the Senate as well
as the adviser of the President in international questions, and,
in great emergencies, the actual arbiter of national destiny, —
all this so augmented the pride of his constituents as to dwarf
to insignificance and banish from sight every trace of the me-
ditated antagonism.
In 1900 President McKinley was renominated, with Theo-
dore Roosevelt as his running mate ; and Bryan, as in 1896, was
REMINISCENCES OF MINNESOTA POLITICS. 595
his Democratic opponent. In September I attended the great
Hamilton Club banquet in Chicago, where Senator Davis ably
''struck the key-note" of the national campaign, making, as it
eventuated, his last important address, and pathetically evinc-
ing, could we have realized it, the fatal exhaustion of his phys-
ical powers. I came to Minnesota in October and devoted some
weeks to campaigning. Senator Davis was then seriously ill
at his home in St. Paul, and on election day, November 6th,
before returning to Washington, I bade him what proved to be
a final farewell. November 29th I came back to St. Paul and
attended his funeral; among the thousands of sorrowing citi-
zens of Minnesota who paid their tributes of honor as he lay in
state at the Capitol, T am sure there was no more sincere mourn-
er than myself.
This paper has sufficiently verified its statement that the
central figure of a large portion of the political activity in
which I have indulged during my forty years residence in Min-
nesota was Cushman K. Davis. I think no man who supported
him at any time during his career ever felt obliged to apologize
for that support. If there has been a series of clean political
combats in the history of any state, it was the Davis side of
the numerous battles fought by his friends in his interest.
"When it was all over and I was privileged to speak some words
of appreciation at the unveiling of his monument at Arlington,
Va., I could truthfully place on record for his honor and that
of our magnificent commonwealth this eulogium :
Honored for thirty years with his unreserved confidence, advised as
to the minutest details of his political contests, I here affirm with all
the solemnity these surroundings and this event can lend, that no un-
worthy suggestion, no dishonorable proposition, no device for improper
influence, no hint at undue advantage, ever came from him, even in
the most crucial stress of dangerous and doubtful struggles. In none
of his campaigns was an office promised or an unclean dollar expended
by him or for him, although in many of them he was confronted by
venal methods employed by unscrupulous rivals. Let others dwell on
the gifts and graces they discern,— this is my acme of encomium for
the politician and the man.
In May, 1903, having served six years as Auditor at Wash-
ington, having found my health seriously impaired by the sum-
mer climate, and having more lucrative business opportunities
596 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
offered, I tendered my resignation through the Secretary of the
Treasury to the President. An investigation of the Post Office
Department being then just inaugurated, I was asked to re-
main in office and assist therein. The inquiry yielded impor-
tant results and lasted until October, when on its conclusion I
again resigned. My resignation was accepted to take effect on
the appointment of my successor, which was not made for more
than three months. Finally on January 22, 1904, I turned over
the bureau to the new appointee, my old friend, Hon. Joseph J.
McCardy, of St. Paul. The long tenure, nearly seven years, of
this the most important position I have held, marks the culmi-
nation of my experiences in political life. The Auditorship is
a quasi- judicial position. There are six Auditors, whereof the
Auditor for the Post Office Department supervises more em-
ployees and handles more business than the five others united.
The direct official head of the accounting system, the appellate
officer for all the Auditors, is the Comptroller of the Treasury.
During all my service in Washington, Hon. R. J. Tracewell was
Comptroller, and he still retains that position. When I retired
from office, Mr. Tracewell wrote this testimonial, which I am
possibly justified in quoting as a political valedictory:
"It was with the most profound regret that I learned several months
since that you had tendered your resignation to take effect upon the
appointment and qualification of a successor.
"If the President had known, as I know, the difficulties with which
you have been surrounded during your term of office, and the fidelity
and integrity with which you have performed the many arduous duties
thereof, I feel confident that it would only have been for a considera-
tion of your health that he would have consented to your resignation.
Good Auditors for the Post Office Department are not made, but must
be born. Even though one could be made, the process would be long,
and in the making public interests would necessarily suffer more or
less.
"I shall always recall with pleasure your intelligent zeal for the
institution and carrying out of real reforms in your office, and the
cheerful assistance you have always given me in any matter connected
therewith. There is no officer in the Government service who is pos-
sessed of more information as to your true worth to the Government,
nor one who will realize the loss of its being deprived of your services
more keenly than myself."
In 1904 two of my friends and co-workers in the lively
political battles of twenty years before. Judge L. AV. Collins
REMINISCENCES OF MINNESOTA POLITICS. 597
^m and Hon. R, C. Dunn, were rival aspirants for the Republican
^B nomination for governor of Minnesota. I preferred Judge Col-
^B lins, and supported him at the primaries. But Mr. Dunn re-
^P ceived the nomination, and knowing, from of old, his sterling
integrity and many manly qualities, I earnestly advocated his
election on the platform and with the pen. It was a cause of
keen regret to me that Mr. Dunn was defeated, even by so
worthy a Democrat as Governor Johnson, not only on account
of his personal disappointment but of the far-reaching disas-
trous consequences to the Republican party of this state.
All my activities of forty years in Minnesota politics have
been with and for the Republican party. During the greater
portion of this period, politics has been incidental, virtually a
recreation, not interfering with my business occupations. I
have not always agreed in every detail with the avowed poli-
cies of the party, but upon the whole its principles have seemed
to me best calculated to promote the honor and prosperity of
the state and the nation. Usually its candidates have been ac-
ceptable. The nominees have not in every instance been my
first choice, but in most instances have commanded my adhe-
sion.
I actively supported Marshall, Davis, Hubbard, McGill, Nel-
son, and Van Sant, for governor, also Averill, Stewart, Wash-
burn, Dunnell, Strait, Nelson, Wakefield, Stevens, and others,
for Congress, every time they were candidates for these offices,
and never had occasion to regret that support. I supported
Ramsey for one term in the Senate, Windom for two terms in
the Senate, Sabin for one term in the Senate, and Pillsbury for
two terms as governor, afterward opposing each of them for
re-election, not as a rule from any special hostility to them per-
sonally or politically, but because of a marked preference for
candidates who then stood in opposition. A few men who have
been candidates for governor or Congress on the Republican
ticket during the past forty years, I found myself unable to
support, either for the nomination or for election; they were
usually elected, however, but nothing in their official careers
ever caused me to regret my opposition.
On the whole, my political experiences have led me to
form a higher estimate of the personal integrity of party lead-
598 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ers than the general public seems to entertain. I believe that
the average legislator is as honest as the average business man ;
that the business of the state and national governments is^ in
the main, well conducted, and that the men whom the people
of this state have delighted to honor have been, with few ex-
ceptions, entirely worthy of their confidence. I have person-
ally known every territorial and state governor of Minnesota
except two, every senator and representative in Congress, and
nearly all the unsuccessful candidates for all these positions.
I am satisfied that, with few exceptions, the political victories
achieved have been honestly won, and that, in most cases, the
alleged corrupt use of money in Minnesota politics has been
greatly exaggerated.
In the aggregate, the public men of the formative decades
of the State have been able, far-sighted, and faithful to their
trust. The magnificent result of their labors testifies to their
wisdom and assiduity. If the generations which succeed them
show equal capacity and devotion, we may be assured that the
golden promise of the day in which we live will be amply ful-
filled by the prosperity and happiness of the coming years.
HISTORY OF THE PARKS AND PUBLIC GROUNDS OF
MINNEAPOLIS.*
BY CHARLES M. LORING.
Members of the Minnesota Historical Society :
At the request of your Secretary, I present to you a his-
tory of the parks of Minneapolis, which I hope may have some
influence in promoting the development of parks and play-
grounds in other cities of the state. Even the small village
should have its public park, centrally located, and land should
be secured before it is occupied and covered with buildings.
The villages as well as the cities are growing, and the neces-
sity for a public meeting-place for recreation is more and more
apparent as the years go by.
The village of Bluff City, Kansas, where there are but sixty-
five voters, has become noted for its beautiful park of twelve
acres and for its neat and well kept houses and lawns. Sev-
eral publications have given views of the park and noted its
influence upon the citizens of the village, who organized a band
which discourses music in the park, and in it, each year, there
is held a social gathering. Why not make every village in our
beautiful State of Minnesota as attractive as is this one in
Kansas ?
It has been demonstrated in Minneapolis and St. Paul that
no investment of public funds has brought greater returns
financially than those invested in the parks and playgrounds,
and none has brought more pleasure and added more to the
health of the citizens.
The history of the Minneapolis parks demonstrates the ne-
cessity of securing park sites before the land is occupied. Cap-
tain Edward Murphy in 1857 donated the first park to the
City of Minneapolis, but this remained a vacant tract, used
only as a cow pasture or public common until 1880, when the
*Read at the monthly meeting of the Executive Council, November
11, 1912.
600 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
City Council passed an ordinance creating the office of City-
Forester, who, under the supervision of the writer, laid out
walks and planted this park with trees. Since that time it has
been of inestimable value to a now densely populated section
of the city.
Friends of the parks had a long struggle and met with many
disappointments, before success crowned their efforts ; and the
delay in securing land cost the city large sums of money and
the loss of many valuable sites, which were offered at figures
that now seem very insignificant.
At the first public meeting, called in September, 1864, to ad-
vocate the purchase of a tract of land for a park, containing
twenty acres, which was offered for $6,000, the discussion of
the question was very warm, and one prominent citizen de-
clared that there would never be a house south of Tenth street,
and that beyond Seventh street it was all park. But the park
advocates were in a majority, and the Town Supervisors were
instructed to make the purchase. However, the obstructors
controlled them, politically, the matter went by default, and
we lost a park where it is now needed. This property is now
valued at over half a million dollars.
In March, 1866, the citizens of St. Anthony and Minneapolis
held an election to decide the question of uniting the two cities,
and to authorize the purchase of Nicollet Island, containing
about forty acres, for a public park, which was offered by the
owners for the sum of $47,500. The project was defeated by
eighty-five votes, and its defeat has been regretted by the citi-
zens of Minneapolis to the present day, and is referred to as
''our great mistake." The island was covered with a fine
growth of forest trees, mostly hard maple, and is admirably
located for a public park. This land is now valued at more
than a million dollars. September 15, 1865, a committee, which
had been appointed at a special town meeting to recommend a
site for a park, reported that a tract of forty acres could be pur-
chased for the sum of $8,500, payable in three and five years,
with interest at seven per cent, but this was not purchased.
Through the efforts of the advocates of public parks, the
City Council passed a resolution favoring the establishment of
parks; and' on the 8th day of July, 1869, a proposition was
made by the owner to sell a tract of land containing forty acres
PARKS AND PUBLIC GROUNDS OF MINNEAPOLIS. 601
for the sum of $25,000, payable in the bonds of the city, run-
ning twenty-five years at eight per cent. This property is now
covered with fine houses, among them that of the late Hon.
William D. Washburn. A part, containing ten acres, has just
been purchased by the city for a park, for the sum of $250,000,
making the value of the tract of forty acres for the proposed
park to be now $1,000,000.
In 1872 Col. William S. King offered 250 acres of land
around Lake Harriet for $50,000. He was told by a member of
the City Council that he had better go back to Washington
and not try to unload his farm on the city for so large a sum.
The property is now worth more than $2,000,000. Two lots in
this tract were sold recently for $15,000.
In April, 1882, a block of land in Harmon's Addition was
purchased at a cost of $13,475, the city paying one half and
the citizens of the neighborhood contributing one half of this
amount. This is the first park for which the public paid any
portion of its cost. It is now surrounded with beautiful homes,
and is the great attraction of the neighborhood.
In October, 1882, Mrs. Mary C. Morris, Katherine B. Steele,
and Mrs. Caroline H. Addison, daughters of the late Franklin
Steele, purchased a block of land at a cost of $20,000, which
they presented to the city on condition that it be improved as
a park, to be called Franklin Steele Square.
On January 29, 1883, the Board of Trade passed a series of
resolutions in favor of securing legislation authorizing the cre-
ation of a Board of Park Commissioners, with authority to pur-
chase or condemn land for a system of public parks and boule-
vards. A committee was appointed to draft a bill, which was
reported at a meeting on February 6; and the Committee on
Public Parks was requested to confer at once with a committee
of the City Council and the Chamber of Commerce, and to re-
quest the aid of these bodies in carrying out this important
matter.
Opinions were expressed that speedy action should be taken,
and that from $100,000 to $200,000 should be appropriated for
park purposes; but the City Council passed strong resolutions
condemning the park scheme. A bill was prepared by the
Board of Trade and was presented to the Legislature by the
Hennepin County delegation, who amended it by a provision
602 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
to submit the same to a vote of the people. It then passed both
houses under a suspension of the rules.
On March 30 the Knights of Labor adopted a set of resolu-
tions condemning the movement in favor of parks and calling
for a public mass meeting to protest against the ratification of
the Park Act. The hall was crowded, but no one was allowed
to express an opinion favorable to the passage of the act.
The election to ratify the Park Act was held on April 3,
1883, and, notwithstanding the strenuous efforts of the oppo-
sition, it was carried by a majority of 1,405. The friends of
the parks, after twenty years of earnest effort, achieved suc-
cess, and the Board was organized and proceeded to lay out
and acquire a system of parks and parkways which is now the
pride of the city.
Within two years of the organization of the Board, those
who were the most strenuous opponents of the measure began
to appreciate the value of parks; the Knights of Labor, who
had so bitterly opposed the adoption of the Park Act, sent a
petition to the Board favoring the acquisition of land for a
park ; and the large number of children with their parents who
visited the parks was evidence that they were for the working
people, as well as for the rich.
Soon after the organization of the Board, Dr. Jacob S. El-
liot, one of the pioneers of Minneapolis, presented to the City
four acres, between Ninth and Tenth streets, which the Board
named Elliot Park in his honor.
During the first two years of the existence of the Board it
acquired, by gift and purchase, ten tracts for parks, those most
important being Loring Park, 37 acres, and the tract of fifty-
five acres inclosing Lake Harriet, a beautiful sheet of water
consisting of 360 acres. This latter valuable acquisition was
donated by Col. William S. King, Henry B. Beard, and Gen.
J. V. D. Reeve. Since that time one hundred and fifty acres
have been added to its land area.
In July, 1885, all the shore of the Lake of the Isles, except
a few lots which were condemned, was donated to the city.
This is now one of our most attractive parks, containing 200
acres. In the same year the east shore of Lake Calhoun was
acquired, thus connecting the lake parkways, and now the en-
tire shore is owned by the city, and a boulevard encircles it.
PARKS AND PUBLIC GROUNDS OF MINNEAPOLIS. 603
This lake and the Lake of the Isles are connected by a short
canal, through which pleasure boats pass. A canal is also be-
ing made to unite these lakes with Cedar lake. There are now
in the park system six lakes, connected by parkways.
During the year 1886, Kenwood Boulevard, containing 20
acres, was graded and improved by the owners and donated to
the city. The most important acquisition to the Park System
made in 1887 was the tract of 123 acres which includes the
Minnehaha Falls. This, park is now the most popular in the
system, and it is visited by many thousands during the summer
months on Sundays and holidays, the visitors frequently num-
bering over ten thousand.
The next great addition to the parkways was the Minne-
haha Parkway, extending from Lake Harriet through the beau-
tiful valley of Minnehaha creek to Minnehaha Park. This park-
way, five miles long and from 200 to 600 feet wide, with sec-
tions running through the natural forest, contains 177 acres,
of which over 100 acres was donated by public-spirited citi-
zens.
During the years from 1889 to 1891, inclusive, ten small
squares and triangles were donated for small parks, and Col.
William S. King presented to the city the beautiful Lyndale
Park, containing fifty-one acres, on the east shore of Lake Har-
riet. The Lakewood Cemetery Association supplemented this
last named tract with a gift of thirty-five acres of beautifully
wooded land adjoining. Colonel King also deeded a strip of
land forty feet wide and a mile in length, for widening the
boulevard now called ''King's Highway."
Besides the valuable gifts of land which Minneapolis has
received, the wisdom of her citizens has been displayed more
recently in another form, of which the Shelter House in Cam-
den Park affords the most complete example. This is the gen-
erous gift of Mr. and Mrs. Charles C. Webber, in memory of
their son, John C. Webber, deceased, for whom it is named.
It is a beautiful building of reinforced concrete, in the Mission
style, and is perfect in its arrangement for the purpose for
which it was constructed. There is a large room, 27 by 53 feet,
used as a shelter in summer, which is heated during the skating
season. It has two large swimming pools, through which a
brook of pure water flows continuously, lockers for the cloth-
604 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ing of the bathers, modern toilet rooms, and, in the second
story, a branch of the Minneapolis Library. The pretty
'^Shelter" in Loring Park is also a gift to the city.
Columbia Park, containing 185 acres, was purchased in
1892, and its cost was assessed on benefited property, which
was greatly enhanced in value by the location of the park.
Glenwood Park, the rural park of the system, now con-
tains nearly 600 acres, which the Board hopes to increase to
1,000 acres. It contains a beautiful little lake, surrounded by
hills which are heavily wooded, one of which is the highest
point in Hennepin county. In this park the native wild flowers
are carefully kept in growing condition by Miss Eloise Butler,
who has charge of the wild garden, where nearly all of the
native flowers of the State are cared for. This collection is
much appreciated by those who are interested in plant life, and
is of great educational value.
The parkways are important features of the Minneapolis
park systems, the most important being the Minnehaha and the
River Bank drives.
When Minneapolis and St. Paul purchased the east and west
banks of the Mississippi river from Port Snelling to the Uni-
versity, they secured for posterity the most beautiful parkway
in this country, forming really a great park wifh the mighty
i:iver running through it. The area on the west side, from
Minnehaha to Eiverside Park, and including both, is 369 acres,
of the most picturesque character; on the east side, from the
University to Fort Snelling, 682 acres.
The late Joseph A. Wheelock, to whom the City of St. Paul
and the Stat^ of Minnesota owe so much for his unselfish work
for their development and prosperity, wrote in one of his re-
ports, when President of the Park Board:
With the acquisition of the river bank from Summit avenue to
Fort Snelling, the Crty of St. Paul will possess a driveway about eight
miles and a half in length, along the summit of the bluff walls on the
east side of the Mississippi, which eminent landscape architects agree
in saying will have no equal in America in the picturesque aspects of
the river scenery which it will command, and in the beauty of its forest
environment. Meanwhile, the Minneapolis Park Board are about to
acquire the corresponding edge and slopes of the bluffs on the western
side of the river, which it is hoped the military authorities will extend
or permit to be extended to Fort Snelling bridge, which will form one
PARKS AND PtJBLlC GROUNDS OP MINNEAPOLIS. 605
^K connecting link between the two boulevards, as Marshall avenue bridge
^m will form another. With these connections the twin boulevards will
^B form a circuit along the summits of the bluff hills on both sides qt the
^B river, and will duplicate, in one enchanting drive, the charms of each.
^B There will be nothing like it, or approaching it in beauty, in any other
American city.
The development of these river boulevards along the coterminous
boundaries of the two cities will bring these parkways and park sys-
tems into close contact, being a long step forward towards a still wider
scheme of interconnection.
These riverside parkways are now completed, and the
dreams of the advocates for the parks are being realized.
Minneapolis now has thirty-three miles of parkways, and
this will be largely increased by a drive of over ten miles in
length, which will entirely encircle the city, making over forty-
three miles within the city limits. Dr. W. W. Folwell, when
President of the Board, suggested this drive, which will con-
nect all the parkways and many of the parks of Minneapolis,
to be called the ''Grand Rounds." This will connect with the
St. Paul parkways, giving to the Twin Cities the longest, most
diversified, and grandest system of drives in the country. With
all of its branches, including those now completed and others
which are planned, there will be over seventy-five miles, run-
ning through valleys, over hills, bordering lakes and rivers, a
large portion through forests and grand natural scenery.
The park system of Minneapolis now consists of:
27 parks of over five acres each 2,767.13 acres.
40 small systems and triangles 228.10 acres.
8 parkways or bouvelards from 200 to 600 feet
wide 662.58 acres.
12 playgrounds, 9 now in use 31.08 acres.
Total 3,688.89 acres.
If one looks at the large sum the parks have cost and is not
familiar with the financial conditions and the amount which
should be credited to them through the increase in the value
of the real estate contiguous to them, he is apt to say that the
City is expending too much money for recreation grounds ; but
the facts are that, with one exception, there is not a park or
parkway in Minneapolis that is not a source of profit through
the amount collected in taxes on increased valuations. This is
606 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
not only true in Minneapolis, but it is true in other cities. The
great landscape architect, Frederick Law Olmsted, said: ''That
a well arranged and attractive park adds greatly to the value
of real estate, is a well known fact." The foremost business
men of New York said the purchase of Central Park was the
city's most profitable real estate speculation.
Jacob Eiis, the philanthropic friend of the poor, said:
It is a wicked city where the boy is denied a chance to play. . . .
Build your parks and playgrounds, and the boy gets a chance at once;
and when he gets it, he will go to work and he will be a good citizen.
As a result of the three years' era of reform in New York City, in which
twenty-two millions of dollars had been expended for parks, play-
grounds, and schoolhouses, the death rate was reduced from 26.33 per
cent to 18.66 per cent.
An article in the New England Magazine, on the town of
Brookline, Mass., says:
Regarding municipal development on broad lines as a remunerative
investment for the town, the Beacon Parkway will be cited. Beacon
street was widened from 160 to 180 feet in width, the entire cost being
$615,000. In six years the increase in assessed values of land on each
side of the Parkway throughout its entire length in Brookline was
$4,330,400, with no allowance for any increase in personal estate inci-
dent thereto; thus paying for itself long before its most zealous advo-
cates supposed it would.
The experience of Minneapolis is the same as that of other
cities. Before improvements were made in Lake of the Isles
Park, lots were selling for from $15 to $20 per front foot.
Within two years from the beginning of those improvements
the price had risen to $100 and over per front foot. Many
more instances could be cited to prove that well considered
plans for large public improvements of this kind are profitable
investments. But, better than the financial benefits to be de-
rived from them, they are invaluable for the promotion of the
health, the morals, and the pleasure of the people.
The Park Board for more than twenty years has had the
entire control of the planting and care of the street trees, and
its forestry committee is planting about two thousand each
year. This department has done much to make the streets of
PARKS AND PUBLIC GROUNDS OP MINNEAPOLIS. 607
the city attractive, and it is becoming noted as one of the most
beautiful shaded cities in America.
If the establishment of parks in the towns and cities of the
State is encouraged, some speaker, in future years, who has
the privilege of appearing before the Minnesota Historical So-
ciety, will be able to relate more fully the practical benefits
and elevating influences derived from the people's recreation
grounds.
Postscript, in accordance with rkoukst of the Council.
The foregoing paper, read by its author in the meeting of
this Society, met with deservedly generous applause; but, in
the discussion which followed, the criticism was made that the
author, with characteristic modesty, had carefully avoided any
reference to the part he had himself had in the development of
the Minneapolis Park System. The undersigned was therefore
requested to add a memorandum to accompany this paper, to
supply in some measure the admitted deficiency.
The Park System of Minneapolis has not been the work of
any one man, but has resulted from the unpaid co-operative
efforts of many, so many that space cannot be afforded for even
a list. But there is not one of them all who have so co-operated
who will not desire to have Mr. Charles M. Loring singled out
and honored as the one most active, zealous, and indefatigable.
He was a prime mover in all the abortive efforts toward park
beginning described in his paper. Failure only spurred him to
renewed activity. Possibly he deserves the gratitude of the
city for all these failures as much as for the later successes.
The fundamental act of the legislature of 1883, condemned
by the city council and denounced by the Knights of Labor,
would not have been passed but for his untiring advocacy.
When the first Park Board was formed under the law, Mr.
Loring was at once logically placed at its head. He held the
presidency for many years, and might have retained it indefi-
nitely, but that he felt obliged to resign when the Board de-
sired to acquire a piece of land in which he had an interest.
But no matter whether in the chair or on the floor, and even
after his ultimate retirement from the board, his interest never
flagged nor his enthusiasm abated. Indeed the contagion of
608 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Mr. Loring's enthusiasm has perhaps been the most potent
force in the whole development.
Among the services deserving of particular mention is one
in which he took great pride, and which was of great and last-
ing advantage. That was the discovery of two men soon after
the organization of the Park Board. It was he who secured
the services of Horace W. S. Cleveland, already eminent among
American landscape artists, for designing our earlier parks and
parkways. Mr. Cleveland possessed in a high degree the art
of subordinating art to nature. All his designs were accom-
modated to the shape and contour of natural surfaces. The
grove or forest, the lawn or meadow, in his vistas and surprises
were the dominant elements. All artificial constructions were
kept out of sight, so far as passible, or blended in the landscape.
The other man was William M. Berry, who had co-operated
with Mr. Cleveland in the development of Chicago parks. The
two made an admirable team. In absolute sympathy Avith Mr.
Cleveland's ideas, Mr. Berry knew how to work them out faith-
fully, and with a degree of economy beyond praise. Every
dollar allowed him showed in results. It was the effective
simplicity of Mr. Cleveland's designs, carried out by Mr. Berry
at costs that seem pitifully small in these days, which over-
came opposition and reconciled citizens to larger outlays for
park acquirement and maintenance.
In the working season there were few days, for many years,
when Mr. Loring was not in the field with one or other of these
admirable experts. In grateful recognition of his labors the
Park Board gave the name of Loring Park to the first acquired
and most conspicuous of the interior parks. It would be but
just that some enduring memorials of Cleveland and Berry, his
co-workers, should be provided.
For more than half a century Charles M. Loring has had
the park system of Minneapolis close to his heart, but not to
the exclusion of other good causes. Every public interest of
his city and state has had his sympathy and support; but his
fellow citizens know him best by his long and faithful labors
to build up their parks, and they have given him the title they
desire posterity to perpetuate, "Father of the Park System."
William W. Folwdll.
HISTORY OF THE PARKS AND PUBLIC GROUNDS
OF ST. PAUL.*
BY LLOYD PEABODY.
Of the few whose prophetic vision in the early years of the
history of this city swept over our river bluffs and alternating
hills and valleys and saw there, ready to our fashioning, a com-
bined park system unequaled in its setting, Joseph A. Wheelock
was easily first. It is not claimed, here, that he was the first
in point of time to dream of great things for the future, but
that, summing up the things he sought to bring about, and
comparing them with the actual achievement, there is no other
man who can be placed beside him as a founder of our parks.
The Pioneer Press, which became great under his hand, was
always a power for the advancement of the interests of the city
in the domain of parks. Identified as he was, from the very
earliest efforts in that direction, with the movement for the
acquisition of parks, his interest and his work never flagged.
We are informed by those who knew him most intimately that
for the last ten years of his life fully half of his time was given
to work for the parks. Before his active connection with the
Park Board there was no park system. His imagination saw,
and his mind devised, the system of parks and boulevards for
St. Paul as they are today. His energy and perseverance
brought to a conclusion many of the most important of the sep-
arate features of the system.
Mr. Wheelock spent the most of what to other men would
have been leisure time in going about the city and its environs,
in company with his most effective and sympathetic co-worker,
Mr. Nussbaumer, Superintendent of Parks. Day after day and
month after month, almost without rest so far as holidays were
concerned, they went over the proposed system, planning an
•Read at the monthly meeting of the Executive Council, March 10,
1913.
610 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL, SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
area here, a connecting boulevard there, and perfecting and
bringing into symmetry as a whole that remarkable series of
natural intervals and spaces which we now know as our park
system.
Th^ Old Syste:m ; Public Squares.
The classification of our park areas, with reference to the
original purpose back of their institution as such areas, falls
readily into two classes, the old and the new.
The park areas belonging to the old system were really not
of a system at all. They were merely a haphazard lot of open
spaces, which had come to the possession of the city in all sorts
of ways, and with no common nor ordered purpose on the part
of the donors, when they were donated, nor of the authorities
of the city in the cases when the areas were acquired by pur-
chase or condemnation. These areas had no relation to each
other, nor to any general plan.
It is not intended by any means to detract either from the
merit of the various donors of those old park plots, or from
their utility and even beauty. Many of them, as will be noted
later, lend dignity to their surroundings, are quite fit and ade-
quate as park spaces in their respective localities, and are justly
considered as monuments to the men whose generosity pre-
served them to public use. The point here made simply is that
the park areas of St. Paul, as a unified system, were never
dreamed of, certainly never effectively, until the dreams of
Joseph A. "Wheelock, and of those who worked with him and
after him, came true.
The greater number of the old areas are most fitly defined
as public squares, having some utility as connective ways be-
tween neighboring streets, and which in closely built up por-
tions of the city give distinction to the surrounding archi-
tecture.
COURT HOUSE SQUARE.
The first of these squares, in point of relative importance, is
the Court House Square, on which the present Court House
stands. This was donated to the County of Kamsey by Vital
Guerin, in 1850. Later, in 1876, his widow, Adele Guerin, gave
^ quitclaim deed of the property to the county in consideration
PARKS AND PUBLIC GROUNDS OF ST. PAUL. 611
of the sum of one thousand dollars; and in 1892 the County
deeded a half to the City. The location of this square, which
was perhaps originally nearly accidental, proved to be a most
fortunate one, situated, as it is, between Fourth and Fifth
streets on "Wabasha, on one edge of the business district proper,
yet in a quite central location with respect to all parts of the
city.
RICE PARK.
Next in importance of these public squares is Rice Park.
If it were not for the use made of the Court House Square, this
park should be placed first in the list. Located, as it is, be-
tween Fourth and Fifth streets, with St. Peter street on the
east, it has already become the center of a series of public and
semi-public edifices of noble design and architecture, which
buildings would lack a large share of their present effective-
ness, from an artistic standpoint, in the absence of an open
space for a proper setting. With the United States Building
on the northerly side, the new Public Library on the south,
made possible largely through the munificence of James J. Hill,
and the Wilder Charity Building on the west, there are few
similar areas in any city which so well serve the purpose for
which they were originally devoted as does Rice Park.
The ground, 1.60 acres, was donated to the city by the own-
ers and platters of that and the surrounding property, former
United States Senator Henry M. Rice, and his associate, John
R. Irvine. The donation was made May 16, 1849. It is inter-
esting to note that there never was any formal dedication of
this square to public uses. On the plat of Rice and Irvine's
Addition, the ground is designated as ''Public Square." The
only approach to a dedication appearing on the plat are the
words, ''.... that the map hereto attached is a correct
map . . .," etc. The filing of such a map, however, fol-
lowed by the taking possession by the public, constitutes a suffi-
cient transfer of the interest of the donors to the city (which
continued as a village until five years after the date of the
plat).
IRVINE PARK.
This park or square is noticed next in order, not because of
its relative importance, but on account of the fact that it passed
612 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL, SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
to the city at the same time and in the same way as Rice Park,
just described. It is located at the intersection of Franklin
and Walnut streets, in the West Seventh street district. By
itself, this park of 3.58 acres is a dignified and sightly square,
but the development of the city has left it with no distinctive
surroundings. It is of value as a breathing space and a neigh-
borhood park, but it cannot be given any higher rating as an
institution of public utility or beauty. It is a part of the land
platted with Rice Park in Rice and Irvine's Addition. The
area here, also, is simply indicated on the plat as ''Public
Square." The names of these two parks were bestowed in rec-
ognition of the generosity of the donors respectively.
SMITH PARK.
This square of 2.03 acres, lying between Fifth and Sixth
and Sibley and Wacouta streets, should be ranked third among
this class of spaces in the city. It affords some slight utility
as a connective way for pedestrians, but is chiefly useful as
affording one of those open spaces which add so much to the
sightliness of a city, especially in a congested district such as
is the one in St. Paul where it is located, and which add greatly
to the artistic merit of the surrounding architecture, as already
pointed out.
This square was acquired by the city at the time of the plat
of Whitney and Smith 's Addition, in which it lies. The owners
of the plat were Cornelius I. Whitney and Robert Smith. They
were both non-residents. The name of the latter was assigned
to this square, which on the plat appears merely as a space
marked ' ' 10, " as a block number in a series of blocks. The ded-
ication recites that the owners of the property ''hereby convey
the public square to the public," etc.
The ground was originally a high hill of drift gravel and
boulders, some sixty feet above the surrounding land, and has
been graded down to its present level in the general improve-
ment of the district. The recorded plat bears date of July 24,
1849.
SUMMIT PARK.
This is a beautifully adorned square of .79 of an acre, lying
at Summit and Nelson avenues. Half of it was donated to the
PARKS AND PUBLIC GROUNDS OF ST. PAUL. 613
city by Bartlett Presley, and the other half was purchased at
a cost of ten thousand dollars. It has been ornamented at a
cost of $2,104.57; and it is the site of the City Monument to
the Soldiers of the Civil War. The plot was acquired in March,
1883. Although of small area, the outlook it affords over the
business section of the city, and its adornment with a growth
of large forest trees, make it one of the most important small
parks in the city.
CENTRAL PARK.
Central Park, which contains 2.35 acres, occupies so com-
manding a position, with reference to possible future ap-
proaches to the State Capitol, that it possesses an importance
which increases as time goes on. It lies just north of the junc-
tion of Minnesota street with Summit avenue.
The acquisition of this park presents one of the earliest in-
stances of the citizens of St. Paul making an effort to improve
the appearance of the city by increasing its open spaces. Mr.
Frederick H. Warwick, a lithographic artist, drew a map of a
proposed park designed to take in the ground which now con-
stitutes Central Park. George H. Hazzard, now Superintend-
ent of the State Park at Taylor's Falls, interested himself with
John C. Quinby, Major John Espy, and others, in agitating the
matter of acquiring the park and in procuring options on the
property. Theodore L. Schurmeier, William Lindeke, W. R.
Merriam, Uri L. Lamprey, William Dawson, and other well
known men, were owners in the desired tract. Mr. Dawson
purchased the interests of Mr. Merriam and Mr. Lamprey, and
with others made a donation to the city of a good portion of
the ground. The remainder of the tract was purchased by the
city. The date of acquisition was November 15, 1884.
LAFAYETTE SQUARE.
This square was acquired by the city by purchase in the
years 1884-86, at an initial cost of $18,088.80 ; and it has been
improved at a cost of $1,513.80. The area is 1.01 acres. This
ground has for many years served the purposes of a neighbor-
hood park at Grove, Locust, Ninth and Willius streets, where
it is situated. It seems likely that this square will pass into
history by the encroachment from the surrounding territory of
6l4 Minnesota historical society collections.
business which cannot well accommodate itself to broken areas
and spaces.
The: N^w Syste:m of Parks.
It is perhaps not quite accurate historically to class our
three principal landscape parks as belonging to the new sys-
tem. What that system comprehends is set out more fully
under the next following subdivision of ''Parkways and Boule-
vards." But it seems most appropriate to class them with the
new, rather than with the old, for while the beginnings of Como
Park, particularly, run back into the early history of the city,
yet its development and that of the other two mentioned have
been perfected under the new spirit which has brought our
parks as a whole to their present standard.
como park.
No history of the parks of St. Paul would be well balanced
which did not give large space to Como Park. This conclusion
is established by several considerations. Its history runs back
well toward the beginning of the city, as above pointed out.
Its area, 319.34 acres of land, 107.75 of water, having thus a
total of 427.09 acres, gives an expanse devoted to landscape
gardening quite commensurate with the present development
and wealth of St. Paul. Its individual beauty, regardless of
comparisons with other like parks, is too manifest for discus-
sion. Finally, its location affords a sort of nucleus from which
run out several parkways, uniting this most important park
with the entire system.
The history of this park begins with an act of the Legisla-
ture of Minnesota approved February 29, 1872, by which the
Judge of the District Court in Ramsey County was required to
appoint five commissioners, whose duty it should be to con-
tract for and purchase not less than five hundred, nor more
than six hundred and fifty, acres of land within a convenient
distance of the city of St. Paul, but "beyond the present limits
thereof," for a public park. A bond issue was provided, to an
amount not exceeding $100,000, for the purchase of the tract
to be selected by the commissioners. In 1873 the act was
amended in some particulars, and pursuant to the act Judge
I^ARKS AND PUBLIC GROXJNDS OF ST. PAUL. 615
Westcott Wilkin appointed, as commissioners, General H. H.
Sibley, Joseph A. Wheelock, Samuel Calhoun, William Pitt
Murray, and J. C. Burbank.
The City Council took the necessary steps for the issuance
of the bonds, the lands of the first portion acquired were se-
lected at Lake Como and put under contract, and the details
of perfecting the transfers from the various owners were put
under way. Meanwhile opposition sprang up in several quar-
ters, and it finally spread till it appeared to involve nearly all
the best citizenship of St. Paul. The first active opposition
appears to have taken shape in the City Council.
In the St. Paul Dispatch for July 2, 1873, on page 2, ap-
pears the following report of the proceedings of the Common
Council of St. Paul:
A communication was received from the parties owning the real
estate purchased for the public park, notifying the council that they
were ready to perfect title to the land as soon as the city should exe-
cute the necessary bonds for the purpose Alderman
Fisher moved the reconsideration of the resolution by which the Coun-
cil had directed the purchase of the property at Lake Como for park
purposes. In support of the resolution he read a long speech, and
concluded with an appeal to the Council not to make laws in favor of
the rich who could "ride in chaises," and against the poor who could
not afford to indulge in such articles.
Alderman Louis Krieger made some remarks in support of
the resolution, in which he referred to those who had "parks
on the brain," to ''oppression of the poor," etc. The motion
to reconsider was lost.
The speech of Alderman J. W. Fisher in support of his
resolution appears in the St. Paul Dispatch for July 3, 1873,
and refers to the acreage of the park as 257 acres, and to the
bond issue as being $392,000.
In the Dispatch for February 18, 1874, appears the record
of the proceedings of the Common Council at which Alderman
Krieger introduced a resolution in the following language:
Whereas, The City Council of the city of St. Paul did purchase a
public park at and near Lake Como, and whereas the voice of the peo-
ple is apparently opposed to the city holding said land for such pur-
pose.
That the public debt of the city has thereby been increased beyond
616 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
the interests of the tax-payers, and at a time when they are least able
to bear it.
That no publicly expressed voice of the people demanded said
purchase; that the public interest demands that said lands be sold and
the proceeds placed in the city treasury to pay the principal and in-
terest of said department incurred thereby, if the same can be done
by authority of law. Therefore
Resolved, That the subject of the power of the city to sell a part
or the whole of said park lands be referred to the City Attorney for
his legal opinion, as to the legal right of the city to sell lands or some
part thereof, and [that he] send the same to the Council at the earliest
day practicable.
The subject became a matter of general public concern and
was taken up by the old Chamber of Commerce, a body older
than, and quite distinct from, the present Commercial Club of
St. Paul. Prior to formal action, the following petition was
circulated and signed, and, with the names attached, was pub-
lished in the Dispatch, which at that date had become the
''Evening Dispatch," in the issue of April 4, 1874. The peti-
tion is as follows :
The: Como Park. A Petition for its Sale.
To the President and Common Council, City of St. Paul, Gentlemen :
The indebtedness of St. Paul is increasing at an alarming extent,
and we the undersigned taxpayers would ask of your honorable tody
to sell the park property, provided it can be sold' at cost, and reduce
our liabilities. What we most need is sewerage, elevators, free bridge
and good roads. We ask you as taxpayers that you so regulate the
burden of taxation for the purpose of promoting the future prosperity
of St. Paul, and not for the advancement of private interests of wild
real estate speculators.
The petition bears the names of one hundred and forty-
eight signers, — names, be it said, even today, of the highest
honor in St. Paul. At least twenty-five of the names are those
of men who are universally known and respected today. For
obvious reasons the publication of the list of these names is
forborne. These men represented the best blood of St. Paul at
that time. But the citizens were oppressed by business re-
verses brought on by the ''panic of '73," referred to in the
Chamber of Commerce meeting stated more in detail below.
The city was then small, with a population of only about 30,000.
PARKS AND PUBLIC GROUNDS OF ST. PAUL. 61 7
The park project was a very ambitious one for a new city,
whose citizens were struggling with the financial depression
that was then world-wide.
Further, the final action of the Chamber of Commerce on
this matter appears to indicate that the sober second thought
of the men of St. Paul was sound, and that the petition was
born of fears to which they had only temporarily yielded. Two
days after the publication of the petition there was published
in the Dispatch for April 6, an account of the consideration of
the petition at a meeting of the Chamber of Commerce. The
account states that William L. Banning spoke in support of
the petition, and in the course of his remarks reiterated some
prior statements made by him that the park when completed
would have cost three million dollars. Pennock Pusey spoke
in favor of retaining the park, and in the course of his remarks
said:
It was thought, and I think wisely thought, that we should profit
by the errors and omissions of other cities, and take timely steps to
secure one of the many sightly and characteristic spots for which our
landscape is noted, before the complications arising from the erection
of expensive private improvements should render the undertaking diffi-
cult and costly I submit that the failure of Jay Cooke
& Co. and the resulting monetary scare, matters of temporary con-
cern, things of today, from the effects of which we are already rapidly
recovering, are scarcely a sufficient cause for the abandonment of all
provision for an expanding future.
It is of interest to note, in passing, that Mr. Pusey in his
address charges Mr. Banning with saying that no parks would
be needed until after the passage of fifty years, when St. Paul
should have attained a population of two hundred thousand.
We shall not complete this fifty year period till 1924.
The matter was laid over for a week, and in the issue of
the Dispatch for April 13, 1874, it is chronicled that the peti-
tion was indefinitely postponed, with but one dissenting vote.
The name of the dissenting member is not given, but we may
easily guess it.
At the time of the presentation and consideration of these
trouble-borrowing resolutions, there was in progress a con-
clusive demonstration of the wisdom, from a business stand-
6l8 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
point alone, of the purchase of the park lands, and as well the
fairness of the purchase price, commercially considered. This
appears in an editorial in the Dispatch in the issue for April 7,
1874. It is there stated that the real estate firm of Col. D. A.
Robertson & Son proposed to purchase Como Park, except a
hundred acres to be retained by the city, the purchase to be
effected by guaranteeing the payment of the bonds which were
issued to secure the park lands, so that the 100 acres would cost
the city nothing. The editorial goes on to state that this prop-
osition will go far toward convincing the most skeptical that
the purchase of Como Park was a judicious investment.
The work of shaping the wooded area and utilizing the ex-
panse of water included in the original purchase, and in later
acquisitions for Como Park, has fallen to the Superintendent of
Parks, Frederick Nussbaumer, who has held his present position
continuously since his appointment in 1892, It is but scant jus-
tice to say that the work could not have been put in better
hands. Mr. Nussbaumer has combined native taste and a ca-
pacity to grow with his work, with executive ability of the sort
which has enabled the Park Board over many years, and with
the successive changes in its personnel, to leave in his hands to
a large degree the purely business part of the administration
of this and the other parks of the city. Whatever of individual
service the future may bring to the city of St. Paul, Como will
remain as a testimonial to the native genius and energy of
Superintendent Nussbaumer.
It has unfortunately become true that Lake Como, the na-
tive setting around which the park has been built, is with diffi-
culty maintained at a satisfactory level of the water. Power-
ful pumps were installed several years ago, and during the past
winter of 1912-13 have been worked continuously day and
night. The superintendent reports that even with this constant
supply the level at which the water stood in October, 1912, has
been but little more than maintained. It is thought that the
location of sewers in the vicinity has operated to drain off and
thus divert from the lake a considerable amount of surface
water which originally found its way thither; and also that
the work of improving the lake has disturbed its natural bed
PARKS AND PUBLIC GROUNDS OF ST. PAUL. 619
of impervious soil to such an extent that a partial drainage
from the lake itself has been set up by that means. It is the
intention of the superintendent to seek a remedy for the latter
condition, which, if his theory be correct, is susceptible of being
rectified.
In the improvement of the park, the shores of Lake Como
have been dredged out to make a more uniform and deeper
stage of water near the shores, the lagoon northwest of the
lake has been improved by dredging, and a waterway has been
opened from it into the lake proper. Besides containing in
large numbers the native plants and flowers of the state, the
park now supports, through the ingenuity of Mr. Nussbaumer,
not less than twenty species which were formerly exotic to the
state.
It is interesting to compare the prophecies made at the time
when the first land for Como Park was acquired, with what has
actually come to pass. The total cost of Como Park to date for
land is $141,880.61, and for improvements $465,545.19 ; in total
$607,425.80. This is nearly $2,400,000 less than the three mil-
lions which Mr. Banning in 1874 prophesied it would cost.
Another light that failed was Alderman Fisher. The rich
do go to Como "in their chaises," propelled now by gasoline;
but it is a safe hazard, judging from what one may observe at
Como every summer, that there are at least fifty poor people
and those of the middle class financially who patronize Como,
to one who goes there in an automobile or carriage.
PHALEN PARK.
This park in its main extent is of comparatively recent ac-
quisition, and, leaving the water out of consideration, is second
to Como in size, containing 239.14 acres of land. There are
222.04 acres of water, making a total area of 461.18 acres, thus
somewhat exceeding Como in total area. The land was all ac-
quired by the city by condemnation proceedings, dating from
the year 1894 onward. The latest acquisition was May 19, 1906.
The park takes its name from Lake Phalen which forms a part
of it, and which, with the neighboring hillocks and valleys to
the south and west, well timbered with native oak, forms so
620 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
attractive an expanse of natural landscape that its acquisition
as a park for the city was almost a foregone conclusion.
Lake Phalen and its outflowing creek were named for Ed-
ward Phelan (whose name was variously spelled), one of whose
successive land claims, in the earliest years of St. Paul, was on
this creek. He sold the claim to William Dugas, who in 1844-
45 built a sawmill on the creek and intended also to make it
partly a grist mill, this being the first mill in St. Paul.
Though Phalen Park is somewhat remote at the present
time, yet in view of its inherent fitness as a landscape park
and its location on the line of the boulevards destined to en-
circle St. Paul as more fully set out further on, it is of inesti-
mable value to the city.
INDIAN MOUNDS PARK.
For this park St. Paul is indebted to the persistence and
energy of Joseph A. Wheelock. Efforts for its acquisition had
been under way for some time before the accomplishment of
the project. The land was obtained under condemnation pro-
ceedings, but in most cases the prices fixed for the respective
pieces of land taken were the result of coftipromise, after al-
most endless negotiations between Mr. Wheelock and the vari-
ous owners. The tract was acquired at different times from
the year 1893 onward. The area at present is 46.33 acres. The
land cost $126,426.71, and the improvements $44,101.92; total,
$170,528.63.
The price seems somewhat large for the amount of land
which was secured, but in gauging the value of the tract it
must be borne in mind that in its main feature, that is, the
outlook both up and down the long sweep of the Mississippi
river, from the point where the Minnesota enters it, at Fort
Snelling, past this city, and far away to the south. Mounds
Park is entirely beyond comparison. It is doubtful if there is
anywhere in any city so impressive a combination of views,
where nearly the whole of the business section of a great city,
so imposing an expanse of river, with a vast sweep of country
lying beyond, can all be taken in at a single viewpoint. That
particular spot was known and appreciated by our red broth-
PARKS AND PUBLIC GROUNDS OF ST. PAUL. 621
P
^m ers long before any white man came elbowing his way in. Doc-
^m_ tor Neill, in his History of Minnesota, sets out the account by
^m Jonathan Carver of the observation by the latter of the burial
^B place of the Indians, which is now so prominent a feature in
the park, and from which the park takes its name. Carver's
account, which dates from what he saw in the year 1766, is as
follows :
At a little distance from this dreary cavern [now known as Car-
ver's cave and which he had just been describing] is the burying-place
of several bands of the Naudowessie [Sioux] Indians. Though these
people have no fixed residence, living in tents, and abiding but a few
months on one spot, yet they always bring the bones of their dead to
this place.
HARRIET ISLAND.
While there was some opposition of a rather negative sort
to the taking over by the city of Harriet Island, yet no voice
has ever been raised to claim that this unique bit of nature
donated to the city by the generosity of Dr. Justus Ohage, was
destined for the use of the rich. No act of greater beneficence
has ever been performed toward the city or its people than
that of Dr. Ohage in acquiring and donating the island in the
. channel of the Mississippi known as Harriet Island. That name
has long been borne by the bit of land in the river opposite the
upper portion of the business section of the city, and it was
bestowed in honor of Miss Harriet E. Bishop, who came to St.
Paul as a teacher in the year 1847. The land was originally
but an enlarged sand bar in the river. Nature had, however,
clothed it with an abundant growth of trees, and while Dr.
Ohage was Health Commissioner of St. Paul he conceived the
project of acquiring and improving the island and turning it
into a park and public baths for the use of the people of the
city generally. He accordingly acquired the property and do.
nated it to the city by deed dated May 26, 1900, recorded in
the office of the Register of Deeds in Book 442, page 439. The
area of the island is 28.13 acres, much of which is made ground.
The original surface was a series of undulating bars composed
of sand and silt, which have been brought to something like a
uniform level, the outer edges of the island being raised by
hydraulic dredging from the channel, and these newly-built
areas being sown to grass.
622 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL. SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
The native trees have served for most of the adorning nec-
essary in that .direction. Nearly all the trees of the island
were overturned by the tornado of August 20, 1904, but were
quickly restored to their original position where not too badly
broken, and there is now so little trace of what then seemed
like an irreparable calamity, that the fact that such an event
had occurred would not now be suspected by any visitor to
the island.
The bath houses have been constructed on the northerly
side of the island, with ample dressing rooms for boys and men,
and a separate room for women. These, with the outdoor
games instituted on the island and the small zoo maintained
there, are sufficient attractions to keep the island fairly
thronged with visitors, especially in the evenings and on holi-
days, throughout the summer months. It seems most appro-
priate to mention in this connection the approach to Harriet
Island, which belongs to the park system of the city and leads
from the southerly end of the Wabasha street bridge to the
bridge connecting Harriet Island with the mainland. This ap-
proach was acquired by purchase at a cost of $3,500 for the
land and $918.03 for improvements; total, $4,418.03.
LINWOOD PARK.
This park is of smaller area than the older landscape parks,
but is located in a rapidly growing quarter of the city, and on
this account it will no doubt be of increasing importance from
year to year. It is at Victoria and St. Clair streets, and is of
recent acquisition. It was taken by condemnation proceedings
under date of March 18, 1909. The cost of the land was
$22,420.37, of improvements $9,135.47; total, $31,555.84. The
area is 15.50 acres.
Parkways and BouliRvards.
In dealing with the parkways and boulevards of the city it
seems fit to pause and take account of those grand features of
natural topography on which our new park system is based ;
for, as intimated in the foregoing subdivisions of this paper,
the present system is not the result of haphazard, but has been
carefully thought out and elaborated, from a plan presented
PARKS AND PUBLIC GROUNDS OF ST. PAUL. 623
by nature itself. The following out of this naturally graven
path has led to a development which has been of parkways and
boulevards, rather than of landscape parks. A glance at the
map of the natural physical features of St. Paul and its envi-
rons shows that the Mississippi river sweeps about the city in
a semi-circle, running from the city limits of Minneapolis on
the west to the point where the river turns southeastward at
Indian Mounds Park. Passing over the map with the eye from
Indian Mounds Park northward and then westward, it is ob-
served that Lake Phalen and Lake Como lie in the northerly
half of the great circle of which the river makes the southerly
portion. This, then, was the great natural parkway which pre-
sented itself to the vision of Joseph A. Wheelock. At the time
he took up his work, because the depth and precipitous slope
of the river gorge did not permit any ordinary utilization of
the land, the desired areas lay to a great extent unspoiled and
ready for fitting into a comprehensive and unified system.
This is what is known to those concerned in the develop-
ment of the parks as the ''Outer Circle." Far too much of it
has been marred by the hand of man. Much of it remains to
be acquired. But so well awakened have the citizens of St.
Paul become to the power of parks and parkways to draw to
their vicinity commercial values, and, it is to be hoped, so ap-
preciative have they become to the purely artistic value of
these open spaces and ways, that there is little fear that any
support which is necessary in the future for the carrying out
of those portions of the plan yet in embryo will be withheld.
MISSISSIPPI RIVER BOULEVARD.
The key to this grand parkway, and individually a most
impressive portion of it is the Mississippi River Boulevard.
This consists, topographically, of the crest and slope of the
eastern side of the Mississippi gorge from the Minneapolis city
limits, just north of the Town and Country Club, to West Sev-
enth street at the Fort Snelling bridge. The length of this
boulevard is 3.51 miles.
The acquisition of this expanse of ground has effected the
preservatipO; it is to be hoped for all time, of a long stretch
624 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL. SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
of our great river in the same condition that it appeared to
Father Hennepin and Jonathan Carver on their first explora-
tions of the valley. From the north end of the boulevard to a
point near the Government high dam, at the Soldiers' Home,
the entire gorge, as well as the woodland upon the level bench
above it, are practically in a state of primitive nature. The
dense woods, in which are represented nearly all our native
hardwood trees, with a fringe of red cedars along the bluff and
a sprinkling of the white pine, here west of its main geographic
range, stand for the most part unspoiled by the ax.
Although the improvement has drawn to the adjacent
platted land large values, the territory up to the present is
practically unoccupied. North of Marshall avenue the im-
provements of the Town and Country Club front for a consid-
erable distance on the boulevard. South of Marshall avenue
and near to it, a few fine residences have been built fronting
on the boulevard, and the grounds of the St. Paul Seminary
run down to the boulevard just south of Shadow Falls Park.
Aside from these improvements, the ground along the boule-
vard is practically unoccupied to a point far south of the Gov-
ernment high dam.
The driveway proper has been completely improved through-
out its length. All necessary bridges, culverts, and drains,
have been put in, and the way surfaced with crushed rock with
a crude oil dressing, and it is probably the best patronized
automobile drive in the city.
The lands for this improvement were acquired at different
times, by condemnation and purchase, beginning December 16,
1901, and the last acquisition was dated September 18, 1907.
The total area is 130.54 acres, and in this connection it should
be noted that not all, but a portion only, of the slopes of the
gorge have been acquired by the city. The cost of the land
was $33,818.94, of improvements $93,414.64 ; total, $127,233.58.
WHEELOCK PARKWAY.
Separated from the Mississippi River Boulevard by a stretch
of territory to be covered by a projected parkway not yet per-
fected, is Wheelock Parkway, which extends from Como Park
PARKS AND PUBLIC GROUNDS OF ST. PAUL. 625
to Phalen Park, and which is one of the boldest and best con-
ceived projects in our entire system. It is here characterized
as bold, for the reason that it has been pushed through a ter-
ritory from which no immediately local support for such a
project could be expected, and because it could never have been
conceived save as a part of the entire plan of encircling the city
with a continuous parkway. With its length of 4.27 miles, its
setting among the rolling highlands in the north portion of the
city, and its terminal points resting on our two most important
landscape parks, it is an entirely fit and worthy memorial to
the founder of our park system, whose name it bears. The land
for this parkway was acquired by condemnation under date of
December 10, 1909. The cost of the land was $15,128.88, and
improvements, $44,482.90; total, $59,611.78.
LEXINGTON PARKWAY.
Lexington Parkway is one of the best known in the city
because of its location in a neighborhood where building im-
provements are already becoming somewhat congested, and
where local values are high from the superior character of the
building improvements. This avenue, with its length of 2.48
miles, running from Summit avenue north to McKenty street,
close to Lake Como, and with its impressive width augmented
by an ample building line, lends a pronounced distinction to
the district through which it runs, and confers values on the
surrounding properties, both artistic and commercial, which
can hardly be overestimated.
The land for the park was acquired by condemnation, after
some failures and a long struggle which reached the courts.
The cost of the land, taken under two separate improvements,
was $102,248.02, improvements $32,717.22 ; total, $134,965.24.
COMO AVENUE PARKWAY.
This parkway is the long avenue connecting Como Park
with the down-town district at Rice street, having its south-
easterly terminal at the point last named. The land necessary
for the widening of the streets on the line of this avenue was
acquired by condemnation, under different improvements dat-
626 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL. SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ing from September 14, 1899, to June 14, 1906. The cost of the
land was $40,963.83, and of the improvements, $7,733.64; total,
$48,697.47. The area of land taken is 7.37 acres.
' COMO AVENUE BOULEVARD.
This boulevard is a portion of the parkway which is de-
signed ultimately to link the Mississippi River Boulevard with
the park at Como. It extends from the Mississippi river to St.
Anthony avenue. The land taken was condemned under date
of November 1, 1909. The cost of the land was $15,415.00; its
area, 5 acres.
CHEROKEE HEIGHTS AND THE WEST SIDE BOULEVARD.
These two improvements may be considered together, as
they are separately acquired parts of one parkway, which has
not, however, been completed up to this time. It is impossible
to get a proper conception of this parkway without taking into
consideration what is proposed to be done, as well as what has
already been accomplished. The park authorities have long
contemplated securing the crown of the Mississippi river bluff
on the west or south side, from a point on the river near or at
Mendota and thence eastward, taking in the entire slope and
crown of the bluff to a point on South Wabasha street. A
large share of this proposed parkway lies in Dakota county,
and so is outside the immediate jurisdiction of the city. There
exists, however, legislative authority for the acquisition of the
necessary property for at least parkways, outside the city
limits, which may be done as soon as there are funds available
for the purpose, being authorized by Chapter 485 of the Laws
of Minnesota for the year 1909.
This great expanse of river scenery is for the most part
still in a natural state, and it affords an imposing view west-
ward up the main valley of the Mississippi, and thence farther
west up the Minnesota river. It is a combined urban and coun-
try view, second only to that at Indian Mounds Park.
Cherokee Heights was the portion of the improvement first
acquired. This tract comprises the open ground lying westerly
from Ohio street along Cherokee avenue, and takes in a consid-
PARKS AND PUBLIC GROUNDS OF ST. PAUL. 627
erable portion of the bluff slope. The High Bridge is the south-
westerly terminus of this first section of the parkway under
consideration. This section was acquired partly by gift from
A. T. Rosen, now a member of the Park Board, and partly by
purchase from other private owners. The date of acquisition
was from 1903 to 1906. The land cost $10,818.30, and the im-
provements, $3,263.61; total, $14,081.91. This includes, how-
ever, the market valuation of the portion donated by Mr. Rosen.
The area is 9.37 acres.
The West Side Boulevard is the extension southwest, from
Smith avenue to Baker street, of the parkway beginning as
noted on Ohio street. This property was in form condemned,
but was in fact the gift of James J. Hill, who furnished the
entire amount of money necessary to acquire the property,
$13,000. The condemnation proceedings date June 10, 1906;
and the area taken is 9.90 acres.
The ground takes in a considerable portion of the slope of
the bluff and a strip of native woodland on level ground at the
top of the bluff, which fortunate chance has spared from occu-
pation by building improvements. The view from the top of
the bluil^ near the southwestern or upstream end of this later
addition to the West Side Parkway is a most commanding one,
affording a vista both up and down the river, and spreading
before the eye almost the entire business section of the city.
MIDWAY PARKWAY,
This is a connective parkway, extending from Snelling ave-
nue easterly to Hamline avenue. It was acquired by condem-
nation under date of June 17, 1901, at a cost of $2,833.88 for
the land, and the improvements have cost $9,455.41; total,
$12,289.29. The area is 5.91 acres.
PLAYGROUNDS.
Several years ago, under appropriate legislation, there was
created in St. Paul a body known as the Playgrounds Commit-
tee. This committee has in hand the work of selecting and
looking after the development and care of small breathing
spaces at various points in the city, which are designed prin-
cipally as places where the children of the particular neighbor-
628 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
hood may gather and engage in games and sports. The grounds
acquired are under the jurisdiction of the Park Board, and are
by law classed as parks.
Streets under the Care of the Park Board.
There is a class of streets which are not properly designated
as parkways, but which are ornamented and cared for under
the direction of the Park Board. Most conspicuous of these is
Summit avenue, which has the features of a parkway, and
which is quite the most important connective boulevard run-
ning east and west through the city. In its width and orna-
mentation, it takes the character of a parkway at Lexington
avenue. From this point it is 100 feet in width west to the
Mississippi river, a distance of 2.63 miles.
There are other streets which are receiving the same sort of
care from the Park Board as Summit avenue, but they are of
less importance and a recital of them here would scarcely serve
any purpose of this paper.
Parks and Parkways in Prospect.
A history of the parks and parkways in St. Paul would be
incomplete which does not include, at least in narrative form,
a statement of what is designed to be done in the future. A
comparison of what is contemplated in the finished system as
outlined above, with what has actually been finished by the
acquisition of the necessary lands, shows that there are still
large gaps to be filled in, spaces to be covered by future pur-
chases or condemnation, and many details to be worked out,
which will tax not only the industry of the future Commis-
sioner of Parks, Playgrounds, and Public Buildings, but will as
well be a draft on the resources of the taxpayers. The finan-
cial problem will for some time remain a serious one, but one
which the people have repeatedly of late shown their willing-
ness to face. The present Park Board is carrying forward,
with such means as it is able to command, the work laid out
in the time of Joseph A. "Wheelock.
The city is fortunate in the fact that there is upon the
board at this time a man who is able to bring to its various
PARKS AND PUBLIC GROUNDS OF ST. PAUL. 629
problems a matured judgment in business affairs, large expe-
rience in executive work of the first order, and energy and
capacity for new enterprises, which appear unabated in spite
of the toll that the years have taken of him. This member is
Alpheus B. Stickney. He has personally taken up, and is press-
ing forward with a zeal which is an, indispensable prerequisite
of success, the extension of the present finished work to that
completed system which shall realize the hopes of the planners
of the new system.
Mr. Stickney has taken up at this time the special project
of connecting the River Boulevard with Indian Mounds Park,
by a portion of the ''Inner Circle," the main details of which
are as follows.
The top of the river bluff all along the Mississippi River
Boulevard consists of a practically level plateau, which lies
substantially in the level of Fort Snelling. Eastward of theV
boulevard the land rises gradually into a second terrace, the
crest of which is a gentle eminence opposite the Soldiers' Home,
but which rises higher and higher as it passes to the south and
east, until at a point near West Seventh street it consists of a
high bluff, covered with an oak forest, and presenting a grand
view west, south, and east, over the greater part of the river
valley in the city limits.
It is proposed by Mr. Stickney to run a boulevard from a
point on the River Boulevard near the Soldiers' Home, easterly
up to and around the brow of the highland just described, to
the wooded bluff on Seventh street. There it is proposed to
expand the parkway into a landscape park, to take in the tim-
bered area. Thence the parkway will proceed by way of Lin-
wood Park, Summit Avenue, and the State Capitol grounds
and Capitol Heights, next crossing the railroad tracks by a
viaduct, and continuing by Dayton's Bluff to Indian Mounds
Park.
Mr. Stickney has also been active in the proposition to ex-
tend the parkway on the West Side from its present south-
westerly limit to Mendota and Fort Snelling, and to take in,
as landscape parks, the lowlands and islands between the fort
and Harriet Island. This proposed parkway extension in-
630 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
eludes the acquisition of lands along the river front from near
Fort Snelling easterly to a point within the business district
of the city.
There is a proposed extension of the West Side Boulevard
easterly around the crest of the bluff along what is known as
Prospect Terrace, and the construction of a new way along
what will be made land in the river valley, if the harbor pro-
ject ever comes into actual being. This new way is to connect
with the general system at Indian Mounds.
Another project which only awaits adequate financing is an
extension of Phalen Park to the south, and its connection with
Indian Mounds Park by a parkway. This project is known as
the Johnson Parkway, and is one which will certainly be ef-
fected in the near future.
It is proposed to connect Como Park at the northerly end
with the Minneapolis system, by an appropriate way running
west from Como to the city limits.
Another proposed parkway leads easterly and southerly
from Mounds Park across Burlington Heights and into Wash-
ington county.
The foregoing enumeration is not exhaustive of the subject
of the proposed extension of our park system, but mentions
those portions which are necessary to develop the new system
into a well balanced whole.
The cost of the park system of St. Paul to the date of Jan-
uary 1, 1912, has consisted in acquisitions of land, $780,541.80,
and improvements, $887,504.18; in total, $1,668,045.98. The
lands acquired amount to 1,006.04 acres; and the water areas,
mostly of Lakes Como and Phalen, comprise 331.89 acres.
Minnesota Historical Society.
Vol. XV. Plate XIV.
Date of this Portrait, about 1870; of another in Volume IX, about 1900.
NATHANIEL PITT LANGPORD,
The: V1G11.ANTK, the: Exploreir, the: Expounder and First
Superinte:ndi$nt of the: Yellowstone Park.*
BY OLIN D. WHEELER.
We are wont to flatter ourselves that we live under a re-
publican form of government, one where the sovereignty is
vested in the people. Every form of government, including our
own, has, of course, its excellencies and its deficiencies. Among
the latter, in a democracy, is the apparent and, all too fre-
quently the real, lack of appreciation and of honor shown to
those who have accomplished notable things and achieved dis-
tinction in one way or another.
Were we living under a monarchy or an oligarchy, where
absolute authority is centered in one or a few individuals,
Nathaniel P. Langford and that coterie of now well known
explorers of the Yellowstone region in 1870 would long years
ago have been knighted or otherwise signally honored for their
services to the nation, and indeed to the world.
It so happens, however, that the few monuments which the
great Republic officially erects, or the resolutions of thanks to
individuals for meritorious actions performed which its repre-
sentative Congress votes, have been very largely in honor of
those alone who have distinguished themselves in warfare.
Although ''peace hath her victories no less renowned than
war, ' ' the records of her achievements are found buried, all too
often, in simple and sometimes prosaic reports of limited cir-
culation,with now and then the story finding its way into our
literature. There are few memorials, or monuments of bronze
or marble, that commemorate the services of men like Lewis
and Clark, Astor, Hunt, Fremont, Ashley, Bonneville, Powell,
Carson, Bridger, and others, services rendered to the country
in various channels, yet all of them more or less important, and
performed in modest, simple, and unpretentious manner.
•Read at the monthly meeting of the Executive Council, April 8, 1912.
(J82 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
That the Washburn-Doane exploration of 1870 into the now
celebrated Yellowstone Park region was productive of most
important results, nationally, in its particular line, and that
the men composing it were deserving of far more honor than
ever was officially or publicly accorded them, is, I believe, an
acknowledged fact among all those most familiar with its his-
tory.
While some of the party were government officials, the ex-
ploration was undertaken by each civilian member' of it purely
in his private and individual capacity. A quasi-official cast was
given to it, however, by the facts that a small escort of United
States cavalry under command of Lieut. Gustavus G. Doane
was provided by the government, upon request, and that Lieu-
tenant Doane made an official report of the exploration to the
War Department. This report, together with Mr. Langford's
published diary, constitute descriptive literature of the explor-
ation and region that has never since been surpassed, and in-
deed has been seldom, perhaps never, equalled.
Fate is a stern and inexorable mistress. She doeth whatso-
ever she will, and we may but rarely modify or change her de-
crees. Gall it what one pleases, fate, destiny, or Providence,
little did any one imagine that on that 16th day of June, 1862,
when the Fisk Overland Expedition left St. Paul for the Sal-
mon river mines in the heart of the Rockies, with Nathaniel P.
Langford as one of its officers and members, a trail was being
followed by him that led ultimately to a new and great de-
parture in national conservation and general recreation.
We were then in the midst of our great Givil War, and the
heavy westward emigration that followed that period of strife
was yet to come. The western frontier, now almost an irides-
cent dream, was, even if an imaginary and intangible line, yet
a very real one, and it then lay, virtually, along the valley of
the Missouri river.
What a wonderful, changeable thing that old frontier was !
Like the ever shifting sands of its own deserts or the tremulous
and deceitful mirage of its vast plains, it too was ever shifting,
ever moving. And after the Givil War, when the hegira from
the east began, how rapidly it changed position and marked the
I
NATHANIEL PITT LANGFORD. 683
gradual extinction of barbarism, the steady advance of civiliza-
tion, as "westward the course of empire takes its way."
And now it has utterly and forever vanished. The waste
places are filled, the deserts are replaced by grain and alfalfa
fields and orchards; irrigation is an evangel of progress and
prosperity; the Indians and buffalo in their untamed wildness
have disappeared; the story of the ''Pony Express" reads like
fiction ; and the Daniel Boones and Kit Carsons, the Jim Bridg-
ers and Bozemans, the Joe Meeks and Charlie Reynoldses have
gone, — because there is no longer a place for them.
In the elimination of that old frontier and the transforma-
tion which has been effected, our late friend. Councilor, and
President, although he knew it not, was cast by Fate, or by
Providence, to bear a most noteworthy and honorable part. I
can almost imagine that as he toiled over the long weary miles
across the sweeping plains and through the mountains on that
slow, winding trek in '62, the prairie flowers and grasses nodded
and whispered to themselves in great excitement and the tall
pines made dignified discourse as he passed, anent the great
discovery by which he with others was in a few short years to
startle the country and the world.
It was late in the fall when, after traveling 1,600 miles in
eighteen weeks, he reached Grasshopper creek, the Willard's
creek of Lewis and Clark, and established himself there for the
winter as comfortably as was possible, 400 miles from a post
office or settlement. They named the place Bannack, not Ban-
nock, after the Bannack tribe of Indians. Placer gold had been
discovered there, gold seekers flocked in, and the town became
the first capital of Montana, when the latter was organized as a
territory in 1864. Several million dollars were added to the
channels of western commerce from the Bannack placers in a
few short years, and modern dredges are still wresting sub-
stantial values from the old time workings.
Mr. Langford here bore his share of hardships and severe
labor during a very trying winter. And onward, for a series
of about fourteen years, as an eminent citizen of Montana and
much of the time a government official, he bore a conspicuous
part in the shaping of the destinies of the new and youthful
634 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS. ^
commonwealth ordained by nature to become, possibly, the
greatest in the sisterhood of Northwestern states.
"While it is as a great explorer and the successful expounder
of a new idea in national policy that Mr. Langford is best
known publicly, he bore an equally important and meritorious
part in another matter of vital consequence to the peace, wel-
fare, and credit of the new territory. I refer, of course, to the
Vigilante method of law administration and enforcement.
It is difficult for an outsider to realize the cosmopolitan
character of that early-day population. Along with honest,
well meaning, hard-working men, intent upon making a good
livelihood and perchance a fortune, there came, perhaps liter-
ally, from the ends of the earth, many of a distinctly opposite
character. Adventurers of all sorts, thieves, thugs, fugitives
from justice, outlaws, human riffraff from all over the West,
poured into Bannack, Alder Gulch, and the other Montana min-
ing camps, as rapidly as they were established, intent upon
luxuriously rioting in sin and violence where courts and con-
stabulary were lacking. Many of these road agents, as they
were called, secretly banded together and had their spies, places
of rendezvous, etc., scattered throughout the region. It jfinally
became a serious question whether any man suspected of hav-
ing gold dust, money, or valuables of any kind, could possibly
journey safely from one place to another, be the distance long
or short; and to incur the ill will of one of these men, from
whatever cause, meant death. It is known that 102 persons
were killed by these bandits, and there were undoubtedly many
more.
To thwart the power of the road agents, the Vigilantes were
finally compelled to organize secretly. As all law with us comes
from the people, so it did here. It was a last and serious effort,
a forlorn hope, to enforce actually the spirit and letter of the
law, where the usual legal adjuncts were lacking. It was really
the essence of law, devoid of its technical forms and processes.
A quotation from a biographical sketch of Hon. Hezekiah L.
Hosmer, the first Chief Justice of the Territory of Montana,
published in Volume III of the Montana Historical Society Con-
tributions, is pertinent at this point:
The attraction had brought those who came to work, and those
NATHANIEL. PITT LANGFORD. 635
who came to profit by the labor of others. Had the convicts liberated
on the approach of Napoleon, on the condition that they burn Moscow,
been thrown en masse into the new settlements east of the mountains,
it could not have been worse than it was with the crowd that entered
and undertook to control Bannack and Virginia City in the years 1862
and 1863.
Self liberty and self preservation made men who regarded laws as
necessary attendants upon happiness, heroes in those troublous times.
And with a community nearly equally divided between law abiding
men and roughs, determination finally brought the desperado to the
gallows and made life at least worth the living.
By the Vigilantes, order was restored, and all, from the highway-
man to the petty pilferer from the sluice boxes or miners' cabins, knew
by the spring of 1864 that if they valued their lives, honesty was not
only a virtue, but a necessity. In this way the effect of a well studied
criminal law was reached in the early winter of 1864.
The men subjected to the judgments of the Vigilantes were
promptly but impartially tried, as they were previously by the
miners' courts, without, however, the trifling and petty delays
of the law so often now as even then experienced, and the de-
crees were promptly executed.
Judge Hosmer reached Virginia City in the fall of 1864. He
was from northern Ohio, a lawyer and journalist of ability and
reputation. Literature was his pastime and delight, and he
was a man who seems to have been well equipped in every way
for the time, place, and peculiar exigencies of the situation. I
quote again from the biography referred to :
Upon the opening of the court a Grand Jury was impanelled, to
which Judge Hosmer gave a charge prepared upon the then existing
state of society. He, among other matters, reviewed the history of the
two preceding years, the establishment of order by the aid of the
Vigilance Committee, approved its action as a necessity, but counseled,
as the courts were established, that summary proceedings should give
way to the law. The charge was met with approval by the bar, and
by request it was published.
As soon as lawful officials and courts thus made their ap-
pearance, in 1864, and the regular legal machinery was set in
motion, the Vigilantes voluntarily ceased to exist, and this fact
is the best argument for the righteousness of the movement.
The principal centers at which the organization was active
were Bannack and Virginia City, although there were branch
organizations at Last Chance and Confederate gulches. Under
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
the domination of the Vigilantes the desperadoes were hung or
banished, crime was actually and swiftly punished, life and
property were rendered safe, and society was rescued from a
state of anarchy. Some of the best citizens of the territory
were Vigilantes. Among them were Col. Wilbur F. Sanders, a
leader among leaders and afterward United States Senator from
Montana; Samuel T. Hauser, subsequently Governor of Mont-
ana; Judge "Walter B. Dance; N. P. Langford, and others of
equal prominence and standing. Deeds of bravery, equally if
not more daring than those seen on the battlefield, were per-
formed by some of these men. Both the moral and physical
courage that were displayed by Beachy, Sanders, Howie, Feath-
erstone, X. Beidler, and others, are enrolled upon the scroll of
history and will never be forgotten by the old Montana pioneers
or their successors. The State would honor itself as well as
them by sometime erecting a suitable monument to these men.
Mr. Langford himself, happily, in the Introduction to his
''Vigilante Days and Ways," a most valuable chronicle of the
time of which it treats, has presented a statement of facts and
of arguments justifying the Vigilante methods, that is impar-
tial, honest, cogent, forceful, and convincing to an open and
discriminating mind. Honor and praise, instead of adverse
criticism, are due those men, and no apologies are necessary for
what they did and dared. I quote from the Introduction al-
luded to :
The truth of the adage that "Crime carries with it its own punish-
ment" has never received a more powerful vindication than at the
tribunals erected by the people of the North-West mines for their own
protection. No sadder commentary could have stained our civilization
than to permit the numerous and bloody crimes committed in the early
history of this portion of our country to go unwhipped of justice. And
the fact that they were promptly and thoroughly dealt with stands
among the earliest and noblest characteristics of a people which de-
rived their ideas of right and of self-protection from that spirit of the
law that flows spontaneously from our free institutions. The people
bore with crime until punishment became a duty and neglect a crime.
Then, at infinite hazard of failure, they entered upon the work of pur-
gation with a strong hand, and in the briefest possible time established
the supremacy of law. The robbers and murderers of the mining re-
gions, so long defiant of the claims of peace and safety, were made to
hold the gibbet in greater terror there than in any other portion of
our country.
NATHANIEL PITT LANGE^ORD. 63*7
Up to this time, fear of punishment had exercised no restraining
influence on the conduct of men who had organized murder and rob-
bery into a steady pursuit. They hesitated at no atrocity necessary to
accomplish their guilty designs. Murder with them was resorted to
as the most available means of concealing robbery, and the two crimes
were generally coincident. The country, filled with canyons, gulches,
and mountain passes, was especially adapted to their purposes, and
the unpeopled distances between mining camps afforded ample oppor-
tunity for carrying them into execution. Pack trains and companies,
stage coaches and express messengers, were as much exposed as the
solitary traveller, and often selected as objects of attack. Miners, who
had spent months of hard labor in the placers in the accumulation of a
few hundreds of dollars, were never heard of after they left the mines
to return to their distant homes. Men were daily and nightly robbed
and murdered in the camps. There was no limit to this system of
organized brigandage.
When not engaged in robbery, this criminal population followed
other disreputable pursuits. Gambling and licentiousness were the
most conspicuous features of every mining camp, and both were but
other species of robbery. Worthless women taken from the stews of
cities plied their vocation in open day, and their bagnios were the lures
where many men were entrapped for robbery and slaughter. Dance-
houses sprung up as if by enchantment, and every one who sought an
evening's recreation in them was in some way relieved of the money
he took there. Many good men who dared to give expression to the
feelings of horror and disgust which these exhibitions inspired, were
shot down by some member of the gang on the first opportunity. For
a long time these acts were unnoticed, for the reason that the friends
of law and order supposed the power of evil to be in the ascendant.
Encouraged by this impunity the ruffian power increased in audacity,
and gave utterance to threats against all that portion of the community
which did not belong to its organization. An issue involving the de-
struction of the good or bad element actually existed at the time that
the people entered upon the work of punishment.
I offer these remarks, not in vindication of all the acts of the
vigilantes, but of so many of them as were necessary to establish the
safety and protection of the people. The reader will find among the
later acts of some of the individuals claiming to have exercised the
authority of the viligantes some executions of which he cannot ap-
prove. For these persons I can offer no apology. Many of these were
worse men than those they executed. Some were hasty and inconsid-
erate, and while firm in the belief they were doing right, actually com-
mitted grievous offences. Unhappily for the vigilantes, the acts of
these men have been recalled to justify an opinion abroad, prejudicial
to the vigilante organization. Nothing could be more unjust. The
early vigilantes were the best and most intelligent men in the mining
regions. They saw and felt that, in the absence of all law, they must
638 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
become a "law unto themselves," or submit to the bloody code of the
banditti by which they were surrounded, and which was increasing in
numbers more rapidly than themselves. Every man among them real-
ized from the first the great delicacy and care necessary in the man-
agement of a society which assumed the right to condemn to death a
fellowman. And they now refer to the history of all those men who
suffered death by their decree as affording ample justification for the
severity of their acts. What else could they do? How else were their
own lives and property, and the lives and property of the great body
of peaceable miners in the placers to be preserved? What other pro-
tection was there for a country entirely destitute of law?
Let those who would condemn these men try to realize how they
would act under similar circumstances, and they will soon find every-
thing to approve and nothing to condemn in the transactions of the
early vigilantes
. . . And when the vigilantes of Montana entered upon their
work, they did not know how soon they might have to encounter a
force numerically greater than their own.
In my view the moral of this history is a good one. The brave and
faithful conduct of the vigilantes furnishes an example of American
character, from a point of view entirely new. We know what our
countrymen were capable of doing when exposed to Indian massacre.
We have read history after history recording the sufferings of early
pioneers in the East, South, and West, but what they would do when
surrounded by robbers and assassins, who were in all civil aspects like
themselves, it has remained for the first settlers of the North Western
mines to tell. And that they did their work well, and showed in every
act a love for law, order, and for the moral and social virtues in which
they had been educated, and a regard for our free institutions, no one
can doubt who rightly appreciates the motives which actuated them.
. . . The terror which popular justice inspired in the criminal
population has never been forgotten. To this day crime has been less
frequent in occurrence in Montana than in any other of the new ter-
ritories, and no banded criminals have made that territory an abiding
place.
The outline of conditions here presented, and the character
of the men enrolled among the Vigilantes, afford ample excuse
and justification for the existence of the organzation. That
these men exhibited a high order of moral courage and bravery,
and performed a distinct and valuable service to the com-
munity, I never heard any one in Montana, familiar with those
trying days, question. Doctrinaires and theorists, safely en-
sconced in habitations far from the scenes of action, may object
to the course pursued and cavil at the reasoning that justified
it. But to the straightforward, practical man, whose common
NATHANIEL PITT LANGFORD. 639
sense gives him to see the situation in true perspective and as it
actually existed, the means adopted to restore law and order
to their high and lefty pedestal among a sore stricken people,
and to enforce respect for, and obedience to, their edicts, will
appeal to him as entirely righteous and proper. It was indeed
a condition, and a grievous one, not a theory, that confronted
those heroic souls ; and it was met in the only possible and ef-
fective way, by stern, unrelenting, yet impartial, action. Sooth-
ing syrup methods of coercion were worse than useless. All
honor to Sanders, Langford, Howie, and their associates, for
the example set those who came after them.
While a resident of Montana, Mr. Langford served the gov-
ernment in several official positions, notably those of Collector
of Internal Revenue and National Bank Examiner. In pursu-
ance of his official and other duties, he traveled over a great
part of the Northwest, and made the acquaintance of many in-
dividuals in all walks of life, and of all varieties of character
common to western life of that period.
Among those whom he thus came to know and with whom
he had business relations, was one noted in the annals of the
West. I refer to James, or, as he was commonly known, *' Jim"
Bridger, the trapper and mountaineer, a guide of national rep-
utation. Bridger was a unique product of a unique time, a dia-
mond in the rough. Uncouth, illiterate to the extent of being
unable even to write his name, he was, notwithstanding, one of
the most remarkable men of our western history, within cer-
tain limits. A man of great endurance, he had explored wide
areas, was the discoverer of Great Salt Lake, was familiar with
what is now Yellowstone Park, and had served the government
time and again as guide and hunter. He was a natural (a born)
topographer and explorer of most exceptional ability, and had
an imagination that, crude as he was, would do credit to a
Munchausen. This he used upon occasion with telling effect
and to the discomfiture of many an unwary individual.
Through Bridger and his marvelous tales and also from
other sources, Mr. Langford with others became interested in
the geyers, hot springs, and the beautiful lakes that were said
to exist on the head waters of the Yellowstone river. For sev-
eral successive years he and his friends planned to explore the
640 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
region, but the danger from Indians each time forced the aban-
donment of the enterprise.
In 1869 one of the party, Hon. David E. Folsom, refused to
be longer frightened from their purpose. With two compan-
ions, C. W. Cook and William Peterson, the latter employed on
Folsom 's ranch, he that year visited the region and returned in
safety. So fearful was he that his tale would be disbelieved,
that he was extremely reticent and diffident in telling about
what he found there. He did, however, write an account of
their experience that was published in the Western Monthly of
Chicago ; and to his intimate friends, including Mr. Langf ord,
he imparted a full knowledge of that marvelous locality. This
but whetted the appetites of the others and determined them at
all hazards to attempt the long deferred exploration of the re-
gion.
The party proper, as finally organized at Helena, consisted
of nine civilians, with two white packers and two colored cooks
as assistants. The principals in this resultful and historic ex-
pedition deserve more than passing notice, and I add here Mr.
Langf ord 's characterization of them:
I question if there was ever a body of men organized for an ex-
ploring expedition, more intelligent or more keenly alive to the risks
to be encountered.
Gen. Henry D. Washburn was the surveyor general of Montana
and had been brevetted a major general for services in the Civil War,
and had served two terms in the Congress of the United States. Judge
Cornelius Hedges was a distinguished and highly esteemed member of
the Montana bar. Samuel T. Hauser was a civil engineer, and was
president of the First National Bank of Helena. He was afterwards
appointed governor of Montana by Grover Cleveland. Warren C. Gil-
lette and Benjamin Stickney were pioneer merchants in Montana.
Walter Trumbull was assistant assessor of internal revenue, and a son
of United States Senator Lyman Trumbull of Illinois. Truman C.
Everts was assessor of internal revenue for Montana, and Nathaniel P.
Langford had been for nearly five years the United States collector of
internal revenue for Montana, and had been appointed governor of
Montana by Andrew Johnson, but, owing to the imbroglio of the Senate
with Johnson, his appointment was not confirmed.
At the very last moment, James Stuart, one of the prime
movers in the exploration, was drawn for jury service in the
federal court and prevented from going. Stuart was a man of
NATHANIEL PITT LANGFORD. 641
unusual force and decision of character, a splendid mountaineer
and explorer, versed in all the trickery of the Indian, and he
had been counted upon as the leader of the party. His failure
to go with them was a distinct loss and a keen disappointment
to all.
General Washburn was chosen as leader and the party left
Helena on August 17, 1870.
At Fort Ellis, near Bozeman, through a previous arrange-
ment made by Washburn and Langford with General Hancock
in command of the military department, a small cavalry escort
of one sergeant and four privates was procured. This escort
was, as previously stated, under command of Lieut. G. C. Doane,
a man of supreme attainments for his task. Because of that fact
and the ability and fidelity with which he performed his mis-
sion, his name has become so indelibly linked with the expedi-
tion that it is now very generally known as the Washburn-
Doane Party or Expedition.
When the party finally broke clear from civilization and
boldly launched forth into an almost unknown wilderness, it
consisted, in its entirety, of nineteen persons. Of this large
number four alone kept journals of what was destined to be-
come a historic exploration. These were General Washburn,
Lieutenant Doane, Judge Hedges, and Mr. Langford.
The diary of General Washburn was very concise, dealing
but meagerly with the details of the trip. That of Lieutenant
Doane was very full and complete and was published by the
government. It deservedly ranks as a classic in descriptive lit-
erature, and will endure as long as the park itself does. Judge
Hedges' journal was much longer and more detailed than was
that of Washburn, but it was not as exhaustive as that of Doane.
It was written for the private use of Judge Hedges alone, and
not with the least expectation of its publication; but it was,
fortunately, finally printed in 1904 in Volume V of ' ' Contribu-
tions to the Historical Society of Montana." The diary of Mr.
Langford was by far the most complete record history of the
exploration, from every point of view, and like Doane 's report
it was a masterpiece of descriptive narrative. It was published
by Mr. Langford in the year 1905, in a book of 122 pages, with
many portraits and other illustrations, and with an introduc-
41
642 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
tion of 32 pages. This book, entitled ''Diary of the Washburn
Expedition to the Yellowstone and Firehole Rivers in the Year
1870," should form a part of the library of every man who has
any interest in the physical grandeur of his country.
If to any single member of the party could be accorded the
name of diarist or historian of the exploration, the honor would
unquestionably fall to our late friend and associate. The three
journals of Langford, Doane, and Hedges, form an imperish-
able trinity of descriptive literature and history of the explor-
ation and establishment of the first National Park by the gen-
eral government.
Of the ten principal members of the party, seven are now
dead, those now surviving being Ex-Governor Hauser, Mr. Gil-
lette, and Mr. Stickney. General Washburn was the first, and
Mr. Langford the last one to pass away. Mr. Hauser and Mr.
Gillette still reside in Montana; Mr. Stickney is living in
Florida.
I have conversed innumerable times with Mr. Langford, and
I also interviewed Judge Hedges several times, regarding this
exploration. These conversations forcibly impressed me with
the modesty and fairness of both these men regarding the part
each member of the party played in the conduct of the expedi-
tion. There was not the slightest attempt at self laudation on
the one hand, nor of dispraise of any other member on the other
hand. I long since came to the conclusion that in its personnel
this exploring party was highly favored by Providence. The
individuals composing it were congenial, high minded gentle-
men, who worked together harmoniously and without one seri-
ous, violent outbreak or altercation, so far as I have ever ascer-
tained, although at times all were sorely tried. Under the cir-
cumstances, as I know from similar personal experience, this is
a most creditable record, which, I think, may fairly be called
remarkable.
After leaving Bozeman and Fort Ellis, the trail traveled led
the party across the Belt range of mountains, about ten or
twelve miles south of where Captain Clark, of the Lewis and
Clark expedition, crossed them in 1806. The pass that Clark
used is the one by which the Northern Pacific railway now
crosses the range, known as Bozeman pass, in honor of John M.
NATHANIEL PITT LANGFORD. 643
Bozeman, an early Montana pioneer and a contemporary of
Bridger. After crossing the divide, the trail followed down
Trail creek into the valley of the Yellowstone. They continued
up the west side of the beautiful valley of that stream to where
Gardiner, the official entrance to the park, now is situated at
the mouth of Gardiner river, where they made one of their
camps. Thence they followed an Indian trail parallel to the
Yellowstone river to the Grand Canyon and Yellowstone lake.
Before reaching the lake, they crossed to the east side of the
Yellowstone at the ford near Mud Volcano, the same ford which
Chief Joseph used when escaping from General Howard in 1878.
They circled the east and south sides of Yellowstone lake, and
then struck across the continental divide to the Firehole branch
of the Madison river, which they followed through the Upper
and Lower Geyser Basins back to the Montana settlements. The
Madison river trail is also the one by which Chief Joseph and
General Howard entered the confines of the park during their
memorable retreat and pursuit.
That the fears of the party regarding the danger from rov-
ing bands of Indians were not unfounded, was proved at the
very outset of the journey. Immediately upon descending into
the valley of the Yellowstone, Crow Indians were discovered in
considerable number. The lodge-pole trail of the Crows was
followed for several days, and their smoke signals were seen on
the hills. Great vigilance was, naturally, exercised both day
and night, but no actual encounter occurred. The size of the
party undoubtedly proved its safety. At Tower Fall the In-
dians crossed to the east side of the Yellowstone river, and
although guards continued to be stationed at night no more
Indians were seen.
Upon leaving Helena the expedition had laid in a supply of
provisions for thirty days. It was thirty-eight days after leav-
ing that city before Mr. Langford, the first one of the party to
re-enter it, again saw it. While still detained around Yellow-
stone lake, their staple provisions, sugar, coffee, flour, etc., ran
perilously low, and they were put upon short rations. Before
reaching the geyser basins, they were able to provide them-
selves quite plentifully with venison, grouse, and antelope.
Trout were abundant at all times, so much so that while en-
644 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
camped at the lake, as a measure of precaution they caught and
dried several hundred pounds to supplement their impoverished
larder.
In a company where practically all were equals, were men
of enduring qualities, and who bore themselves in true, manly
fashion, invidious distinctions are not easily possible nor de-
sirable. It may be said, however, that a reading of the jour-
nals will show that Mr. Langford was easily one of the leading
figures in the exploration. Strong, physically and mentally,
capable of advising wisely and enduring great labor and hard-
ship, naturally industrious and not given to shirking his share
of responsibility, of a temper that could withstand severe
strains upon its equanimity, he was admirably fitted for lead-
ership in an enterprise such as this. While General Washburn
was the titular leader and as such filled the position in a man-
ner beyond criticism, there was a rare and beautiful goodfel-
lowship existing and several others, including particularly Mr.
Langford, virtually shared the honors of leadership with Gen-
eral Washburn.
It must be remembered that this region was, in all serious-
ness, a terra incognita to every one of these explorers, and they
were following a very blind wilderness trail. The objective
point of the expedition was Yellowstone lake, a large body of
water known to be at a very high altitude somewhere among
the labyrinths of the mountains. Upon arriving at what is now
Tower Fall, nothing had been seen of such a body of water
from any of the elevations ascended, and some of the party
were becoming much concerned as to their own whereabouts.
While encamped at the fall. General Washburn one day as-
cended a high, sloping mountain to the south, and from its
wind-swept, rounded summit, to which a finely engineered car-
riage road now winds, he descried the beautiful lake, the ob-
ject of their quest, reposing in its mountain basin ''twenty
miles away." This was a most cheSring discovery, and, despite
a recently formed resolution not to affix the name of any mem-
ber of the party to any object of interest discovered, so re-
joiced were they all at the tidings of General Washburn, that
the peak was spontaneously and unanimously named Mt. Wash-
burn, and as such it is known today.
NATHANIEL PITT LANGFORD. 645
General Washburn (and also others of the party in fact)
was more or less broken by the hardships suffered on this trip,
and he died on January 26, 1871, following the return of the
explorers to civilization. As showing the beautiful harmony
that prevailed in the party and the esteem in which General
Washburn was held by them, I quote from a memorial address
by Mr. Hedges in Helena on January 29, 1871 :
On the west bank of the Yellowstone .... a mighty senti-
nel, overlooking that region of wonders, rises in its serene and solitary-
grandeur, — Mount Washburn, — pointing the way his enfranchised spirit
was soon to soar. He was the first to climb its bare, bald summit, and
thence reported to us the welcome news that he saw the beautiful lake
that had been the proposed object of our journey. By unanimous
voice, unsolicited by him, we gave the mountain a name that through
coming years shall bear onward the memory of our gallant, generous
leader. How little we then thought that he would be the first to live
only in memory.
At the Grand Canyon the explorers camped on Cascade
creek near Crystal fall, both so aptly named by Mr. Hedges.
They were most profoundly impressed, as thousands have been
since, by the majesty, beauty, and grandeur of their surround-
ings.
As indicating the impressions made upon Mr. Langford, in-
dividually, and to show the dignity, power, and literary style
of his narrative, I give two or three excerpts from his journal
descriptive of the Grand Canyon and the falls. Under date of
August 31, he wrote :
This has been a "red-letter" day with me, and one which I shall
not soon forget, for my mind is clogged and my memory confused by
what I have today seen. General Washburn and Mr. Hedges are sit-
ting near me, writing, and we have an understanding that we will
compare our notes when finished. We are all overwhelmed with as-
tonishment and wonder at what we have seen, and we feel that we
have been near the very presence of the Almighty. General Washburn
has just quoted from the psalm:
"When I behold the work of Thy hands, what is man that Thou art
mindful of him?"
My own mind is so confused that I hardly know where to com-
mence in making a clear record of what is at this moment fioating past
my mental vision. I cannot confine myself to a bare description of the
falls of the Yellowstone alone, for these two great cataracts are but
one feature in a scene composed of so many of the elements of grand-
646 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTlOlSfS.
eur and sublimity, that I almost despair of giving to those who on our
return home will listen to a recital of our adventures, the faintest con-
ception of it. The immense canyon or gorge of rocks through wnich
the river descends, perhaps more than the falls, is calculated to fill
the observer with feelings of mingled awe and terror The
stillness is horrible, and the solemn grandeur of the scene surpasses
conception. You feel the absence of sound — the oppression of abso-
lute silence. Down, down, down, you see the river attenuated to a
thread. If you could only hear that gurgling river, lashing with puny
strength the massive walls that imprison it and hold it in their dismal
shadow, if you could but see a living thing in the depth beneath you,
if a bird would but fly past you, if the wind would move any object in
that awful chasm, to break for a moment the solemn silence which
reigns there, it would relieve that tension of the nerves which the
scene has excited, and with a grateful heart you would thank God that
he had permitted you to gaze unharmed upon this majestic display of
his handiwork. But as it is, the spirit of man sympathizes with the
deep gloom of the scene, and the brain reels as you gaze into this pro-
found and solemn solitude.
.... As I took in this scene, I realized my own littleness, my
helplessness, my dread exposure to destruction, my inability to cope
with or even comprehend the mighty architecture of nature. More
than all this I felt as never before my entire dependence upon that
Almighty Power who had wrought these wonders.
Of the two glorious cataracts at the head of the canyon he
wrote, in part :
The two grand falls of the Yellowstone form a fitting completion
to this stupendous climax of wonders. They impart life, power, light
and majesty to an assemblage of elements, which without them would
be the most gloomy and horrible solitude in nature. Their eternal
anthem, echoing from canyon, mountain, rock and woodland, thrills
you with delight, and you gaze with rapture at the iris-crowned cur-
tains of fleecy foam as they plunge into gulfs enveloped in mist and
spray. The stillness which held your senses spell-bound, as you peered
into the dismal depths of the canyon below, is now broken by the up-
roar of waters; the terror it inspired is superseded by admiration and
astonishment, 'and the scene, late so painful from its silence and gloom,
is now animate with joy and revelry.
The first camp at Yellowstone lake was on the north shore
about two miles east of the outlet. Here we find Mr. Langford
successfully assuming a new role, one that exhibited not only
his versatility, but proved his value in emergencies. During
the entire exploration thus far. Lieutenant Doane had suffered
agonies from an obstinate felon. His sufferings had become so
NAtHANlEL PITT LANGFORfi. 647
acute and even excruciating that relief must, in some way, be
afforded, and we will let Dr. Langford tell the story of what
followed :
Last evening Lieutenant Doane's sufferings were so intense that
General Washburn and I insisted that he submit to an operation, and
have the felon opened, and he consented provided I would administer
chloroform. Preparations were accordingly made after supper. A box
containng army cartridges was improvised as an operating table, and
I engaged Mr. Bean, one of our packers, and Mr. Hedges as assistant
surgeons. Hedges was to take his position at Doane's elbow, and was
to watch my motion as I thrust in the knife blade, and hold the elbow
and fore-arm firmly to prevent any involuntary drawing back of the
arm by Lieutenant Doane, at the critical moment. When Doane was
told that we were ready, he asked, "Where is the chloroform?" I
replied that I had never administered it, and that after thinking the
matter over I was afraid to assume the responsibility of giving it. He
swallowed his disappointment, and turned his thumb over on the car-
tridge box, with the nail down. Hedges and Bean were on hand to
steady the arm, and before one could say "Jack Robinson," I had in-
serted the point of my penknife, thrusting it down to the bone, and
had ripped it out to the end of the thumb. Doane gave one shriek as
the released corruption flew out in all directions upon surgeon and as-
sistants, and then with a broad smile on his face he exclaimed, "That
was elegant!" We then applied a poultice of bread and water, which
we renewed a half hour later, and Doane at about eight o'clock last
night dropped off into a seemingly peaceful sleep, which has been con-
tinuous up to the time of this writing, two o'clock p. m.
Lieutenant Doane had been nine days and nights without
sleep, and he now slept continuously for thirty-six hours.
While encamped on the eastern shore of the lake. Lieuten-
ant Doane and Mr. Langford climbed, with great exertion and
difficulty, a high mountain close at hand and bordering the
lake, in order to gain some idea of the country and to lay out
a route for the future. They were four hours in reaching the
summit, and while there Mr. Langford made a rough but very
correct outline map of the lake. This was the first map ever
drawn that gave anything like a correct representation of the
peculiar shape and shore line of this body of water. It was
used by General Washburn, as Surveyor General, as the copy,
or model, for a map for the Interior Department at Washing-
ton, in whose archives, presumably, it still reposes.
648 MINNESOTA HlSlORtCAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
As an appropriate recognition of the services of Mr. Lang-
ford and Lieutenant Doane in making this laborious ascent and
the map, General Washburn, with the hearty concurrence of
his associates, named the peak they climbed, Mt. Langford, and
the mountain just north of it, Mt. Doane. The one they as-
cended was, Mr. Langford states, "the most westerly peak" of
the range, and it commanded a very extensive view. Doane
pronounced it ''the highest peak of the east range," that is, of
the range on the eastern side of the lake.
In 1871 Dr. F. V. Hayden and his government survey vis-
ited the region, impelled thereto by the Washburn-Doane ex-
ploration of 1870, and his parties explored and mapped it.
With an apparent total disregard for the facts, as stated, that
seems utterly unjustifiable, he ignored the name Mt. Langford
as applied to this peak, and gave it to a mountain far removed
from this locality. Later, for some reason, apparently at least
publicly unknown, but possibly by Hayden, the name was again
changed to a peak near the original Mt. Langford, to which
mountain Hayden, presumably, gave the name Stevenson, after
James Stevenson, a member of his own party, who may or may
not have climbed it. The propriety and significance of apply-
ing the name Langford to the peak that Doane and Langford
ascended, and from which they sketched the first map of the
locality that, rough as it was, bore any semblance to accuracy,
calls for no argument. As the matter now stands, the name
carries little or no significance. Apparently, Dr. Hayden in-
excusably ignored the prior and just rights of a previous
brother explorer, endeavoring later, possibly, to make amends
for it by bringing the name back to that locality.
I suggest that, as these three peaks, Stevenson, Langford,
and Doane, as now named, are very near together, it would not
be difficult even now wholly to rectify this injustice and prop-
erly and sensibly to readjust these names. A determined effort
by the Minnesota Historical Society, in conjunction with the
Montana Historical Society and perhaps other appropriate or-
ganizations, could probably accomplish this object. And what
a graceful and appropriate action and tribute it would be if
these societies, to which Mr. Langford was so closely related,
could accomplish this result!
k
NATHANIEL PITT LANGFORD. 649
While, one day, the expedition was making its way with
greatest difficulty through the tangled mass of brush and fallen
timber that encumbered the route, Mr. Langford's keen sense
of the ludicrous saved a rather serious situation and changed
the entire aspect of affairs.
Those of us who have endeavored to work a pack train
through almost impassable obstacles of this sort, know how it
tries men's souls. On this particular occasion patience as well
as physical strength had become exhausted, the tempers of all
were strained to the breaking point, and an ugly spirit pre-
dominated. At the opportune time, or as I ought now to say,
I suppose, the psychological moment, Mr. Langford, in a highly
affected and mock heroic style, recited these beautiful lines
from Byron, found in Childe Harold's Pilgrimage:
"There is a pleasure in the pathless woods;
There is a rapture on the lonely shore;
There is society, where none intrudes.
By the deep sea, and music in its roar:
I love not man the less, but Nature more."
The effect of this pompous style of declamation, amid such
doleful and lugubrious surroundings, was instantaneous and
may easily be imagined. All burst into unrestrained laughter,
the tension was quickly relaxed, the atmosphere was cleared,
and anger and sullenness gave way to good feeling and con-
geniality.
All mountaineers and explorers know well that there is
nothing in the world that so tries a man's patience and de-
velops, on the one hand, the mean, selfish, ignoble attributes,
or, on the other hand, the noble and unselfish qualities in a
man, — in a word, nothing that so quickly and unfailingly brings
to the surface the real nature of an individual — as do the trials
and difficulties inseparable from just such a journey as the one
in which the Washburn-Doane party were engaged. Their
progress around Yellowstone lake was peculiarly aggravating
and nerve-trying. An excerpt from Mr. Langford 's diary at
this time not only emphasizes this fact, but reveals most ad-
mirably the sterling character, the rugged honesty, the sound
philosophy, the innate sweetness and nobility of spirit of the
man himself. He records:
65(3 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECtloMS.
I growled at Hauser and scolded him a little in camp tonight be-
cause of some exasperating action of his. I here record the fact with-
out going into details. I think that I must try to be more patient. But
I am feeling somewhat the fatigue of our journey. However, there Is
something to be said on the other hand, and that is that there is no
one of the party better able to bear its labors and anxieties than I, and
therefore I should be the last man to lose my patience.
I know of nothing that can try one's patience more than a trip of
any considerable length by wagon train or pack train through an un-
inhabited region, and the most amiable of our race cannot pass this
ordeal entirely unscathed. Persons who are not blessed with uncom-
mon equanimity never get through such a journey without frequent
explosions of temper, and seldom without violence. Even education,
gentle training and the sharpest of mental discipline, do not always so
effectually subdue the passions that they may not be aroused into un-
wonted fury during a long journey through a country filled with ob-
structions. Philosophy has never found a fitter subject for its exercise
than that afforded by the journey we are now making, which obliges
the members of our party to strive to relieve each other's burdens.
In order that an erroneous impression of Governor Hauser
may not be conveyed by this quotation, I submit one more writ-
ten at about the same time, referring to an intensely practical
joke played on him by Mr. Langford and Judge Hedges during
a night on which they stood guard.
Mr. Hauser had expected to have a dainty breakfast,
but he is himself too fond of a practical joke to express any disap-
pointment, and no one in the party is more unconcerned at the out-
come than he. He is a philosopher, and, as I know from eight years'
association with him, does not worry over the evils which he can
remedy, nor those which he cannot remedy. There can be found no
better man than he for such a trip as we are making.
Another excerpt will convey a vivid impression of what
those of us who have enjoyed the luxury of travel with pack
trains, have experienced on trails grievously obstructed by
down timber. This experience was also among the mountains
bordering Yellowstone lake.
We broke camp this morning with the pack train at 10 o'clock,
traveling in a westerly course for about two miles, when we gradually
veered around to a nearly easterly direction, through fallen timber
almost impassable in the estimation of pilgrims, and indeed pretty
severe on our pack horses, for there was no trail, and, while our sad-
dle horses with their riders could manage to force their way through
Nathaniel pitt langford. 651
between the trees, the packs on the pack animals would frequently
strike the trees, holding the animals fast or compelling them to seek
some other passage. Frequently, Vv^e were obliged to re-arrange the
packs and narrow them, so as to admit of their passage between the
standing trees. At one point the pack animals became separated, and
with the riding animals of a portion of the party were confronted with
a prostrate trunk of a huge tree, about four feet in diameter, around
which it was impossible to pass because of the obstructions of fallen
timber. Yet pass it we must; and the animals, one after another,
were brought up to the log, their breasts touching it, when Williamson
and I, the two strongest men of the party, on either side of an animal,
stooped down, and, placing each a shoulder back of a fore leg of a
horse, rose to an erect position, while others of the party placed his
fore feet over the log, which he was thus enabled to scale. In this
way we lifted fifteen or twenty of our animals over the log.
Friday, September 9, 1870, was a day and date seared upon
the minds and memories of every member of the expedition. It
was the same day on which occurred the "horse lifting" inci-
dent just recorded.
After a day of soul-trying and exhausting experiences in the
fallen timber lodged on the hillsides, they camped that after-
noon on the western, the Pacific, slope of the Continental Di-
vide. The tremendous obstacles to their progress may be
judged from the fact that their camp, en a small affluent stream
of the Snake river, was but three miles from their last camp,
and the circuitous distance traveled was but six miles.
These words, from Mr. Langford 's journal, ''Mr, Everts has
not yet come into camp, and we fear that he is lost," prefigure
an experience in that gentleman's life that contained all the
elements of an awful tragedy. That, at the last moment, it was
saved from becoming a complete and lamentable tragedy, is it
too much to say, was owing to the ever watchful and loving
care of a Divine Providence that so often guides our footsteps?
Some may question this, many will firmly believe it to be the
only possible solution.
Mr. Everts was, indeed, lost! In the absence of any real,
defined trail in the tangled timber, he with the others was con-
tinually winding hither and thither seeking a route that would
lead them onward. In some manner while thus engaged he be-
came confused and separated from his- comrades, and his ab-
sence was not noted until camp was made.
652 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Mr. Everts was not seen again for thirty-seven days, when
he was found by two mountaineers on the summit of a moun-
tain in the neighborhood of Yancey's, west of that point and
north of Mt. Washburn. These mountain men were sent in
search of Everts by the Washburn-Doane explorers after their
return to civilization. Everts, when found, was entirely ex-
hausted and partially deranged through starvation, exposure,
and suffering. On the very first day of his absence, his horse,
left standing and unfastened, with all the man 's arms and camp
equipments attached, became frightened and ran away and was
never afterward seen. Everts was near-sighted, had not even
a knife for use or defense, and only a field-glass to assist him in
escaping. He at first managed to reach Heart lake, one of the
sources of Snake river. Here he remained for twelve days,
sleeping close by the hot springs to keep from freezing. His
food was thistle roots, boiled in the springs. One night he was
forced into a tree by a mountain lion and kept there all night.
Finally he bethought himself of the lenses of his field-glasses,
and thus was enabled to kindle fires. He wandered all along
the western side of the lake and down the Yellowstone river to
where he was providentially found. He gave the story of his
terrible experience in the old Scribner's Magazine, since be-
come the Century Magazine, and a thrilling tale it makes.
In a country filled with a network of streams, abundantly
supplied with animal life for food, gorged with timber for fuel,
the man nearly froze, and starved, and almost perished from
thirst. Twice he was five days without food, and once three
days without water. It was late in the season, and the storms
swept down on him and chilled him to the bone ; the snows kept
him prisoner in camp, or when on his painful marches blocked
his progress. He became weaker and weaker. For several
days toward the end of his wanderings, a large mountain lion
followed his trail to feast on him when he should at last drop
exhausted. When it finally seemed as if hope must be given
up, and life also, he was providentially found, and was care-
fully nursed back to health. His escape borders on the mirac-
ulous. The large plateau, known as Mt. Everts, just east of
Mammoth Hot Springs, 'was named for Everts on the mistaken
assumption that he was found on its summit.
NATHANIEL PITT LANGFORD. 653
The journal for September 11 relates a not infrequent but
always startling experience:
We were roused this morning about 2 o'clock by the shrill howl
of a mountain lion, and again while we were at breakfast we heard
another yell. As we stood around our camp-fire tonight, our ears were
saluted with a shriek so terribly human, that for a moment we be-
lieved it to be a call from Mr. Everts, and we hallooed in response,
and several of our party started in the direction whence the sounds
came, and would have instituted a search for our comrade but for an
admonitory growl of a mountain lion.
One who has ever heard the peculiar, childlike cry of one
of these beasts, will never forget it, nor the terrifying effect it
instinctively produces. Fortunately for those who in these
days now and then break away from the established routes of
travel in the park and penetrate the remoter and untraveled
wilds by horseback and pack train, there are few of these ani-
mals now found there. The government has strenuously hunted
them down to prevent their preying on the elk, antelopes, and
deer, which are steadily increasing.
From September 11 to 16 the party remained at their camp
on the southwest arm of the lake. The utmost anxiety pre-
vailed regarding Mr. Everts. By twos, following the old script-
ural injunction, they went forth day by day in all directions,
searching for the unfortunate wanderer, but not the slightest
trace of him or his horse was ever found by them.
The solicitude regarding Everts, and one reason for it, are
thus voiced :
I had a good nap this afternoon and I feel greatly
refreshed. My first thought on awakening was for poor Everts. I
wonder where he can be throughout all this fierce storm and deep
snow? Perhaps the snow did not reach him, for I noticed tonight that
the ground was quite bare on the opposite side of this arm of the lake,
while the snow is eight or ten inches deep here at our camp
Each night that we have been camped here we have heard the shrill
cries of the mountain lions, and under a momentary illusion I have each
time been half convinced that it was a human being in distress. Be-
cause of the mountain lions we are keeping close watch upon our
horses. They are very fond of horse flesh, and oftentimes will follow a
horseman a long distance, more to make a meal upon the flesh of the
horse than for the purpose of attacking the rider.
654 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL. SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
One, at least, of these explorers was not so beset by the
manifold cares and anxieties, the labors and fatigues that en-
compassed them, as not to foresee in his mind's eye with re-
markably clear and unclouded vision, the real purport and ulti-
mate importance of the exploration to which they had so un-
reservedly given themselves. This is evidenced by this excerpt
from the diary of September 14, written at their next to the
last camp on the lake, the one from which they conducted the
search for Everts. It also draws a picture of some features of
their camp life that is interesting.
We have remained in camp all day, as it is next to impossible to
move. The snow is nearly two feet deep, and is very wet and heavy,
and our horses are pawing in it for forage. Our large army tent is
doing us good service, and, as there is an abundance of dry wood close
by our camp, we are extremely comfortable. I am the only one of the
party who has a pair of water-proof boots, and I was up and out of the
tent this morning before daylight cutting into cordwood a pine log,
and before noon I had more than a half cord at the tent door. Wash-
burn and Hauser offered to do some of this work if I would loan them
my water-proof boots; but, as they are of a full size for me, and would
probably drop off of their feet, I told them that I would get the wood.
Lieutenant Doane today requested me to loan him this diary from
which to write up his records, as the condition of his thumb has inter-
fered with his use of a pen or pencil. I have accordingly loaned it to
him, and Private Moore has been busy the greater part of the day
copying portions of it.
For myself, I am very glad to have a day of rest, for I have felt
much wearied for several days. I think that I am certainly within
bounds when I say that I have put in sixteen hours a day of pretty
hard work, attending to camp duties, and writing each day till late, at
night, and I realize that this journal of travel is becoming ponderous.
Yet there is daily crowded upon my vision so much of novelty and
wonder, which should be brought to the notice of the world, and which,
so far as my individual effort is concerned, will be lost to it if I do not
record the incidents of each day's travel, that I am determined to
make my journal as full as possible, and to purposely omit no details.
It is a lifetime opportunity for publishing to all who may be interested,
a complete record of the discoveries of an expedition which in coming
time will rank among the first and most important of American ex-
plorations.
That Mr. Langford was able at this time to pen the pre-
ceding statement concerning the importance of the exploration
and its discoveries, exhibited a prescience and an accuracy in
NATHANIEL PITT LANGFORD. 655
judging results, that are very surprising. It must be borne in
mind that the party did not at any time see or know of Mam-
moth Hot Springs and its beautiful terraces, the Golden Gate,
the canyon and fall of the Middle Gardiner river. Obsidian
Cliff, Norris Geyser Basin, Gibbon fall and canyon, and other
remarkable objects, which now so delight thousands annually.
Neither had they at this time seen a single geyser, that par-
ticular class of phenomena that renders the region so unique
and distinguishes it, more than any other, from other wonder
spots of the globe. Nevertheless the instinct was unerring and
the prognostication a true one.
The last camp in the Yellowstone Lake region was made at
the "West Arm or Thumb, as it is also termed, where the lunch
station on the lake is now located. It was on open ground, and
the relief at emerging from the gloom and intricacies of the for-
est was inexpressible. Mr. Langford, from the depths of that
tenacious memory that we all knew so well, recited to Hauser
and Washburn the following lines from ''The Task," by Cow-
per, as ''at once expressive of our experience in the journey
around the lake and of our present relief."
"As one who long in thickets and in brakes
Entangled, winds now this way and now that,
His devious course uncertain, seeking home;
Or having long in miry ways been foiled
And sore discomfited, from slough to slough
Plunging, and half despairing of escape;
If chance at length he finds a greensward smooth
And faithful to the foot, his spirits rise,
He chirrups brisk his ear-erecting steed,
And winds his way with pleasure and with ease."
On September 17 they resumed their forward journey. So
keen was their continued anxiety regarding Everts, however,
that Mr. Gillette with two of the private soldiers was left be-
hind the main party, and, with ten days' rations, these resumed
the search for that unfortunate man. They were to return
home by whatsoever route they chose.
Striking out again into the unknown with Mr. Hauser, a
civil engineer of much experience, as topographer in chief,
the main body crossed the Continental Divide, which at this
point doubles back upon itself, twice, as the tourist of today
656 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
does, camping that night on a small tributary creek of the
Firehole river, and once more on the Atlantic slope. It was a
camp of very tired men, who for the most part were greatly
depressed. Upon crossing the Continental Divide the first
time, they saw a large lake lying to the south. This occasioned
a great deal of discussion, not alone as to what body of water
it could be, but as to their whereabouts. With the exception
of Hauser and Langford, all seemed sure that the lake was the
source of the Firehole river. These two insisted that it was
the source of the Snake river, and that the Firehole yet lay
ahead of them, beyond the second crossing of the Divide, in
which conjecture they were correct.
The lake was Shoshone lake, and from Shoshone Point the
tourists of today catch a glimpse of it and overlook, beneath
them, the heavily timbered low country across which the Wash-
burn party struggled forward to the final crossing of the Con-
tinental Divide.
And here let me digress for a brief moment. One of the
conspicuous sights from Shoshone Point is the long distance
view obtained, some fifty miles to the south, of the Three Te-
tons, or the Pilot Knobs, the name by which they were formerly
known. These peaks are stern, rugged, and old-time land-
marks. The principal and highest one, the Grand Teton, was
first ascended to its extreme height, in 1872, by Nathaniel P.
Langford and James Stevenson, the latter being of the Hayden
survey.
Scribner's Magazine for June, 1873, published an account
of -this ascent, written by Mr. Langford. Not until 1898 was
the summit of this peak again reached.
On September 18, the anxieties of the explorers as to their
location were quickly set at rest, for within three miles after
breaking camp they reached the Firehole river not far above
Kepler cascade, and soon thereafter found themselves in the
wonderful Upper Geyser Basin, the very heart of geyser land.
To say that they were delighted, astonished, mystified,
awed, by what they saw here and in going to and through the
Midway and Lower Geyser Basins, a distance of about twelve
miles, is merely to state what all know could not have been
otherwise. Mr. Langford 's journal at this point exhibits an
NATHANIEL PITT LANGFORD. 657
^P almost boyish exuberance and enthusiasm at the magnitude
and strange nature of the phenomena discovered by them. One
excerpt will suffice :
■ Near by is situated the "Giantess," the largest of all the geysers
we saw in eruption. Ascending a gentle slope for a distance of sixty
yards we came to a sink or well of an irregular oval shape, fifteen by
twenty feet across, into which we could see to the depth of fifty feet
or more, but could discover no water, though we could distinctly hear
it gurgling and boiling at a fearful rate afar down this vertical cavern.
Suddenly it commenced spluttering and rising with incredible rapidity,
causing a general stampede among our company, who all moved around
to the windward side of the geyser. When the water had risen within
about twenty-five feet of the surface, it became stationary, and we re-
turned to look down upon the foaming water, which occasionally
emitted hot jets nearly to the mouth of the orifice. As if tired of this
sport the water began to ascend at the rate of five feet in a second,
and when near the top it was expelled with terrific momentum in a
column the full size of the immense aperture to a height of sixty feet.
The column remained at this height for the space of about a minute,
when from the apex of this vast aqueous mass five lesser jets or round
columns of water varying in size from six to fifteen inches in diameter
shot up into the atmosphere to the amazing height of two hundred and
fifty feet. This was without exception the most magnificent phenomenon
I ever beheld. We were standing on the side of the geyser exposed to
the sun, whose sparkling rays filled the ponderous column with what
appeared to be the clippings of a thousand rainbows. These prismatic
illusions disappeared, only to be succeeded by myriads of others which
continually fluttered and sparkled through the spray during the twenty
minutes the eruption lasted. These lesser jets, thrown so much higher
than the main column and shooting through it, doubtless proceed from
auxiliary pipes leading into the principal orifice near the bottom,
where the explosive force is greater. The minute globules into which
the spent column was diffused when falling sparkled like a shower of
diamonds, and around every shadow produced by the column of steam
hiding the sun was the halo so often represented in paintings as en-
circling the head of the Savior. We unhesitatingly agreed that this
was the greatest wonder of our trip.
The party were more than fortunate in what they here saw.
The mysterious, mystical spirits of the geyser world, seemingly
forewarned in some secret manner, appear to have made spe-
cial efforts to arrange an elaborate program of welcome and
exhibition for them. In a stay of but twenty-two hours they
saw twelve geysers in action, six of them among the very finest
in the basin, including Old Faithful, Bee Hive, the Giant, and
658 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL, SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Castle. If any party ever deserved such a multum in parvo
reception and display, it was this one.
On the night of September 19, the explorers camped at the
junction of the Firehole and Gibbon rivers. The bivouac at
that spot has made it historic, for there the idea of establish-
ing a National Park bloomed and blossomed forth in full flower
and became a practical one. General H. M. Chittenden, re-
tired, when Engineer in Charge of road construction, etc., in
the park, verj^ properly placed a large tablet at this point to
commemorate that truth. To a high hill or salient at this point
has also been given the name National Park Mountain.
The facts in regard to the origin of this idea and its final
realization in the establishment of Yellowstone Park are not
only of interest but of value historically. The story forms an
important part of the one I am endeavoring to relate, for no
man loomed more prominently in it than N. P. Langford. As
one of its original promoters let Mr. Langford be also, at least
in part, its historian. In his journal for September 20, he wrote :
Last night, and also this morning in camp, the entire party had a
rather unusual discussion. The proposition was made by some mem-
ber that we utilize the result of our exploration by taking up quarter
sections of land at the most prominent points of interest, and a gen-
eral discussion followed. One member of our party suggested that if
there could be secured by pre-emption a good title to two or three
quarter sections of land opposite the Lower Fall of the Yellowstone
and extending down the river along the canyon, they would eventually
become a source of great profit to the owners. Another member of
the party thought that it would be more desirable to take up a quarter
section of land at the Upper Geyser Basin, for the reason that that
locality could be more easily reached by tourists and pleasure seekers.
A third suggestion was that each member of the party pre-empt a
claim, and in order that no one should have an advantage over the
other, the whole should be thrown into a common pool for the benefit
of the entire party. [Here Mr. Langford and the others appear to have
formulated the original idea of a "trust" or "holding company," so
popular in these latter days.]
Mr. Hedges then said he did not approve of any of these plans —
that there ought to be no private ownership of any portion of that
region, but that the whole of it ought to be set apart as a great Na-
tional Park, and that each one of us ought to make an effort to have
this accomplished. His suggestion met with an instantaneous and fa-
vorable response from all — except one — of the members of our party,
and each hour since the matter was first broached, our enthusiasm has
I
Nathaniel pitt LANGt'ORt). 659
increased. It has been the main theme of our conversation today as
we journeyed. I lay awake half of last night thinking about it; — and
if my wakefulness deprived my bed-fellow (Hedges) of any sleep, he
has only himself and his disturbing National Park proposition to an-
swer for it.
Our purpose to create a park can only be accomplished by untiring
work and concerted action in a warfare against the incredulity and
unbelief of our National legislators when our proposal shall be pre-
sented for their approval. Nevertheless, I believe we can win the
battle.
I do not know of any portion of our country where a national park
can be established, furnishing to visitors more wonderful attractions
than here. These wonders are so different from anything we have
ever seen — they are so various, so extensive — that the feeling in my
mind from the moment they began to appear until we left them has
been one of intense surprise and of incredulity. Every day spent in
surveying them has revealed to me some new beauty, and now that I
have left them, I begin to feel a skepticism which clothes them in a
memory clouded by doubt.
Again, in further elucidation of what transpired, he wrote :
The question is frequently asked, "Who originated the plan of set-
ting apart this region as a National Park?" I answer that Judge Cor-
nelius Hedges of Helena wrote the first articles ever published by the
press, urging the dedication of this region as a park. The Helena
Herald of Nov. 9, 1870, contains a letter of Mr. Hedges, in which he
advocated the scheme, and in my lectures delivered in Washington
and New York in January, 1871, I directed attention to Mr. Hedges'
suggestion, and urged the passage by Congress of an act setting apart
that region as a public park. All this was several months prior to the
first exploration by the U. S, Geological Survey, in charge of Dr. Hay-
den. The suggestion that the region should be made into a National
Park was first broached to the members of our party on September 19,
1870, by Mr. Hedges, while we were in camp at the confluence of the
Firehole and Gibbon rivers, as is related in this diary. After the re-
turn home of our party, I was informed by General Washburn that on
fhe eve of the departure of our expedition from Helena, David E. Fol-
som had suggested to him the desirability of creating a park at the
grand canyon and falls of the Yellowstone. This fact was unknown to
Mr. Hedges, — and the boundary lines of the proposed park were ex-
tended by him so as to be commensurate with the wider range of our
explorations.
General Washburn's statement shows beyond question that
the man who first gave expression to the idea in any tangible,
practical form, was David E. Folsom, already mentioned as hav-
660 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ing visited the region in 1869. Judge Hedges knew nothing of
this at the time he advanced the suggestion and it was, of
course, also original with him, and his proposition embodied a
conception much broader than that of Mr. Folsom.
Fortunate it was that the members of the party so promptly,
unselfishly, and warmly accepted the suggestion of Mr. Hedges
and at once planned to give it practical effect.
In November, 1870, Mr. Langford went east to lecture upon
the marvelous discoveries of the Washburn party. On the even-
ing of January 19, 1871, he delivered his lecture in Washing-
ton, D. C, and on the eyening of January 21 at Cooper Insti-
tute, New York City. At his Washington lecture Speaker
James G. Blaine presided, and Dr. F. V. Hayden was one of the
audience. In each of these lectures Langford advocated the
setting aside of the region as a national park.
In the Encyclopedia Britannica, under the heading ''Yel-
lowstone National Park," Mr. Henry Gannett, the well known
geographer, states that the discoveries made by the Washburn
party ''induced Dr. F. V. Hayden, then in charge of a Govern-
ment survey, to turn his explorations in this [i. e. the Yellow-
stone region] direction."
Dr. Hayden did, in 1871, as already stated, and again in
1872, thoroughly explore and map the park country. Mr. Gan-
nett was one of his topographers in this work.
In 1872 the act establishing the park was passed. This act
was included in Hayden 's report of his expedition of 1871
printed in 1872, but neither in this nor in the report of the suc-
ceeding year does there seem to be any intimation regarding
who first suggested this idea. For the year 1878, Dr. Hayden
made another and more elaborate report, prefaced by a letter
to the Secretary of the Interior, written in 1583, in which are
found these words : "So far as is now known, the idea of set-
ting apart a large tract about the sources of the Yellowstone
River as a national park, originated with the writer."
I do not believe that Dr. Hayden willfully intended to make
a misstatement in this connection, but I do believe that a faulty
memory caused him to misstate the actual fact. Dr. Lyman B.
Sperry, the well known public lecturer and educator, informed
me years ago, that Dr. Hayden told him that during the field
h
NATHANIEL PITT LANGFORD. 661
season of 1871, when the idea of making a park of the Yellow-
stone region was advocated among his own men, following of
course Langford's suggestion in his lectures, he did not believe
it practicable nor wise.
General H. M. Chittenden, in his fine and very conscientious
work, ''The Yellowstone National Park," published in 1895,
treats this matter thus :
The bill, being thus before Congress, was put through mainly by
the efforts of three men, Dr. F. V. Hayden, N. P. Langford, and Dele-
gate William H. Clagett. Dr. Hayden occupied a commanding position
in this work, as representative of the government in the explorations
of 1871. He was thoroughly familiar with the subject, and was equipped
with an exhaustive collection of photographs and specimens gathered
the previous, summer. These were placed on exhibition, and were
probably seen by all members of Congress. They did a work which no
other agency could do, and doubtless convinced every one who saw
them that the region where such wonders existed should be carefully
preserved to the people forever. Dr. Hayden gave to the cause the
energy of a genuine enthusiasm, and his work that winter will always
hold a prominent place in the history of the Park.
Mr. Langford, as already stated, had publicly advocated the meas-
ure in the previous winter. He had rendered service of the utmost
importance, through his publications in Scribner's Magazine in the
preceding May and June. Four hundred copies of these magazines
were brought and placed upon the desks of members of Congress on
the days when the measure was to be brought to vote. During the
entire winter, Mr. Langford devoted much of his time to the promo-
tion of this work.
The Hon. William H. Clagett, as delegate from the Territory most
directly interested in the passage of the bill, took an active personal
part in its advocacy from beginning to end.
I have the greatest admiration and esteem for General Chit-
tenden as a personal friend, a man, and a historian. But I can-
not but feel that he has, with the best motives and intentions in
the world, scarcely awarded the honors in this affair in an
equitable manner. He has given to Hayden, who did not, orig-
inally, have any faith in the idea, entirely too much credit, and
to Langford and Clagett altogether too little. Langford was
the John the Baptist of the National Park idea, crying aloud
both in the wilderness and out of it, in advocacy of the Park,
before Hayden ever saw the region. As previously stated, the
first suggestion of it that came to Hayden was from Langford 's
662 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL. SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
own lips from the lecture platform. Langford and Clagett, as
will appear later, had the movement for segregation well under
way before Hayden became connected with it, or, possibly, even
knew of it.
In the report of the Secretary of the Interior for 1910,
Volume I, page 54, are found these words:
John Muir is authority for the statement that Professor Hayden,
above all others, is entitled to the credit of securing the dedication of
the Yellowstone as a national park, for he led the first scientific ex-
ploring party into it, described it, and urged upon Congress its pres-
ervation.
It is a matter for regret that John Muir ever expressed such
an opinion. Mr. Muir may, possibly, base his belief upon what
General Chittenden has said, and further, perhaps, upon what
the U. S. Geological Survey has stated, for the latter also seems
disposed to uphold Hayden as the one all important factor in
the establishment of the Park.
We have in the archives of our own Historical Society a
letter which gives the facts in regard to this matter.
On July 9, 1894, Ex-Governor "William R. Marshall, then
Secretary of the Society, wrote to William H. Clagett, the for-
mer Territorial Delegate in Congress from Montana, asking
him: *'Who are entitled to the principal credit for the pas-
sage of the act of Congress establishing the Yellowstone Na-
tional Park?"
Mr. Clagett, who introduced the bill in Congress, should
certainly have known who the men were and in what degree
each was entitled to credit, and he replied as follows:
Coeur d'Alene, Idaho, July 14th, 1894.
Wm. R. Marshall,
Secretary, Minnesota Historical Society, Saint Paul, Minn.,
Dear Sir: Your favor of July 9th is just received. I am glad that
you have called my attention to the question, "Who are entitled to the
principal credit for the passage of the act of Congress establishing the
Yellowstone National Park?" The history of that measure, as far as
known to me, is as follows, to-wit: In the fall of 1870, soon after the
return of the Washburn-Langford party, two printers at Deer Lodge
City, Montana, went into the Firehole basin and cut a large number
of poles, intended to come back the next summer and fence in the tract
of land containing the principal geysers, and hold possession for spec-
ulative purposes, as the Hutchins family so long held the Yosemite
I
NATHANIEL PITT LANGFORD. 6bd
valley. One of these men was named Harry Norton. He subsequently
wrote a book on the park. The other one was named Brown. He now
lives in Spokane, Wash., and both of them in the summer of 1871
worked in the New Northwest office at Deer Lodge. When I learned
from them in the late fall of 1870 or spring of 1871 what they intended
to do, I remonstrated with them and stated that from the description
given by them and by members of Mr. Langford's party, the whole
region should be made into a National Park and no private proprietor-
ship be allowed.
I was elected Delegate to Congress from Montana in August, 1871,
and after the election, Nathaniel P. Langford, Cornelius Hedges and
myself had a consultation in Helena, and agreed that every effort
should be made to establish the Park as soon as possible, and before
any person had got a serious foothold — Mr. McCartney, at the Mam-
moth Hot Springs, being the only one who at that time had any im-
provements made. In December, 1871, Mr. Langford came to Wash-
ington and remained there for some time, and we two counseled to-
gether about the Park project. I drew the bill to establish the Park,
and never knew Professor Hayden in connection with that bill, except
that I requested Mr. Langford to get from him a description of the
boundaries of the proposed Park. There was some delay in getting
the description, and my recollection is that Langford brought me the
description after consultation with Professor Hayden. I then filled
the blank in the bill with the description, and the bill passed both
Houses of Congress just as it was drawn and without any change or
amendment whatsoever.
After the bill was drawn, Langford stated to me that Senator
Pomeroy of Kansas was very anxious to have the honor of introducing
the bill in the Senate; and as he (Pomeroy) was the chairman of the
Senate committee on Public Lands, in order to facilitate its passage, I
had a clean copy made of the bill and on the first call day in the
House, introduced the original there, and then went over to the Senate
Chamber and handed the copy to Senator Pomeroy, who immediately
introduced it in the Senate. The bill passed the Senate first and came
to the House, and passed the House without amendment, at a time
when I happened to be at the other end of the Capitol, and hence I
was not present when it actually passed the House.
Since the passage of this bill there have been so many men who
have claimed the exclusive credit for its passage, that I have lived for
twenty years, suffering from a chronic feeling of disgust whenever the
subject was mentioned. So far as my personal knowledge goes, the
first idea of making it a public park occurred to myself; but from in-
formation received from Langford and others, it has always been my
opinion that Hedges, Langford, and myself formed the same idea about
the same time, and we all three acted together in Montana, and after-
wards Langford and I acted with Professor Hayden in Washington, in
the winter of 1871-2.
664 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
The fact is that the matter was well under way before Professor
Hayden was ever heard of in connection with that measure. When he
returned to Washington in 1871, he brought with him a large number
of specimens from different parts of the Park, which were on exhibi-
tion in one of the rooms of the Capitol or in the Smithsonian Institute
(one or the other), while Congress was in session, and he rendered
valuable services in exhibiting these specimens and explaining the
geological and other features of the proposed Park, and between him,
Langford and myself, I believe there was not a single member of Con-
gress in either House who was not fully posted by one or the other of
us in personal interviews; so much so, that the bill practically passed
both Houses without objection.
It has always been a pleasure to me to give to Professor Hayden
and to Senator Pomeroy, and Mr. Dawes of Mass., all of the credit
which they deserve in connection with the passage of that measure,
but the truth of the matter is. that the origin of the movement which
created the Park was with Hedges, Langford and myself; and after
Congress met, Langford and I probably did two-thirds, if not three-
fourths, of all the work connected with its passage.
I think that the foregoing letter contains a full statement of what
you wish, and I hope that you will be able to correct, at least to some
extent, the misconceptions which the selfish vanity of some people has
occasioned on the subject. Very truly yours,
[signed] Wm. H. Clagett.
Mr. Langford published this letter in his journal and added
a pregnant paragraph thus:
It is true that Professor Hayden joined with Mr. Clagett and my-
self in working for the passage of the act of dedication, but no person
can divide with Cornelius Hedges and David E. Folsom the honor of
originating the idea of creating the Yellowstone Park,
Mr. Langford was not the man to withhold credit where it
was due. On the contrary, he was far more inclined to give
full measure and running over. By no possibility can what he
says be construed in any other light than that Clagett presents
the facts exactly as they were and states the truth regarding
the matter. If these two did not know the truth no one did,
and Clagett 's letter evinces no small, mean spirit in the matter,
but quite the contrary. Dr. Hayden is certainly entitled to full
credit for his work in the establishment of the Park, no less and
no more; and this applies equally to all who were engaged in
that work.
The simple truth is that to Folsom and Hedges, as Mr. Lang-
ford says, is due the genesis of the gospel for the creation of
NATHANIEL PITT LANGFORD. 665
national parks; that the Washburn-Doane party are entitled,
for the greater part, to the credit of preaching and expounding
that gospel; that Langford, Clagett, and Hedges, were its in-
sistent heralds and promoters ; and that Langford, Clagett, and
Hayden, probably in the order named, were the men to whom
is primarily due the credit for the passage through Congress of
the act establishing the Park. In other words, to the Wash-
burn-Doane party is chiefly due the fact that we have a Yel-
lowstone National Park.
That Dr. Hayden 's official position, his photographs and
specimens, were potent factors in the final argument, is, with-
out doubt, most true, and no one desires to deprive him of the
credit thus justly due him. But he was, nevertheless, an elev-
enth hour convert to the idea, and in his labors in behalf of it,
and must take position accordingly.
It is certainly to be regretted that these men of science and
official position have unwittingly taken a stand that, to the out-
sider, savors of a determination to arrogate practically all the
credit for this achievement to one only who was himself so
prominent in science and official life.
While, as previously stated, there may be no memorial mon-
uments standing in honor of this band of wilderness explorers,
the great Park itself is the best and most enduring memorial
of the service they rendered to mankind.
Until the last trump shall sound and the earth be dissolved
by fervent heat, that wonderful domain, the most unique area
of its size in the world, will remain a tangible and glorious
memorial to the prevision and abnegation that made it possible.
Let us also be just and frankly include in the category of de-
serving names that of David E. Folsom, as one equally entitled
to the plaudits of mankind for the discovery and establishment
of this magnificent Park. A memorial tablet attached to that
lava entrance arch at Gardiner, in the absence of a more pre-
tentious monument in this Park, would be an appropriate rec-
ognition in part of these discoverers.
The discoveries and the influence of the Washburn-Doane
party are strongly, and, I may add, very sensibly, reflected in
the nomenclature of the Park. The names that they applied to
objects were based upon analogy and common sense, and were
666 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL. SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
devoid of eccentricity or the grotesque. A few of these names
that are so familiar to travelers of the present day are, Tower
fall, Mt. Washburn, heretofore noted, Crystal fall. Crater hills,
Mud geyser and Mud Volcano, Alum creek, Mounts Doane and
Langford, and Old Faithful, the Grotto, Castle, Giant, Bee Hive,
Giantess, and other geysers.
I have stated that when Mr. Langford in 1862 started west-
ward, he followed a trail that eventually developed a new fea-
ture in national conservation and in recreation. That trail led
him, as we have seen, to the upper Yellowstone region, and
Yellowstone National Park was the result. That was the first
national park to be established in this country, and we set the
fashion for the world, I am reminded of that well known line
of my boyhood days as true today as it ever was,
''Great oaks from little acorns grow."
Yellowstone Park was set aside March 1, 1872. There are
now, according to the report of the Secretary of the Interior
for 1910, thirteen national parks, aggregating more than 4,600,-
000 acres in area. The states of Arizona, Arkansas, Colorado,
Montana, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Oregon, South Dakota, and
"Washington, have each one such park wholly within their bor-
ders.
California has three national parks ; and one park, the Yel-
lowstone, occupies a part of three adjoining states, Wyoming,
Idaho, and Montana, with by far the most of it lying in Wyo-
ming. The Yellowstone is the largest of all these parks, and
they range in size from 780 acres for Sully's Hill Park, in North
Dakota, to 2,142,720 acres for Yellowstone Park.
Montana has the credit of having the first and the largest
national park established, the Yellowstone, partially within its
borders, and also has the last and the second largest one set
aside. Glacier National Park, wholly within its boundary lines.
It may with entire truth be said that, through the person-
ality of Mr. Langford and his relationship to Yellowstone Park,
the four states of Wyoming, Idaho, Montana, and Minnesota,
have a close bond of sympathy and union. Certainly the three
states first named, in which the park lies, can well admit hav-
ing a strong and sentimental feeling, of the higher sort, for the
sister state that loaned to them for so many years one of its
NATHANIEL PITT LANGFORD. 667
citizens who aided so signally in accomplishing such important
results for humanity.
Upon the formal establishment of the park, Mr. Langford
was, very appropriately, made its first Superintendent. He
thus continued for five years, but the position was largely one
in name only and quite a thankless one at that. No efforts were
made by Congress, characteristically, to open the park, no ap-
propriation whatever being made to build trails or roads, or to
preserve the park from devastation. Characteristically, again,
these presumptive representatives of the wisdom of the nation
allowed the Superintendent to pay his own expenses most pa-
triotically and unselfishly, and to perform his duties, such as
they were, without any salary. This Mr. Langford did during
his entire incumbency of the office. Efforts were strenuously
and continuously made by sinister minded persons to obtain
concessions in the park for purposes inimical to the spirit in
which it was set apart. These attempts Mr. Langford, with the
consistent and unyielding support of Gen. B. R. Cowen, the
Assistant Secretary of the Interior, was enabled to frustrate.
The park was thus fortunately preserved, in the beginning,
from an improper course of administration, one that would most
certainly have resulted in gross scandal and national disgrace.
And what of the probity and moral stamina of the man who
in that day could maintain himself for five years in such a posi-
tion unspotted and incorruptible? The Minnesota Historical
Society may well be proud of the fact that the one time vigi-
lante, explorer, and National Park Superintendent, at the time
of his call from earthly labors had been for seven years its
dignified and honored president.
As I began so I close ! Fate is a stern and inexorable mis-
tress. She doeth whatsoever she will, and we may but rarely
modify or change her decrees. If in his sturdy, vigorous man-
hood she led our former friend and associate by strenuous and
danger-lurking trails, she vouchsafed to him in the evening of
his days a beautiful, even tempered, but still useful life.
As he slowly approached the summit — his final climb — of
that last divide, the one between time and eternity, that sooner
or later we must all climb, he went forward calm, serene, con-
668 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
fident, with steady, unflinching steps. ' ' Sustained and soothed
by an unfaltering trust" in Him who had led him safely thus
far, I can fancy him softly exclaiming as he toiled onward, ' * I
have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, I have kept
the faith."
And as he reached the crest of that last divide and his spirit,
loosed from its earthly tabernacle, swept with its spirit sight
that vast and "mysterious realm" that opened before it, what
a vision it beheld ! Is it a wholly fanciful picture that among
that innumerable host of transfigured countenances that
thronged before him there, with beckoning arms, were those who
had gone before, with whom he had in those trying days of old
stood shoulder to shoulder in upholding law and order and
right living; that there were seen those with whom he had
labored through the defiles and marshes and obstructions of the
Yellowstone ; and, again, those who in his later days had known
a life made sweeter and better through his efforts to aid dis-
tressed and suffering humanity?
Possibly the thought is, indeed, fanciful, but why may we
not thus indulge it when it comports so fully with that life, now
closed forever on earth? And we may rest assured that, hav-
ing crossed the border land, and being brought into the pres-
ence of that Lord and Master whom he had here served with
fidelity, he heard in accents strong and loving the blessed salu-
tation, ''Well done, good arid faithful servant, enter thou into
the joy of thy Lord."
S^c.^^-^ d^Mt
L^C<J--1^y^Al^
Minnesota Historical Society.
Vol. XY. Plate XV.
BIOGRAPHIC MEMORIAL OF DR. CHARLES N. HEWITT.
BY WILLIAM WATTS FOLWELL.
On the seventh day of July, 1910, it pleased the Lord of
Life and Death to call from this world the soul of Dr. Charles
Nathanael Hewitt.
The assertion is ventured that no one citizen of Minnesota
has devoted himself more zealously to her welfare or conferred
greater benefits on her people than he. If Minnesota shall pro-
pose to perpetuate the memory of men who have rendered great
public service and furnished models on which her young men
may pattern their lives, let her place among the statues she
rears in the Capitol that of this citizen.
Such distinction may rightly be claimed for the man who
organized the Public Health Service of Minnesota, and in the
course of a quarter century's administration of that service
brought it to a high state of efficiency, saved thousands of
lives, and prevented an amount of sickness and suffering be-
yond estimation.
To record the services of such citizens and preserve the
memory of them for a posterity which may be more appre-
ciative of their value than the passing generation, is a worthy
and proper function of this Society. The following contribu-
tion is accordingly submitted.
Charles Nathanael Hewitt was born in Vergennes, Vermont,
June 3, 1836. Among his ancestors are many notable names.
His parents moved to Potsdam, St. Lawrence county. New
York, in his early childhood. For his college preparation he
was sent to the old and still famous Academy of Cheshire, Con-
necticut. From there he passed to Hobart College, Geneva,
New York, by which he was graduated Bachelor of Arts at the
*Read at the monthly meeting of the Executive Council, November
9, 1914.
670 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
age of twenty. Because his heart was in the subject of medi-
cine he did not aspire to academic honors, preferring to hold
the position of demonstrator of anatomy in the Medical De-
partment of the College. He was accorded the same position
in the Medical College at Albany, New York, from which he
received his degree of Doctor of Medicine in 1857. His father
was a physician, and the devotion of the son to that profes-
sion was evident from boyhood.
Engaging in practice with his preceptor in Geneva, New
York, he had barely become established before a call came to a
new and unexpected sphere of medical practice. After the
pitiful disaster of Bull Run in 1861 came President Lincoln's
call for a great volunteer army to be enlisted for a term of
three years.
General Charles B. Stuart, a distinguished civil engineer,
and then Chief Engineer of the United States Navy, conceived
the idea of raising a regiment of engineer troops, foreseeing the
need there would be for such a corps in case of a great and
protracted war. The War Department readily issued the nec-
essary orders. In the course of a single month the companies
were filled from central and western New York and northern
Pennsylvania. The commissioned and non-commissioned offi-
cers were largely civil engineers, some of them of long expe-
rience and wide reputation. The rendezvous was at Elmira,
New York, in August, 1861.
Dr. Hewitt's preceptor, a physician of more than local emi-
nence, was appointed surgeon of the new regiment; but ad-
vanced age and developing infirmity soon disqualified him for
active service, and he was obliged to resign before his first
campaign was well begun. From the beginning the adminis-
trative duties had fallen on the assistant surgeon. Dr. Hewitt,
who at once succeeded him as regimental surgeon.
It is necessary here to make some account of the peculiar
organization of this regiment. When the time came for the
muster-in of the- engineer volunteers, it was discovered that
there was no provision of law for the enlistment of such troops.
In expectation that Congress would as soon as possible ratify
the action of the War Department in prematurely authorizing
i
DR. CHARLES N. HEWITT. 671
such enlistment, the whole body, officers and men, cheerfully
acquiesced in being mustered in as infantry. The regiment
accordingly took the number 50 of New York infantry volun-
teers. It was not till after the close of the Peninsular Cam-
paign that the expected Act of Congress was passed. As en-
acted it provided for the organization of volunteer engineer
troops in regiments of twelve companies, each composed of 150
officers and enlisted men, having the pay and standing in all
respects of engineers of the regular army.
Like the artillery regiments as then organized, this regi-
ment was chiefly an administrative unit. Each company, like
each battery of artillery, was equipped for independent move-
ment and service. Soon after the passage of the Act referred
to, the regiment was recruited to its full strength of 1,800 offi-
cers and men. The habitual distribution of the command was
as follows : regimental headquarters and one company at Wash-
ington, D. C, in charge of the engineer depot and construction
shops; two companies at the headquarters of the Army of the
Potomac ; and battalions of two or three companies at the head-
quarters of different army corps.
The division and scattering of the command imposed on the
medical staff duties far greater than those falling on those of
infantry regiments. It outnumbered those brigades which had
seen two or more campaigns. Major Hewitt proved himself
equal to every duty and emergency. Riding from camp to
camp, he saw that his assistant surgeons and stewards were
provided with needed appliances and supplies, and that they
were attending to their duties. Dr. Letterman, Hooker's med-
ical director, paid him the high compliment of saying, ''He is
the best regimental surgeon in the Army of the Potomac." In
the last years of the war he was chief surgeon of the Engineer
Brigade of the Army of the Potomac, consisting of the 50th
and 15th New York engineer regiments and the Regular En-
gineer Battalion. This position made a large addition to ad-
ministrative duties. Details of his activities in the successive
campaigns must be left to a biographer, but some leading char-
acteristics may properly be noted.
672 MlNNESOfA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Major Hewitt had the qualifications essential to an expert
surgeon, profound knowledge of anatomy, keen perception of
the immediate problem, and extraordinary deftness of hand.
But he was as conservative as he was expert, saving to the pa-
tient every member and organ which could be of use. He em-
ployed every means of antisepsis known at the time. He used
to say that he would rather keep patients who had undergone
severe operations under a tree in the field than expose them
to the gangrene of the best general hospital in "Washington or
any other city. For his sick he trusted more to rest, fresh air,
and good food, than to his medicine chests. The only com-
plaint his men made was that he would not ''doctor" enough.
Many a man who came to sick call in fear of a ''spell" of sick-
ness went back to his company a new man after a couple of days
of rest and good feeding. Intoxicants he prescribed very rare-
ly, finding other stimulants effective enough and more benign.
It ought to be added that the irrepressible joviality of the Chief
Surgeon was perhaps the best of his remedies. Yet nobody
could, when necessary, trim down a shirk or malingerer more
effectually than this genial doctor.
Sanitation was his enthusiasm. To prevent disease among
his men was ever more in his mind than the cure of the sick.
His eye was ever on the general location and police of the
camps, but particularly on the commissary departments and the
company cooks.
The writer well remembers a certain occasion when his effi-
ciency in sanitation was displayed in a notable way. A de-
tachment of the regiment under command of the lieutenant
colonel was in camp in the late summer of 1864 near the mid-
dle of the long line fronting Petersburg. Typhoid suddenly
broke out and was decimating the companies. The command-
ing officer sent for Major Hewitt, who next day rode into camp.
After a half hour's inspection he made his report and recom-
mendation. In another half hour that camp ground was cleared
of everything moveable upon it. The ground was thoroughly
swept or scraped, the drainage was made perfect, new sinks
were dug, and new sources of water were opened. The cooks
and commissary men got their orders toward more cleanly
DR. CHARLES N. HEWITT. 673
handling and preparation of food. Then the camp was re-
established. Typhoid disappeared as suddenly as it had come.
Major Hewitt deserved the commission of Brevet Lieutenant
Colonel which came to him near the time of his muster-out with
his regiment early in July, 1865.
His old clients at Geneva, N. Y., welcomed Dr. Hewitt on
his return, and a promising career re-opened there ; but corre-
spondence with a college friend and brother physician roused
an interest in Minnesota, and the opportunity to succeed to an
established practice brought him to Red Wing soon after the
close of the war.
A few years now passed devoted to extending his medical
practice and the establishment of a home, modest, but so charm-
ing that no calls to larger spheres for the employment of his
professional gifts ever tempted him to exchange it. It is safe
to assert that had he moved to either of the * ' Twin Cities, ' ' he
would have won great distinction in surgery and enjoyed an
ample income. He married in 1869 Miss Helen Hawley, a wife
who more than fulfilled all the dreams of a young man's fancy.
Dr. Hewitt was not the man to be content with the ca-
reer of a village doctor, however worthy that might be. As
already suggested, he was inspired with the noble aspirations
of prevjentive medicine. A diligent reader of the current liter-
ature of medicine, he had observed the operation of a law of
Massachusetts passed in 1869 to establish a State Board of
Health, and the similar action of California two years later. A
bill drafted by him on the model of the Massachusetts Act,
passed by the legislature on March 4, 1872, put Minnesota third
on a distinguished roll.
This was not the first legislation in the State related to pub-
lic health, but it was the first effective action. The ''Code of
1857" had provided for municipal boards of health consisting
of justices of the peace ''in every precinct," trustees of vil-
lages, and aldermen of cities. Such boards were authorized to
appoint health officers, to abate nuisances, and to quarantine •
smallpox.
In the general statutes of 1866 we find substantially the
same provisions, with the exception that town supervisors are
boards of health.
43
674 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL. SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
It was natural that these isolated boards of laymen should
act, if at all, in a purely perfunctory manner. There could be
little voluntary co-operation, and there was no central author-
ity which could require united action.
The Act of 1872 provided for a central State Board of seven
physicians, with the following duties:
1. To put themselves in communication with the local
boards of health and with public institutions.
2. To take cognizance of the interests of health and life
among the citizens generally.
3. To make sanitary investigations, especially of epidemics.
4. To study the sources of disease and the effects of locali-
ties, employments and circumstances on public health.
5. To devise a scheme for vital statistics.
6. To act as an advisory board to the State in all hygienic
and medical matters.
7. To have charge of quarantine.
8. To enact and enforce measures necessary to the public
health.
The Act further provided for a Secretary to perform and
superintend the work prescribed, and to discharge such other
duties as the Board might require; and it fixed his salary at
$250 a year, payable quarterly.
The able and highly reputable physicians appointed to the
board elected Dr. Hewitt their secretary. It was understood
of course that he would give only spare time from his profes-
sional work.
It is obviously impossible within the limits of the present
article even to catalogue the numerous activities of so enthu-
siastic and versatile an official. Certain groups of them may be
noted and remarked upon.
The attention of the Board was naturally at once directed
to putting itself into communication with local boards of health
as required by the law. This was not difficult in cities and
* villages, but from rural towns there was almost no response.
Upon representations to the legislature of 1873, that body en-
acted a law requiring town boards to elect annually a town
board of health, one member to be a physician and town health
DR. CHARLES N. HEWITT. 675
officer. These elected boards of health may have been an im-
provement, but there were no penalties to oblige them to con-
form to regulations of the State Board. It was not till 1881
that a heavy fine was laid on any local board or member there-
of for refusing to obey the reasonable directions of the State
Board of Health.
These efforts toward providing a machinery for promoting
public health culminated in an act of the legislature of 1883,
entitled "Health Code." It enlarged the powers of local boards
and gave the State Board still larger powers of regulation.
Heavy penalties were attached to neglect of duty by local
boards or members. This act was so drastic that some of its
provisions were, in a later year, mitigated. It was found im-
practicable to compel local health officers to make thorough
sanitary inspections of their towns, villages, or cities, as the
case might be, and to report in writing both to the local and
state boards. Prompt repeated and effectual vaccination of all
children had to be given up, in the face of a violent if absurd
opposition.
The Act of 1885 receded from the plan of having town
boards elect the town board of health, and revived the old plan
of making the town board itself the board of health. It was
not required that there should be a physician on the board, but
that the board should employ a physician when they should
deem it necessary, or when required to do so by the state board
of health. > ' |l ;
Otherwise the act of 1883 has not been materially changed,
unless in the provision that there must be at least one physician
on the board of health. If no town supervisor is a physician,
the board of health must elect one.
The local boards of health, thus co-ordinated with and reg-
ulated by the state board, furnished a state-wide agency for
checking the spread of epidemics, for preventing the pollution
of waters, for the collection of vital statistics, and diffusing
among the people information relating to health.
"Without waiting for the perfection or indeed any consid-
erable improvement in the mechanism for preserving public
health, the state board, led by the executive secretary, began a
676 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
warfare against epidemic and infectious diseases. Before its
creation the law for quarantine of smallpox had but occasionally
been put into effect. Measures were at once taken for more
effective isolation of outbreaks. Scarlatina was soon added to
the list of infectious diseases to be isolated ; then typhoid fever,
and later diphtheria. The last named furnished a most strik-
ing illustration of the effect of isolation accompanied with im-
proved medication and nursing. The number of reported
deaths from diphtheria in 1882 was 1,607 ; in 1887, 788, a reduc-
tion of nearly one-half ; and in 1895 the figure was 466, a little
more than one-fourth the deaths thirteen years before. In
those years the population of Minnesota had doubled. It took
Dr. Hewitt some years to convince his medical brethren gen-
erally that diphtheria was infectious.
As might be presumed. Dr. Hewitt was alert to welcome
every new development in his profession. He accepted at once
the statement of Kirchhoff, that whether the bacillus of Koch
was truly the cause of Asiatic cholera or not, it was the part of
enlightened physicians to act as if it were. He was fully pre-
pared for the invasion of that disease which appeared in some
of our seaports in 1890, but happily there was no invasion into
Minnesota and the appropriation made by the legislature for
repelling it was not used.
He was not content with the new learning in regard to the
employment of serums in infectious cases as represented in the
journals. To get the essentials of that he went to Paris in the
spring of 1890 and put himself under the instruction of Pasteur.
His studies were in diphtheria, tuberculosis, and rabies, but his
main object was to acquire the method of Pasteur.
The cure of diseases was a solemn duty, which Dr. Hewitt
shared with the members of his profession; the prevention of
diseases was for him a holy crusade, in which the physicians of
the day were not over eager to follow him. The great public,
inheriting the belief that disease is inevitable and the day of
each one's death appointed, had little faith in the proposals of:
preventive medicine. His first essay was towards the introduc-
tion of efficient ventilation in public institutions and in school-
houses. It cannot be doubted that his inspection and recom-
DR. CHARLES N. HEWITT. 677
mendations had much to do with experiments which were more
or less satisfactory. For dwelling houses he insisted that no
ventilating apparatus could equal the open fireplace. He la-
bored vigorously to introduce earth closets for disposing of
human excreta where sewers did not exist.
The continued though abated prevalence of typhoid led Dr.
Hewitt to examine the water supply of various localities. The
results were such as to convince him that an immediate and
extensive examination of water supplies generally was de-
manded. In 1877 he began a sanitary water survey of the
state. In the next years he made, and had made, chemical
analyses of thousands of samples from lakes, rivers, and wells,
in all the settled parts of the state. Later bacteriological exam-
inations were added. How many cities and villages were moved
to install water supply systems is not known, but the number
was large. Thousands of people were constrained to disuse
wells, which had been erroneously believed to yield health-
ful waters but in fact were unfit for human use.
It was not till 1885 that the legislature could be moved to
enact a law to prevent the pollution of rivers and sources of
water supply. This act gave the state board of health general
supervision of sources of water supply for towns, villages and
cities, and required reports from local authorities, water boards
in particular, to the state board.
The passage of this important law was recommended and
urged by Governor Hubbard, who, more than any other of the
state executives of the time, appreciated the services of the
State Board of Health and its working secretary. In the same
year was passed the act conferring on the board power to quar-
antine domestic animals attacked with epidemic diseases. This
duty was later and properly devolved on a special * ' State Live
Stock Sanitary Board," but for some years useful service was
rendered under the supervision of Dr. Hewitt. His faithful
execution of this law aroused an opposition which at length
contributed to his disadvantage.
Mention may here be made of another statute of 1885, em-
powering the state board of health to regulate offensive trades
and employments upon application from parties aggrieved after
678 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
public hearing. An item well-deserving mention is the investi-
gation made in his laboratory into illuminating oils, particu-
larly petroleum distillates. The result was the establishment of
state inspection, which immediately shut unsafe kerosene out
of Minnesota.
He was the pioneer in exposing the adulteration of foods
and condiments.
The untiring industry of Dr. Hewitt in prevention of dis-
ease has no better illustration than that of smallpox. He shared
the belief of his profession that effective vaccination, repeated
at proper intervals, was a perfect prophylaxis against that fear-
ful scourge. In every possible way, and on all occasions, he ad-
vocated vaccination. The best obtainable virus was distributed
from his office. Dissatisfied at length with that furnished by
the trade, he established near Red Wing a vaccine farm. There
he produced in liberal quantity virus which he knew to be, and
which was proved to be efficacious.
It was found that we had to deal in Minnesota not only with
cases originating in the state, but in very many instances with
imported cases. To check the immigration of persons having
the disease, or who might be expected to have it, Dr. Hewitt
established in 1879 a system of interstate notification which
made it possible to quarantine such persons if they crossed the
state lines. Later he prevailed on the U. S. Marine Hospital
Service in New York to give him notice of immigrants bound to
Minnesota who were likely to bring the infection. A similar
courtesy was obtained from Canadian authorities. In the
years 1894-95, forty notifications were received from New York,
seven from Canada, and two from other sea ports, covering 464
persons who had been exposed to infection. A large number
of these were intercepted and examined.
Dr. Hewitt had a cause still dearer to his heart than either
the cure or the immediate prevention of disease. He was an
apostle of the ''art of good living," which he gave as another
name for hygiene. Individuals acting alone could of course
practice this art, but they would do more and better for them-
selves when stimulated by the contagion of community interest.
Hygiene was to him above all a social concern. Perhaps the
p
DR. CHARLES N. HEWITT. 679
best of all his eiforts went to arousing general public interest
in health conservation. He wrote, he lectured, he personally
exhorted, and sought the co-operation of physicians, clergy, and
teachers. He addressed many meetings and conventions of
teachers, showing them how to teach hygiene in schools. He
called sanitary conferences at St. Paul, Minneapolis, Northfield,
Rochester, and other places, which were largely attended.
Some of the addresses published in the reports of the board are
well worth republication.
On none of these occasions did Dr. Hewitt fail to emphasize
his central doctrine, that it is the duty of every community to
promote health. The promotion of health, he would say, is
''as obligatory upon communities of civilized men as upon in-
dividuals. ' ' He cherished a dream of virtually organizing the
whole state into a health association. He was fond of quoting
Franklin's sentiment, ''Public health is public wealth." In one
of his early reports he asserted that pne fifth of the deaths and
one-fourth of the sickness in Minnesota were preventable.
As a means of spreading needed information primarily
among local health boards, and through them to the general
public, he began in 1885 the publication of a monthly periodical
entitled "Public Health in Minnesota." This he not only
edited, but wrote large parts of it. Soon after he took the office
of secretary, he began the publication of ' ' Circulars of Informa-
tion," regarding infectious diseases. The circulars on small-
pox, scarlatina, diphtheria, and rabies, were widely distributed
and must have done much to quiet fears and direct proper
action.
In his whole laborious campaign of education there was
nothing into which he threw himself with greater ardor than
into his instruction as non-resident professor of public health in
the University of Minnesota. Beginning in 1873, for more than
twenty years he gave an annual course of lectures to entering
classes or the whole student body. There was some variation
in his subjects ; but the program of 1877 may serve to indicate
their scope.
1. Health and hygiene, public and private.
2. Disease ; causes and prevention.
680 . MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
3. Poverty and pauperism.
4. To young men.
5. Crime and criminals.
6. Hygiene and education.
7. Hygiene of the home.
8. Success in life.
It was in that year that he began the physical examination
of the students. The University authorities, indifferent to this
innovation, gave no support, and after two or three years it
was abandoned.
Two years before the creation of the State Board of Health,
a bureau of statistics had been established in the office of the
Secretary of State, the Assistant Secretary of State being ex
officio commissioner of statistics. Provision was made for the
collection of vital statistics. Some tables of these had been
published, but no one had put them to any use. Dr. Hewitt
immediately made a study of the tables, and interpreted their
lessons. In 1876 he published a ''Study of Vital Statistics of
10,000 Persons," which set some persons to thinking and ought
to have set a great many more.
He found the system of collecting vital statistics so imper-
fect and inefficient that he soon proposed that the matter of
vital statistics be transferred to the State Board of Health.
After more than a decade of patient waiting and importunity,
that transfer was made. From that time, 1891, the vital statis-
tics of Minnesota have been increasing in value, and under the
present administration they rank high among those of sister
states. It was Dr. Hewitt's merit to have organized them in
right lines.
The labors thus mentioned were verily labors of love. For
the first five years of service, Dr. Hewitt received the sum of
$250 salary each year. Next for a like term he was paid $500
a year. The salary was then raised to $1,000 for the next four
years. Not till 1886 was he paid enough for the support of his
family, and then only enough, $2,500. In 1894 an increase to
$3,500 made it possible for him to move the office of the State
Board to St. Paul and virtually to retire from private practice.
He was not long to enjoy that relief.
DR. CHARLES N. HEWITT. 681
We have considered things which were done. It may be
that the future will admire this noble public man the more for
the things he would have liked to do ; things which could not
then be done, partly because the time was not ripe for them, and
partly because strength failed. Among these unfilled aspira-
tions were :
1. To have local health boards and health officers paid
enough to secure efficiency. In 1896 he reported that more
than half the physicians serving as health officers of the state
had no pay at all, and of those who did receive salaries the
larger number did not receive over $20 each. The highest city
salary was but $2,000, and that in only two cities.
2. To have town supervisors elected one at a time for three
years, instead of three at a time for one year. When the whole
town board, as frequently happened, went out of office, all their
successors had to be apprised of their duties as a board of
health. Mention has been made of an attempt to remedy this
evil by having the town board elect the board of health. This
duty was so ill performed, when performed at all, that a return
was made to the old form of having the town board itself act as
the town board of health. Year after year Dr. Hewitt pleaded
with legislatures to arrange town elections so that there would
always be a majority of the board holding over. It did not
please the legislature to take this perfectly reasonable step
till 1905.
3. To have the State establish a hospital for inebriates.
This proposition was made in his first report, and was repeated
from year to year until the legislature of 1875 took action for
the erection of buildings for that purpose at Rochester. As is
known, the extraordinary pressure for larger accommodations
for increasing numbers of insane, induced the legislature later
to divert the institution to that purpose. The inebriate asylum,
which Dr. Hewitt so much desired, was opened in the year 1912.
It is therefore mentioned here as one of the projects which this
many-sided man had at heart, but did not live to see. The sub-
ject of intemperance was one on which he thought intensely.
He regarded it as an inheritance of centuries, which could not
be abolished by any sudden act of legislation. It might take
682 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
generations to raise up a body of people so truly temperate and
abstinent that the liquor seller's occupation would be gone.
For the meantime he preached the reasonable gospel of temper-
ance and practiced it. His lecture on temperance to the Uni-
versity students explained the evil effects of intoxicants on
body and mind in forceful but not extravagant terms. He
believed that habitual drunkenness was a disease akin to insan-
ity, and therefore held to the conviction that it ought to be
treated in institutions where proper restrictive and curative
means and surroundings could be provided.
4. To have a Pasteur hospital for the treatment of rabies
established under the management of the State Board of Health.
On his return from his studies in Paris in 1891 he represented
that a beginning might be made at a cost of $1,000 a year. It
was many years after Dr. Hewitt 's retirement from public serv-
ice that this highly necessary work was taken up.
5. To have township nurses employed to care for epidemic
cases. This recommendation was repeated in successive reports
to no purpose. The time was not ripe, and probably it is not
yet ripe.
6. To compel the vaccination of the whole population, and
to exclude children not vaccinated from public schools. At the
present time vaccination is not yet generally compulsory, and
only in times of epidemic smallpox can children not vaccinated
be excluded from public schools.
7. To have physical examination of all children and youth
attending public schools begun and ultimately everywhere con-
ducted. In the years 1877 to 1880 he personally examined 465
students of the University, the records of which may be found
in the eighth report of the State Board of Health, for the years
1879-1880.
8. During the twenty years in which he held the position
of non-resident professor of Public Health in the University of
Minnesota, it was his hope that a Department or College of
Public Health might be organized and developed, in which
health officers might be trained for the prevention of disease.
He was comparatively indifferent to the development of a med-
ical department of the traditional kind, in which men are
DR. CHARLES N. HEWITT. 683
trained to cure disease. Still he was loyal to his profession, and
in the days when the academic work of the University was be-
ing patiently built up, before the University resources were
adequate to the establishment of a medical college equipped
for complete instruction, he suggested the organization of a
faculty which should simply hold examinations and grant med-
ical degrees to such as should pass them. This faculty acted as
a State Medical Examining Board, and it passed upon the
diplomas of all physicians in practice at that time in the state.
This organization was made and remained in existence until the
University, by absorbing a local medical college, was ready in
1888 to offer instruction. Dr. Hewitt declined a professorship
in the enlarged medical college, because of the hope that he
might see a department of Public Health opened, in which his
talent could be best used and his highest ambition gratified.
His dream has not been fulfilled, and long years may pass be-
fore an enlightened public, appreciating his splendid idea, will
demand this establishment of a college of public health. His
lectures on public health were probably the first delivered in an
American college.
9. To have a complete sanitary inspection of the State,
followed by annual sanitary inspection, with reports to the
State Board. Of this it may be said that it was a mere project
thrown out to call attention and awaken an interest which in
the course of time might ripen into actual undertakings. The
idea of a general sanitary survey is probably not yet deemed
feasible or desirable by any large number of persons.
During these long years of service, contending against pub-
lic ignorance, professional indifference, and legislative par-
simony, the doctor's enthusiasm was constantly warmed by in-
dications of appreciation. His efficiency in the handling of
epidemics compelled the admiration of his profession and the
approval of the general public. Teachers were grateful to him
for his labors toward the sanitation of school buildings. He
was cheered by the co-operation of the clergy and of many hon-
orable women, whose aid he publicly acknowledged.
His work and writings became known in the neighboring
states, and later throughout the country. In 1887 he was Pres-
684 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
ident of the American Public Health Association, an organiza-
tion he had helped to form and build up. His reputation se-
cured to him an associate membership in the Society of Health
Officers of England and the Societe d 'Hygiene of France. In
1891 he attended the International Congress of Medicine and
Demography, held in London, and contributed to the discus-
sions. Canadian health authorities respected his acquirements
and efficiency, and were ready to co-operate with him. His Col-
lege gave him the honorary degree of Doctor of Laws.
After a quarter century of devoted service to his State, that
service came to an abrupt termination. Dr. Hewitt had never
needed to ask for reappointment to membership of the State
Board of Health, nor to re-elections as its executive secretary.
He had kept the office absolutely clear of political complica-
tions. At work in his office on a certain afternoon in January
in 1897, word came to him that the Governor had omitted his
name from the list of appointments to membership of the State
Board. It was the work of a few minutes for him to gather up
the few articles belonging to him personally and say a word of
parting to his faithful assistants. In his last report, for the
preceding year (1896), in a concluding paragraph he expressed,
as follows, the feelings of the hour.
The best of my life and effort have gone into this work. I have
spared neither time, labor, nor thought, to make it what it ought to be.
Such as it is, the record is made and closed. I resume tomorrow the
active practice of my profession with the sincere wish that the public
health service of Minnesota may maintain and advance the position
which it has won among the similar organizations in other states. I
am still more anxious that it continue to serve the whole people of
Minnesota in the future as in the past.
This removal from the Board came as an absolute surprise.
If there had been machinations for it, no one had revealed them
to him. Never had he been so full of enthusiasm for his great
work, nor more hopeful of increasing usefulness. To find his
career as a sanitarian and guardian of the public health of a
state thus instantly cut short without warning, was a stunning
blow. He left the office and never entered it again, nor held
any communication with the State Board of Health or its offi-
cers. His was not the philosophy to look upon this decapitation
DR. CHARLES N. HEWITT. 685
as one of the things likely to happen to any man in the service
of the public, holding office at the pleasure of a state executive
elected by a political party. At some time even such an office
as his would be needed in a political propaganda. It will prob-
ably be consented to by all, that one who had labored so faith-
fully and deserved so well the approval of the public had a cer-
tain right to suggest the time and manner of retirement, even
when informed that retirement would be inevitable. The writer
does not hesitate to say that the action of Governor Clough was
simply brutal.
The doctor of course in time recovered from the effects of
this relegation to private life. He resumed his private practice
at Red Wing, welcomed by a body of old clients. His profes-
sional brothers came to him for information and counsel. His
home, with its great elms, its vines, and his garden, occupied
much of his time. He had long been a busy writer of reports,
opinions, essays, editorials, and addresses. He now planned to
use this talent in writing out a history of medicine. He had
long held the opinion that the great physicians of antiquity
whose names have come down to us, while ignorant of anatomy,
still possessed arts of diagnosis and healing which moderns have
to rediscover. For this purpose he spent some winters at the na-
tional capital, where the resources of the Library of Congress
were available and freely granted. One winter he spent in
Paris. This work he did not live to complete.
Dr. Hewitt had a great capacity for friendship. He cher-
ished to the end the attachments which his college fraternity,
the Alpha Delta Phi, had established. Educated in school and
college under Episcopalian influences, he maintained his mem-
bership in that church throughout life. It is well worth while
to note a characteristic contribution to the work of his parish.
He had a notable musical gift, which was shared by his own
children. He organized and for many years taught a choir of
boys; and he taught them much more than music, — courtesy,
and honor, and reverence. The memory of those lessons is still
dear to many of ' ' the old choir boys. ' '
Along with all his engagements he carried on the primary
education of his children, and taught as no schoolmaster can be
686 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
expected to do. He discovered that an immense amount of time
was wasted in schools, that the real learning by children was
got in a little time and in separate moments of attention.
Thirty years ago or more he declared that half of the time of
public school children might be given to what was later known
as manual training, while still as good progress would be made
in the usual school studies.
The life of this noble man, devoted citizen, and sincere Chris-
tian, ended after a short illness on July 7, 1910, at the age of
seventy-four years. His body was cremated, and the ashes were
deposited at his boyhood home in Potsdam, New York. It will
be long before Minnesota shall look upon his like again.
Minnesota Historical Society.
Vol. XV. Plate XVI.
BIOGRAPHIC MEMORIAL OF FREDERICK DRISCOLL.*
BY HENRY A. CASTLE.
Frederick Driscoll, whose character and achievement we
desire to commemorate on this occasion, filled worthily for a
long period, crowded with important events, a conspicuous place
in the annals of this city and this commonwealth, besides attain-
ing positions of nation-wide prominence and influence in the
realms where his professional activities were especially exer-
cised.
Our friend was so versatile in his endowments, his attain-
ments, and his sympathies, and so many-sided in his character,
as to command the sincere respect of contemporaries of all
shades of political opinion. He was a man of forceful and gen-
erous nature, with a fertile mind well stocked with ideas and
lavish in their outlay. "Warm-hearted, 'open-handed, large-
minded, with a certain profusion in his intellectual expendi-
tures, as if conscious of an overflowing reserve, his powers were
wonderfully at his command on those occasions when the exi-
gencies of the moment required him, in some public assembly,
to present his views on an important subject under discussion.
He was equally at home in a political convention, at the
Chamber of Commerce, or at a great meeting called to decide
on measures to meet an impending crisis. He made no ora-
torical efforts, but the clearness of statement, the persuasive-
ness of his manner of reasoning, all combined to win assent and
disarm opposition.
Frederick Driscoll was born at Boston, Massachusetts, July
31, 1834. His boyhood was spent in that city, and he received
a serviceable education at the Groton Academy. He formed
plans for a mercantile career and was trained in that direction
♦Rea<3 at the monthly meeting of the Executive Council, April 10,1911.
688
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
with no premonitions of the wide divergence therefrom the
future busy years would bring.
In the summer of 1856 he came west and found employment
for a few months at Clinton, Iowa. While travelling on the
Lake Michigan steamboat, "Niagara," in 1857, the boat was
burned near Green Bay, Wis., and many of his fellow passen-
gers were drowned. In attempting to assist one of these, a
woman, Mr. Driscoll was struck by a floating spar and deprived
of the sight of his left eye, — a permanent affliction, honorably
incurred, which however failed to impair his subsequent poten-
tiality.
He arrived in Minnesota in October, 1857, and, after a short
stay in St. Paul, located at Belle Plaine in Scott county as book-
keeper for the land company which exploited the townsite.
He came, an ambitious, industrious, level-headed young man,
to the Minnesota of the eventful decade preceding the Civil
War, to breathe her invigorating air, to drink of her crystal
waters, and bathe in her glorious sunshine. He came to share
her affluent but undeveloped resources, the age-fattened fertil-
ity of her shoreless prairies, her immeasurable storage vaults of
mineral wealth, and her forests of lofty pines.
He came to blend his destiny with a free, brave, virtuous
people. They were. rugged as the red foemen they confronted;
primitive ; poor in worldly possessions, but rich in daring and
will and hope. He became one with them, without delay or mis-
giving, and within five years had gained a position of promi-
nence from which he never receded.
The Belle Plaine Land Company sufl^ered some financial re-
verses, Mr. D. W. Ingersoll of St. Paul, a leading merchant, was
made assignee, and Mr. Driscoll became his agent. Among the
assets of the Land Company was a weekly newspaper, the ''In-
quirer," which, after many vicissitudes, suspended publication
in 1861. At the suggestion of Mr. Ingersoll, Mr. Driscoll ac-
cepted the newspaper plant in payment of arrearages due for his
services. He was not a practical printer, but he embarked on
this untried venture, which was to shape and control the work of
a lifetime, with youthful self-reliance, fully justified by the
result.
FREDERICK DRISCOLL. 689
Meantime, other events which definitely affected his for-
tunes had occurred. On May 31, 1858, he had married at Belle
Plaine Miss Ann L. Brown of New York, a daughter of Hon. J.
B. Brown, who later, as Lieutenant Colonel of the 113th New
York Infantry Volunteers, made a distinguished record in the
War for the Union. Miss Brown, who had recently graduated
at an eastern collegiate institution, was visiting her sister, Mrs.
William G. Gates, at Belle Plaine, when the acquaintance began.
In November, 1860, Mr. Driscoll was elected a representative
in the Minnesota Legislature from Scott county, and served dur-
ing the session of 1861. He was a Republican, and Scott county
was strongly Democratic ; he was only twenty-six years old, and
had lived in the state but two years; yet he was chosen by a
small plurality, and bore a highly creditable part during the ses-
sion in debates as well as in framing legislation. He was spe-
cially helpful in locating the terminus of the Duluth Railroad in
St. Paul.
It was at the close of this session that he purchased the mori-
bund newspaper, changed its name to the ''Scott County Jour-
nal," transformed its politics from Democratic to Republican,
and commenced the journalistic apprenticeship which was to
give to the state and to the nation a genuine master workman.
At the opening of the Legislative session of 1862, Mr. Dris-
coll came to the capital and with the prestige of his previous
service in the House, added to that of a Republican editor, was
elected Secretary of the Senate. He discharged his duties, both
in the regular session and in the special session of that year, so
acceptably as to attract the attention of the state leaders of one
wing of the dominant Republican party, who encouraged him to
bring his printing material to St. Paul and establish a daily
paper in opposition to the Press.
It was a period of depression and solicitude for Minnesota.
The rebellion in the South had drawn thousands of her patriotic
sons to its remote battlefields, and the horrible Indian massacre
of August, 1862, had depopulated her frontiers. Mr. DriscoU,
physically disabled for field duty, nevertheless was given a com-
mission which he was unable to accept, but he rendered valuable
service in the quartermasters' department at Fort Ripley, and
elsewhere, during the most trying season.
44 "
690
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
In November, 1862, he removed to St. Paul and established
the Daily Union. A young man just arrived from Ohio, named
Harlan P. Hall, was his city reporter. The Legislature of 1863
was to elect a United States Senator to succeed Henry M. Rice.
There were two Republican candidates. Governor Alexander
Ramsey of St. Paul and Congressman Cyrus Aldrich of Minne-
apolis. The Press, owned by William R. Marshall and Newton
Bradley, with Joseph A. Wheelock as editor, earnestly sup-
ported Governor Ramsey; Mr. Driscoll, in the Union, just as
earnestly supported Colonel Aldrich. Ramsey won the sena-
torial toga, but at the same session of the Legislature Mr. Dris-
coll was elected State Printer, by which proceeding emoluments
estimated at $20,000 a year were transferred from the Press to
the Union. Thus both papers had gained, — likewise both had
lost. A consolidation was suggested and speedily effected.
Mr. Wheelock, at the outset, doubtless looked with amuse-
ment bordering on disdain upon this journalistic tyro from
Scott county, who had the temerity to set up a rival Republican
daily in St. Paul. But no sooner had the contest begun than he
discovered, like Fitz-James of old :
"No maiden's hand is round thee thrown!
That desperate grasp thy frame might feel,
Through bars of brass and triple steel!"
And the contest did not last long. It was soon found ex-
pedient to unite the two papers. The Union was merged into
the Press, March 1, 1863. Newton Bradley and William R.
Marshall retired; Frederick Driscoll and Joseph A. Wheelock
became partners and began an association that continued until
1899.
As to which was the senior and which the junior partner,
opinions have differed. Mr. Wheelock, the editor, was always
in the limelight, while Mr. Driscoll, the business manager, was
less conspicuously displayed. United, they made a remark-
ably successful combination ; separately, neither could possibly
have accomplished so much.
Mr. Wheelock 's half century of primacy in Minnesota
journalism has its unchallenged historical recognition. He was
one of the clearest thinkers and most forcible writers in the
t'REbERiCk DRISCOLL. 6M
nation, capable of sustained efforts of uniform excellence, with
frequent flights into the realms of genius. An adept in nervous
thought and muscular language, he wrote with a fullness of in-
formation and a richness of diction that commanded the ap-
plause of his friends, while it often exasperated his opponents.
When his righteous indignation was aroused by some political
atrocity, his wrath became highly inflammatory, and the color-
scheme of his denunciations took on a lurid, sunset crimson.
Not infallible in judgment, nor exempt from infirmities of tem-
per and temperament, which at times cloud the intellectual
vision, he was always credited with good motives and manly
conduct.
The two associates worked together in harmony, as a rule,
although such positive natures must have clashed occasionally
in determining the policies to be pursued. Immersed together
in many seething cauldrons of controversy, they often emerged
discomfited, but never dismayed. Both cherished high ideals
of journalistic responsibility. They repudiated the practices of
those editorial parasites who cultivate an animal instinct until
it approaches human sagacity in selecting a popular issue and
then promptly changing it when the babble and jingle of cur-
rent furor subsides. The editor who adopts this standard in-
fluences nobody; he permits everybody to influence him. He
drifts with the tide, sprinkling all his utterances with a ster-
ilized mist until the drift is discerned. Whether afflicting man-
kind through the pages of the daily yellow, the weekly roast,
or the monthly muck-rake, he is a functional derelict.
No such perversion of allegiance marred the record of
Wheelock and Driscoll. They were early in adopting and per-
sistent in maintaining the standards of the press which made
public opinion the paramount force in society and government.
Healthfully directing this public opinion, the press of those
days became an instrument of communiqation, a vehicle of in-
fluence ; not the creator of civilization, but a marvelous engine
for its diffusion; not perhaps moving the world, but moving
with the world, and recording all its movements. In this ca-
pacity it developed into a ramified, radiating, educational in-
stitute, in whose laboratories the best thoughts and most prac-
692
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLE^CTlONS.
tical intelligence were raw material, to be worked and re-
worked into progressive institutions.
"While Mr. Wheelock had little or no taste for business de-
tails and left them all to his capable partner, it does not follow
that Mr. Driscoll was equally unconcerned with matters per-
taining to the editorial province.
Sarcasm and stigma have been lavished by unthinking
phrase-coiners and wind-spinners on the charge that certain
newspapers are *' edited in the counting room." In one sense,
the paper that is not edited in the counting room will not be
edited at all, for any considerable length of time. Nor does
this fact presuppose venality, or a lapse into the paths of con-
solidated corporation publicity. Even in the most independent
and progressive journals, the business manager must be con-
sulted as to the broad lines of editorial policy, as to allowable
expenditures for news service, and as to the personnel of the
staff, as well as their compensation. He thus becomes, to all
intents and purposes, the managing editor, and has weighty
prerogatives outside the vital function, naturally assigned to
him, of providing the ways and means.
Mr. Driscoll was all this to the Press and the Pioneer Press
for thirty-six years. He probably wrote few editorials. He
probably censored few of Mr. Wheelock 's writings, — it might
have been better for the paper and the party if he had censored
more of them, for his was the cooler brain. But that he forti-
fied many of the strongest positions, energized many of the most
creditable achievements and inspired many of the most tren-
chant utterances, is a well established truth of history. Thus
in the broadest meaning of the term, Frederick Driscoll was a
journalist.
From the conjunction of Wheelock and Driscoll, in the own-
ership of the St. Paul Daily Press and the harmonious adjust-
ment of their respective functions, dates the entrance of the
latter into a field of state-wide influence. His great oppor-
tunity had come, and he embraced it with the ardor that vital-
ized all his enthusiasms. He became a militant Minnesotan.
Sir Isaac Newton, modestly disclaiming praise for his scien-
tific triumphs, attributed them to the broader vision he en-
FREDERICK DRISCOLIa 693
joyed through standing on the shoulders of giants who had pre-
ceded him, Galileo and Kepler and Copernicus and the rest. To
these he yielded primacy of honor.
But the early Minnesotans had no . predecessors in their
splendid work. They did not stand on the shoulders of giants.
They were giants themselves, as if nourished on lions' milk
and the marrow of bisons. Toiling terribly, they wrought
mightily in their several spheres, each solicitous to do his manly
part in building and embellishing the grand structure which
his prophetic eye clearly discerned.
Minnesota was an empire from the day it was founded.
Saint Paul was a city at the hour it was born.
There were giants in those days, and Frederick Driscoll was
with them and of them. He stood shoulder high with the
pioneers, like Alexander Ramsey and Henry M. Rice and H. H.
Sibley and William R. Marshall. He kept step with the de-
velopments worked out by E. F. Drake and "W. L. Banning and
W. F. Davidson and George L. Becker and Oliver Dalrymple
and Thomas Lowry and James J. Hill, the empire builders, the
men who did things. He sat in council with such financiers as
Erastus Edgerton and Horace Thompson and H. P. Upham.
He measured up to the intellectual standard of jurists like Gil-
fillan and Cornell and Cole and Flandrau and R. R. Nelson and
George B. Young. In politics, he was the trusted adviser of
Windom and Pillsbury and Dunnell and Washburn and Wil-
kinson and John B. Sanborn and Cushman K. Davis; the
dreaded antagonist of Donnelly and Eugene Wilson and Nor-
ton and Coggswell. He was the co-worker in business enter-
prise with John Nicols and C. D. Strong and P. H. Kelly and
C. W. Hackett and Channing Seabury and J. C. Burbank. He
worked in the ranks of journalism for the upbuilding of the
State, heart to heart with J. A. Wheelock and W. S. King and
J. A. Leonard and Daniel Sinclair. He walked hand in hand,
in gracious deeds of philanthropy and benevolence, with D. W.
Ingersoll and Wilford L. Wilson and D. R. Noyes and Thomas
Cochran. With bowed head, reverently, he marched abreast of
churchmen like S. Y. McMasters and D. R. Breed and E. D. Neill
gg^ MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
and H. B. Whipple and John Ireland, in paths that lead to
righteousness through Christian faith and hope.
It were an honor to any man who sustained himself for a
long series of years on terms of acknowledged equality in a
companionship like this, emulating the brotherhood at King
Arthur's table round, the goodliest fellowship of famous
knights whereof the world holds record. Frederick DriscoU
thus sustained himself and more. In numerous vital emergen-
cies, he was pushed forward, in one or another of these several
fields of usefulness and honor, to a position of applauded lead-
ership, and in no such case did he fail to vindicate amply the
preferment.
His early outlook and outreach had even a wider signifi-
cance. They comprehended questions of national import, and
involved considerations of loftiest patriotism. Mr. Driscoll
was not only a Territorial Pioneer, but was a staunch and loyal
supporter of Lincoln and the Union in the dark and bloody
days of the war for the suppression of the slaveholders' rebel-
lion, the days that tried men 's souls.
The issues of the hour were clearly defined. In regard to
them the paper published by Wheelock and Driscoll sounded
always the clarion note of unconditional loyalty. The domi-
nant issue was the life of the Republic. On that question there
could be no equivocation or compromise, — he who was not for
the country was against it. And in all the years succeeding,
these patriots of the war era were ever the champions of the
veteran soldiers of the Republic in every just appeal to the
gratitude of the nation. The predominating tenet in their
creed of civics was aggresive, progressive Americanism.
My personal acquaintance with Mr. Driscoll began at the
first meeting of the Minnesota Editorial Association in Feb-
ruary, 1867. He was the chairman of the local committee which
invited the editors of the state to come to St. Paul. He was
master of ceremonies at the initial assemblages, toastmaster at
the banquet, and in general the director (if not the originator)
of the movement which during forty-four years has done so
much for the publishing fraternity of Minnesota, meanwhile
developing into a powerful national association, which origi-
FREDERICK DRISCOLL.
695
nated here. The state organization was, from the beginning,
with the full approval of the city members, specially devoted to
the interests of the country press, but, as one of its founders,
Mr. Driscoll always felt a personal pride in its prosperity.
In 1867 he was appointed Chairman of the Republican State
Central Committee, and held the position until 1870, conduct-
ing with skill the campaigns which resulted in the second elec-
tion of Governor Marshall and the first election of Governor
Austin. He was during this period and subsequently the mov-
ing spirit in what we called ''the Ramsey dynasty," the inner
circle of leading Republicans who had in charge the political
fortunes of Senator Ramsey. Governor Marshall, Gen. R. N.
McLaren, Mr. Driscoll, and Mr. Wheelock, composed this inner
circle, and they so managed affairs as to indicate, with a view
to the Senator's continued tenure, most of the nominations for
state officers, Congressmen, etc., as well as most of the appoint-
ments to Federal positions, during at least a full decade of
Minnesota history. It was a puissant combination, devoted to
what its members then believed to be a laudable purpose, as
indeed is now conceded by some of their surviving opponents.
In May, 1870, Joseph A. Wheelock was, on the recommen-
dation of Senator Ramsey, appointed Postmaster of St. Paul,
by President Grant. The office in those days was usually
treated as a sinecure, a political perquisite, not necessarily in-
volving personal attention to its duties. The previous incum-
bent, Dr. J. H. Stewart, had continued his lucrative medical
practice without interruption. Mr. Wheelock made Mr. Dris-
coll assistant postmaster, thus accomplishing the doubly desir-
able object of ensuring a competent business supervision of the
post office and of securing a welcome recourse, for upbuilding
the Republican party organ, of perhaps seven thousand dollars
a year from their united salaries.
During the five years they filled these positions, Mr. Dris-
coll gave all necessary attention to the postal work. In the
beginning he demonstrated his executive ability by choosing
Patrick 0 'Brien, from among his employees in the Press count-
ing room, to handle the post-office money and keep the accounts.
Mr. O'Brien is there today, having served continuously as As-
QQQ MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
sistant Postmaster since 1875, with the unqualified approbation
of all succeeding administrations. Compared with its present
operations and functions, the St. Paul post office was in 1869 of
limited scope. But even then it was important, as the center
of an expanding mail system. Mr. Driscoll managed its affairs
efficiently, introduced many substantial reforms, and when, by
the mutations of politics, Dr. David Day became postmaster
in 1875, turned over to him the well organized up-to-date postal
plant which it has ever since remained. If Mr. Driscoll had
done nothing else that was noteworthy during his post-office
incumbency, the discovery of Patrick O'Brien and his induc-
tion into the service would be a title to public gratitude.
Senator Ramsey's second term expired March 4, 1875, and
his friends waged a furious campaign for his re-election, of
which campaign Mr. Driscoll was the commander-in-chief.
Three candidates for Republican support were entered against
him, — C. K. Davis, W. D. Washburn, and Horace Austin. After
long delay and much heart-burning, Hon. S. J. R. McMillan,
chief justice of the Supreme Court of the state, was elected as
a compromise. Alexander Ramsey retired from the Senate, and
the Saint Paul Press lost faith in the virtue of the party, if not
in the perpetuity of the Republic.
One of the earliest official acts of Senator McMillan was to
demand the removal of Mr. Wheelock and the appointment of
Dr. David Day, the Senator's brother-in-law, as postmaster of
St. Paul. Party usage constrained President Grant reluctantly
to acquiesce, and the change was made. Mr. Driscoll ceased to
be de facto postmaster, but left his salutary impress and his
proficient helper behind him.
Shortly after this occurrence the startling announcement
was made that the Pioneer and the Press had been consolidated
under the management of Wheelock and Driscoll, and that the
Pioneer Press was to be conducted as an independent journal, a
thing then unprecedented in Minnesota politics.
^ By this consolidation, the oldest newspaper in the state, the
Pioneer, became the senior segment of the coming colossus of
the Northwestern press. The merger took effect April 11,
1875. A year later, the Pioneer Press acquired the Morning
FREDERICK DRISCOLL. 697
Tribune and the Evening Mail, at Minneapolis, suspended
their publication, and for a time held a monopoly of the daily
newspaper field of the Twin Cities, except the St. Paul Even-
ing Dispatch.
Mr. Driscoll was necessarily the prime factor in negotiating
and effecting these several fusions or amalgamations, in each
ease adding to the prestige and profits of his great journal.
"Whether the ablest survive, or only those ablest to survive, the
survivals concededly receive the credit and reap the rewards.
In his admirable history of Minnesota Journalism, in this
Society's Collections (Volumes X and XII), Mr. D. S. B. John-
ston traces the pedigree of the Pioneer Press, and shows that
nineteen daily and weekly newspapers were first and last
absorbed into its ravenous organism.
The Pioneer had been a Democratic paper, and the Press
had been Republican. It seemed to be both logical and prudent
that the consolidated sheet should be independent. But its
new owners were too sincerely attached to their party prin-
ciples, and had too long held front seats in the party councils,
to refrain permanently from partisan and even factional in-
terposition. Within two years the Pioneer Press was as solic-
itous for Republican nominations as the familiar Press had
been for fifteen years preceding.
In the interim of attempted neutrality, however, the Re-
publicans of the state, feeling lost without an ''organ" at the
capital, which was then deemed essential to the maintenance
of party ascendancy, purchased from H. P. Hall the Demo-
cratic St. Paul Evening Dispatch, and transformed it into an
exponent of unconditional Republicanism. Thenceforward for
ten years the Dispatch was mostly under the editorial control
of the writer hereof. During that period and long afterward
the Dispatch at least shared equally with the Pioneer Press
the honors of a consistent advocacy of Republican principles,
and of choosing the winners among Republican candidates
for nominations, — in the latter performance the two papers
being invariably on opposite sides.
After 1875 Mr. Driscoll 's aggressive personal leadership in
political contests had measurably ceased. In 1879 he led a sue-
698 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
cessful campaign for Governor Pillsbury's third term nomina-
tion; in 1881 he tried to rehabilitate Alexander Ramsey as a
senatorial candidate, but failed; the same year he supported
Governor Pillsbury's unsuccessful candidacy for a fourth
term; in 1883 he was prominent in the movement to re-elect
Senator Windom, vrho was defeated. In these struggles he
was of course supported by the Pioneer Press, which was an-
tagonized by the Dispatch and by ninety per cent of the Repub-
lican country papers throughout the state. The scepter had
departed.
As a result of these and other episodes, the Pioneer Press
and its conductors gradually lost in political prestige. But
in the legitimate newspaper field, in news gathering, in the
intelligent presentation and discussion of important events,
in expanding circulation and increasingly profitable advertis-
ing patronage, the enterprising journal went on conquering
and to conquer. As always, Frederick DriscoU guided its
financial destinies. His eye was on every detail of its compli-
cated business, and that of the manufacturing and mercantile
branches he had built up around it, the printing, binding and
lithographing establishment, the wholesale paper and station-
ery trade, and the ready-print auxiliary, each an industry in
itself.
. Yet amid all the exacting demands of this, the busiest time
of his busy life, he always found leisure for cheerful participa-
tion in matters relating to the public welfare. In this capacity
he was one of the strongest and most useful men our city and
state have ever known. The real value of his truly unselfish
service cannot be overestimated. He was the cultured man,
the gentleman, in the highest meaning of those expressions..
Yet his was a militant soul. He was not merely a good man
negatively; he went out and fought for the faith that was in
him.
His interest in everything that pertained to business ex-
tensions, municipal policies, and official responsibilities, made
him a leader among the men who were shaping the evolution
of our ambitious and struggling young city. Every step in
St. Paul's advance had to be worked and fought for against
FREDERICK DRISCOLL. 699
vigorous rivalry. No more zealous worker or more chivalrous
fighter than Frederick DriscoU contributed to the ultimate
victory.
One of the chief instrumentalities through which the un-
failing public spirit of Mr. Driscoll was manifested was the
Board of Directors of the Saint Paul Chamber of Commerce.
During thirty-five strenuous years this organization had an
influential part in shaping the policies which built up the
metropolis out of a struggling trading post. During that pe-
riod, I sat with him in that body, composed of about fifty active
citizens in professional and business lines, who met at nine
o'clock every Monday morning to discuss and act on measures
of general interest. Thus I witnessed his intelligent zeal for
the public good, saw the results of his arduous labors on many
committees, learned to recognize and admire his self-reliant
leadership at critical crises in our municipal annals. In 1890,
at one of its most strenuous epochs, he served as president of
this powerful organization.
Among the numerous important matters in which he thus
exercised a potent influence, were the extension of early rail-
road systems and the location of their shops and headquarters ;
securing manufacturing and commercial establishments; build-
ing two State Capitols, the Court House, the Federal Buildings,
depots and hotels; locating schools, colleges, parks, bridges,
and street car lines; regulating taxation and bond issues;
establishing water works ; encouraging immigration ; and pro-
moting all enterprises that promised benefits to the peopled
Scarciely one of these failed to receive the special impress of his
good sense and untiring effort.
A typical instance of Mr. Driscoll 's single-hearted devotion
to his conception of civic duty occurred in 1890. In that year
the Chamber of Commerce appointed a committee on the Cen-
sus, instructed to stimulate, by legitimate means, the federal
authorities in securing a full and fair enumeration of this
city. The committee consisted of Frederick Driscoll, Charles
Nichols, and the writer hereof. It was a period of intense ri-
valry between Minneapolis and St. Paul, and without the knowl-
edge of our committee the acting mayor of this city, Mr. 0. 0.
-^00 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Cullen, employed skillful detectives to watch the census opera-
tions of our aggressive twin. Unmistakable evidence was se-
cured that systematic methods for improperly swelling the
population rolls were being employed there. Advised of this,
the St. Paul census committee made complaint to the census
bureau at Washington, which, on investigation, found that a
flagrant violation of law was being perpetrated. Warrants
were sworn out; the two managing agents of the conspiracy
were arrested ; a wagonload of incriminating fraudulent sched-
ules was secured, and the scheme by which it was proposed to
add 50,000 names to the lists was thwarted.
A stupendous explosion of local indignation promptly en-
sued. The honest people of Minneapolis, innocent, and igno-
rant of the work in which a few of their unscrupulous leaders
had been secretly engaged, denounced the seeming outrage of
the proceedings taken in St. Paul, and blazed forth in fierce
wrath against those responsible for it. Well to the front among
those who were thus marked for vengeance was Frederick
Driscoll. He had most to lose, but he did not shirk nor quail.
The Pioneer Press had then a large daily circulation and a
profitable advertising patronage in Minneapolis, which was lost
in a day and was never afterwards regained. But Mr. Driscoll
and Mr. Wheelock and their paper stood by their guns at the
cost of many thousands of dollars, and of a journalistic "dual
city" prestige which had been their joy and pride.
They were sustained by St. Paul sentiment. The movement
resulted in a fair count in both cities. The arrested criminals
were indicted, pleaded guilty, and were punished by heavy
fines, thus vindicating the proceedings taken and those con-
cerned in them. But the pecuniary loss suffered by the paper
and its owners was, of course, never recompensed. It was a
deliberate sacrifice to the obligations of good citizenship, as
understood by those who made it.
Another manifestation of Mr. Driscoll's progressive public
spirit was seen in the fine buildings he caused to be erected in
St. Paul, and in his participation in the development of subur-
ban property. When I first met him, the Press office was a
dilapitated half-subterranean structure at the Wabasha street
E'tlEDEftlCK DRlSCOLL. 701
^B bridge. In 1869 he built a new and, for the time, elegant stone
|H building at Third and Minnesota streets. Five years later, this
^K being outgrown, its capacity was increased fourfold by addi-
^K tions to its length, breadth, and height. About 1888, he built
^K the magnificent Pioneer Press Building at Fourth and Robert
^B streets. He scrutinized every feature of its construction with
^H careful attention. After more than twenty years it still remains
^^H the finest structure in the city, a monument to his far-reaching
'^V enterprise. Now that the newspaper plant has been removed,
^f it ought to be rechristened ' ' The Driscoll Block, " as a tangible
and enduring tribute to his memory. On Summit avenue, he
built one of the most sumptuous of its stately homes, that now
occupied by Mr. Frederick Weyerhaeuser. He was the leader
in building up a prosperous manufacturing suburb at North
St. Paul, an undertaking in advance of the demands of the
time, and of no pecuniary profit to himself or his associates,
but now partially recognized as a valuable tributary to the city.
A crucial test of individual merit is the estimation with
which one is held by those in long and near association with
him as subordinates and employees. On the whole, several
thousands of persons were employed in the various depart-
ments of the allied concerns managed by Mr. Driscoll, and few
indeed will be found that did not see in him a helper and a
friend. In the best newspaper offices of the country, in banks
and counting rooms, from ocean to ocean, will be found success-
ful men who are earnest in their ascriptions of praise for the
training they received at his hand. In the higher ranks of the
writers attached to his editorial staff at different periods were
such strong and able men as Louis E. Fisher, Charles Yale,
Harlan P. Hall, David Blakeley, James H. Davidson, Paul
Selby, F. A. Carle, J. O. Pyle, Conde Hamlin, W. C. Handy,
and others equally notable, each abundantly equipped for inde-
pendent service, but all paying to their one-time employer the
homage of their respect and esteem.
Owing to mutations of fortune caused by conditions which
he could not foresee, and for which he was in no way respon-
sible, Mr. Driscoll surrendered the management of the Pioneer
702 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Press corporation on December 1, 1899, after a continuous serv-
ice of more than thirty-six years.
The momentum given to its varied business operations by
his masterly supervision was so powerful that all have been
maintained unimpaired to this day. During the intervening
eleven years, the newspaper has passed to the ownership of
Mr. George Thompson, Proprietor of the Dispatch, both jour-
nals retaining their old names and their individuality as to
hours of publication, etc. ; the Newspaper Union ready print
department has become a separate institution; the manufac-
turing and commercial branch has organized into the Pioneer
Printing Company, with Mr. Walter J. Driscoll as its president ;
the superb office building is now under distinct proprietorship
and control. Thus the great enterprise built up by Frederick
Driscoll has been segregated into at least four flourishing estab-
lishments, each requiring unremitting diligence and exceptional
managerial skill.
At the age of sixty-six, two years beyond the supposed
limit of efficiency in officers of the army, he laid down the spe-
cial burden he had carried for a generation, but he did not re-
tire. On the contrary, he entered on a new career, which led
him into even higher, wider ranges of endeavor than those in
which he had previously toiled and triumphed.
He had already become a national figure in lines connected
with practical journalism. He was one of the founders of the
Associated Press, the universal news-gathering agency of the
country. In 1881 he became one of its directors, and for ten
years served on the Executive Committee of three, which gov-
erned its affairs. He was also a member of the Executive
Committee of the American Newspaper Publishers Association,
embracing the dailies of all the principal cities. In 1891 he
was chosen chairman of a special committee of this body to ex-
amine the merits and possibilities of type-setting machines, then
regarded with suspicion by publishers and with open hostility
by printers. After patient and thorough investigation this
committee recommended the adoption of the new invention in
newspaper offices, thus revolutionizing the business, making
FREDERICK DRISCOLL. 703
the cheap newspaper possible, and vastly extending the facili-
ties for the diffusion of human knowledge.
Thus prominently identified with the leading publishing
interests by long association, his colleagues at once availed
themselves of the opportunity, when he left the Pioneer Press,
to enlist his services in a very important capacity, for which
he was known to possess rare qualifications. A national board
of arbitration was created. It was composed of the special
standing committee of the American Newspaper Publishers
Association and the executive council of the International Typo-
graphical Union. Of this national board Frederick DriscoU
was early in 1900 made Commissioner of Arbitration, with wide
discretionary authority and a liberal provision as to salary
and expenses.
The duties of this position covered the adjustment of all
controversies betwen publishers and printers. They were com-
plicated and exacting, involving the weariness of long jour-
neys across the continent, the strain of settling acrimonious
disputes, and the labor of framing agreements between the par-
ties thereto. His long experience as a publisher, his firm but
conciliatory and diplomatic methods, enabled him to handle
questions of extreme delicacy, in which large money consider-
ations were at stake, as well as pride of opinion and issues
seemingly irreconcilable between labor and capital. He was
implicitly trusted, from the beginning, by the publishers, and
soon grew to be held in the highest esteem by the labor unions.
Ever insisting on justice, his conduct was so eminently fair and
his manner so persuasive that he effected a complete adjust-
ment in every case submitted to his arbitrament, — a record un-
paralleled in the history of trade contentions. He assuredly
earned in this life, and has received in the life beyond, the
blessing promised to the Peacemakers.
He was a pioneer in the movement for better relations be-
tween employer and employed. He had no precedents to guide
him. He was obliged to blaze his way through a forest of tan-
gled prejudices and animosities, arrogant defiance on one side,
and sullen contumacy on the other. These had brought strikes
and lockouts, sometimes riots, always costly to both parties,
704 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
demoralizing the community and paralyzing its productive in-
dustries.
Various remedies had been tried, all of which had failed.
Finally the publishers and printers decided to seek relief in a
policy of concilation and arbitration. As a motto they might
have combined the phrases of two eminent Union commanders :
"War is hell— let us have peace!" Providentially they found
Frederick Driscoll competent and willing, and with leisure to
inaugurate the experiment. Organized labor and the associated
employers of labor saw in him a mutual friend. Expert, just,
patient, persistent, and ever kindly, he always found in the end
a common ground of fairness on which all could meet and frame
a satisfactory agreement for their future guidance.
He gave himself to this fruitful mission, with ever increas-
ing capacity for good, during the remainder of his life. How
fully he succeeded in accomplishing the duty assigned him, is
most conclusively shown by the voluntary tributes transmitted
to his family, after his decease, by the national jurisdiction
best qualified to appreciate his work.
A memorial brochure, beautifully engrossed and bound, con-
tains Resolutions adopted and signed by the National Board
of Arbitration, including James M. Lynch, Hugo Miller, and
J. W. Bramwood, representing the International Typographical
Union, which read:
"Whereas, death has summoned from among us Frederick Dris-
coll, Commissioner of the American Newspaper Publishers Associa-
tion, and Whereas, the members of this National Board of Arbitra-
tion desire to bear witness to their very high appreciation of his valued
services to the Publishers as well as to the International Typographical
Union, to his fair-mindedness and unceasing efforts to promote the
mutual interests of employers and employees, and to his many esti-
mable and lovable qualities as a man; Therefore, Be it Resolved, that
the members of this board feel that in Frederick Driscoll's death they
have lost a distinguished associate and a warm personal friend."
An equally sumptuous volume, suitably embellished, con-
tains the Memorial to Mr. Driscoll from the Publishers' Asso-
ciation of New York City, adopted March 27, 1907.
It is signed by the publishers of the New York Times, the
Tribune, the Sun, the American, the Journal of Commerce, the
FREDERICK DRISCOLL.
705
World, the Evening Post, the Staats-Zeitung, the Brooklyn
Eagle, etc., and is of similar tenor. These two testimonials
constitute a significant and conclusive tribute to his exalted
worth. They will be a precious heirloom for his descendants.
Innumerable editorial tributes to his memory from the press
of the United States testified to the esteem in which he was
held by associates of all parties and in every section. In these
conspicuous mention was made of the beneficial results accom-
plished by the Arbitration Commissioner during his seven
years' arduous service.
The distinguished success of Mr. DriscoU in this new field,
of adjusting the relations between employers and employees,
led to its adoption in other branches of industry, and the pro-
cess of extending the policy of arbitration is still going on.
Comments at a meeting of another national body, which has
entered upon the same course are as follows:
"Plans for the elimination of strife are not only going to meet
with the approval of trade unionists, but are going to be sanctioned
by the general public, who are anxiously awaiting the evolution of
things, so that warfare between employers and employees may be
averted. In the struggle for supremacy between organized capital and
organized labor, there are three great forces at work. At one extreme
there are those who say that trades unions are un-American and a
menace to our Republic. To bring about their annihilation they ac-
cumulate corruption funds, maintain lobbies, hire strike-breakers, and
through court proceedings try to tie up the funds of the Unions. At
the other extreme we have the radicals who declare that wage-slavery
must be abolished, and that only through publicly owned monopolies
is industrial peace possible. Between these two extremes lies the
Arbitration idea. Its guiding principle is the making of collective
instead of individual contracts, and the adjustment of points of dis-
pute by arbitration. Our plan of action is to form a coalition with the
unions for the purpose of maintaining peace. It is understood that the
exigencies of the business must be taken into consideration, so that
the customer may be treated with fairness and not have to pay the
onerous expenses of strikes and lockouts."
Wherever tried in good faith this policy is said to be ef-
fective for the object intended. Peace is promoted with profit
to both sides and to the general public. Thus the results of the
culminating exploit of Frederick Driscoll are spreading in great
waves of benignity over the land. If the permai;ent meliora-
706 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
tions that are now reasonably expected shall be compassed, he
will be conceded high rank among the nation's benefactors.
Mr. Driscoll's engagements as Commissioner of Arbitration
required the establishment of his. headquarters in Chicago, and
he removed from St. Paul to that city in 1900. Thereafter he
was obliged to travel almost continuously in the performance
of his duties. A naturally robust physical constitution, forti-
fied by the good habits of a lifetime, had kept his general health
sound; but an organic trouble, requiring, in the aggregate,
seven severe surgical operations, sapped his vitality by degrees
and led to almost ceaseless suffering. In spite of these afflic-
tions he went on with his work for seven years, heroically bat-
tling to the last with bodily tortures that would have baffled
any but an unconquerable will.
Finally, in March, 1907, he felt unequal to further service
as Commissioner, and tendered his resignation to the Arbitra-
tion Board. He was urged to accept an unlimited sick-leave,
with continued salary and provision for the expenses of a trip
to Europe in search of relief. This striking proof of apprecia-
tion touched him very deeply, but its suggested advantages
could not be realized. He gradually failed, and on March 23,
1907, he passed peacefully away at his home in Chicago. Only
two weeks before his death he had rendered valuable assist-
ance, by wise counsel, in the settlement of a labor disagree-
ment. He thus died, literally and appropriately, with his armor
on, after an extended career of activity and usefulness and
honor.
The funeral services were held in Saint Paul, March 26,
1907, and were conducted by Dr. Henry C. Swearingen, pastor of
the House of Hope Church. The pallbearers were W. J. Dean,
E. L. Shepley, Webster Wheelock, Conde Hamlin, J. D. Arm-
strong, and Dr. Archibald McLaren. The interment was at
Oakland cemetery.
He rests in peace. He had kept the faith. He had lanced
a festering abscess in the body politic and applied healing lo-
tions. He had stretched fresh wires into the domain of indus-
trial economics and electrified them with his soul.
FREDERICK DRISCOLK 767
Mrs. Ann Brown Driscoll died March 31, 1880, leaving three
sons. On November 8, 1882, Mr. Driscoll was married in New
York City to Mrs. Lucy Norris Styles of St. Paul, who shared
his successes and labors for twenty-five years. Mrs. Driscoll
now resides in this city. There also survived him, his sons,
Frederick Driscoll, Jr., Arthur B. Driscoll, and Walter J. Dris-
coll ; his daughter, Mrs. Robert H. Kirk ; and his step-son, John
N. Jackson.
In regard to the personal character of Mr. Driscoll, I speak
from the fullness of knowledge and appreciation bom of forty
years* intimate acquaintance. In politics we were sometimes
in relations of affiliation, but often in those of intense antago-
nism; in business life we were at times in keen rivalry, yet
more frequently in close and harmonious association. But we
were always personal friends, and all my recollections of him
are illuminated by the sincere respect which flows from an
abiding friendship and affection. My sentiment is one of de-
votion to his memory, inspiring a desire to record some of his
titles to grateful remembrance. It is my hope that the Min-
nesotans of today and of the future may keep, around the
spot where he sleeps, the vigils of their heartfelt gratitude,
evincing the same constancy and fidelity with which he gave
his best endowments to their service.
In his private life Mr. Driscoll was, from boyhood and in
all relations, an exemplar of correct morals and earnest re-
ligious convictions. He stood for what is best in framing the
elements of our Christian civilization, the hope of the country,
the light of the world. He was one of the first members of the
House of Hope Presbyterian Church of St. Paul, and was a
leader of the choir in its early days. He served for many years
on its board of trustees, and was always a generous contributor
to its denominational and benevolent agencies. By precept and
example he lent encouragement to every judicious effort for
the regeneration of society and the uplift of the race.
In social circles his genial manners, added to his fine con-
versational powers, brought to him many sincere and trusting
friends. When recreation for a season drew him aside from
his arduous labors, it was with the most lively satisfaction and
708
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
pleasure that he gave himself up to the full measure of social
enjoyment; his conversation sparkled with wit and humor; his
manner, winning with a fine civility, was frank, tender, and
trusting. In fraternal societies he was prominent and popular.
He was a Mason of the thirty-fourth degree, and fulfilled all
obligations faithfully. He was the incarnation of uncondi-
tional loyalty,— loyalty to his country, his home, and his
friends. He was chivalrous to women, and little children loved
him.
In his ideal home life the amiable elements of his character
were most pleasingly manifested. Those permitted even casual
observations of that life were always impressed with its beau-
tiful, affectionate simplicity. Methodical in business, even
abrupt and emphatic at times, he was always in his home the
devoted, thoughtful, considerate husband and father. His ten-
der solicitude for the comfort of an invalid wife during sev-
eral of the most toilsome, perplexing years in the prime of his
manhood, was a revelation of his inmost soul that commanded
the enduring regard of all who witnessed it.
He was a courageous man, having the courage of his opin-
ions. No hope of temporary advantage could ever tempt him,
no flattery could cause him to swerve from his view of the
right. Steadfast in the convictions of a well-matured, well-
balanced mind, he stood firm in his position, and hence he was
a wise counsellor, and a true friend. He could say No! and
mean it, and stand by it. Thus accoutred, he went forward,
taking no counsel of doubts or fears. In the corrupted cur-
rents of the time Frederick Driscoll was incorruptible. In the
thick of the fray he played the part of a man.
Mr. Driscoll had m^ny of the true elements of greatness.
He was manifestly something more than a fortunate man.
What there was of greatness in his personality or his career is
due not alone to good fortune, but to a blend of certain in-
herent qualities, the qualities of honesty, generosity, firmness,
and patriotism.
Exceptional faculties of perception, reception, and reten-
tion, joined to untiring industry, — these constitute real great-
ness, and, given or making opportunity, achieve distinguished
FREDERICK DRISCOI.L. 709
r success. Measured by the most exacting standards, Mr. Dris-
coU was a successful man. It was not a success acquired by
fortunate accident, nor by any sensational exploit, nor by the
manipulations of frenzied finance. It was that which results
from patient industry, careful thought, unceasing persistence,
and a wonderful faculty for securing loyal service from em-
ployees. One may pardonably felicitate himself on being hon-
ored with the confidence of such a man.
For nearly forty years he was the controlling genius of a
great newspaper plant, as well as of an extensive manufactur-
ing establishment, and, latterly, of commercial adjuncts, all
managed by one corporation of which he was the head. He did
not inherit this property; he did not acquire it by doubtful
means, or even purchase it ready made. He created it. He
built it up and he grew with it, grasping and wielding its enor-
mous influences, mastering its innumerable details, until, in all
its business aspects at least, his name and that of the publica-
tion with its auxiliaries became interchangeable terms, — all the
activities of the corporation were vitalized with his individu-
ality.
What sturdy development a man 's nature may receive from
a long period of sustained service at the head of a great indus-
trial enterprise, has been copiously observed in this era of mar-
velous expansion. The industrial manager entertains no prej-
udices and plays no favorite. He never indulges in malicious
animal dogmatism. He knows that success depends on pre-
serving an absolutely open mind. His constant incentive is effi-
ciency, and yet more efficiency. He knows that he is operating
in a realm where brains are daily subjected to the polishing of
the fiercest competition known to man.
Frederick Driscoll's career, with its share of trials and re-
verses, was a success. It is full of good example, and of noble
encouragement to the young men of today. He took the buffet-
ing of ill fortune with fortitude, and accepted good fortune
gratefully, but without false pride. Born and reared with no
wealth, with no inherited prestige to rest upon, alone with his
own great mind and energies, he became one of the notable
men of a notable era in this wonderful new Northwest.
710 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
He was easily one of the foremost in the front rank of his
contemporaries. He left the indelible impress of his excep-
tional talents, his tireless industry, and his inflexible integrity,
on many features of the advancement of this city, of this State,
and of the embryo communities beyond our Western border,
which for three decades looked to this center as a source of in-
formation, of political guidance, of commercial and financial
tutelege.
And perhaps his last days were his best days. Having
served faithfully in diverse fields of local effort, with wide radia-
tions of beneficent influence, he was, at an age which entitled
him to retirement and rest, transferred to spheres of national
achievement, yielding distinction it is the privilege of few to
win.
He did not retire, and he did not rest. Well past three
score years and ten, his untiring energies still consecrated to
good works, he fell, at last, a mailed warrior of the Empire of
Peace and Civilization, ''rich in honor and glorious with
praise."
Minnesota Historical Society.
Vol. XV. Plate XVII.
GENERAL JAMES SHIELDS,
Soldier, Orator, States-man.*
BY HENRY A. CASTLE.
James Shields was born in County Tyrone, Ireland, May 12,
1806. Many authorities place this date four years later, but the
original family records, now in the hands of St. Paul relatives,
confirm much collateral evidence of the correctness of this
statement. He was of notable ancestry. In the paternal line
it was distinctly Irish and Catholic, but a great-grandmother
was English, and his mother was Scottish. For generations the
Shields family were people of property, education, and consid-
eration, living at Cranfield, County Antrim, Province of Ulster.
At the battle of the Boyne, in 1690, Daniel Shields and four
sons fought on the losing side, that of King James II. There
the father and one son were killed. Two of the surviving sons
went to Spain, where one of them became a general and finally
Captain General of Cuba. Daniel, the youngest son, remained in
Ireland, but suffered from the confiscations and banishment
visited on the Catholic soldiers of the dethroned king by Wil-
liam of Orange, the victor.
This Daniel married an English girl, whom he had roman-
tically rescued from drowning, and settled on mountain land
at Altmore, County Tyrone. He was the direct ancestor of the
future American general and senator. Charles Shields, a grand-
son of Daniel, married Katherine McDonnell, of Glencoe, Scot-
land, lineage, a woman of education and refinement. To them
were born James, the subject of this memoir, Daniel, and Pat-
rick, who thus inherited an infusion of the Scotch-Irish blood
which has been manifest in many distinguished Americans.
Daniel was the father of Lytton E. Shields and the grandfather
of James Shields and Lytton J. Shields, all of whom have long
resided in Saint Paul.
•Read at the monthly meeting of the Executive Council, April 13,
712 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Charles Shields died when his son James was only six years
old, but the mother, with her Scottish industry and thrift, raised
her three boys well, giving them the best of existing educational
facilities. James received some special attention, having early
developed a taste for books which remained with him during
his long and active career, and which was of great value in fit-
ting him for the high positions that he occupied. Soon after
his father 's death, his uncle and namesake came from America,
where he had lived for many years. The elder James had
fought in the War for Independence, and in the War of 1812,
on the American side, having been wounded in the Battle of
New Orleans. He remained in Ireland for a few years, during
which time he acted as schoolmaster to young James and laid
the foundation for his military bent. This uncle had been pro-
fessor of Latin and Greek in Charleston, S. C. The boy made
rapid progress, and the uncle promised that when he grew
older he would bring him to America and make him his heir.
At that period also Ireland was full of old soldiers who had
served in the British army in long campaigns against Bona-
parte. From one of these young Shields learned fencing or
sword exercise and became expert in that line. His early les-
sons in the military drill were from the same source, and the
rudiments of a military education were acquired from books
presented to him by one of these veterans. Supplementing the
education received from his uncle, was a classical training from
a relative of his mother, a clergyman from Maynooth College.
One of the old soldiers also taught him French, so that when
he migrated to America he was unusually well educated for a
boy of that period.
Young Shields was a soldier by instinct. He drilled his
school mates and led them in local battles with opposing clans.
His shrewd devices, bold strategies, and firm discipline, made
his force invincible.
In 1822, at the age of sixteen, James Shields, mindful of his
uncle 's alluring offer, sailed from Liverpool for America. But
vicissitudes followed him. His ship was driven a wreck on the
coast of Scotland, and he was one of only three survivors. He
remained several months in Scotland as tutor in a wealthy
GENERAL JAMES SHIELDS. 7l3
family. Then he embarked under better auspices. Arrived in
America and failing to find his uncle, who had died in the in-
terim, James adopted, for the time, a sailor's life, was purser
on a merchantman, and became so expert in seamanship that
many years later he was placed in command of a sailing vessel
on the Pacific, whose officers were disabled, and brought her
safely into port. His career as purser terminated in an acci-
dent, which left him with both legs broken and sent him to a
New York hospital for three months.
He interrupted or supplemented this seafaring with service
as volunteer in a campaign against the Seminole Indians. Au-
thentic details of this episode are lacking, but he is said to have
been a lieutenant and to have been wounded in battle, where
he displayed marked gallantry. On this service rests his title
of a soldier in three wars.
Having now reached years of discretion, through varied ex-
periences, young Shields chose the law as his profession, and
the old French town of Kaskaskia in Illinois as his field of
labor. This town, the Territorial capital of Illinois, being also
the county seat of Randolph county, had been founded by La
Salle in 1682; was garrisoned by the King of France in 1710
with troops who in 1755 helped defeat Braddock at Fort Du-
quesne ; and was captured by George Rogers Clark in 1777.
He supported himself by teaching school in and near Kas-
kaskia, his knowledge of the French language being of great
value then and afterward. He was admitted to the bar in 1832,
and opened an office. He gained so rapidly in acquaintance and
popularity, that in 1835 he was elected a representative in the
State Legislature, as a Democrat from Randolph county, then
overwhelmingly "Whig in sentiment. He took his seat at Van-
dalia, the state capital, in January, 1836. Here he met, as
fellow representatives, Douglas, Lincoln, Browning, Hardin,
Baker, McClernand, and other young athletes of politics.
Shields easily took his place on terms of equality in this dis-
tinguished company. His personal appearance and manners
were engaging. He was five feet nine inches tall, of fine figure
and graceful bearing. His voice was well modulated; his
speech frank, clear and resolute. He was prominent in debate
714 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
and influential in council. It was a critical time in the affairs
of Illinois, the inauguration of a policy of extensive public im-
provements, in which the youthful legislator bore a progressive
part.
Shields served four years in the Legislature, gaining so
much prominence that in 1839 he was elected State Auditor.
Meantime, Springfield had become the state capital, and in 1840
he began his residence there, which continued for fifteen years.
His administration was so successful that in 1841 he was re-
elected without opposition.
While he occupied this important office he was involved in
an ''affair of honor" with a Springfield lawyer, — no less a per-
sonage than Abraham Lincoln. At this time ''James Shields,
Auditor," was the pride of the young Democracy. In the sum-
mer of 1842 the Springfield Journal contained some letters from
the "Lost Townships," by a contributor whose nom de plume
was "Aunt Becca," which held up the gallant young Auditor
to ridicule. These letters caused intense excitement in the
town. Nobody knew their authorship except the editor of the
paper, of whom Shields demanded the name. The real author
was Miss Mary Todd, afterward the wife of Abraham Lincoln,
to whom she was engaged, and who felt bound to assume the
responsibility for her sharp pen thrusts. Mr. Lincoln accepted
the situation. Not long after, the two men with their seconds
were on their way to the field of honor. But the affair was
adjusted without any fighting, and thus ended the Lincoln-
Shields duel of the Lost Townships. The antagonists were ever
afterward firm friends.
Considering all the circumstances, the temperament of the
respective parties, the customs and surroundings, there was
nothing censurable in the conduct of either. Shields justly
deemed himself grossly insulted and humiliated by some of the
epithets in the letters, and bitterly resented. Lincoln felt in
honor bound to represent his fiancee. Both displayed bravery
in meeting the crisis and magnanimity in adjusting it. Times
and customs have happily changed. Some mistaken friends on
both sides have latterly felt impelled to discredit the whole
story, but the truth of history demands that it be correctly
GENERAL JAMES SHIELDS. *15
stated. Existing files of the Springfield newspapers contain all
the correspondence, no material part of which has ever been
controverted.
In 1843, Auditor Shields was appointed by the Governor as
Justice of the Supreme Court of Illinois to succeed Stephen A.
Douglas, who had been elected to Congress. He heard and de-
cided many difficult cases. Among the great lawyers who prac-
ticed at the bar when Judge Shields was on the supreme bench,
were Abraham Lincoln, John M. Palmer, Lyman Trumbull, 0.
H. Browning, E. B. Washburn, E. D. Baker, J. J. Hardin,
Stephen T. Logan, J. C. Conkling, W. Bushnell, and Archibald
Williams. All of these men afterward acquired distinction,
many of them becoming United States senators, congressmen,
and judges. That Shields, who was still a young man, sus-
tained himself in such exalted company, and afterward, in war
and in peace, fully maintained his position with them and others
of nation-wide renown, is conclusive tribute to his ability and
energy. An eminent Minnesota lawyer of a later generation
has carefully studied the decisions of Judge Shields, as re-
corded in the Illinois Supreme Court Reports, and testifies that
they bear conclusive evidence of a legal erudition and discrim-
ination, rare in that period, and little to be expected of one so
seemingly immersed in non-professional interests.
In 1845, President James K. Polk appointed Judge Shields
Commissioner of the General Land Office at Washington. He
was deeply interested in the important matters coming before
this great bureau, and was solicitously preparing for such an
energetic administration as the exigencies then demanded,
when the outbreak of the Mexican War gave him a new oppor-
tunity of proving his devotion to his adopted country. Presi-
dent Polk, recognizing in him the qualities that constitute a
great soldier, appointed him a brigadier general of United
States volunteers. His commission was dated July 1, 1846.
At the siege of Vera Cruz General Shields distinguished
himself, and gave good promise of other valiant service. This
promise was amply fulfilled at the battle of Cerro Gordo and at
the storming of Chapultepec. At the former battle his deeds
of valor seem like those of Roland at Roncesvalles or Ney at
Borodino.
716 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
At Cerro Gordo he was severely wounded while leading his
men, but he refused to quit the field. He advanced to the
charge, when he was struck in the chest by an iron grapeshot,
an inch in diameter, that passed through his lungs. He fell
into the arms of Oglesby, afterward United States senator
from Illinois, and was carried from the battlefield to all ap-
pearances lifeless. The wound was skillfully treated by a
French surgeon, who had been captured with the Mexicans, and
in nine weeks he was again in the saddle.
For his gallant conduct on this occasion, he was brevetted
Major General, and his commanding officers. Generals Twiggs
and Scott, both mentioned him in most laudatory terms in their
official reports. Four months afterwards, he led the celebrated
charge of the "Palmettos" of South Carolina and the New
York volunteers at the battle of Cherubusco, where the Mexi-
cans, according to the official account of Santa Anna, lost one-
third of their army. On the 13th of September, he was in the
thick of the fight at Chapultepec. His horse having been shot
under him. General Shields fought on foot, bareheaded and in
his shirt sleeves, leading his brigade, sword in hand. His com-
mand led the van into the City of Mexico and first planted the
stars and stripes on the halls of the Montezumas. Here
Shields received another severe wound, a fractured arm, but
remained with his brigade until the goal was reached. Among
the young subordinates and subalterns in the regular service,
who participated in this victory and won early distinction, were
U. S. Grant, Joseph E. Johnston, Robert E. Lee, James Long-
street, George E. Pickett, and "Stonewall" Jackson.
One of the notable battle-pictures of the world, hanging in
the corridors of the capitol at Washington, is that of the as-
sault on Chapultepec, the citadel of the City of Mexico. It
shows General Shields, easily distinguishable, in the thick of
the fight, where he always loved to be. It thus, on the outer
walls of the Senate, where ten years later he shed glory on
Minnesota, certifies to his imperishable renown.
After the conquest of Mexico, and on July 28, 1848, General
Shields' brigade was disbanded, and he returned, still feeble
from his wound, to Illinois and resumed his law practice. His
GENERAL JAMES SHIELDS. 717
State presented to him a sword that cost $3,000, and South Car-
olina presented him a diamond-hilted sword which cost $5,000.
When he died, thirty-one years later, there were left to his
widow and children the swords of Cerro Gordo, which, with his
blessing, was about all he had to leave them.
President Polk, recognizing General Shields' valuable serv-
ices in Mexico, appointed him Governor of the new Territory
of Oregon. But his election to the senatorship, which imme-
diately followed, prevented his acceptance.
The people of Illinois were not unmindful of the fidelity
with which the General in his various civil and military capaci-
ties had served them. Although Senator Breese, then in office,
had greatly distinguished himself and was a candidate for re-
election, yet Shields' popularity was so great that he defeated
Breese and was elected United States Senator for the term of
six years, commencing March 4, 1849. "When he presented his
credentials some technical question was raised as to their reg-
ularity. He promptly resigned, returned to Illinois, and was
at once re-elected.
He entered the Senate as the colleague of Stephen A. Doug-
las. He found there Webster, Clay, Calhoun, Benton, and Cass,
who were among the grandest figures in our annals of states-
manship, while Chase, Breckenridge, Jefferson Davis, Sumner,
Fessenden, and Everett, were already entering upon their sev-
eral spheres of action. This was the beginning of the end of
the slavery struggle, which affected nearly every important
debate in the Senate. Shields was opposed to the extension of
slavery, although his party was for slavery, and he did not
hesitate to express his opinions on the subject. He was placed
on important committees. His work in constructive legislation
was intelligent, practical, and influential. He made many effec-
tive speeches. He advocated grants of land to agricultural col-
leges, to railroads, to soldiers, and to actual settlers under a
liberal homestead law.
Probably the most significant speech of General Shields in the
Senate was that delivered in January, 1850, on the bill for the
admission of California. This speech fills many pages In the
reports, and is saturated throughout with the spirit of patriot-
718 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS. .
ism, the spirit of liberty, the spirit of wisdom, the spirit of pro-
phe'ey. On the attempt by the South to force slavery on Cali-
fornia, he said :
Sir, they are laying the foundation of a great empire on the shore
of the Pacific,— a mighty empire,— an empire that at some future day
will carry your flag, your commerce, your arts and your arms into Asia,
and through China, Hindustan, and Persia, into Western Europe. Talk
about carrying slavery there, of imposing such a blight upon that peo-
ple, of withering their strength and paralyzing their energies by such
an institution! No, sir; such a thing was never intended by God, and
will never be permitted by man. It is sometimes urged here that our
constitution carries slavery with it wherever it goes, unless positively
excluded by law; in other words, that slavery is the normal law of this
Republic. I think the principle is just the reverse. Slavery, being in
violation of natural right, can only exist by positive enactment; and the
constitution of this country only tolerates slavery where it exists, but
neither extends or establishes it anywhere.
Concerning the Southern threat of secession, he philosoph-
ized thus eloquently and convincingly :
But suppose the Southern Confederacy was now established, that
it was quietly and peaceably established this moment, what would be
the actual condition of the Confederacy? It could not exist a single day
without a close and intimate connection with some great nation having
all the elements of industrial, financial and commercial power. The
South possesses none of these elements. It has plenty of cotton, and it
has brave men and lovely women, but it is wholly destitute of all the
other material elements of national power. In fact the Southern Con-
federacy would be a mere colony of masters and slaves to raise cotton
for the factories of England. Besides, sir, it is my firm conviction that
the institution of slavery, as it now exists in the South, would not last,
in its present shape, for the space of twenty years in that Southern Con-
federacy. The South might as well attempt to shut out the pressure of
the atmosphere, as to shut out the whole pressure of the civilized
world on its cherished institutions.
Senator Shields' term of six years expired March 4, 1855,
and on February 8 preceding the Illinois legislature met in
joint session to choose his sucessor. Shields was the Demo-
cratic caucus nominee, but the embryo Republican party was in
the ascendant and elected Lyman Trumbull in his stead. On
the first ballot Shields received 41 votes, Abraham Lincoln 45,
Lyman Trumbull 5, and 5 votes were scattered. On the last
ballot the anti-Nebraska men concentrated on Trumbull and
GENERAL JAMES SHIELDS. 710
elected him, thus saving Lincoln for the great debate with
Douglas three years later which made him President in 1860.
On leaving the Senate in 1855, General Shields came to Min-
nesota to select some lands that had been awarded for his war
service. He was so favorably impressed with the country that
he decided to go East and organize a large colony of Irish-
Americans to settle on the fertile soil of Rice and Le Sueur
counties. His project met with much general approval, but was
vigorously opposed by Archbishop Hughes, then at the head of
the American hierarchy, and was only partly successful. That
this opposition policy was a mistaken one, both for the church
and the people, was clearly shown twenty-five years later by the
grand work of another and a greater Archbishop, our esteemed
prelate and citizen, John Ireland. What Shields, unimpeded,
might have accomplished, with an earlier start and better oppor-
tunities, can only be imagined. His wisdom and prescience can
only be commended. He saw, as in a vision, the Clontarfs,
Gracevilles, Green Isles, and Avocas, embosomed in prolific
farmsteads, which we now see face to face.
General Shields received a warm welcome in Minnesota. His
fame had preceded him, for it was nation-wide. He brought
with him more acquired eminence than any predecessor. He
entered at once and with vig6r on constructive work. He was
one of the original proprietors of Faribault. He founded the
town of Shieldsville, a few miles distant, as the center of his
extensive rural settlements, but resided in Faribault for a con-
siderable period. His colony prospered and is now one of our
richest domains.
When the first Legislature of the State of Minnesota con-
vened in December, 1857, it was Democratic in politics and there
was great rivalry between numerous candidates for the two
United States senatorships. General Shields was a newcomer,
with no local claims, but was suggested as a compromise ; and
he was finally elected with Henry M. Rice, then the Territorial
delegate. The General drew the short term, which expired on
March 4, 1859, while Mr. Rice had the allotment which carried
him until 1863. The next Legislature was Republican, and
/Shields failed of re-election, for that reason alone, Morton S.
720
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Wilkinson being chosen as his successor. Thus, for a second
time, the shifting fortunes of his party, and not a lack of merit
or popularity, prevented his return to the Senate.
The value of Senator Shieds to this State cannot be meas-
ured by the length of his term. His previous high status in
the body to which he now returned, made him a worthy col-
league of the astute pioneer, Mr. Rice ; they worked together in
fine harmony and with rare effectiveness in securing liberal
favors for the struggling young commonwealth. They ante-
dated this militant generation, when the hand that rocks the
cradle stones the premier, and the spear that smites the octopus
knows no brother. But they helped found a State that has roy-
ally justified their intelligent solicitude.
That the services of General Shields to Minnesota were ap-
preciated is testified to by the naming of a military company in
St. Paul, ''The Shields Guards," in his honor. The manuscript
files of the Minnesota Historical Society contain many letters
from Shields to H. H. Sibley, during the period of his residence
in this state, which throw instructive side-lights on political and
social affairs of that period.
On June 25, 1856, during the last year of Franklin Pierce's
administration. Shields wrote to Sibley, both being Democrats :
"This administration has been the most insignificant that ever
disgraced this great country." On November 21 of the same
year, Buchanan having just been elected President to succeed
Pierce, and Shields having gone to Washington to act as "best
man" at the (second) marriage of his former colleague from
Illinois, Senator Stephen A. Douglas, he said to Sibley of Buch-
anan's proposed cabinet : ''My fears outrun my hopes. Buch-
anan will be forced to take warring elements in, — disunionists
from the South, presidential aspirants from the North. The
South elected him, and will make him a Southern President. If
he yields to this, he is lost. ' ' Impartial history has long since
verified these sagacious, independent statements and prophecies.
Anent the Douglas wedding. Shields dropped a remark in
this letter which the future also fully justified: "The bride.
Miss Cutts, is a splendid person, and will be a great benefit to
Judge Douglas. She has good sense, exquisite taste, and a
GENERAL JAMES SHIELDS.
721
kind, generous disposition. Her influence will improve his ap-
pearance and soften his manners. ' '
This manuscript correspondence with Sibley shows that dur-
ing the entire period of his residence in Minnesota, Shields
manifested a lively interest in public affairs generally as affect-
ing the new State, and especially the region occupied by his
Irish- American colonists. On June 7, 1859, after he had ceased
to be Senator, we find him writing to Sibley, then Governor of
Minnesota, from Faribault, that a meeting in that town at
which he presided, had selected directors to choose a site for
the State deaf and dumb asylum, including four from Faribault,
William Sprigg Hall of St. Paul, and N. M. Donaldson of Owa-
tonna.
The memory of Gen. Judson W. Bishop supplies the nar-
rative of an episode which we do not find of record, but which
shows General Shields' dominating military spirit, and which
came near giving him the title of a Soldier in four wars. When
the Indian massacre at Spirit Lake, Iowa, occurred in 1857,
General Shields, then residing at Faribault, promptly rallied a
company of his colonists and other citizens, had them armed
and mounted and started for the scene of hostilities, about 150
miles distant. Other bands of settlers, living nearer, arrived
first, and the Indians had disappeared. General Bishop, head-
ing a surveying party, met Shields' detachment on theif re-
turn, and vividly describes their zeal and ardor. Thus the for-
mer brigade commander in Mexico, the future division com-
mander in Virginia, was equally ready to lead a hundred un-
disciplined men in what might have been a very hazardous
campaign.
After retiring from office as Senator from Minnesota, Gen-
eral Shields was led by business considerations to settle in Cal-
ifornia. In San Francisco, in 1861, he was married to Miss
Mary Carr, who was a daughter of Jerome and Sarah Carr and
was bom August 15, 1835, in County Armagh, Ireland. Her
father, a linen merchant, with the proverbial Irish large-heart-
edness, had endorsed a note for a friend and thereby lost his
fortune, the accumulation of years of industry and frugality.
Looking, as so many others had done, for a place to recover
46
722 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
his lost resources, he turned to America and settled in the city
of Baltimore, where he died in 1852, his wife only surviving
him a year. The daughter, thus left, for a time attended a
convent boarding school and made her home with relatives.
The Shields and Carr families were friends in Ireland, had
intermarried, and quite naturally James Shields and Mary Can-
met and were friends in America. During the summer of 1861
Miss Carr was visiting at the convent in San Francisco, and
when General Shields found he had business in that city, he
pressed his suit and won his bride. They were married August
16, 1861, in the Church of St. Ignatius. The General and his
bride embarked that evening on a steamer for Mazatlan,
Mexico, thus auspiciously beginning their matrimonial voyage
on the smooth and placid waters of the Pacific, truly typical of
the happy and tranquil domestic life which was ever theirs.
Soon after Sumter was fired on. General Shields, blazing
with loyalty and soldierly ardor, tendered his services to his
old friend, now President of the United States. Official notice
of his appointment as brigadier general of volunteers to date
from August 19, 1861, reached him in Mexico, where he was
manager of a profitable mine in which he had a large interest.
As soon as his business affairs could be adjusted, he repaired
to Washington and reported for duty. He was sent to the
Shenandoah valley in Virginia, which had been the theater of
much indecisive marching and fighting.
March 7, 1862, General Shields assumed command of the
division of General Lander, who had died two weeks before of
Mexican war disabilities. The division instantly felt the magic
of his touch, and although only a few men of his new command
had previously been in battle, they recognized that their com-
mander had brought with him his master hand, and if any
soldier had doubts as to the courage or ability of General
Shields the doubts soon vanished. In fact, within two weeks
from his taking command they were fighting "Stonewall"
Jackson's army at Winchester, on the 22d of March. The bat-
tle continued two days, ending at Kernstown. Early in the
engagement. General Shields was wounded, as usual, having
his arm fractured and his shoulder badly torn by the explosion
GENERAL JAMES SHIELDS.
723
of a shell, and was carried from the field. But so thoroughly-
had he enthused his little division with his own invincible spirit
that it went on and gained the victory, while Shields directed
its movements from his cot of suffering three miles in the rear.
Colonel Nathan Kimball, who succeeded to the leadership, offi-
cially reports that he carried out his general's plans and fol-
lowed his directions, until the field was won and *' Stonewall"
Jackson's invincible cohorts were in full retreat. This was two
years before Sheridan sent Early ''whirling up the valley,"
over some of the same ground.
Of the close of the battle, in which Shields' division alone
confronted Jackson 's entire army, Colonel Kimball wrote :
''"With cheers from right to left our gallant soldiers pushed
forward, and as the sun went down, our stubbornly yielding
foe, who had thrice advanced to the attack, gave way and Jack-
son's army was badly beaten, — his shattered brigades in full
retreat." General Banks, Department Commander, congratu-
lated the troops on their great victory, which had expelled
Stonewall Jackson from the valley. Jackson retreated eighty
miles to Harrisonburg, confessing his first and only defeat.
General Shields'- wound disabled him for five weeks. He
resumed command of his division April 30, 1862. Jackson had,
after his defeat at Winchester and Kernstown, retreated so
rapidly and so far that the authorities at Washington sup-
posed he had returned to Richmond. Hence Shields' division,
with other troops, was hurried across the Blue Ridge to rein-
force McDowell at Fredericksburg. But Jackson had not left
the valley, and he came back northward as rapidly as he had
gone the other way. Shields was at once ordered to retrace
his steps. The remainder of McDowell's corps were taken by
rail to Aquia Creek, by transports to Alexandria, and by rail-
road to Front Royal, where they arrived two days later than
Shields' division. General Fremont with his forces, had been
ordered from the Kanawha Valley to get in the rear of Jack-
son. Banks was reinforced, and Jackson, learning of these
movements, again retreated up the Shenandoah. McDowell
followed. Shields in advance. At Port Republic, Jackson made
a stand, and Shields disposed his division for another battle.
724 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
He ordered Carroll, one of his brigade commanders, to burn
the bridge across the Shenandoah, in certain contingencies.
This order was, it was alleged, countermanded by McDowell.
At any rate, the bridge was not burned. Jackson crossed the
river, and severely handled the troops opposed to him.
Speaking of this occurrence, General Gates, an officer in
high command under Stonewall Jackson and later a U. S. Con-
gressman, stated at the reception of the Shields statue in Wash-
ington: ''Had General Shields' orders been obeyed, there was
no escape for Jackson." In the same connection, Jefferson
Davis wrote of Shields and his division as being superior in
efficiency to the entire corps of General Howard.
President Lincoln showed his appreciation of Shields'
achievements in the valley, by promoting him to Major Gen-
eral of Volunteers, and appointing him a brigadier general in
the regular army. The Senate, on political grounds, it is said,
failed to confirm the latter nomination. It is authentically
stated that the President informally tendered to General
Shields the command of the Army of the Potomac after Mc-
Clellan had failed, but that the position was declined, owing
to the general's strained relations with Secretary Stanton.
For this, and other reasons. Shields resigned from the army
March 28, 1863, returned to California, and settled in San
Francisco.
On some accounts the Pacific coast did not satisfy General
and Mrs. Shields as a place of residence. After the close of
the war, in 1866, he returned to the Mississippi valley, via
steamer and New York City. Mrs. Shields, ever on the alerl
for her husband's welfare, persuaded him to retire to a farm,
hoping that the quiet, restful life would restore his health so
sadly shattered by his brilliant, though exacting, service to his
adopted country. The general climate, fertile soil, and new-
born prosperity of Missouri appealed to them. On an explor-
ing expedition, the general happened to meet, at Carrollton,
Missouri, an old friend and supporter in the Illinois legislature,
Judge George Pattison, who so impressed him with the beauties
and prospects of that region, that he decided to make that his
future home. The place selected, still pointed out as the
GENERAL JAMES SHIELDS. 725
"Shields Farm," was the ideal for which these people sought;
its quiet shade, its spacious comfortable house, its orchard bur-
dened with fruits, and its natural scenic beauty, appealed to
the General. Neither he nor his wife had ever lived on a farm,
but they thoroughly enjoyed all the pleasures of rural life.
Their hospitality soon became proverbial, and the evening of
the old soldier's life could not have been more happily spent.
But he could not entirely escape the penalties of his merited
prominence. His fame had preceded him. In 1868, only two
years after his settlement in Missouri, his fellow Democrats
forced on him the nomination for Representative in Congress in
his district, which embraced Kansas City. He received a de-
cided majority, but, on account of some alleged irregularity in
returns, the hostile canvassing board rejected the votes of two
counties, and gave the certificate to his opponent. Shields'
friends contested the election in his name, but the Congress,
also politically antagonistic, declined to seat him. Neverthe-
less, it recognized the force of his claim to the extent of voting
him a full year's salary.
General Shields' home remained in Carrollton from 1866
until his death in 1879. Here he cultivated his farm, devoted
much of his time to lecturing tours for charitable objects, and
also resumed some interest in political affairs. His benevolence
covered a wide scope. Lacking wealth, he gave freely of his
time and of his eloquent appeals for every good cause, and for
every phase of human suffering. When the yellow fever, a very
pestilence, scourged the South and depopulated cities, when
every heart throbbed in sympathy for the stricken sufferers,
and when in populous Atlanta there were not enough of well
ones left to bury the dead, it was the clarion tones of General
Shields that woke the echoes from city to city, until more
money was raised and sent through his individual effort than
was secured by any score of his co-workers, who also did their
best in this noble work.
In the year 1876, General B. F. Butler, Republican repre-
sentative in Congress from Massachusetts, proposed the name
of General Shields for doorkeeper of the House, which was then
Democratic. The position was worth $200 per month, but the
726 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
veteran resented the proposal as an indignity, and Butler was
suspected of a design to entrap the opposition. The Democratic
caucus had nominated General Field, an ex-Confederate, who
had left the country to serve in the Egyptian army, and Shields
was defeated. The House, in order to atone for this action,
voted to place Shields on the retired list as a brigadier general,
but the Republican Senate, for some reason, failed to concur,
and the bill failed to become a law.
In 1874 General Shields was sent by the Democrats of Car-
roll county to the Missouri legislature and was re-elected in
1875. Here, as ever, he was active in useful work. One of his
wise measures was the law creating the State Railroad Com-
mission. In the year 1878, he was chosen for the third time
and from the third State, United States Senator, to serve dur-
ing the unexpired term of Senator Lewis V. Bogy, deceased*
He was welcomed back to the halls of legislation, which he had
first entered thirty years before, by a new generation of states-
men, who paid willing tribute to his rare endowments.
The richest treasure a people can possess is the memory of
their eminent men. Greater in importance than agricultural,
mineral, and industrial wealth, is the value of the inspiration
and example of men whose lives exemplify those qualities
which make for good government and free institutions. The
life of James Shields meets this standard. The general signifi-
cance to be found therein is that he was equal to every respon-
sibility and faithful in every trust. He doubtless had a fair
allotment of human shortcomings, but they neither marred his
record nor dimmed the luster of his worthy deeds. We may
fervently pray that the day will soon dawn when the nations
shall learn war no more; but sad will be the hour when we
cease to honor those who have bravely fought for the honor of
their country and the freedom of mankind.
His career emphasizes the possibilities of American citizen-
ship, and the freedom from religious and racial prejudices of
our people. Though he was neither of the race nor creed of
the majority of the people of the three great states whom he
represented in the United States Senate, this did not prevent his
selection. Of a people of whom it has been said, "they have
GENERAL, JAMES SHIELDS.
727
fought successfully all battles save their own," he helped the
people of his adopted country to successfully fight their wars.
Born in a foreign land, he was in every fiber of his heart, in
the very texture of his soul, distinctively and intensely Ameri-
can. He devoted his life with unchallenged purity of purpose
to the service of his adopted country, and in three wars shed
his blood in her defense. He was too generous to be thrifty
and acquisitive, too honest to be a schemer, and too bold to be
a trimmer. But he was a true, brave man, a patriot, and a
gentleman.
His private life was irreproachable. He was strictly tem-
perate. His bearing was unobtrusive ; his tastes were literary
and domestic. The bitterest of partisan contests left no taint
on his reputation. He was a model husband, father, citizen,
and churchman.
On the 26th of September, 1878, General Shields, who died
eight months later, had a characteristic reception and ovation
in Brooklyn, New York, whither he had journeyed from his
home in Missouri to deliver a lecture before a large and rep-
resentative audience in one of the great auditoriums of the
city. The following spirited report of the occasion will con-
vey an idea of the enthusiasm which he created whenever he
made his appearance as an orator or lecturer.
The space in front of the Academy is black with people, and from
opposite directions come diverging streams. The doors are thrown
open, and in twenty minutes the house is packed. The stage, too,
presently fills up, civilians and military, lay and clerics, take their
places. The rattle of drums, the clashing of cymbals, and the notes of
the ear-piercing fife, fioat in from without. The General, with his
escort, enters. All is hushed. He is very pale, very attenuated.
Silence reigns, all eyes and all hearts turn toward him. Simultaneous-
ly all on the stage rise to their feet. A voice: "Three cheers for
General Shields!" The great audience rose, and then, as the band
played "Hail to the Chief," recollections of the victories he had helped
to win, from Buena Vista to Winchester, flashed back; then, as the
chieftain who had a generation ago led in triumph the citizen soldiery
of New York into the City of Mexico, stood before the remnants of his
comrades in arms; then, as the only man who had ever successfully
crossed swords with Stonewall Jackson, came in sight; then, when
General Shields, now a feeble, sick man, presented himself before the
728 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
people of Brooklyn,— then went up a tempest of ringing cheers such
as never before resounded within the four walls of that house.
Such episodes, varying in degree, but all testifying to a wide
popular recognition of his illustrious career, were numerous in
his later years. As a soldier, he was a true knight ; but as an
optimist, he was a very prince. To his optimistic mind no cloud
had such density of midnight blackness that it did not show him
a silver lining. He was always a helper. No human being
struggling in any whirlpool of difficulty or danger came within
his sight that he did not immediately ''throw out the life line."
And he has never received due credit for his accomplish-
ments and abilities as a theoretical soldier. On January 10,
1862, in a letter to General McClellan, commander in chief of
the army, General Shields outlined the military operations
which he deemed necessary for the suppression of the Rebel-
lion. Secretary Seward, in an official communication a few days
later, submitted this letter to the Secretary of War, urgently
inviting his attention thereto. The letter is published in the
Rebellion Records, Series 1, Volume 5, pages 701 to 703. It is
one of the most important papers relating to the conduct of
the war, and stamps its author as not only brave, but capable
as a strategist of great ability.
General Shields died suddenly at Ottumwa, Iowa, on Sun-
day, June 1, 1879. He had gone there to deliver a lecture for
the benefit of a local charity, and remained several days visit-
ing relatives. He had appeared in his usual health on that day,
but just before retiring he complained of a pain in his chest,
and shortly afterward said to his niece that he was dying. In
thirty minutes he expired, sitting in his chair, remaining con-
scious to the last. His body left Ottumwa for his late home in
Carrollton the next day. The funeral took place in Carrollton
on Wednesday. It was largely attended and the services were
conducted with the imposing ceremonial of the Catholic Church,
of which he had been a lifelong and consistent member.
After the death of the General, Mrs. Shields continued to
reside in Carrollton, educating and caring for her two sons and
one daughter, as only a mother can from whom the staff and
stay has been removed, and who thus leans upon as well as lifts
GENERAL JAMES SHIELDS. 729
and buoys her children, the jewels of her home. For two de-
cades she lived in her home on North Main street, which she
still owns, though for the past few years she has lived with her
son. Dr. Daniel F. Shields, in New York.
James Shields had a remarkable career, and his was a re-
markable character. He is to us James Shields born in Ireland,
the American General, the American Senator, James Shields of
Ireland and America. We need not hesitate to claim a modest
participation in his fame and to hail him, James Shields of Min-
nesota ! His mortal remains rest in Missouri, but Illinois, Min-
nesota and California, Winchester, and Port Republic, claim
their share of his renown, for it is as true in America today as
it was in Greece of old that the whole earth is the sepulcher of
illustrious men and all time is the millennium of their story.
The State of Illinois, rich beyond measure in illustrious sons,
chose Senator Shields as her representative in the hall of fame
in Washington. The legislature of Missouri, at its latest ses-
sion, appropriated generously for a colossal bronze statue in his
honor on the public square in Carrollton. The Grand Army of
the Republic and the Loyal Legion of Minnesota have heartily
endorsed a movement to install his statue- in our beautiful
capitol.
For thirty years his grave remained unmarked at Carroll-
tion. But finally, by joint action of local authorities and the
United States Congress, funds were provided early in 1910 for
the erection of an imposing monument near his resting place.
It is of red granite and is surmounted by a colossal bronze bust
of the distinguished General.
On Saturday, November 12, 1910, this monument was un-
veiled and dedicated in the presence of ten thousand people,
after a grand civic and military procession in which a battalion
of regular troops from Fort Leavenworth, a regiment of the
Missouri National Guard, and an immense concourse of citi-
zens, participated. The exercises at the dedication consisted of
addresses by Governor Hadley of Missouri, Archbishop Glen-
non of St. Louis, Congressmen Rucker and Borland, Attorney
Ralph F. Lozier, Senator Busby, and others. There were pres-
ent, as guests of honor, Mrs. Mary A. Shields, widow of General
730 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Shields; Dr. Daniel F. Shields, their son; Mr. L. E. Shields, of
St. Paul, a nephew of General Shields, and other relatives.
Minnesota was represented at the ceremonies, in addition
to Mr. L. E. Shields, by Mr. J. J. Reagan, President of the na-
tional organization of the Ancient Order of Hibernians, and by
the writer hereof, who had been specially commissioned by
Governor A. 0. Eberhart as the State's official delegate.
Accorded a leading place on the programme of addresses,
Minnesota's envoy paid a brief tribute to the hero of the occa-
sion, which embodied this personal reminiscence :
A striking Incident of my early boyhood is linked across two gen-
erations with this event. One morning, when I was seven or eight
years old, the tidings spread through the Illinois village which was my
home that General Shields, returning wounded from the Mexican War,
was a passenger in the stage from Quincy, which stopped for break-
fast and to change horses at our little tavern. A crowd assembled
and waited, with silent awe, the appearance of the hero. He came out,
pale and feeble, supported by two attendants, was lifted into the coach,
and it rolled on toward Springfield.
To the group of wide-eyed youth who gazed with undisguised
wonder on the scene, it was a revelation and an inspiration. Many of
them were destined, fifteen years later, to be soldiers and heroes in a
vastly mightier conflict for an inexpressibly holier cause. But this was
our first sight of a military uniform, our first view of a real general,
our first realization of the pains and penalties of war. It was an object
lesson in patriotism. As that coach rolled away toward Springfield,
the dust from its wheels, lighted by the morning sunbeams, became
a golden aureole through which we saw many things in new colors.
The world was never quite the same again.
Thus General Shields vanished from our sight as in a cloud of
splendor. Thus his restless spirit passed through life, — through a pic-
turesque, versatile, and always honorable career. Thus he lives and
will live in history, a faithful servant of the people, a fearless soldier
of the republic, worthy to be hailed, with an innumerable company of
his colleagues and comrades, as a priest in the temple of freedom, a
prince in the kingdom of glory.
ADDRESS AT THE UNVEILING OF THE STATUE OF
GENERAL SHIELDS,
IN THE Capitol of Minnesota, October 20, 1914.
BY ARCHBISHOP JOHN IRELAND.
To James Shields, the soldier, the statesman, the jurist,
honor is paid by the citizenship of Minnesota. A monument of
him is enthroned in the hall of the Capitol of the State, there to
perpetuate his name and memory, to the intent that coming
generations may know him, and, knowing him, emulate in the
service of humanity and of country his deeds of noble and dis-
interested patriotism and valor.
No unusual occurrence is it in America that a monument be
built to pay honor to James Shields. In the Hall of Fame, be-
neath the dome of the Capitol of the nation in Washington,
stands his figure, placed there by the State of Illinois, when it
was summoned to name to America's admiring vision two of its
most distinguished citizens. A statue also has been erected to
him by the State of Missouri, in the public square of the City of
Carrollton. Minnesota may well, without fear or peril of blame,
do as its sister states, Illinois and Missouri, have done, — extol
the fame of ''the Jurist, the Statesman, the Soldier," James
Shields, — and do so with especial joyousness, inasmuch as at
one period of his career he was a citizen and a loyal servant of
our commonwealth.
From 1855 to 1860 James Shields claimed Minnesota as his
home. While commissioner of the Federal Land Office in Wash-
ington, he had learnt of the fertility of our fields and the salu-
briousness of our climate, and had resolved, that, when freed
from the toils of public office, he would draw hither colonists
from the ranks of his fellow Irishmen in the Eastern States and
in Ireland itself, less likely to find elsewhere than in Minnesota
peace and prosperity. He became one of the proprietors and
732 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
founders of what is now the flourishing City of Faribault, and
thence sent far and wide invitations to settlement in the neigh-
boring districts. The fruits of his labors as a colonizer are the
townships of Shieldsville, Erin, Kilkenny, Montgomery, in our
Counties of Rice and Le Sueur, where reside hundreds of in-
dustrious and wealthy farmers, of whose good American citi-
zenship their Celtic names give sure guarantee. When the first
legislature of the newly organized State of Minnesota convened
in 1858, it chose, as its representatives in the Senate of the
United States, Henry M. Rice and James Shields, — ^the conti-
nent-wide fame of the latter commending him to the electors in
lieu of more immediate labors in Minnesota itself. As the result
of the drawing of lots between the new senators, James Shields
took to himself the short term of two years. This expired, the
majority in the State Legislature meanwhile having changed
its political coloring, he ceased his service in Washington, and
shortly afterward sought a new home in California.
James Shields was the Irishman and the American, — the
Irishman by birth, temper, and education, the American by
loyalty and service, — the Irishman and the American to a
typical degree. His whole career is summed up in those words,
the Irishman and the American.
I give the outlines of his life. He was born in Ireland in
1806, of honorable and respected lineage. His direct ancestor,
with four sons, fought on the losing side in the battle of the
Boyne, — one of those sons later joining the army of Spain, and
there rising from one honor to another until finally he was com-
missioned the Captain General of Cuba. An immediate uncle
of our hero was a soldier in America's revolutionary war and
in that of 1812. James decidedly sprung from a family in which
fear of the battlefield was unknown. In his native isle he re-
ceived, mainly through the tutorship of another uncle, a priest
who had been a professor in the College of Maynooth, a liberal
education. At the age of sixteen he emigrated from Ireland in
search of fortune in other lands. Arrived in America, he first
adopted a seafaring life, afterwards serving as a soldier in the
Seminole War, thence pushing westward to Kaskaskia, at the
time the Territorial capital of Illinois. There he was the school-
UNVEILING THE STATUE OF GENERAL SHIELDS. ^73^
teacher, the lawyer, and quickly the office-holder. He served
four years in the State Legislature, was elected State Auditor,
and in 1843 succeeded Stephen A. Douglas as Justice of the
Supreme Court of Illinois. Two years later he was named by
President James K. Polk, Commissioner of the Land Office in
Washington. This office he resigned to become the brigadier
general of volunteers, to be soon brevetted major general, in
the Mexican War. The war over, he was named by President
Polk governor of the newly organized Territory of Oregon, — a
position, however, which he did not accept — a higher distinc-
tion coming to him from the State of Illinois. Illinois chose
him as its representative in the Senate of the United States,
where he served the full term of six years. In 1855 he was in
Minnesota, the colonizer, and later its representative in the
Senate of the United States. The outbreak of the Civil War
found him a resident of California. At once he buckled on his
warrior sword, and was appointed by President Lincoln briga-
dier general, soon to be major general of the volunteer army. In
1863 he resigned his commission in the army, owing to misun-
derstandings with the Secretary of War, Mr. Stanton. Mis-
souri now became his home. Here he was Adjutant General of
the State, and later was chosen again to membership in the
Senate of the United States, occupying the seat vacated through
the death of Senator Bogy. Later he filled two terms in the
State Legislature. The last years of his life were spent in cul-
tivating a modest farm near Carrollton, in Missouri, and giving
lectures in different parts of the country in aid of charitable
and religious works. He died in 1879, leaving to his wife and
children all that he was able to leave to them as the pecuniary
result of his many years of civil and militant office-holding —
his few acres of farm land, the diamond-studded swords which
had been given to him, one by the State of South Carolina, the
other by the State of Illinois, — and his blessing.
A wonderful career, that of James Shields, in the pictur-
esqueness of its varieties, in the confidences reposed in him by
his fellow Americans from Illinois to Washington City, from
Minnesota to Missouri, in the enthusiasms his name everywhere
was wont to evoke ; and wonderful, equally so, in the talents he
734 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
displayed wherever the can to omce piacea mm, magnincently
so in the martial skill and bravery of which his sword was ever
the token upon fields of gore and glory. Picturesqueness it is,
seldom equalled in the fortunes of other heroes— though so
many and so illustrious — in the annals of America. Only re-
call the chief head-lines in the narratives of his career,— Soldier
and Statesman ; Jurist and Orator ; Legislator in the chief cities
of two states; Senator of the United States from three of its
commonwealths; Soldier in three American wars.
Fellow Americans, we announce a noble name, when that of
James Shields is spoken ; we glorify a noble memory, when we
fling out his figure to the gratitude and the admiration of
Americans of today, of Americans of tomorrow.
To what do we attribute these manifold honors, bedecking
the years in the career of James Shields?
It is plain from the record that James Shields was no in-
triguer in politics, no shrewd, insidious wire-puller. He was
ignorant of the arts of combinations and machineries. He was
the single-minded and the open-tongued citizen. He simply
showed himself as he was, willing to take what was offered,
unwilling, unable even, to plan for favor of preferment. He
was the old-fashioned knight, without fear, but, also, without
reproach. Nor, as distinction of office came, was he cunning in
schemes to retain it. He did his duty, regardless of conse-
quences, regardless of the dictates of the political party that
had entrusted him with power, bidding friends and foes to
judge his deeds on their bare desert. At all times, and in all
stations, he was James Shields, to be taken, or to be pushed
aside, for what he was, for what he was believed to be.
To what, then, is due his career? To personal character and
qualifications; to value of service rendered, whatever the posi-
tion to which he was lifted; to the willingness of America to
recognize and reward merit, wherever merit is discernible.
Shields was the good man. His private life was above re-
proach. No weakness was his in the use of drink; no moral
stain ever darkened his escutcheon. In him deep religious con-
viction begot the personal and social virtues, and brightened
their uses and practices. I might, perhaps, blame the impetu-
UNVEILING THE STATUE OF GENERAL SHIELDS. 735
osity of a moment which led him to the brink of a duel with a
famed citizen, Abraham Lincoln. Let the false notions of
honor, prevailing at the time, excuse the one and the other.
Shields was the gentleman, in manner polished and refined ;
in the maintenance of principle, the soul itself of honor and
integrity. A base proposal would have at once awakened in
him indignant ire. To give service, to friend or to foe, was the
imperious dictate of his code of chivalry.
We read of the typical Irish gentleman. That was Shields,
warm Celtic blood ever coursing in his veins, kingly Irish tradi-
tions ever ruling heart and head. He had the Celtic faults, —
he was emotional, maybe now and then too quick in decision,
too impatient, perhaps, for his own welfare, too much of a rover
and a seeker of new things. But at times those very faults
served him well, as when his sword was brandished on the bat-
tlefield. And with Celtic faults he had all the Celtic virtues.
Brave he was and valorous, generous of gift and service, the
high-tempered knight, whose flashing passage across the ranks
of fellow-men sheds over our world of dull matter and selfish
plodding the sunshine of uplifting poetry, the sweetness of the
supernal life.
Shields was the scholar. His early liberal education served
him well, and continuous study through the years increased its
brilliancy and power. And, of course, he was the orator, hold-
ing, as charmed victims of his fiery phrase and his orphean
voice, no less the sages of legislative and senatorial halls than
the ruder and less thinking multitudes of voters of Kaskaskia,
Vandalia, and Springfield.
Rushed from one occupation to another, from one political
office to another, he was at home, whatever the duties assigned
to him. His talents were most varied in kind. As lawyer and
as justice of the Supreme Court of Illinois, he had his reward in
the genial companionship and the esteem of great men, of whom
Illinois was at the time the plentiful parent, and all America the
proud beneficiary, — Abraham Lincon, John M. Palmer, E. B.
Washburn, Stephen T. Logan, to name but the few. As Auditor
of the State of Illinois, he wrested from confusion and uncer-
tainty its financial budget, and placed it on a secure and envi-
736 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS. •
able foundation. In legislative halls he was the skilled debater,
the magnetic speaker, the promotor of whatever was wise and
just, himself the author of several useful and far-reaching meas-
ures. In Washington they were the days of Webster, Clay,
Calhoun, Sumner, Jefferson Davis, Breckenridge. In no way
was Shields below the exalted standard then set to the law-
makers of America. I note but a few of the famed issues amid
which he was the consistent champion of righteous patriotism,
— that of allotment of free homes on the lands of the national
domain to soldiers of the Mexican War, and to actual settlers,
that opposing the extension of slavery to newly organized
states, that of the preservation of the nation as one and indivisi-
ble.
His own party was opposed, to him in the question of the
extension of slavery. The admission of California to statehood
was the occasion. Shields' greatest speech entered into the
debate. I quote a passage, showing not only his firmness of
resolve with regard to the extension of slavery, but also his
prophetic view of things to come, of things that are today:
''Sir, they are laying the foundations of a great empire on the
shores of the Pacific, — a mighty empire, an empire that at some
future day will carry your flag, your commerce, your arts and
your arms into Asia, and through China, Hindustan, and Persia,
into Western Europe. Talk about carrying slavery there, of
imposing such a blight upon that people, of withering their
strength and paralyzing their energies by such an institution !
No, Sir, such a thing was never intended by God, and will
never be permitted by man."
As to the perpetuation of the Union, his voice always rose
loud amid the threats of secession, then thundering through
senate and chamber, — always proclaiming that secession would
be the blackest of crimes, the most stupid of follies, that never
should America permit or endure it.
Always James Shields was the truest of patriots, the most
earnest and loyal of Americans. Country was his idol. To
country he gallantly sacrificed personal interest, dictate of
party, hope and prospect of popular applause and approval. It
is the undoubted and indubitable fact : From every office, of
UNVEILING THE STATUE OF GENERAL SHIELDS. 737
the many held by him, at one time or another, under the gift of
one state or of another. Shields always went back to private
life with clean hands, — poor in the possession of all emoluments,
save that of honor for faithful service.
But, whatever his other achievements, it is the field of war
where James Shields is to be seen at his best. There his Celtic
nature bursts forward in special efflorescence. Above all else
he is the soldier. As the soldier, especially, we salute him, w^e
honor him. All the virtues of the soldier are in him in
plenary apportionment, — skill of strategy, firmness of discipli-
nary mastership, magic power of control of troops, undaunted
courage, a dash in attack that bewilders, an endurance of pain
and fatigue that secures victory when defeat is most threaten-
ing. The vanguard is always his coveted place, there brandish-
ing his sword, compelling by sheer magnetism of example oth-
ers to follow his lead. Wounded — he was wounded in almost
every engagement — he still fights on, so long as strength to
move remains. Compelled to retire, he frets like the caged lion,
until again he has leaped into the saddle. Warriors of Napo-
leon, Ney, Murat, McDonald, — how fittingly Shields should have
ridden with them! I must not tarry in details. Let praise
from General Scott suffice. In his report of the battle of Cerro
Gordo, the commander-in-chief wrote: ''General Shields, a
commander of activity, zeal and talent, is, I fear, if not dead,
mortally wounded. ' ' Later he said : ' ' Shields ' brigade, brave-
ly assaulting the left, carried the rear battery (five guns) on
the Islapa road, and added materially in the rout of the enemy. ' '
And again : ' ' The brigade so gallantly led by General Shields,
and after his fall by Colonel Baker, deserves commendation for
fine behavior and success."
Scarcely convalescent, Shields is again on his charger in the
march to the City of Mexico — always the undaunted soldier.
In the battle of Contreras, "Shields," said General Scott, "by
the wise disposition of his brigade and gallant activity, con-
tributed much to the general results. He held masses of cav-
alry and infantry, supported by artillery, in check below him,
and captured hundreds, with one general (Mendoza) of those
who fled from above. " "At Cherubusco, ' ' I still quote General
738 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Scott, ''Shields concentrated the division about a hamlet and
determined the attack in front. The battle was long, hot and
varied ; but ultimately success crowned the zeal and gallantry
of our troops, ably directed by their distinguished commander,
General Shields." At Chapultepec, his horse was killed under
him ; Shields fought on foot, bareheaded, in shirt sleeves, lead-
ing his brigade, sword in hand. Yet another wound, but no
cessation of rush.and combat. Shields' command led the van
into the City of Mexico, and first planted the Stars and Stripes
on the walls of the Belen Gate.
Came the great war, — ^the war for the salvation of the Union.
Shields, a resident of California, bounded across the continent,
joyous to be again a soldier. He was commissioned brigadier
and assigned to the Shenandoah Valley. At Winchester he met
Stonewall Jackson, fated there to meet under the blow of our
own hero his only defeat. Shields again was wounded ; much
of the engagement he directed from his blood-stained cot, in the
rear of his command ; Colonel Kimball, who led the final charge,
reported, after the victory, that in all details he carried out the
plans and directions of his leader. Shields' division alone had
confronted Jackson's much larger army, and had won the vic-
tory. If later, at Port Republic, Jackson did not receive an-
other severe defeat, it was because orders given by General
Shields to burn the bridge across Aquia Creek, for some un-
explained reason, had not been obeyed. This is the testimony
of General Gates, an officer under Stonewall Jackson, speaking
at the unveiling of the Shields Statue in the Capitol at Wash-
ington: "Had General Shields' orders been obeyed, there was
no escape for Jackson." The orders obeyed, the bridge burnt,
one of the most decisive victories of the War should have been
gained by General Shields.
General Shields resigned from the army March 28, 1863. I
take his act to have been a mistake. He and the Secretary of
War, Mr. Stanton, were not in accord. Shields should have
borne with patience Mr. Stanton's displeasure and gone for-
ward in spite of temporary opposition, gone whither his merits
bade him go, forward to greater victories and higher rewards.
It was a mistake of his Celtic temperament, to which we must
UNVEILING THE STATUE OF GENERAL SHIELDS. 739
grant indulgence, in view of the deeds of glory, of which else-
where it was the generous prompter.
General Shields is the soldier of three wars. He barely
missed being the soldier of four wars. While a resident of Min-
nesota he heard of an Indian outbreak near the southern border
line of the State. Quickly his appeal echoed through Faribault
and Shieldsville ; a troop of his Irish Colonists rallied around
him, with whatever arms they could gather together. Soon
General Shields and his braves were on the field of strife, but,
alas for his expectation of that war, peace had already been
proclaimed.
So, when building a monument to James Shields, we have
built it to the soldier. General Shields. Have you done well,
Companions of the Loyal Legion, Comrades of the Grand Army
of the Republic, in setting up before the eyes of present and
future generations, in Minnesota's Hall of Fame, the man who
rushed to war, in defence of country's rights and country's
honor? Most decidedly so. Peace is the ideal condition of
human society, — all things, even war itself, must tend to peace ;
but God avert from America the ruin of its commonwealth, the
plunder of its territory, the dishonor to its flag, from which war
alone could have wrested it. Rather war, a hundred times,
than evils such as those. Never do we know when menace may
be nigh; never, consequently, must America's sons be void of
the martial spirit, which bids America ever be free, ever secure,
ever honored and respected. The names of our military heroes
are safeguards of patriotism; their memories are perennial
founts of its life and vigor.
Another factor in the career of General Shields was America
itself. America gave to him inspiration and blessed his labor.
America rewarded his merits.
General Shields was by birth an Irishman, by religion a
Catholic. By lifelong and most loyal service, by the oft offered
sacrifice of his blood, he was the American. Never did the
Star-spangled Banner look down upon more sincere and braver
patriotism than that which fired the heart and electrified the
sword of General James Shields. America put faith in the
plighted troth and the deeds of General Shields; accepted him
740 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
into the fullness of sonship, accorded to him all opportunities,
all rights, all privileges, within the gift of the Star-spangled
Banner. General Shields was the citizen of America ; it was all
that he should have desired, all that he could have needed for
himself, to fall or to stand. Right nobly did he stand.
Now and then whispers pass through the air that men like
to General Shields in birthplace and in religious belief are not
the truest of Americans. Such whispers are the vilest of false-
hoods. In contradiction, we evoke into speech the battlefields
reddened by the armies of America, the lakes and oceans fur-
rowed by its navies ; we evoke into speech the monument erect-
ed this day, within the Capitol of Minnesota, to the name and
the fame of General James Shields.
Back again, General Shields, to Minnesota, back with the
memories of your services to Minnesota itself, with the glories
in other states of the Union, — back Avith the triumphant flags of
Cerro Cordo, and of Winchester, — back, the true and loyal son
and servant of the Republic of the United States of America.
Our Welcome — the welcome of our admiration and love — is
yours.
Minnesota Historical Society.
Vol. XV. Plate XVIII.
ADDRESSES ON THE PRESENTATION OF THE POR-
TRAIT OF PROFESSOR JABEZ BROOKS.
In the Council Meeting on April 11, 1910, an oil portrait of
the late Professor Jabez Brooks was presented to this Society
by his friends.
Judge; Hascal R. Brill, of Saint Paul, spoke on this occasion
as follows:
It is eminently fitting that a portrait of Professor Brooks
should be hung upon the walls of the Historical Society of
Minnesota. He was the principal of the preparatory depart-
ment of Hamline University, located at Red Wing, four years
before the state was admitted to the Union. He was President
of Hamline University from 1861 to 1869, and thereafter for
forty years he was professor of Greek in the State University.
These facts alone would justify the preservation of his por-
trait by the Historical Society. But there are circumstances
connected with his early career as an educator, which do not
lie upon the surface but which make it especially appropriate
that he should be held in lasting remembrance by the people of
tlie state, and to some of these I desire briefly to call attention.
It was my good fortune as a youth to be his pupil for a
period of nearly five years. The respect at first, and the added
affection afterward, which I formed for him during this period,
have been intensified as the years have passed, and as I have
realized more and more the importance of the work he per-
formed and the influence he exerted.
Though not active in public life, Professor Brooks had much
to do with laying good foundations for this commonwealth.
His influence upon the quality of the citizenship of the new
state was very great. The institution of which in the early
days he v^as the head was for years the only one of its grade
in the territory and state. Its list of graduates was not long,
but hundreds of youn^ men and women from the virgin farms
742 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
and scattered villages of the state attended its sessions for the
only higher education they ever had. Because of the lack of
library and apparatus in this early institution, the personality
of the teacher was intensified and was potent to a degree diffi-
cult now to realize. Lacking funds, the institution was able
to employ but a scant corps of teachers. Professor Brooks
taught the classes of many teachers and performed the work of
many men. He came into close personal contact with all the
students.
He was born under a foreign flag, but he was an American
of the best type. His scholarship was broad and thorough, his
ideals were lofty, his character was of the finest, his person-
ality was most delightful. He had decided views of right and
wrong, and stood without wavering for what he believed to
be the right; but he was tolerant of the opinions of others,
and he was charitable in a marked degree toward those who
had wandered from the right way. He was not effeminate in
any of his characteristics or attributes, but in his intercourse
with his students he was as gentle and as lovable as a woman.
In this early period there were no railroads to bring together
the remote communities. There were no telephones, no auto-
mobiles, no rural free deliveries, and ox teams were more com-
mon than horses. The intercourse of the people was slow and
difficult. There were few of the thousand later methods and
appliances which have so greatly enlarged the scope of human
knowledge and have promoted the intelligence of all the people.
The students of the early institution for the most part came
from homes which were obliged to sacrifice that they might
come, and many worked their way. Their opportunities had
been limited, and their previous learning consisted of what
they had acquired in the district schools, then far below their
present standard; they were much older than the present
average student of their grade of scholarship ; they came be-
cause they had a longing for something higher and better, a
desire to fit themselves for the work of life before them ; their
characters were plastic, their minds were receptive, "and even
a short period under proper tutelage meant much to them.
These young men and women were brought into intimate per-
PRESENTATION OF PORTRAIT OF PROFESSOR BROOKS.
743
sonal relation with Professor Brooks. He was not alone the
head of the institution at which they were students, he was
their teacher, unfolding to them the infinite possibilities of the
field of knowledge ; he was their guide to the realm of the good,
the true, and the beautiful, and he was their friend. His stu-
dents, whether under his influence for a longer or shorter time,
carried out into the life of the new community from this quiet
and modest man an inspiration which made them happier men
and women, which made them better men and women, which
made them more useful to the world and better citizens, and
which was of inestimable value to our beloved state at its
formative period in the shaping of its destiny.
General L. F. Hubbard, long a resident of Red Wing, and
later of St. Paul, said :
Fifty years ago I knew Dr. Brooks quite well ; as well, per-
haps, as almost any one among the general public who had the
pleasure and advantage of his acquaintance. When I came
to Red Wing in 1857, Dr. Brooks was already established there
as one of the pillars of Hamline University, engaged with his
co-workers in an earnest though somewhat discouraging effort,
to place on a substantial basis the institution founded by
Bishop Hamline. In those pioneer days one soon came to know
everybody else in the community, and among those to whom I
was early attracted by his genial personality was Dr. Brooks.
I vividly recall the kindly sympathy with which Dr. Brooks
sought to encourage me in my efforts to gain a footing for the
enterprise, a weekly newspaper, that I started in Red Wing in
1857. Such sentiments prevailed in the new communities of
the west in those days in a much greater degree than is the case
now, and were a potent agency in strengthening the courage
and hopefulness of a young man in the outset of his career.
While all my relations with Dr. Brooks were of the. pleas-
antest character, I especially recall him as one of a group of
great characters that were attracted to Red Wing by the estab-
lishment there of Hamline University. Red Wing became, by
reason of such location, the headquarters for a time of the
Methodist denomination for the Territory of Minnesota; and
744 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
as a consequence several of the great lights of the Church
made Red Wing their residence for several years. The Revs.
Matthew Sorin, Chauncey and Morris Hobart, Daniel Cobb,
Cyrus Brooks, and B. F. Crary, with Dr. Jabez Brooks and
others, formed a group of very able men, who by their cease-
less efforts, sacrifice, and devotion to their work, proved a
powerful agency in forming and giving force to the moral,
intellectual, and religious character of the community of those
early days. They have all passed away. Dr. Brooks was the
last to go, and for many years was the only one left, but he
and they have left an impress upon the commonwealth that
will long endure.
Professor N. H. Winchell, of Minneapolis, during many
years the State Geologist, said :
My acquaintance with Dr. Brooks began in 1872, when I
first came to Minnesota. As members of the faculty of the
State University, we came into close personal and official rela-
tions. He had been connected with the University for three
years and was the senior in years and in dignity, and com-
manded the respect and confidence of all. Although we differed
on some methods of education, our acquaintance continued en-
tirely friendly and even confidential. As years passed I saw
less of him, my duties taking me away from the University
proper.
One summer he spent a part of his vacation with me in the
field work of the geological survey, examining the rugged coast
line of the north shore of Lake Superior. It has been said
that among the soldiers of the late war the close association
of camp life brought out all the personal traits, both good and
bad, so that comrades came to know each other better than in
any other way ; and to a large degree the same is true of camp
life during a summer vacation. That brief period of camp life
in company with Dr. Brooks served only to confirm my friend-
ship for him, and my respect for his personal honor. Fre-
quently in later years the events of that season in camp to-
gether were a subject of pleasant recollection and conversa-
tion. When our paths of duty diverged and separated more
PRESENTATION OF PORTRAIT OF PROFESSOR BROOKS. 745
widely, I found that one of the greenest spots in the retrospect
over the past was my acquaintance with Dr. Brooks; and it
was one of my pleasantest social experiences to meet him in
brief reciprocal visits, and to shake his hand when casually
meeting him on the campus or in the street.
His mind always reverted to the camp life of that short
vacation, and he asked, ''When are you going again to the
north shore of Lake Superior?" Alas, I told him I thought it
doubtful if I should ever go, although there were numerous
unsolved problems remaining which I would like to undertake.
On occasion of one of the latest interviews, but a few months
prior to his death, a tentative quasi-agreement was made that
in the near future we should together repeat, in a measure,
our old camp life, and should visit again some of the interest-
ing and beautiful scenes in the rocky outlines of the ''north
shore." Although he was well aware of the limitations of
human life and conscious that he was an old man (eighty-five
years), his mental alertness seemed to warrant him in reck-
oning on sufficient physical strength to undertake another boat
trip along the shore where he had coasted twenty-five years
before. But it was never to be. The gentle summons came
soon, and that last planned excursion over the old route will
exist only as a phantom of the hoped-for and unrealized.
Thus one by one the trees of the forest fall. Dr. Brooks was
like a sturdy oak, which had breasted many years of storm, and
only fell when its functions had been all discharged, and when
the fruits of its long life had been numerous and generously
disseminated.
In presenting this portrait to the Historical Society, it is
appropriate to recall some of the services which Dr. Brooks
rendered to the State of Minnesota.
He was born September 18, 1823, at Stockport, England, and
came to America in his sixteenth year. His father, the late
David Brooks, was a Methodist clergyman' well known in Min-
nesota and in "Wisconsin. The son was educated at first at
private schools, and in Rock River Seminary, Mount Morris,
111. He graduated at Wesleyan University, Middletown, Conn.,
in 1850.
746 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
He taught a private school in Watertown, Wis., and mathe-
matics at Lawrence University, Appleton, Wis. ; was principal
of the preparatory department of Hamline University at Red
Wing, 1854 to 1857; was president of the same university
from 1861 to 1869; and was president of the Minnesota Edu-
cational Association in 1868.
He organized the first Normal School Board, and served as
a member of it for two terms. He was also a member of the
first Agricultural State Board, where he served as president
for two terms. He was elected to membership in the first fac-
ulty of the University of Minnesota in 1869, when it was fully
organized and opened, and maintained that connection, being
professor of the Greek language and literature, until he retired
on the Carnegie Pension Foundation in 1909, having completed
there a period of forty years.
He served the Methodist Episcopal church in various capaci-
ties, being pastor in Milwaukee in 1853, and at the Central
Church, Winona, 1859-60 ; member of the General Conferences
of 1864 and 1868 ; and president of Hamline University, as be-
fore noted, from 1861 to 1869. That institution was organized
and grew up, while at Red Wing, under his special care and
direction. He was a member and an official of the Wesley
M. E. Church, Minneapolis. He died at San Jose, California,
January 26, 1910, and was buried in Lakewood Cemetery, Min-
neapolis.
This painting, which was made by Mr. T. S. Russell of St.
Paul, has received the special approval and commendation of his
family, and is said by all to be an excellent reproduction, not
only of his features, but also of his intelligent and pleasant ex-
pression. May it long remain in this State Portrait Gallery as a
reminder of one of the best and best loved of Minnesota's
citizens.
Dr. William W. Folwell, former President of the Uni-
versity of Minnesota, spoke as follows :
I am safe in assuming that it is expected of me, on this occa-
sion, to speak of Dr. Brooks as a teacher. He had of course
other interests, but teaching was his central life work, his pro-
PRESENTATION OF PORTRAIT OF PROFESSOR BROOKS. 747
fession. When we became associated in the University forty
years ago, he was already a veteran and had won his way to
the leadership of the profession in Minnesota. His labors and
sacrifices are still warmly cherished by a large body of living
Hamline students, and the historian of Hamline will find the
romance of that institution in the years of President Brooks'
service there.
For forty years it has been my privilege to work by his side.
I ought to know his place and worth among teachers. I think
I may assume to. A wise critic praised one of my own teachers
by saying, ''He could make boys, even lazy boys, work hard
and like it." Dr. Brooks could do that. The range and depth
of his knowledge, his fine art of exposition, his reasonableness
in exacting tasks, lent interest and dignity to the matter in
hand. His students felt, and they feel it still, that the hours
spent in his class-room or in preparation for its exercises were
well spent. It was worth while to be there and ready each for
his part. The crowning merit of all teaching is to arouse inter-
est and employ the faculties of the student. I lay this laurel
on the brow of this great teacher.
The great public cannot well know how much the time and
thought of college teachers go to the duties of organization,
administration, and discipline. Many of us grudge that time
and groan over the burden. Professor Brooks was always ready
and willing to share this burden. My heart is full of gratitude
for his help and counsel in our days of infancy. His ripe expe-
rience, his trained judgment, his perfect knowledge, above all
his poise and serenity of temper, made him a tower of strength
in the faculty. Many of us could recall occasions when the final
word in season of our senior cleared the air, calmed excitement,
and showed the way out of the tangle.
Absolutely firm as to principles and ends, he could tolerate
all kinds of differences as to ways and means. If he found
himself in the minority, which was rare, he knew how to accept
the bottom principle of democracy, which is to leave the major-
ity to work out its policy without impatience or obstruction.
It was in cases of discipline that the counsel of Dr. Brooks
was perhaps most precious. His mind made him a judge, his
748 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
heart a father. He could stand for the majesty of the law,
and yet so temper justice to the individual case as to make
the offender feel that correction was better than pardon.
The teacher's art is a noble one. "I magnify mine office."
But there is more to the teacher 's calling than book work and
recitations and lectures.
We hear much said about the teaching of morals in the
schools. They are taught and must be ; and, what is more,
character, the ground and source of morals, is formed there.
And it is the walk and conversation of the teacher which counts
for more than all else in character building. The teacher need
not say a single evil word, and yet he may corrupt and lit-
erally demoralize every scholar. He need not speak a word in
praise of virtue, of things which are noble and just, and yet
every boy who sits at his feet may be ennobled and strength-
ened for the struggle against sin and w^rong.
Judged from this point of view, our departed Nestor might
bear the palm. His daily walk among us was a challenge to
each to be and to do his best. It spoke for purity, honor, cour-
age, temperance, and all the virtues in the calendar.
Serene, unaffected, simple, dignified but always genial, with-
out pretense or ostentation, he passed among us a living exam-
ple and witness of ''the Way, the Truth, and the Life."
His was the path of the just, shining more and more unto
the perfect day.
MEMORIAL ADDRESS IN HONOR OF GOVERNOR
JOHNSON.*
BY JUSTICE THOMAS D. O'BRIEN.
John Albert Johnson was the sixteenth governor of Minne-
sota and the first of her native sons to occupy that position.
He was of Swedish ancestry, was born at St. Peter, Minne-
sota, July 28, 1861, and died at Rochester, Minn., September 21,
1909.
His death came as a shock to the people, not only of his
native state, but of all the states of the Union; for Governor
Johnson was one of the public men in America to whom the
people looked for good government and the advancement of
American ideals. In the public mind he ranked with such men
as Roosevelt and Hughes, while those who knew him intimately
and loved him well believed he possessed the sincerity, cour-
age, and sagacity of both.
We can readily appreciate the life and experiences of the
child of humble immigrants, born in Minnesota in 1861. This
boy became the main support of his mother and the family
from an early age, and ''the uses of adversity" developed in
him the very highest qualities, as they always do in one who
has within his soul the elemental spark of greatness. So in his
mature years Johnson was contented, for he had the sense of
duty well performed; he was strong and brave, for he had
met and overcome great obstacles ; he was faithful, because his
whole life had been devoted to the fulfillment of obligations
voluntarily assumed.
While his intimate friends knew that he had, and deservedly
so, the confidence and affection of many, it was only after his
*Read at the monthly meeting of the Executive Council, October 11,
1909.
A biography of Governor Johnson, with a portrait, is in Volume XIII
of this Society's Collections, published in 1908, pages 423-460. See also
Life of John Albert Johnson, by Frank A. Day and Theodore M. Knappen,
1910, 429 pages, with portraits and other illustrations.
750 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
death that they realized the extent to which he was beloved
by all classes of citizens. The testimonials of grief for his
early death, and of respect for his character and achievements,
exceeded those ever paid to the memory of a citizen of Minne-
sota.
Governor Johnson was first of all an optimist, he believed
and trusted in the future, he loved his country and its institu-
tions, and his favorite topic was the boundless opportunities
which America affords to the industrious and the alert. While
keenly alive to the proprieties of official and social life, he
ignored differences or grades in the social structure. He did
not believe, and apparently did not realize that any one could
believe, that one man is, by birth, entitled to more considera-
tion than another. The standing of an individual, so far as he
knew, depended entirely upon the conduct and efforts of the
individual himself. This with him was not a matter of judg-
ment or education, it came from no reflection upon his part.
He was as unconscious of the mental operation leading to this
attitude as he was of breathing, and made no more attempt to
control his instinct than to regulate his heart beats; and so
he met old men and children, famous authors and struggling
reporters, great statesmen and humble mechanics, in the same
simple straightforward manner, and captivated each in turn.
He had a quality not always found in great men, but one
which only great men possess. He not only easily forgave,
but apparently entirely forgot his enemies. He was a brave and
adroit antagonist, but to ''treasure up a wrong" was in his
mind worse than useless, for it turned his thoughts from pleas-
ant to unpleasant subjects. He seemed to think that the one
guilty of the wrong should carry the burden of remembering
it. He never forgot a friend or a kindness, he did not make the
mistake of preferring his opponents to his supporters, but the
fact that he seemingly was incapable of bearing malice had the
constant effect of changing enemies into friends without los-
ing former friends.
As a public official, he exhibited the same characteristics
and performed his duties in so simple and direct a manner that
he often accomplished much more good than was realized. The
MEMORIAL OF GOVERNOR JOHNSON. 751
great strike upon the Iron Range was settled without blood-
shed, because he visited the Range personally and convinced
the strikers that he would put down disorder, and the mine
owners that the military power of the state could not be used
for private purposes. Later, when sending me as one of a com-
mission to the scene, he said: *'If possible, I want to avoid
calling out the militia, but if a single life should be lost because
of the failure on my part to afford proper protection I would
never forgive myself. I want this commission to disregard
entirely every political consideration, and to make its recom-
mendations as to my future action solely with regard to what
is right. ' '
This was not a public utterance of Governor Johnson, It
embodied his private instructions to his confidential and polit-
ical friends, and I avail myself of this opportunity to make
it a matter of historical record.
His sympathy for the poor and suffering was boundless,
and yet I have often heard the Chief Justice of this State com-
mend him for his firmness and candor in the performance of
his duties upon the board of pardons.
I am reluctant to end this poor tribute to my friend's
memory, for I have said so little where so much might be
said. Remembering him as he was, picture after picture
glides across one's mental vision, each beautiful and more than
sufficient to occupy the time allotted to me tonight. His cheer-
ful greeting, his alert mentality, his active sympathies, his
brave heart, his devotion to duty, and his reverence for the
right, will never be forgotten by those who knew him.
He died while in the prime of life, while flushed with vic-
tory, and just when Fortune seemed beckoning him on to still
greater achievements. But who shall say his was an untimely
death? Memory presents the view of a perfected life, useful,
successful, and buoyant. It is complete in itself, and the mer-
ciful veil which hides the future from all may have concealed
sorrow and unfulfilled ambitions in his life had it continued.
"The past is always secure," and we have now the crystallized
memory of a man who successfully performed every duty and
faithfully fulfilled every obligation imposed upon him.
Th^ Statue of Governor Johnson at the State Capitol.
October 19, 1912, a Bronze Statue of Governor Johnson, by
Andrew O'Connor, sculptor, was unveiled on the ground of the
State Capitol, near the main entrance of its south side. A
Bronze Tablet, placed on the north side of the granite pedes-
tal of the statue, bears this Inscription :
JOHN albert JOHNSON
JULY 28. 1861 SEPT. 21. 1909
THREE TIMES GOVERNOR OF
MINNESOTA
A POOR BOY, A COUNTRY
EDITOR, A NATURAL LEADER,
CUT OFF IN HIS PRIME,
THE NATION MOURNS HIS LOSS.
"HIS LIFE WAS GENTLE; AND
THE ELEMENTS SO MIXED IN
HIM, THAT NATURE MIGHT STAND
UP AND SAY TO ALL THE WORLD,
THIS WAS A MAN."
THIS MONUMENT IS RAISED TO
HIS MEMORY BY ONE HUNDRED
THOUSAND OF HIS FRIENDS.
The Library of this Historical Society received in the fol-
lowing year 1913, by donation of the John Albert Johnson
Memorial Commission, through kindness of its Secretary, Mr.
Charles W. Ames, the full Correspondence and Records of that
Commission, relating to the erection of this statue and a replica
of it in St. Peter, these papers being bound in seven quarto
volumes.
From the same donor and in the same year, this Library also
received a series of six quarto Scrap-Books, containing news-
paper memorial notices, editorials, and other articles, gathered
during several weeks next after Governor Johnson's death,
concerning his character and public services, and evincing wide-
spread sorrow in Minnesota and throughout the United States.
w. u.
GENERAL JAMES HEATON BAKER.
Memorials prese:nte;d in the Meeting of the Executive
Council, September 8, 1913.
A manuscript sent by Judge Lorin Cray, of Mankato, was
read by the Secretary, as follows:
General James H. Baker, a life member of the Minnesota
Historical Society, died at his home in the City of Mankato in
this state on May 25, 1913.
General Baker was born in Monroe, Butler county, Ohio, on
the 6th day of May, 1829. He was the son of Henry Baker,
M. D,, and Hannah Heaton Baker. In his youth he attended
the Firnian Academy at Middletown, Ohio, and later the Ohio
Wesleyan University. For a period of time he edited the Sciota
Gazette at Chillicothe, Ohio, it then being the oldest newspaper
in the state. He served as Secretary of State of Ohio from 1854
to 1856, when Salmon P. Chase was Governor of that State. In
1857 he came to Minnesota, and shortly thereafter located with
his family in Blue Earth County.
He was elected Secretary of State in 1859 and again in 1861.
In 1862 he was commissioned, by Governor Alexander Ramsey,
to be Colonel of the Tenth Minnesota Volunteers, then being
recruited for service in the War of the Rebellion. He served
with his regiment the first year in the campaign against the
Sioux Indians, and in the fall of 1863 with his regiment went
South. At the close of the war General Baker was appointed
Commissioner of Pensions, and afterwaf d Surveyor General for
Minnesota. In 1881 he was elected State Railway Commis-
sioner, in which office he served two terms.
For a time General Baker was the editor and proprietor of
the Mankato Free Press. A goodly portion of his life in Blue
Earth county was spent on a beautiful farm owned by him near
Rapidan, where he personally engaged in agriculture, in which
he was always much interested and very progressive.
General Baker was always much interested in the early his-
tory of Minnesota, and was never more at home than at the
754 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
meetings of the old settlers of his county and state. He was
pre-eminently a social man, an easy, fluent, and very interest-
ing conversationalist, and hospitable to a fault. He was never
more happy than when surrounded by his friends whom he
always delighted to entertain.
He was a consistent attendant and supporter of the Meth-
odist Church, and also belonged to the Masonic Order, as well
as the Elks, the Grand Army of the Republic, and the Loyal
Legion.
He was a power to be reckoned with in politics, and his in-
fluence was always felt in the civic and social life of the com-
munity in which he lived, and always for the betterment of
conditions and of humanity in particular. The life of General
.Baker stands out as one of pronounced individuality, and of
great strength of purpose.
On September 25, 1851, he was married to Rose Lucia
Thurston at Delaware, Ohio, who died March 20, 1873. On
December 23, 1879, he was married to Miss Zula Bartlett, who
survives him and now resides in the homestead in Mankato.
General Baker was laid away in beautiful Glenwood Ceme-
tery in Mankato. His funeral was held on Wednesday, May
28, 1913, being largely attended.
Mr. Thomas Hughes, of Mankato, contributed the following
Memorial of General Baker as an Author:
The late General James H. Baker was a man of many splen-
did talents. Eminent as he was as an orator, warrior, and
statesman, he also possessed rare talents as an author. His
numerous and valuable historical and biographical contribu-
tions found in the publications of this Society attest this fact.
Among these papers are ''History of Lake Superior," "The'
Sources of the Mississippi River," ''Transportation in Min-
nesota," and "The Lives of the Governors of Minnesota." All
these writings show great research and a masterly selection and
presentation of the mass of material their author was always
able to discover.
The general had a very acute mind and retentive memory,
and his long life spanned one of the most eventful periods of
the world's history; and so far as this related to the "Middle
West" of our own country, he had a personal acquaintance
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS. 1909-14. 755
with most of the great men and a personal touch with most of
the big events which went to make up that history. Hence the
ease with which General Baker could always command the right
material and infuse into it the very life and atmosphere it had
when it was the actual reality.
Besides the very unique relation he bore to the people and
the times concerning which he wrote, the general had a re-
markable Command of the English language and a fervid lit-
erary spirit, which gave force, fitness, and finish to every sen-
tence he penned. His style is never dull n^r florid, but always
elegant, incisive, and vigorous.
His monograph on "The Sources of the Mississippi" is a
valuable contribution to geographic knowledge, and it dealt a
mortal blow to certain theories as to the head of the great river
once in vogue. His ''History of Lake Superior" did much to
call attention to the world 's greatest waterway and the world 's
greatest iron mines. ''The Lives of the Governors of Minne-
sota," forming Volume XIH of this Society's Historical Col-
lections, written at the eventide of our author's life, is a fitting
climax to his literary activity, being truly a great work, which
will grow in worth and importance as the years go by.
Mighty was he with tongue, sword, and pen, and his pass-
ing removes from our midst one of our greatest and best citi-
zens.
Former Governor Van Sant, of Minneapolis, wrote:
General J. H. Baker's death was a great loss to the state.
He served Minnesota long and faithfully. He was a brave
soldier with an untarnished record, and was universally loved
by all his comrades of the Grand Army of the Republic ; a most
exemplary citizen; a statesman of ability; a forceful and elo-
quent public speaker; an author of recognized merit; and his
devotion to his family is an object lesson to every man who
loves his home.
Personally I deeply deplore his departure, for "he was my
friend, faithful and just to me." He lived long and well; why
then should we mourn? Let us rather emulate his many vir-
tues, so that it may be said of us as of him, "Well done, good
and faithful servant."
756 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Hon. Hani^ord L. Gordon, formerly of St. Cloud and Min-
neapolis, now of Los Angeles, California, wrote:
I met General Baker first in the political campaign of 1860.
I heard him then make one of the very ablest and most eloquent
speeches I had ever listened to, though I had heard speeches
by Daniel Webster, Daniel S. Dickinson, William H. Seward,
Joshua R. Giddings, Benjamin F. Wade, Stephen A. Douglas,
Abraham Lincoln, and many other noted orators. I say now,
after hearing many speeches delivered by General Baker, that
in true eloquence he was the peer of all of them, and in power
the superior of all of them, Abraham Lincoln excepted. Once
I heard Henry Clay, when I was in my ''teens" and Clay was
an old man, somewhat enfeebled doubtless by age and disap-
pointment; but the old fire flashed as he "picked his flint and
tried it again," — at any rate, he electro-fired me. When I
heard General Baker the first time (and many times after), the
image of Henry Clay came before me like a flash.
Disraeli said: "Man is not the creature of circumstances;
circumstances are the creatures of men." From my very soul,
and from seventy odd years of observation and reading, I seri-
ously disagree with Disraeli. Man is, in a large measure, the
creature of circumstances. If General Grant had had no Wash-
bum to push and back him, he might have died a poor unknown
tanner in Galena. If circumstances had not called for Napo-
leon, he would never have deluged Europe with blood and met
his Nemesis in Moscow, and finally at Waterloo. If Joaquin
Miller, one of the truest American poets, had been born and
raised in Boston, and had belonged to the literary clique of
Harvard and the Atlantic Monthly, his "Songs of the Sierras"
and his "Columbus" would be recited in the high schools and
colleges of America today, along with Longfellow and Whittier.
General Baker was too proud a man, too great a man, to
go to the newspapers and buy "glory." He ought to have
been United States Senator from Minnesota; but he was too
good, too brave, to buy it.
Let me speak of his literature. His "Song of Friendship,"
an eulogy on his dead friend, Charles Scheffer, proves him a
poet. His splendid articles on northern Minnesota, published
in the Pioneer Press, show his fine descriptive powers, and his
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 757
far-seeing mind. His many public addresses stamp him, not as
an ordinary eulogist, but as a man of sound sense, . varied ex-
perience, and wide learning. His ''Lives of the Governors of
Minnesota" proves him to have been a fair and impartial his-
torian, giving to even his political opponents fair and just
credit, and withholding mere personal criticism.
The faultless man is yet to be born, but when I look back
on more than fifty years of my knowledge of and friendship
for General Baker, I can see fifty faults in myself where I can
see one in him. As a military officer in the Civil War, he did
his duty and did it thoroughly. Circumstances, the orders of
superiors, assigned him to important but less conspicuous posi-
tions. In these he did his duty faithfully and to the utmost. In
the campaign against the Sioux outbreak he proved his per-
sonal bravery. Knowing him as I did, I know he would have
proved it elsewhere, in the Civil "War, whenever and wherever
"circumstances" and the orders of his superior officers per-
mitted him to do it. Men do not make circumstances; circum-
stances make men, — or, at least, the reputation of men.
I am proud (if I am proud of anything) that General Baker
was my friend; but he was not the friend of his friend's faults,
as I have had reason to know, and I honor him for it. I never
had many true friends ; I never sought for many. I know that
he was one of the sincerest, a true and honest friend.
LOREN WARREN COLLINS.
In the monthly meeting of the Executive Council, January 13,
1913, Hon. Colin F. Macdonald, of St. Cloud, presented the
following memorial :
During the past year or slightly more, we in St. Cloud have
suffered the loss of a number of pioneer heroes, principal among
them Loren W. Collins, soldier, jurist, and model citizen ; Henry
C. Waite, member of the State Constitutional Convention,
miller, merchant, and state legislator; Nehemiah P. Clarke,
government contractor, leading lumberman, breeder of prize
livestock, and banker; Josiah E. West, captain in the Seventh
758 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Minnesota regiment, and St. Cloud 's most progressive and pub-
lic-spirited citizen.
Loren Warren Collins, late Associate Justice of the Supreme
Court of this state, a life member and Vice President of this
Historical Society, was born in Lowell, Mass., August 7, 1838 ;
and died in the city of Minneapolis, September 27, 1912. He
had been in attendance at the National Encampment of the
Grand Army of the Republic the week of September 8th, ap-
parently in good health, but became ill of heart trouble and hur-
ried home only to answer the last roll call of the veteran sol-
dier. For him ''taps" had sounded. Judge Collins descended
from old New England stock, his ancestors coming to the New
World in 1650. Great-grandfathers on both parents' side were
Continental Soldiers in the Revolutionary War. Some of his
ancestors served in the French and Indian War of 1760, King
William 's War, the defence of Fort Edward and of Black Point.
They also held many positions of trust and responsibility in
civil life, one being the last Colonial Governor of New Hamp-
shire. From such honored lineage Loren W. Collins descended.
In 1853, the ''call of the West" attracted his father, and
they journeyed to the Territory of Minnesota, settling on land
in Eden Prairie, Hennepin county. Up to this time young Col-
lins' education had been limited to only such as was afforded
by the public schools of Chicopee and Palmer, Massachusetts,
where his father, as a mill operative, resided. In 1856 the
family removed to a new home in Dakota county, near Hastings.
In the fall of 1858, young Loren taught a four months' term
of school near Cannon Falls, receiving therefor a school district
order for $60. Ambitious to rise in the world, and feeling that
he now had resources sufficient for a start, he began the study
of law in the offices of Smith, Smith & Crosby, at Hastings.
On August 15, 1862, he responded to President Lincoln's
call for volunteers, and enlisted in Company F, Seventh Min-
nesota Volunteer Infantry, and was at once promoted to second
lieutenant. The great Sioux Indian outbreak occurring a week
later, the regiment was ordered to the frontier, under Lieut.
Col. William R. Marshall. Lieutenant Collins participated in
the Sibley campaign of that year, ending in the battle of Wood
Lake, the defeat of the Sioux, and the release of the captive
1
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 759
women and children. The next spring and summer he served
with his regiment in General Sibley 's campaign across the plains
to the Missouri river and return.
October 7, 1863, the Seventh regiment was ordered South.
For six months he was an officer of the Provost Guard in St.
Louis, Missouri. In July, 1864, the Seventh was ordered to
Tennessee and Mississippi, and was actively engaged until the
close of the war. This regiment participated in the battle of
Tupelo, Miss. ; the Oxford, Miss., raid ; the campaign in Ar-
kansas and Missouri in pursuit of the Confederate General
Price ; the two days battle of Nashville, resulting in the defeat
of General Hood and annihilation of his army; the investure of
Mobile, Ala., and the capture of Spanish Fort, April 9, 1865.
During this period Collins was promoted to first lieutenant, and
was breveted captain March 26, 1865. From April until Au-
gust, 1865, he was Post Adjutant at Selma, Alabama.
As a soldier. Captain Collins exhibited the same traits that
marked his subsequent life. He was genial and companionable
with his associates; he was zealous and energetic in the per-
formance of every duty, or in the discharge of every order ; and
in battle he was gallant and fearless.
He was admitted to the bar shortly after his muster out,
which was on August 16, 1865.
He took up his residence in St. Cloud in 1866, and, at once
engaged in the practice of his profession, which he continued
for seventeen years in the large district covering central and
northern Minnesota. During these years he was called upon
to fill many official positions. He was mayor of St. Cloud four
terms; was also four terms the county attorney of Stearns
county; and was for two terms a representative in the Legis-
lature.
In April, 1883, he was appointed District Judge, and by
subsequent election served four years. November 16, 1887, he
was appointed an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, to
succeed Justice Berry, deceased. The following year he was
elected to succeed himself, and again in 1894 and also in 1900.
He resigned in 1904, thus having served twenty-one years on
the Bench, — four years as Judge of the Seventh Judicial Dis-
trict, and seventeen years as Associate Justice of the Supreme
Court.
760 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
While a member of the Supreme Court, Justice Collins wrote
over fifteen hundred opinions. On October 23d last, memorial
exercises were held before that tribunal in his honor, at which
several eulogistic addresses were delivered.
I quote the following paragraph from the address of the
chairman of the committee presenting the memorial:
He was a learned, clear headed, right minded, honorable and just
Judge. He met all the requirements of his great office. His service
as a member of this court was contemporary with that of some of the
greatest jurists of the state. For years he was a co-laborer with Chief
Justice Gilfillan and Justices Mitchell, Dickinson, and Vanderburgh.
He had great capacity for work and was a man of extraordinary in-
dustry. Patient, tireless, painstaking, he could not rest content with a
single duty unperformed. He had an attentive mind and a retentive
memory. He grasped with readiness the facts in a case, even to the
minutest detail, and with ease arranged them in orderly sequence, so
that with the law clearly in mind he could speedily reach a right con-
clusion.
In 1904 Judge Collins was an aspirant for the Republican
nomination for Governor in one of the most closely contested
political campaigns ever known in Minnesota. Although fail-
ing by a narrow margin in securing the coveted prize, the sup-
port accorded him was a high tribute to his worth and eminent
fitness.
At the age of sixty-six years Judge Collins resumed the
practice of the law in Minneapolis, and met with unusual suc-
cess for one of his years. He resided in that city the remainder
of his life.
During his residence of more than forty years in St. Cloud,
Judge Collins enjoyed the respect, esteem, and confidence of
his friends and fellow citizens in a marked degree. He was a
man of sterling quality, of great moral courage, and of un-
blemished honor. Having lived for thirty-eight years in the
same community, which he always regarded as his home, I can
bear testimony to the high regard in which he was held by his
neighbors and fellow citizens. His word was as good as a gov-
ernment bond. His clients had undoubted faith in his judg-
ment and advice, and opposing counsel respected and admitted
the soundness of his opinions. Under such conditions he nat-
urally secured a large clientage, in a practice which extended
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 761
through the counties of Stearns, Benton, Sherburne, Mille Lacs,
Morrison, Todd, Douglas, and others. Although a strong Re-
publican, his Democratic fellow citizens, in that stronghold of
Democracy, frequently elected him to office.
Lieutenant Collins was a splendid soldier. Although I was
not personally acquainted with him in the dark days of the
war, I served in the same division of the Sixteenth Army Corps,
and I saw much of him in the field, as he was a mounted staff
officer and frequently rode along the line of march or battle
front. I was greatly impressed with the zeal, energy, and dash
with which he bore dispatches from point to point. The mem-
ories of those war days were ever strong with Judge Collins,
and he cherished a warm regard for his veteran comrades, a
feeling which was reciprocated an hundredfold. He was prom-
inent in Grand Army circles, and in the Department of Min-
nesota was elevated to its highest honor, that of Department
Commander. He was also closely identified with the National
organization, in which he was very popular. Had he lived, in
my judgment, he would have become Commander-in-Chief.
He took a great interest in the Military Order of the Loyal
Legion of the United States, and was commander of the Min-
nesota Commandry for one year. He was also a member of the
xSociety of Colonial Wars in this State, and of the Sons of the
American Revolution.
Judge Collins was married September 4, 1878, to Miss Ella
M. Stewart, of Berlin, Wis., who died May 31, 1894. Three
sons and one daughter were born to them. The daughter died
in 1887. The three sons survive, — Stewart Garfield, Louis
Lorin, and Lorin Fletcher, — to receive the splendid heritage of
manliness and good citizenship bequeathed them by one of the
most devoted of fathers.
The funeral services were held at St. Cloud on Sunday, Sep-
tember 29, in the Unitarian Church, of which he was a member,
and were attended by a large concourse of the late friends and
neighbors of the deceased jurist. Eulogistic addresses were de-
livered by the minister of the church, the Commanders of .the
Loyal Legion and Grand Army of the Republic, United States
Senator Knute Nelson, and Judge Ell Torrance. The touching
Grand Army ritual, by the old veterans of his Post, paid affec-
762 MINNESOTA HtSTORtCAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
tionate tribute and farewell to their comrade. Interment was
made in North Star Cemetery, by the side of his wife and
daughter, with Masonic ceremonies.
FRANCIS MARION CROSBY.
The following memorial was presented by Mr. Edward C.
Stringe;r, formerly of Hastings, now of St. Paul, in the monthly
meeting of the Executive Council, December 12, 1910.
Francis Marion Crosby, descendant of colonial stock, was
born in Wilmington, Vermont, November 13, 1830, and died in
Hastings, Minnesota, November 15, 1910, at the age of eighty
years and two days. He received his scholastic education in
the public schools of Wilmington, Vt., and in Caesar's Sem-
inary at Swanzey, N. H.
After his graduation from this seminary he taught school
for a few years, and then entered the office of Oscar L. Shafter
of Wilmington, as a student of law, and thereafter the office
of Daniel Roberts of Manchester, Vt. In 1858 he was admitted
to the Vermont bar. On his admission to the bar he formed a
partnership with Stephen P. Flagg, and engaged in the prac-
tice of law at Wilmington. In 1855 and '56 he represented the
Wilmington district in the Legislature of Vermont.
In 1858 he removed to Hastings, Minnesota, in 1860 was
elected to the office of Judge of Probate of Dakota county, and
declined a re-election at the end of the term. Shortly there-
after he entered into partnership with John R. Clagett, which
continued until 1871.
In November, 1871, he was elected Judge of the First Judi-
cial District of the State of Minnesota, which position he held
without interruption until his death. His service of nearly
thirty-nine years on the bench made him in years of contin-
uous service the oldest judge on the Minnesota bench.
Judge Crosby was a member of the Society of Colonial
Wars ; he was also a member of the Minnesota Society of Sons
of the American Revolution, and was president of the latter
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 76^
society in 1905 and '06. He was elected a life member of the
Minnesota Historical Society April 13, 1903.
Judge Crosby was twice married, May 30, 1866, to Helen
M. Sprague, who died November 16, 1869, leaving a son, Frank
N. Crosby of New York City ; October 23, 1872, he was married
to Helen S. Bates, who died Oct. 2, 1909, leaving two daughters.
Miss Marion E. Crosby of Hastings and Mrs. E. L. Prescott of
Portland, Oregon.
His funeral services were held in the Episcopal Church at
Hastings, Minn., of which church he was a communicant, and
were attended by a large body of distinguished citizens and
members of the bench and bar from the Twin Cities and other
portions of the state.
These are the mountain peaks of his life, but between them
lie beautiful valleys of fruits and flowers, the sweetness and
fragrance of which are best known to those who knew him best.
His extraordinary term of service on the bench would ordi-
narily, alone, be a sufficient commentary upon his ability, in-
tegrity, and fidelity in the discharge of the duties of his high
office, and upon the confidence, esteem, and appreciation of his
fellow citizens. But Judge Crosby was not an ordinary man
or an ordinary judge ; and such commentary inadequately char-
acterizes the nobility of the man or the qualities of the jurist.
Judge Crosby possessed an inborn nobility of character second
to none, — a fine-grained, chivalrous nature, which had not to
assume the outward appearance of gentility, courtesy, and
native refinement, but manifested them at all times because
they were inborn.
He was a remarkable, impartial, just, and discriminating
jurist, — patient, painstaking and conscientious, quick of per-
ception, yet reaching conclusions only after study and reflec-
tion; a judgment once formed was unalterable. He stood like
adamant, and his decisions were rarely reversed by the Ap-
pellate Court. A keen student of human nature and appre-
ciative of its frailities, he tempered justice with mercy; pos-
sessing the highest sense of personal and professional honor,
he abhorred sham, chicanery and trickery in every form, and
rarely did it go undiscovered or bear fruit in his court. Judge
Crosby was most conscientious, but always possessed the cour-
764
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
age of his convictions. He was conscientiously opposed to the
mfliction of capital punishment, and for that reason refused
to try criminal cases in which he might as a judge be called
upon to impose the penalty his conscience disapproved.
He was a well beloved and esteemed judge, citizen, and
friend.
CLARENCE CHRISTOPHER DINEHART.
In the Council Meeting on September 12, 1910, Hon. Julius
A. ScHMAHL, Secretary of State, presented this memorial:
It is with a feeling of poignant regret that I have recalled
to my mind tonight the passing away of two friends, — the one
in the ripe old age of venerable manhood, and the other cut
down in the richest bloom of political and commercial pros-
perity. The former, William Pitt Murray, became my friend
as far back as 1885, when, as corporation counsel to the city
of St. Paul, he seemed to take a deep interest in my success in
entering on my career as a newspaper reporter, giving me much
friendly advice, and in after years he was a close observer of
my political career. The latter friend, Clarence C. Dinehart,
for whom the task of preparing a brief history of his career has
been assigned to me for this evening, was an acquaintance and
friend of long after years. Indeed, it was not until his me-
morable campaign of 1906, when he became the successful Re-
publican nominee for state treasurer, that he became known to
and loved by me.
Clarence Christopher Dinehart was born to Mr. and Mrs.
C. E. Dinehart in Chicago on April 3, 1877. At the age of seven
he came with his parents to Slayton, Minnesota, and attended
the village school. He next attended the Central High School
in Minneapolis, continued his studies at the State University,
and was graduated from that institution in 1899. He was a
member of the class of 1899, and was prominent in student
activities. He was a member of the glee and mandolin clubs,
and was a soloist with the glee club in its trips throughout the
Northwest. In his junior year he was secretary of the Uni-
versity Musical Association and editor-in-chief of the 1899
Minnesota Historical Society.
Vol. XV. Plate XIX.
I
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 765
Gopher, the junior annual at the University. He was a mem-
ber of the Delta Upsilon fraternity, and of the Castalian lit-
erary society.
After graduating from the University he returned to Slay-
ton and served as assistant cashier in his father's bank. In
1902 he was elected mayor of the village, but resigned that fall
to pursue the law course at Harvard University. He completed
this in 1905, and the next year he was urged to run for the
office of state treasurer. , He made one of the most phenomenal
campaigns ever made in the State, was nominated on the first
ballot, and was elected by an overwhelming majority. His next
election followed as a matter of course. In the administration
of the office he exhibited rare talents as an executive officer.
He developed ability of a high order as a public speaker and
was in great demand at commencements, old settlers' gather-
ings, picnics, conventions, and fraternal meetings and similar
gatherings.
His executive ability, pleasing personality, and oratorical
powers, attracted general attention; and almost with one ac-
cord the leaders in his congressional district looked to him as
a suitable candidate for the Republican nomination for Congress
this year. He was just about to enter an active campaign for
that office when stricken by death, on June 8, 1910.
A beautiful life has gone out, a brilliant career has been cut
short; but there is consolation in the knowledge that he ac-
complished so much in the time he lived, and satisfaction in
the success attained.
WILLIAM HOOD DUNWOODY.
The following memorial was presented in the Council Meet-
ing on April 13, 1914, by Dr. Cyrus Northrop, President
Emeritus of the University of Minnesota.
I appear before you tonight at the request of your com-
mittee, to present a memorial address in honor of the late Wil-
liam H. Dunwoody, who had been a life member of the Min-
nesota Historical Society since March 8, 1897, and a member
766 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
of its Executive Council fourteen years, since January 8, 1900.
I do this with some pleasure, because the subject is an inspir-
ing one ; but I do it with some reluctance, because it was not
my good fortune to know Mr. Dunwoody at all intimately.
Aside from my own very clear conviction as to his character, I
must rely almost entirely upon the testimony of others for
material out of which to construct a memorial address. This
partial disqualification may possibly result in keeping my words
of appreciation within such limits as Mr. Dunwoody himself, if
he could speak, would approve. I trust it may not result in
my doing less than justice to his character and achievements.
William Hood Dunwoody was born in Delaware county,
Pennsylvania, March 14, 1841. At an early age he was em-
ployed as a clerk in the grain and feed store of his uncle, in
Philadelphia. He first came to Minneapolis in 1869 as a pur-
chaser of flour for eastern concerns. He had a strong desire
to own and operate a flour mill, and two years later, in 1871,
he became a mill owner, operating the Arctic and Union mills
in Minneapolis.
In 1877, at the request of General Cadwallader C. Wash-
burn, the owner of the Washburn Mills, who desired to estab-
lish direct trade in flour between Minneapolis and Europe, Mr.
Dunwoody undertook the task of establishing the desired trade
relations. He visited Europe for the purpose, and although he
encountered many obstacles he finally succeeded. It is said
that the Minneapolis millers today attribute the great volume
of business done by the mills to the efforts of Mr. Dunwoody in
those early days.
In 1879 Mr. Dunwoody became a partner with Governor
Washburn, John Crosby, and Charles J. Martin, in the firm of
Washburn, Crosby and Company ; and his interest in this great
and prosperous company continued Avithout interruption to the
end of his life. He contributed in a large way to the perma-
nence of the milling business in Minneapolis. First of all, then,
in the matter of business, he was a miller. Other enterprises
in which he became interested and in which he took a com-
manding part were the by-products of his energy, though they
alone were of sufficient magnitude to satisfy the ambition and
employ the energies of most men.
1
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 767
Mr. Dunwoody was for many years conspicuous as a banker.
The Northwestern National Bank of Minneapolis is today a
powerful financial institution. It owes much of its stren^h to
the wise counsels of Mr. Dunwoody, who was chairman of its
Board of Directors for thirty-eight years, its president for
nearly ten years, and twice its vice president. Although in
1911 he resigned the presidency of the bank, he still remained
chairman of its Directors, and his guiding wisdom was enjoyed
by the bank almost to the end of his life. The value of the
services thus rendered can be specially appreciated by busi-
ness men whose life sometimes depends on their credit at a
bank, which in turn has its own power to give credit dependent
on the wisdom and business sanity of the bank officials.
For twenty-five years Mr. Dunwoody was a director of the
Great Northern Railway Company, and we in Minnesota un-
derstand how much that meant. His intimacy with the presi-
dent of the Great Northern shows that he was no merely nom-
inal director, but an important and influential member of the
directorate of the great railroad that has done so much for the
Twin Cities and for the entire Northwest. Undoubtedly his
connection with the Great Northern railway contributed in
several ways largely to his success in business.
Mr. Dunwoody was of Scotch Presbyterian descent, and he
was loyal all his life to his denominational antecedents. He
was for many years a trustee of Westminister Presbyterian
Church, and was a regular contributor to its support and to
the various outside missions and schools which it conducted.
He gave to the City of Minneapolis the land on which the
Hopewell Hospital was built. AVhen in the latter part of his
life he built a new home, he gave his old home, a substantial
brick residence, as a home and boarding house for needy
women.
When the movement was started for an Art Museum and
Mr. Clinton Morrison gave for the Museum a site valued at
two hundred fifty thousand dollars, on condition that five hun-
dred thousand dollars be raised for a building, Mr. Dunwoody
started the subscription for a building by pledging one hun-
dred thousand dollars. This appears to be the only large gift
in his lifetime which was made with special publicity, and this
768 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
was made so only as an example and incentive to others ; and
as a result the requisite amount was subscribed at the first meet-
ing held for the purpose, at which announcement was made of
Mr. Dunwoody's gift, he himself being modestly absent.
Mr. Dunwoody's life was not spectacular. He was a busi-
ness man. He conducted his business wisely and successfully.
He made few if any mistakes in making investments. He never
speculated. He never gambled. He believed in everybody's
earning what they received ; and he seems to have accumulated
his large fortune by old-fashioned honest methods, and not by
monopolizing the gifts of nature intended for the whole human
family. While prospering in business and accumulating wealth,
he was not unmindful of those who were less fortunate and
who needed help, and his gifts were freely and wisely and un-
ostentatiously given. The world knew little about what he
gave, but it did not regard him as lacking in liberality.
When on Sunday, February 8, 1914, he passed away, no
voice of criticism or censure was heard. The public felt that
a good citizen, a generous kindly man, a true friend of what-
ever was best for city, state, or nation, had gone from them.
His business friends mourned the loss of a wise counselor ; his
personal friends mourned the loss of a gentle and congenial
friend; the public appreciated the loss that had come to the
city, and, in recognition of his worth, paused in its activities
long enough to think of what he had been and had done, and
to regret that so good a citizen had been taken away. This is
about the way the record stood after the news had been cir-
culated that Mr. Dunwoody had died at seven o'clock in the
morning of Sunday, February 8, 1914.
And then, after his body had been borne to its last resting
place, and the world had again taken up its work, there came
the publication of the will. And what a will it was ! So wise,
so clear, so thoughtful of all who might reasonably expect to
be remembered, so helpful to those to whom was intrusted the
care of his estate, so magnificently generous to causes devoted
to human welfare !
He generously and wisely provided for his wife and his three
nieces, and for other friends ; and then he divided the residue
of his estate in such a way, and bequeathed it for such purposes,
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 769
as to insure the admiration and gratitude of his fellow citizens
for all time to come.
I wish I could include the whole will in this address. It
alone would be a sufficient memorial to the philanthropist, the
citizen, the man. Let me at least record here his specific be-
quests, that they may stand for all time in your treasure house
of memorials to the noble men who have made Minnesota what
she is.
Mr. Dunwoody left an estate of about seven millions of dol-
lars. Two million two hundred two thousand he left to his
wife, relatives, and friends. The remainder of the estate,
amounting to four million six hundred and one thousand dol-
lars, he bequeathed to the public for educational, philanthropic,
and religious purposes. His gifts in detail are as follows :
To the Dunwoody Industrial Institute, Minneapolis. $2,000,000
Minneapolis Society of Fine Arts 1,000,000
Trustees of Westminster Church, Minneapolis 175,000
Minneapolis Young Men's Christian Association 50,000
Minneapolis Woman's Boarding Home 1,000
Presbyterian Board of Relief for Ministers 100,000
Presbyterian Board of Home Missions 100,000
Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions 100,000
Dunwoody Home for Convalescents, Newtown Farm, Penn-
sylvania 1,050,000
Merchants' Beneficial Association, Philadelphia 10,000
Newtown Burying Ground, Pennsylvania 5,000
Merchants' Fund, Philadelphia 10,000
p $4,601,000
To his family and friends he bequeathed as follows :
To Mrs. W. H. Dunwoody $1,500,000
Three nieces, $150,000 each 450,000
Other relatives, friends, and associates 252,000
$2,202,000
The children of today will bless him for remembering their
needs and providing most generously for their training in man-
ual labor ; the lovers of art will hold him in grateful remem-
brance for his noble provision for the gratification and culture
of lovers of beauty ; the church which he loved, and its mis-
sionary societies, will never forget the great contributions he
49
770 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
made to their work. The Young Men's Christian Association
will rise into a higher and broader life in new quarters under
the inspiration of his gift. Thousands of convalescents in his
old home in Pennsylvania will take in new draughts of life in
the healthful quarters his liberality has created for them.
Other organizations will be enabled to widen their work and
extend their service through his aid, — all this in our day, —
while generations as yet unborn will in the coming years rise
up and call him blessed.
While all the bequests of Mr. Dunwoody's will are wise, no
other one is wiser, or destined to be productive of greater good,
than his bequest of two million dollars to the Dunwoody Indus-
trial Institute. Such an institution as he had in mind is greatly
needed. Apprenticeship is no longer usual in this country.
Some large institution to which young people can go and learn
the use of tools, the principles of mechanics, and skill in me-
chanic arts, has been greatly needed for years.
Another citizen of Minneapolis had it in mind some years
ago to establish such an institution in connection with the
Agricultural Department of the State University, but he died
before his plans were fully matured.
The Institute for which Mr. Dunwoody has made provision
is to be so large, so hospitable to all who desire to enjoy its
privileges, so beneficent in its influence, that only the full text
of that part of the will devoted to this bequest can give an
adequate idea of Mr. Dunwoody's foresight and wisdom; and
I need not apologize, I am sure, for quoting this in full.
Believing that in the multiplied facilities for obtaining a liberal
education by the youth of this state, enough attention has not been
given to instruction in the industrial and mechanical arts, therefore,
it is my purpose and desire to establish and endow a school to be
called "The William Hood Dunwoody Industrial Institute," wherein
shall be taught industrial and mechanical arts, giving special impor-
tance to the different handicrafts and useful trades, including as of
special importance the art of milling and the construction of milling
machinery; and I desire that such school be established and maiii'
tained and such endowment fund be administered by and through a
corporation. Therefore I will and direct that the executors of this
Will shall, during the life of the youngest of the executors named in
this Will, and before the final decree is taken, in the administration of
xny estate, organize or caus^ to be organized uncier tb? 1?>;W§ of th^
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 771
state of Minnesota, a corporation the name of which shall be "The
William Hood Dunwoody Industrial Institute," if such name shall be
permitted by the laws of the State of Minnesota, and if not, then by
such name to be selected by my executors as the laws of the state will
permit, with powers and purposes ample to receive, own and admin-
ister this fund and endowment and all the property covered thereby,
and to establish and maintain a school to be called "The William Hood
Dunwoody Industrial Institute," wherein instruction in the industrial
and mechanical arts, giving special importance to the different handi-
crafts and useful trades, including as of special importance the art of
milling and the construction of milling machinery, shall be given free
to the youth of the City of Minneapolis and State of Minnesota, with-
out distinction on account of race, color, or religious prejudice; and
to make such rules and regulations as may be proper or necessary for
the admission of pupils to said school, always having in mind my wish
that the benefits thereof be given to as many as practicable with the
means in its hands; and, to that end,
I give, devise and bequeath to such corporation all the rest, residue
and remainder of my property of whatsoever nature and wheresoever
situate, to have and to hold to it and to its successors, having like cor-
porate powers and purposes, and assigns, forever. And if the laws of
the state of Minnesota regulating the formation of such corporations
shall so permit, I will and direct that James S. Bell, W. G. Crocker,
Charles Cranston Bovey, John Crosby, Franklin M. Crosby, Elbridge C.
Cooke, Robert W. Webb, E. W. Decker, Joseph Chapman, William H.
Bovey, John Washburn, and F, G. Atkinson, be named as trustees of
such corporation; and if the laws of the State of Minnesota will not
permit of all of them being named as trustees, then it is my will and
I direct that so many of them as the law will permit to be named as
trustees be so named, the selection to be made from the persons spec-
ified in the order in which their names are written herein; and if the
laws of the State of Minnesota will not permit the naming of any of
the persons above named as trustees in the formation of such cor-
poration, then it is my will and I direct that my executors name such
other persons, either including or excluding themselves, as they may
deem proper to act as trustees in the formation of such corporation.
And in the formation of such corporation, if the laws of the State of
Minnesota will so permit, it is my will and I direct that the trustees
who shall have the management of such corporation shall not be less
than seven nor more than fifteen; and if the laws of the State of Min-
nesota will so permit, it is my will and I direct that the trustees of
said corporation shall have power and authority to fill any vacancy in
their number arising from death, resignation, or otherwise, to the end
that a continuity of purpose and the best interests of said school may
be promoted and preserved.
It is my will and I direct that said corporation select and procure
a suitable site for said school in said City of Minneapolis, and con-
772 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Struct and erect suitable buildings and structures for the purposes of
said school on said site, using and employing in purchasing the site
and the erection and construction of such buildings not to exceed one-
third of the amount devised and bequeathed to it; and I direct said
corporation to use and employ ninety per cent of the net annual in-
come arising from the remainder of said fund bequeathed to it in open-
ing and maintaining a school in said buildings, to be called "The Wil-
liam Hood Dunwoody Industrial Institute," wherein instruction in the
industrial and mechanical arts, giving special importance to the dif-
ferent handicrafts iand useful trades, including as of special impor-
tance the art of milling and the construction of milling machinery, shall
be given free to the youth of the City of Minneapolis and the State of
Minnesota, without distinction on account of race, color, or religious
prejudice; and to make such rules and regulations as may be proper
or necessary for the admission of pupils to said school, always having
in mind my wish that the benefits thereof be given to as many as
practicable with the means in its hands. And I direct that said cor-
poration take and hold all the remainder of the moneys and property
which it shall receive under this bequest, after paying for said site and
the erection of said buildings and structures as hereinbefore specified,
as and for a permanent endowment fund; and I direct that the moneys
and property held by it as and for such endowment fund be invested
and re-invested in the investments and securities specified by and in
the manner provided in Clause Fourth hereof, if that shall be permitted
by the laws of the State of Minnesota; and that ninety per cent of the
net annual income only arising therefrom be used and employed in the
maintenance and support of said school, the remaining ten per cent of
the net annual income to be held as and for an emergency fund to be
used and expended whenever necessary to meet unforeseen contingen-
cies and emergencies; my purpose and aim being to provide for all
time a place where the youth of this city and state may, if they so
desire, learn the different handicrafts and useful trades and thereby fit
themselves for the better performance of life's duties.
And I hereby authorize and empower said corporation and its suc-
cessors to sell, dispose of and freely alienate any and all property,
real, personal, or mixed, which it shall receive under this the residuary
clause of my Will; and nothing herein shall be construed as in any
manner limiting the free alienation at any time of any part of said
fund and endowment by said corporation or its successors; but it is
my wish that said corporation and its successors invest and re-invest
the funds which shall come into its possession and under its control in
the investments and securities specified by and in the manner provided
in Clause Fourth hereof, if that be permitted under the laws of the State
of Minnesota; otherwise in such securities as the law permits.
It is my desire and I will that this Will be so read and construed
as tor permit such residue of my estate to be so donated and used free
MEMORIALS OP DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 773
of any and every prohibited trust feature and free of any and every
rule of law which may make my aims and purposes uncertain; and to
that end my directions as to details herein may be construed, if nec-
essary, as suggestions. And until said corporation is created as herein
provided, the legal title of the residue of my estate, and all of the
same, shall vest in Kate L. Dunwoody, C. C. Bovey, and John Crosby,
as executors of my Will, charged with my wishes, directions and will,
with full power and authority unto my said executors, Kate L. Dun-
woody, C. C. Bovey, and John Crosby, or a majority of them, while they
hold the legal title to the residue of my estate, to sell, dispose of and
freely alienate any and all property, real, personal, or mixed, so held
by them.
William C. Edgar, a close friend of Mr. Dunwoody, speaks
as follows, respecting "the unostentatious good" which he did:
"Mr. Dunwoody was one of the very few people in this world who
'do good by stealth and blush to find it fame.' The most unpretentious
of men, it seemed actually to pain him to be praised for his innumer-
able kind and generous acts; and as far as possible, he avoided re-
ceiving thanks or acknowledgments. His gentleness, his thoughtful-
ness for others, his readiness to help in time of need, his true kindli-
ness of heart, and his sympathy with those in distress or trouble, made
him sincerely beloved by all who knew him; but he was so excessively
diffident about being given credit for what he did that very few in-
deed, even among his most intimate associates, realized to what extent
his acts of benevolence reached."
May I be pardoned if in a few words I give you my per-
sonal impression of Mr. Dunwoody as a man? First of all, he
had not a particle of that air of self-importance which wealth
sometimes bestows upon men when they become rich. He was
modest. He was gentle. He was a gentleman. He did not
draw you to him by any effort on his part. He did not repel
you by aggressive self-assertion. "With all his wealth, he seemed
not unmindful of the fact that the things which are seen are
temporal, but the things which are unseen are eternal. Up-
right, clean, quiet, efficient, earnest and kind, he was
*'A combination and a form indeed
To give the world assurance of a man."
And how true it is of him that though now ''he rests from
his labors, his works do follow him."
774 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
SAMUEL BOWDLEAR GREEN.
Born Skptembkr 15, 1859; Di^d July 11, 1910.
In the Council Meeting on September 12, 1910, Dr. Cyrus
Northrop presented this memorial:
A great sorrow has come to us all. The friend whom we
loved, the man whom we honored, the scientist on whose knowl-
edge and skill we relied, and the executive whose forceful and
wise carrying out of plans gave the fullest assurance that every-
thing committed to his management would be most success-
fully done, has been stricken down in a moment, when appar-
ently he was in the full vigor of virile strength, in the very
flower of healthy manhood. What it means to him we do not
know. Whether in a moment he passed from the activities of
a strenuous life in the service of the state to a full realization
of immortality, eternal life, we do not know. But we do know
what it means to us, his friends, his colleagues, his associates,
his colaborers. For us it means loss, — irreparable loss ; for us
it means bereavement and sorrow. For us it means a realiza-
tion of a great place left vacant by his departure, — a place
which we feel sure no one can ever fill to the full measure that
he filled it.
Samuel B. Green came to us from Massachusetts in the early
days of the Agricultural Department of the University, when
the future of agricultural education was very uncertain. He
was Professor of Horticulture. At first he had little equipment
for the development of his work. But he did what was possi-
ble. As the years went on and the inner life . of the College
and School of Agriculture became both more peaceful and
orderly, the Department of Horticulture grew in importance,
buildings and equipment were provided, and Professor Green
could point with pride to his department as successfully doing
its work, and he might have been content with that. But he
was not. He had a noble ambition to lift the College of Agri-
culture and make it as truly an agency for higher education as
any of the other colleges of the University. He carefully
planned the curriculum, and, as chairman of the Committee on
the Course of Study, he secured the adoption of the present
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 775
high and excellent curriculum. So far as the College of Agri-
culture is concerned, Professor Green was the man who
moulded it into its present shape and gave it the resulting
attractiveness. But he was not content with this.
His mind was actively engaged all the time in finding ways
by which the work in agriculture could be extended. He was a
member and a most influential member of the Board having
in charge the Farmers' Institutes, by which so much good has
been done for years past. He was practically the executive in
charge of all the extension work in agriculture provided for
by the last session of the State Legislature.
Lieutenant Governor Rice and I were associated with him
in this work, but I am sure that Mr. Rice would be quite as
ready as I to bear witness that it was Professor Green who
planned, and who executed the plans; and I recall with won-
der his complete mastery of the details of this whole work, and
his never failing attention to the work at the right moment,
notwithstanding his many engagements in his own special work.
And then he was president of the State Horticultural So-
ciety. He put a new life into this organization, and the faith-
ful old men who for years had been working together in the
society must have been cheered and delighted when this young,
forceful, wise scientist, with full knowledge and hearty sym-
pathy, took hold of the work with them and gave them assur-
ance that it would be a success.
And then he was in touch with farmers all over the state.
He was interested in the establishment of schools of agricult-
ure and helpful to those who had the duty of locating such
schools. In short, he in a way pervaded the agricultural life
of Minnesota and wherever men were interested in getting food
from the earth, they could always find a sympathetic friend
and earnest and safe counselor in Professor Green.
But even this did not fill up the measure of his activity. He
became interested in Forestry, and his vision of future forestry
reserves, and of the work to be done in connection therewith,
the training of masters of forestry, the cultivation of trees, the
enrichment and beautifying of large regions otherwise useless,
— ^his vision of all these things was so clear that his hand was
stretched out to grasp them ; and had he lived to the full meas-
776 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLEJCTtONS.
ure of years, he would undoubtedly have grasped all that he
had seen in vision. As it was, he had already accomplished
much, securing thousands of acres for his work, while he him-
self had become one of the leading authorities in the country
on forestry. Only a few weeks ago, the Board of Regents
formally organized the Department of Forestry, and elected
him Dean of the Department.
But why should I enumerate his work further? A man of
restless energy, never happy unless he was doing something,
never so happy as when he had done something worth while, his
life was literally filled full with usefulness and duty.
We honor him for the grand work he has done. We honor
him for being the grand man he was. If at any time his asso-
ciates did not agree with him in some respect, there never was
a time when they were not ready to praise him as the man who
does things. And as I recall the momentum which he always
seemed to have gathered before putting propositions for new
enterprises before me, there comes over me an appalling sense
of irreparable loss in the death of this courageous, strong, en-
terprising and public spirited man of science, educator, for-
ester, citizen.
And that is not all. It is a noble record of work that he has
left behind him. But I like to think of him as he was. A true
man, clean in his life, of heroic attitude against evil, he would
have been a crusader if he had lived in the time of the crusades.
As it is, he carried the same spirit into his fight against igno-
rance and poverty and unhappiness; and, bravely bearing his
own burdens without a murmur, he did what he could to the
very last to make the world better and happier. Farewell, dear
friend! We shall meet beyond the river, and may our crowns
be as bright as yours surely will be.
LUCIUS FREDERICK HUBBARD.
A MKMORIAI, PRIiSEjNT^D BY THE: SeCRE:TARY.
Lucius Frederick Hubbard, a life member of this Historical
Society since September 11, 1899, and an elective member of
its Executive Council since September 12, 1904, died at the
home of his son in Minneapolis on February 5, 1913.
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 777
He was born in Troy, N. Y., January 26, 1836. His father
died when the son was only three years old, and seven years
later his mother died, leaving him to be cared for by an aunt in
Vermont. He attended the public schools in Chester, Vt., three
years, and then spent two years at an academy in Granville,
N. Y. He was apprenticed to a tinsmith at the age of fifteen,
and devoted the next three years to learning that trade. From
1854 to 1857 he worked as a tinsmith in Chicago.
Tempted by the opportunities offered by the West, Hubbard
came to Minnesota in 1857, settling in Red Wing, and there
established a newspaper, called the Red Wing Republican,
which is still one of the leading journals of Goodhue county.
Upon the breaking out of the Civil War, Hubbard enlisted
a;s a private in Company A of the Fifth Minnesota Infantry.
He was made captain of his company in February, 1862 ; a few
weeks later was promoted to lieutenant colonel ; and in August
of the same year became colonel of his regiment.
He served throughout the war with distinguished valor,
attaining the rank of brigadier general in 1864.
At the close of the war he returned to Minnesota, and until
1901 resided in Red Wing, being engaged in grain business,
milling, and railroad building. In 1872-5 he was a state sena-
tor, andjn 1882 to 1887 was governor of Minnesota, his second
term consisting of three years on account of the change to bien-
nial sessions of the legislature.
He removed to St. Paul in 1901, and afterward lived there,
except that his home during the last two years was with his
son in Minneapolis.
Governor Hubbard was appointed by President McKinley
a brigadier general at the beginning of the Spanish-American
war, and he served with the Seventh Army Corps. The war
ended before these troops were called into active service, yet
the heroism and patriotism of the general, who thus served in
two wars, were nobly attested.
He was a member of the Grand Army of the Republic, the
Loyal Legion, the Society of the Army of the Tennessee, the
Military Order of Foreign Wars, and other patriotic organiza-
tions. For the day of his funeral both branches of the State
778 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Legislature adjourned. The burial was in Lakewood Cem-
etery, Minneapolis.
His biography by General Baker, in ''Lives of the Governors
of Minnesota," forms pages 251-281, with a portrait, in Volume
XIII of this Society's Historical Collections.
In Volume XII of this series. Governor Hubbard contributed
''Civil War Papers," pages 531-638, with a later portrait, seven
maps, and other illustrations.
DAVID LANSING KINGSBURY.
In the meeting of the Council on March 11, 1912, the Secre-
tary presented the following memorial :
David Lansing Kingsbury was born in Marshall, Mich., Dec.
28, 1842 ; and died at his home in St. Paul, January 24, 1912.
His father died when he was only eight years old, and he lived
afterward in the family of his aunt, his father's sister, Mrs.
Henry Bunce, and came with them to Monticello, Minn., in
1856. Although only eighteen years old when the civil war
began, he was very anxious to serve as a soldier, and in 1862
enlisted as a private in the Eighth Minnesota Regiment. In
1864 he was promoted to be first sergeant of his company. For
two years he served on the frontier against the Indians, going
with General Sully's expedition to the Yellowstone river. He
participated in two pitched battles with the Sioux. In 1864
his regiment was sent to Tennessee, and later served in North
Carolina. Mr. Kingsbury was in all the battles in which his
regiment engaged, but received no wound during the entire
war. In July, 1865, he was mustered out as second lieutenant.
He settled in St. Paul, and engaged in hardware business
from 1873 to 1886. He was assistant librarian of the Minne-
sota Historical Society continuously since 1893, during more
than eighteen years, and in this position did much for the suc-
cess and upbuilding of this institution. He became a life mem-
ber of the Society in 1895, and was a member of its Executive
Council since 1896.
He was greatly interested in military matters, and upon the
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 77^
Organization of the Grand Army of the Republic was one of its
early members. He was also a member of the Minnesota Com-
mandery of the Loyal Legion of the United States, and was its
Recorder since 1898.
Mr. Kingsbury was married in 1869 to Miss Anna Sawyer
Braman, who died in St. Paul in March, 1908. They had no
children. Their home was at Merriam Park, and there Mr.
Kingsbury continued to live. He took much delight in the cul-
tivation of his flower garden. Last summer he made a visit to
his only sister, Mrs. Gen. Edwin C. Mason, in Los Angeles, Gal.,
and on the same trip attended meetings of the American Library
Association.
Mr. Kingsbury was a man of strongly marked personal char-
acter, greatly attached to his friends, generous, sympathetic,
and ardently devoted to whatever work he undertook. He had
an unusually large number of warm personal friends, and had
the esteem and affection of his old comrades in the army, of
the workers in the Historical Society Library, and of those asso-
ciated with him in every walk of life.
He contributed papers to this Society's Collections in Vol-
ume Vin, ''The United States Government Publications,"
pages 120-128, and ''Sully's Expedition against the Sioux in
1864," pages 449-462, with a map; and in Volume XH, "The
Old Frigate Minnesota, ' ' pages 85-97, with his portrait.
Justice: Loren W. Collins, presiding in this meeting, said:
Having under consideration the life and character of David
L. Kingsbury, I may very properly add a few words concerning
him. There are very few present who have known him as long
as I, for when I went to St. Cloud to reside in 1866 I became
acquainted with his brother, Charles W. Kingsbury, and very
soon afterward met David, who was then a resident of St. Paul.
Charles was foreman of the St. Cloud Journal, a weekly news-
paper published in that city, and as we boarded at the same
place, I at once became acquainted with him, and became so
intimate with him that when he died some fifteen or eighteen
years ago I was named as executor of his last will and testa-
ment. This intimacy with Charles led to a very close acquaint-
ance with David and also with Mrs. Mason, their sister, who
»780 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
was the wife of Captain Edwin C. Mason, then of the Tenth
Infantry and stationed at Fort Ripley, some fifty miles north
of St. Cloud. The captain, his wife, and David, frequently vis-
ited St. Cloud, spending usually two or three days with their
brother. The resemblance between the two brothers was very
noticeable, and the only real difference lay in the fact that David
was two or three inches taller than his brother. Both were
men of marked character and most excellent reputation.
While David was Recorder of the Loyal Legion, I met him
frequently, and my admiration for the man steadily increased
so long as he lived. He was exceedingly painstaking and in-
dustrious in everything that he undertook, and this was made
very apparent in his strong devotion to the work as Recorder
of the Legion. It is a position which requires industry and
attention to the many details which are in the hands of the
recorder, and it must be looked after by him with strict fidelity.
I think I can safely say that no man ever rendered more faith-
ful service to the Loyal Legion than he did, and this may be
said of him in everything that he undertook. His loss to the
organizations of which he was a part, and to the community in
general, is exceedingly great, and we honor ourselves in honor-
ing his memory.
NATHANIEL PITT LANGFORD.
Memorials presented in the Annual Meeting, January 8,
1912.
A manuscript by Rev. Dr. David R. Breed, formerly of St.
Paul, now of Pittsburg, Pa., was read by Vice President William
H. Lightner, as follows:
I made the acquaintance of Mr. Langford in the early sev-
enties, before his permanent removal to St. Paul, and saw much
of him during his visits to the place. I officiated at his mar-
riage with Miss Emma C. Wheaton, November 1, 1876, the wed-
ding certificate being signed by his mother and her father. He
had already built a home for his bride on Exchange street,
within a block of my own house, to which he brought her after
the wedding trip, and where he continued to reside. We were
therefore near neighbors. I saw him every day, and had abun-
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS. 1909-14. 781
dant opportunity to study his character. I was also intimately
acquainted with his three sisters, — all women of like tempera-
ment to his own and reflecting the marked characteristics of
the family. All this continued for about ten years, when I
removed to Chicago. I speak therefore from close and familiar
observation.
If I were to summarize the elements of Mr. Langf ord 's per-
sonal character in a single sentence, I should say that it was a
rare combination of tenderness and strength. In him the most
profound convictions were united -with the sweetest charity;
heroism was tempered with mercy. He was a fine illustration
of the lines of Bayard Taylor, in ''The Song of the Camp,"
"The bravest are the tenderest.
The loving are the daring."
That which impressed me most of all in those early days
was his devotion to his aged mother. She was proud of him;
he was most attentive to her. She was then past the line of
four score, but in possession of all her faculties, interested in
all that concerned others, and fully abreast of the times. In
appearance she was certainly the finest old lady I have ever
seen. But her sweet, strong character was reflected in her
strong, sweet face. Knowing Mrs. Langford, it was apparent
whence her son had derived his superior qualities of both body
and mind. And Mr. Langford appreciated her. He showed her
every attention, was most solicitous for her comfort, planned
for her every convenience. It seemed to be his chief joy to
wait upon her. I think his return from Montana to St. Paul
was occasioned first of all by his anxiety in her behalf.
The next illustration of his peculiar character which occurs
to me, was his loving ministry to the sick and disabled. He
was a ''trained nurse," but in no technical sense. If there was
any accident or illness in the neighborhood, it was always ex-
pected that Mr. Langford would be on hand. When one of
the boys fell over the bank near Irvine Park and broke his
arm, it was Mr. Langford who frequently visited him there-
after during his confinement to his room, to cheer and divert
him.
Very soon after my own severe accident he came to my
house. Day after day he was with me, to smooth my pillows
782 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL, SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
and bathe my brow. And so this great, strong, fearless fel-
low, who had tracked the wilderness, faced the savages, and
defied the highwaymen, showed the touch of a woman from the
hand of a giant, the ministry of an angel in the garb of a
frontiersman.
I have spoken of Mr. Langford's care of the crippled boy,
and this recalls another trait of his character, his devotion to
the young. He loved them and loved to be with them, and
they all recognized in him a sympathizing friend.
Many incidents occur to me which are too confidential to
be made public, which, should I tell them, would show how
true and kind and strong he was. I have seldom known any
one to be so tried by injustice and severity as was he, upon a
certain occasion, and I never knew one to exercise a more for-
giving and peaceful spirit under trying circumstances. He
consulted me with regard to his course, and his disposition was
revealed in most emphatic form.
Mr. Langford was a fine type of the conscientious business
man, the honorable public servant, the congenial acquaintance,
the helpful neighbor. Others will tell of his services to his
city and country; but for me, I have that to say of him which
a certain distinguished British statesman has declared is the
very best epitaph that one man may carve upon another's tomb :
"He was my friend."
General William G. ht Due, Councilor, said:
My acquaintance with Mr. Langford commenced in the 50 's,
when he was cashier or assistant cashier with his brother in a
bank established by William R. Marshall, on the north side of
Third street, St. Paul. The brothers were so much alike that
I mistook one for the other, and some pleasantry occurring
therefrom fixed the time of the beginning of our acquaintance
in my mind; but from that time to the present I have been
more or less familiar with the life of N. P? Langford while
resident in Minnesota and Montana, and it may be sufficient
to say, in the briefest of epitaphs, that N. P. Langford was
one of those comprehended in the concrete expression of a
famous English author, ''An honest man's the noblest work qf
God."
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 78S
As a banker, as an officer of the United States having charge
and care of public funds, the bright gold of thousands has
passed through his hands, and there is nothing to show of this
glittering hoard; no palatial mansion, filled with expensive
treasures of art ; no palaces of business, no banks, no railroads,
no mills or factories, from all the great opportunities for gains.
He leaves a modest competence only, the savings of an indus-
trious, frugal life, — and he leaves the' well-earned reputation
of an honest man, the noblest work of God.
What more need be said? Wife, relatives, and friends,
mourn his decease ; he was instinctively the lover and friend of
his country, his state and city ; and we, too, are entitled to ex-
press our sympathy in his departure from this earthly life to a
higher, a spiritual life.
At the ceremony of laying the corner stone of the great
Cathedral now building in this city, I heard the learned Arch-
bishop Ireland say that the spirits of Bishop Cretin, Bishop
Grace, and Father Ravoux, were undoubtedly present and
blessing by their presence the assemblage; and, as I now be-
lieve, the spirit of N. P. Langford is now here present.
Henry S. Fairchild, Councilor, read the following tribute,
*'Mr. Langford, the Good Citizen :"
It is a sad and pleasant duty, and a privilege, to pay this
tribute of respect, admiration, and love for one whom we knew
so well, respected so highly, and admired and loved so much.
I have known Mr. Langford for more than fifty years, and my
regard for him has increased with the years. In all these years
I have never heard or known of his saying or doing anything
inconsistent with the life of a true, high-minded gentleman.
As a husband, as a citizen, as a business man, as a public offi-
cer, as a friend, he was all our hearts could ask.
As president of this Historical Society, Mr. Langford was
always alert, watchful of its interests ; and he guided its course
with peculiar tact and ability. He seldom failed in his attend-
ance, and he presided with easy dignity, ability, and fairness.
As president of the County Board of Control, he gave to the
discharge of its arduous duties an amount of time, thought, and
care, that only those closely associated with him knew. It was
784 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
here we learned what thoughtful care he gave to the county's
interests, how correct were his judgments, and how unimpeach-
able his integrity. For party purposes, he was bitterly as-
sailed, but the public's confidence was never in the least
shaken. Mr. Langford listened respectfully, then calmly read
the law on which his action was based, and stated the facts in
the case calmly, clearly, and forcibly, showing that his course
had been legal, wise, and beneficial. He had the satisfaction
of reading in the faces of his auditors their approval of his
course.
Of late I became conscious of the fact that I had never
heard Mr. Langford speak in disparagement of any one; and
on my expressing this to several of my friends, each said, "I
never thought of it before, but now I recollect that such was
the case." Though a man of great courage and fearless in the
expression of his opinions, yet he never engaged in denuncia-
tion or innuendo. He was above it, and it had no place in his
nature. Mr. Langford was a brilliant writer, a good talker;
had a fine vein of wit and humor ; was a good raconteur, and
had a large repertoire of good stories; in fine, was a most
companionable man, so that his friends' faces always bright-
ened as they saw him approaching.
That he was a man of the highest moral and physical cour-
age, was demonstrated, in Montana, when he boldly and fear-
lessly led the forces of good order and good government and
after a fair but not legal trial brought to punishment the most
of the gang of desperate, lawless characters, who for years had
terrorized all the Montana mining region, and made it an unfit
and unsafe place to live, for any one who had any regard for
decency, morality, or civil order.
Again he showed his courage and self-reliance when as a
bank examiner, at times carrying considerable money, he rode
on horseback over the wild, thinly populated western terri-
tories, knowing he was likely to be waylaid and shot.
"What a national blessing it would be if we could have a
Congress filled with men of his candor, courage, ability, and
fine moral sense I
Did any of you ever submit to him a mathematical problem
which he failed to solve almost instantly?
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. ^85
Did he ever, in hours of leisure, pour forth on you the
treasures of his memory? I have often listened with wonder
as he recited poem after poem, and I envied him. Once he
recited to me a long poem without any pretence to merit, and
I said, '*Mr. Langford, why do you store your memory with
such trash ? " He replied : "I read it when a boy, and did not
care to remember it ; but occasionally it will pop up, and I get
it off just to show what a foolish thing the memory can be."
Then he added, *'Mr. Fairchild, you once said to me that you
thought it probable that no emotion of the human heart, nor
any thought of the human brain, is ever irrecoverably lost, —
and this is in support of your theory."
Those who served with Mr. Langford on the Board of Con-
trol, and the members of the Board of County Commissioners,
acting so often with the Board of Control, will always remem-
ber what careful consideration he gave to all that came before
us, how sound his judgment, how strong his sense of duty, and
how unquestionable was his integrity. Perhaps the most
marked characteristic of Mr. Langford, after his integrity, was
his kindness of heart and his freedom from the use of language
that would offend.
A generation ago, Clotho smiled benignantly and sent forth
a galaxy of great men who were to grow up and build this
great State ; and to preserve the records of their works, this
Historical Society was formed in the very infancy of the State.
From this group of great men was selected, as the first presi-
dent of this Society, Alexander Ramsey, who was the Governor
of the Territory and State, a member of Congress, United
States senator, a member of the President's cabinet, the nego-
tiator of valuable treaties, the great War Governor, and the
author of our magnificent State School Fund.
"We next selected as our president, Hon. Henry M. Rice, an
early settler, a man of ability, a United States senator; and
after him General Henry Hastings Sibley, one of the first white
settlers in the State, who rose to be Congressman and the first
Governor of the State, and who rendered signal services as
General of our forces defeating the Sioux, who were mas-
sacring our frontier settlers. In that campaign Sibley released
from a captivity, worse than death, more than a hundred
women, and drove the savages beyond our borders.
50
786 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
From then on, in a long list of presidents, we find the names
of Governor William R. Marshall, Captain Russell Blakeley,
Elias F. Drake, Archbishop John Ireland, and others, all so
worthy that any one may feel proud to be chosen as the suc-
cessor of Mr. Langford.
We can pay no tribute to the memory of our departed
friend more fitting than to keep the Historical Society on the
high plane on which he left it.
To the wife he loved so well, to secure whose happiness he
gave his constant and last thoughts, we tender our sincere
sympathy. ! • =^i
To our departed friend, we pay the sincere homage of our
affections.
Warren Upham, Secretary, presented the following memo-
rial, "Nathaniel P. Langford, the Councilor and President of this
Society."
In this tribute to do honor to our revered and beloved for-
mer president, let us look through a brief and very concise
chronicle of his life. It was prolonged to almost fourscore
years, and it was actively spent in service to the nation, to this
state, and to this city.
Nathaniel Pitt Langford was born in Westmoreland, N. Y.,
Au^st 9, 1832 ; and died at his home in St. Paul, Minn., Octo-
ber 18, 1911. He came to St. Paul in 1854, became cashier the
next year in the banking house of Marshall and Co., and in
1858 cashier of the Bank of the State of Minnesota. He re-
moved to Montana in 1862; was collector of internal revenue
in Montana, 1864-68 ; was one of the organizers of the expedi-
tion that in 1870 discovered the Yellowstone geysers, and in a
series of magazine articles he made them known to the world ;
he was the first superintendent of the Yellowstone National
Park, 1872-77 ; and was national bank examiner for the Pacific
states and the territories, 1872-84.
He afterward resided in St. Paul, and was author of ''Vig-
ilante Days and Ways, the Pioneers of the Rockies, the Makers
and Making of Montana, Idaho, Oregon, Washington, and
Wyoming," two volumes, 1890, and ''Diary of the Washburn
Expedition to the Yellowstone and Firehole Rivers in the Year
1870," xxxi and 122 pages, published in 1905.
Memorials of deceased members, i909-14. 78'?
His life and public service in Montana, and especially his
part in exploration of the Upper Yellowstone region and the
establishment of its National Park, have been related in a pre-
ceding paper of this Volume (pages 631-668).
He contributed two papers in this Society's Historical Col-
lections, Volume IX : ^' The Louisiana Purchase and preceding
Spanish Intrigues for Dismemberment of the Union," pages
453-508, with a portrait and a map ; and ' ' The Library, Museum,
and Portrait Collection of the Minnesota Historical Society,"
pages 569-575.
Mr. Langford was elected a life member of this Historical
Society on March 9, 1885. He was a member of its Executive
Council twenty-two years, from November 11, 1889, until his
death. Since 1891, during twenty years, he was chairman of
its Committee on Publications; and since 1894 he was a mem-
ber of the Library Committee. In the work of both these com-
mittees he took an active part until two months before he died.
He was elected second vice president, February 9, 1903; first
vice president September 14 of the same year; and president
January 9, 1905, which office he held nearly seven years.
Within the period of my service as secretary of this Society,
since 1895, I have known four presidents: Governor Ramsey,
who continued in the presidency until his death in 1903 ; Gen-
eral John B. Sanborn, who lived only about one year after his
election to this office ; Judge Greenleaf Clark, so elected in
September, 1904, who died in December of the same year ; and
President Langford, whom we commemorate in this meeting.
During the terms of each who preceded Mr. Langford, the
greatest need of the Society was to secure a fireproof building,
or rooms in such a building, for safe preservation of its exceed-
ingly valuable Library, Museum, and Collection of Portraits.
Often Governor Ramsey expressed his profound solicitude for
the completion of the New Capitol, and his hope to see these
priceless possessions of the Historical Society removed to its
shelter and safeguard from fire ; but two years before the re-
moval he was called by death. In the spring and summer next
following Mr. Langford 's election as president, the great col-
lections of our Society's Library and Museum, and some of its
portraits, were removed into the fine commodious rooms which
they now occupy in the New Capitol. Anxiety of the friends
786 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCiEfY COLLECTIONS.
of the Library against its loss by fire ceased ; and the Museum
was increased by very extensive archaeological donations of the
late Rev. Edward C. Mitchell, counselor and chairman of the
Museum Committee.
But the greater part of the Portrait Collection, to the num-
ber of five hundred or more of portraits, other pictures, and
framed documents, yet remained in the Old Capitol, occupying
the former governor's rooms, which were assigned to this So-
ciety as its State Portrait Gallery, because our rooms in the
New Capitol could display only about a fourth part of this col-
lection. Through more than five years the most of the portraits
owned by the Society were thus on exhibition, being a very
interesting part of its possessions for visitors having only a
short time to spend in its rooms. In the late winter and spring
of the past year 1911, through advice of President Langford,
these portraits were removed from the Old Capitol, because of
their liability to be destroyed there by fire, and they were care-
fully boxed and stored in the basement of the New Capitol.
They will probably in the near future be placed again on exhi-
bition in a fireproof Library Building, which we hope and ex-
pect to be provided by the next Legislature. The wisdom of
President Langford and the Executive Council in withdrawing
this important part of the Society's collections from present
use was fully justified while yet the removal was in progress,
by the burning of the state capitol of Missouri, with the loss of
nearly all its contents.
"When our Library was removed into the New Capitol, the
space there allotted for it was ample, but was even then almost
filled. After three or four years the main book-stack rooms were
inconveniently crowded, and additional space was obtained by
filling the wide adjoining corridor with bookcases. The Library
now numbers 105,000 volumes, including more than 9,000 bound
volumes of our Minnesota newspapers. Its average yearly in-
crease of about 4,000 volumes makes it very difficult to place
the new books on the shelves for the use of readers. Therefore
the great burdening problem of the later part of Mr. Langford 's
seven years as president has been the need, or we may better
say the necessity, to provide a suitable Library Building, pre-
ferably on some site adjoining the grounds of the New Capitol.
J
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 789
Faithfully, ardently, wisely, with zeal and perseverance that
would do credit to any younger man, President Langford
worked early and late during three biennial sessions of the
Legislature, advocating, with other members of special com-
mittees of the Society's council, that this Historical Library of
our state be granted an adequate and fireproof building, large
enough for the expected growth of many years to come. "Wis-
consin and Iowa, our next neighbors on the east and south, have
erected such historical library buildings. We cannot doubt
that soon, within a very few years, this earnest hope of Presi-
dent Langford will be fulfilled, for which he gave heroic efforts,
while suffering severe bodily pain, in the last legislative ses-
sion, less than a year before he died. Let us believe that in the
spirit he will behold the new Library Building when its corner
stone shall be laid, and when it shall be completed and dedi-
cated to its noble purpose for preservation of the history of
Minnesota and for education and enlightenment of her people.
AMBROSE McNULTY.
Memorials presented in the Council Meeting,
March 13, 1911.
Father Francis J. Schaeeer, Councilor, Rector of the St.
Paul Seminary, read the following tribute :
Ambrose McNulty was born May 18, 1868, at Darwin, Minn.
After having completed his early training in the schools of his
native district, he pursued the higher studies in classics, philoso-
phy, and theology, at the Sacred Heart College, Watertown,
Wis., the St. Thomas College, St. Paul, the St. John's Univer-
sity, College ville, Minn., and the Catholic University, Washing-
ton, D. C. On March 28, 1891, he was ordained to the priest-
hood; and later he became successively assistant pastor at St.
Joseph's Church, St. Paul, Minn., and Secretary to His Grace,
Archbishop Ireland of St. Paul. While in the Secretary's
office he was also in charge of the diocesan journal, the North-
western Chronicle. At the vacancy of the pastorate of St.
Luke's in 1896, he was appointed to this important parish in the
city of St, Paul, and remained there until his death, which
occurred on Monday, November 28^ 1910,
790 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL. SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Father McNulty was esteemed and loved by all who came in
contact with him. His native kindliness, his winning sym-
pathy, his keen sense of humor, his broad charity, made hosts
of friends to him. A¥herever he went, whenever he spoke, he
spread sunshine, and something of the healthy joy of living, of
which his own soul was superabundantly filled. He was the
special friend of the little children, who used to run up to him,
greet him, and make him the depositary of their confidences
and the helpful companion of their innocent pastimes. And
all this he did, although battling against great odds. For years
the germs of a dread disease, to which he finally succumbed,
were undermining his health and strength; and all the while
he knew that he was doomed to an early end. Still he never
uttered a sound of complaint, never did he mention a word of
his sickness to others ; on the contrary, he was always cheerful,
he had always the same winning smile, he was always ready to
help others over the troublesome paths of life.
Father McNulty loved this life, and took a keen enjoyment
put of the clean and healthful pleasures which it offers. For
years he was a member of the St. Paul Rod and Gun Club, and
took an active part in its healthy sports; whenever he was
amongst its members, either at the tournaments or at the meet-
ings, or at the annual dinners, his influence was always for the
best, and never did an untoward incident mar the joys of these
friendly gatherings.
He was an accomplished scholar. His great natural gifts
of intellect were carefully developed during a thorough course
of studies, and by a large amount of reading on a wide range
of subjects. His accomplishments found a fruitful field of em-
ployment when he was appointed editor of the Northwestern
Chronicle, in the columns of which he gave evidence of unusual
ability as a writer and a thinker.
The study of history, local history in particular, was an at-
tractive subject for him ; in accordance with this taste he sought
out the rooms and the library of the Minnesota Historical So-
ciety, of which he was elected a life member December 8, 1902.
An elaborate and scholarly essay by him on the history of the
first chapel in St. Paul, built by Father Galtier, was read be-
fore this Society and found a place in its publications (M. H.
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 791
S. Collections, vol. X, pp. 233-45) ; it was reprinted, with a few
modifications and corrections, in the Acta et Dicta (vol. I, No.
1, July, 1907), the organ of the St. Paul Catholic Historical
Society.
When in 1901 the Diocese of St. Paul celebrated the fiftieth
anniversary of the advent of its first Bishop, Rt. Rev. Joseph
Cretin, to his episcopal city, a memorial volume was published,
''The Diocese of St. Paul, the Golden Jubilee," which was com-
piled by Father McNulty. In his conversations with friends,
his broad scholarship became very apparent ; he displayed, with-
out ostentation, a great familiarity with many and varied sub-
jects of erudition.
Father McNulty was a faithful and loyal priest, a true min-
ister of God. His life was w^ithout blemish, possessed of all
the sweet virtues which constitute a Christian and a priestly
soul ; his faith was reverential, and one born of conviction. He
was ever ready, at the altar, in the confessional, in the pulpit,
at the sick-bed, to bring spiritual help and consolation to all
those that needed it. And there was no distinction of rank or
class; high and low had equally access to him for the dispen-
sations of his ecclesiastical ministry. He was faithful to the
last in the fulfillment of his duty. Although for years his
physical frame was weakened from sickness and pain, he was
always at his post; the very day before his death he dragged
himself to the altar, and spoke words of wisdom to his parish-
ioners.
It is almost a pity that such men cannot be with us forever.
But there is comfort in the thought that their spirit lives.
Justice 0 'Brien has well said : "To know Father McNulty well
was to be convinced of immortality; for a spirit such as his
cannot die."
Rt. Rkv. John J. LawlER, Auxiliary Bishop of St. Paul, said:
It is proper that this Society should pause for a few mo-
ments to recall the estimable traits in the lives of its deceased
members. I deem it a privilege to be permitted to offer my
brief tribute of respect to the memory of Rev. Ambrose Mc-
Nulty, a fellow clergyman whom I knew well, whose sterling
worth I prized highly, and whose career I greatly admired. I
792 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
realize that truly Christian lives need no eulogies. Words of
mine are not required to extol his nobility of character. En-
comium of mine, however able, would sound but feeble to all
who knew his beautiful characteristics thoroughly. If I now
direct attention to his distinguishing qualities, it is for the pur-
pose of drawing from them a lesson for our own benefit and
edification.
Prominent among the traits of our departed friend was his
amiable disposition.' His was a remarkable ability to make
friends and to hold them. Of a kind nature, his heart went out
to others. His charming personality drew people to him and
won their hearts. He had a cordial greeting, a pleasant smile,
and a warm hand shake, for those who came in contact with
him for consultation or advice. He seemed to feel, with the
poet, ''What thou wilt thou shalt rather enforce with thy smile
than hew to it with thy sword.''
He looked on the bright side of things. Though a sufferer
for years with a severe malady to which he finally succumbed,
he bore his illness with patience and resignation. He was al-
ways cheerful and light-hearted, encouraging others by the
sunshine of his view of life. There was a vein of humor in him
that made him a pleasant companion and an entertaining con-
versationalist. Having a mind stored with wide information,
he was able, when occasion demanded it, to wield a facile and
vigorous pen.
But, admirable as were his natural gifts of head and heart,
it is chiefly to his priestly life that I wish to draw your atten-
tion. There is a dash of heroism in the sacrifice of the priest.
In the bright morning of life, when the world stood before him
in all its attractiveness, he heard the voice of Jesus say to him,
''Son, give me thy heart." That was the Master's great de-
mand, and magnanimously did our departed friend give the
answer: "Thou art the God of my heart, and my portion for-
ever." All at once the die was cast, and all the joys and en-
dearments and ambitions and trappings of earth were set aside
forever.
Laboring side by side with him for years, I observed his
unselfish devotedness to the duties of a zealous pastor of souls.
He was a true Man of God, exhibiting in his conduct something
I
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 793
of the gentleness and compassion and charity and purity and
self sacrifice of his Saviour, the Divine original of all goodness.
His energies were consecrated unreservedly to the service of
the Church, and the gift of self is the greatest gift of all. His
life was one of truest altruism, of noblest heroism, as is the life
of every faithful Man of God. There are few who fully ap-
preciate the heroism of those who live such lives. Few realize
that their self-denial, their gift of self on the altar of Christian
charity, stands for manly courage greater and grander than
the valor in memory of which nations erect their imperishable
monuments. Truly has it been said that ''real glory springs
from the silent conquest of ourselves, and without that the
conqueror is naught but the first slave." There are illustrious
characters on history's page, who were masters in the various
departments of human energy, but slaves to their own evil
propensities. There are heroes and heroines who were para-
gons of courage against the enemies of their country, but the
veriest poltroons on the silent battlefields of their own hearts.
To conquer others is much, but to subdue one's self is the vic-
tory of victories. "Man who man would be must rule the em-
pire of himself."
Nobly did Father McNulty act out this sublime truth in all
the years of his ministry. His beautiful life stands as the best
monument to his memory. ''There is one great society alone
on earth: the noble living and the noble dead." Father Mc-
Nulty belonged to it.
EDWARD CRAIG MITCHELL.
Born July 21, 1836; Die:d Dece:mber 8, 1911.
Memorials prese:nte:d in the Council Meeting, December
11, 1911.
Rev. Francis J. Schaeeer, Councilor, Rector of St. Paul
Seminary, said:
I feel almost that I ought to apologize for speaking this
evening of the merits of a distinguished member of our Coun-
cil, who has departed this life ; I have not known the Rev. Ed-
ward C. Mitchell for many years, nor did I have the privilege
794 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
of knowing him intimately; my acquaintance with him was
restricted to the meetings of this Council, or of the Museum
Committee. And still during these intermittent meetings I
learned to appreciate the high character and the good qualities
of the man we mourn ; and I gladly avail myself of this oppor-
tunity to pay a tribute to his memory.
There were two things chiefly that struck me as being part
and parcel of his character : a high Christian nobility of soul,
and an unfailing optimism and cheerfulness. By gathering the
scattered threads of his casual remarks, I have come to the
conclusion that there was firmly rooted in his mind the con-
viction that man, as an ethical being, was destined by Almighty
God to accomplish the best, the noblest, and purest he- is capa-
ble of performing during the brief span of life allotted to him.
Man must do good and avoid evil ; that was' the command of
God and of Christ ; such was the understanding of Mr. Mitchell
as to man's duty. Mr. Mitchell, as you all know, was a Chris-
tian minister ; and although I learned little or nothing of his
ministerial work, I feel quite certain that many a time and on
many occasions he spoke to his people in that strain, explain-
ing to them what their various duties were, and to what high
purposes a Christian soul must aspire, in order to reach the
goal set to it by the Almighty. "What he recommended to
others, that he did himself; his entire life, his whole career,
known to a large public, testify to the many good deeds accom-
plished by him.
Man is destined for high things in this life; but, alas! at
times he falls short of his noble mission. There are many small
and great weaknesses in this frail human nature of ours, which
often make man deviate from the straight path. And when
seeing certain men wander about aimlessly, listlessly, some-
times with wicked intent before them, one might be tempted
to think that there is no righteousness among men. Such were
not the thoughts of Mr. Mitchell ; he was too optimistic to de-
spair of the ultimate triumph of righteousness in man. He
knew, of course, human weakness; but he knew also that for
one wicked man there are hundreds that are good ; and even
of the wicked he hoped that some day he might return to the
right path. This optimistic confidence gave rise to that cheer-
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 795
fulness of manner and countenance, which impressed itself so
much on all those that came in contact with him. There was
ever ready a cheerful word on his tongue, and a pleasant radi-
ant smile on his face.
As to what Mr. Mitchell was to this Historical Society I
need hardly tell ; it is known to all the members, and to many
outside of it. He took a very active interest in the work of the
Society, was present at all its meetings, unless otherwise en-
gaged; and, as chairman of the Museum Committee, he pre-
sided over the deliberations of that body. His extensive knowl-
edge in many fields of human learning, his great store of in-
formation on present and past history, enabled him to be of
useful service to a body like this, commissioned to perpetuate
the records of the past.
Throughout his long life he gathered up many objects of
historical and archaeological value, which covered not only our
fair State of Minnesota, but other states of the Union as well,
and even foreign lands; and most of these he donated to the
Historical Society, to be kept in its Museum, to be classified
and studied in due time. We owe to Mr. Mitchell a great debt
of gratitude for this rich and valuable collection.
With his departure is ended a long, useful, and studious
life ; a noble character has gone from amongst us, but his deeds
remain ; and we may well wish to imitate and follow the good
things for which he was known.
Professor N. H. Winchell, Councilor, said:
My first acquaintance with Mr. Mitchell was in 1874 or
1875 at Minneapolis, where he was one of the early members
of the Minnesota Academy of Science, of which he was elected
Secretary for 1876. He worked in the Academy with the Com-
mittee on Archaeology, a field in which he was destined later
to become celebrated as a collecter and patron. But he did not
stay long in Minneapolis; he yielded the chairmanship of his
committee to Mr. Nathan Butler, and removed to St. Paul.
However, before he left Minneapolis he presented to the Mu-
seum of the Academy a collection of ''Japanese coins and
curiosities," manifesting thus his characteristic generosity,
which later blossomed out fully in St. Paul,
796 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
After he left Minneapolis I met him rarely, otherwise than
at the meetings of the Council of the Historical Society, where
he was regular in attendance and frequently offered something
of interest in the course of the meetings. He was connected
with the old St. Paul Academy of Science, having been presi-
dent in 1895, when he presided, March 6, at a joint meeting of
that Academy with the Minnesota Academy of Science, held at
the rooms of the Commercial Club, St. Paul.
Mr. Mitchell will be long remembered for his donation of a
large collection of archaeological specimens to the Minnesota
Historical Society, and for another collection, of shells, given
to the St. Paul Institute. To the former donation is due the
erection of the museum of the Historical Society into the form
and character of a real museum. The Society immediately pro-
cured suitable glass cases, twenty-one in number, and with
great pains and patience Mr. Mitchell himself distributed the
specimens, with suitable labels, so as to make a beautiful edu-
cational display, an exhibition which is constantly visited by
people from all parts of the state and is studied by archaeolo-
gists from other states. The aggregate number of specimens
donated, with later additions by Mr. Mitchell, is about 23,000
pieces. They were collected from all parts of the world, mainly
by purchase, during a long period of years, and had been kept
by Mr. Mitchell at his home in St. Paul, where on many occa-
sions he took delight in showing them to his friends.
An article, contributed by him, describing this archaeo-
logical collection, was published in this Society *s Volume XII,
pages 305-318, with his portrait.
This generosity of Mr. Mitchell was but one of the mani-
festations of a beautiful and lovable spirit, which character-
ized all his intercourse with his fellows, and which knit him by
thousands of invisible threads into the regard and affection of
-the people of St. Paul. To the Historical Society he has bound
himself not alone by his munificent gift, which in dollars and
cents far exceeds any gift it has ever received, but by the many
gentle and courteous words and acts which marked his every-
day demeanor.
Personally, after a lapse of several years, I came to know
hiw more intimately a^ain, as a co-member of the Museum
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 79^
Committee of this Society, at the meetings of which there were
serious and important discussions, interspersed with pleasant-
ries, for which latter Mr. Mitchell was usually responsible.
The last time I heard his voice was by a telephone confer-
ence. The Historical Museum cases had to be supplied with
locks that were more secure. As chairman of the Museum
Committee and as donor of the large collection, he was most
concerned in the proper keeping of the Museum. I described
to him the style of lock that was contemplated for the cases.
He seemed not to fully understand its plans and mechanism,
but said, "Go ahead, I think it will be all right/' He was already
then evidently too weakened to enter into the details of the
subject, but, in his usual confiding and optimistic manner, ac-
quiesced in the plan proposed.
Since his death that expression has been ringing in my ears.
It was characteristic of his life and his spirit. That cheerful
confidence carried him through trials and triumphs, through
difficulties and successes. So far as I have learned of his career,
whether as a moral teacher or as a citizen, that which charac-
terized him above all other traits was an optimistic and cheer-
ful hopefulness, such as that embodied in his last words to me,
Go ahead, I think it will be all right.
Rev. Maurice D. Edwards, D. D., Pastor of the Dayton
Avenue Presbyterian Church, spoke at the funeral services of
Rev. Edward Craig Mitchell, Pastor of the New Jerusalem
Church, St. Paul, December 11, 1911, as follows:
What Mr. Mitchell was to this church, which for so many
years enjoyed his faithful ministry, is best known to them who
have here received the divine message from his lips, and who
have grown intimate with him by the family fireside.
As, in a sense, representing a large circle of friends outside
his parish, I have been asked to say a few words of apprecia-
tion of our brother. This I gladly do. My long acquaintance
with Mr. Mitchell gives me at least some qualification for this
service. During nearly forty years I have known him. We
met soon after I came to the city, which was in 1874. Ever
since we have had most pleasant personal relations. Many
have been the delightful conversations and interchanges of
798 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIE'TY COLLECTIOMS.
views that we have held together. We have frequently been
associated on committees in our work for the general welfare
of the community.
While we differed somewhat in our theological views, there
was so much that we held in common, and we were so agreed
on the great fundamentals of faith and right living, that we
were always sympathetic. Never during all these years was
there a ripple of discord to disturb the harmony of our rela-
tions.
From the beginning I learned to have a high respect for
Mr. Mitchell, both as a man and as a Christian minister. In
every way he was a strong character. In these days of theo-
logical unrest and uncertainty, it is refreshing and reassuring
to meet one possessing such firm and positive convictions as
Mr. Mitchell held. He knew what he believed, and why he be-
lieved it. There was nothing hazy or uncertain about his views
anywhere. He possessed also the courage of his convictions,
and on all proper occasions was ready to confess the faith that
was in him.
Yet with this positiveness of personal convictions, our
brother had a broad and generous spirit toward those who dif-
fered from him, if only they were manifestly sincere and true.
Honesty of opinion, coupled with uprightness of life, always
commanded hite respect. No one was quicker than he to rec-
ognize and honor high character wherever found.
A thoroughly genuine man himself, he loved truth and jus-
tice everywhere, and nothing so stirred his spirit as wrong or
cruelty of any kind. He was always ready therefore to cham-
pion the cause of the oppressed, whether man or beast.
Mr. Mitchell, like his Master, "went about doing good."
His constant ministry of helpfulness ; his unselfish devotion to
those in trouble ; his many and generous gifts ; his high ideals
of business honor, which sometimes led him to assume obliga-
tions that neither the law nor custom required; and his sym-
pathy for the poor; — all these were marked characteristics of
the man, which every one recognized who had any close rela-
tions with him. It was such traits and deeds as these that en-
deared him to a large circle of friends outside his parish and
made him a benefactor in the community.
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 79^
Any estimate of Mr. Mitchell's character would be lacking
that did not make mention of his profound reverence for sacred
things. He had such respect for Holy Scripture, and for every
thing connected with the worship and being of God, that noth-
ing was more offensive to him than any levity or disrespect
shown these religious themes and objects.
In his social relations our friend was always genial and
companionable. He loved to meet people in a friendly way,
and to interchange views with them. Thus it was always a
pleasure to meet him in society. His presence there was often
sought and always welcome.
Mr. Mitchell was too large a man to confine his work and
sympathy to his own church. He belonged to the community.
In every respect he was a good citizen. Nothing that affected
the general welfare was a matter of indifference to him. A
large part of his time and energy was devoted to public affairs ;
and no one in the city was quicker to respond to a public call
for service than himself. Every local philanthropic and pa-
triotic enterprise found in him a friend and helper.
He was a charter member of the Sons of the American Rev-
olution ; and, until advancing years prevented, he was active in
its work as a member of its governing board. His name is
found also on the membership roll of the Sons of the Colonial
Wars.
He was for many years closely identified with the Minne-
sota Historical Society; and was a contributor to its valuable
publications.
The work of the Society for the Relief of the Poor also com-
manded his interest, and was aided both by his generous gifts
and by his personal service.
Such objects as the Free Kindergarten and the St. Paul
Academy of Science, indeed every agency that sought the en-
lightenment of men or the betterment of their condition, found
in him a friend and supporter.
And Mr. Mitchell's connection with any organization was
never merely nominal, but he always felt a personal respon-
sibility in its conduct and took an active part in its work.
Such men are invaluable in any community. When they are
taken away, every public interest feels their loss. Yet their
800 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
work and influence abide. Being dead they yet speak. They
have an earthly as well as a heavenly immortality. This was
eminently true of our brother. He will not be forgotten. The
good he has done in a hundred ways is seed that will perpet-
uate itself in the years to come.
Some lives, as they pass from us, are like the setting of the
sun in southern climes, where the light soon fades away after
the sun has disappeared. Other lives are like the sunset in the
far north, where the twilight long lingers and sometimes tar-
ries even until the morning. Mr. Mitchell has left us, the place
that knew him shall know him no more ; but there is an after-
glow in the sky that will'long linger. It may be that it will
abide until the morning.
WILLIAM PITT MURRAY.
Born Jun^ 21, 1825; Di^d Jun^ 20, 1910.
In the Council Meeting, September 12, 1910, the following
memorial was presented by Henry S. Fairchild, Councilor.
On June 1, 1849, sixty-one years ago, the Territory of Min-
nesota was organized, containing then a population of about
1,000; and its capital, St. Paul, had about 150 inhabitants. It
had be^n partially explored and was known to be begemmed
by nearly ten thousand lakes; its scenery was described as
beautiful, its climate as healthful, and its soil as exceedingly
fertile. Game and fish abounded, making it the paradise of
sportsmen. Its fine commercial position at the headwaters of
the kingliest river of the continent added to its attractions.
Into this new territory flocked from the East great num-
bers of lumbermen, farmers, and mechanics, and a host of am-
bitious young men with aspirations for political honors, and
many older ones who had occupied high positions in the East
but had been crowded aside by younger or abler men, and who
hoped here to regain their lost honors.
Among the immigrants into this land of promise in 1849
was an earnest, able, ambitious young man from Indiana (born
in Ohio) by the name of AVilliam Pitt Murray, in respect to
whose memory we are gathered here tonight. Mr. Murray was
MEMORIALS OP DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 801
an active and valuable member of the Executive Council of this
Historical Society, and contributed a valuable paper of remi-
niscences of early historical events (M. H. S. Volume XII, pages
103-130, with his portrait). Perhaps no man in the state knew
so much of our early history, of the origin of the names of our
lakes and rivers, towns and counties, as Mr. Murray. We shall
always greatly miss his pheerful presence and his valuable
services.
Within two years after Mr. Murray's advent here, he let
the pioneers know that he would like to have a hand in shap-
ing the legislation for the young state, and before their sur-
prise was over he became one of the leading and most active
and useful members of the legislature. The Territory soon
sought statehood, and Mr. Murray signified his willingness to
assist in forming a constitution. He was elected to the Con-
stitutional Convention, which, appreciating his ability and fit-
ness, made him its president.
He served several terms in the House, also several terms in
the Council (now called the Senate), at times as presiding
officer, at other times actively on the floor, teaching his fellow
members from outside in the state that if they wanted their
local bills to go through, they must not attempt to block the
passage of his local bills. In addition to the offices hereabove
named, Mr. Murray was during many years a member of the
St. Paul city council, for a time on the Board of County Com-
missioners, and for thirteen years was the City Attorney.
Perhaps the greatest service he ever rendered to the city
and state was the defeat (aided by Joe Kolette) of the in-
famous bill to remove the state capital to St. Peter.
Mr. Murray secured an endowment of $25,000 from Bishop
Hamline of the M. E. Church for Hamline University, and drew
the charter for it. This university from its beginning provided
for co-education of the sexes, as was also provided by the State
University and Carleton College, which began their work of
instruction several years later.
Mr. Murray had a kind and generous nature and quick
sympathies, which caused him to give very freely of his time
and means. He was a tender and loving husband and father;
to his wife in her age and feebleness he was devotion itself,
802 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
constantly watchful to do some little service. He was a true,
loyal friend, and a loyal citizen, always faithful to St. Paul's
interests. He was the last one of the long list of lawyers of
1857. Murray county, established in that year, was named in
his honor.
CHANNING SEABURY.
In the Council Meeting on December 12, 1910, the following
memorial biographic sketch was presented by Ev^r^tt H. BailKy,
Councilor.
Deeply feeling the loss of a warm personal friend, — a genial
companion during long years of close acquaintance, in which
were recognized and valued the sterling qualities of mind and
heart he possessed, — I present to the Council and friends here
gathered these words of tribute to the memory of Channing
Seabury, an honored member of this Council since 1893.
Channing Seabury was born in Southbridge, Mass., January
5, 1842 ; and died in St. Paul October 28, 1910. At an early age
he was left an orphan, and was cared for by an uncle, Mr.
Plimpton, his guardian. He was fitted for college in an acad-
emy at South Bridgewater, Mass., but at fifteen years of age
went to the city of New York, where he became an errand boy
for the firm of which his uncle was a member, Hastings and
Plimpton, importers and jobbers in carpets.
Three years later, in November, 1860, young Seabury came
to St. Paul, and here was his home for fifty years. He was at
first a clerk for J. C. Burbank and Co., engaged in an extensive
warehouse business, steamboat agency, and overland transpor-
tation to the Red river. In 1865 this firm was dissolved, and
Mr. Seabury became a partner of Amherst H. Wilder.
In 1867 he again made a change in business, and for the
next five years was assistant secretary and treasurer of the
Northwestern Union Packet Company, of which William F.
Davidson was president. This company owned and operated
twenty-eight steamboats on the Mississippi river.
In 1872 Mr. Seabury was offered and accepted an interest
in the large wholesale boot and shoe house of C. Gotzian and
Co., and was a member of that firm until 1882, when he retired
MEMORIALS OP DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 803
and engaged in the wholesale grocery husiness, in which he
continued for the remainder of his life. The firm w^as at first
Maxfield & Seabury, until in 1891, the Maxfields having with-
drawn, the firm was styled Seabury and Company.
Mr. Seabury was always a public-spirited man, generous
and ready to give practical help in every emergency. He
served as president of the Jobbers Union and of the Wholesale
Grocers Association of the Northwest, and in both positions
was active and influential.
His ability and devotion to public interests was recognized
by Governor Hubbard, who appointed him a member of a com-
mittee of five to disburse relief for the sufferers after the tor-
nado at St. Cloud and Sauk Rapids, in April, 1886. This com-
mittee built and furnished 134 houses for the destitute sur-
vivors of the disaster, and conducted the whole distribution of
relief in such an economical and efficient manner that they
were able to return a part of the funds entrusted to them.
In September, 1891, he served as one of a committee of
three, instrumental in furnishing threshing machines and labor-
ers to grain growers in northern Minnesota and North Dakota,
enabling them to secure an unusually large wheat crop, which
had been in danger of loss through lack of implements and field
hands.
The chief public work of Channing Seabury was as a mem-
ber of the State Capitol Commission. Early in 1893 he was
one of the citizens of St. Paul who were most active in securing
the passage of the bill in the legislature providing for the new
state house. The care of this great enterprise was entrusted to
seven commissioners, appointed by the governor, one from each
congressional district ; and Mr. Seabury was appointed by Gov-
ernor Nelson as the commissioner for his district, without so-
licitation on his part. From that time, in 1893, until its great
undertaking was completed, in 1907, he was Vice President and
acting chairman of this board, and was constantly and faith-
fully devoted to its labors. The magnificent marble building is
a worthy monument to his patriotic devotion.
The citizens of St. Paul and the State of Minnesota have
come to realize and gratefully appreciate the unselfish and la-
borious services rendered by Channing Seabury, at great per-
804 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
sonal sacrifice, during the long period of construction of the
Capitol, now the pride of our Commonwealth, and a perma-
nent monument to the ability and unswerving fidelity of Mr.
Seabury and his associate members of the Board of Capitol
Commissioners. Mr. Seabury 's aptitude and readiness for pub-
lic service, his keen perception of the requisites for prompt,
effective methods in business administration, and the intelli-
gent and conscientious discharge of duties assumed by him,
placed him in the first rank of citizens to be depended upon in
emergency needs. He enjoyed the full confidence and esteem
of his associates, who relied upon his sound judgment and who
admired his genial kindly nature.
For the past three years Mr. Seabury was in failing health,
and spent a portion of the winter months in the South. He
died of heart failure at his home on Ashland avenue. A widow,
three sons, and a daughter survive him.
In the death of Channing Seabury his home city, the State
at large, a host of admiring friends, have lost a citizen broad
of mind, large of heart, of rare ability, of reputation untar-
nished, whose memory is a rich heritage to be treasured.
SAMUEL RICHARD THAYER.
The following memorial, written by William H. HinklE,
formerly of Minneapolis, was read by Councilor Noyes in the
Council Meeting, September 13, 1909.
Samuel Richard Thayer died January 7, 1909, at the home
of his brother, George W. Thayer, in Rochester, N. Y. He had
been ill several weeks, but the fatal termination of his illness
was not expected.
Mr. Thayer was born in Richmond, N. Y., December 12,
1837. He was prepared for college at Alfred Academy and
was graduated with honors from Union College in the class of
1860. In this class were many men who became prominent,
among them being "Warner Miller, Douglass Campbell, Charles
Sprague, William H. McElroy, and the late Charles Emory
Smith, who was one of Mr. Thayer's closest friends. After his
graduation Mr. Thayer moved to Minneapolis, where he studied
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. §05
law and practiced his profession. At this time began the life-
long friendship with Governor Cushman K. Davis, who later
became United States Senator from Minnesota, and it was
chiefly through his influence that Mr. .Thayer was appointed
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the
Netherlands by President Benjamin Harrison. Mr. Thayer was
at this post from 1889 to 1893, during Harrison's term and for
about a year of the Cleveland administration. His discharge
of the duties of that oflice was conspicuously approved by the
State Department on several occasions.
His courtesy to fellow countrymen who visited the Nether-
lands earned for him a wide popularity. It was through his
initiative that the Memorials for the Pilgrims were set up at
Delfthaven and Plymouth.
After his return to the United States he lived most of the
time in New York City, interesting himself in public affairs.
He was a delegate to the International Peace Conference at
Luzerne, where he delivered an address, and was a welcome
speaker on many public occasions. A few days before his
death, Mr. Thayer was appointed by Mayor George B. McClel-
lan a member of the Hudson-Fulton Celebration Commission.
He received the degree of LL.D. from Alfred University and
from Union College. He was a member of the Cosmos Club of
Washington, the Minnesota Historical Society, the Huguenot
Society of America, the Society of Mayflower Descendants, and
the Union League Club of New York. Mr. Thayer was a mem-
ber of the Congregational Church. He was unmarried. His
brother and one sister, Mrs. Elizabeth T. Beadle, survive him.
Few persons have possessed a more engaging personality.
Endowed with a fine and highly cultivated intellect, and hav-
ing a wide knowledge of men and affairs, he made the acquaint-
ance of most of the prominent men of Europe and America dur-
ing the past thirty-five years. Possessed of a large fund of
information gathered in this and • other countries, thoroughly
versed in the political history of this country and Europe, with
a ready wit and fluent speech, his conversation was always in-
teresting and instructive. Elevated in his tastes and predilec-
tions, he naturally drew to himself the intimacy of a large
number of persons of like character and disposition.
806 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
HENRY PRATT UPHAM.
Memorials in the: Council Meeting, November 8, 1909.
The following biographic memorial was presented by Wil-
liam H. LiGHTNER, Councilor:
To no one member is this Society more indebted for its
growth and stable foundation than it is to Henry Pratt Upham,
who departed this life on May 1, 1909, and it is fitting that a
record be made of his life and services.
Mr. Upham was born on January 26, 1837, at Millbury, Mas-
sachusetts. His father, Joel Worthington Upham, was engaged
in the manufacture of turbine wheels at Worcester, Massachu-
setts, by which he acquired a competency, and he died there in
1879 after a residence of forty years. Mr. Upham 's mother was
Seraphine Howe, who died in 1839. His father having married
a second time, he was brought up by his step-mother, whom he
bore in affectionate remembrance. He had a brother, George,
who served as an officer in the navy during the War of the
Rebellion, and a half-brother, Charles, who served in the 15th
Massachusetts Regiment, was captured by the Confederates at
the Battle of Ball's Bluff, and died in Libby Prison in 1861.
Mr. Upham was descended from John Upham, who with a
company of colonists, under the leadership of Rev. Joseph Hull,
set sail from Weymouth, England, for New Engalnd on March
20, 1635. These colonists arrived at Boston on May 6, 1635,
and made their home in Massachusetts, choosing Weymouth as
the name of their new abode. John Upham appears to have
been a strong man in his day and generation and to have trans-
mitted to his numerous descendants, who are now to be found
in all parts of the United States, the sterling qualities of the
early New England colonist.
After receiving a public school education at Worcester,
Massachusetts, in 1856, at the age of nineteen, Mr. Upham came
to the Territory of Minnesota and reached St. Paul March 9,
1857. Here he formed a co-partnership with Chauncey W.
Griggs and for some time engaged in the lumber business. He
also engaged in the flour-milling business. In 1863 he began
his career in banking by becoming teller in the banking-house
Minnesota Historical Society,
Vol. XV. Plate XX.
i
MEMORIALS OP DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 807
of Thompson Brothers, which was the same year organized as
the First National Bank of St. Paul. He continued in the posi-
tion of teller until 1867 when he was elected assistant cashier,
which position he held until 1869, when he, with others, or-
ganized the City Bank of St. Paul, of which he became cashier,
the president being H. H. Sibley. This bank was operated suc-
cessfully for four years, when it was consolidated with the First
National Bank, Mr. Upham becoming cashier of the latter in-
stitution, with which he remained connected until the time of
his death. On May 12, 1880, after the death of the late Horace
Thompson, he was elected president of the bank ; and he served
in that capacity until he retired from active duties on January
8, 1907, continuing thereafter as chairman of the board of
directors until his death.
In September, 1868, he married Evelyn Gertrude Burbank,
the daughter of Simeon Burbank of St. Paul, formerly of Lud-
low, Vermont. They had three children: Gertrude, who mar-
ried John F. Harris, of New York City; Grace, who married
Horace E. Bigelow, of St. Paul ; and John Phineas, who is un-
married and resides in St. Paul.
This bare outline of Mr. Upham 's business career is the
record of a successful business life, but does not disclose his
sound business judgment, his strong conservative character, his
far-reaching influence, his interest in public affairs, his devo-
tion and loyalty to his friends and associates, and his kindly
and generous disposition, which endeared him to his many
friends and made his death a great loss not only to his imme-
diate family but also to the community.
For many years past the First National Bank of St. Paul
has been one of the leading and strongest financial institutions
in the Northwest. Successful in business, it has proved profit-
able to its stockholders. It has stood for safe and conservative
business methods. Repeatedly when great financial distress
has prevailed throughout the country, its credit and standing
has remained wholly unimpaired. Never has its soundness been
in question. An institution of this character is one of the most
important factors in the development of a new country and the
maintenance of prosperity in the community. To no one is more
credit due than to Mr. Upham for the usefulness, the high
808 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
standing and the success of this institution, with which for
forty-six years his career was identified.
An old friend, writing several years ago, correctly said:
"Mr. Upham is the personification of business, and has a sort
of reserved power which indicates the character of the man.
He is a strong business manipulator without the rant, a loco-
motive without the noise, a motive power with a steady push.
His career from a bank clerk to a bank president has been a
peculiar one, but marked by that remarkable trait of character,
steadiness of purpose, which is the predominant element in his
nature. Modest and retiring, he moves more especially in the
business circle, and yet he loves outdoor sports and delights in
rambling among the archives of the past. ' '
Though deeply interested in public affairs and active in the
support of good government, Mr. Upham never sought public
office. He contented himself in rendering, when occasion pre-
sented itself, active aid to any candidate in whose character
and principles he had confidence and to those measures which
made for law and order. Entirely unostentatious, he was in
his quiet way a most valuable support to the measures and men
whose cause he espoused.
He was a man of pronounced views and convictions. He
had no sympathy with dishonesty or shady transactions. The
line between right and wrong was clearly defined in his mind,
and where any transaction caused the loss of his confidence, it
was extremely difficult to regain it. Yet he was a very just and
charitable man. His gifts to charities and to those in need
were liberal, and were made from a sense of duty as well as
from feelings of kindness and generosity. Whatever may be
one's personal desire as to contributing from their means in
aid of a meritorious cause, it frequently happens that such
contributions are made because they are solicited. It was very
characteristic of Mr. Upham that he disliked to give upon
solicitation, but that he made his liberal benefactions sponta-
neously at regular seasons without solicitation, from a sense of
duty and a wish to aid those less fortunate than himself.
By much reading and study he supplied the want of a col-
lege education and acquired a broad acquaintance with liter-
ature. Mr. Upham moved much with his fellow men and took
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 809
great interest in social and literary organizations. He was a
member of the American Antiquarian Society, The Society of
Antiquity of Worcester, the Mayflower Society, the Society of
Colonial Wars, of which he was some time governor, the Sons
of the American Revolution, the Minnesota Club, of which he
was at one time president, the Masonic Order, being a Knight
Templar, the Ramsey County Pioneer Association, and the St.
Paul Chamber of Commerce, He took a lively interest in the
St. Paul Public Library, and for several years was on its di-
rectorate.
His interest in history was early aroused, and he became a
member of the Minnesota Historical Society on June 8, 1868.
He was much interested in genealogical studies, and was con-
sidered one of the best genealogical students in the Northwest.
In this Society he became a life member in 1876 and was a
member of the Executive Council from March 8, 1875, until the
time of his death. He was treasurer of the Society for more
than thirty-three years, chairman of the finance committee since
1881, and chairman of the library committee since 1889. As
chairman of the library committee he mainly selected the books
purchased, and as treasurer and chairman of the finance com-
mittee he had practically the sole management of the finances
of the society.
In 1908 a committee of the Executive Council made a re-
port on the permanent trust fund. From this report it appears
that this fund began with $300 in 1871. In 1876, when Mr.
Upham became treasurer, the fund amounted to about $1,500.
In 1908 it had increased to $75,000. The care and management
of this fund, no part of which was received from the State of
Minnesota, was entirely entrusted to Mr. Upham. It was ac-
cumulated from private donations, dues, and judicious invest-
ments made by him. In the words of the report of the commit-
tee, ** certainly there could be no better evidence of the watch-
ful care, the good judgment, and prudent management of this
fund on the part of our treasurer, who has had the custody
and the management of it during all this time."
Mr. Upham repeatedly declined to accede to the wishes of
his friends that he should accept the presidency of this Society,
believing that he could be of more service in promoting its
810 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
interests in the position which he held. To a very large extent
the credit for the sound financial condition of this Society and
for its valuable and well selected library, which ranks favor-
ably with the best historical libraries in the country, is due to
the devoted and unselfish services of Mr. Upham. With his
many other cares he always found the time to guide and guard
its interests.
When he obeyed the last call and closed his days, he had
completed a successful and well-rounded life. He left a de-
voted family who mourn their loss and a host of friends who
bear tribute to his unusual ability, his unflinching integrity
and honesty, his sound and conservative judgment, his stead-
fastness of purpose, his devotion to his friends, and his kindness
and liberality to those in need of assistance.
Eve:re:tt H. BailKy, Councilor, read this tribute:
At a regular meeting of the Board of Directors of the First
National Bank of St. Paul, held on Friday, June 25, 1909, the
following resolutions commemorative of the late Henry P.
Upham, offered by the President, were unanimously adopted:
"Resolved, That with profound sorrow we record the death on
May 1st last of Henry P. Upham, for more than forty-six years closely
identified with this institution. His conspicuous ability, sterling in-
tegrity, superior judgment, and widely known administrative qualifica-
tions, won for him the admiration and esteem of a wide circle of
friends, and endeared him to his associates in business and in private
life.
"Entering this bank on February 1, 1863, as teller, in 1867 he was
elected Assistant Cashier. On January 15, 1873, he was elected Cash-
ier, which oflSce he held until May 12, 1880, when he was elected Presi-
dent; and he served in that capacity until he retired from active duties
on January 8, 1907, continuing a member of this Board of Directors,
and its Chairman, until his death.
"His decease, after so long and so prominent an active business
career, is a great loss to our city, and his unimpeachable reputation
and charitable nature are a heritage to be treasured. The Directors
and oflacers of this Bank, his close associates for many years, mourn
the loss of a loyal friend, a wise counselor and guide,
"Resolved, That these resolutions be spread on the records of the
bank, and a copy be transmitted to the members of his family, expres-
sive of our sympathy in their bereavement."
As a close business associate with Mr. Upham for thirty-six
i
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 811
years, probably no person outside of his immediate family had
a better opportunity than myself for discerning and appreciat-
ing the qualities of mind and heart which in so positive a man-
ner characterized him among his townsmen.
The admirable memorial to which we have just listened well
records his kindly, considerate nature, his helpfulness in coun-
sel and in material ways. His constant desire to render serv-
ice, where deserved, in his own quiet manner, always impressed
me as one of the governing principles of his life. His career
•was marked by the thoroughness, the accuracy of detail, with
which he surveyed business or social problems. He possessed
an analytical mind. Among the most positive attributes of his
character were scrupulous fidelity, integrity of purpose, and
fairness in all things.
The continuous service so devotedly rendered by Henry P.
Upham to this Society during many years, will be an inspira-
tion to those who succeed him in its councils.
Hon. John B. Gilfillan, of Minneapolis, said:
I would not have my silence upon this occasion construed
as indifference to what has been said and done here in honor
of our friend. It was my privilege to know him ifirst, I think,
away back in the early sixties, when he held a position of trust
and responsibility in the banking institution of Thompson
Brothers; and from that time forward, through a long life of
business activity, it was a great and growing satisfaction to
come into associations with him frequently. The impress of
his daily life was productive of pleasant memories all along the
line.
If there was any one characteristic that impressed me more
than another, it was his native manliness. No one could look
upon him, or have to do with him, without feeling, there is a
man. In him were found all the elements of manliness in an
eminent degree. Ever courteous, kindly and considerate, he
always won friends and held them with a firm hold. He enter-
tained malice toward none, but sympathy for all. His word
was as good as the written bond. Cool, clear, and considerate,
his judgment was without error, his counsel safe, and his aid
always valuable and dependable. Looking back over his whole
812 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
life, we see nothing to be repented of, but rather a life without
blemish, an inspiration and a guide to the best this world
affords.
Well will it be for us if in the end we shall be able to com-
mand in a like degree the respect, approval, confidence, and
love of our fellows.
Hon. Channing Seabury said:
Mr. Upham was an upright man, a hater of meanness or
deceit, and a loyal friend. It has been said that "a successful
banker must have an iron- face. ' ' Its meaning is that he must
learn to say ''No." Mr. Upham learned to say ''No," but he
could also say "Yes," with cordiality. I will give an example
of the latter trait of his character, simply to illustrate it. The
firm of which I am a member had been customers of his bank
for many years. I had never been told what our "line" or
"limit" was, although it is usual and customary for every bor-
rower to have an understanding of this character with his
banker. So I asked him once, what I should consider our
"line" to be, as I did not want to ever meet with a refusal.
He quickly answered me, "As long as Bailey and I run this
bank, come and get money when you need it. Whenever we
think you have had enough, we will tell you so." This was
the only answer I ever got, but it illustrates his loyalty to any
one he believed in. I am only one of many who can testify
to it.
He was a strong man, at all times, — in the hours of pros-
perity, or when panics came. I have seen him under all con-
ditions, and if there were more men like him in the world, it
would be a better place to live in.
Rev. John Wright, pastor of St. Paul's Episcopal Church,
said :
I desire at this time to emphasize a certain aspect of Mr.
Upham 's life, his habitual benevolence. This was not left to
caprice, impulse, or sentiment, but followed a deliberate sys-
tem. His ear was ever open to the cry of distress, and his heart
softened whenever he knew of a case of suffering.
I never had to appeal to him or make any solicitation or even
refresh his memory. There were certain times when his be-
i
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. Bl3
nevolence acted promptly, gladly, and freely. For over twenty
years he sent me each Christmas, Easter, and Thanksgiving, a
check representing a substantial sum, and left it to my judg-
ment how it should be applied. I knew of many persons who
would never seek aid from the charitable organizations of a
great city, who would quietly accept relief through me.
In this way I was able to reach very deserving cases. In-
valids who were emaciated and weakened through the lack of
nourishing food, were . supplied with the sustaining things of
life, and were brought back to health. Through the stress of
poverty others were behind in the payment of rent, and the
proffered relief brought peace of mind and communicated new
courage for the battle of life. Loss of employment, unexpected
sickness, funeral expenses, and the varied phases and condi-
tions that belong to the laboring and low^ly classes, were splen-
didly met through the generosity and thoughtfulness of Mr.
Upham.
He had a kind heart, and it was full of sympathy for those
who were in genuine distress. He had a strong dislike for the
confirmed crank, or for any insincerity in applicants for char-
ity. But for the truly deserving he had words and deeds of
helpfulness. The death of Mr. Upham was a personal loss to
me, and he will always have a loving place in my memory. I
also know that his death brought sorrow to the hearts of hun-
dreds of people in this community who had been uplifted and
blessed through his benefactions.
HENRY CHESTER WAITE.
In the Council Meeting on January 13, 1913, the following
memorial was presented by Hon. C. F. Macdonald, of St. Cloud .
Among the young men of the East, sixty years ago, who
"Heard the tread of pioneers
Of nations yet to be,"
in the far west, and joined the tide of emigration towards the
setting sun, was Henry Chester Waite, a native of Rensselaer-
ville, Albany county, New York, born June 30, 1830. When
814 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
quite young, his parents moved to Chautauqua county, and later
to a farm where Henry had agricultural experience. He pre-
pared for college at Fredonia and Jamestown, and graduated
from Union College, Schenectady, in 1851. He read law in the
office of Emory F. Warren, of Sinclairville, and was admitted
to the bar at a term of court held at Angelica, Allegany county,
in 1853. In the autumn of the same year, Mr. Waite journeyed
westward to Madison, Wisconsin, and formed a law partner-
ship with Alexander Botkin and Thomas Hood, under the firm
name of Botkin, Hood & Waite. In the spring of 1855, Mr.
Waite located at St. Cloud, Minnesota, and was the first attor-
ney to open an office in that embryo city.
After practicing several years, he engaged in the banking
business with Thomas C. MeClure, a brother-in-law, and con-
tinued until 1865, when he was appointed Register of the United
States Land Office, a position he held for four years. Follow-
ing this period, and for some years, he was engaged in flour
milling at Cold Spring, merchandising at the same place, and
farming. He was a member of the firm of Clark, Waite &
McClure, probably the strongest business organization in cen-
tral and northern Minnesota at that period.
He saw a great deal of frontier life, and took an active in-
terest in plans for the upbuilding of that region, as well as in
political matters. In 1857 he was elected as a Democratic dele-
gate to the Constitutional Convention, and took his seat in that
wing of that body. In that period of anti-slavery agitation in
the North, and of bitter threats of retaliation by secession in
the South, partisan feeling was very strong, and both factions
sought to control the new state. Leading Republicans from
other states came to Minnesota to aid their party friends in
the battle royal, among them John P. Hale, of New Hampshire ;
Lyman Trumbull and Owen Lovejoy, of Illinois ; Schuyler Col-
fax, of Indiana ; and our own James H. Baker, then of Ohio.
In the membership of the two wings of that memorable con-
vention were many of the ablest and brightest pioneer citizens
of the Territory, who were and ever will be a credit to the Ter-
ritory and State, whose memory will be honored more and more
in generations to come, as the inestimable value of their serv-
ices in laying well the foundation of this great commonwealth
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 815
comes to be more fully realized. In the Democratic wing were
such leaders as Henry H. Sibley, Willis A. Gorman, William
Holcombe, George L. Becker, Michael E. Ames, C. E. Flandrau,
B. B. Meeker, Lafayette Emmett, and Henry C. Waite, well
fitted for the task before them ; as were equally so the leaders
in the opposing branch, Thomas Wilson, St. A. D. Balcombe,
Lucas K. Stannard, Clark W. Thompson, Thomas J. Galbraith,
John AV. North, 0. F. Perkins, Amos Coggswell, and Cyrus
Aldrich.
In that body of able men Mr. Waite took a prominent part.
He was tena.ciously opposed to any compromise with what he
and others termed "that other illegal body," and was on& of
the thirteen Democrats who voted against the final Compromise
Constitution.
When we consider the strong bitterness existing between
the two wings, it is a source of surprise and gratification that
the fundamental law finally evolved has proven so meritorious
and has guided the Ship of State safely for more than half a
century.
Mr. Waite later allied himself with the Republican party,
as did other Democrats. From the Republican wing there also
were desertions, such leaders as Thomas Wilson, Amos Coggs-
well, and Cyrus Aldrich, going over to the Democracy in later
years.
It was thought at the time of his death that Mr. Waite was
the last survivor of the Constitutional Convention membership,
but it has since developed that Lucas K. Stannard still sur-
vives, aged eighty-seven years.
In the later history of the State, Mr. Waite served one term
in the House of Representatives and three in the Senate, tak-
ing a leading position. He was a life member of this Society.
In disposition he was one of the most kindly of men, a good
friend and neighbor, and highly esteemed for his many gener-
ous and endearing qualities. His tastes were along literary
lines. He possessed poetic talent of a high order, and was the
author of poems and other articles of excellence.
January 1, 1860, Mr. Waite wedded Mrs. Maria D. Paige, a
daughter of Dr. Shepard Clark, of Hubbardston, Mass. Two
sons were born to them, John Chester and Clark. The former
616 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
died in November, 1887. Mrs. Waite died three years ago.
For several years prior to his death, Mr. Waite's growing
infirmities incapacitated him from active life. The last two
years he spent on his farm near St. Cloud. Following the
death' of his wife, he gradually but surely failed until finally
the lamp of life ceased burning, at the dawn of Friday, No-
vember 15, 1912.
More than a quarter of a century ago, Mr. Waite became a
convert to the Roman Catholic faith, and his funeral services
were held in the St. Cloud Cathedral, on Monday, November
18. His remains were laid at rest in North Star Cemetery, in
the Waite family lot.
WILLIAM DREW WASHBURN.
A MEMORIAL PrKsenti^d by thi^ Se:cre:tary.
William Drew Washburn, a member of the distinguished
Washburn family of nation-wide influence and fame, and one
of the most prominent citizens of Minnesota, was born on a
farm near Livermore, Maine, January 14, 1831, being the sev-
enth son of his parents. He attended the district school in his
childhood, and later attended an academy and Bowdoin col-
lege, being graduated from this college in 1854. The next two
years were spent in reading law in the office of his brother
Israel, and in that of John A. Peters, later chief justice of
Maine.
In 1857 young Washburn came to Minnesota, and in May he
opened a law office in Minneapolis.
President Lincoln appointed him surveyor general of this
state in 1861, and after serving four years in this position he
engaged in the lumber business.
From 1869 to 1877 he was a railroad builder for the Minne-
apolis and St. Louis railway company. Later he began the con-
struction of the Minneapolis, St. Paul and Sault Ste. Marie
line, building several hundred miles of that railway in the
years 1885-89, and was president of this company until the lat-
I
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 817
ter year, when he resigned on account of his election to the
United States Senate.
Besides these large lumbering and railroad enterprises, he
was interested in the extensive Pillsbury- Washburn flouring
mills, these companies being organized both in Minnesota and
in England.
In 1871 Mr. Washburn' was a representative in the State
Legislature. In 1878 he was elected to the lower house of Con-
gress, where he served six years ; and from 1889 to 1895 he was
United States senator from Minnesota. He was prominent in
public services and charities in this state, and he was elected a
life member of this Historical Society on November 13, 1882.
He died at his home in Minneapolis, July 29, 1912.
FREDERICK WEYERHAEUSER.
Born November 21, 1834; Died April 4, 1914.
The following memorial was presented by NewKL H. Clapp,
of St. Paul, in the Council Meeting on April 13, 1914.
It is difficult to speak of men who have achieved the suc-
cess to which Mr. Weyerhaeuser attained without speaking in
exaggerated terms. This is more especially true of him be-
cause so much of the success ascribed to him by the general
public, and in the public prints, as relates to the volume of his
wealth or property, is really the aggregate of success finan-
cially of many others jointly with Mr. Weyerhaeuser. So it
must be borne in mind that when any one speaks of the prop-
erties owned by Mr. Weyerhaeuser, he is, unconsciously per-
haps, but nevertheless necessarily, speaking of him and his as-
sociates. I shall try in what I have to say this evening to avoid
this error, and to speak only of the man and his character.
When I first knew him, in the early eighties, before his com-
ing in 1891 to be a resident of St. Paul, he had passed the early
stages of his business career, had built up the great business
machine of which he was the director, and was perhaps at the
zenith of his power as an organizer and controller of men. It
818 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
is of some of the qualities of mind and heart that enabled him
to rise to that position that I want to speak at this time.
Mr. "Weyerhaeuser was a business genius. He was one of
those rare men who can, and do, see beyond the present and
immediate future, and forecast with a wonderful degree of cer-
tainty and accuracy the progress and outcome of a particular
line of business or a particular kind of property. He used to
deny that he or any other man was ever possessed of any such
intuition or judgment, and to say that business success awaits
any man who has fair judgment and nerve to back it, and who
will work hard to attain his ends. But I feel sure there is
something more than merely fair judgment, nerve, and indus-
try, required to attain such great success as did Mr. "Weyer-
haeuser. I think this wonderful ability to foresee the value of
a piece of property, or of a method of conducting a business in
a particular manner, was one of the main factors in his success.
Then, he was a thoroughly honest man. He was not honest
because he felt that was the best policy, but because his mind
could tolerate nothing else for himself, and the standard he set
for himself he required others to conform to.
He was kind, generous, and considerate; while he was a
man of strong will, determined to carry out his plans in all
cases when he believed them right, he was always glad to listen
to the views of others and never attempted to force his opinions
on any one. No matter how much any or all of his associates
might disagree with him, he never even tried to compel them
or any of them to adopt his views. No large purchase of prop-
erty was ever made, no general change of business methods or
policy was ever ordered, without the unanimous consent of
those interested with him, nor until by kindly argument, which
amounted usually to a demonstration, he had convinced those
who at first opposed him, that he was right. He was a genuine
conservator ; not one of those who believe that the way to con-
serve is to put away and neither use yourself nor let anybody
else use, but one who believed in the teachings of our Saviour,
that if one was entrusted with a talent it was his duty to make
that talent produce as many others as possible. He was among
the first, if not the first, in his line of business, to see the ter-
jible waste of money and material that was taking place, and
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 819
to devise methods to prevent it; and he continued to strive for
those methods which vrould still further prevent waste as long
as he lived.
About the year 1870 he, with Mr. Denkmann, was engaged
in the business of manufacturing lumber at Rock Island. They
had up to that time prospered in their business, and had con-
ducted it without much reference to what others in the same
line were doing. They owned some pine timber on tributaries
of the Mississippi, and„ like all their competitors, they ''looked
out for themselves," which means that in the, fall each man, or
firm, went into the woods with his own crew of men, built his
own logging camps and logging roads and dams, and cut and
hauled his logs to some stream down which they could be
floated. "When spring arrived with its floods, each proprietor
"went on the stream prepared to ''drive" his own logs; he paid
no attention to his neighbor, took no precaution to prevent too
many logs being driven into one place at the same time, nor
any heed of his neighbor's necessity for the use of the same
water that he needed. Of course, the logs ultimately became
hopelessly intermingled, and they must be, and were, stopped
many times and assorted, so that the logs belonging to indi-
viduals doing business at that point were delivered to them.
This necessarily involved handling and rehandling them many
times, hindering the ultimate delivery of the logs to the mills
for manufacture. Necessarily, too, this method caused con-
stant friction and ill feeling and more or less litigation, and it
was constantly growing worse.
Mr. Weyerhaeuser saw that in some way these warring fac-
tions must be brought together and made to work in harmony.
The work of cutting and banking the logs must be put in the
hands of the best men, who were not necessarily the best men
to drive them, and for that part of the work also the best men
must be selected. If a road, dam, or other "improvement,"
necessary to handle the timber belonging to several parties,
must be built, all must contribute to the building, and then all
must be allowed to reap its benefits. The waters of the various
tributaries upon which the logs were banked, and of the main
streams, must be controlled and used so as to obtain the best
results for the lumbermen as a whole; some scheme must be
820 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
devised whereby there should be, as far as possible, a common
ownership of the logs, and then the logs must be so divided
that each owner should receive his fair proportion, quantity
and quality being considered. To those of us who have seen
the result finally attained, all these things look so reasonable
and necessary that we can hardly conceive how anyone would
do, or want to do, otherwise. But when we consider that Mr.
Weyerhaeuser 's business competitors were also men of strong
wills, with fixed ideas as to the way in which their business
should be conducted, and with the usual selfish belief that their
particular property and business methods were a little or a
great deal better than any or a great majority of the others, we
get a faint idea of the task Mr. "Weyerhaeuser set himself to
accomplish.
Time will not permit, nor am I sufficiently familiar with
details to be able to recount all that was accomplished. The
first organization was known as the Mississippi River Logging
Company, in which Mr. Weyerhaeuser succeeded in bringing
together a large majority of the mill owners and lumbermen on
the Mississippi and its tributaries (other than the St. Croix)
reaching into the pine forests of Wisconsin. Using their com-
bined capital, they were able to buy large and choice tracts of
timber when the owners were ready to sell them, and combin-
ing their skill as lumbermen they were able to, and did, inaug-
urate business methods which eliminated waste, fraud, and du-
plication of labor, to such an extent that they could be certain
of a fair profit, where, pursuing the old methods, loss would
inevitably have resulted. Mr. Weyerhaeuser 's business career
up to that time had earned him the reputation of being honest,
farsighted and careful, and the men who were then associated
with him knew him well.
As time went on, they and others learned more of his un-
erring judgment, his sterling honesty and good sense, his abso-
lute fairness, and his ability and disposition to put his own
selfish interests in the background when they conflicted with
those of his partners in business, until they came to place upon
his shoulders the entire burden of managing the conduct of
their business. From time to time all, or some of them, joined
with him in forming other corporations to carry on the lum-
MEMORIALS OP DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 821
bering business. They all knew he would never in any way
permit himself or anyone else to reap a dollar of profit out of
an enterprise beyond his share of the profit of that enterprise
as a whole ; that if he told them a particular property could be
bought, or sold, at a certain price, that price was just what the
prospective vendor or purchaser had named; there was not a
cent in the transaction anywhere for Mr. Weyerhaeuser, or for
any one interested with him or on his side, beyond their share
in the enterprise as a whole ; and they knew that he honestly
believed that it was best to buy or sell, if he so advised.
Neither Mr. Weyerhaeuser nor any association of which he was
a member ever issued, or directly or indirectly consented to the
issue of, a dollar of water stock. Indeed, they were apt to
squeeze it so hard that it was worth, when issued, at least two
for one.
So it came to be said by all of those associated with him,
''Whatever Weyerhaeuser says goes," and from this saying, I
think, has grown the idea that he at all times had the majority
in interest and the power, legally, to enforce his views. This
idea is very far from the truth. Mr. Weyerhaeuser picked his
associates; he had excellent judgment as to the character of
other men, and he had the advice of many friends who either
knew something of the man under consideration, or knew some-
one who did. Having once determined that a man came up to
his standards, Mr. Weyerhaeuser trusted him absolutely and
permitted him to have as large an interest in a given enterprise
as was consistent with the rights of others and as the man could
carry. Mr. Weyerhaeuser never stipulated for, or had for him-
self, the majority in interest or vote in any one of the many
companies he was connected with. But because of his personal
ability, fairness and honesty, and the faith his associates had
in him, he always had the practical control.
Mr. Weyerhaeuser would never himself resort to, or tolerate
in his employees, any unfair or underhanded methods of com-
petition with others who were not interested or associated with
him; he believed that prosperous neighbors contributed more
to his own prosperity than insolvent ones, and always sought
not to pull down, but to build up those with whom he came in
contact.
822 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
He was essentially a lumberman; he believed that a man
could attain great ends only by sticking to his own business.
He took great pains to become, and he was, well informed, in
a general way, as to most other lines of business and their
needs and possibilities, and he used this information to enable
him to shape the conduct of his own business.
As he grew to be a great figure in the lumbering business,
his advice and financial aid were sought by men in other lines,
and to a very limited extent he invested in some of them ; but
he never lost his love for a pine tree, and was always ready to
buy one, or more, when it was offered him at what he consid-
ered a fair price.
He never dealt in, or had much to do with, any other kind
of timber. It is related of him that on a certain occasion a man
tried to sell him a tract of hardwood, and took great pains to
picture in somewhat glowing terms the wonderful possibilities
of an investment in the tract. Among other things he sought
to show that the hardwood could be manufactured into many
different kinds of wood products from a toothpick to a grand
piano, while pine could only be used in the construction of
buildings. Mr. Weyerhaeuser listened very patiently and cour-
teously to the end of the discourse, and then closed the inter-
view by saying, ''Well, all that you say may be true, but I like
a pine tree because it is always green."
Time will not permit me to enlarge upon Mr. Weyerhaeus-
er's untiring industry. Until after an illness which to some
extent incapacitated him from physical exertion, he was con-
stantly engaged during the summer in traveling to and fro from
one manufacturing plant to another, advising and directing
the course to be pursued. His visits were not advertised, but
his managers knew he was liable to drop in at any time, and they
welcomed his arrival, because, while he never failed to criticise
and condemn improper or wasteful methods when he found
them, he never did so unkindly; and if a man was doing the
best he knew how, he was always praised, even if Mr. Weyer-
haeuser pointed out that the course being pursued was wrong.
An amusing anecdote was related of one manager who had
the reputation of being a little ''near." This man learned of
one of Mr. Weyerhaeuser 's visits in advance and "slicked up"
I
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 823
until lie thought no possible criticism could be made. Mr.
Weyerhaeuser arrived, and together they started to inspect
the plant. The manager was not modest in calling attention
to the fine condition of everything, nor was Mr. Weyerhaeuser
stinted in his praise of what he saw. But it seems that some-
body had made the mistake of cutting the strings with which
the bundles of lath were tied, about twice as long as was nec-
essary, thus wasting the extra string. Mr. Weyerhaeuser saw
it instantly, and, turning to the manager, said, ''When did you
begin to put neckties on them?"
When the mills were idle in the winter months and active
logging operations were being carried on, Mr. Weyerhaeuser
spent most of his time in the woods, and he used to say that it
was these months in the woods among the pines, sharing the
rough quarters and homely fare of the men in his employment,
that he enjoyed most, that this really constituted his vacation
and gave him strength to perform his tasks.
Much has been said of Mr. Weyerhaeuser 's secretiveness
and secret methods of work. He was both socially and in busi-
ness a very modest man. He abhorred notoriety, ostentation,
or display of any kind. He did not feel that the public gen-
erally had, or ought to have, any particular interest in him as
an individual. The business world in which he moved knew
him for what he was as a man. That what was so known was
not published broadcast is due, I think, entirely to his own
modesty and the respect therefor entertained by those who
knew him. To all those who were associated Avith him, and to
all those who met him in a business or social way, he was frank
and open to a remarkable degree. He did not hesitate to tell
all he knew about anything, or anybody, himself included,
always avoiding, however, any claim for himself of wealth,
power, or social position. Many times some of his associates
thought he was almost too frank and willing to talk relating to
his business affairs. Perhaps it is needless to say that he never
exaggerated or talked for effect, or made statements he did not
know to be true. What he said was to be taken at its full
value.
To one who has known him intimately, at least in a busi-
ness way, it is a pleasure to speak of him. I have tried to give
824 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
my ideas of Mr. Weyerhaeuser as a business man, and of those
qualities which enabled him to succeed. To recount the vari-
ous enterprises in which he has been interested and his suc-
cesses or failures, for sometimes he did make mistakes, would
be to write a book, and, I believe, in the end would throw little
more light on his essential characteristics than what I have
said.
NEWTON HORACE WINCHELL.
Mi:morials in the: Council Me^e^ting, May 11, 1914.
Warren Upham, Secretary, presented the following bio-
graphic memorial.
A member of this Historical Society who had attained a
worldwide fame by his work as the State Geologist of Minne-
sota, Professor N. H. Winchell, has fallen, — let us rather say,
and more truly, he has been promoted, called up higher. He
was born in North East, Dutchess county, N. Y., December 17,
1839 ; and died in a hospital of Minneapolis, the city of his home,
on Saturday afternoon, May 2, in the seventy-fifth year of his
age.
Like his brother, Alexander, with whose family he had his
home during the early part of his university studies, at Ann
Arbor, Michigan, Newton Horace devoted himself mainly to
the science of geology, with allied interest in all branches of
natural history. In Michigan he did much early work for
botany; and in his latest years, after his geological survey of
Minnesota was completed, he performed very valuable services
for this Society on the archaeology and ethnology of this state
and the northwest. From the later work resulted a quarto
volume, published in 1911, entitled, ''The Aborigines of Min-
nesota," 761 pages, with many illustrations and about 500 maps
of groups of Indian mounds. This volume, and the twenty-
four Annual Reports and six quarto volumes of Final Reports
of the Geological and Natural History Survey of Minnesota,
are monuments more enduring than bronze, which will be con-
sulted and studied during all the coming centuries by inves-
Minnesota Historical Society.
Vol. XV. Plate XXI.
I
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 825
tigators of the origin and history of the races of mankind and
by all interested in geology or earth lore, not only in the schools
and universities of Minnesota but of all the world.
Newton Horace Winchell in boyhood attended the public
school and academy at Salisbury, Conn. ; and at the age of six-
teen years he began teaching in a district school of his native
town. Two years later, in 1858, he entered the University of
Michigan, where his brother was the professor of geology. The
next eight years were spent alternately in studies at the univer-
sity and in school teaching, the schools taught being in Ann
Arbor, Grass Lake, Flint, Kalamazoo, Colon, and Port Huron,
Michigan. Previous to his graduation at the university, in
1866, he had been two years the superintendent of public
schools in St. Clair, Mich. ; and next after graduation he was
again superintendent of schools at Adrian in that state for two
years, 1867-69. He received from his Alma Mater the degree
of master of arts in 1867.
During a year, in 1869-70, he was an assistant to Prof.
Alexander Winchell on the Geological Survey of Michigan;
and later in 1870 he visited and reported on the copper and
silver deposits of New Mexico. In 1871 he assisted Prof. J. S.
Newberry, the state geologist of Ohio, surveying and reporting
on twenty counties in the northwestern part of that state.
In the summer of 1872, N. H. Winchell was invited by Presi-
dent Folwell, of the University of Minnesota, to take up the
work then recently ordered by the legislature for a survey of
the geology and natural history of this state, to be done under
the direction of the Board of Regents of the University. In
this work he continued twenty-eight years, until 1900 ; and dur-
ing the first seven years, until 1879, he performed also the full
duties of the university professorship of geology. Later he re-
linquished teaching, aside from occasional lectures, and gave
all his time to the diversified duties of the state survey and the
euratorship of the university museum.
In the summer of 1874 Professor Winchell accompanied
General Custer's expedition to the Black Hills, brought back
many valuable additions for the museum, and prepared a report
which contains the first geological map of the interior of the
Black Hills.
826 MINNESOTA HISTOHICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
In 1873 he was one of the organizers of the Minnesota
Academy of Natural Sciences, which he served during three
terms as president ; and he continued as one of its most active
members throughout his life.
He was a fellow of the American Association for the Ad-
vancement of Science, and presided over its geological section
at the Philadelphia meeting in 1884. He was also one of the
chief founders of the Geological Society of America, in 1889,
and was its president in 1902. He was a member of national
societies of mineralogy and geology in France and Belgium.
In the International Congress of Geologists he became a mem-
ber in 1888, being reporter for the American committee on the
nomenclature of the Paleozoic series; contributed papers in
French to its subsequent meetings at Boulogne and Zurich ; and
attended its triennial meeting last August in Toronto.
Under appointment by President Cleveland in 1887, Pro-
fessor Winchell was a member of the United States Assay Com-
mission. His geological reports received a diploma and, medal
at the Paris Exposition of 1889, and a medal at the World's
Fair in Chicago in 1893.
He was the chief founder of the American Geologist, a
monthly magazine, which was published in Minneapolis, under
his editorship, during eighteen years, 1888-1905, in two volumes
yearly, forming a series of thirty-six volumes. This work, in
which he was much assisted by Mrs. Winchell, greatly promoted
the science of geology, affording means of publication to many
specialists and amateurs throughout this country. It also
brought out many biographic sketches, with portraits, of the
principal early American workers in this wide field of knowl-
edge.
In one of the bulletins of the Minnesota Geological Survey,
entitled "The Iron Ores of Minnesota," 430 pages, with maps,
published in 1891, Prof. N. H. Winchell had the aid of his son,
Horace Vaughn Winchell; and in a text-book, ''Elements of
Optical Mineralogy," 502 pages, 1909, he was associated in au-
thorship with his younger son, Prof. Alexander Newton Win-
chell, of the University of Wisconsin. During parts of the
later years of the Minnesota survey he was aided by his son-in-
law. Dr. Ulysses S. Grant, professor of geology in the North-
western University, Evanston, Illinois.
J
Memorials of deceased members, 1909-14. 827
In 1895-96 Professor and Mrs. N. H. Winchell spent about
a year in Paris, France, and again he was there during six
months in 1898, his attention being given mainly during each
of these long visits abroad to special studies and investigations
in petrology.
My association with Professor N. H. Winchell began in
June, 1879. Coming from the Geological Survey of New Hamp-
shire, in which I had been for several years an assistant, I was
thenceforward one of the assistants of the Minnesota survey
six years, until 1885, and again in 1893 and 1894. In the mean-
time and later, while I was an assistant geologist of the surveys
of the United States and Canada, on the exploration, mapping,
and publication of the Glacial Lake Agassiz, which occupied
the basin of the Red river and of lakes Winnipeg and Mani-
toba, my frequent association with Prof. Winchell kept me con-
stantly well acquainted with the progress of his Minnesota
work. Since the spring of 1906 he had been in the service of
the Minnesota Historical Society, having charge of its Depart-
ment of Archaeology. During all these thirty-five years I had
intimately known him, and had increasingly revered and loved
him. Besides being a skilled geologist, Newton Horace Win-
chell was a good citizen, a Christian in faith and practice, be-
loved by all who knew him.
Among the many special investigations which Prof. N. H.
Winchell published during the forty-five years of his active
work as a scientist, author, and editor, none probably has been
more widely influential upon geologic thought and progress
than his studies and estimates of the rate of recession of the
Falls of St. Anthony, cutting the Mississippi river gorge from
Fort Snelling to the present site of the falls in Minneapolis.
This investigation, first published in 1876, gave about 8,000
years as the time occupied by the gorge erosion, which is like-
wise the approximate measure of the time that has passed since
the closing stage of the Ice Age or Glacial period, when the
border of the waning ice-sheet was melted away on the area
of Minnesota.
Artificially chipped quartz fragments and rude aboriginal
implements found in the Mississippi valley drift at Little Falls,
in central Minnesota, belonging to the time of final melting of
828 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
the ice-sheet there, and other traces of man's presence at nearly
the same time, or even much earlier, in numerous other locali-
ties of the southern part of our great North American glaciated
area, have led Professor Winchell and others, as the late Hon.
J. V. Brower, Professors G. F. Wright and F. W. Putnam, and
myself, to a confident belief that mankind occupied this con-
tinent during the later part of the Ice Age, or even quite prob-
ably much earlier in that period, and possibly even before our
continental glaciation began. This very interesting line of in-
vestigation was the theme of the last paper written by Pro-
fessor Winchell, entitled "The Antiquity of Man in America
Compared with Europe," which he presented as a lecture be-
fore the Iowa Academy of Sciences in Cedar Falls, Iowa, on
Friday evening, April 24, only a week before he died.
The work on which he was engaged for this Historical So-
ciety, during his last eight years, based on very extensive col-
lections, by Hon. J. V. Brower, of aboriginal implements from
Minnesota and other states west to the Rocky mountains and
south to Kansas, enabled Professor Winchell to take up very
fully the questions of man's antiquity and of his relation to
the Ice Age.
During the years 1909-10 Professor Winchell, as a member
of the Museum Committee of this Society, gave much attention
to investigations of the rune stone found near Kensington, in
Douglas county, bearing inscriptions purporting to be a record
of a party of Swedes and Norwegians coming there in the year
1362. The report of this committee, concluding that the inscrip-
tions are probably true and of that very ancient date, was first
published by this Society in December, 1910, and is reprinted in
pages 221-286 of this volume, with illustrative plates and maps.
Professor Winchell was the author of the report, and he was
entirely confident of the reliability of this conclusion, in which
each of his associates in the committee concurred.
The last publication in his work for this Society was in the
summer of 1913, entitled "The Weathering of Aboriginal Stone
Artifacts, No. 1 ; A Consideration of the Paleoliths of Kansas, ' '
forming Part I of Volume XVI, M. H. S. Collections, 186 pages,
with a map, 19 plates, and numerous text illustrations.
He had enjoyed somewhat good health until the last week.
I
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 829
although suffering in some degree with a chronic trouble of
many years, and his death resulted from a needed surgical
operation done on the preceding day.
Geologist, naturalist, ethnologist, archaeologist, historian,
my well trusted guide and comrade through half a lifetime, toil-
ing ever upward, Farewell !
*' Green be the turf above thee.
Friend of my better days!
None knew thee but to love thee.
Nor named thee but to praise."
William W. Folwe:ll, the first president of the University
of Minnesota, said:
I willingly respond to the request for a few words in ap-
preciation of Professor Winchell. Regents Pillsbury and
Nicols, both members of the state senate in 1872, had little
difficulty in securing the passage of a bill drawn by the writer,
for the establishment of a Geological and Natural History Sur-
vey of Minnesota. The plan was to have the scientific work of
the survey carried on by members of the University faculty,
under the general oversight of the board of regents.
From the candidates for the new professorship of geology.
Professor Newton H. Winchell was easily selected. He had
been graduated from the University of Michigan, where his dis-
tinguished brother, then one of the leading geologists of the
country, was professor. He had been principal of a high school,
and had taught in the University which had graduated him.
He had had three years 'experience as assistant on the geological
surveys of Michigan and Ohio. This combination of gifts and
experience seemed to fit him expressly for the double service in
Minnesota. A few years of labor fully justified the recom-
mendations of friends and the judgment of the regents.
For seven years Professor Winchell carried all or nearly all
the teaching in the department of geology and mineralogy. By
that time there was a good deal of clamor for immediate eco-
nomic results from the survey, in response to which the regents
relieved him of all instruction to devote his whole time and
strength to the survey.
Had he remained an active member of the faculty, and gone
in and out among us, it would not be necessary now to remind
830 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
the faculty and the whole University that the man whose body
we laid to rest a week ago has given the University a wider
repute than all of us put together. His final report on the
geology of Minnesota in six noble quartos is on the shelves
of all the great libraries of the world. One whose attainments
entitle his opinion to credence has said of this work: "No
state publication of like nature surpasses in scientific impor-
tance this survey by Mr. Winchell, and it could be said none
equals it."
My wish is to remind you that a truly great scholar has been
taken from the University circle, and that Minnesota has lost
one of her most useful citizens. Professor Newton Horace
Winchell's name is forever inscribed on the roll of our most
distinguished men.
Colonel Jame:s Hamilton Davidson, of St. Paul, said:
It has been my good fortune to be brought into very close
relationship and personal friendship with three members of this
Society, namely, John Fletcher Williams, General James H.
Baker, and Professor N. H. Winchell. The bond of friendship
between the two former and myself grew somewhat out of the
fact that they were early graduates of the Ohio Wesleyan Uni-
versity at Delaware, Ohio, where I received my degrees. They
were all wonderfully helpful to this great society which has
been collecting its records and its treasures for more than half
a century.
I am glad to know that this Society's library and other col-
lections will soon Ibe housed in a suitable fireproof building
where these treasures, which could never be replaced, will be
carefully housed and cared for, a storehouse of information for
all coming generations.
In his printed reports and scientific works, which are many,
Prof. N. H. Winchell will live through coming ages. I venture
to make this suggestion, that, when the new Historical Society
Building is completed and the work of ornamenting it is under-
taken, a life size statue of purest Parian marble be erected at
the entrance to commemorate this great man and his historic
work.
OTHER DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14.
Me:morials Pr^sentivd by Warre:n Upham.
Samue:!^ Eme:ry Adams, elected to life membership in this
Society January 10, 1876, was born in Reading, Vt., December
1, 1828 ; and died at his home in Minneapolis, March 29, 1912.
He came to Minnesota in 1856, settling in Monticello; was a
state senator, 1857-60; was paymaster in the civil war, and
was brevetted lieutenant colonel ; resided in Minneapolis after
1883, being in real estate business, and was an alderman many
years. He was a prominent freemason.
CharlDS Edwin Ai^IvI^n, of Cedar Grove, Maine, who was
elected to corresponding membership February 8, 1909, died
at his home October 28, 1911.
Charles Gordon Ames, who during half a century was a
corresponding member of this Society, was born in Dorchester,
Mass., October 3, 1828; and died in Boston, Mass., April 15,
1912. He came to Minnesota in 1851, as a missionary of the
Free Baptist church, but, his theological views having changed,
he joined the Unitarian denomination. He remained in St.
Anthony Falls until 1859 ; later was a pastor in Illinois, New
York and California, and in Philadelphia, and after 1888 in
Boston. He is commemorated in "A Spiritual Autobiography,
with an Epilogue by Alice Ames Winter, ' ' 229 pages, 1913.
Arthur Converse Anderson, elected an annual member
of this Society February 8, 1897, was born in Bethel, Vt., De-
cember 2, 1859; and died at his home in White Bear, Minn.,
May 29, 1909. He settled in St. Paul in 1883; was assistant
cashier of the St. Paul National Bank, 1883-8, cashier 1888-
1902 ; and its president from 1902 until 1906, when it was con-
solidated with the Capital National Bank.
832 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Daniel A. J. Bake:p was born in 1822 in New Sharon,
Maine; and died in Minneapolis, October 2, 1909. He came
to Minnesota in 1849, and taught at St. Paul, in 1850-51, the
first public school in the territory, having 103 pupils in attend-
ance. After practicing law here three years, he joined with
others in 1854 in pre-empting the site and founding the town
of Superior, Wisconsin. He was appointed judge of the dis-
trict court by the governor of Wisconsin, and held this com-
mission three years. In 1857 he was a member of the consti-
tutional convention of Minnesota; and thenceforward he re-
sided in Ramsey county, being its superintendent of schools for
ten years. He built a large residence and a greenhouse in 1867
on his farm in the southwest part of Rose township, later in-
cluded in the city of St. Paul. Judge Baker became a life mem-
ber of this Historical Society on January 15, 1856.
Adolph Francis Alphonse: Bande:lie:r, archaeologist, was
born in Bern, Switzerland, August 6, 1840; and died in Se-
ville, Spain, March 18, 1914. He came to the United States in
his youth; traveled extensively for the interests of arch-
aeology, ethnology, and history, in the southwestern United
States, Mexico, Central America, Peru, and Bolivia; was
elected a corresponding member of this Society on April 8, 1907.
GeoRG]^ Washington Batchelder, elected a life member
December 12, 1904, was born in Danville, Vt., February 18,
1826; and died in Faribault, Minn., January 9, 1910. He was
graduated at the University of Vermont, 1851 ; and four years
later, having been admitted to practice law, he came to Min-
nesota, settling at Faribault. In 1872-3 he was a state senator.
Albert Stillman Batchellor, elected a corresponding
member September 10, 1894, was born in Bethlehem, N. H., April
22, 1850; and died in Littleton, N. H., June 15, 1913. He was
graduated at Dartmouth College, 1872 ; practiced law, settling
in Littleton; and was the State Historian and Editor of the
New Hampshire State Papers after 1890.
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 83<$
John Edson Bell, elected to annual membership January
13, 1908, was born in Brownville, N. Y., October 10, 1834 ; and
died in Excelsior, Minn., September 10, 1909. He came to Min-
nesota in 1857, settling in Minneapolis, and engaged in mercan-
tile business. In 1870 he became cashier of the Hennepin
County Savings Bank, and after 1889 was its president till
his death. He was prominent in church, Sunday School, and
Y. M. C. A. work.
Peter Berkey was born near Johnstown, Pa., September
14, 1822 ; and died in St. Paul, April 16, 1909. When thirteen
years of age he became a driver on the Pennsylvania canal, and
afterward was captain of a fast canal packet plying between
Johnstown and Pittsburg. He came to Minnesota in 1853, set-
tling in St. Paul, and with John Nicols established a hardware
business. He was president of the St. Paul, Stillwater and Tay-
lor's Falls railroad company, 1871-76, and of the St. Paul Na-
tional Bank, 1883-92 ; was a representative in the Legislature,
1872. January 15, 1856, Captain Berkey was elected a life
member of this Historical Society, of which he was a councilor
from 1864 to 1870, being for a part of that time its treasurer.
Charles Henry Bigelow, elected an annual member De-
cember 11, 1899, was born in Easton, N. Y., June 4, 1835; and
died in St. Paul, July 31, 1911. He settled at St. Paul in 1864,
engaging in lumber business and insurance; was president of
the St. Paul Fire and Marine Insurance Company, 1876-1911.
Clara Wooster Abbie Blackman, elected a life member
September 14, 1908, died at her home in St. Paul, April 13, 1913.
She was a grade teacher in the Franklin School, 1874-85;
principal of the Longfellow School twenty-two years, 1885-
1907; and later was the compiler of a manuscript Blaekman
Genealogy.
Julian Clarence Bryant, elected a life member January
12, 1914, was born in Cincinnati, Ohio, February 9, 1852 ; died
in St. Paul, November 18, 1914. He came with his parents to
53
834 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL. SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Minnesota in 1859 ; was graduated at the University of Minne-
sota, 1878 ; was superintendent of schools in Owatonna three
years ; settled in St. Paul, 1883 ; studied law, and was admitted
to the bar; during many years, 1886-1912, was successively
principal of the Humboldt High School, the Central High
School, and the Madison School.
Augustus R. Capkhart, elected a corresponding member
May 8j 1905, was born in Georgia in 1836 ; settled in St. Paul in
1856 ; practiced law and dealt in real estate ; removed to Phoe-
nix, Arizona, in 1905 ; and died there, December 8, 1912.
Thdodore G. Carter was born in Allegany county, N. Y.,
in February, 1832; and died in St. Peter, Minn., August 7, 1914.
He came to Minnesota in 1856; two years later settled in St.
Peter, and was cashier in a bank ; served in the Seventh Minne-
sota regiment in the civil war, attaining the rank of captain;
afterward engaged in real estate and insurance business; was
elected to life membership in this Society May 10, 1897.
James Erwin Child, elected to annual membership Febru-
ary 12, 1906, was born in Jefferson county, N. Y., December 19,
1833 ; and died in Waseca, Minn., January 25, 1912. He came
to Minnesota in 1855, settling in Wilton, removed to Waseca in
1868 ; was a lawyer and newspaper editor ; a representative in
the state legislature, 1861, 1874, and 1883; a state senator in
1872; Prohibition candidate for governor in 1886; author of
''History of Waseca County," 848 pages, 1905.
Simeon P. Child, elected a life member December 11,
1899, was born in Ohio in 1836 ; and died at his home near
Shakopee, Minn., May 26, 1912. He came to Minnesota in 1855,
settling in Waseca county ; served in the Indian and civil wars ;
removed to Blue Earth City, 1866, to St. Paul, 1892, and to a
farm near Shakopee, 1900; was a representative in the legis-
lature, 1872-3 and 1877, and a state senator, 1874-5.
MEMORIALS OP DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. §35
Francis Byron Clarke, elected a life member November
13, 1882, was born in Madison county, N. Y., July 1, 1839; and
died in Portland, Oregon, April 24, 1911. He settled in St. Paul
in 1871; was in the employ of the West Wisconsin railway
company ; later was traffic manager of the Great Northern rail-
way, and in 1905 removed to Oregon.
Euge:ne: B. Crane, elected an annual member January 9,
1911, was born in Sharon, Ohio, November 4, 1840 ; was grad-
uated in law at the University of Michigan, 1866 ; came to Min-
nesota in 1870, settling at Austin; removed to Minneapolis in
1902 ; died at Ocean Park, California, November 4, 1912.
Frank Bertine Daugherty, contractor, elected to life
membership September 14, 1903, was born in Rosendale, Wis.,
June 7, 1850 ; died in Pine City, Minn., June 8, 1911. He set-
tled in Duluth in 1878; was a state senator, 1891-3 and 1899-
1902.
Thomas Hunter Dickson, elected to annual membership
December 14, 1908, was born in Philadelphia, Pa., December 4,
1840; died in St. Paul, May 14, 1912. He came to Minnesota
in 1880, settling in St. Paul; was freight agent of the Great
Northern railway, 1880-1901, and later of the Northern Pacific
railway.
Reuben Thomas DurrETT, elected a corresponding mem-
ber February 8, 1897, was born in Henry county, Kentucky,
Jan. 22, 1824; died in Louisville, Ky., September 16, 1913. He
was graduated at Brown University, 1849, and in law at the
University of Louisville, 1850, where he settled in law practice ;
was founder of the Filson Club, 1884, and was through his life
its president and supporter of its very valuable historical publi-
cations.
Richmond Pearl Everett, corresponding member, elected
December 10, 1894, was born in Providence, R. I., September 6,
1826, and resided there, engaging in mercantile business ; was
836 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL, SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
treasurer of the Rhode Island Historical Society thirty-five
years, 1867-1902; died at a sanitarium in Attleboro, Mass.,
March 9, 1910.
Henry Shields Fairchild was born in Warren county,
Ohio, August 18, 1826; died in St. Paul, September 18, 1913.
He came to Minnesota in 1857, settling in St. Paul, where he
engaged through his life in real estate business. He aided
greatly in securing for the state the site of the new capitol and
the state fair ground. He was elected a life member of this
Society November 13, 1882; was a member of the Executive
Council from January 8, 1894, until his death; author of
'' Sketches of the Early History of Real Estate in St. Paul,"
M. H. S. Collections, vol. X, 1905, pages 417-443, with his por-
trait.
George R. Finch, elected to life membership November 13,
1882, was born in Delaware, Ohio, September 24, 1839 ; died in
St. Paul, June 1, 1910. He came to Minnesota in 1863, settling
in this city, and engaged in wholesale dry goods business. After
1888 he was the senior member of his firm, its corporate name
for many years being Finch, Van Slyck, Young, and Company.
Alcee FoRTiER, elected to honorary membership April 8,
1907, was born in St. James Parish, La., June 5, 1856 ; died in
New Orleans, February 14, 1914. He was educated at the Uni-
versity of Virginia and in New Orleans; was professor of
Romance languages, Tulane University, from 1880 through his
life ; author of many historical works, including the History of
Louisiana, four volumes, 1904.
Henry Gannett, elected an honorary member March 11,
1907, was born at Bath, Maine, August 24, 1846 ; died in Wash-
ington, D. C, November 5, 1914. He was graduated at the
Lawrence Scientific School, Harvard University, 1869; was
topographer in surveys of the Territories by Dr. F. V. Hayden,
1872-79 ; was geographer of the censuses of 1880, '90, and 1900,
and of the U. S. Geological Survey after 1882, through his life ;
author of many .reports on geography and statistics.
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 837
Charles Benajah Gilbert, elected a life member March
10, 1890, was born in Wilton, Conn., March 9, 1855; died in
New York City, August 27, 1913. He was graduated from
Williams College, 1876 ; came to Minnesota in 1878, and taught
in Mankato and Winona ; settled in St. Paul in 1883 ; was prin-
cipal of the high school six years, and superintendent of the
city schools, 1889-96 ; removed to Rochester, N. Y., and later to
New York City ; author and editor of many educational books.
Joseph Alexander Gilfillan, elected a life member March
8, 1897, was born near Londonderry, Ireland, October 23, 1838 ;
died in New York City, November 20, 1913. He came to Min-
nesota in 1857; studied at the General Theological Seminary,
New York, 1865-9 ; was Episcopal rector in Duluth and Brain-
erd, and later was missionary to the Ojibway Indians in north-
ern Minnesota, 1873-98 ; removed to Washington, D. C. ; author
of ''The Ojibway, a Novel of Indian Life," 457 pages, 1904.
EarlE S. Goodrich was born in Genesee county, N. Y.,
July 27, 1827 ; and died in St. Paul, September 6, 1913. He
studied law, and learned the printer's trade; came to Minne-
sota in 1854, settling in St. Paul; purchased The Pioneer, and
in May, 1854, began its issue as the first daily newspaper of
Minnesota Territory; was commissioned as a captain in the
Civil War; later was manager of the St. Paul Gas Company,
and engaged in railroad construction. He was elected to this
Historical Society on January 15, 1856 ; was a member of its
Council from March 21, 1856, to February 16, 1864, and again
from January 20, 1879, to November 11, 1889.
Halsey R. W. Hall, elected a life member March 9, 1903,
was born in Hudson, Ohio, August 3, 1834 ; died in Minneapolis,
July 17, 1913. He engaged in newspaper work throughout his
life, being in Ohio until 1882, except the year 1870 in St. Paul.
After 1882 he resided in this city, but in 1905 removed to Min-
neapolis. In 1902 he presented to this Society 90 bound vol-
umes of newspapers, 1850-80, which had been published by his
father and himself in Ravenna, Ohio.
838 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
OsEE Matson Hall, elected a life member April 13, 1908,
was born in Conneaut, Ohio, September 10, 1847 ; died in St.
Paul, November 26, 1914. He settled in Red Wing, Minn., in
1868; was admitted to practice law in 1872; was a state sen-
ator, 1885; representative in Congress, 1891-5; member of the
Minnesota Tax Commission from 1907 until his death.
Herbert Leslie Hayden, elected to membersliip November
13, 1911, was born in Onondaga county, N. Y., March 23, 1850 ;
and died in ^Madison, Minn., November 20, 1911. He came to
Minnesota in 1875; settled in Lac qui Parle in 1878; was ad-
mitted to practice law, 1881; removed to Madison, 1884, and
was secretary and treasurer of the townsite company; was
county attorney of Lac qui Parle county, 1891-2 and 1895-6.
Henry Williamson Haynes, elected to honorary member-
ship February 8, 1897, was born in Bangor, Maine, September
20, 1831; was graduated at Harvard University, 1851; prac-
ticed law, and afterward was professor in the University of
Vermont, 1867-72; later was an explorer and writer in archae-
ology, and resided in Boston, Mass., where he died February
16, 1912.
LsAAC V. D. Heard, elected a life member October 14, 1889,
was born in Goshen, N. Y., August 31, 1834, and died there on
June 17, 1913. He came to St. Paul in 1851, and resided here
forty-three years ; studied law, and was city attorney, 1856 and
1865-7, and county attorney, 1857-63; was a state senator in
1871 ; removed east, on account of ill health, in 1894. He served
in a cavalry company during the Sioux war, 1862, and was
judge advocate at the trial of 303 Sioux prisoners; author of
''History of the Sioux War and Massacres of 1862 and 1863,''
354 pages, 1863.
Rev. J. C. Herdman, of Calgary, Alberta, was elected a
corresponding member January 13, 1902; was superintendent
of Presbyterian Home Missions, and a vice president of the
Western Canada Historical Society; died June 7, 1910.
I
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. §39
Sheldon Jackson, elected a corresponding member Feb-
ruary 8, 1897, was born in Minaville, N. Y., May 18, 1834; died
in Ashevilie, N. C, May 2, 1909. He was graduated from Union
University, 1855, and Princeton Theological Seminary, 1858;
was pastor in Minnesota at La Crescent, 1859-64, and Rochester,
1864-69 ; went to Alaska in 1877, as the first Presbyterian mis-
sionary there. In 1891-92 he introduced domestic reindeer into
Alaska, 171 reindeer being imported in 1892 from Siberia. >By
further importations and the natural increase, the herd had
grown in 1905 to 10,241 in number. He was the author of many
published reports on education, missions, and economic condi-
tions in Alaska.
Edwin Ames Jaggard, elected a life member January 9,
1911, was born in Altoona, Pa., June 21, 1859; died in Hamil-
ton, Bermuda, February 13, 1911. He was graduated at Dick-
inson College, 1879, and in law^ at the University of Pennsyl-
vania, 1882; settled at St. Paul in 1882; was a member of the
law faculty of the University of Minnesota after 1891 ; was
judge in the Second judicial district, 1899-1904, and associate
justice of the Supreme Court from 1905 until his death ; was
author of several text books on law.
Daniel S. B. Johnston, elected an annual member Feb-
ruary 8, 1897, was born in South Bainbridge, N. Y., May 17,
1832; died at his home in St. Paul, November 17, 1914. He
came to Minnesota in 1855; settled in St. Anthony, and en-
gaged in teaching and newspaper publication ; resided in St.
Paul after 1864, conducting loan and real estate business; was
donor of the site of the Young Women's Christian Association
building in this city, 1907. He was author of ''Minnesota Jour-
nalism in the Territorial Period," this Society's Collections,
vol. X, 1905, pages 247-351, with his portrait ; the continuation
of this subject to 1865, vol. XII, 1908, pages 183-262 ; and a
paper in the preceding pages 411-434 of this volume.
William Harris Laird, elected a life member January 11,
1904, was born in Union county. Pa., February 24, 1833; died
840 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
at a hospital in Baltimore, Md., February 5, 1910. He came to
Minnesota in 1855, settling in Winona, and in the firm of Laird,
Norton and Co., formed in 1856, engaged extensively in lum-
bering and lumber manufacturing. He was donor of the Public
Library building in Winona, and president of the trustees of
Carleton College.
Joseph Lockey, elected to annual membership December
11, 1899, was born in Yorkshire, England, January 1, 1836;
died in St. Paul, March 4, 1909. He came with his parents to
the United States when six years old; settled in Minnesota in
1860 as a merchant at Lake City; served in the Sixth Minne-
sota regiment during the Sioux war, 1862-3; was U. S. deputy
commissioner of pensions, 1870-6 ; national bank examiner,
1876-83; cashier and later president of the National German
American Bank of St. Paul, 1883-1903 ; president of the Amer-
ican National Bank after 1903.
Thomas Lowry, elected a life member November 13, 1882,
was born in Logan county. 111., February 27, 1843; died in Min-
neapolis, February .4, 1909. He was admitted to the bar in
1867, and the same year came to Minnesota, settling in Min-
neapolis, where he practiced law and dealt in real estate; was
president and principal stockowner of the company operating
the street railways of Minneapolis and St. Paul, called the
Twin City Rapid Transit Company ; author of ' ' Personal Remi-
niscences of Abraham Lincoln," privately printed, 32 pages,
1910.
Alfred Thayer Mahan, elected an honorary member Jan-
uary 9, 1911, was born in AVest Point, N. Y,, September 27,
1840; died in Washington, D. C, December 1, 1914. He was
graduated at the U. S. Naval Academy, 1859 ; served in the U.
S. Navy, 1856-96, rising to the rank of captain in 1885 ; retired
in 1896, and later resided in or near New York City ; was ad-
vanced to the rank of rear admiral in 1906 ; author of many his-
torical and biographic works, chiefly on naval defence and war-
fare.
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. 841
Robert Laird McCormick, elected an honorary member
January 13, 1902, was born near Lockhaven, Pa., October 29,
1847 ; died in Sacramento, Cal., February 5, 1911. He was con-
nected with the Laird-Norton Lumber Co., of Winona, Minn.,
1868-74; removed to Waseca; was a state senator, 1881; later
was manager of the North Wisconsin Lumber Co., residing at
Hayward, Wis. ; was president of the Wisconsin Historical So-
ciety; removed to Tacoma, AVash., in 1900, and was secretary
of the Weyerhaeuser Lumber Co. He went to California, seek-
ing health, a few weeks before his death.
Charles Jairus Martin, elected to life membership Sep-
tember 10, 1900, was born in Clarendon, N. Y., April 1, 1842;
died June 15, 1910. He served in the 40th Wisconsin regiment
in the Civil War; came to Minnesota in 1874, settling at Min-
neapolis as a partner of C. C. Washburn in flour milling; was
secretary and treasurer of the Washburn-Crosby Co. from its
incorporation in 1888.
George Washington Martin, elected to corresponding
membership February 12, 1906, was born in Hollidaysburg, Pa.,
June 30, 1841; died in Topeka, Kansas, March 27, 1914. He
learned the printer's trade, and began in that business at Junc-
tion City, Kansas, in 1862; was register of the U. S. Land
Office there, 1865-6 and 1869-70; was state printer, 1873-81;
was secretary of the Kansas Historical Society, residing in To-
peka, after 1899.
Secretary Martin will be long remembered with gratitude and
honor by the people of Kansas, for his work as an editor, for his
many contributions to the history of the state, and for his suc-
cessful efforts, with others, in providing the new Memorial
Building, at a cost of about $500,000, in which are housed the
Historical Library, the state archives, and files of all the state
newspapers.
William Worrall Mayo, elected a life member September
11, 1905, was born in Manchester, England, May 31, 1819 ; died
in Rochester, Minn., March 6, 1911. He was graduated in med-
842 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
icine at the University of jMissouri, 1854 ; came to Minnesota in
1854, and settled at St. Paul ; removed in 1858 to Le Sneur
county; was surgeon at New Ulm in the Indian war, 1862 ; later
resided in Rochester, and in 1889 founded St. Mary's Hospital:
was a state senator, 1891-3.
Francis Davis Millet, artist, elected a corresponding
member April 8, 1907, was born in Mattapoisett, Mass., No-
vember 3, 1846; died in the sinking of the steamship ''Titanic,"
North Atlantic ocean, April 15, 1912. He was graduated at
Harvard University, 1869 ; studied at the Royal Academy of
Fine Arts, Antwerp, 1871-2 ; was the painter, in 1905-07, of two
large paintings in the governor's reception room of the capitol,
"The Treaty of Traverse des Sioux," and "The Fourth Min-
nesota Regiment entering Vicksburg."
William A. AIorin, elected to annual membership Febru-
ary 10, 1908, was born in Albert Lea, Minn., July 29, 1864;
died May 22, 1912. He was graduated at Pillsbury Academy,
Owatonna, 1884 ; engaged in real estate business, residing in
Albert Lea, and was i)rominent in securing railroads and pub-
lic buildings for that town.
Clinton Morrison, elected a life member January 13, 1908,
was born in Livermore, Maine, January 21, 1842; died in
Minneapolis, March 11, 1913. He came to Minnesota in 1854
with his parents, and resided in ^Minneapolis ; engaged in mer-
cantile, lumber and banking enterprises; was vice president
and manager of the Minneapolis Harvester Works ; was presi-
dent of the Farmers' and Mechanics' Savings Bank, 1876-1905;
donor, in 1911, of the former homestead of his father, Dorilus
Morrison, comprising ten acres, as the site of the Minneapolis
Institute of Arts.
John Muir, elected to honorary membership January 12,.
1914, was born in Dunbar, Scotland, April 21, 1838; died in
Los Angeles, California, December 24, 1914. He came in boy-
hood to the United States with his parents, who settled on a
frontier farm in Wisconsin ; studied at the University of Wis-
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14. g43
consin; traveled extensively in the Pacific states, Alaska, and
foreign lands ; resided during his latest years in Martinez, Cal. ;
author of books and many magazine articles, treating of natural
history, scenery, forest preservation, and the establishment of
national parks.
Marcus Philip Nichols, elected an annual member De-
cember 12, 1910, Avas born at Mt. Carmel, 111., May 28, 1836 ;
died in St. Paul, October 7, 1911. He came to Minnesota with
his parents in 1851, and ever afterward resided in this city;
was much interested in Congregational home missionary work.
John D. O'Brien was born in Dublin, Ireland, in 1851 ;
died at Fort Snelling, April 27, 1913. He came to Minnesota
with his father, Dillon O'Brien, in 1863, and resided in St. Paul
after 1865; was admitted to the bar in 1873, and practiced
law; was elected a life member of this Society September 14,
1903, and was a member of its council from April 11, 1904, until
his death.
George Wright Peavey, elected to life membership Sep-
tember 8, 1902, was born in Sioux City, Iowa, May 20, 1877;
died in Minneapolis, June 8, 1913. He studied at Yale Uni-
versity ; was president of the Peavey Elevator Company, which
his father founded, 1902-07; later traveled extensively in the
Old AVorld.
Curtis Hussey Pettit, elected a life member November
11, 1907, was born in Hanover, Ohio, September 18, 1833; died
in Minneapolis May 11, 1914. He came to Minnesota in 1855,
settling in Minneapolis ; was interested in the manufacture of
lumber and flour, and in other large business enterprises ; was
a state senator in 1866 and 1868-71, and a representative in the
legislature in 1874-6 and 1887.
David RamalEy, elected to annual membership January
12, 1914, was born in Pittsburg, Pa., August 9, 1828 ; died at
his home in St. Paul, August 21, 1914. He settled in this city
in 1856 ; opened the first job printing office there, 1862 ; was
founder, with Harlan P. Hall, of the St. Paul Dispatch, Feb-
ruary 29, 1868.
Si4 ' MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Henry Clay Rannky, elected a corresponding member
December 9, 1895, was born in Freedom, Ohio, June 1, 1829;
died October 7, 1913. He was admitted to practice law in
1852; served in the civil war; settled in Cleveland, Ohio, and
was prominent in railway management and banking; was a
trustee of the Western Reserve Historical Society, and presi-
dent of the Cleveland Museum of Art.
Leonard August Rosing, elected a life member December
12, 1904, was born in Malmo, Sweden, August 29, 1861; died
in St. Paul, April 14, 1909. He came to Goodhue county, Min-
nesota, with his parents, in 1869; engaged in mercantile busi-
ness at Cannon Falls, 1881-98; was private secretary of Gov-
ernor Lind, 1899-1901; Democratic candidate for Governor,
1902 ; member of the State Board of Control, 1905-09, residing
in St. Paul.
Theodore Leopold Schurmeier, elected a life member
January 13, 1902, was born in St. Louis, Mo., March 14, 1852 ;
died in Richmond, Va., June 2, 1914. He came with his par-
ents to St. Paul when only two years old; was a member of
one of the largest mercantile firms in the city, and had many
other financial interests.
DoLSON Bush SearlE, elected a life member June 11, 1883,
was born in Allegany, N. Y., June 4, 1841 ; died in St. Cloud,
Minn., December 12, 1909. He served in the civil war; was
graduated at the Columbia Law College, Washington, D. C.,
1868 ; settled in St. Cloud, Minn., 1871 ; was city attorney six
years, county attorney two years, and U. S. district attorney,
1882-85; was judge of the seventh judicial district, 1887-1907.
Timothy J. ShEEhan, elected to annual membership April
11, 1898, was born in County Cork, Ireland, December 21, 1835 ;
died at his home in St. Paul, July 11, 1913. He came to the
United States in 1850, and to Minnesota in 1856, settling at
Albert Lea ; served in the Fourth Minnesota regiment, 1861-5 ;
received a captain's commission for his gallant defence of Fort
Ridgely during the Sioux outbreak in 1862, and was brevetted
lieutenant colonel in 1865; was sheriff of Freeborn county.
MEMORIALS OF DECEASED MEMBERS, 1909-14, 845
1871-83, and Indian agent at White Earth, 1885-9 ; wafi deputy
U. S. Marshal, 1890-1907, residing in St. Paul.
Thomas Henry Shevlin, elected to life membership Oc-
tober 8, 1906, was born in Albany, N. Y., January 3, 1852 ; died
in Pasadena, Cal., January 15, 1912. He came to Minnesota
in 1886, settling in Minneapolis ; was president of several log-
ging and lumber manuafacturing companies; donor of the
Alice A. Shevlin Hall, University of Minnesota, built in 1906.
GoLDwiN Smith, elected an honorary member February 8,
1897, was born in Reading, England, August 13, 1823 ; died in
Toronto, Canada, June 7, 1910. He was graduated at Oxford
University, 1845 ; was professor of modern history in that Uni-
versity, 1858-66; removed to the United States in 1867; was
professor of English and constitutional history in Cornell Uni-
versity, 1868-71 ; later was a non-resident professor there, re-
siding in Toronto ; author of many historical works.
Robert Armstrong Smith, banker, elected to life member-
ship December 11, 1882, was born in Boonville, Ind., June 13,
1827 ; died in St. Paul, February 12, 1913. He was graduated
in law at the University of Indiana, 1850; came to Minnesota
in 1853, settling in St. Paul ; was Territorial librarian, 1853-8 ;
treasurer of Ramsey county, 1856-68; a representative in the
legislature in 1885, and a state senator in 1887-9 ; mayor of St.
Paul, 1888-92, 1894-96, and 1900-08 ; and postmaster, 1896-1900.
Truman M. Smith, elected a life member January 15,
1856, was born in Danby, Vt., June 19, 1825 ; died in St. Paul,
September 18, 1909. He settled in St. Paul in 1851 ; owned a
private bank, and afterwards was a commission merchant;
removed to San Diego, Cal., in 1887; returned to St. Paul a
few weeks before his death.
Samuel C. Staples, elected to annual membership Novem-
ber 8, 1909, was born in Newfield, Maine, September 11, 1831 ;
died in St. Paul, September 29, 1911. He came to Minnesota
in 1852, and the next year he settled on a farm claim on the
Dodd road close southwest of St. Paul, which was ever after-
ward his home : was a builder and contractor.
846 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
H. Ward Stone, banker, elected a life member April 10,
1905, was born in Wisconsin in 1849 ; died in Minneapolis, April
7, 1913. He settled in Minnesota in 1870 ; was receiver of the
U. S. land office at Benson eight years, and later engaged in
banking there; was a representative in the legislature in 1897,
and a state senator, 1903-05 ; removed to Minneapolis, 1910.
Reuben Gold Thwaites, elected a corresponding member
February 8, 1897, was born in Dorchester, Mass., May 15, 1853 ;
was educated in public schools there; studied at Yale Uni-
versity, 1874-5; was managing editor of the Wisconsin State
Journal, Madison, 1876-86; secretary and superintendent of
the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, after 1886; author
of many books on the history of Wisconsin and the West ;
editor of many important historical books and reprints, includ-
ing the Jesuit Relations, 73 volumes, 1896-1901, Early Western
Travels, 32 volumes, 1904-07, and the Original Journals of
Lewis and Clark, 8 volumes, 1905. He died in Madison, Wis.,
October 22, 1913.
Three times Thwaites and his wife made very interesting
journeys, of which he wrote three books: "Historic Water-
ways; Six Hundred Miles of Canoeing down the Rock, Fox,
and Wisconsin Rivers," journeys in 1887, published the next
year; ''Our Cycling Tour in England," travel in 1891, pub-
lished in 1892 ; and ''Afloat on the Ohio; a Historical Pilgrim-
age of a Thousand Miles in a Skiff, from Redstone to Cairo," a.
journey in May and June, 1894, published in 1897, and re-
printed in 1900 and 1903.
Secretary Thwaites was the worthy successor of Secretary
Draper, who was the great collector of manuscript materials for
western history. In a memorial volume (94 pages, 1914), Pro-
fessor Frederick J. Turner says of Dr. Thwaites: "Short in
stature, but with a compelling personality, his cheery, winning
spirit shining out behind his twinkling eyes, always ready with
a joke or a story that impressed a point upon his hearers ; alert,
decisive, receptive, helpful, a man of honor and of character,
active in the Unitarian Church and trusted by the Catholic
clergy ; an author whose style was graphic, lively, and so care-
Memorials of deceased members, 1909-14. 947
fully disciplined that it concealed the care with which he
worked out each sentence; a writer with imagination, a con-
scientious scholar, and a man of affairs. Dr. Thwaites combined
in himself most unusual qualities Draper was the
founder; Thwaites was the great historical editor and mod-
ernizer, the builder of a new type of state historical society. ' '
Through the enthusiasm, genius, and industry of these ex-
pert workers in western American history, Wisconsin has built
up the foremost western historical society, library, portrait col-
lection, and museum. Her noble and beautiful historical library
building was erected in the middle years of the long service,
more than a quarter of a century, of Dr. Thwaites as secretary
and superintendent. It marks a new era in the collection, pres-
ervation, and publication of history.
James Beach Wakefield, elected to life membership Sep-
tember 10, 1894, was born in Winsted, Conn., March 21, 1825 ;
and died at his home in Blue Earth, Minn., August 26, 1910.
He was graduated at Trinity College, Hartford, Conn., 1846;
was admitted to practice law, 1851 ; came to Minnesota in 1854,
and settled two years later at Blue Earth ; was a representative
in the legislature in 1858, 1863, and 1866, being speaker the
last year; was a state senator, 1867-9; lieutenant governor,
1876-80; and a member of Congress, 1883-7. In 1899 he pre-
sented the greater part of his library to this Historical Society,
a gift of 1,100 volumes, the largest private gift ever received by
its Library.
George Welsh, elected an annual member February 10,
1908, was born in Ontario, Canada, in 1863; died in St. Paul,
November 29, 1911. He came to Minnesota, settling in Morton,
and engaged in real estate business; was state immigration
commissioner after 1907.
MiLO White, elected a life member December 8, 1884, was
born in Fletcher, Vt., August 17, 1830 ; died in Chatfield, Minn.,
May 18, 1913. He came to Minnesota in 1855 ; settled in Chat-
field, and engaged in mercantile business ; was a state senator,
1872-6, and 1881-2 ; and a representative in Congress, 1883-7.
848 MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Oric Ogilvie Whited, elected a life member March 11,
1912, was born in Pitchville, Ohio, January 20, 1854; died in
Minneapolis, August 6, 1912. He was graduated at the State
Normal School, Winona, Minn., 1872; taught several years in
Olmsted county, and later was the county superintendent of
schools; was admitted to practice law, 1884; settled in Min-
neapolis in 1890, and engaged in real estate business and law
practice.
William Chapman Williston was born in Cheraw, S. C,
June 22, 1830 ; came with his parents to Ohio in 1834, and there
attended the public schools and in 1854 was admitted to the
bar ; removed to Minnesota in 1857, settling in Red Wing, which
was ever afterward his home ; served as captain in the Seventh
Minnesota regiment in the Sioux war and the civil war, 1862-5 ;
returned to Red Wing and to his law practice ; was a represen-
tative in the legislature, 1873-4, and a state senator, 1876-7;
was judge in the First judicial district from 1891 through his
life. Judge Williston was elected to life membership in this So-
ciety January 12, 1903 ; and was a member of its council after
March 12, 1906. He died very suddenly June 22, 1909, at
Goodhue, Minn., while attending a meeting of the Old Settlers'
Association of Goodhue county.
Thomas Wilson, elected a life member October 13, 1902,
was born in Tyrone county, Ireland, May 16, 1827 ; died in St.
Paul, April 3, 1910. He came to the United States when twelve
years old; was graduated at Alleghany College, 1852; was
admitted to practice law, 1855, at Meadville, Pa. ; came to Min-
nesota the same year, settling at Winona; was a member of
the constitutional convention, 1857; was judge of the Third
judicial district, 1858-64; was associate justice of the Minne-
sota Supreme Court in 1864, and its chief justice, 1865-69 ; was
a representative in the legislature, 1881 ; a state senator, 1883-5 ;
and a representative in Congress, 1887-9 ; removed to St. Paul
in 1892, and until his death was general counsel of the Chicago,
St. Paul, Minneapolis and Omaha railway company.
INDEX.
See the Contexts, at the beginning of this volume, for a compre-
hensive view of its series of Papers and Addresses, and for the order
of the subjects treated in, the several papers.
Able, Captain Daniel, 529, 530.
Aborigines of Minnesota, 824, 828.
Academy of Music, Minneapolis,
511.
Acta et Dicta, Preface , 285, 791.
Acton, Minn., beginning of the
Sioux Massacre, 349-355; bat-
tles, 355-366.
Adam of Bremen, 230, 231.
Adams, Col. Samuel E., 162; obitu-
ary sketch, 831.
Addison, Mrs. Caroline H., 601.
Address at the Unveiling of the
Statue of General Shields, by
Archbishop John Ireland, 731-
740.
Addresses on the Presentation of
the Portrait of Professor Jabez
Brooks, 741-748.
Afton, Minn., 375.
Agassiz, Glacial Lake, 827.
Agricultural College lands, 301, 302,
306.
Agricultural societies, 70-73, 79.
Agriculture, College and School of,
774-5.
Aird, James, 371.
Aird, Margaret, 371, 372.
Akeley, Healy C, 472, 474-8.
Akeley, Minn., 477, 478.
Alaska, reindeer, 839.
Aldrich, Hon. Cyrus, 489, 494, 690,
815.
Allen, Charles E., obituary note, 831.
Allouez bay, lake Superior, 385.
Amendments of state constitution,
203, 212, 214, 308, 309.
American Fur Company, 372, 394.
American Geologist, 826.
American House, St. Paul, 523, 524,
526.
Ames, Dr. Alfred E., 480, 487, 507.
Ames, Rev. Charles G., obituary
sketch, 831.
Ames, Charles W., 752.
Ames, Michael E. 815.
Ames, Oliver, 337.
Ames, William L., 348.
Anderson, Andrew, 278-280, 285.
Anderson, Arthur C, obituary
sketch, 831.
Anderson, Dr. C. L., 504.
Anderson, Jane, 372.
Anderson, Prof. Rasmus B., 256, 277,
278, 280, 283, 285.
Anderson, Captain Thomas, 3-72.
Andrews, Gen. C. C, 553, 555, 556,
575.
Annandale, Minn., 367.
Anoka, 53, 54, 101, 219, 553, 554.
Anthony Wayne, steamer, 529, 530.
Anti-Monopolist, newspaper, 155,
162, 176.
Anti-monopoly party, 126-129, 133,
134, 136, 141, 142, 152, 158, 160,
169.
Appleby, Mrs. Cornelia D. W., 549.
Apostle islands, 390.
Areas, Minneapolis park system,
605; St. Paul park system, 630.
Arbitration, for publishers and
printers, 703-706.
Archaeology, 795, 796, 824, 827, 828:,
832, 838.
Armstrong, Hon. Augustus, 560.
Armstrong, Hon. and Mrs. George
W., 549.
Armstrong, J. D., 706.
Armstrong, John, 462.
Armstrong, Hon. Thomas H., 569.
Art Museum, Minneapolis, 767, 769»
842.
Associated Press, 702.
850
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Athenaeum, Minneapolis, 494, 504,
511.
Atkinson, F. G., 771,
Atkinson, J. B., 354.
Atwater, Judge Isaac, 487, 488.
Austin, Gov. Horace, 43, 86, 87, 95,
96, 99, 101, 111, 114, 136, 148,
175, 206, 207, 326, 446, 557, 558,
560, 561, 563, 564, 566-8, 571, 695,
696.
Avenues and streets, Minneapolis,
names, 513, 514.
Averlll, Gen. John T., 91, 557, 558,
582 597.
Ayers, Dr. Otis, 326, 327-329.
Bailey, Everett H., 812; Biographic
memorial of Hon. Channing
Seabury, 802-804; Memorial of
Henry P. Upham, 810-811.
Baker, Mrs. Ann, 350.
Baker, Daniel A. J., 551; obituary
sketch, 832.
Baker, Hon. Edward D., 715.
Baker, Howard, 350-354, 358, 360,
363.
Baker, Gen. James H., 481, 577-8,
778, 814, 830; Biographic me-
morials, 753-7.
Balcombe, Hon. St. A. D., 815.
Bald Eagle, Sioux, 361.
Bandelier, Adolpb F. A., obituary
sketch, 832.
Banfil, John, 525.
Banking, St. Paul, 807, 812.
Banks, Gen. Nathaniel P., 723.
Bannack, Montana, 633, 634, 635.
Banning, William L., 464, 493, 570,
617, 619, 693.
Barclay, Anthony, British commis-
sioner, 380, 383, 385, 388.
Barker, Hon. Henry F., 587.
Barrett, Gen. Theodore H., 428, 430-
433.
Barto, Hon. Alphonso, 559.
Barton, Hon. Ara, 565.
Bass, Jacob W., 519.
Bass, Mrs. J*acob W., 539-540.
Bassett, Joel B., 506.
Batchelder, Hon. George W., obitu-
ary sketch, 832.
Batchellor, Albert S., obituary
sketch, 832.
Bausman, A. L., 504.
Baxter, Hon. Luther L., 559, 560.
Beard, Henry B., 602.
Becker, Hon. George L., 218, 693,
815.
Beecher, Catherine, 532.
Beeman, Hon. Samuel S., 555, 559.
Beginning of Railroad Building in
Minnesota, by John H. Randall,
215-220.
Belanger island, 374.
Bell, David C., 509.
Bell, James S., 771.
Bell, John E., 509; obituary sketch,
833.
Belle Plaine, Minn., 688, 689.
Benton, Hon. Thomas H., 717.
Benz, Hon. George, 559, 560.
Berkey, Captain Peter, obituary
sketch, 833.
Berry, Hon. John M., 759.
Berry, William M., 608.
Bibliography, railroad legislation,
183-188 ; Kensington Rune
Stone, 281-286; northern bound-
ary of Minnesota, 390-392.
Bierbauer, Captain William, 326.
Big Eagle, Sioux chief, 351.
Big Thunder, Sioux, 373.
Big Woods, 220, 350, 351.
Bigelow, Charles H., cybituary
sketch, 833.
Bigelow, Horace E., 807.
Biographic Memorial of Dr. Charles
N. Hewitt, by Prof. William W.
Folwell, 669-686.
Biographic Memorial of Frederick
Driscoll, by Captain Henry A.
Castle, 687-710.
Birch Coulie, 358, 359, 361, 365.
Bishop, Harriet E., 520, 531, 532,
621.
Bishop, Gen. Judson W., 465, 721.
Bissell, William A., 374, 375, 376.
Blxby, Hon. Tams, 584.
Black Dog, Sioux, 366, 371, 373.
Black Hills, 825.
Blackbirds, 438.
Blackman, Clara W. A., obituary
sketch, 833.
Blackwell, John, 353.
Blaine, Hon. James G., 573, 574, 575,
584, 585, 586, 663.
Blake, John D., 109, 128, 137, 141.
Blake, Hon. John W., 559.
Blakeley, Hon. David, 701.
Blakeley, Captain Russell, 392, 571,
786.
INDEX.
851
Blizzards, 415, 416, 426, 551-2.
Blue Earth county, 436-8, 443, 449.
Blue Earth river, 436, 438, 449.
BlufE City, Kansas, park, 599.
Bogy, Hon. Lewis V., 726, 733.
Bois des Sioux river, 412, 419-422,
431.
Bolles, Lemuel, 375.'
Bonds issued by the state for rail-
roads, 32, 35-49, 195-214, 305,
.578.
Borup, Dr. Charles W. W., 542.
Borup and Oakes, 484.
Bothne, Prof. Gisle, 256, 268, 286.
Bottineau, Pierre and Charles, 411-
416, 417, 418, 420-423.
Bottineau prairie, 505.
Boulevards, Minneapolis and St.
Paul, 604, 605, 622-630.
Boundary Surveys, Northern Min-
nesota, in 1822 to 1826, under
the Treaty of Ghent, by Hon.
William E. Culkin, 379-392.
Bovey, Charles C, and William H,,
771, 773.
Bowman, George D., 487, 488.
Boyhood Remembrances of Life
among the Dakotas and the
Massacre in 1862, by John Ames
Humphrey, 337-348.
Bozeman, John M., 643.
Bozeman pass, Montana, 642.
Brackett, George A., 571, 572.
Braden, Hon. William W., 297, 298.
Bradley, Newton, 690.
Brainerd and Northern railway, 477.
Bramwood, J. W., 704.
Branham, Jesse V., Jr., 359, 360, 361,
362, 366.
Breck, Rev. James Lloyd, 526, 536.
Breckenridge, Minn., 220, 419, 421,
422, 428, 431, 432, 433, 434.
Breckinridge, Hon. John C, 717,
736.
Breda, Prof. O. J., 225, 242, 244, 256,
281, 284.
Breed, Rev. David R., 693; Memo-
rial of Nathaniel P. Langford,
780-782.
Breese, Hon. Sidney, 717.
Bremer, Predrika, 532-3.
Bridger, Jaftnes, guide, 639.
Brill, Hon. Hascal R., 559, 561; Ad-
dress on the Presentation of
the portrait of Professor Jabez
Brooks, 741-3.
Bridge, first, in Minneapolis, 501;
second, 512.
Broad, E., 512.
Bromley, Edward A., 364, 365, 497.
Brookline, Mass., parkway, 606.
Brooklyn, N. Y., lecture by General
Shields, 727.
Brooks, Rev. Cyrus, 744.
Brooks, Rev. David, 745.
Brooks, Professor Jabez, Addresses
on the Presentation of his Por-
trait, 741-748.
Brott, George F., 411, 433, 434.
Brower, Hon. J. V., 320, 392, 559,
828.
Brown, Ed., 467.
Brown, Hon. J. B., 689.
Brown, John W., 373.
Brown, Hon. Joseph R., 197, 372,
377, 480.
Brown, Hon. William, 168.
Brown's falls, 480.
Browning, Hon. Orville H., 715.
Brownsdale, Minn., 125.
Bryant, Julian C, obituary sketch,
833.
Buache, geographer, 389.
Buchanan, President James, 720.
Buckendorf, William, 507.
Buell, Major Salmon A., 326.
Buffalo hunting, 415-422, 428-430,
431, 451.
Bulger, James, 510. %
Bull, B. S.. 506.
Burbank, James C, 615, 693, 802.
Burlington Heights, near St. Paul,
630.
Burr, Judge W. T., 581.
Bushnell, W., 715.
Butler. Gen. Benjamin F., 725, 726.
Butler, Eloise, 604.
Butler, Dr. Levi, 466, 470, 471, 472,
564.
Butler, Nathan. 363, 795.
Byron, quoted. 649.
Calhoun, Hon. John C, 394, 717, 736.
Calhoun, Samuel, 615.
California, lumbering, 463, 474, 477;
national parks, 666; admission
to Union, 717, 718, 736.
Camden park, Minneapolis, 603.
Camp, Major George A., 471-473.
Canals, proposed, 149-151, 162, 173,
174.
852
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Canoe travel, 247, 248, 251, 320, 384,
385, 386, 432.
Canyon, Yellowstone, 645, 646, 658,
659.
Capehart, Augustus R., obituary
sketch, 834.
Capitol, 788; statue of General
Shields, 729, 731-740; paintings
in the governor's room, 842.
Capitol Commission, 803, 804.
Capitol grounds and Capitol
Heights, St. Paul, 629, 836.
Capitol, Old, 788.
Cardinal, Peter, 322.
Carle, Frank A., 701.
Carleton College, 801.
Carr, Jerome, 731.
Carrollton, Mo., 724, 725, 728, 729,
733.
Carter, Captain Theodore G., obitu-
ary sketch, 834.
Carver, Hon. Henry L., 557,
Carver, Captain Jonathan, 320, 624;
quoted, 621.
Case, George, 493.
Case, James R., 378.
Case, John H., Historical Notes of
Grey Cloud Island and its Vi-
cinity, 371-378.
Cass, Hon. Lewis, 503, 717.
Castle, Captain Henry A., Reminis-
' cences of Minnesota Politics,
553-598; personal references,
553, 554, 557, 559, 560, 565, 571,
576, 584, 586, 587, 588, 589-598,
730; testimonial by Hon. R. J.
Tracewell, 596; Biographic Me-
morial of Frederick Driscoll,
687-710; paper, General James
Shields, Soldier, Orator, States-
man, 711-730.
Cathcart, Alexander H., 527, 535,
536, 537,
Cathcart, John, 551.
Cathcart, Mrs. Rebecca Marshall, A
Sheaf of Remembrances, 515-
552.
Catholic Historical Society, St.
Paul, Preface, 285.
Catlin, Dr. T. J., 338.
Catlin, George, artist, 267.
Cedar lake, Minneapolis, 603.
Cedar Mills, 358, 362.
Census of 1890, 699, 700, 836.
Centerville, Minn., Early Dakota
Trails and Settlements, by Al-
bert M. Goodrich, 315-322.
Central House, St. Paul, 524, 531.
Central Park, St. Paul, 613.
Chain lakes, Martin county, 449;
Crow Wing river, 478.
Chamberlain, Selah, 40, 44, 46, 47,
204, 206, 208, 210, 214, 216, 217,
578.
Chanyaska lake, 448, 450.
Chapman, Joseph, 771.
Chapman, W. S., 462, 463.
Chapultepec, Mexican War, 715, 716,
738
Charities, 768-773, 799, 808, 813.
Charters, Territorial, of railroads,
5-29, 64.
Chase, Hon. Salmon P., 717, 753.
Chechegum, a Chippewa, 467, 468.
Cheever, William A., 498.
Cheever's landing, 533-4.
Chengwatana, 465.
Chequamegon, Wis., 317.
Cherokee Heights, St. Paul, 626.
Chicago Historical Society, 284.
Chicago, Milwaukee, and St. Paul
railroad company, 120, 129, 130,
153, 154, 310.
Child, Hon. James E., obituary
sketch, 834.
Child, Hon. Simeon P., 559, 561;
obituary sketch, 834.
Chippewa Indians; see Ojibways.
Chippewa scrip, 465.
Chittenden, Gen. H. M., 658, 661,
662.
Cholera epidemic, 1832, 517.
Christian, George H., 488.
Christiania, University, 285, 286.
Churches, early, in St. Paul, 526,
534, 541.
Civil War, 1861-65, 455, 484, 496, 505,
506, 507, 512, 535, 632, 670-672,
689, 694, 722-4, 728, 733, 738, 753,
757, 777, 778.
Clagett, John R., 762.
Clagett, Hon. William H., 661-665;
letter to this Historical Society,
662-4.
Clapp, Hon. Moses E., 584, 593.
Clapp, Newel H., Memoi^al of Fred-
erick Weyerhaeuser, 817-824.
Clark, Hon. Charles H., 512, 559.
Clark, Hon. Greenleaf, 577, 787.
Clark, Joseph H., 505.
INDEX.
853
Clark, Lieut. W. A., 362, 365.
Clarke, Francis B., obituary sketch,
835.
Clarke, Neheraiah P., 757.
Clarke, Hon Ziba B., 585, 586.
Clay, Henry, statesman, 717, 736,
756.
Clearwater, Minn., 358.
Clearwater river, northern Minn.,
473.
Cleveland, President Grover, 591,
592, 805, 826.
Cleveland, Horace W. S., .608.
Clough, Gov. David M., 593, 684,
685.
Cobb, Rev. Daniel, 744.
Cochran, Thomas, 693.
Co-education, 801.
Coffin, Captain Samuel, 326.
Coggswell, Hon. Amos, 152, 169,
693, 815.
Goldberg, Lars, 222.
Cole, Hon. Gordon E., 693.
Coleman, Mr. and Mrs. Thomas W.,
549.
Coleraine, Minn., 467.
Colfax, Hon. Schuyler, 814.
Coliseum, University of Minnesota,
513.
Collins, Hon. Loren W., 554, 596;
Biographic memorial, by Hon.
Colin F. Macdonald, 757-762;
Memorial of David L. Kings-
bury, 779-780.
Columbia Fur Company, 480.
Columbia Park, Minneapolis, 604.
Como Avenue Parkway and Boule-
vard, St. Paul, 625, 626.
Como Park, St. Paul, 614-619, 624,
625, 630.
Comstock, Hon. Solomon G., 591.
Conkling, J. C, 715.
Connecticut, railroad legislation,
105.
Conner, E. H., 501.
Connor's point, Superior, Wis., 385,
386.
Constitution, state, amendments,
203, 212, 214.
Constitutional Convention, 9, 184,
214, 292, 403, 801, 814, 815, 832,
848.
Control of railroads, attempted,
1861-1870, 61-70.
Cook, C. W., 640.
Cook, Mrs. John B., 546.
Cooke, Elbridge C, 771.
Cooke, Jay, 131.
Coolbaugh, Daniel M., 482, 487, 492.
Coolbaugh, Rev. Frank C, Reminis-
cences of the Early Days of
Minnesota, 1851 to 1861, 479-
496.
Cooley, Thomas M., quoted, 179,
186.
Cooper, Hon. David, 197.
Cooper, James Fenimore, 490.
Cornell, Hon. F. R. E., 558, 693.
Cornish, Hon. William D., 559.
Coteau des Prairies, 417.
Court House Square, St. Paul, 610.
Cowen, Gen. B. R., 667.
Cowper, quoted, 655.
Cox, Hon. E. St. Julien, 140, 333,
559, 560.
Crandall, Hon. Charles S., 141.
Crandall, James H., 365.
Crane, Eugene B., obituary sketch,
835..
Cranes, sandhill, 438.
Crary, Rev. Benjamin F., 744.
Cray, Hon. Lorin, Experiences in
Southwestern Minnesota, 1859
to 1867, 435-454; Biographic me-
morial of Gen. James H. Baker,
753-4.
Credit Mobilier, 132.
Cretin, Bishop Joseph, 783, 791.
Crocker, William G., 771.
Crooks, Col. William, 217, 219, 335.
"Crooks, William," locomotive, 217,
508.
Crookston, Minn., 473.
Crosby, Hon. Francis M., Biographic
memorial, by Edward C. String-
er, 762-4.
Crosby, Franklin M., 771.
Crosby, John, 766, 771, 773.
Crow Indians, 643.
Crow Wing river and chain of
lakes, 477, 478.
Crows, 427.
Culkin, Hon. William E., Northern
Minnesota Boundary Surveys in
1822 to 1826, under the Treaty
of Ghent, 379-392.
Cummins, D. C, 121.
Cummins, Hiram, 370.
Curme, Prof. George O., 225, 242,
244, 256, 281.
Cushman, Charles M., 505, 509.
Custer, Gen. George A., 356, 359.
854
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Dakota Indians; see Sioux.
Dakota Trails, Early, and Settle-
ments at Centerville, Minn., by
Albert M. Goodrich, 315-322.
Dakotas, Boyhood Remembrances
of Life among the, and the
Massacre in 1862, by John
Ames Humphrey, 337-348.
Dalarne, Sweden, 266, 276, 286.
Dalecarlian runic alphabet, 266, 275-
277, 286.
Dalrymple, Oliver, 693.
Dance, Judge Walter B., 636.
Daniels, Dr. Asa W., Reminiscences
of the Little Crow Uprising,
323-336; quoted, 376.
Daniels, Dr. Jared W., 325, 334.
Dartmouth College decision, 63, 68,
69, 108, 151, 177-183.
Daugherty, Hon. Frank B., obituary
sketch, 835.
Davidson, Col. James H., 701; Me-
morial of Prof. Newton H. Win-
chell, 830.
Davidson, William F., 693, 802.
Davis, Gov. Cushman K., 45, 126,
134, 138, 148, 166, 209, 554-5, 558,
560-571, 573, 576, 577, 580, 581,
582, 584-6, 588, -589, 591-5, 597,
693, 696, 805; eulogy by Captain
Henry A. Castle, 595.
Davis, Hon. Jefferson, 398, 717, 724,
736.
Dawes, Hon. Henry L., 664.
Dawson, William, 613.
Day, Dr. and Mrs. David, 542-3, 570,
571, 696.
Day, Hon. Frank A., 584, 585, 749.
Dayton, Lyman, 464.
Dayton's bluff, St. Paul, 520, 629.
Dean, J., and Co., 471, 472.
Dean, Joseph, 498.
Dean, Hon. William B., 585, 586.
Dean, William J., 706.
Decker, Edward W., 771.
Decorah Post, 243.
De Graff, Andrew, 219.
Delano, Hon. Francis R., 41, 205,
567.
De Long, A. H., 354, 361-363, 366.
Demortimer, E., 411.
Denman, J, S., 124, 157.
Desnoyer, Stephen, 482, 485.
Devil's lake, N. D., 370.
"Diamond Joe," steamer, 458.
Diary of N. P. Langford, 641-2, 045-
7, 649-651, 653-4, 657-9, 786.
Dickinson, Hon. Daniel A., 760.
Dickinson, Hon. Daniel S., 756.
Dickson, Thomas H., obituary
sketch, 835.
Dieserud, Juul, 284, 285.
Dillon, Hon. John F., 208.
Dinehart, Hon. Clarence C, Bio-
grapic memorial, by Hon. Ju-
lius A. Schmahl, 764-5.
Diphtheria, 676.
Disraeli, quoted, 756.
Doane, Lieut. Gustavus C, 632, 641,
646-8, 654.
Dodd, Captain William B., 323, 325^
326, 330-332.
Dodd road, 331, 845.
Donaldson, Hon. Nicholas M., 721.
Donations to the Library, 837, 847.
Donnelly, Hon. Ignatius, 91, 95, 121-
127, 136, 141, 142, 152, 158-163,
170, 186, 554, 555, 556, 557, 558,
570, 573, 693.
Doughty, Hon. J. E., 170.
Douglas, Hon. Stephen A., 396, 480,
713, 715, 717, 720, 733, 756.
Douglass, Frederick, 560.
Drainage, 311, 313.
Drake, Hon. Elias F., 39, 142, 153,
217, 219, 565, 693, 786.
Draper, Secretary Lyman C, 846,
847.
Drew, Hon. Edward B., Preface.
Driscoll, Hon. Frederick, 584; Bio-
graphic memorial, by Captain
Henry A. Castle, 687-710.
Driscoll, Walter J., 702, 707.
Ducks, wild, 315, 319.
Duel, proposed. Shields and Lin-
coln, 714, 735.
Dugas, William, 620.
Du Luth, Daniel Greyselon, 247.
Duluth, Minn., 129, 150, 379, 381, 384,
389, 390, 391, 464, 465, 837.
Duluth and Iron Range railroad
company, 297, 309, 310.
Dunn, Ed., 426.
Dunn, Hon. Robert C, 597.
Dunnell, Hon. Mark H., 88, 557, 558,
575-6, 579, 580-582, 597, 693.
Dunwoody, William H., Biographic
memorial, by President Cyrus
Northrop, 765-773.
Dunwoody Industrial Institute, 769-
773.
INDEX.
855
Dupre, Oliver, 322.
Durant, Captain Edward W., 559.
Durrett, Hon. Reuben T., obituary
sltetch, 835.
Du Toit, Hon. Frederick E., 559.
Dyke, Hon. Edwin W., 133, 134.
Early Dakota Trails and Settle-
ments at Centerville, Minn., by
Albert M. Goodrich, 315-322.
Early Days in Minneapolis, by Dr.
William E. Leonard, 497-514.
Eastman, Major Seth, 400.403.
Eastman, William W., 509.
Eberhart, Gov. A. O., 730.
Ecklund, A. M., 353.
Eddy, Hon. Frank M'., 584.
Edgar, William C, quoted, 773.
Edgerton, Hon. Alonzo J., 18, 109,
153, 165, 184, 576, 578, 580.
Edgerton, Erastus S., 693.
Editorial Association, 554, 694.
Edwards, Lieutenant A. M., 328.
Edwards, 'Rev. Maurice D., Memo-
rial of Rev. Edward C. Mitch-
ell, 797-800.
Egan, Hon. James J., 168.
Elevators, grain, on railroads, 68,
69, 94, 101, 146-148.
Elfelt brothers, 543, 544.
Elliot, Dr. Jacob S., donor of Elliot
Park, Minneapolis, 602.
Elliott, Dr. A. F., 502.
Embarrass river, 381, 384, 385-7,
391.
Emmett, Judge Lafayette, 815.
Emmett, Mrs. Lafayette, 545, 550.
Engineer Brigade, Army of the Po-
tomac, 671.
Episcopal missions and early
churches, 526, 527.
Eskimo, 232, 233.
Espy, Major John, 586, 613.
Evans, Rohert G., 584.
Evanson, Evan, 354, 363.
Everett, Hon. Edward, oration in
St. Paul, 1861, 494, 496, 717.
Everett, Richmond P., obituary
sketch, 835.
Everts, Truman C, 640, 651-654.
Evjen, John O., 256.
Experiences in Southern Minne-
sota, 1859 to 1867, by Hon.
Lorin Cray, 435-454.
Explosion of flour mills, 512.
Exposition, Chicago, 1893, 511.
Fairchild, Frank, 559.
Fairchild, Henry S., Memorial of
Nathaniel P. Langford, 783-6;
of Hon. William P. Murray, 800-
802; obituary sketch, 836.
Fairmont, Minn., fort, 448, 449, 450,
451.
Fairs, first State, 503 ; of Hon. Wil-
liam S. King, 511, 512.
Falls of St. Anthony, recession, 827.
Fargo, N. D., 433.
Faribault, Minn., 134, 719, 721, 732,
739, 832.
Farmers' Institutes, 775.
Farmers' Mutual Fire Insurance
Association, 76, 156.
Farmers' Union, agricultural jour-
nal, 76, 77, 117, 122, 135, 156.
Fernald, Prof. M. L., 231, 249.
Ferry at Minneapolis, 481.
Fessenden, Hon. William P., 717.
Finch. George R., obituary sketch,
Fischer, Joseph, 230, 232.
Fish, Dakota county, 374; Red river,
432.
Fisher, J. W., 615, 619.
Fisher, Louis E., 701.
Fisk, Captain James L., expedition
in 1862, 632, 633.
Five Million Loan, The, by Prof.
William W. Folwell, 189-214,
578.
Flaaten, Nils O., 221.
Flandrau, Hon. Charles E., 198, 325,
326, 328, 329, 330, 333, 693, 815.
Flatey book, 231, 232.
Fletcher, Hon. Loren, 507, 559, 560,
587.
Flom, Prof. George T., on the Ken-
sington Rune Stone, 224, 241,
247, 256, 270-277, 278, 280, 281,
283, 285, 286.
Flour exportation to Europe, 766,
817.
Flour production, Minneapolis, 500,
766; explosion of mills, 1878,
512.
Flower, Gen. Mark D., 566, 567, o71,
585, 586.
Floyd, Hon. John B., 399, 403, 404,
406, 409, 410.
Fogelblad, Sven, 238, 239, 241, 248,
249, 277-280. 285.
Folsom, Hon. David E., 640, 659,
660. 664, 665.
856
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIKTY COLLECTIONS.
Folwell, Prof. William W., 43, 186,
365, 499, 825; The Five Million
Loan, 189-214; The Sale of
Fort Snelling, 1857, 393-410;
note on the Park System of
Minneapolis, 607-8; Biographic
Memorial of Dr. Charles N.
Hewitt, 669-686; Address on
the Presentation of the Por-
trait of Professor Jabez Brooks,
746-8; Memorial of Prof. New-
ton H. Winchell, 829.
Fond du Lac, Minn., 385, 386.
Ford, John A., 375.
Forest City, 353, 355, 358, 359, 361,
365.
Forest lake, 319.
Forestry, 313, 775-6, 843.
Forsyth, Major Thomas, 394.
Fort Abercrombie, 361, 408, 428,
450.
Fort Dearborn, Chicago, 405.
Fort Ridgely, 323, 327, 342, 347, 365,
408, 844.
Fort Ripley, 401, 402, 408, 409, 461,
689.
Fort St. Charles, Preface.
Fort Snelling, 373, 375, 377, 393-410,
479, 480, 487, 491, 503, 524, 528-
9, 539, 545, 604, 623, 629, 630,
827
Fort Snelling, The Sale of, 1857, by
Prof. William W. Folwell, 393-
410.
Fortier, Prof. Alcee, obituary
sketch, 836.
Fossum, Prof. Andrew, 227, 247,
250, 256, 282, 283.
Franklin, Benjamin, 381.
Franklin Steele Square, Minneapo-
lis, 601.
Free trade, lumber, 471, 476.
Freeman, Charles H., 364.
Freight rates, railroad, 106, 107,
129, 143, 144, 154.
Frontier, western, 632, 633.
Galbraith, Major Thomas J., 293,
323, 335, 815.
Gale, Harlow A., 505, 506.
Gale, Samuel C, 502, 505, 506.
Galtier, Rev. Lucian, 790.
Gannett, Henry, 660 ; obituary
sketch, 836.
Gardiner, Montana, 643, 665.
Gardner, Thomas, 506.
Garfield, President James A., quot-
ed, 179, 186; 575, 576.
Gates, Rev. Horatio, 284.
Gates, Mrs. William G., 689.
Geese, wild, 315, 450.
Genealogy, 809.
Geneva, N. Y., 669, 670, 673.
Geological and Natural History Sur-
vey, Minnesota, 301, 478, 824-
827, 829, 830.
Geological Society of America, 826.
Geological Survey, U. S., 656, 659,
836.
Geologists, International Congress
of, 826.
Getchell, Alva, 362, 364, 365.
Getchell, Sergeant D. W., 362, 365.
Geyser basins, 655, 656-8, 662, 666.
Ghent, Treaty of, 1814, 379-392.
Giddings, Hon. Joshua R., 756.
Gideon, .George W., 362, 364, 365.
Gilbert, Charles B., obituary sketch,
837.
Gilfillan, Hon. James, 212, 693, 760.
Gilfillan, Hon. John B., 587; Memo-
rial of Henry P. Upham, 811.
Gilfillan, Rev. Joseph A., obituary
sketch, 837.
Gillette, Warren C, 640, 642, 655.
Gilman, Hon. Charles A., 554, 574,
579, 582, 588.
Gjessing, Helge, 256, 282, 283.
Glacial period, 234, 235, 246, 827,
828.
Glacier National Park, 666.
Glader, Hon. Gustavus A., 363.
Glencoe, Minn., 306, 358, 376.
Glenwood park, Minneapolis, 604.
Godfrey house, Minneapolis, 508.
Goiffon, Rev. Joseph, 322.
Gold mining, 633.
Goodhue, Mrs. James M., 545, 550.
Goodrich, Albert M., Early Dakota
Trails and Settlements at Cen-
terville, Minn., 315-322.
Goodrich, Earle S., obituary sketch,
837.
Gordon, Hon. Hanford L., Memo-
rial of Geri. James H. Baker,
756-7.
Gordon, Richards, 542.
Gorman, Gov. Willis A., 6, 7, 15, 17,
19, 22, 190, 191, 197, 546, 549,
815.
Gorman, Mrs. Willis A., 546.
Gothland, 227, 2o7, 258, 274, 275.
INDEX.
857
Gotzian, Conrad, 802.
Gould, Chester N., 256, 283.
Gould, Major Ozro B., 558.
Governor Ramsey, steamer, 527,
528.
Governors of Minnesota, Lives, by
Gen. James H. Baker, 755, 757,
778.
Grace, Bishop Thomas L., 783.
Graham, Dr. Archibald, 399-401, 404,
• 406, 409.
Graham's Point, Red river, 428, 431,
432, 434.
Grand Army of the Republic, 729,
739, 754, 755, 758, 761, 777, 779.
Grand Canyon, Yellowstone river,
645, 646, 658, 659.
Grand Forks, N. D., 473.
Grand Portage, Minn., 380, 382, 383,
388.
Grand Portage, St. Louis river, 386.
Grand Rapids, Minn., 298.
Grand Teton, mountain, 656.
Grangers, Patrons of Husbandry,
70-87, 120-151, 159-163, 173, 176-
183, 187.
Grant, Captain Hiram P., 361.
Grant, President U. S., 150, 407, 511,
559, 565, 574, 695, 696, 716, 756.
Grant, Prof. U. S., 392, 826.
Grapes in Vinland, 231.
Grasshoppers, 131.
Graves, Hon. Charles H., 170, 559.
Great Northern railway, 190, 203,
220, 310, 767.
Great Salt Lake, 639.
Greeley, Horace, 512, 538, 558.
Greely, Dr. M. R., 504.
Green, Prof. Samuel B., Memorial
by President Northrop, 774-6.
Greenland, 229, 230-233.
Grevstad, N. A., 286.
Grey Cloud, Sioux woman, 371.
Grey Cloud Island and its Vicinity,
Historical Notes, by John H.
Case, 371-378; 408.
Grey Iron, Sioux, 371, 376.
Griggs, Chauncey W., 806.
Grimshaw, Robert E., 502, 506.
Grimshaw, Mrs. S. B., 492.
Grindeland, Hon. Andrew, 237.
Grindstones, 455-460.
Grizzly Bear, 376.
Groseilliers and Radisson, 319.
Guerin, Mr. and Mrs. Vital, 610.
Hackett, Capt. Charles W., 693.
Hagen, Prof. O. E., 256, 284.
Hahn, Hon. William J., 211.
Hale, Hon. John P., 814.
Hall, Hon. Albert R., 559.
Hall, Halsey R. W., obituary sketch,
837.
Hall, Harlan P., 560, 571, 690, 697,
701, 843.
Hall, Hon. Liberty, 562.
Hall, Hon. Osee M., obituary sketch,
838.
Hall, Hon. William Sprigg, 721.
Hall of Fame, Washington, D. C,
729, 738; Capitol of Minnesota,
731, 739.
Halvorson, Hon. Kittel, 591.
Hamlin, Conde, 701, 706.
Hamline, Bishop Leonidas L., 801.
Hamline University, 741-3, 746, 747,
801.
Hancock, Gen. Winfield S., 575.
H^andy, De Witt C, 357, 363, 366.
Handy, William C, 701.
Hardin, Hon. John J., 715.
Harmon, Allen, 501, 601.
Harney, Gen. William S., 404.
Harriet island, 532, 621, 622, 629.
Harrington, Captain Lewis, 362, 364.
Harrison, President Benjamin, 805.
Hartley, Gilbert, 467.
Hartwell, Electa, and A. K., 488,
492.
Hastings, Minn., 120, 371, 377, 378,
758, 762, 763.
Hastings and Dakota railroad com-
pany, 58, 98.
Hatch, Dr. Philo L., 506.
Hauser, Gov. Samuel T., of Mon-
tana, 636, 640, 642, 650, 654, 655.
Hawaiian music, 529.
Hay meadows, 467.
Hayden, Dr. F. V., 648, 659, 660-665.
Hayden, Herbert L., obituary
sketch, 838.
Hayden survey, 656, 659, 836.
Hayes, President Rutherford B.,
571, 572.
Haynes, Prof. Henry W., obituary
sketch, 838.
Hazzard, George H., 613.
Health, State Board of, 673-5, 677,
679, 680-4.
Heard, Hon. Isaac V. D., obituary
sketch, 838.
Heatwole, Hon. Joel P., 584.
Hedberg, J. P., 222.
858
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Hedges, Judge Cornelius, 640, 641,
642, 645, 647, 650, 658, 659, 660,
663, 664, 665.
Heiskell, William K., 400-403, 410.
Helena, Montana, 643, 645, 659.
Helluland, 230, 232.
Hennepin, Father Louis, 247, 320,
624.
Hennepin county. Territorial Pio-
neers, 508.
Hennepin island, 512, 521.
Herdman, Rev. J. C, obituary
sketch, 838.
Heroines of pioneer settlement,
454, 516, 517, 544.
Hewitt, Dr. Charles N., Biographic
Memorial, by Prof. William W.
Folwell, 669-686.
Hibbing, 308.
Hicks, Col. Henry G., 558.
Hill, Alfred J., 392.
Hill, James J., 459, 460, 461, 466;
537, 611, 627, 693, 767.
Hill lake, 467, 468.
Hinkle, William H., Biographic me-
morial of Hon. Samuel R. Thay-
er, 804-5.
Hinman, Rev. Samuel D., 340.
Hickey, W. O., 509.
Historical Notes of Grey Cloud Is-
land and its Vicinity, by John
H. Case, 371-378.
Historical Society; see Minnesota.
History of the Parks and Public
Grounds of Minneapolis, by
Hon. Charles M. Loring, 599-
607.
History of the Parks and Public
Grounds of St. Paul, by Lloyd
Peabody, 609-630.
Hi-u-ka, Sioux, 367, 370.
Hoag, Charles, 488, 500.
Hoar, Hon. George F., quoted, 566.
Hobart, Revs. Chauncey and Mor-
ris, 744.
Hodges, Hon. Leonard B., 92.
Hoegh, Dr. Knut, 256, 283.
Holand, Hjalmar Rued, owner of
the Kensington Rune Stone,
223, 226, 238, 247, 250, 256, 268,
277-280, 281-286.
Holcombe, Hon. William, 815.
Hole-in-the-Day, 491, 529.
Hollinshead, William, 540.
Holmes, Thomas G., 359, 360, 366.
Holvik, John A., 239, 240, 248, 256.
Holy Light, Sioux, 373.
Horsford, Amanda, 531, 543.
Horticultural Society, 775.
Horticulture, 537-8, 774.
Hosmer, Hon. Hezekiah L., 634, 635,
Hotchkiss, W. A., 488.
Hotchkiss, Prof. W. O., 2S6.
Hotvedt, Joseph, 222.
Houle, Joseph, 322.
House of Hope Church, St. Paul,
706, 707.
Howard lake, 315, 319.
Hubbard, Gov. Lucius F., 555, 556,
559, 563, 569, 570, 571, 573, 576,
581, 582-4, 597, 677, 803; Ad-
dress on the Presentation of
the Portrait of Professor Jabez
Brooks, 743-4; Biographic Me-
morial, by Warren Upham, 776-
8.
Hudson bay, 229-232, 247-8, 282, 284,
389.
Hudson Bay Company, 371, 390, 480,
Huey, Lieutenant William, 329, 330,
333.
Huggins, Rufus, 334.
Hughes, Archbishop, 719.
Hughes, Thomas, Biographic me-
morial of Gen. James H. Baker,
754-5.
Humphrey, James K., 531.
Humphrey, John Ames, Boyhood
Remembrances of Life among
the Dakotas and the Massacre
in 1862, 337-345.
Humphrey, Dr. Philander P., 337.
Hunt, Mrs. Edgar, 547.
Hunt, J. J., 125.
Hunt, John, 428-431.
Huron Indians, 316-319.
Huseby, Olaf, 256, 284.
Hutchinson, Minn., 358, 363, 364,
367-370.
Hygiene, 672, 678-680.
Ice age, 234, 235, 246, 827, 828.
Idaho, state, 666.
Illinois, railroad legislation, 15, 65,
108, 140, 141, 146, 186, 205.
Illinois Central railroad, 15, 21, 25,
65.
Illinois Historical Society, 270, 278,
285.
Immigration to Minnesota, 290, 435,
452-454, 485, 486, 497, 521, 522,
532, 538-9, 552, 632.
INDEX.
859
Indian mounds, 233, 824.
Indian Mounds Park, St. Paul, 620,
623, 626, 629, 630.
Indian trails, 315-321, 375, 489, 643.
Indians, 489-491, 522, 528, 530, 633,
643; see also Ojibways, Sioux,
Winnebagoes.
Ingeman, Ole, 353.
Ingersoll, Daniel W., 561, 688, 693.
Inkpaduta, 332.
Intemperance, 526, 681-2.
Internal improvement lands, 38-44,
204, 207, 294, 301-305.
International Typographical Union,
703, 704.
Inver Grove, 374.
Investment, Board of, 299, 300, 302-
304.
Iowa, Historical Library, 789.
Ireland, Archbishop John, 252, 694,
719, 783, 786, 789; Address at
the Unveiling of the Statue of
General Shields, 731-740.
Ireland, 711, 712, 721, 727, 731-2, 735,
739, 740.
Iron ore lands, 297-299, 302-304, 310,
311, 826.
Iron Range, 751.
Irvine, John R., 611.
Irvine, Mrs. John R., 539.
Irvine Park, St. Paul, 534, 543, 611,
781.
Isle Royale, 381, 382, 384, 389, 391.
Iverslie, P. P., 256, 282, 286.
Iverson, Hon. Samuel G., State Au-
ditor, The Public Lands and
School Fund of Minnesota, 287-
314.
Ives, Hon. Gideon S., 584.
Jackson, Iver, 354.
Jackson, Rev. Sheldon, obituary
sketch, 839.
Jackson, Gen. Thomas J. ("Stone-
wall"), 716, 722-4, 738.
Jaggard, Hon. Edwin A., obituary
sketch, 839.
Jefferson, President Thomas, 543.
Jesup, Gen. Thomas S., 398.
Jewett, William J., 443.
Jewett family, killed by Sioux, 443.
Johnson, President Andrew, 640.
Johnson, Emil, 222.
Johnson, Gates A., 464.
Johnson, Gunder, 241-243.
Johnson, Gov. John A., 486, 597;
Memorial Address in his honor,
by Justice Thomas D. O'Brien,
749-751; Statue at the State
Capitol, 752.
Johnson, John E., 222.
Johnson, P. M., 353.
Johnson, Schuyler, 506.
Johnson Parkway, St. Paul, 630.
Johnston, Daniel S. B., A Red River
Townsite Speculation in 1857,
411-434; personal references,
Preface, 411, 434, 485, 697; obit-
uary sketch, 839.
Johnston, Gen. Joseph E., 716.
Jones, D. C, 459.
Jones, Edwin S., 503, 506.
Jones, Hon. Richard A., 90, 106, 109.
Jones, Robinson, 350-354, 358, 360.
Jones, Mrs. W. E., 488.
Judson, Minn., 447, 448, 450.
Kalm, Peter, 267, 283.
Kaministiquia river, 381, 383, 388.
Kandiyohi county, 355.
Kansas, paleoliths, 828; Historical
Society and its building, 841.
Kaposia, 321, 366, 373, 375.
Kaskaskia, 111., 713, 732, 735.
Kasota, 334, 335, 337.
Keating, Prof. William H., 247.
Keith, Dr. George H., 504.
Kelley, Oliver H., founder of the
Patrons of Husbandry, 73-85,
187.
Kellogg, Hon. Frank B., 584.
Kelly, Hon. Patrick H., 693.
Kelly's Bluff, or Acton, battle in
Sioux war, 355-366.
Kenna, Sergeant Michael, 262, 3Q.6.
Kensington Rune Stone, Prelimi-
nary Report by the Museum
Committee, 221-286, 828; size
and description, 225-227, 233-
237, 246, 248, 286; the inscrip-
tion, 226, 227, 246, 249-277.
Kentucky, pioneer settlers, 515, 516.
Kenwood Boulevard, Minneapolis,
603.
Kerr, Hon. Charles D., 554.
Keweenaw peninsula, 389.
Kiester, Hon. Jacob A., 153.
Kimball, Col. Nathan, 723, 738.
Kindred, Charles F., 579, 580.
King, Hon. William S., 488, 511, 568,
571, 601, 602, 603, 693.
860
MINJSTESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
King's Highway, Minneapolis, 603.
Kingsbury, Charles W., 779.
Kingsbury, David L., Biographic
memorials, 778-780.
Kittelson, Hon. Charles, 49, 574.
Kittson, Norman W., 541.
Kline, Frank J., 474.
Knappen, Theodore M., 749.
Kneeland, Cordelia, 545.
Knickerbacker, Rev. David B., 488.
Knife lake, Kanabec county, 319.
Knights of Labor, Minneapolis, 602,
607.
Knoblauch, Anton, 364.
Krieger, Louis, 615.
Labrador, 230, 231, 250.
Lady Franklin, steamer, 519.
Lafayette Square, St. Paul, 613.
Laird, William H., obituary sketch,
839.
Lake Calhoun, 480, 512, 513, 602.
Lake City, 121, 452, 555, 840.
Lake Christina, 227.
Lake Como, 618, 619, 623, 630.
Lake Harriet, 601, 602, 603.
Lake Henry, 414.
Lake Minnetonka, 499.
Lake of the Isles, 602, 603; park,
606.
Lake of the Woods, Preface, 379,
380, 382, 389, 392.
Lake Pepin, 375.
Lake Phalen, 619, 620, 623, 630.
Lake Pomme de Terre, 427, 432.
Lake Rebecca, Hastings, 377, 378;
Lake Superior, 380-386, 391, 464,
744-5, 755.
Lake Superior and Mississippi rail-
• road company, 51, 57, 58, 65,
117, 129, 130, 309.
Lake Traverse, 372.
Lakewood Cemetery, 512; Associa-
tion, 603.
Lamotte, Francis, 322.
Lamprey, Uri L., 613.
Lamson, Chauncey, 364-370.
Lamson, James Birney, narrative
of the killing of Little Crow,
367-370.
Lamson, Nathan, 364-370.
Land grants for internal improve-
ments, 38-44, 204, 207, 294, 301-
305; for railroads, 4-9, 16, 24,
26, 49-59, 63, 65, 66, 67, 112, 189,
193, 196, 204-208, 210, 215; for
schools and the State Univer-
sity, 287-314.
Landsvark, Gulick, 222.
Langdon, Hon. Robert B., 559,
Langford, Augustine G., 548, 782.
Langford, Nathaniel P., 548, 631,
633-9, 648, 649, 654, 655, 656,
660-668, 780-9.
Langford, Nathaniel Pitt, the Vigi-
lante, the Explorer, the Ex-
pounder and First Superintend-
ent of the Yellowstone Park,
by Olin D. Wheeler, 631-668;
, Biographic memorials, 780-789.
Laraway, O. M., 506.
Larson, Albert, 222.
Lavallee, F. X., 322.
Lawler, Bishop John J., Memorial
of Rev. Ambrose McNulty, 791-
3.
Laws, relating to state lands, 294-
299 312
Leadbeater, Mark, 428, 430, 431, 432.
Leaf mountains, 417.
Leavenworth, Gen. Henry, 394.
Le Boutillier, Dr. Charles W., 334.
Le Due, Gen. William G., Memorial
of Nathaniel P. Langford, 782-3.
Lee, Col. Francis, 396.
Lee, Gen. Robert E., 716.
Leech lake, 467, 474, 477, 491.
Legislation, Railroad, in Minnesota,
1849-1875, by Rasmus S. Saby,
1-188.
Leonard, Hon. Joseph A., 693.
Leonard, Dr. William E., Early
Days in Minneapolis, 497-514.
Leonard, Dr. William H., 504, 506,
507-8, 511.
Le Sueur, Pierre Charles, 321.
Le Sueur, Minn., 323, 325.
Letterman, Dr., 671.
Lewis and Clark expedition, 642.
Lexington Parkway, St. Paul, 625.
Library Building, proposed for this
Society, 787-9, 830.
Lightner, William H., 780; Bio-
graphic memorial of Henry P.
Upham, 806-810.
Lightning lake, 416, 417, 423.
Lincoln, President Abraham, 553,
585, 670, 694, 713, 714, 715, 718,
719, 724, 735, 756, 816, 840.
Lind, Gov. John, 584, 588, 591, 844.
Lindeke, William, 613.
INDEX.
861
Linwood Park, St. Paul, 622, 629.
Liquors, sold to Indians, 324, 351,
352, 490.
Listoe, Hon. Soren, 169.
Litchfield, E. B., 219.
Little Crow, 324, 329, 333, 341, 343,
353, 361, 363, 364, 366-370, 373,
375, 393, 491.
Little Crow Uprising, Reminis-
cences, by Dr. Asa W. Daniels,
323-336.
Little Falls, Minn., 408, 432, 827.
Little Falls and Dakota railroad
company, 310.
Little Rock, trading post, 372.
Little Six, Sioux; see Shakopee.
Lockey, Joseph, obituary sketch,
840.
Locomotive, first in Minnesota, 217.
Logan, Stephen T., 715, 735.
Logging, 466, 469, 473, 478, 819-823.
Lombard, Jules, 496.
Long lake. Pigeon river, 381, 383,
389.
Longstreet, Gen. James, 716.
Loring, Hon. Charles M., History
of the Parks and Public
Grounds of Minneapolis, 599-
607; with a Postscript by Prof.
William W. Folwell, 607-8.
Loring Park, 602, 604, 608.
Louisiana Purchase, 481, 787.
Lovejoy, Hon. Owen, 814.
Lower Sioux Agency, 338-343, 353,
376.
Lowry, Gen. Sylvanus B., 530.
Lowry, Thomas, 693; obituary
sketch, 840.
Loyal Legion, 729, 739, 754, 761, 777,
779, 780.
Lumber industry, 215, 466-478, 523,
817-824, 840, 841, 845.
Lynch, James M., 704.
Lynd, Hon. James W., 320; quoted,
321.
Lyndale park, Minneapolis, 603.
Macalester College, 484.
McCardy, Hon. Joseph J., 567, 596.
McClellan, Gen. George B., 724, 728.
McClure, Thomas C, 554, 814.
McCormick, Hon. Robert L., obitu-
ary sketch, 841.
MacDonald, Hon. John L., 559, 560,
588.
Macdonald, Hon. Colin F., Bio-
graphic memorial of Hon. Lo-
ren W. Collins, 757-762; and of
Hon. Henry C. Waite, 813-816.
McGannon, James, 367, 370.
McGill, Gov. Andrew R., 486, 561,
563, 566, 567, 588, 589, 590, 597.
McGraw, James, 354.
Mack, Charles and Jesse, 441, 442.
McKinley, President William, 593,
594.
Mackubin, Hon. Charles N., 202.
MacLaren, Dr. Archibald, 706.
McLaren, Gen. Robert N., 564, 571,
575, 584, 695.
McLeod, Captain George A., 450.
McMasters, Rev. Sterling Y., 693.
McMillan, Hon. and Mrs. S. J. R.,
543, 568, 570, 571, 576, 589, 696.
McNulty, Rev. Ambrose, Biographic
memorials, by Rev. Francis J.
Schaefer, 789-791, and Bishop
John J. Lawler, 791-3.
Magner, John, 344, 345, 346.
Mahan, Rear Admiral Alfred T.,
obituary sketch, 840.
Mail routes, 1849, 2.
Maine, railroad legislation, 105.
Mammoth Hot Springs, Yellowstone
Park, 652, 655, 663.
Mandan Indians, 267.
Mankato, 160, 323, 326, 333, 443, 445-
448, 753, 837.
Mantorville, 166.
Mariaklagan, 255, 272, 274, 285.
Markland, 230, 232.
Marsh, Captain John S., 327, 345,
346, 348, 357, 362.
Marsh lands, 315, 317-319, 483, 491.
Marshall, David, 515.
Marshall, James, 363, 366.
Marshall, Joseph M., 517, 521, 522,
534
Marshall, Gov. William R., 39, 40,
41, 42, 153, 204, 205, 397, 517,
518, 519, 521, 522, 523, 524, 526,
530, 532, 534, 540, 547, 551, 553,
554, 556, 561, 574, 575, 577-8,
597, 662, 690, 693, 695, 758, 782,
786.
Marshall, Mrs. William R., 547-549.
Martin, Charles J., 766; obituary
sketch, 841.
Martin, Secretary George W., obit-
uary sketch, 841.
Mason, Gen. and Mrs. Edwin C,
779, 780.
862
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL, SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Massachusetts, railroad legislation,
105, 169; State Board of Health,
673.
Massacre in 1862, 323-370; also see
Sioux.
Masterson, H. F., 537-8.
Mather, Hon. John C, 399-404, 406.
Maxfleld and Seabury, 803.
Mayflower Society, 809.
Mayo, Dr. William W., 326, 327, 329,
330; obituary sketch, 841.
Mazurka Hall, St. Paul, 544.
Medary, Governor Samuel, 191.
Medical Examining Board, 683.
Medicine Bottle, Sioux chief, 372-
376.
Medicine dances, Sioux, 340.
Meeker, Judge B. B., 396, 524, 815.
Memorial Address in Honor of
Governor Johnson, by Justice
Thomas D. O'Brien, 749-751.
Memorial Commission, John Albert
Johnson, 752.
Memories of the Early Life and
Development of Minnesota, by
Thomas B. Walker, 455-478.
Mendenhall, Mrs. Abby, Diary, 511.
Mendota, 331, 375, 479, 481, 519, 539,
545, 629.
Menzel, Gregor, 472.
Merriam, Hon. John L., 565.
Merriam, Gov. William R., 584, 590,
591, 613.
Merriam Park, St. Paul, 551.
Merrick, Rev. John A., 526, 536.
Merrill, E. A., 504.
Merrill, E. W., 485.
Merriman, O. C, 502.
Mesaba iron range, 297, 298.
Methodist denomination in Minne-
sota 743-4
Mexican War,' 715-717, 730, 736-738.
Michigan, railroad legislation, 205.
Midway Parkway, St. Paul, 627.
Mille Lacs, 318, 320, 321.
Miller, Hugo, 704.
Miller, Joaquin, poet, 756.
Miller, Gov. Stephen, 446, 486, 559.
Millet, Francis D., artist, obituary
sketch, 842.
Mills, E. P., 485.
Minneapolis, Preface, 355, 397, 458,
478, 479, 481, 487, 488-494, 500,
505, 508, 513, 514, 533, 538, 600,
699, 700, 746, 769-773.
Minneapolis, Early Days in, by Dr.
William E. Leonard. 497-514.
Minneapolis, History of the Parks
and Public Grounds, by Hon.
Charles M. Loring, 599-607;
with a Postscript by Prof. Wil-
liam W. Folwell, 607-8.
Minneapolis Institute of Arts, 767,
769, 842.
Minneapolis Journal, 277-280, 281,
285.
Minneapolis, men in Sioux war, 355-
366; public library founded,
493-4, 504; origin of name, 500.
Minneapolis and Cedar Valley rail-
road company, 8, 11, 39, 46, 50,
53, 54, 55, 192, 199.
Minneapolis and St. Louis railroad
company, 148, 173, 816.
Minneapolis, St. Paul, and Sault
Ste. Marie railroad company,
816.
Minnehaha creek, 397, 528.
Minnehaha falls, 480, 503, 528.
Minnehaha park, 500, 503, 603, 604;
parkway, 603.
Minnesota Academy of Science,
795, 826.
Minnesota Academy of Social Sci-
ences, 1.
Minnesota and Northwestern rail-
road company, 5, 11, 17, 18, 19,
24, 25, 27, 29, 189.
Minnesota and Pacific railroad
company, 8, 11, 24, 29, 45, 50,
52, 192, 198, 199, 203, 215, 216.
Minnesota Historical Society, per-
manent trust fund, 809; Memo-
rial Addresses, 731-830; Other
Deceased Members, 1909-14,
Memorials by Warren Upham,
831-848; proposed Library Build-
ing, 787-9, 830; donation by
Hon. James B. Wakefield, 847.
Minnesota point, Duluth, 385, 390,
464.
Minnesota Politics, Reminiscences
of, by Captain Henry A. Castle,
553-598.
Minnesota river, 393, 397, 412, 529,
530.
Minnesota Valley railroad company,
55, 57.
Minnetonka, Lake, 499.
Missions, early, 526, 527, 831.
Mississippi river, 392, 393, 395, 397,
466, 468, 478, 481, 495, 498, 519,
527-8, 532, 604, 620, 623, 626,
627, 755, 802, 819, 820, 827.
INDEX.
863
Mississippi and Lake Superior rail-
road, 11, 28.
Mississippi River boulevard, St.
Paul, 623, 624, 626, 629.
Missouri, state capitol burned, 788.
Missouri river, 632.
Mitchell, Rev. Edward C, 268, 788;
Memorials, 793-800.
Mitchell, John, 390; his map of the
British colonies, 381, 382, 388,
389, 390, 391.
Mitchell, Hon. William, 214, 760.
Mitchell, William B., 554.
Monongalia county, 355.
Montana, 633-666, 784, 786.
Montana Historical Society, 634,
648.
Montgomery, Ala., 470.
Monument at Acton, 350, 363.
Mooers, Hazen, 371, 372, 373.
Moore, Prof. John Bassett, 390.
Morgan, David, 504.
Morgan, Major George H., 510.
Morin, William A., obituary sketch,
842.
Morris, Mrs. Mary C, 601.
Morrison, Clinton, 767; obituary
sketch, 842.
Morrison, Hon. Dorilus, 842.
Morse, Hon. Frank L., 168, 169, 170,
174, 175.
Moss, Mr. and Mrs. Henry L„ 531,
543.
Moulton, J. C, 411-415, 417, 418, 420-
423, 427, 428, 430-433.
Mounds, aboriginal, 233, 824.
Mt. Doane, 648, 666.
Mt. Everts, 652.
Mt. Langford, 647, 648, 666.
Mt. Stevenson, 648.
Mt. Washburn, 644, 645, 652, 666.
Mountain lions, 652, 653.
Muir, John, 662; obituary sketch,
842.
Municipal aid to railroads, 59, 60,
116, 120, 151.
Murphy, Captain Edward, 599.
Murray, Hon. William P., 535, 615,
764; Biographic memorial, by
Henry S. Fairchild, 800-802.
Museum, Minnesota Historical So-
ciety, 370, 788, 797.
Museum Committee, 794, 795, 797,
828 ; Preliminary Report on the
Kensington Rune Stone, 221-
286.
Names of streets and avenues, Min-
neapolis, 513, 514.
Names, geographic, in Yellowstone
Park, 665, 666; in Minnesota,
801.
Napoleon, 756.
Narratives of the Sioux War, by
Marion P. Satterlee, 349-370.
National parks, 658, 666, 843.
Native Sons of Minnesota, 508, 513,
Naugonup, a Chippewa, 467, 468.
Negro socialism, 470.
Neighborliness of pioneer settlers,
437.
Neill, Rev. Edward D., 484, 535, 541,
621, 693.
Neill, Mrs. Edward D., 541.
Nelson, Gov. Knute, 170, 579, 580,
588, 593, 594, 597, 761, 803.
Nelson, Hon. Rensselaer R., 693.
Nemadji river, 385.
Ness settlement and cemetery, 350,
354, 355.
Netherlands, 805.
New Hampshire, railroad legisla-
tion, 104.
New Ulm, 151, 323, 325, 328-334, 365,
439, 444, 842.
New Year's Day, 1850, 526.
New York, railroad legislation, 105.
Newberry, Prof. John S., 825.
Newfoundland, 230.
Newspaper Publishers Association,
American, 702-704.
Newspapers, quoted on railroad leg-
islation, 188; early, in Minne-
apolis, 487-9, 499, 503, 504, 697,
839; in St. Paul, 690-692, 696-8,
837; in Red Wing, 777; early in
Ohio, 837.
Newton, Sir Isaac, 692.
"Niagara," steamboat, burned, 688.
Nichols, Charles, 699.
Nichols, Marcus P., Preface, obitu-
ary sketch, 843.
Nichols, Samuel H., 588.
Nicollet island, 532-3, 600.
Nicols, John, 534, 693, 829, 833.
Nimocks, W. A., 76, 156.
Nininger, Minn., 377, 378.
Nissen, Dr. Henrik, 232.
Nordstroem, Rev. M. A., 280.
Normal schools, 314, 746.
Norman, Rev. O. A., 227, 250, 252,
282.
Norman Millennial Celebration, 286.
864
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
North, Hon. John W., 815.
North, Mrs. John W., 527-8, 532-3.
North Dakota, 803.
North St. Paul, 701.
Northern Minnesota Boundary Sur-
veys in 1822 to 1826, under the
Treaty of Ghent, by Hon. Wil-
liam E. Culkin, 379-392.
Northern Pacific railroad company,
11, 58. 117, 130, 131, 218, 428,
509, 642.
Northmen, 229, 230-233.
Northrop, President Cyrus, Bio-
graphic memorial of William
H. Dunwoody, 764-773; Memo-
rial of Prof. Samuel B. Green,
774-6.
Northup, Anson, 487, 491.
Northwest Fur Company, 385, 388,
390.
Northwest Territory, 481.
Norton, Hon. Daniel S., 693.
Norton, Harry, 663.
Nova Scotia, 230, 232, 249.
Noyes, Charles P., 804.
Noyes, Daniel R., 693.
Nussbaumer, Frederick, 609, 618.
Oak Point, Mississippi river, 468.
Oakes, Charles H., 405, 465, 542.
Gates, Gen. William C, 724, 738.
Oberlin College, 338.
O'Brien, John D., obituary sketch,
843.
O'Brien, Patrick, 695, 696.
O'Brien, Justice Thomas D., 791;
Memorial Address in Honor of
Governor Johnson, 749-751.
Ochagach, Assiniboine chief, 389,
391.
O'Connor, Andrew, sculptor, 752.
Officer, Mr. and Mrs. Harvey, 546.
Ogilvy, John, British commissioner,
380.
Ohage, Dr. Justus, 621.
Ohio newspapers, donated, 837.
Ohio railroad legislation, 105; geo-
logical survey, 825.
Ohman, Edward, 221, 224.
Ohman, Olof, discoverer of the
Kensington Rune Stone, 221-
226; 233, 237, 238-246, 248, 249,
278, 280, 285.
Ojibways, 316, 321, 384, 393, 408,
411, 416, 467-470, 479, 489-491,
528-9, 837.
"uld Bets," Sioux woman, 491.
Oliver, Lieut. William G., 377.
Oliver's Grove (Hastings), 377, 378.
Olmsted, Frederick Law, quoted,
606.
Olson, John M., 222.
Olson, Prof. Julius E., 256.
Olson, Samuel, 222, 223, 224, 245.
Osseo, Minn., 358.
Other Day, John, 355.
Otis, Hon. George U, 557.
Ottawa Indians, 316, 317.
Otter, 426.
Otter Tail lake, 432.
Otter Tail river, 417, 419, 424, 426,
431-433.
Ottumwa, Iowa, 728.
Owatonna, 87, 88, 103, 124, 126, 127,
128, 155, 166, 175, 834.
Owen, Sidney M., 591.
Paintings in the capitol, 842.
Paist, William, 158.
Palmer, Gov. John M., of Illinois,
83, 715, 735.
Panic of 1857, 31, 193, 216, 410, 433,
534, 537; of 1873, 130, 131, 470,
471, 476; of 1893, 476, 617.
Paris, Treaty of, 1783, 379, 381, 389.
Park Place, St. Paul, 526, 536.
Parker, Mrs. Rodney, landlady of
the American House, St. Paul,
520, 523.
Parks and Public Grounds of Min-
neapolis, History, by Hon.
Charles M. Loring, 599-607.
Parks and Public Grounds of St.
Paul, History, by Lloyd Pea-
body, 609-630.
Parkways, Minneapolis and St.
Paul, 604, 605, 622-630.
Parsons, George I., 127, 135, 158,
159, 161, 162, 163.
Passenger rates, railroad, 107.
Patmore, Tom, 432.
Patrons of Husbandry, 70-87, 120-
151, 159-163, 173, 176-183, 187.
Pattison, Judge George, 724.
Peabody, Lloyd, History of the
Parks and Public Grounds of
St. Paul, 609-630.
Pearson, Edward, 517.
Pease, Granville S., 554.
Peavey, George W., obituary sketch,
843.
INDEX.
865
Pelican lake, Grant county, Plate
III at page 221; 227-229, 247,
248, 282.
Peltier, Charles, Paul, and Oliver,
322.
Pennsylvania, railroad legislation,
138, 140; immigrants to Minne-
sota, 486.
Pennsylvania, University of, 1, 486.
Perkins, George W., 513,
Perkins, Hon. Oscar F., 815.
Perrot, Nicholas, quoted, 316-319.
Perry, Abraham, 480,
Peterson, Hokan, 359.
Peterson, Jonas, 353.
Peterson, William, 640.
Petterson, A, E., 286.
Pettit, Hon. Curtis H., 458, 565;
obituary sketch, 843.
Phalen Park, St. Paul, 619, 620, 625,
630,
Phelan, Edward, 620.
Phelipeaux, Isle, 381, 382, 389,
Pickett, Gen, George E., 716,
Pierce, President Franklin, 720.
Pigeon bay, 388, 389, 391.
Pigeon river, 381, 382, 383, 388, 389,
391.
Pike, Lieut, Z. M., quoted, 321; 393.
Pike river, 381, 382, 387,
Pilgrims, memorials at Delfthaven
and Plymouth, 805.
Pillsbury, Gov. John S., 45-49, 209,
210, 213, 513, 559, 570, 571-578,
597, 693, 698, 829.
Pillsbury "A" mill, 512, 521.
Pine Bend, Dakota county, 372, 374,
376,
Pine lands, 296, 298, 302-304, 310,
463, 466-9, 473-8, 819, 820, 822,
823,
Pioneer in Winona County, Journal
of a. Preface,
Pioneer Press, 696-8, 700, 701, 702,
756,
Pioneers, character of, 453, 454, 497-
8, 522, 538, 539, 544, 549,
Playgrounds in St. Paul, 627, 628.
Plummer, Col, Le Vinne P., 489,
Plymouth Church, Minneapolis, 505,
Plympton, Major Joseph, 394.
Poehler, Hon. Henry, 559, 560.
Poem, "Minnesota in Panorama,"
Preface; describing the pio-
neer, 454.
Pokegama bay, St. Louis river, 386.
55
Pokegama lake, Mississippi river,
466-470,
Politics, Reminiscences of Minne-
sota, by Captain Henry A, Cas-
tle, 553-598,
Polk, President James K., 715, 717,
733,
Pomeroy, Hon, Samuel C, 663, 664,
Pomme de Terre, lake, 427, 432,
Pond, Rev, Gideon H,, 513,
Pond, Rev, Samuel W., 350, 351, 513,
530,
Poplar tree on the Rune Stone, 221-
224, 245, 246, 248.
Porter, Hon. Peter B., 380, 383, 388,
Portrait Collection, Minnesota His-
torical Society, 788,
Post Office Department, United
States, 594, 596,
Prairie du Chien, Wis,, 371, 372, 377,
394, 495.
Prairie island, 316, 319.
Prairie schooners, 482.
Prentiss, J. W„ 411-415, 419-421, 424,.
426, 428, 432,
Prescott, George W,, 488,
Prescott, Philander, 480, 481, 487,
Presley, Bartlett, 613.
Prices of farm products, 1866, 452.
Prince, Mr, and Mrs, John S,, 547.
Prospect Terrace, St. Paul, 630,
Public Building lands, 294, 301, 302,
305.
Public Health, professorship, 682,
683,
Public Instruction, Superintendent,
300,
Public Lands and School Fund of
Minnesota, by Hon, Samuel G,
Iverson, State Auditor, 287-314.
Pusey, Pennock, 567; quoted, 617.
Putnam, Prof, Frederick W., 828.
Pyle, Joseph G„ 701,
Quane, Jerry, 333,
Quartz chips and implements, 827,
Quinby, John C, 613,
Quincy, 111., 517-519, 532, 553.
Rabies, 682.
Radisson, 319.
Rafting logs, 478,
Railroad bonds, 195-214.
Railroad commission, Minnesota,
143-145, 153, 184.
866
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Railroad Legislation in Minnesota,
1849 to 1875, by Rasmus S.
Saby, 1-188; charters, 5-29; in-
corporation laws, 33; control,
1861-70, 61-70.
Railroads, The Five Million Loan,
by Prof. William W. Folwell,
189-214
Rainy lake'and river, 382, 388.
Ramaley, David, obituary sketch,
843.
Ramsey, Gov. Alexander, 1, 2, 36,
37, 51, 52, 126. 197, 200-203;
foundation of the state school
fund, 288-295, 314; 395, 399, 409,
482, 483, 484, 494, 521, 523, 528-
9, 532, 539, 551, 554-557, 561,
567-570, 576, 597, 690, 693, 695,
696, 698, 753, 785, 787.
Ramsey, Mrs. Alexander, 524, 544-5.
Randall, John H., The Beginning of
Railroad Building in Minnesota,
215-220.
Randall, Hon. John J., 153.
Ranney, Henry C, obituary sketch,
844.
Reagan, J. J., 730.
Records of the Past, 283, 286.
Red Dog, Sioux, 361.
Red lake, 390, 491.
Red river of the North, 174, 215,
229, 248, 282, 390, 419-433, 487,
528, 802.
Red River Townsite Speculation in
1857, by Daniel S. B. Johnston,
411-434.
Red Rock, 375.
Red Wing, Minn., 673, 685, 741, 743-
4, 746, 777, 838, 848.
Redwood Agency, 338-343, 353, 376.
Reed, Captain Axel H., 558.
Reeve, Gen. J. V. D., 602.
Reindeer in Alaska, 839.
Remembrances, A Sheaf of, by Mrs.
Rebecca Marshall Cathcart, 515-
552.
Remembrances, Boyhood, of Life
among the Dakotas and the
Massacre of 1862, by John
Ames Humphrey, 337-348.
Reminiscences of the Early Days
of Minnesota, 1851 to 1861, by
Rev. Frank C. Coolbaugh, 479-
496.
Reminiscences of the Little Crow
Uprising, by Dr. Asa W, Dan-
iels, 323-336.
Reminiscences of Minnesota Poli-
tics, by Captain Henry A. Cas-
tle, 553-598.
Rhode Island, railroad legislation,
104; Historical Society, 836.
Rice, Hon. Albert E., 775.
Rice, Hon. Edmund, 190, 216, 218,
526, 540, 559, 560, 588.
Rice, Hon. Henry M., 197, 397-399,
405, 408, 409, 523, 540, 611, 690,
693, 719, 732, 785.
Rice, Mrs. Henry M., 524, 540.
Rice creek, Anoka county, 315-319,
321
Rice Park, St. Paul, 534, 535, 547,
611, 612.
Rice's point, Duluth, 385,
Rich Valley, Dakota county, 375.
Richard Chute Square, Minneapolis,
508.
Riggs, Rev. Stephen R., 341.
Riis, Jacob, quoted on city parks,
606.
Riverside park, Minneapolis, 604.
Roads, 305, 312, 313.
Robertson, Andrew, 372, 373.
Robertson, Col. Daniel A., 80, 197,
545, 618.
Robertson, Mrs. Daniel A., 545.
Robinson, Gov. James F., of Ken-
tucky, 515.
Rochester, Minn., 89, 92, 94, 152,
175, 326, 839, 841, 842.
Rogers, Mrs. Lucy, 492.
Rolette, Joseph, Sr., 371.
Rolette, Hon. Joseph, Jr., 801.
Roosevelt, President Theodore, 749.
Root, Noble G., 440, 442.
Root River Valley and Southern
Minnesota railroad company, 8,
11, 53, 55, 192.
Rose, Anson H., 357, 363, 366.
Rosen, A. T., 627.
Rosing, Hon. Leonard A., obituary
sketch, 844.
Roster of Captain Strout's com-
pany at Acton, 365.
Rouen, France, 286.
Royale, Isle, 381, 382, 384, 389, 391.
Rune books, 237-240.
Rune Stone, Kensington, prelimi-
nary report by the Museum
Committee, 221-286, 828.
Russell, Roswell P., 375, 507.
Russell, Thomas S., 746.
Russell, W. F., 488.
INDEX.
867
Sabin, Hon. Dwight M., 559, 571,
582-6, 590, 597.
Saby, Rasmus S., Railroad Legisla-
tion in Minnesota, 1849 to 1875,
1-188.
Sagas, 232, 273.
St. Anthony, Preface, 11, 52, 53, 54,
61, 215-220, 393, 413, 433, 470,
478, 479, 484, 489, 497-9, 508,
512, 521-528, 532-3, 538, 545, 600,
831 839
St. Anthony' falls, 478, 479, 489, 509,
520, 522, 527, 528, 532-3, 827.
St. Cloud, 219, 413, 461, 462, 528, 530,
554, 757-762, 779, 780, 803, 814,
816, 844.
St. Croix Falls, Wis., 377.
St. Louis river, 381, 383, 384, 385,
386, 389, 391.
St. Paul, Preface, 479, 483, 489, 519-
527, 531, 533-552, 700; aid to
railroads, 59; first railroad, 215-
220; topography, 217; Chamber
of Comnierce, 616, 617, 699, 809.
St. Paul Academy of Science, 796,
799.
St. Paul, Catholic Historical So-
ciety, Preface, 285.
St. Paul, First National Bank, 807,
810.
St. Paul, History of tl;e Parks and
Public Grounds, by Lloyd Pea-
body, 609-630.
St. Paul, Remembrances, by Mrs.
Rebecca Marshall Cathcart, 515-
552.
St. Paul Seminary, 624.
St. Paul and Duluth railroad com-
pany, 309, 463-465, 689.
St. Paul and Pacific railroad com-
pany, 53, 54, 55, 56, 58, 61, 67,
101, 117, 120, 137, 146, 148, 173,
217, 220, 509.
St. Paul and Sioux City railroad
company, 39, 44, 58, 101, 153,
155, 208.
St. Peter, Minn., 323, 324, 325, 331,
332, 334, 335, 337, 347, 444-448,
. 479, 749, 752, 801, 834.
St. Peter's river; see Minnesota
river.
Sale of Fort Snelling, 1857, by Prof.
William W. Folwell, 393-410.
Salt springs, lands, 294, 301, 302.
San Francisco, Cal., 721, 722, 724.
Sanborn, Gen. John B., 561, 563, 564,
575, 582, 584, 693, 787.
Sanders, Col. Wilbur F., 636, 639.
Sanitary survey, 679, 683.
Sanitation, Civil War, 672.
Satterlee, Marion P., Narratives of
the Sioux War, 349-370; anni-
versary of the Battle of Acton,
364.
Sauk Rapids, 803.
Savory, George, 509.
Scanian Law, 272, 274, 276, 285.
Schaefer, Rev. Francis J., Preface,
268, 285; Biographic memorial
of Rev. Ambrose McNulty, 789-
791; Memorial of Rev. Edward
C. Mitchell, 793-5.
Schaller, Hon. Albert, 378.
Scheffer, Hon. Albert, 587, 588, 590.
Scheffer, Charles, 756.
Schell, Hon. Richard, 400, 404, 406.
Schmahl, Hon. Julius A., Brographic
memorial of Hon. Clarence C.
Dinehart, 764-5.
School Fund, Public Lands and, of
Minnesota, by Hon. Samuel G.
Iverson, State Auditor, 287-314.
School lands, granted by Congress,
290-313.
Schools of Minnesota, 314; early, in
Minneapolis, 491-3, 501-503, 507,
509-511; early, in St. Paul, 531,
832.
Schurmeier, Theodore L., 613; obit-
uary sketch, 844.
Schuyler, Professor, 457.
Scott, Gen. Winfleld, 403, 716, 737,
738.
Scrap-books, relating to Governor
Johnson, 752.
Scrip, Sioux and Chippewa half-
breed, 463, 465, 466.
Seabury, Hon. Channing, 693; Bio-
graphic memorial, by Everett
H. Bailey, 802-804; Memorial of
Henry P. Upham, 812.
Searle, Hon. Dolson B., obituary
sketch, 844.
Secession, opposed by Gen. James
Shields, 718, 736.
Secombe, Rev. Charles, 485.
Secombe, Hon. David A., 212, 213.
Seeger, William, Sr., state treas-
urer, 560.
Selby, Mr. and Mrs. J. W., 531, 541.
868
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIP^TY COLLECTIONS.
Selby, Paul, 701.
Selkirk colony, 480.
Senescall, William, 375.
Seward, Hon. William H., address
in St. Paul, 1860, 494, 495; in
the Civil War, 728; other refer-
ence, 756.
Shadow Falls Park, St. Paul, 624.
Shakopee (Little Six), Sioux chief,
350, 351, 360, 361, 377.
Shakopee, Minn., 98, 348, 366, 530.
Shaw, George K., 587.
Shaw, Samuel, 516, 517.
Sheaf of Remembrances, by Mrs.
Rebecca Marshall Cathcart, 515-
552.
Sheehan, Col. Timothy J., obituary
sketch, 844.
Shelbyville, 438, 439.
Shelter House, Camden park, Min-
neapolis, 603.
Shepley, E. L., 706.
Shevlin, Thomas H., obituary
sketch, 845.
Shevlin-Carpenter Co., 473.
Sheyenne river and townsite, 428,
432 433 434
Shields,' Dr. 'Daniel F., 729, 730.
Shields, General James, Soldier,
Orator, Statesman, by Captain
Henry A. Castle, 711-730; Ad-
dress at the Unveiling of his
Statue, by Archbishop John
Ireland, 731-740.
Shields, Lytton E., James, and Lyt-
ton J., 711, 730.
Shoshone lake and Point, 656.
Sibley, Gov. Henry H., 197-200, 206,
207, 323, 333, 347, 355, 367, 370,
395, 396, 479, 481, 519, 539, 557,
575, 615, 693, 720, 721, 759, 785,
807, 815.
Sibley, Mrs. Henry H., 524, 539.
Simpson, Gen. and Mrs. James H.,
545-6, 550.
Sinclair, Hon. Daniel, 693.
Sioux half-breed scrip, 463, 466.
Sioux Indians, 316-321, 323-336, 340-
346, 349-370, 393, 394, 447, 481,
482, 489-491, 528-530, 621.
Sioux massacre and war, 1862-4,
323-336, 342-347, 349-370, 439-
447, 461, 505, 538, 689, 757, 758,
785, 844. ,
Sioux massacre. Spirit Lake, Iowa,
1857, 332, 721, 739.
Sioux War, Narratives of the, by
Marion P. Satterlee, 349-370.
Sisseton lake, 449, 450.
Skerries, Pelican lake, 227, 247, 250,
253, 282.
Skordalsvold, Prof. J. J., 256.
Slade, Gov. William, of Vermont,
531, 543.
Slavery, debates in U. S. Senate,
717, 718, 736.
Slayton, Minn., 764-5.
Smallpox, 678, 682.
Smith, Andrew, 358.
Smith, Birdsey W., 347.
Smith, Lieut. E. K., 394.
Smith, Fred L., 489.
Smith, Prof. Goldwin, obituary
sketch, 845.
Smith, J. T., map, 229, 230.
Smith, Hon. James, Jr., 559, 570.
Smith, Hon. Robert, 403, 404, 405
408, 410, 612.
Smith, Hon. Robert A., 546; obitu
ary sketch, 845.
Smith, Mrs. Robert A., 546.
Smith, Truman M., obituary sketch
845.
Smith Park, St. Paul, 612.
Social conditions of early Minne
sota, 538-552.
Socialism, of Indians and negroes
467-470.
Society of Colonial Wars, 761, 762
Sogn, Norway, 265.
Soldiers' Home, 589, 624, 629.
Soldiers' Monument, St. Paul, 613
Sons of the American Revolution
761, 762, 799, 809.
Sons of the Colonial Wars, 761, 762,
799, 809.
Sorin, Rev. Matthew, 744.
South St. Paul, 373.
Southern Minnesota, Experiences
in, 1859-1867, by Hon. Lorin
Cray, 435-454.
Southern Minnesota railroad com-
pany, 44, 50, 55, 56, 58, 59, 63,
64, 67, 142, 190, 310.
Spanish-American war, 594.
Spencer, Dr. Kirby, 494.
Spencer, Mr. and Mrs. William,
547-8.
Sperry, Albert H., 359, 360, 363, 366.
Sperry, Dr. Lyman B., 660.
Spirit Lake massacre, 332, 721, 739.
Spirit Light, Sioux. 373.
INDEX.
Spring lake, Dakota county, 374.
Springfield, 111., 714, 735.
Springs, Chalybeate, Minneapolis,
512; St. Paul, 537.
Stannard, Hon. Lucas K., 815.
Stanton, Hon. Edwin M., 724, 728,
733, 738.
Staples, Samuel C, obituary sketch,
845.
Statistics, of land grants, sales, and
resulting funds, 300-304; of
State Board of Health, 680, 682.
Statue of General Shields, 729; Ad-
dress at its Unveiling, by Arch-
bishop John Ireland, 731-740.
Statue of Governor Johnson at the
State Capitol, 752.
Statue, proposed,^ Professor Win-
chell, 830.
Steamboats, 482, 483, 487, 519, 521,
527, 531, 533-4, 802.
Steele, Franklin, 197, 398, 399, 400,
402-409, 472, 499, 539, 601.
Steele, Mrs. Franklin, 524, 539.
Steele, Katherine B., 601.
Steenerson, Hon. Halvor, 584.
Stevens, Hon. Frederick C, 584, 597.
Stevens, Col. John H., 480, 481, 487,
489, 492, 499, 500.
Stevenson, James, 648, 656.
Stewart, Dr. Jacob H., 571, 572, 573,
597, 695.
Stewart, Levi M., 462.
Stickney, Alpheus B., 629.
Stickney, Benjamin, 640, 642.
Stillwater, Minn., 397.
Stone, Edwin, 362, 364, 366.
Stone, Prof. George B., 492, 493,
509.
Stone, H. Ward, obituary sketch,
846.
Storm, Gustav, 233.
Strait, Hon. Horace B., 559, 597.
Strathern, William and Walter, 375.
Street cars, Minneapolis and St.
Paul, 513, 840.
Streets and avenues, Minneapolis,
names, 513, 514.
Strike on the Iron Range, 751.
Stringer, Edward C, Biographic
memorial of Hon. Francis M.
Crosby, 762-4.
Strong, Charles D., 693.
Strout, Captain Richard, 356-366;
roster of his company at Acton,
365.
Stuart, Gen. Charles B., 670.
Stuart, James, 640.
Stubbs, Milton C, 363, 366.
Stuntz, George R., 464, 466.
Sully, Gen. Alfred, 779.
Sully's Hill Park, N. D., 666.
Summit avenue, St. Paul, 536-8, 541,
604, 628, 629, 701.
Summit Park, St. Paul, 612.
Sumner, Hon. Charles, 717, 736.
Superior, Wis., 385, 386, 391, 464,
832.
Supreme Court, U. S., 110, 180-183,
185, 208.
Surprise parties, 550, 551.
Surveys, land and railroads, 463-
466.
Suspension bridges, Minneapolis,
501, 512.
Swamp lands, granted to the state
and to railroad companies, 54,
58, 65, 68, 173, 288, 294, 301-304,
307-311.
Swearingen, Rev. Henry C, 706.
Swift, Gov. Henry A., 54, 326, 347.
Taliaferro, Major Lawrence, 480.
Talman, John, Preface.
Tapper, Captain John, 375, 481, 501.
Tawney, Hon. James A., 584.
Taxation of railroad land grants,
66, 67, 68, 113.
Taylor, Bayard, 493; quoted, 781.
Taylor, Hon. and Mrs. James W.,
547-8.
Taylor's Falls, State Park, 613.
Telesoga, 253.
Territorial Pioneers, Hennepin
county, 508.
"Territorial road," 551.
Territory of Minnesota, Railroad
Legislation, 1-10; railroad char-
ters, 5, 10-29.
Tetons, Three, mountains, 656.
Thayer, D. B., 358.
Thayer, Hon. Samuel R., Biographic
memorial, by William H. Hin-
kle, 804-5.
Thomas, Jesse, 442.
Thomas, Col. Lorenzo, 403.
Thompson, Hon Clark W., 576, 577,
815.
Thompson, David, surveyor, 385,
390.
Thompson, George, 587, 702.
870
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Thompson, Horace, 567, 693, 807.
Thompson, James Egbert, 547, 807.
Thwaites, Secretary Reuben G.,
obituary sketch, 846-7.
Tilden, Hon. Samuel J., 571, 572.
Timber lands, 296, 298, 302-304, 310,
817-824; Dakota county, 374,
3Z7, 378; on Red river, 424;
northern Minnesota, 463, 466,
467, 469, 473-478; Mississippi
bluffs in the Twin Cities, 624,
629; Yellowstone lake, 650, 651.
Todd, Prof. James E., 478.
Tornado, St. Paul, August 20, 1904,
622; St. Cloud and Sauk Rap-
ids, April, 1886, 803.
Torrancev Judge Ell, 761.
Tousley, Captain George M., 325,
327, 328.
Tousley, Supt. Orson V., 510, 511.
Town and Country Club, St. Paul,
623, 624.
Townsite Speculation, A Red River,
in 1857, by Daniel S. B. John-
ston, 411-434.
Tracewell, Hon. R. J., testimonial
relating to Captain Henry A.
Castle 596
Trails, Indian, 315-321, 375, 482, 489,
643, 666.
Transit railroad company, 8, 11, 28,
29, 50, 53, 192, 193.
Traverse des Sioux, 347; Treaty,
349; 408.
Traves, F. W., 322.
Treaties with the Indians, 336, 482,
490, 528.
Treaty of Ghent, 1814, 379.
Treaty, Ojibways and Sioux, 1850,
528-9.
Treaty of Paris, 1783, 379, 381, 389.
Treaty by Pike, 1805, 393-5.
Treaty, Webster-Ashburton, 388.
Treaty with Sioux in 1851, 482.
Tree planting on streets, Minne-
apolis, 606.
Trumbull, Hon. Lyman, 715, 718,
814.
Trumbull, Walter, 640.
Turner, Prof. Frederick J., quoted,
846-7.
Tuttle, Calvin A., 487.
Tuttle, Rev. James H., 511.
Tuttle, Joseph, a Chippewa, 467-9
Twiggs, Gen. David E., 716.
"Twm Cities," 533, 538, 605, 673,
697, 763, 767.
Twin City Rapid Transit Company,
840.
Tyler, Elmer, 487.
Type-setting machines, 702.
United States Geological Survey,
656, 659.
University of Minnesota, Preface, 1,
205, 292, 294, 301-304, 307, 310,
313, 485, 498, 499, 509, 513, 525,
604, 679, 680, 682, 683, 741, 744,
746-8, 764-5, 770, 774, 801, 825,
829, 830, 839, 845.
Upham, Henry P., 693; Biographic
memorials, 806-813.
Upham, Dr. Warren, 268, 283, 284,
392, 478, 827, 828; notes relat-
ing to Governor Johnson, 752;
Memorial of Governor Hub-
bard, 776-8; of David L. Kings-
bury, 778-9; of Nathaniel P.
Langford, 786-9; of Hon. Wil-
liam D. Washburn, 816; of
Prof. Newton H. Winchell, 824-
829; Memorials of other de-
ceased members, 831-848.
Upper Sioux Agency, 355, 372.
Vaccination, 678, 682.
Van Cleve, Gen. Horatio P., 571.
Vanderburgh, Hon. Charles E., 760.
Van Dyke, Cleve, 222.
Van Dyke, Hon. T. S., 559.
Van Home, Sir William, 460, 461.
Van Sant, Gov. Samuel R., 365, 597;
Memorial of Gen. James H.
Baker, 755. . .
Verendrye, explorer. Preface, 267,
283, 389.
Vermillion lake, 297, 381, 382, 384,
385, 387, 391.
Vermillion river, 381, 387.
Vermont, 762; railroad legislation,
106.
Vigilantes of Montana, 634-639, 784,
786.
Vinland, 227, 229, 230-232, 249, 250,
253, 269, 286.
Virginia City, Montana, 635.
Vital statistics, 680.
Voight, Hans, 243.
Von Baumbach, Hon. Frederick, 574,
I
INDEX.
871
Wabasha, Sioux chief, 371, 375, 394.
Wade, Hon. Benjamin F., 756.
Wahpeton, N. D., 420, 431.
Waite, Hon. Henry C, 757; Bio-
graphic memorial, by Hon. Co-
lin F. Macdonald, 813-816.
Wakefield, Hon. James B., 573, 597;
obituary sketch, 847.
Walker, Lucius C, 461, 462.
Walker, Thomas B., Memories of
the Early Life and Develop-
ment of Minnesota, 455-478.
Walker, Minn., 478.
War Eagle, steamer, 482, 483.
Ward, Hon. William G., 559, 576.
Warwick, Frederick H., 613.
Waseca county, 834, 841.
Washburn, Gov. Cadwallader C, of
Wisconsin, 766, 841.
Washburn, Hon. Elihu B., 715, 735.
Washburn, Gen. Henry D., 640-642,
644, 645, 647, 654, 659.
Washburn, John, 771.
Washburn, Hon. William D., 126,
503, 555, 556, 560-564, 567-8, 573,
575, 590, 597, 601, 693, 696; Bio-
graphic Memorial, by Warren
Upham, 816.
Washington, George, 496.
Washington University, St. Louis,
493.
Water survey and analyses, 677.
Water transportation, 149-151, 161,
162, 173, 174, 458, 519, 802.
Watts, Hon. William, 237.
Waukenauboo lake, 467, 468.
Weathering, of the Rune Stone, 233-
237; of stone implements, 828.
Webb, Robert W., 771.
Webber, Mr. and Mrs. Charles C,
603.
Webster, Daniel, statesman, 483,
717, 736, 756.
Webster, Viranus, 350, 352.
Welles, Henry T., 434, 462, 472.
Wells, H. G., 576.
Welsh, George, obituary sketch,
847.
Wenzel, Henry, 322.
West, Captain Josiah E., 554, 757.
West Side boulevard, St. Paul, 626,
627, 629, 630.
Westfall, Hon. I. M., 169.
Westwood, California, 477.
Weyerhaeuser, Frederick, 701, 841;
Memorial, by Newel H. Clapp.
817-824.
Wharton, Dr. Alfred, 335.
Wheeler, Olin D., 268.
Wheeler, Olin D., Paper, Nathaniel
Pitt Langford, the Vigilante,
the Explorer, the Expounder
and First Superintendent of the
Yellowstone Park, 631-668; per-
sonal reference, 642.
Wheelock, Joseph A., 556, 562, 568
570, 584, 609, 610, 615, 620, 623',
628, 690-3, 695, 696, 700; quoted,
river bluff driveways, 604.
Wheelock, Webster, 706.
Wheelock Parkway, St. Paul, 624.
Whipple, Bishop Henry B., 331, 340,
465, 490, 529, 694.
Whitcomb, Captain George C, 355
359, 360.
White, Hon. Milo, 559, 579; obitu-
ary sketch, 847.
White, Captain Truman S., 567.
Whited, Oric O., obituary sketch.
848.
Whiteman, Hon. Alonzo J., 591.
Whitford, Joseph, 432, 433.
Whitmore, Willard S., 489.
Whitney, Cornelius I., 612.
Wicklund, Peter, 353.
Widstrand, C. A., 502, 504.
Wilcoxson, Rev. Timothy, 526, 527,
536.
Wild rice, 315, 317-319, 321, 479.
Wilder, Mr. and Mrs. Amherst H.,
548, 802.
Wilkin, Judge Westcott, 615.
Wilkinson, Gen. James, 393.
Wilkinson, Hon. Morton S., 570,
693, 720.
Will of Hon. William H. Dunwoody,
768-773.
Willes, Mr. and Mrs. Charles L.,
546.
Williams, Archibald, 715.
Williams, John Fletcher, 830.
Williams, Thomas H., 504.
Williamson, Rev. Thomas S., 341,
543.
Williston, Hon. William C, 559, 560;
obituary sketch, 848.
Wilson, Clara D., 350, 352, 354.
Wilson, Hon. Eugene M., 556, 693.
Wilson, Hon. George P., 559.
872
MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS.
Wilson, Hon. Thomas, 197, 293, 570,
588, 591, 815; obituary sketch,
848.
Wilson, Wilford L., 560, 561, 562,
566, 693.
Winchell, Prof. Alexander, of Mich-
igan, 824, 825.
Winchell, Prof. Alexander N., 392,
826.
Winchell, Horace V., 826.
Winchell, Prof. Newton H., 243,
244, 268, 280, 283, 284, 285, 391;
The Kensington Rune Stone,
Preliminary Report for the
Museum Committee, 221-286 ;
Address on the Presentation of
the Portrait of Professor Jabez
Brooks, 744-6; Memorial of
Rev. Edward C. Mitchell, 795-7;
Biographic memorials of Pro-
fessor Winchell, 824-830.
Winchell, Mrs. Newton H., 826, 827.
Windom, Hon. William, Preface,
151, 571, 572, 574-6, 578-583, 588,
597, 693, 698.
Winnebago Indians, 325, 447, 489,
540.
Winona, Minn.. 151, 157,. 176, 197,
366, 371. 375, 581, 746, 837, 840,
841, 848.
Winona and St. Peter railroad com-
pany, 53, 54, 58, 87, 89, 92, 93,
94, 97, 100. 101, 110, 112, 128,
130, 137, 138, 151, 166, 190, 192.
Winona County, Journal of a Pio-
neer in. Preface.
Winslow House, St. Anthony, 484,
512.
Winston, Mrs. Philip B., 500.
Wisconsin, railroad legislation, 165;
Historical Library building,
789, 847; Historical Society,
841, 846-7; University of, Pref-
ace.
Women, of early St. Paul, 539-552.
Wood Lake, battle. 358. 365, 367,
758.
Woods, Major Samuel, 408, 409.
Wo-wi-napa, son of Little Crow.
367-370.
Wright. Prof. G. Frederick, 828.
Wright, George B., 458, 461-463.
Wright. Grace Anne, Preface,
Wright, Rev. John, Memorial of
Henry P. Upham, 812-13.
Wright, Hon. Jonathan W., 364.
Wyoming, state, 666.
Yale, Charles, 701.
Yale. Hon. William H., 559, 564. 565.
Yeliow fever. 725.
Yellow Medicine Agency. 355, 372.
Yellowstone canyon. 645, 646, 658,
659.
Yellowstone lake, 643, 644, 646, 647,
649-655.
Yellowstone Park, Nathaniel Pitt
Langford, the Vigilante, the Ex-
plorer, the Expounder and First
Superintendent of, by Olin D.
Wheeler, 631-668.
Yellowstone Park, origin of its es-
tablishment, 658-666, 786, 787.
Yellowstone river, 639, 643, 646, 652.
Young, Hon. George B., 693.
Young Women's Christian Associa-
tion, St. Paul, 839.
F
601
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