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NEW-YORK  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY. 

PUBLICATION  FUND. 

VII. 


COMMITTEE   ON    PUBLICATIONS 


EVERT    A.    DUYCKINCK, 
EDWARD    E.    DE    LANCEY, 
GEORGE    H.    MOORE. 


COLLECTIONS 


OF   THE 


NEW-YORK  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


FOK  THE  YEAR 


1874. 


PUBLICATION  FUND   SERIES 


NEW  YORK: 
PRINTED  FOR  THE  SOCIETY. 

MDCCCLXXV. 


OFFICERS   OF  THE   SOCIETY,  1875. 


PRESIDENT, 

FREDERIC    DE    PEYSTER. 

FIRST   VICE-PRESIDENT, 

WILLIAM  CULLEN  BRYANT,  LL.D 

SECOND    VICE-PRESIDENT, 

JAMES    W.    BEEKMAN. 

FOREIGN    CORRESPONDING   SECRETARY, 

WILLIAM    J.    HOPPIN. 

DOMESTIC    CORRESPONDING    SECRETARY, 

EVERT    A.    DUYCKINCK. 

RECORDING    SECRETARY, 

ANDREW    WARNER. 

TREASURER, 

BENJAMIN    H.    FIELD. 

LIBRARIAN, 

GEORGE    HENRY    MOORE,    LL.D. 


EXECUTIVE   COMMITTEE. 


FIRST    CLASS FOR    ONE    YEAR,    ENDING    1876. 

JOHN  AUSTIN  STEVENS,       EVERT  A.   DUYCKINCK, 
JAMES  WILLIAM  BEEKMAN. 

SECOND    CLASS FOR   TWO    YEARS,    ENDING    1877. 

SAMUEL  OSGOOD,  D.D.,         WILLIAM  R.  MARTIN, 
CHARLES  P.  KIRKLAND,  LL.D., 

THIRD    CLASS — FOR   THREE    YEARS,    ENDING    1878. 

EDWARD  F.  DE  LANCEY,      HENRY  DRISLER,  LL.D., 
JAMES  H.  TITUS. 


FOURTH  CLASS — FOR  FOUR  YEARS,  ENDING  1879. 

J.  TAYLOR  JOHNSTON,     ERASTUS  C.  BENEDICT,  LL.D., 
ROBERT  LENOX  KENNEDY. 

CHARLES  P.   KIRKLAND,   LL.D.,  Chairman. 
GEORGE  H.  MOORE,  LL.D.,  Secretary. 

| The  President,  Recording  Secretary,  Treasurer,  and  Librarian, 
are  members,  ex  officio,  of  the  Executive  Committee.] 


COMMITTEE    ON  THE    FINE    ARTS. 

JONATHAN  STURGES,  WILLIAM  J.  HOPPIN, 

A.   B.  DURAND,  JOHN  A.  WEEKS, 

ANDREW  WARNER,  EDWARD  SATTERLEE. 

JONATHAN  STURGES,  Chairman. 
ANDREW  WARNER,  Secretary. 

[The  President,  Librarian,  and  Chairman  of  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee, are  members,  ex  officio,  of  the  Committee  on  the  Fine  Arts.] 


FINAL    NOTE. 


THIS  volume  complete*  tlie present  collection  of  Lee 
Papers.  The  delay  in  its  publication  IMS  been  due  in 
part  to  engrossing  occupations  elsewhere  of  that  member 
of  the  Committee  who  has  furnished  the  manuscripts 
for  the  use  of  the  Society ;  but  mainly  in  the  expecta- 
tion or  hope  to  make  considerable  additions  from 
certain  sources  which  it  is  needless  to  specify,  as  they 
have  proved  unproductive.  There  has  been  some  inten- 
tion, upon  the  failure  of  the  additions  just  mentioned, 
to  supplement  the  collection  by  materials  derived  from 
various  other  sources,  in  the  form  of  an  appendix  of 
notes  and  illustrations  /  but  that  design  has  been  aban- 
doned as  not  altogether  in  harmony  with  the  general 
plan  of  this  series  of  publications.  The  latter  part  of 
the  text  of  the  present  volume  has  therefore  been  devoted 
to  the  reproduction  of  the  principal  works  relating  to 
General  Lee,  including  that  of  DR.  GEORGE  H.  MOORE, 
the  member  of  the  Committee  referred  to  above.  It  is 
unnecessary  to  repeat  here  the  acknowledgments  made 
in  his  preface  (page  343  of  this  volume)  ;  and  it  only 
remains  to  make  an  addition  to  the  record. 

The  basis  of  the  ivhole  collection  has  been  the  mass 
of  original  papers  left  by  General  Lee  to  WILLIAM 
GODDARD,  and  still  preserved  in  his  family.  Through 
the  Icind  offices  of  the  HON.  JOHN  RUSSELL  BARTLEIT, 


Vlll  .  FINAL    NOTE. 

and  the  liberal  courtesy  of  SAMUEL  G.  GODDARD,  son 
of  the  legatee,  these  valuable  manuscripts  were  placed 
in  the  hands  of  DR.  MOORE,  soon  after  the  issue  of 
Ms  work  on  "  The  Treason  of  Lee"  with  permission 
to  use  them  for  publication.  To  these  gentlemen,  there- 
fore, the  Society  and  the  public  are  chiefly  indebted  for 
these  important  additions  to  tlie  materials  of  American, 
Revolutionary  history. 

NEW  YORK,  January,  1875. 


THE   LEE   PAPERS 

VOL.   IV. 

1782-1811. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

I.  THE  LEE  PAPERS,  1782-1811,  ....       1 

II.  MEMOIR  OF  GENERAL  LEE.     BY  ISAAC  LANGWORTHY,  1787,      .   117 

III.  MEMOIR  OF  GENERAL  LEE.     BY  SIR  HENRY  BUNBTJRY,   BART, 

1838,      ,         .         .         .         .         ,         .  .          .169 

IV.  LIFE  OF  CHARLES  LEE.     BY  JARED  SPARKS,  1846,  .          .  197 

V.  THE  TREASON  OF  CHARLES  LEE.     BY  GEORGE  H.  MOORE,        .  335 

VI.  INDEXES  : 

1.  LETTERS  WRITTEN  BY  GENERAL  LEE,    .          .  .   431 

2.  LETTERS  ADDRESSED  TO  GENERAL  LEE,  .         .         .  436 

3.  LETTERS  BY  VARIOUS  PERSONS,      .....  439 

4.  MISCELLANEOUS  PAPERS,        .  ....   441 

5.  GENERAL  INDEX,  .  444 


THE    LEE     PAPERS. 


FROM  MAJOR  EVAN  EDWARDS. 

DR-  GENERAL, 

I  am  ever  happy  in  embracing  every  opportunity  of 
letting  you  hear  from  me  however  destitute  I  may  be 
of  having  any  thing  to  communicate.  Every  informa- 
tion respecting  civil  matters  I  am  as  ignorant  of  as  I 
am  of  the  immortality  of  the  Soul.  I  know  nothing  of 
either,  but  by  hear  say. 

We  encounter  every  difficulty,  endure  every  hard- 
ship, and  submit  ourselves  to  the  all  gracious  will  of 
our  leaders,  without  pay  or  reward  ;  except  it  is  now 
and  then  the  blessed  thanks  of  Congress  which  we 
receive  second  or  third  handed. 

General  Green  stands  high  in  reputation.  This 
State  has  presented  him  with  a  plantation,  one  hundred 
negroes  in  addition  to  the  stock,  all  of  which  is  valued 
at  ten  thousand  guineas  for  his  services  in  reclaiming 
it. 

He  enquired  very  affectionately  after  you,  on  my 
arrival  here,  and  I  do  assure  you  he  speaks  of  you  in 
the  highest  terms  of  qsteem. 

Mr  Matthews  is  chosen  Governor  and  Mr>  Hudson 
Lieut.-Governor  of  South  Carolina  they  have  taken 
their  seat  with  the  Assembly  at  Jacksonburrow.  Our 
Army  in  quality  equal  to  any  in  the  world,  but  in 
quantity  very  inferior  to  Genl.  Leslie's  have  encamped 
several  miles  in  their  front.  So  great  is  the  want  of 
enterprize  in  the  British  and  so  shameful  their  inac- 


2  TJIE    LEE    PAPERS. 

tivity  that  they  suffer  the  laws  to  be  carried  into 
execution  to  their  very  gates. 

Dorchester,  Stono,  and  Johns  Island  they  evacuated 
on  our  approach  since  which  both  Armies  have  behav'd 
with  all  the  passive  complaisance  of  peace  Makers. 

I  am  very  anxious  to  hear  how  you  employ  your 
time — have  you  visited  the  French  Army  ?  What  do 
you  think  of  the  policy  or  wisdom  of  our  rulers  ?  their 
unaccountable  conduct  in  not  raising  an  Army  when 
they  have  such  a  foreign  force  in  the  heart  of  their 
country  ?  lead  us  not  into  temptation  I  hope  may  be 
the  Common  prayer  of  our  allies — they  must  have  lost 
their  national  policy,  and  be  immaculate  in  Virtue,  if 
they  reap  no  advantage  from  our  folJy. 

General  Wayne  commands  in  Georgia,  he  has  with 
him  White's  Horse. 

I  have  frequently  seen  Eustace  since  I  have  been 
here,  but  cannot  inform  you  what  he  is  doing.  The 
Bearer  of  this  is  Colon1  Williams,  a  young 

of  this  State  attends  him  himself  to 

school  to  Mr.  Booth — pray  where  is  Gener'l  Gates  ? 
do  write  me  and  inform  me  every  thing  respecting 
yourself,  cfec. 

I  am  with  unalterable  friendship  affectionately 

Yours, 

E.  EDWARDS. 

8th  Febru'y  1782,  Camp  Osburns 
Major  Genl.  Lee,  Berkley  County,  Virginia. 

Col°  Williams. 


To  RICHARD    HENRY  LEE. 
M^  Thornton's  April  ye  12th  [1782.] 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND  : 

I  have  just  received  your  letter  by  the  boy,  but  must 
beg  leave  to  differ  from  you  in  the  main  argument  of 
it ;  for  I  confess  that  both  as  a  Soldier  and  a  Politician, 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  3 

I  think  the  only  time  for  a  redress  of  grievances  is  the 
time  of  war ;  and  I  believe  that  no  instance  can  be 
produced  from  history  of  a  people  who  have  waited  for 
the  time  of  Peace,  ever  obtaining  any  redress  at  all.— 
Hustici  expectant  dum  defluat  amnis.  Such,  I  am 
sure,  was  the  persuasion  of  those  glorious  men  who 
withstood  the  tyranny  of  Charles  the  1st,  and  on  this 
persuasion  they  regulated  their  conduct. 

But  I  will  venture  to  go  farther,  (you  will  perhaps 
think  too  far)  I  think,  then,  that  America  had  better 
be  conquered, — at  least  in  that  degree  she  can  now 
only  be  conquered  ;  that  is,  that  she  had  better  be  re- 
duced to  the  necessity  of  accepting  the  terms  which  it 
is  said  G.  Britain  means  to  propose,  than  to  endure  any 
longer  such  an  odious  tyranny  as  the  capricious  arbi- 
trary government  of  an  unlimited,  uncontrollable  As- 
sembly. Besides,  the  War  is  now  worn  down  to  so  di- 
minished a  size  and  quality,  that  no  danger  can  possibly 
be  incurred  from  insisting  immediately  on  the  remedy. 
Your  favorite  Junius  says,  after  Locke,  that  there  can- 
not be  a  more  fatal  doctrine  to  Liberty  established  than 
the  omnipotence  of  Parliament.  And  this  doctrine  is 
certainly  still  less  dangerous  in  G.  Britain  where  the 
Parliament  consists  of  three  distinct  branches,  than  in 
America  where  it  consists  of  only  one,  for  from  the 
constitution  of  the  Senate,  (as  it  is  ridiculously  called,) 
they  must  be  made  up  of  the  self -same  clay.  For  God's 
sake,  then,  do  not  talk  of  Liberty  until  you  have  estab- 
lished the  fundamental  points,  the  limitation  of  the 
power  of  the  Assembly  and  the  full  freedom  of  the 
Press.  Unless  these  points  are  settled,  every  liberal 
understanding  man  will  think  the  word  Liberty  (so 
sounded  in  our  ears)  a  mere  mockery,  and  will  be  very 
indifferent  to  the  issue  of  the  War. 

You  say  there  must  be  some  abuses  in  all  human 
systems  of  free  Government,  and  you  allow  that  ours 
abounds  with  'em.  But  are  not  ours  something  more 
than  abuses,  and  incompatible  not  only  with  free  gov- 
ernment, but  any  human  society  at  all  ?  Are  they  not 


4  TJIE    LEE    PAPEKS. 

rather  the  most  damned  acts  of  atrocious  tyranny, 
crying  injustice,  and  felonious  violence  ?  For  instance, 
the  tender,  the  confiscation  law  which  strips  of  their 
property  (for  no  crime  ever  pretended,)  indiscriminately 
Tories  and  Whigs,  Friends  and  Foes,  men,  women  and 
children  ;  to  this  may  be  added  the  tearing  from  the 
clergy  their  freeholds,  which  was  certainly  as  lawfully 
theirs  as  yours  or  mine.  Such  are  the  abuses  which 
America's  free  system  has  already  been  ornamented 
with  in  so  short  a  period  as  four  years  [of]  self-govern- 
ment ;  abuses  transcending  all  the  enormities  of  all  the 
worst  Governments  of  Europe  in  four  times  that  length 
of  period.  And  I  repeat,  therefore,  that  no  considera- 
tion on  earth  ought  to  deter  us  from  putting  some  im- 
mediate restraint  on  the  Powers  of  men  who  have  been 
guilty  of  such  accumulated  villainy. 

I  have  spoken  freely  to  you,  and  I  think  I  have  as 
good  a  right  to  speak  freely  to  America  in  the  common 
cause  of  mankind,  as  I  had  to  the  British  Ministry  and 
Generals  in  the  particular  case  of  America.  I  have 
called  it  the  common  cause  of  mankind,  because  if  ever 
really  a  free  government  should  be  established  here,  it 
might  be  the  general  Asylum. 

My  paper  is  now  out,  and  it  is  very  late,  so  Good 
night,  and  God  bless  you. 

Yours, 

C.  LEE. 


[From  The  Independent  Gazetteer;  or  the  Chronicle 
of  Freedom.  Saturday,  June  15,  1782.] 

To  COLONEL  ELEAZEE  OSWALD. 

Virginia,  May  25,  1782. 
Mr,.  OSWALD, 

From  the  title  prefixed  to  your  paper,  it  is  to  be 
hoped  you  will  have  no  objection  to  admit  into  it,  the 
enclosed  extract  of  a  letter  from  a  gentleman  in  this 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  5 

country,  to  a  friend,  a  leading  member  of  the  House  of 
Assembly.  It  was  occasioned  by  the  gentleman's  writ- 
ing to  his  friend,  the  necessity  of  immediately  reforming 
certain  abuses,  but  more  particularly  of  setting  some 
bounds  to  the  uncontrolable  powers  assumed  by  the 
House  of  Assembly,  which,  if  admitted,  would  establish 
tyranny  in  all  its  forms,  and  in  the  opinion  of  the  best 
political  writers,  in  the  worst  of  all  forms.  The  mem- 
ber agreed  that  the  abuses  ought  to  be  corrected  and 
the  government  ascertained,  but  that  it  was  not  a  proper 
time  to  think  of  reform,  whilst  any  kind  of  war  sub- 
sisted on  the  continent; — the  reply  was  as  follows. 

I  have  just  received  your  letter,  but  must  beg  leave 
to  disagree  with  you  in  the  main  argument  of  it.  You 
ask  me  whether,  as  a  politician,  I  think  this  a  proper 
time  for  the  redress  of  grievances  whilst  a  war  of  some 
sort  subsists  on  the  Continent?  My  answer,  as  a  poli- 
tician, is,  that  I  think  the  only  time  for  the  redress  of 
grievances,  is  in  the  time  of  war;  and,  I  believe,  no  in- 
stance can  be  produced,  from  history,  of  those  who  have 
been  foolish  enough  to  wait  for  the  time  of  peace,  ever 
obtaining  any  redress  at  all.  Rustici  expectant  dwn 
defluat  amnis.  (Clowns  wait  for  the  decrease  of  the 
river.)  Such  I  am  sure  was  the  persuasion  of  those 

furious  men  who  withstood  the  tyranny  of  Charles  the 
irst,  and  in  this  peruasion  they  regulated  their  con- 
duct. 

But,  I  will  go  a  little  farther,  perhaps  you  will  think 
too  far.  I  assert  that  America  had  almost  better  be 
conquered  than  endure  any  longer  such  an  odious  ty- 
ranny as  the  capricious,  arbitrary  government  of  an 
unlimited,  uncontrolable  Assembly ;  *  besides,  the  war 
is  now  reduced  to  such  a  size  and  quality,  that  no  pos- 
sible danger  can  arise  from  the  people's  immediately 
insisting  on  the  remedy.  Mr.  Lock  advances,  and  youi 
favorite  Junius  enforces  the  maxim,  that  there  cannot 

*  It  must  be  observed,  that  Virginia  is  particularly  alluded  to^the  authoi 
being  unacquainted  with  the  other  states. 


6  ?HE    LEE    PAPEES. 

be  established  so  fatal  a  doctrine  to  Liberty  as  the  om- 
nipotence of  parliament ;  and  this  doctrine  is  certainly 
less  dangerous  in  Great  Britain,  where  the  parliament 
consists  of  three  branches,  than  with  us,  where  it  con- 
sists only  of  one;  for  the  Senate,  as  it  is  ridiculously 
called,  from  its  constitution,  must  be  made  up  of  the 
self  same  clay  as  the  Assembly.  For  God's  sake  then 
do  not  talk  of  liberty  until  you  have  carried  the  two 
fundamental  points ;  I  mean  the  limitation  of  the  Power 
of  the  Assembly,  and  the  protection  of  the  full  Free- 
dom of  the  Press,  which  has,  in  this  country,  no  more 
existence  than  it  has  in  Rome,  or  at  Constantinople. 
Unless  these  points  are  gained,  every  liberal,  under- 
standing man  will  think  the  word  liberty  (so  eternally 
sounded  in  his  ear)  a  mere  mockery  and  insult  to  com- 
mon sense ;  and,  in  despair,  will  be  totally  indifferent 
to  the  issue  of  the  war. 

You  say  that  there  must  be  abuses  in  all  free  sys- 
tems of  government,  and  you  allow  that  ours  abound 
with  them :  But  are  not  ours  something:  more  than 

Q 

abuses?  Are  they  not  rather  the  most  atrocious  acts 
of  tyranny,  of  crying  injustice,  felonious  violence,  and 
shocking  cruelty  ?  For  instance,  the  Tender  Law,  in- 
verting the  eternal  rules  of  justice,  corrupting  the 
morals  of  the  people,  inciting  and  securing  every  kind 
of  breach  of  faith  and  villainy,  and  ruining  the  honest, 
the  benevolent,  and  the  generous.  Secondly,  The  Con- 
fiscation Law,  which  strips  indiscriminately  of  their 
property,  Whigs  and  Tories,  Friends  and  Foes,  Women 
and  Orphans,  for  no  crime,  or  even  the  colour  of  any 
crime ;  unless  eventual,  unavoidable  absence,  from  the 
necessity  of  their  affairs,  can  be  constituted  a  crime. 
The  iniquity  of  this  measure  is  so  abominably  gross, 
that  by  all  accounts,  it  has  made  a  very  ugly  impres- 
sion, with  respect  to  the  American  national  character, 
on  the  minds  of  all  the  nations  of  Europe,  and  partic- 
ularly of  her  Allies.  To  these  abominations,  I  think 
may  be  added,  the  disseisen  of  the  Clergy  and  of  their 
freeholds,  which  were  as  uncontrovertibly  their  legal 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  7 


property,  and  held  by  as  sacred  and  indefesible  a  tenure 
as  is  the  patrimony  of  the  most  ancient  families  in  Vir- 
ginia, descended  to  them  by  the  longest  race  of  ances- 
tors. Such  are  the  abuses  with  which  our  free  system 
has  abounded  in  so  short  a  period  as  four  years. 
Abuses  not  to  be  paralleled  by  all  the  enormities  of  the 
worst  governments  in  Europe,  in  a  period  of  twenty 
times  that  length ;  and  I  repeat  therefore,  that  no  con- 
sideration on  earth  should  deter  us  a  single  moment 
from  putting  some  restraints  on  the  power  of  a  body  of 
men,  who  stand  convicted  of  such  complicated  folly  and 
wickedness :  This  is  speaking,  you  will  think  very 
freely,  but  surely  we  have  as  good  a  right  to  speak 
freely  to  all  America,  or  to  the  government  of  any  of 
her  distinct  states,  in  support  of  the  general  rights  of 
mankind,  as  we  had  to  speak  freely  to  the  British  King, 
the  British  parliament,  and  the  British  Ministry,  in 
support  of  the  particular  rights  of  America.  I  have 
said  the  general  rights  of  mankind,  because  if  a  free 
government  should  ever  be  established  in  this  country, 
it  may  be  a  general  asylum  to  the  oppressed  from 
every  quarter  of  the  globe. 


ADVERTISEMENT. 

From  Oswalds  Independent  Gazetteer,  June  29,  1782. 

Berkley  County  Virginia  May  30,  1782. 
A  little  before  General  Lee  had  the  misfortune  to 
be  taken  Prisoner  in  the  year  1776,  he  left  several 
Trunks,  Boxes  and  Portmanteaux,  none  of  which  to  his 
Knowledge  fell  into  the  Hands  of  the  British  Army,  of 
course  they  must  be  in  some  American  Hands ;  the 
Articles  which  he  particularly  recollects  they  con- 
tained, were  as  follows :  One  new  Polish  Uniform, 
white  faced  with  blue,  one  new  Uniform  of  the  third 


THE    LEE    PAPEKS. 


Battalion  of  Phila.  Associators,  brown  faced  with 
white,  and  Silver  Epaulets,  five  Waistcoats  of  fine 
Cloth,  a  complete  Hussars  dress  of  Black  Cloth  gar- 
nished with  Fox  Skin,  several  Pair  of  Silk  Stockings, 
a  Spy  Glass,  but  above  all,  a  remarkable  Pair  of  PIS- 
TOLS mounted  with  Steel  and  inlaid  with  Gold,  with 
the  name  KONSKI,  ingraved  on  the  Locks.  Whoever 
is  in  possession  of  any  of  the  said  Articles,  it  is  to  be 
hoped  will  deliver  them  into  the  hands  of  Mr.  Oswald, 
Printer  at  Philadelphia,  who  will  amply  reward  them ; 
the  PISTOLS  are  of  a  more  Particular  Value  than  any 
of  the  other  articles,  and  whoever  delivers  them  as 
above  directed,  shall  receive  Two  GUINEAS  Reward. 

CHARLES  LEE. 


FROM  MAJOR  GENERAL  LINCOLN. 

War  Office,  June  8,  1782. 

I  have  been  honored,  my  dear  Sir,  with  your  letter 
of  the  10th  ultimo.  It  affords  me  real  pleasure  to  find 
that  I  am  considered  by  the  Citizens  of  Winchester  as 
General  Lee's  friend — do  me  the  justice  to  believe  that 
this  opinion  is  perfectly  corroborated  by  sentiments  of 
esteem  and  affection,  which,  I  hope,  will  always  retain 
me  such. 

The  Commissary  of  prisoners  is  instructed  to  con- 
tinue the  Prisoners  of  War  at  Winchester  for  the 
present. 

What  change  future  arrangements  may  induce  I 
cannot  foretell.  I  trust  they  will  enable  me  at  all 
times  to  gratify  the  wish  of  friendship  in  complying 
with  your  request. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  real  esteem  and  affec- 
tion, 

Your  obedient  Servant 

B:  LINCOLN. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS. 


To  Miss  SIDNEY  LEE. 

MY  DEAR  SISTER, 

The  other  day  by  a  kind  act  of  Providence,  a  letter 
of  yours  fell  into  my  hands,  of  so  late  a  date  as  the 
20th  of  March,  and  what  is  more,  it  had  the  appear- 
ance of  never  having  been  opened  :  the  pleasure  it  gave 
me  you  will  better  conceive  than  I  can  express.     For 
at  present  my  American  enthusiasm  is  so  far  worn  off, 
that  the  greatest  satisfaction  I  can  receive  is  to  be  in- 
formed of   the   health   and   welfare    of    my   English 
Friends,  who  with  all  their  political  Sins,  Corruptions, 
&  follies,  are  still  possess'd  of  more  virtues  (at  least 
as  Individuals)  than  all  the  nations  of  the  Earth  put 
together ;  as  to  these  people,  (who  I  once  to  my  cost 
thought  quite  otherwise)  now  their  characters  are  de- 
veloped, They  manifestly  are  not  only  destitute  of  the 
personal  good  qualities  and  virtues  of  their  English  an- 
cestors, such  as  truth,  honesty,  sincerity,  frankness  and 
steadiness  in  friendship  ;  but  I  can  assure  you,  that  the 
great  Publick  qualities,  which  you  at  a  distance  sup- 
pose them  to  be  endowed   with,  will  not  stand  a  scru- 
tiny;  but  a  scrutiny  of  this  kind  in  a  letter  is  not  pos- 
sible— All  I  shall  say  is,  that  (the  New  England  men 
excepted)   the  Americans  (tho'   they  fancy  &    some- 
times call  themselves  Romans)  have  not  a  single  Re- 
publican qualification  or  Idea.     They  have  always  a 
God  of  the  day,  whose  infallibility  is  not  to  be  dis- 
puted ;  to  him  every  man  must  bow  down  on  pain  of 
political  damnation.     Washington  has  long  been  in  this 
state  of  divinity — but  I  think,  of  late  the  legality  of 
his  apotheosis  begins  to  be  called  in  question.   You  will 
naturally  be  curious  to  be  acquainted  with  a  character 
that  has  made  so  much  noise ;  Shakspeare  has  drawn  it 
in  some  measure  in  his  Merchant  of  Venice,  but  it  wants 
finishing.     There  are  a  sort  of  men,  whose  visages  do 
cream  &  mantle  like  a  standing  pool ;  and  do  a  wish- 
ful stilness  entertain,  with  purpose  to  be  dress'd  in  an 


10  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

% 

opinion  of  wisdom,  gravity  &  profound  conceit  &c  &c 
—in  fact  the  bearing  of  a  mysterious  carriage  of  the 
body,  to  hide  the  defects  of  the  mind,  is  his  great  talent 
<fe  his  only  talent.  For  tho'  he  is  not  without  under- 
standing, his  understanding  is  of  so  slow  a  sort,  as  not 
to  be  of  any  use  (at  least)  in  that  situation  to  which 
the  infatuation  of  the  people  has  rais'd  him ;  but  en 
revanche,  as  the  French  say,  he  has  an  ample  share  of 
cunning,  which  enables  him,  by  direct  or  indirect  means 
(but  the  latter  is  his  favorite  mode)  to  work  the  ruin 
of  every  Man  who  has  excited  his  jealousy  or  offended 
his  pride,  and  whoever  sins  in  either  of  these  two 
points  has  no  chance  of  being  forgiven  by  the  most  es- 
sential services.  I  do  not  wonder  (such  is  the  weakness 
of  the  multitude)  that  a  man  who  has  not  really  great 
parts  or  sterling  Virtues,  but  who  has  something  spe- 
cious and  shining  about  him,  or  that  a  General  who  is 
not  really  a  great  soldier,  but  who  has  blundered  him- 
self into  success  at  different  times,  should  impose  for  a 
while  ;  but  how  a  man  without  fashion,  air,  manners, 
or  Language  enough  to  relieve  a  Corporals  Guard,  and 
who  has  blundered  himself  into  innumerable  defeats  & 
disgraces,  and  only  stumbled  (and  that  notoriously  not 
his  own  measure)  into  one  successful  surprise  of  a 
drunken  Hessian,  should  ever  become  the  object  of 
popular  adoration,  I  confess  astonishes  me.  Indeed  it 
is  so  astonishing,  that  if  this  letter  was  publislrd,  I  have 
no  doubt,  it  would  be  considered  as  the  mere  effusion 
of  personal  pique  and  resentment ;  let  them  think  so  if 
they  please ;  but  should  the  Avenues  of  truth  be  once 
open'd,  the  World  will  be  asham'd  of  the  gross  de- 
lusion they  have  been  so  long  kept  in,  with  respect  to 
this  puffed  up  Charlatan.  I  shall  mention  two  others 
of  his  amiable  qualities,  and  then  have  done  with  him, 
he  is  extremely  prodigal  of  other  men's  blood  and  a 
great  ceconomist  of  his  own.  You  are  curious  my  DT. 
Sister,  on  the  subject  of  my  finances,  and  to  know 
whether  these  people  to  whom  I  have  sacrificed  every- 
thing, have  shewn  the  same  ingratitude  with  respect  to 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  11 

my  circumstances  as  they  have  in  other  matters  :  I  can 
assure  you  that  their  actions  are  all  of  a  piece ;  and  if 
it  had  not  been  for  the  friendship  of  a  Mr.  Morris  and 
a  fortunate  purchase  that  I  made  (more  by  luck  than 
cunning)  I  might  have  been  begging  in  the  Streets 
without  much  chance  of  relief,  not  but,  that  to  do  jus- 
tice, there  are  many  exceptions  from  the  General  Amer- 
ican Character,  both  in  and  out  of  the  Army ;  but  I 
think  the  greater  number  are  of  the  latter  class;  men 
of  some  honour,  and  who,  I  believe  have  acted  on  prin- 
ciple from  the  beginning ;  and  all  these  I  may  without 
vanity  say,  have  been  my  friends  and  Advocates ;  it 
would  be  tedious  &  impertinent  to  mention  their  names 
to  any  body  but  you ;  but  as  you  interest  yourself  in 
the  minutest  circumstance  that  really  concerns  me,  I 
will  venture  to  give  you  their  names — of  those  who  are 
not  in  the  Army  (but  the  leading  men  in  the  Civil  line) 
are  Richard  Henry  Lee  of  Virginia ;  Morris  of  Phila- 
delphia, Morris  and  Schuyler  of  N.  York,  Adams, 
Lovel,  and  Whipple  of  N.  England,  Smith  of  Vir- 
ginia, Clark  of  the  Jerseys,  and  1  may  add  the  whole 
State  of  N.  Carolina.  As  to  the  Army,  they  are  innu- 
merable of  every  line  &  rank,  indeed  I  might  assert 
every  Man  (the  perjur'd  pack'd  Majority  of  scoundrels 
by  whom  I  was  tried,  and  the  sycophants  of  Head 
Quarters  excepted)  But  I  have  been  particularly  fort- 
unate in  my  Aid-de-Camps ;  all  young  Gentlemen  of 
the  best  fortunes,  families,  and  education  of  this  Con- 
tinent. They  have  adher'd  to  me  with  admirable  zeal 
and  affection,  undergone  no  small  persecution  since  the 
trial,  and  withstood  many  tampering  artifices  before 
the  trial  for  I  assure  that  some  of  these  virtuous  Re- 
publicans have  as  happy  a  disposition  for  tampering  as 
any  Princes  or  Ministers  in  Europe,  &  I  must  do  the 
justice  to  his  Excellency  General  Washington  to  ac- 
knowledge that  he  is  a  master  in  this  noble  science,  but 
the  subject  tires  me  as  I  dare  say  it  has  you  a  long 
time  ago.  I  am  extreamly  rejoic'd  at  my  friend  Bur- 
goyne's  restoration  to  employment ;  for  I  really  love 


12  •  THE    LEE    PAPEES. 

the  Man  ;  He  has  a  thousand  good  qualities,  and  (not- 
withstanding his  miscarriage  in  this  country)-  he  was 
certainly  an  excellent  soldier,  there  cannot  be  a  strong- 
er instance  of  the  power  and  whimsicalness  of  Fortune 
in  War,  than  that  such  a  Man  as  Bnrgoyne  should  be 
baffled  defeated  and  taken  by  such  a  man  as  Gates.     I 
fancy  he  has  often  lamented  that  he  did  not  pay  some 
attention  to  my  Counsels :  he  wou'd  have  sav'd  himself 
much    trouble   and  disgrace,  and   perhaps  the  British 
Empire  from  the  calamitous  situation  to  which  she  is 
now  reduc'd.     Great  God,  what  have  the  Kings  Amer- 
ican Governors  and  the  American  Tories  to  answer  for : 
I  mean  the  really  and  truly   tories  (for  on  this   Conti- 
nent the  denominations  of  Whig  &  Tory  have  for  some 
time   past  exchang'd  their  significations)  a  man  who 
holds  and  acts  on  the  genuine  Whig  principles  is  now  a 
Tory,  and  a  man   who  acts  according  to   the  rankest 
Tory  maxims  is  now  only  esteem'tl  to  be  a  Whig ;  but 
I  speak  of  the  real  Tories — These  men,  with  Hutchin- 
son  (and  I  am  sorry  to  say  it)  our  quondam  friend 
Gage  at  their  head,  seemed  dreadfully    apprehensive 
lest  his  Majesty  should  lose  so  glorious  an  opportunity 
of  throwing    down   the  whole  fabrick  of  the  British 
Empire ;  for  execrable  as  is  the  opinion  I  have  of   Ger- 
maine,  North,  Sandwich,  and  the  whole  pandemonium 
of  the  late  Ministry  I  cannot  believe  they   wou'd  have 
push'd  their  madness   and    folly   to   such  ruinous  ex- 
tremes, had  they  not  been   encouraged,  or  rather  in- 
cited  by    the  misrepresentation  &  forgeries  of  these 
Men— You  have  now  an  able  and  virtuous  Administra- 
tion ;  Heaven  send  that  they  may   devise   some  means 
of  saving  the  wrecks  of  the  Empire  ;  and  at  the  same 
time  of  serving  the  true  interests  of  this  people ;  un- 
grateful &  worthless  as  I  have   found  them  ;  for  tho' 
the  bulk  who  are  horribly  silly,  imagine  themselves  in  a 
prosperous  and  glorious  situation ;  those  amongst  them 
who  have  understanding  &  honesty  enough  to  confess 
their  sentiments  allow  that  their  prospect  is  a  hideous 
one ;  the  seeds  of  civil  war  and  of  Anarchy  are  already 


THE   LEE    PAPERS.  13 

scattered  ;  and  if  prevented,  the  preventive  must  be  al- 
most worse  than  the  disease,  it  must  be  by  almost  a 
total  dependance  on  France.  It  is  extreamly  unfortu- 
nate that  the  Ministry  had  not  the  Wisdom  to  ac- 
knowledge the  Independence  of  America,  before  some 
powerful  Demagogues  (who  now  in  all  appearance  are 
pensioners  of  France)  had  time  to  seduce  the  people 
into  a  forgetf ulness  of  the  Principles  on  which  they  set 
out ;  and  as  in  this  Country  there  has  been  no  more 
freedom  of  the  Press  than  there  is  at  Rome  or  Constan- 
tinople, and  as  the  people,  (from  living  abstractedly) 
are  naturally  very  credulous,  the  grossest  impostures 
are  swallowed  down.  These  worthies  or  pensioners 
have  not  only  seduc'd  the  people  from  the  original 
principles  of  the  War,  but  from  common  sense,  and  all 
regard  for  the  welfare  of  themselves  and  their  poster- 
ity. Their  cry  is  now  (in  diametrical  opposition  to  the 
most  explicit  terms  of  the  plainest  Treaty  that  ever 
was  penn'd)  that  they  are  not  to  make  any  peace  (even 
the  most  salutary  and  glorious)  until  their  great  Allies 
are  satisfied;  which  construed  into  plain  English  is 
this,  that  they  are  not  to  make  any  peace  until  France 
has  stripped  Great  Britain  of  all  she  possesses  in  the 
East  &  West  Indies,  in  short runtil  France  has  estab- 
lish'd  herself  in  the  full  Empire  of  the  Seas ;  which 
added  to  her  immense  national  resources,  will  enable 
her  to  give  law  to  all  the  World,  and  amongst  the  rest, 
to  scourge  the  Americans  themselves,  whenever  they 
grow  naughty  or  refractory,  and  it  must  be  confess'd 
they  will  richly  deserve  it  for  their  egregious  folly.  It 
is  notorious  (I  hope  you  will  excuse  my  pedantry)  that 
the  Basilicon  Aureum  Gallicum,  or  the  French  Golden 
Specifick,  has  had  a  wonderful  operation  on  public 
bodies  of  men  on  several  parts  of  Europe  at  different 
times,  and  there  is  the  greater  reason  to  believe  that  it 
has  been  applied  with  not  less  success  on  public  bodies 
on  this  side  the  Atlantic,  for  it  is  impossible  to  account 
by  any  other  means  for  so  gross  an  inversion  of  so 
plain  a  Treaty  as  was  that  betwixt  Congress  and 


14  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

France,  which  a  Child  of  Six  years  old,  (if  he  had 
learn'd  to  read)  may  understand  as  well  as  the  ablest 
Casuist  of  Europe.  The  words  of  the  Treaty  were 
these  (at  least  of  the  only  Treaty  presented  to  the  eyes 
of  the  people)  that  America  was  at  liberty  to  make 
peace  whenever  she  thought  fit,  on  condition  only  that 
the  Independence  of  the  thirteen  United  States  was  ob- 
tained :  And  if  Congress  have  by  tortured  instructions 
or  by  any  subsequent  Treaty,  kept  a  Secret  from  the 
people,  engaged  themselves  further  they  have  certainly 
exceeded  their  power  to  a  treasonable  length.  But  I 
am  wandering  in  a  Labyrinth  of  Politics.  Let  me  re- 
turn to  my  own  affairs.  Ml'  Mure  has  used  me  most 
cruelly,  I  may  say  villanously,  for  notwithstanding  the 
vast  sums'he  is  indebted  to  me,  he  has  protested  a  Bill 
of  three  hundred  pounds  which  has  thrown  me  into  un- 
speakable distress  ;  he  affects,  it  seems  such  delicacy  in 
his  loyalty  as  not  to  honor  the  Bills  of  a  Rebel.  I 
really  believe  his  countrymen  think  they  have  an  ex- 
clusive patent  for  rebellion ;  but  if  he  will  consult  the 
proclamation  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton  issued  in  the  year 
78,  or  if  he  will  consult  Sir  Henry  himself  he  will  find 
that  I,  who  never  have  acted  in  any  civil  or  military  ca- 
pacity since  the  date  of  that  proclamation,  am  exempted 
from  all  apprehension  of  confiscation ;  but  from  the 
character  of  the  man  there  is  another  consideration 
which  probably  will  have  more  weight  with  him,  which 
is  that  if  by  the  fortune  of  war  (which  I  leave  him  to 
guess  at,  and  which  I  assure  you  I  do  not  hope)  a  cer- 
tain event  should  take  place,  I  shall  have  it  in  my 
power  to  retaliate  on  him  two  fold  for  his  iniquity — 1 
wish  this  hint  cou'd  be  artfully  convey'd  to  him,  which 
I  think  can  be  done  through  the  channel  of  Sir  Charles 
Bunbury  or  Sir  Charles  Davers,  whom  I  entreat  you 
will  urge  to  endeavor  to  influence  this  man,  at  least  to 
furnish  My  Garton,  with  six  or  five  hundred  pounds  for 
my  use  until  the  contest  is  over,  and  the  Law  according 
to  the  terms  of  peace  tells  us  what  is  to  be  done.  But 
at  any  rate,  He,  M?  Mure,  as  an  individual,  can  have 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  15 

no  claim  to  any  part  of  my  fortune.  He  must  account 
for  it  either  to  me  or  to  the  public  ;  of  course  he  only 
ruins  his  character  as  a  gentleman,  and  a  Moral  man, 
without  reaping  any  advantages.  I  would  willingly 
write  to  Sir  C.  B.  and  Sir  C.  D.  but  consider  the  more 
letters  I  write,  the  greater  chance  there  is  of  some 
being  opened  and  read,  tho'  in  fact  I  do  not  care  if  this 
was  published  at  Charing  Cross,  and  in  the  Market 
Street  of  Philadelphia,  as  it  contains  nothing  which  a 
good  Englishman,  and  a  true  friend  of  America  may 
not  avow.  You  are  therefore  welcome,  (and  indeed  I 
rather  wish  you  would)  to  send  the  heads  or  if  you 
please  the  whole  of  this  letter  to  the  aforesaid  Knights, 
to  whom  I  beg  you  will  give  the  strongest  assurances 
of  my  love  and  affection ;  and  if  you  have  an  opportu- 
nity I  entreat  you  wdl  in  the  strongest  terms  assure  my 
Lord  Thanet,  that  absence,  persecution,  and  distress  can 
never  diminish  the  true  love  and  veneration  I  have  ever 
had  for  him  from  our  first  acquaintance;  lamextream- 
ly  concerned  that  our  Cousin  S  should  embarrass  you 
about  your  legacy ;  but  these  are  strange  times,  the 
Moon  comes  nearer  the  Earth  than  she  was  won't  to  do, 
and  unhinges  all  understandings.  Is  my  Noble  worthy 
friend  Butler  alive  and  amongst  you  ?  if  he  is,  a  thou- 
sand blessings  on  his  head  in  my  name,  and  at  least  five 
hundred  on  his  Cousin  Capt"  Totty,  who  I  assure  you 
is  a  most  worthy  character — in  short  to  the  whole  tribe 
at  Gwyriigog :  My  love  to  the  Townshends,  Hunts, 
Hinckes's,  Barrots,  and  that  God  Almighty  my  dearest 
of  Friends  &  Sister,  may  give  you  long  life  comfort 
and  serene  spirits  is  devoutly  the  wish  of  your  most 
affectionate  Brother 

C.  L. 

P.  S.     The  reason  of  this  letter  being  written  not  in 
my  own  hand  I  will  explain  hereafter. 


16  «THE  LEE  PAPERS. 

DRAFT  OF  THE  FOREGOING  LETTER. 

Virginia  June  ye  22  4th  1782 
MY  DR.  SISTER, 

The  other  day  by  a  kind  act  of  Providence,  a 
letter  of  yours  fell,  into  my  hands,  of  so  late  a  date  as 
the  20th  of  March,  and  what  is  more,  it  had  the  ap- 
pearance of  never  having  been  opened  :  you  will  better 
conceive  than  I  can  express  the  pleasure  I  received  from 
it.  For  my  American  Enthusiasm  is  I  assure  you  at 
present  so  far  worn  off,  that  the  greatest  satisfaction  I 
can  receive  is  to  be  informed  of  the  health  and  welfare 
of  my  English  Friends,  who  with  all  their  political 
faults  and  stupidity,  possess  still  more  virtues  (at  least 
of  the  individual  kind)  than  all  the  nations  of  the 
Earth — as  to  these  People,  tho  I  once  thought  the  re- 
verse before  they  had  developed.  When  their  char- 
acters are  impartially  and  minutely  discussed  I  am 
sure  they  will  appear  not  only  destitute  of  the  personal 
virtues  and  good  qualities  which  render  those  they  are 
descended  from  so  estimable  in  the  eyes  of  other 
nations — such  as  truth,  honesty,  sincerity  and  good 
understanding — but  I  am  much  mistaken  which  you 
at  a  distance  suppose  'em  to  be  endow'd  with 
will  stand  a  scrutiny,  but  a  discussion  of  this  kind  in 
a  letter  is  not  possible— All  I  shall  say  is,  that  (the 
New  England  men  excepted)  the  rest  of  the  Ameri- 
cans (tho'  they  fancy  &  sometimes  call  themselves 
Republicans)  have  not  a  single  republican  qualification 
or  idea — They  have  always  a  God  of  the  day,  whose 
infallibility  is  not  to  be  disputed ;  to  him  all  the 
People  must  bow  down  and  sing  Hosannas.  Wash- 
ington has  long  been  in  this  state  of  divinity — but  I 
think,  of  late  the  legality  of  his  apotheosis  seems  to 
be  disputed.  If  you  are  desirous  to  have  the  portrait 
of  the  man,  Shakspear  has  already  drawn  it  to  the  life  in 
his  Merch't  of  Venice — There  are  a  sort  of  men,  whose 
visages  do  cream  &  mantle  like  a  standing  pool ;  and 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  17 

do  a  wilful  stillness  entertain,  with  purpose  to  be 
dress'd  in  the  opinion  &c  <fe?  This  I  assure  you  is 
literally  his  Portrait,  if  not  something  underdone — I 
do  not  wonder  (from  the  weakness  of  the  multitude) 
that  a  man  without  sterling  parts  or  essential  virtues, 
but  who  has  fortunately  some  specious  qualities  about 
him  or  is  a  General  without  the  least  talents  but  who 
has  blundered  into  success  should  impose  for  a  time 
but  how  a  man  without  fashion,  air,  manners,  or 
Language  enough  to  call  for  a  bowl  of  punch  in  a 
public  house  and  only  blundered  himself  into  one 
successful  surprise  of  a  drunken  Hessian,  should  ever 
become  the  object  of  popular  adoration,  I  confess 
astonishes  me — I  have  no  doubt  but  that  if  you  should 
read  this  letter  to  some  People  They  will  consider  it  as 
the  mere  effects  of  pique  and  resentment ;  let  'em 
think  so  if  they  please;  but  I  can  assure  'em  that 
should  once  the  Avenues  of  truth  be  open'd,  the  World 
will  he  astonished  and  asham'd  of  the  gross  delusion 
they  have  been  so  long  kept  in.  You  are  curious  my 
Dr  Sister,  on  the  subject  of  my  finances,  and  to  know 
whether  these  People  to  whom  I  have  sacrificed  every- 
thing, have  shown  the  same  black  ingratitude  with 
respect  to  my  circumstances  as  they  have  in  other 
matters :  I  can  assure  you  then  that  their  actions  are 
all  of  a  piece ;  was  it  not  for  the  friendship  of  a  Mf 
Morris  and  a  fortunate  purchase  that  I  made  (more 
by  luck  than  cunning)  I  might  be  begging  in  the 
Streets  without  much  chance  of  being  relieved,  not 
but,  to  be  just,  there  are  many  exceptions  to  the  gen- 
eral character  of  the  Americans,  both  in  and  out  of  the 
Army;  but  I  think  the  greater  number  are  of  the 
latter  class ;  men  of  some  honour,  and  who,  I  believe 
have  from  the  beginning  acted  on  principle ;  and  all 
these  I  may  without  vanity  say,  have  been  my  friends 
and  Advocates.  Those  who  are  not  in  the  Army,  if 
not  too  tedious,  I  will  mention  are  Richard  Henry 
Lee  of  Virginia ;  Morris  of  Philadelphia,  the  Morris's 
of  New  York,  Adams,  Lovel,  and  some  others  of  N, 


18  .  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

England.  Of  the  Army,  of  every  line  they  are  innumer- 
able. General  Schuyler,  Miflin,  Sullivan,  Mulenberg, 
Wayne,  Weedon,  Green,  Knox,  in  short  all  that  have 
distinguished  themselves  so  far  that  you  must  have 
probably  heard  their  names,  and  the  younger  part  to  a 
man — But  I  have  been  particularly  fortunate  in  my 
Aid-de-Camps ;  all  young  Gentlemen  of  the  best 
families,  fortunes,  and  education  of  this  Continent,  but 
above  all  I  should  mention  young  Colonel  Harry  Lee 
who  has  signalized  himself  extremely  in  this  accursed 
contest  the  ruinous  consequences  of  which  to  the  whole 
Empire  I  predicted  to  Lord  Piercy  and  to  my  friend 
General  Burgoyne  to  the  American  They  cer- 

tainly were  not  the  agressors — but  retrospection  is 
now  of  no  use  —the  question  is  at  present  what  is  to 
be  done  to  save  the  wrecks  of  the  Empire  and  at  the 
same  time  to  serve  even  these  ungrateful  and  worthless 
People  [end  of  first  sheet  o^  draft  in  Lee's  Jiandivriting']. 
the  People  in  general  in  all  civil  contests  have  not 
been  the  aggressors  —  -  They  only  wish  to  defend  not 
to  encroach  -  -  The  Monarchs  or  Magna[tes]  generally 
commence  by  their  oppressions — witness  the  disputes 
betwixt  the  Patricians  and  Commons  of  Koine,  and  our 
wars  in  the  time  of  Charles  the  First— but  the  People 
in  the  [end]  forgot  the  principles  on  which  they  set 
out  which  ultimately  brings  destruction  on  both  par- 
ties and  this  I  extremely  apprehend  will  be  the  case  at 
present — for  I  much  doubt  if  there  are  not  now  many 
on  this  side  the  water  who  fancy  or  have  made  it  their 
interest  to  throw  impediments  in  the  way  of  any  ac- 
commoda[tion]  even  the  most  salutary  and  glorious  — 
the  House  of  Bourbon  alone  can  reap  any  advantages 
from  the  continuance  of  the  contest — but  I  am  run- 
ning too  far  into  the  labyrinth  of  politicks  I  shall 
return  therefore  to  the  subject  of  my  own  finances  - 
Mr.  Mure  has  used  me  most  cruelly  and  villainously  — 
notwithstanding  the  vast  sums  He  owes  me,  He  has 
protested  a  bill  of  three  hundred  pounds  which  has 
thrown  me  into  unspeakable  distress  —  He  has  affected 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  19 

a  delicacy  in  honouring  the  Bills  of  a  Rebel  —  hut  if 
He  will  consult  the  proclamation  of  Sr  Henry  Clinton 
in  year  seventy  eight  He  will  find  that  I  am  ex- 
empted from  any  apprehension  of  confiscation  by  the 
terms  of  this  Proclamation  —  which  declares  that  no 
man  from  the  date  thereof  who  does  not  positively  act 
in  a  civil  or  military  capacity  is  subject  to  the  confis- 
cation of  his  property — but  as  I  have  reason  to  think 
that  the  man  will  avail  himself  of  every  chicane  when 
money  is  in  the  case  —  I  must  in  treat  that  you  will 
urge  Sir  Charles  Bunbury  and  Davers —  to  endeavor 
to  influence  him  at  least  to  furnish  Mr.  Garton  for  my 
use,  wTith  five,  four  or  at  least  three  hundred  pounds 
until  the  contest  is  over  and  the  law  according  to  the 
terms  of  peace  tells  us  what  is  to  be  done — but  at  any 
rate,  He,  Mr.  Mure,  can  have  no  claim  to  my  fortune — 
He  of  course  only  hurts  his  character  as  a  Gentleman 
and  a  moral  man,  without  reaping  any  advantage  - 
He  must  account  for  it  to  somebody  —  I  have  thoughts 
of  writing  to  Sr  Charles  Bunbury  and  Davers — but 
do  not  chuse  that  what  I  have  to  say  to  'em  shou'd  be 
subject  to  inspection  on  either  side  —  in  the  mean  time 
nay  love  to  'em,  and  if  you  have  an  opportunity  to 
Lord  Thanet  —  I  am  extremely  concerned  at  the  Em- 
barras  our  Cousin  S —  gives  you  with  regard  to  the 
legacy  but  it  is  the  very  error  of  the  moon  —  She 
comes  more  near  the  earth  than  she  was  wont  to  do— 
and  makes  Men  mad — is  my  Dearest  worthiest  Friend 
Butler  alive  and  amongst  you  ?  if  He  is  a  thoushand 
blessings  in  niy  name  on  his  head  —  My  love  to  Mrs. 
Hinks  the  Townshens  Barrets  and  that  God  Almighty, 
My  Dr  Sister,  may  give  you  long  life  ease  and  spirits 
is  devoutly  the  wish  of  your  most  affectionate 

Brother  —  C  LEE 


[A  small  blank  space  follows  at  the  bottom  of  this 
page  and  on  the  next,  i.e.,  the  fourth  page  of  the  sheet, 
is  the  following] 


20  ,THE    LEE   PAPEES. 

but  I  am  involving  myself  in  a  labyrinth  of  politicks 
I  shall  now  finish  with  a  repetition  of  what  I  have  for- 
merly declared  in  some  of  my  publications  that  I  am 
an  enthusiastick  friend  to  the  rights  and  liberties  of 
mankind  in  general — that  I  love  my  own  Country  al- 
most to  adoration — and  that  all  my  actions  (whatever 
may  be  thought)  are  to  be  reconciled  to  this  principle 
I  profess  —  I  have  long  foreseen  that  the  determined 
corrupt  system  of  the  Court  (unless  vigorously  opposed 
i$L  some  part  of  the  Empire  or  other)  would  destroy  in 
the  end  the  whole  I  considered  the  Empire  of  Great 
Britain  as  a  great  aggregate  of  freemen — with  more  or 
less  ostensible  privileges  but  I  saw  and  ev'ery  man 
must  have  seen  who  has  eyes  to  see  that  those  parts 
that  had  the  least  ostensible  privileges,  were  more  ad- 
vantageously circumstanced  than  the  presiding  People 
—this  was  certainly  the  case  both  of  the  Americans 
and  the  Irish  as  long  as  they  were  only  taxed  by  thems 
{the  fourth  page  ends  here,  but  the  sentence  is  continued 
on  tie  fourth  page  of  another  sheet,  as  follows]  them- 
selves notwithstanding  some  impolitick  and  ridiculous 
restrictions  on  their  commerce — but  these  restrictions, 
were  of  so  little  a  grievous  nature,  considering  their 
advantages  in  other  points,  as  cou'd  not  possibly  have 
destroyed  the  Peace  of  the  Empire — the  first  sensible 
Minister  wou'd  have  remov'd  them— 

\Tlie  remainder  of  the  fourth  page  is  l)lan~k — hut 
pages  one,  two,  and  three  contain  the  following ;] 

Great  God  what  have  the  Governors  Refugees  and 
Tories  to  answer  for  —  I  mean  the  really  and  truly 
Tories  (for  on  this  Continent  these  epithets  have  of 
late  changed  their  signification  —  The  Whigs  are  To- 
ries and  the  Tories  Whigs)  but  these  men  with  Hutch- 
inson  and  Gage  our  quondam  friend  at  their  head 
seem'd  dreadfully  apprehensive  lest  His  Majesty  shou'd 
lose  so  glorious  an  opportunity  of  throwing  down  the 
whole  Fabrick  of  the  Empire — for  bad  as  is  the  opinion 


THE   LEE   PAPERS.  21 

I  Lave  of  North  Germain  Sandwich  and  the  whole  Pan- 
demonium of  'em — I  cannot  believe  that  they  wou'd 
have  pushed  their  madness  and  folly  to  such  ruinous 
extremes,  had  they  not  been  encouraged  or  rather  in- 
cited by  the  misrepresentations  and  forgeries  of  these 
men  You  have  now  certainly  an  able  and  virtuous  ad- 
ministration —  I  wish  to  God  they  may  devise  some 
means  of  preserving  the  wrecks  of  the  Empire — and 
at  the  same  time  serving  the  interests  of  these  People 
worthless  and  ungrateful  as  They  are — for  tho'  the 
bulk  of  'em  who  are  dreadfully  silly  imagine  them- 
selves in  a  happy  and  glorious  situation  Those  of  un- 
derstanding and  who  have  honesty  to  confess  their 
sentiments  allow  that  Their  Prospect  is  a  hideous  one 
—the  seeds  of  anarchy  and  civil  war  are  already  plen- 
tifully sow'd  amongst  'em — or  if  it  is  prevented,  the 
preventive  must  be  almost  worse  than  the  disease  it 
must  be  by  almost  a  total  dependence  on  France  I 
wish  this  unfortunate  Ministry  had  been  wise  enough 
to  have  acknowledged  the  Independence  of  America — 
before  some  villains  had  dared  to  lead  the  People  into 
a  forgetf ulness  and  desertion  not  only  of  the  Principles 
they  set  out  on — but  of  common  sense  and  all  consid- 
eration of  their  own  safety  and  the  welfare  of  their 
posterity.  The  cry  of  these  men  I  allude  to  is  now 
this  contrary  to  the  plain  terms  of  a  plain  treaty,  that 
they  are  not  to  accept  of  any  peace  even  the  most 
glorious  and  salutary  untill  their  good  Allies  are  satis- 
fied, that  is  construed  into  English  until  the  French 
have  stripped  Great  Britain  of  all  their  possessions  in 
the  East  and  W.  Indies  in  fact  has  .  .  .  She  has 
obtained  the  full  dominion  of  the  Seas  which  added  to 
her  immense  natular  [sic]  resources  will  enable  her  to 
give  law  to  the  whole  world,  and  amongst  the  rest  to 
scourge  the  Americans  themselves  when  ever  They 
grow  naughty  or  refractory — and  they  certainly  will 
deserve  it  most  heartily  for  their  egregious  folly. 

It  is  notorious  that  the   famous  pedantick  Gallicum 
aureum  basilicon  or  the  French  golden  specifick  has  had 


22  fl?HE    LEE   PAPERS. 

a  powerful  operation  on  publick  bodies  of  men  in  all 
parts  of  Europe  at  different  times — and  there  is  great 
reason  to  believe  it  has  been  applied  with  not  less  suc- 
cess on  publick  bodies  of  men  in  this  country,  for  it  is 
impossible  to  account  by  any  other  means  gross  and 
tortured  misconstruction  of  so  plain  a  treaty  as  was 
that  with  France,  which  a  Child  of  six  years  can  un- 
derstand as  well  as  the  ablest  Casuist  of  the  world  - 
The  words  of  the  treaty  are  these  (at  least  of  the 
only  treaty  presented  to  the  eyes  of  the  People)  that 
America  may  make  peace  whenever  she  pleases,  on 
condition  only  that  the  Independence  of  the  thirteen 
united  States  is  obtained — and  if  Congress  have  by 
tortured  construction  or  by  any  subsequent  treaty 
which  They  have  not  imparted  to  the  People  engaged 
themselves  farther,  They  have  certainly  exceeded  their 
power  to  a  treasonable  length. 


To  ROBERT  MORRIS. 

Virginia,  July  20,   1782. 
MY  DR.  SIR, 

The  not  hearing  from  you  has  given  me  very  great 
uneasiness  but  I  can  excuse  your  silence  as  from  all  I 
can  conceive  you  must  not  only  have  business  enough 
for  one  able  man  but  for  half  a  dozen  at  least  but  how- 
ever if  you  can  steal  time  sufficient  to  confer  on  me 
three  or  four  lines  you  will  take  me  out  of  a  very  dis- 
agreeable state  of  suspense.  I  need  not  repeat  the  par- 
ticulars of  the  favour  I  asked  at  your  hands  but  I  want 
much  to  know  whether  you  had  it  in  your  power  (for 
I  never  doubted  of  your  inclination)  to  comply — but 
my  debt  to  M*  Byrd  gives  me  the  most  particular  un- 
easiness I  wanted  to  know  likewise  whether  you  em- 
ployed any  body  to  look  out  for  a  purchaser  of  my 
estate  and  with  what  success  for  it  is  impossible  for  me 
to  hold  out  another  year  in  my  present  situation  for  as 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  23 

the  taxes  encrease  and  the  means  of  selling  any  produce 
at  a  tolerable  price  every  day  diminishes  my  debts  must 
every  day  encrease  in  double  proportion  for  interest  as 
well  as  principal  must  be  paid,  my  present  tax  in  hard 
money  I  can  hardly  pay  a  guinea  of  and  consequently 
must  submit  to  be  distressed.  Now  I  talk  of  taxes  I 
will  venture  to  assert  that  Virginia  cannot  pay  the 
fortieth  part  of  the  taxes  resolved  on — indeed  it  is  plain 
that  she  never  did  pay  (when  they  were  lighter)  the 
fourth  part  enacted  it  has  been  proved  that  the  small 
part  which  was  collected  both  hard  money  and  pro- 
duces were  never  applied  to  the  maintenance  of  the 
Army,  or  to  any  legitimate  purposes  but  have  somehow 
or  other  been  lost  on  the  Road.  I  confess  I  am  not 
politician  enough  to  comprehend  what  Congress  mean 
in  declaring  they  will  have  no  peaces,  however  salutary, 
until  their  good  allies  assent  which  construed  into  plain 
English  is  that  they  will  have  no  peace  until  France 
has  stripp'd  G.  Britain  of  all  her  possessions  in  the 
East  and  West  Indies  in  short  not  until  France  has 
secured  the  Empire  of  the  Sea  which  added  to  her  im- 
mense national  resources  will  enable  her  to  give  law  to 
the  whole  world,  and  amongst  the  rest  to  scourge  the 
Americans  themselves  whenever  they  grow  naughty  or 
refractory — if  Congress  have  bound  themselves  to  this 
by  Treaty  it  may  without  rashness  be  pronounced  they 
have  acted  insanely  perniciously  and  indeed  exceeded 
their  powers  to  a  treasonable  length,  but  at  least  if  they 
chuse  to  fight  the  Battles  of  France  to  their  own  future 
ruin  they  ought  to  insist  that  the  party  which  alone  is 
to  be  the  gainer  should  pay  the  expenses  wholely — for 
a  man  must  be  drunk  or  a  lunatic  who  can  suppose  that 
this  Country  (If  all  the  States  I  mean  are  in  the  cir- 
cumstances of  this)  can  subsist  cloath  and  pay  even  the 
Skeleton  of  an  Army — but  I  am  running  into  a  laby- 
rinth of  Politicks  I  shall  therefore  only  once  more  re- 
peat my  request  I  mentioned.  I  likewise  must  intreat 
that  you  will  make  some  inquiries  about  the  money  and 
interest  due  to  me  in  S.  Carolina  for  Mr.  Rutledge 


24  .THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

flattered  me  that  they  were  certainly  able  and  willing 
to  pay  the  interest  at  least  which  at  present  would 
make  me  easy  and  comfortable.  I  hope  Mrs  Morris 
and  your  children  are  all  in  perfect  health.  I  hear  you 
have  sent  or  are  going  to  send  your  two  eldest  sons  to 
Geneva.  They  have  certainly  good  masters  but  when 
I  was  there  it  was  rather  too  expensive — Wherever  they 
go  I  hope  they  will  contribute  to  the  honour  and  hap- 
piness of  their  Father  and  Mother,  as  I  am  most  sin- 
cerely theirs 

CHARLES  LEE. 


To  GENERAL  HORATIO  GATES. 

Philada,  July  26th,  1782. 
DEAR  SIR, 

You  will  receive  this  from  John  Vaughan,  Esq^  a 
young  Gentleman  recommended  to  my  attention  by  his 
Father  SamJ  Vaughan  Esqy  of  London  an  old  Friend  & 
Correspondent  before  the  Revolution  &  likely  to  become 
so  again.  M^  Vaughan  is  commissioned  by  His  Father 
to  purchase  Lands  with  my  approbation.  I  have  ad- 
vised him  to  visit  Gen!  Lee's  Estate,  examine  into  its 
value,  situation  <fec.  and  if  he  approves  it  is  probable 
the  purchase  will  be  made,  as  I  think  Lee  is  disposed 
to  sell  reasonably.— 

I  remember  you  expressed  a  wish  to  sell  your  place, 
if  so  shew  it  to  Mr  Vaughan,  let  him  see  its  good  & 
bad  properties,  name  a  moderate  price,  &  it  may  suit 
him  to  buy  both.  He  is  not  yet  ready  to  make  pay- 
ment but  soon  will  be,  &  whatever  engagements  he 

O     O 

makes  with  my  approbation  I  will  engage  for.  Assist 
him  also  in  respect  to  Genl  Lees  Estate  or  any  other 
he  may  see  or  hear  of. 

Gen.  Lincoln  promised  me  that  he  would  open  a  cor- 
respondence with  you  in  order  to  extricate  you  from  the 
disagreeable  part  of  your  situation  as  an  officer.  He  is 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  25 

a  worthy  man,  and  I  depend   on  his  promise  My  Com- 
pit?  to  Mrs  Gates  &  believe  me 

DT.  sir,  Your  sincere  Friend  &  obt  ser* 

ROB*  MORRIS. 


To  ROBERT  MORRIS. 

August  ye  15th,  1782. 
MY  DEAR  SIR, 

Your  friend  M*  Vaughan  has  been  with  me :  He 
seems  a  sensible  and  well  bred  young  man,  and  upon 
my  word  (according  to  the  vulgar  saying)  he  seems  to 
have  all  his  eye  teeth  about  him.  You  as  our  common 
friend  enjoined  me  to  be  moderate  in  the  price  I  should 
set  on  my  estate.  I  really  think  I  have  been  very 
moderate.  When  the  bargain  I  had  made  with  Dorsey 
was  talk'd  of  in  the  Country  all  those  wrho  pretend  to  be 
connoiseurs  said  that  I  had  given  it  away — and  those 
I  have  reason  to  think  my  friends  and  who  do  not 
talk  for  talking  sake  and  who  are  at  the  same  time 
esteemed  competent  Judges  of  the  value  of  Lands  have 
seriously  remonstrated  with  me  for  my  folly.  They  all 
agree  that  taking  all  its  circumstances  together,  its  com- 
mand of  water,  its  excellence  and  abundance  of  pasture 
— in  short  if  I  may  use  the  expression  its  manageability 
at  a  small  expence  as  a  grazing  farm  renders  it  prefer- 
able to  almost  any  estate  in  Virginia  at  least  of  an 
equal  extent.  Some  assert  it  is  worth  two  half  soes  an 
acre,  others  more — perhaps  these  valuations  are  nett'd 
and  extravagant.  I  myself  think  honestly  they  are,  but 
as  My  Goddard  wrote  me  word  that  you  yourself  flat- 
tered me,  that  there  was  a  probability  of  obtaining  at 
least  three  guineas  and  a  half  an  acre,  I  conclude  you 
will  not  think  I  have  transgressing  the  bounds  of  mod- 
esty in  proposing  to  Mr  Vaughan  two  guineas  and  a 
half — My  Vaughan  argues  very  ingeniously  and  arith- 
metically on  the  value  of  money  on  these  times,  that  he 
knows  means  of  laying  out  money  to  greater  advantage 


26  *THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

than  the  purchase  of  lands — All  this  may  be  very  true, 
but  as  I  have  not  the  secret  and  the  generality  of  land 
holders  are  no  wiser  than  myself  he  will  find  it.  difficult 
(if  he  is  seriously  determined  to  buy  land)  to  make  so 
advantageous  arid  easy  a  purchase  as  I  have  offer' d  but 
however  my  dr  friend  such  is  my  uneasiness  at  my 
present  debts,  that  if  you  think  I  ought  in  duty  to  my- 
self to  make  any  farther  abatement  I  am  ready  to  do  it 
—As  to  the  means  mode  and  time  of  payment  I  rely 
entirely  on  you,  but  it  is  necessary  that  I  should  be 
furnished  with  a  certain  sum  immediately  for  the  pay- 
ment of  my  debts  and  less  than  eight  hundred  pounds 
sterling  will  not  suffice — I  know  not  what  is  the  cause 
rny  dear  friend,  but  of  late  1  find  myself  much  affected 
in  my  health — perhaps  it  is  my  state  of  rustication,  per- 
haps the  embarrassment  of  my  private  affairs,  and  per- 
haps in  great  measure  the  disagreeable  aspect  of  public 
affairs,  for  with  submission  the  prospect  is  not  only  dis- 
agreeable but  hideous,  at  least  to  a  man  of  my  feelings 
and  sanguine  expectation.  I  have  ever  from  the  first 
time  I  read  Plutarch  been  an  Enthusiast ick  for  liberty 
and  (to  my  cost  I  now  find)  for  liberty  in  a  republican 
garb — indeed  it  is  natural  to  a  young  person  whose 
chief  companions  are  the  Greek  and  Roman  Historians 
and  Orators  to  be  dazzled  with  the  splendid  picture- 
but  alas  I  now  find  this  perfect  kind  of  liberty  could  be 
only  supported  by  qualities,  not  possess' d  by  the  in- 
dividuals of  the  modern  world — a  public  and  pa  trio  tick 
spirit  reigning  in  the  breast  of  every  individual  super- 
ceding  all  private  considerations — it  was  this  spirit 
alone  that  carried  several  of  the  Grecian  states  and  the 
Roman  Republick  triumphantly  through  so  many  ages 
—for  as  to  the  formal  literal  construction  of  their  Gov- 
ernments, They  were  defective  to  absurdity — it  was 
virtue  that  supported  them — All  writers  agree  that  vir- 
tue must  be  the  basis  of  republics  and  most  of  all 
Federal  Republics — have  the  Americans  this  necessary 
virtue  ?  On  the  contrary  are  they  not  on  these  setting 
out  more  corrupted  than  the  oldest  people  in  Europe— 


THE   LEE    PAPERS.  27 

And  it  is  no  wonder — They  are  corrupted  by  the  laws 
themselves,  which  My  Montesquieu  says  is  a  corruption 
incurable  because  the  evil  is  in  the  remedy  itself— 
but  to  shorten  my  sermon,  the  Empire  of  Britain  is 
overturned  and  the  situation  of  America  neither  promises 
happiness  security  nor  glory — the  House  of  Bourbon 
alone  can  cry  out  le  triumphe — this  you  will  say  I  ought 
to  have  seen  before — I  confess  it  and  the  sense  of  my  want 
of  foresight  perhaps  concurs  strongly  to  the  uneasy 
situation  of  my  mind  and  of  course  so  sensibly  affects 
my  health  and  spirits.  I  should  make  you  a  thousand 
apologies  for  having  so  improperly  drawn  upon  you  but 
it  was  entirely  owing  to  my  not  reading  with  sufficient 
attention  one  of  Goddard's  letters  which  if  I  had  done 
I  should  have  submitted  to  every  distress  rather  have 
so  imposed  myself  on  your  friendship — but  as  it  is  done 
I  can  only  in  the  style  of  a  naughty  boy  cry  out 
pray  Dr  Sir  forgive  me  this  time,  and  I  will  never  do 
so  no  more — I  wish  you  and  your  family  more  sincerely 
health  prosperity  and  spirits  and  intreat  you  to  con- 
tinue your  friendship  for  Yours 

C.  LEE. 


To  ROBERT  MORRIS. 

August  ye  19th,  1782. 
MY  DR  SIR, 

Since  I  clos'd  my  long  letter  (which  I  wish  you  may 
have  patience  to  read)  in  order  to  be  secure  against  any 
suspicion  of  being  thought  unreasonable  in  the  price  in 
I  have  put  on  my  lands  I  have  consulted  every  gentle- 
man I  have  met  with  respect  to  its  real  value — it  is 
true  I  have  only  met  with  two,  Dr.  Bull  and  Mr.  Cook 
Nourse?s  Son  in  law — the  former  is  of  opinion  I  ought 
by  no  means  to  part  with  it  for  less  than  two  guineas 
and  a  half  p'r  acre — the  latter  thinks  that  three  Pounds 
Virginia  Currency  that  is  two  pounds  eight  shillings 
sterling  would  be  sufficient — in  short  I  have  not  heard 


28  .THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

of  a  single  man  (Messrs.  Nourse  and  old  Wormley  ex 
cepted)  who  have  thought  of  a  lower  valuation — the 
first  is  proverbial  for  making  bad  bargains  for  he  some 
time  ago  sold  the  best  part  of  his  estate  for  about  the 
fourth  part  of  its  value — and  when  he  has  said  that  such 
a  thing  is  only  worth  so  much  it  is  highest  Treason  to 
his  infallibility  to  differ — no  Welshman  mounted  on  a 
mule  is  half  so  obstinate — the  second  Mr.  Wormley 
(tho'  a  very  honest  man)  is  as  remarkable  for  stamping 
a  very  high  value  on  what  belongs  to  himself  and  de- 
preciating what  belongs  to  other  People  All  his  own 
Geese  are  Swans  all  his  pewter  silver  and  all  his  dray- 
horses  are  mountain  Arabs.  He  himself  lately  sold  a 
tract  of  land  which  is  certainly  not  worth  the  third 
part  of  mine  for  five  thousand  pounds  sterling — but  in 
short  the  lowest  valuation  put  on  mine  by  fair  Judges 
(that  of  Mr  Cook)  is  two  pounds  eight  shillings  sterling 
per  acre,  but  upon  my  honour  (from  all  I  can  learn) 
your  friend  Mr  Vaughan  will  have  a  very  good  pur- 
chase if  you  decide  (for  I  leave  the  difference  to  you) 
that  the  sum  should  be  fifty  shillings — if  the  contract 
is  assented  to  I  suppose  it  will  be  necessary  that  I 
should  go  to  Philadelphia  and  if  this  is  necessary  Mr 
Vaughan  or  somebody  must  furnish  me  with  a  necessary 
sum  for  the  journey — for  I  have  not  a  farthing  in  the 
world. 

Adieu  God  bless  you  My  Dr  sir 

CHARLES  LEE. 


FROM  C.  M.  THURSTON. 

DEAR  GENERAL, 

I  have  taken  the' liberty  of  inclosing  your  acco*  of 
Mares  to  the  horse  black  and  all  black  of  last  Season, 
as  I  never  was  before  in  so  great  want  of  cash,  and  am 
obliged  to  pay  high  for  his  hire.  I  assure  you  the 
Money  will  be  deemed  a  favour,  and  I  shall  acknowl- 
edge it :  For  where  to  apply  for  even  so  small  a  sum 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  29 

but  to  yourself,  with  any  prospect  of  success,  I  know 
not. 

Your  mare  is  so  recovered,  that  she  may  be  got  home 
by  a  careful  hand,  and  believe  me  when  I  tell  you  she 
has  been  taken  greater  notice  of,  than  if  the  property 
had  been  my  own. 

I  beg  you  to  accept  my  congratulation  on  the  sale  of 
your  land — disposed  of,  I  presume  on  such  terms  as 
you  wished  ;  altho'  at  the  same  time  I  must  aver  as  the 
strictest  truth  that  the  consequence,  which  I  suppose 
will  be  your  leaving  us,  fills  me  with  a  great  deal  of 
concern. 

And  what  think  you  of  the  news  in  circulation  ?  do 
you  not  look  forward  to  a  peace  at  a  very  short  day  ? 
My  opinion  is,  Britain  is  now  in  earnest ;  every  beat  of 
her  pulse,  and  every  symptom  of  her  political  disorder 
shews  it  to  be  drawing  to  a  crisis.  But  your  opinion 
on  the  subject  I  shall  place  the  greatest  confidence  in. 

If  Fin  wrong  pray  set  me  right. 

I  am  to  entreat  you  dear  General  to  believe  that  on 
many  accounts,  and  with  the  highest  respect,  I  am 
affectionately  Your  most  ob*  SeiV, 

[C.   M.  THURSTON.] 
30.  Augf  1782. 

ir  3  Mares  1781  to  horse  @  25$  £3  :  15  : 

General  Lee, 

Berkeley. 

N.  B.  I  have  now  a  bed  in  eveiy  room  in  our  little 
house — where  you  can  be  comfortable  here,  we  shall  be 
proud  of  your  company 

C.  M.  T. 


COPY  OF  GENERAL  LEE'S  WILL. 

I  MAJOR  GENERAL  CHARLES  LEE  of  the  coun- 
ty of  Berkeley,  in  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia,  be- 
ing in  perfect  health,  and  of  a  sound  mind,  considering 


30  .THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

the  certainty  of  death,jand  the  uncertainty  of  the  time  it 
may  happen,  have  determined  to  make  this  my  last  will 
and  testament,  in  manner  following :  that  is  to  say,  I 
give  and  bequeath  to  ALEXANDER  WHITE,  Esq.  one 
hundred  guineas,  in  consideration  of  the  zeal  and  in- 
tegrity he  has  displayed  in  the  administration  of  my 
affairs,  also  the  choice  of  any  two  of  my  colts  or  fillies 
under  four  years  of  age. 

Item,  I  give  and  bequeath  to  CHARLES  MINN  THURS- 
TON,  Esq.  fifty  guineas,  in  consideration  of  his  good 
qualities  and  the  friendship  he  has  manifested  for  me; 
and  to  BUCKNER  THURSTON,  his  son,  I  leave  all  my 
books,  as  I  know  he  will  make  a  good  use  of  them. 

To  my  good  friend  JOHN  MERCER,  Esq.  of  Marlbor- 
ougli  in  Virginia,  I  give  and  bequeath  the  choice  of  two 
brood  mares,  of  all  my  swords  and  pistols,  and  ten 
guineas  to  buy  a  ring :  I  would  give  him  more,  but  as 
he  has  a  good  estate  and  a  better  genius,  he  has  suffici- 
ent, if  he  knows  how  to  make  a  good  use  of  them. 

I  give  and  bequeath  to  my  former  aid  de  Camp, 
OT\VAY  BYRD,  Esq.  the  choice  of  another  brood  mare, and 
ten  guineas  for  the  same  purpose  of  a  remembrancering. 

I  give  and  bequeath  to  my  worthy  friend  Colonel 
WILLIAM  GRAYSON,  of  Dumfries,  the  second  choice  of 
two  colts  :  and  to  my  excellent  friend  WILLIAM  STEP- 
TOE,  of  Virginia,  I  would  leave  a  great  deal,  but  as  he 
is  now  so  rich,  it  would  be  no  less  than  robbing  my 
other  friends  who  are  poor.  I  therefore  entreat,  he 
will  only  accept  of  five  guineas,  which  I  bequeath  to 
him  to  purchase  a  ring  of  affection. 

I  bequeath  to  my  old  and  faithful  servant,  or  rather 
humble  friend,  GUISIPPI  MINGHINI,  three  hundred  guin- 
eas, with  all  my  horses,  mares,  and  colts  of  every  kind, 
those  above  mentioned  excepted ;  likewise  all  my  wear- 
ing apparel  and  plate,  my  waggons  and  tools  of  agri- 
culture, and  his  choice  of  four  milch  cows. 

I  bequeath  to  ELIZABETH  DUNN,  my  housekeeper,  one 
hundred  guineas  and  my  whole  stock  of  cattle,  the  four 
milch  cows  above  mentioned  only  excepted. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  31 

I  had  almost  forgot  my  clear  friends,  (and  I  ought  to 
be  ashamed  of  it,)  Mrs.  SHIPPEN,  her  son  THOMAS 
SHIPPED,  and  THOMAS  LEE,  esq.  of  Belle-View.  I  beg 
they  will  accept  ten  guineas  each,  to  buy  rings  of  affec- 
tion. 

My  landed  estate  in  Berkeley,  I  desire  may  be  divided 
into  three  equal  parts,  according  to  quality  and  quan- 
tity ;  one-third  part  I  devise  to  my  dear  friend  JACOB 
MORRIS,  of  Philadelphia;  one  other  third  part  to  EVAN 
EDWARDS,  both  my  former  aid  de  camps,  and  to  their 
heirs  and  assigns ;  the  other  third  part  I  devise  to 
ELEAZER  OSWALD,  at  present  of  Philadelphia,  and  WIL- 
LIAM GODDARD,  of  Baltimore,  to  whom  I  am  under  obli- 
gations, and  to  their  heirs  and  assigns,  to  be  equally  di- 
vided between  them;  but  these  devisees  are  not  to  enter 
until  they  have  paid  off  the  several  legacies  above 
mentioned,  with  interest  from  the  time  of  my  death, 
and  all  taxes  which  may  be  due  on  my  estate.  In  case 
I  should  sell  my  said  landed  estate  I  bequeath  the  price 
thereof,  after  paying  the  aforesaid  legacies,  to  the  said 
JACOB  MORRIS,  EVAN  EDWARDS,  ELEAZER  OSWALD,  and 
WILLIAM  GODDARD,  in  the  proportions  above  men- 
tioned. 

All  my  slaves,  which  I  may  be  possessed  of  at  the 
time  of  my  decease,  I  bequeath  to  GUISIPPI  MINGHINI 
and  ELIZABETH  DUNN,  to  be  equally  divided  between 
them. 

All  my  other  property  of  every  kind,  and  in  every 
part  of  the  world,  after  my  decease,  funeral  charges, 
and  necessary  expenses  of  administration  are  paid,  I 
give,  devise,  and  bequeath  to  my  sister  SIDNEY  LEE,  her 
heirs  and  assigns  for  ever. 

I  desire  most  earnestly,  that  I  may  not  be  buried  in 
any  church,  or  church-yard,  or  within  a  mile  of  any 
Presbyterian  or  Anabaptist  meeting-house ;  for  since  I 
have  resided  in  this  country,  I  have  kept  so  much  bad 
company  when  living,  that  I  do  not  chuse  to  continue 
it  when  dead. 

I  recommend  my  soul  to  the  Creator  of  all  worlds 


32  THE    LEE    PAPEES. 

and  of  all  creatures ;  who  must,  from  his  visible  attri- 
butes, be  indifferent  to  their  modes  of  worship  or 
creeds,  whether  Christians,  Mahometans,  or  Jews; 
whether  instilled  by  education,  or  taken  up  by  reflec- 
tion ;  whether  more  or  less  absurd  ;  as  a  weak  mortal 
can  no  more  be  answerable  for  his  persuasions,  notions, 
or  even  scepticism  in  religion,  than  for  the  colour  of  his 
skin. 

And  I  do  appoint  the  above-named  ALEXANDER 
WHITE  and  CHARLES  MINN  THURSTON,  executors  of  this 
my  last  will  and  testament,  and  do  revoke  all  other 
wills  by  me  heretofore  made.  In  witness  whereof,  I 
have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  seal  this 
day  of  in  the  year  of  our  Lord,  one 

thousand  seven  hundred  and  eighty-two. 

CHARLES  LEE.  *  *SEAL*  * 

#       # 
jt 

Signed,    sealed,    published, > 
and  declared  by  the  said  Ma- 
jor General  CHARLES  LEE,  as, 
and  for,  his  last  will  and  tes- 
tament.    In  presence  of 

JAMES  SMITH, 
SAMUEL  SWEARINGEN, 
WILLIAM  GARRARD. 


At  a  court  held  for  Berkeley  county  the  loth  day  of 
April,  1783,  this  last  will  and  testament  of  CHARLES 
LEE,  deceased,  was  presented  in  court  by  ALEXANDER 
WHITE,  one  of  the  executors  therein  named,  who  made 
oath  thereto  according  to  law,  and  the  same  being 
proved  to  be  executed  on  the  10th  day  of  September, 
1782,  by  the  oaths  of  JAMES  SMITH  and  SAMUEL  SWEAR- 
INGEN, two  of  the  witnesses  thereto,  and  ordered  to  be 
recorded ;  and  on  the  motion  of  the  said  executor  who 
entered  into  bond  with  ADAM  STEPHEN,  esq.  his  secu- 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  33 

rity,  in  the  penalty  of  twenty  thousand  pounds,  condi- 
tioned for  his  true  and  faithful  administration  of  the 
said  estate.  Certificate  is  granted  him  for  obtaining  a 
probate  thereof  in  due  form  of  law. 

A  COPY.  WILLIAM  DREW. 


FROM  THE   PENNSYLVANIA    INDEPENDENT    GAZETTEER, 
OF  JANUARY  31.  1784. 

MESSRS.  PRINTERS, 

There  are  few  men,  of  any  character,  whose  actions 
in  life,  in  some  respect,  do  not  challenge  and  receive  the 
public  attention.  Such  is  the  lot  of  humanity !  In 
vain  have  most  men  been  the  objects  of  calumny  and 
detraction,  or  flattery  and  adulation.  Small  indeed  is 
the  number  whose  memory  is  at  all  recollected  and  pre- 
served ;  and  it  would  be  still  more  inconsiderable,  if  the 
good  and  virtuous  part  of  mankind  were  only  remem- 
bered. 

Beyond  doubt  those  persons  have  the  first  ri^ht  to 
the  public  ear,  whose  services  have  benefitted  their  fel- 
low men,  who  have  promoted  the  arts  and  sciences,  re- 
fined and  fostered  manners,  and  dignified  their  country. 
These  characters  like  some  elegant  picture,  drawn  by  a 
masterly  hand,  strike  us  with  superior  lustre ;  and  their 
praises  and  excellencies  are  always  sweet  in  the  mouths 
of  good  and  grateful  men. 

Yet  such  is  our  miserable  weakness,  that  we  cannot 
help  enquiring  after  others  who  have  once  made  a  fig- 
ure in  the  sphere  of  things,  although  they  were  only 
remarkable,  perhaps,  for  great  vices  and  singularities. 
We  are  very  eager  to  know  every  trifling  occurrence 
which  concerns  them ;  and  this  is  sometimes  useful,  and 
affords  matter  for  imitation  or  instruction. 

No  sooner  are  such  characters  deceased  and  gone, 
than  the  world  is  filled  with  memoirs  and  stories  re- 
specting their  life  and  conversation — And  even  their 
last  Wills  and  testaments,  composed  in  the  cool  mo- 


34  .THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

ments  of  mature  reflection,  have  been  published  to  the 
world. 

There  is  in  fact,  something  in  the  last  wills  of  men  of 
genius  and  abilities,  which  generally  attract  the  public 
eye. — Hence  it  is  that  their  wills  have  been  communi- 
cated, without  hesitation,  to  the  public. — It  was  on  this 
principle  the  wills  of  Pope,  Swift,  Chesterfield,  and 
others,  were  printed  :  And  on  the  same  ground  I  now 
send  you  for  publication,  a  copy  of  the  will  of  the  late 
General  Lee,  respecting  whose  character  I  shall  add 
nothing.  Let  Fame  do  her  own  as  to  his  merits,  and 
unprejudiced  posterity  will,  no  doubt,  be  grateful. 

As  my  sole  view  in  introducing  this  Will  to  the  pub- 
lic, is  merely  to  amuse  them  and  please  the  curious— 
As  I  have  no  desire  to  cast  the  most  distant  obloquy 
on  the  religious  denominations  of  which  he  speaks,  I 
must  flatter  myself  that  the  printing  the  following  Will, 
more  especially  as  it  has  been  much  talked  of  and  falsly 
represented,  cannot  give  any  kind  of  anxiety  or  um- 
brage. 

It  may,  however,  check  the  passions  of  malignity  to 
observe,  that  the  writer  of  this  Will  is  now  in  his 
grave,  counted  with  the  silent  dead,  and  is  gone  to  that 
distant  world,  to  which  we  are  daily  advancing ;  from 
whose  confines  no  weary  traveller  with  tidings,  hath  yet 
returned;  and  to  which  heavenly  place  nothing  is  a 
better  recommendation  than  the  generous  exercise  of 
Charity  and  Benevolence,  the  fountains  of  every  moral 
excellence.  A  SPECTATOR. 

:  Y.  Packet,  Feb.  9.  1784.] 


c  To  MAJOR  GENERAL  NATII.   GREENE. 

Baltimore,  Septr  ye  12th  1782. 
MY  DR  GENERAL 

As  I  am  now  in  a  place  f  rom^vhence  a  letter  can  be  con- 
vey'd  with  ;safety — I  take  the  opportunity  of  congratu- 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  35 

lating  you  on  the  honour  you  have  so  justly  acquir'd— 
You  have  acquir'd  it  not  by  the  infatuation  of  the 
People  or  by  the  little  arts  of  employing  puffers  in  the 
public  papers,  or  by  detaching  missionaries  into  differ- 
ent parts  to  scoop  out  the  brains  of  the  People  and  then 
fill  their  skulls  with  mundungus — in  short  the  glory 
you  have  obtained  is  of  a  more  solid  nature,  and  I  sin- 
cerely wish  you  may  live  long  to  enjoy  it  for  tho  I 
know  that  it  is  written  that  if  our  merits  are  really 
great,  We  enjoy  a  greater  share  of  fame  after  death.  I 
cannot  help  thinking  that  it  is  pleasant  to  taste  of  it, 
en  passant  whilsts  we  are  alive — I  have  long  wish'd 
to  thank  you  my  Dr  Sir,  likewise  for  the  handsome  and 
generous  part  you  have  acted  by  me.  My  friends 
Edwards  and  Harry  Lee  have  frequently  inform'd  me, 
of  the  generous  indignation  you  have  express'd  at  the 
unworthy  and  scoundrel  treatment  I  have  received — T 
thank  you  therefor  most  cordially  and  devoutly — I 
have  now  to  beg  a  favour  at  your  hands,  or  rather  I 
may  say  indeed  an  act  of  justice — it  is  this,  there  is  in 
one  of  your  Regiments  of  Cavalry,  one  Albin  Throg- 
morton  who  with  two  or  three  others  robb'd  me  of  four 
horses — for  they  had  not  a  shadow  of  Authority  for 
taking  'em — three  of  'em  I  am  told,  for  they  killed  the 
fourth  are  now  in  your  Army — two  of  'em  Edwards  is 
well  acquainted  with — these  I  must  intreat  you  will  im- 
power  him  to  seize  as  my  property  and  to  injoin  him  to. 
convey  'em  to  me  by  the  first  safe  opportunity,  for  I 
have  not  a  single  Horse  for  my  own  use — this  act  of 
justice  I  flatter  myself  you  will  with  pleasure  do — and 
I  shall  consider  it  as  some  addition  to  the  obligations  I 
consider  myself  as  under  to  you — Adieu,  My  Dr  Gen- 
eral, may  you  live  long  and  happy 

CHARLES  LEE. 
General  Green 

[Endorsed  by  Gen.  Greene'] 

General  Lee  Sept  12th,  1782 


36  THE  LEE  PAPERS. 

WILLIAM  GODDARD  TO  JOHN  VAUGHAN. 

Bait.  29.  Nov^  1782. 

SIR, 

Common  Fame  only  hath  announced  to  me  that  I  am 
included  amongst  the  Number  of  General  Lee's  Lega- 
tees, having  had  no  advice  on  the  subject  either  from 
his  Ececutors  (tho7  I  have  recd  a  Letter  from  one  of 
them  relative  to  his  affairs)  or  from  the  Gentlemen 
who  have  assured  you  of  their  Readiness  to  confirm  the 
Bargain  you  mention  to  have  made  with  the  General ; 
besides,  as  I  have  good  reason  to  believe  that  the  Gen- 
eral's will  is  not  yet  proved,  I  do  not  think  it  becomes 
me  to  interfere  in  his  Concerns  in  the  present  State  of 
them — I  cannot,  therefore  give  you  so  speedy  and  ex- 
plicit an  Answer  as  you  desire,  which,  from  a  Disposi- 
tion to  oblige,  I  would  most  cheerfully  do,  were  it  in 
my  Power ;  but  thus  much  I  can  confidently  declare 
that  I  am  heartily  disposed  to  comply  with  any  requi- 
sition that  can  with  propriety  be  made  to  me  ;  and  that 
if  it  shall  hereafter  appear  that  I  am  really  one  of  the 
General's  Legatees,  you  may  rely  that  I  shall  only 
claim  what  on  a  proper  Investigation,  I  have  a  just 
Right  to  hold  by  the  Tenor  of  his  Will,  the  only  Title 
I  can  have  to  any  Thing  that  was  his  property. 

I  am  not  sufficiently  skilled  in  the  Science  of  Lawr  to 
determine  as  to  the  validity  of  your  Transactions  with 
the  General  relative  to  his  Berkly  Estate — but  this  I 
know  that  the  General's  principal  inducement  to  sell 
that  Interest  was  to  obtain  a  sum  for  the  immediate 
Payment  of  his  Debts  (in  which  Business  he  had  en- 
gaged my  assistance)  but  as  he  did  not  receive  the  ex- 
pected or  any  Consideration,  he  obtained  no  Benefit, 
and  you  sustained  no  Injury — The  General  may  have 
injudiciously  signed  a  Paper  (as  he  had  heretofore 
done)  from  that  same  kind  of  Ignorance  of  Business 
that  he  discovered  to  you  with  Respect  to  the  Ecchange 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  37 

of  which  I  am  persuaded,  you  would  by  no  means  wish 
to  take  an  advantage,  especially  as  you  are  indifferent 
respecting  the  Event. 

I  am,  respectfully,  Sir, 

Your  most  obed*  Serv* 

W.  G. 
M*  Jno.  Vaughan. 

P.  S.  Under  the  Idea  that  I  am  of  the  General's 
Legatees,  several  advantageous  offers  have  been  made 
to  purchase  my  supposed  Right  to  a  6l*  of  the  Berkely 
Estate ;  but  I  could  give  no  conclusive  answer  for  rea- 
sons similar. 


GENERAL  WASHINGTON  TO  Miss  SIDNEY  LEE. 

Head  Quarters  in  the  State  of  N.  York, 

April  20*  1783. 
MADAM, 

Not  till  yesterday  was  1  honoured  with  your  favor 
of  the  14**  of  January. 

I  delay  not  a  moment  to  assure  you,  that  with  great 
pleasure  I  undertake  to  procure  for  you  an  authentic 
copy  of  General  Lee's  Will  in  which  from  report,  you 
have  a  considerable  interest. 

If  upon  receipt  of  it,  it  shall  appear  that  any  opin- 
ion of  mine  can  be  of  service  to  you,  I  will  submit  it 
to  your  consideration  with  great  chearfulness.  In  the 
meanwhile  permit  me  to  offer  you  compliments  of  con- 
dolence on  the  loss  of  so  near  a  relation  who  possessed 
many  great  qualities  ;  and  to  assure  you  of  the  respect 
and  consideration  with  which  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 
Madam, 

Yr  most  obed*  &  Most  Hbk!  Serv* 

G.  WASHINGTON. 

Miss  Lee. 


38  THE  LEE  PAPERS. 

ADVERTISEMENT. 

[From  London's  New  York  Packet,  January  1,  1784.] 
To  BE  SOLD 

THAT  noted  PLANTATION,  late  the  property  of  Major 
General  CHARLES  LEE,  deceased,  in  Berkeley  county, 
Virginia  25  miles  from  the  warm  springs,  and  near  the 
river  Patowmack ;  containing  at  2800  acres  of  remark- 
able valuable  land,  exceeding  well  watered  and  in  good 
fence,  800  of  which  are  cleared,  with  a  large  propor- 
tion of  meadow,  and  a  great  number  of  fine  springs  of 
water  on  almost  every  part  of  it.  There  are  on  it  a 
small  dwelling  House,  and  a  number  of  good  out 
houses,  a  Distillery  that  works  six  stills — a  very  large 
Barn — fine  stone  Stables — a  large  house  built  also  of 
stone — a  Maltstery.  <fec  &c. 

It  has  a  very  fine  mill  site,  and  a  saw  mill  a  little  out 
of  repair. 

This  plantation  is  situated  in  a  very  agreeable  neigh- 
borhood, not  far  from  the  place  of  future  permanent 
residence  of  Congress,  and  adjoining  lands  belonging 
to  His  Excellency  Gen.  Washington  Col  Washington, 
Col  Stephens,  Mr  Brian  Breen,  and  near  the  residence 
of  the  Hon.  Gen.  Gates. 

In  short  the  advantages  and  fertility  of  this  estate  are 
so  universally  known  and  admired  as  to  render  any 
further  recommendation,  or  a  more  particular  descrip- 
tion unnecessary. 

For  particulars  enquire  of  Mr  Jacob  Morris,  mer- 
chant, New  York — Mr  William  Goddard,  printer,  in 
Baltimore — Dr  Edwards,  near  Philadelphia — or  Col. 
Eleazer  Oswald,  at  the  Coffee  house,  Philadelphia. 

N.  B.  A  part  of  the  above  plantation  is  divided 
into  a  number  of  small  farms,  with  improvements, 
which  rent  for  tobacco,  wheat,  corn,  hemp,  &c. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  39 

MAJ.  GEN.  HORATIO  GATES  TO  WILLIAM  GODDARD. 

Travellers  Kest 

10  April;  1785. 
DEAR  SIR, 

Your  letter  of  the  8**  of  March  after  laying  a  con- 
siderable Time  in  a  Tavern  at  Frederick  Town,  opened 
and  read  by  all  who  had  curiosity  so  to  do,  was  on 
Monday  brought  to  me  by  My  James  Wormley,  whose 
brother  John,  picked  it  up  at  Morris's  Ordinary,  and 
gave  it  to  him  to  deliver — Upon  my  arrival  here  on  the 
26^  of  February,  I  sent  your  Letter  to  Colonel  Thurs- 
ton,  he  lives  Thirty  Miles  from  hence,  and  but  for  the 
bad  weather,  and  roads  next  to  Impassible,  I  had  seen 
him  before  now  ;  next  week  I  think  to  have  that  pleas- 
ure— Jocepi  Manghini  has  been  with  me  we  are  laying 
our  Heads  together  to  fulfill  your  request,  but  must 
have  time  to  do  it.  I  think  to  be  at  the  Powtomac 
meeting  in  George  Town,  the  17*^  of  May,  &  will  take 
Baltimore  in  my  Route,  when  you  may  Expect  to  get 
everything  I  can  procure  you  upon  the  Subject,  you  are 
so  solicitous  to  have  investigated  ;  and  which,  I  assure 
you,  I  am  equally  earnest  with  yourself,  to  Supply  you 
writh  every  means  in  my  power  to  obtain  the  End  pro- 
posed— let  me  know  by  the  Return  of  the  Bearer,  the 
latest  day  that  you  are  to  remain  in  Baltimore,  and  rest 
Satisfied,  after  that,  upon  my  best  endeavours  to  fur- 
nish you  with  all  the  Materials  that  can  be  procured 
you  By  your  affectionate  Humble  Servant, 

HORATIO  GATES. 


WILLIAM  GODDARD  TO  MAJ.  GENERAL  GATES. 

Johnston  (County  of  Providence) 

Augt.  17th.   1793. 
DEAR  SIR, 

Our  mutual  worthy  Friend  M*  Lor  man  in  his  Tour 
thro'  the  Northern  States,  having  favoured  me  with  a 


40  THE    LEE   PAPERS. 

visit,  and  mentioned  his  Intention  of  paying  you  his 
Respects  on  his  Return  to  Baltimore,  a  grateful  Rec- 
ollection of  the  reiterated  acts  of  Kindness  and  Hospi- 
tality with  which  I  have  been  honoured  by  you  and 
your  invaluable  Lady,  impels  me  to  embrace  so  favour- 
able a  medium  of  Conveyance  to  announce  to  you  my 
Removal  from  the  busy  scene  in  which  I  have  with 
various  success  been  occupied  for  upwards  of  20  years 
at  Baltimore,  to  enjoy  the  happiness  of  more  tranquil 
scenes  amongst  the  affectionate  Friends  &>  Companions 
of  my  youth  in  this  quarter — to  offer  you  and  M™  Gates 
the  tender  Regards  of  myself  and  beloved  Partner  and 
to  assure  you  that  it  would  greatly  enhance  the  Felicity 
of  our  present  rural  life  to  have  the  opportunity  of  re- 
ceiving you  both  under  our  humble  roof — such  a  Con- 
trast to  the  Palace  of  your  Residence  might  serve  to 
heighten  your  enjoyment  on  your  Return,  if  you  should 
thus  distinguish  us,  especially  when  you  reflected  on  the 
happiness  you  had  diffus'd  amongst  your  numerous 
Friends  in  this  part  of  an  Empire  you  have  contributed 
to  raise  <fe  render  free  and  happy — who  entertain  a  just 
sense  of  your  important  military  achievements,  and  who 
hold  you  in  grateful  remembrance  as  a  Friend  a  Patriot, 
&  a  Soldier — I  had  the  pleasure  a  few  days  since  of 
drinking  your  good  Health  among  a  number  of  your 
good  Friends  at  Governor  Bowen's,  all  whom  united 
with  me  in  wishing  you  would,  accompanied  by  your 
Lady,  honour  us  with  your  Company — an  Honour  we  do 
not  despair  of,  since  our  Packets  furnish  such  conve- 
nient &  delightful  Means  of  passing  from  New  York  to 
Providence. 

I  shall  leave  it  to  Mr  Lorman  (if  of  sufficient  con- 
sequence) to  describe  to  you  and  Lady  the  Place  on 
which,  after  a  variety  of  Fortune,  I  have  sat  down,  and 
where  (I  hope  in  a  Residence  of  some  permanency)  I 
expect  to  pass  the  remaining  days  that  may  be  allotted 
me  by  Divine  Goodness — It  was  the  frequent  obser- 
vation of  an  old  friend  of  mine  that  "Mediocrity  was  a 
Situation  the  most  eligible  in  Life,  and  it  was  wisdom 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  41 

to  know  when  it  was  attained  to" — whether  my  Situ- 
ation is  thus  eligible  I  dare  not  venture  to  say — I  must, 
however,  strive  to  be  contented  with  my  Lot  in  Life, 
lest  the  Epitaph  on  the  Valetudinarian  should  be  ap- 
plicable to  me — "  I  was  sick  and  was  well,  but  would 
be  better,  took  Physic  and  died." 

Politics  having  taken  such  a  wonderful  Turn,  and 
Events  of  such  awful  Magnitude  and  enormity  having 
taken  place  since  I  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you,  that 
my  mind  is  perplexed  and  depressed  by  the  Consider- 
ation of  them — I  shall  therefore  wave  the  Discussion  of 
Subjects  that  could  only  tend  to  awaken  the  painful 
Sensations  that  you  must  have  felt  on  hearing  of  the 
many  bloody  unprofitable  Tragedies  in  Europe  and 
America ;  besides  you  are  less  secluded  from  the  great 
World,  have  most  ample  information  &  means  of  form- 
ing your  better  Judgment  of  what  hath  past,  and  what 
may  probably  be  expected  to  take  place  on  the  greatly 
agitated  &  distracted  Theatres  of  Action,  in  both 
Worlds. 

At  present  I  have  only  Time  to  mention  that  it  was 
the  wish  of  myself  &  Partner  to  have  been  able  to  wait 
on  you  &  yours  on  our  way  hither ;  but  meeting  with 
an  immediate  Passage  we  were  induced  to  embrace  it 
on  account  of  our  little  Pilgrims  who  were,  at  that 
Time,  indisposed  unusually  troublesome — and  that  I  am, 
with  every  Sentiment  of  Kespect,  Esteem  &>  Affection, 
Dr  sir, 

Your  sincere  Friend  and  most  devoted  humble  servt 

WILLIAM  GODDARD. 

Honourable  General  Gates,  at  his  seat  near  New  York. 
By  the  Favour  of  My  Lorman. 


42  'THE    LEE    PAPERS. 


PETITION. 

To  the  Honourable  the  Speaker  and  House  of  Dele- 
gates. 

We  the  Inhabitants  of  Berkley  County  beg  leave  to 
represent  to  your  Honourable  House  some  hardships 
which  the  Right  Honourable  Thomas  Lord  Fairfax  ap- 
pears to  us  to  labour  under  with  respect  to  his  being 
liable  to  the  Treble  Tax  so  justly  Imposed  upon  non 
Jurors,  and  as  we  apprehend  his  case  is  unexcepted  in 
the  United  States,  we  his  Neighbours  think  it  our  in- 
dispensable duty  to  bear  Testimony  of  his  uniform 
friendly  conduct  in  the  most  publick  manner  toward 
the  Liberty's  &  Friends  of  America  from  the  com- 
mencement of  this  Anxious  struggle. 

We  apprehend  the  Imposition  of  Treble  Taxation  to 
be  the  punishment  of  Citizens  refusing  his  assistance 
for  his  attachment  to  his  country  from  which  assistance 
nothing  but  the  most  powerful  reasons  &  Peculiar  situ- 
ation can  Justify  a  refusal  these  we  humbly  conceive 
coencede  in  my  Lord  Fairfax's  case.  With  as  much 
trouth  do  we  bear  witness  as  with  pleasure  we  have 
heard  from  the  enacting  of  those  Tyrannical  Edicts 
which  caused  the  present  bloody  and  cruel  War  My 
Lord  Fairfax  Publickly  Reprobating  all  these  Measures 
<fe  exciting  the  People  to  defend  their  inestimable 
Priviledo;es  with  Pleasure  we  have  seen  him  rendering 

^  O 

every  service  in  his  power  to  carry  his  resolutions  into 
a  happy  execution  such  conduct  never  could  proceed 
from  an  Enemy  to  the  People  of  this  Country  and  his 
known  and  long  tried  Candour  and  Honour  Banishes 
the  very  suspicion  of  desembling.  When  our  Currency 
was  in  the  most  uncertain  Situation  and  when  the  sy- 
chophants  of  Britain  were  decrying  it  by  every  Infernal 
art  he  ordered  his  Collectors  to  receive  the  Paper  Dol- 
lars at  Six  Shillings  apiece  before  which  Silver  ones  had 
at  no  time  been  received  into  his  office  for  more  than 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  43 

five  shillings  and  nine  Pence  after  the  Depreciation  had 
rendered  Gold  and  Silver  so  valuable  that  many  Paper 
Dollars  were  given  for  the  value  of  one  in  those  metals 
he  has  obliged  our  unhappy  Prisoners  persons  with 
whom  he  had  not  the  least  acquaintance  at  an  equall 
exchange  to  no  Law  of  the  States  has  he  been  repug- 
nant but  with  the  utmost  chearfulness  has  submitted  to 
all  at  all  times ;  active  to  furnish  his  Quota  except  in 
taking  the  oath  of  Fidelity,  the  reason  for  this  non- 
submission  we  hope  will  appear  as  favorable  to  your 
Honorable  House  as  they  do  to  us  and  alleviat  him 
from  a  Burthen  which  must  otherwise  end  in  his  Inevi- 
table Ruin. 

Possessed  with  a  Title  and  an  Estate  in  the  Country 
of  our  inveterate  Enemy  in  either  of  which  he  is  no 
longer  concerned  the  one  being  already  delivered  to  his 
Successor  tho  not  legally  conveyed  and  the  other  in  the 
course  of  nature  must  soon  descend  the  strict  adherence 
to  moral  duties  which  have  so  eminently  distinguished 
him  thro  a  very  long  course  of  years  he  conceives  for- 
bids him  to  Injure  that  successor  by  doing  that  which 
would  incur  a  forfeiture  of  that  Title  &  Estate  in  a 
Country  which  succession  is  tied  down  to  and  obliged 
to  live  in  conscious  of  the  rectitude  of  his  own  inten- 
tions and  the  daily  Evidences  he  gives  of  his  attach- 
ment to  the  American  Cause  no  Emoluments  however 
large  no  Avoidance  of  hardships  however  severe  can 
move  a  mind  steady  and  determined  as  his  is  to  [blank 
in  original]  of  his  birthright  a  Brother  (whom  he 
thinks  the  resolution  has  morality  for  its  Basis)  tho  he 
owes  his  King  no  alegiance  &  would  Sacrifice  his  life 
before  he  would  profess  him  any,  &>  has  no  connexion 
with  the  Country  in  which  he  resides. 

We  beg  leave  to  represent  to  your  Honourable  House 
that  the  chief  part  of  his  Estate  lying  in  Land  most  of 
which  are  rented  out  at  low  rents  the  Treble  Tax  will 
in  a  very  short  time  must  swallow  up  the  whole  as  the 
six  Shillings  in  the  Pound  has  already  done  the  Quit 
rents  for  the  Two  shillings  which  he  has  always  given 


44  •  THE    LEE   PAPERS. 

to  his  Collectors  added  to  the  Eighteen  Treeble  of  the 
Six  leaves  him  not  one  farthing  remaining  provided  all 
his  Quit  rents  were  collected  which  never  was  the  Case. 
These  measures  with  innumerable  beneficient  actions 
with  which  we  dare  not  take  up  more  of  your  time 
deeply  feeling  for  the  impending  Calamities  of  as  true 
an  American  Citizen  as  any  upon  her  Continent  have 
induced  the  subscribers  to  Petition  your  Honorable 
House  to  take  the  peculiar  situation  of  this  unhappy 
Gentleman  into  your  wise  consideration,  and  do  most 
humbly  pray  that  from  your  wisdom  and  goodness 
some  mode  of  his  Release  may  be  carried  out  had  we  a 
surmise  that  a  wish  against  the  Interest  of  America  was 
lurking  in  his  breast  our  Petition  should  be  of  a  differ- 
ent Tenor,  but  from  a  long  life  spent  in  Honour  being 
now  largely  upwards  of  Four  score  years  of  Age  with- 
out a  shadow  of  deceit  we  cannot  be  mistaken  and 
must  greatly  greave  if  such  a  venerable  Plead  must 
Bow  down  with  Sorrow  to  the  Grave. 


COPY  OF  A  LETTEK  TO  MAJOK  HUNTER. 

Your  situation  at  present  is  perhaps  more  important 
than  yourself  conceiv'd  when  you  were  elected.  Vir- 
ginia is  certainly  one  of  the  first,  if  not  the  first  State 
on  the  Continent,  much  therefore  depends  on  the  wis- 
dom of  her  Assembly,  much  is  and  ought  to  be  expected 
from  her,  on  you  perhaps  depend  the  future  peace  hap- 
piness and  Liberty  of  the  whole.  But  will  you  pardon 
nie  in  saying  that  almost  every  act  of  the  last  Session 
was  precipitately  inconsiderate  unwise  and  big  with 
every  mischief  ?  For  God's  sake  exert  yourself  there 
for  to  repeal  the  confiscation  and  sequestration  act  of 
the  property  of  eventual  Absentees,  it  is  prima  facie 
impolitick  unjust  Cruel  and  dishonorable  to  the  Char- 
acter of  the  State.  The  Treble  Tax  on  the  Nonjurers 
scearse  deserves  a  better  Name. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  45 

Liberty  ought  to  be  constructed  (to  be  permanent) 
on  as  broad  a  basis  as  possible ;  and  of  course  to  render 
it  the  interest  of  a  great  body  of  Citizens  to  bring  about 
a  revolution  of  the  government  established  is  the  most 
glaring  of  all  solacisms.  It  would  be  much  wiser  to 
banish  them  at  once;  besides  the  oath  impos'd,  is  in 
such  strange  terms,  and  the  substance  and  spirit  so  hor- 
rid and  extravagant  that  perhaps  no  honest  [man] 
ought  to  take  it,  nay,  in  my  opinion  it  is  treasonable  to 
America.  We  are  it  seems  not  only  to  renounce  all 
obedience  to  the  present  King  of  G.  Britain ;  but  we 
are  bound  never  to  put  ourselves  under  the  protection, 
or  in  other  terms  never  to  return  to  any  degree  of  a 
state  of  dependence  on  any  of  his  Successors — Now  it 
may  happen  that  this  Country  may  be  thrown  into  such 
anarchy  confusion  and  so  torn  by  Civil  Wars  that  she 
cannot  subsist  without  the  protection  of  some  European 
Power — It  may  happen  that  the  house  of  Bourbon  both 
branches  may  be  the  most  dangerous  and  execrable 
Tyrants,  and  that  the  immediate  descendant  of  George 
the  third  may  be  a  just  and  amicable  Prince,  with  every 
quality  requisite  for  the  protector  of  the  oppress'd— 
Supposing  this  certainly  possible  case,  I  should  be  glad 
to  know  whether  every  good  American  must  not  think 
it  his  duty  to  .his  country  and  children,  to  abjure  all 
connexion  with  the  former,  and  court  the  protection  of 
the  latter,  if  the  want  of  wisdom  or  virtue,  and  the 
division  or  animosities  of  the  respective  States  should 
grow  to  such  a  height  that  the  aggregate  could  not  pre- 
serve its  being  without  calling  in  some  protectors. 
From  these  considerations  which  I  am  sure  you  cannot 
[think]  wild  or  extravagant  I  must  pronounce  the  oath 
impos'd  to  be  horrid  and  insane,  and  that  no  conscien- 
tious man  of  any  reflection  ought  to  take  it.  I  repeat 
therefore  that  I  could  wish  for  your  honor  that  you 
would  be  the  first  mover  for  taking  of  this  treble 
Tax,  or  at  least  that  a  new  oath  more  reasonable  and 
less  abhorrent  from  common  sense  may  be  fram'd — -You 
have  an  excellent  model  before  your  eyes  almost  in  simi- 


46  •  THE    LEE    PAPEKS. 

lar  circumstances — I  mean  that  impos'd  by  parliament 
on  the  people  of  England  at  the  revolution — which  was 
simply  to  renounce  the  title,  of  .King  James  founded  on 
hereditary  rights,  and  to  swear  to  be  good  and  faithful 
subjects  to  the  Government  de  facto  established  by  the 
consent  of  the  people. 

Any  recusant  to  this  oath  I  think  ought  to  be  banish'd 
from  the  country  as  an  incorrigible  Foe  to  the  rights  of 
mankind,  and  thus  if  I  do  not1  widely  mistake,  Libert}^ 
will  be  founded  on  a  broad  generous  basis,  which  is 
now  almost  an  inverted  Cone. 

There  are  other  acts  passed  daily  by  the  assembly 
(not  indeed  on  so  great  a  scale)  but  which  are  partially 
destructive  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  state.  Virginia  is 
so  prodigious  an  extent  that  it  is  scarcely  possible  to 
enact  any  law  which  should  not  have  its  exceptions— 
For  instance,  the  Law  prohibiting  the  exportation  of 
provisions  out  of  the  state  may  not  effect  the  back 
counties  bordering  on  no  other  state  or  the  interior,  but 
to  the  limits  of  the  Counties  and  at  the  same  time  dis- 
tant from  navigation  is  absolutely  ruinous — Berkly  is 
in  this  predicament ; — We  have  no  Towns  to  take  of 
our  produce ;  Maryland  is  our  best  and  only  market, 
when  this  is  stopp'd  up  to  us,  our  wheat  must  rot  in 
our  Graneries,  our  beef  must  be  given  to  the  dogs  or 
we  must  be  at  the  mercy  of  those  high  and  mighty 
Lords  the  Commissaries  and  subcommissaries  who  make 
a  most  Lordly  use  of  their  power  and  how  therefore  the 
inhabitants  of  Berkley  are  to  cloath  themselves  and  at 
the  same  time  pay  their  heavy  taxes  is  above  human 
wisdom  to  devise  ;  this  is  a  subject  worthy  your  serious 
consideration  who  are  our  representatives.  There  is 
another  very  singular  hardship  we  labour  under — It  is 
that  from  want  of  Police,  we  are  govern'd  by  laws  with 
which  we  are  totally  unacquainted  and  of  course  are 
subject  to  penalties  for  our  unavoidable  ignorance — It 
is  notorious  that  some  laws  have  pass'd,  have  been  in 
force  and  expir'd  without  the  people  of  Berkley  ever  re- 
ceiving the  least  hint  that  such  laws  ever  had  a  being— 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  47 

this  is  new  iu  the  annals  of  Society — if  it  is  objected 
that  there  is  no  means  of  establishing  posts  and  con- 
veying information — the  answer  is  natural  and  plain, 
that  there  is  no  legitimate  efficacy  in  the  government 
and  that  the  transgressors  of  laws  of  which  they  are  ig- 
norant cannot  by  any  rule  of  justice  be  bound  to  the 
penalties— in  fact  it  is  confession  that  Virginia  pretends 
to  govern  what  she  is  not  able  to  govern,  and  that  it 
for  the  counties  remov'd  from  the  seat  of  government, 
unless  these  evils  are  remedied  will  be  under  the  neces- 
sity of  erecting  themselves  into  seperat  Independencies, 
unless  they  prefer  absolute  anarchy.  I  think  therefore 
that  that  the  Inhabitants  of  Berkly  have  a  right  to  in- 
sist that  some  means  of  information  may  be  contriv'd  of 
that  they  may  be  absolved  from  the  penalties  of  trans- 
gression if  transgression  is  a  term  in  their  circumstances 
that  can  properly  be  us'd 

[The   foregoing  is  in  the  handwriting  of  Lee's  secre- 
tary, with  corrections  in  his  own.] 


MEMORANDUM  LIST. 

[This  paper  was  used  as  a  wrapper,  and  is  endorsed 
Original  Papers  from  the  Continental  CongressJ] 

Capt.  Johnston.  Refused. 

Capt.  Parker.  Received 
Capt.  Taliaferro  Do. 

Capt.  Nicholas  Do. 

Capt.  Mead  Do 

Capt.  Fountain  Refused. 

L*  Gibbs  On  furlow 

Lt.  Sanford  Received 
L*  Jones  Do 


48 


<THE    LEE    PAPERS. 


Lt.  Willis 
L'  Hoe 
L*  Dixon 
Lt.  Russell 
Lt.  Travis 
L!  Claiborne 

L*  Hews 

L^  Marks 
Ensign  Harrison 

Ensign  Hoomes 
Ensign  Moore 
Ensign  Nicholas 
Ensign  Robinson 


Received 
Refused 
Recd 
Refused 
On  furlow 

Do. 

Never  been  ) 
offered   him  J 
On  furlow 
On  furlow 
Received 

Do. 

Do 

Do 
Refused. 


DRAFT. 
SIR, 

I  have  waited  two  days  impatiently  for  a  Line  from 
you  as  an  introduction  to  our  Correspondence  without 
Effect ;  and  have  at  last  determined  to  transmit  a  few 
Ideas,  as  they  through  the  gloominess  of  this  day  oc- 
curred to  me,  not  that  I  would  wish  to  have  them  filed 
among  those  Letters  which  are  to  constitute  our  future 
Amusements,  nor  would  I  wish  them  considered  as  a 
commencement  of  our  Epistolary  correspondence,  which 
would  be  an  impropriety  you  could  not  suppose  me 
guilty  of  as  it  was  to  begin  with  you. 

When  a  man  sets  down  to  write  he  ought  well  to 
consider  with  himself,  whether  he  is  possessed  with  ca- 
pacity sufficient  and  adequate  to  the  great  purpose  of 
instructing  and  amusing  the  World ;  for  as  Horace  el- 
agantly  and  emphatically  expresses  himself,  unless  the 
Utile  is  united  with  the  Dulce,  a  Writer  so  far  from 
carrying  his  point,  has  fruitlessly  expended  his  Labours 
and  his  Oil :  but  for  my  own  part  with  deference  and 
Esteem  to  this  great  and  justly  esteemed  Classical 


THE    LEE   PAPERS.  49 

Genius,  I  must  confess  it  appears  to  me  by  no  means 
impossible  that  a  man  of  Letters,  Erudition  Virtue  and 
integrity  of  principle  may  very  worthily  employ  his 
pen,  with  the  sole  view  of  elucidating  veracity,  express- 
ing proper  sentiments  of  rectitude,  and  moral  fitness 
on  the  tender  minds  of  youth,  without  being  possessed 
of  that  happy  assemblage  of  dissonant  Ideas  which 
the  illustrous  Mr.  Locke,  in  his  acute  and  never  enough 
to  be  admired  Language  establishes  as  an  uncontro- 
vertible  Axiom  to  the  Constitution  of  Wit ;  but  M^ 
Locke  was  himself  with  all  his  wonderfull  talents  a 
mere  mortal ;  and  it  has  been  judiciously  observed  hu- 
manum  est  erare.  It  is  indeed  true  that  the  stoic  Phil- 
osophers of  Antiquity,  have  established  or  at  least  at- 
tempted to  establish  an  opinion,  that  a  fortunate  Indo- 
les,  study,  labour,  application,  exercise  &  practice  will 
eradicate  all  frailties  (not  to  speak  of  the  greater  vices) 
from  the  human  mind  with  not  less  facility,  than  that 
which  experience  has  demonstrated  skillful  Gardiners 
to  have  accomplish'd,  in  the  total  extirpation  of  noxious 
weeds,  which  an  observer  of  competent  intellect  must 
indubitable  allow  to  be  extremely  prejudicial  to  those 
wholesome  f  ruitfull  vegetables,  that  the  great  author  of 
Nature,  has  so  munificently  provided  for  the  nutriment 
of  man,  whom  Milton  has  with  his  usual  sublimity  and 
loftiness  of  style  pronounced  to  be  made  after  the 
image  of  the  infinate,  invisable,  devisable,  indevisable 
and  incomprehensible  Creator  of  all  things.  But  when 
I  admit  that  Milton  usually  expresses  himself  with 
loftiness  and  sublimity,  I  beg  leave  not  to  be  under- 
stood that  I  think  him  unexceptionably  infaliable — it 
is  true  he  possesses  the  os  magna  sonitura,  but  he  too 
frequently  descends  into  puerilities  or  swells  into  un- 
pardonable fustian  and  bombast :  "  And  God  the  Father 
turns  a  School  divine  " — this  line  of  the  elegant  Mr 
Pope  without  the  Shadow  of  injustice  designates  Mil- 
ton's inequality  :  but  even  Homer  himself  sometimes 
nods  aliquando  bonus  domitat  Homerus,  though  to  con- 
fess the  truth  it  is  far  from  being  clear  with  me  :  that 

4 


50  THE   LEE   PAPERS. 


of  style  or  even  of  Sentiment  is  an  excellency. 
Monotony  is  always  disgustfull — without  shade  the 
light  would  not  strike  us — if  the  Sun  never  set  the  light 
would  not  astonish  : — the  Greenland ers  I  have  no  doubt 
must  be  wearied  with  the  perpetual  day  during  the 
time  of  the  Summer  sostis  :  but  of  this  more  hereafter  : 
now  I  am  upon  the  subject  of  Homer  and  Milton  I  can- 
not refrain  from  taking  notice  of  the  infinite  advan- 
tages the  former  had  over  the  later  in  the  superiority 
of  the  Greek  Language  over  our  barbarous  Jargon : 
however  upon  further  reflection  the  English  Tongue  if 
it  can't  be  called  a  Language,  is  so  exquisitely  copious, 
rich  strong  and  forcible,  nay  I  am  not  quite  sure  that  it 
has  not  in  point  of  poetry  advantages  not  to  be  paral- 
elled  in  any  Language  either  antient  or  modern  :  it  con- 
tains every  kind  of  foot  (Wiz1  dactyes,  spondees,  ana- 
pests,  lambick,  trooches,  peeons,  fudes,  critice  and  cori- 
arnbicks  :  Cicero  with  that  acumen  of  penetration  which 
forms  his  characteristics  has  remark' d  that  great  Ora- 
tors speak  or  round  their  periods  in  a  sort  of  numbers : 
though  these  numbers  are  not  restricted  by  the  absolute 
positive  trammels  of  versification,  this  Horace  seems  to 
think  is  the  Case  of  Ditharambic  poets  who  have  taken 
to  themselves  the  License  of  expaciating  in  numeris 
Legas  salutis — but  as  I  intend  to  explain  fully  my 
meaning  on  this  Subject  in  a  work  of  six  volumes  in 
folio  now  preparing  for  the  press  you  cannot  take  it 
amiss  that  I  confine  myself  to  those  few  hints  which  I 
have  laboured  to  condense  into  sentences,  without  the 
least  attempt  towards  any  flower  of  rhetoric,  and  indeed 
you  must  plainly  perceive  my  principle  aim  has  been 
to  avoid  a  single  superfluous  word  or  Syllable. 


To  PHILO-JUNIUS.     (N°  3.) 
SIR, 

Having  demonstrated  the  variance  in  political  senti- 
ments, M.  Wormely  enters  on  a  disquisition  of  the  re 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  51 

spective  parliamentary  learning  of  the  two  writers,  as 
appears  from  the  following  extract  from  his  letter : 

"  Junius  was  well  versed  in  parliamentary  learning, 
as  his  letters  concerning  the  decision  of  the  house  of 
commons  on  the  Middlesex  election  evince.  General 
Lee  knew  nothing  more  of  parliamentary  affairs,  or  his- 
tory, than  what  he  collected  from  reading  the  debates, 
and  was  more  ignorant  of  parliamentary  learning,  than 
any  man  of  his  general  knowledge  and  opportunity,  I 
ever  knew — particularly  the  case  of  Middlesex,  I  re- 
member he  did  not  understand,  had  never  studied  it,  nor 
ever  read  the  ablest  argument  by  Rusfhead,  under  the 
inspection  of  Sir  Fletcher  Norton,  "The  case  of  the 
Middlesex  election  considered,"  before  I  lent  it  to  him, 
and  said  he  tho't  it  unanswerable." 

Here  I  feel  myself  at  liberty  to  assert  with  confi- 
dence, that  a  man  so  endowed  as  General  Lee  or  Junius 
was,  might  have  figured  upon  the  question  of  the  Mid- 
dlesex election,  in  the  degree  that  Junius  did ;  and  yet, 
at  the  commencement  of  the  discussion,  have  been  as 
ignorant  of  what  I  suppose  M'  Wormeley  terms  parlia- 
mentary learning,  as  he  pretends  General  Le  e  was. 

John  Wilkes  was  expelled  the  17th  February  1769. 
The  house  resolved,  on  the  17th  March  1769,  that  his 
Election  was  void.  On  the  15^  April,  1769,  the  house 
resolved,  that  the  re-election  of  John  Wilkes  was  void, 
and  that  Henry  Lawes  Lutteral  was  duly  elected. 

From  the  first  expulsion  of  Wilkes,  to  the  19th  July, 
when  Junius  appears  to  have  taken  up  the  subject 
seriously,  is  a  period  of  five  months ;  in  all  which  time 
the  master  spirits  of  the  Nation,  on  both  sides,  had  been 
engaged  in  examining  the  history  of  parliament,  in 
hunting  up  precedents,  in  arguing  of  the  question,  and 
in  publishing  of  their  opinions  ;  so  that  all  the  materials 
of  his  argument  were  ready  furnished  to  his  hand,  by 
the  labor  and  learning  of  others,  nothing  remained  for 
him  but  to  mould  these  materials  into  a  certain  form, 
to  shape  their  direction,  and  to  give  them  the  lustre  of 
a  figurative  and  splendid  diction.  Junius  therefore, 


52  TfiE   LEE   PAPERS. 

might,  or  might  not,  have  been  a  man  well  versed  in 
parliamentary  learning,  in  any  other  respect,  than  as  it 
relates  to  that  single  question. 

I  cannot  suppose  that  when  Mr  Wormely  says,  Gen- 
eral Lee  was  ignorant  of  parliamentary  learning,  he 
would  be  understood  to  mean  only  that  he  was  defi- 
cient in  a  knowledge  of  the  rules  of  debate,  the  order  of 
making  motions,  and  the  method  of  proceeding  to  make 
statutes  in  the  house,  any  more  than  I  can  suppose, 
when  he  charges  General  Lee  with  ignorance  of  the 
Law,  he  would  be  understood  to  mean  only,  that  he 
was  ignorant  of  the  leading  process  in  a  law  suit,  that 
he  did  not  understand  the  technical  forms  required  in 
preparing  a  cause  for  trial.  If  contrary  to  my  suppo- 
sition, his  meaning  should  be  confined  to  ignorance  in 
these  points  of  learning,  they  in  either  or  in  both  of  the 
instances  would  be  readily  ceded — For,  that  sort  of 
learning  is  generally  obtained  by  practice ;  and  it  does 
not  appear  that  General  Lee  had  any  such  opportunity 
of  acquiring  it.  And  though  it  may  be  considered  in- 
dispensible  in  the  qualifications  of  a  Senator,  or  pro- 
fessional lawyer,  the  total  absence  of  it,  would  go  but  a 
very  little  way  towards  the  establishment  of  his  ignor- 
ance of  the  constitution  of  parliament,  or  of  law  in 
general :  since,  the  great  Montesquieu  himself  has  ac- 
knowledged that  he  never  could  understand  the  process 
of  a  law  suit,  notwithstanding,  his  application  to  the 
subject,  from  which,  we  may  presume,  he  would  have 
been  equally  puzzled  and  confounded,  in  an  attempt  to 
give  an  Account  of  the  rules  of  debate,  the  order  of 
making  Motions,  <fo?  in  parliament. 

I  understand  Mr  Wormely  to  mean  by  Parliamentary 
learning,  a  competent  Knowledge  of  the  history  of  par- 
liament and  of  the  laws,  customs,  and  privileges  which, 
taken  together  constitute  and  compose,  not  only,  the  con- 
stitution of  parliament,  but  one  of  the  most  essential 
and  powerful  members  of  the  British  Constitution. 

If  My  Wormely  had  not,  in  a  tone  sufficiently  posi- 
tive, asserted  it  to  be  a  fact,  within  his  present  recol- 


THE   LEE    PAPERS.  53 

lection  and  knowledge,  that  General  Lee  was  so  entirely 
deficient  in  the  learning  which  relates  to  the  customs 
and  privileges  of  parliament,  that  he  did  not,  even  un- 
derstand the  question  which  arose  between  the  ministry 
and  the  Opposition,  on  the  expulsion  of  Wilkes,  and, 
that  on  a  perusal  of  the  argument  on  the  Ministerial 
side  of  that  question,  he  pronounced  the  reasoning  un- 
answerable. From  the  time  which  has  elapsed  since 
My  Wormely  saw  and  conversed  with  General  Lee  on 
these  topics,  and  from  the  proneness  of  the  human  mind, 
to  confound  one  object,  thing,  or  person,  with  another, 
review  through  so  frail  a  medium  as  memory,  at  so 
great  a  distance  of  time,  I  should  incline  to  the  belief, 
that  the  recollection  of  M?  Wormley  had  bestowed  on 
General  Lee,  an  ignorance  of  Parliamentary  learning, 
and  an  opinion  of  the  reasoning  employed  in  the  Minis- 
terial argument,  which,  in  truth,  and  of  right,  belonged 
to  the  attainments  and  judgment  of  some  other  person 
of  that  day,  with  whom  he  associated. 

For  Mr  Wormely  tells  us,  he  recollects  from  the  let- 
ters of  Junius,  that  the  writer  was  well  versed  in  Par- 
liamentary learning.  He  also  says,  there  is  no  resem- 
blance between  the  style  of  General  Lee  and  Junius, 
except,  where  he  manifestly  aims  at  imitating  of  him. 
Now  if  General  Lee  had  ever  read  and  studied  the 
composition  of  Junius,  until  his  style  betrayed  the  fond- 
ness of  the  imitator,  one  would  be  apt  to  conclude,  that 
he  could  not  have  been  ignorant  of  the  parliamentary 
learning  which  the  discussion  of  fche  case  of  the  Middle- 
sex election  displays,  in  such  abundance,  that  the  ex- 
tensive parliamentary  learning  of  Junius  is  inferred 
from  it.  Besides,  the  General  must  surely  have  been  a 
very  great  dunce,  not  to  have  understood  the  question 
in  the  case,  after  a  single  perusal  of  the  letters  of 
Junius. 

1  It  may  also  be  observed,  that  General  Lee  was,  by 
birth  and  education  an  Englishman — and  we  gather 
from  his  letters  and  essays,  that  the  love  of  his  own 
country  had  ever  been  an  active  and  vigorous  sentiment 


54  TdE    LEE    PAPERS. 

in  his  soul.  For  in  every  situation,  even  to  the  close 
of  his  life,  where  the  liberty  or  the  rights  of  the  British 
people,  or  the  honor  or  the  interest  01  the  nation  are  in 
question,  or  the  theme,  the  love  of  his  country  appears 
to  warm  his  mind,  inspire  his  actions,  and  to  vivify  his 
writings. 

Some  circumstance  acting  on  his  sensibility  in  early 
life,  or  perhaps  an  original  propensity  in  the  constitu- 
tion of  his  temper,  at  the  age  of  manhood,  had  replen- 
ished his  mind  with  the  most  furious  and  enthusiastic 
republican  ideas,  conceits,  and  whimsies. 

What  he  afterwards  experienced  from  the  conduct  of 
Kings,  ministers  and  courtiers,  and  their  corrupt,  arbi- 
trary and  tyrannical  practices  and  proceedings,  had 
turned  every  sentiment  of  his  soul,  to  a  felled  and  im- 
placable hatred  of  them — and  to  a  determined,  perse- 
vering hostility  against  regal  and  arbitrary  governments 
of  every  denomination  and  description. 

To  a  mind  like  his,  ever  in  a  glow,  from  the  fire  of 
liberty  in  his  heart,  what  an  interesting  period  of  the 
British  history,  must  that  have  been,  which  gave  birth 
to  the  House  of  Commons !  Destined,  in  process  of 
time,  to  change  the  government  of  his  native  country, 
from  an  aristocratical  and  regal  tyranny,  to  a  republican 
and  popular  form. 

On  the  one  hand,  how  often  must  he  not  have  been 
agitated  by  the  alternate  succession  of  compassion  and 
apprehension  for  its  weakness — and  on  the  other,  by 
the  strongest  feelings  of  resentment  and  desire  of  re- 
venge, against  the  oppressors  of  its  youth  ?  While  he 
was  tracing  the  rise  and  progress  of  the  house  of  com- 
mons, from  the  first  dawnings  of  its  feeble  existence,  in 
the  reign  of  Edward  the  first,  to  the  meridian  splendor 
of  its  power  and  authority,  finally  established,  at  the 
revolution  of  1688. 

If  the  foregoing  picture  of  his  mind  express  a  faith- 
ful likeness  of  its  master  principles,  affections  and 
aversions,  while  we  keep  in  view  the  prevailing  influ- 
ence which  those  passions  have  in  forming  our  opinions, 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  55 

and  in  directing  our  inquiries  and  studies,  it  will  be 
scarcely  possible  to  conceive,  that  af ter  a  perusal  of  the 
argument  on  the  ministerial  side  of  the  question  that 
arose  between  the  Ministry  and  the  Opposition,  on  the 
expulsion  of  Wilkes,  he  should  entertain  so  exalted  an 
opinion  of  the  reasoning  as  to  pronounce  it  unanswera- 
ble ;  or  that  he  should  have  been  so  ignorant  of  the  con- 
stitutional rights  and  privileges  of  the  house  of  com? 
mons,  brought  in  question  by  that  discussion,  that  he 
could  not  comprehend  the  merits  of  the  question — or 
that  he  was  ignorant  of  parliamentary  learning  in 
general. 

For,  in  the  first  place,  his  settled  hatred  of  the  min- 
istry, enlivened  by  the  object  being  presented  in  the  act 
of  disfranchising  twelve  hundred  of  his  fellow  Citizens, 
must  have  been  repressed  before  a  single  argument 
employed  on  the  Ministerial  side  of  the  question  could 
find  a  passage  to  his  understanding.  And,  we  are  fur- 
nished with  no  reason  for  the  slightest  presumption 
that  any  circumstance,  attended  the  lending,  or  the  pe- 
rusal of  the  argument  by  Ruff: head,  by  which  this  ef- 
fect might  have  been  produced.  Besides,  when  we  are 
told  by  Mr  Worrnely,  that  he  was  learned,  a  scholar,  a 
man  of  belle  lettres,  and  an  historian,  conceiving  the 
love  of  country  to  have  been  his  ruling  passion — in  the 
transactions,  events,  laws,  constitution  and  government 
of  what  other  country  of  the  World,  do  we  expect  to 
find  him  so  learned,  and  so  clearly  entitled  to  the 
character  of  an  historian,  as  in  those  of  his  own 
native  country — when  some  portion  of  this  historical 
knowledge  might,  at  most,  be  said  to  be  born  with 
him. 

Admitting  that  he  had  attained  to  so  high  a  degree 
of  excellence  in  knowledge  of  the  English  history,  as 
to  merit  the  title  of  historian,  we  cannot  except  parlia- 
mentary learning — or  a  thorough  understanding  of  the 
elements  of  the  constitution  of  parliament,  particularly 
the  popular  branch,  the  house  of  commons,  without  a 
seeming  absurdity  and  flagrant  derogation  from  the 


56  THE    LEE   PAPERS. 

opinions  we  have  formed  of  his  principles,  and  the  de- 
termination which  his  passions  would  give  to  his  enqui- 
ries and  studies,  since,  in  acquiring  that  degree  of 
knowledge,  he  must  of  course  become  well  acquainted, 
and  even  familiar  with  the  Causes,  events,  and  facts, 
which  produced  and  established  the  laws,  customs,  and 
privileges  of  the  house  of  Commons. 

Suppose  Mf  Wormely  had  the  direction  of  the  edu- 
cation of  a  young  friend,  or  a  son,  who  was  as  ignorant 
of  parliamentary  learning,  as  he  pretends  General  Lee 
was,  but  who  had  the  ambition  of  becoming  wise  and 
learned  in  this  article ;  would  he  not  direct  him,  as  the 
most  certain  method  of  acquiring  an  accurate  and  pre- 
cise knowledge  of  the  constitution  of  the  house  of 
Commons,  to  study  it,  in  the  accounts  given  by  histo- 
rians of  the  causes,  events,  and  facts  which  gave  rise  to 
the  laws,  customs  and  privileges  which  form  the  ele- 
ments in  which  the  principles  of  its  constitution  reside. 
Where  else,  I  would  ask,  did  MT  Wormely  himself  ac- 
quire the  learning  by  which  he  ascertained  General 
Lee's  deficiency  ?  And  when  his  pupil  could  from  re- 
flection, explain  the  events,  account  for  the  causes,  and 
describe  the  facts,  and  trace  each  fundamental  law,  cus- 
tom and  privilege  of  the  house  of  commons  up  to  them, 
as  to  so  many  small  fountains  from  whence  they  had 
been  drawn,  united  and  directed,  to  flow  into  the  main 
stream  of  the  British  Constitution,  would  he  not  pro- 
nounce him  to  be  learned  in  parliamentary  history  and 
affairs  ?  And  we  have  seen,  that  General  Lee  had  the 
strongest  of  all  motives  to  engage  him,  early  in  life,  to 
examine,  with  the  most  eager  attention,  those  causes 
and  events,  and  the  consequences  resulting  from 
them. 

The  struggles,  of  the  house  of  commons,  against  the 
violent  efforts  of  the  prerogatives  of  the  crown,  have 
furnished  the  historian  with  the  greatest  part  of  the 
materials  for  the  history  of  the  house  of  Stuart.  With 
the  transactions  of  that  eventful  period  of  the  British 
story,  in  which  the  rising  spirit  of  the  commons  first 


THE    LEE    PAPEES.  57 

seemed  to  be  conscious  of  its  power,  general  Lee  was 
assuredly  well  acquainted.  For  he  appears  to  have  set 
himself  the  task  of  removing  the  false  glosses,  refuting 
the  tenets  and  of  exposing  the  pernicious  tendency  of 
the  principles,  displayed  and  maintained  by  Mr  Hume, 
in  his  history  of  the  conduct  and  transactions  of  the 
reigns  of  the  house  of  Stuart,  whom  he  considered  as 
the  corrupt  apologist  of  the  princes  of  that  line.  In 
an  attempt  to  account  for  the  pious  regard  and  compas- 
sion which  many,  even  at  this  day,  feel  and  express,  on 
a  recollection  of  the  fate  of  Charles  the  first ;  General 
Lee,  in  a  piece  styled  a  Political  Essay,  page  81  of  his 
memoirs,  thus  characterizes  M*  Hume. 

"  But  although  the  singularity  of  Charles's  destiny, 
the  prejudices  fostered  by  the  pious  care  of  our  nurses 
and  the  clergy,  have  greatly  contributed  to  the  false 
light  in  which  his  conduct,  morals  and  general  charac- 
ter are  seen,  it  could  not  have  operated  so  wonderfully 
alone :  the  address  and  sophistry  of  a  succession  of  our 
corrupt  citizens  have  been  set  at  work  to  co-operate  in 
misleading  our  judgment  and  blinding  our  understand- 
ing ;  and  of  this  tribe  the  pre-eminence  must  indisput- 
ably be  given  to  Mr.  David  Hume ;  for  the  pompous 
sanctity  (as  I  think  it  may  be  termed)  of  Clarendon, 
the  more  than  priestly  fury  of  Carte,  much  less  the  pert 
patchwork  of  Smollet,  or  the  drivelling  of  poor  Gold- 
smith, could  not  have  wrought  any  mighty  miracles. 
But  with  Hume,  the  case  is  different.  The  philosophi- 
cal or  rather  sceptical  character  of  the  man,  antecedent 
to  his  appearance  as  an  historian,  and  officiousness  of 
style,  render  him  so  infinitely  more  dangerous  than  his 
fellow  laborers,  that  it  is  much  to  be  lamented  that 
some  person  (for  instance  a  Lord  Littleton)  eminent 
for  parts  and  learning,  has  not  thought  it  worth  his 
while,  professedly  (but  I  would  have  it  compendiously, 
for  a  reason  I  shall  hereafter  give)  to  expose  to  public 
view  the  incongruities  artifices  and  pernicious  intention 
of  this  Sophist." 

Two  pages  further  on,  in  the  same  essay,  after  de- 


58  .THE   LEE    PAPEES. 

scribing  Charles  the  First  as  a  tyrant  in  principle  and 
actions  and  those  who  labor  to  reconcile  us  to  the  char- 
acter and  conduct  of  this  prince,  as  being  engaged  to 
estinguish  the  Spirit  of  liberty,  he  expresses  his  desire 
of  exposing  the  artifice  and  false  colouring  of  M'  Hume's 
history  in  the  following  terms : 

u  For  these  considerations  I  purpose  to  offer  to  the 
public,  hereafter,  some  cursory  remarks  on  M?  Hume's 
history  of  the  two  first  Stuarts.  If  they  are  well  re- 
ceived, I  shall  continue  them  through  the  reigns  of  the 
two  last.  If  they  have,  in  any  degree,  the  effect  I 
could  wish,  I  shall  think  myself  amply  recompensed, 
the  only  recompence  which  I  can  promise  myself.  I 
cannot  hope  for  any  glory  from  the  composition  ;  the 
little  reading  which  a  soldier  can  snatch  up  at  intervals 
will  scarcely  qualify  him  to  reap  laurels  in  the  field  of 
literature  ;  and  it  will  easily  be  believed,  that  the  sen- 
timents which  I  avow,  will  not  procure  a  place  or  a 
pension." 

Now,  it  is  not  to  be  believed,  that  if  General  Lee 
had  ever  qualified  himself  for  this  undertaking,  by  a 
course  of  study  and  meditation,  by  collating  the  facts 
and  events,  by  investigating  the  causes  and  consequences 
of  the  different  transactions  of  the  reigns  of  the  princes 
of  the  house  of  Stuart,  that  he  could  have  been  ignor- 
ant of  parliamentary  history  or  learning.  Since  al- 
most the  whole  of  the  domestic  conduct  and  proceed- 
ings of  those  reigns,  turn  upon  some  incident,  in  the 
management  of  the  negociations,  stipulations  and  agree- 
ments, between  the  prince  and  the  house  of  commons. 
They,  anxious  to  guard  their  growing  power  from  the 
depredations  of  the  prerogative ;  and  he,  ready  and 
eager  to  insinuate  at  every  opening,  neither  of  the  con- 
tracting, or  rather  contending  parties  could  be  brought 
to  keep  engagements  with  the  other.  And  it  is  equally 
incredible,  that  a  man  of  Gen.  Lee's  general  acquire- 
ments understanding,  pride  and  discernment,  should 
propose  to  himself  the  task  of  refuting  M?  Hume,  with 
the  least  promising  likelihood  of  success,  but  upon  a 


THE   LEE    PAPERS.  59 

proud  consciousness,   that  he  was  possessed  of  every 
kind  of  talent  and  knowledge  essential  to  his  purpose. 

SCALIGER. 

Endorsed:  Copy  of  Scaliger,  N?  3,  as  it  was  printed 
in  the  Virginia  Gazette  and  copied  from  that 
paper. 


FROM  DANIEL  CARTHY  TO  WILLIAM  GODDARD. 

Newbern,  IGth.  January,  1811. 
DEAR  SIR, 

I  beg  leave  to  present  my  most  sincere  and  cordial 
acknowledgments  to  you,  for  the  box  containing 
Parcels  of  General  Lee's  papers  and  original  manu- 
scripts which  I  have  just  received  by  a  vessel  from 
New  York. 

I  have,  as  yet,  only  slightly  and  hastily  run  the 
papers  over,  merely  to  see  what  character  they  bore. 
I  am  a  little  disappointed,  in  finding  so  few  papers 
and  memorials  of  his  transactions,  before  he  came  to 
America.  I  had  strong  hopes,  that  from  his  memoran- 
dum Books  and  Letters,  I  should  be  able  to  account 
for  the  manner  of  his  spending  his  time  from  the  year 
1768,  when  I  have  reason  to  believe  he  left  the  Polish 
service  to  the  fall  of  1773,  when  he  embarked  for 
America.  I  have  already  gone  far  enough  into  the 
examination,  to  become  satisfied,  that  in  this,  I  shall 
be  baulked. 

The  first  and  great  object  is,  to  prove  beyond  all 
doubt,  that  he  really  did  compose  the  letters  signed 
Junius — that  matter  accomplished,  and  every  scrap  of 
his  composition,  any  detail  of  his  conduct  and  life 
would  be  eagerly  sought,  extended  memoirs  of  him 
would  sell  rapidly  and  at  any  price,  my  adversaries 
say  he  was  at  Warsaw  in  January,  1769,  when  the 
letters  of  Junius  began,  and  continued  at  Warsaw 
until  the  fall  of  that  year,  whenever  they  put  this  fact 
beyond  all  further  question,  I  must  relinquish  my 


60  fllE    LEE    PAPERS. 

hypothesis,  for  it  is  impossible  by  any  human  con' 
trivance  of  despatch,  to  have  received  and  returned 
answers  to  Sir  William  Draper  and  others,  in  London, 
with  such  rapidity  from  Warsaw.  Yet  from  facts  and 
the  proofs  of  identity  between  General  Lee  and 
Junius,  which  I  have  accumulated,  it  should  seem 
almost  equally  impossible  that  General  Lee  should  not 
have  been  the  writer  of  the  letters  signed  Junius.  the 
first  good  opportunity  by  water,  I  will  send  you  some 
of  these  proofs.  In  the  mean  time,  I  hope,  you  will 
find  the  request  I  am  about  to  make,  neither  oppressive 
nor  impertinent,  that  you  will  add,  to  the  favors 
already  conferred,  answers  to  the  following  queries, 
where  you  can,  and  transmit  them  to  me  by  post  as 
soon  as  your  convenience  and  leisure  will  permit : 
and  any  other  information  that  you  may,  be  in  posses- 
sion of,  and,  feel  that  it  would  relieve  the  wants  and 
distresses  of  my  hypothesis. 

First.  Has  Mr  Goddard  any  information,  by  anec- 
dote, letter  or  otherwise,  of  the  place  where,  and 
manner  of  General  Lee's  spending  his  time  in  the  year 
1769.  In  his  confession  of  the  i'act  of  authorship  of 
the  letters  of  Junius  to  My  T.  Rodney,  he  says  he  was 
on  the  Continent  most  of  the  time  while  these  letters 
were  publishing  for  fear  of  accidental  discovery  or 
detection. 

Second.  Did  General  Lee  ever  talk  freely  with  his 
friend  Goddard  on  the  subject  of  the  letters  of  Junius? 
did  General  Lee  seem  inquisitive,  about  the  writer, 
and  was  he  fond  of  quoting  the  sentiments,  opinions, 
invectives,  lively  turns,  and  beauties  of  expression, 
found  in  the  writings  of  Junius — or  did  he  seem 
habitually  reserved  on  the  subject?  in  all  his  produc- 
tions I  find  not  the  slightest  allusion  to  Junius. 

Third.  When  General  Lee  returned  from  Portugal, 
it  is  said  in  the  third  page  of  his  memoirs,  he  had  a 
friend  and  Patron  high  in  office,  one  of  the  principal 
secretaries  of  State — does  M^  Goddard  know  the  name 
of  this  Patron  high  in  office  ? 


THE   LEE    PAPERS.  61 

Fourth.  It  is  said  page  2^  of  his  memoirs  that 
General  Lee  wrote  a  pamphlet,  in  favor  of  America, 
about  the  year  1762,  which  Doctor  Franklin  and  other 
Americans  highly  extolled  and  approved :  has  My  God- 
dard  ever  seen  this  pamphlet  and  could  he  put  Mf  C. 
in  the  way  of  obtaining  a  sight  of  it  ? 

Fifth.  M*  Kalph  Wormly,  in  his  letter  to  T.  Kodny 
asserts  that  General  Lee  was  utterly  ignorant  of  Par- 
liamentary History  and  did  not  even  understand  the 
question  of  the  Middlesex  election :  does  M?  Goddard 
know  or  believe  this  to  be  the  fact  or  not  ? 

Sixth.  Several  of  the  papers  in  the  box,  not  pub- 
lished in  the  Memoirs,  have  "  Copied  "  written  on  the 
backs  of  them :  has  M?  Goddard  any  information 
where  those  copies  now  are  '( 

I  wish  to  God,  I  could  be  with  you  a  fortnight  and 
so  far  engage  your  feelings  and  good  opinion,  that  you 
would  find  a  pleasure  in  my  society,  it  would  hardly 
afEord  me  an  opportunity  of  asking  the  questions  for 
information,  which  every  moment  start  up  in  my  mind. 
The  papers  shall  all  be  honorably  returned.  At  present 
I  cannot  say  how  valuable  they  may  be  to  me.  More 
of  this  hereafter.  I  have  sent  for  Thomas7  History  of 
printing,  it  is  an  out  of  the  way  place  to  look  for 
Biographical  Sketches  and  anecdotes  of  General  Lee. 
I  thank  you  for  the  kind  attention  in  sending  the  two 
providence  Gazettes  containing  the  two  Numbers  on 
Junius — as  soon  as  they  appeared  my  attention  was 
called  to  them  by  some  remarks  in  the  Norfolk  ledger 
and  I  procured  the  papers,  through  our  member  of 
Congress — they  are  sensible  well  written  Numbers— 
but  quite  beside  the  Cushion  in  ascribing  the  letters  to 
Gibbon.  I  have  not  yet  perused  the  M  anuscript ^  that 
came  with  the  Gazettes. 

Your  obliged  affectionate  friend, 

DAN.  CARTHY. 

Endorsed :   From  Mr  Carthy  to  W.  G. 


62  THE  LEE  PAPERS. 

FROM  DANIEL  CARTHY  TO  MAJOR  THOMAS  COLES. 

Newbern  21?  March,  1811. 
DEAR  SIR, 

I  had  the  pleasure  to  receive  your  very  agreeable  let- 
ter of  the  27th  February  by  last  post. 

Please  inform  My  Goddard  that  through  the  medium 
of  Judge  Tarriston,  I  have  written  a  letter  to  Joseph 
Mingheni,  General  Lee's  humble  friend.  I  have  also 
written  to  Major  Edwards,  who  resides  in  Charleston, 
South  Carolina,  indeed,  I  have  letters  in  pursuit  of  in- 
formation flying  in  all  directions,  east  west  north  and 
south.  I  expect  the  interests  of  the  work  I  am  con- 
cerned in,  will  oblige  me  to  make  a  tour  through  Vir- 
ginia and  to  Charleston,  every  day  I  get  hold  of  some 
rare  and  before  hidden  Clew  leading  to  bright  and  in- 
teresting matter  for  my  biography  and  hypothesis— 
therefore  your  impatience  must  not  want  the  discretion 
to  allow  me  to  avail  of  full  time  and  opportunity  to 
make  my  work  as  entire  as  possible. 

The  Name  and  revolutionary  services  and  merits  of 
General  Lee  have  been  most  shamefully  sunk  and  neg- 
lected by  the  inattention  of  our  Countrymen,  it  is  my 
aim  to  raise  and  establish  them  in  their  proper  station 
of  honor  and  celebrity. 

You  give  me  such  an  high  idea  of  the  literary  taste, 
talents,  and  accomplishments  of  Mr?  Goddard,  that,  al- 
though I  should  dread  her  censures,  I  could  wrish  to  be 
near  her,  that  my  work  might  receive  the  preenings  of 
her  criticism  and  the  stamp  of  her  approbation. 

When  I  mentioned  to  your  friends  here,  that  I  had 
received  a  letter  from  you,  they  enquired  after  you  af- 
fectionately. Capt.  Taylor,  I  have  not  had  an  oppor- 
tunity of  seeing,  he  still  holds  his  office,  but  has  had  a 
great  deal  of  trouble.  I  shall  mention  your  recollection 
of  him  when  I  see  him. 

Without  doubt  you  and  M?  Goddard  have  read 
Knickerbocker's  history  of  New  York — a  work  of  such 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  C3 

wit  and  humour  could  hardly  have  escaped  you.  last  fall 
a  friend  of  mine  was  going  to  New  York,  he  asked  me 
the  common  place  question,  whether  I  had  any  com- 
mands. I  answered  none,  unless  he  should  meet  Died- 
rick  Knickerbocker  in  his  travels,  in  which  event,  I  en- 
treated him  not  to  forget  to  present  my  respects  and 
acknowledgments  for  the  very  great  pleasure  I  had 
received  from  a  perusal  of  his  incomparable  History  of 
New  York,  my  native  Country,  My  friend  replied  that 
it  would  be  much  more  respectful  and  complimental  to 
the  historian  to  convey  such  acknowledgments  and  as- 
surances myself,  in  a  letter.  I  told  him  in  reply  I 
would,  if  he  would  be  the  bearer  of  it — he  answered 
certainly.  Accordingly  I  wrote  the  letter  which  you 
will  find,  published  at  Philadelphia  Thursday  morning, 
January  17^,  1811,  in  the  United  States7  Gazette  N° 
1014,  signed  Rulif,  Harmanus  Albert,  Yanderwerken  : 
dated  from  harbour  Island,  Cart-en  t  County,  North 
Carolina,  13th  November  1810,  and  directed  to  Diedrick 
Knickerbocker,  Esquire,  scagticoke,  State  of  New- 
York. 

You  will  recollect  this  Harbour  Island — it  has  be- 
come the  residence  of  Colonel  Tatham  whom  you  have 
some  reason  for  knowing  pretty  well,  he  has  attracted 
some  sort  of  notice  by  his  writings  to  engage  the  gentry 
of  Newbern  to  make  this  Island  their  summer  resi- 
dence, the  printer  has  made  a  great  number  of  mortify- 
ing blunders — he  has  it,  "  in  pain,  at  the  ball  of  an 
Austrian  ambassador "- —I  wrote  pa/ris,  again,  "on  the 
subject  of  the  course  and  terms  of  my  eventful  story." 
I  wrote  Turns,  again  "  I  must  go  to  Vanantwerps- 
falls,"  I  must  return  to  Yan  ant  warps -falls,  again  "  a 
temper  not  easily  distressed"  I  wrote,  a  temper  not 
easily  depressed;  and  about  forty  more  of  such  mis- 
takes. 

[Here  occurs  a  large  blank  in  the  originalJ] 

The  secret  of  my  being  the  writer  of  this  letter  has 
been  confined  to  the  friend  who  carried  it  to  Philadel- 


64  .THE   LEE   PAPERS. 

phia  and  two  other  friends — and  I  hope  you  will  limit 
it  to  Mr  Goddard  and  yourself.  I  am  afraid  Mr?  God- 
dard  should  read  it.  if  she  does,  she  will  discover  with- 
out your  assuring  her,  that  it  was  written  rapidly  with- 
out much  care.  You  have  flattered  my  daughter  Killy 
exceedingly.  She  is  studying  how  to  return  your  gra- 
cious turns  of  expression  in  her  praise,  all  our  family 
salute  you  and  Mr?  Coles  in  terms  of  respectful  and 
warm  friendship. 

Your  old  friend  &  affectionate  humble  Serv* 

DAN.  CARTHY. 

I  have  a  thousand  other  things  to  say — one  cannot 
say  every  thing  in  one  sheet.     Newbern  March  23. 

Major  Thomas  Coles,  Providence,  Rhode  Island 
p.  Mail. 


FROM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

Newbern  15^  April 
MY  DEAR  FRIEND, 

I  hardly  can  tell  myself,  how  it  has  happened,  that  I 
have  delayed  writing  to  you  so  great  a  length  of  time. 
Assuredly  not  from  any  motive  of  indifference  about 
you,  or  a  want  of  respect,  esteem,  or  affection. 
Thoughts  of  you  and  my  neglect  of  you  have  stung  me, 
more  or  less  every  day,  with  self  reproaches.  M^s  Carthy 
too  has  been  your  incessant  and  bitter  avenger.  Still  the 
performance  of  the  task  by  which  I  could  easily  clear 
myself  was  put  off :  and  still  the  difficulties  of  it  ac- 
cumulated until  I  began  to  despair,  when  a  trifling  in- 
cident seemed  for  a  moment  to  render  it  quite  easy, 
eating  some  of  the  excellent  cheese  and  drinking  some 
of  the  delicious  cyder  you  sent  Capt.  Taylor,  in  com- 
pany with  our  friend  Woods  and  some  other  gentlemen 
—and  talking  a  great  deal  of  you  and  accusing  myself 
in  the  most  unsparing  manner  to  those  gentlemen,  for 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  65 

neglecting  to  write  to  you  so  long — it  seemed  as  if  I 
had  entitled  myself  to  your  pardon ;  or,  rather,  as  if,  in 
an  evening  chit  chat,  I  had  told  you  the  whole  story, 
why  I  had  not  sent  forward  the  letter  of  Thanks  to  our 
worthy  and  excellent  friend  Goddard  ;  and  delayed  to 
communicate  to  you  the  reason  why  I  had  against  my 
promise  suspended  it,  and  that  you  had  said,  O  !  never 
mind,  let  us  hear  no  more  about  that,  do  better  for  fur- 
ture  and  everything  will  be  forgiven.  Coming  away 
from  Capt.  Taylor's  in  the  cheer  of  mind,  and  lightness 
of  heart  which  a  sort  of  Consciousness  of  this  imagined 
explanation  had  inspired,  I  determined  to  write  that 
moment,  taking  up  the  pen,  however,  the  old  difficulties 
occurred — the  necessity  of  some  apology  was  too  im- 
portunate to  be  slighted  or  passed  by — the  task  was 
again  postponed — I  have  now,  therefore,  determined 
not  to  say  one  word  about  apology — concluding  and 
hoping  that  you  will  think  and  wrould  have  thought  at 
any  time  writing  the  best  apology. 

Capt.  Taylor  has  had  the  misfortune  to  draw  upon 
himself  the  enmity  and  resentment  of  almost  all  his 
neighbours  at  Portsmouth,  you  well  know  what  a  set 
they  are,  and  you  know,  too,  that  he  has  alwrays,  in  part 
from  necessity  and  in  part  from  his  natural  temper, 
been  a  little  tyrannical  and  overbearing  with  them.  A 
number  of  them  have  combined  against  him.  their  ob- 
ject being  to  oust  him  from  his  office — some  of  them 
from  motives  of  spite  and  resentment — others  on  a  hope 
that  they  may  obtain  the  office  for  themselves,  to  this 
end  they  have  framed  a  parcel  of  charges,  certainly 
frivolous  and  most  of  them  futile  in  their  very  nature 
— and  which  he  will  prove  to  be  malicious,  false,  and 
groundless,  these  charges  they  have  sent  forward  to  the 
secretary  of  the  Treasury  who  has  ordered  an  investi- 
gation of  them,  and  appointed  a  commissioner  for  that 
purpose.  Mr  Mayo  the  Commissioner  appointed  is  now 
sitting  on  the  investigation — should  you  have  occasion 
to  write  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  your  sub- 
ject should  easily  admit  of  your  introducing  the  name 


66  .THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

of  Taylor — I  know  from  what  he  has  said  to  me  on 
the  very  subject,  he  would  think  it  not  only  a  gracious 
thing — but,  an  honor  done  to  him,  to  speak  of  his  char- 
acter, his  family — his  method  and  manner  of  conduct- 
ing the  business  of  his  office  ;  the  set  he  has  to  act 
with — the  reputation  of  integrity  which  he  justly  en- 
joys among  his  friends — in  short  to  speak  of  him,  and 
of  all  these  things  and  difficulties  as  you  saw  them  and 
know  them  to  exist  from  your  experience  and  the  op- 
portunity you  had  to  observe  upon  them — poor  fellow, 
he  suffers  the  affair  to  make  too  deep  an  impression  on 
his  mind — the  vexation  which,  at  times,  he  indulges  in 
stops  little  short  of  the  appearance  of  distraction — he 
has  strong  feelings,  an  high  sense  of  honor — and  to 
have  that  honor  attacked,  in  a  point,  where  from  the 
nature  of  the  attack  and  defence,  even  should  the  as- 
sailants be  routed  under  every  circumstance  of  shame 
and  disgrace,  still  it  cannot  be  preserved  entire  and 
pure  as  if  no  attack  had  been  made  is  a  reflection  to  a 
nice  and  Jealous  honor,  infinitely  tormenting. 

By  a  review  in  the  British  Critic  for  the  month  of 
September,  1807 — If  I  am  not  greatly  deceived,  the 
essays  I  published  in  the  Virginia  Gazette  to  prove  that 
General  Lee  wrote  the  letters  of  .  Junius,  have  fallen 
into  the  hands  of  some  person  in  England  who  has  pub- 
lished them  in  the  form  of  a  pamphlet  with  some  addi- 
tional matter  and  arguments.  I  am  convinced  that  the 
principal  part  of  the  reasoning  is  taken  from  my  papers, 
though  the  reviewers  will  not  admit,  that  General  Lee 
was  Junius,  yet  they  concede  two  of  the  main  propo- 
sitions that  I  laboured  in  these  essays  to  establish- 
That  the  law  knowledge  Junius  had  was  but  superficial, 
such  as  an  intelligent  well  educated  mind  might  easily 
pick  up  in  a  very  short  time,  from  Jacob  and  Black- 
stone  ;  and  that  Junius  was  a  military  man  of  high 
rank,  great  talents,  but  disappointed  and  mortified. 
The  daring  character  of  General  Lee's  mind  they  urge 
against  the  probability  of  his  being  the  writer — yet  the 
daring  character  of  General  Lee's  mind,  and  the  daring 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  67 

spirit  which  marks  the  Temper  or  cast  of  the  mind 
which  produced  the  letters — I  have  urged  as  a  strong 
evidence  in  favor  of  General  Lee's  claim — Again  they 
say,  u  if  General  Lea  was  Junius,  he  had  no  sufficient 
motive  for  carefully  concealing  of  it  to  the  day  of  his 
death."  Was  not  General  Lee's  fortune  of  nine  hun- 
dred pounds  sterling  in  the  power  of  the  British  Gov- 
ernment to  the  day  of  his  death  ?  were  not  the  Duke 
of  Grafton — Colonel,  Sir  William  Draper,  and  twenty 
others  still  living  at  the  day  of  his  death — who  would 
each  have  had  a  dagger  at  his  throat,  in  a  very  short 
time,  even  in  America,  after  he  should  have  had  the 
weakness  and  folly  to  have  avowed  or  acknowledged 
the  letters  :  and  his  whole  fortune  soon  swallowed  up  in 
actions,  informations,  and  attachments  for  slander  &?.— 
do  these  considerations  and  twenty  others  equally 
strong,  furnish  no  motives  strong  enough  for  anxious 
and  scrupulous  concealment — if  General  Lee  was  rash 
and  daring  he  knew  how  to  be  so — he  knew  how  and 
when  to  temper  these  qualities  with  discretion — he  was 
not  a  vain  conceited  coxcomb  and  fool;  and  to  have 
declared  the  fact  of  his  being  the  Author  of  the  letters, 
publicly,  or  without  reserve,  would,  certainly,  have 
been  a  striking  instance  of  the  last  degree  of  human  in- 
firmity and  folly — General  Lee  never  gave  such  an  in- 
stance to  the  world — though  he  was  guilty  of  many 
rash  and  inconsiderate  things — yet  they  all  bore  the 
sterling  stamp  of  the  eccentricities  of  genius  on  them : 
they 'were  elevated  a  thousand  degrees  above  folly,  or 
importunate  vanity — though  the  London  Pamphleteer 
has  committed  a  robbery  on  me,  yet  I  am  so  proud  of 
having  gained  an  ally  that  I  excuse  him.  I  have  .still 
the  long  letter  I  wrote  M?  Goddard  by  me — the  reason 
I  did  not  send  it  was  that  I  expected  to  see  him  until 
late  in  the  fall — and  I  thought  I  would  see  him  first. 
I  hope  to  have  the  pleasure  to  take  you  by  the  hand, 
in  Providence,  in  the  course  of  the  Summer.  I  am  ex- 
tremely anxious  to  peruse  the  papers  still  remaining  in 
the  possession  of  My  Goddard,  for  reasons  I  will  explain 


68  THE   LEE   PAPERS. 

to  you  and  him — All  our  family,  send  you  and  Mrs.  Cole 
the  friendly  and  affectionate  greetings  of  old  friends 
and  acquaintances.  I  have  sent  for  the  pamphlet  and 
as  soon  as  I  obtain  a  sight  of  it,  if  it  should  appeal- 
worthy  of  it,  I  will  send  it  with  my  better  to  you  and 
Mr  Groddard,  should  an  opportunity  offer. 

Your  old  friend  and  affectionate  humble  servt 

DAN.  CARTHY. 

Major  Coles. 

Apl.  10.  Major   Thomas    Cole,    Providence,    ."Rhode 
Island. 

PT  Mail. 


DRAFT. 

TREATY    OF   ALLIANCE,    Friendship   and   Commerce, 
made  and  concluded  upon  the  Day  of 

1783,  BETWEEN  THOMAS  HARTLEY  Esquire,  Councellor 
and  acting  Attorney  for  the  state  in  the  Middle  Depart- 
ment— Councellor  &  attorney  of  the  supreme  Court  and 
of  the  several  courts  of  Common  Pleas  of  Pennsylvania, 
Proctor  in  the  Orphans  Courts  and  Registers  Courts  of 
the  same  state  &c  &c  <fec  Plenipotentiary  and  ambassa- 
dor extraordinary  from  the  Honorable  the  Gentlemen  of 
the  Bar  of  the  Houses  of  Lancaster  and  York  of  the 
One  Part,  and  Mr  James  Pollock  one  of  the  most  an- 
cient citizens,  one  of  the  firm  supporters  of  the  Rights 
and  Liberties  of  America  under  the  Right 

honorable  Edmond  Hoyle,  Esq.,  and  chief  &  freeholder 
of  the  Borough  of  Carlisle,  of  the  other  Part. 

Whereas  it  has  been  found  by  Experience  (notwith- 
standing the  insinuations  of  some  surly  Divines  to  the 
contrary)  that  a  moderate  Degree  of  good  Eating  and 
drinking  as  well  as  rest,  tend  to  make  Life  comfortable 
and  Happy,  and  it  is  the  wish  of  the  High  Contracting 
Parties  to  communicate  reciprocal  Benefits  to  each 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  69 

other,  it  is  therefore  stipulated  and  agreed  as  follows, 
viz. 

The  said  James  Pollock  to  find  good  meat  drink  and 
Lodging  at  a  reasonable  Price  for  ready  money  or 
weekly  Payments — Forrage  to  be  laid  in  at  proper  sea- 
sons for  the  Horses,  and  they  are  not  to  be  watered 
more  than  three  Times  a  Day. 

No  wine  superior  to  London  particular  to  be  intro- 
duced without  the  Consent  of  all  Parties — no  cards  to 
be  used  but  those  of  the  best  kind — no  game  of  whist  to 
be  begun  after  twelve  oclock  at  night. 

The  high  Contracting  Parties  to  be  behave  with  the 
utmost  civility  to  each  other. 

Accidental  Faults  to  be  overlooked,  or  slightly  cen- 
sured, but  those  of  a  gross  sort  (if  from  the  frailty  of 
human  nature  any  such  should  be  committed)  are  to  be 
severely  marked. 

Too  much  liberty  must  not  be  admitted. 

A  vinegar  countenance  not  to  stay  above  one  Hour 
in  the  House. 

Should  the  good  sense  of  the  Freeholders  of  Carlisle 
direct  them  to  elect  the  said  James  Pollock  a  Burgess, 
it  is  expected  that  he  will  not  take  any  extraordinary 
airs  upon  himself  in  consequence  of  such  Elevation. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  TO  GENERAL  LEE. 

"  Happening  to  mention  before  the  Governor  and 
Lord  Edgecomb  that  in  case  of  Gibralter  being  at- 
tack'd  by  sea,  Howitzers  would  be  of  great  service,  as 
I  did  not  imagine  any  ships  side  proof  against  a  ten 
inch  shell  fiVd  point-blank  or  at  a  small  elevation  with 
a  full  charge  of  powder ;  which  being  thought  impos- 
sible by  most  present,  it  was  agreed  to  try  the  experi- 
ment :  accordingly  a  Target  of  about  six  feet  square  of 
equal  strength  and  resistance  with  the  strongest  part  of 
our  largest  men  of  war's  sides,  was  made,  &>  was  just 


70  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

Three  feet  thick  of  solid  fir  Timber.  We  fiYd  at  it 
out  of  a  sea  Service  10  inch  Howitzer  at  150  yards  & 
with  lOlb  of  powder. 

"  The  shell  went  thro'  the  very  centre  of  the  object 
and  entered  five  feet  into  a  solid  bank  of  Sand  behind 
it." 

Quere,  much  Honoured  sir,  might  not  the  bursting  of 
shells  under  the  Decks  of  a  64  or  44  Gun  ship  occasion 
some  confusion  on  board  such  ships. 

Major  General  Lee,  at  New  York. 

indorsed :     Extract  of  a  letter  from  the  Commandg 
Officer  of  Artillery  at  Gibralter. 


DRAFT — IMPERFECT. 

[This  commences  imperfectly  at  page  9  of  the  letter 
book.] 

.  .  go,  I  had  once  a  thought  of  supplicating  one  of 
these  great  Elks  or  Buffaloes  that  run  to  the  westward 
to  make  me  a  grant  of  a  Hundred  thousand  acres :  I 
could  prove  he  had  brushed  the  weeds  with  his  tail  and 
run  fifty  miles.  I  wonder  if  Congress  or  the  different 
states  would  recognize  the  Claim.  I  am  so  far  from 
thinking  the  Indians  have  right  to  the  soil  that  not  hav- 
ing made  a  better  use  of  it  for  many  hundred  years,  I 
conceive  they  have  forfeited  all  pretence  to  claim  and 
ought  to  be  driven  from  it. 

With  regard  to  forming  treaties  or  making  peace 
with  this  race,  these  are  my  ideas  :  They  have  the 
shapes  of  men  and  may  be  of  the  human  species ;  but 
certainly  in  their  present  state,  they  approach  nearer 
the  character  of  Devils — take  an  Indian  :  is  there  any 
faith  in  him  ?  can  you  bind  him  by  favours  ?  can  you 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  71 

trust  his  word,  or  confide  in  his  promise?  When  he 
makes  war  upon  you,  when  he  takes  you  prisoner,  and 
has  you  in  his  power,  will  he  spare  you?  In  this  he 
departs  from  the  law  of  nature  by  which  according  to 
Baron  Montesquieu,  and  every  other  man  who  thinks 
on  the  subject,  it  is  unjustifiable  to  take  away  the  life 
of  him  who  submits ;  the  conqueror  in  doing  otherwise 
becomes  a  murderer,  who  ought  to  be  put  to  death. 
On  this  principle  are  not  the  whole  Indian  nations  mur- 
derers ?  many  of  them  may  have  not  had  an  opportu- 
nity of  putting  prisoners  to  death,  but  the  sentiment 
which  they  entertain,  leads  them  invariably  to  do  this, 
when  they  have  it  in  their  power  or  judge  it  expedient : 
their  principles  constitute  them  murderers,  and  they 
ought  to  be  prevented  from  carrying  them  into  execu- 
tion, as  we  would  prevent  a  common  hommicide  who 
should  be  mad  enough  to  conceive  himself  justifiable  in 
Killing  men. 

The  tortures  which  they  exercise  on  the  bodies  of 
their  prisoners,  justify  extermination.  Gelo  of  Syracuse 
made  war  on  the  Carthaginians,  because  they  offered 
up  human  victims  ;  and  made  peace  with  them  on  con- 
dition, they  would  cease  from  this  unnatural  and  cruel 
superstition.  If  we  could  have  any  faith  in  the  Savages, 
I  would  suffer  them  to  live,  provided  they  would  no 
longer  make  War  amongst  themselves  or  against  others 
by  Lurking  privately  on  the  pathways  of  the  wood, 
and  putting  unarmed  and  defenceless  inhabitants  to 
death,  or  attacking  women  and  children  in  the  frontier 
families,  and  on  their  ceasing  in  the  mean  [time]  to  ex- 
ercise torture. 

I  do  not  know  but  I  ought  to  recal  my  words,  and 
say  that  even  reforming  from  these  practices  they  ought 
not  to  live.  These  notions  are  so  degenerate  from  the 
life  of  man,  so  devoid  of  every  sentiment  of  generosity, 
so  prone  to  every  vicious  excess  of  passion,  so  faithless 
and  incapable  of  civilization,  that  it  is  dangerous  to  the 
good  order  of  the  World  that  they  should  exist  in  it. 
Why  was  it  that  a  stream  of  fire  was  sent  to  burn  up 


?2  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

Sodom  and  Gomorroli — or  some  years  before  a  deluge 
of  water  to  wash  the  old  wTorld,  but  that  the  evil  ex- 
ample of  wicked  men  and  horrid  deeds  might  be  struck 
from  the  knowledge  and  memory  of  the  World  ?  Why 
was  it  that  the  Canaanites  were  sentenced  to  extirpa- 
tion, but  because  their  rights  and  practices  rendered 
them  unfit  to  live  ?  With  what  zeal  did  that  good  Man 
Samuel  hew  Agag  in  pieces  ?  — With  the  same  zeal 
ought  every  whig  in  America  to  hew  the  Big  Pipe,  or 
the  Big  Rattlesnake,  or  any  of  these,  yclept  by  what- 
ever name,  wherever  he  can  find  them.  It  may  be  said 
the  Israelites  had  an  order  from  the  Lord  to  put  to 
death  the  Canaanites.  I  think  when  we  see  men  by 
their  practice  murderers  by  every  Sentiment  &  princi- 
ple of  heart  carried  on  to  shed  blood  privately  ;  it  is  a 
sufficient  Order  to  exterminate  the  whole  brood.  As 
the  Seceder  said  to  Satan,  what  will  you  make  of  them, 
my  beloved,  but  ill,  vile,  evil  devils. 

There  have  been  instances  of  several  of  these  Crea- 
tures that  have  been  taken  young  from  the  woods,  & 
put  to  Public  Schools  in  America  :  I  do  not  know  who 
has  even  by  these  means  been  rendered  a  useful  Mem- 
ber of  society  :  they  retain  the  temper  of  their  race.  I 
knew  one  of  these  a  certain  John  Mentour,  who  had 
been  educated  at  one  of  the  Northern  Seminaries,  taught 
Greek  &  Latin,  and  in  this  war  dignified  by  Congress 
wTith  a  Commission  of  Captain.  No  greater  Savage 
ever  existed.  He  had  murdered  several  of  his  own  peo- 
ple &  being  obliged  to  avoid  the  resentment  of  their  re- 
lations, had  fled  from  .one  place  to  another,  and  at  last 
joined  our  Arms  at  Fort  Pitt.  I  saw  this  man  with 
the  bloody  scalp  of  an  Indian  in  his  hand,  which  he  had 
thus  taken  off,  having  first  tomhawked  the  creature, 
though  submitting  &>  praying  for  his  Life.  The  In- 
dian had  been  for  some  time. 


THE  LEE  PAPERS.  73 

FRAGMENT  OF  A  JOURNAL.     JUNE  6.     178 

13th.  I  arrived  at  Fredrick  Town  some  time  before 
sunset  &  spent  the  Evening  in  a  very  agreeable  manner 
at  M?  Morris'  Tavern. 

14^  After  breakfast  I  walked  round  this  Town, 
which  appears  to  be  well  situated,  &  then  sat  off,  crossed 
the  mountains  by  4  o'clock  &  got  to  Hagers  Town. 
Miles,  about  6.  The  soil  for  agriculture  is 
excellent  from  Frederick  Town  to  the  Mountains  <fe 
after  crossing  the  first  ridge  called  Catocktin,  it  is  well 
adapted  to  Wheat,  'till  we  come  to  the  last  ridge  called 
the  blue  Ridge  or  South  Mountain,  After  this  is  passed 
we  came  into  the  extensive  Vally  called  Conocohiegue, 
which  is  doubtless  one  of  the  most  fertile  spots  in  this 
Country  &  capable  of  being  constantly  manured  by  the 
Limestone  which  is  seen  here  in  great  abundance. 
15th  We  left  Hager's  Town  aboii fc  half  an  hour  after 
4  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  by  Eight  passed  the  End 
of  the  North  Mountain,  where  we  breakfasted  at  one 
Colonel  Rawling's,  who  behaved  with  great  freedom 
and  hospitality.  In  the  evening  we  arrived  at  a  place 
called  the  fifteen  Mile  Run,  having  travelled  this  day 
fifty  Miles.  The  soil  from  Hagers  Town  to  the  End  of 
the  North  Mountain  is  remarkably  fine,  but  afterwards 
very  broken — The  banks  of  the  River  Potowmack  are 
equal  to  any  Lands  in  fertility,  but  they  are  very  nar- 
row &  of  small  moment  when  brought  into  competi- 
tion with  the  amazing  hills  which  are  presenting  them- 
selves on  all  sides  to  the  Eye  &>  altogether  useless  in 
Agriculture. 

16th.  Left  the  fifteen  Mile  Run  about  5  o'clock  in 
the  Morning  &,  arrived  at  a  My  Gwins  about  6  o'clock 
in  the  Evening,  Miles.  Here  we  met  with 

good  accommodation,  plenty  of  Venison  &,  a  few  bot- 
tles of  wine.  The  Country  still  broken  &,  only  the 
small  vallies  between  the  stupenduous  Mountains  Tilla- 
ble, the  Banks  of  Potowmack  excepted  which  are  not 
seen  after  we  leave  Cumberland. 


74  .THE   LEE    PAPERS. 

17*  Left  M!  Gwyn's  about  5  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing, &  travelled  about  35  miles,  the  Country  still  Moun- 
tainous <fe  the  roads  extremely  bad,  that  with  difficulty 
we  got  two  miles  an  hour ;  the  tall  Cedars  &  remarka- 
ble Fertility  of  the  soil  in  some  Spots  were  all  that  we 
saw  worth  noting. 

18*  We  proceeded  on  our  Journey,  left  the  Cross- 
ings, and  got  clear  of  the  Mountains  about  two  o'clock; 
one  of  my  Horses  being  lame,  I  became  apprehensive 
we  should  not  be  able  to  reach  Fort  Pitt  the  next  day ; 
however  we  travelled  thirty  two  miles  &  half,  &  ar- 
rived at  a  MT  Freemans — here  our  Accommodations 
were  very  indifferent  for  we  could  get  scarce  anything 
either  for  man  or  horse  &  paid  nine  shillings  per  bushel 
for  Gates.  Our  beds  quite  bad  &  could  not  not  sleep 
the  whole  nifrht  for  the  numerous  Insects  which  infested 


o 
US — 


19th — Set  off  this  morning  about  4  oclok  &>  arrived 
at  the  Yohogany  (Monongehalia)  a  little  after  noon ; 
the  wind  being  high  we  could  not  induce  the  Ferryman 
to  venture  over  the  River — about  four  o'clock  P.  M.  it 
began  to  abate,  when  I  crossed  leaving  my  servant  & 
his  Horse  &,  baggage  at  the  Ferry.  I  proceeded  on  till 
I  got  within  two  Miles  of  Fort  Pitt,  but  night  ap- 
proaching &  the  roads  quite  bad,  1  was  under  the  ne- 
cessity of  taking  up  my  Quarters  at  a  little  Cabin  (in 
short  I  saw  no  other  buildings  in  this  part  of  the 
World)  Here  I  could  get  no  bed,  so  I  wrapped  my- 
self in  my  great  Coat  &  made  a  Pillow  of  my  saddle 
Bags ;  both  yesterday  and  to-day  we  lived  on  nothing 
but  Rye  bread  w°.^  we  qualified  w*  some  Whiskey. 
20*  This  morning  when  I  wanted  my  horse,  I  was 
told  he  had  broke  out  of  the  pasture  &  was  not  to  be 
found ;  but  from  the  miserable  Appearance  of  every- 
thing around  me,  I  concluded  he  was  stolen.  I  then 
took  up  my  saddle  Bags,  cfe  walked  to  the  Ferry  oppo- 
site to  Fort  Pitt,  where  I  immediately  got  a  passage 
over  the  River. 

After  refreshing  myself  at  theJTavern  I  walked  to 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  75 

take  a  view  of  the  little  Town  of  Pittsburgh;  it  is  indeed 
a  pleasant  Situation,  on  a  Point  at  the  Confluence  of  the 
Allegany  and  Yohogany  Rivers,  the  former  is  much  the 
strongest  stream  <fe  always  clear,  the  latter  always 
muddy.  I  thought  the  Fort  to  be  a  good  piece  of 
Work,  but  at  the  same  time  of  little  or  no  use,  being 
commanded  by  very  high  hills  on  every  side.  When  I 
returned  to  the  Tavern  I  found  several  young  Traders 
from  Baltimore  who  were  waiting  to  go  down  the 
River  to  the  Kentucky  Settlement ;  Several  Indians 
also  from  the  Indian  shore  came  here,  and  seemed  to  be 
much  alarmed  on  account  of  the  Lands  ceded  to  Amer- 
ica by  the  Treaty  of  Peace  :  they  said  these  Lands  be- 
longed to  them,  and  as  they  were  never  in  possession  of 
the  English  Nation,  they  could  have  no  right  to  dis- 
pose of  their  property.  They  should  therefore  expect 
that  the  Americans  would  purchase  these  Lands  of 
them  before  they  sent  any  People  to  make  Settlements 
over  the  River. 

21^  This  day,  contrary  to  my  expectations,  my  horse 
was  brought  to  Town  by  a  Countryman,  which  made 
me  a  little  easy  in  my  mind,  otherwise  I  should  have 
been  under  some  difficulty  &  subject  to  great  imposi- 
tion if  I  had  been  obliged  to  buy  one  at  this  place. 

I  observed  the  Banks  of  the  Youhogany  River  were 
well  stored  with  Coal,  which  served  both  the  Town  & 
Garrison,  the  Gardens  &,  Orchard  of  the  latter  dis- 
played some  taste. 


ECTRACT    OF    A    LETTER    FROM    WlLLIAMSBURG. 

The  Ececutive  Council  and  the  house  of  Assembly 
of  this  state  have  each  lately  given  us  but  a  melan- 
choly sample  of  their  moderation  and  talents  for  Gov- 
ernment. They  have  indeed  open'd  to  us  a  very  dreary 
prospect  of  what  We  are  to  expect  when  affairs  uncon- 
troul'd  by  any  other  Power — the  former  has  in  viola- 
tion of  the  Capitulation  of  Fort  St.  Vincents  by  which 


76  *  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

the  Commander  and  Garrison  surrendered  themselves 
Prisoners  of  War,  thrown  the  Governor  with  two 
others  loaded  with  irons*  into  a  dungeon — whatever 
might  have  been  the  previous  cruelties  of  this  M?  Ham- 
ilton the  Council  cou'd  not  consistently  with  the  laws 
of  Nations  and  the  usages  of  War  retrospect  beyond 
the  Capitulation — but  at  any  rate  what  is  this  Council 
of  Virginia  that  They  are  to  erect  themselves  into  a  tri- 
bunal by  which  the  merits  or  demerits  of  the  Prisoners 
of  War  to  the  United  States  are  to  be  try'd  ?  the  War 
with  G.  Britain  is  carried  on  in  the  name  and  by  the 
authority  of  the  United  States,  not  in  the  name  of  Vir- 
ginia or  any  other  state — the  Cartel  for  the  exchange 
of  Prisoners  has  been  settled  by  the  English  General 
and  the  Congress — but  from  the  reasoning  and  conduct 
of  these  Gentlemen  We  must  be  apt  to  conclude  there 
is  not  only  some  great  War  carried  on  betwixt  G.  Brit- 
ain and  the  Aggregate  of  America,  but  thirteen  smaller 
subordinate  Wars  betwixt  G.  Britain  and  each  state 
distinctly — of  course  We  ought  to  have  fourteen  dif- 
ferent cartels  for  the  exchange  and  treatment  of  Pris- 
oners— We  will  suppose  a  case.  We  will  suppose  that 
the  Tories  or  Refugees  of  N.  York — shou'd  raise  a  fund 
and  form  themselves  into  a  Body  for  the  King's  service 
-They  make  an  incursion  into  the  Jerseys  and  by 
surprise  surround  the  room  where  the  Governor  and 
Council  of  that  State  are  sitting,  who  are  under  the  ne- 
cessity of  surrendering  themselves  Prisoners  of  War 
but  not  without  a  formal  Capitulation.  They  are  car- 
ried to  N.  York  and  by  order  of  Mr  Try  on,  the  Mayor 
of  the  City  and  a  few  Aldermen,  who  We  will  suppose 
are  the  Executive  Council  of  the  Tories  the  Governor 
and  one  or  two  of  the  Council  are  notwithstanding  the 

O 

Capitulation  manacled  and  thrown  into  a  dungeon  Con- 
gress We  must  naturally  suppose  wou'd  remonstrate 
with  the  English  General  on  this  conduct  as  irregular 
and  iniquitous — to  which  remonstrance  if  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  was  gravely  to  answer  that  the  prisoners  were 
not  the  Kings  Prisoners  but  of  the  Tories  of  N.  York 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  77 


—I  believe  it  cannot  be  doubted  but  that  every  paper 
on  the  continent  wou'd  flame  with  indignations  against 
so  low  and  scandalous  an  evasion. 

But  the  measures  of  the  House  of  Assembly  are  still 
more  unjust  violent  and  absurd,  perhaps  it  wou'd  not 
be  extravagant  to  say  they  are  treasonable  to  the 
United  States — as  they  throw  insuperable  impediments 
to  any  peace  even  the  most  salutary  and  glorious  to  the 
Community  at  large.  We  will  suppose  G.  Britain  was 
not  only  to  agree  to  the  Independency  of  America  but 
to  cede  Canada,  Nova  JScotia,  Rhode  Island,  N.  York, 
and  the  Floridas — but  with  this  preliminary  Sine  qua 
non — viz,  that  the  Individuals  engaged  in  either  Party 
shou'd  be  re-establish'd  in  their  Property  on  both  sides 
of  the  Atlantic  and  in  the  W.  Indies  it  must  be  allow'd 
that  a  Peace  on  these  terms  wou'd  be  salutary  and  hon- 
orable to  America — but  such  are  the  measures  of  our 
Assembly  that  it  cou'd  not  take  place — They  have 
without  distinction  of  Whigs  or  Tories  Friends  or  Foes 
confiscated  the  property  of  what  are  call'd  British  Sub- 
jects that  is  all  Who  eventually  happen  to  reside  at 
Present  in  G.  Britain,  even  altho  They  have  from  the 
beginning  been  the  most  declared  Friends  to  America — 
the  Governments  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  Jerseys  were 
much  condemned  by  all  Men  of  sound  Judgment  or 
those  who  are  tolerably  versed  in  history  or  the  great 
political  writers,  for  their  hasty  acts  of  confiscation — 
for  as  the  lands  confiscated  cou'd  not  run  away,  no  pos- 
sible inconvenience  cou'd  result  from  waiting  the  issue 
of  the  War,  and  many  embarrassments  might  be  avoided 

—however  these  Gentlemen  had  the  grace  to  confine 
their  confiscations  to  those  who  had  taken  an  open  and 
positive  part  with  the  Enemy — and  never  once  thought 
of  extending  it  to  the  eventful  Absentees  amongst 
whom  are  notoriously  many  of  the  staunchest  friends  to 
America,  besides  They  have  observed  a  sort  of  decorum 
and  form  in  their  proceeding.  They  have  issued  Proc- 
lamations to  the  Parties  concern'd  to  appear  before  'em 
and  take  their  tryals — but  the  Assembly  of  Virginia 


78  *  THE    LEE   PAPERS. 

has  without  proclamation  summons  apprisals  or  even 
communicating  the  least  hint  that  eventual  absence 
cou'd  be  consider' d  as  a  crime  confounded  in  one  com- 
mon ruin  and  proscription  their  warmest  Friends  and 
Advocates  with  those  who  are  in  arms  against  'em — to 
instance  Colonel  Fairfax,  this  Gentleman  is  of  Whig 
connexions,  himself  a  Whig — was  call'd  by 

law  suit  into  England  some  time  before  the 
present  contest  began.  He  has  never  been  suspected  of 
harbouring  an  hostile  wish  to  America.  He  had  never 
been  told  that  his  eventual  absence  cou'd  give  the  least 
umbrage,  much  less  reputed  criminal,  but  these  it  seems 
(when  the  prize  is  rich)  are  trifling  considerations — his 
ample  fortune  and  noble  seat  on  the  Potomac  are  now 
confiscated. 


MEMORANDUM. 

The  case  in  dispute  betwixt  Alf  Roberts  and  General 
Lee  is  as  follows  : — M?  Nourse  had  powers  to  make  any 
contracts  with  Mr.  Roberts — the  contract  He  made  was 
that  Mr.  Roberts  was  at  the  expiratian  of  the  year  to 
receive  two  hundred  and  fifty  bushels  of  wheat  and  a 
reasonable  allowance  for  the  labour  of  his  Boys — at 
the  expiration  of  yc  year  Mr  Roberts  was  paid  for  his 
superintendency  the  full  value  of  two  hundred  and  fifty 
bushels  of  wheat  at  the  then  current  price,  for  according 
to  the  Contract  General  Lee  was  at  liberty  either  to 
pay  it  in  grain  specifically  or  in  money  which  was  the 
current  value — a  reasonable  allowance  for  the  labour  of 
his  Boys  only  remain'd  to  be  settled— General  Lee  re- 
quested Mr  Roberts  to  send  in  his  books,  and  that  three 
Gentlemen  might  be  appointed  to  settle  by  arbitration 
the  sum  that  ought  to  be  allow'd  for  the  labour  of  the 
Boys — it  was  a  long  time  before  Mr  Roberts  cou'd  be 
prevailed  on  to  send  in  his  books,  which  whether  satis- 
factory or  unsatisfactory  occasioned  the  delay  which  Mr 
Nourse  complains  of — M!  Nourse  says  that  as  Gen.  Lee's 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  79 

Agent,  He  agreed  to  pay  Mr  Roberts  two  hundred  and 
fifty  bushels  bushel  of  wheat  or  the  current  value  at  the 
expiration  of  ye  year  for  his  superintendency,  but  My 
Nourse  himself  confesses  that  He  understood  Roberts 
was  to  set  his  hand  to  the  place  as  well  as  his  Sons— 
My  Roberts  has  confessed  in  the  presence  of  many  wit- 
nesses that  He  did  not  wrork,  and  gave  for  his  reason  of 
not  working  that  General  Lee  had  desir'd  him  not  to 
work — this  General  Lee  denies — indeed  it  is  impossible 
to  conceive  He  shou'd  be  guilty  of  so  great  a  folly — My 
Roberts  has  without  General  Lee's  consent  or  assent  of 
Mr  Nourse,  fed  his  whole  family,  three  or  four  horses 
and  five  cattle  at  the  expense  of  General  Lee,  the  ex- 
pence  of  which  from  the  circumstances  of  the  times  is 
very  great — indeed  had  My  Roberts's  wife  or  daughter 
acted  in  any  degree  in  the  capacity  of  servants,  had  the 
women  made  butter,  cheese,  wove  or  spun  for  him,  or  in 
fact  render' d  him  any  services,  General  Lee  wou'd  never 
have  thought  of  bringing  any  charges  against  My  Rob- 
erts for  the  maintenance  of  his  family,  but  as  it  can  be 
prov'd  that  They  never  did,  and  as  it  can  be  prov'd  Mr 
Roberts  did  not  tend  properly  Gen.  Lee's  land,  Gen. 
Lee  thinks  He  has  a  right  to  be  paid  for 


FRAGMENT. 


cannot  be  collected — of  the  only  twro  practicable  meas- 
ures you  have  adopted  neither,  but  very  wisely  have 
hit  on  a  Third,  which  is  not  only  absolutely  imprac- 
ticable but  ruinous  if  attempted  to  be  put  in  practice 
—  ruinous  at  least  to  forty  nine  out  of  fifty  of  the 
landed  Gentlemen  Farmers  and  Planters  which  amounts 
I  think  to  pretty  near  the  whole  aggregate — I  am  cu- 
rious to  know  who  was  the  Father  and  Promoter  of  the 
hard  money  tax  in  particular — I  have  been  told  indeed 


80  .THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

it  was  a  very  good  friend  of  mine — whose  good  quali- 
ties as  a  man  as  a  Father,  Husband,  Friend  and  Gentle- 
man, I  love  and  honour — but  as  a  Politician  I  must 
confess  I  cannot  help  entertaining  the  highest  contempt 
for  him — On  this  subject  I  never  knew  him  once  to 
deviate  into  common  sense,  and  like  all  men  whose 
opinions  are  absurd,  He  is  as  positive  and  obstinate  in 
proportion  to  the  absurdity  of  his  opinions  as — I  have 
been  that  He  and  George  Mason  have  deter- 

min'd  to  throw  down  the  whole  fabrick  of  the  English 
tariff  and  substitute  one  of  their  own  framing  in  its 
stead — and  a  blessed  code  it  is  likely  to  be,  especially 
when  We  consider  the  pious  regard  which  M*  Mason 
paid  to  the  most  sacred  rights  in  the  affair  of  the  In- 
diana Company  and  the  disseising  the  freeholds  of  the 
Clergy — but  such  a  presumptuous  chimera  is  too  gross 
for  a  man  of  common  patience  to  animadvert  upon — 
for  God's  sake  why  is  not  some  method  adopted  for  the 
administration  of  justice?  why  are  not  com- 

petent Judges  appointed  as  in  England,  for  the  County 
Court  Justices  it  is  notorious  have  not  knowledge  or 
abilities  to  qualify  'em  for  constables,  and  the  Peoples 
property  of  course  is  held  by  a  very  whimsical  tenure 
—why  is  not  some  attachment  paid  to  the  state  and  en- 
couragement of  agriculture  on  which  the  strength  and 
wealth  of  a  Country  principally  depends  ?  for  instance, 
why  should  not  Hogs  be  confin'd  or  at  least  ring'd,  for 
'till  this  is  done,  it  is  impossible  that  there  shou'd  be  a 
single  good  farm.  I  ask'd  Mr  White  why  it  was  not ; 
his  answer  was,  that  it  was  mention'd,  but 
because  it  was  concluded  that  the  People  wou'd  never 
submit  to  it — if  this  is  the  case,  the  People  in  Virginia 
must  resemble  the  Giant  in  Kabelais  who  used  to  swal- 
low windmills  for  his  breakfast,  and  was  afterwards 
chok'd  by  a  little  lump  of  butter  before  a  warm  oven. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  81 


MEMORANDUM. 

The  Capital  points  into  which  the  People  of  England 
have  been  led  with  respect  to  this  Country  in  general 
and  the  Bostonians  in  particular. 

1-  That  had  it  not  been  for  the  Bostonians  the  tea 
act  wou'd  have  been  submitted  to. 

2.  That  they  began  what  the  others  only  followed. 

3.  That  their  manner  of  proceeding  was  more  inde- 
cent and  violent  than  that  of  the  other  Provinces. 

4*1?  That  a  few  factious  Spirits  in  each  Province 
have  governed  the  People. 

5^  s  That  if  these  misleaders  were  taken  off  the  Peo- 
ple wou'd  submit. 

6th  That  Independance  has  been  their  view  from  the 
beginning  particularly  of  the  Eastern  People — and  that 
They  brought  it  about. 

7th.  That  a  revenue  might  be  drawn  from  America 
without  distressing  her. 

8^  That  America  drew  Great  Britain  into  the  last 
war. 

9^  That  the  Navigation  Act  has  been  totally  disre- 
garded. 

10th  That  the  Indians  were  solicited  to  take  an  ac- 
tive part  in  this  War. 


AN  ESSAY  ON  THE  COUP  D'CEIL. 

IT  is  the  general  opinion,  that  the  coup  d'ceil  does  not 
depend  upon  ourselves;  that  it  is  a  present  of  Nature; 
that  practice  will  not  give  it  to  us;  in  a  word,  that  we 
must  bring  it  into  the  world  with  us,  without  which, 
the  most  piercing  eyes  see  nothing,  and  we  must  grope 
about  in  utter  darkness.  This  is  a  mistake :  we  have 
all  the  coup  d'ceil  in  proportion  to  the  degree  of  under- 

6 


82  THE    LEE   PAPEES. 

standing  which  it  has  pleased  Providence  to  give  to  us. 
It  is  derived  from  both ;  but  what  is  acquired,  refines 
and  perfects  the  natural,  and  experience  insures  it  to  us. 
It  is  manifest  from  the  actions  and  conduct  of  Amilcar, 
that  he  had  it  to  a  great  and  fine  degree ;  for  he  pos- 
sessed all  the  qualities  requisite  for  it,  and  in  the  great- 
est point  of  perfection  that  perhaps  ever  any  general 
carried  them ;  as  may  be  remarked  in  the  war  of  Eryce, 
and  that  of  the  rebels  of  Africa. 

Before  I  enter  into  the  explication  of  the  method 
that  should  be  pursued  to  acquire  this  talent,  falsely 
thought  to  be  a  gift  of  Nature,  it  is  necessary  to  define 
it. — The  military  coup  <^W/,  then,  is  nothing  else  than 
the  art  of  knowing  the  nature  and  different  situations 
of  the  Country  where  we  make  and  intend  to  carry  the 
war ;  the  advantages  and  disadvantages  of  the  camp 
and  posts  that  we  mean  to  occupy  ;  as  likewise  those 
which  may  be  favourable  or  disadvantageous  to  the  en- 
emy. By  the  position  of  our  army,  and  the  conse- 
quences drawn  from  it,  we  may  not  only  form  with 
precision  our  designs  for  the  present,  but  judge  of  those 
we  may  afterwards  have.  It  is  alone  by  this  knowl- 
edge of  the  country  into  which  we  carry  the  W7ar,  that 
a  great  Captain  can  forsee  the  events  of  the  whole  cam- 
paign, and,  if  it  may  be  so  expressed,  render  himself 
master  of  them  ;  because,  judging  from  what  he  himself 
has  done,  of  what  the  enemy  must  necessarily  do, 
forced  as  they  are,  by  the  nature  of  the  places,  to  reg- 
ulate their  movements  to  oppose  his  designs,  he  con- 
ducts them  from  post  to  post,  from  camp  to  camp,  to 
the  very  point  he  has  proposed  to  himself  to  insure  vic- 
tory. Such,  in  a  few  words,  is  the  military  coup  (VceU, 
without  which  it  is  impossible  that  a  General  should 
avoid  falling  into  a  number  of  faults  of  the  greatest 
consequence.  In  a  word,  there  are  little  hopes  of  vic- 
tory if  we  are  destitute  of  what  is  called  the  coup  deceit 
of  war ;  and  as  the  military  science  is  of  the  same  na- 
ture with  all  others  that  require  practice  to  possess 
them  in  all  the  different  parts  that  compose  them,  this 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  83 

which  I  treat  of,  is,  of  all  others,  that  which  requires 
the  greatest  practice. 

Philopcemen,  one  of  the  greatest  Captains  that  Greece 
produced,  and  whom  an  illustrious  Roman  has  called 
the  last  of  the  Grecians,  had  the  coup  d'ceil,  in  an  ad- 
mirable degree ;  but  we  ought  not  to  consider  it  as  a 
gift  of  Nature,  but  as  the  fruit  of  study,  application, 
and  his  extreme  passion  for  war.  Plutarch  informs  us 
of  the  method  he  used  to  enable  himself  to  see  with 
his  own  eyes,  rather  than  those  of  other  people,  when 
he  was  at  the  head  of  armies.  The  passage  deserves  to 
be  quoted. 

"  He  willingly  listened,"  says  the  Greek  author,  "  to 
the  discourses,  and  read  the  treatises  of  the  philoso- 
phers ;  not  all,  but  only  those  which  could  aid  him  in 
his  pursuit  of  virtue ;  and  of  all  the  great  ideas  of  Ho- 
mer, he  sought  for,  and  retained  those  alone  which 
could  whet  his  courage,  and  animate  him  towards  great 

O     '  O 

actions  :  and  of  all  other  lectures,  he  preferred  the 
treatises  of  Evangelus,  called  the  Tactics,  that  is,  the 
art  of  ranging  troops  in  order  of  battle ;  and  the  his- 
tories of  the  life  of  Alexander;  for  he  thought  that 
language  was  of  no  further  use  than  its  reference  to  ac- 
tion, and  that  the  only  end  of  reading  wras  to  learn 
how  to  conduct  ourselves ;  unless  we  chuse  to  read 
merely  to  pass  the  time,  or  to  furnish  ourselves  with 
the  means  of  keeping  up  idle  and  fruitless  chat. 

When  he  had  read  the  precepts  and  rules  of  the 
tactics,  he  did  not  trouble  his  head  about  seeing  the 
demonstration  of  them  by  plans  on  paper,  but  made 
the  application  of  them  in  the  very  scenes  of  action, 
and  in  open  field ;  for,  in  his  marches,  he  accurately 
observed  the  eminences  and  low  places,  the  breaks  and 
irregularities  of  the  ground,  and  all  the  forms  and  fig- 
ures which  battalions  and  squadrons  are  obliged  to  take 
in  consequence  of  rivulets,  ravines,  and  defiles,  which 
force  them  to  close  or  extend  themselves.  In  general, 
it  appears,  that  Philopcemen  had  a  very  strong  passion 
for  arms ;  that  he  embraced  war  as  a  profession  that 


84  »THE   LEE    PAPERS. 

gave  greater  play  to  his  virtues  ;  in  a  word,  he  despised 
all  those  as  idle  and  useless  members  of  the  community, 
who  did  not  apply  themselves  to  it." 

These,  in  abridgement,  are  the  most  excellent  pre- 
cepts that  can  be  given  to  a  prince,  the  general  of  an 
army,  and  every  officer  who  wishes  to  arrive  at  the 
highest  degrees  of  military  rank.  This  is  the  only 
method;  and,  as  the  translator  has  very  judiciously  ob- 
served, renders  the  putting  the  precepts  into  practice, 
on  occasion,  more  easy  than  by  studying  the  plans  on 
paper.  Plutarch  accuses,  and  even  severely  censures 
Philopoemen  for  having  carried  his  passion  for  arms  be- 
yond the  bounds  of  moderation.  Mons.  Dacier  does 
not  fail  to  chime  in  with  him ;  but,  both  the  one  and 
the  other,  without  well  knowing  what  they  say,  have 
passed  an  unfair  judgment  on  tliis  great  Captain;  as  if 
the  science  of  war  was  not  immense,  and  did  not  com- 
prehend all  others  in  its  vortex ;  and  as  if,  to  acquire  a 
perfect  knowledge  of  it,  a  long  and  laborious  applica- 
tion was  not  necessary.  Plutarch  was  no  soldier ;  his 
translator  less  so  :  it  escaped  both  the  one  and  the  other, 
that  Philopoemen  was  as  learned  as  the  greatest  part 
of  the  Grecian  generals,  and  that  he  applied  himself  to 
the  study  of  philosophy  and  history,  so  necessary  for 
military  men.  Why,  then,  be  offended  that  a  man 
should  apply  and  give  himself  entirely  up  to  the  study 
of  the  sciences  which  have  a  relation  to  his  profession  ? 
That  of  arms  is  not  only  most  noble,  but  the  most  ex- 
tensive and  profound ;  consequently  it  demands  the 
greatest  application.  What  this  great  Captain  did  to 
acquire  the  coup  d'ceil,  is  extremely  necessary  and  im- 
portant for  the  command  of  armies  on  which  depend 
the  glory  and  safety  of  the  State. 

There  is  no  doubt  but  that  tactics,  or  the  art  of  rang- 
ing armies  in  the  order  of  battle,  of  encamping  and 
fighting  them,  is  a  most  royal  attainment.  What  could 
be  the  reason  that  Hannibal  ranked  Pyrrhus  king  of 
the  Epirots,  before  Scipio,  and  immediately  after  Alex- 
ander, although  the  latter  was  certainly  the  ablest  man  ? 


THE    LEE    PAPEES.  85 

It  was,  doubtless,  because  the  first  excelled  all  mankind 
in  this  great  part  of  war,  although  Scipio  did  not  yield 
to  him  in  this  point,  as  he  made  appear  at  the  battle 
Lama.  Hannibal  was  less  practised  in  this  branch  than 
the  two  others.  Philopcemen  saw  that  the  study  of 
tactics,  and  the  treatises  of  Evangelus,  were  of  no  use 
to  him,  unless  he  joined  to  them  the  coup  d'ceil,  so 
necessary  to  the  general  of  an  army.  His  method  al- 
ways pleased  me,  and  it  is  what  I  have  ever  practised 
in  my  journeys,  and  in  the  camp ;  for  we  ought  not  to 
wait  for  the  opportunity  of  war  to  acquire  the  coup 
cPceil,  but  it  may  be  learnt  and  obtained  by  the  exercise 
of  hunting. 

To  attain  this  science,  many  things  are  necessary. 
Severe  application  to  our  profession  is  the  basis ;  then 
a  certain  method  is  to  be  adopted  :  Although  that 
of  this  Grecian  Captain  is  good,  I  think  I  have  im- 
proved upon  it,  or  at  least  discovered  that  which  the 
Greek  author  has  omitted  to  teach  us  more  particularly. 
We  are  not  always  at  war,  nor  is  it  to  be  supposed  that 
we  can  render  ourselves  able  by  experience  alone,  on 
which  indeed  the  capacity  of  the  greater  part  of  military 
men  in  these  ages  is  founded :  it  serves  to  perfect  us, 
but  is  scarcely  of  any  use  unless  the,  study  of  the  prin- 
ciples accompany  it ;  because,  war  being  a  science,  it  is 
impossible  to  make  any  progress  without  beginning 
with  the  study  of  the  principles.  Two  ages  of  perpet- 
ual war  would  scarcely  suffice  to  furnish  lights  for  our 
conduct :  from  the  experience  of  facts,  this  ought  to  be 
left  to  souls  of  an  ordinary  stamp,  and  more  compen- 
dious methods  be  provided  for  great  Captains  to  mount 
to  the  summit  of  glory,  without  being  indebted  for  it 
to  the  capacity  of  others,  which  is  not  always  to  be 
met  with.  It  is,  then,  necessary  to  study  war  before 
we  engage  in  it,  and  to  apply  ourselves  incessantly  after 
we  are  engaged  in  it.  I  have  before  said,  that  we  are 
not  always  at  war;  and  I  may  add,  that  armies  are 
not  always  drawn  together  in  a  body,  or  in  motion. 
They  are  for  six  months  at  least  quiet  in  winter  quar- 


86  -THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

ters ;  and  six  months  are  not  sufficient  to  form  the  coup 
d'ceil  of  war.  It  is  true,  that  a  great  deal  more  is  to  be 
learnt  in  marches,  in  forages,  and  in  the  different  camps 
and  posts  which  armies  occupy  :  the  ideas  become  more 
clear  and  capable  to  judge  of,  and  reflect  on,  the 
country  we  see;  but  this  does  not  prevent  us  from 
making  use  of  it,  by  the  assistance  of  good  sense, 
on  other  occasions  than  when  in  armies ;  or  form 
refining  our  judgment  and  eye,  either  by  hunting,  or  on 
our  journeys  : — this  I  can  speak  of  from  experience. 

Nothing  contributes  more  to  form  the  coup  d'ceil,  than 
the  exercise  of  hunting :  for,  besides  giving  us  a 
thorough  knowledge  of  the  country,  and  of  the  differ- 
ent situations,  which  are  infinite,  and  never  the  same,  it 
teaches  us  a  thousand  stratagems  and  other  things  rela- 
tive to  war.  But  the  principle  is  the  knowledge  of  the 
objects  that  form  the  coup  (Tceil,  without  our  being 
sensible  of  it ;  and  if  we  practise  it  with  this  intention, 
we  may,  with  the  addition  of  a  very  few  reflections, 
acquire  the  greatest  and  most  important  qualification  of 
a  general  of  an  army. 

The  great  Cyrus,  in  giving  himself  entirely  up  to 
hunting,  in  his  younger  years,  had  the  pleasure  of  it 
less  in  view  than  the  design  of  qualifying  himself  for 
w^ar  and  the  command  of  armies.  Xenophon,  who 
wrote  his  life,  does  not  leave  us  in  the  least  doubt  on 
this  head.  He  says,  that  this  great  man,  on  his  pre- 
paring for  war  with  the  king  of  Armenia,  reasoned  upon 
this  expedition  as  if  the  question  had  been  of  a  party 
of  hunting  in  a  mountainous  country.  He  explained 
himself  thus  to  Chrysantes,  one  of  his  general  officers, 
whom  he  had  detached  into  the  roughest  parts  and  the 
most  difficult  vallies,  in  order  to  gain  the  entrances  and 
issues,  and  to  cut  off  all  retreat  to  the  enemy.  "  Im- 
agine," says  he,  "that  it  is  a  chace  we  are  engaged  in, 
and  that  it  is  allotted  to  thee  to  watch  at  the  toils, 
whilst  I  beat  the  country.  Above  all,  remember  not  to 
begin  the  chace  before  all  the  passages  are  occupied, 
and  that  those  who  are  placed  in  ambuscade  be  not 


THE    LEE   PAPERS.  87 

seen,  lest  they  should  frighten  the  game.  Take  care 
not  to  engage  thyself  too  far  in  the  woods,  from  whence 
thou  mightest  find  it  difficult  to  extricate  thyself ;  and 
command  your  guides,  unless  they  could  indeed  shorten 
the  distances,  to  conduct  you  by  the  best  roads,  which, 
with  respect  to  armies,  are  always  the  shortest." 

Whether  or  not  Xenophon,  in  his  history  of  Cyrus, 
has  run  into  romance  in  order  to  give  us  an  abridgment 
of  the  military  science  treated  historically,  is  a  matter 
of  no  great  importance,  provided  that  all  it  contains 
relative  to  this  science  be  just  and  solid.  His  intention 
is  to  convince  us  that  hunting  leads  us  to  the  knowl- 
edge of  many  things  necessary  to  be  known — that  it  is 
a  becoming  amusement,  and  extremely  necessary  to 
those  who  are  either  born  to  command  or  to  obey ;  be1 
cause  it  enures  us  to  bear  the  fatigues  of  war,  strength- 
ens the  constitution,  and  forms  the  coup  cPwil;  for  an 
exact  knowledge  of  a  certain  extent  of  country,  facili- 
tates that  of  others,  if  he  but  sees  it  in  the  slightest 
manner.  It  is  impossible,  although  they  are  widely 
different,  that  there  should  not  be  some  conformity  be- 
twixt them  ;  and  the  perfect  knowledge  of  one  (says 
Machiavel  in  his  political  discourses)  leads  to  that  of 
another.  On  the  contrary,  those  who  are  not  trained  in 
this  practice,  have  the  greatest  difficulty  to  acquire  it ; 
whilst  the  others,  by  a  single  glance  of  the  eye,  can  as- 
certain the  extent  of  a  plain,  the  height  of  a  mountain, 
the  depth,  breadth,  and  termination  of  a  valley,  and  all 
the  circumstances  of  the  nature  of  the  different  grounds 
to  which  they  are  accustomed  by  habit  and  experience. 
I  do  not  believe  that  any  other  author,  than  this  I 
have  quoted,  has  treated  of  this  matter.  The  remain- 
der is  excellent :  I  shall  beg  leave  to  .transcribe  it. 

"Nothing  is  more  true,"  continues  he,  "than  what  I 
here  advance,  if  we  may  give  credit  to  Titus  Livius, 
and  the  example  he  presents  to  our  eyes  in  the  person 
of  Publius  Decius,  who  was  Tribune  in  the  Koman 
army,  commanded  by  the  Consul  Cornelius,  against  the 
Samnites.  It  happened  that  this  General  suffered  him- 


88  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

self  to  be  pushed  into  a  valley,  where  the  enemy  might 
have  pent  him  up.  In  this  extremity,  Decius  says  to 
the  Consul,  '  Don't  you  perceive  yonder  eminence,  which 
commands  the  enemv  ?  This  is  the  post  that  alone  can 
extricate  us,  if  we  do  not  lose  a  single  moment  in  mak- 
ing ourselves  master  of  it,  as  the  Samnites  have  been 
so  blind  as  to  abandon  it.'  But  before  Decius  addressed 
himself  in  this  manner  to  the  Consul,  he  had  dis- 
covered through  the  wood,  a  hill  which  commanded  the 
camp  of  the  enemy  ;  that  it  was  steep,  and  of  pretty 
difficult  access  for  heavy  armed  troops,  but  practicable 
enough  to  the  light  infantry.  That  the  Consul  ordered 
the  Tribune  to  take  possession  of  it  with  three  thou- 
sand men  that  he  had  consigned  to  him ;  which  having 
happily  executed,  the  whole  army  retreated  in  order  to 
put  themselves  in  a  place  of  safety.  That  he  ordered 
some  few  of  his  people  to  follow,  whilst  there  was  yet 
some  remains  of  day-light,  in  order  to  discover  the 
passes  guarded  by  the  enemy,  and  those  by  which  a  re- 
treat might  be  made ;  and  he  went  to  reconnoitre,  dis- 
guised in  the  habit  of  a  common  soldier,  that  the  Sam- 
nites might  not  perceive  that  it  was  a  general  officer 
who  was  on  the  scout.'' 

"  If  we  reflect,"  continues  Machiavel,  "  upon  what 
Titus  Livius  here  says,  we  shall  see  how  necessary  it  is 
for  a  good  General  to  be  able  to  judge  of  the  nature 
of  a  country  ;  for  if  Decius  had  not  possessed  this  talent, 
he  would  not  have  known  how  advantageous  the  pos- 
session of  this  hill  must  have  been  to  the  Romans ;  and 
he  would  have  been  incapable  of  discovering  at  a  dis- 
tance, whether  it  was  of  easy  or  difficult  access.  When, 
afterwards,  he  had  made  himself  master  of  it,  and  when 
the  point  was  to  rejoin  the  Consul,  he  would  not  have 
been  able,  at  a  distance,  to  discover  which  posts  were 
guarded  by  the  enemy,  and  those  by  which  a  retreat 
was  practicable.  Decius,  therefore,  must  certainly  have 
been  very  intelligent  in  these  sort  of  matters;  for  other- 
wise he  could  not  have  saved  the  Roman  army  by 
possessing  himself  of  this  hill,  and  afterwards  extri- 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  89 

cated  himself  from  the  enemy,  who  had  surrounded 
him." 

There  are  very  few  military  men  who  are  capable  of 
drawing,  from  an  historical  fact,  such  observations  as 
these  I  have  cited  from  Machiavel :  the  most  consum- 
mate master  in  the  profession  could  do  no  more.  I  am 
not  at  all  surprised  at  it ;  a  profound  and  well-digested 
study  of  history  necessarily  leads  us  to  the  knowledge 
of  an  infinity  of  things,  which  enables  us  to  judge 
soundly  and  solidly  of  all.  The  study  of  politics,  of 
which  history  is  the  basis,  is  a  powerful  means  of  per- 
fecting our  understanding  and  judgment. 

The  political  and  military  discourses  of  this  author, 
on  the  Decades  of  Livy,  are  an  immortal  work.  I  think 
them  worthy  the  curiosity  of  all  military  men — of  being 
attentively  read  and  well  digested.  His  life  of  Cas- 
trucciom,  one  of  the  greatest  Captains  of  his  age,  though 
not  very  much  known,  is  not  less  admirable.  It  is 
every  where  ornamented  with  curious  and  very  instruc- 
tive facts ;  and  filled  with  military  reflections  and  ob- 
servations which  few  people  are  capable  of  making.  So 
happy  a  turn  had  this  man  for  the  profession  of  arms, 
(excepting  his  book  on  the  article  of  war,  which  does 
not  do  him  a  great  deal  of  honour,  although  it  is  pil- 
laged from  Vegetius,)  he  is  admirable  in  all.  He  lived 
at  a  time  when  Italy  was  so  agitated  with  trouble  in- 
testine and  foreign  wars,  that  we  must  not  be  surprised 
if  a  man  of  sense  and  judgment,  and  learned  besides, 
was  equal  to  so  noble  a  performance;  because,  as  he 
was  on  the  scene  of  action,  he  had  the  means  of  obtain- 
ing the  most  excellent  materials,  and  of  conversing  with 
officers  who  had  served  in  these  wars. 


A  PICTURE  OF  THE  COUNTESS  OF 


THE  Countess  has,  what  we  see  seldom  united  in  the 
same  woman,  vivacity  and  tenderness,  dignity  of  person 


90  -THE   LEE   PAPERS. 

and  feminine  softness.  She  is  tall  and  exquisitely 
shaped.  She  is  of  an  amiable  and  commanding  aspect. 
Her  eyes  are  of  the  languishing  English  blue,  but  of 
the  Grecian  largeness  and  contour.  Her  forehead  is  of 
a  polish  and  formation  not  to  be  matched.  Her  lips 
are  full  and  ripe,  from  which  issues  a  breath  which 
would  create  desires  in  age  and  coldness.  Her  neck  is 
of  such  a  colour  and  symmetry  as  to  make  us  curse  in- 
vidious custom  for  preventing  us  gazing  on  the  whole 
of  so  admirable  a  piece  of  workmanship.  Her  skin  is 
of  a  smoothness  that  the  slightest  contact  of  it  thrills 
through  every  pore,  and  beats  alarm  to  a  thousand 
wishes.  Her  person  is  rather  ample ;  but  we  could  not 
consent  to  its  diminution,  lest  some  grace  or  beauty 
should  be  lost. 

No  man  has  seen  her  laugh ;  but  she  smiles  frequent- 
ly. Her  smiles  seem  rather  to  be  the  result  of  an  in- 
clination to  make  those  about  her  cheerful  and  happy, 
than  of  any  inherent  gaiety  of  disposition  in  herself. 
She  has,  at  times,  a  dash  of  melancholy  in  her  counte- 
nance, which  is  more  becoming  than  her  smiles.  These 
short  symptoms  of  melancholy  I  should  attribute  to 
her  vacancy  of  heart,  to  her  want  of  some  one  object 
upon  which  she  may  fix  her  affections;  a  necessity 
which  Nature  has  imposed  upon  Woman  for  a  wise  pur- 
pose— the  perpetuation  of  the  human  race. 

She  has  faults  ;  but  her  faults  seem  to  be  acquired— 
her  virtues  a  native  inheritance.  She  is  so  general,  that 
it  almost  amounts  to  coquetry.  She  makes  too  little 
distinction  betwixt  the  men  of  merit  and  sense,  and  the 
foolish  and  undeserving.  She  can  cruelly  suffer  the 
sincere  respectful  lover  to  languish  without  a  glimmer 
of  hope,  and  give  encouragement  to  the  assured,  indif- 
ferent coxcomb,  who  would  boast  of  favours  which  she 
is,  perhaps,  determined  to  confer  on  no  man.  She  has 
the  appearance  of  being  so  satisfied  with  these  reptiles, 
that  you  would  suspect  her  understanding,  did  not 
every  sentence  which  she  utters  correct  this  mistake. 
She  may  be  accused  in  this,  of  ingratitude  towards  her 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  91 

benefactress  Nature,  who  bestowed  on  her  such  uncom- 
mon talents,  not  to  be  hebetated  by  the  galimatias  of 
fools,  but,  by  a  proper  application  of  her  time,  to  be 
perfected  into  mental  endowments  proportionable  to  her 
personal  charms.  She  acts  wisely  in  being  cautious  of 
a  second  marriage,  as  the  great  fortune  which  she  is 
possessed  of,  must  render  it  difficult  for  her  to  distin- 
guish who  courts  her  riches,  who  herself.  But  the  man 
who  shall  be  happy  enough  to  obtain  her,  will  do  well 
to  hurry  his  prize  to  some  retreat  from  the  great  world, 
as  the  facility  which  I  complain  of  might  create  him 
much  uneasiness :  for  it  is  an  eternal  truth,  that  great 
love,  and  some  degree  of  jealousy  are  inseparable. 
There  thou  mightest,  O  envied  mortal !  enjoy  perpet- 
ual happiness ;  if  candour,  frankness,  good  nature,  un- 
derstanding and  beauty  could  make  thee  happy. 


AN  ACCOUNT  OF  A  CONVERSATION,  CHIEFLY  RELATIVE 
TO  THE  ARMY. 

SOME  time  ago,  I  made  one  of  a  company  of  officers, 
whose  conversation  was  not  confined,  as  is  too  much  the 
custom  of  gentlemen  of  our  profession,  to  bucMes,  but- 
tons, garters,  grenadier  caps,  or,  what  is  little  better,  the 
figure  that  such  or  such  a  regiment  made  in  their  puerile 
reviews  for  the  amusement  of  royal  masters  and  misses, 
great  and  small,  in  Hyde  Park,  or  on  Wimbleton  Com- 
mon •  our  discourse  fell  upon  the  history  of  England, 
and  the  respective  merits  of  the  different  historians. 

A  young  subaltern,  who  seemed  to  have  great  fire  and 
sentiment,  and  with  more  reading  than  young  subal- 
terns are  generally  masters  of,  was  extremely  bitter  on 
Mr.  Hume  :  he  loaded  him  with  a  thousand  opprobri- 
ums; he  styled  him  a  sophist,  a  Jesuit,  a  theistical 
champion  of  despotism,  who  had  dethroned  the  God  of 
Heaven,  and  deified  the  sceptered  monsters  of  the  earth. 
The  young  man  was  taken  up  by  a  grey-headed  field- 


92  THE  LEE  PAPERS. 

officer,  who  was  so  warm  a  partizan  of  Mr.  Hume's,  that 
he  leaned  not  only  towards  absolute  (or  in  his  favourite 
author's  terms)  pure  unmixed  monarchy,  but  visibly 
towards  jacobitism.  He  spoke  of  Charles  the  First 
with  an  idolatrous  reverence,  and  of  all  his  opponents 
with  the  greatest  ^horror  and  indignation  :  this  led  him 
to  a  great  deal  of  abuse  on  Mrs.  M'Cawley,  he  lamented 
that  a  composition  of  this  nature  was  suffered  to  be 
published,  which  must  instil  the  most  damnable  repub- 
lican principles  into  the  minds  of  our  youth  ;  that  it 
already  had  diminished  that  respect  to  royalty  so  neces- 
sary to  be  kept  up  ;  and  that  the  young  gentleman  who 
spoke  last  had  furnished  us  with  an  instance,  that  the 
army  had  not  escaped  the  contagion — a  most  alarming 
consideration  !  as  their  disrespect  to  crowned  heads  was 
not  manifested  alone  by  opinions  injurious  to  the  royal 
martyr,  but  that  several  of  them  had  frequently  in  their 
conversations  declared  their  disapprobation  of  some 
parts  of  the  present  reign ;  that  such  sentiments,  and 
such  language,  were  not  only  repugnant  to  the  spirit  of 
our  military  laws,  but  indecent  and  ungrateful  in  those 
who  eat  his  Majesty's  'bread.  This  he  uttered  with  so 
much  emphasis,  that  the  greatest  part  of  the  company 
was  terrified  into  silence ;  and  the  young  subaltern  began 
to  think  he  had  been  guilty  in  some  measure  of  treason, 
and  I  believe  would  have  prevaricated  himself  into 
other  sentiments  than  those  he  had  professed,  had  I  not 
taken  up  his  cause,  justified  all  he  had  advanced,  and 
encouraged  him  to  foster  the  noble  principles  he  had 
imbibed.  I  demanded  of  our  veteran  to  explain  his 
meaning  in  saying  that  we  eat  his  Majesty's  bread; 
whence  had  his  Majesty  drawn  funds  to  feed  so  many 
mouths  ?  Were  coffers  of  gold  transported  from  his  per- 
sonal estates  in  Germany  ?  or,  had  he  discovered  in  his 
gardens  at  Kew,  treasures  sufficient  for  such  prodigious 
munificence  ?  Were  the  officers  of  the  army  forlorn 
and  starving  in  the  streets,  without  patrimony,  relations 
and  friends ;  cut  off  by  their  country,  from  all  means 
of  supporting  themselves ;  in  a  word,  precluded  from 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  93 

all  the  possibilities,  presented  to  other  members  of  so- 
ciety, or  procuring  a  livelihood  ?  Had  his  Majesty  found 
the  whole  body  of  us  in  this  wretched  desperate  situ- 
ation, and  out  of  the  vast  benevolence  of  his  soul,  and 
at  his  own  individual  expence,  without  the  least  incum- 
brance  to  the  nation,  redeemed  us  from  hunger  and 
nakedness,  fed  us  comfortably,  clothed  us  in  smart  red 
coats,  put  swords  by  our  sides,  and  erected  us  into  the 
condition  of  gentlemen  ?  I  said,  if  these  things  could 
be  proved,  but  on  no  other  terms,  I  would  agree  with 
the  gentleman  who  spoke  last,  that  we  really  did  eat 
the  king's  bread,  and  that  we  were  perhaps  in  duty 
bound  to  approve  all  his  measures,  and  all  those  of  his 
ministers,  whether  right  or  wrong,  glorious  or  inglorious, 
salutary  or  pernicious. — But,  on  the  other  hand,  if  we 
considered  ourselves,  as  we  really  were,  only  as  a  class 
of  one  great  free  people,  segregated  from  the  rest  into 
this  distinct  class,  and  subjected  to  particular  laws 
necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  military  order  and  dis- 
cipline, without  which  we  could  not  answer  the  ends  of 
our  institution,  that  is,  the  immediate  defence  of  our 
mother  country  against  foreign  invaders,  and  the  pres- 
ervation of  our  colonies  and  external  possessions,  the 
great  basis  and  support  of  our  commerce,  wealth  and 
marine,  consequently  our  national  importance  and  in- 
dependence:  I  said  the  King  might  be  considered, 
partly  in  the  same  predicament  with  the  officers  of  the 
army,  or  the  fleet,  viz.  a  great  servant  of  the  community, 
or  mass  of  the  people,  ordained  and  subsisted  for  the 
public  service  ;  with  this  difference,  that  each  individ- 
ual of  the  army,  or  fleet,  contributed  as  a  citizen,  and 
one  of  the  people,  to  his  subsistence,  as  a  soldier,  or  ser- 
vant of  the  great  aggregate,  of  which  he  himself,  in 
another  sense,  formed  a  part;  whereas  the  king  was 
simply  a  receiver ;  in  no  respect  a  contributor ;  so  that 
it  might  in  fact  be  said  with  more  propriety,  that  the 
king  eat  the  officer  of  the  army's  bread,  than  that  the 
officers  of  the  army  eat  the  king's.  I  confessed  that  his 
Majesty,  as  one  branch  of  the  legislature,  and  executive 


94  .THE   LEE   PAPERS. 

magistrate,  was  entitled  to  a  very  high  degree  of  rever- 
ence from  soldiers  as  well  as  other  citizens,  as  long  as 
he  fulfilled  the  duties  of  his  station ;  but  that  still  a 
higher  degree  of  reverence  and  attachment  was  due  to 
the  freedom,  laws,  prosperity  and  glory  of  our  country, 
than  personally  to  the  first  magistrate,  let  him  fill  his 
office  ever  so  worthily.  When  it  was  remembered,  I 
added,  that  the  present  reigning  family  had  been  taken 
from  a  German  electorate,  not  the  most  considerable, 
exalted  to  the  head  of  a  mighty  empire,  endowed  with 
adequate  revenues,  and  invested  with  the  godlike  powers 
of  executing  justice,  but  softening  its  rigours,  of  deal- 
ing out  mercy,  but  restrained  from  evil ;  I  said,  when 
these  things  were  remembered,  should  his  present  Maj- 
esty, or  any  of  bis  successors,  pervert  the  power  granted 
by  the  generosity  and  confidence  of  the  people,  to  the 
prejudice  or  dishonour  of  the  people,  the  officers  of  the 
army,  no  more  than  any  other  class  of  citizens,  could 
not  be  taxed  with  ingratitude,  or  indecency,  in  censuring 
their  prince,  but  the  prince  in  furnishing  matter  of 
censure. — The  old  field  officer  began  to  soften  :  he  con- 
fessed that  his  expression  with  respect  to  the  officer's 
eating  his  Majesty's  bread  was  improper;  but  still  in- 
sisted, that  the  army  ought  to  be  more  reserved  in  their 
censure  than  any  other  order  of  men,  as  they  seemed  to 
be  held  in  higher  esteem  by  the  present  Court  than  any 
other  order.  In  this  again  I  totally  differed  from  the 
old  gentleman.  I  asserted  it  was  the  reverse ;  that  the 
army  had  been  treated  through  the  whole  present  reign, 
both  individually,  and  collectively,  with  more  contempt 
and  ingratitude  than  in  any  reign  of  any  age  or  any 
country ;  that  the  ill  usage  of  the  army  had  not  been 
confined  to  the  living,  it  had  extended  to  the  dead.  To 
begin  with  Mr.  Wolfe,  to  whose  valour  and  conduct  we 

O  / 

owed  the  acquisition  of  a  mighty  empire,  how  irrever- 
ently had  his  ashes  been  treated  by  government !  The 
nation  had  indeed  gratefully  and  generously  voted  a 
monument  to  their  hero ;  the  nation  had  paid  the  money, 
but  unfortunately  his  Majesty's  ministers  were  the 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  95 

trustees;  to  this  day  therefore  we  see  no  monument 
erected;  the  money  raised  on  the  people  for  this  pur- 
pose, having  probably  been  converted  to  the  use  of 
some  living  worthies,  not  very  far  distant  from  West- 
minster Abbey.  But  they  were  not  satisfied  with  de- 
priving the  hero  of  these  trophies ;  they  had  piqued 
themselves  in  adding  every  insult  to  his  memory.  The 
man  who  had  served,  or  rather  disserved,  under  him ; 
who  had  shewn  activity  only  in  embarrassing  his  coun- 
sels, impeding  his  measures,  and  labouring  to  defeat  his 
purposes ;  who  had  strained  his  hardbound  wit  to  throw 
a  ridicule  on  his  conduct ;  who,  whenever  he  could  find 
an  audience  passive  and  base  enough  to  his  mind  had 
poured  forth  torrents  of  abuse,  and  endeavoured  to  raise 
a  spirit  of  faction  and  mutiny  in  others,  equal  to  that 
stirred  up  in  his  own  breast,  by  the  daemon  of  envy ; 
who  after  his  glorious  death,  had  not  paid  the  slightest 
tribute  of  respect  to  his  memory,  or  of  ceremony  to  his 
remains;  who  had  attempted  to  filch  his  laurels  off 
the  shelf j  and  put  them  in  his  pocket :  This  .man,  I  said, 
had  been  loaded  with  the  highest  preferments,  and  the 
greatest  honours,  (if  any  thing  which  flows  from  such  a 
court  can  be  deemed  honours,)  which  our  court  has  to 
bestow. — Let  us  next  observe  how  the  brave  band,  who 
conquered  under  him,  and  indeed  the  whole  American 
army,  had  been  recompensed,  officers  and  soldiers. 
The  first  instance  of  gratitude  exhibited  by  our  govern- 
ment, was  the  depriving  them  of  their  provision,  with- 
out which  it  is  almost  impossible  that  an  American 
soldier  should  subsist :  the  vast  consumption  of  neces- 
saries occasioned  by  the  nature  of  that  hard  service, 
from  clearing  communications,  building  bridges  and 
forts,  but  above  all  from  transporting  provisions,  am- 
munition and  artillery  up  the  rivers,  and  the  enhanced 
price  of  these  necessaries,  as  they  all  come  from  Eng- 
land, by  the  freight  and  profit  of  the  merchants,  put  an 
American  soldier,  although  allowed  provision,  in  a 
worse  condition  than  an  European  without  it ;  particu- 
larly when  we  consider,  that  an  European  soldier  is 


96  .THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

paid  for  all  king's  or  public  works,  which  in  America 
was  not  the  case.     But  the  cruelty  of  this  measure  was 
not   all :  it  was  flagitious;  it  was  a  breach  of  compact, 
at  least  with  respect  to  a  great  part  of  that  army — the 
volunteer  drafts  from  England,  the  whole  body  of  royal 
Americans,  and  every  man  recruited  in  America,  were 
engaged  on  absolute  express  conditions  of  being  allowed 
provision.      Travelling   from   North    America   to   the 
West  Indies,  the  tenderness  of  the  present  reign  dis- 
played towards  the  soldiery  is  still  more  striking;  the 
distribution  of  the  plunder  of   the  Havanna  is  so  noto- 
rious that  it  would  be  impertinent  to  mention  it ;  but 
the  motives  of  this  distribution  are  so  curious,  that  it  is 
not  difficult  frequently  to  recur  to  them.     They  were 
these :     The  Earl  of  Bute  and  his  great  adjunct  lived 
in  perpetual  apprehensions  of  the  late  Duke  of  Cum- 
berland ;  the  firmness  of  the  man,  his  known  courage, 
his  good  sense,  but  above  all  his  principles  and  attach- 
ment to  the  welfare  and  honour  of  his  country,  rendered 
him  an  object  of  terror  to  those  who  were  determined 
to  sacrifice  every  thing  to  the  maintenance  of  their  own 
power  and  authority — after  having  revolved  in   their 
minds  what  was  the  most  probable  method  of  softening 
this  bar  to  their  schemes  into  some  complacency,  it  was 
concluded,  that  to  win  his  favourite,  was  the  plan  of 
the  most  promising  aspect. 

The  expedition  against  the  Havanna  was  at  this  time 
resolved  upon  ;  the  troops  and  fleet  were  in  readiness  ; 
my  lord  of  Albemarle  was  on  this  principle  appointed 
to  the  command,  and  on  this  principle  so  enormously 
enriched  at  the  expence  of  the  labour,  health,  and  blood 
of  the  most  noble  deserving  army  that  this,  or  perhaps 
any  other  country,  has  been  ever  served  by.  His  lord- 
ship and  his  family  were  indeed  aggrandized ;  but  the 
great  viewrs  of  the  distributers  were  happily  disap- 
pointed. The  Duke  of  Cumberland  persisted  in  his  in- 
tegrity, and  continued  an  honest  zealous  citizen,  until 
the  fatal  moment  when  he  was  snatched  away  from  his 
country.  I  think,  without  rant  or  exaggeration,  it  may 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  97 

be  termed  a  fatal  moment  :-• -he  was  indisputably  a  val- 
uable true  Englishman :  he  had  in  the  early  parts  of 
his  life,  through  an  over  zeal  for  reforming  the  army 
from  the  miserable  condition  in  which  he  found  them, 
projected  schemes  not  unexceptionable;  but  this  must 
be  ascribed  to  a  deference  which  he  paid  to  the  opinion 
of  men  infinitely  inferior  to  himself,  both  in  virtue  and 
talents ;  but  in  his  latter  years,  his  great  and  good  qual- 
ities demonstrated  themselves  so  fully,  that  we  may 
fairly  conclude,  had  fate  spared  him,  he  might  at  least 
have  checked  the  torrent  of  those  bitter  waters  broke 
in  upon  us  from  their  accursed  source  of  Carleton- 
House. — But  before  I  take  leave  of  America,  I  cannot 
help  observing  the  extraordinary  attention  paid  to  the 
officers  and  soldiers  in  the  allotment  of  lands ;  it  would 
be  endless  to  enter  into  the  detail  of  the  royal  or  minis- 
terial (for  these  terms  have  been  of  late  so  confounded 
together  that  it  is  puzzling  to  distinguish  them)  bounty 
in  this  particular ;  I  shall  instance  one  or  two  which 
may  suffice  for  the  whole. 

It  had  long  been  supposed  that  the  island  of  St. 
John's,  in  the  gulph  of  St.  Lawrence,  would  have  been 
a  profitable  possession.  A  set  of  officers  of  the  land 
and  sea  service,  laid  out  a  plan  for  the  settlement  of 
it.  They  presented  it  to  Government,  and  petitioned  a 
grant  of  it.  The  grant  was  promised.  The  officers 
dangled  from  day  to  day  for  the  fulfilling  of  this  prom- 
ise. They  were  shuffled  from  the  Admiralty  to  the 
Board  of  Trade,  from  the  Board  of  Trade  to  the  Ad- 
miralty, from  an  Egmont  to  an  Hilsborough,  from  an 
Hilsborough  to  an  Egmont,  for  the  space,  I  believe  of 
three  years.  Egmont  accuses  Hilsborough  as  the  cause 
of  this  delay ;  Hilsborough  accuses  Egmont ;  his  Maj- 
esty stands  neuter  betwixt  these  two  righteous  person 


ages. 


The  officers  danced  attendance  until  they  found  them- 
selves on  the  threshold  of  a  jail ;  but  at  length  it  is 
decided  :  The  officers  who  were  the  original  petitioners, 
got  half  a  lot.  Mr.  Touch  it,  or  Touch  at,  (for  I  have 


98  JTHE    LEE    PAPERS. 

not  the  honour  of  knowing  how  he  spells  his  name,) 
some  court  surgeons,  and  every  kind  of  court  retainer 
who  thinks  it  worth  his  while  to  hint  that  he  has  no 
objection  to  an  American  possession,  is  gratified  with  a 
whole  lot. 

Another  society  of  officers  had  solicited  a  grant  of 
lands  on  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  which  they  undertook 
to  settle  ;  this  was  flatly  refused. 

Another  society  solicited  for  lands  on  the  lower  part 
of  the  Illinois,  Ohio,  or  on  the  Mississippi :  this  was 
likewise  rejected;  but  from  what  motives  it  is  impossi- 
ble to  define,  unless  they  suppose  that  soldiers  invested 
with  a  little  landed  property,  would  not  be  so  readily 
induced  to  act  as  the  instruments  of  the  oppression  of 
their  fellow  subjects,  as  those  whose  views  are  solely 
turned,  if  not  reduced,  to  farther  promotion  ;  and  if 
reduced,  to  full  pay.  And  here  I  am  afraid  the  un- 
derstandings of  our  profession  must  appear  dreadfully 
low,  when  they  can  be  dupes  to  the  hopes  of  promo- 
tion. 

Let  them  reflect  for  a  moment  on  the  mode  of  be- 
stowing, since  the  peace,  the  only  commission  which  by 
military  men  can  be  esteemed  objects ;  I  mean  regi- 
ments, and  lieutenant-colonelcies ;  and  I  will  venture  to 
affirm,  that  not  four  of  each  have  been  bestowed  on  men 
who,  in  the  opinion  of  those  who  have  served  with 
them,  have  the  semblance  of  a  title.  That  the  army 
on  the  English  and  on  the  Irish  establishment,  and  the 
fleet  on  the  home  and  foreign  stations,  have  been  con- 
sidered by  our  court  as  the  precious  means  of  corrupt- 
ing us  from  our  duty  as  citizens ;  that  a  plea  of  merit 
in  general,  or  any  particular  action,  of  wounds,  loss  of 
health  or  limbs  by  a  course  of  hard  service,  has  been 
considered  as  a  symptom  of  lunacy.  And  I  have  heard 
say,  our  incomparable  Secretary  at  War  values  himself 
not  a  little  for  his  humanity  in  not  suing  for  statutes 
to  confine  the  wretches  who  can  push  their  extravagance 
to  such  a  height  as  to  make  these  pleas.  It  will  per- 
haps be  said,  that  jobs  are  not  the  growth  of  this  reign; 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  99 

that  jobs  ever  were,  and  ever  will  be,  in  a  government 
like  ours.  But  allowing  jobs  to  have  been,  I  cannot 
think  iniquity  is  to  be  justified  by  precedent ;  and 
surely  iniquitous  precedents  are  very  ungracefully 
quoted  in  a  reign  which  was  announced  from  its  com- 
mencement to  be  that  of  virtue,  purity,  and  righteous- 
ness. 

As  to  the  army  that  served  in  Germany,  it  is  true 
they  have  not  been  so  very  grossly  treated  as  the  Amer- 
ican. There  were  moments  when  Lord  Granby  would 
not  cede  to  our  gracious  Secretary  at  War.  There  were 
moments  when,  as  our  ingenious  court  termed  it,  he  was 
obstinate  and  impracticable;  that  is,  there  were  mo- 
ments when  he  insisted  on  some  regard  being  paid  to 
those  who  had  deserved  of  their  country ;  but  these  mo- 
ments unfortunately  occurred  but  too  seldom.  His  fa- 
cility and  complacence  to  the  wickedness  of  the  Court, 
preponderated  over  his  natural  love  of  justice.  In 
short,  the  patronage  of  the  army  was  left  to  a  Bar- 
rington,  by  whom  valour,  sense  and  integrity  must  nat- 
urally be  proscribed,  as  he  must  suspect  that  no  man 
can  possess  them  without  being  an  enemy  to  their  con 
traries,  which  are  the  undisputed  attributes  of  his  Lord- 
ship. 

From  this  long  digression  on  the  obligations  of  the 
army  to  the  present  Court,  on  the  extraordinary  esteem 
in  which  the  military  has  been  held  through  the  whole 
course  of  the  present  reign,  we  returned  to  our  original 
topic,  the  merit  of  the  different  historians. 

I  joined  the  young  subaltern  in  his  encomiums  on 
Mrs.  Macaulay.  I  challenged  the  old  field-officer  to 
point  out  a  suspicious  authority  that  she  had  quoted ; 
co  produce  a  single  comment  which  did  not  correspond  • 
with  the  facts.  I  asserted,  that  her  inferences  were 
fairly  drawn  from  her  premises  ;  and  that  there  could 
not  be  traced  the  shadow  of  partiality  in  the  long  se- 
ries of  her  history,  unless  a  zeal  for  true  liberty,  and 
the  rights  of  her  country  and  of  mankind,  may  be 
termed  partiality.  I  asserted,  that  Hume  was  the  re- 


100  'THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

verse  in  all  respects ;  that  he  produced  little,  and  that 
very  suspicious,  authority;  that  his  comments  did  not 
agree  with  his  facts,  the  effects  not  deducible  from  the 
causes ;  upon  the  whole,  what  I  said  on  the  subject 
of  James's  history,  and  of  the  character  of  his  favorite 
Charles,  was  so  satisfactory  to  the  company,  that  they 
requested  me  to  digest  what  I  offered,  and  to  present  it 
to  the  public. 


A  POLITICAL  ESSAY. 

ON  leaving  school,  I  thought  it  right  to  get  some  ac- 
quaintance with  the  history  of  England  ;  for  the  school 
where  I  was  brought  up  \vas  guilty,  in  common  with 
all  other  schools,  of  the  shameful  neglect  of  suffering 
the  boys  to  remain  in  utter  ignorance  of  the  laws,  con- 
stitution and  transactions  of  their  own  country  ;  some 
knowledge  of  which  is  certainly  of  more  importance, 
at  least  in  a  government  like  ours,  than  the  being  able 
to  scan  the  flattering  versificos  of  Augustus's  age. 

Rapiu,  accidentally  was  the  first  historian  that  fell 
into  my  hands.  Notwithstanding  his  length,  I  read  him 
through  with  great  attention,  which  was  more  particu- 
larly engaged  when  I  came  to  those  parts  which  treat 
of  our  several  civil  wars  ;  but  the  great  one  of  the  year 
1640,  interested  me  more  sensibly  than  the  antecedent. 
And  I  cannot  express  how  much  I  was  amazed  in  find- 
ing the  character  of  Charles  the  First  so  little  agree 
with  the  notions  I  had  conceived  of  him,  from  his  being 
styled  a  martyr;  from  the  solemn  observance  of  the 
30th  of  January,  in  order  to  avert  the  wrath  of  the  Al- 
mighty for  that  horrible  parricide ;  from  the  epithets 
of  good,  virtuous,  pious,  blessed,  which  were  perpetu- 
ally bestowed  on  him,  not  only  by  the  old  house-keeper, 
the  maid-servants,  but  by  the  master,  usher,  and  all  the 
clergy  who  happened  to  discourse  on  this  subject  in 
my  hearing.  In  the  holidays,  when  we  went  home,  my 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  101 

mother,  grandmother,  and  all  their  female  acquaint- 
ance, rung  the  same  in  my  ears. 

On  the  perusal  of  Rapin  I  was,  therefore,  strangely 
puzzled  and  confounded  to  find  this  virtuous,  pious, 
blessed,  holy  martyr,  metamorphosed  into  an  obstinate, 
dissembling,  perfidious  tyrant ;  and  that  the  men  whom 
I  had  been  taught  to  execrate  as  rebels,  traitors,  parri- 
cides, should,  for  the  greater  part,  appear  the  cham- 
pions of  the  law^s  of  their  country  and  the  rights  of 
mankind,  fraught  with  truth,  valor,  integrity,  and  every 
attribute  which  can  render  mortal  men  the  objects  of 
veneration. 

I  had  no  method  of  accounting  for  this,  but  by  con- 
cluding my  historian  guilty  of  the  most  egregious  par- 
tiality, that  he  must  have  misstated,  or  disguised  the 
facts  to  an  enormous  degree;  for  as  to  his  comments, 
they  appeared  judicious,  natural,  and  fair,  allowing  the 
facts  to  be  justly  stated.  I  desired  all  those  whom  I 
thought  more  knowing  and  wise  than  myself,  to  solve 
these  difficulties.  Some  few  of  them  averred  that 
Charles  was  not  at  all  better  than  what  he  was  repre- 
sented by  Rapin ;  but  far  the  greater  number  assured 
me,  that  Rapin  was  a  lying  French  Presbyterian,  par- 
tial, unjust,  malicious,  that  no  credit  was  given  to  him 
by  men  of  judgment  and  knowledge,  and  that  he  was 
never  spoke  of  with  common  patience  by  those  who 
have  any  generous  sentiments.  They  advised  me,  by 
all  means,  to  go  to  the  fountain  head  of  information  on 
this  subject,  the  great  Clarendon  ;  that  there  I  should 
see  the  facts  related  clearly  and  honestly,  the  comments 
sensible  and  candid,  the  causes  and  effects  congruous, 
the  spring  of  every  action  laid  open,  the  views  and 
characters  of  the  actors  painted  in  their  proper  colors 
by  one  who  had  himself  played  a  principal  part,  or,  at 
least,  seen  everything  that  had  passed  behind  the  scenes ; 
one,  whose  authority  was  incontestable  from  his  char- 
acter for  truth  and  integrity. 

I  accordingly  procured  a  Clarendon,  not  only  read 
him  with  attention,  but  studied  him  with  accuracy  :  and, 


102  'THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

behold  the  result!  it  was  an  entire,  complete  disap- 
pointment in  every  circumstance ;  instead  of  carrying 
the  conviction  which  I  expected,  it  appeared  to  me  one 
eternal  periphrasis,  subdivided  into  assertions  without 
authority,  childish  ifs,  without  probable  suppositions, 
and  tortured  inferences  from  misstated  or  defalcated 
facts,  with  endless  begging  the  questions.  The  epithets 
candid,  sincere,  virtuous,  pious  were  very  liberal] y  be- 
stowed on  him,  whose  cause  he  intends  to  plead ;  and 
not  a  single  instance  of  candor,  sincerity,  or  virtue  is 
given  through  the  whole  course  of  his  history,  unless 
excessive  bigotry  to  episcopacy  and  a  spirit  of  persecut- 
ing all  other  protestant  sects  is  to  be  construed  piety. 
In  short,  rny  aversion  to  Charles  was  rather  confirmed 
than  transferred  to  the  other  party  by  the  perusal  of 
Lord  Clarendon.  I  here  discerned  very  plainly,  why 
the  episcopal  clergy  should  have  made  a  Saint  and  a 
martyr  of  him.  His  excessive  attachment  to  their  or- 
der, and  the  great  sacrifices  he  made  to  them,  are  un- 
doubtedly very  substantial  titles  to  canonization,  and 
the  crown  of  martyrdom  ;  but  the  zeal  and  reverence 
with  which  a  multitude  of  others  who  are  quite  indif- 
ferent to  modes  of  worship,  and  some  who  seem  desir- 
ous there  should  be  none  at  all,  still  continue  to  speak  of 
this  prince,  and  the  indignation  and  horror  with  which 
they  speak  of  his  opponents,  I  confess  is  with  me  a 
matter  of  wonder.  I  know  very  well,  that  the  impres- 
sions we  receive  in  our  childhood  sink  deep,  and  that 
these  impressions,  whether  we  receive  them  from  our 
nurses,  grandmother,  or  the  parson  of  the  parish ; 
whether  they  concern  ghosts,  or  hobgoblins,  a  devil,  or 
a  saint,  a  tyrant,  or  a  martyr,  are  with  difficulty  ef- 
faced ;  but  that  those  who  have  got  rid  of  those  narrow 

'  O 

superstitious  prejudices,  should  still  retain,  in  their  ut- 
most force,  their  prepossessions  with  respect  to  their 
royal  master  is  something  supernatural.  I  have  long 
endeavoured  to  account  for  this,  and  am  apt  to  con- 
clude, that  it  must  be  ascribed  to  the  singularity  of  his 
fate.  A  king  tried  and  condemned  by  his  own  subjects 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  103 

is  certainly  a  singular  case,  the  singularity  of  his  fate 
has  created  pity,  and  pity  ever  generates  love  and  af- 
fection. The  Marquis  of  Beccaria,  in  his  incomparable 
treatise  on  Crimes  and  Punishments,  is  of  opinion,  that 
a  community  ought  to  punish  with  death  such  crimi- 
nals only  whose  existence  is  absolutely  pernicious  to 
the  community;  if  his  reasoning  is  just,  a  criminal 
king  is  almost  the  only  criminal  on  whom  death  ought 
to  be  inflicted,  as  his  existence,  (if  not  always  absolutely 
destructive,)  is  undoubtedly  highly  dangerous  to  soci- 
ety. Tarquin  was  only  expelled ;  Tarquin's  existence 
was  nearly  destructive  to  Rome ;  an  eternal  war  and 
conspiracies  within  the  walls  which  brought  Rome  into 
the  extremest  peril,  were  the  consequences  of  the  ty- 
rant's existence ;  and  the  death  of  the  tyrant  simply 
unless  it  had  been  accompanied  with  that  of  his  sons, 
would  not  have  injured  the  tranquillity  and  security  of 
Rome. 

On  this  principle,  some  of  the  Grecian  States  had 
laws  levelled,  not  only  against  the  lives  of  those  who 
should  erect  themselves  into  the  tyrants  of  their  coun- 
try, but  enjoining  the  extirpation  of  their  whole  race  ; 
and  these  were  wise  and  humane  laws,  because  they 
were  necessary  for  the  good  of  the  whole,  for  the  sac- 
rifice of  a  single  family  for  the  preservation  of  millions 
is  indisputably  humanity.  James  the  Second  was  ex- 
pelled like  Tarquin,  but  he  and  his  sons  were  suffered 
to  escape  with  their  lives ;  the  consequences  of  their 
being  suffered  to  escape  were  three  rebellions,  which 
not  only  threatened  immediate  destruction  to  these  na- 
tions, but  endangered  the  liberties  of  Europe.  It  is 
true,  these  rebellions  were  defeated  in  their  immediate 
purposes,  but  the  existence  of  the  Stuart  race  hath  laid, 
too  certainly,  I  am  afraid,  the  seeds  of  our  destruction. 
Their  existence  has  furnished  the  ministers  of  the  fam- 
ily, which  was  called  in  for  our  preservation,  with  pre- 
texts for  arming  the  family  of  our  preservers,  with  the 
means  of  destroying  us  ;  for  it  is  impossible  to  suppose 
that  the  nation  could  have  been  brought  to  acquiesce  in 


104  -THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

mortgaging  the  national  property,  without  any  visible 
national  purposes,  unless  they  had  imagined  that  na- 
tional debts  were  a  security  against  the  return  of  the 
dreaded  Stuarts  ;  and  it  is  impossible  to  suppose  that 
the  people  could  have  been  so  far  imposed  upon,  as  to 
suffer  their  representatives  to  vote  themselves  septen- 
nial from  triennial,  unless  they  had  been  persuaded 
that  a  septennial  parliament  formed  a  stronger  barrier 
against  the  return  of  the  Stuarts  than  a  triennial ;  and 
it  is  still  a  greater  absurdity  to  suppose,  that  a  major- 
ity of  landed  gentlemen,  of  really  well  meaning  honest 
Englishmen,  could  be  infatuated,  to  so  great  a  degree, 
as  to  sit  down  contentedly  under  the  establishment  of  a 
standing  army,  the  gradual  augmentation  of  it  to  an 
enormous  bulk,  the  interweaving  of  it  (as  may  be  said) 
into  our  constitution,  had  not  the  spectre  of  the  Stuarts 
return  continually  danced  before  their  eyes.  Hence,  I 
think,  without  straining,  it  may  be  inferred,  that  the 
pecuniary  influence  of  the  crown,  septennial  parliaments 
and  a  standing  army,  (which  unless  some  great  national 
calamity  falls  out  to  draw  us  back  to  our  first  princi- 
ples, before  the  minds  of  our  soldiery  are  totally  de- 
bauched,) must  inevitably  end  in  the  destruction  of  our 
liberties ;  and  perhaps  national  independence,  have  been 
the  fruits  of  our  mistaken  cruel  moderation,  in  suffer- 
ing a  single  individual  of  the  expelled  family  to  remain 
in  existence.  But  to  return  from  this  long  digression 
to  the  question,  whether  the  singularity  of  Charles  the 
First's  fate,  tried  and  condemned  by  his  own  subjects  is 
not  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  his  memory's  being 
treated  with  such  tenderness  and  reverence.  We  will 
suppose  a  case  :  but  first  admitting  Beccaria's  position 
to  be  just,  that  a  community  ought  not  to  punish  with 
death  any  criminal  ivhose  existence  is  not  absolutely 
pernicious,  or  highly  dangerous  to  the  community  ;  and 
further  admitting  that  a  criminal  king  is  the  only  crim- 
inal whose  existence  can  he  pernicious  or  highly  dan- 
gerous. We  will  suppose,  then,  that  there  should  here- 
after be  formed  a  community,  one  of  whose  fundament- 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  105 

al  laws  should  be,  that  capital  punishments  should  be 
confined  to  delinquent  kings  alone ;  that  all  other  delin- 
quents, let  their  crimes  be  what  they  will,  should  be 
sent  into  exile ;  their  estates,  money  and  goods  confis- 
cated to  the  use  of  the  community.  I  will  venture  to 
affirm,  that  an  hundred  kings,  less  guilty  than  Charles 
the  First,  put  to  death  on  the  scaffold,  would  not  shock 
the  humanity  of  the  tenderest  nature. 

We  will  farther  suppose,  that  after  a  series  of  years 
adherence  to  this  law,  they  should  at  length,  from  a  con- 
currence of  accidents,  on  some  very  great  emergency, 
deviate  from  it,  and  inflict  the  punishment  levelled 
against  royal  delinquents  alone,  on  delinquents  of  an 
inferior  order,  I  will  venture  to  affirm  that  the  specta- 
cle, from  its  novelty,  of  a  Jonathan  Wild,  a  S—  — -h, 
or  a  *  *  *,  dangling  on  a  gallows,  would  affect  the 
passers-by  with  compassion,  and  prompt  their  ingenuity 
to  devise  apologies  for  the  poor  sufferers;  though,  pre- 
viously to  their  execution,  the  whole  world  had  agreed 
on  the  transcendency  of  their  flagitiousness,  the  incor- 
rigibility  of  their  natures,  and  that  no  fate  could  be  too 
severe  for  their  merits.  But,  although  the  singular- 
ity of  Charles's  destiny,  the  prejudices  fostered  by  the 
pious  care  of  our  nurses  and  the  clergy,  have  greatly 
contributed  to  the  false  light  in  which  his  conduct, 
morals,  and  general  character  are  seen,  it  could  not  have 
operated  so  wonderfully  alone :  the  address  and  soph- 
istry of  a  succession  of  our  corrupt  citizens  have  been 
set  at  work,  to  co-operate  in  misleading  our  judgment 
and  blinding  our  understandings  ;  and  of  this  tribe  the 
pre-eminence  must  indisputably  be  given  to  Mr.  David 
Hume ;  for  the  pompous  anility  (as  I  think  it  may  be 
termed)  of  Clarendon,  the  more  than  priestly  fury  of 
Carte,  much  less  the  pert  patchwork  of  Smollet,  or  the 
drivelling  of  poor  Goldsmith  could  not  have  wrought 
any  mighty  miracles  :  but  with  Hume,  the  case  is  differ- 
ent ;  the  philosophical,  or  rather  sceptical  character  of 
the  man,  antecedent  to  his  appearance  as  an  historian, 
and  a  speciousness  of  style  render  him  so  infinitely  more 


106  'THE   LEE   PAPERS. 

dangerous  than  his  fellow  labourers,  that  it  is  much  to 
be  lamented  that  some  person,  (for  instance,  a  Lord 
Littleton,)  eminent  for  parts  and  learning,  has  not 
thought  it  worth  his  while  professedly,  (but  I  would 
have  it  compendiously,  for  a  reason  I  shall  hereafter 
give,)  to  expose  to  public  view  the  incongruities,  arti- 
fices, and  pernicious  intention  of  this  sophist.  But 
when  I  lament  that  no  man  of  a  superior  stamp  has  set 
himself  the  task,  I  do  not  mean  that  extraordinary 
learning  or  talents  are  absolutely  necessary  :  on  the 
contrary,  I  think  an  attentive  perusal  must  qualify 
every  man  of  common  sense  full  as  well  for  the  pur- 
pose, if  we  could  suppose  that  an  equal  degree  of  re- 
gard would  be  paid  to  him ;  but  it  is  certain,  that  the 
name  and  signature  of  a  person  in  high  repute  gives  to 
manifest  eternal  truths,  greater  force  than  when  uttered 
by  a  common  or  unknown  writer,  although  the  essence 
of  truth  cannot  be  altered  by  the  greater  or  lesser  rep- 
utation of  him  who  utters  it. 

It  is  true,  a  more  effectual  antidote  to  the  poison  of 
Hume's  history  cannot  be  desired  than  Mrs.  M'Cauley's, 
if  they  are  but  read  and  compared  together  with  their 
respective  authorities ;  but  the  misfortune  is,  the  pe- 
rusal and  comparing  of  two  so  bulky  writers  cannot  be 
expected  from  the  laziness  of  modern  readers  ;  and  it  is 
on  the  notions  and  principles  of  the  lazy  class  of  read- 
ers that  the  present  welfare  of  our  country  and  the  fate 
of  posterity,  in  a  great  measure,  depend.  In  fact,  of 
what  importance  would  it  be  to  the  community,  if  those 
very  few,  who  have  inclination  and  perseverance  to 
work  through  volumes,  should  enlarge  their  minds  to 
even  the  standard  of  an  ancient  Roman,  when  the  young 
nobility,  gentry  and  men  of  property,  who  compose  the 
lazy  class,  still  remain  perverted,  uncorrected,  and  un- 
informed ? 

For  these  reasons,  I  think  that  some  work  so  com 
pendious  as  not  to  terrify  by  its  bulk,  confined  simply, 
and  bearing  the  import  of  such  in  its  title,  to  a  refuta- 
tion of  Hume's  tenets,  and  demonstration  of  his  partial- 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  107 

ity  and  pernicious  principles,  would  be  more  beneficial 
than  a  full  complete  body  of  history,  digested  method- 
ically, supported  by  the  best  authority,  and  animated 
by  the  noblest  sentiments.  But  until  some  eminent 
person  will  be  pursuaded  to  take  up  the  employment, 
it  is  the  duty  of  every  common  citizen  to  exert  what- 
ever force  he  has  in  the  common  cause. 

A  jealous  spirit  in  the  people,  of  those  who  govern 
and  the  principle  of  resistance,  form  the  palladium  of 
liberty,  particularly  in  a  limited  monarchy.  An  abhor- 
rence of  tyrants,  or  even  of  those  who  have  a  semblance 
of  tyrants,  (and  it  will  scarcely  be  disputed  that  Charles 
had  a  semblence,)  is  inseparable  from  this  jealous  spirit 
and  principle  of  resistance ;  whoever  would  extinguish 
the  one,  would  extinguish  the  other.  When  we  see, 
therefore,  a  junto  of  notorious  court-retainers,  clubbing 
their  labours  to  reconcile  us  to  the  despotic  administra- 
tion of  Charles,  to  his  duplicity,  to  his  breach  of  faith, 
and  violation  of  the  most  solemn  compacts,  we  may 
safely  conclude,  that  a  design  is  lodged  to  extinguish 
the  necessary  jealous  spirit  of  liberty  and  inculcate  the 
principles  of  non-resistance.  It  may  be  said,  that  a  too 
great  jealousy  of  liberty  is  equally  dangerous  with  a 
two  great  confidence  ;  that  as  the  latter  may  plunge  us 
into  slavery,  the  former  may  into  anarchy.  I  should 
allow  some  weight  to  this  objection,  if,  in  the  whole 
course  of  our  history,  a  refutation,  in  a  single  instance, 
could  be  produced  of  these  positions  ;  that  the  spirit  of 
liberty  is  sloiv  to  act,  even  against  the  worse  princes, 
and  exerts  itself  in  favour  of  the  best  with  more  effect 
than  any  other  spirit  whatever.  I  must  therefore  re- 
peat, that  the  keeping  alive  the  jealous  spirit  of  liberty 
is  a  common  cause ;  that  a  detestation  of  tyrants,  or 
even  of  those  who  lean  to  tyranny,  is  inseparable  from 
this  spirit ;  that  Charles  the  First  was  a  tyrant  in  prin- 
ciple and  in  action  ;  that  those  who  labour  to  reconcile 
us  to  his  conduct  and  character,  would  destroy  the  spirit 
of  liberty,  and  ultimately  establish  the  principle  of  non- 
resistance  ;  that  a  junto  of  mercenaries  and  court-re- 


108  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

tainers  do  labour  to  these  purposes.  That  it  is,  there- 
fore, the  duty  of  every  common  citizen,  who  has  the 
interest  of  his  country  at  heart,  to  exert  continually 
whatever  force  he  has  to  defeat  their  purposes ;  or, 
at  least,  weaken  their  influence ;  for,  in  mechanics,  the 
smallest  force  continually  applied  will  overcome  the 
most  violent  motions  communicated  to  bodies. 

From  these  considerations,  I  propose  to  offer  to  the 
public,  hereafter,  some  cursory  remarks  on  Mr.  Hume's 
History  of  the  two  first  Stuarts  :  if  they  are  well  re- 
ceived, I  shall  continue  them  through  the  reigns  of  the 
two  last.  If  they  have,  in  any  degree,  the  effects  which 
I  could  wish,  I  shall  think  myself  amply  recompensed, 
the  only  recom  pence  which  I  can  promise  myself.  I 
cannot  hope  for  any  glory  from  the  composition  ;  the 
little  reading  which  a  soldier  can  snatch  up  at  intervals 
will  scarcely  qualify  him  to  reap  laurels  in  the  field  of 
literature  ;  and  it  will  easily  be  believed,  that  the  sen- 
timents which  I  avow,  will  not  procure  a  place  or  a 
pension. 


A  BREAKFAST  FOR  RIVJNGTON. 

MR.  H , 

As  Mr.  Rivington  has  given  the  public  to  under- 
stand, that  he  does  not  chuse  to  deal  with  any  writers, 
but  those  of  the  most  accurate  and  elegant  kind,  and 
who  have  passed  through  a  regular  course  of  educa- 
tion ;  and  as  I  cannot  flatter  myself,  that  I  am  one  of 
this  class,  I  do  not  presume  to  offer  this  little  perform- 
ance to  him,  though  it  is  intended  for  his  vindication ; 
but  as  I  understand  from  the  same  authority,  that  you 
admit  into  your  paper  even  the  lowest  trash,  I  find  my- 
self under  the  necessity  of  applying  to  you.  Mr.  Riv- 
ington has,  I  know,  like  other  great  men,  his  calumniators 
and  enemies ; — envy  and  malice  ever  were  attendant  on 
exalted  genius  and  merit.  It  is  inconceivable,  what 
numbers  are  endeavoring  to  detract  from  this  wonder- 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  109 

f  ul  personage  ;  how  they  strain  their  little  wits  to  throw 
a  ridicule  upon  his  talents,  his  style,  his  integrity,  and 
even  his  erudition.     This  last,  one  should  imagine  if 
any  thing  of  human  attainment  can,  is  unquestionable, 
as  he  has  given  such  eminent  and  manifold  proofs  of  it : 
however  it  does  not  escape  them.     I  found  myself  the 
other  night,  (for  as  a  studier  of  men  and  characters  I 
associate  with  all  sorts,)  amongst  a  set  of  the  most 
flaming  factious  enemies  to  all  order  and  government ; 
where  the  most  respectable  characters  of  the  age  were 
treated  with  scandalous  freedom.  Lord  Mansfield  was  a 
Jefferies,  Lord  Bute  a  solemn  empty  pedantic  Jacobite, 
and  Mr.  Kivington  a  ridiculous  pragmatical  slip-slop  cox- 
comb ;  they  said,  that  he  had  not  decency  enough  for 
the  porter  of  a  bawdy-house,  learning  enough  for  a  bar- 
rack washer-woman,  nor  imagination   sufficient  for  a 
christmas-bellman  : — that  at  the  age  of  fifteen  he  was 
turned  out  of  the  blue-school,  where  he  had  been  bred, 
as  too  incorrigible  a  dunce  to  make  a  scavenger  of ; 
that  they  had,  by  way  of  jocular  experiment,  for  some 
time  tried  him  in  this  capacity  ;  but  that  he  always,  in 
windy  days,  swept  the  dust  up  against  the  wind.     By 
persisting  in  this  practice  he  was  very  near  losing  his 
eyes,  and  that  you  may  observe  they  are  still  extremely 
weak  from  its  ^  effects.     At  this.  Sir,  I  own  my  blood 
boiled.     I  said,  they  must  be  driven  to  great  straits  in- 
deed, if  they  could  object  nothing  worse  to  a  gentle- 
man's character  than  his  having  been  bred  at  a  charity 
school ;  for  that  it  had  been  the  case  of  some  of  the 
most  illustrious  men  the  nation  had  produced ;  the  late 
Lord  Hard wi eke,  and  Mr.  Prior,  had  been  educated  in 
the  same  manner.     As  to  the  story  of  the  weakness  of 
his  eyes,  proceeding  from  sweeping  the  dust  against  the 
wind,  I  knew  it  to  be  a  falsehood ;  for  that  it  had  been 
contracted,  to  my  knowledge,  by  poring  into  a  John- 
son's dictionary  of  his  own  printing,  late  at  nights,  to 
find  out  decent  pollysylables,  of  sufficient  sound  and 
dignity,  to  dress  up  an  advertisement  of  Scotch  her- 
rings, lumber  and  pickled  oysters. 


110  -THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

I  asserted,  that  his  compositions  were  incomprehen- 
sibly fine,  his  language  sonorous  and  musical ;  although, 
perhaps,  he  did  not  always  apply  words  to  their  legiti- 
mate meaning ;  as  who  does  in  such  an  immensity  of 
business ;  and  that  he  should  round  a  period  with  any 
bookseller  in  Christendom  :  That  he  was  a  Latin  scholar, 
I  thought  must  be  allowed  by  all  unprejudiced  men, 
when  they  considered  his  numberless  and  apt  quota- 
tions from  Horace.  Upon  my  mentioning  his  knowl- 
edge of  Latin  the  whole  company  burst  out  into  a 
horse-laugh,  which  I  thought  was  very  indecent,  and 
when  the  uproar  subsided,  demanded  the  explanation. 
They  insisted  upon  it,  that  he  was  so  totally  ignorant 
of  it,  that  he  did  not  know  the  meaning,  nor  could  he 
conjugate  the  verbs  mentior,  nor  vapulo,  though  he  so 
generally  practised  the  former  and  had  so  often  expe- 
rienced the  latter : — that  his  patches  of  Horace  were 
always  furnished  by  his  friend  the  Doctor — that  when 
he  had  finished  one  of  his  pieces,  he  always  applied  to 
the  Doctor  for  a  motto  to  dignify  his  performance  ; 
that,  for  instance,  the  four  lines  from  Horace,  prefixed 
to  his  late  Epistle  to  Mr.  Sears,  (which  I  really  think 
one  of  the  smartest  things  I  ever  read,)  were  pointed 
out  by  the  Doctor ;  and  that  a  blunder  whimsical 
enough  had  happened  on  this  occasion,  though  it  was 
fortunately  rectified  in  time  for  the  press.  They  related, 
that  when  he  went  as  usual  for  his  motto  to  the  Doctor, 
the  Doctor  wrote  him  down  these  lines : 

While  you  alone  sustain  the  weighty  cares 
Of  all  the  world,  and  manage  peace  and  wars  ; 
The  Roman  State  by  virtue's  rules  amend, 
Adorn  with  manners,  and  with  arms  defend  ; 
To  write  a  long  discourse,  and  waste  your  time, 
Against  the  public  good,  wou'd  be  a  crime. 

saying  "  Rivington,  you  may  transcribe  the  Latin  at 
your  leisure,  as  you  have  Horace  in  your  shop ;  remem- 
ber, it  is  the  first  epistle."  Rivington  went  home  vastly 
happy,  but  unluckily  mistook  the  first  satire  for  the 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  Ill 

first  epistle.  When  the  Doctor  went  to  revise  it  the 
next  morning,  he  found  these  lines  very  fairly  written 
—  Qui  fit  Maecenas  ut  nemo  quam,  &c.  and  under,  the 
above  translation.  They  added,  that  though  the  Doc- 
tor was  that  morning  in  an  horrible  ill  humour,  (as  he 
had  just  been  reading  the  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph's  speech,) 
he  could  not  refrain  from  laughing  ;  but,  however,  after 
having  bestowed  some  anathemas  on  the  skull  of  his 
friend,  he,  for  the  honour  of  the  common  cause,  took 
the  pains  to  transcribe  the  lines  with  his  own  hand,  to 
prevent  any  further  blunders.  They  then  proceeded  to 
fall  foul  upon  his  English  ;  they  said  that  when  he  first 
set  up  his  press,  and  before  he  was  under  the  correc- 
tion of  the  Doctor,  he  used  always  to  write  musketeers, 
musk-cat-ears — dragoons,  dragons — battalions,  battle 
lions ;  and  that  he  really  thought  these  strange  things 
were  made  use  of  in  war  ;  that  all  the  words  ending  in 
tion,  as  flagellation,  castigation,  salivation,  words  he 
is  best  acquainted  with,  he  spelt  with  an  sh.  I  hate 
the  story  they  told  of  him,  which,  although  I  was 
cursedly  enraged,  I  confess  made  me  smile ;  that  writ- 
ing to  his  niece,  who  was  going  to  be  married  to  an 
eminent  pawnbroker  in  St.  Martin's  Lane,  he  began  his 
letter  thus :  "  My  dear  Kitty,  as  you  are  going  to  be 
married,  and  are  so  very  young  a  girl,  I  would  advise 
you,  by  all  means,  at  least,  at  first,  to  act  with  a  little 
cushion"  meaning  it  for  caution.  Now  I  would  appeal 
to  all  mankind,  who  are  not  totally  blinded  by  party 
and  faction,  whether  it  is  credible,  whether  it  is  possible, 
that  a  gentleman,  who  has,  from  his  cradle,  been  in 
some  sort  a  retainer  of  the  Muses,  should  be  guilty  of 
such  gross,  such  ridiculous  blunders.  When  1  say  Mr. 
Bivington  has  been  a  retainer  of  the  Muses,  I  do  not 
mean,  Sir,  in  your  paltry  sphere,  a  meer  dealer  in  in- 
dexes and  title  pages.  No,  Sir,  his  sphere  has  been 
more  enlarged.  It  is  notorious,  that  when  he  had  fin- 
ished his  studies,  he  was  invited  into  a  society  of  emi- 
nent itinerary  comedians;  I  know  very  well,  that  his 
enemies  give  out,  that  he  only  amputated  the  lumina- 


112  .  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

ries  betwixt  the  acts;  but  I  could  bring  authentic  proofs 
of  his  distinguishing  himself  in  some  important'  char- 
acters. 


ON  A  FAMOUS  TRIAL  IN  THE  COURT  OF  COMMON  PLEAS, 
BETWEEN  GENERAL  MOSTYN,  GOVERNOR  OF  MINOR- 
CA, AND  AN  INHABITANT  OF  THAT  ISLAND. 

IT  is  a  maxim  with  the  Emperors  of  China,  when 
the  people  of  any  of  their  provinces  offer  up  complaints 
of  their  governors,  immediately  to  recall  them,  to  hear 
the  charges  brought  against  them,  and,  if  they  are 
found  guilty,  to  punish  them  in  proportion  to  their  de- 
linquency ;  and  such  is  the  parental  complacency  of 
those  eastern  monarchs  for  their  subjects,  that  even 
when  the  grievances  complained  of  prove  ill-founded, 
the  governor  who  has  had  the  misfortune,  though  in- 
nocently, to  incur  the  ill  opinion  of  the  people,  is  never 
more  employed,  in  the  same  capacity,  over  that  or  any 
other  province,  his  having  been  suspected  of  mal-admin- 
istration  being  deemed  a  total  disqualification.  Though 
the  justice  of  this  maxim  may  not  be  universally  ad- 
mitted, it  certainly  is  a  wise  one,  as  it  is  founded  on  a 
respect  and  deference  of  the  public  wishes ;  to  which, 
when  it  can  be  done  compatibly  with  the  public  safety, 
the  prince  ought  to  pay  the  greatest  regard.  But,  how 
different  has  been  the  rule  of  conduct  observed  through 
the  whole  present  reign  !  Does  a  governor  render 
himself  completely  odious  to  the  people  over  whom  he 
is  set  to  preside  ? — he  is  that  instant  adopted  a  favour- 
ite at  court.  The  infamous  Bernard,  who  was  not  only 
arraigned,  but  stands  convicted,  in  the  opinion  of  all 
mankind,  of  one  continual  series  of  misrepresentation, 
falsehoods,  treachery,  and  every  species  of  treason  to 
the  people  of  his  government,  was  continued  until  the 
last  possible  moment ;  and,  when  recalled,  so  far  from 
meeting  with  the  censures  he  had  merited,  that  he  was 
exalted  to  the  rank  of  a  baronet,  and  had  an  ample 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  113 

provision  made  for  him  in  Ireland.  And  this  public 
reward  for  delinquency  has  had  the  effect  which  must 
naturally  be  expected ;  for  his  successor  in  office,  it  is 
reported,  pitches  many  bars  beyond  him  in  perfidy  and 
wickedness,  for  which  he  probably  expects  an  Irish 
peerage.  And,  to  say  the  truth,  if  our  court  acts  con- 
sistently with  itself,  they  are  obliged  as  his  merits  are 
still  greater,  to  confer  on  him  a  higher  title,  and  a 
more  ample  provision  than  on  the  baronet  his  prede- 
cessor. 

If  we  turn  our  eyes  towards  Ireland,  the  decency  and 
kindness  exhibited  by  the  court  for  that  people  is  still 
more  striking.  The  late  viceroy,  by  talents  peculiar  to 
himself,  almost  on  his  first  landing,  incurred  the  con- 
tempt and  detestation  of  the  whole  kingdom,  to  a  man. 
This  was  a  sufficient,  and,  apparently,  the  only  motive 
of  his  being  continued  for  a  long  five  years  in  his  sta- 
tion ;  for,  what  other  motives  can  be  conjectured  ?  As 
it  is  agreed,  on  all  hands,  that  even  the  wretched  expe- 
dients from  day  to  day,  little  jobs  and  larcenies,  as  well 
as  the  more  substantial  plundering,  called,  in  the  cant 
of  courtiers,  business  of  government,  were  never  so 
miserably  bungled  through  as  by  this  ridiculous  mock- 
majesty.  At  length,  however,  a  successor  is  appointed  : 
at  length,  under  the  protection  of  the  whole  military, 
he  is  withdrawn  from  the  just  resentment  of  the  people 
whom  he  had  oppressed,  beggared,  and  insulted ;  at 
length,  thus  circumstanced,  he  is  presented  to  his  sov- 
ereign, by  whom  he  is  caressed,  smiled  upon,  and  pre- 
ferred in  so  distinguished  a  manner,  that  a  stranger  who 
had  been  present,  would  have  been  apt  to  imagine  him 
returned  loaded  with  the  spoils  of  some  ancient  invet- 
erate enemy  of  his  country,  and  not  with  the  injuries 
and  execration  of  a  whole  nation  of  loyal  and  affec- 
tionate subjects. 

Such  has  been  the  mode  of  treating  the  grievances  of 
our  natural  brethren  of  Ireland  and  the  Massachusetts 
bay,  and  a  still  more  comfortable  prospect  is  opened  to 
our  fellow  subjects  who  are  not  of  British  extraction. 


114  'THE  LEE  PAPERS. 

The  Canadians,  the  inhabitants  of  the  ceded  islands, 
and  of  Minorca ;  these  people  are  told,  that  if  their 
property  is  invaded,  or  their  persons  insulted,  they  are 
to  seek  redress  from  the  King  and  Council.  Are  some 
late  occurrences  calculated  to  give  them  confidence  in 
those  from  whom  they  are  to  seek  redress  ?  Let  us, 
without  exaggeration  or  perversion,  state  the  case  of 
General  Mostvn  and  Mr.  Fabrigas.  General  Mostyn  is 
accused  by  Fabrigas  of  violently  and  illegally  throwing 
him  into  prison,  and  afterwards  banishing  him  the  isl- 
and, for  no  other  crime  than  petitioning  against  a  reg- 
ulation which  he  conceived  to  be  prejudicial  and  griev- 
ous. The  cause  is  tried  :  the  allegation  not  only  proves 
just  in  its  full  extent,  but  aggravated  with  a  variety  of 
wanton,  cruel  circumstances. — Fabrigas,  a  substantial 
farmer,  is  thrown  into  the  dungeon  appropriated  to 
felons  convicted  of  capital  crimes  ;  the  sentinels  receive 
strict  orders  not  to  allow  the  least  refreshment  to  be 
conveyed  to  him;  even  the  air-hole  is  guarded,  lest 
some  of  his  children  or  friends  should  drop  a  loaf  of 
bread,  or  bunch  of  grapes. 

Having  lain  in  this  miserable  dungeon  for  some  days, 
he  is  at  length  hand-cuffed  and  pinioned,  drawn  forth, 
and,  by  the  simple  fiat  of  this  smart,  lively  minature 
of  God's  vicegerent  on  earth,  John  Mostyn,  Esq.,  hur- 
ried on  board  a  ship  *  prepared  for  the  purpose,  and  in- 
terdicted from  the  fire  and  water  of  his  native  island, 
until  it  should  please  the  said  little,  mighty  John 
Mostyn,  Esq.  to  suspend  the  interdict.  And  it  was 
thought  a  wonderful  act  of  clemency,  not  only  by  his 
visier,  the  most  accurate,  judicious,  liberal,  veracious 
Mr.  Wright  f,  but  by  another  illustrious  member  of  the 
divan,  in  thus  committing  the  bow-string  or  hatchet 


*  He  was  banished  for  a  year  to  Carthagena.  His  wife,  as  they  were  carry- 
ing him  on  board,  appeared  on  the  beach  with  a  matrass,  but  the  guard  was 
ordred  to  drive  her  away  with  their  bayonets ;  this  convenience  of  a  matrass 
being  thought  too  great  an  indulgence. 

f  His  secretary.  This  gentleman  was  asked  in  court,  whether  it  was  a  part 
of  the  governor's  privilege  to  behead  or  hang  '?  and  replied,  ingeniously,  he 
beleived  it  was.  The  chief  engineer,  esteemed  a  man  of  some  sense  and 
learning,  seemed  to  be  of  the  same  opinion. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  115 

into  the  gentle  sentence  of  banishment ;  for  these  worthy 
ministers  gave  it  as  their  opinion,  openly  in  an  English 
court,  that  strangling  and  beheading  was  a  part  of  his 
Highness's  prerogative.  But  I  should  beg  pardon  for 
attempting  to  be  ludicrous  upon  an  occasion  so  very  se- 
rious, not  indeed  because  a  man  of  Mr.  Mostyn's  stamp, 
a  contemner,  and,  as  far  as  a  very  little  wit  will  enable 
him,  a  ridiculer  of  all  public  spirit  and  sentiment,  a  de- 
serter of  his  noble  friend  and  patron,*  on  the  first  ap- 
pearance that  he  no  longer  possessed  the  power  of 
serving  him  farther. 

That  a  man  of  this  stamp  should  be  intoxicated  with 
authority,  and  run  into  violence  and  absurdity,  when 
removed  from  immediate  checks,  is  not  to  be  wondered 
at,  nor  that  such  a  governor  should  be  furnished  with 
a  dull  mercenary  secretary,  ready  to  execute  the  man- 
dates of  his  principal,  be  they  ever  so  iniquitous  and 
preposterous  ;  but  that  there  should  be  found  a  single 
officer  of  rank,  of  no  despicable  parts,  and  some  read- 
ing, to  encourage,  advise  and  justify  measures  so  re- 
pugnant to  the  spirit  of  our  constitution  and  the  rights 
of  mankind,  is  astonishing,  and  in  the  highest  degree 
alarming;  for,  if  such  notions  become  fashionable 
amongst  the  military,  our  laws  are  but  a  parapet  of 
paper,  which  the  sword  is  ready  to  cut  through  on  the 
first  hint  from  a  dictator.  The  idea,  I  say,  of  such 
principles  becoming  fashionable  in  the  army  must  give 
the  most  serious  alarm  to  every  individual  who  does  not 
wrish  annihilation  to  the  present  liberties  of  these  isl- 
ands, and  enslavement  to  their  posterity.  But  what 
follows,  is  more  particularly  a  matter  of  melancholy 
concern  to  our  fellow  subjects,  the  colonists  of  America, 
the  Canadians,  and  the  people  of  Minorca.  They  are, 
it  seems,  if  aggrieved,  to  seek  redress  from  the  king  and 
council ;  but  if  they  have  reason  to  think  that  their  re- 
dressers  will  become  partisans  of  those  who  oppress 

*  Lord  Rockingham  ;  to  whom  Mr.  Mostyn  owed  all  his  great  preferments  ; 
he  opposed  his  patron  when  minister,  because  he  knew  it  would  please  the 
cabinet. 


116  'THE  LEE  PAPERS. 

them,  what  must  be  the  situation  of  their  minds  ?  Will 
they  not  naturally  despair,  and  resign  themselves  pas- 
sively to  the  hand  of  power,  or  bravely  attempt  to  re- 
dress themselves  ?  To  one  of  these  alternatives,  a  cir- 
cumstance immediately  subsequent  to  Mr.  Mostyn's 
trial,  must  tend  to  reduce  them.  Eeeking  with  the 
infamy  of  being  convicted  by  an  honest  jury  of  his 
country,  he  dared  to  present  himself  at  the  levee  of  hex- 
first  magistrate,  where  he,  who  is  the  head>  and  in  fact 
creates  and  uncreates  this  court  from  which  redress  and 
equity  are  to  flow,  he  who  should  consider  himself  as 
the  corrector  of  abuses,  and  avenger  of  wrongs,  could 
attempt  to  be  facetious  on  the  occasion.  Well,  Gen- 
eral, says  the  King,  so  you  have  been  cast ;  and  who 
were  the  counsel  employed  by  your  doughty  adversary  ? 
The  General,  a  veteran  courtier,  long  accustomed  to 
royal  waggery,  smartly  replied,  the  learned  Serjeant 
Glynn,  and  the  profound  Duke  of  Richmond.  This  was 
so  prodigiously  witty,  that  the  whole  circle,  lords  of 
the  bed-chamber,  maids  of  honour,  and  privy-council, 
all  burst  into  a  loud  laugh.* 

This  may  be  a  very  excellent  joke  at  St.  James's ; 
but  I  can  assure  St.  James's,  that  in  other  places  it  sa- 
vours but  of  shallow  wit,  and  that  it  only  serves  as  a 
proof,  for  which  there  was  no  occasion,  of  the  weakness 
of  the  heads,  and  corruption  of  the  hearts,  within  those 
Avails.  And.  I  can  further  assure  them,  that  did  such 
noblemen,  and  such  lawyers,  as  the  duke  of  Richmond, 
and  serjeant  Glynn,  form  the  circle  of  the  drawing- 
room,  it  would  be  more  for  the  honour  of  his  Majesty, 
and  the  satisfaction  and  safety  of  the  nation,  than  one 
composed  of  the  Graftons,  Sandwiches,  Nortons,  and 
Wedderburnes. 

*  It  is  to  be  observed,  that  the  Treasury  paid  General  Mostyn's  damages. 


II. 


MEMOIR 


OF 


MAJOE   GENERAL   LEE 


BY 


EDWARD   LANGWORTHY. 


Reprinted  from  Memoirs  of  the  Life  of  the  late  Charles  Lee,  Esq.     London,  1792. 


PREFACE. 

THE  following  Memoirs  and  Letters  of  the  late  Major 
General  Lee,  have  been  in  the  possession  of  the  Editor 
since  the  year  1786.  They  were  transmitted  from 
America  to  England  by  the  gentleman  whose  name  is 
subscribed  to  the  memoirs,  and  who  was  a  member  of 
Congress  for  the  State  of  Georgia,  for  the  purpose  of 
publication.  In  their  manuscript  state  they  have  been 
seen  by  several  persons  in  England,  who  expressed  a 
strong  desire  of  putting  them  to  the  press,  which  the 
avocations  of  the  person  to  whom  they  were  entrusted, 
and  his  not  being  acquainted  with  such  undertakings, 
had  caused  him  to  neglect. 

As  the  subject  of  Revolutions  is  again  renewed  by 
what  has  occurred  in  France,  it  is  presumed  that  what- 
ever relates  to  the  Mother-Revolution,  that  of  America, 
will,  at  least,  afford  entertainment  to  the  curious,  and 
contribute  to  encrease  the  general  stock  of  historical 
knowledge. 

The  reader  may  expect  to  find,  in  almost  everything 
that  relates  to  General  Lee,  a  great  deal  of  the  strong 
republican  character.  His  attachment  to  principles  of 
liberty,  without  regard  to  place,  made  him  the  citizen 
of  the  world  rather  than  of  any  country  ;  and  from  his 
earliest  youth  to  the  end  of  his  career,  this  general  trait 
in  his  character  may  be  traced. 

So  little  of  the  courtier  had  he  about  him  that  he 
never  descended  to  intimate  any  thing.  Whatever  he 
spoke  or  wrote  was  in  the  fullest  style  of  expression,  or 
strong  figure.  He  used  to  say  of  Mr.  Paine,  the  author 
of  Common  Sense,  in  America,  and  since  of  Rights  of 
Man,  in  England,  (of  whose  writings  he  was  a  great 
admirer,)  that  "  lie  burst  forth  upon  the  world  like  Jove 


120  PREFACE. 

in  thunder  ;  "  and  this  strength  of  conception,  so  natural 
to  General  Lee,  had  it  not  been  mixed  with  a  turn 
equally  as  strong  for  satire,  and  too  much  eccentricity 
of  temper,  would  have  rendered  his  conversation  per- 
petually entertaining. 

EDITOR. 

LONDON,  February,  1793. 


MEMOIR 

OF 

MAJOR  GENERAL  LEE. 


THE  family  of  the  Lees  is  both  ancient  and  respecta 
ble,  many  of  them  having  had  connections  and  inter- 
marriages with  the  principal  families  in  the  English 
nation  ;  and,  from  a  pedigree  done  for  Mr.  Thomas 
Lee,*  distributor  and  collector  of  the  stamp-duties  for 
the  county  arid  city  of  Chester,  North  Wales,  we  learn 
that  the  General's  father  was  John  Lee  of  Dernhall 
in  the  said  county,  who  was  some  time  a  Captain  of 
Dragoons,  afterwards  Lieutenant  Colonel  of  General 
Barrel's  regiment  from  1717  to  1742,  at  which  time  he 
was  promoted  to  a  Regiment  of  Foot.  He  married  Isa- 
bella, second  daughter  of  Sir  Henry  Bunbury,  of  Stan- 
ney,  in  the  county  of  Chester,  Baronet :  by  this  lady 
he  had  three  sons,  Thomas,  Harry  and  Charles,  the 
youngest,  who  is  the  subject  of  these  memoirs. 

From  his  early  youth  he  was  ardent  in  the  pursuit 
of  knowledge ;  and  being  an  officer  at  eleven  years  of 
age,  may  be  considered  as  born  in  the  army ;  which, 
though  it  deprived  him  of  some  regularity  with  respect 
to  the  mode  of  his  education,  yet  his  genius  led  him 
assiduously  to  cultivate  the  fields  of  science,  and  he  ac- 
quired a  competent  skill  in  the  Greek  and  Latin  ;  while 
his  fondness  for  travelling  gave  him  also  an  oppor- 
tunity of  attaining  the  Italian,  Spanish,  German,  and 
French  languages. 

*  In  1723. 


122  .THE    LEE    PAPEKS. 

Having  laid  a  good  foundation,  tactics  became  his 
favourite  study,  in  which  he  spent  much  time  and 
pains,  desiring  nothing  more  than  to  distinguish  him- 
self in  the  profession  of  arms.  We  find  him  very  early 
in  America,  commanding  a  Company  of  Grenadiers  of 
the  44th  regiment ;  and  he  was  at  the  battle  of  Ticon- 
deroga,  where  General  Abercrombie  was  defeated. 
Here,  it  is  said,  he  was  shot  through  the  body  ;  but 
fortunately  his  wound  did  not  prove  mortal. 

When  he  returned  to  England  from  America,  after 
the  reduction  of  Montreal,  he  found  a  general  peace 
was  in  contemplation.  The  cession  of  Canada  was 
talked  of,  which  gave  great  uneasiness  to  every  Ameri- 
can, as  it  appeared  prejudicial  to  their  interest  and 
safety.  On  this  occasion  he  exerted  himself,  and  pub- 
lished a  pamphlet  shewing  the  importance  of  this  coun- 
try, which  was  much  approved  of  by  all  the  friends  to 
America.  The  celebrated  Dr.  Franklin,  in  particular, 
was  pleased  to  compliment  him,  and  said  "  that  it  could 
not  fail  of  making  a  salutary  impression."  In  the  year 
17(52,  he  bore  a  Colonel's  commission,  and  served  under 
General  Burgoyne  in  Portugal ;  and  in  this  service  he 
handsomely  distinguished  himself. 

The  Spaniards  had  formed  a  design  of  invading  that 
kingdom,  and  had  assembled  an  army  on  the  frontiers 
of  Estremadura,  with  an  intention  of  penetrating  into 
the  province  of  Alentejo.  Count  La  Lippe  was  the 
commanding  officer  of  the  Portuguese  army,  who 
formed  a  design  of  attacking  an  advanced  body  of  the 
Spaniards,  which  lay  on  their  frontiers,  in  a  town 
called  Valeiitia  de  Alcantara. 

This  enterprise  was  committed  to  Brigadier  General 
Burgoyne,  who  effected  a  complete  surprize  on  the  town, 
took  the  general  who  was  to  have  commanded  in  the 
intended  invasion,  with  a  number  of  other  officers,  and 
one  of  the  best  regiments  in  the  Spanish  service  was  en- 
tirely destroyed.  But  notwithstanding  this,  and  sev- 
eral subsequent  skirmishes,  the  Spanish  army  continued 
masters  of  the  country,  and  nothing  remained  but  the 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  123 

passage  of  the  Tagus,  to  enable  them  to  take  up  their 
quarters  in  Alentejo. 

General  Burgoyne,  who  was  posted  with  an  atten- 
tion to  obstruct  them  in  their  passage,  lay  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood, and  within  view  of  a  detached  camp,  com- 
posed of  a  considerable  body  of  the  enemy's  cavalry, 
which  lay  near  a  village  called  Villa  Velha.  As  he  ob- 
served that  the  enemy  kept  no  very  soldierly  guard  in 
this  post,  and  were  uncovered  both  in  their  rear  and 
their  flanks,  he  conceived  a  design  of  falling  on  them 
by  surprize.  The  execution  of  his  design  was  entrusted 
to  his  friend  Colonel  Lee,  who,  in  the  night  of  October 
8th,  fell  upon  their  rear,  turned  their  camp,  made  a 
considerable  slaughter,  dispersed  the  whole  party,  des- 
troyed their  magazines,  and  returned  with  scarce  any 
loss. 

When  a  general  conclusion  was  at  length  put  to  the 
war,  he  returned  to  England  from  Portugal,  after  hav- 
ing received  the  thanks  of  his  Portuguese  Majesty  for 
his  services  ;  and  Count  La  Lippe  recommended  him  in 
the  strongest  terms  to  the  English  Court.  He  had,  at 
this  period,  a  friend  and  patron  in  high  office,  one  of 
the  principal  Secretaries  of  State ;  so  that  there  was 
every  reason  for  him  to  have  expected  promotion  in  the 
English  army.  But  here  his  attachment,  his  enthusi- 
asm for  America,  interfered,  and  prevented.  The 
great  Indian,  or  what  we  called  Pondiacks  War,  broke 
out,  which  the  ministerial  agents  thought  their  interest 
to  represent  as  a  matter  of  no  consequence.  The  friends 
of  America  thought  the  reverse,  and  asserted  it  would 
be  attended  with  dreadful  waste,  ravage,  and  desola- 
tion. This  brought  him  once  more  to  publish  for  the 
defence  and  protection  of  this  country,  by  which  he  lost 
the  favour  of  the  ministry,  and  shut  the  door  to  all  hopes 
of  preferment  in  the  English  army.  But  he  could  not 
live  in  idleness  and  inactivity  :  he  left  his  native  coun- 
try, and  entered  into  the  Polish  service,  and  was  of 
course  absent  when  the  stamp  act  passed  ;  but  although 
absent,  he  did  not  cease  laboring  in  the  cause  of 


124  .THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

America,  as  may  be  learned  from  many  of  his  letters. 
He  used  every  argument,  and  exerted  all  the  abilities 
he  was  master  of,  with  every  correspondent  he  had,  in 
either  House  of  Parliament,  of  any  weight  or  influence ; 
and  at  the  same  time,  he  had  not  an  inconsiderable  num- 
ber in  both. 

It  must  be  observed  that  this  famous  act  had  divided 
almost  every  court  in  Europe  into  two  different  par- 
ties :  the  one,  assertors  of  the  prerogative  of  the  British 
Parliament;  the  other,  of  the  rights  and  privileges  of 
America.  General  Lee,  on  this  occasion,  pleaded  the 
cause  of  the  Colonies  with  such  earnestness  as  almost  to 
break  off  all  intercourse  with  the  King's  ministers  at 
the  Court  of  Vienna,  men  that  he  personally  loved  and 
esteemed  ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  it  was  thought  that 
he  pleaded  with  so  much  success  as  to  add  not  a  few 
friends  and  partizans  to  America.  These  circumstances 
are  mentioned,  as  they  serve  to  demonstrate  that  a  zeal 
for  the  welfare  of  the  Colonies,  from  the  General's  ear- 
liest acquaintance  with  them,  had  been  a  ruling  princi- 
ple of  his  life.  The  present  volumes  will  testify  what 
he  sacrificed,  what  he  did  and  what  he  hazarded,  in  the 
last  and  most  important  contest  which  separated  the 
Colonies  from  their  Parent  State  : — but  there  is  one  cir- 
cumstance that  seems  to  claim  a  particular  attention ; 
which  is,  that  of  all  the  officers  who  embarked  in  the 
American  service,  he  was  the  only  man  who  could  ac- 
quire no  additional  rank,  and  perhaps  the  only  one 
whose  fortune  could  not  have  been  impaired,  or  at  least 
the  tenure  by  which  it  was  held,  changed  from  its 
former  condition  into  a  precarious  and  arbitrary  one, 
by  the  success  of  the  British  ministry's  schemes ;  for, 
had  they  been  completed  to  the  full  extent  of  their 
wishes,  the  condition  of  his  fortune  had  not  been  al- 
tered for  the  worse  :  his  fortune,  though  not  great,  was 
easy,  and,  it  may  be  said,  affluent,  for  a  private  gentle- 
man ;  a  detail  of  which  the  editor  is  enabled  to  collect 
from  his  papers. 

1st.  The  General  had  four  hundred  and  eighty  pounds 


THE    LEE    PAPERS,  125 

per  annum,  on  a   mortgage   in   Jamaica,    paid   punc- 
tually. 

2dly.  An  estate  of  two  hundred  pounds  per  annum 
in  Middlesex,  for  another  gentleman's  life  ;  but  whose 
life  he  had  ensured  against  his  own. 

3dly.  A  thousand  pounds  on  a  turnpike  in  England, 
at  four  per  cent,  interest. 

4thly.  One  thousand  five  hundred  pounds,  at  five  per 
cent. 

5thly.  His  half  pay,  one  hundred  and  thirty-six 
pounds  per  annum /  in  all,  nine  hundred  and  thirty- 
one  pounds  per  annum,  clear  income  :  besides  this, 
about  twelve  hundred  pounds  in  his  agent's  hands,  and 
different  debts. — He  had,  likewise,  ten  thousand  acres 
of  land  in  the  island  of  St.  John,  which  had  been 
located  and  settled  at  the  expence  of  seven  hundred 
pounds  ;  and  a  mandamus  for  twenty  thousand  acres  in 
East  Florida. 

This  is  the  state  of  the  General's  fortune  when  he 
engaged  in  the  late  American  contest ;  and  this  fortune 
would  have  been  totally  unaffected  though  the  prerog- 
ative of  taxing  America  without  her  consent  had  been 
established  and  confirmed  :  the  full  possession  of  it  was 
secure,  and  independent  of  her  fate.  But  these  con- 
siderations did  not  influence  his  mind  :  he  gave  up  se- 
curity for  insecurity,  certainty  for  uncertainty ;  he 
threw  into  the  lap  of  America,  without  any  chance  of 
winning ;  he  staked  all  on  the  die  of  her  fortune  :  if 
she  succeeded,  he  could  not  be  better ;  if  she  miscarried, 
his  whole  was  lost.  His  rank,  as  before  observed,  ac- 
quired no  addition ;  but  the  contrary,  for  a  stop  was 
put  to  its  progress  in  the  two  other  services,  the  Polish 
and  the  English. 

The  General,  who  could  never  stay  long  in  one  place, 
during  the  years  1771,  1772,  to  the  fall  of  1773,  had 
rambled  all  over  Europe ;  but  we  can  collect  nothing 
material  relative  to  the  adventures  of  his  travels,  as  his 
memorandum-books  only  mention  the  names  of  the 
towns  and  cities  through  which  he  passed.  That  he 


126  'THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

was  a  most  rapid  and  very  active  traveller,  is  evident : 
it  appears  also,  that  he  was  engaged  with  an  officer  in 
Italy  in  an  affair  of  honour,  by  which  he  lost  the  use 
of  two  of  his  fingers ;  but  having  recourse  to  pistols, 
the  Italian  was  slain,  and  he  immediately  obliged  to 
lly  for  his  life.  His  warmth  of  temper  drew  him  into 
many  rencounters  of  this  kind  ;  in  all  which  he  acquitted 
himself  with  singular  courage,  sprightliness  of  imagina- 
tion, and  great  presence  of  mind. 

Much  dissatisfied  with  the  appearance  of  the  political 
horizon  at  London,  on  the  16th  of  August,  1773,  he 
embarked  on  board  the  packet  for  New- York,  where  he 
arrived  on  the  10th  of  November  following,  and  had  a 
very  severe  fit  of  the  gout.  At  this  period,  the  contro- 
versy between  Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies  began  to 
be  serious  ;  and  the  General  concerted  a  design  of  tak- 
ing a  part  in  favour  of  America,  in  case  it  came  to  an 
open  rupture. 

The  destruction  of  the  British  East-India  company's 
tea  at  Boston,  the  16th  of  December,  was  a  prelude  to 
the  calamities  that  afterwards  ensued.  At  this  crisis, 
General  Lee  s  mind  was  not  inobservant  or  inactive  ; 
his  conversation,  his  pen,  animated  the  colonists  to  a 
great  degree,  and  persuaded  them  to  make  a  persever- 
ing resistance. 

During  this  winter,  he  visited  Philadelphia,  Williams- 
burgh,  and  several  other  places  in  Virginia  and  Mary- 
land;  and  returned  to  Philadelphia,  a  few  months  before 
the  first  Congress  met  in  that  city,  on  the  5th  of  Sep- 
tember. Encouraging  and  observing  what  was  going 
forward  here,  he  then  paid  a  visit  to  New-York,  Rhode- 
Island,  and  Boston,  where  he  arrived  on  the  1st  of 
August,  1774.  The  most  active  political  characters  on 
the  American  theatre,  now  hailed  him,  and  were  happy 
in  his  acquaintance,  not  a  little  pleased  with  his  san- 
guine, lively  temper ;  considering  his  presence  among 
them  at  this  crisis,  as  a  most  fortunate  and  propitious 
omen.  General  Gage  had  now  issued  his  proclamation  ; 
and  though  Lee  was  on  half -pay  in  the  British  service, 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  127 

it  did  not  prevent  him  from  expressing  his  sentiments  in 
terms  of  the  most  pointed  severity  against  the  ministry. 
In  short,  he  blazed  forth  a  Whig  of  the  first  magnitude, 
and  communicated  a  portion  of  his  spirit  to  all  with 
whom  he  conversed.  As  he  continued  travelling,  or 
rather  flying  from  place  to  place,  he  became  known  to 
all  who  distinguished  themselves  in  this  important 
opposition:  his  company  and  correspondence  were 
courted,  and  many  occasional  political  pieces,  the  pro- 
duction of  his  pen,  were  eagerly  read,  and  much  ad- 
mired ;  and  from  this  popularity,  there  is  no  reason  to 
doubt  but  he  expected  he  should  soon  become  the  first 
in  military  rank  on  this  Continent. 

General  Gates  was  settled  on  a  plantation  in  Berkeley 
county,  Virginia ;  and  having  a  great  friendship  for 
Lee,  persuaded  him  to  purchase  from  a  Mr.  Hite,  a  very 
fine  valuable  tract  of  land  in  his  neighbourhood,  of  about 
two  thousand  seven  hundred  acres,  on  which  were  seve- 
ral good  improvements. 

On  this  business,  he  left  his  friends,  in  the  Northern 
States,  and  returned  to  Virginia,  where  he  remained 
till  the  month  of  May  1775,  when  he  again  presented 
himself  at  Philadelphia.  •  The  American  Congress  were 
assembled  ;  and  he  became  daily  a  greater  enthusiast 
in  the  cause  of  liberty.  The  battle  of  Lexington,  and 
some  other  matters,  had  now  ripened  the  contest ;  and 
Lee's  active  and  enterprising  disposition  was  ready  for 
the  most  arduous  purposes.  He  therefore  accepted  a 
commission  from  the  Congress,  which  was  offered  to 
him  by  some  of  its  principal  members  ;  but  he* found  it 
necessary  previously  to  resign  that  which  he  held  in  the 
British  service.  This  he  did  without  delay,  in  a  letter 
transmitted  to  the  Right  Honourable  Lord  Viscount 
Barrington,  his  Majesty's  Secretary  at  War ;  assuring 
his  Lordship,  that  although  he  had  renounced  his  half- 
pay,  yet,  whenever  it  should  please  his  Majesty  to  call 
him  forth  to  any  honourable  service  against  the  natu- 
ral hereditary  enemies  of  his  country,  or  in  defence  of 
his  most  just  rights  and  dignity,  no  man  would  obey 


128  .THE   LEE   PAPEE8. 

the  righteous  summons  with  more  zeal  and  alacrity  than 
himself :  at  the  same  time,  the  General  expressed  his 
disapprobation  of  the  present  measures,  in  the  most  di- 
rect terms ;  declaring  them  to  be  "  so  absolutely  sub- 
versive of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  every  individual 
subject,  so  destructive  to  the  whole  empire  at  large, 
and  ultimately  so  ruinous  to  his  Majesty's  own  person, 
dignity,  and  family,  that  he  thought  himself  obliged  in 
conscience,  as  a  citizen,  Englishman,  and  a  soldier  of  a 
free  State,  to  exert  his  utmost  to  defeat  them." 

Professing  these  sentiments,  he  received  a  Continen- 
tal commission  of  the  rank  of  Major  General.  As  he 
had  made  war  his  study  from  his  youth,  seen  a  variety 
of  service,  and  distinguished  himself  for  his  courage 
and  abilities,  one  might  have  imagined  he  would  have 
immediately  been  appointed  second  in  command  in  the 
American  army  :  this  was  not  the  case  ;  in  all  countries, 
kissing  goes  by  favour ;  and  men  will  be  tenacious  of 
any  rank  bestowed  upon  them.  General  Ward,  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  by  some  means  or  other,  had  re- 
ceived a  commission  of  prior  date ;  and  on  this  account, 
perhaps  to  the  injury  of  the  service,  he  took  rank  of 
General  Lee,  who  was  at  present  content  to  act  under 
him.  Whatever  his  feelings  were  on  this  head,  he  took 
care  to  disguise  them ;  and  General  Ward,  on  the  evac- 
uation of  Boston,  grew  weary  of  military  honour  and 
service,  retired  to  private  life,  and  sent  his  resignation 
to  Congress. 

On  the  21st  of  June,  General  Washington  and  Gen- 
eral Lee,  having  received  their  orders  from  Congress, 
left  Philadelphia,  in  order  to  join  the  troops  assembled 
near  Boston.  They  were  accompanied  out  of  the  city, 
for  some  miles,  by  a  troop  of  light  horse,  and  by  all  the 
officers  of  the  city  militia,  on  horseback ;  and  at  this 
time  General  Lee  was  accounted,  and  really  was,  a  great 
acquisition  to  the  American  cause.  On  the  road  they 
received  the  news  of  the  affair  at  Bunker's-hill,  and  ar- 
rived at  the  camp  at  Cambridge  the  2d  of  July  1775. 
The  people  of  Massachusetts  received  them  with  every 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  129 

testimony  of  esteem  ;  and  the  Congress  of  that  Colony 
not  only  presented  an  address  to  his  Excellency  Gene- 
ral Washington,  as  commander  in  chief,  but,  from  a 
sense  of  the  military  abilities  of  General  Lee,  presented 
one  to  him  also,  couched  in  terms  of  the  highest  respect. 
The  General  remained  with  this  army  till  the  year  1776, 
when  General  Washington,  having  obtained  intelligence 
of  the  fitting  out  of  a  fleet  at  Boston,  and  of  the  em- 
barkation of  troops  from  thence,  which,  from  the  sea- 
son of  the  year,  and  other  circumstances,  he  judged 
must  be  destined  for  a  Southern  expedition,  gave 
orders  to  General  Lee,  to  repair  with  such  volunteers 
as  were  willing  to  join  him,  and  could  be  expeditiously 
raised,  to  the  city  of  New- York,  with  a  design  to  pre- 
vent the  English  from  taking  possession  of  New- York 
and  the  North -River,  as  they  would  thereby  command 
the  country,  and  the  communication  with  Canada. 
The  General,  on  his  arrival,  began  with  putting  the 
city  in  the  best  posture  of  defence  the  season  of  the 
year  and  circumstances  would  admit  of ;  disarming  all 
such  persons  upon  Long  Island,  and  elsewhere,  whose 
conduct  and  declarations  had  rendered  them  suspected 
of  designs  unfriendly  to  the  views  of  Congress.  Col- 
onel Ward  wras  ordered  to  secure  the  whole  body  of 
professed  Tories  in  Long  Island.  This  gave  an  univer- 
sal alarm,  that  even  the  Congress  of  New- York  endea- 
voured to  check  the  General  in  this  business,  by  inform- 
ing him,  in  a  letter,  that  the  trial  and  punishment  of 
citizens  belonged  to  the  Provincial  Congress,  and  not 
to  any  military  character,  however  exalted.  To  this 
the  General  answered,  that  when  the  enemy  was  at  the 
doors,  forms  must  be  dispensed  with — that  his  duty  to 
them,  to  the  Continental  Congress,  and  to  his  own  con- 
science, had  dictated  the  necessity  of  the  measure — that 
if  he  had  done  wrong,  he  would  submit  himself  to  the 
shame  of  being  reputed  rash  and  precipitate,  and  under- 
go the  censure  of  the  public ;  but  he  should  have  the 
consciousness  of  his  own  breast,  that  the  pure  motives 
of  serving  the  community,  tincontaminated  by  pique  or 


130  •    THE    LEE   PAPERS. 

resentment  to  individuals,  urged  him  to  the  step.  The 
General  also  remonstrated  against  supplying  the  men 
of  war  and  Governor  Try  on  with  provisions,  as  the 
boats  coming  to  the  city  must  open  the  means  of  their 
receiving  every  sort  of  intelligence.  "  I  should,"  says 
the  General  in  one  of  his  letters,  "  be  in  the  highest  de- 
gree culpable  to  God,  my  conscience,  and  the  Continen- 
tal Congress,  in  whose  service  I  am  engaged,  should  I 
suffer,  at  so  dangerous  a  crisis,  a  banditti  of  professed 
foes  of  liberty  and  their  country,  to  remain  at  liberty 
to  co-operate  with,  and  strengthen  the  ministerial  troops 
openly  in  arms,  or  covertly,  and  consequently  more 
dangerously,  furnish  them  with  intelligence."  He  also 
drew  up  a  Test,  which  he  ordered  his  officers  to  offer  to 
those  who  were  reputed  inimical  to  the  American 
cause :  a  refusal  to  take  this,  was  to  be  construed  as  no 
more  or  less  than  an  avowal  of  their  hostile  intentions ; 
upon  which,  their  persons  were  to  be  secured,  and  sent 
to  Connecticut,  where  it  was  judged  they  could  not  be  so 
dangerous.  Thus  the  General  excited  the  people  to 
every  spirited  measure,  and  intimidated  by  every  means 
the  friends  to  the  English  government.  At  this  time, 
Captain  Vandeput,  of  the  Asia,  seized  a  Lieutenant 
Tiley,  and  kept  him  on  board  his  ship  in  irons.  On  the 
principles  of  retaliation,  Lee  took  into  custody  Mr.  Ste- 
phens, an  officer  of  Government ;  and  informed  the  Cap- 
tain what  he  had  done,  and  that  this  gentleman  should 
not  be  released  until  Lieut.  Tiley  was  returned.  This 
had  the  desired  effect.  His  determined  and  decisive  dis- 
position had  an  amazing  influence  both  on  the  army  and 
people  ;  and  the  steps  he  proposed  for  the  management 
of  those  who  disapproved  of  the  American  resistance, 
struck  a  terror  wherever  he  appeared. 

Congress  had  now  received  the  account  of  General 

O 

Montgomery's  unsuccessful  expedition  against  Quebec. 
As  flattering  expectations  were  entertained  of  the  suc- 
cess of  this  officer,  the  event  threw  a  gloom  on  Ameri- 
can affairs.  To  remedy  this  disaster,  they  turned  their 
eyes  to  General  Lee,  and  Congress  resolved  that  he 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  131 

should  forthwith  repair  to  Canada,  and  take  upon  him 
the  command  of  the  army  of  the  United  Colonies  in 
that  province.  This,  though  he  was  just  recovered 
from  a  fit  of  the  gout,  he  accepted  ;  but  while  prepara- 
tions were  making  for  the  important  undertaking,  Con- 
gress changed  their  determination,  and  appointed  him 
to  the  command  of  the  Southern  department,  in  which 
he  became  very  conspicuous,  as  a  vigilant,  brave  and  ac- 
tive officer.  His  extensive  correspondence,  his  address 
under  every  difficulty,  and  his  unwearied  attention  to 
the  duties  of  his  station,  all  evinced  his  great  military 
capacity,  and  extreme  usefulness  to  the  cause  he  had  es- 
poused, and  was  warmly  engaged  in. — Every  testimony 
of  respect  was  paid  him  by  the  people  of  the  Northern 
Colonies,  and  he  experienced  a  similar  treatment  in  his 
journey- to  the  Southward.  On  his  arrival  at  Williams- 
burgh,  every  one  expressed  their  high  satisfaction  at  his 
presence  among  them ;  and  the  troops  of  that  city  em- 
braced the  opportunity  of  presenting  him  with  an  ad- 
dress, expressive  of  their  sanguine  hopes  and  firm  reso- 
lutions of  uniting  with  him  in  the  common  cause.  This 
example  was  followed  at  Newbern,  North-Carolina; 
and  a  committee  was  appointed  by  the  inhabitants  of 
that  town,  to  wait  upon  him  in  their  name,  and,  in  an 
address,  to  thank  him  for  his  generous  and  manly  ex- 
ertions in  defence  of  American  rights  and  liberties  ;  and 
to  offer  him  their  cordial  congratulations  for  his  appear- 
ance among  them,  at  a  time  when  their  province  was 
actually  invaded  by  a  powerful  fleet  and  army  ;  and  to 
express  their  happiness  to  find  the  command  of  the 
troops  destined  for  their  protection,  placed  in  the  hands 
of  a  gentleman  of  his  distinguished  character. 

Great  too  was  the  joy  in  South-Carolina,  where  his 
presence  was  seasonable  and  absolutely  necessary,  as 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  was  actually  preparing  for  an  inva- 
sion of  that  province.  The  minds  of  all  ranks  of  peo- 
ple were  Considerably  elevated  at  the  sight  of  him  ;  it 
diffused  an  ardour  among  the  military,  attended  with 
the  most  salutary  consequences  ;  and  his  diligence  and 


132  •  THE   LEE    PAPEKS. 

activity  at  Charleston,  previous  to  the  attack  upon  Sul- 
livan's island,  will  be  long  remembered.  From  a  pe- 
rusal of  his  letters  and  directions  to  the  officers  com- 
manding at  that  post,  we  may  justly  infer,  that  America 
was  under  no  small  obligations  to  him  for  the  signal 
success  there  obtained.  And  here  it  may  be  mentioned, 
as  somewhat  remarkable,  that  when  General  Lee  re- 
ceived orders  at  Cambridge,  to  repair  to  New- York,  to 
watch  the  motions  of  the  British,  he  met  General  Clin- 
ton the  very  day  he  arrived  there  ; — when  he  came  to 
Virginia,  he  found  him  in  Hampton  Road — and  just 
after  his  arrival  in  North  Carolina,  General  Clinton  left 
Cape  Fear — Their  next  meeting  was  at  Fort  Sullivan, 
which  must  have  made  Lee  appear  to  Clinton  as  his  evil 
genius,  haunting  him  for  more  than  eleven  hundred 
miles,  along  a  coast  of  vast  extent,  and  meeting  him  at 
Philippi. 

The  affair  of  Sullivan's  island  was  a  most  extraordi- 
nary deliverance ;  for  if  the  English  had  succeeded,  it 
is  more  than  probable  the  Southern  Colonies  would  at 
that  time  have  been  compelled  to  have  submitted  to  the 
English  government.  Dreadful  was  the  cannonade,  but 
without  effect.  Porto  Bello,  Boccochico,  and  the  other 
castle  at  Carthagena,  were  obliged  to  strike  to  Vernon ; 
Fort  Lewis  in  Saint  Domingo  yielded  to  the  metal  of 
Admiral  Knowles ;  but  in  this  instance,  an  unfinished 
battery,  constructed  with  Palme  to  logs,  resisted,  for  a 
whole  day,  the  twelve  and  eighteen  pounders  of  the 
British  fleet,  to  the  astonishment  and  admiration  of 
every  spectator. 

The  fleet  and  army  under  Sir  Henry  Clinton  and  Sir 
Peter  Parker  being  repulsed,  General  Lee  then  flew 
to  the  assistance  of  Georgia,  where  he  continued  for 
some  weeks,  planning  schemes  to  put  that  province  in 
a  state  of  defence,  and  to  make  an  excursion  into  East 
Florida,  as  their  Southern  frontiers  were  suffering  con- 
siderably by  the  incursions  of  Indians  and  others  from 
that  quarter. 

About  this  time,  the  Congress  were  informed  by  Gen- 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  133 

eral  Washington,  that  Clinton,  with  the  troops  under 
his  command,  had  returned,  and  joined  General  Howe 
at  Staten-island.  In  consequence  of  this  intelligence, 
the  Congress  were  convinced  that  the  English,  by  col- 
lecting their  whole  force  into  a  point,  were  determined 
to  make  a  most  vigorous  exertion  at  New-York ;  and  in 
order  to  ensure  success  there,  were  disposed  for  the 
present  to  overlook  every  other  object.  The  getting 
possession  of  that  city,  and  the  junction  of  the  two  ar- 
mies under  General  Howe  and  Burgoyne,  it  was  the  Con- 
gress's opinion,  were  the  grand  objects  they  had  in  view, 
and  for  the  attainment  of  which  they  would  give  up 
every  inferior  consideration.  Lee's  success  in  the  South- 
ern department  had  increased  the  good  opinion  they 
had  conceived  of  him  ;  his  reputation  was  in  its  zenith ; 
and  they  now  applied  to  him  for  assistance,  in  the  pres- 
ent important  situation  of  their  affairs.  An  express 
was  despatched  to  Georgia,  directing  him  to  repair  as 
soon  as  possible  to  Philadelphia,  there  to  receive  such 
orders  as  they  might  judge  expedient.  He  returned 
with  great  expedition,  the  beginning  of  October,  and 
waited  on  Congress  immediately  on  his  arrival,  who, 
after  consulting  him,  resolved  that  he  should  without 
delay  repair  to  the  camp  at  Haerlem,  with  leave,  if  he 
should  judge  proper,  to  visit  the  posts  in  New- Jersey. 

He  arrived  at  General  Washington's  army  just  time 
enough  to  prevent  it  from  being  blockaded  in  York- 
island,  the  circumstance  of  which  hath  been  thus  re- 
lated. General  Washington  was  at  that  time  under  a 
necessity  of  consulting  his  council  of  officers,  before  he 
could  take  any  step  of  consequence  ;  and  they,  contrary 
to  his  opinion,  were  for  waiting  an  attack  in  their  own 
lines  on  York-island — Extensive  barracks  had  been 
erected,  and  large  preparations  made  for  such  a  step. 
Sir  William  Howe,  finding  the  Americans  too  strong 
to  be  attacked  with  safety  from  the  side  of  New- York, 
leaving  Lord  Piercy  with  a  body  of  troops  opposite  the 
river,  embarked  the  rest  in  his  flat  boats,  passed  safely 
the  dangerous  passage  of  Hell-Gate,  and  landed  on 


134  *  THE   LEE    PAPERS. 

Frog's  Neck,  an  island  separated  by  a  small  creek  from 
West  Chester.  Here  he  remained  a  week,  under  a  pre- 
tence of  waiting  for  stores  and  provisions ;  while  the 
Americans,  in  consequence  of  their  resolutions,  con- 
tinued on  the  Island.  The  very  evening  before  Gen- 
eral Howe  made  a  movement,  General  Lee  arrived  at 
General  Washington's  camp ;  his  opinion  of  their  dan- 
gerous situation  convinced  the  council  of  war;  and, 
that  night,  a  precipitate  movement  extricated  them 
from  the  danger.  The  next  morning,  General  Howe 
landed  on  Pell's  Manor,  a  point  separated  from  Frog's 
Neck  by  a  channel  of  scarce  200  yards :  he  then  ex- 
tended his  army  across  to  Hudson's-river ;  but  there 
was  then  no  enemy  to  intercept.  Had  he,  instead  of 
trifling  away  his  time,  crammed  up  on  Frog's  Neck, 
landed  only  on  Pell's  Point,  not  a  soul  of  the  American 
army  would  have  escaped.  Hitherto  General  Lee  had 
been  successful,  and  was  universally  esteemed  ;  but  for- 
tune now  began  to  reverse  the  scene.  On  tlie  13th  of 
December  1776,  at  the  head  of  all  the  men  he  could 
collect,  he  was  marching  to  join  General  Washington, 
wrho  had  assembled  the  Pennsylvania  militia,  to  secure 
the  banks  of  the  Delaware. — From  the  distance  of  the 
British  cantonments,  he  was  betrayed  into  a  fatal  se- 
curity, by  which,  in  crossing  the  upper  part  of  New- 
Jersey  from  the  North  river,  he  fixed  his  quarters,  and 
lay  carelessly  guarded  at  some  distance  from  the  main 
body.  This  circumstance  being  communicated  to 
Colonel  Harcourt,  who  commanded  the  British  light 
horse,  and  had  then  made  a  desultory  excursion  at  the 
head  of  a  small  detachment,  he  conducted  his  measures 
with  such  address  and  activity,  that  Lee  was  carried 
off,  though  several  guarded  posts  and  armed  patroles 
lay  in  the  way.  Great  was  the  joy  of  the  British,  and 
equal  the  consternation  of  the  Americans,  at  this  unex- 
pected event.  The  making  of  a  single  officer  prisoner, 
in  other  circumstances,  would  have  been  a  matter  of 
little  moment ;  but  in  the  present  state  of  the  continen- 
tal forces,  where  a  general  deficiency  of  military  skill 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  135 

prevailed,  and  the  inexperience  of  the  officers  was 
even  a  greater  grievance,  the  loss  of  a  commander, 
whose  spirit  of  enterprize  was  directed  by  great  knowl- 
edge in  his  profession,  acquired  by  actual  service,  was 
indeed  of  the  utmost  importance.  The  Congress,  on 
hearing  this  news,  ordered  their  President  to  write  to 
General  Washington,  desiring  him  to  send  a  flag  to 
General  Howe,  for  the  purpose  of  enquiring  in  what 
manner  General  Lee  was  treated  ;  and  if  he  found  that 
it  was  not  agreeable  to  his  rank  and  character,  to  send 
a  remonstrance  to  General  Howe  on  the  subject.  This 
produced  much  inconvenience  to  both  sides,  and  much 
calamity  to  individuals.  A  cartel  had  sometime  be- 
fore been  established  for  the  exchange  of  prisoners  be- 
tween the  Generals  Howe  and  Washington,  which  had 
hitherto  been  carried  into  execution,  as  far  as  time  and 
circumstances  would  admit.  As  Lee  was  particular 
obnoxious  to  Government,  it  was  said  that  General 
Howe  was  tied  down  by  his  instructions,  from  parting 
with  him  upon  any  terms,  if  the  fortune  of  war  should 
throw  him  into  his  power.  General  Washington  not 
having  at  this  time  any  prisoners  of  equal  rank  with 
Lee,  proposed  to  exchange  six  field  officers  for  him,  the 
number  being  intended  to  balance  that  disparity ;  or  if 
this  was  not  accepted,  he  required  that  he  should  be 
treated  suitably  to  his  station,  according  to  the  practice 
established  among  polished  nations,  till  an  opportunity 
offered  for  a  direct  and  equal  exchange.  To  this  it 
was  answered,  that  as  Mr.  Lee  was  a  deserter  from  his 
Majesty's  service,  he  was  not  to  be  considered  as  a 
prisoner  of  war ;  that  he  did  not  at  all  come  within 
the  conditions  of  the  cartel,  nor  could  he  receive  any  of 
its  benefits.  This  brought  on  a  fruitless  discussion, 
whether  General  Lee,  who  had  resigned  his  half  pay 
at  the  beginning  of  the  troubles,  could  he  considered  as 
a  deserter ;  or  whether  he  could  with  justice  be  ex- 
cluded from  the  general  benefits  of  a  cartel,  in  which 
no  particular  exception  of  person  had  been  made.  In 
the  mean  time,  General  Lee  was  guarded  with  all  the 


136  -THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

strictness  which  a  State  criminal  of  the  first  magnitude 
could  have  experienced  in  the  most  dangerous  political 
conjuncture.  This  conduct  not  only  suspended  the 
operation  of  the  cartel,  but  induced  retaliation  on  the 
American  side;  and  Colonel  Campbell,  who  had  hith- 
erto been  treated  with  great  humanity  by  the  people 
of  Boston,  was  now  thrown  into  a  dungeon. 

Those  British  officers  who  were  prisoners  in  the 
Southern  Colonies,  though  not  treated  with  equal 
rigour,  were,  however,  abridged  of  their  parole  lib- 
erty. It  was  at  the  same  time  declared,  that  their  fu- 
ture treatment  should  in  every  degree  be  regulated 
by  that  which  General  Lee  experienced,  and  that  their 
persons  should  be  answerable,  in  the  utmost  extent,  for 
any  violence  that  was  offered  to  -him.  Thus  matters 
continued  till  the  capture  of  the  British  army  under 
General  Burgoyne  at  Saratoga,  October  17th,  1777.  A 
change  of  conduct  towards  him  then  took  place  ;  he 
was  allowed  his  parole  in  New- York,  lodged  in  the 

L  '  ^ 

same  house  with  Lieutenant  Colonel  Butler  of  the  38th, 
dined  with  General  Robertson  commandant  of  the 
town,  and  with  many  principal  officers  and  families, 
and  a  short  time  after  was  exchanged. 

The  first  military  scene  in  which  General  Lee  ap- 
peared after  his  liberation,  was  the  battle  of  Monrnouth, 
which  terminated  his  career  in  the  American  army. 
Before  this  affair,  his  character  in  general  was  very 
respectable ;  many  of  the  warm  friends  to  America, 
highly  valued  the  important  services  he  had  rendered 
to  the  United  States. 

From  the  beginning  of  the  contest,  he  had  excited 
and  directed  the  military  spirit  which  prevaded  the  con- 
tinent ;  his  conversation  raised  an  emulation  among  the 

/  o 

officers,  and  he  taught  them  to  pay  a  proper  attention 
to  the  health,  cloathing,  and  comfortable  subsistence  of 
their  men :  add  to  this,  his  zeal  was  unwearied  in  incul- 
cating the  principles  of  liberty  among  all  ranks  of  peo- 
ple ;  hence  it  is  said,  that  a  strong  party  was  formed  in 
Congress,  and  by  some  discontented  officers  in  the  army, 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  137 

to  raise  Lee  to  the  first  command;  and  it  hath  been  sug- 
gested by  many,  that  General  Lee's  conduct  at  the  bat- 
tle of  Monmouth,  was  intended  to  effect  this  plan  ;  for, 
could  the  odium  of  the  defeat  have  been  at  that  time 
thrown  on  General  Washington,  and  his  attack  of  the 
British  army  made  to  appear  rash  and  imprudent,  there 
is  great  reason  to  suppose  he  would  have  been  deprived 
of  his  command.  It  hath  been  observed  by  some 
writers  on  this  subject,  that  when  General  Lee  was 
taken  prisoner,  the  American  army  was  on  no  par  with 
the  Eoyal  forces ;  but  the  case  was  much  changed  on 
his  return  from  his  captivity.  He  found  them  im- 
proved, and  daring  enough  to  attack  even  the  British 
grenadiers  with  firmness  and  resolution.  Had  not  this 
been  the  case,  and  General  Lee,  when  ordered  to  attack 
the  rear  of  the  Royal  army,  seen  his  men  beat  back 
with  disgrace,  unwilling  to  rally,  and  acting  with  fear 
and  trepidation,  his  retreat  would  have  been  necessary, 
his  conduct  crowned  with  applause,  and  his  purposes 
effected ;  but,  disappointed  in  this  view,  the  retreat  hath 
been  imputed  to  himself,  as  he  could  not  aledge  the  want 
of  spirit  in  his  troops  for  the  justification  of  his  conduct. 
The  British  army,  early  on  Thursday  the  25th  of 
June,  compleated  their  evacuation  of  Philadelphia,  hav- 
ing before  transported  their  stores  and  most  of  their  ar- 
tillery into  the  Jersies,  where  they  had  thrown  up  some 
works,  and  several  regiments  were  encamped ; — they 
manned  the  lines  the  preceding  night,  and  retreated  over 
the  commons,  crossing  at  Gloucester  Point.  A  party 
of  the  American  horse  pursued  them  very  close  ;  how- 
ever nothing  very  material  happened  till  the  28th, 
when,  about  three  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  British 
army  moved  on  their  way  to  Middletown  Point.  About 
eleven  o'clock,  the  American  van,  commanded  by  Gen- 
eral Lee,  overtook  them ;  but  he  soon  retreated  and 
was  met  by  General  Washington,  who  formed  on  the 
first  proper  piece  of  ground  near  Monmouth  Court- 
house. While  this  was  doing,  two  pieces  of  cannon, 
supported  by  Colonel  Livingston  and  Colonel  Stewart, 


138  •  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

with  a  picked  corps  of  300  men,  fkept  off  the  main 
body  of  the  English,  and  made  a  great  slaughter.  Very 
severe  skirmishing  ensued  ;  and  the  American  army  ad- 
vancing, the  British  made  their  last  efforts  upon  a  small 
body  of  Pennsylvania  troops  at  and  about  Mr.  Ten- 
nant's  house ;  they  then  gave  way,  leaving  the  field 
covered  with  dead  and  wounded.  General  Washing- 
ton's troops  pursued  for  about  a  mile,  when,  night  com- 
ing on,  and  the  men  exceedingly  fatigued  with  march- 
ing, and  the  hot  weather,  they  halted  about  half  a  mile 
beyond  the  ground  of  the  principal  action. — The  British 
took  a  strong  post  in  their  front,  secured  on  both  flanks 
by  morasses  and  thick  woods,  where  they  remained  un- 
til about  twelve  at  night,  and  then  retreated.  In  con- 
sequence of  this  action,  General  Lee  was  put  under  ar- 
rest, and  tried  by  a  Court  Martial  at  Brunswick,  the  4th 
July  f ollowing.  The  charges  exhibited  against  him  were. 

1st.  For  disobedience  of  orders  in  not  attacking  the 
enemy  on  the  28th  of  June,  agreeable  to  repeated  in- 
structions. 

2dly.  For  misbehaviour  before  the  enemy  on  the  same 
day,  by  making  an  unnecessary,-  disorderly,  and  shame- 
ful retreat. 

3dly.  For  disrespect  to  the  commander  in  chief,  in 
two  letters,  dated  the  1st  July,  and  the  28th  June. 

The  letters,  on  which  the  third  charge  is  founded,  are 
as  follows  : 

Camp,  English  Town,  1st  July,  1778. 
SIB, 

From  the  knowledge  I  have  of  your  Excellency's 
character,  I  must  conclude,  that  nothing  but  the  misin- 
formation of  some  very  stupid,  or  misrepresentation  of 
some  very  wicked  person,  could  have  occasioned  your 
making  use  of  such  very  singular  expressions  as  you  did, 
on  my  coming  up  to  the  ground  where  you  had  taken 
post :  they  implied,  that  I  was  guilty  either  of  disobedi- 
ence of  orders,  of  want  of  conduct,  or  want  of  courage. 
Your  Excellency  will  therefore  infinitely  oblige  me,  by 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  139 

letting  me  know,  on  which  of  these  three  articles  you 
ground  your  charge,  that  I  may  prepare  for  my  justifi- 
cation ;  which  I  have  the  happiness  to  be  confident  I  can 
do,  to  the  Army,  to  the  Congress,  to  America,  and  to 
the  World  in  general.  Your  Excellency  must  give  me 
leave  to  observe,  that  neither  yourself,  nor  those  about 
your  person,  could,  from  your  situation,  be  in  the  least 
judges  of  the  merits  or  demerits  of  our  manoeuvres ;  and, 
to  speak  with  a  becoming  pride,  I  can  assert,  that  to 
these  manoeuvres  the  success  of  the  day  was  entirely 
owing.  I  can  boldly  say,  that  had  we  remained  on  the 
first  ground,  or  had  we  advanced,  or  had  the  retreat 
been  conducted  in  a  manner  different  from  what  it  was, 
this  whole  army,  and  the  interests  of  America,  would 
have  risked  being  sacrificed.  I  ever  had,  and  I  hope 
ever  shall  have,  the  greatest  respect  and  veneration  for 
General  Washington  ;  I  think  him  endued  with  many 
great  and  good  qualities :  But  in  this  instance,  I  must 
pronounce,  that  he  has  been  guilty  of  an  act  of  cruel 
injustice,  towards  a  man  who  has  certainly  some  pre- 
tensions to  the  regard  of  every  servant  of  his  country ; 
and,  I  think,  Sir,  I  have  a  right  to  demand  some  repara- 
tion for  the  injury  committed ;  and  unless  I  can  obtain 
it,  I  must,  in  justice  to  myself,  when  the  campaign  is 
closed,  which  I  believe  will  close  the  war,  retire  from  a 
service,  at  the  head  of  which  is  placed  a  man  capable 
of  offering  such  injuries  : — but  at  the  same  time,  in  jus- 
tice to  you,  I  must  repeat,  that  I,  from  my  soul  believe, 
that  it  was  not  a  motion  of  your  own  breast,  but  insti- 
gated by  some  of  those  dirty  earwigs  who  will  for  ever 
insinuate  themselves  near  persons  in  high  office ;  for  I 
am  really  convinced,  that  when  General  Washington 
acts  from  himself,  no  man  in  his  army  will  have  reason 
to  complain  of  injustice  and  indecorum. 

I  am,  sir,  and  I  hope  ever  shall  havereason  to  continue, 
Your  most  sincerely  devoted 
Humble  Servant, 

CHARLES  LEE. 
His  Excellency  Gen.  Washington. 


140  •  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 


Head  Quarters,  English- Town,  June  28th,  1778. 

SlR?> 

I  received  your  letter,  (dated,  through  mistake, 
the  1st  of  July,)  expressed,  as  I  conceive,  in  terms 
highly  improper.  I  am  not  conscious  of  having  made 
use  of  any  very  singular  expressions  at  the  time  of  my 
meeting  you,  as  you  intimate.  What  I  recollect  to 
have  said,  was  dictated  by  duty,  and  warranted  by  the 
occasion.  As  soon  as  circumstances  will  admit,  you 
shall  have  an  opportunity  either  of  justifying  yourself 
to  the  Army,  to  Congress,  to  America,  and  to  the  World 
in  general,  or  of  convincing  them  that  you  are  guilty  of  a 
breach  of  orders,  and  of  misbehaviour  before  the  enemy 
on  the  28th  instant,  in  not  attacking  them  as  you  had 
been  directed,  and  in  making  an  unnecessary,  disorderly, 
and  shameful  retreat. 
I  am,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  Servant, 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 
Major  Gen.  Lee. 


Camp,  June  28*A,  1778. 
SIR, 

I  beg  your  Excellency's  pardon  for  the  inaccuracy 
in  misdating  my  letter. — You  cannot  afford  me  greater 
pleasure  than  in  giving  me  the  opportunity  of  shewing 
to  America,  the  sufficiency  of  her  respective  servants. 
I  trust,  that  the  temporary  power  of  office,  and  the 
tinsel  dignity  attending  it,  will  not  be  able,  by  all  the 
mists  they  can  raise,  to  offiscate  the  bright  rays  of  truth. 
In  the  mean  time,  your  Excellency  can  have  no  objec- 
tions to  my  retiring  from  the  army. 
I  am,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient, 
Humble  Servant, 

CHARLES  LEE. 
Gen.  Washington. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS. 


141 


SlB, 


Camp,  June  30th,  1778. 


Since  I  had  the  honour  of  addressing  my  letter  by 
Colonel  Fitzgerald  to  your  Excellency,  I  have  reflected 
on  both  your  situation  and  mine ;  and  beg  leave  to  ob- 
serve, that  it  will  be  for  our  mutual  convenience,  that 
a  Court  of  Inquiry  should  be  immediately  ordered  ;  but 
I  could  wish  it  might  be  a  Court  Martial :  for,  if  the 
affair  is  drawn  into  length,  it  may  be  difficult  to  collect 
the  necessary  evidences,  and  perhaps  might  bring  on  a 
paper- war  betwixt  the  adherents  to  both  parties,  which 
may  occasion  some  disagreeable  feuds  on  the  Conti- 
nent ;  for  all  are  not  my  friends,  nor  your  admirers. 

I  must  entreat,  therefore,  from  your  love  of  justice, 
that  you  will  immediately  exhibit  your  charge;  and 
that  on  the  first  halt,  I  may  be  brought  to  a  trial. 

I  am,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient, 
Humble  Servant, 

CHAELES  LEE. 
His  Excellency  Gen.  Washington. 


The  Court  met,  by  several  adjournments,  till  the 
12th  of  August,  when  they  found  the  unfortunate  Gen- 
eral guilty  of  the  several  charges  brought  against  him, 
and  sentenced  him  to  be  suspended  from  any  commis- 
sion in  the  armies  of  the  United  States  of  North 
America  for  the  term  of  twelve  months.  But  it  was 
usual  in  America,  and  thought  necessary,  that  the  sen- 
tence of  every  Court  Martial  should  be  ratified  or  con- 
firmed by  Congress ;  the  proceedings,  therefore,  of  the 
Court,  were  accordingly  transmitted  to  them,  and  the 
General  repaired  to  Philadelphia  to  await  their  deci- 
sion. During  his  stay  there  on  this  business,  he  was 
involved  in  several  disputes ;  and  though  his  affair 
might  be  considered  as  yet  sub  judice,  yet  the  conversa- 


142  .  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

tion  of  the  city  was  rather  against  him,  which  induced 
him  to  publish,  as  it  were,  a  second  defence ;  and  as 
this  may  not  be  so  well  known  to  the  public  as  the  ele- 
gant and  masterly  defence  in  his  trial,  which  hath  been 
republished  in  Europe,  I  shall  insert  it  in  this  place. 

GENERAL  LEE'S  Vindication  to  the  Public. 

The  different  commentators  on  the  orders  I  received 
from  Gen.  Washington,  on  the  28th  of  June,  have,  I 
think,  construed  them  into  no  more  than  three  different 
senses.  I  shall,  therefore,  for  argument's  sake,  give  the 
world  leave  to  suppose  them  to  have  been  any  one  of 
these  three  :*-  —  1st.  To  attack  the  enemy  in  whatever- 
situation,  and  in  whatever  force  I  found  them,  without 
considering  consequences. 

2d.  To  contrive  the  means  of  bringing  on  a  general 
engagement. 

3d.  To  annoy  them  as  much  as  possible,  without  risk- 
ing any  thing  of  great  importance  ;  that  is,  in  fact,  to 
act  with  a  great  degree  of  latitude,  according  to  my  own 
discretion. 

Now,  I  say,  granting  any  one  of  these  three  to  have 
been  the  orders  I  received,  it  is  manifest,  that  I  did 
literally  and  effectually  comply,  as  far  as  depended  on 
myself,  and  on  human  means.  As  to  the  first,  notwith- 
standing the  attempt,  by  a  low  evasion,  to  prove  that 
the  orders  I  gave  were  only  to  advance  on  the  enemy,  it 
is  clear  from  Captain  Mercer's  evidence,  that  Generel 
Wayne  and  Colonel  Butler  were  ordered,  not  only  to 
advance,  but  in  precise  terms  to  attack  ; — it  is  clear, 
that  I  did,  with  the  three  brigadiers  on  the  right,  make 
the  only  movement  possible  to  accomplish  this  end- 
it  is  clear  that  I  did  not  wish,  or  give  any  orders  for 

*  It  must  appear  somewhat  extraordinary,  that  when  the  principal  and  heav- 
iest charge  brought  against  me,  was  the  disobedience  of  orders,  these  orders 
that  it  seems  I  disobeyed,  should  never  have  been  attempted  to  be  ascertained 
to  the  Court  by  the  proper  authority,  but  were  left  to  the  conjecture  and  wild 
constructions  of  those  who  might  take  the  trouble  to  guess,  and  to  the  hardi- 
ness of  those  who  might  chuse  to  invent. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  143 

a  retrograde  manoeuvre  from  the  first  point  of  action, 
and  that,  even  when  I  was  informed  of  our  left  being 
abandoned,  the  retreat,  however  necessary,  was,  I  am 
ashamed  to  own  it,  done  contrary  to  my  orders,  and 
contrary  to  my  intentions.  I  say  I  am  ashamed  to  own 
it ;  for  if  the  British  cavalry  had  vigorously  pushed 
on  our  right,  they  might  have  turned  our  flank,  taken 
us  in  reverse,  and  we  had  been  lost.  There  is  one  sup- 
position, and  indeed  only  one  (and  that,  for  the  Gen- 
eral's honour,  is  too  monstrous  to  be  admitted)  that 
would  render  me  criminal ;  it  is,  that  he  had  positively 
commanded  me,  that  after  the  attack  commenced,  what- 
ever were  my  circumstances,  or  whatever  were  my  num- 
bers, from  thence  I  should  not,  from  any  consideration, 
recede  an  inch.  Now,  if  such  I  had  conceived  to  have 
been  his  intention,  so  great  is  my  opinion  of  the  valour, 
zeal,  and  obedience  of  the  troops,  and  so  well  I  think  1 
know  myself,  that  I  do  really  believe  we  should  all 
have  perished  on  the  first  spot ;  but  I  never  had,  and  it 
is  almost  impossible  I  should  have,  an  idea  that  such 
was  his  plan  ;  and  it  is  evident  that  it  was  not ;  conse- 
quently, in  seeking  a  better  position  in  our  rear,  I  could 
be  guilty  of  no  disobedience.  Upon  the  whole,  admit- 
ting the  orders  I  received  to  have  been  (as  it  has  been 
insinuated)  to  attack,  without  any  consideration  of  the 
force  or  situation  of  the  enemy,  they  were  as  fully  and 
rigidly  obeyed,  circumstanced  as  I  was,  as  it  was  pos- 
sible for  any  human  officer  to  obey  orders  of  such  a 
nature.  In  the  next  place,  if  the  General's  instructions 
are  construed  to  be,  that  I  should  find  the  means  of 
bringing  on  a  general  engagement,  it  is  difficult  to  im- 
agine a  more  efficacious  method  than  that  which  was 
pursued.  But  I  must  here  beg  leave  to  observe,  that 
those  gentlemen  who  talk  so  familiarly  of  bringing  on 
a  general  engagement,  must  understand  themselves  as 
little  as  they  can  be  understood  by  others. 

To  bring  on  a  general  engagement,  is  not  always  in 
our  power.  An  enemy  of  any  capacity  will  take  such 
measures  as  not  to  be  under  the  necessity  of  fighting 


144  «     THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

against  his  inclinations ;  and,  however  it  may  be  re- 
.  ceived,  I  cannot  help  being  persuaded,  that  some  of  the 
British  generals  are  not  deficient  in  this  great  essential. 
Clinton,  Grey,  and  Erskine,  were  bred  up,  and  con- 
sidered no  despicable  officers  in  one  of  the  best  schools 
of  Europe.  Prince  Ferdinand  and  his  nephew,  the 
hereditary  prince,  think,  it  is  said,  and  do  most  certain- 
ly speak  very  honourably  of  them.  Now,  although  it 
must  be  supposed  that  men  of  this  stamp  will  make  it 
a  rule  to  retain  the  power  of  refusing  a  general  engage- 
ment, there  are  strong  grounds  for  believing,  that  on 
this  day  (whether  from  our  manoeuvres,  or  from  the 
often  ungovernable  impetuosity  of  the  British  troops) 
they  would  have  been  put  under  the  necessity  of  com- 
mitting the  most  considerable  part  of  their  army  to  the 
decision  of  arms,  if  th3  opportunity  on  our  side  had 
been  availed  of.  They  were  tempted  to  pass  three  of 
the  great  ravines  which  traverse  the  plain  ;  and  there 
is  room  to  flatter  ourselves  they  would  have  passed  the 
last,  if  they  had  been  wisely  suffered.  They  would 
then  have  been  actually  in  our  power  ;  that  is,  they 
would  have  been  under  the  necessity  of  fighting  against 
uneqiial  force  ;  for  they  had  scarcely  the  possibility  of 
retreating  and  it  was  at  our  option  to  en^asre  what- 

O '  ±  o     O 

ever  part  of  the  army  we  thought  proper,  whether  the 
whole,  one  half,  or  only  a  third,  as  they  had  imme- 
diately emerged  from  the  ravine,  and  before  they  could 
have  had  time  to  develop  and  form ;  our  rear  was,  on 
the  contrary,  quite  clear  and  unembarrassed,  and  were, 
in  fact,  entire  masters  of  our  manoeuvres  ;  at  the  same 
time,  Colonel  Morgan,  and  the  militia  on  the  flanks,  by 
this  separation  of  the  major  part  of  the  enemy's  army 
to  so  great  a  distance  from  their  baggage,  and  the  body 
covering  the  baggage,  would  have  had  a  much  fairer 
opportunity  of  making  their  respective  attacks,  than  if 
they  had  remained  more  compact :  thus,  if  any  thing  is 
meant  by  finding  the  means  of  bringing  on  a  general 
engagement,  it  was  done,  and  in  the  most  salutary  man- 
ner, to  the  utmost  extent  of  human  possibility. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  145 

We  come  now  to  the  last  supposition,  viz.  That  the 
orders  I  received  (which  in  fact  is  the  truth,  unless  they 
had  no  meaning  at  all)  were  to  annoy  the  enemy,  strike 
a  partial  blow,  but  without  risking  any  thing  of  great 
importance ;  or,  in  other  terms,  to  act  in  a  great  meas- 
ure discretion  ally.*  And  here  I  defy  the  most  acute 
military  critic  of  the  world,  to  point  out  a  more  effec- 
tual method  than  what  was  pursued  ;  for,  had  we  taken 
post  on  the  hither  or  western  margin  of  the  first  ravine, 
as  General  Wayne  seems  to  think  we  ought  to  have 
done,  (and  admitting  that  in  this  position  our  flanks 
could  have  been  secure,  which  they  certainly  were  not,) 
or  on  the  margin  of  any  of  the  other  ravines  in  our  rear, 
the  last  not  excepted,  if  the  last  had  been  tenable,  how 
could  we  possibly  have  annoyed  the  enemy,  or  struck  a 
partial  blow  ?  The  consequence  would  at  most  have 
been  this,  that  we  might  have  remained  gazing  on  and 
cannonading  each  other  for  some  time,  and  the  moment 
they  chose  to  retire,  they  could  have  done  it  at  their 
leisure,  and  with  impunity  ;  for,  by  all  the  rules  of  war, 
and  what  is  more,  by  all  the  rules  of  common  sense,  we 
could  not  have  ventured  to  pursue  them,  becaus'e  we 
should  have  put,  if  not  impracticable,  at  least  very  dan- 
gerous, defiles  in  our  rear  ;  and  if  they  had  turned  back 
upon  us,  we  should  have  been  effectually  in  their  power, 
unless  we  could  have  insured  victory  to  ourselves  with 
very  unequal  numbers ;  but,  by  drawing  them  over  all 
the  ravines,  they  were  as  much  in  our  power ;  besides, 
it  must  occur  to  every  man  who  is  not  destitute  of  com- 
mon reason,  that  the  further  they  were  from  their  ships 
and  the  heights  of  Middletown,  the  point  of  their  secur- 
ity, the  more  they  were  (to  use  the  military  language) 
in  the  air. 

To  these  considerations  may  be  added,  that  the 
ground  we  found  them  on,  was  extremely  favourable  to 
the  nature  of  their  troops;  and  that  we  drew  them 

*  It  must  be  remarked,  that  disobedience  to  discretionary  orders  is,  prima 
facie,  a  glaring  absurdity  ;  it  is  an  impossibility  ;  and  yet  it  has  been  endea- 
voured to  prove  me  guilty  of  this  impossibility. 


10 


146  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

into,  as  favourable  to  ours.  The  ground  we  found  them 
on,  was  calculated  for  cavalry,  in  which  they  compara- 
tively abounded  ;  and  that  which  we  drew  them  into, 
as  much  the  reverse.  In  fine,  admitting  that  the  order 
I  received  was  any  one  of  the  three  referred  to,  and 
supposing  we  had  been  as  perfectly  acquainted  with 
every  yard  of  the  country  as  we  were  utterly  ignorant 
of  it,  I  am  happy  to  be  able  consciously  to  pronounce, 
that  were  the  transactions  of  that  day  to  pass  over 
again,  there  is  no  one  step  I  took  which  I  would  not 
again  take.  There  is  no  one  thing  I  did  which  does  not 
demonstrate  that  I  conducted  myself  as  an  obedient, 
prudent,  and,  let  me  add,  spirited  officer ;  *  and  I  do 
from  my  soul  sincerely  wish  that  a  court  of  inquiry, 
composed  of  the  ablest  soldiers  in  the  world,  were  to  sit 
in  judgment,  and  enjoined  to  canvass  with  the  utmost 
rigour  every  circumstance  of  my  conduct  on  this  day, 
and  on  their  decision  my  reputation  or  infamy  to  be  for 
ever  established.  There  is,  however,  I  confess,  the 
strongest  reason  to  believe  (but  for  this  omission  I  am 
no  ways  responsible)  that,  had  a  proper  knowledge  of 
the  theatre  of  action  been  obtained,  as  it  might,  and 
ought  to  have  been,  its  nature  and  different  situations, 
with  their  references  studied,  and,  in  consequence,  a 
general  plan  of  action  wisely  concerted  and  digested,  a 
most  important,  perhaps  a  decisive  blow  might  have 
been  struck,  but  not  by  adopting  any  one  measure  that 
any  one  of  my  censurers  had  been  fortunate  enough  to 
think  of.  I  have  already  said,  that  had  we  remained 
on  the  ground  where  the  attack  commenced,  or  on  the 
margin  of  the  first  ravine,  which  General  Wayne  seems 
to  think  was  a  good  position,  we  should  probably  have 
been  lost ;  and  I  believe  I  may  safely  assert,  that  had 
we  attached  ourselves  to  the  second  position,  in  front  of 
Carr's  house,  reconnoitred  by  Mons.  Du  Portail,  on  the 

*  This  style,  on  ordinary  occasions,  would  appear  a  most  intolerable  and  dis- 
gusting gasconade  ;  but  when  a  man's  conduct  has  been  so  grossly  misrepre- 
sented and  calumniated,  as  mine  has  been,  the  strongest  language  is  justifiable 
in  his  defence. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  147 

hill  which  Colonel  Hamilton  was  so  strongly  prepos- 
sessed in  favour  of,  and  allowing  our  flanks  to  be  se- 
cure in  any  of  these  positions,  which  it  is  evident  they 
were  not,  security  is  the  only  thing  we  could  have  had 
to  boast  of.  The  security  of  the  enemy  would  have 
been  equally  great ;  but  any  possibility  of  annoying 
them  we  certainly  had  not.  I  assert,  then,  that  if  we 
had  acted  wisely,  it  was  our  business  to  let  one,  two,  or 
three  thousand  pass  the  last  ravine,  in  the  rear  of  which, 
and  on  the  eminence  pointed  out  to  me  by  Mr.  Wikoif", 
and  to  General  Washington  by  Colonel  Ray,*  the  main 
body  of  our  army  was  posted,  fresh  and  unfatigued  ; 
whereas  those  of  the  enemy  were  extremely  harassed, 
or,  indeed,  worn  down  to  so  low  a  degree  of  debility, 
that  had  they  once  passed,  they  had  little  chance  of  re- 
passing  ;  the  ground  was  commanding,  and,  to  us,  in  all 
respects  advantageous.  A  sort  of  natural  glacis,  ex- 
tending itself  in  our  front,  from  the  crest  of  the  eminence 
quite  down  to  the  ravine,  over  which  there  was  only  one 
narrowed  pass,  the  plain  so  narrowed  as  to  give  no  play 
to  the  manoeuvres  of  their  cavalry  ;  and  at  two  or  three 
hundred  yards  distance  in  the  rear,  a  space  of  ground 
most  happily  adapted  to  the  arrangement  of  a  second 
line.f  This  ground,  from  the  nature  of  its  front,  is  al- 
most entirely  protected  from  the  annoyance  of  the 
enemy's  cannon ;  and,  of  course,  well  calculated  for  the 
respiration  of  a  body  of  troops,  such  as  my  detachment 
was,  fatigued,  but  not  dispirited  by  action,  and  the  ex- 
cessive heat  of  the  weather;  here  they  might  have 
taken  breath  ;  here  they  might  have  been  refreshed, 
and,  in  a  very  short  time,  refitted  at  least  to  act  as  a 
line  of  support,  which  was  all  that,  in  these  circum- 
stances, could  be  necessary.  I  proposed  to  the  General 

*To  these  two  gentlemen  not  a  little  credit  for  the  success  of  the  28th  of 
June  is  due. 

f  It  may  be  objected,  that  a  part  of  my  detachment  there,  under  Scott  and 
Maxwell,  had  already  filed  off  in  the  rear,  but  they  might  easily  have  been 
brought  up.  It  is  evident  they  might,  as  not  long  afterwards  a  part  of  them 
were  ordered,  and  did  march  up.  It  must  be  observed,  that  I  myself  was  to- 
tally ignorant  that  any  part  of  them  had  filed  off ;  but  those  I  had  with  me 
would  have  formed  a  very  respectable  line  of  reserve. 


148  "THE  LEE  PAPERS. 

to  form  them  as  such,  but  was  precipitately  ordered, 
and,  I  confess,  in  a  manner  that  extremely  ruffled  me, 
to  three  miles  distance  in  the  rear. 

Thus,  in  my  opinion,  was  a  most  glorious  opportunity 
lost ;  for  what  followed  on  both  sides  was  only  a  dis- 
tant, unmeaning,  inefficacious  cannonade ;  and  what 
has  been  so  magnificently  stiled  a  pursuit,  was  no  more 
than  taking  up  the  ground  which  the  British  troops 
could  not  possibly,  and  were  not  (their  principle  being 
retreat)  interested  to  maintain. 

P.  S.  A  thousand  wicked  and  low  artifices,  during 
my  trial,  were  used  to  render  me  unpopular.  One  of 
the  principal  was,  to  throw  out  that  I  had  endeavoured 
on  every  occasion,  to  depreciate  the  American  valour, 
and  the  character  of  their  troops.  There  never  was  a 
more  impudent  falsehood  ;  I  appeal  to  my  letters  ad- 
dressed to  Mr.  Burgoyne — to  the  whole  tenor  of  my 
conversation,  both  previous  and  subsequent  to  the  com- 
mencement of  the  present  war,  and  to  all  my  publica- 
tions. It  is  true,  I  have  often  heavily  lamented,  as  to 
me  it  appears,  the  defective  constitution  of  the  army ; 
but  I  have  ever  had  the  highest  opinion  of  the  courage 
and  other  good  qualities  of  the  Americans  as  soldiers  ; 
and  the  proofs  that  my  opinion  was  just,  are  numerous 
and  substantial. 

To  begin  with  the  affair  of  BunkerVhill,  I  may  ven- 
ture to  pronounce  that  there  never  was  a  more  danger- 
ous, a  more  execrable  situation,  than  these  brave  and 
unfortunate  men  (if  those  who  die  in  the  glorious  cause 
of  Liberty  can  be  termed  unfortunate)  were  placed  in ; 
they  had  to  encounter  with  a  body  of  troops,  both  in 
point  of  spirit  and  discipline,  not  to  be  surpassed  in  the 
whole  world,  headed  by  an  officer  of  experience,  intre- 
pidity, coolness,  and  decision.  The  Americans  were 
composed,  in  part,  of  raw  lads  and  old  men,  half 
armed,  with  no  practice  or  discipline,  commanded 
without  order,  and  God  knows  by  whom.  Yet  what 
was  the  event?  It  is  known  to  the  world,  that  the 
British  troops,  notwithstanding  their  address  and  gal- 


THE    LEE    PAPERS. 


149 


lantry,  were  most  severely  handled,  and  almost  de- 
feated.* 

The  troops  under  the  command  of  General  Montgo- 
mery, in  his  expedition  against  St.  John's,  Chambly, 
and  into  Canada,  who  were  chiefly  composed  of  native 
Americans,  as  they  were  from  the  Eastern  States,  dis- 
plaved,  by  his  own  account,  in  a  letter  I  received  from 
that  illustrious  young  man,  not  only  great  courage,  but 
zeal  and  enterprize. 

The  assault  under  Arnold,  on  the  lower  town  of  Que- 
bec, was  an  attempt  that  would  have  startled  the  most 
approved  veterans  ;  and,  if  they  miscarried,  it  cannot 
be  attributed  to  a  deficiency  of  valour,  but  to  want  of 
proper  information  of  the  circumstances  of  the  place. 

The  defence  of  Sullivan's  Island,  by  Colonel  Moultrie, 
might  be  termed  an  ordeal.  The  garrison,  both  men 
and  officers,  entirely  raw  ;  the  fire  furious,  and  of  a  dur- 
ation almost  beyond  example  ;  their  situation  extremely 
critical  and  dangerous,  for  the  rear  was  in  a  manner 
open  ;  and,  if  General  Clinton  could,  as  it  was  expected, 
have  landed  on  the  island,  there  were  no  resources  but 
in  the  last  desperate  resolution. 

With  respect  to  the  transactions  on  York  and  Long 
Island,  I  must  be  silent,  as  I  am  ignorant  of  them  ;  but, 
from  some  observations  after  I  joined  the  army,  I  have 
reason  to  think  the  fault  could  not  have  been  in  the 
men,  or  in  the  common  bulk  of  officers. 

Even  the  unhappy  business  of  Fort  Washington, 
which  was  attended  with  such  abominable  consequences, 
and  which  brought  the  affairs  of  America  to  the  brink 
of  ruin,  when  the  circumstances  are  well  considered, 
did  honour  to  the  officers  and  men,  devoted  to  the  de- 
fence of  this  worthless  and  ridiculous  favourite. 

The  defence  of  Red-Bank,  by  Colonel  Green,  and 
Mud-Island,  by  Colonel  Smith,  forced  a  confession,  even 
from  the  most  determined  infidels  on  this  point,  of  the 

*  The  Colonels  Stark,  Prescot,  Little,  Gardner,  Read,  Nixon,  and  the  two 
Brewers,  were  entitled  to  immortal  honour  for  their  action  on  that  day  ;  but, 
according  to  the  usual  justice  of  the  writers  of  newspapers  and  Gazettes,  their 
names  have  scarcely  been  mentioned  on  the  occasion. 


150  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

British  officers,  to  the  honour  of  American  valour.  I 
have  often  heard  them  allow,  that  the  defence  of  these 
two  places  were  really  handsome  things — that  no  men 
could  have  done  letter  ;  which,  from  unwilling  mouths, 
is  no  small  panegyric. 

The  victory  gained  by  Stark,  at  Bennington,  and  the 
capture  of  Mr.  Burgoyne's  whole  army,  by  Gates  and 
Arnold,  are,  above  all,  convincing  arguments  of  what 
excellent  ingredients,  in  all  respects,  the  force  of  Amer- 
ica is  composed. 

The  detail  of  what  passed  lately  on  Rhode-Island  is 
not  yet  come  to  my  knowledge  ;  but,  from  all  I  have 
been  able  to  collect,  the  men  and  officers  exhibited  great 
valour  and  facility,  as  did  their  General,  discretion, 
calmness,  and  good  conduct.  Upon  the  whole,  I  am 
warranted  to  say,  what  I  always  thought,  that  no  dis- 
grace or  calamity  has  fallen  on  the  arms  of  America 
through  the  whole  course  of  the  war,  but  what  must  be 
attributed  to  some  other  cause  than  to  the  want  of 
valour,  of  disposition  to  obedience,  or  to  any  other 
military  defect  in  the  men,  or  the  general  mass  of  their 
officers  in  their  different  ranks  ;  and  I  solemnly  declare, 
that  was  it  at  my  choice  to  select  from  all  the  nations 
of  the  earth  to  form  an  excellent  and  perfect  army,  I 
would,  without  hesitation,  give  the  preference  to  the 
Americans.  By  publishing  this  opinion,  I  cannot  incur 
the  suspicion  of  paying  my  court  to  their  vanity,  as  it 
is  notoriously  the  language  I  have  ever  held.  * 

I  have  been  told,  that  one  of  the  crimes  imputed  to 
me,  is  by  entertaining  a  high  opinion  of  the  British 
troops.  If  this  is  a  crime,  I  am  ready  to  acknowledge 
it.  There  were  times,  I  confess,  when  the  promulga- 
tion of  such  an  opinion  would  have  been  impolitic,  and 
even  criminal ;  but  in  these  times,  it  is  notorious  to  the 
world  that  my  conduct  was  the  reverse,  Every  thing  I 
wrote,  every  thing  I  said,  tended  to  inspire  that  confi- 
dence in  their  own  strength,  which  it  was  thought  the 
Americans  wanted  ;  and  it  is  believed,  that  what  I  said, 
and  what  I  wrote,  had  no  inconsiderable  effect ;  but 


THE    LEE    PAPERS. 


151 


now,  circumstanced  as  we  are,  I  cannot  conceive  the 
danger,  or  even  impropriety,  in  speaking  of  them  as  they 
deserve,  particulary  as  their  excellence  redounds  to  the 
honour  of  America.  I  could  not  help,  whilst  I  w^as 
prisoner,  being  astonished  at  the  bad  policy  and  stu- 
pidity of  some  of  the  British  officers,  who  made  it  their 
constant  business  to  depreciate  the  character  of  the 
Americans  in  point  of  courage  and  sense.  I  have  often 
expressed  my  astonishment,  making  a  very  natural.obser- 
vation  to  them,  that  if  the  persuasion  of  their  oppo- 
nents' cowardice  and  folly  were  established  in  the  world, 
the  great  merits  they  themselves  pretended  to  must,  at 
the  same  time,  be  utterly  destroyed.  That  I  have  a 
very  great  opinion  of  the  British  troops,  I  make  no 
scruple  to  confess ;  and  unless  I  had  this  opinion  of 
them,  I  do  not  see  what  ground  I  could  have  for  my 
eulogiums  on  American  valour.  This  is  a  truth,  simple 
and  clear  as  the  day  ;  but  be  it  as  it  will,  it  is  now  most 
certain,  let  the  courage  and  discipline  of  the  British 
troops  be  as  great  as  imagination  can  paint,  there  is  at 
present  no  danger  from  either  the  one  or  the  other. 
The  dangers  that  now  threaten,  are  from  other  quarters  ; 
from  the  want  of  temper,  moderation,  economy,  wisdom, 
and  decision  amongst  ourselves ;  from  a  childish  credul- 
ity ;  and,  in  consequence  of  it,  a  promptness  to  commit 
acts  of  the  highest  in  justice  on  those  who  have  deserved 
best  at  the  hands  of  the  community ;  but  above  all, 
from  the-direct  opposites  to  those  qualities,  virtues,  and 
principles,  without  which  it  is  impossible  that  the  mode 
of  government  established  should  be  supported  for  the 
tenth  part  of  a  century.  These,  I  assert,  are  now  the 
proper  objects  of  our  apprehensions,  and  not  any  real 
or  supposed  excellence  in  the  armies  of  Great  Britain, 
who  has  infinitely  more  reason  to  fear  for  her  own  in- 
dependence, than  to  hope  for  the  subjugation  of  yours. 
General  Clinton's  letter,  which  has  just  appeared, 
has  so  wonderful  an  accord  with  the  above  essay,  that  I 
make  no  doubt  but  that  some  acute  gentleman  may  in- 
sinuate that  it  furnished  the  hint ;  but  I  can  appeal  to 


152  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

more  than  fifty  gentlemen  of  this  city,  or  officers  of  the 
army,  to  whom  it  was  read,  previous  to  the  publication 
of  General  Clinton's  letter,  whether  a  single  syl]able 
has  been  added  or  varied,  the  conclusion  of  the  post- 
script excepted,  which  has  no  reference  to  the  affair  of 
Monmouth. 


IT  was  a  considerable  time  before  Congress  took  the 
General's  trial  under  their  consideration,  during  which 
our  unfortunate  hero  continued  smarting  under  the 
frowns  of  fortune  and  the  malignant  tongues  of  men  ; 
and  to  add  to  his  sufferings  in  this  state  of  suspense,  he 
received  a  letter  from  Colonel  Laurens,  one  of  General 
Washington's  aids,  informing  him,  "that,  in  contempt 
of  decency  and  truth,  he  had  publicly  abused  General 
Washington  in  the  grossest  terms  ;  "  that,  "  the  relation 
in  which  he  stood  to  him,  forbade  him  to  pass  such  con- 
duct unnoticed  ;  he  therefore  demanded  the  satisfaction 
which  he  was  entitled  to;  and  desired,  that  as  soon  as 
General  Lee  should  think  himself  at  liberty,  he  would 
appoint  time  and  place,  and  name  his  weapons."  With- 
out hesitation  this  was  accepted  ;  and  the  General  made 
choice  of  a  brace  of  pistols,  declining  the  small  sword, 
because  he  was  rather  in  a  weak  state  of  body,  having 
lately  received  a  fall  from  a  horse,  and  also  taken  a 
quantity  of  medicine  to  baffle  a  fit  of  the  gout,  which  he 
apprehended.  They  met  according  to  appointment,  and 
discharged  their  pistols,  when  General  Lee  received  a 
slight  wound  in  his  side  ;  and  it  hath  been  said,  that  on 
this  occasion,  he  displayed  the  greatest  fortitude  and 


courage. 


Shortly  after,  the  proceedings  of  the  court  Martial  on 
his  trial  came  under  consideration  in  Congress,  and  pro- 
duced debates  for  several  evenings ;  but,  finally,  the  sen- 
tence was  confirmed.  The  General  was  much  dissatis- 
fied with  it,  and  his  mind  extremely  embittered  against 
one  of  the  members,  Mr.  William  Henry  Dray  ton,  of 
South  Carolina.  This  gentleman's  conduct  was  vitupe- 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  153 

rated  by  Lee  in  the  severest  language,  because  he  op- 
posed in  Congress  a  division  of  the  several  charges 
brought  against  him,  but  argued  and  insisted  upon 
lumping  them  all  together,  to  be  decided  by  one  ques- 
tion. In  this  he  was  ingeniously  and  warmly  opposed 
by  a  very  amiable  and  worthy  gentleman,  Mr.  William 
Paca,  a  late  governor  of  Maryland.  Here  we  must  ob- 
serve, that  prior  to  this,  Mr.  Drayton  was  by  no  means 
one  of  the  General's  favourites ;  he  had  taken  some  un- 
necessary liberties  with  his  character,  in  a  charge  which 
he  delivered  as  chief  justice  to  a  grand  jury  in  Charles- 
ton, South-Carolina.  His  temper  thus  exasperated,  he 
could  no  longer  refrain  from  emphatically  expressing 
his  sense  of  the  injuries  he  had  received  from  Mr.  Dray- 
ton.  These  were  delivered,  intermixed  with  threaten- 
ing language,  to  Mr.  Hutson,  his  colleague  and  friend, 
who  communicated  the  same.  A  correspondence  ensued 
so  remarkable  for  its  poignancy  of  reply,  as  may  be 
worth  preserving  in  these  memoirs. 


Philadelphia,  Feb.  3d,  1779. 
SIR, 

My  colleague,  Mr.  Hutson,  hath  this  day  mentioned 
to  me,  a  conversation  you  had  with  him,  in  which  you  ex- 
pressed yourself  as  injured  by  a  misrepresentation  of  your 
conduct  immediately  preceding  your  captivity  by  the 
enemy,  in  a  charge  I  had  the  honour  to  deliver,  as  Chief 
Justice,  to  the  Grand  Jury  of  Charleston,  South  Carolina. 

I  must  inform  you,  Sir,  that  on  the  one  hand,  I  have 
been  repeatedly  assured  the  representation  I  then  made 
was  a  true  one ;  and  that  on  the  other  hand,  I  have 
also  been  assured  that  it  was  not  founded  on  fact; 
and  that,  immediately  upon  this  latter  assurance  in 
South  Carolina  I  took  that  step  which  was  most  likely 
to  lead  me  to  a  certainty  on  the  subject,  with  the 
avowed  design,  that  if  I  had  injured  your  reputation,  I 
might  be  enable  to  make  the  most  ample  reparation ; 
but  I  did  not  receive  the  necessary  materials.  Those 


154  THE  LEE  PAPERS. 

sentiments  of  propriety  which  dictated  the  first  advance 
on  my  part  then,  to  acquire  them  now  dictate  a  like 
conduct  when  another  opportunity  seems  to  open  itself 
for  my  arriving  at  truth,  and  to  do  that  justice  which 
the  case  may  require.  And  I  do  assure  you,  that  if  I 
can  be  enable  to  declare,  that  you  did  not  violate  the 
orders  of  the  commander  in  chief,  respecting  your 
junction  with  him,  when  he  had  retreated  to  the  Dela- 
ware in  177t>,  I  shall  not  only  do  so  in  the  most  pointed 
terms,  but  beg  your  pardon  for  having,  through  error 
and  misrepresentation,  published  the  contrary. 

To  this  purpose,  I  wrote  to  Major  Eustace  on  the  6th 
of  January  1778,  when  I  was  in  Charleston,  and  had  no 
prospect  of  coming  to  this  part  of  the  Continent  ;  and 
a  copy  of  the  correspondence  between  him  and  myself  on 
the  occasion  I  will  lay  before  you,  if  you  desire  to  see  it. 

Those  principles  of  honour  which  must  make  you 
feel  an  injury,  make  me  feel  even  an  idea  of  having 
done  an  injury,  and  impels  me  to  make  a  reparation 
where  it  is  due.  I  am,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  Servant, 

WM.  HENRY  DRAYTON. 
Major  Gen.  Lee. 


Philadelphia, -Feb.  5t7i7  1779. 
SIR, 

I  should  have  done  myself  the  honour  of  answer- 
ing your  letter  yesterday,  but  was  prevented  by  a 
variety  of  business.  If  I  have  violated  any  orders  of 
the  commander  in  chief,  to  him,  and  the  Congress  only, 
am  I  responsible ;  but  certainly  am  not  amendable  to 
the  tribunal  of  Mr.  William  Henry  Dray  toil.  I  shall 
therefore  remain  entirely  indifferent  whether  you  are 
pleased  to  think  or  dream  that  I  designedly  threw  my- 
self into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  or  whether  I  was  not 
taken  by  a  concurrence  of  unfortunate  circumstances, 
such  as  happen  in  the  course  of  all  wars.  The  only 
remark  I  shall  make  on  your  extraordinary  requisition, 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  155 

that  I  should  clear  myself  on  this  point  to  you  simply, 
Mr.  William  Henry  Drayton,  whom  I  consider  but  as 
a  mere  common  member  of  Congress,  is,  that  you  pay 
a  very  ill  compliment  to  the  General.  You  must  sup- 
pose him  either  miserably  deficient  in  understanding, 
or  in  integrity  as  a  servant  of  the  public,  when  you 
suppose  that  he  would  suffer  a  mail,  for  a  single  day, 
to  act  as  his  second  in  command,  whom  he  knows  to  be 
guilty  of  such  abominable  military  treason.  This  in- 
genious supposition,  therefore,  is,  in  my  opinion,  a 
greater  affront  to  the  General  than  to  myself. 

I  am  sincerely  concerned  that  my  friend  Eustace 
should  have  degraded  himself  so  far  as  to  enter  into 
any  discussion  of  this  matter  with  Mr.  William  Henry 
Drayton  ;  and  I  shall  reprimand  him  for  not  under- 
standing his  own  dignity  better.  I  shall  now  only  take 
the  trouble  of  adding,  that  if  you  can  reconcile  your 
conduct  in  stepping  out  of  the  road,  (as  I  am  informed 
you  did  in  your  charge  to  the  grand  jury),  to- aggravate 
the  calamities  of  an  unhappy  man,  who  had  sacrificed 
everything  to  the  cause  of  your  country,  and,  as  he  then 
conceived,  to  the  rights  of  mankind  ;  who  had  sacrificed 
an  ample,  at  least  an  easy  and  independent  fortune,  the 
most  honourable  connections,  great  military  pretensions, 
his  friends  and  relations :  I  say,  if  you  can  reconcile 
your  stepping  out -of  the  road  to  aggravate  the  calami- 
ties of  man  who  had  notoriously  made  these  sacrifices, 
and  who,  at  the  very  time  you  was  displaying  your 

fenerous  eloquence,  had  no  less  than  five  centinels  on 
is  person,  arid  was  suffering  extremely  in  body  and 
mind — If  you  can,  I  repeat,  reconcile  such  a  procedure 
to  common  humanity,  common  sense,  or  common  de- 
cency, you  must  still  be  a  more  singular  personage  than 
the  public  at  present  consider  you. 
I  am,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient, 

Humble  Servant, 

CHARLES  LEE. 
William  Henry  Drayton,  Esq. 


156  THE   LEE    PAPERS. 

Philadelphia,  Feb.  8tk,  1779. 
SIR, 

At  nine  o'clock  last  night,  I  received  yours  of  the 
fifth  instant,  in  answer  to  mine  of  the  third.  But,  as  I 
have  neither  time  or  inclination  to  enter  into  a  compe- 
tition, whether  Mr.  Charles  Lee,  or  Mr.  William  Henry 
Dray  ton,  can  raise  the  most  ingenious  supposition,  say 
the  keenest  thing,  and  pen  the  most  finished  period  with 
parenthesis  ;  nor  ambition  to  correspond  with  you  in 
your  simple  character  of  Mr.  Charles  Lee,  whom  I  can- 
not consider  but  as  legally  disgraced  for  being  guilty 
of  abominable  military  treason  against  a  community  of 
the  most  liberal,  just,  and  generous,  and,  I  must  add, 
merciful  people  on  the  face  of  the  globe  :  I  say,  per- 
fectly satisfied  with  my  simple  character  of  Mr.  Will- 
iam Henry  Dray  ton,  "  a  mere  common  member  of  Con- 
gress," and  "  a  mere  Chief  Justice  of  South  Carolina," 
I  shall  do  myself  the  honour,  out  of  breath  as  I  am  with 
parentheses,  to  make  only  one  observation  in  reply,  ab- 
solutely terminating  the  correspondence  on  my  part. 
That  I  verily  believe  we  equally  remain  entirely  indif- 
ferent with  respect  to  what  either  is  "pleased  to  think 
or  dream."  And  now,  finally  taking  my  leave  of  Mr. 
Charles  Lee,  with  common  decency  from  respect  to  my 
simple  character, 

I  subscribe  myself,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  Servant, 

WM.  HENRY  DRAYTON. 
Major  Charles  Lee. 


Philadelphia,  March  lo^A,  1779. 
SIR, 

As  I  have  now  settled  all  my  affairs,  and  as  I  am 
given  to  understand  that  you  probably  may  soon  set 
out  for  South  Carolina,  I  take  the  liberty  of  addressing 
this  letter  to  you  which  is  to  close  our  correspondence 
for  ever.  Until  very  lately,  I  was^taught  to  consider 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  157 

you  only  as  a  fantastic,  pompous  dramatis  persona,  a 
mere  malvolio,  never  to  be  spoke  or  thought  of  but  for 
the  sake  of  laughter ;  and  when  the  humour  for  laugh- 
ter subsided,  never  to  be  spoke  or  thought  of  more. 
But  I  find  I  was  mistaken ;  I  find  that  you  are  as 
malignant  a  scoundrel,  as  you  are  universally  allowed 
to  be  a  ridiculous  and  disgusting  coxcomb. 

You  are  pleased  to  say,  that  I  am  legally  disgraced ; 
all  that  I  shall  say  in  reply,  is,  that  I  am  able  confidently 
to  pronounce,  that  every  man  of  rank  in  the  whole 
army,  every  man  on  the  Continent,  who  had  read  the 
proceedings  of  the  Court  Martial  (perhaps,  indeed,  I 
might  except  Mr.  Penn  of  North  Carolina,  and  Dr. 
Scudder  of  the  Jersies,  with  a  few  others  about  their 
size  in  understanding),  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  stigma 
is  not  on  him  on  whom  the  sentence  was  passed,  but  on 
those  who  passed  this  absurd,  iniquitous,  and  prepos- 
terous sentence ;  for,  to  be  just,  I  do  not  believe  you 
quite  blockhead  enough  to  think  the  charge  had  a  shadow 
of  report ;  and  if ,  by  some  wonderful  metamorphosis, 
you  should  become  an  honest  man,. you  will  confess  it. 
As  to  the  confirmation  of  this  curious  sentence,  I  do  not 
conceive  myself  at  liberty  to  make  any  comments  on  it, 
as  it  is  an  affair  of  Congress,  for  which  body  I  ever  had, 
and  ought  to  have  a  profound  respect.  I  shall  only  la- 
ment that  they  are  disgraced  by  so  foul  a  member  as 
Mr.  William  Henry  Dray  ton.  You  tell  me  the  Amer- 
icans are  the  most  merciful  people  on  the  face  of 
the  earth  :  I  think  so  too ;  and  the  strongest  instance 
of  it  is,  that  they  did  not  long  ago  hang  up  you ;  and 
every  advocate  for  the  Stamp-act ;  and  do  not  flatter 
yourself,  that  the  present  virtuous  airs  of  patriotism 
you  may  give  yourself,  and  your  hard  laboured  letters 
to  the  Commissioners  and  the  King,  will  ever  wash 
away  the  stain.  If  you  think  the  terms  I  make  use  of 
harsh  or  unmerited,  my  friend  Major  Edwards  is  com- 
missioned to  point  out  your  remedy. 

CHARLES  LEE. 
William  Henry  Drayton,  Esq. 


158  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

This  correspondence,  which  produced  nothing  but 
inkshed,  being  finished,  the  General  retired  to  his  plan- 
tation in  Berkley  county,  Virginia,  where,  still  irritated 
with  the  scurrilous  attacks  he  had  met  with  from  several 
writers  and  others  in  Philadelphia,  he  could  not  for- 
bear giving  vent  to  the  bitterness  of  his  feelings  ;  and  in 
this  misanthropic  disposition,  composed  a  set  of  queries, 
which  he  styled  Political  and  Military.  These  he  sent 
by  one  of  his  aids  to  the  printers  of  Philadelphia,  for 
publication  ;  but  they  thought  it  imprudent  to  admit 
them  into  their  papers,  as  General  Washington  pos- 
sessed the  hearts  and  admiration  of  everyone  :  he  there- 
fore applied  to  the  editor  of  the  Maryland  Journal,  at 
Baltimore  who  indulged  him  with  their  insertion.  The 
queries  no  sooner  made  their  appearance,  but  a  consid- 
erable disturbance  took  place  among  the  citizens  of 
Baltimore  :  the  printer  was  called  upon  for  the  author, 
and  obliged  to  give  up  his  name.  General  Reed,  then 
President  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  conceiving 
himself  to  be  injured,  published  the  subsequent  piece 
for  his  justification. 


The  aspersions  which  have  been  thrown  on  my  own 
character  from  the  press,  I  have  ever  despised  too  much 
to  take  the  least  notice  of  them  ;  but  when  a  most  val- 
uable and  amiable  character  is  attacked  through  me,  I 
think  it  my  duty  to  remark  it  and  guard  the  public 
from  error,  even  in  opinion. 

In  a  set  of  queries,  designed  to  lessen  the  character  of 
General  Washington,  in  a  late  paper,  I  am  alluded  to 
so  particularly  as  not  to  be  mistaken,  and  quoted,  as 
having  furnished  evidences  under  my  own  hand,  that 
General  Washington  was  not  the  distinguished  charac- 
ter the  addresses  of  the  Council  of  this  State  had  rep- 
resented ;  from  which  an  inference  is  to  be  drawn 
prejudicial  to  the  General  in  point  of  ability,  and  the 
Council  in  consistency,  so  far  as  I  had  any  share  in 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  159 

those  addresses.  This  insinuation  I  therefore  think  it 
my  duty  to  contradict ;  and,  though  the  sanctity  of 
private  and  confidential-  correspondence  has  been 
grossly  violated  on  this  occasion,  I  should  have  passed 
it  by,  if  the  fact  had  not  been  as  grossly  misstated. 

The  only  ground  on  which  this  insinuation  can  be 
made,  arose  from  the  following  circumstance :  In  the 
fall,  1776,  I  was  extremely  anxious  that  Fort  Washing- 
ton should  be  evacuated ;  there  was  a  difference  in 
opinion  among  those  whom  the  General  consulted,  and 
he  hesitated  more  than  I  ever  knew  him  on  any  other 
occasion,  and  more  than  I  thought  the  public  service 
admitted.  Knowing  that  General  Lee's  opinion  would 
be  a  great  support  to  mine,  I  wrote  to  him  from  Hack- 
insack,  stating  the  case,  and  my  reasons,  and,  I  think, 
urging  him  to  join  me  in  sentiment  at  the  close  of  my 
letter;  and,  alluding  to  the  particular  subject  then  be- 
fore me,  to  the  best  of  my  recollection,  I  added  this 
sentence  :  "  With  a  thousand  good  and  great  qualities, 
there  is  a  want  of  decision  to  complete  the  perfect  mili- 
tary character." 

Upon  this  sentence,  or  one  to  this  effect,  wrote  in 
haste,  in  full  confidence,  and  in  great  anxiety  for  the 
event,  is  this  ungenerous  sentiment  introduced  into  the 
world.  The  event  but  too  fully  justified  my  anxiety; 
for  the  fort  was  summoned  that  very  day,  and  surren- 
dered the  next.  I  absolutely  deny  that  there  is  any 
other  ground  but  this  letter ;  and  if  there  is,  let  it  be 
produced.  I  have  now  only  to  add,  that  though  Gen- 
eral Washington  soon  after,  by  an  accident,  knew  of 
this  circumstance,  it  never  lessened  the  friendship  which 
subsisted  between  us.  He  had  too  much  greatness  of 
mind  to  suppose  himself  incapable  of  mistakes,  or  to 
dislike  a  faithful  friend,  who  should  note  an  error  with 
such  circumstances  of  respect,  and  on  such  an  occasion. 
I  have  since  been  with  this  great  and  good  man,  for 
such  he  is,  at  very  critical  moments ;  and  I  hope  I  shall 
not  be  suspected  of  unbecoming  adulation,  when  I  as- 
sure my  countrymen,  (so  far  as  my  opinion  is  thought 


160  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

of  any  consequence)  that  they  may  repose  themselves 
in  perfect  confidence  on  his  prudence  and  judgment, 
which  are  equal  to  any  circumstances ; — and  that  re- 
peated experience  of  the  value  of  his  opinions,  have  in- 
spired him  with  more  dependence  on  them  than  his 
modesty  and  diffidence  would  in  some  cases  formerly 
admit.  Time  will  shew,  whether  his  enemies  will  not 
find  themselves  disappointed  in  their  attempts  to  shake 
the  public  confidence,  and  lessen  a  character  of  so  much 
worth,  to  gratify  private,  violent  resentments. 

JOSEPH  REED. 
Philadelphia,  July  lUh,  1779. 


To  judge  of  the  propriety  of  General  Reed's  per- 
formance, it  will  be  necessary  to  refer  the  reader  to  his 
letter  dated  Nov.  21,  1776,  which  is  a  true  copy  from 
the  original,  in  his  own  hand  writing. 

Lee  remained  at  his  retreat,  living  in  a  style  peculiar 
to  himself,  in  a  house  more  like  a  barn  than  a  palace. 
Glass  windows  and  plaistering  would  have  been  luxu- 
rious extravagance,  and  his  furniture  consisted  of  a 
very  few  necessary  articles  ;  indeed  he  was  now  so  rus- 
ticated, that  he  could  have  lived  in  a  tub  with  Diogenes  : 
however  he  had  got  a  few  select  valuable  authors,  and 
these  enabled  him  to  pass  away  his  time  in  this  obscur- 
ity. In  the  fall,  1782,  he  began  to  be  weary  with  the 
sameness  of  his  situation ;  and  experiencing  his  unfitness 
for  the  management  of  country  business,  he  came  to  a 
determination  to  sell  his  estate,  and  procure  a  little 
settlement  near  some  sea-port  town,  where  he  might 
learn  what  the  world  was  doing,  and  enjoy  the  conver- 
sation of  mankind. 

His  farm,  though  an  excellent  tract  of  land,  rather 
brought  him  in  debt  at  the  end  of  the  year,  and  added 
to  the  difficulties  he  laboured  under.  It  is  no  wonder, 
then,  he  was  inclined  to  relinquish  his  present  system 
of  life.  He  left  Berkley,  and  came  to  Baltimore,  where 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  161 

lie  staid  near  a  week  with  some  old  friends,  and  then 
took  his  leave  for  Philadelphia. 

It  is  presumed  he  now  found  a  difference  between  a 
General  in  command,  and  one  destitute  of  every  thing 
but  the  name ;  for  we  do  not  find  him  entertained  at 
the  house  of  any  private  citizen.  He  took  lodgings  at 
an  inn  the  sign  of  the  Convestigoe  waggon,  in  Market- 
street.  After  being  three  or  four  days  in  the  city,  he 
was  taken  with  a  shivering,  the  forerunner  of  a  fever, 
which  put  a  period  to  his  existence,  October  2d,  1782. 

A  friend  of  the  Editors  was  at  the  inn  when  he  took 
his  departure  from  this  world.  The  servants  informed 
him  that  General  Lee  was  dying ;  upon  which  he  went 
into  the  room  ;  he  was  then  struggling  with  the  king  of 
terrors,  and  seemed  to  have  lost  his  senses ;  the  last 
words  he  heard  him  speak  were,  "  Stand  by  me,  my 
brave  grenadiers !  " 

The  citizens  of  Philadelphia,  calling  to  remembrance 
his  former  services,  appeared  to  be  much  affected  at  his 
death.  His  funeral  was  attended  with  a  very  large 
concourse  of  people,  the  clergy  of  different  denomina- 
tions, his  excellency  the  president  of  Congress,  the 
president,  and  some  members  of  the  conncil  of  the  com- 
monwealth of  Pennsylvania,  his  excellency  the  minister 
plenipotentiary  of  France,  M.  Marbois  secretary  to  the 
embassy,  the  minister  of  finance,  General  baron  de  Vio- 
minil,  duke  de  Lauzun,  the  minister  of  war,  and  several 
other  officers  of  distinction  both  in  the  French  and 
American  army. 

From  what  hath  been  observed  in  these  memoirs, 
we  may  with  justice  affirm,  that  General  Lee  was  a 
great  and  sincere  friend  to  the  rights  and  liberties  of 
mankind,  and  that  it  was  this  grand  principle  which 
led  him  to  take  part  on  the  side  of  America.  It  ap- 
pears, that,  from  his  youth,  he  was  bred  up  with  the 
highest  regard  for  the  noble  sentiments  of  freedom  ; 

,O  O 

his  education  and  reading  strengthened  them  ;  the  his- 
torians and  orators  of  Greece  and  Rome,  with  whom  he 
was  considerably  conversant,  added  to  the  sacred  flame  ; 


162  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

and  his  travels  in  many  parts  of  the  world  did  not  tend 
to  diminish  it. 

When  a  boy  he  was  sent  to  an  academy  in  Switzer- 
land, and  he  has  frequently  said  to  his  friends,  that  he 
was  there  struck  with  the  general  happiness,  affluence 
and  ease  diffused  throughout  that  country,  notwith- 
standing its  natural  disadvantages  of  soil  and  climate. 
In  one  of  his  letters,  he  expresses  himself  in  this  man- 
ner :  "  When  I  was  quite  young  in  Switzerland,  I  could 
not  help  comparing  the  robust  well  clothed  commonalty 
of  this  country,  with  their  miserable  neighbours  of 
France,  a  spot  upon  which  Nature  seems  to  have  taken 
pains  to  confer  her  favours.  To  France,  Nature  has 
given  the  most  fruitful  soil,  which  produceth  not  only 
every  necessary  but  every  luxury  of  life.  She  has  given 
to  its  people  a  lively,  active,  enterprising  genius,  a  cli- 
mate upon  the  whole  the  best  of  the  world — To  the 
Swiss,  she  bequeathed  rocks,  mountains,  and,  as  it  is 
thought,  very  inferior  mental  faculties ;  and  yet  the 
Swiss  are  rich,  happy  and  respectable;  the  French, 
starving  and  contemptible.  In  Italy,  the  contrast  be- 
twixt the  free,  and  those  who  are  not  free,  is  still  more 
remarkable  ;  I  know  very  well,  that  the  republics  of 
Genoa  and  Venice  are  not  in  general  allowed  to  be  free 
states.  Monsieur  Montesquieu  has  demonstrated  that 
they  are  not  free ;  but  there  is  undoubtedly  some  ex- 
cellence in  them,  which  has  escaped  this  wise  man- 
shall  I  beg  leave  to  hazard  a  conjecture  ?  They  have 
no  king  :  They  have  no  court." 

The  general  had  read  both  men  and  books ;  his  read- 
ing and  travels  were  extensive,  and  of  course  his  man- 

O  ' 

iiers  easy  and  free  of  embarrassment ;  so  that  he  was  < 
frequently  accustomed    to  deliver  his  sentiments    and 
feelings  without  disguise,  from  the  first  impressions,  ac- 
cording to  the  nature  of  the  objects  which  presented. 

This  liberality  of  conduct,  and  openness  of  disposi- 
tion, in  a  young  country,  caused  many  to  doubt  of  his 
belief  in  revealed  religion  ;  the  common  people,  at  last 
considered  him  as  an  atheist ;  while  those  of  a  higher 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  163 

class  were  more  indulgent  to  his  principles.  If  we  were 
to  form  a  judgment  on  this  subject,  from  his  private 
correspondence,  we  should  not  accuse  him  as  totally 
destitute  of  religious  notions,  for  it  appears  that  he  en- 
tertained some  grand  and  sublime  ideas  of  the  Supreme 
Being,  and  was  strongly  persuaded  that  no  society  could 
exist  without  religion. 

He  has  often  asserted,  that  he  thought  the  Christian 
religion,  unincumbered  of  its  sophistications,  the  most 
excellent,  as  comprehending  the  most  divine  system  of 
ethics,  consequently  of  a  divine  nature  ;  but  at  the  same 
time  he-  disapproved  of  the  length  and  tediousness  of 
the  liturgies  of  the  various  sects.  As  to  the  dogmas, 
he  considered  many  of  them  absurd,  if  not  impious,  and 
derogatory  to  the  honour,  dignity  and  wisdom  of  the 
Godhead,  or  omniscient  ruler  and  moderator  of  the  in- 
finity of  worlds  that  surround  us. 

The  General,  in  his  person,  was  of  a  genteel  make, 
and  rather  above  the  middle  size ;  his  remarkable  aqui 
line  nose  rendered  his  face  somewhat  disagreeable.  He 
was  master  of  a  most  genteel  address ;  but,  in  the  lat- 
ter part  of  his  life,  became  excessively  negligent  of  the 
graces,  both  in  garb  and  behaviour.  A  talent  for 
repartee,  united  with  a  quickness  of  penetration,  created 
him  many  enemies.  A  character  so  eccentric  and  sin- 
gular, could  not  fail  of  attracting  the  popular  attention. 
His  small  friends  frequently  passed  severe  criticisms 
on  his  words  and  actions.  Narrowly  watched,  every 
little  slip  or  failure  was  noticed,  and  represented  to  his 
disadvantage.  The  objections  to  his  moral  conduct 
were  numerous,  and  his  great  fondness  for  dogs  brought 
on  him  the  dislike  and  frowns  of  the  fair  sex  :  for  the 
General  would  permit  his  canine  adherents  to  follow 
him  to  the  parlour,  the  bed-room,  and  sometimes  they 
might  be  seen  on  a  chair  next  his  elbow  at  table. 

As  the  ladies  are  commonly  against  any  transgressions 
of  the  laws  of  decency  and  cleanliness,  it  is  no  wonder 
a  shyness  commenced  between  them  and  the  General. 
This  hath  given  some  persons  an  idea  of  his  being  averse 


164  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

to  women,  which  in  reality  was  not  the  case ;  for  his 
life  and  posthumous  papers  will  furnish  several  exam- 
ples of  his  early  attachment  to  them ;  and  a  letter  to 
him,  from  a  British  officer  in  Montreal,  in  1774,  con- 
vinces the  Editor  of  his  having  been  susceptible  of  the 
same  feelings  with  other  men,  and  of  his  having  fre- 
quently indulged  himself  in  gallantry  with  the  ladies. 
"  During  the  winter,"  says  this  officer,  who  was  the 
General's  intimate  friend,  "  I  took  a  trip  to  Quebec, 
where  I  passed  several  agreeable  days  with  your  queen. 
I  delivered  your  compliments  to  her,  and  she  enquired 
particularly  about  you,  desiring  me  to  return  them  most 
sincerely  whenever  I  wrote — She  is  the  same  amiable 
creature,  whose  disposition  neither  climate  nor  country 
can  alter,  and  as  strongly  attached  to  you  as  ever." 
And  his  letter  from  Warsaw  to  Louisa,  demonstrates 
the  same  fact. 

There  is  great  probability  the  General  was  the  first 
person  who  suggested  the  idea  that  America  ought  to 
declare  herself  independent.  When  he  was  sent  by  the 
commander  in  chief  to  New- York,  he  behaved  with  such 
activity  and  spirit,  infusing  the  same  into  the  minds  of 
his  troops  and  the  people,  that  Mr.  John  Adams  said, 
"  a  happier  expedition  never  was  projected  ;  and  that 
the  whole  Whig  world  were  blessing  him  for  it."  About 
this  time  Doctor  Franklin  gave  Mr.  Thomas  Paine,  the 
celebrated  author  of  Common  Sense,  an  introductory 
letter  to  him,  in  which  were  these  words  :  "  The  bearer, 
Mr.  Paine,  has  requested  a  line  of  introduction  to  you, 
which  I  give  the  more  willingly,  as  I  know  his  senti- 
ments are  not  very  different  from  yours."  A  few  days 
after,  the  Doctor  writes  again,  "There  is  a  kind  of 
suspense  in  men's  minds  here  at  present,  waiting  to  see 
what  terms  will  be  offered  from  England — I  expect 
none  that  we  can  accept ;  and  when  that  is  generally 
seen,  we  shall  be  more  unanimous  and  more  decisive. 
Then  your  proposed  solemn  league  and  covenant  will 
go  better  down,  and  perhaps  most  of  your  other  strong 
measures  adopted."  In  a  letter  to  Edward  Rutlege, 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  165 

Esq.  in  the  spring  of  1776,  then  a  member  of  the  Con- 
tinental Congress,  the  General  thus  expresses  himself. 
"  As  your  affairs  prosper,  the  timidity  of  the  senatorial 
part  of  the  continent,  great  and  small,  grows  and  ex- 
tends itself.  By  the  Eternal  G — d,  unless  you  declare 
yourselves  independent,  establish  a  more  certain  and 
fixed  legislature  than  that  of  a  temporary  courtesy  of 
the  people,  you  richly  deserve  to  be  enslaved,  and  I 
think  far  from  impossible  that  it  should  be  your  lot ; 
as,  without  a  more  systematic  intercourse  with  France 
and  Holland,  we  cannot,  we  have  not  the  means  of 
carrying  on  the  war."  There  are  other  epistles  of  his, 
of  a  similar  spirit  and  diction. 

The  more  we  investigate  the  General's  character  and 
conduct,  the  more  conspicuous  his  services  will  appear. 
In  the  infancy  of  the  American  dispute,  we  all  find  him 
continually  suggesting  and  forwarding  plans  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  country  ;  and  though  he  was  a  professed 
enemy  to  a  standing  army,  he  was  always  recommend- 
ing a  well  regulated  militia.  This  he  considered  as  the 
natural  strength  of  a  country,  and  absolutely  necessary 
for  its  safety  and  preservation. 

He  has  frequently  asserted,  that  a  more  pernicious 
idea  could  not  enter  into  the  heads  of  the  citizens,  than 
that  rigid  discipline,  and  a  strict  subjection  to  military 
rules,  were  incompatible  with  civil  liberty ;  and  he  was 
of  opinion,  that  when  the  bulk  of  a  community  would 
not  submit  to  the  ordinances  necessary  for  the  preser- 
vation of  military  discipline,  their  liberty  could  not  be 
of  long  continuance. 

The  liberty  of  every  commonwealth  must  be  protected 
ultimately  by  military  force.  Military  force  depends 
upon  order  and  discipline  :  without  order  and  discipline, 
the  greatest  number  of  armed  men  are  only  a  contempt- 
ible mob  ;  a  handful  of  regulars  must  disperse  them. 
It  follows  then,  that  the  citizens  at  large  must  submit 
to  the  means  of  becoming  soldiers,  or  that  they  must 
commit  the  protection  of  their  lives  and  property  to  a 
distinct  body  of  men,  who  will  naturally,  in  a  short 


166  THE    LEE   PAPEES. 

time,  set  up  a  professional  interest,  separate  from  the 
community  at  large.  To  this  cause  we  may  attribute 
the  subversion  of  every  free  State  that  history  presents 
to  us.  The  Romans  were  certainly  the  first  and  most 
glorious  people  that  have  figured  on  the  face  of  the 
globe  ;  they  continued  free  longest.  Every  citizen  was 
a  soldier,  and  a  soldier  not  in  name,  but  in  fact ;  by 
which  is  meant,  that  they  were  the  most  rigid  observ- 
ers of  military  institutions.  The  General  therefore 
thought  it  expedient  that  every  State  in  America  should 
be'  extremely  careful  to  perfect  the  laws  relative  to  their 
militia  ;  and  that,  where  they  were  glaringly  defective, 
they  should  be  made  more  efficient;  and  that  it  should 
be  established  as  a  point  of  honour,  and  the  criterion  of 
a  virtuous  citizen,  to  pay  the  greatest  deference  to  the 
common  necessary  laws  of  a  camp. 

The  most  difficult  task  the  Editor  met  with  in  collect- 
ing and  arranging  these  Posthumous  Papers,  arose  from 
his  desire  of  not  giving  offence  to  such  characters  as  had 
been  the  object  of  the  General's  aversion  and  resent- 
ment. Unhappily  his  disappointments  had  soured  his 
temper ;  the  affair  of  Monmouth,  several  pieces  of 
scurrility  from  the  press,  and  numerous  instances  of 
private  slander  and  defamation,  so  far  got  the  better  of 
his  philosophy,  as  to  provoke  him  in  the  highest  degree, 
and  he  became,  as  it  were,  angry  with  all  mankind. 

To  this  exasperated  disposition  we  may  impute  the 
origin  of  his  political  queries,  and  a  number  of  satirical 
hints  thrown  out  both  in  his  conversation  and*  writing, 
against  the  Commander  in  Chief.  Humanity  will  draw 
a  veil  over  the  involuntary  errors  of  sensibility,  and 
pardon  the  sallies  of  a  suffering  mind,  as  its  presages 
did  not  meet  with  an  accomplishment.  General  Wash- 
ington, by  his  retirement,  demonstrated  to  the  world, 
that  power  was  not  his  object;  that  America  had 
nothing  to  fear  from  his  ambition ;  but  that  she  was 
honoured  with  a  specimen  of  such  exalted  patriotism  as 
could  not  fail  to  attract  the  attention  and  admiration  of 
the  most  distant  nations. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS. 


167 


The  reader  will  not  wonder  that  General  Lee,  disap- 
pointed in  his  career  of  glory,  should  be  continually  in- 
culcating an  idea  of  the  extreme  danger  of  trusting  too 
much  to  the  wisdom  of  one,  for  the  safety  of  the  whole  ; 
that  he  should  consider  it  as  repugnant  to  the  principles 
of  freedom  and  republicanism,  to  continue  for  years, 
one  man  as  commander  in  chief ;  that  there  should  be 
a  rotation  of  office,  military  as  well  as  civil ;  and  though 
the  commander  of  an  army  possessed  all  the  virtues  of 
Cato,  and  the  talents  of  Julius  Caesar,  it  could  not  alter 
the  nature  of  the  thing ;  since  by  habituating  the  peo- 
ple to  look  up  to  one  man,  all  true  republican  spirit  be- 
came enervated,  and  a  visible  propensity-  to  monarchical 
government  was  created  arid  fostered  ;  that  there  was  a 
charm  in  the  long  possession  of  high  office,  and  in  the 
pomp  and  influence  that  attended  it,  which  might  cor- 
rupt the  best  dispositions. 

Indeed  it  was  the  opinion  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  whose 
virtues  not  only  honoured  the  throne,  but  human  nat- 
ure, that  to  have  the  power  of  doing  much,  and  to  con- 
fine that  power  to  doing  good,  was  a  prodigy  in  nature. 
Such  sentiments  of  this  divine  prince,  who  was  not  only 
trained  up  in  the  schools  of  austere  philosophy,  but  whose 
elevated  situation  rendered  him  the  most  able  judge  of 
the  difficulty  there  is  in  not  abusing  extensive  power, 
when  we  have  it  in  our  hands,  furnish  substantial  argu- 
ments for  not  entrusting  it  to  any  mortal  whatsoever. 
But  while  we  are  convinced  of  the  justness  of  these  senti- 
ments, we  are  led  the  more  to  respect  and  reverence  our 
most  disinterested  Commander  in  Chief,  who  stands  con- 
spicuous, with  unrivalled  glory,  superior  to  the  fascina- 
tions which  have  overthrown  many  a  great  and  noble 
mind. 

The  Editor  conceives  his  present  labours,  in  the  com- 
pilation of  this  work,  will  be  useful,  and  throw  some 
light  on  the  history  of  the  late  revolution — a  monument 
of  the  arduous  struggle,  exhibiting  a  faithful  and  valu- 
able collection  of  military  and  political  correspondence. 

EDWARD  LANGWORTHY. 

Baltimore,  March  lOth,  1787. 


III. 


MEMOIR 

OF 

CHARLES  LEE, 

MAJOR-GENERAL  IN  THE  SERVICE  OF  THE  U.  S.  OF  AMERICA, 

BY 

SIR  HENRY  BUNBURY,  BART. 


Reprinted  from  the  Life  and  Correspondence  of  Sir  Thomas  Hanmer.    London,  1838. 


MEMOIR 

OF 

CHARLES   LEE, 

MAJOR-GENERAL  IN  THE  SERVICE  OF  THE  U.  S.  OF  AMERICA, 


Charles  Lee  was  the  youngest  son  of  General  John 
Lee,  of  Dernhall,  in  Cheshire ;  his  mother  was  Isabella, 
the  second  daughter  of  Sir  Henry  Bunbury,  Bart..,  of* 
Stanney,  in  the  same  county. 

The  subject  of  this  memoir  was  born  in  1731,  and  he 
is  said  to  have  received  a  commission  in  the  army  at 
eleven  years  of  age.  However,  whether  it  was  through 
the  management  of  his  parents,  or  his  own  disposition, 
Lee's  education  did  not  suffer  from  this  premature  en- 
trance into  the  business  of  manhood ;  he  was  a  fair  clas- 
sical scholar,  and  he  acquired,  early  in  life,  a  knowledge 
of  the  Italian,  Spanish,  French,  and  German  languages. 
Nature  had  made  him  an  enthusiast,  and  whatever  was 
the  object  of  his  pursuit,  he  followed  it  with  an  extreme 
ardour.  But  nature  seems  likewise  to  have  given  him 
a  restless  mind,  and  a  hot  and  imperious  temper.  Ea- 
ger, disputatious,  acute,  jealous  of  honour,  brave  to  an 
excess,  and  possessing  talents  far  above  the  common 
order,  he  appeared  a  man  likely  to  hew  out  for  himself 
a  path  of  glory,  or  to  perish  prematurely  in  a  duel.  In 
person  he  was  tall  and  extremely  thin ;  his  face  ugly, 
with  an  aquiline  nose  of  enormous  proportion;  his 
manners  were  high-bred  and  impressive,  though  he  was 
singular,  and  in  his  latter  days  slovenly,  in  his  habits. 
He  was  a  fast  friend,  but  a  bitter  enemy. 


172  THE   LEE    PAPERS. 

When  he  joined  his  regiment,  he  applied  himself  with 
all  the  energy  of  his  character  to  the  study  of  his  pro- 
fession ;  and  he  seems  (poor  as  he  then  was)  to  have 
pushed  his  way  well  in  the  service,  for  we  find  him,  at 
the  age  of  twenty-six,  a  Captain  of  Grenadiers  in  the 
unfortunate  action  at  Ticonderoga,  where  he  was  shot 
through  the  body.  Promotion  followed  rapidly;  and 
having  returned  to  England,  he  published  a  pamphlet 
on  the  importance  of  our  retaining  Canada,  which  drew 
forth  the  commendations  of  Franklin. 

When  General  Burgoyne  was  sent  to  Portugal  in 
1762,  Lee  accompanied  him  with  the  rank  of  Colonel. 
The  General  had  a  just  estimation  of  his  friend's  mili- 
tary talents,  and  in  the  October  of  that  year  he  con- 
fided to  him  the  command  of  a  corps  destined  to  sur- 
prise the  Spanish  camp  near  Villa  Velha.  This  ser- 
vice wras  performed  in  the  most  brilliant  manner ;  the 
enemy's  troops  were  dispersed  with  a  heavy  loss,  and 
their  artillery  and  a  great  number  of  prisoners  taken. 
At  the  termination  of  the  war.  Lee  returned  a^ain  to 

'  O 

England,  high  in  professional  reputation,  and  strongly 
recommended  to  the  special  favour  of  Government  by 
the  Court  of  Lisbon  and  by  Count  La  Lippe. 

His  prospects  wrere  now  brilliant,  particularly  as  he 
was  intimate  with  men  of  high  rank  and  influence  in 
London,  and  appeared  to  enjoy  the  friendship  of  one  of 
the  cabinet  ministers.  But  Lee  was  a  man  not  to  be 
turned  from  his  opinions  by  any  considerations  of  his 
personal  interest ;  he  would  not  even  keep  silence  on 
matters  in  which  his  feelings  were  interested,  though 
the  subject  was  no  concern  of  his  own.  A  war  broke 
out  between  the  confederated  tribes  of  Indians  and  our 
American  colonists ;  the  ministers  of  the  day  did  not 
coincide  with  the  views  which  the  latter  party  took  of 
the  contest ;  Charles  Lee  wrote  and  published  again  on 
behalf  of  his  friends  in  America,  and  he  lost  forever  the 
favour  of  the  British  Government. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  the  dissensions  in  Poland 
had  arisen  to  such  a  height  as  to  make  it  probable  that 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  173 

a  struggle  for  its  ancient  independence  must  be  under- 
taken by  that  unhappy  nation.  To  that  field,  as  one 
in  which  he  could  draw  his  sword  in  the  cause  of 
liberty,  Lee  turned  his  eyes.  His  own  position  in  Eng- 
land is  best  explained  by  the  following  extract  from  a 
letter  addressed  to  his  cousin,  Sir  Charles  Bunbury, 
dated  Dec.  7,  1764.  "  Some  business  has  unfortunatety 
fallen  out  which  prevents  my  having  the  happiness  of 
visiting  you  as  I  purposed  before  I  left  England.  I 
intended  to  have  been  down  with  you  to-morrow,  but 
my  business  cannot  be  finished  before  Monday,  and  it 
is  absolutely  necessary  that  I  should  be  ready  for  the 
packet  at  Harwich  on  Wednesday  morning.  You 
must  therefore,  in  the  vulgar  language,  take  the  will 
for  the  deed.  My  present  scheme  is  this,  to  go  into  the 
Polish  service,  to  which  I  am  so  strongly  recommended 
that  I  can  scarcely  fail.  What  can  I  do  better?  I  see 
no  chance  of  being  provided  for  at  home ;  my  income 
is  miserably  scanty ;  my  inclinations  greater  than  those 
who  are  ignorant  of  my  circumstances  suppose.  It  is 
wretchedness  itself  not  to  be  able  to  herd  with  the 
class  of  men  we  have  been  accustomed  to  from  our  in- 
fancy ;  it  is  dishonest  to  strain  above  our  faculties,  and 
it  is  mortifying  to  avail  ourselves  of  shifts  which  I  have 
found  necessary.  My  resolutions  are  therefore  to  live 
in  any  part  of  the  world  where  I  can  find  respectable 
employment,  at  least  till  my  mother's  death. "* 

On  his  arrival  in  Poland  he  obtained  the  rank  of 
Major- General,  and  was  attached  to  the  person  of  the 
King  as  one  of  his  aides-de-camp.  It  is  evident  that 
Lee  conceived  a  strong  affection  to  the  unfortunate 
Poniatowski,  though  he  bore  the  title  of  King.  In  a 
letter  to  his  friend,  the  elder  Colrnan,  dated  Warsaw, 
May  1st,  1767,  he  says,  "The  situation  of  the  King  is 
really  to  be  lamented;  notwithstanding  he  wears  a 

*  It  must  be  observed,  that  when  Lee  speaks  here  of  his  means  as  being 
miserably  scanty,  both  his  elder  brothers  were  dead  without  leaving  children, 
and  it  appears  that  when  he  engaged  himself  and  his  fortunes  in  the  cause  of 
America,  ten  years  afterwards,  he  enjoyed  an  income  of  nearly  £1,000.  a  year, 
besides  having  large  grants  of  lands  in  the  colonies. 


174  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

crown  lie  is  an  honest,  virtuous  man,  and  a  friend  to  the 
rights  of  mankind.  I  wish  we  could  persuade  a  prince 
of  my  acquaintance,  who  is  taught  (as  far  as  he  can  be 
taught  anything)  to  hate  them,  to  exchange  with  him. 
I  know  a  nation  that  would  spare  a  whole  family, 
mother  and  all,  to  the  Poles,  and  only  take  in  exchange 
this  one  man."  In  the  same  letter  Lee  gives  a  fright- 
ful account  of  the  state  of  the  Polish  provinces ;  and, 
in  spite  of  his  republican  principles,  he  seems  to  have 
considered  the  confederates  at  that  period  to  have  been 
as  detestable  as  the  Russians  themselves.  He  had  been 
anxious  to  witness  the  campaign  between  the  Turks  and 
the  Russians,  "  though,"  says  he,  "  I  believe  it  will  be  a 
ridiculous  one ;  if  not  like  that  of  Harlequin  and 
Scapin,  it  will  resemble  the  battle  of  Wilkes  and  Tal- 
bot.  The  Russians  can  gain  nothing  by  beating  their 
enemies,  and  the  Turks  are  confoundedly  afraid.  I 
have  been  in  this  place  two  months,  waiting  to  join 
the  Russian  army,  and  I  am  afraid  I  shall  be  obliged 
to  wait  a  month  longer.  The  communications  are  so 
filled  with  the  offals  of  the  confederates,  who  are  them- 
selves a  banditti,  that  it  is  impossible  to  stir  ten  yards 
without  an  escort  of  Russians.  The  English  are  less 
secure  than  others,  as  they  are  esteemed  the  arch-en- 
emies of  the  holy  faith.  A  French  comedian  was  the 
other  day  near  being  hanged  from  the  circumstance  of 
his  wearing  a  bob-wig,  which  by  the  confederates  is 
supposed  to  be  the  uniform  of  the  English  nation.  I 
wish  to  God  the  three  branches  of  our  legislature  would 
take  it  into  their  heads  to  travel  through  the  woods  of 
Poland  in  bob-wigs."  Again,  "  I  see  that  the  country 
is  in  one  state  of  confusion,  filled  with  devastation  and 
murder.  I  hear  every  day  of  the  Russians  beating  the 
confederates,  but  as  to  what  the  Russians,  what  the 
confederates,  what  the  body  of  the  nation  propose,  I 
am  utterly  ignorant,  though  no  more,  I  believe,  than  they 
are  themselves.  Their  method  of  carrying  on  the  war 
is  equally  gentle  with  what  ours  was  in  North  Amer- 
ica :  the  confederates  hang  up  all  the  Russians  who  fall 


THE   LEE    PAPERS.  175 

into  their  hands,  and  the  Russians  put  to  the  sword  the 
confederates."  General  Lee  succeeded  at  length  in  his 
desire  to  join  the  Russian  camp  on  the  frontiers  of 
Turkey  ;  and  he  was  present  when  the  Czarina's  army 
was  forced  to  raise  the  siege  of  Chotzim. 

But  in  the  preceding  winter  Lee  had  visited  England, 
carrying  with  him  the  strongest  recommendations  to 
Government  from  the  King  of  Poland,  to  whom  he  ad- 
dressed a  long  letter  on  the  1st  of  December,  1766,  con- 
veying his  views  of  the  state  of  parties  in  London,  and 
the  characters  of  the  leaders,  and  dwelling  particularly 
on  the  condition  of  Lord  Chatham,  whom  he  describes 
as  quite  broken  in  mind,  and  childishly  fond  of  his  re- 
cent earldom.* 

The  friendship  and  solicitations  of  Poriiatowski  failed 
to  obtain  from  the  English  minister  any  favour  towards 
Lee  :  and  he  soon  returned  to  the  Continent.  About 
this  time  a  letter  was  addressed  to  him  by  his  friend 
Mr.  Wroughton,  (who  was,  I  believe,  acting  as  the 
Charge  d' Affaires  of  the  British  Government  at  War- 
saw), from  which  I  give  the  following  extract,  as  it 
serves  to  mark  the  conduct  of  the  man  whose  character 
I  am  endeavouring  to  trace. 

"  I  should  have  been  heartily  glad  to  have  heard,  my 
dear  Colonel,  that  His  Majesty's  recommendation  had 
been  more  successful  in  procuring  you  an  establishment 
equal  to  your  merit  and  wishes ;  but  am  not  at  all  sur- 
prised that  you  find  the  door  shut  against  you  by  the 
person  who  has  such  unbounded  credit,  as  you  have  ever 
too  freely  indulged  a  liberty  of  declaiming,  which  many 
infamous  and  invidious  people  have  not  failed  to  inform 
him  of.  The  principle  on  which  you  openly  speak  your 
mind,  is  honest  and  patriotick,  but  not  politick  ;  and 

*  There  is  another  letter  from  Lee  dated  on  the  25th  Dec. ,  to  Prince  .  .  . 
treating  further  and  more  particularly  of  English  politicks.  Amongst  other 
things,  he  says,  "An  Irishman,  one  Mr.  Burke,  is  sprung  up  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  who  has  astonished  everybody  with  the  power  of  his  eloquence,  his 
comprehensive  knowledge  in  all  our  exterior  and  internal  politicks  and  com- 
mercial interests.  He  wants  nothing  but  that  sort  of  dignity  annexed  to  rank 
and  property  in  England,  to  make  him  the  most  considerable  man  in  the 
Lower  House." 


176  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

as  it  will  not  succeed  in  changing  men  or  times,*  com- 
mon prudence  should  teach  us  to  hold  our  tongues, 
rather  than  to  risque  our  own  fortunes  without  any 
prospect  of  advantage  to  ourselves  or  neighbours.  Ex- 
cuse this  scrap  of  advice,  m^  dear  Colonel,  and  place 
it  to  the  vent  of  a  heart  entirely  devoted  to  your  in- 
terest." 

It  is  difficult  to  name  the  country,  or  hit  upon  the 
spot,  where  Lee  was  to  be  found  at  any  given  time  be- 
tween his  quitting  the  Polish  service  and  his  engaging 
himself  in  the  cause  of  American  Independence.  The 
letters  of  his  acquaintance  in  England  were  hunting 
after  him  on  the  Continent,  while  those  of  his  foreign 
friends  were  taking  the  chance  of  finding  him  in  Lon- 
don. He  roved  over  Europe  with  the  speed  and  irregu- 
larity of  a  meteor  :  f 

He  was  a  second  edition  of  Lord  Peterborough— 

"  In  journeys  he  outrides  the  post, 
Sits  up  'till  midnight  with  his  host, 
Talks  politicks  and  gives  the  toast. 

"  Knows  every  prince  in  Europe's  face, 
Flies  like  a  squib  from  place  to  place, 
And  travels  not,  but  runs  a  race. 


"  A  skeleton  in  outward  figure, 
His  meagre  corpse,  though  full  of  vigour, 
Would  halt  behind  him  were  it  bigger. 

"  So  wonderful  his  expedition, 

When  you  have  not  the  least  suspicion, 
He's  with  you  like  an  apparition." 

*  If  Lee  was,  as  Dr.  Girdlestoii  has  written  to  prove,  and  other  people  have 
believed,  the  author  of  Junius's  Letters,  the  effects  of  his  declamations  were 
greater  than  Mr.  Wronghton's  philosophy  dreamt  of. 

f  In  one  of  these  courses  through  Italy,  Lee  was  involved  in  a  duel  with  a 
foreign  officer,  whom  he  slew,  but  he  was  himself  wounded,  and  lost  the  use 
of  two  of  his  fingers. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  177 

However  it  seems  pretty  clear  that  Lee's  head-quar- 
ters were  generally  in  London  during  the  ferment  pro- 
moted by  the  writings  of  Junius  ;  but  as  the  symptoms 
of  open  warfare  between  England  and  her  American 
colonies  grew  more  decided,  he  took  his  final  resolution, 
and  he  quitted  England  for  ever  in  the  summer  of  1773. 
Having  formerly  served  a  long  time  with  the  provin- 
cial troops,  and  having  kept  up  an  intimate  correspond- 
ence with  many  friends  who  were  now  taking  a  forward 
part  in  the  struggle  for  American  liberty,  Lee  found 
himself  at  once  at  home,  and  he  devoted  all  the  ener- 
gies of  his  mind  and  body  to  their  cause.  For  two 
years  he  was  hurrying  indefatigably  from  the  north  to 
the  south  and  from  the  south  to  the  north,  visiting  the 
towns  and  the  back  settlements,  exhorting,  encouraging, 
and  spreading  the  fire  which  burnt  so  fiercely  in  his 
meagre  frame.  At  length  came  the  fatal  moment  of 
actual  hostilities ;  and  Colonel  Lee  (though  he  had 
been  distant  from  the  scene,  nor  was  at  all  implicated 
in  the  figLt  with  the  King's  Troops  at  Lexington)  wrote 
immediately  to  the  Secretary  at  War,  resigning  his  half- 
pay  in  the  British  service,  assuring  him  at  the  same  time 
"  that  whenever  it  should  please  his  Majesty  to  call  him 
forth  to  any  honourable  service  against  the  natural  ene- 
mies of  his  country,  or  in  defence  of  his  just  rights  and 
dignity,  no  man  would  obey  the  righteous  summons 
with  more  zeal  and  alacrity  than  himself." 

The  sword  was  now  drawn,  though  the  Americans  in 
general  were  not  yet  inclined  to  throw  away  the  scab- 
bard. However,  they  resolved  to  oppose  force  by  force, 
and  they  took  measures  immediately  to  form  an  army. 
They  chose  Washington  to  be  their  Commander-in- 
chief,  and  elected  four  Major- Generals,  Ward,  Lee, 
Schuyler,  and  Putnam,  to  serve  under  him.  This 
order  of  appointment  gave  some  umbrage  to  the  fiery 
Englishman,  who  piqued  himself  on  his  military  talents  : 
he  was  placed  below  Mr.  Ward ;  and  he  describes  this 
second  in  command  of  the  New  England  forces,  as  being 
"  a  fat  old  gentleman,  who  had  been  a  popular  church- 


12 


178  THE^LEE    PAPERS. 

warden,  but  had  no  acquaintance  whatever  with  mili- 
tary affairs."  * 

During  the  long  and  arduous  blockade  of  the  English 
army  in  Boston,  Lee  commanded  one  of  the  divisions  of 
the  revolutionary  army,  and  he  confirmed,  by  his  zeal 
and  energy,  the  confidence  which  the  Americans  had 
been  inclined  to  repose  in  him.  There  is  no  period  of 
that  unhappy  war  to  which  an  English  ofiicer,  who 
feels  (abstractedly  from  the  political  questions)  for  the 
honour  of  his  country  and  the  credit  of  his  profession, 
can  look  back  with  less  of  satisfaction,  than  to  this  dis- 
graceful blockade  of  General  Howe's  corps,  by  the  un- 
organized and  half-armed  levies  of  the  New  England 
insurgents.  This,  however,  is  not  a  proper  occasion  for 
entering  into  details,  and  exposing  the  wretched  imbe- 
cility of  our  chief  commanders,  from  the  Battle  of 
Blinker's  Hill  to  the  evacuation  of  Boston. 

Before  General  Howe  embarked  his  troops  and 
quitted  this  first  scene  of  his  disgrace,  Lee  was  de- 
spatched to  levy  men  in  Connecticut,  and  secure  New 
York,  where  the  friends  of  Great  Britain  were  very 
strong,  and  where  the  arrival  of  English  troops  was 
eagerly  desired.  He  collected  about  twelve  hundred 
volunteers  and  militiamen  with  great  celerity,  and 
marched  rapidly  to  his  destination.  The  Council  of 
New  York  took  alarm,  fearing  that  the  effect  of  his 
arrival  would  be  to  make  their  district  the  seat  of  war. 
They  wrote  to  Lee,  urging  him  to  halt ;  but  he  hesi- 
tated not  one  instant :  he  pressed  forward,  entered  the 
town,  roused  the  revolutionary  party  to  exertion,  dis- 
armed their  opponents,  collected  ammunition,  threw  up 
batteries,  and  brought  New  York  into  such  a  state,  that 
the  hopes  of  its  being  seized  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton's 
corps  were  completely  defeated. 

At  this  time,  the  failure  of  Montgomery's  expedition 
against  Quebec,  and  the  death  of  that  Commander, 

*  This  poor  man  was  not  long  in  discovering  his  own  incapacity,  and  he  re- 
signed his  commission  as  soon  as  the  British  troops  evacuated  Boston,  thus 
leaving  Lee  second  in  command  of  the  American  army. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  179 

created  a  great  alarm  in  the  New  England  states,  and 
while  they  proposed  to  increase  very  largely  the  force 
of  their  army  in  Canada,  they  desired  that  General  Lee 
should  be  appointed  to  this  important  command.  He 
was  on  the  eve  of  setting  out  for  Lake  Champlain,  when 
intelligence  was  received  of  Sir  H.  Clinton's  expedition 
against  the  southern  coasts.  This  danger  appeared  to 
be  more  imminent  than  the  former;  and  Lee  was 
hurried  off  to  rouse  the  volunteers  and  assemble  the 
militias  of  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas.  Such  was  his 
expedition,  that  when  the  British  fleet  and  army  came 
into  Hampton  Roads,  they  found  General  Lee  already 
there,  assembling  forces  from  every  side  and  preparing 
to  oppose  their  landing :  they  drew  off  and  proceeded 
farther  to  the  south ;  but  on  the  shores  of  North  Caro- 
lina they  were  again  faced  by  this  indefatigable  com- 
mander :  and  when  Sir  Henry  Clinton  determined 
finally  on  attacking  Charleston,  and  landed  his  troops 
in  the  beginning  of  June  1776  on  the  neighbouring  isl- 
ands, he  found  his  eternal  adversary  intrenched  in  a 
strong  position  on  the  main-land,  with  an  advanced 
corps  in  a  fort  on  Sullivan's  Island,  armed  with  a  great 
number  of  heavy  cannon.  The  English  squadron  en- 
deavoured to  reduce  this  fort,  but  their  fire  was  over- 
powered by  that  of  the  Americans ;  one  of  our  ships 
was  sunk,  and  the  rest  were  forced  to  retire  with  a 
heavy  loss  of  men.  Lee  maintained  his  communication 
with  the  fort ;  and  Clinton,  feeling  that  his  hopes  of 
success  were  baffled,  re-embarked  his  troops,  and  re- 
turned to  join  the  main  army  under  General  Howe, 
which  was  preparing  to  attack  the  American  forces  on 
Long  Island.  On  the  other  hand  Lee  posted  into 
Georgia,  called  forth  and  organized  the  military  means 
of  that  province,  and  then  flew  back  to  resume  his  sta- 
tion under  Washington. 

He  found  the  American  commander  and  his  army  in 
a  situation  of  extreme  difficulty.    They  had  been  driven 
out  of  their  positions  on  Long  Island  with  heavy  loss 
and  though  the  inertness   of  the  British  commander? 


180  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

had  allowed  Washington  to  escape  with  the  bulk  of 
his  troops  to  the  mainland,  the  Americans  were  so  dis- 
heartened and  disorganized  that  they  dared  not  for  the 
moment  face  the  British  in  the  field.  General  Howe 
crossed  the  Channel,  and  obtained  possession  of  New 
York,  while  Washington  collected  all  that  remained  of 
his  army  in  a  strong  position  on  a  peninsula  near  Kings- 
bridge.  The  great  man  who  commanded  the  American 
forces  seems  to  have  been  at  this  time  in  an  almost 
desperate  state  of  mind  :  his  army  had  been  defeated 
and  almost  routed  ;  besides  his  great  losses  in  the  field, 
he  had  seen  a  large  proportion  of  the  militia  disperse 
and  return  to  their  homes  ;  the  first  ardor  of  the  prov- 
inces had  cooled  down  under  protracted  and  unsuccess- 
ful warfare,  and  the  measures  of  Congress  were  slow 
and  feeble.  What  remained  of  his  troops  were  miser- 
ably deficient  as  to  their  equipment  and  supplies,  broken 
in  spirit,  and  beginning  to  cabal.  Near  at  hand  were 
the  British  forces,  vastly  superior  in  numbers  as  well 
as  in  discipline,  flushed  with  recent  victory,  masters  of 
the  sea,  and  abundantly  provided  with  artillery  and 
stores. 

It  was  in  this  critical  situation  that  Lee,  returning 
without  troops  from  the  southward,  found  the  American 
army.  He  took  a  rapid  view  of  the  position,  and  his 
falcon  eye  at  once  detected  the  great  danger  to  which 
they  were  exposed.  The  ground,  indeed,  was  extremely 
strong  in  itself,  and  Washington  was  anxious  to  fight 
his  battle  there,  to  re-establish  the  affairs  of  the  young 
republick  by  victory,  or  to  die  on  that  field  in  a  glori- 
ous struggle  for  the  independence  of  his  country.  On 
the  very  day  after  Lee's  arrival,  the  British  army  com- 
menced its  movements  toward  the  American  camp,  and 
Washington,  assembling  a  council  of  war,  disclosed  his 
plans,  and  invited  the  concurrence  of  his  general  officers. 
But  to  these  proposals  Lee  offered  an  anxious  opposi- 
tion :  he  urged  that  there  was  no  ground  to  hope  that 
General  Howe  would  come  to  assail  them  in  their  en- 
trenchments on  the  peninsula ;  that  the  game  for  the 


THE    LEE    PAPERS. 


181 


British  army  was  to  move  higher  up  and  seize  and  for- 
tify the  isthmus  by  which  alone  the  American  camp 
held  communication  with  the  continent ;  and  thus,  while 
their  ships  were  completely  masters  of  the  sea  on  either 
hand,  they  would  compel  the  troops  of  the  United 
States  to  lay  down  their  arms  without  striking  a  blow, 
as  soon  as  their  scanty  stock  of  provisions  should  be 
consumed.  These  arguments  carried  conviction ;  a 
large  majority  of  the  council  voted  against  General 
Washington,  and  he  was  forced  to  concede. 

The  resolution  to  retreat  being  taken,  there  was  no 
time  to  be  lost ;  the  camp  broke  up  immediately,  and 
the  Commander-in-chief  crossed  the  isthmus,  and  marched 
toward  White  Plains,  leaving  General  Lee  with  the 
rear  division,  to  collect  the  means  of  saving  as  much  of 
the  baggage  and  artillery  as  might  be  practicable. 
The  English  army,  having  moved  too  slowly  to  prevent 
the  escape  of  Washington,  followed  his  march  toward 
White  Plains.  They  were  greatly  superior  in  num- 
bers as  well  as  in  composition,  yet  there  ensued  noth- 
ing more  than  manoeuvres  and  skirmishes,  attended  only 
by  the  effect  of  restoring,  in  some  degree,  the  courage 
and  confidence  of  the  Americans.  General  Howe 
seems  to  have  taken  no  measures  whatever  to  intercept 
Lee,  who  was  detained  some  days,  in  spite  of  all  his  ac- 
tivity, by  the  difficulty  of  drawing  together  the  animals 
and  carriages  necessary  for  the  removal  of  the  cannon 
and  hea\7y  baggage.  Having  at  last  collected  these 
means,  he  set  forward  with  his  convoy,  contriving  to 
conceal  his  movements,  and  avoiding  the  positions  of 
the  British  army.  Lee  accomplished  the  arduous  task 
which  had  been  allotted  to  him  with  extraordinary 
skill  and  celerity ;  he  rejoined  the  divisions  under 
Washington,  bringing  up  the  artillery  and  baggage 
without  loss,  and  he  enjoyed  the  satisfaction  of  know- 
ing that  his  march  was  reputed,  by  both  friends  and 
foes,  as  one  of  the  ablest  performances  of  the  wrar. 

General  Howe  made  a  faint  attempt  to  bring  the  re- 
united army  of  his  antagonists  to  battle  in  their  new  po- 


182  -THE    LEE    PAPERS. 


sition  at  White  Plains,  but  they  withdrew  without 
difficulty  ;  and  the  British  commander,  feeling  conscious 
that  the  Americans  had  now  escaped  from  his  grasp, 
found  it  expedient  to  give  a  new  direction  to  his  opera- 
tions. Returning  towards  New  York,  he  attacked  and 
carried,  with  a  vigour  which  was  far  from  usual  in  him, 
the  important  forts  by  which  the  enemy  commanded 
the  lower  passages  of  the  Hudson,  and  he  invaded  the 
Jerseys  with  the  principal  part  of  his  army.  This 
movement  induced  Washington  to  march  with  the  main 
body  of  his  forces  to  the  Delaware,  leaving  Lee  with 
three  or  four  thousand  men  to  watch  the  neighbourhood 
of  New  York. 

As  the  British  advanced  into  Jersey,  they  found  few 
of  the  enemy's  troops  to  attempt  resistance  :  the  people 
of  the  province  were  disgusted  with  the  war,  nor  could 
they  be  induced  to  turn  out  as  militia,  till  the  miscon- 
duct and  licentiousness  of  the  royal  soldiers  roused  them 
some  time  after  to  take  up  arms.  The  English  squad- 
rons rode  undisputed  masters  of  the  estuaries  as  well  as 
of  the  open  sea,  and  Washington  arrived  on  the  Dela- 
ware only  to  feel  that  his  means  were  utterly  incapable 
of  arresting  the  onward  course  of  the  British.  He  des- 
patched instructions  to  Lee  to  join  the  main  army  with 
the  troops  under  his  command,  hoping  to  defend  the 
passage  of  the  river,  at  least  until  it  should  be  com- 
pletely frozen,  and  thus  gain  time  for  reviving  the  spirit 
of  resistance,  and  gathering  the  provincial  forces  for  the 
protection  of  Philadelphia. 

The  partisans  of  General  Washington  have  accused 
Lee  of  exhibiting  on  this  occasion  a  tardiness  and  re- 
luctance to  obey  the  orders  of  the  commander-in-chief ; 
they  have  charged  him  of  entertaining  projects  of  his 
own,  tending  to  prolong  his  separate  command,  and  to 
thwart  the  plans  of  his  superior  officer.  However  this 
may  have  been,  the  orders  to  form  a  junction  were  re- 
peated with  a  pressing  haste,  and  Lee  set  forward  on 
his  march  to  the  southward.  On  the  Gth  of  December, 
1776,  he  crossed  the  North  River  with  about  3,000 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  183 

men  and  some  pieces  of  cannon.  He  took  his  route 
through  Morris  county  ;  but,  possessing  very  imperfect 
information  as  to  the  positions  and  circumstances  of  his 
foes,  as  well  as  of  his  friends,  Lee  felt  that  great  vigil- 
ance was  necessary  ;  and  in  his  anxiety  to  procure  in- 
telligence, he  went  out  in  person  with  a  small  reconnoi- 
tring party.  On  his  return  towards  his  camp,  he  halted 
for  refreshment  at  a  farm-house,  and  he  was  there  sur- 
prised by  Colonel  Harcourt,*  who  had  penetrated 
through  the  country,  with  a  part  of  the  16th  light  dra- 
goons, for  the  purpose  of  watching  the  march  of  the 
American  division.  So  dexterously  did  Harcourt  avail 
himself  of  information,  which  he  obtained  on  his  route, 
that  he  pounced  on  General  Lee  and  his  men,  unpre- 
pared and  unsuspecting,  and  bore  them  away  to  the 
British  quarters. 

There  appeared  at  first  a  disposition  to  consider  the 
republican  commander  as  a  deserter  from  the  royal  ser- 
vice. Lee  was  placed  in  close  confinement,  and  treated 
with  much  severity.  This  led  to  retaliation  on  the  part 
of  the  Americans,  who  threw  Colonel  Campbell  and 
other  British  officers  into  prison,  and  held  them  as 
hostages  for  the  safety  of  their  general.  But  it  was  not 
till  after  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne's  army  in  October, 
1777,  that  Lee  was  admitted  to  his  parole  as  a  prisoner 
of  war;  a  few  months  afterwards  he  was  exchanged, 
and  he  returned  to  his  former  post  as  second  in  com- 
mand of  the  American  army. 

During  Lee's  captivity  the  face  of  the  war  had  been 
completely  changed,  and  events  of  the  greatest  impor- 
tance had  occurred.  On  the  one  hand,  the  British  army, 
under  Sir  William  Howe,  had  defeated  that  of  Wash- 
ington, and  taken  possession  of  Philadelphia,  a  city  re- 
garded as  the  capital  of  the  United  States,  and,  until 
its  capture,  the  seat  of  Congress.  The  people  of  the 
country,  suffering  from  a  protracted  warfare,  had  be- 
come, in  many  districts,  disaffected  to  the  republican 
cause :  and  even  in  the  army  there  had  appeared  a  dan- 

*  The  late  Earl  Harcourt. 


184  'THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

gerous  spirit  of  dissension.  Worn  out  by  privations  of 
every  kind,  the  sickly  soldiers  could  hardly  be  kept  to- 
gether, while  many  of  the  officers  of  rank  entered  into 
cabals,  directed  particularly  against  the  authority  of 
Washington  as  commander-in-chief.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  royal  army  in  the  north,  under  the  command 
of  General  Burgoyne,  had  been  compelled  to  lay  down 
its  arms.  The  Americans  were  relieved  from  every  seri- 
ous apprehension  of  danger  on  the  side  of  Canada ;  and 
the  most  important  of  all  objects  for  the  insurgent 
colonies  had  been  attained  by  the  ratification  of  a  treaty 
of  alliance  between  their  republic  and  the  court  of 
France. 

When  Lee  rejoined  the  American  army  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Philadelphia,  the  British  commander  was 
preparing  for  the  evacuation  of  that  city.  It  was 
known  that  a  strong  French  fleet,  with  some  thousands 
of  troops,  might  be  expected  to  arrive  very  soon  upon 
the  coast ;  and  that  the  English  squadron,  under  Lord 
Howe,  was  too  weak  to  oppose  them  with  any  chance 
of  success.  There  appeared  therefore  an  imminent 
risk,  that  if  the  British  lingered  at  Philadelphia,  they 
would  be  hemmed  in  by  superior  forces,  both  by  sea 
and  land,  and  their  retreat  upon  New  York  would  be 
rendered  impracticable. 

Just  before  this  time  the  command  of  the  royal  army 
had  devolved  on  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  in  consequence  of 
Sir  William  Howe's  having  resigned  the  station  which 
he  had  filled  during  two  years,  to  the  prejudice  of  the 
royal  cause  and  of  the  service 'in  which  beheld  so  high 
a  rank.  Yet  Howre  was  popular  with  his  army  ;  his 
manners  were  prepossessing,  and  his  personal  courage 
was  conspicuous  in  the  field  :  but  his  views  were  nar- 
row— his  nature  indolent  and  careless — and  he  seemed 
never  to  feel  the  extent  and  importance  of  his  duties,  as 
the  person  to  whom  the  mighty  interests  of  his  king 
and  country  were  entrusted  in  the  conduct  of  the  war. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  was  an  officer  of  ability  and  en- 
ergy, but  he  succeeded  to  the  command  whoii  it  was 


THE    LEE    PAPEKS. 


185 


too  late  to  repair  the  evils  resulting  from  the  negligence 
of  his  predecessor.  A  new  and  formidable  enemy  was 
entering  the  field  ;  the  spirit  and  confidence  of  the 
Americans  were  revived ;  and  a  large  proportion  of 
their  northern  troops,  who  had  learned  to  fight  hard 
and  to  conquer  in  the  campaign  against  Burgoyne,  were 
now  joining  the  army  under  Washington.  The  Amer- 
ican commander  himself  was  so  much  elated  by  this 
sudden  change  of  circumstances  that  he  seemed  to  have 
indulged  a  sanguine  hope  of  preventing  the  British 
from  retiring  across  the  Delaware,  and  of  reducing  them 
to  the  necessity  of  laying  down  their  arms.  But  Clin- 
ton took  his  measures  with  sagacity  and  promptitude. 
On  the  18th  of  June,  1778,  he  evacuated  Philadelphia, 
and  crossed  the  river  with  all  his  baggage  and  stores, 
without  confusion  or  loss,  though  the  American  troops 
were  close  to  him  on  every  side. 

The  line  of  country  through  which  the  British  had  to 
pass,  in  retreating  towards  New  York,  was  strong  and 
intricate ;  and  it  was  necessary  to  wind  in  some  places 
through  narrow  defiles,  which  must  retard  the  march  of 
troops  encumbered  with  an  enormous  quantity  of  bag- 
gage, and  expose  them  to  be  attacked  at  disadvantage. 
Washington  pressed  on  their  flank  and  rear,  and  he  was 
eager  to  force  the  English  to  a  general  action.  In  this 
desire,  however,  he  was  not  supported  by  the  opinion 
of  his  principal  officers.  A  majority  of  his  council  of 
war  concurred  with  Lee  in  judging  it  imprudent  and 
perilous  to  venture,  with  nearly  equal  numbers,  to  en- 
counter the  flower  of  the  British  army  in  a  pitched  bat- 
tle; and  they  advised  that  their  operations  should,  be 
confined  to  the  hanging  closely  on  the  retreating  foe, 
and  the  seizing  every  partial  advantage  which  might 
present  itself.  Thus  thwarted  in  his  opinions  and 
wishes,  the  American  commander  reluctantly  and  ang- 
rily submitted  ;  but  still,  adhering  to  his  own  views,  he 
determined  to  make  his  advanced  detachments  so  large, 
and  to  keep  his  main  body  so  near  at  hand,  that  what 
might  begin  as  partial  actions  with  the  enemy's  rear, 


186  •     THE   LEE    PAPEE8. 

might  gradually  become  more  serious,  and  bring  on  the 
general  engagement  which  he  desired.  In  pursuance 
of  this  object,  as  the  British  retired  slowly  through  the 
Jerseys,  Washington  reinforced  the  corps  which  dogged 
their  march  to  such  an  extent,  that  nearly  one-half  of 
his  army  was  in  advance,  and  liable  to  be  engaged  with 
the  enemy.  Under  these  circumstances,  Lee  felt  it  due 
to  his  rank  and  character  to  claim  the  command  of  this 
large  portion  of  the  troops ;  and  his  claim  was  allowed, 
though  it  is  clear  that  he  and  his  superior  were  already 
on  very  bad  terms.  The  English  republican  had  always 
been  jealous  of  the  dangerous  extent  and  continuance 
of  the  power  entrusted  to  Washington,  nor  does  he 
seem  to  have  entertained  any  high  respect  for  his 
military  talents.  On  the  other  hand,  the  American 
commander  probably  regarded  Lee  as  a  frondeur,  and 
was  galled  by  his  successful  opposition  on  two  impor- 
tant occasions.  His  rank,  however,  and  his  acknow- 
ledged abilities,  rendered  it  unadvisable  to  refuse  to 
Lee  the  post  which  he  now  demanded  ;  and  he  imme- 
diately assumed  the  command  of  four  or  five  thousand 
men,  who  were  at  this  time  close  around  the  rear  of  the 
British  columns. 

It  is  not  compatible  with  the  limits  of  this  memoir 
to  enter  into  the  detail  of  the  battle  of  Mon mouth.  In 
withdrawing  promptly  across  the  passes  in  his  rear, 
when  attacked  by  the  main  strength  of  the  English 
army,  Lee  followed  out  the  principle  which  he  had 
maintained  in  council.  His  conduct  was  highly  ap- 
plauded by  the  British  officers ;  and  even  those  Ameri- 
cans who  were  the  most  zealous  for  the  reputation  of 
Washington,  hesitated  to  censure  the  judgment  of  Lee 
in  retiring  on  the  main  body,  while  they  admitted  that 
he  displayed  much  skill  in  a  nice  and  difficult  operation. 
But  he  had  once  more  thwarted  the  designs,  though  he 
does  not  seem  to  have  disobeyed  any  explicit  orders,  of 
his  superior  officer.  The  two  generals  met  on  the  field, 
and  the  long-suppressed  anger  of  Washington  burst 
forth  in  language  so  violent  as  to  induce  General  Lee, 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  187 

as  soon  as  the  action,  was  over,  to  address  a  letter  to 
his  commander,  in  consequence  of  which  he  was  placed 
under  arrest,  and  arraigned  before  a  court-martial  on 
three  charges  : — 1st,  for  disobedience  of  orders  ;  -dry, 
for  misbehavior  before  the  enemy ;  and,  3dly,  for  dis- 
respect to  the  command  er-in-chief.  On  these  charges 
Lee  was  pronounced  guilty  by  the  Court,  and  was  sen- 
tenced to  be  suspended  from  holding  any  commission 
in  the  armies  of  the  United  States  for  the  term  of 
twelve  months.  In  his  defence  the  general  displayed 
great  eloquence  and  ability  ;  and  after  his  sentence  had 
been  confirmed  by  Congress,  he  published  a  vindication 
of  his  conduct,  to  which  he  annexed  so  severe  a  review 
of  Washington's  military  proceedings  through  the  war, 
as  to  produce  a  challenge  from  Colonel  Laurens,  one  of 
the  commander-in-chief  s  aides-de-camp,  who  wounded 
Lee  in  the  side. 

But  before  a  confirmation  of  the  sentence  pronounced 
by  the  court-martial  could  be  obtained  from  Congress, 
this  assembly  had  discussed  and  disputed  over  the  ques- 
tion during  several  evenings.  There  were  strong  and 
angry  differences  of  opinion ;  and  great  heats  arose  in 
society,  in  the  midst  of  which  Lee  remained  several 
months  in  Philadelphia,  battling  out  his  cause  with  the 
wonted  fire  and  tenacity  of  his  character.  But,  in  the 
summer  of  1779,  he  retired  to  his  estate  in  Berkeley 
county  in  Virginia,  where  he  lived  about  three  years, 
"  in  a  style  (says  the  American  gentleman  who  pub- 
lished his  papers)  peculiar  to  himself,  in  a  house  more 
like  a  barn  than  a  palace.  Glass  windows  and  plas- 
tering would  have  been  luxurious  extravagance  ;  and 
his  furniture  consisted  of  a  very  few  necessary  articles  : 
indeed  he  was  now  so  rusticated,  that  he  could  have 
lived  in  a  tub  with  Diogenes.  However,  he  had  got  a 
few  select  valuable  authors,  and  these  enabled  him  to 
pass  away  his  time  in  this  obscurity." 

The  ex-general  bred  horses  and  dogs,  of  which  ani- 
mals he  was  extravagantly  fond ;  but  he  had  no  turn 
for  farming ;  at  the  end  of  three  years  Lee  grew  sick 


188  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

of  utter  solitude,  and  he  moved  back  to  the  coast  with 
the  intention  of  settling,  for  the  rest  of  his  days, 
within  reach  of  society  and  information.  Death,  how- 
ever, surprised  him  a  few  days  after  his  arrival  at 
Philadelphia ;  and  the  last  words  he  was  heard  to  ut- 
ter, in  the  delirium  of  fever,  were,  "  Stand  by  me,  my 
brave  grenadiers  !  " 

Charles  Lee  died  on  the  2d  of  October,  1782,  in  the 
52d  year  of  his  age.  The  distinguished  honours  which 
were  rendered  to  his  funeral,  not  only  by  the  attend- 
ance of  great  bodies  of  the  people,  but  by  the  presidents 
and  members  both  of  Congress  and  of  the  provincial 
assembly — by  the  foreign  ministers,  and  the  civil  and 
military  officers — are  the  more  remarkable,  when  we 
remember  that  he  had  been  regarded  latterly  as  the 
personal  enemy  of  George  Washington,  who  now  en- 
joyed the  highest  place  in  reputation  and  authority  ; 
and  that  Lee  had  been  driven  from  his  station,  arid 
blighted  in  his  prospects,  by  what  many  people  consid- 
ered as  the  jealousy  and  injustice  of  that  distinguished 
patriot. 

1  do  not  propose  to  try  the  patience  of  my  readers 
by  making  long  extracts  from  what  remained  of  Lee's 
acknowledged  writings  ;  but  a  few  characteristic  pass- 
ages may  be  allowed  :  and  the  following  letter,  which 
he  wrote  to  his  sister  in  England  after  his  trial,  will 
serve  to  show  what  his  feelings  were,  both  with  regard 
to  his  own  case,  and  to  the  unhappy  war  between  the 
American  states  and  the  mother  country. 

Prato  Rio  in  Virginia,  Dec.  15th,  1779. 

My  Dear  Sister, 

I  wrote  to  you  a  letter  two  months  ago,  but  as  in  the 
present  circumstances  of  affairs  there  are  a  thousand 
risks  that  a  letter  will  not  arrive,  I  think  proper  to 
send  you  a  duplicate.  Your  letter  from  Chester,  dated 
Jany.  the  23d,  came  safely  to  my  hands  :  in  the  course 
of  this  and  the  last  year,  1  wrote  to  you  two  letters  in- 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  189 

forming  you  of  the  state  of  my  health  and  spirits,  the 
two  points  which  I  know  from  your  natural  affection 
and  tenderness    you    must  be  most    solicitous   about. 
They  have  both,  thank  Heaven,  never  failed  me  a  sin- 
gle day,  and  until  I  am  conscious  of  having  committed 
some  unworthy  action,  (which  I  can  assure  you  is  not 
at  present  the  case)  the  iniquity  of  men  shall  never 
bear  me  down.     I  have,  it  is  true,  uneasy  feelings,  but 
not  on  my  own  personal  account ;  I  feel  for  the  ravages 
and    devastations  of  this  continent,  and  the    ruin   of 
thousands  of  worthy  individuals ;  I  feel  for  the  empire 
of  Great  Britain,  for  its  glory,  welfare,  and  existence. 
I  feel  for   the  fortunes  of  my  relations  and  friends, 
which  may  receive  a  dreadful  shock  in  this  convulsion. 
I  have  been  accused  of  making  it  my  study,  and  per- 
verting all  the  talents  I  am  master  of,  to  involve  my 
country  in  the  ruinous    situation  she  now  is  in  :  you 
know,  all  my  correspondents  and  acquaintance  know, 
how  false  this  imputation  is.     I  will  not  enter  into  po- 
litical retrospections,  as  it  is  probable  my  letter  will  be 
opened  before  it  reaches  you,  but  I  hope  I  may  safely 
appeal  to  the  substance  and  spirit  of  the  letters  which 
the  public  have  already  seen,  for  the  integrity  of  my 
intentions.     I  mean  the  letters  addressed  to  Lord  Piercy 
and  General  Burgoyne,  wherein  I  prophesy ed  the  fatal 
events  that  have  followed.     I  cannot  help  lamenting 
that  another  which  I  wrote  to  General  Gage  (wherein 
I  labour'd  to  open  his  eyes)  was  not  published.     I  per- 
sonally loved  the  man,  but  he  has  much  to  answer  for, 
not  less  I  will  venture  to  say,  than  the  blood  of  one 
hundred  thousand  Englishmen,  or   the  immediate  de- 
scendants of  Englishmen  ;  but  he  has  to  answer  also  for 
the  subversion  of  the  mighty  f abrick  of  the  British  Em- 
pire ;  but  I  am  running  unawares  into  politics,  the  sub- 
ject it  is  my  busyness  to  keep  clear  of.  .  You  express  a 
concern  for  my  personal  honour  :  as  I  suppose  you  allude 
to  the  affair  of  Monmouth,  all  I  shall  say  is  that,  as  I 
believe  the  proceedings  of  the  Court  have  been  sent  to 
England,  and  as  you  have  eyes  to  read,  and  judgment 


190  THE    LEE   PAPERS. 

to  make  comments,  I  may  be  intirely  easy  on  that  sub- 
ject ;  but  as  it  possibly  may  happen  that  these  curious 
records  may  never  fall  into  your  hands,  be  assured  of 
this,  my  Dr.  Sister,  that  if  the  transactions  of  that  day 
were  to  pass  over  again,  there  is  no  one  step  I  took 
which  I  would  not  again  take,  and  that  there  is  no  one 
measure  I  adopted  which  will  not  stand  the  test  of  the 
severest  military  criticks,  and  in  point  of  spirit,  of  the 
most  enthusiastick  grenadier  ;  so  once  more,  I  conjure 
you  to  be  at  ease  on  this  subject,  as  I  have  from  the  be- 
ginning. I  have  now  only  to  beg  my  love  to  all  my 
relations  and  particular  friends,  to  the  .  .  .  <fcc., 


God  bless  you,  my  Dr.  Sydney,  send  you  long  life 
and  uninterrupted  spirits  ;  this  is  most  devoutly  the 
prayer  of  your  most  affectionate  Brother. 

(Signed)  CHARLES  LEE. 

The  latitude  which  Charles  Lee  allowed  himself  in 
conversation,  exposed  his  character  to  unjust  asper 
sions.*  By  many,  and  particularly  by  his  enemies  in 
America,  he  was  denounced  as  an  Atheist  ;  but  we  have 
satisfactory  proofs  in  some  of  his  writings  which  prob- 
ably were  not  designed  for  the  press,  and  in  the  testi- 
monies of  men  who  knew  him  well,  that  such  an  im- 
putation was  calumnious.  Lee's  American  biographer 
speaks  thus  :  u  He  has  often  asserted  that  he  thought 
the  Christian  religion,  unincumbered  of  its  sophistica- 
tions, the  most  excellent,  as  comprehending  the  most 
divine  system  of  ethics,  consequently  of  a  divine  nat- 
ure ;  but  at  the  same  time  he  disapproved  of  the  length 
and  tediousness  of  the  liturgies  of  the  various  sects.  As 
to  the  dogmas,  lie  considered  many  of  them  absurd,  if 
not  impious,  aud  derogatory  to  the  honour,  dignity,  and 

*  "A  talent  for  repartee,  united  with  a  quickness  of  penetration,  created  him 
many  enemies.  A  character  so  eccentric  and  singular  as  his,  could  not  fail  of 
attracting  the  publick  attention.  His  small  friends  frequently  passed  severe 
criticisms  on  his  words  and  actions.  Narrowly  watched,  every  little  slip  or 
failure  was  noticed  and  represented  to  his  disadvantage."  —  Mr.  Lang- 
worthy's  Memoir  of  Gen.  Lee. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  191 

wisdom  of  the  Godhead,  or  Omniscient  Ruler  and 
Moderator  of  the  infinity  of  worlds  that  surround  us." 
In  an  Utopian  scheme  which  Lee  sketched  out  as  u  a 
plan  for  the  formation  of  a  military  colony,"  there  oc- 
curs a  passage  which  develops  more  fully  his  peculiar 
opinions  on  the  subject  of  religion,  and  marks  his  seri- 
ous sense  of  its  paramount  importance.  After  tracing 
an  outline  of  his  martial  colony,  he  says,  "  But  as  there 
is  reason  to  apprehend  that  a  nation,  merely  of  war- 
riors, hunters,  and  agriculturers,  may  become  extremely 
ferocious  in  their  manners,  some  method  should  be  de- 
vised of  softening,  or  counteracting,  this  consequential 
ferocity  :  I  know  of  none  equally  efficacious  with  a  gen- 
eral cultivation  and  study  of  music  and  poetry ;  on 
which  principle  I  would  propose,  that  music  and  poetry 
should  be  the  great  regimen  of  the  two  most  important 
articles  of  government,  religion  and  war  ;  all  other  good 
qualities  might  follow  of  course  ;  for  without  religion, 
no  warlike  community  can  exist ;  and  with  religion,  if 
it  is  pure  and  unsophisticated,  all  immoralities  are  in- 
compatible. Music  and  poetry  therefore,  which  ought 
to  be  inseparably  blended,  are  the  grand  pivots  of  a 
really  brave,  active,  warlike,  and  virtuous  society.  This 
doctrine,  I  am  conscious,  may  shock  quakers,  puritans, 
and  rigid  sectarists  of  every  kind ;  but  I  do  not  speak 
to  quakers,  puritans,  and  rigid  sectarists.  At  the  first, 
and  from  the  bottom  of  my  heart,  I  detest  and  despise 
them.  I  speak  to  men  and  soldiers,  who  wish,  and  are 
able,  to  assert  and  defend  the  rights  of  humanity  ;  and, 
let  me  add,  to  vindicate  the  character  of  God  Almighty, 
and  real  Christianity,  which  have  been  so  long  dishon- 
ored by  sectarists  of  every  kind  and  complexion,  catho- 
lics, church  of  England  men,  presbyterians  and  metho- 
dists.  I  could  wish  therefore,  that  the  community  of 
soldiers  (who  are  to  be  all  Christians)  should  establish 
one  common  form  of  worship,  with  which  every  mem- 
ber must  acquiesce,  at  least  'in  attendance  on  divine 
worship  and  the  observation  of  the  prescribed  cere- 
monies ;  but  these  so  contrived  as  not  to  shock  any  man 


192  •      THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

who  has  been  bred  up  in  any  of  the  different  sects.  For 
which  reason,  let  all  expositions  of  the  scripture,  and 
all  dogmas,  be  forever  banished.  Let  it  be  sufficient 
.that  he  acknowledges  the  existence,  providence,  and 
goodness  of  God  Almighty;  that  he  reverences  Jesus 
Christ,  but  let  the  question  never  be  asked  whether  he 
considers  Jesus  Christ  as  only  a  divine  person  commis- 
sioned by  God  for  divine  purposes,  as  the  Son  of  God, 
or  as  God  himself.  These  sophistical  subtilties  only 
]ead  to  a  doubt  of  the  whole.  Let  it  be  sufficient  there- 
fore that  he  believes  in  God,  in  his  providence,  and  in 
the  mediation  of  Jesus  Christ,  whether  a  real  God,  or 
only  a  divinely  inspired  mortal  :  for  which  reason,  to 
prevent  the  impertinence  and  ill  consequences  of  dog- 
matising, no  professional  priest,  of  any  sort  whatever, 
shall  be  admitted  in  the  community.  But  still  I  am  of 
opinion  that  a  sacred  order,  or  hierarchy,  should  be  es- 
tablished, and  in  the  following  manner.  That  this  hier- 
archy are  not  to  be  expositors  of  the  divine  law,  which 
ought  to  be  understood  by  every  member  of  common 
capacity,  but  as  the  servitors  or  administrators  of  the 
solemn  ceremonies  to  be  observed  in  the  worship  of  the 
Supreme  Being,  of  his  Son,  or  missionary." 

"  The  ceremonies  are  to  consist  in  poetical  hymns  of 
praise  and  thanksgiving,  set  to  music ;  such,  for  in- 
stance, as  Pope's  Universal  Prayer,  parts  of  the  Com- 
mon Prayer,  and  many  pieces  selected  from  the  Psalms 
of  David  :  for  those  long  prayers  with  which  all  the 
churches  of  the  different  sects  are  infested,  entering 
into  such  minute  details  with  God  Almighty,  as  if  he 
was  your  factor  in  a  foreign  country,  have  been  justly 
deemed  by  many  wise  men  not  only  tiresome,  but  im- 
pious impertinences. 

"  Ablutions,  such  as  are  practised  in  the  religions  of 
the  East,  seem  to  me  to  be  really  a  divine  institution. 
These  Easterns  wisely  say,  that  a  pure  soul  cannot  in- 
habit a  filthy  body ;  that  a  purified  body  is  the  best 
symbol  of  a  clean  spirit ;  that  it  is  indecent  and  wicked 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  193 

to  present  yourself  before  your  Creator  in  a  dirtier  con- 
dition than  you  ought  to  appear  in  before  an  earthly 
superior.  Admitting  these  figures  to  be  hyperbolical, 
the  institution  certainly  is  extremely  wise,  as  it  contrib- 
utes so  essentially  to  health  and  the  agreements  of 
society." 

"  A  grand  religious  concert  of  thanksgivings  to  be 
performed  every  Sunday ;  and  two  other  days  in  the 
week,  suppose  Tuesdays  and  Fridays,  but  shorter,  and 
with  less  pomp ;  for  there  is  nothing  so  impolitick 
as  to  make  pomp  and  ceremony  too  ^frequent ;  they 
entirely  lose  their  effect.  The  thanksgivings  or  hymns, 
therefore,  on  these  common  days,  to  be  extremely  short, 
but  sensible  and  energetic.  Long  prayers,  such  as  the 
morning  service  of  the  Church  of  England,  with  the 
addition  of  a  long  unmeaning  sermon,  hummed  through 
the  nose,  perhaps,  of  a  crop-sick  parson,  who  can 
scarcely  read  his  own  writing,  or  the  still  more  insuffer- 
able cant  of  the  puritan  preachers,  must  be  the  bane  of 
all  religion.  ...  In  short,  the  ceremonies  of  di- 
vine worship  must  be  made  solemn,  pompous,  and  ele- 
vating ;  but  we  will  quit  the  subject  of  religion,  and 
pass  to  the  law. 

"  As  an  agrarian  law  is  to  be  established  and  rigidly 
observed,  and  as  the  children  of  both  sexes  are  to  in- 
herit an  equal  proportion  (for  this  is  to  be  a  fundamen- 
tal maxim),  the  most  simple  code  may  be  extracted  for 
civil  cases,  from  the  common  laws  of  England,  or  from 
those  of  Denmark,  which  appear  to  be  excellent.  A 
professional  lawyer,  therefore,  will  be  totally  unneces- 
sary :  indeed  I  should  as  soon  think  of  inoculating  my 
community  for  the  plague,  as  admitting  one  of  these 
gentlemen  to  reside  among  us.  All  requisite  knowledge 
of  the  law  will  be  the  common  accomplishment  of  every 

fentleman.     .     .     .     With  respect  to  criminal  matters, 
would  adopt  Beccaria's  scheme :  its  excellencies  have 
been  demonstrated  in  the  Tuscan   dominions.     When 
the  present  Grand  Duke  acceded  to  the  ducal  throne, 
13 


194  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

he  found  Tuscany  the  most  abandoned  nation  of  all 
Italy,  filled  with  robbers  and  assassins.  Everywhere 
for  a  series  of  years  previous  to  the  government  of  this 
excellent  prince,  were  seen  gallows,  wheels,  and  tortures 
of  every  kind  ;  and  the  robberies  and  murders  were 
not  at  all  less  frequent.  He  had  read  and  admired 
the  Marquis  of  Beccaria,  and  determined  to  try  the  ef- 
fects of  his  plan.  He  put  a  stop  to  all  capital  punish- 
ments, even  for  the  greatest  crimes ;  and  the  conse- 
quences have  convinced  the  world  of  its  wholesomeness. 
.  .  .  Tuscany,  from  being  a  theatre  of  the  greatest 
crimes  and  villanies  of  every  species,  is  become  the 
safest  and  best  ordered  state  of  Europe.  .  .  .  But 
if  we  had  not  this  example,  and  that  of  the  Empress 
Elizabeth  (who  adopted  the  same  plan  with  the  same 
good  effect),  before  our  eyes,  the  inculcating  an  idea 
in  a  military  people  that  death  is  iiie  most  terrible  of 
all  punishments,  is  certainly  the  most  absurd  of  sole- 
cisms. Nothing  great  can  be  expected  from  a  commu- 
nity which  is  taught  to  consider  it  as  such.  On  the  con- 
trarv,  deatli  ou^ht,  as  far  as  human  nature  will  admit. 

t/  '  O         ' 

to  V>e  made  a  matter  of  indifference."  .  .  .  "I 
have  often  laughed  at  the  glaring  contradiction  in  the 
proceedings,  in  this  article,  in  the  British  armies,  and 
others  in  which  I  have  served.  I  have  seen*  two  or 
three  wretches,  who  had  the  misfortune  to  be  detected  in 
marauding,  or  attempting  to  desert,  taken  out  with  aw- 
ful form,  encircled  by  a  multitude  who  had  been  guilty 
of,  or  had  intended  to  have  committed  the  same  crimes, 
but  happily  had  not  been  discovered  ;  the  chaplain,  in 
his  canonicals,  telling  them  how  dreadful  a  thing  it 
was  for  their  souls  to  be  divorced  from  their  bodies, 
and  to  be  urged  on  to  the  tribunal  of  their  Maker  with 
these  horrid  sins  on  their  heads.  A  few  hours  after-- 
wards, some  desperate  expedition  is  ordered  to  be  exe- 
cuted by  the  very  men  who  had  been  present  at  the 
execution,  who  had  committed,  or  intended  to  commit, 
the  very  same  horrid  crimes ;  and  the  officer  appointed 
to  command  the  expedition  harangues  the  soldiers  as 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  195 

usual ;  assures  them  that  death  is  not  a  serious  affair  ; 
that,  as  all  men  must  sooner  or  later  die,  it  is  of  little 
moment  when  it  happens.  Thus  it  may  be  said  we  blow 
hot  and  cold  with  the  same  breath.  I  am  therefore 
absolutely  and  totally  against  capital  punishments,  at 
least  in  our  military  community.  Let  the  loss  of  liberty 
and  ignominy  be  inculcated  as  the  extreme  of  all  pun- 
ishments," <fec.,  &G. 

But  enough  of  Lee's  military  reveries.  Of  his  pam- 
phlets and  letters  the  most  striking  are  those  writ- 
ten on  occasions  when  his  passions  were  strongly  ex- 
cited ;  his  style  is  often  very  nervous,  and  his  sallies 
extremely  poignant.  His  indignation  seems  to  have 
been  raised  to  fever  heat  by  the  publication  of  Hume's 
history  of  our  first  kings  of  the  house  of  Stuart,  a  race 
whom  my  cousin  held  in  particular  abhorrence,  though 
it  must  be  owned  that  he  came  to  regard  the  royal 
family  of  Brunswick  with  an  almost  equal  antipathy. 
From  two  short  essays  which  he  left  among  his  papers, 
it  appears  that  he  entertained  intentions  of  writing  an 
examen  of  the  work  of  David  Hume,  "  whose  philo- 
sophical character  and  speciousness  of  style  (says  Lee) 
render  him  infinitely  more  dangerous  than  his  fellow- 
labourers  in  misleading  our  judgment  and  blinding  our 
understandings." 


LIFE 


OF 


CHARLES    LEE, 
MAJOR-GENERAL  IN  THE  ARMY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION  ; 


BY 


JARED   SPARKS. 


Reprinted  from  Sparks's  American  Biography,  Vol.  18,  Boston,  1846. 


CONTENTS. 


Preface 203 

CHAPTER   I. 

Birth  and  Education. — Joins  the  Army. — Cam- 
paigns  in  America  during  the  French  War.— 
Wounded  in  the  Attack  upon  Ticonderoga  under 
General  Abercromby. — Aids  in  the  Conquest  of 
Niagara  and  Montreal. — Returns  to  Europe. — 
Writes  a  Pamphlet  in  Favor  of  retaining  Can- 
ada at  the  Peace. — Engaged  in  a  Campaign  in 
Portugal. — Successful  Action  at  Villa  Velha. .  205 

CHAPTER  II. 

Projects  a  Plan  for  a  Colony  on  the  Ohio  River. 
—  Writes  on  the  Affairs  of  the  Colonies. — Goes 
to  Poland,  and  becomes  Aid-de-  Camp  to  the 
King  Stanislaus. —  Visits  Constantinople. — Re- 
turns to  England. — His  Remarks  on  Politics 
and  public  Men. — Disappointed  in  his  Hope  of 
Promotion. — Returns  to  Poland  by  Way  of 
Paris  and  Vienna 214 

CHAPTER  III. 

Appointed  a  Major-General  in  the  Polish  Army. 
—Enters  the  Russian  Service,  and  performs  a 
(Campaign  against  the  Turks. — Travels  through 
Hungary  to  Italy. — Returns  to  England  by 
Way  of  Minorca  and  Gibraltar .226 


200  •  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

PAGE 

His  'Sentiments  and  Writings  on  political  Sub- 
jects.— A.  resolute  Friend  and  Defender  of  Lib- 
erty.—  The  Authorship  of  the  Letters  of  Junius 
ascribed  to  him. — Discussion  of  that  Question.  .  232 

CHAPTER  V. 

Arrives  in  America. —  Travels  in  the  Middle  and 
Eastern  Provinces. — Letters  to  General  Gage 
and  Lord  Percy. — In  Philadelphia  at  the  /Sit- 
ting of  the  first  Continental  Congress. — Dr. 
Myles  Cooper's  Pamphlet. — Lee's  Answer.— 
His  Account  of  the  political  State  of  the  Colo- 
nies.—Embraces  with  Ardor  the  Cause  of  the 
Americans. —  Visits  Maryland  and  Virginia. 
— Purchases  an  Estate  in  Virginia 238 

CHAPTER   VI. 

Lee  appointed  Major -General  in  the  American 
Army. — Proceeds  with'  Washington  to  the 
Camp  at  Cambridge. — His  Reception  by  the 
Massachusetts  Congress. — Correspondence  with 
General  J3urgoyne. — Assists  in  reorganizing 
the  Army. — Goes  to  Newport. — Administers 
an  Oath  to  the  Tories 249 

CHAPTER   VII. 

Takes  the  Command  in  New  York. — Alarm  of 
the  Inhabitants. — Enters  the  City  with  Troops 
from  Connecticut. — His  Plan  of  Defence. — 
Fortifies  the  City. — Takes  Measures  for  seizing 
the  Tories. — Appointed  to  the  Command  in 
Canada,  and  subsequently  to  that  of  the  Southern 
Department. 260 


CONTENTS.  201 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

PAGE 

Proceeds  to  Virginia. — His  Operations  against 
Lord  Dunmore. — Coiistructs  armed  Boats  for 
the  Rivers. — Recommends  the  Use  of  Spears. — 
Attempts  to  form  a  Body  of  Cavalry. — Advises 
the  Seizure  of  Governor  Eden. — Intercepted 
Letters  unfold  the  Plan  of  the  Enemy. — Re- 
moval of  disaffected  Persons. — Letter  to  Pat- 
rick Henry,  urging  a  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence.— Enemy  land  in  North  Carolina. — He 
marches  to  meet  them,  and  advances  to  South 
Carolina.  . 270 

CHAPTER   IX. 

Takes  Command  of  the  Troops  in  South  Caro- 
lina.— Preparations  for  Defence. — Affair  at 
Fort  Moultrie. — British  retire  from  Carolina. 
— General  Lee  marches  to  Georgia. — Plans  an 
Expedition  against  East  Florida. — Recalled  to 
the  North  by  Congress. — Joins  the  main  Army 
at  Haerlem  Heights. — Marches  to  White  Plains. 
-  Washington  crosses  the  Hudson,  and  Lee 
left  in  Command  of  the  Eastern  Troops  at 
White  Plains 282 

CHAPTER  X. 

Ordered  to  cross  the  Hudson  and  join  the  Army 
under  Washington. — His  Dispute  with  General 
Heath. — Marches  into  New  Jersey. — -Dilatory 
in  obeying  Orders. — Captured  l>y  the  Enemy  at 
Baskingridge. — Held  as  a  Deserter,  and  closely 
confined.- — Washington  threatens  Retaliation.— 
Allowed  the  Privilege  of  Parole, — Exchanged. 
—Resumes  his  Command  in  the  Army  at  Val- 
ley Forge 292 


202  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XL 

PAGE 

Battle  of  Monmouth. — Lee  opposes  a  general  Ac- 
tion in  a  Council  of  War. — Takes  Command 
of  the  advanced  Division. — Engages  the  Enemy. 
— Retreats. — Interview  with  Washington.  .  .  300 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Correspondence  between  Lee  and  Washington. — 
Lee's  Arrest.  —  Charges. — Trial  by  a  Court- 
Martial. — Remarks  on  the  Testimony,  and  on 
the  Decision  of  the  Court 308 

CHAPTER   XIII. 

Decision  of  the  Court- Martial  laid  before  Con- 
gress.—  Confirmed,  after  much  Delay. — Lee  re- 
tires to  his  Estate  in  Virginia. — His  Manner 
of  Life. —  Writes  Political  and  Military  Que- 
ries.—  Washington's  Remarks  on  them. — Lee  re- 
signs his  Commission  in  the  Army,  which  is 
accepted  by  Congress.  .  .  - 317 

CHAPTER   XIV. 

Continues  to  reside  at  Ms  Estate. — Engages  in 

political  Discussions. — Freedom  of  the  Press. 

-  Visits   Baltimore    and    Philadelphia. — His 

Death. — Remarks   on   his    diaracter,  and    on 

some  of  the  Incidents  of  his  Life 327 


PREFACE. 


AFTER  the  death  of  General  Lee.  his  papers  fell  into 
the  hands  of  Mr.  William  Goddard,  of  Baltimore,  and 
have  since  been  preserved  in  his  family.  He  issued 
proposals  for  publishing  selected  parts  of  them  in 
three  volumes  ;  but,  for  some  reason  not  explained,  this 
design  was  never  fulfilled.  A  few  years  afterwards, 
Mr.  Lang  worthy  published  a  brief  selection  in  a  small 
volume,  to  which  an  imperfect  Memoir  of  his  life  was 
prefixed.  Recently,  another  Memoir,  more  valuable 
and  interesting,  has  appeared  in  England,  from  the  pen 
of  Sir  Henry  Bunbury. 

In  addition  to  these  sources,  the  writer  of  the  follow- 
ing sketch  has  been  favored  by  Mr.  William  G.  God- 
dard with  the  use  of  the  original  papers  left  by  Gen- 
eral Lee.  Among  these  are  letter-books  containing  his 
official  correspondence  during  a  large  part  of  the  pe- 
riod of  his  public  service  in  the  revolution ;  and  also 
many  drafts  of  letters  written  in  England,  Poland,  Italy, 
and  other  countries,  before  he  came  to  America.  Ac- 
cess has  likewise  been  had  to  his  correspondence  with 
Congress,  General  Washington,  and  the  prominent 
leaders  in  the  civil  and  military  lines,  while  he  resided 
in  America.  To  the  kindness  of  Sir  Henry  Bunbury 
the  writer  is  indebted  for  a  copy  of  more  than  thirty  of 
General  Lee's  letters  to  his  sister;  and  his  particular 
acknowledgments  are  due  to  Captain  Ralph  R.  Worme- 
ley,  R.  N.,  of  London,  and  Mr.  William  B.  Reed,  of 
Philadelphia,  for  the  generous  aid  they  have  rendered 
in  enabling  him  to  procure  other  material s.j 


CHAPTER  I. 

Birth  and  Education. — Joins  the  Army. —  Campaigns 
in  America  during  the  French  War. —  Wounded  in 
the  Attack  upon  Ticonderoga  under  General  Aber- 
cromby. — Aids  in  the  Conquest  of  Niagara  and 
Montreal. — Returns  to  Europe. —  Writes  a  Pamphlet 
in  Favor  of  retaining  Canada  at  the  Peace. — En- 
gaged in  a  Campaign  in  Portugal. — Successful  Ac- 
tion at  Villa  Velha. 

AMONG  those  distinguished  in  the  American  revolu- 
tion, few  began  their  career  with  brighter  prospects, 
or  closed  it  under  a  darker  cloud,  than  General  Charles 
Lee.  Endowed  with  uncommon  abilities,  possessing  a 
chivalrous  spirit,  a  soldier  of  long  experience  and  un- 
daunted courage,  a  true  friend  of  liberty  and  of  the 
rights  of  mankind,  he  engaged  in  the  cause  with  an  ar- 
dor, which  gained  for  him  at  once  the  confidence  and 
raised  high  the  hopes  of  the  whole  people.  But  these 
eminent  qualities  were  shaded  by  a  waywardness  of 
temper,  a  rashness  of  resolution,  a  license  of  speech,  an 
eager  ambition,  and  an  eccentricity  of  manners,  which 
defeated  his  own  lofty  purposes,  and  disappointed  the 
expectations  of  those,  who  received  him  as  a  friend,  and 
hailed  him  as  a  benefactor.  It  would  be  ungrateful  to 
say,  that  he  did  not  render  to  this  country,  in  the  time 
of  her  trial,  important  services ;  it  would  be  futile  to 
deny,  that,  by  his  indiscretion  and  ill-timed  vehemence, 
he  contributed  much  to  diminish  the  respect,  which 
these  services  might  otherwise  claim.  He  was  alike  the 
artificer  of  the  envied  reputation  which  he  enjoyed  at 
one  period  of  his  life,  and  of  the  misfortunes  that  cast 
a  gloom  over  its  close. 

o 

CHARLES  LEE  was  a  native  of  England,  the  youngest 


206  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

son  of  General  John  Lee,  of  Dernhall,  in  Cheshire. 
His  mother  was  Isabella,  the  second  daughter  of  Sir 
Henry  Bunbuiy,  of  Stanney,  in  the  same  county.  He 
was  born  in  1731,  and  from  childhood  was  destined  to 
the  profession  of  arms,  having  received  a  commission 
at  eleven  years  of  age.  Little  is  known  of  his  early 
education  and  discipline.  For  some  time  he  was 
placed  at  the  grammar  school  of  Bury  St.  Edmunds, 
and  also  at  a  school  in  Switzerland,  where,  in  addition 
to  the  Latin  and  Greek  classics,  he  obtained  a  thorough 
knowledge  of  the  French  language. 

Whatever  advantages  he  may  have  enjoyed,  his  sub- 
sequent writings  prove  that  he  turned  them  to  good  ac- 
count. Ardent,  ambitious,  and  of  exceedingly  quick 
parts,  he  pursued  with  avidity  whatsoever  he  took  in 
hand.  His  reading  was  extensive,  and  not  confined  in 
its  range  or  in  the  subjects  to  which  it  was  directed. 
By  study,  and  by  his  rambles  in  various  countries,  he 
acquired  a  competent  skill  in  the  Spanish,  Italian,  and 
German  tongues.  Among  his  papers  are  many  frag- 
ments, in  his  own  handwriting,  in  Latin,  French,  and 
Italian,  showing  that  the  use  of  these  languages  was 
familiar  to  him.  In  short,  his  education,  as  qualifying 
him  for  the  practical  affairs  of  life,  would  seem  to  have 
been  not  inferior  to  that  of  many,  who  go  through  the 
more  regular  forms  of  a  university  course. 

As  the  time  approached  for  entering  upon  the  active 
duties  of  his  profession,  he  devoted  much  attention  to 
the  science  of  military  tactics.  At  the  age  of  twenty- 
four  we  find  him  at  the  head  of  a  company  of  grena- 
diers. The  long  war,  which  severed  Canada  from  the 
French  power,  was  just  at  this  time  breaking  out,  and 
the  young  officer  was  destined  to  gain  his  first  experi- 
ence in  arms  on  the  frontiers  of  the  American  colo- 
nies. 

For  the  campaign  of  1757,  the  British  ministry  formed 
the  grand  project  of  taking  Louisburg,  the  Gibraltar  of 
America,  which  had  been  captured,  during  the  last 
war,  chiefly  by  an  expedition  from  New  England,  but 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  207 

inconsiderately  given  back  to  the  French  at  the  treaty 
of  Aix-la-Chapelle.  It  was  now  determined  to  recover 
this  formidable  fortress.  Early  in  the  spring,  the  troops 
for  the  expedition  were  drawn  together  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Cork,  in  Ireland,  and  vessels  of  war  and  trans- 
ports were  assembled  for  their  embarkation  at  that  port. 
The  regiment  to  which  Lee  belonged  was  destined  to 
take  a  part  in  this  enterprise.  A  large  fleet,  consist- 
ing of  ships  of  the  line,  frigates,  and  transports,  with 
five  thousand  troops,  sailed  from  the  harbor  of  Cork  on 
the  8th  of  May.  The  fleet  kept  together  twelve  days, 
when  it  was  separated  by  a  fog,  and  again  by  a  storm; 
but  all  the  vessels  arrived  at  Halifax  in  the  early  part 
of  July.  They  were  here  joined  by  six  thousand  men 
from  New  York,  and  all  the  preliminary  measures  were 
adopted  without  delay  for  the  grand  object  of  the  ex- 
pedition. 

Intelligence  was  soon  received,  however,  that  the 
French  had  thrown  so  strong  a  force  into  Louisburg, 
and  guarded  it  by  so  many  heavy  ships,  that  it  was  in- 
expedient to  hazard  an  attack.  And  thus  the  scheme, 
which  had  begun  with  such  a  vast  array  of  preparation, 
was  deferred  till  the  next  year. 

Meantime,  the  troops  were  employed  at  Halifax,  and 
in  other  garrisons  of  Nova  Scotia  ;  but  in  the  early  part 
of  the  following  year,  a  large  detachment  of  this  army 
was  sent  to  New  York.  It  is  uncertain  whether  Lee 
accompanied  these  troops,  or  preceded  them ;  but  he  was 
in  New  York  and  Philadelphia  early  in  the  spring  of 
1758,  and  in  the  following  June  we  find  him  stationed 
with  a  part  of  the  army  at  Schenectady.  Some  time 
after  he  left  England,  he  purchased  a  company  in  the 
forty -fourth  regiment,  for  which  he  paid  nine  hundred 
pounds. 

While  at  Schenectady,  he  had  much  intercourse  with 
the  Mohawk  Indians,  and  was  captivated  by  their  man- 
ners, their  "  hospitable,  civil  and  friendly  "  deportment, 
the  personal  beauty  of  many  of  them,  their  dress,  their 
graceful  carriage,  and  by  what  he  calls  their  good  breed- 


208  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

ing,  or  "  constant  desire  to  do  everything  that  will 
please  you,  and  strict  carefulness  not  to  say  or  do  any- 
thing that  may  offend  you."  He  became  so  great  a 
favorite  with  them,  that  he  was  adopted  into  the  tribe 
of  the  Bear,  under  the  name  of  Ounewaterika,  which 
signifies  boiling  water,  or  one  whose  spirits  are  never 
asleep.  By  this  adoption,  among  other  marks  of  dis- 
tinction, he  acquired  the  privilege  of  smoking  a  pipe  in 
their  councils.* 

But  he  was  not  destined  long  to  enjoy  these  honors. 
His  regiment  was  ordered  to  march  to  Fort  William 
Henry,  at  the  south  end  of  Lake  George  ;  and,  by  the 
1st  of  July,  ten  thousand  provincials  and  six  thousand 
regular  troops  were  assembled  at  that  place,  under  the 
command  of  General  Abercromby.  Then  followed  the 
memorable  assault  on  Ticonderoga,  in  which  the  Eng- 
lish were  repulsed  with  a  heavy  loss,  the  gallant  Lord 
Howe  was  killed,  and  Stark  and  other  provincial  offi- 
cers gave  proofs  of  the  spirit  and  valor,  that  were  to  be 
called  to  a  severer  trial  at  a  future  day. 

Lee  was  wounded  while  bravely  attempting  to  pene- 
trate to  the  French  breastworks.  In  a  letter  to  a  friend, 
written  a  few  days  after  the  action,  he  says,  "  It  is  with 
the  greatest  difficulty  that  I  make  out  a  few  lines  to 
you,  as  I  have  received  a  very  bad  wound  in  the  side, 
which  has,  I  believe,  broken  some  of  my  ribs,  and  ren- 
dered it  almost  impossible  for  me  to  raise  myself  from 
my  bed."  He  then  describes  the  principal  operations 
of  the  army  from  the  time  it  left  Fort  William  Henry, 
in  more  than  a  thousand  boats  launched  on  the  waters 
of  Lake  George,  till  it  returned  from  this  disastrous  ex- 
pedition. According  to  his  belief,  and.  he  says,  the  be- 
lief of  the  other  officers,  the  disgraceful  failure  was  ow- 
ing to  the  weakness  and  cowardice  of  the  General,  who 
left  the  troops  exposed  in  a  hopeless  conflict  without 
orders  for  five  hours  in  front  of  the  lines  of  Ticonderoga, 
and  who  retreated  precipitately  up  Lake  George  with 

*  MS.  Letter  dated  at  Schenectady,  June  18th,  1758. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  209 

the  whole  army,  when  he  might  have  renewed  the  as- 
sault with  a  moral  certainty  of  success.* 

Lee,  with  other  wounded  officers,  was  removed  to 
Albany,  where  he  remained  till  his  wound  was  healed. 
He  was  next  stationed  on  Long  Island,  at  which  place 
he  probably  continued  through  the  winter.  In  this 
encampment  he  was  led  into  an  adventure,  which  might 
have  ended  in  fatal  consequences.  A  person,  whom  he 
calls  "  a  little  cowardly  surgeon,"  treated  him  very  ill, 
composing  a  libel  on  him,  and  reading  it  to  the  General. 
The  affront  drew  from  Lee  a  severe  chastisement.  The 
surgeon  had  not  the  spirit  to  resent  it  in  the  way  usu- 
ally practised  by  military  men,  when  points  of  honor 
are  concerned.  He  placed  himself  in  a  road  where  he 
knew  Lee  was  to  pass,  seized  the  bridle  of  his  horse, 
presented  a  pistol  at  his  breast,  and  fired.  At  that  in- 
stant the  horse  started  to  the  right,  and  Lee  escaped 
with  a  contusion  on  his  body.  The  ruffian  drew  another 
pistol,  but  it  was  struck  from  his  hand  by  Captain  Dun- 
bar,  who  happened  to  be  present.  The  affair  was  set- 
tled afterwards,  by  the  consent  of  Lee  and  D unbar,  on 
condition  that  the  culprit  should  make  a  public  ac- 
knowledgment of  his  crime  and  leave  the  army.f 

The  next  campaign  was  performed  by  the  regiment 
to  which  Lee  belonged  in  the  expedition  against  the 
French  garrison  at  Niagara.  The  place  was  invested 

*  In  the  same  letter  he  pays  the  following  tribute  to  that  gallant  young  offi- 
cer, Lord  Howe,  who  was  killed  in  a  skirmish  at  the  head  of  an  advancing 
column,  the  day  before  the  attack  on  Ticonderoga.  "  Very  few  men  were 
lost  on  our  side,  in  this  skirmish  ;  but  among  these  few  was  the  most  esti- 
mable Lord  Howe,  whose  only  fault  was  that  of  not  knowing  his  own  value.  In 
short,  the  loss  of  him  was  so  great,  that  it  would  not  be  rant  or  exaggeration  to 
exclaim,  as  Antony  does  on  Caesar's  death  : 

'  O,  what  a  fall  was  there,  my  countrymen  ! 
Then  I,  and  you,  and  all  of  us  fell  down.' 

It  was  entirely  owing  to  his  activity  and  industry,  that  everything  was  in 
readiness  at  so  much  an  earlier  season  of  the  year  than  usual ;  it  was  owing  to 
his  weight,  consequence,  and  spirit,  that  the  General  was  kept  from  following 
the  dictates  of  his  weak  and  despicable  managers  solely  and  implicitly,  as  he 
did  afterwards;  and  it  is  most  certain,  that  had  he  lived,  the  public  would 
not  have  suffered  this  loss,  nor  our  arms  have  been  disgraced  in  this  manner." 
MS.  Letter. 

\  MS.  Letter,  dated  at  Long  Island,  December  7th,  1758. 


210  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

by  two  thousand  British  troops,  and  one  thousand  Indi- 
ans of  the  Six  Nations,  under  General  Prideaux.  After 
a  siege  of  nineteen  days,  and  a  sharp  action  with  a  body 
of  French  and  Indians,  who  were  coming  as  a  re-en- 
forcement, in  which  the  English  were  victorious,  the 
garrison  capitulated.  The  conquest  was  very  impor- 
tant, since  it  cut  off  the  channel  of  intercourse  between 
the  French  in  Canada  and  Louisiana,  and  threw  into 
the  hands  of  the  English  the  entire  control  of  the  up- 
per lakes.  Captain  Lee  was  much  exposed  during  the 
engagement  with  the  French  and  Indians,  and  two  balls 
grazed  his  hair. 

O 

Soon  after  the  capitulation,  Lee  was  sent  with  an- 
other officer  and  fourteen  men  to  ascertain  what  became 
of  the  remnant  of  the  French  army  that  escaped  from 
the  battle.  They  were  the  first  English  troops  that 
ever  crossed  Lake  Erie.  They  went  to  Presq'  Isle,  and 
thence  by  way  of  Venango  down  the  western  branch  of 
the  Ohio  to  Fort  Duquesne,  which  was  then  in  possession 
of  the  British.  He  remained  there  but  a  short  time, 
when  he  began  a  long  march  of  seven  hundred  miles  to 
meet  General  Amherst  at  Crown  Point.  From  this 
place  he  performed  another  march  to  Oswego,  and  was 
then  ordered  to  Philadelphia,  where  he  was  stationed 
through  the  winter  on  the  recruiting  service.* 

In  the  campaign  of  1760,  Lee's  regiment  was  at- 
tached to  the  forces  led  by  General  Amherst  from  Lake 
Ontario  down  the  St.  Lawrence  to  Montreal,  a  naviga- 
tion never  before  undertaken  by  a  British  army.  The 
surrender  of  Montreal  completed  the  conquest  of 
Canada,  so  nobly  begun  the  year  before  by  Wolfe  on 
the  Plains  of  Abraham,  and  closed  the  war  in  America. 
Lee  soon  afterwards  returned  to  England. 

This  brief  sketch  has  been  given,  not  with  a  view  of 
illustrating  the  personal  conduct  or  military  merit  of 
the  young  captain  of  grenadiers  ;  there  are  no  materials 
for  a  narrative  of  this  kind  ;  in  his  letters  he  speaks 
little  of  his  own  adventures ;  but  these  four  years  of 

*  MS.  Letter,  dated  at  Philadelphia,  March  1st,  1760. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  211 

unremitted  service,  during  which  his  days  and  nights 
were  wholly  passed  in  camps  or  in  the  field,  must  have 
furnished  a  mind  like  his  with  most  valuable  lessons  of 
experience  as  an  officer,  and  inured  him  to  the  habits 
and  privations  of  a  soldier's  life.* 

Canada  being  now  conquered,  and  the  war  drawing 
to  a  close,  the  terms  of  peace  began  to  be  warmly  dis- 
cussed by  different  parties  in  England.  One  party  was 
for  restoring  Canada  to  the  French,  and  taking  Guada- 
loupe  and  other  possessions  in  the  West  Indies  as  an 
equivalent.  This  scheme  was  defended  by  the  able  and 
eloquent  pen  of  Burke.  On  the  other  side,  Franklin 
urged,  with  singular  clearness  and  force  of  reasoning, 
the  policy  of  holding  Canada.  In  the  course  of  the 
controversy,  Charles  Lee  is  said  to  have  entered  the 
lists  in  defence  of  the  same  policy,  and  to  have  written 
a  pamphlet  which  received  the  commendation  of  Frank- 
lin, f 

*  General  Armstrong  relates  the  following  anecdote  of  Lee  in  his  Life  of 
Montgomery.  When  the  British  finally  captured  Louisburg,  in  1758,  a  bomb 
thrown  from  the  fort  knocked  off  the 'hat  and  grazed  the  sknll  of  General  Law- 
rence, who  was  standing  in  the  trenches,  but  without  seriously  injuring  him. 
When  Lee  heard  of  this  incident,  he  exclaimed,  "I'll  resign  to-morrow.'' 
"Why  so  ?"  asked  the  person  to  whom  he  spoke.  "Because,"  said  the  wit, 
"none  but  a  fool  will  remain  in  a  service  in  which  the  generals'  heads  are 
bomb-proof." 

f  It  has  been  supposed,  that  Lee  wrote  the  tract  entitled  "Considerations 
on  the  Importance  of  Canada,  and  the  Bay  and  River  of  St.  Lawrence,"  pub- 
lished in  London,  1759.  The  style  of  this  performance,  however,  bears  no  re- 
semblance to  that  of  the  writings  known  to  have  come  from  his  pen.  More- 
over, the  dedication  to  Mr.  Pitt,  prefixed  to  the  pamphlet,  is  dated  "London, 
October  17th,  1759,"  at  which  time  Lee  was  probably  in  America. 

The  conjecture  that  he  wrote  "  A  Letter  to  an  Honorable  Brigadier-General, 
Commander-in-Chief  of  his  Majesty's  Forces  in  Canada,"  published  in  1760, 
is  more  probable.  The  style  bears  strong  marks  of  his  peculiar  vein  and  man- 
ner, and  the  sentiments  accord  with  those  which  he  expressed*  oil'  other  occa- 
sions. It  is  a  severe  and  pungent  philippic  against  General  Townshend,  who 
assumed  the  command  after  the  death  of  Wolfe,  and  who,  in  his  public  des- 
patches, was  more  brief  in  his  praises  of  the  immortal  hero  of  the  Plains  of 
Abraham,  than  his  extraordinary  merits  and  services  justly  required.  In  one 
of  his  letters  written  from  America  a  few  months  after  this  event,  Lee  says, 
"  What  an  irreparable  loss  was  that  glorious  hero,  Wolfe  !  and  such  frankness, 
such  unbounded  generosity  to  particulars,  such  zeal  for  the  public,  with  such 
amazing  talents  for  war,  that  not  to  be  in  raptures  with  this  divine  character, 
is,  I  think,  an  impiety  to  our  country,  which  gave  him  birth.  General  Town- 
shend seems  to  have  been  sparing  of  his  eulogiums  upon  the  fallen  conqueror, 
on  whom  (as  the  whole  glory  of  this  mighty  acquisition  was  conferred  on  him 
by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  army)  he  seems  to  hav.e  looked,  with  an  invidi- 


212  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

Meantime,  Lee  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel, and  was  soon  called  again  into  active 
service.  Spain  had  committed  hostilities  upon  Portu- 

fal,  and  threatened  to  overwhelm  that  country  with 
er  armies,  mainly  to  compel  this  latter  power  to  join 
France  and  Spain  in  their  war  against  England.  For 
a  long  time,  a  treaty  of  peace  and  amity  had  existed 
between  England  and  his  Portuguese  Majesty,  and  he 
could  see  no  reason  why  he  should  violate  his  faith,  and 
desert  an  old  friend,  for  the  sake  of  embroiling  himself 
in  the  quarrels  of  his  neighbors,  in  which  he  had  no 
concern.  In  this  state  of  things,  his  Britannic  Majesty 
could  do  no  less  than  sustain  the  cause  of  an  ally,  who 
had  thus  continued  faithful  to  his  pledges.  An  army 

X^  O  %/ 

of  eight  thousand  men  was  despatched  to  Portugal, 
commanded  at  first  by  Lord  Tyrawley,  and  afterwards 
by  the  Earl  of  Loudoun.  Among  the  other  officers 
were  Brigadier-General  Burgoyne  and  Colonel  Charles 
Lee. 

Before  the  arrival  of  these  troops,  the  Spaniards  had 
passed  the  frontiers  of  Portugal,  committed  deprada- 
tions,  and  made  themselves  masters  of  several  impor- 
tant cities.  The  combined  English  and  Portuguese 

O  O 

armies  were  at  length  put  under  the  command  of  the 
Count  de  la  Lippe,  who  had  won  a  brilliant  reputation 
in  the  German  wars.  After  various  manoeuvres  and 
battles,  the  Spaniards  were  checked  in  their  progress, 
and,  at  the  end  of  the  campaign,  they  retired  within 
their  own  borders.  Lee  acquitted  himself  honorably 
during  this  service,  and  on  one  occasion  gained  distin- 
guished applause. 

He  was  under  the  immediate  command  of  General 
Burgoyne,  who  was  stationed  on  the  south  bank  of  the 
River  Tagus,  opposite  to  the  old  Moorish  castle  of 
Villa  Velha.  This  castle,  and  the  village  and  plains 

ous  eye.  Such  is  the  fate  of  superior,  unrivalled  merit  in  our  contemporaries. " 
The  pamphlet  mentioned  above  has  been  recently  reprinted  in  London,  with 
An  Introduction  by  Mr.  Simons,  in  which  he  attempts  to  prove  that  it  was 
written  by  JUNIU-S.  His  proofs  are  conjectural,  and  will  apply  with  equal  or 
greater  force  to  General  Lee. 


THE   LEE    PAPERS.  213 

around  it,  were  occupied  by  the  Spaniards.  Discover- 
ing that  a  large  part  of  their  forces  had  been  drawn  off, 
Burgoyne  formed  a  plan  of  attacking  those  that  re- 
mained, which  were  posted  on  two  small  hills  near  the 
castle  ;  and  he  entrusted  the  execution  of  the  enter- 
prise to  Colonel  Lee. 

After  encountering  considerable  difficulty  in  fording 
the  river  with  a  detachment  of  infantry  and  cavalry, 
concealed  from  the  enemy  by  the  darkness  of  the  night, 
he  continued  his  march  through  intricate  passes  in  the 
mountains,  gained  the  enemy's  rear  undiscovered,  and  at 
two  o'clock  in  the  morning  rushed  into  their  camp.  A 
sharp  conflict  ensued.  The  grenadiers  charged  with  the 
bayonet,  and  the  dragoons  harassed  the  bewildered  Span- 
iards in  their  attempts  to  escape.  They  fought  with 
courage,  however,  and  made  such  resistance  as  they 
could.  Several  Spanish  officers  were  killed  while  en- 
deavoring to  rally  the  men,  and  among  them  a  briga- 
dier-general. A  body  of  horse  collected  and  presented 
a  bold  front,  but  they  were  repulsed  by  the  British 
cavalry.  Before  the  dawn  of  day,  the  victory  was 
achieved,  and  the  enemy  was  routed  in  all  quarters, 
leaving  many  slain  and  a  large  booty  in  the  hands  of 
the  victors.  The  magazines  were  destroyed,  four  can- 
non were  spiked,  and  nineteen  prisoners,  with  sixty  ar- 
tillery mules,  a  few  horses,  and  a  quantity  of  valuable 
baggage,  were  conducted  to  the  General's  camp. 

This  spirited  achievement  took  place  on  the  6th  of 
October,  1762.  Lord  Loudoun,  in  his  report  to  the 
ministry,  called  it  a  "  very  gallant  action ; "  and  the 
Count  de  la  Lippe  said,  in  a  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Egre- 
mont.  "  so  brilliant  a  stroke  speaks  for  itself." 

Weary  of  the  war,  all  the  belligerents  were  now  ready 
for  peace.  The  strife  ended  with  this  campaign,  in  which 
the  Portuguese,  with  the  aid  of  their  allies,  had  driven 
the  Spaniards  out  of  their  country.  The  British  forces 
were  recalled  to  England,  and  Colonel  Lee  brought  with 
him  testimonials  of  his  bravery  and  good  conduct  from 
the  King  of  Portugal  and  the  Count  de  la  Lippe. 


214  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Projects  a  Plan  for  a  Colony  on  the  Ohio  River. — 
Writes  on  ike  Affairs  of  the  Colonies. —  Goes  to  Po- 
land, and  becomes  Aid-de-Camp  to  the  King  Stan- 
islaus.—  Visits  Constantinople. — Returns  to  Eng- 
land.— His  Remarks  on  Politics  and  public  Men. — 
Disappointed  in  liis  Hope  of  Promotion. — Returns  to 
Poland  by  Way  of  Paris  and  Vienna. 

0 

AMONG  Lee's  papers  is  found  a  scheme  for  establish- 
ing two  new  colonies,  one  on  the  Ohio  below  the  Wa- 
bash,  and  the  other  on  the  Illinois,  which  appears  to 
have  been  projected  soon  after  the  peace.  A  company 
was  to  be  formed,  and  grants  were  to  be  obtained  from 
the  King.  It  was  a  part  of  the  plan  to  procure  settlers 
from  New  England,  and  among  the  Protestants  in  Ger- 
many and  Switzerland.  In  describing  the  advantages 
which  he  thinks  could  not  fail  to  flow  from  these  set- 
tlements, he  discovers  an  accurate  knowledge  of  the 

O 

resources  of  the  country,  and  of  the  facilities  of  navi- 
gation furnished  by  the  great  lakes  and  rivers  of  the 
west.  In  a  political  view,  they  would  be  important, 
protecting  the  old  colonies  from  the  incursions  of  the 
western  Indians,  preventing  their  intercourse  with  the 
Spaniards  at  the  south,  and  opening  a  new  channel  of 
commerce  through  the  Mississippi  and  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico. 

The  proposal  was  rejected  by  the  ministers,  who  had 
adopted  the  policy  of  allowing  no  settlements  in  the 
territory  beyond  the  Allegaiiy  Mountains.  Experience 
proved,  however,  that  this  was  a  shortsighted  policy, 
at  variance  with  the  interests  of  the  government,  and 
hostile  to  the  prosperity  of  the  colonies.  A  few  years 
later,  by  the  able  interposition  of  Franklin,  a  company 
succeeded  in  obtaining  a  grant  for  a  settlement  on  the 
Ohio  ;  but  the  approaching  troubles  of  the  revolution 
prevented  its  execution. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  215 

Although  baffled  in  this  scheme,  Lee  continued  to 
take  a  lively  concern  in  the  affairs  of  the  colonies.  He 
disapproved  the  plan  of  the  ministry  for  prosecuting 
the  Indian  war,  immediately  after  the  peace  of  1763, 
and  reprobated  the  principles  upon  which  this  plan  was 
founded.  The  germs,  which  gradually  sprouted  into 
the  Stamp  Act,  had  already  begun  to  vegetate.  The 
doctrine  was  now  for  the  first  time  broached,  that  the 
army  in  America  should  be  paid  by  the  colonists,  not 
merely  for  their  own  defence,  but  for  the  protection  of 
Canada.  Lee's  pen  was  not  idle  on  this  occasion.  He 
attacked  the  ministers  and  their  measures,  both  in  re- 
gard to  the  mischievous  counsels  to  which  they  listened 
on  American  affairs,  and  to  the  policy  which  marked 
their  designs. 

"  We  are  told,"  he  writes,  "  that  this  country  is  un- 
der no  obligation  to  be  at  the  expense  of  maintaining 
an  army  for  the  support  of  Canada,  the  advantages  of 
which  principally,  or  indeed  solely,  accrue  to  our  colo- 
nies. They  ought  to  pay  for  it ;  they  are  able,  but  not 
willing.  The  first  of  these  positions,  if  they  who  ad- 
vanced it  have  conversed  only  with  sailors,  who  prob- 
ably judge  of  the  abilities  of  the  conn  try  in  general  by 
the  opulent  aspect  of  the  seaport  towns,  may  admit  of 
some  excuse ;  but,  if  they  will  take  the  opportunity  to 
consult  the  ofiicers  of  the  army,  who  have  any  knowl- 
edge of  the  interior  parts  of  the  country,  and  who  can 
have  no  interest  in  the  affairs  of  the  colonies  but  what 
affects  the  common  cause  of  this  country  and  humanity, 
they  will  receive  very  different  accounts.  They  will 
be  told  that  the  settlers,  even  within  a  very  few  miles 
from  the  sea,  are  so  far  from  being  equal  to  the  sup- 
port of  an  army,  that  they  require  every  kind  of  assist- 
ance and  restorative  which  the  mother  country  can  pos- 
sibly afford  them." 

He  pursues  the  subject  with  particular  reference  to 
the  misinformation  of  the  ministers  concerning  the  colo- 
nies, and  to  the  system  of  military  operations  then  pur- 
sued in  America.  He  ascribes  the  cause  to  the  false 


216  THE  LEE  PAPERS. 

or  exaggerated  reports  of  interested  persons,  and  es- 
pecially to  the  baneful  influence  of  Sir  Jeffrey  Amherst, 
for  whose  abilities  and  dispositions  he  entertained  but 
very  little  respect.  At  this  early  period,  Lee  gives  de- 
cided indications  of  his  sentiments  concerning  the  rela- 
tions between  the  mother  country  and  the  colonies. 
Nor  were  these  sentiments  the  result  only  of  his  experi- 
ence and  observation  in  America,  but  also  of  close  re- 
search into  historical  facts.  In  a  well  written  paper, 
he  sketches  briefly  the  colonial  policy  of  the  parent 
state  from  the  first  settlement  of  the  country,  bringing 
out  all  the  prominent  points  with  remarkable  clearness, 
judgment,  and  precision. 

For  several  years,  the  restless  spirit  of  Lee  had  found 
ample  room  for  exercising  itself  in  the  sphere  to  which 
it  was  peculiarly  adapted,  that  of  the  active  operations 
of  the  war.  The  scene  was  now  changed,  and  the  ar- 
dor of  his  temper  would  not  allow  him  to  be  quiet. 
He  plunged  into  the  turmoils  of  politics  with  the  same 
boldness  and  vehemence  that  he  would  have  shown  in 
lighting  a  battle,  or  assaulting  an  enemy  at  the  head 
of  his  regiment ;  and  this  apparently  from  the  mere  im- 
pulse of  his  nature,  and  not  from  the  desire  of  courting 
any  party,  or  of  seeking  advancement  in  a  political 
career.  The  measures  of  the  administration,  and  the 
character  of  its  distinguished  leaders,  became  the  themes 
of  his  pointed  satire  and  scorching  invectives,  both  in 
speech  and  writing,  and  at  .length  the  objects  of  his 
strong  aversion  and  open  hostility. 

His  secret  motives,  if  he  had  any  besides  the  burning 
fire  of  his  own  spirit,  it  would  not  be  easy  now  to  as- 
certain. His  opinions,  from  whatever  source  they 
sprang,  were  openly  avowed,  and  agreed  in  no  particu- 
lar with  those  which  ruled  in  the  counsels  of  the  nation. 
His  ideas  of  liberty  and  of  political  rights  savored  of 
high  republican  principles.  The  American  contest  was 
yet  in  embryo ;  but  even  at  that  time  he  evidently  per- 
ceived symptoms  of  its  approach,  and  gave  no  dubious 
indications  of  the  part  he  was  prepared  to  act. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  217 

Meantime,  his  military  ardor  did  not  subside.  An 
opportunity  offered,  as  he  now  thought,  for  gratifying 
his  ambition  in  this  line  on  a  new  theatre.  The  dis- 
tractions in  Poland  had  brought  that  unhappy  country 
to  the  verge  of  a  war,  and  the  friends  of  humanity  were 
looking  forward  with  hope  to  the  possibility  of  her  once 
more  gaining  her  ancient  independence,  suppressing  her 
internal  dissensions,  and  averting  the  ruin  in  which  her 
treacherous  neighbors  were  plotting  to  involve  her.  Lee 
determined  to  embark  in  this  cause,  apparently  as  a 
soldier  of  fortune,  without  any  definite  purpose  as  to 
the  side  he  should  take.  Action,  the  glory  of  arms, 
high  rank  in  his  profession,  were  probably  the  images 
that  floated  in  his  imagination  and  directed  his  course. 

He  arrived  in  Poland  about  the  middle  of  February, 
1764,  having  passed  through  Holland,  Brunswick,  and 
Prussia.  Favored  by  the  recommendations  of  the 
Count  de  la  Lippe,  he  was  received  by  the  hereditary 
Prince  of  Brunswick,  "  not  like  a  stranger  well  recom- 
mended, but  like  an  old  deserving  friend,"  and  was  fur- 
nished by  him  with  letters  to  the  courts  of  Berlin  and 
Warsaw.  He  was  charmed  with  the  great  Frederick. 
"Each  time  he  was  at  court,  the  King  talked  with  him 
more  than  half  an  hour,  and  chiefly  on  the  topic  with 
which  he  was  best  acquainted,  American  affairs."  His 
Majesty  was  "  totally  unceremonious  and  familiar,  and 
his  manner  was  such  as  to  banish  that  constraint  and 
awe,"  which  the  character  of  such  high  personages  natu- 
rally inspires.  He  found  other  members  of  the  royal 
family  "  extremely  curious  on  the  subject  of  America." 
After  remaining  a  few  days  at  Berlin,  he  hastened  for- 
ward to  Warsaw.* 

Poniatowsky,  who  had  been  recently  elected  King  of 
Poland,  with  the  name  of  Stanislaus  Augustus,  and  who 
was  one  year  younger  than  Lee,  had  passed  some  time 
in  England  before  his  elevation  to  the  throne,  and  had 
gained  many  personal  friends  in  that  country.  From 
some  of  these  friends  the  British  Colonel  would  natu- 

*  MS.  Letter,  dated  at  Warsaw,  April  3d,  1764. 


218  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

rally  obtain  good  recommendations,  since  his  military 
character  stood  very  high,  and  he  had  given  unques- 
tionable proofs  of  superior  talents  and  accomplishments. 
At  all  events,  he  was  most  kindly  received  by  Stanis- 
laus and  the  principal  Polish  nobility,  and  was  soon  at- 
tached to  the  person  of  the  King,  as  one  of  his  aids-de- 
camp. The  particulars  are  described  by  himself,  in  a 
letter  to  Mr.  Yorke. 

"  Your  brother,  Sir  Joseph  Yorke,"  he  says,  "  re- 
ceived me  in  the  manner  I  expected  from  your  brother.* 
He  gave  me  the  warmest  letter  to  "W  rough  ton,  our 
minister  here,  in  whom  I  have  experienced  a  real 
friendship,  if  friendship  may  be  pronounced  from  the 
utmost  pains,  activity,  and  zeal,  to  serve  me.  In  short, 
I  shall  not  take  the  liberty  to  trouble  you  with  the  de- 
tail of  my  peregrination  and  progress,  but  inform  you 
that  his  Polish  Majesty  has,  from  your  recommendation, 
I  believe  contrary  to  the  inclinations  of  many  of  those 
whom  the  constitution  of  this  country  renders  it  neces- 
sary to  manage,  declared  me  his  aid-de-camp.  He  had 
it  not  in  his  power  to  provide  for  me  in  the  army,  as 
the  republic  raises  no  new  troops,  and  those  few  they 
have  are  already  disposed  of.  The  army  was  the  ob- 
ject of  my  ambition  ;  and  I  hope  you  will  believe  me 
sincere  when  I  say  that,  if  I  had  not  a  good  opinion  of 
the  King  as  a  man,  let  my  necessities  be  what  they 
might,  I  would  not  have  accepted  a  place  about  his  per- 
son. But  I  really  have  a  high  opinion  of  him.  He 
appears  to  me  not  in  the  least  elevated  by  his  great 
fortune ;  and  the  bearing  well  a  sudden  exaltation  to 
power,  wealth,  or  grandeur,  I  have  always  judged  to 
be  the  ordeal  of  a  good  heart. 

u  As  a  King,  he  must  be  judged  of  hereafter;  but,  if 
a  good  understanding,  a  well  disposed  heart,  and  the 
education  of  a  subject,  promise  well,  the  chances  are 
for  him.  As  a  man,  I  really  think  him  agreeable  and 
accomplished.  He  is  easy,  civil,  and  totally  uncere- 
monious. He  is  perfectly  acquainted  with  our  best 

*  Sir  Joseph  Yorke  was  at  this  time  Minister  Plenipotentiary  at  the  Hague. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  219 

English  authors.  Shakspeare  is  his  god  ;  which,  to  me, 
is  the  test  of  every  man's  sense  and  feeling.  But  I 
should  make  a  thousand  apologies  for  expatiating  on  a 
character  so  much  better  known  to  you  than  to  myself ; 
but  I  love  the  man,  and  am  fond  of  the  subject ;  and 
likewise  I  think  it  may  not  be  unsatisfactory  to  you  to 
find  that  King  Poniatowsky  is  not  different  from  your 
friend  Count  Poniatowsky." 

Such  were  his  first  impressions ;  in  regard  to  the 
personal  character  of  Poniatowsky,  they  seem  never  to 
have  changed.  Lee  bestowed  an  uncommon  mark  of 
his  regard  upon  his  Polish  Majesty.  In  some  way  not 
explained,  he  had  become  the  fortunate  owner  of  a 
sword  reputed  to  have  belonged  to  Oliver  Cromwell. 
This  sword  he  ordered  to  be  sent  to  him  from  England. 
as  a  present  to  the  King  of  Poland,  who,  he  observes, 
"  though  a  King,  is  a  great  admirer  of  that  extraordi- 


nary man." 


The  British  aid-de-camp  met  with  good  companion- 
ship at  Warsaw.  He  was  honored  with  a  place  at  the 
King's  table,  and  an  apartment  in  the  palace  of  Prince 
Czartorinsky.  This  Prince  had  resided  in  England, 
could  write  and  speak  the  language  fluently,  and  was 
an  admirer  of  the  best  English  authors. 

The  state  of  affairs  did  not  change,  as  he  had  hoped. 
The  army  continued  on  a  limited  scale.  The  distrac- 
tions of  the  country,  the  growing  spirit  of  disaffection 
to  the  government,  became  daily  more  formidable  and 
alarming  ;  nor  was  the  power  of  the  King  adequate  to 
raise  or  wield  a  force  by  which  he  could  quell  the  agi- 
tation, or  renovate  the  declining  fortunes  of  Poland. 
A  Russian  army,  like  a  hungry  tiger,  was  prowling  on 
the  frontiers,  fomenting  discord  within,  and  ready  to 
seize  and  devour  its  prey  whenever  the  exhausted 
strength  of  the  Poles  should  afford  a  convenient  oppor- 
tunity. No  man  was  ever  placed  in  a  more  awkward 
or  unnatural  position  than  Poniatowsky.  At  heart  a 
friend  to  his  country,  to  her  independence  and  liberties, 
he  was  betrayed,  by  his  passionate  fondness  for  a  crown 


220  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

and  the  empty  name  of  king,  to  be  the  instrument'  of 
her  ruin  in  the  impious  hands  of  foreign  despots.  In 
abetting  such  a  cause,  Lee  certainly  cannot  be  regarded 
as  acting  upon  his  high  republican  principles.  It  may 
be  presumed,  that  distinction  in  his  favorite  profession 
of  arms  was  his  ruling  motive. 

There  are  no  means  of  ascertaining  how  he  employed 
himself  for  nearly  two  years  after  his  first  arrival  in 
Poland.  In  January,  1766,  he  accepted  a  proposal  of 
the  King  to  accompany  his  ambassador  to  Constanti- 
nople, prompted  more  by  curiosity  than  by  any  higher 
object.  After  reaching  the  frontiers,  of  Turkey,  his 
impatience  could  not  await  the  slow  movements  of  the 
ambassador,  and  he  joined  himself  to  an  escort  of  the 
Grand  Seignior's  treasure,  which  was  annually  sent 
from  Moldavia.  He  soon  had  reason  to  repent  of  his 
rashness,  for  he  narrowly  escaped  starving  and  freezing 
on  the  summits  of  the  Bulgarian  Mountains.  So  ill 
provided  were  his  conductors  with  the  articles  neces- 
sary for  such  a  journey,  that  several  men  and  horses 
died  of  the  cold.  Overcome  with  fatigue  and  exhaus- 
tion, he  at  last  reached  Constantinople,  where  he  re- 
mained about  four  months,  and  then  returned  to  Poland, 
rejoiced  that  he  had  not  been  buried  in  the  ruins  of  his 
dwelling  by  an  earthquake,  which  threw  down  houses 
and  destroyed  many  lives  in  the  Turkish  capital  whilst 
he  was  there.* 

In  December  of  the  same  year  we  find  him  again  in 
England.  He  brought  a  letter  of  recommendation  from 
his  Polish  Majesty  to  King  George,  which  he  presented 
with  his  own  hand,  reminding  the  King,  at  the  same 
time,  of  the  promise  he  had  made  in  his  favor  to  Lord 
Thanet  three  years  before.  General  Conway,  then 
Secretary  of  State,  flattered  him  also  with  the  expecta- 
tion that  something  would  be  done  for  him.  Lee  sought 
promotion,  and  thought  the  interest  he  could  make 
through  his  powerful  friends,  added  to  what  he  be- 
lieved to  be  his  own  merit,  would  be  sufficient  to  secure 

*  MS.  Letters  from  Constantinople,  March  1st,  and  May  28th,  1766. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  221 

the  fulfilment  of  his  wishes.  Weeks  passed  on,  how- 
ever, and  he  received  no  answer  to  his  application  ;  and 
his  hopes  were  fed  only  by  vague  expressions  of  civility 
from  men  in  power.  The  disheartening  truth  was 
finally  impressed  upon  him,  that  he  was  not  in  favor 
with  the  government,  and  that  it  would  be  in  vain  for 
him  to  urge  his  pretensions  any  further.  The  cause  of 
this  disfavor  has  never  been  explained.  It  may  per- 
haps be  ascribed  to  his  political  sentiments,  his  opin- 
ions not  only  of  public  measures  but  of  public  men,  and 
the  extreme  freedom  with  which  he  avowed  them  on  all 
occasions.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  cause,  his 
treatment  seems  to  have  operated  with  a  peculiar  power 
upon  his  sensitive  mind,  and  to  have  produced  a  keen 
resentment  both  against  the  King  and  some  of  the 
ministers,  which  rankled  ever  afterwards  in  his 
breast.* 

He  appears  to  have  contracted  a  warm  personal  at- 
tachment to  King  Stanislaus,  and  a  correspondence 
was  kept  up  between  them.  In  a  letter  written  to  him 
from  London,  October  20th,  1767,  we  may  perceive 
evidences  of  this  attachment,  as  well  as  of  his  disap- 
pointment on  arriving  in  his  native  country.  He  says, 
"  The  assurances  your  letter  gives  me  of  your  good 
opinion  and  regard,  I  shall  ever  consider  as  the  hap- 
piest, the  most  honorable  circumstance  of  my  life. 
They  make  ample  amends  for  the  enmities  I  have 
drawn  upon  myself  from  certain  powerful  quarters  in 
my  own  country,  where,  perhaps  from  some  just  judg- 
ment of  God,  the  same  qualities  which  would  recom- 
mend to  your  Majesty  are  highly  obnoxious.  I  de- 
voutly wish,  and  proudly  hope,  for  my  own  honor,  that 
I  may  ever  possess  a  place  in  the  esteem  of  your 

*  If  he  was  the  author  of  "  A  Letter  to  an  Honorable  Brigadier-General," 
as  there  is  strong  presumptive  evidence  for  believing,  it  is  not  difficult  to  ac- 
count for  his  want  of  success.  The  author  of  that  performance  had  attacked 
the  military  character  of  General  Townshend  and  Lord  George  Sackville  on 
such  tender  points,  and  with  such  polished  keenness  of  sarcasm,  as  to  render 
it  impossible  that  he  should  be  forgiven  by  the  friends  of  those  officers,  or 
their  supporters  in  the  government. 


222  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

Majesty,  and  remain  the  aversion  of  those  who  so 
widely,  so  totally,  differ  from  you."  He  then  proceeds 
to  answer  the  King's  inquiries  respecting  public  occur- 
rences and  public  men  in  England,  and  describes  in 
strong  language  the  situation  of  Pitt,  who  had  lately 
become  a  peer.  He  touches  likewise  on  American 
affairs.  The  Stamp  Act  has  been  passed  and  repealed 
during  his  absence. 

"  Nothing,"  he  observes,  "  could  make  the  American 
colonists  cast  off  their  obedience,  or  even  respect,  to 
their  mother  country,  but  some  attempt  on  the  essence 
of  their  liberty  ;  such  as  undoubtedly  the  Stamp  Act 
was.  If  it  had  remained  unrepealed  and  admitted  as  a 
precedent,  they  would  have  been  slaves  to  all  intents 
and  purposes,  as  their  whole  property  would  lie  at  the 
mercy  of  the  crown's  minister  and  the  minister's  minis- 
ters, the  House  of  Commons,  who  would  find  no  end  to 
the  necessity  of  taxing  these  people,  as  every  additional 
tax  would  furnish  the  means  of  adding  to  their  respec- 
tive wages.  If  the  humors,  which  this  accursed  attempt 
has  raised,  are  suffered  to  subside,  the  inherent  affec- 
tion which  the  colonies  have  for  the  mother  country, 
and  clashings  of  interest  one  with  another,  will  throw 
everything  back  into  the  old  channel ;  which  indeed  is  the 
case  already.  But  if  another  attack  of  the  same  nature 
should  be  made  upon  them,  by  a  wicked,  blundering 
minister,  I  will  venture  to  prophesy,  that  this  country 
will  be  shaken  to  its  foundation  in  its  wealth,  credit, 
naval  force,  and  interior  population." 

This  letter  was  answered  by  the  King  on  the  20th  of 
March,  1768.  The  following  extract,  translated  from 
the  original,  will  show  the  views  of  his  Polish  Majesty 
respecting  the  dispute  between  England  and  her  colo- 
nies. 

"  If  it  be  true  that  the  great  Pitt  has  become  an  ex- 
ample of  human  weakness,  this  calamity  gives  me  the 
same  kind  of  regret  that  I  should  feel  at  the  overthrow 
of  St.  Peter's  Church  by  an  earthquake,  because  it 
would  be  the  destruction  of  a  model  of  perfection  or  at 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  223 

least  of  human  excellence.  As  I  have  not  received  the 
pamphlets  concerning  the  colonies,  which  you  proposed 
to  send  to  me,  I  would  ask  again  why  it  is,  that  the 
right  of  sending  representatives  to  the  British  Parlia- 
ment is  not  accorded  to  the  colonies  ?  Representation 
and  taxation  would  then  go  together,  and  the  mother 
and  daughters  would  be  indissolubly  united.  Other- 
wise I  see  no  alternative  but  oppression  or  complete 
independence.  For  the  expedient  of  American  Parlia- 
ments, or  anything  else  of  the  kind,  under  whatsoever 
name  it  might  be  called,  would  only  produce  an  oppo- 
sition of  interests  between  the  colonies  and  England,  as 
incompatible  as  it  would  be  injurious  to  all  parties. 

"  The  English  in  America  would  then  have  the  same 
relation  to  those  of  Europe,  that  exists  in  the  seven 
United  Provinces,  which  compose  a  federal  republic, 
and  whose  government  is  so  defective  and  slow  in  its 
operations,  on  account  of  the  equality  of  power  be- 
tween the  seven  little  republics  respectively.  The 
worst  of  all  would  be,  that  it  should  become  necessary 
for  the  acts  of  the  Parliament  of  England  to  be  ap- 
proved by  an  American  Parliament  before  they  can  be 
executed  in  America,  which  would  make  the  latter 
paramount  to  the  former.  This  would  be  the  same 
abuse  that  is  now  seen  in  Poland,  where  the  Dietine  of 
Prussia  arrogates  to  itself  the  right  of  confirming  or 
rejecting  what  the  Diet  of  the  kingdom  of  Poland  has 
decreed." 

These  ideas,  if  not  entirely  adapted  to  the  circum- 
stances to  which  they  refer,  evince  a  liberal  turn  of 
mind  and  a  due  regard  for  the  political  rights  of  men. 

Lee  wrote  a  letter  to  another  friend  in  Poland,  from 
which  may  be  gathered  his  opinions  of  some  of  the 
actors  at  that  time  prominent  in  the  councils  of  the 
nation.  It  was  written  during  the  first  months  of 
the  Duke  of  Grafton's  administration. 

"  A  formidable  opposition,"  he  says,  "  is  expected, 
but  the  conjectures  on  its  success  are  too  vague  to  be 
attended  to.  Some  men  of  weight  and  reputation  are 


224  THE_LEE    PAPERS. 

embarked  in  it,  but  the  heads  are  too  odious  to  the  na- 
tion in  general,  in  my  opinion,  to  carry  their  point ; 
such  as  Bedford,  Sandwich,  Grenville,  and,  with  sub- 
mission, your  friend  Mansfield.  He  lately  drew  upon 
himself  the  laugh  of  the  House  of  Lords,  making  use 
of  the  word  liberty  of  the  subject,  and  expressing  great 
regard  for  it.  It  was  called  Satan  preaching  up  sanctity. 
Conway  is  still  Secretary  of  State,  and  much  regarded 
as  a  man  of  ability  and  integrity.  Lord  Shelburne, 
the  other  secretary,  has  surpassed  the  opinion  of  the 
world  ;  he  speaks  well,  and  is  very  distinct  in  office. 
The  Duke  of  Graf  ton  is  an  absolute  orator,  and  has  a 
fair  character.  An  Irishman,  one  Mr.  Burke,  has 
sprung  up  in  the  House  of  Commons,  who  has  aston- 
ished everybody  with  the  power  of  his  eloquence,  and 
his  comprehensive  knowledge  in  all  our  exterior  and 
interior  politics  and  commercial  interests.  He  wants 
nothing,  but  that  sort  of  dignity  annexed  to  rank  and 
property  in  England,  to  make  him  the  most  considerable 
man  in  the  lower  house." 

In  writing  to  his  correspondents  in  Poland,  Lee  could 
not  forbear  to  make  known  the  disappointment  he  had 
met  with  in  his  own  country,  and  in  his  usual  style  of 
freedom,  if  not  of  rashness.  His  friend,  Sir  Thomas 
Wrouojhton,  gave  him  salutary  counsel  on  this  point. 
He  writes  from  Warsaw,  April  29th,  1767,  "I  should 
have  been  heartily  glad  to  hear,  my  dear  Colonel,  that 
his  Majesty's  recommendations  had  been  more  success- 
ful in  procuring  you  an  establishment  equal  to  your 
merit  and  wishes ;  but  I  am  not  at  all  surprised  that 
you  find  the  door  shut  against  you  by  a  person  who  has 
such  unbounded  credit,  as  you  have  ever  too  freely  in- 
dulged a  liberty  of  declaiming,  which  many  infamous 
and  invidious  people  have  not  failed  to  inform  him  of. 
The  principle,  on  which  you  thus  freely  speak  your 
mind,  is  honest  and  patriotic,  but  not  politic ;  and  as 
it  will  not  succeed  in  changing  men  or  times,  common 
prudence  should  teach  us  to  hold  our  tongues,  rather 
than  to  risk  our  own  fortunes  without  any  advantage 


THE    LEE    PAPEES.  225 

to  ourselves  or  neighbors.  Excuse  this  scrap  of  advice, 
and  place  it  to  the  vent  of  a  heart  entirely  devoted  to 
your  interest."  Fortunate  would  it  have  been  for  Lee, 
to  the  last  day  of  his  life,  if  this  advice  had  been  heeded 
and  followed. 

What  special  claims  he  had  to  advancement,  beyond 
those  of  other  officers  who  had  done  their  duty  faith- 
fully and  bravely  during  the  war,  or  whether  he  had 
been  superseded  by  others  of  equal  or  lower  rank,  there 
are  no  means  now  of  ascertaining.  As  the  matter  stands, 
it  can  scarcely  be  denied  that  he  had  a  higher  opinion 
of  his  claims,  than  his  services  and  his  just  pretensions 
on  this  ground  alone  would  naturally  warrant.  A  bet- 
ter knowledge  of  the  facts  and  his  reasons,  however, 
might  exhibit  the  case  under  a  different  aspect. 

After  remaining  about  two  years  in  England,  suffer- 
ing frequently  from  ill  health,  he  formed  the  plan  of 
passing  the  winter  in  the  south  of  France  and  in  the 
Island  of  Corsica,  and  of  returning  to  Poland  in  the 
spring,  with  the  further  design  of  performing  a  cam- 
paign in  the  Russian  service.  "  I  flatter  myself,"  said 
he,  "  that  a  little  more  practice  will  make  me  a  good 
soldier.  If  not,  it  will  serve  to  talk  over  my  kitchen 
fire  in  my  old  age,  which  will  soon  come  upon  us  all." 

He  left  London  in  December,  1768,  with  this  project 
in  view ;  but  on  his  arrival  at  Paris,  he  met  Prince 
Czartorinsky,  who  prevailed  on  him  to  abandon  his 
southern  tour,  and  accompany  him  directly  to  Poland. 
They  travelled  by  the  way  of  Vienna,  where  they 
waited  two  or  three  weeks  for  an  escort,  the  frontiers 
of  Poland  being  overrun  with  armed  parties  of  con- 
federates. In  a  letter  from  Vienna,  he  says,  "  I  am  to 
have  a  command  of  Cossacks  and  Wallacks,  a  kind  of 
people  I  have  a  good  opinion  of.  I  am  determined  not 
to  serve  in  the  line  ;  one  might  as  well  be  a  churchwar- 
den." He  arrived  at  Warsaw  early  in  the  spring. 


226  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 


CHAPTER   III. 

Appointed  a  Major -General  in  the  Polish  Army. — 
Enter*  the  Russian  Service,  and  performs  a  Cam- 
paign a  gainst  the  Turks. — Travels  through  Hungary 
to  Italy. — Returns  to  .tingland  by  Way  of  Minorca 
and  Gibraltar. 

IT  is  not  probable  that  Lee  had  any  other  object,  in 
entering  the  Russian  service,  than  that  already  men- 
tioned, practice  in  his  profession.  As  the  campaign 
against  the  Turks  did  not  open  so  soon  as  he  expected, 
lie  continued  for  some  time  at  Warsaw.  His  situation 
there  is  thus  described  in  a  letter  to  Lady  Blake: 

"  This  country  is  the  reverse  of  ours.  They  have  an 
honest,  patriot  King,  but  a  vicious  nation.  Our  station 
here,  I  mean  those  about  the  King's  person,  is  whimsi- 
cal enough.  We  have  few  troops,  the  bulk  of  these 
totally  disaffected,  and  the  town  is  full  of  *  confeder- 
ates,' though  not  declared,  far  from  being  concealed. 
We  have  frequent  alarms,  and  the  pleasure  of  sleeping 
every  niofht  with  our  pistols  on  our  pillows.  I  at  pres- 
ent only  wait  for  an  opportunity  to  join  the  Russian 
army.  This  does  not  happen  every  day,  as  a  strong  es- 
cort is  necessary,  the  communications  being  filled  with 
banditti  of  robbers,  who  are  the  offals  of  the  confeder- 
ates. I  believe  it  will  be  but  a  ridiculous  campaign, 
something  like  that  of  Wilkes  and  Talbot.  The  Rus- 
sians can  gain  nothing  by  beating  their  enemy,  and  the 
Turks  are  confoundly  afraid. "* 

To  his  friend,  George  Colman,  he  wrote,  at  the  same 
time,  "  If  I  am  defeated  in  my  intention  of  joining  the 
Russians,  I  think  of  passing  through  Hungary,  and 
spending  the  ensuing  winter  in  Italy,  Sicily,  or  some  of 

*  In  Langworthy's  "  Memoir  of  Charles  Lee,"  this  letter  is  said  to  have  been 
addressed  to  Catharine  Macaulay,  the  celebrated  republican  historian  or  Eng- 
land. But  the  editor  of  <;  Woodfall's  Junius  "  informs  us  thatit  was  written 
to  Lady  Blake,  which  indeed  is  sufficiently  obvious  from  internal  evidence. 
Lady  Blake  was  sister  to  Sir  Charles  Bunbury,  and  first  cousin  to  General 
Lee. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  227 

the  islands  in  the  ^Egean  Sea.  As  to  England,  I  am  re- 
solved not  to  set  my  foot  in  it  till  the  virtues,  which  I  be- 
lieve to  exist  in  the  body  of  the  people,  can  be  put  into 
motion.  I  have  good  reasons  for  it.  My  spirits  and 
temper  were  much  affected  by  the  measures  which  I 
was  witness  of,  measures  absolutely  moderate,  laudable, 
and  virtuous,  in  comparison  of  what  has  been  transacted 
since.  To  return  solemn  thanks  to  the  crown  for  mani- 
festly corrupt  dissipation  of  its  enormous  revenues  and 
impudent  demand  on  the  people,  and,  to  repair  this 
dissipation,  to  complete  their  own  ruin,  is  pushing  ser- 
vility farther  than  the  rascally  senate  of  Tiberius  was 
guilty  of.  In  this  light  it  is  considered  by  all  those  I 
converse  with,  of  every  nation,  even  those  who  have  the 
least  idea  of  liberty.  The  Austrians  and  Russians  hoot 
at  us.  In  fine,  it  is  looked  upon  as  the  ultimatum  of 
human  baseness,  a  coup  de  grave  to  our  freedom  and 
national  honor." 

This  freak  of  ill  humor,  in  regard  to  the  public  meas- 
ures of  his  native  country,  is  seasoned  with  a  spice  of 
wit.  Alluding  to  the  confederates,  and  their  acts  of 
violence,  he  says,  "  It  is  impossible  to  stir  ten  yards 
without  an  escort  of  Russians.  The  English  are  less 
secure  than  others,  as  they  are  esteemed  the  arch-ene- 
mies of  the  holy  faith.  A  French  comedian  was  the 
other  day  near  being  hanged,  from  the  circumstance  of 
his  wearing  a  bob-wig,  which,  by  the  confederates,  is 
supposed  to  be  the  uniform  of  the  English  nation.  I 
wish  to  God  the  three  branches  of  our  legislature  wou]d 
take  it  into  their  heads  to  travel  through  the  woods  of 
Poland  in  bob-wigs." 

His  political  bias  is  likewise  strongly  marked  in,  a, 
letter  to  Lord  Thanet.  Speaking  of  the  opinions  of 
those  around  him  concerning  the  transactions  in  Eng- 
land, he  adds,  "  Such  is  the  language  of  these  people  ; 
and  it  is  fortunate  for  me  that  they  are  ignorant  of  our 
American  politics.  They  can  have  no  idea,  of  our 
carrying  our  abominations  so  far  as  to  disfranchise 
three  millions  of  people  of  all  the  rights  of  men,  .for  the 


228  THE   LEE   PAPERS. 

gratification  of  the  revenge  of  a  blundering,  knavish 
Secretary,  and  a  scoundrel  Attorney- General,  a  Hills- 
borough  and  a  Bernard.  Were  they  informed  of  these 
facts,  their  opinion  of  us  would  be  still  more  mortify- 
ing." After  these  specimens  of  his  freedom  of  speech, 
we  cannot  wonder  at  the  prudent  counsel  of  his  friend 
Wroughton. 

In  .a  letter  to  his  sister,  written  two  or  three  months 
later,  at  Warsaw,  in  the  summer  of  1709,  he  thus 
speaks  of  his  situation  and  prospects.  "  I  have  been  in 
this  place  three  months,  waiting  for  an  opportunity  to 
join  the  Russian  army.  A  very  safe  one  will  now  offer 
in  ten  or  twelve  days.  The  present  ambassador  is  to 
join  his  regiment,  and  he  will  have  a  strong  escort.  I 
am,  happily,  very  well  acquainted  with  him,  and  believe 
I  am  a  sort  of  favorite  of  his.  He  is  a  good  sort  of 
man,  with  wit,  knowledge,  and  courage  ;  in  short,  a 
man  of  that  stamp  whose  friendship  gives  one  credit 
and  pleasure. 

"The  King  received  me  with  the  cordiality  and  good- 
ness which  I  expected  from  his  noble  and  steady  char- 
acter. He  treats  me  more  like  a  brother  than  patron. 
This  week  he  intends  honoring  me  with  the  rank  of 
Major-General.  It  is  really  an  honor ;  for  although, 
amongst  the  Poles,  many  indifferent  subjects,  from  the 
nature  of  the  government,  arrive  at  a  still  higher  rank, 
yet  the  foreigners  who  have  obtained  it  have  been  men 
of  unexceptionable  character  in  the  services  in  which 
they  have  been  engaged.  This  testimony  of  so  excel- 
lent a  Prince's  esteem  flatters  me  extremely.  He  is  in- 
deed an  excellent  Prince.  He  is  worthy  of  being  the 
chief  magistrate  of  a  better  nation.  I  know  a  nation 
that  is  worthy  of  a  better  chief  magistrate  than  it  pos- 
sesses. Could  they  not  make  an  exchange  ?  " 

The  honor  upon  which  he  set  so  high  a  value  was 
conferred  upon  him,  according  to  the  King's  promise. 
He  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  Major-General  in  the 
Polish  army,  with  the  pay  and  establishment  suited  to 
that  rank  while  he  should  reside  in  Poland. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  229 

He  left  Warsaw,  as  he  had  proposed,  with  Prince 
Repnin,  the  Russian  ambassador,  and  proceeded,  with 
a  strong  guard,  to  the  frontiers  of  Turkey.  When-  they 
arrived  at  the  Niester,  however,  the  army  had  already 
crossed  that  river,  and  advanced  two  days'  march  into 
Moldavia.  They  overtook  the  army  just  in  time  to  be 
engaged  in  a  severe  action  between  the  hostile  parties. 
While  the  Russians  were  marching  through  a  ravine, 
their  left  wing,  consisting  of  Cossacks  and  hussars,  was 
attacked  by  fifty  thousand  Turkish  cavalry,  and  driven 
back  upon  the  infantry,  who  were  thrown  into  confu- 
sion. They  were  rallied  and  formed  with  difficulty  ; 
but  they  stood  their  ground  till  reenforced  by  a  second 
line  of  troops,  who  were  stationed  on  the  margin  of  the 
ravine. 

After  a  sharp  conflict,  the  Turks  were  at  length 
forced  to  give  way,  and  the  Russians  pushed  forward 
to  a  more  favorable  position,  where  they  formed  an  ob- 
long square,  to  protect  themselves  against  the  furious 
assaults  of  the  Turkish  cavalry.  These  assaults  were 
so  warm  and  constant,  that  they  were  compelled  to  re- 
treat, and  to  take  post  in  a  strong  camp  on  the  heights 
of  Chotzim,  near  the  city  of  that  name.  For  some  time 
they  blockaded  the  city,  and  endeavored  to  batter  down 
its  walls ;  but  their  cannon  were  too  small  to  effect 
this  object ;  and,  when  the  Grand  Vizier  arrived,  with 
a  hundred  and  seventy  thousand  men,  and  cut  off  their 
intercourse  with  the  country,  they  were  reduced  to  the 
inglorious  necessity  of  abandoning  the  enterprise,  and 
recrossing  the  Niester.* 

In  a  letter  to  the  King  of  Poland,  dated  at  Karni- 
niek,  a  town  situate  near  the  north  bank  of  the  Niester, 
opposite  to  Chotzim,  Lee  describes  these  operations,  but 
bestows  little  praise  on  the  address  with  which  they 
had  been  conducted.  They  reflected  little  credit  on  the 
military  genius  or  skill  of  the  generals.  The  campaign 
had  been  useful  to  him,  however,  as  adding  to  his  knowl- 
edge and  experience  in  the  line  of  his  profession. 

*  Letter  to  Sir  Charles  Davers,  December  24th,  1769. 


230  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

For  several  months,  he  had  been  troubled  with  at- 
tacks of  rheumatism,  to  which  was  now  added  a  slow 
fever,  brought  on  by  bad  diet  and  exposure  in  the 
army ;  and  he  determined  to  seek  a  restoration  of  his 
health,  during  the  winter,  in  a  milder  climate.  He 
proposed  to  try  the  waters  of  Buda,  and  crossed  the 
Carpathian  Mountains,  on  his  route  to  that  place ;  but 
he  had  scarcely  entered  Hungary,  when  he  was  seized 
with  a  violent  fever,  which  compelled  him  to  stop  at  a 
miserable  village,  where,  for  three  weeks,  his  attendants 
despaired  of  his  life.  The  strength  of  his  constitution, 
however,  sustained  him  till  he  was  able  to  be  removed 
to  a  more  considerable  town,  where  he  obtained  medi- 
cal aid.  Eighteen  months  afterwards,  he  speaks  of  still 
feeling  the  effects  of  his  "  Hungarian  fever."  Among 
his  papers  in  a  passport,  dated  at  Cashau,  in  Hungary, 
November  29th,  1769,  and  signed  u  Esterhazy,"  com- 
manding all  persons  to  let  him  pass  unmolested,  and  to 
assist  him  in  the  prosecution  of  his  journey.  He  passed 
the  winter  at  Vienna,  mingling  in  a  society  to  which  he 
became  much  attached. 

At  the  approach  of  spring,  he  travelled  southward ; 
and,  in  May,  1770,  we  find  him  at  Florence,  and  two 
months  afterwards  at  Leghorn.  From  this  latter  city, 
he  wrote  to  a  friend  in  Vienna,  "  I  am  making  an  ex- 
periment of  sea-bathing,  and  I  think  it  has  done  me 
considerable  service.  I  shall  try  it  some  time  longer, 
though  not  in  this  place,  in  which  the  relaxing  society 
and  conversation  must  certainly  counteract  the  bracing 
qualities  of  the  sea  water.  Why  is  not  the  sea  at 
Vienna  ?  Or,  rather,  why  am  I  such  a  blockhead  as 
not  to  suppose  that  a  society  which  gave  me  such  satis- 
faction must  be  better,  both  for  my  soul  and  body, 
though  the  water  is  fresh,  than  salt  water  with  conver- 
sation sine  grano  salis  f  Believe  me,  I  most  sincere- 
ly regret  my  having  left  Vienna.  I  pay  no  compliment 
to  it  when  I  say  I  prefer  it  to  all  other  places.  I  en- 
treat you  will  assure  the  circle  of  our  common  friends 
of  my  idolatry  for  Vienna;  I  mean  the  families  of 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  231 

Herack,  Schonbroun,  and  the  Spanish  ambassador.  I 
cannot  find  terms  to  express  my  love  and  veneration 
for  them.  I  must  therefore  beg  you  to  assure  them, 
that  if  they  will  encourage  me  by  saying,  through  your 
channel,  that  they  have  not  already  had  too  much  of 
me,  I  will  pay  them  another  visit,  and  that,  perhaps,  a 
very  long  one." 

Whether  he  realized  this  anticipation  is  not  kntiwn. 
He  remained  in  Italy  during  the  summer,  and  is  re- 
ported to  have  been  engaged  in  a  duel  with  a  foreign 
officer,  in  which  his  opponent  was  killed,  and  he  re- 
ceived a  wound  that  deprived  him  of  the  use  of  two  of* 
his  fingers.  From  Florence,  he  wrote  to  Sir  Charles 
Davers,  that  he  should,  perhaps,  embark  with  the  Rus- 
sian fleet  for  the  Morea,  if  his  health  would  permit; 
but  he  relinquished  that  project.  In  the  winter  follow- 
ing, he  passed  over  to  Sicily  and  Malta,  for  the  purpose, 
as  he  says,  of  invigorating  his  debilitated  health  and 
spirits  by  sea-bathing  in  the  cold  season.  Near  the  end 
of  March,  1770,  he  sailed  from  Leghorn  to  Minorca, 
and  thence  to  Gibraltar  and  Cadiz.  He  mentions  a  de- 
sign of  passing  the  summer  at  Spa,  for  the  benefit  of 
the  waters  ;  but  it  is  uncertain  whether  he  carried  it 
into  execution.  At  all  events,  he  was  among  his  friends 
in  England  before  the  end  of  the  year. 

No  evidence  has  been  discovered  of  his  again  visiting 
Poland.  The  increasing  disturbances  in  that  ill  fated 
country  offered  no  field  for  action  in  the  service  of  the 
King.  It  is  pleasing  to  observe,  however,  that  he  re- 
tained to  the  last  the  same  personal  respect  and  affec- 
tion for  Stanislaus,  that  he  expressed  during  the  first 
months  of  their  acquaintance. 


232  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

His  Sentiments  and  Writings  on  political  Subjects. — A 
resolute  Friend  and  Defender  of  Liberty. — The  Au- 
thorship of  the  Letters  of  Junius  ascribed  to  him. — 
Discussion  of  that  Question. 

SINCE  he  could  find  no  opportunity  for  his  congenial 
pursuit  of  using  his  sword,  he  had  the  more  leisure  for 
wielding  his  pen.  In  his  own  country  he  entered  with 
his  accustomed  warmth  into  the  controversies  of  the 
day,  and  furnished  frequent  contributions  to  the  public 
journals.  The  blunders,  abuses,  and  corruption  of 
ministers,  in  his  opinion,  supplied  an  exhaustless  theme, 
and  he  was  never  weary  with  assailing  their  schemes 
and  their  measures.  His  high  principles  of  liberty,  and 
republican  tendencies,  appear  in  all  his  writings.  "  Mr. 
Burke  seems  to  inculcate,"  he  says,  "  that  the  salvation 
of  this  state  is  to  be  expected  from  the  aristoeratical 
part  of  the  community  ;  but  I  sincerely  think  nothing 
great  is  to  be  expected  from  that  quarter.7'  Sarcasm, 
irony,  pungent  invective,  and  a  considerable  share  of 
wit,  are  characteristic  marks  of  his  compositions.  The 
freedom  of  the  press  was  a  favorite  topic,  both  in  Eng- 
land and  afterwards  in  America.  He  held  that  the 
characters  of  public  men  are  public  property,  and  that 
no  station,  however  high,  should  screen  their  abuse  of 
office,  their  follies  and  vices,  from  the  lash  of  indignant 
reprobation.  This  sentiment  he  did  not  forbear  to  il- 
lustrate practically  with  an  unsparing  license. 

His  hostility  to  every  kind  of  arbitrary  government, 
and  to  whatsoever  tends  to  foster  the  privileges  of  a 
few  at  the  expense  of  the  many,  often  appears.  Among 
the  works,  which  he  regarded  as  peculiarly  incorrect 
and  unjust  in  their  political  character,  was  Hume's 
u  History  of  the  Stuarts."  The  coloring  and  deceptive 
tissues,  with  which  that  acute  and  ingenious  writer  had 
contributed  to  clothe  the  conduct  and  policy  of  the  kings 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  233 

of  the  Stuart  race,  and  his  plausible  and  disguised  de- 
fence of  slavish  principles  and  tyrannical  encroach- 
ments, were  regarded  by  him  as  so  many  attacks  upon 
the  sacred  rights  of  mankind,  and  as  heaping  reproaches 
upon  the  noble  army  of  patriots,  who  had  achieved  the 
glorious  revolution.  In  an  ironical  epistle,  addressed 
to  Hume  himself,  he  mentions  a  project,  which  that 
work  had  suggested  to  him. 

"  I  am  so  much  in  love  with  the  scheme  of  your  his- 
tory," he  observes,  "  I  am  so  convinced  that  no  task  can 
be  equally  laudable  in  a  philosopher,  an  historian,  and 
a  gentleman,  as  to  endeavor  to  eradicate  from  the  minds 
of  our  youth  all  prejudices  and  prepossessions  against 
the  memory  of  deceased  and  the  character  of  living 
princes,  and,  by  obviating  the  cavils  and  malice  of  re- 
publican writers,  to  inspire  mankind  with  more  candor 
in  judging  of  the  actions  and  government  of  sovereigns, 
that  I  am  determined  to  follow  so  bright  an  example, 
and  exert  the  utmost  of  my  zeal,  skill,  and  abilities  (in- 
deed far  short  of  yours)  to  rescue  from  the  unmerited 
odium  under  which  they  lie  too  much  injured  characters 
in  history ;  I  mean,  the  Emperor  Claudius  Caesar,  and 
his  immediate  successor,  Nero,  whose  foibles  and  indis- 
cretions have  been  swelled  up  into  vices  by  the  austerity 
and  malevolence  of  Tacitus,  Suetonius,  and  others,  (the 
Rapins,  Ludlows,  and  Macaulays,  of  those  days,)  who 
wrote  under  succeeding  monarchs  of  different  families. 
But,  as  the  motives  of  such  virulent  proceedings  are  now 
ceased,  and  as  men's  minds  ought  to  be  a  little  cooler, 
we  may  venture  to  pronounce  the  disposition  of  those 
princes  to  have  been  good,  though  I  do  not  think  they 
were  faultless,  or  altogether  well  advised." 

He  dilates  upon  the  subject  in  a  letter  to  a  friend, 
from  which  it  appears  that  he  had  a  serious  intention 
of  undertaking  such  a  task,  and  of  showing,  that,  by 
adopting  Hume's  manner  of  representing  the  motives 
and  acts  of  Charles  and  James,  it  would  be  easy  to 
prove  Claudius  and  Nero  to  have  been  virtuous  princes, 
aiming  only  to  exercise  their  prerogatives,  and  the  power 


234  *    THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

intrusted  to  them  by  the  constitution,  for  the  good  of 
their  country.  To  what  extent  he  prosecuted  this  de- 
sign, his  papers  do  not  show. 

He  spent  the  spring  and  summer  of  1772  in  France 
and  Switzerland,  seeking  a  restoration  of  health  by 
change  of  air  and  exercise.  He  rested  two  months  at 
Dijon,  and  for  some  time  at  Lyons,  and  then  proceeded 
to  Lausanne  for  the  purpose  of  consulting  the  celebrated 
physician  Tissot.  His  chief  complaints  were  rheuma- 
tism and  gout ;  but  his  bodily  frame  was  debilitated, 
and  had  recovered  very  slowly  from  the  effects  of  the 
fever  which  brought  him  so  low  in  Hungary.  He  com- 
plains that  his  spirits  were  variable,  sometimes  elastic 
and  buoyant,  at  others  depressed  ;  and  in  this  state  of 
morbid  feeling  he  is  ready  to  believe,  as  he  says  in 
some  of  his  letters,  that  his  temper  had  altered  for  the 
worse.  Indeed,  he  was  ever  frank  and  candid  in  con- 
fessing his  defects.  But,  neither  the  energy  nor  fertility 
of  his  mind  was  diminished  by  the  maladies  of  his  body, 
and  he  employed  himself  during  this  tour  in  writing  his 
remarks  on  Hume's  History  of  England. 

The  dubious  honor  of  the  authorship  of  the  Letters 
of  JUNIUS  has  likewise  been  claimed  for  Charles  Lee. 
This  intimation  was  communicated  to  the  public  twenty 
years  after  his  death,  in  a  letter  written  by  Mr.  Thomas 
Rodney,  of  Delaware.  In  narrating  a  conversation, 
which  he  had  with  General  Lee,  in  the  year  1773,  con- 
cerning these  letters,  Mr.  Rodney  speaks  as  follows  : 

"  General  Lee  said  there  was  not  a  man  in  the  world, 
no,  not  even  Woodfall,  the  publisher,  that  knew  who 
the  author  was ;  that  the  secret  rested  wholly  with 
himself,  and  forever  would  remain  with  him.  Feeling 
in  some  degree  surprised  at  this  unexpected  declaration, 
after  pausing  a  little,  I  replied,  '  No,  General  Lee,  if 
you  certainly  know  what  you  have  affirmed,  it  can  no 
longer  remain  solely  with  him ;  for  certainly  no  one 
could  know  what  you  have  affirmed  but  the  author 
himself.'  Recollecting  himself,  he  replied,  '  I  have  un- 
guardedly committed  myself,  and  it  would  be  but  folly 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  235 

to  deny  to  you  that  I  am  the  author ;  but  I  must  re- 
quest you  will  not  reveal  it  during  my  life ;  for  it 
never  was  nor  ever  will  be  revealed  by  me  to  any 
other.'  He  then  proceeded  to  mention  several  circum- 
stances to  verify  his  being  the  author,  and,  among 
them,  that  of  his  going  over  to  the  continent,  and  ab- 
senting himself  from  England  the  most  of  the  time  in 
which  these  letters  were  published  in  London.  This 
he  thought  necessary,  lest  by  some  accident  the  author 
should  become  known,  or  at  least  suspected,  which 
might  have  been  his  ruin."  * 

Mr.  Rodney  moreover  expresses  his  own  belief, 
founded  on  this  conversation,  that  Lee  was  the  author 
of  the  letters.  This  circumstance,  the  highly  respectable 
character  of  Mr.  Rodney,  and  the  positive  nature  of  his 
testimony,  produced  a  strong  impression  at  the  time  on 
the  minds  of  many  persons,  both  in  the  United  States 
and  England.  General  Lee's  reputation  as  a  writer,  a 
scholar,  and  a  man  of  genius,  the  tone  and  character  of 
some  of  his  compositions,  and  his  peculiar  temper,  were 
such  as  to  afford  a  plausible  groundwork  for  this  opin- 
ion. 

Public  attention  was  soon  drawn  to  the  subject.  Mr. 
Ralph  Wormeley,  of  Virginia,  who  had  known  General 
Lee  intimately  during  the  latter  years  of  his  life,  wrote 
a  letter  to  Mr.  Rodney,  which  was  published,  and  in 
which  he  attempted  to  prove,  that  General  Lee  was  so 
little  acquainted  with  parliamentary  history,  and  with 
the  knowledge  of  other  topics  so  ably  discussed  in  the 
Letters  of  Junius,  that  he  could  not  possibly  have  been 
the  author. 

Mr.  Wormeley  found  an  ardent  and  persevering  op- 
ponent in  Mr.  Daniel  Carthy,  of  North  Carolina,  who 
wrote  a  series  of  papers  in  the  Virginia  Gazette,  aim- 
ing not  only  to  confute  Mr.  Wormeley 's  argument,  but 
to  establish  the  position  of  Mr.  Rodney  by  various 

*  The  letter  from  which  this  extract  is  taken  was  dated  at  Dover,  February 
1st,  1803.  It  was  first  published  in  the  Wilmington  Mirror,  and  in  April  of 
the  same  year  it  was  copied  into  the  St.  James's  Chronicle,  London. 


236  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

testimony  drawn  from  the  writings  of  General  Lee,  his 
education,  political  sentiments,  and  connections  in  so- 
ciety. Mr.  Carthy  likewise  had  the  advantage  of  a 
personal  acquaintance  with  General  Lee,  having  served 
under  him  as  an  officer  in  the  American  war,  and,  from 
this  intercourse,  having  conceived  a  warm  attachment 
to  him  and  high  admiration  of  his  talents. 

A  writer  in  England,  Dr.  Thomas  Girdlestone,  at- 
tracted to  the  subject  by  Mr.  Rodney's  letter,  published 
a  pamphlet  on  the  same  side  of  the  question.  He  rested 
liis  argument  mainly  on  parallel  passages,  selected  from 
the  Letters  of  Juuius  and  the  writings  of  General  Lee 
contained  in  the  Memoirs  published  by  Mr.  Langworthy. 
The  force  of  this  argument  being  admitted,  there  was, 
however,  a  grave  difficulty  in  the  way,  which  Dr.  Gir- 
dlestone was  much  embarrassed  in  removing. 

It  appeared,  from  the  dates  of  some  of  Lee's  papers, 
that  he  was  not  in  England,  but  in  a  remote  part  of  the 
continent,  during  the  publication  of  the  larger  portion 
of  Junius's  Letters,  and  it  was  well  known  that  Junius, 
whoever  he  was,  must  have  been  constantly  in  London, 
or  in  the  neighborhood  of  that  city.  To  overcome  this 
difficulty,  it  was  necessary  for  Dr.  Girdlestone  to  as- 
sume, that  Lee  purposely  dated  from  a  distant  place  his 
letters  to  some  of  his  friends,  who  were  in  the  secret, 
and  who  might  show  these  letters,  to  prevent  suspicion. 
The  erroneous  dates  prefixed  to  many  of  Lee's  printed 
letters  gave  countenance  to  this  hypothesis.  But,  after 
all,  the  thread  was  too  slender  to  hold  the  argument 
together,  without  a  strong  additional  force,  which  Dr. 
Girdlestone  could  not  command.  He  was  more  suc- 
cessful in  meeting  the  objection  of  the  many  inconsist- 
encies between  the  writings  of  Lee  and  Junius.  To 
this  he  replied,  correctly,  that  these  inconsistencies  are 
not  greater  than  those  in  the  writings  of  Junius  himself, 
as  exhibited  in  his  different  letters. 

But  there  is  no  occasion  to  enlarge  on  this  subject. 
The  first  letter  of  Junius  is  dated  in  January,  1769,  and 
the  last  in  January,  1772.  From  the  manuscript  papers 


THE    LEE    PAPEKS.  237 

of  General  Lee,  it  is  certain  that  he  was  in  Warsaw 
early  in  the  year  1769,  that  he  remained  there  during 
the  summer,  that  he  joined  the  Russian  army  in  the 
campaign  against  the  Turks  in  the  autumn,  that 
he  passed  the  following  winter  at  Vienna,  and  the 
summer  of  1770  in  Italy.  These  facts  are  proved  by 
the  dates  in  his  private  diary,  recorded  in  his  own  hand- 
writing. Within  the  above  period,  more  than  half  the. 
letters  of  Junius  were  published,  and  some  of  them  in 
such  quick  succession,  and  relating  so  exclusively  to 
local  events,  that  they  could  not  have  been  written  by 
any  person  absent  from  England.* 

It  may  then  be  asked,  What  is  to  be  thought  of  Mr. 
Rodney's  letter?  The  reader  must  judge.  His  own 
veracity  is  not  to  be  questioned.  He  may  have  misun- 
stood  General  Lee's  meaning,  or  have  drawn  a  false  in- 
ference from  language  that  was  left  purposely  ambigu- 
ous. General  Lee's  vanity  might,  perhaps,  carry  him 
so  far.  But  the  misconception  may  be  explained  in  a 
different  manner.  It  is  well  known  that  General  Lee 
was  a  frequent  contributor  to  the  newspapers  when  he 
was  in  London,  and  engaged  eagerly  in  the  political 
controversies  of  the  day.  It  is  certainly  possible,  and 
even  probable,  that,  after  he  returned  to  England,  dur- 
ing the  last  year  of  the  correspondence  of  Junius,  he 
entered,  among  others,  into  the  contest  with  that  brill- 
iant writer,  by  anonymous  communications  to  the 
public  journals.  In  his  conversation  with  Mr.  Rodney, 
he  may  have  alluded  to  this  literary  warfare  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  connect  himself  with  Junius,  without  ab- 
solutely intending  to  convey  the  impression  of  identity. 
This  is  no  more  than  conjecture,  however,  and  the 
reader  must  form  his  own  opinion. 

Whatever  fortunes  may  have  befallen  General  Lee 
during  his  travels,  and  in  England,  he  seems  neither  to 

*  Dr.  Girdlestone's  pamphlet  was  published  in  1807.  It  was  followed  by 
another  edition,  much  enlarged,  in  1813.  The  subject  is  discussed  in  the  Pre- 
liminary Essay  to  "  Woodfall's  Junius,"  but  the  editor  relies  on  the  false 
dates  contained  in  Langworthy's  Memoir.  See  also  the  "  British  Critic  "  for 
September,  1807. 


238  •       THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

have  changed  his  opinions,  nor  to  have  become  recon- 
ciled to  the  policy  of  the  ministers  in  regard  to  the 
colonies,  or  to  the  measures  adopted  by  them  for  carry- 
ing out  that  policy.  The  high  principles  of  political 
freedom,  which  he  had  openly  avowed  in  his  early  years, 
were,  in  this  instance,  fortified  by  a  conviction  of  right 
and  a  sense  of  justice.  Such  were  his  constant  declara- 
tions, and  there  is  surely  no  reason  for  doubting  his 
sincerity,  since  these  declarations  conflicted  with  his 
personal  interests,  and  thwarted  all  ambitious  hopes, 
by  interposing  a  bar  to  any  promotion  he  might  other- 
wise have  expected  under  the  auspices  of  the  govern- 
ment. At  length  he  became  identified  in  principle 
with  the  American  cause,  and  he  resolved  to  make  a 
tour  through  the  colonies,  whether  with  the  design  of 
establishing  himself  permanently  in  the  country,  or 
only  of  gratifying  his  curiosity  by  observation,  it  would 
be  in  vain  now  to  inquire.  It  is  probable,  however, 
that,  in  case  of  a  war,  he  had  already  determined  what 
part  he  should  act. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Arrives  in  America. —  Travels  in  the  Middle  and 
Eastern  Provinces. — Letters  to  General  Gage  and 
Lord  Percy. — ///  Philadelphia  at  the  Sitting  of  the 
first  Continental  Congress. — Dr.  Myles  Coopers 
Pamphlet. — Lees  Answer. — His  Account  of  the  po- 
litical State  of  the  Colonies. — Embraces  with  Ardor 
the  Cause  of  the  Americans. —  Visits  Maryland  and 
Virginia. — Purchases  an  Estate  in  Virginia. 

GENERAL  LEE  arrived  in  New  York,  from  London, 
on  the  10th  of  November,  1773.  His  old  enemy,  the 
gout,  with  which  he  was  often  afflicted,  kept  him  a 
prisoner  for  some  time  after  he  landed ;  but,  as  soon  as 
he  was  sufficiently  recovered,  he  began  his  travels  to 
the  southward.  He  made  no  secret  of  his  sentiments 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  239 

or  wishes  in  New  York.  "  Your  old  acquaintance, 
General  Lee,"  says  Mr.  Thomas  (ramble,  in  a  letter 
written  from  that  place  to  General  Bradstreet,  "  has 
]ived  with  me  for  a  month ;  more  abusive  than  ever, 
and  the  greatest  son  of  liberty  in  America.  He  has 
now  gone  to  Maryland,  to  see  Mr.  Dulany.  He  extols 
the  Bostonians,  and  wishes  the  rest  of  the  colonies 
would  follow  their  example." 

After  leaving  New  York,  he  passed  five  or  six  months 
in  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia,  seeking 
everywhere  the  society  of  the  political  leaders,  and  at- 
tracting much  attention  by  the  zeal  with  which  he 
espoused  the  cause  of  the  Americans,  his  eloquent  and 
fervid  discourse,  and  the  romantic  renown  which  he 
had  acquired  by  his  European  wanderings  and  military 
experience.  The  eccentricity  of  his  manners,  which 
led  him  sometimes  to  infringe  upon  the  recognized  rules 
of  social  intercourse,  was  regarded  as  the  natural  fruit 
of  a  brilliant  though  erratic  genius ;  and  his  political 
principles  were  in  such  perfect  accordance  with  the 
spirit  of  the  times,  and  were  poured  into  the  ears  of 
every  listener  with  so  much  earnestness  and  ability,  that 
he  soon  won  the  hearts  of  the  people,  and  gained  the 
confidence  of  all  the  prominent  patriots. 

During  the  summer  of  1774,  he  travelled  through  the 
middle  and  eastern  colonies,  as  far  as  Boston.  At  this 
time,  General  Gage  was  in  that  city,  as  Governor  of 
Massachusetts,  and  at  the  head  of  a  British  army.  Al- 
though a  friendship  had  long  subsisted  between  him 
and  Genera]  Lee,  yet  the  latter  purposely  forbore  to  call 
upon  him,  or  to  show  him  any  marks  of  personal  re- 
spect. His  reasons  are  assigned  in  a  characteristic  let- 
ter to  General  Gage 

"  Whether  it  is  from  a  cynical  disposition,"  he  writes, 
"  or  a  laudable  misanthropy,  whether  it  is  to  my  credit 
or  discredit,  I  know  not ;  but  it  is  most  certain  that  I 
have  had  a  real  affection  for  very  few  men ;  but  that 
these  few  I  have  loved  with  warmth,  zeal,  and  ardor. 
You,  Sir,  amongst  these  few,  have  ever  held  one  of  the 


240  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

foremost  places.  I  respected  your  understanding,  liked 
your  manners,  and  perfectly  adored  the  qualities  of 
your  lieart.  These,  Sir,  are  my  reasons,  paradoxical  as 
they  may  appear  to  you,  that  I  now  avoid  what  I  here- 
tofore should  have  thought  a  happiness.  Were  you 
personally  indifferent  to  me,  I  should,  perhaps,  from 
curiosity,  appear  in  the  circle  of  your  levee  ;  but  I  hold 
in  such  abhorrence  the  conduct,  temper,  and  spirit,  of 
our  present  court,  more  particularly  their  present  dia- 
bolical measures  with  respect  to  this  country  fill  me 
with  so  much  horror  and  indignation,  that  I  cannot 
bear  to  see  a  man,  from  whom  my  affections  can  never 
be  weaned,  in  the  capacity  of  one  of  their  instruments ; 
as  I  am  convinced  that  the  court  of  Tiberius,  or  Philip 
the  Second,  was  not  more  treacherous  to  the  rights  of 
mankind  than  the  present  court  of  Great  Britain. 

"  I  know  not  whether  the  people  of  America  will  be 
successful  in  their  struggles  for  liberty ;  I  think  it 
most  probable  they  will,  from  what  I  have  seen  in  my 
progress  through  the  colonies.  So  noble  a  spirit  per- 
vades all  orders  of  men,  from  the  first  estated  gentle- 
man to  the  lowest  planters,  that  I  think  they  must  be 
victorious.  I  most  devoutly  wish  they  may  ;  for,  if 
the  machinations  of  their  enemies  prevail,  the  bright 
goddess  of  liberty  must,  like  her  sister  Austria,  utterly 
abandon  the  earth,  and  leave  not  a  wreck  behind. 

''  I  know,  Sir,  you  will  do  me  the  justice  to  believe 
that  I  am  not  acting  a  part ;  that  no  affectation  has 
place  in  my  conduct.  You  have  known  me  long 
enough,  I  flatter  myself,  to  be  persuaded  that  zeal  for 
the  liberties  of  my  country  and  the  rights  of  mankind 
has  been  my  predominant  passion."  * 

*  At  the  beginning  of  the  previous  war,  Gage  had  been  Lieutenant-Colonel 
of  the  forty-fourth  regiment,  in  which  Lee  had  served  as  captain.  A  few 
weeks  before  the  date  of  the  above  letter,  Gates  wrote  to  Lee  as  follows : 
'•Unless  actions  convince  me  to  the  contrary,  I  am  resolved  to  think  Mr.  Gage 
has  some  secret  medicine  in  his  pocket  to  heal  the  wounds  that  threaten  the 
life  of  American  liberty.  Surely  a  man  so  humane,  so  sensible,  so  honorable, 
so  independent  in  his  circumstances,  and  so  great  from  family  expectations, 
would  never  undertake  a  business  fit  only  for  an  abandoned  desperado,  or  a 
monster  in  human  shape.  I  have  read  with  wonder  and  astonishment  Gage's 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  241 

In  a  letter  written  at  the  same  time  to  Lord  Percy, 
who  was  then  stationed  at  Boston  as  an  officer  in  the 
army,  he  expresses  similar  sentiments,  and  with  equal 
freedom. 

"  Were  the  principle  of  taxing  America  without  her 
consent  admitted,"  he  says,  "  Great  Britain  would  that 
instant  be  ruined;  the  pecuniary  influence  of  the  crown, 
and  the  army  of  placemen  and  pensioners,  would  be  so 
increased,  that  all  opposition  to  the  most  iniquitous 
measures  of  the  most  iniquitous  ministers  would  be  for- 
ever borne  down.  Your  Lordship,  I  am  sure,  must  be 
sensible  that  this  pecuniary  influence  is  enormously  too 
great,  and  that  a  very  wicked  use  is  made  of  it.  On 
these  principles,  every  good  Englishman,  abstracted 
from  any  particular  regard  for  America,  must  oppose 
her  being  taxed  by  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  or, 
more  properly,  by  the  First  Lord  of  the  Treasury;  for, 
in  fact,  the  Parliament  and  Treasury  have  of  late  years 
been  one  and  the  same  thing. 

"But,  my  Lord,  I  have  besides  a  particular  regard 
for  America.  I  was  long  among  them,  and  I  know 
them  to  be  the  most  loyal,  affectionate,  zealous  subjects 
of  the  whole  empire.  General  Gage  himself  must  ac- 
knowledge the  truth  of  what  I  advance.  He  was  a 
witness,  through  the  whole  course  of  the  last  war,  of 
their  zeal,  their  ardor,  their  enthusiasm,  for  whatever 
concerned  the  welfare,  the  interest,  and  the  honor,  of 
the  mother  country. 

"  I  think,  my  Lord,  an  English  soldier  owes  a  very 
great  degree  of  reverence  to  the  King,  as  first  magis- 
trate and  thhd  branch  of  the  legislature,  called  to  this 

proclamations.  Surely  this  is  not  the  same  man  you  and  I  knew  so  well  in 
days  of  yore."  Again,  a  month  later:  "Be  careful  how  you  act,  for  be  as- 
sured Gage  knows  you  too  well,  and  knows  you  knew  him  too  well,  not  to  be 
glad  of  any  plausible  pretence  to  prevent  your  good  services  in  the  public 
cause."  At  this  time  Gates  was  residing  in  Berkeley  County,  Virginia,  west 
of  the  Blue  Ridge,  having  left  the  army,  and  purchased  a  plantation  there, 
after  the  peace  of  1763.  He  had  been  in  the  disastrous  expedition  under 
General  Braddock,  in  1755,  as  captain  of  an  independent  company;  and,  in 
the  same  expedition,  Gage  was  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  the  forty-fourth  regi- 
ment. They  were  both  wounded  in  the  battle  of  the  Monongahela,  where 
Washington  a?ted  as  aid-de-camp  to  the  commander. 

16 


242  •      THE    LEE   PAPERS. 

mighty  station  by  the  voice  of  the  people ;  but  I  think 
he  owes  a  still  greater  degree  of  reverence  to  the  rights 
and  liberties  of  his  country.  I  think  his  country  is 
every  part  of  the  empire  ;  that,  in  whatever  part  of 
the  empire  a  flagitious  minister  manifestly  invades 
those  rights  and  liberties,  whether  in  Great  Britain, 
Ireland,  or  America,  every  Englishman,  soldier  or  not 
soldier,  ought  to  consider  their  cause  as  his  own  ;  and 
that  the  rights  and  liberties  of  this  country  are  invaded, 
every  man  must  see  who  has  eyes,  and  is  not  deter- 
mined to  keep  them  shut."  * 

Having  made  a  rapid  tour  through  the  eastern  colo- 
nies, Lee  returned  to  Philadelphia  in  season  to  be  pres- 
ent while  the  first  Continental  Congress  was  sitting  in 
that  city.  He  tljus  had  an  opportunity  of  becoming  ac- 
quainted with  the  members  of  that  body,  consisting  of 
men  from  all  parts  of  the  country  eminent  for  their  tal- 
ents and  patriotism,  convened  to  deliberate  on  public 
affairs,  and  to  devise  measures  for  obtaining  a  redress 
of  grievances  ;  men  of  whom  Chatham  said,  in  Parlia- 
ment, u  1  must  declare  and  avow,  that,  in  the  master 
states  of  the  world,  for  solidity  of  reasoning,  force  of 
sagacity,  and  wisdom  of  conclusion,  under  such  a  com- 
plication of  difficult  circumstances,  no  nation  or  body 
of  men  can  stand  in  preference  to  the  General  Congress 
at  Philadelphia."  f  The  enthusiasm  of  Lee.  the  hearti- 
ness with  which  he  approved  their  proceedings  and  ani- 
mated their  zeal,  his  intelligence  and  ability,  his  decision 
and  boldness,  were  suited  to  the  moment,  and  all  con- 
spired to  make  a  strong  impression  on  the  members  of 
this  Congress,  and  to  prepare  the  way  for  future  proofs 
of  their  confidence  in  so  able  and  ardent  a  champion  of 
their  cause. 

He  had  other  claims,  also,  to  their  notice  and  con- 
sideration. In  the  midst  of  his  wanderings,  he  had 

*  This  letter  to  Lord  Percy  was  published  in  London  a  few  months  after  ifc 
was  written.  It  is  contained  in  Almon's  Remembrancer  for  1775.  The  letter 
to  Gage  was  not  printed  till  many  years  afterwards,  and  it  first  appeared  in 
America. 

\  Life  of  the  Earl  of  Chatham,  Vol.  II.,  p.  404. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  243 

found  leisure  to  employ  his  pen.  His  performances  in 
this  way  were  published  anonymously  ;  but  their  style, 
tone,  and  matter,  betrayed  their  origin,  which  he  prob- 
ably took  no  pains  to  conceal.  He  was  not  a  man  to 
hide  his  light  under  a  bushel,  or  to  shrink  from  an 
avowal  of  his  sentiments  on  all  subjects  before  the  tri- 
bunal of  the  public.  Precipitate,  sometimes  rash,  he 
certainly  was ;  but  this  fault  cannot  be  charged  with 
selfish  ends;  it  was  the  excess  of  a  bold,  frank,  and 
fearless  spirit.  Timidity  seeks  disguise ;  selfishness 
works  by  cunning,  craft,  low  intrigue,  and  pitiful  ap- 
pliances. With  these  stains  the  character  of  Lee  was 
never  tarnished.  He  uttered  his  opinions  with  manly 
freedom  and  self-confidence,  and  he  was  resolute  in  de- 
fending them.  His  writings  in  favor  of  American  lib- 
erty, at  this  time,  partake  of  these  characteristics  ;  and, 
as  compositions  suited  to  the  occasion,  they  have  the 
additional  merit  of  carrying  conviction  to  the  reader's 
mind,  that  they  flowed  equally  from  the  head  and  the 
heart,  pleading  for  justice  and  the  rights  of  humanity. 

Dr.  Myles  Cooper,  of  New  York,  a  clergyman  of  the 
Church  of  England,  had  written  a  pamphlet  entitled 
"A  Friendly  Address  to  all  Reasonable  Americans,"  in 
which  the  author  entered  into  an  elaborate  defence  of 
all  the  acts  and  all  the  claims  of  the  British  government 
in  their  proceedings  towards  the  colonies.  He  was 
amazed  only  that  the  colonists  should  be  so  blind,  weak, 
and  obstinate,  as  not  to  see  and  confess,  with  humble 
submission,  the  lenity,  forbearance,  and  parental  kind- 
ness of  their  venerated  mother,  in  her  numerous  acts  of 
grace  and  condescension  to  her  deluded  children,  who 
were  now  rushing  headlong  to  their  ruin.  He  argued 
from  law,  precedent,  the  prerogatives  of  the  King,  and 
the  constitutional  power  of  Parliament,  as  if  he  had 
been  a  great  luminary  in  Westminster  Hall ;  and  the 
result  of  the  whole  was  the  old  doctrine  of  passive 
obedience.  Charles  the  First  would  have  rewarded 
with  a  mitre  so  sturdy  an  advocate. 

He  discovered  that  Locke's  reasonings  on  the  subject 


244  •     THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

of  taxation  were  "  weak  and  sophistical ; "  and  he  af- 
firmed, that  the  tax  on  tea  was  no  hardship,  because  the 
Americans  were  not  obliged  to  buy  the  tea.  Nor  was 
the  learned  author  content  to  rely  on  his  logic  and  legal 
precedents  alone.  He  must  needs  speak  of  military  af- 
fairs, of  the  formidable  armies  of  Great  Britain,  the 
skill  and  bravery  of  her  generals,  the  experience  of  her 
veteran  troops,  and  then  contrast  these  with  the  undis- 
ciplined yeomanry  of  America,  the  want  of  generals, 
the  want  of  military  supplies,  the  want  of  everything 
that  could  give  consistency  or  strength  to  an  army.  In 
short,  no  arguments  were  spared  which  could  throw  dis- 
credit upon  the  principles  avowed  by  the  colonists,  re- 
proach upon  their  acts,  and  odium  upon  their  cause. 

This  pamphlet  fell  into  the  hands  of  General  Lee. 
The  cool  effrontery  and  magisterial  manner  of  the  au- 
thor in  discussing  important  topics,  of  which  he  had  no 
adequate  knowledge,  his  utter  hostility,  in  all  points, 
to  what  the  patriots  deemed  their  sacred  rights,  and  the 
slavish  doctrines  he  maintained,  naturally  exposed  him 
to  severe  and  caustic  attacks  from  his  opponents.  As 
a  scholar  and  divine,  Dr.  Cooper  stood  high  with  his 
party,  who  adopted  him  as  a  champion  in  the  political 
field,  for  which  he  was  ill  qualified.  Lee's  reply  is 
marked  with  the  peculiarities  of  his  other  compositions. 
Sallies  of  humor,  irony,  and  glowing  declamation,  are 
mingled  with  grave  argument,  facts,  and  apposite  illus- 
trations. The  author's  political  disquisitions  he  des- 
patches very  briefly,  as  the  reveries  of  a  mind  so  imper- 
fectly informed,  or  so  deeply  enveloped  in  the  mists  of 
prejudice,  as  not  to  require  a  serious  refutation.  He 
merely  exposes  them  in  their  native  deformity.  His 
main  battery  is  opened  upon  Dr.  Cooper's  military 
speculations,  which  he  thought  more  likely  to  mislead 
the  public  ;  and  here,  standing  on  his  own  ground,  he 
speaks  with  authority  and  effect,  drawing  a  parallel  be- 
tween the  armies  which  England  could  bring  across  the 
Atlantic  and  those  which  could  be  raised  on  the  soil  of 
America,  both  as  to  numbers  and  efficiency,  much  to  the 


THE    LEE    PAPERS. 


245 


advantage  of  the  latter,  consisting  of  the  yeomanry  of 
the  land,  called  out  by  the  impulse  of  patriotism,  and 
fighting  for  their  firesides  and  their  liberties. 

This  performance  was  well  timed,  well  adapted  to  its 
object,  and  was  received  with  great  applause  through- 
out the  country.  It  unquestionably  produced  a  strong 
impulse  upon  public  opinion,  and  especially  in  confirm- 
ing the  wavering  confidence  of  those,  who  had  dis- 
trusted the  ability  of  the  colonies  to  contend  with  the 
armies  of  England.  One  edition  after  another  issued 
from  the  press ;  it  was  circulated  widely,  and  read  with 
avidity  by  all  classes  of  people ;  and  it  soon  raised  its 
author  to  a  high  pitch  of  popularity.  His  genius,  edu- 
cation, experience,  military  knowledge,  and  enthusiastic 
devotion  to  the  cause  of  the  colonists,  were  recommen- 
dations which  were  fully  recognized,  and  in  which  was 
seen  the  promise  of  an  able  and  resolute  coadjutor.* 

The  impressions  which  Lee  had  received,  after  a 
residence  of  ten  months  in  the  country,  are  conveyed  in 
a  letter  to  Sir  Charles  Davers,  dated  at  Philadelphia, 
while  the  first  Congress  was  in  session. 
.  "  I  have  now  lately  run  through  the  colonies  from 
Virginia  to  Boston,  and.  can  assure  you,  by  all  that  is 
solemn  and  sacred,  that  there  is  not  a  man  on  the  whole 
continent,  placemen  and  some  High  Churchmen  ex- 
cepted,  who  is  not  determined  to  sacrifice  his  property, 
his  life,  his  wife,  family,  children,  in  the  cause  of  Boston, 
which  he  justly  considers  as  his  own. 

"  In  every  town  in  New  England  are  formed  com- 
panies of  cadets,  who  are  as  perfect  as  possible  in  the 
manual  exercise,  evolutions,  and  all  the  minute  manoeu- 
vres practised  by  the  troops  of  Europe.  The  Boston 
company  of  artillery  is  allowed  to  be  equal  to  any ;  so 

*  The  tract  was  called  Strictures  on  a  Pamphlet  entitled  A  Friendly  Address 
to  all  Reasonable  Americans,  and  was  published  in  1774.  It  is  uncertain  where 
it  was  first  printed,  but  probably  in  Philadelphia.  It  was  reprinted  in  New 
York,  New  London,  and  Boston,  in  a  cheap  form,  for  general  circulation,  and 
it  was  likewise  inserted  in  some  of  the  newspapers.  In  a  bitter  philippic  by 
a  Tory  writer,  under  the  title  of  The  General  attacked  by  a  Subaltern,  it  is 
called  a  "  boasted  bulwark  of  faction,"  and  the  Whigs  are  abased  for  their  ac- 
tive zeal  in  spreading  it  among  the  people. 


24t>  •       THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

that,  in  reality,  they  have  drill  officers  sufficient  to  form 
an  army  of  sixty  thousand  men ;  and  this  number  the 
four  provinces  can  maintain,  without  neglecting  the 
culture  of  their  lands.  I  leave  you  to  judge  whether  it 
is  easy  to  dragoon  this  number,  even-  if  the  other  colo- 
nies should  stand  aloof.  But  they  will  not  stand  aloof. 
They  will  support  them  with  their  blood  and  treasure. 
The  Canadians,  it  seems,  are  to  be  employed  against 
them  ;  but  if  a  single  man  stirs,  they  are  determined  to 
invite  France  and  Spain  to  accept  the  prodigious  profits 
which  their  commerce  affords.  They  want  nothing  in 
return  but  arms,  ammunition,  and  perhaps  a  few  artil- 
lery officers  as  well  as  guns.  And  they  certainly  are  to 
be  justified  by  every  law,  human  and  divine.  You  will 
ask.  where  they  will  find  generals.  But  I  will  ask, 
what  generals  have  their  tyrants  ?  In  fact,  the  match 
in  this  respect  will  be  pretty  equal." 

With  this  extreme  freedom  in  avowing  his  sentiments, 
and  with  the  undisguised  manner  in  which  he  took  the 
part  of  the  Americans,  it  is  no  wonder  that  his  opinions, 
and  reports  of  his  conduct,  should  come  to  the  ears  of 
the  ministers.  He  was  an  officer  on  half -pay  in  the 
King's  service,  and,  standing  in  this  position,  he  might 
naturally  be  required  to  forbear  enlisting  himself  in  the 
ranks  of  those,  who  were  planning  schemes  for  resisting 
the  ministerial  measures.  Accordingly,  on  the  17th  of 
October,  Lord  Dartmouth  wrote  to  General  Gage,  in- 
forming him  of  the  intelligence  he  had  received  con- 
cerning Lee,  who,  he  was  told,  associated  with  the  ene- 
mies of  government  in  Boston,  and  encouraged  a  spirit 
of  revolt.  u  Have  an  attention  to  his  conduct,"  says 
the  minister,  u  and  take  every  legal  method  to  prevent 
his  effecting  any  of  those  dangerous  purposes  he  is  said 
to  have  in  view."  It  does  not  appear  that  General 
Gage  was  the  author  of  this  report,  although  in  a  letter 
to  Lord  Dartmouth,  written  a  few  days  after  Lee  left 
Boston,  he  said,  u  It  has  been  suggested  that  it  was 
highly  necessary  to  apprehend  a  certain  number  of  per- 
sons, which,  I  believe,  would  have  been  a  very  proper 


THE    LEE    PAPERS. 


247 


measure  some  time  ago,  but  at  present  it  would  be  the 
signal  for  hostilities,  which  they  seem  very  ripe  to  be- 
gin." This  step  was  subsequently  urged  by  the  minis- 
ters ;  but  Adams  and  Hancock  were  the  only  individu- 
als whose  offences  were  declared  to  be  of  so  flagitious 
a  nature,  as  to  drive  them  beyond  the  limits  of  his  Maj- 
esty's pardon. 

Lee  remained  in  Philadelphia  while  the  first  Congress 
was  sitting,  and  then  went  to  Virginia  and  Maryland. 
In  December,  a  convention  of  deputies  from  the  sev- 
eral counties  of  Maryland  met  at  Annapolis,  to  approve 
the  proceedings  of  the  Continental  Congress,  and  to  de- 
liberate on  public  affairs.  Lee  was  present  at  the  meet- 
ing of  this  convention,  and  his  counsels  had  much  weight 
in  stirring  up  the  members  to  vigorous  action,  and  par- 
ticularly to  adopt  resolutions  for  putting  the  militia  on 
a  better  footing,  forming  them  into  new  companies  and 
regiments,  and  supplying  them  with  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion. A  plan  for  the  new  organization  was  furnished 
by  him,  and  he  personally  superintended  the  arrange- 
ments for  mustering  the  companies  at  Annapolis.  He 
was  delighted  with  the  promptness  and  spirit  shown  by 
the  Maryland  convention,  and  exultingly  contrasted  its 
proceedings  with  what  he  called  a  "trick  of  adjourning 
and  procrastinating  "  in  some  of  the  other  provinces. 
At  this  same  convention  a  lively  sympathy  was  ex- 
pressed for  the  suffering  inhabitants  of  Boston,  then 
deprived  of  their  usual  means  of  subsistence  by  the  op- 
pressive act  of  Parliament  for  closing  the  port ;  and  the 
people  of  all  the  counties  were  requested  to  furnish 
contributions  for  their  relief. 

While  at  Annapolis,  he  wrote  a  long  letter  to  Ed- 
mund Burke.  After  describing  the  condition  of  the 
country,  the  political  views  and  temper  of  the  peo- 
ple, and  their  military  preparations  and  resources, 
he  adds, 

"  I  shall  now  trouble  you  with  a  few  words  respectin 
myself.  I  find  it  inserted  in  a  paragraph  of  an  Englis 
newspaper,  that  a  certain  officer  (meaning  me)  had  been 


248  •     THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

busy  in  dissuading  the  people  of  Boston  from  submit- 
ting to  the  acts.  It  is  giving  me  great  importance  to 
suppose  that  I  have  influence  to  urge  or  restrain  so  vast 
a  community  in  affairs  of  the  dearest  moment.  The 
same  paragraph  adds  that  I  had  offered  to  put  myself 
at  their  head  ;  but  I  hope  it  will  not  be  believed  that  I 
was  capable  of  so  much  temerity  and  vanity.  To  think 
myself  qualified  for  the  most  important  charge  that  ever 
was  committed  to  mortal  man,  is  the  last  stage  of  pre- 
sumption. Nor  do  1  think  the  Americans  would  or 
ought  to  confide  in  a  man,  let  his  qualifications  be  ever 
so  great,  who  has  no  property  among  them.  It  is  true, 
I  most  devoutly  wish  them  success  in  the  glorious  strug- 
gle; that  I  have  expressed  my  wishes  both  in  writing 
and  viva  voce ;  but  my  errand  to  Boston  was  mere 
curiosity  to  see  a  people  in  so  singular  circumstances  ; 
and  I  had  likewise  an  ambition  to  be  acquainted  with 
some  of  their  leading  men  ;  with  them  only  I  associated 
during  my  stay  at  Boston.  Our  ingenious  gentlemen 
in  the  camp,  therefore,  very  naturally  concluded  my  de- 
sign was  to  put  myself  at  their  head."' 

About  this  time  he  made  a  visit  to  his  friend  Gates 
at  his  residence  in  Berkeley  county.  Gates  had  advised 
him  to  purchase  an  estate,  then  on  sale  in  his  neighbor- 
hood, which  he  described  as  an  excellent  farm,  consist- 
ing of  two  thousand  four  hundred  acres  of  land.  This 
farm,  he  said,  could  be  purchased  for  three  thousand 
six  hundred  pounds  sterling,  and  at  this  price  he  thought 
it  a  great  bargain.  In  ten  years,  with  proper  manage- 
ment, it  would  be  worth  seven  thousand  pounds,  besides 
yielding  a  liberal  income  annually  in  the  mean  time. 
Eighteen  hundred  pounds  were  required  to  be  paid 
down,  and  the  remainder  by  easy  instalments.  One 
thousand  pounds  would  be  necessary  to  provide  stock 
for  the  farm,  and  to  carry  forward  the  improvements. 
Lee  made  the  purchase,  by  which  it  would  seem  that  he 
had  already  resolved  to  establish  his  home  in  America. 
This  estate  became  the  place  of  his  future  residence,  ex- 

*  Burke's  Correspondence,  Vol.  I.,  p.  514. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  249 

cept  when  employed  in  the  public  service,  till  the  time 
of  his  death. 

Hitherto,  General  Lee  had  been  continually  gaining 
upon  the  affections  and  confidence  of  the  Americans. 
On  all  occasions  he  was  among  the  foremost  in  pressing 
vigorous  measures  and  decided  action.  His  enthusiasm 
was  contagious,  enforced  as  it  was  by  commanding 
talents,  and  an  earnestness  which  produced  an  entire 
conviction  of  his  sincerity.  His  four  campaigns  in 
America  had  enabled  him  not  only  to  understand  the 
condition  of  the  colonists,  their  political  institutions 
and  principles,  but  to  study  their  character  and  habits  ; 
and  thus  he  was  qualified  to  adapt  himself  with  re- 
markable facility  to  the  circumstances  in  which,  he  was 
now  placed.  It  was  not  strange,  therefore,  that,  as  the 
time  approached  when  all  men  saw  that  a  resort  to  arms 
was  inevitable,  the  public  eye  should  be  turned  to  him 
as  one  of  the  most  prominent  candidates  for  a  high  com- 
mand in  the  service. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Lee  appointed  Major -General  in  the  American  Army. 
—Proceeds  with  Washington  to  the  Camp  at  Cam- 
bridge.— His  Reception  by  the  Massachusetts  Con- 
gress.—  Correspondence  with  General  Burgoyne.— 
Assists  in  reorganizing  the  Army. —  Goes  to  New- 
port.— Administers  an  Oath  to  the  Tories. 

THE  memorable  day  at  Lexington  and  Concord 
kindled  the  indignation  and  roused  the  martial  spirit  of 
the  whole  people.  The  events  of  that  day  had  an 
electrical  effect  throughout  New  England.  The  blood 
of  American  citizens  had  been  shed  on  their  native  soil. 
Men  flew  to  their  arms,  and  thousands  hurried  to  the 
scene  of  action  as  if  driven  onward  by  a  common  im- 
pulse. When  the  British  troops  retreated  from  Lex- 
ington, they  found  an  asylum  in  Boston,  where  the 


250  •    THE   LEE   PAPERS. 

whole  British  force  was  stationed,  under  General  Gage. 
Within  a  few  days,  Boston  was  surrounded  by  the 
militia  of  New  England,  under  the  command  of  Gen- 
eral Ward. 

The  second  Congress  assembled  at  Philadelphia,  and 
one  of  their  first  acts  was  to  take  into  consideration  the 
particulars  of  the  affair  at  Lexington.  At  this  time, 
very  few  persons  in  the  country  expected  a  war ;  yet 
it  was  evident  to  all,  that,  after  what  had  passed,  a  re- 
sort to  arms  was  necessary,  if  they  intended  to  vindi- 
cate the  principles  and  secure  the  rights  for  which  they 
had  so  long  contended  by  petitions,  resolves,  and  public 
declarations.  Congress  therefore  immediately  deter- 
mined to  assume  the  attitude  of  military  defence,  and 
to  embody  a  Continental  army,  which  was  to  be  raised 
and  supported  at  the  common  charge  of  the  nation. 

As  a  preliminary  step,  it  was  requisite  that  officers 
should  be  appointed  to  command  the  new  army.  Con- 
sidering the  relations  in  which  the  several  colonies  then 
stood  to  each  other,  and  the  circumstance  that  General 
Ward  already  commanded  the  New  England  army  sta- 
tioned around  Boston,  the  task  of  selection  was  deli- 
cate. By  a  spirit  of  compromise,  however,  and  by  a 
wise  policy  on  political  grounds,  the  difficulties  were  in 
a  great  degree  removed,  and  Washington  was  unani- 
mously chosen  Commander-in-chief.  General  Ward's 
position  so  clearly  pointed  him  out  for  the  next  place 
in  rank,  that  he  was  accordingly  elected  the  first  Major- 
General.  Charles  Lee  followed  him,  and,  on  the  17th  of 
June,  1775,  was  appointed  second  Major-General  in  the 
Continental  army.  Two  other  Major-Generals  only 
were  appointed  at  that  time,  namely,  Schuyler  and 
Putnam ;  the  last  being  the  only  one  of  the  four  who 
received  the  unanimous  voice  of  Congress. 

O 

There  seems  little  room  to  doubt,  that  Lee  had  at 
one  time  flattered  himself  with  the  hope  of  being  pre- 
ferred to  the  chief  command ;  and  probably  there  were 
persons  in  the  country  who  had  encouraged  this  hope. 
His  military  experience  and  eminent  qualities  were 


THE    LEE    PAPERS. 


251 


captivating  to  the  multitude.  But  his  foreign  origin 
interposed  an  effectual  bar  to  such  an  advancement, 
and  it  is  not  likely  that  any  member  of  Congress  enter- 
tained the  thought  for  a  moment.  It  is  impossible  that 
a  single  considerate  American  could  have  been  willing 
to  repose  so  responsible  a  trust  in  any  other  hands  than 
those  of  a  citizen  born  in  the  country.  If  Lee  was  not 
content  with  this  result,  there  is  no  evidence  of  his  hav- 
ing openly  expressed  dissatisfaction.  On  the  contrary, 
he  manifested  a  warm  attachment  to  Washington,  and 
cooperated  for  some  time  cordially  in  executing  his 
plans ;  but  occasional  symptoms  may  be  seen  of  his  un- 
easiness at  the  superior  rank  of  General  Ward.* 

Before  General  Lee  accepted  a  post  in  the  American 
army,  he  wrote  to  Lord  Barrington,  Secretary  at  War 
in  Great  Britain,  resigning  the  commission  which  he 
held  in  his  Majesty's  service ;  declaring,  at  the  same 
time,  that,  whenever  his  Majesty  should  call  him  to  act 

*  The  correspondence  of  the  day  furnishes  a  good  index  to  the  rumors  that 
were  afloat,  and  in  some  degree  to  the  state  of  public  opinion.  The  following 
extract  is  from  a  letter  written  by  an  unknown  person  in  Philadelphia,  De- 
cember 26th,  1774,  to  a  member  of  the  British  Parliament. 

"  The  only  design  of  this  letter  is  to  rectify  some  mistakes,  which  have 
been  transmitted  to  England,  respecting  the  conduct  of  General  Lee,  who  is 
now  in  America. 

"  The  ministry  have  been  made  to  believe,  that  the  military  preparations  in 
the  colonies  have  been  recommended  and  taught  entirely  by  that  officer. 
Nothing  can  be  further  from  fact.  The  Americans  were  determined  to  seal 
their  love  of  liberty  with  their  blood  long  before  they  heard  of  the  name  of 
General  Lee.  The  people  of  Massachusetts  were  armed  and  disciplined  before 
General  Lee  visited  them,  and  the  Congress  agreed  to  recommend  the  study  of 
the  military  exercises  to  the  colonies  without  hearing  a  word  on  the  subject 
from  the  General.  It  is  a  falsehood  that  he  has  offered  to  head  our  troops. 
He  has  too  much  knowledge  of  the  world  not  to  perceive  that  men,  who  fight 
for  all  they  hold  dear  to  them,  will  prefer  men  born  among  them  for  com- 
manders to  the  most  experienced  foreign  officers.  Moreover,  the  colonies  are 
not  so  wrapped  up  in  General  Lee's  military  accomplishments,  as  to  give  him 
the  preference  to  Colonel  Putnam  and  Colonel  Washington  ;  men  whose  mili- 
tary talents  and  achievements  have  placed  them  at  the  head  of  American 
heroes.  There  are  several  hundred  thousand  Americans,  who  would  face  any 
danger  with  these  illustrious  heroes  to  lead  them.  It  is  but  just  to  General 
Lee's  merit  to  acknowledge,  that  he  has  upon  all  occasions  exposed  the  folly 
and  madness  of  the  present  administration,  and  has  shown  the  most  tender 
regard  to  the  liberties  of  this  country."  ALMON'S  Remembrancer,  Vol.  I. ,  p.  9. 

Another  contemporary  writer  says,  that  General  Lee  "expected  to  be 
unanimously  chosen  to  the  elevated  station  of  the  supreme  command." 
EDDIS'S  Letters,  p.  237.  But  there  is  no  evidence,  that  this  writer  knew  what 
General  Lee  expected,  and  his  declaration  is  only  a  proof  that  such  an  idea 
was  in  the  minds  of  some  of  the  people. 


252  •    THE    LEE   PAPERS. 

against  the  enemies  of  his  country,  or  in  defence  of  his 
just  rights  and  dignity,  no  man  would  obey  the  sum- 
mons with  more  alacrity  and  zeal.  He  condemned,  in 
strong  language,  the  ministerial  measures  against  the 
colonies,  "  w.hich  he  thought  himself  obliged  in  con- 
science, as  a  citizen,  an  Englishman,  and  a  soldier  of  a 
free  state,  to  exert  his  utmost  to  defeat." 

In  accepting  his  new  commission,  he  made  sacrifices, 
or  at  least  exposed  himself  to  hazards,  which  he  after- 
wards found  occasion  to  enumerate,  and  which  may  be 
stated  in  this  place. 

His  property  then  consisted  of  an  annual  income  of 
four  hundred  and  eighty  pounds  sterling  on  a  mort- 
gage in  Jamaica,  and  of  two  hundred  pounds  on  an 
estate  in  Middlesex ;  one  thousand  pounds  in  the  stock 
of  a  county  turnpike  secured  at  four  per  cent ;  fifteen 
hundred  pounds  on  bonds  at  five  per  cent ;  his  half -pay, 
one  hundred  and  thirty  pounds ;  and  in  his  agent's 
hands  twelve  hundred  pounds  more  ;  so  that  his  whole 
annual  income  was  about  nine  hundred  and  forty 
pounds.  He  possessed  likewise  ten  thousand  acres  of 
land  in  the  Island  of  St.  John,  with  improvements 
which  had  cost  him  nearly  eight  hundred  pounds ;  a 
mandamus  for  twenty  thousand  acres  in  East  Florida ; 
and  a  claim,  as  an  officer  who  had  served  in  America 
during  the  last  war,  for  other  lands  on  the  Ohio,  Mis- 
sissippi, or  in  West  Florida.  Moreover,  whenever  he 
should  choose  to  reside  in  Poland,  he  would  receive,  as 
aid-de-camp  to  the  King,  a  salary  of  eight  hundred 
ducats,  besides  the  expenses  of  living  suitable  to  that 
rank.  "  Such,"  he  says,  "  were  the  fortune  and  income, 
which  I  staked  on  the  die  of  American  liberty  ;  and  I 
played  a  losing  game,  for  I  might  lose  all,  and  had  no 
prospect  or  wish  to  better  it." 

This  property  was  in  the  control  of  the  British  gov- 
ernment, and,  under  the  circumstances  of  Lee's  defec- 
tion from  the  royal  cause,  reasonable  apprehensions 
might  certainly  have  been  entertained  that  it  would  be 
confiscated ;  yet,  in  the  exuberance  of  his  zeal,  he  ran 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  253 

the  risk.  It  should  be  observed,  however,  that,  al- 
though he  did  not  stipulate  for  any  indemnification,  he 
nevertheless  had  a  conference  with  a  committee  of  Con- 
gress before  he  accepted  his  commission,  and  laid  before 
them  an  estimate  of  his  property.  In  consequence  of 
the  report  of  this  committee,  it  was  resolved,  as  recorded 
in  the  Secret  Journal,  that  the  colonies  should  indem- 
nify General  Lee  for  any  loss  of  property  he  might  sus- 
tain by  entering  into  their  service. 

He  was  in  Philadelphia  at  the  time  of  his  appoint- 
ment by  Congress,  and  was  thus  prepared  to  accom- 
pany General  Washington  to  the  headquarters  of  the 
army,  then  at  Cambridge.  They  began  their  journey 
without  delay,  and  were  escorted  by  a  volunteer  troop 
of  light-horse  as  far  as  New  York.  While  on  their 
route,  they  heard  the  intelligence  of  the  battle  of 
Bunker's  Hill.  The  Provincial  Congress  of  Massachu- 
setts was  at  this  time  sitting  at  Watertown,  and  provi- 
sion was  made  for  receiving  the  two  Generals  in  a  suit- 
able manner,  with  public  tokens  of  respect  for  their 
character  and  rank.  A  committee  of  the  Congress 
repaired  to  Springfield,  with  direction  to  await  the 
arrival  of  the  Generals,  and  accompany  them  to  Water- 
town.  They  were  escorted  from  place  to  place  by  suc- 
cessive troops  of  horse,  and  were  everywhere  greeted 
with  demonstrations  of  joy  by  the  people. 

On  the  2d  of  July  they  reached  Watertown,  and 
General  Washington  was  saluted  by  the  Congress  with 
a  congratulatory  address,  to  which  he  responded  in  ap- 
propriate terms.  A  separate  address,  similar  in  its 
tone,  was  likewise  presented  to  General  Lee.  The 
estimation  in  which  his  merits  were  held  by  these 
legislators  of  Massachusetts,  and  the  benefits  they  ex- 
pected from  his  services,  are  forcibly  expressed.  After 
announcing  their  "  satisfaction  and  gratitude  "  at  his 
appointment,  they  go  on  to  say,  "  We  admire  and  re- 
spect the  character  of  a  man,  who,  disregarding  the 
allurements  of  profit  and  distinction  his  merit  might 
procure,  engages  in  the  cause  of  mankind,  in  defence 


254  *    THE    LEE    PAPEKS. 

of  the  injured,  and  relief  of  the  oppressed.  From  your 
character,  from  your  great  abilities  and  military  expe- 
rience, united  with  those  of  the  Commander-in-chief, 
under  the  smiles  of  Providence,  we  flatter  ourselves 
with  the  prospect  of  discipline  and  order,  success  and 
victory."  This  language  is  explicit ;  and,  in  fact,  the 
attentions  and  marks  of  public  respect  proffered  to  him, 
at  the  time  of  his  joining  the  army,  were  little  short  of 
those  bestowed  upon  Washington  himself.  They  fur- 
nish a  proof  of  the  extraordinary  confidence  with  which 
he  was  regarded,  and  of  the  high  position  he  occupied 
in  the  favorable  opinion  of  the  country. 

A  few  days  before  General  Lee  accepted  his  commis- 
sion in  the  American  army,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  his 
friend  General  Burgoyne,  then  lately  arrived  in  Boston. 
The  reader  w^ill  remember  the  campaign,  which  they 
performed  together  in  Portugal  thirteen  years  before; 
and  in  which  they  both  gained  applause.  Burgoyne 
came  out  to  take  a  command  in  the  army  under  Gen- 
eral Gage.  This  opportunity  was  seized  by  Lee  to  ex- 
postulate with  his  friend  on  the  part  he  was  acting 
against  the  colonies,  or,  in  other  words,  against  what 
he  regarded  the  sacred  cause  of  liberty  and  right. 

u  I  most  devoutly  wish,"  said  he,  "  that  your  in- 
dustry, valor,  and  military  talents,  may  be  reserved  for 
a  more  honorable  and  virtuous  service,  against  the  nat- 
ural enemies  of  your  country,  and  not  to  be  wasted  in 
ineffectual  attempts  to  reduce  to  the  wretchedest  state 
of  servitude  the  most  meritorious  part  of  your  fellow- 
subjects.  I  say,  Sir,  that  any  attempts  to  accomplish 
this  service  must  be  ineffectual.  You  cannot  possibly 
succeed.  No  man  is  better  acquainted  with  the  state 
of  this  country  than  myself.  I  have  run  through 
almost  the  whole  colonies  from  the  north  to  the  south, 
and  from  the  south  to  the  north.  I  have  conversed 
with  all  orders  of  men,  and  can  assure  you  that  the 
same  spirit  animates  the  whole." 

He  is  surprised  that  such  men  as  Burgoyne  and 
Howe  should  be  willing  to  become  the  instruments  of 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  255 

oppression  in  executing  schemes  so  hostile  to  the  free 
spirit  of  the  British  constitution,  to  every  generous 
principle,  to  every  noble  virtue,  and  every  sentiment  of 
justice.  He  assails  the  ministry  with  his  usual  acrimony, 
assigns  no  better  motives  for  their  conduct  than  "  des- 
potism "  and  "  vengeance,"  and  declares  his  unalterable 
determination  to  join  heart  and  hand  with  the  Ameri- 
cans, in  resisting  these  tyrannical  encroachments  upon 
their  liberties.  Before  he  sent  this  letter,  he  had  the 
precaution  to  read  it  to  several  members  of  the  Conti- 
nental Congress. 

These  sallies  of  zeal  and  of  indignant  charges  upon 
the  ministry  were  taken  in  good  part  by  General  Bur- 
goyne,  who  understood  the  head  arid  the  heart,  the 
temper  and  principles,  the  eccentric  humors  and  chival- 
rous enthusiasm  of  the  man  from  whom  they  emanated. 
Six  clays  after  the  arrival  of  the  American  Generals  in 
camp,  a  trumpeter  was  sent  out  from  Boston  with  an 
answer  to  the  above  letter.  General  Burgoyne  recog- 
nizes the  bond  of  friendship,  and  regrets  that  the  vicis- 
situde of  human  affairs  should  place  them  in  any  sense 
in  the  attitude  of  foes.  He  claims  respect  for  his  opin- 
ions, however,  and  the  right  of  being  guided  by  them 
in  his  conduct,  and  then  explains  his  sentiments  on  the 
great  points  at  issue  between  the  two  countries,  and  de- 
clares his  unqualified  approbation  of  the  measures  pur- 
sued by  the  ministers. 

He  argues  the  matter  coolly,  and  touches  upon  the 
prominent  topics,  but  with  little  novelty  in  argument 
or  illustration.  The  weight  of  his  reasonings  rests  on 
the  pivot  of  parliamentary  supremacy;  but,  like  all 
other  reasoners  on  that  side  of  the  question,  he  over- 
looks the  inevitable  consequence,  that  this  supremacy, 
carried  to  the  length  contended  for,  would  authorize 
the  Parliament  to  do  wrong  as  well  as  right,  and  to 
compel  submission  equally  to  both,  without  any  means 
of  redress  on  the  part  of  a  people  not  represented. 
Against  this  monstrous  doctrine  the  colonists  took  up 
arms,  and  demanded  the  privilege  of  judging  for  them- 


256  •   THE   LEE   PAPERS. 

selves  when  their  liberties  and  property  were  invaded 
by  a  power  claiming  to  be  supreme,  over  which  they 
had  no  control  by  representation  or  influence. 

In  conclusion,  the  writer  solicited  an  amicable  inter- 
view with  his  friend,  flattering  himself  that  such  an  in- 
terview might  in  its  consequences  tend  to  peace,  and  to 
the  restoring  to  their  senses  "  the  unhappy  deluded 
bulk  of  this  country,  who  foresee  not  the  distress  that  is 
impending."  He  proposed  a  meeting  on  Boston  Neck, 
within  the  British  lines,  and  requested  his  correspondent 
to  name  the  day  and  hour,  pledging  his  parole  of  honor 
for  General  Lee's  safe  return. 

This  proposal  involved  considerations  of  too  much 
delicacy  to  be  precipitately  accepted.  No  one  doubted 
his  attachment  to  the  American  cause  ;  yet,  being  a 
foreigner,  and  recently  in  his  Majesty's  service,  his 
holding  conferences  with  British  officers,  within  the 
enemy's  lines,  however  pure  and  praiseworthy  his  mo- 
tives, would  naturally  excite  suspicions,  and  could 
hardly  fail  to  be  construed  to  his  disadvantage.  This 
view  of  the  subject  doubtless  struck  his  mind,  and 
prompted  the  resolution,  so  seldom  taken  by  him,  of 
calling  the  virtue  of  prudence  to  his  aid.  He  sent  the 
letter  to  the  Provincial  Congress,  and  requested  their 
advice,  expressing  his  wish,  at  the  same  time,  that,  if 
the  proposed  interview  should  be  approved,  they  would 
delegate  one  of  their  body  to  attend  him,  and  hear  what 
should  pass  at  the  conference. 

The  subject  was  duly  considered  by  the  Congress, 
who  replied,  that,  having  the  "  highest  confidence  in 
the  wisdom,  discretion,  and  integrity,  of  General  Lee," 
they  could  have  no  objection  to  the  interview  on  this 
score  ;  but  they  doubted  its  policy,  and  feared  it  would 
lead  to  unfavorable  constructions  of  his  motives  and 
conduct,  and  thereby  lessen  the  influence  which  it  was 
important  for  him  to  maintain  in  his  present  station. 
They  left  the  affair  to  his  own  judgment,  however,  and 
appointed  Mr.  Gerry  to  attend  him,  in  case  he  should 
accede  to  the  proposal.  The  question  was  likewise 


THE   LEE    PAPERS.  257 

submitted  to  a  council  of  officers  in  the  army,  who  gave 
similar  advice,  and  the  project  was  abandoned.  Gen- 
eral Lee  declined  the  proposal  in  a  complimentary  note 
to  General  Burgoyne. 

For  several  days  after  their  arrival  in  Cambridge, 
the  two  Generals,  with  their  military  families,  occupied 
the  same  house,  one  room  being  reserved  for  the  use  of 
ijie  President  of  the  Provincial  Congress.  This  house 
was  provided  and  furnished  at  the  public  charge,  and 
continued  to  be  the  head-quarters  of  General  Washing- 
ton till  after  the  evacuation  of  Boston.  As  soon  as  the 
army  was  arranged,  however,  and  the  Continental  com- 
missions were  distributed,  General  Lee  took  command 
of  the  left  wing,  his  head-quarters  being  at  Winter  Hill, 
near  Mystic  River,  in  full  view  of  the  British  works  on 
Bunker's  Hill.  The  right  wing,  at  Roxbury,  was  com- 
manded by  General  Ward ;  the  centre,  at  Cambridge, 
by  General  Putnam. 

As  no  active  operations  of  importance  occurred  dur- 
ing the  season,  the  principal  attention  was  directed  to 
constructing  fortifications,  tactics,  and  discipline.  In  all 
these  duties,  and  in  his  cordial  cooperation  with  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief, General  Lee  fully  sustained  his  high 
reputation  as  an  officer,  and  continued  to  establish  him- 
self more  and  more  firmly  in  the  confidence  of  the  public. 
His  knowledge  and  experience  in  military  affairs  were 
turned  to  good  account,  when  the  commissioners  from 
the  Continental  Congress  came  to  the  camp,  empowered 
and  instructed  to  unite  with  General  Washington  in  de- 
vising a  plan  for  reorganizing  the  army,  and  placing  it 
on  a  permanent  foundation.  His  influence  was  also  ex- 
erted to  assuage  the  discontents  which  existed  anaong 
some  of  the  general  officers,  on  the  ground  of  the  rank 
assigned  to  them  by  the  Continental  Congress,  and  to  per- 
suade them  to  accept  their  commissions,,  and  allow  their 
personal  feelings  to  be  controlled  by  the  higher  principles 
of  patriotism  and  public  duty.  On  these  points,  his  argu- 
ments and  appeals  flowed  from  a  liberal  spirit  and  mat- 
ure judgment, and  they  were  not  without  salutary  effects. 


258  •        THE    LEE   PAPEES. 

About  tlie  middle  of  December,  intelligence  was 
brought  from  Boston  to  General  Washington,  that  prep- 
arations were  making  to  send  off  a  body  of  troops  by 
water,  under  General  Clinton.  It  was  naturally  in- 
ferred, that  this  expedition  was  destined  to  the  south- 
ward, possibly  to  Rhode  Island  or  New  York.  Des- 
patches were  immediately  forwarded  to  the  authorities 
of  those  places,  to  put  them  on  their  guard.  Governor 
Cooke,  of  Rhode  Island,  replied  that  Newport  was  in  a 
very  defenceless  state,  containing  many  avowed  loyal- 
ists, or  Tories,  as  they  were  generally  called,  and  equally 
destitute  of  fortifications  and  troops.  He  requested  that 
a  detachment  from  the  Continental  army  might  march 
to  Rhode  Island,  under  a  skilful  commander,  and  men- 
tioned General  Lee,  as  an  officer  who  would  be  highly 
acceptable  to  the  people. 

No  troops  could  be  spared  from  the  army ;  but  Gen- 
eral Lee  set  off  immediately,  with  his  guard,  and  a 
party  of  riflemen.  At  Providence  he  was  joined  by  a 
company  of  cadets,  and  a  number  of  minute  men.  "With, 
this  small  force,  which  was  designed  rather  as  an  escort, 
in  testimony  of  respect  for  his  rank,  than  for  any  mil- 
itary object,  he  proceeded  to  Newport.  He  found  the 
inhabitants  in  great  dread  of  an  armed  vessel  in  the 
harbor,  commanded  by  Captain  Wallace,  who  had  for 
some  time  held  the  town  in  awe  by  the  terror  of  his 
guns,  by  his  depredations  upon  the  small  craft  in  the 
bay,  and  his  threats  of  vengeance  upon  the  town,  if  he 
were  not  supplied  with  provisions  according  to  his  de- 
mands. The  Tories  also  took  courage  under  his  pro- 
tection, and  set  at  defiance  the  authority  of  the  legis- 
lature and  patriotic  committees. 

It  was  not  in  the  power  of  General  Lee,  with  his 
small  force,  to  repel  these  aggressions  ;  nor  did  he  make 
the  attempt.  During  his  short  stay  in  Newport,  he 
pointed  out  certain  places  most  suitable  for  erecting 
works  of  defence,  and  gave  such  advice  and  directions 
-as  the  occasion  would  permit. 

His  indignation  was  particularly  bent  upon  the  To- 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  259 

ries,  whom  he  regarded  as  enemies  to  their  country,  and 
as  deserving  no  forbearance.  He  summoned,  before  him 
persons  suspected  of  disaffection  to  the  cause  of  the 
country,  and  required  them  to  subscribe  a  very  solemn 
oath,  declaring  that  they  would  '*  neither  directly  nor  in- 
directly assist  the  wicked  instruments  of  ministerial 
tyranny  and  villany,  commonly  called  the  King's  troops 
and  navy,  by  furnishing  them  with  provisions  or  refresh- 
ments of  any  kind,  unless  authorized  by  the  Continental 
Congress,  or  the  legislature,  as  at  present  established, 
of  this  particular  colony  of  Khode  Island ;  "  and  also 
that  they  would  convey  no  intelligence  to  the  enemy, 
and  would  inform  against  any  one  whom  they  should 
know  to  be  guilty  of  such  a  crime ;  and  that  they  would 
take  up  arms,  and  submit  to  military  discipline,  when 
called  upon  by  the  proper  authority,  "  in  defence  of  the 
common  rights  and  liberties  of  America."  Colonel 
Wanton  and  two  of  the  King's  custom-house  officers 
refused  to  take  this  oath,  and  it  does  not  appear  that 
any  means  of  coercion  were  used.  After  completing 
this  service,  General  Lee  returned  to  the  camp  at  Cam- 
bridge. 

The  policy  of  such  an  oath,  administered  under  such 
circumstances,  may  perhaps  be  questioned.  It  might 
deter  offenders  through  fear  of  detection,  but  it  could 
scarcely  weigh  upon  the  conscience,  or  soften  the  will. 
This  step  was  deemed  important,  however,  at  the  time, 
and  was  evidently  approved  by  General  Washington. 
When  he  communicated  a  copy  of  the  oath  to  the  Presi- 
dent of  Congress,  he  said,  "  General  Lee  has  just  re- 
turned from  his  excursion  to  Khode  Island.  He  has 
pointed  out  the  best  method  the  island  would  admit  of 
for  its  defence.  He  has  endeavored,  all  in  his  power, 
to  make  friends  of  those  that  were  our  enemies.  You 
have,  enclosed,  a  specimen  of  his  abilities  in  that  way, 
for  your  perusal.  I  am  of  opinion,  that  if  the  same 
plan  was  pursued  through  every  province,  it  would  have 

I  a  very  good  effect."  This  language,  whether  he  advised 
the  oath  or  not,  amounts  to  a  decided  approbation  of 


260  .  •        THE    LEE   PAPERS. 

the  measure.  General  Lee  himself  seems  not  to  have 
put  much  confidence  in  the  oath  as  a  check  to  the  con- 
duct of  the  Tories,  but  he  regarded  it  as  a  test  by  which 
those  who  were  inveterate  in  their  hostility  might  be 
known.  "  I  confess,"  he  observes,  "  that  men  so  eaten 
up  with  bigotry,  as  the  bulk  of  them  appear  to  be,  will 
argue  it  is  by  no  means  obligatory ;  but,  if  I  mistake 
not,  it  will  be  a  sort  of  criterion  by  which  you  will  be 
able  to  distinguish  the  desperate  fanatics  from  those 
who  are  reclaimable." 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Takes  the  Command  in  New  York. — Alarm  of  the  In- 
habitants. — Enters  the  City  with  Troops  from  Con- 
necticut.— His  Plan  of  Defence. — Fortifies  the  City. 
— Takes  Measures  for  seizing  the  Tories. — Appointed 
to  the  Command  in  Canada,  and  subsequently  to  that 
of  the  Southern  Department. 

THE  sailing  of  a  detachment  of  British  troops  from 
Boston  continued  to  be  a  source  of  anxiety  to  the 
American  commander.  It  was  strongly  suspected 
that  they  were  destined  for  New  York,  where  there 
were  neither  troops  nor  other  means  of  defence.  On 
Long  Island  also  the  Tories  were  numerous  and  bold, 
and  a  majority  of  the  voters  had  refused  to  send  dele- 
gates to  the  Continental  Congress.  These  persons  were 
in  close  alliance  with  Governor  Tryon,  who  had  taken 
refuge  on  board  a  man-of-war  in  the  harbor  of  New 
York,  and  could  easily  furnish  them  with  arms.  The 
citizens  and  public  authorities  were  restrained  from 
resolute  action  by  their  fears  of  the  armed  vessels, 
which  could  at  any  moment  batter  down  the  houses,  or 
lay  the  city  in  ashes,  and  which  exacted  a  constant 
supply  of  provisions.  A  few  months  before,  when  the 
people  undertook  to  remove  the  cannon  from  the  fort, 


THE    LEE    PAPERS. 


261 


Captain  Vandeput,  commander  of  the  Asia,  an  armed 
ship  of  sixty-four  guns,  had  fired  upon  the  town  and 
wounded  several  of  the  citizens.  Thus  exposed  and  in- 
timidated, the  inhabitants  and  provincial  government 
of  New  York  had  abstained  from  all  preparations  in 
the  city  for  annoying  the  enemy,  or  even  for  defence. 

In  a  military  point  of  view,  New  York  was  a  station 
too  important  to  the  whole  country  to  be  neglected. 
By  possessing  it,  the  enemy  would  command  the  Hud- 
son, and  might  open  a  communication  with  Canada,  and 
thereby  obstruct,  if  not  cut  off  entirely,  the  intercourse 
between  the  eastern  and  middle  colonies.  General 
Washington  was  deeply  impressed  with  the  necessity 
of  protecting  New  York;  yet  it  was  not  in  his  power 
to  detach  an  adequate  force  from  the  army  under  his 
command,  without  subjecting  himself  to  the  imminent 
hazard  of  being  attacked  and  defeated  in  his  camp. 
The  provincial  army  raised  in  New  England,  and 
adopted  by  the  Continental  Congress,  had  been  dis- 
solved, the  time  for  which  the  men  had  enlisted  was 
just  expiring,  the  regiments  under  the  new  organization 
were  slowly  filling  up,  and  he  was  obliged  to  call  in  a 
body  of  militia  as  a  temporary  substitute. 

The  state  of  affairs  demanded  decisive  and  immedi- 
ate action.  Notwithstanding  the  tardy  and  timid  coun- 
sels of  the  authorities  in  New  York,  and  their  reluct- 
ance to  take  any  steps  for  military  preparations,  it  was 
believed  that  a  body  of  volunteers  sufficient  for  the  oc- 
casion might  be  expeditiously  raised  in  Connecticut, 
where  the  fire  of  patriotism  burned  brightly,  and  the 
martial  spirit  of  the  people  was  awake.  Eager  to 
make  the  experiment,  General  Lee  solicited  the  com- 
mand from  Washington,  with  such  instructions  as 
would  enable  him  to  collect  the  troops  and  employ 
them,  as  circumstances  might  require,  both  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  city,  and  for  disarming  and  securing  the 
Tories  on  Long  Island.  "  Not  to  crush  these  serpents," 
said  he,  "  before  their  rattles  are  grown,  would  be  ruin- 
ous." 


282  •        THE   LEE   PAPERS. 

Washington  had  no  doubt  of  the  importance  of  the 
measure,  but,  with  his  usual  distrust  of  his  powers, 
and  his  scrupulous  caution  not  to  exercise  them  beyond 
the  strict  intention  of  those  from  whom  they  were  de- 
rived, a  virtue  which  in  the  end  contributed  more  than 
any  other  to  the  salvation  of  his  country,  he  felt  em- 
barrassed, as  to  the  course  he  should  pursue.  Congress 
had  appointed  him  to  the  command  of  the  American 
army ;  but  did  this  imply  that  he  should  send  troops 
to  any  point,  and  call  on  the  local  governments  to  sup- 
ply men  and  means  ?  As  yet  no  such  authority  had 
been  expressly  granted.  Lee  would  have  cut  the  knot 
at  once.  "  Your  situation  is  such,"  said  he,  "  that  the 
salvation  of  the  whole  depends  on  your  striking,  at  cer- 
tain crises,  vigorous  strokes,  without  previously  com- 
municating your  intention."  Washington  was  per- 
fectly satisfied  that  the  public  service  required  this 
latitude  of  construction ;  but  how  far  it  had  been 
anticipated  by  Congress,  or  to  what  extent  he  could 
act  in  conformity  with  it  under  his  commission,  were 
questions  not  so  clear  in  his  own  mind. 

At  this  time  Mr.  John  Adams,  a  member  of  Con- 
gress, was  on  a  visit  to  his  constituents  in  Massachu- 
setts. His  opinion  was  asked  concerning  the  views  of 
Congress,  and  the  extent  of  General  Washington's 
powers.  With  his  accustomed  promptness  and  zeal  for 
his  country's  cause,  he  replied,  that  he  regarded  the 
authority  of  the  Commander-in-chief  as  ample  for  the 
object  in  contemplation;  that  all  the  American  forces 
were  under  his  command,  whether  regular  troops  or 
volunteers,  and  that  he  was  invested  with  full  power  to 
repel  invasion,  and  act  for  the  good  of  the  service  in 
every  part  of  the  country.  Confirmed  by  this  opinion 
of  one  of  the  ablest  and  most  active  members  of  Con- 
gress, who  had  himself  been  on  the  committee  for 
framing  his  commission  and  instructions,  the  Command- 
er-in-chief hesitated  no  longer,  but  immediately  gave 
orders  for  effecting  the  enterprise. 

General  Lee  left  Cambridge  on  the  llth  of  January, 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  263 

1776,  attended  by  a  small  escort.  He  was  instructed 
to  proceed  to  New  York,  having  collected  volunteers 
on  his  way.  and,  when  he  should  arrive  there,  to  call  to 
his  assistance  a  regiment  from  New  Jersey,  and  then  to 
put  the  city  in  the  best  posture  of  defence  which  cir- 
cumstances would  admit,  and  disarm  the  Tories  on 
Long  Island.  General  Washington  previously  wrote 
to  Governor  Trumbull,  of  Connecticut,  explaining  the 
object  of  the  enterprise,  and  requesting  his  cooperation. 
That  ardent  patriot,  always  foremost  as  well  in  vigorous 
action  as  in  zeal  and  public  spirit,  immediately  issued 
orders  for  raising  two  regiments  by  voluntary  enlist- 
ment, each  consisting  of  seven  hundred  and  fifty  men. 
Within  two  weeks  the  regiments  were  full,  with  an  ad- 
ditional body  of  three  hundred  volunteers  from  Hart- 
ford county. 

When  General  Lee  arrived  at  Stamford,  he  was  dis- 
abled by  a  severe  fit  of  the  gout,  which  compelled  him 
to  stop  for  a  few  days.  Meantime,  the  news  of  his  ap- 
proach with  an  armed  force  reached  New  York.  The 
people,  panic-struck  with  the  apprehension  of  imme- 
diate war,  and  trembling  under  the  fear  of  hot  shot  and 
bomb-shells  from  the  armed  vessels  in  the  harbor,  were 
filled  with  consternation,  and  began  to  remove  their  ef- 
fects from  the  town.  The  Committee  of  Safety,  in 
whose  hands  the  government  then  rested  during  a  re- 
cess of  the  Provincial  Congress,  partook  of  the  popular 
feeling,  and  expressed  astonishment  that  troops  should 
be  marched  into  New  York  without  their  consent  hav- 
ing first  been  obtained.  They  wrote  a  letter  to  Gene- 
ral Lee,  which  he  received  at  Stamford,  deprecating  all 
military  demonstrations,  which  should  disturb  the  re- 
pose of  the  city  by  provoking  the  hostility  of  the  en- 
emy's ships,  and  conjuring  him  not  to  march  his  troops 
beyond  the  confines  of  Connecticut,  till  they  should 
have  a  further  explanation  of  his  designs. 

In  reply  to  this  letter,  which  he  called  "  wofully 
hysterical,"  he  explained  the  objects  of  the  expedition, 
and  assured  the  committee,  that  there  was  no  intention 


264  %     THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

of  committing  hostilities  upon  the  men-of-war,  and  that 
the  whole  design  was  to  protect  and  secure  the  city, 
by  preventing  the  enemy  from  taking  post  there,  or 
gaining  a  lodgment  on  Long  Island.  No  active  opera- 
tions of  a  hostile  character  were  intended ;  and  he  adds, 
"  If  the  ships  of  war  are  quiet,  I  shall  be  quiet;  but  I 
declare  solemnly,  that,  if  they  make  a  pretext  of  my 
presence  to  fire  upon  the  town,  the  first  house  set  in 
flames  by  their  guns  shall  be  the  funeral  pile  of  some 
of  their  best  friends." 

He  was  convinced,  also,  that  the  enemy  would  com- 
mit no  such  folly  as  that  of  burning  the  seaport  towns, 
which  were  their  only  strongholds  in  the  country. 
"  The  menacing  of  destruction  to  them  might  indeed  be 
of  admirable  use,  but  the  real  destruction  of  them  must 
extinguish  all  hopes  of  success."  Moreover,  if  Govern- 
or Tryou,  and  the  captains  of  the  men-of-war,  were  to 
prescribe  what  number  of  troops  should  enter  the  town, 
they  must  be  regarded  as  absolute  dictators,  a  humilia- 
tion to  which  he  trusted  the  freemen  of  New  York 
were  not  disposed  to  submit.  To  quiet  the  alarms  of 
the  people,  however,  and  soothe  the  anxieties  of  the 
committee,  he  promised  to  take  with  him  into  the  city 
a  part  only  of  his  force,  till  measures  should  be  adopted 
for  its  permanent  security. 

At  the  same  time  he  despatched  a  spirited  and  excel- 
lent letter  to  the  President  of  the  Continental  Congress, 
suggesting  plans  for  the  defence  of  the  city,  and  above 
all  for  defeating  the  machinations  of  the  Tories,  by 
disarming  them,  exacting  oaths  of  allegiance  to  their 
country,  and  confining  such  as  continued  obstinate  and 
active  in  their  opposition.  He  had  no  mantle  of  char- 
ity for  the  sins  of  these  people.  Their  covert  practices 
and  secret  alliance  with  the  enemy  rendered  them  more 
dangerous  than  open  foes,  who  came  with  arms  in  their 
hands,  and  whose  movements  might  be  known  and  met  in 
fair  encounter.  In  his  opinion,  this  poison  of  disaffection 
was  to  be  eradicated  without  scruple  or  forbearance.* 

*  The  letter  may  be  seen  in  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington,  Vol.  II.  Appen- 
dix, p.  64. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  265 

As  soon  as  the  movements  of  General  Lee  were  known 
in  the  Continental  Congress,  three  members  of  that  body 
were  appointed,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  New  York 
delegates,  to  meet  and  confer  with  him  concerning  his 
plans  and  operation.  They. proceeded  immediately  to 
New  York.  Meantime  General  Lee,  remaining  ill  at 
Stamford,  ordered  a  regiment  of  Connecticut  troops, 
under  Colonel  Waterbury,  to  march  into  the  city.  The 
colonel  preceded  his  troops,  and  gave  notice  of  their  ap- 
proach. The  alarm  of  the  Committee  of  Safety  was 
now  at  its  highest  point ;  and  moreover  they  felt  their 
dignity  a  little  wounded,  as  they  conceived  that  no  rnil- 
-itary  officer  could  march  troops  into  the  city  without 
tKeir  consent.  Indeed,  they  had  passed  a  resolution, 
declaring  that  all  troops  within  the  limits  of  New  York 
would  be  under  their  control.  They  complained,  hesi- 
tated, disagreed  among  themselves,  and  took  no  meas- 
ures to  provide  for  the  regiment  when  it  should  arrive. 
Colonel  Waterbury's  patience  was  exhausted,  and  he 
told  them  that  the  troops  were  expected  in  a  few  hours, 
and  that  he  should  at  all  events  place  them  in  the  va- 
cant barracks,  where  they  must  remain  till  he  should 
receive  further  orders  from  his  commander. 

Just  at  this  crisis  General  Lee  arrived,  having  been 
conveyed  from  Stamford  in  a  litter,  which  he  caused  to 
be  constructed  for  the  purpose.  His  presence,  and  that 
of  the  members  of  Congress  deputed  to  meet  him,  con- 
tributed to  assuage  the  rising  terrors  of  the  Committee 
of  Safety.  The  conferences  were  harmonious  and  con- 
ciliatory. It  was  agreed  that  the  town  could  not  be 
fortified  against  the  enemy's  ships ;  but  it  was  proposed 
to  erect  batteries,  at  commanding  points,  of  sufficient 
extent  to  contain  two  thousand  men,  and  also  on  both 
sides  of  the  narrow  pass  at  Hell  Gate.  A  fortified  camp 
was  likewise  to  be  formed  on  Long  Island,  opposite  to 
New  York  ;  and  military  works  were  to  be  constructed 
in  the  Highlands,  and  guarded  by  a  battalion.  Such 
was  the  plan,  and  General  Lee  thought  it  judicious  and 
complete.  It  only  remained  to  carry  it  into  execution. 


266  •    THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

General  Clinton  entered  the  harbor  of  New  York  on 
the  same  day  that  Lee  arrived  in  the  city.  No  troops 
came  with  him,  and  he  gave  out  that  his  object  was 
merely  to  pay  a  visit  to  his  friend  Governor  Tryon,  who 
was  then  on  board  one  of  the  armed  vessels.  "  If  it  is 
really  so,"  said  Lee,  "  it  is  the  most  whimsical  piece  of 
civility  I  ever  heard  of.  He  informs  us,  that  his  inten- 
tion is  for  North  Carolina,  where  he  expects  five  regi- 
ments from  England  ;  that  he  only  brought  two  regi- 
ments of  light  infantry  from  Boston.  This  is  certainly 
a  droll  way  of  proceeding.  To  communicate  his  full 
plan  to  the  enemy  is  too  novel  to  be  credited."  Yet, 
novel  as  it  was,  the  intelligence  proved  to  be  accurate, 
as  we  shall  see  in  the  sequel. 

The  General  lost  no  time  in  prosecuting  his  plans  for 
the  defence  of  the  city.  In  this  matter  he  had  the  co- 
operation of  the  public  authorities;  but  on  one  point 
there  was  an  irreconcilable  difference  of  opinion  between 
them.  The  armed  vessels  had  hitherto  been  supplied 
with  provisions  from  the  shore.  General  Lee  remon- 
strated strongly  against  this  kind  of  intercourse,  as  in- 
compatible with  the  relations  in  which  the  two  parties 
stood  to  each  other,  and  he  desired  to  cut  it  off  at  once. 
The  fear  of  the  enemy's  cannon,  however,  was  more 
powerful  than  his  eloquence,  and  lie  finally  yielded  the 
point,  and  the  more  readily  as  it  did  not  interfere  with 
the  execution  of  his  plans  of  defence. 

At  the  southern  extremity  of  the  city  stood  an  old 
fort,  originally  the  work  of  the  Dutch,  and  subsequently 
enlarged  and  maintained  by  the  British  colonial  gov- 
ernment. To  this  was  attached  a  battery  facing  the 
water,  well  lined  with  cannon,  and  the  commander  of 
the  Asia  had  threatened  destruction  to  the  town  if  these 
should  be  removed.  Regardless  of  this  threat,  General 
Lee  ordered  them  to  be  secured.  They  were  seized  at 
noonday,  and  even  the  men  and  boys  assisted,  with 
wonderful  alacrity,  to  remove  them  to  a  place  of  safety. 
From  this  circumstance  he  inferred,  that  the  leaders 
only  were  timid  and  lukewarm,  and  that  the  people 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  267 

generally  were  as  well  affected  to  the  patriotic  cause 
as  any  on  the  continent. 

He  was  disappointed  in  some  of  his  expectations. 
The  committee  of  Congress  had  agreed  that  five  thou- 
sand men  were  necessary  at  New  York,  and  he  had  flat- 
tered himself  with  the  hope  that  this  number  would  be 
provided  ;  but  his  force  never  amounted  to  more  than 
about  seventeen  hundred.  It  consisted  of  the  two  Con- 
necticut regiments,  one  from  New  Jersey  under  Lord 
Stirling,  and  four  hundred  minute  men.  At  this  criti- 
cal time  the  authorities  of  New  York  were  extremely 
tardy  in  raising  men,  even  for  the  protection  of  their 
own  firesides  ;  and  although  they  permitted  their  neigh- 
bors to  perform  this  task,  yet  they  looked  on  with  an 
apathy  and  indifference,  which  the  ardent  spirit  of 
General  Lee  could  not  easily  comprehend  or  pardon. 
This  untoward  state  of  affairs,  however,  seemed  to  have 
no  other  effect  on  him,  than  to  sharpen  his  zeal  and 
quicken  his  activity. 

He  began  the  construction  of  three  redoubts  on  Long 
Island  opposite  to  the  city,  w^hich  ultimately  constituted 
a  part  of  the  works  on  the  heights  of  Brooklyn.  One 
regiment  was  employed  in  this  service,  and  the  other 
two  regiments,  and  two  hundred  minute  men,  were  sta- 
tioned in  New  York.  Another  body  of  minute  men 
was  stationed  at  Hell  Gate,  where  they  built  a  redoubt 
on  the  western  side  of  the  pass.  He  made  no  attempts 
to  annoy  the  ships,  but  contented  himself  with  erecting 
batteries  and  other  works  of  defence.  He  pulled  down 
the  wall  of  the  old  fort  next  to  the  town,  to  prevent  its 
being  converted  into  a  citadel  by  the  enemy,  and  threw 
barricades  across  the  principal  streets  near  the  water, 
and  fortified  some  of  them  with  cannon. 

His  zeal  and  energy,  however,  were  not  confined  to 
these  military  preparations.  He  regarded  it  as  a 
special  and  imperious  duty  to  crush  the  spirit  of  disaf- 
fection by  subduing  or  disabling  the  Tories,  some  of 
whom  lurked  in  the  city,  and  many  others  nestled  on 
Long  Island.  Their  names  and  characters  were  notori- 


2G8  •    THE    LEE   PAPERS. 

cms.  Encouraged  by  the  presence  of  Governor  Tiyon, 
and  the  armed  ships  in  the  harbor,  they  were  bold  in 
their  opposition,  and  took  little  pains  to  conceal  their 
designs,  as  to  the  part  they  intended  to  act.  The  Con- 
tinental Congress  had  already  sent  a  regiment  of  New 
Jersey  troops  to  Long  Island,  for  the  purpose  of  taking 
away  their  arms  ;  but  these  could  easily  be  supplied  by 
the  enemy.  A  resolution  had  likewise  been  passed, 
recommending  to  the  provincial  governments  to  seize 
the  more  troublesome  and  dangerous  Tories,  and  autho- 
rizing them  to  call  to  their  aid  the  Continental  troops. 

General  Lee  put  a  broader  construction  upon  this 
resolution  than  it  was  probably  designed  to  bear.  The 
intention  seems  to  have  been,  that  the  management  of 
the  Tories  should  be  in  the  charge  of  the  civil  author- 
ities of  the  provinces  in  which  they  resided,  and  not  in 
that  of  the  military,  or  even  of  the  Continental  Con- 
gress itself.  This  distinction  was  overlooked  by  Gen- 
eral Lee,  and  he  issued  orders  for  seizing  the  Tories, 
and  for  tendering  to  them  the  same  formidable  oath, 
that  he  had  prescribed  to  the  disaffected  persons  in 
Rhode  Island.  In  this  proceeding  he  was  borne  out  by 
his  instructions  from  General  AVashington  ;  but  it  was 
not  satisfactory  to  the  New  York  Congress,  who  were 
jealous  of  military  interference.  His  firmness  was  not 
shaken  by  this  jealousy,  although  he  expressed  entire 
submission  to  the  civil  authority  in  cases  which  did  not 
conflict  with  the  public  service,  or  the  positive  duties 
of  his  command. 

The  unfortunate  issue  of  the  last  campaign  in  Canada, 
and  the  fall  of  the  brave  Montgomery  under  the  walls 
of  Quebec,  impressed  on  Congress  the  importance  of 
appointing  a  successor  to  that  general,  whose  character 
and  talents  should  inspire  public  confidence,  and  afford 
the  surest  guaranty  for  future  success.  General  Lee 
was  selected  for  this  arduous  station  about  two  weeks 
after  he  arrived  in  New  York.  The  estimation  in 
which  he  was  held  by  the  representatives  of  the  nation 
may  be  understood  by  a  letter  from  Mr.  John  Adams, 


THE    LEE    PAPEES.  269 

who  was  then  in  Congress.  "  We  want  you  at  New 
York ;  we  want  you  at  Cambridge ;  we  want  you  in 
Virginia ;  but  Canada  seems  of  more  importance  than 
any  of  those  places,  and  therefore  you  are  sent  there. 
I  wish  you  as  many  laurels  as  Wolfe  and  Montgomery 
reaped  there,  with  a  happier  fate." 

A  few  days  afterwards,  however,  his  destination  was 
changed.  Rumor  and  other  indications  made  it  nearly 
certain,  that  the  enemy  were  preparing  for  a  descent 
upon  the  Southern  States.  The  detachment  from  Bos- 
ton under  General  Clinton  had  passed  in  that  direction, 
and  there  were  reasons  for  expecting  reinforcements 
from  England  destined  to  cooperate  with  him.  To 
meet  this  crisis,  General  Lee  was  ordered  to  take  com- 
mand of  the  southern  department. 

He  remained  a  month  in  New  York,  during  which 
time  his  vigilance  and  activity  were  unremitted.  Con- 
sidering the  wavering  temper  of  the  provincial  author- 
ities, and  the  kind  of  horror  with  which  they  at  first 
beheld  his  presence  with  an  armed  force,  he  deserves 
credit  for  the  prudence  and  discretion  with  which  he 
contrived  to  conciliate  their  favor  and  gain  their  acquies- 
cence, if  he  failed  to  raise  their  zeal  to  the  same  degree 
of  heat  as  his  own.  He  was  resolute  and  successful  in 
effecting  his  military  objects,  although  he  forbore,  as  a 
matter  of  expediency,  to  insist  on  points  of  minor 
weight.  Out  of  deference  to  the  fears  of  some  of  the 

O 

principal  inhabitants,  which  he  believed  wholly  chimeri- 
cal, he  had  allowed  the  intercourse  to  go  on  between 
the  enemy's  ships  and  the  city,  under  certain  restraints ; 
but  even  this  license  wore  heavily  upon  his  patience, 
and  it  is  doubtful  if  he  would  have  tolerated  it  much 
longer.  The  New  York  Congress  sent  to  him  a  copy  of 
regulations  for  continuing  to  supply  the  armed  vessels 
with  provisions,  which  he  was  desired  to  examine  and 
approve.  He  replied,  that  "  he  was  to  resign  the  com- 
mand to  Lord  Stirling  that  night ;  but,  if  he  were  to 
continue,  he  would  not  consent  to  supply  them  with 
any  provisions,  as  they  were  at  open  war  with  us ;  that 


270  '     THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

he  hoped  Lord  Stirling  would  be  of  the  same  opinion ; 
and  that  his  instructions  from  the  Continental  Congress 
were  to  use  every  means  in  his  power  for  the  defence 
of  the  city." 

These  differences  of  opinion,  though  they  existed 
continually,  did  not  mar  or  retard  the  progress  of  his 
main  undertaking ;  and  his  works  of  defence,  both  in 
their  location  and  construction,  were  allowed  to  have 
been  judiciously  planned  and  executed,  and  they  were 
turned  to  good  account  six  weeks  afterwards,  when 
Washington  with  the  Continental  army  arrived  in  New 
York. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Proceeds  to  Virginia. — His  Operations  against  Lord 
Dunmore. — Constructs  armed  Boats  for  the  Rivers. 
—Recommends  the  Use  of  Spears. — Attempts  to  form 
a  Body  of  Cavalry. — Advises  the  Seizure  of  Gov- 
ernor Eden. — Intercepted  Letters  unfold  the  Plan  of 
the  Enemy. — Removal  of  disaffected  Persons.— Let- 
ter to  Patrick  Henry,  urging  a  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence.— Enemy  land  in  North  Carolina. — He 
marches  to  meet  them,  and  advances  to  South  Caro- 
lina. 

GENERAL  LEE  resigned  his  command  in  New  York 
on  the  6th  of  March,  1776.  After  passing  a  few  days 
in  Philadelphia,  to  ascertain  the  views  and  receive  the 
instructions  of  Congress,  he  proceeded  to  Williams- 
burg,  in  Virginia,  where  he  arrived  on  the  29th  of  the 
same  month.  Lord  Dunmore,  at  this  time,  held  pos- 
session of  the  waters  of  Virginia  with  a  naval  force. 
He  had  proclaimed  martial  law,  offered  freedom  to  the 
slaves  who  would  rally  under  his  banner,  and,  by 
threats  or  persuasion,  had  prevailed  on  many  persons 
to  embrace  the  royal  cause  and  join  his  ranks.  With 
this  motley  company  of  recruits,  aided  by  his  ships,  he 


THE   LEE   PAPERS.  27 1 

had  committed  ravages  on  the  shores  of  James  River, 
and  Norfolk  had  been  destroyed ;  but  he  was  thwarted 
in  his  attempt  to  burn  Hampton,  and  was  beaten  in  the 
severe  action  at  the  Great  Bridge. 

To  repel  these  aggressions,  the  militia  seized  their 
arms,  and  hurried  to  the  scene  of  strife.  Regular 
troops  were  raised  by  the  Assembly,  amounting,  in  the 
whole,  to  nine  regiments,  which  were  taken  into  the 
Continental  army.  When  General  Lee  took  the  com- 
mand, these  regiments,  not  then  entirely  filled  up,  were 
stationed  at  different  points  along  the  borders  of  the 
Chesapeake  Bay,  on  a  comprehensive  plan  of  defence. 
A  regiment  from  North  Carolina  had  also  come  forward 
to  aid  in  the  common  cause. 

The  principal  attention  was,  of  course,  directed  to 
the  motions  of  Lord  Dunmore,  whose  little  fleet  was 
then  at  anchor  in  Elizabeth  River,  near  Ports- 
mouth. It  consisted  of  the  armed  vessels  Liverpool, 
Kingfisher,  Otter,  Roebuck,  Dunmore,  William,  Anna, 
and  about  twenty  tenders.  The  Liverpool  carried, 
twenty -eight  guns ;  the  others  were  of  smaller  force. 
To  these  were  joined  seventy  or  eighty  merchant  ves- 
sels, belonging  to  the  loyalists,  or  prizes,  with  valuable 
cargoes  on  board,  estimated  to  be  worth  one  hundred 
and  forty  thousand  pounds  sterling.  A  small  body  of 
regular  troops,  a  regiment  of  blacks,  the  marines,  and 
the  sailors  of  the  trading  vessels,  constituted  his 
strength  for  operations  on  land.  Connected  with  the 
fleet  was  a  camp  on  shore,  fortified  by  an  intrenchment, 
whence  he  obtained  supplies  of  water. 

The  arrival  of  General  Lee  was  hailed  with  joy  by 
the  inhabitants  of  Virginia,  and  especially  by  the  Com- 
mittee of  Safety  at  Williamsburg,  in  whose  hands  the 
executive  government  of  the  province  was  then  depos- 
ited, during  the  recess  of  the  Convention,  and  at  the 
head  of  whom  was  Edmund  Pendleton.  They  mani- 
fested a  cordial  wish  to  unite  and  cooperate  with  him 
in  every  available  plan  for  putting  the  military  affairs 
of  the  province  in  the  best  condition,  which  circum- 


272  •      THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

stances  and  their  means  would  admit.  In  his  letters  to 
his  friends,  he  acknowledges  their  noble  spirit  and  vigi- 
lant activity,  though  he  complains  of  their  economy  as 
cramping,  in  some  degree,  the  expansive  schemes  which 
his  burning  zeal  was  eager  to  put  in  execution.  His 
first  task  was  to  obtain  reports  from  the  officers  at  the 
several  stations,  detailing  the  exact  state  of  the  army, 
particularly  from  those  in  the  neighborhood  of  Lord 
Dunmore  ;  and  next,  to  send  out  parties  to  reconnoitre 
and  examine  such  places  as  were  most  accessible  to  the 
attacks  of  the  enemy,  or  at  which  preparations  for  an- 
noyance might  be  made. 

Considering  the  number  of  creeks  and  navigable 
streams  with  which  Virginia  was  intersected,  he 
thought  it  extremely  important  that  these  should  be 
guarded  by  armed  boats ;  and  he  immediately  applied 
himself  to  this  object.  Two  weeks  after  his  arrival  in 
Williamsburg,  he  writes  thus  to  Richard  Henry  Lee, 
then  a  member  of  Congress  at  Philadelphia. 

"  I  propose  fitting  your  rivers  with  twelve-  or  eigh- 
teen-oared  boats,  mounting  a  six-pounder  at  the  head 
of  each,  fortifying  the  sides  with  occasional  mantlets, 
musket-proof,  and  manning  them  with  stout  volunteers, 
whose  principle  should  be  boarding.  I  am  mistaken, 
when  we  are  sufficiently  provided  with  fleets  of  this 
kind,  if  a  single  tender  will  show  itself  in  your  rivers. 
I  have  already,  for  experiment's  sake,  sent  out  one 
boat,  armed  and  principled  in  this  manner,  on  a  cruise, 
and  expect  with  impatience  the  issue.  The  men  have 
their  cutlasses  and  pistols,  and  seem  to  taste  the  pro- 
ject. I  shall  order  twenty  for  each  great  river.  The 
expense  is  trifling,  and  the  spirit,  the  very  principle  of 
coming  to  close  quarters,  will  naturally  inspire  the  peo- 
ple with  confidence  in  their  own  force  and  valor. 

"  Another  great  point  I  seem  in  a  fair  way  of  obtain- 
ing ;  the  conciliating  your  soldiers  to  the  use  of  spears. 
\V  e  had  a  battalion  out  his  day ;  two  companies  of  the 
strongest  and  tallest  were  armed  with  this  weapon ; 
they  were  formed,  something  like  the  Triarii  of  the 


THE    LEE   PAPERS.  273 

Romans,  in  the  rear  of  the  battalions,  occasionally 
either  to  throw  themselves  into  the  intervals  of  the 
line,  or  form  a  third,  second,  or  front  rank,  in  close  or- 
der. It  has  a  fine  effect  to  the  eye,  and  the  men,  in 
general,  seemed  convinced  of  the  utility  of  the  arrange- 
ment/' 

On  another  occasion,  he  recommends  the  use  of 
spears  to  the  government  of  .North  Carolina.  "  As  to 
arms,"  he  says,  "  I  believe  it  will  be  impossible  to  pro- 
cure them,  unless  you  have  on  the  frontiers  a  sufficient 
number  of  rifles.  For  my  own  part,  I  like  these  for 
the  battalions  even  better  than  muskets,  particularly  if 
you  can  conciliate  your  men  to  the  use  of  spears.  I 
never  had,  in  my  life,  any  opinion  of  bayonets.  My 
opinion  may  appear  singular ;  but  it  is  certain  they 
never  have  been  used,  though  we  hear  so  frequently  of 
attacking  with  bayonets."  It  does  not  follow  that  he 
preferred  spears  to  muskets,  even  for  any  part  of  the 
troops,  but  only  as  a  substitute  for  arms  which,  at  this 
stage  of  the  war,  could  not  be  procured.  To  remedy 
this  deficiency  as  far  as  he  could,  he  sent  officers  to  the 
interior  of  the  country,  to  purchase  rifles  of  the  hunts- 
men. 

His  next  effort  was  to  raise  a  body  of  cavalry. 
Hitherto,  little  attention  had  been  paid  to  this  kind  of 
force.  In  fact,  Congress  had  done  nothing,  and  the 
several  colonies  had  gone  no  further  than  to  encourage 
volunteers  in  a  few  instances.  This  neglect  appeared 
to  him  so  glaring,  that  he  could  not  refrain  from  re- 
peated and  earnest  remonstrances.  It  should  be  con- 
sidered, however,  that  the  Americans  had  never  been 
accustomed  to  cavalry ;  the  nature  of  the  colonial  war- 
fare, in  the  midst  of  forests  and  in  a  broken  country, 
did  not  admit  of  its  use ;  and  the  opinion  was  still 
prevalent,  that  it  could  not  be.  employed  to  advantage. 
To  enlighten  this  ignorance,  and  correct  these  false  im- 
pressions, he  found  was  not  within  the  power  of  argu- 
ment, and  he  now  determined  to  try  the  force  of  ex-- 
ample.  Without  waiting  the  tardy  process  of.  bringing  ^ 

18 


274  •       THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

over  the  Committee  of  Safety  to  his  views,  he  resolved 
to  appeal  to  the  spirit  and  patriotism  of  the  young  men 
of  Virginia,  and  to  call  on  them  to  form  themselves 
into  volunteer  companies  of  light  dragoons,  equipped  for 
the  public  service.  He  published  an  address  containing 
this  proposal,  and  an  explanation  of  his  plan.  The 
gentlemen  volunteers,  as  they  were  called,  were  to  re- 
ceive no  pay,  but  were  to  be  furnished  with  rations  for 
themselves  and  their  horses.  They  were  to  be  armed 
with  "  a  short  rifle  carbine,  a  light  pike  eight  feet  in 
length,  and  a  tomahawk."  Such  was  the  scheme  in  its 
nascent  form;  but  his  command  in  Virginia  was  so 
short,  that  he  probably  had  not  the  satisfaction  of  see- 
ing it  matured  to  the  extent  he  had  fondly  hoped.* 

Whilst  the  commander  of  the  southern  department 
was  thus  employed  in  rousing  and  concentrating  the 
military  energies  of  Virginia,  an  event  occurred  which 
raised  a  loud  clamor  against  him  in  Maryland.  In  the 
early  part  of  April,  a  small  vessel  was  taken  in  the 
Chesapeake  Bay,  which  had  been  despatched  by  Lord 
Dtinmore  to  Mr.  Eden,  Governor  of  Maryland,  who  was 
then  at  Annapolis.  On  board  this  vessel  was  Mr. 
Alexander  Ross,  the  bearer  of  papers,  among  which 
were  letters  from  Lord  George  Germain  to  Governor 
Eden.  These  were  brought  to  General  Lee,  and  they 
appeared  to  him,  and  to  the  Committee  of  Safety  at 
Williamsburg,  to  be  of  a  dangerous  tendency,  and  to 
implicate  Governor  Eden  in  transactions  hostile  to  the 
liberties  of  the  country.  In  his  opinion,  and  in  that  of 
the  committee,  the  public  interest  required  that  Gover- 
nor Eden  should  be  taken  into  custody,  and  his  papers 
seized,  without  a  moment's  delay.  The  letters  were 

*  There  was  a  strange  apathy  on  this  subject  in  Congress.  Richard  Henry 
Lee,  in  a  letter  to  General  Lee,  dated  May  llth,  says,  <l  I  find  some  gentle- 
men expressing  dissatisfaction  at  your  having  promised  forage  and  rations  to 
such  cavalry  as  might  be  assembled  in  Virginia."  Again,  "As  a  committee 
of  Congress  has  already  reported  against  having  Continental  cavalry  in  North 
Carolina,  I  suppose  the  same  opinion  will  prevail  respecting  Virginia  ;  but  the 
measure  is  so  wise  and  necessary  for  the  defence  of  our  colony,  that  I  wish 
.and  hope  a  few  squadrons  may  be  formed  on  colonial  expense."  Congress 
ultimately  allowed  rations  and  forage  for  volunteer  dragoons  in  Virginia,  not 
•exceeding  five  hundred. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  275 

immediately  transmitted  to  the  Continental  Congress, 
and  at  the  same  time  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Samuel  Parviance, 
chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Safety  at  Baltimore,  as 
follows : 

"  I  conjure  you,  as  you  value  the  liberties  and  rights 
of  the  community  of  which  you  are  a  member,  not  to 
lose  a  moment,  and  in  my  name,  if  my  name  is  of  con- 
sequence enough,  to  direct  the  commanding  officer  of 
your  troops  at  Annapolis  iui mediately  to  seize  the  per- 
son of  Governor  Eden ;  the  sin  and  blame  be  on  my 
head;  I  will  answer  for  all  to  the  Congress.  The  jus- 
tice and  necessity  of  the  measure  will  be  best  explained 
by  the  packet,  transmitted  to  you  by  the  Committee  of 
Safety  from  this  place." 

The  Baltimore  committee  complied  with  this  request, 
and  sent  a  small  armed  force  by  water  to  Annapolis 
with  an  order  to  seize  the  Governor. 

The  Council  of  Safety  at  Annapolis,  then  the  execu- 
tive of  the  province,  the  Governor's  powers  being  prac- 
tically suspended,  took  umbrage  at  this  proceeding,  and 
interfered  to  prevent  the  execution  of  the  order,  not  so 
much,  it  would  seem,  because  they  disapproved  the 
measure,  as  because  they  conceived  their  authority  to 
have  been  slighted  by  an  application,  without  their 
knowledge,  to  a  local  committee.  They  passed  resolu- 
tions reprehending  with  severity  the  Baltimore  commit- 
tee, and  thereby  casting  censure  upon  General  Lee,  as 
the  first  mover.  He  wrote  a  letter  to  the  council,  ex- 
plaining and  defending  the  course  he  had  taken,  on  the 
ground  of  the  urgency  of  the  case  and  of  his  not  being 
aware  that  there  were  any  troops  at  Annapolis.  He 
claimed  merit  for  performing  what  he  believed  to  be  a 
most  important  public  service,  and  concluded  by  saying, 
"  If  the  council  think  I  harbor  a  wish  to  extend  the 
military  authority,  or  of  trespassing  on  the  civil,  they 
do  me  most  cruel  injustice.  Although  I  was  bred  in 
the  army,  I  thank  God  that  the  spirit  of  the  citizen  has 
been  always  predominant  ;  and  I  solemnly  declare, 
that,  if  I  thought  it  possible  that  I  should  ever  be  in- 


276  •       THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

toxicated  by  military  command,  I  would  now,  whilst  I 
retain  my  senses,  beg  leave  to  divest  myself  of  my  pres- 
ent office,  and  serve  as  a  volunteer  in  the  glorious  cause 
in  which  I  have  embarked  my  person,  fortune,  and  repu- 
tation." 

The  Continental  Congress  showed  in  what  light  they 
viewed  his  conduct  by  passing  a  resolution,  as  soon  as 
they  received  the  intercepted  letters,  calling  on  the 
Maryland  Council  of  Safety  to  seize  Governor  Eden. 
The  council  contented  themselves,  however,  with  exact- 
ing a  promise  from  the  Governor,  that  he  would  remain 
quietly  at  Annapolis  till  the  Convention  of  the  provin- 
cial representatives  should  be  assembled. 

In  fact,  it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  General  Lee 
had  been  in  some  degree  influenced  by  a  suspicion  of 
the  spirit  and  firmness  of  the  Maryland  council.  The 
conciliating  manners  and  private  character  of  Governor 
Eden  had  drawn  around  him  many  personal  friends, 
even  among  those  who  were  foremost  in  abetting  the 
revolutionary  movements.  The  influence  he  had  thus 
acquired  was  visible  in  recent  transactions.  The  Con- 
vention had  three  months  before  instructed  their  dele- 
gates in  Congress  to  oppose  any  proposition  for  inde- 
pendence. The  majority  of  the  leaders  in  Maryland, 
strenuous  for  their  rights,  and  arming  for  war,  were 
still  talking  of  conciliation,  while  the  people  through- 
out the  land  were  crying  out  that  the  Rubicon  was 
passed. 

One  of  the  intercepted  letters  from  Lord  George  Ger- 
main to  Governor  Eden  revealed  a  secret  of  the  great- 
est 'moment.  It  stated  that  "  an  armament,  consisting 
of  seven  regiments,  with  a  fleet  of  frigates  and  small 
ships,  was  in  readiness  to  proceed  to  the  southern  colo- 
nies." Its  first  destination  was  to  North  Carolina, 
whence  it  was  to  operate  against  Virginia  or  South  Car- 
olina, as  circumstances  might  render  most  advisable. 
This  intelligence  was  extremely  opportune,  since  it  not 
only  unfolded  the  enemy's  plan,  but  it  allowed  time  for 
preparation.  North  Carolina  had  been  assigned  as  the 


THE   LEE    PAPERS.  277 

first  point  of  attack,  in  consequence  of  the  effective  co- 
operation expected  from  the  loyalists  in  that  province, 
who  had  embodied  and  armed  themselves  the  year  be- 
fore, and  raised  the  standard  of  defiance.  Their  recent 
defeat  and  discomfiture,  however,  in  the  battle  of 
Moore's  Creek  Bridge,  had  left  no  room  for  this  hope  ; 
and  it  was  General  Lee's  opinion,  that  the  theatre  of 
action  would  be  the  Chesapeake,  as  obviously  affording 
the  most  tempting  inducements  to  the  enemy. 

At  all  events,  it  behoved  the  Virginians  to  be  pre- 
pared for  such  a  result ;  and  General  Lee,  with  his  ac- 
customed energy  and  zeal,  devoted  himself  to  this  ob- 
ject. By  his  advice,  the  Committee  of  Safety  resolved 
to  remove  all  the  inhabitants,  with  their  cattle  and  valu- 
able effects,  from  the  two  counties,  Norfolk  and  Prin- 
cess Anne,  nearest  to  Lord  Dunmore's  station,  and 
place  them  beyond  his  reach  and  influence,  in  the  in- 
terior of  the  province.  It  was  found  impossible,  with 
all  the  guards  that  could  be  established,  to  prevent  his 
holding  intercourse  with  persons  in  these  counties,  and 
receiving  supplies  from  them. 

General  Lee  passed  several  days  at  Suffolk  and  Ports- 
mouth, in  the  neighborhood  of  Dunmore's  fleet  and 
camp,  where  he  could  obtain  the  best  information,  and 
adapt  his  measures  in  the  most  effectual  manner  to  at- 
tain the  end  proposed.  The  order  for  a  general  re- 
moval operated  as  a  heavy  hardship  upon  many  per- 
sons, against  whom  there  was  no  charge  of  suspicious 
practices  or  sinister  designs,  and  it  was  afterwards  so 
far  modified  as  to  extend  only  to  the  notoriously  dis- 
affected and  incorrigible.  In  a  few  instances,  the  houses 
of  individuals,  who  were  known  to  have  rendered  as- 
sistance to  the  enemy,  were  burned,  and  their  property 
was  seized  for  public  use. 

Whilst  General  Lee  was  thus  engaged  in  providing 
for  the  defence  of  Virginia,  he  received  information 
from  the  government  of  North  Carolina,  that  a  fleet 
with  about  three  thousand  men,  under  Lord  Cornwal- 
lis,  had  arrived  in  Cape  Fear  River,  and  a  pressing  re- 


278  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

quest  that  he  would  hasten  forward  and  take  the  com- 
mand in  that  quarter.  General  Clinton,  with  the  de- 
tachment from  Boston,  had  likewise  arrived  there, 
after  having  made  a  visit  to  Lord  Dunmore  on  his  way. 
Whatever  might  be  the  ultimate  movements  of  the 
enemy,  he  could  not  hesitate  to  regard  North  Carolina 
as  his  present  post  of  duty.  As  soon  as  he  could  make 
the  proper  arrangements,  therefore,  he  proceeded  to 
that  province,  leaving  General  Andrew  Lewis  at  the 
head  of  military  affairs  in  Virginia. 

Just  before  his  departure,  he  wrote  the  following 
letter  to  Patrick  Henry,  who  was  two  months  after- 
wards elected  the  first  Governor  of  the  commonwealth 
under  the  new  form  of  government.  It  is  interesting 
as  an  exposition  of  the  sentiments  of  General  Lee,  and 
as  affording  hints  of  those  of  Patrick  Henry,  on  the 
weighty  subject  of  independence. 

u  Williamsburg,  May  7th,  1776. 

"DEAR  SIR, 

"  If  I  had  not  the  highest  opinion  of  your 
character  and  liberal  way  of  thinking,  I  should  not 
venture  to  address  myself  to  you ;  and,  if  I  were  not 
equally  persuaded  of  the. great  weight  and  influence, 
which  the  transcendent  abilities  you  possess  must  natu- 
rally confer,  I  should  not  give  myself  the  trouble  of 
writing,  nor  you  the  trouble  of  reading,  this  long  letter. 
Since  our  conversation  yesterday,  my  thoughts  have 
been  solely  employed  on  the  great  question,  whether 
independence  ought  or  ought  not  to  be  immediately 
declared.  Having  weighed  the  argument  on  both 
sides,  I  am  clearly  of  the  opinion,  that  we  must,  as  we 
value  the  liberties  of  America,  or  even  her  existence, 
without  a  moment's  delay  declare  for  independence.  If 
my  reasons  appear  weak,  you  will  excuse  them  for  the 
disinterestedness  of  the  author,  as  I  may  venture  to  af- 
firm, that  no  man  on  this  continent  will  sacrifice  more 
than  myself  by  the  separation.  But  if  I  have  the  good 
fortune  to  offer  any  arguments,  which  have  escaped 


THE  "LEE  PAPERS.  279 

your  understanding,  and  they  should  make  the  desired 
impression,  I  shall  think  I  have  rendered  the  greatest 
service  to  the  community. 

"  The  objection  you  made  yesterday,  if  I  understood 
you  rightly,  to  an  immediate  declaration,  was  by  many 
degrees  the  most  specious,  indeed,  it  is  the  only  toler- 
able one,  that  I  have  yet  heard.  You  say,  and  with 
great  justice,  that  we  ought  previously  to  have  felt  the 
pulse  of  France  and  Spain.  I  more  than  believe,  I  am 
almost  confident,  that  it  has  been  done ;  at  least,  I  can 
assert,  upon  recollection,  that  some  of  the  Committee 
of  Secrecy  have  assured  me  that  the  sentiments  of  both 
these  courts,  or  their  agents,  had  been  sounded,  and 
were  found  to  be  as  favorable  as  could  be  wished. 
But,  admitting  that  we  are  utter  strangers  to  their  sen- 
timents on  the  subject,  and  that  we  run  some  risk  of 
this  declaration  being  coldly  received  by  these  powers, 
such  is  our  situation,  that  the  risk  must  be  ventured. 

"  On  one  side,  there  are  the  most  probable  chances  of 
our  success,  founded  on  the  certain  advantages  which 
must  manifest  themselves  to  French  understandings  by 
a  treaty  of  alliance  with  America.  The  strength  and 
weakness,  the  opulence  and  poverty,  of  every  state  are 
estimated  in  the  scale  of  comparison  with  her  immedi- 
ate rival.  The  superior  commerce  and  marine  force  of 
England  were  evidently  established  on  the  monopoly 
of  her  American  trade.  The  inferiority  of  France,  in 
these  two  capital  points,  consequently  had  its  source  in 
the  same  origin.  Any  deduction  from  this  monopoly 
must  bring  down  her  rival  in  proportion  to  this  deduc- 
tion. 

The  French  are,  and  always  have  beeo,  sensible  of 
these  great  truths.  Your  idea,  that  they  may  be  di- 
verted from  a  line  of  policy,  which  assures  them  such 
immense  and  permanent  advantages,  by  an  offer  of  par- 
tition from  Great  Britain,  appears  to  me,  if  you  will 
excuse  the  phrase,  an  absolute  chimera.  They  must  be 
wretched  politicians,  indeed,  if  they  would  prefer  the 
uncertain  acquisition,  and  the  precarious,  expensive 


280  THE   LEE    PAPERS. 

possession,  of  one  or  two  provinces,  to 'the  greater  part 
.of  the  commerce  of  the  whole.  Besides,  were  not  the 
advantages  from  the  latter  so  manifestly  greater  than 
those  that  would  accrue  from  the  imagined  partition 
scheme,  it  is  notorious  that  acquisition  of  territory,  or 
even  colonial  possessions,  which  require  either  men  or 
money  to  retain  them,  are  entirely  repugnant  to  the 
spirit  and  principles  of  the  present  French  court.  It 
is  so  repugnant,  indeed,  that  it  is  most  certain  they  have 
lately  entertained  thoughts  of  abandoning  their  West 
India  islands.  Le  commerce  et  Veconomie  are  the  cry, 
clown  from  the  King  to  the  lowest  minister.  From 
these  considerations,  I  am  convinced  that  they  will  im- 
mediately and  essentially  assist  us,  if  independence  is 
declared. 

"  But,  allowing  that  there  can  be  no  certainty,  but 
mere  chances,  in  our  favor,  I  do  insist  upon  it  that 
these  chances  render  it  our  duty  to  adopt  the  measure, 
as,  by  procrastination,  our  ruin  is  inevitable.  Should 
it  now  be  determined  to  wait  the  result  of  a  previous 
formal  negotiation  with  France,  a  whole  year  must  pass 
over  our  heads  before  wre  can  be  acquainted  with  the 
result.  In  the  mean  time,  wre  are  to  struggle  through 
a  campaign  without  arms,  ammunition,  or  any  one 
necessary  of  war.  Disgrace  and  defeat  will  infallibly 
ensue  ;  the  soldiers  and  officers  will  become  so  disap- 
pointed, that  they  will  abandon  their  colors,  and  prob- 
ably never  be  persuaded  to  make  another  effort. 

"  But  there  is  another  consideration  still  more  cogent. 
I  can  assure  you  that  the  spirit  of  the  people  cries  out 
for  this  declaration ;  the  military,  in  particular,  men 
and  officers,  are  outrageous  on  the  subject ;  and  a  man 
of  your  excellent  discernment  need  not  be  told  how 
dangerous  it  would  be,  in  our  present  circumstances,  to 
dally  with  the  spirit,  or  disappoint  the  expectations,  of 
the  bulk  of  the  people.  May  not  despair,  anarchy,  and 
finally  submission,  be  the  bitter  fruits?  I  am  firmly 
persuaded  that  they  will ;  and,  in  this  persuasion,  I 
most  devoutly  pray  that  you  may  not  merely  reconi- 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  281 

mend,  but  positively  lay  injunctions  on  your  servants 
in  Congress  to  embrace  a  measure  so  necessary  to  our 
salvation. 

"  Yours  most  sincerely. 

"  CHARLES  LEE." 

Eight  days  after  the  date  of  this  letter,  the  Conven- 
tion of  Virginia  instructed  their  delegates  in  Congress, 
by  a  unanimous  resolve,  to  propose  to  that  body  "  to 
declare  the  united  colonies  free  and  independent  states." 
The  event  proved  that  General  Lee  thoroughly  under- 
stood the  sense  of  the  people.  His  suggestion,  that  the 
French  court  had  no  wish  to  acquire  territory  on  the 
American  continent,  was  also  correct.  This  is  demon- 
strated by  the  subsequent  treaty  of  alliance,  and  by 
the  public  and  secret  correspondence  of  the  French 
ministers  during  the  whole  period  of  the  war. 

The  Virginia  Convention  voted  to  raise  immediately 
eleven  hundred  and  fifty  minute  men  for  the  assistance 
of  North  Carolina.  General  Lee  ordered  one  of  the 
Continental  regiments  on  the  same  service.  North 
Carolina  had  raised  five  regiments  on  the  Continental 
establishment,  which  were  commanded  by  General 
Moore,  and  were  stationed  in  such  a  manner  as  to  be 
ready  to  meet  the  enemy,  if  they  should  attempt  to 
penetrate  the  country.  General  Lee  arrived  at  New- 
bern  on  the  27th  of  May,  and  was  welcomed  by  an  ad- 
dress from  the  inhabitants,  in  which  they  say,  "  Im- 
pressed with  a  lively  sense  of  your  generous  and  manly 
exertions  in  defence  of  American  rights  and  liberties, 
we  are  happy  in  having  an  opportunity  of  paying  our 
grateful  tribute  of  thanks,  and  offering  our  most  cordial 
congratulations  on  your  arrival  among  us."  He  was 
everywhere  greeted  with  hearty  salutations  and  with 
tokens  of  respect  and  confidence. 

He  received  intelligence  from  General  Moore  that 
Sir  Peter  Parker,  General  Clinton,  and  Lord  Corn- 
wallis,  were  in  Cape  Fear  River,  with  sixty  or  seventy 
topsail  vessels,  of  which  seven  were  ships  of  war,  and 


282  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

that  about  three  thousand  men  were  landed  near  Fort 
Johnson.  As  yet,  the  enemy's  intentions  could  only  be 
conjectured.  That  they  would  operate  in  North  Caro- 
lina, was  not  believed ;  but  it  was  problematical 
whether  they  would  turn  their  course  to  Virginia  or 
South  Carolina.  In  this  state  of  suspense,  it  was  nec- 
essary to  be  prepared  to  act  at  both  points.  All  doubt 
was  soon  removed ;  for  the  fleet  sailed  out  of  the  river 
on  the  1st  of  June,  and,  three  days  afterwards,  ap- 
peared off  the  harbor  of  Charleston.  General  Lee  fol- 
lowed, and  readied  the  city  on  the  same  day. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Takes  Command  of  the  Troops  in  South  Carolina. — 
Preparations  for  Defence. — Affair  at  Fort  Moul- 
trie. — British  retire  from  Carolina. — General  Lee 
marches  to  Georgia. — Plans  an  Expedition  against 
East  Florida. — Recalled  to  the  North  by  Congress. 
—Joins  the  main  Army  at  Haerlem  Heights.— 
Marches  to  White  Plains. —  Washington  crosses  the 
Hudson,  and  Lee  left  in  Command  of  the  Eastern 
Troops  at  White  Plains. 

THIS  invasion  of  the  enemy  had  been  anticipated  by 
the  South  Carolinians,  in  consequence  of  Lord  George 
Germain's  intercepted  letter,  and  they  had  prepared  to 
meet  it.  The  legislature  had  voted  an  army  of  four 
thousand  men,  and  between  two  and  three  thousand 
were  already  raised.  They  were  extremely  active  in 
throwing  up  fortifications  around  the  city,  and  on  the 
islands  adjacent  to  the  harbor,  particularly  on  Sulli- 
van's Island,  situate  within  the  bar,  and  most  exposed 
to  the  enemy's  shipping,  where  much  progress  had  been 
made  in  a  strong  work  of  defence  constructed  of  pal- 
metto logs.  The  same  zeal  that  was  conspicuous  in 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  283 

other  parts  of  the  continent  animated  all  classes  of  the 
inhabitants. 

General  Lee's  arrival  diffused  universal  satisfaction. 
His  fame  had  gone  before  him,  and  everything  was 
hoped  from  his  talents,  his  ardor,  and  military  knowl- 
edge. "  His  presence,"  says  Moultrie,  "  gave  us  great 
spirits;  he  taught  us  to  think  lightly  of  the  enemy,  and 
gave  a  spur  to  all  our  actions."  But  he  found  himself 
in  an  unexpected  dilemma.  Not  a  single  officer  or  sol- 
dier was  on  the  Continental  establishment,  although 
Congress  had,  six  months  before,  authorized  three  bat- 
talions to  be  raised  in  South  Carolina,  and  had  sent 
General  Armstrong  to  take  the  command,  who  had  been 
a  month  in  Charleston.* 

The  reason  assigned  by  the  Carolinians  was,  that  they 
were  not  satisfied  with  the  military  regulations  of  Con- 
gress, and  preferred  their  own  system.  In  this  state  of 
things,  no  Continental  officer,  not  even  General  Lee, 
could  command  the  troops  of  South  Carolina.  To 
waver  on  such  a  point,  whilst  the  enemy  was  at  the 
door,  seemed  the  height  of  folly ;  and  Mr.  John  Rut- 
ledge,  President  of  South  Carolina  under  the  new  con- 
stitution then  recently  adopted,  wisely  settled  the  ques- 
tion by  issuing  an  order,  which  placed  all  the  provincial 
troops  under  the  command  of  General  Lee ;  an  act 
which  met  the  entire  approbation  of  the  soldiers  and 
the  public. f  The  army  was  joined  by  a  detachment 
from  North  Carolina,  and  a  regiment  from  Virginia, 
both  of  which  had  been  ordered  forward  by  General 
Lee,  while  on  his  march  from  the  north. 

From  that  time  he  was  devoted,  day  and  night,  to  the 
arduous  task  of  preparation.  The  chief  care  was  be- 
stowed upon  the  fort  at  Sullivan's  Island,  which  pre- 
sented a  fair  mark  to  the  enemy's  fleet,  and  which  it  was 
presumed  would  be  the  first  object  of  assault.  The  isl- 
and was  separated  from  the  main  by  shoal  water  nearly 
a  mile  in  width,  and  much  labor  was  expended  in  the 

*  General  Armstrong's  Letter  to  Lee,  May  8th,  1776. 
f  Moultrie's  Mtmoirs,  Vol.  I.,  p.  151. 


284  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

construction  of  a  bridge,  to  serve  for  a  retreat  in 
case  of  disasters ;  but  it  could  not  be  finished  in 
season. 

Colonel  Moul  trie,  of  South  Carolina,  commanded  in 
the  fort,  and  Colonel  Thompson  was  stationed  with  a 
body  of  riflemen  three  miles  distant,  at  the  eastern  ex- 
tremity of  the  island,  with  the  view  of  guarding  that 
part  against  the  descent  of  the  British  troops  under 
General  Clinton.  Detachments  were  likewise  posted  by 
General  Lee  at  Haddrell's  Point,  and  other  places  along 
the  main  opposite  to  Sullivan's  Island  ;  but  these  were 
too  remote  to  afford  any  direct  assistance  to  the  defend- 
ers of  the  fort.  For  several  days  the  enemy's  fleet  re- 
mained on  the  outside  of  the  bar,  and  General  Clinton 
landed  his  men  on  Long  Island,  separated  from  Sulli- 
van's Island  at  the  east  by  a  narrow  passage,  which  was 
supposed  to  be  fordable  at  low  tide. 

Such  was  the  position  of  the  two  parties  on  the  28th 
of  June,  when,  early  in  the  morning,  two  men-of-war,  the 
Bristol  and  the  Experiment,  carrying  fifty  guns  each, 
six  frigates,  and  a  bomb-vessel,  having  passed  the  bar 
at  full  tide  the  evening  before,  sailed  boldly  up  within 
cannon-shot  of  the  fort,  cast  anchor,  and  commenced 
a  furious  cannonade.  It  was  returned  with  equal  spirit 
and  unerring  effect  by  Moultrie  and  his  soldiers,  afford- 
ing an  extraordinary  instance  of  one  of  the  hottest  ac- 
tions on  record  fought  by  men  totally  inexperienced, 
with  all  the  skill,  precision,  and  coolness  of  consummate 
veterans.  The  conflict  continued  for  ten  hours,  till 
eight  o'clock  at  night,  without  intermission,  except  for 
a  brief  space  when  the  powder  in  the  fort  was  nearly 
exhausted.  As  soon  as  a  seasonable  supply  arrived, 
the  fire  was  renewed.  General  Lee  watched  the  action 
with  intense  interest  at  Haddrell's  Point.  He  once 
passed  over  to  the  fort  in  a  boat,  stayed  a  short  time, 
pointed  two  or  three  of  the  guns,  arid  then  said  to  the 
commander,  "  Colonel,  I  see  you  are  doing  very  well 
here ;  you  have  no  occasion  for  me ;  I  will  go  up  to 
town  again ;  "  and  then  returned  in  his  boat,  exposed  to 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  235 

the  enemy's  fire.*  He  was  too  generous  to  rob  the 
brave  colonel  of  the  glory  of  the  day  by  remaining  in 
the  fort. 

The  victory  was  complete,  and  the  more  honorable 
as  obtained  over  an  enemy  who  had  fought  with  the 
most  determined  resolution  and  bravery.  At  dusk  Sir 
Peter  Parker  slipped  his  cables,  and  floated  away  with 
the  tide  beyond  the  reach  of  the  guns  at  the  fort.  On 
board  the  Bristol,  forty  men  were  killed  and  seventy- 
one  wounded  ;  and  the  Experiment  lost  twenty-three 
killed  and  fifty-six  wounded.  The  other  vessels  suffered 
less.  The  American  loss  was  twelve  killed  and  twenty- 
four  wounded.  Three  of  the  frigates  ran  aground  in 
attempting  to  enfilade  the  fort  on  the  western  side. 
One  of  them  was  scuttled  and  burned.  General  Clin- 
ton, finding  the  water  in  the  channel  too  deep  to  be 
forded,  could  not  land  on  the  island,  and  of  course  his 
troops  took  no  part  in  the  action.  Neither  fortune  nor 
courage  was  propitious  to  the  assailants.  In  honor  of 
the  commander,  the  fort  was  thenceforth  called  Fort 
Moultrie. 

This  repulse  put  an  end  to  the  scheme  of  a  southern 
invasion,  of  the  success  of  which  the  ministry  had 
formed  sanguine  expectations.  The  fleet  speedily 
sailed,  with  all  the  troops  on  board,  to  join  the  grand 
army  under  General  Howe  at  New  York.  The  blow 
was  fatal  to  Lord  Dunmore,  who,  destitute  of  the  sup- 
port which  a  southern  victory  would  have  given  him, 
was  soon  compelled  to  cease  from  his  depredations  in 
the  Chesapeake,  and  to  withdraw  likewise  to  Sir  Will- 
iam Howe's  army. 

For  several  days  it  was  doubtful  whether  the  retreat- 
ing enemy  would  not  turn  upon  Virginia,  and  General 
Lee  held  his  troops  in  readiness  to  march  in  that  direc- 
tion;  but,  as  soon  as  it  was  ascertained  that  the  fleet 
had  passed  the  Chesapeake  without  entering,  he  formed 
the  plan  of  an  expedition  to  East  Florida.  The  fron- 
tiers of  Georgia  had  been  infested  by  marauding  parties 

*  Moultrie'a  Memoirs,  Vol.  II.,  p.  176. 


286  •     THE   LEE    PAPERS. 

from  that  province,  and  a  post  was  established  on  St. 
Mary's  River,  under  a  British  officer,  which  became  the 
rendezvous  of  refugees  from  the  southern  provinces, 
vagrant  negroes,  and  hostile  Indians,  who  were  fur- 
nished with  arms  and  incited  to  plunder  the  inhabit- 
ants. 

To  break  up  and  disperse  this  nest  of  marauders, 
which  daily  increased  in  numbers,  and  to  strike  terror 
into  the  Florida  Indians  by  a  vigorous  onset  upon  that 
province,  were  thought  to  be  objects  of  special  impor- 
tance. The  enemy  held  possession  of  St.  Augustine,  a 
fortress  too  formidable  to  be  attempted  without  heavy 
artillery,  which  the  Americans  did  not  possess ;  but 
every  other  part  of  Florida  was  open  to  their  incur- 
sions. 

The  plan  was  cordially  approved  by  the  prominent 
patriots  of  Georgia,  and  General  Lee  hastened  to  Sav- 
annah with  the  intention  of  carrying  it  into  execution. 
He  was  followed  by  General  Howe,  a  Continental  of- 
ficer of  North  Carolina,  and  by  Colonel  Moultrie,  with 
detachments  of  North  and  South  Carolina  troops. 
There  was  also  a  Continental  battalion  in  Georgia, 
which  had  been  raised  early  in  the  year,  and  at  the 
head  of  which  was  Colonel  Mclntosh.  The  command 
of  the  proposed  Florida  expedition  was  offered  to 
Colonel  Moultrie,  and  he  accepted  it  on  condition  that 
he  should  be  furnished  with  eight  hundred  men  and  the 
requisite  supplies.  The  men  were  at  hand,  but  there 
was  a  deficiency  of  almost  everything  else.  The  season 
in  that  hot  climate  was  unfavorable  j  yet  such  exertions 
were  made  as  to  afford  a  fair  prospect  of  success. 

In  the  midst  of  these  preparations,  however,  about 
the  1st  of  September,  after  General  Lee  had  been  a 
month  in  Savannah,  he  received  an  order  from  Con- 
gress requiring  him  to  repair  immediately  to  Philadel- 
phia. The  expedition  was  then  abandoned,  the  Caro- 
lina troops  were  recalled,  and,  with  as  little  delay  as 
possible,  he  pursued  his  journey  to  the  north. 

He  had  commanded  in  the  southern  department  six 


THE   LEE   PAPERS.  287 

months,  and  had  been  perpetually  engaged  in  scenes  of 
the  utmost  activity,  which  called  for  a  full  measure  of 
military  skill,  ability,  discretion,  judgment,  and  knowl- 
edge of  mankind.  On  all  occasions  he  had  acquitted 
himself  honorably,  with  disinterestedness,  and  an  un- 
wavering devotion  to  the  cause  of  the  country.  If  his 
zeal  and  ardent  temperament  sometimes  gave  him  the 
air  of  assumption,  and  impelled  him  beyond  the  exact 
limits  of  his  delegated  powers,  it  was  soon  discovered 
that  his  aims  were  for  the  public  good,  and  that  he 
never  shrank  from  the  responsibility  of  any  of  his  acts. 

Whilst  he  was  at  Savannah,  he  wrote  a  letter  "  to 
the  Governor  at  St.  Francois,"  describing  the  state  of 
affairs  in  America,  with  arguments  to  prove  the  advan- 
tages that  France  would  gain  by  an  alliance  in  the 
war,  or  at  least  by  furnishing  arms  and  other  military 
supplies,  so  as  to  secure  the  success  of  the  Americans. 
The  letter  was  ably  written,  and  was  probably  designed 
for  the  French  court,  to  whom  he  might  naturally  sup- 
pose it  would  be  forwarded  by  the  Governor. 

By  the  resignation  of  General  Ward,  he  was  now  the 
second  in  command  of  the  American  army,  standing 
next  in  rank  to  Washington.  When  he  reported  him- 
self to  Congress,  he  was  directed  to  proceed  to  the 
camp  at  Haerlem  Heights,  where  the  main  army  was 
then  posted,  daily  expecting  an  attack  from  Sir  Will- 
iam Howe,  who  had  a  month  before  taken  possession 
of  New  York.  He  arrived  on  the  14th  of  October, 
and  took  command  of  the  right  wing  of  the  army. 

The  works  on  Haerlem  Heights  were  strong  and  well 
manned,  and  it  was  hoped  the  attack  would  be  made  at 
that  place.  The  British  general  chose  not  to  hazard 
the  attempt.  Bunker's  Hill  was  too  fresh  in  his  recol- 
lection. It  was  his  policy  to  draw  General  Washing- 
ton away  from  his  stronghold  f urther  into  the  country, 
where  he  might  meet  him  to  greater  advantage,  or  to 
enclose  him  between  the  Hudson  and  Long  Island 
Sound  by  falling  on  his  rear,  and  thus  cutting  off  his 
communication  with  the  interior.  He  had  already  be- 


288  •      THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

gun  to  manoeuvre  for  these  objects,  and  had  ]anded  a 
large  division  of  his  troops  on  Frog's  Neck,  a  peninsula 
j  utting  into  the  Sound  about  nine  miles  eastward  from  the 
American  camp.  At  this  moment  General  Lee  arrived. 

The  post  at  Haerlem  was  so  strong,  including  Fort 
Washington,  and  the  desire  of  Congress  to  maintain 
such  a  force  there  as  to  obstruct  the  passage  of  the 
Hudson  had  been  so  emphatically  expressed,  that  a 
majority  of  the  officers  had  decided  a  few  days  before 
that  the  army  ought  to  remain  in  its  present  position, 
and  act  against  the  enemy  as  circumstances  should  dic- 
tate. A  council  was  held  on  the  12th  of  October,  how- 
ever, two  days  before  the  arrival  of  General  Lee,  at 
which  this  decision  was  reversed,  and  it  was  agreed 
that  the  principal  part  of  the  army  should  march  into 
the  country,  so  as  to  keep  in  advance  of  the  British 
columns,  and  that  eight  thousand  men  only  should  re- 
main for  the  defence  of  the  Heights. 

In  the  mean  time,  a  different  face  was  put  upon  af- 
fairs by  the  movements  of  the  enemy  ;  General  Howe's 
numbers  at  Frog's  Neck  continued  to  increase,  and  it 
was  obvious  that  he  intended  to  bring  all  his  disposable 
strength  to  bear  upon  the  American  rear.  Another 
council  was  called  on  the  16th,  at  which  General  Lee 
was  present ;  and  it  was  decided,  with  one  dissenting 
voice  only,  that  the  whole  army,  except  two  thousand 
men  left  to  garrison  Fort  Washington,  should  march 

o  O  * 

across  Kingsbridge,  and  so  far  into  the  country  as,  at 
all  events,  to  outflank  the  enemy.  General  Lee  was  in 
favor  of  this  resolution,  as  indeed  were  all  the  officers 
but  one.* 

*  This  officer  was  General  George  Clinton.  Under  the  circumstances,  his 
dissent  was  singular.  He  assigned  his  reasons,  however,  in  writing.  He  was 
extremely  anxious  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  ascending  the  Hudson,  and  to 
protect  the  country.  He  said  the  Americans  were  numerically  as  strong  as 
the  British,  that  the  latter  must  be  met  somewhere,  and  that  he  believed  the 
position  and  strong  works  of  Haerlem  afforded  a  better  place  for  defence  than 
any  other. 

Colonel  Harrison,  the  secretary  of  General  Washington,  in  writing  to  the 
President  of  Congress  the  day  after  the  meeting  of  the  council,  and  informing 
him  of  the  resolution  to  march  the  army  from  Haerlem,  says,  "  General  Lee 
has  strongly  urged  the  absolute  necessity  of  the  measure. "a 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  289 

In  this  matter,  however,  some  writers  have  claimed 
for  him  more  credit  than  the  facts  would  seem  to  jus- 
tify. It  has  been  said,  that  the  decision  was  obtained 
mainly,  if  not  wholly,  by  his  eloquent  and  persuasive 
arguments,  strengthened  by  the  unbounded  confidence 
which  the  officers  of  the  council  reposed  in  his  military 
knowledge  and  talents ;  and  that  by  his  agency,  thus 
employed,  the  army  was  rescued  from  a  most  perilous 
situation.  Whatever  grounds  there  may  have  been  for 
the  previous  opinions  of  the  officers,  it  would  seem  ob- 
vious that,  at  the  time  of  General  Lee's  arrival  in  camp, 
when  Sir  William  Howe  was  in  vigorous  motion,  with 
the  larger  part  of  his  army,  to  gain  the  rear  of  the 
Americans,  and  cut  off  their  communication  with  the 
country,  the  only  course  left  for  them  was  to  retreat 
from  their  position.  That  General  Lee  should  urge 
such  a  measure,  was  consistent  with  his  character,  and 
needs  not  be  questioned  ;  but  that  it  required  much 
weight  of  argument  to  convince  the  Commander-in- 
chief,  and  the  other  officers,  of  its  necessity,  is  not  cred- 
ible. 

The  attempt  to  retain  Fort  Washington,  after  the 
army  marched  from  Haerlem  Heights,  has  generally 
been  regarded  as  the  most  palpable  blunder,  and  its 
capture  the  most  serious  loss,  that  occurred  during  the 
war.  The  proceedings  of  the  council  on  this  subject 
have  not  been  preserved;  but  it  has  always  been  under- 
stood, and  historians  have  not  disputed  the  fact,  that 
General  Lee  strenuously  opposed  the  measure  of  leav- 
ing a  garrison  at  that  post.  In  adopting  it,  General 
Washington  was  influenced  by  two  motives.  The  first 
and  principal  one  was,  that  he  had  received  a  resolu- 
tion of  Congress,  two  or  three  days  before,  desiring  him 
"  by  every  art,  and  at  whatever  expense,  to  obstruct 
effectually  the  navigation  of  the  North  River  between 
Fort  Washington  and  Mount  Constitution."  This- 
could  not  be  done  without  a  strong  garrison.  Secondly, 
the  troops  could  at  any  time  be  withdrawn  across  the 
river,  without  hazard,  by  General  Greene,  who  was  sta- 

19 


290  •      THE   LEE    PAPERS. 

tioned  on  the  opposite  side,  at  Fort  Lee,  or  Mount  Con- 
stitution. 

Moreover,  during  the  movement  of  the  main  army, 
the  possession  of  this  post,  and  of  the  other  works  on 
the  Heights,  was  extremely  important  in  another  point 
of  view.  It  interrupted  effectually  the  direct  channel 
of  communication  between  the  city  of  New  York  and 
the  country,  and  held  at  bay  about  five  thousand  Brit- 
ish troops  between  the  Heights  and  the  city,  under 
Lord  Percy,  who,  if  the  Heights  had  been  deserted  and 
the  way  left  open,  would  have  pressed  heavily  upon 
the  rear  of  the  Americans  during  a  march  already  ren- 
dered perilous  by  the  near  vicinity  of  the  main  body  of 
General  Howe's  army  on  their  right  flank. 

The  retention  of  Fort  Washington  at  that  time, 
therefore,  was  not  so  unadvised  a  measure  as  might  at 
first  appear.  But  when,  several  days  afterwards,  whilst 
the  American  army  was  at  White  Plains,  a  British  fri- 
gate and  two  transports  passed  up  the  Hudson,  not- 
withstanding the  opposition  presented  by  the  chevaux- 
de-frise  and  the  two  forts,  thereby  proving  that  the 
navigation  of  the  river  could  not  be  obstructed,  it 
would  seem  that  the  garrison  ought  to  have  been  im- 
mediately withdrawn,  and  the  works  on  the  Heights 
abandoned.  This  was  the  opinion  of  General  Wash- 
ington, which  he  strongly  expressed  in  a  letter  to  Gen- 
eral Greene ;  but  the  hopes  of  the  latter  were  too  san- 
guine, and  hence  the  loss  of  the  garrison.* 

When  the  army  marched  from  Haerlem  Heights, 
the  division  under  General  Lee  was  stationed  near 
Kingsbridge,  in  order  to  guard  and  protect  the  rear ;  a 
position  the  most  exposed  to  the  enemy,  and  demand- 
ing the  perpetual  vigilance  and  caution  of  the  com- 
mander. Nor  was  he  contented  with  this  duty  only  ; 
he  harassed  the  enemy's  outposts.  Three  several  de- 
tachments from  his  division  skirmished  with  parties 
not  inferior  in  force,  and  with  such  success  as  to  prove, 

*  An  explanation  of  the  particulars  may  be  seen  in  Sparks's  Washington . 
Vol.  VI.  p.  328  ;  Vol.  IX.  p.  100. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS. 


in  each  instance,  both  the  courage  of  the  men  and  the 
good  judgment  with  which  these  enterprises  were 
planned.  The  movements  of  the  army  were  extremely 
embarrassed  by  the  deficiency  of  wagons  and  horses  for 
transporting  the  baggage  and  artillery,  whilst  it  was 
constantly  open  on  its  right  wing  to  the  assaults  of  the 
British  columns,  which  were  sometimes  in  sight.  The 
march  occupied  three  or  four  days.  General  Lee  con- 
tinued in  the  rear,  affording  an  effectual  protection  ; 
and  at  length  brought  up  his  division,  and  joined  the 
main  army  at  White  Plains. 

Washington  here  expected  a  general  action,  and  was 
prepared  to  meet  it  ;  but,  after  looking  him  in  the  face 
for  several  days,  Sir  William  Howe  came  to  the  con- 
clusion, that  the  Americans  were  too  strongly  posted 
to  allow  him  a  fair  prospect  of  success,  and  quietly 
drew  off  his  troops  towards  Kingsbridge.  As  soon  as 
his  retreat  was  ascertained  not  to  be  a  feint,  no  one 
could  doubt  his  intention  to  transfer  his  operations  to 
New  Jersey,  with  the  ultimate  object  of  reaching  Phila- 
delphia. Washington  resolved  to  cross  the  Hudson 
immediately,  with  all  the  troops  belonging  to  the 
south  of  that  river,  and  throw  himself  in  the  enemy's 
front,  leaving  General  Lee  with  the  eastern  troops  on 
the  ground  then  occupied. 

A  detachment  of  three  thousand  men,  under  General 
Heath,  was  likewise  ordered  to  Peekskill,  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  passes  in  the  Highlands.  The  number  of 
troops  left  with  General  Lee  was  about  seven  thousand 
five  hundred,  but  more  than  four  thousand  of  these 
were  militia,  whose  term  of  enlistment  would  expire 
very  shortly.  By  his  instructions,  he  was  to  cross  the 
Hudson  without  delay,  whenever  it  should  be  known 
that  the  British  designed  New  Jersey  to  be  the  theatre 
of  operations. 


292  '    THE    LEE    PAPERS. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Ordered  to  cross  the  Hudson  and  join  the  Army  under 
Washington. — His  Dispute  with  General  Heath. — 
Marches  into  New  Jersey. — Dilatory  in  obeying 
Orders. —  Captured  by  the  .Enemy  at  Baskingridge. 
—Held  as  a  Deserter,  and  closely  confined. —  Wash- 
ington threatens  Retaliation. — Allowed  the  Privilege 
of  Parole. — Exchanged. — Resumes  his  Command  in 
the  Army  at  Valley  Forge. 

THE  fall  of  Fort  Washington  and  Fort  Lee  opened 
the  way  for  the  anticipated  schemes  of  Sir  William 
Howe.  He  advanced  into  ^N  ew  Jersey.  Washington  re- 
treated before  him  with  an  army  daily  dwindling  away, 
by  the  expiration  of  the  times  for  which  the  men  had 
engaged  to  serve,  till  the  number  was  reduced  to  less 
than  three  thousand.  This  critical  situation  required 
his  whole  disposable  force  to  be  united  under  his  im- 
mediate command.  He  wrote  to  General  Lee  from 
Hackinsack,  Newark,  Brunswick,  and  Trenton,  at  first 
requesting  him,  and  then  urging  and  ordering  him,  to 
come  forward  with  his  troops  as  quickly  as  possible  by 


such  route  as  he  might  select. 


General  Lee  was  not  idle  at  his  post.  He  laid  a 
plan  for  cutting  off  a  detachment  of  the  British,  sta- 
tioned near  Mamaronec,  under  Colonel  Rogers,  cele- 
brated for  his  exploits  in  the  border  conflicts  of  the 
last  war.  It  was  partly  executed,  but  ultimately 
failed,  in  consequence  of  the  enemy  having  left  the 
ground  before  the  arrival  of  the  Americans.  He  was 
also  active  in  endeavoring  to  prevail  on  the  New  Eng- 
land militia  to  remain  a  short  time  longer,  using  such 
arguments  as  might  touch  their  patriotism  and  kindle 
their  ardor.  Very  few  were  moved  by  his  eloquence, 
or  by  the  perils  of  their  country ;  they  nearly  all  went 
home. 

As  troops  could  overtake  General  Washington  from 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  293 

the  Highlands  more  expeditiously  than  from  White 
Plains,  Lee  requested  General  Heath  to  send  forward 
two  thousand  men,  whom  he  promised  to  replace  by  an 
equal  number  from  his  own  division.  Heath  declined, 
alleging  the  positive  tenor  of  his  instructions  from  the 
Commander-in-chief.  This  refusal  bred  an  unpleasant 
altercation  between  the  two  Generals ;  Lee  insisting, 
that,  being  superior  in  rank,  Heath  was  bound  to  obey 
his  orders;  and  Heath  maintaining  that  he  held  a  sep- 
arate command.  Lee's  sense  of  the  matter  was  con- 
veyed, without  much  show  of  courtesy  in  two  or. three 
caustic  letters  to  Heath,  in  one  of  which  he  says,  with 
characteristic  impetuosity,  "  The  Commander-in-chief  is 
now  separated  from  us.  I,  of  course,  command  on  this 
side  of  the  water ;  and,  for  the  future,  I  must  and  will 
be  obeyed."  *  These  strong  words  were  uttered  with- 
out effect ;  Heath  remained  firm,  and  his  decision  was 
approved  by  Washington,  who  said  it  was  not  his  in- 
tention to  draw  any  of  the  troops  from  the  Highlands. 

Whatever  motives  may  have  caused  General  Lee's 
delay  in  the  first  instance,  it  is  difficult  to  account  for 
his  tardiness  afterwards.  He  lingered  two  or  three 
weeks  on  the  east  side  of  the  Hudson,  and,  after  cross- 
ing the  river  with  somewhat  less  than  three  thousand 
men,  the  militia  having  returned  home,  he  proceeded 
very  slowly,  although  continually  pressed  by  messages 
from  Washington  to  hasten  his  march.  He  advanced 
by  way  of  Morristown  to  Baskingridge,  where,  on  the 
13th  of  December,  ten  days  after  he  crossed  the  Hud- 
son, he  was  captured  by  the  enemy.  The  particulars 
of  that  event  have  been  related  by  General  Wilkinson, 
who  was  an  eye-witness. 

For  reasons,  which  have  not  been  explained,  Lee  took 
up  his  quarters  for  the  night,  with  a  small  guard,  at  a 
house  about  three  miles  from  the  encampment  of  the 
army.  A  loyalist  belonging  to  that  neighborhood  hap- 
pened to  pass  the  house  in  the  evening,  and  ascertained 
that  the  General  was  there.  He  communicated  the  in- 

*  MS.  Letter,  dated  November  26th.     See  also  Heath's  Memoirs,  pp.  88-96. 


294  THE   LEE    PAPERS. 

telligence  to  Colonel  Harcourt,  afterwards  Earl  Har- 
court,  a  spirited  British  officer,  at  that  time  on  a  tour 
of  observation  in  the  country  with  a  party  of  dragoons. 
General  Lee  had  taken  his  breakfast  the  next  morning, 
and  just  finished  a  letter  to  General  Gates,  who  was 
then  approaching  from  the  north,  with  a  body  of  troops, 
to  join  Washington.  "  At  that  moment,"  says  Wilkin- 
son, "  I  was  looking  out  of  an  end  window,  down  a  lane 
about  one  hundred  yards  in  length,  which  led  to  the 
house  from  the  main  road,  when  I  discovered  a  party 
of  British  dragoons  turning  a  corner  of  the  avenue  at 
a  full  charge.  Startled  at  this  unexpected  spectacle,  I 
exclaimed,  '  Here,  Sir,  are  the  British  cavalry ! ' 
k  Where  ? 7  replied  the  General,  who  had  signed  his  let- 
ter at  the  instant.  '  Around  the  house,'  for  they  had 
opened  files,  and  encompassed  the  building.  General 
Lee  appeared  alarmed,  yet  collected,  and  his  second  ob- 
servation marked  his  self-possession.  l  Where  is  the 
guard  ?  Why  don't  they  fire  ? '  And,  after  a  moment's 
pause,  he  turned  to  me,  and  said,  *  Do,  Sir,  see  what  has 
become  of  the  guard.'  I  passed  into  a  room  at  the  op- 
posite end  of  the  house,  where  I  had  seen  the  guard  in 
the  morning.  Here  I  discovered  their  arms,  but  the 
men  were  absent.  I  stepped  out  of  the  door,  and  per- 
ceived the  dragoons  chasing  them  in  different  direc- 
tions." * 

The  scene  was  soon  closed.  General  Lee  was  mounted 
on  a  horse  that  stood  at  the  door,  without  a  hat,  clad 
in  a  blanket-coat  and  slippers,  and  borne  off  in  triumph 
to  the  British  army  at  Brunswick. 

In  reviewing  his  conduct,  from  the  time  he  was  in- 
trusted with  a  separate  command  at  White  Plains,  it 
must  be  acknowledged  that  appearances  are  against 
him.  As  a  military  man,  scrupulous  in  exacting  obedi- 
ence from  others,  it  could  not  but  excite  suspicion  that 
he  should  manifest  so  strange  a  backwardness  in  obey- 
ing the  orders  of  his  superior,  especially  as  he  possessed 
a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  weak  condition  and  extreme 

*  Wilkinson's  Memoirs,  Vol.  I.  p.  105. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS. 


295 


peril  of  the  fugitive  little  army,  which  he  was  required 
to  support.  Washington,  in  one  of  his  letters,  ex- 
pressed surprise  that  he  had  not  heard  from  him  for 
more  than  a  week,  although,  he  adds,  "  I  have  des- 
patched daily  expresses  desiring  to  know  when  I  might 
look  for  him."  And  Congress,  nearly  at  the  same 
time,  instructed  a  committee  "  to  send  an  express  to 
General  Lee,  to  know  where,  and  in  what  situation,  he 
and  the  army  with  him  are." 

It  is  moreover  evident,  that  he  had  designs  of  his 
own,  which  were  not  consistent  with  a  strict  obedience 
of  orders.  It  was  his  purpose  to  hang  on  the  enemy's 
rear,  and  seize  the  first  opportunity  to  strike  a  blow. 
On  the  9th  of  December,  he  wrote  from  Chatham  to 
General  Heath,  "  I  am  in  hopes  here  to  reconquer  the 
Jerseys ;  they  were  really  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy 
before  my  arrival."  And,  what  must  screen  him  from 
all  suspicion  of  concealing  his  designs  even  from  the 
Commander-in-chief,  he  conveyed  the  same  idea  in  a  let- 
ter to  him  the  day  before.  Again,  on  the  llth  of  De- 
cember, he  wrote,  "  As  General  Lee  thinks  he  can  with- 
out great  risk  cross  the  Brunswick  post-road,  and,  by  a 
forced  night's  march,  make  his  way  to  the  ferry  below 
Burlington,  boats  should  be  sent  up  from  Philadelphia 
to  receive  him ;  but  this  scheme  he  only  proposes,  if 
the  head  of  the  enemy's  column  actually  pass  the  river." 
This  was  his  last  communication  to  Washington  before 
he  was  taken  prisoner,  and  it  is  remarkable  as  showing 
no  disposition  to  comply  with  the  orders  lue  had  re- 
ceived. 

It  may  be  said,  and  perhaps  with  justice,  that  these 
aberrations  do  not  prove  any  ill  design  on  his  part,  al- 
though they  expose  him  to  the  charge  of  neglect  of 
duty  as  an  officer.  He  might  believe,  and  probably 
did  believe,  that  he  could  render  the  most  effectual  ser- 
vice by  striking  the  enemy's  rear,  thereby  retarding,  if 
not  entirely  arresting,  the  progress  of  the  British  army 
towards  the  Delaware.  That  he  had  ulterior  views 
can  only  be  matter  of  conjecture,  founded  on  his  ardent 


296  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

temperament  and  aspiring  ambition,  which  he  never 
took  pains  to  conceal.  Hitherto  he  had  discovered  no 
symptoms  of  hostility  to  Washington,  for  the  free  re- 
marks he  had  made  concerning  recent  operations,  and 
want  of  decision  in  the  head,  could  scarcely  be  regarded 
as  such.  Any  officer  might  innocently  indulge  himself 
in  a  similar  latitude  of  opinion  and  speech.  Whilst  he 
was  absent  at  the  south,  an  intimate  correspondence 
was  kept  up  between  them,  as  well  of  a  private  as  of 
an  official  character ;  nor  is  there  any  evidence  that, 
after  his  return,  he  did  not  possess  the  entire  confidence 
of  the  Commander-in-chief. 

It  is  true,  nevertheless,  that  the  letter  to  General 
Gates,  mentioned  above,  breathes  a  spirit  not  perfectly 
accordant  with  feelings  of  friendship  or  disinterested 
motives.  Pie  writes,  alluding  to  Washington,  "  He  has 
thrown  me  into  a  situation,  where  I  have  my  choice  of 
difficulties.  If  I  stay  in  this  province,  I  risk  myself 
and  army  ;  and  if  I  do  not  stay,  the  province  is  lost 
forever.  I  have  neither  guides,  cavalry,  medicines, 
money,  shoes,  nor  stockings.  I  must  act  with  the  great- 
est circumspection.  Tories  are  in  my  front,  rear,  and 
on  my  flanks  ;  the  mass  of  the  people  is  strangely  con- 
taminated. In  short,  unless  something,  which  I  do  not 
expect,  turns  up,  we  are  lost.  Our  counsels  have  been 
weak  to  the  last  degree."  *  Now,  in  reality,  there  was 
no  choice  of  difficulties.  He  was  ordered  to  join  the 
main  army,  which  he  knew  had  crossed  the  Delaware  ; 
and,  by  a  quick  march  from  the  position  he  then  held, 
he  might  in  a  single  clay  have  reached  the  river  at  a 
suitable  crossing-place,  without  the  slightest  risk  of  be- 
ing obstructed  by  the  enemy,  who  were  many  miles  be- 
low. He  had  no  other  task  before  him,  than  that  of 
performing  this  march.  As  to  the  safety  of  the  prov- 
ince, he  was  not  required  to  protect  it,  nor  was  he  an- 
swerable for  consequences. 

The  capture  of  General  Lee,  at  so  critical  a  moment 
in  public  affairs,  was  deeply  deplored  by  the  army  and 

*  The  whole  letter  is  printed  in  Wilkinson's  Memoirs,  Vol.  I.  p.  108. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  297 

by  the  whole  country.  Aside  from  the  mortification 
of  losing  the  second  officer  of  the  army  in  such  a  man- 
ner, the  zeal  with  which  he  had  embraced  and  sustained 
the  American  cause  had  won  the  affections  of  the  peo- 
ple ;  and  his  military  reputation,  especially  his  recent 
successes  at  the  south,  had  confirmed  their  good  opin- 
ion, and  raised  extravagant  expectations  of  his  future 
services. 

The  circumstances  attending  his  capture,  however, 
and  the  negligence  with  which  he  seemed  to  expose 
himself  to  the  enemy,  produced  a  reaction  in  some 
minds,  and  excited  unfavorable  suspicions.  How  was 
it  possible,  it  was  asked,  for  a  man  of  his  experience 
and  ability  to  place  himself  in  a  situation  where  he 
could  be  seized  by  a  handful  of  British  dragoons,  with- 
out even  a  show  of  resistance,  unless  he  had  previously 
resolved  to  become  a  voluntary  captive,  and  had  se- 
cretly concerted  measures  to  this  end  with  the  enemy  ? 
In  the  vexation  of  a  bitter  disappointment,  this  suspi- 
cion, perhaps,  was  natural ;  but  it  was  utterly  un- 
founded. All  the  testimony  confirms,  that,  up  to  the 
time  of v  his  capture,  he  was  faithfully  and  assiduously 
devoted  to  the  cause  he  had  espoused. 

Moreover,  the  treatment  he  at  first  received  from  the 
enemy  affords  a  convincing  proof  of  his  having  fallen 
into  their  hands  by  no  good  will  on  either  side.  Even 
the  privilege  of  a  prisoner  of  war  was  denied  to  him. 
Six  days  after  he  was  brought  to  the  British  camp,  Sir 
William  Howe  wrote  to  the  minister,  Lord  George 
Germain,  as  follows :  "  General  Lee,  being  considered 
in  the  light  of  a  deserter,  is  kept  a  close  prisoner ;  but 
I  do  not  bring  him  to  trial,  as  a  doubt  has  arisen 
whether,  by  a  public  resignation  of  his  half-pay,  prior 
to  his  entry  into  the  rebel  army,  he  is  still  amenable  to 
the  military  law  as  a  deserter  ;  upon  which  point  I  wait 
for  information  ;  and  if  the  decision  should  be  for  trial 
on  this  ground,  I  beg  to  have  the  judges'  opinion  to  lay 
before  the  court.  Deserters  are  excluded  in  my  agree- 
ment with  the  enemy  for  exchange  of  prisoners."  The 


298  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

minister  replied,  "  As  you  have  difficulties  about  bring- 
ing General  Lee  to  trial  in  America,  it  is  his  Majesty  s 
pleasure,  that  you  send  him  to  Great  Britain  by  the 
first  ship  of  war."  The  manner  of  his  treatment  was 
soon  rumored  abroad,  and  produced  a  strong  sensation 
in  the  American  army  and  people.  General  Washing- 
ton partook  of  the  common  feeling,  and  felt  it  to  be  his 
duty  to  remonstrate  and  threaten  retaliation. 

"  I  am  directed  by  Congress,"  he  says,  in  a  letter  to 
General  Howe,  "  to  propose  an  exchange  of  five  of  the 
Hessian  field-officers,  taken  at  Trenton,  for  Major-Gen- 
eral Lee  ;  or,  if  this  proposal  should  not  be  accepted, 
to  demand  his  liberty  upon  parole,  within  certain 
bounds,  as  has  ever  been  granted  to  your  officers  in  our 
custody.  I  am  informed,  from  good  authority,  that 
your  reason  for  keeping  him  hitherto  in  stricter  confine- 
ment than  usual  is,  that  you  do  not  look  upon  him  in 
the  light  of  a  common  prisoner  of  war,  but  as  a  deserter 
from  the  British  service,  as  his  resignation  was  never 
accepted,  and  that  you  intend  to  try  him  as  such  by  a 
court-martial.  I  will  not  undertake  to  determine  how 
far  this  doctrine  may  be  justifiable  among  yourselves ; 
but  I  must  give  you  warning,  that  Major-General  Lee 
is  looked  upon  as  an  officer  belonging  to,  and  under  the 
protection  of,  the  United  Independent  States  of  Amer- 
ica, and  that  any  violence  you  may  commit  on  his  life 
or  liberty  will  be  severely  retaliated  upon  the  lives  or 
liberties  of  the  British  officers,  or  those  of  their  foreign 
allies,  at  present  in  our  hands." 

Sir  William  Howe's  answer  was  brief,  couched  in 
general  terms,  and  unsatisfactory,  promising  only  that 
the  proceedings  against  General  Lee  "  should  not  be 
precipitated."  These  words  implied,  that  proceedings 
of  some  sort  were  intended.  Congress  immediately  or- 
dered five  Hessian  field-officers,  and  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Campbell,  then  a  prisoner  in  Boston,  to  be  taken  into 
close  custody,  avowing  the  determination  to  retaliate  on 
them  the  same  punishment  that  should  be  inflicted  on 
General  Lee.  This  order  was  executed ;  the  Hessian 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  299 

officers  were  closely  confined;  and  Colonel  Campbell 
was  thrown  into  a  common  jail  at  Concord,  and  treated 
in  a  manner  reflecting  no  credit  on  the  generous  feelings 
of  those  who  had  him  in  charge,  however  it  might 
evince  their  zeal  for  the  honor  and  safety  of  their  un- 
fortunate general  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

Colonel  Campbell  was  released  from  his  harsh  duress 
by  the  interference  of  Washington,  who,  in  fact,  did 
not  approve  the  rigid  construction  which  had  been  put 
upon  the  order  of  Congress,  and  who  had  no  other  aim 
than  to  retain  the  officers  in  custody,  without  the  privi- 
lege of  exchange,  till  the  final  decision  of  General 

O  ^     ' 

Lee's  case  should  be  kno.wn. 

In  this  state  of  things,  Sir  William  Howe  wrote 
again  to  the  minister  in  a  somewhat  altered  tone. 
"  Washington  declines  to  exchange  the  Hessian  field- 
officers,  taken  at  Trenton,  or  Lieutenant-Colonel  Camp- 
bell, unless  Lee  is  recognized  as  a  prisoner  of  war. 
Lee  is  therefore  retained  for  further  instructions,  beins; 

O 

apprehensive,  that  a  close  confinement  of  the  Hessian 
officers  would  be  the  consequence  of  sending  Lee  to 
Britain,  and  that  this  would  occasion  much  discontent 
among  the  foreign  troops."  The  minister  took  counsel 
of  prudence,  and  replied,  "  His  Majesty  consents  that 
Lee,  having  been  struck  off  the  half-pay  list,  shall, 
though  deserving  the  most  exemplary  punishment,  be 
deemed  a  prisoner  of  war,  and  he  may  be  exchanged  as 
such  when  you  may  think  proper."  This  was  nine 
months  after  General  Lee's  capture,  during  which  time 
his  fate  was  held  in  suspense  ;  and  it  is  evident,  from 
the  above  extracts,  that  he  owed  his  rescue  to  the  firm 
stand  taken  in  his  behalf  by  the  American  Congress 
and  the  Commander-in-chief. 

Justice  to  the  character  of  General  Howe  requires 
it  to  be  stated,  however,  that  the  rumor  of  his  harsh 
treatment  was  unfounded.  Although  Lee  was  not  per- 
mitted to  go  abroad  on  parole,  yet  he  was  furnished 
with  comfortable  apartments ;  and,  in  a  letter  written 
by  his  own  hand  to  Robert  Morris,  then  a  member  of 


300  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

Congress,  he  says,  "  I  have  no  occasion  for  money  at 
present,  as  my  table  is  very  handsomely  kept  by  the 
General,  who  has,  indeed,  treated  me  in  all  respects 
with  kindness,  generosity,  and  tenderness."  When  this 
letter  was  read  in  Congress,  a  resolve  was  passed  di- 
recting the  Hessian  officers  to  be  treated  in  the  same 
manner. 

In  consequence  of  Lord  George  Germain's  last  letter 
General  Lee  was  permitted  to  go  abroad,  on  parole, 
anywhere  within  the  limits  of  New  York.  Some  time 
afterwards,  he  was  transferred  to  Philadelphia,  then  in 
possession  of  the  British.  Here,  on  the  5th  of  April, 
1778,  his  parole  was  enlarged,  granting  him  liberty  to 
go  into  the  country  beyond,  the  British  lines.  He  was 
exchanged  early  in  the  month  of  May,  when  he  joined 
the  American  army  at  Valley  Forge. 


CHAPTER  XL 

.Battle  of  Monmoutli. — Lee  opposes  a  general  Action  in 
a  Council  of  War. — Takes  Command  of  the  ad- 
vanced Division. — Engages  the  Enemy. — Retreats. 
— Interview  loith  Washington. 

ABOUT  the  middle  of  June,  the  British  evacuated 
Philadelphia,  and  Sir  Henry  Clinton  began  his  march 
across  New  Jersey.  His  motions  were,  of  course, 
closely  watched  by  the  Americans ;  and,  without  delay, 
Washington  crossed  the  Delaware  above  Trenton.  On 
the  24th  of  June,  he  arrived  with  his  whole  army  at 
Hopewell,  in  New  Jersey.  On  that  day,  a  council  of 
war  was  held,  with  the  view  of  ascertaining  the  opinions 
of  the  officers  as  to  future  operations. 

At  the  opening  of  the  council,  the  Commander-in-chief 
stated  the  force  of  the  enemy,  according  to  the  best  in- 
formation he  could  obtain,  to  be  about  ten  thousand 
men.  His  own  force  then  in  camp  amounted  to  ten 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  301 

thousand  six  hundred  and  eighty-four  rank  and  file,  be- 
sides an  advanced  brigade  of  twelve  hundred  regular 
troops,  and  about  the  same  number  of  militia,  posted 
near  the  enemy,  and  hovering  on  their  flanks  and  rear. 
In  seven  days,  the  retreating  army  had  advanced  only 
forty  miles,  their  march  having  been  retarded  by  break- 
ing down  the  bridges  and  felling  trees  across  the  roads. 
Several  questions  were  then  propounded  to  the  council, 
of  which  the  one  of  chief  importance  was,  u  Will  it  be 
advisable  for  us,  of  choice,  to  hazard  a  general  action  ? " 
A  warm  debate  ensued ;  but,  in  the  end,  this  question 
was  decided  in  the  negative  by  a  majority  of  the  offi- 
cers. The  opinion  was  nearly  unanimous,  however, 
that  a  detachment  of  fifteen  hundred  men  should  be 
sent  to  cooperate  with  those  already  near  the  enemy, 
in  harassing  their  rear  and  flanks,  and  acting  as  circum- 
stances might  require. 

Lee  was  strenuously  opposed  to  a  general  action,  on 
the  ground  of  the  disparity  between  the  experience  and 
discipline  of  the  British  troops  and  those  who  then  com- 
posed the  American  army.  His  opinion  was  supposed 
to  have  much  influence  with  some  of  the  other  officers. 
No  one  urged  a  general  action,  at  all  events ;  but  seve- 
ral of  them  were  of  opinion,  that  such  arrangements 
should  be  made  as  might  bring  it  on,  if  a  favorable  op- 
portunity should  present  itself. 

Immediately  after  the  council  had  dissolved,  Greene, 
Lafayette,  and  Wayne,  wrote  separately  to  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief, dissenting  from  the  decision  which  a 
majority  had  approved,  and  giving  their  reasons  for 
acting  with  more  vigor.  "  I  cannot  help  thinking," 
said  Greene,  "  that  we  magnify  our  difficulties  beyond 
realities.  We  are  now  in  the  most  awkward  situation 
in  the  world.  We  have  come  with  great  rapidity,  un- 
til we  have  got  near  the  enemy,  and  then  our  courage 
failed  us,  and  we  halted  without  attempting  to  do  the 
enemy  the  least  injury.  People  expect  something  from 
is,  and  our  strength  demands  it.  I  am  by  no  means 
for  rash  measures ;  but  we  must  preserve  our  reputa- 


302  «  '      THE    LEE   PAPERS. 

tion.  We  can  make  a  very  serious  impression  without 
any  great  risk ;  and,  if  it  should  come  to  a  general  ac- 
tion, the  chance  is  greatly  in  our  favor." 

Lafayette  expressed  similar  sentiments,  in  language 
not  less  forcible.  He  recommended  that  at  least 
twenty -five  hundred  or  three  thousand  men  should  be 
sent  to  reenforce  those  already  on  the  enemy's  flanks 
and  rear;  and,  if  they  should  bring  on  a  general  en- 
gagement, he  could  not  see  why,  "  with  ten  thousand 
men,  it  was  not  proper  to  attack  ten  thousand  English.'7 
Steuben,  Du  Portail,  Wayne,  and  Paterson,  accorded 
in  these  views ;  so  that  half  of  the  whole  number  of 
general  officers  were  in  favor  of  bringing  the  enemy  to 
an  action,  if  circumstances  should  lead  to  such  a  result, 
although  none  of  them  seemed  to  consider  it  advisable 
to  make  a  direct  assault  with  that  aim. 

The  Commander-in-chief  was  rather  embarrassed  than 
assisted  by  the  council.  After  it  was  over,  he  probably 
agreed  in  opinion  witli  Lafayette,  who  regretted  that  a 
council  of  war  had  been  called,  believing  it  not  to  have 
been  "  consistent  with  the  good  of  the  service,  the  ad- 
vantage of  the  occasion,  or,  indeed,  the  authority  of  the 
Commander-in-chief."  Washington  was  well  aware 
that  the  public  would  never  be  satisfied,  if,  with  a  force 
superior  in  numbers  to  that  of  the  enemy,  he  should 
suffer  Sir  Henry  Clinton  to  march  through  the  country, 
without  attempting,  at  least,  to  strike  such  a  blow  as 
his  strength  would  seem  to  justify.  As  the  weight  of 
responsibility  rested  on  him,  the  counsels  of  his  officers 
might  guide  his  judgment,  but  not  control  his  acts. 
He  resolved  to  send  out  such  a  detachment  as  would 
harass  the  enemy,  and  check  their  progress,  whilst,  at 
the  same  time,  he  should  march  in  person  with  the  main 
body  of  his  army,  and  take  a  position  from  which  he 
could  bring  the  whole  into  action,  if  an  occasion  should 
offer. 

The  command  of  the  advanced  troops  belonged,  of 
right,  to  General  Lee.  Disapproving  the  object,  he 
manifested  no  eagerness  to  occupy  this  post  of  honor 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  303 

due  to  his  rank ;  nor  did  he  hesitate  to  avow  his  con- 
viction of  the  inexpediency  of  the  plan,  and  of  the  ill 
consequences  that  would  follow.  At  the  solicitation 
of  Lafayette,  therefore,  he  consented  to  resign  the  com- 
mand to  that  ardent  and  enterprising  officer,  who,  with 
the  approbation  of  Washington,  wras  placed  at  the  head 
of  the  advanced  troops. 

After  a  little  time  for  reflection,  however,  General 
Lee  changed  his  mind.  In  a  letter  to  the  Commander- 
in-chief,  the  next  day,  he  says,  "  When  I  first  assented 
to  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette's  taking  command  of  the 
present  detachment,  I  confess  I  viewed  it  in  a  very  dif- 
ferent light  from  that  in  which  I  view  it  at  present.  I 
considered  it  as  a  more  proper  business  of  a  young, 
volunteering  General,  than  of  the  second  in  command 
in  the  army  ;  but  I  find  it  is  considered  in  a  different 
manner.  They  say  that  a  corps,  consisting  of  six  thou- 
sand men,  is  undoubtedly  the  most  honorable  command, 
next  to  the  Commander-in-chief;  that  my  ceding  it 
would,  of  course,  have  an  odd  appearance.  I  must  en- 
treat, therefore,  after  making  a  thousand  apologies  for 
the  trouble  my  rash  assent  has  occasioned  you,  that,  if 
this  detachment  does  march,  I  may  have  the  command 
of  it." 

Before  this  letter  wras  received,  Lafayette  had  already 
marched  towards  the  enemy,  now  but  a  few  miles  from 
the  American  camp.  Washington  complied  with  Gene- 
ral Lee's  request,  and  reinstated  him  in  the  command  ; 
explaining  the  circumstances  to  Lafayette,  who  at  once, 
with  the  cheerfulness  with  which  he  ever  submitted  to 
any  personal  sacrifice  for  the  public  service,  acquiesced 
in  the  change. 

General  Lee  took  with  him  two  additional  brig- 
ades ;  and  the  whole  number  of  troops  under  his  com- 
mand, when  he  arrived  at  Englishtown,  in  the  rear  of 
the  enemy,  was  about  five  thousand.  At  the  distance 
of  three  miles,  still  further  in  the  rear,  wras  the  main 
army,  under  Washington,  ready  to  support  the  ad- 
vanced division  at  the  shortest  notice. 


304  •       THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

During  the  night,  General  Washington  learned  that 
the  British  were  encamped  in  open  grounds  near  Mon 
mouth  Court  House,  four  or  five  miles  in  advance  of 
Lee ;  and  he  resolved  to  attack  them  as  soon  as  they 
should  begin  their  march.  Lee  was  ordered  to  make 
his  dispositions  accordingly,  and  to  keep  his  men  lying 
on  their  arms.  At  five  o'clock  the  next  morning,  June 
28th,  intelligence  was  received  that  the  enemy's  front 
was  in  motion ;  and  Washington  immediately  de- 
spatched an  aid-de-camp  to  Lee,  directing  him  to  move 
on  and  begin  the  attack,  "  unless  there  should  be  very 
powerful  reasons  to  the  contrary  ;  "  informing  him,  at 
the  same  time,  that  the  second  division  would  come  up 
to  his  support. 

These  orders  were  promptly  executed  by  General 
Lee,  and  his  division  reached  the  ground,  where  the 
British  had  encamped  the  night  before,  soon  after  they 
had  left  it,  the  rear  column  being  still  in  sight.  On 
reconnoitring  this  column,  he  judged  it  to  be  a  cover- 
ing party,  and  to  consist  of  fifteen  hundred  or  two 
thousand  men,  occupying  a  plain  about  a  mile  in 
breadth,  between  Monmouth  Court  House  and  the 
heights  on  the  left.  He  then  ordered  General  Wayne 
to  file  off  and  attack  them  in  the  rear,  not  vigorously, 
but  as  a  feint,  with  the  design  of  keeping  them  on  the 
ground,  while  Gray  son's,  Scott's,  and  Maxwell's  bri- 
gades should  march  through  a  wood  on  the  left,  for 
the  purpose  of  cutting  off  this  party,  and  bringing  it 
between  t\vo  fires. 

Much  time  was  spent  in  making  these  arrangements, 
owing  to  the  nature  of  the  grounds,  intersected  in  some 
parts  by  ravines,  and  in  others  covered  writh  wood. 
There  was  very  little  firing  on  either  side,  except  a 
slight  skirmish  with  Colonel  Butler's  regiment,  and  a 
cannonade  kept  up,  for  some  time,  from  a  few  pieces 
of  artillery  under  Colonel  Oswald. 

Meantime,  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  learning  the  situation 
of  his  rear,  brought  back  a  reinforcement.  This  was 
done  without  the  knowledge  of  Lee,  as  it  was  not 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  305 

within  the  range  of  his  observation.  He  only  per- 
ceived, upon  reconnoitring,  that  the  enemy's  force  was 
larger  than  he  had  at  first  supposed.  His  plan  for 
cutting  off  the  rear,  however,  was  thus  defeated.  He 
resolved,  nevertheless,  to  hazard  an  engagement  on 
that  ground,  which  was  the  last  he  would  have  chosen, 
having  a  morass  in  his  rear  that  would  contract  his 
movements,  and  embarrass  his  retreat,  in  case  he  should 
be  pushed  by  the  enemy. 

Whilst  he  was  making  the  proper  dispositions  for 
this  object  in  front  and  on  the  right,  Scott  moved  from 
the  wood  on  the  left  towards  the  plain  without  orders, 
and,  deceived  by  a  column  which  he  saw  marching  in 
an  oblique  direction  towards  the  Court  House  across 
the  plain,  and  w7hich  he  thought  was  retreating,  he 
likewise  began  to  retreat.  When  this  was  made  known 
to  General  Lee,  he  expressed  great  surprise  and  disap- 
probation ;  but  Scott  had  passed  a  ravine,  and  it  was 
too  late  to  correct  the  error  without  exposing  his  army 
to  imminent  hazard,  as  the  enemy  were  near  at  hand. 
A  retreat  had  thus  begun  without  the  knowledge,  and 
against  the  intention,  of  General  Lee.  In  the  present 
conjuncture,  however,  he  deemed  it  necessary  to  order 
a  general  retreat,  and  to  form  his  troops  on  more  ad- 
vantageous ground  in  the  rear.  When  he  had  marched 
back  about  two  and  a  half  miles,  continually  pressed 
by  the  enemy,  with  occasional  skirmishes,  and  whilst 
his  front  columns  were  just  beginning  to  gain  the  high 
grounds  where  he  intended  to  form  them  and  oppose 
the  enemy,  he  was  met  by  General  Washington.  This 
was  at  about  twelve  o'clock. 

Having  heard  the  cannonade,  and  believing,  from 
previous  intelligence,  that  Lee  had  engaged  the  enemy, 
Washington  had  put  the  second  division  in  motion,  and 
was  marching  to  his  support.  Lee  had  strangely  ne- 
glected to  send  him  any  notice  of  the  retreat,  although 
it  had  occupied  nearly  two  hours  ;  nor  was  it  known  to 
Washington,  till  he  met  some  of  the  stragglers  in  ad- 
vance of  the  retreating  troops.  His  astonishment  may 


20 


306  •         THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

well  be  imagined.  In  a  state  of  excited  feeling,  which 
the  occasion  could  not  fail  to  produce,  he  rode  rapidly 
to  the  rear  of  the  retreating  columns,  where  he  found 
General  Lee.  The  interview  is  described  by  Lee  him- 
self in  his  defence  before  the  court-martial. 

"  When  I  arrived  first  in  his  presence,  conscious  of 
having  done  nothing  which  could  draw  on  me  the  least 
censure,  but  rather  flattering  myself  with  his  congrat- 
ulation and  applause,  I  confess  I  was  disconcerted,  as- 
tonished, and  confounded  by  the  words  and  manner  in 
which  his  Excellency  accosted  me.  It  was  so  novel 
and  unexpected  from  a  man,  whose  discretion,  human- 
ity, and  decorum  I  had  from  the  first  of  our  acquaint- 
ance stood  in  admiration  of,  that  I  was  for  some  time 
unable  to  make  any  coherent  answer  to  questions  so 
abrupt,  and  in  a  great  measure  to  me  unintelligible. 
The  terms,  I  think,  were  these.  '  I  desire  to  know, 
Sir,  what  is  the  reason,  whence  arises  this  disorder  and 
confusion.'  The  manner  in  which  he  expressed  them 
was  much  stronger  and  more  severe  than  the  expres- 
sions themselves.  When  I  recovered  myself  sufficient- 
ly, I  answered  that  I  saw  or  knew  of  no  confusion  but 
what  naturally  arose  from  disobedience  of  orders,  con- 
tradictory intelligence,  and  the  impertinence  and  pre- 
sumption of  individuals,  who  were  invested  with  no  au- 
thority, intruding  themselves  in  matters  above  them 
and  out  of  their  sphere ;  that  the  retreat  in  the  first 
instance  was  contrary  to  my  intentions,  contrary  to  my 
orders,  and  contrary  to  my  wishes." 

Washington  replied,  that  all  this  might  be  true,  but 
he  ought  not  to  have  undertaken  the  enterprise,  unless 
he  intended  to  go  through  with  it.  He  then  rode  away, 
and  ordered  some  of  the  retreating  regiments  to  be 
formed  on  the  ground  which  he  pointed  out.  In  a 
short  time  he  again  returned,  and  asked  Lee  if  he  would 
take  the  command  in  that  place.  Lee  assented,  saying 
that  the  command  had  before  been  given  to  him.  "  I 
expect,  then,"  said  Washington,  "  that  measures  will 
immediately  be  taken  to  check  the  enemy ; "  to  which 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  307 

Lee  made  answer,  that  "  his  orders  should  be  obeyed, 
and  he  would  be  the  last  to  leave  the  field."  Wash- 
ington rode  back  to  the  rear  division,  and  prepared  to 
bring  it  into  action. 

Lee  executed  the  orders  he  had  just  received  with 
promptness  and  energy.  The  troops  were  formed  in 
the  face  of  the  enemy  ;  a  sharp  conflict  ensued,  which 
he  sustained  with  firmness,  and  finally  brought  of?  his 
troops  in  good  order,  while  the  main  army  was  forming 
in  the  rear.  When  General  Washington  came  up  to 
him  a  second  time,  Lee  said,  "  Here,  Sir,  are  my  troops  ; 
how  is  it  your  pleasure  that  I  should  dispose  of  them  ?  " 
He  was  directed  to  arrange  them  at  Englishtown. 
This  was  three  miles  from  the  scene  of  action.  On 
Lee's  arrival,  he  found  General  Steuben  engaged  in  the 
duty  assigned  to  him,  and  of  course  his  presence  was 
not  necessary.  He  went  back  to  the  field,  and  offered 
his  services  to  the  Commander-in-chief  wherever  they 
might  be  required.  How  he  was  employed  is  uncer- 
tain, for  no  more  is  heard  of  him  during  the  day. 

A  general  action  immediately  followed,  which  was 
kept  up  without  intermission  till  darkness  separated 
the  combatants.  The  American  troops  lay  on  their 
arms  through  the  night,  expecting  to  renew  the  engage- 
ment in  the  morning.  They  were  disappointed  in  this 
expectation.  The  British,  having  no  other  object  than 
a  quick  and  safe  passage  to  Sandy  Hook,  whence  they 
would  be  conveyed  to  New  York  by  water,  marched 
away  silently  in  the  night,  and  joined  their  front  divi- 
sion, which  had  charge  of  the  long  train  of  baggage 
brought  from  Philadelphia. 


308  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Correspondence  between  Lee  and  Washington. — Leds 
Arrest. — Charges. — Trial  by  a  Court-Martial. — Re- 
marks on  the  Testimony,  and  on  the  Decision  of  the 
Court. 

THE  affair  at  Monmouth  caused  the  ruin  of  General 
Lee.  Whatever  may  be  thought  of  his  motives  or  his 
conduct  in  the  part  he  acted,  his  precipitancy  and  rash- 
ness afterwards  brought  him  into  difficulties,  which 
thickened  as  he  advanced,  and  from  which  it  was  never 
in  his  power  to  extricate  himself.  It  was  natural  that 
he  should  be  wounded  and  mortified  by  the  events  of 
the  day  ;  but  he  fell  upon  the  most  indiscreet  method 
imaginable  for  obtaining  redress,  even  admitting  his 

O  O  O 

grievances  to  have  been  as  great  as  he  would  make 
them.  Instead  of  a  calm  appeal  to  the  public,  by  re- 
questing, in  respectful  terms,  a  court  of  inquiry,  he 
wrote  vehement  letters  to  the  Commander-in-chief, 
breathing  a  spirit,  and  manifesting  a  temper,  which 
none  could  approve,  and  many  would  condemn.  He 
thereby  lost,  at  the  outset,  the  advantage  gained  by 
dignity  and  self-command  in  supporting  even  a  just 
cause,  and  laid  himself  open  on  every  side  to  suspicion, 
prejudice,  and  censure.  Two  days  after  the  battle, 
while  the  army  was  at  Englishtown,  he  wrote  as  fol- 
lows to  Washington. 

"  From  the  knowledge  I  have  of  your  Excellency's 
character,  I  must  conclude  that  nothing  but  the  misin- 
formation of  some  very  stupid,  or  misrepresentation  of 
some  very  wicked  person,  could  have  occasioned  your 
making  use  of  so  very  singular  expressions  as  you  did 
on  my  coming  up  to  the  ground  where  you  had  taken 
post.  They  implied  that  I  wras  guilty  either  of  disobe- 
dience of  orders,  want  of  conduct,  or  want  of  courage. 
Your  Excellency  will  therefore  infinitely  oblige  me,  by 
letting  me  know  on  which  of  these  articles  you  ground 


THE   LEE   PAPERS.  309 

your  charge,  that  I  may  prepare  for  my  justification, 
which  I  have  the  happiness  to  be  confident  I  can  do 
to  the  army,  to  the  Congress,  to  America,  and  to  the 
wor]d  in  general.  Your  Excellency  must  give  me  leave 
to  observe,  that  neither  yourself,  nor  those  about  your 
person,  could,  from  your  situation,  be  in  the  least  judges 
of  the  merits  or  demerits  of  our  manoeuvres ;  and,  to 
speak  with  a  becoming  pride,  I  can  assert  that  to  these 
manoeuvres  the  success  of  the  day  was  entirely  owing. 
I  can  boldly  say  that,  had  we  remained  on  the  first 
ground,  or  had  we  advanced,  or  had  the  retreat  been 
conducted  in  a  manner  different  from,  what  it  was,  this 
whole  army,  and  the  interests  of  America,  would  have 
risked  being  sacrificed. 

"  I  ever  had,  and  hope  I  ever  shall  have,  the  greatest 
respect  and  veneration  for  General  Washington.  I 
think  him  endowed  with  many  great  and  good  qualities ; 
but  in  this  instance  I  must  pronounce,  that  he  has  been 
guilty  of  an  act  of  cruel  injustice  towards  a  man,  who 
certainly  has  some  pretensions  to  the  regard  of  every 
servant  of  this  country.  And  I  think,  Sir,  I  have  a 
right  to  demand  some  reparation  for  the  injury  com- 
mitted ;  and,  unless  I  can  obtain  it,  I  must  in  justice  to 
myself,  when  this  campaign  is  closed,  which  I  believe 
will  close  the  war,  retire  from  a  service  at  the  head  of 
which  is  placed  a  man  capable  of  offering  such  injuries. 
But  at  the  same  time,  in  justice  to  you,  I  must  repeat 
that  I  from  my  soul  believe,  that  it  was  not  a  motion 
of  your  own  breast,  but  instigated  by  some  of  those 
dirty  earwigs,  w^ho  will  forever  insinuate  themselves 
near  persons  in  high  office  ;  for  I  really  am  convinced, 
that  when  General  Washington  acts  from  himself,  no 
man  in  his  army  will  have  reason  to  complain  of  injus- 
tice or  indecorum." 

Washington  replied,  "  I  have  received  your  letter, 
expressed,  as  I  conceive,  in  terms  highly  improper.  I 
am  not  conscious  of  having  made  use  of  any  very  sin- 
gular expressions  at  the  time  of  meeting  you,  as  you  in- 
timate. What  I  recollect  to  have  said  was  dictated  by 


310  THE    LEE    PAPEKS. 

duty,  and  warranted  by  the  occasion.  As  soon  as  cir- 
cumstances will  permit,  you  shall  have  an  opportunity 
of  justifying  yourself  to  the  army,  to  Congress,  to 
America,  and  to  the  world  in  general,  or  of  convincing 
them  that  you  were  guilty  of  a  breach  of  orders,  and 
of  misbehavior  before  the  enemy,  on  the  28th  instant, 
in  not  attacking  them  as  you  had  been  directed,  and  in 
making  an  unnecessary,  disorderly,  and  shameful  re- 
treat." 

To  this  brief  answer,  General  Lee  returned  another 
still  more  brief.  "  You  cannot  afford  me  greater  pleas- 
ure, Sir,  than  in  giving  me  an  opportunity  of  showing 
to  America  the  sufficiency  of  her  respective  servants. 
I  trust  that  the  temporary  power  of  office,  and  the  tin- 
sel dignity  attending  it,  will  not  be  able,  by  all  the 
mists  they  can  raise,  to  offuscate  the  bright  rays  of 
truth.  In  the  mean  time,  your  Excellency  can  have  no 
objection  to  my  retiring  from  the  army."' 

He  was  put  under  arrest  the  same  day,  and  a  copy  of 
the  charges  was  presented  to  him.  He  had  requested 
that  he  might  be  brought  to  trial  before  a  court-martial 
without  delay.  The  charges  were,  "  First,  Disobedience 
of  orders  in  not  attacking  the  enemy  on  the  28th  of 
June,  agreeably  to  repeated  instructions ;  Secondly, 
Misbehavior  before  the  enemy  on  the  same  day,  by 
making  an  unnecessary,  disorderly,  and  shameful  re- 
treat ;  Thirdly,  Disrespect  to  the  Commander-in-chief, 
in  two  letters."  A  court-martial  was  convened  on  the 
4th  of  July,  consisting  of  five  general  officers  and  eight 
colonels.  Lord  Stirling  was  the  president.  The  pro- 
ceedings of  the  court  were  retarded  by  the  march  of 
the  army,  and  they  were  not  closed  till  the  12th  of 
August. 

Nearly  all  the  officers  of  rank,  who  acted  under 
General  Lee,  were  examined.  The  testimony  is  volu- 
minous, and  encumbered  with  a  body  of  details  which, 
w^hen  taken  in  the  mass,  convey  but  a  confused  idea  of 
the  manoeuvres  of  the  day  to  one  who  looks  at  them  only 
through  this  medium.  The  subject  was  evidently  sifted 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  311 

to  the  bottom.  General  Lee's  defence  before  the  court, 
and  his  remarks  on  the  evidence,  are  ingenious  and 
able,  but  more  tinctured  with  bold  and  pungent  ex- 
pressions, which  abound  in  his  other  compositions,  than 
was  perhaps  expedient  on  such  an  occasion.  The  court 
found  him  guilty  upon  all  the  charges ;  modifying  the 
second,  however,  by  leaving  out  the  word  "  shameful," 
and  deciding  the  retreat  to  have  been  "  in  some  in- 
stances "  disorderly.  He  was  sentenced  to  be  suspended 
from  any  command  in  the  army  for  twelve  months.* 

For  the  result  of  the  trial  and  this  heavy  sentence, 
General  Lee  appears  to  have  been  wholly  unprepared. 
Either  from  a  conviction  of  his  innocence,  a  too  sanguine 
temperament,  confidence  in  the  weight  of  his  character, 
or  all  these  combined,  he  had  cherished  the  belief  that 
he  should  at  least  be  cleared  from  the  first  two  charges. 
And,  indeed,  whoever  will  now  examine  the  testimony, 
and  rely  alone  on  the  facts  there  stated  for  the  grounds 
of  his  judgment,  will  not  easily  discover  the  proofs  by 
which  the  charges  were  sustained  in  the  minds  of  the 
officers  who  constituted  the  court. 

In  the  first  place,  the  orders  for  attacking  the  enemy 
were  discretionary.  He  was  not  required  to  attack  at 
all  hazards,  but  only  in  case  there  should  not  be  pow- 
erful reasons  to  the  contrary,  and  of  these  reasons  he 
must  of  course  be  the  judge  ;  although  he  could  not 
doubt  that  an  attack  was  the  principle  upon  which 
General  Washington  intended  him  to  act.  Lee  insisted 
that  an  officer  could  not  strictly  be  chargeable  with  dis- 
obedience of  a  discretionary  order. 

*  Congress  ordered  one  hundred  copies  of  the  proceedings  of  the  court-mar- 
tial to  be  printed  for  the  use  of  the  members.  In  the  year  1823,  Mr.  Jacob 
Morris,  a  friend  of  General  Lee,  who  was  a  volunteer  in  a  troop  of  dragoons 
at  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  caused  an  edition  to  be  published  at  Coopers  town, 
in  the  state  of  New  York.  In  his  notice  to  the  public,  prefixed  to  the  volume, 
Mr.  Morris  says,  "To  do  justice  to  the  memory  of  a  gallant,  frank,  and  warm- 
hearted soldier  of  the  revolution,  who,  although  not  a  native  born  American, 
was  surpassed  by  few  of  that  eventful  period  in  zeal  and  devotion  to  the 
cause  of  this  country,  I  have  directed  to  be  republished  the  proceedings  of  the 
court-martial,  that  decided  on  the  conduct  of  General  Lee  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth. ''  In  his  opinion,  the  proceedings  will  prove,  to  a  dispassionate 
reader  of  the  present  day,  that  General  Lee  "was  harshly  dealt  by." 


312  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

Again,  there  was  positive  proof  that  he  did  attack 
the  enemy,  and  that  his  first  manoeuvres  were  designed 
to  cut  off  their  rear-guard.  And  even  after  this  part 
of  the  enemy's  force  was  ascertained  to  be  much  larger 
than  was  at  first  supposed,  he  was  still  pursuing  the 
same  design,  when  the  detachments  on  his  left  began 
to  retreat  without  his  orders,  till  they  had  arrived  in 
such  a  position  as  would  render  it  hazardous  to  re- 
verse their  movement -in  the  face  of  the  enemy,  and 
bring  them  into  action  on  the  ground  then  occupied. 
In  this  state  of  things  he  ordered,  or  rather  allowed,  a 
general  retreat,  for  it  does  not  appear  by  the  testimony 
that  any  officer  at  that  time  received  from  General 
Lee  a  positive  order  to  retreat.  He  declared  it  to 
have  been  his  intention  to  form  the  retreating  troops 
on  the  first  suitable  ground,  and  meet  the  enemy  there  ; 
but  no  such  ground  came  in  his  way,  till  he  met  Gen- 
eral Washington. 

The  testimony  contains  nothing  at  variance  with  this 
declaration.  He  maintained,  moreover,  that  the  re- 
treat was  a  fortunate  accident,  because  the  main  army 
wras  then  five  or  six  miles  in  his  rear,  and  could  not 
have  come  up  in  season  to  afford  him  the  requisite 
support  while  engaged  with  the  superior  force  of  the 
British  on  disadvantageous  ground,  especially  as  the 
enemy's  cavalry  was  numerous,  and  could  act  with  fa- 
cility on  both  his  wings.  He  claimed  merit,  therefore, 
for  having  brought  off  his  troops'  without  loss  to  a 
position  in  which  they  were  enabled  to  join  in  the  gen- 
eral action  of  the  day. 

As  to  the  retreat  being  disorderly,  the  case  was 
not  made  out  very  clearly  before  the  court.  Some  of 
the  witnesses  said  they  saw  regiments  in  disorder,  but 
no  officer  declared  his  own  troops  to  have  been  in 
that  condition.  Others  said  the  troops  seen  by  them 
were  marching  in  good  order.  The  truth  seems  to 
have  been,  that  the  extreme  heat  of  the  weather,  the 
consequent  fatigue  of  the  men,  and  the  nature  of  the 
ground,  caused  some  of  the  troops  to  move  in  a  scat- 


THE    LEE    PAPERS. 


313 


tered  manner ;  whilst  others,  under  more  favorable  cir- 
cumstances, marched  regularly  and  in  a  compact  form. 
Not  a  single  regiment  was  cut  off  or  essentially  mo- 
lested by  the  enemy ;  they  were  all  formed  without 
difficulty  at  the  end  of  their  march  ;  and  these  facts 
would  not  seem  to  indicate  so  great  a  disorder  as  to 
render  the  commander  culpable. 

General  Lee  was  guilty  of  one  fault,  however,  which 
admitted  of  no  defence  or  palliation  ;  the  neglect  to 
send  to  the  Commander-in-chief  intelligence  of  the  ret- 
rograde movement  of  the  troops.  With  the  enemy 
pressing  closely  upon  his  rear,  he  was  marching  di- 
rectly into  the  front  of  the  other  division  without  giv- 
ing the  least  notice  of  his  approach.  This  negligence 
might  have  produced  fatal  consequences  to  both  divis- 
ions of  the  army.  On  this  point  General  Lee's  expla- 
nation is  lame  and  inconclusive.  The  degree  of  cen- 
sure it  deserved  must  depend  on  his  motives,  which 
cannot  be  known ;  but  the  act  itself  was  undoubtedly 
censurable. 

It  is  evident,  from  the  testimony,  that  a  strong  pre- 
judice against  General  Lee  existed  among  the  officers, 
and  probably  in  the  great  body  of  the  army,  whilst 
the  trial  was  in  progress.  This  was  owing  mainly  to 
his  own  imprudence.  His  conversation  after  he  left 
the  field  was  extremely  indiscreet ;  reports  of  this  con- 
versation went  abroad,  and  were  even  allowed  to  be 
produced  in  evidence  before  the  court.  He  talked 
freely  and  openly  of  the  inferiority  of  the  American 
troops  in  discipline  and  cavalry  to  those  under  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  of  his  opposition  to  a  general  attack 
from  the  beginning,  and  of  the  rashness  and  inexpedi- 
ency of  such  a  measure  when  the  independence  of  Amer- 
ica was  secured  by  the  recent  alliance  with  France. 
He  also  censured  General  Washington  for  ordering  an 
attack  after  the  decision  of  a  council  of  war  against  it. 
These  ideas  were  so  little  accordant  with  the  known 
spirit  and  military  ardor  of  General  Lee,  with  his  ea- 
gerness on  all  occasions  for  distinction  in  arms,  that 


314  THE   LEE    PAPERS. 

his  sincerity  seemed  questionable  to  many,  and  secret 
motives  of  a  personal  nature  were  surmised  to  lie  at 
the  bottom. 

His  state  of  mind,  and  manner  of  speech,  may  be 
understood  by  an  extract  from  a  letter  to  Joseph  Reed, 
President  of  Pennsylvania,  dated  July  22d,  while  the 
trial  was  pending. 

u  You  tell  me  I  have  much  sunk  in  public  esteem 
and  confidence.  All  I  can  say  in  reply  is,  if  a  commu- 
nity, for  whom  I  have  sacrificed  everything,  can  so 
easily  form  conclusions,  they,  and  not  I,  are  the  imme- 
diate objects  of  compassion.  You  tell  me  this  is  a 
time  I  have  occasion  for  f riends.  As  a  man  of  society, 
I  wish,  and  ever  did  wish,  for  a  number  of  friends,  the 
greater  the  number  the  more  the  honor  and  pleasure ; 
but  if  you  mean  friends  to  support  my  cause  on 
the  present  occasion,  I  despise  the  thought ;  I  ask  only 
for  common  justice.  I  am  conscious  that  nothing  but 
cabal,  artifices,  powers,  and  iniquity,  can  tarnish  my 
name  for  a  moment ;  but,  if  they  are  to  prevail  on  the 
community,  as  to  myself,  iinpaviduin  ferient  ruince. 
No  attack,  it  seems,  can  be  made  on  General  Washing- 
ton, but  it  must  recoil  on  the  assailant.  I  never  enter- 
tained the  most  distant  wish  or  intention  of  attacking 
General  Washington ;  I  have  ever  honored  and  re- 
spected him  as  a  man  and  a  citizen  ;  but,  if  the  circle 
which  surrounds  him  chooses  to  erect  him  into  an  in- 
fallible divinity,  I  shall  certainly  prove  a  heretic ;  and 
if,  great  as  he  is,  he  can  attempt  wounding  every- 
thing I  ought  to  hold  dear,  he  must  thank  his 
priests  if  his  deityship  gets  scratched  in  the  scuffle. 

"  When  you  say  I  have  now  put  it  out  of  the  power 
of  my  friends,  in  and  out  of  Congress,  to  offer  a  word 
in  my  defence,  upon  my  honor  I  know  not  what  you 
mean.  I  repeat,  I  demand  nothing  from  the  public  but 
justice.  I  have  been  grossly,  villanously  dealt  with, 
and  the  dread  of  no  power  on  earth  shall  prevent  me 
from  exposing  the  wickedness  of  my  persecutors.  I 
wish  not  to  attack ;  but  must,  it  is  my  duty  to  defend. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  315 

If  this  is  thought  dangerous,  I  must  observe  that  the 
blood  and  treasure  expended  in  this  war  have  been  ex- 
pended in  vain ;  as  North  and  Mansfield,  if  they  had 
succeeded,  could  not  possibly  have  established  a  more 
odious  despotism." 

From  the  impatience  of  his  temper,  and  his  high 
spirit,  we  may  presume  he  did  not  refrain  from  ex- 
pressing sentiments  of  a  similar  import  in  camp  and  to 
his  other  correspondents;  and  these  sentiments  were 
certainly  not  of  a  kind  to  conciliate  public  favor,  or 
the  good  will  of  those  around  him.  The  disrespectful 
and  even  insulting  language,  which  he  had  allowed  him- 
self to  use  in  his  two  letters  to  Washington,  could  not 
be  overlooked  nor  easily  forgiven.  Such  was  the  hold 
which  Washington  had  gained  on  the  affections  of  the 
army  and  of  the  whole  people,  after  a  Jong  experience 
of  his  ability  and  public  virtue,  and  such  was  believed 
to  be  the  importance  to  the  country  of  maintaining  him 
in  the  high  position  in  which  his  character  and  the 
voice  of  the  nation  had  placed  him,  that  so  bold  an  as- 
sault was  accounted  little  less  than  treason  to  the  Ameri- 
can cause.  These  impressions  and  facts,  connected  with 
Lee's  disregard  of  orders  before  his  capture,  which  was 
now  remembered  against  him,  helped  to  foster  the  ap- 
prehension of  a  sinister  design,  on  his  part,  to  effect  the 
ruin  of  Washington,  with  the  ambitious  hope  of  be- 
coming his  successor.  Without  impeaching  the  fidelity 
or  candor  of  the  members  of  the  court,  therefore,  it 
may  reasonably  be  supposed  that  the  influences  on 
their  minds,  derived  from  these  considerations,  may 
have  thrown  a  stronger  coloring  upon  the  testimony 
against  General  Lee,  in  regard  to  the  first  two  charges, 
than  would  be  seen  by  one  who  now  looks  simply  at 
the  facts  of  the  case  recorded  in  the  testimony  itself.* 

*  General  Lee  maintained,  that  the  two  letters  ought  never  to  have  been 
submitted  to  the  consideration  of  the  court-martial.  "  Most  certainly,"  he 
says,  "they  do  not  come  under  the  articles  of  war,  the  intention  of  which  is 
to  restrain  officers  and  soldiers  from  writing  or  speaking  disrespectfully  of 
the  Commander-in-chief.  These  letters  were  private  letters  of  remonstance 
and  expostulation,  betwixt  officer  and  officer,  for  injuries  conceived  to  have 
been  offered,  and  ought  to  have  been  considered  as  such  only."  No  other 


316  •     THE   LEE    PAPERS. 

The  question  may  be  asked,  why  Washington  should 
prefer  such  charges,  if  there  were  not  the  clearest  pos- 
itive proofs  for  sustaining  them.  This  question  has 
been  answered  by  Chief  Justice  Marshall.  "  Previous 
to  the  arrest,  and  to  the  answer  given  to  the  first  letter 
received  from  General  Lee,  accusations  against  his  con- 
duct had  been  made  by  several  officers  of  his  detach- 
ment, and  particularly  by  Generals  Wayne  and  Scott, 
in  which  the  transactions  of  the  day,  not  being  well 
understood,  were  represented  in  colors  much  more  un- 
favorable to  Lee  than  those  which,  on  a  full  investiga- 
tion, they  afterwards  wore.  These  representations, 
most  probably,  produced  the  strength  of  the  expres- 
sions contained  in  the  second  article  of  the  charge." 
It  should  be  remembered,  also,  that  neither  Wayne  nor 
any  other  officer,  at  the  time  the  charges  were  issued, 
was  acquainted  with  all  the  plans  and  movements  of 
the  Commander,  nor  with  the  important  circumstance 
of  the  rear  division  of  the  enemy  being  much  enlarged 
by  a  detachment  from  the  main  army,  during  General 
Lee's  manoeuvres  before  the  retreat. 

But,  in  whatever  light  we  may  now  view  the  subject, 
it  is  certain  the  decision  of  the  court  met  with  entire 
approbation  from  the  army  and  the  public  generally. 
The  tide  of  popular  favor,  which  had  run  so  high  in 
the  first  year  of  the  war,  and  which,  indeed,  had  con- 
tinued without  much  diminution  till  the  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth,  was  now  effectually  turned.  And  in  produc- 
ing this  change,  General  Lee's  indiscretions  had  been 
chiefly  instrumental ;  they  inflamed  the  public  mind, 
and  rendered  his  trial  necessary.  There  is  no  reason 
for  supposing  that  General  Washington  intended  to 
take  any  official  notice  of  his  conduct  on  the  field  of 
Monmouth,  if  he  had  not  been  driven  to  it  by  the  rash 
and  imperious  tone  of  the  unfortunate  letters.  The 

person,  probably,  would  entertain  this  opinion.     The  letters  related  to  public 
transactions,  and  must  have  been  intended  by  the  writer  to  produce  an  im- 
pression on  the  public. 
*  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington,  Vol.  III.  p.  481. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  .       317 

events  of  that  day  would  have  been  left  to  tell  their 
own  story,  and  to  make  such  impressions  on  the  minds 
of  men  as  their  merits  or  demerits  deserved. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Decision  of  the  Court- Martial  laid  before  Congress. — 
Confirmed,  after  much  Delay. — Lee  retires  to  his 
Estate  in  Virginia. — His  Manner  of  Life. —  Writes 

1  Political  and  Military  Queries. —  Washington's  Re- 
marks on  them. — Lee  resigns  his  Commission  in  the 
Army,  ivhich  is  accepted  by  Congress. 

THE  proceedings  of  the  court-martial  were  not  final ; 
they  were  to  be  approved  or  set  aside  by  Congress. 
Leaving  the  army,  General  Lee  repaired  to  Philadel- 
phia, intending  there  to  await  the  issue,  apparently 
confident  that  the  decision  would  be  reversed.  While 
on  his  way,  he  wrote  to  his  friend,  Dr.  Rush,  in  lan- 
guage sufficiently  expressive  of  his  opinion  of  the  court. 

"  I  find  that  you  are  not  thoroughly  persuaded  of 
the  propriety  of  my  conduct  on  the  28th  of  June. 
Your  letter  implies  that  I  did  blunder.  Now,  if  I  did, 
I  am  incorrigible  ;  for  I  declare  solemnly,  if  the  trans- 
actions of  that  day  were  to  be  done  over  again,  I 
should  do  just  the  same.  I  aver,  that  my  conduct  was 
in  every  respect  irreproachable  ;  that  it  will  stand  the 
strictest  scrutiny  of  every  judge.  I  aver,  that  my 
court-martial  was  a  court  of  inquisition ;  that  there 
was  not  a  single  member  with  a  military  idea,  at  least 
if  I  may  pronounce  from  the  different  questions  they 
put  to  the  evidences.  And  I  may  with  all  charity  pro- 
nounce, that,  if  they  could  have  proved  that  I  had 
only,  in  the  course  of  the  day,  uttered  the  word  retreat, 
they  would  have  sentenced  me  to  an  ignominious  death, 
or  at  least  cashiered  me  with  infamy.  But  this  retreat, 
though  necessary,  was  fortunately  brought  about  con- 


318  •      THE   LEE   PAPERS. 

trary  to  my  orders,  contrary  to  my  intention ;  and,  if 
anything  can  deduct  from  my  credit,  it  is  that  I  did 
not  order  a  retreat  which  was  so  necessary." 

Such  effusions  of  imbittered  feeling,  uttered,  as  they 
probably  were,  in  the  ear  of  every  willing  listener, 
while  the  matter  was  still  in  suspense,  were  not  likely 
to  increase  the  number  of  his  friends,  or  gain  advocates 
for  his  cause.  In  the  present  condition  of  his  affairs, 
a  dignified  reserve,  in  regard  to  himself  and  his  oppo- 
nents, and  a  calm  explanation  and  defence  of  his  con- 
duct, would  have  opened  a  more  direct  channel  to  the 
sympathy  of  the  public ;  or,  if  he  was  too  proud  to 
seek  for  sympathy,  such  a  course  would  more  readily 
have  unbarred  to  him  the  gates  of  justice,  the  end  at 
which  he  professed  to  aim.  There  are  times  when  the 
stoutest  and  bravest  heart  must  yield  to  the  necessity 
of  circumstances,  and  take  a  lesson  from  the  humble 
virtues  of  prudence  and  submission.  Such  was  now 
the  situation  of  General  Lee.  He  could  not  control  his 
destiny,  and  he  was  unequal  to  the  task  of  so  far  con- 
trolling himself  as  to  submit  to  it.  His  haughty 
spirit,  irritable  temper,  and  resolute  self-confidence, 
bore  him  away  on  the  tide  of  his  ill  fortune,  till  he  was 
plunged  into  embarrassments  from  which  he  could  not 
escape. 

He  betrayed  much  impatience,  and  apparently  not 
without  reason,  at  the  delay  of  Congress  in  coming  to 
a  final  decision  on  the  proceedings  of  the  court-martial. 
The  subject  was  kept  in  suspense  by  that  body  more 
than  three  months.  During  this  delay,  General  Lee 
wrote  a  respectful  letter  to  the  President,  representing 
the  delicacy  of  his  situation,  and  urging  speedy  action. 
"  An  additional  motive  for  requesting  it,"  he  says,  "  is, 
that  I  find  the  Congress  is  every  day  growing  thinner ; 
and  I  confess  I  could  most  ardently  wish  that  the  Con- 
gress was  not  only  as  complete  as  possible,  but  that,  if 
it  were  agreeable  to  the  rules  of  the  house,  the  people 
at  large  might  be  admitted  to  form  an  audience,  when 
the  discussion  is  entered  into  of  the  justice  or  iniquity, 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  319 

wisdom  or  absurdity,  of  the  sentence  that  has  been 
passed  upon  me."  The  affair  was  brought  under  dis- 
cussion at  nine  different  times.  As  the  Old  Congress 
always  sat  with  closed  doors,  neither  the  substance  nor 
tenor  of  the  debates  was  known  abroad.  At  length, 
on  the  5th  of  December,  the  sentence  of  the  court-mar- 
tial was  confirmed  by  a  majority  of  the  members  then 
present.  It  was,  indeed,  a  thin  house,  consisting  of 
only  twenty-one  members,  of  whom  twenty  voted,  thir- 
teen in  the  affirmative,  and  seven  in  the  negative.  Sev- 
eral members  had  left  Congress  while  the  subject  was 
under  consideration.* 

The  debates  were  understood  to  have  been  warm  as 
well  as  protracted.  The  spirit  engendered  the  year  be- 
fore, by  ConiDCi'ifs  Cabal,  with  which  the  national 
counsels  are  known  to  have  been  more  or  less  contami- 
nated, was  not  as  yet  wholly  laid  to  rest.  It  was  the 
purpose  of  that  restless  and  ambitious  officer,  and  his 
associates,  to  drive  Washington  from  the  command  of 
the  army,  either  by  worrying  him  into  resignation,  or 
by  raising  the  popular  cry  against  him  to  such  a  pitch, 
as  to  make  his  dismission  from  the  service  necessary. 
This  treacherous  attempt  signally  failed,  but  not  till  it 
had  worked  much  mischief,  by  inflaming  the  passions  of 

*'  *  After  the  proceedings  of  the  court-martial  had  been  laid  before  Congress, 
General  Lee  forwarded  the  testimony  of  Major  Clarke,  which,  by  some  over- 
sight, had  not  been  rendered  to  the  court.  The  testimony,  probably  as  being 
out  of  order,  was  not  admitted  by  Congress.  Major  Clarke  came  to  General 
Lee,  with  orders  from  General  Washington,  just  at  the  time  the  retreat  began. 
The  orders  were,  that  "•  he  should  annoy  the  enemy  as  much  as  in  his  power, 
but  at  the  same  time  should  proceed  with  caution."  Major  Clarke  under- 
stood the  orders  to  be  discretionary.  General  Lee  told  him  to  inform  the 
Commander-in-chief,  that,  tk  by  too  much  precipitancy  in  one  of  his  brigadiers, 
and  false  intelligence,  his  troops  were  thrown  into  confusion,  and  he  was  re- 
tiring." Major  Clarke  affirms,  that  he  delivered  this  message  to  Washington. 
There  was  no  proof  before  the  court  of  such  a  message  having  been  deliv- 
ered ;  and,  in  fact,  General  Lee  did  not  allege,  in  his  defence,  that  he  had 
sent  to  Washington  any  notice  of  his  retreat.  In  the  hurry  of  the  moment,  it 
had  probably  escaped  his  recollection.  It  is  certain  that  the  message  was  not 
delivered  to  Washington  in  such  a  manner  as  to  convey  to  him  any  intelli- 
gence of  a  retreat,  and  it  is  also  certain  that  General  Lee  himself  had  no  re- 
membrance of  such  a  message. 

The  members  of  Congress,  who  voted  against  confirming  the  sentence  of 
the  court-martial,  were  Whipple  of  New  Hampshire,  Samuel  Adams  and 
Lovell  of  Massachusetts,  Carmichael  of  Maryland,  Smith  of  Virginia,  Harnett 
of  North  Carolina,  and  Langvvorthy  of  Georgia. 


320  •     THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

men  and  the  violence  of  party,  both  in  the  army  and  in 
Congress.  The  brilliant  achievement  of  the  American 
arms  at  Saratoga  had  thrown  an  accidental  lustre  around 
the  name  of  Gates,  and  he  was  ostensibly  put  forward 
by  the  cabal  as  successor  to  the  Commander-in-chief ; 
but  General  Lee  was  believed  to  be  the  man  really  in- 
tended for  that  important  station. 

It  must  be  remembered,  however,  that  he  was  at  this 
time  a  close  prisoner  in  New  York,  and  could  not  have 
been  personally  concerned  in  any  of  these  schemes  of 
faction  and  treachery.  But  he  had  the  imprudence, 
while  his  case  was  before  Congress,  to  write  for  the 
newspapers  a  defence  of  Conway,  who  had  been  dis- 
charged from  the  public  service  with  disgrace ;  and  al- 
though this  performance  was  published  without  his 
name,  yet  it  possessed  so  many  of  the  characteristics 
of  his  style  and  manner  of  thinking  and  talking,  that 
no  one  could  mistake  the  authorship.  These  circum- 
stances may  have  affected  in  some  degree  the  debates 
in  Congress,  and  the  ultimate  decision  of  that  body. 

Meantime,  General  Lee's  warmth  of  temper  and 
unguarded  language  involved  him  in  other  difficulties. 
He  could  not  conceal  his  resentments,  nor  refrain  from 
giving  utterance,  on  all  occasions,  to  his  secret  thoughts 
and  exasperated  feelings.  He  spoke  of  Washington  in 
terms  of  censure  and  abuse,  which,  even  if  warranted 
in  his  own  opinion,  could  not  fail  to  react  upon  himself 
and  to  the  injury  of  his  cause.  Colonel  Laurens,  one  of 
Washington's  aids,  distinguished  for  his  chivalrous  spir- 
it and  many  high  traits  of  character,  took  this  license 
of  speech  in  serious  part,  and  demanded  the  satisfaction 
to  which  he  said  he  was  entitled  by  the  near  relation 
in  which  he  stood  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  Gen- 
eral Lee  promptly  accepted  the  challenge  ;  a  duel  was 
fought  with  pistols,  and  he  was  wounded  in  the  side. 

Soon  afterwards,  with  more  reason  for  his  support,  he 
became  embroiled  in  another  quarrel.  William  Henry 
.Drayton,  Chief  Justice  of  South  Carolina,  in  a  charge  to 
the  grand  jury,  the  year  before,  took  occasion  to  go  out 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  321 

of  his  way,  very  unnecessarily  as  it  would  seem,  to  cen- 
sure General  Lee's  conduct  in  his  march  through  New 
Jersey,  accusing  him  of  disobedience  of  orders.  It  cer- 
tainly does  not  appear  what  a  grand  jury  in  South 
Carolina  had  to  do  with  this  question,  nor  upon  what 
pretext  a  public  functionary  in  a  civil  line  should 
bring  such  an  accusation,  till  the  case  had  been  exam- 
ined by  a  military  tribunal. 

General  Lee  naturally  felt  himself  injured,  and  called 
on  Mr.  Drayton,  then  a  member  of  Congress,  for  an 
explanation.  The  latter  answered,  that  he  had  spoken 
only  what  he  believed  to  be  true,  and  if  General  Lee 
would  convince  him  to  the  contrary,  he  would  retract 
the  charge.  This  answer  was  not  such  as  to  satisfy  the 
claims  of  wounded  honor,  or  to  calm  a  fiery  spirit,  espe- 
cially as  Mr.  Drayton  had  been  one  of  his  most  active  and 
determined  adversaries  in  Congress  ;  and  Lee  wrote  him 
another  letter,  copiously  seasoned  with  pointed  and 
pungent  expressions,  which  he  knew  so  well  how  to  use. 
Of  this  letter  Mr.  Drayton  took  no  notice ;  indeed,  his 
friends  say  he  sent  it  back  unopened.  Despairing  of 
any  other  remedy,  Lee,  in  military  phrase,  demanded 
satisfaction.  Mr.  Drayton  declined  the  challenge,  on  the 
ground,  that  duelling  did  not  comport  with  his  situa- 
tion as  a  judge  and  member  of  Congress,  and  that  he 
was  not  bound  to  u  sacrifice  his  public  reputation,  and 
outrage  his  public  character,  merely  to  gratify  General 
Lee  in  the  line  of  his  profession."  Most  persons  will 
approve  this  decision ;  but  few  will  think  he  acted  a  just 
or  strictly  honorable  part,  when,  in  his  official  capacity, 
he  voluntarily  uttered  a  public  censure  upon  a  man  for 
a  grave  delinquency  in  a  high  trust,  who  had  not  been 
called  to  account  by  his  superiors,  who  was  in  no  pos- 
sible degree  amenable  to  the  grand  jury  of  South  Caro- 
lina for  what  he  had  done,  and  who  was  then  a  close 
prisoner  with  the  enemy,  unable  to  defend  or  explain  his 
conduct.* 

Lee  remained  in  Philadelphia  two  or  three  months 

*  John  Drayton's  Memoirs  of  th>e  Revolution, 'Vol.  I.  p.  xxiii. 


21 


322  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

after  his  case  was  decided  by  Congress,  and  then  retired 
to  his  estate  in  Berkeley  county,  Virginia,  which  he 
called  Prato  Rio.  Here  he  lived  more  like  a  hermit 
than  a  citizen  of  the  world,  or  the  member  of  a  civilized 
community.  His  house  was  little  more  than  a  shell, 
without  partitions,  and  containing  scarcely  the  neces- 
sary articles  of  furniture  for  the  most  common  uses. 
To  a  gentleman,  who  visited  him  in  this  forlorn  retreat, 
where  he  found  a  kitchen  in  one  corner,  a  bed  in  another, 
books  in  a  third,  saddles  and  harness  in  a  fourth,  Lee 
said,  "  Sir,  it  is  the  most  convenient  and  economical  es- 
tablishment in  the  world.  The  lines  of  chalk,  which 
you  see  on  the  floor,  mark  the  divisions  of  the  apart- 
ments, and  I  can  sit  in  any  corner,  and  give  orders,  and 
overlook  the  whole,  without  moving  from  my  chair." 

One  of  his  foibles  was  a  passionate  fondness  for 
horses  and  dogs ;  and  even  during  his  visits,  travels, 
and  campaigns,  his  faithful  dogs  were  his  constant  com- 
panions, sometimes  to  the  discomfort  of  his  host,  and  to 
the  terror  of  ladies  who  prided  themselves  upon  the 
neatness  of  their  carpets  and  rugs.  To  a  friend,  who 
rallied  him  on  this  point,  he  wrote  from  camp,  in  his 
most  prosperous  days,  "  I  am  called  whimsical,  and  a 
lover  of  dogs.  As  to  the  former  charge,  I  am  heartily 
glad  it  is  my  character ;  for,  until  the  common  routine 
of  mankind  is  mended,  I  shall  wish  to  remain  and  be 
thought  eccentric ;  and,  when  my  honest  quadruped 
friends  are  equalled  by  the  bipeds  in  fidelity,  gratitude, 
or  good  sense,  I  will  promise  to  become  as  warm  a  phil- 
anthropist as  Mr.  Addison  himself  affected  to  be.  It 
certainly  appears  paradoxical,  but,  if  you  will  examine 
history,  you  will  find  all,  or  almost  all,  the  enthusiasts 
for  general  liberty  had  the  reputation  of  being  cynically 
disposed."  It  is  but  fair  to  say,  however,  that  in  this 
description  he  hardly  does  himself  justice.  He  had 
great  colloquial  powers,  and  there  are  abundant  proofs 
of  his  having  been  a  most  agreeable  companion  to  those 
whose  society  he  sought.  Eccentric  he  always  was, 
more  from  nature  than  study,  and  for  the  most  part  in 


THE    LEE    PAPERS,  323 

a  way  rather  to  amuse  than  offend  his  associates.  In 
the  solitude  he  had  now  chosen  for  himself,  however,  he 
unquestionably  secured  the  advantage  of  following  the 
bent  of  his  humor  without  restraint,  and  of  enjoying  to 
his  heart's  content  the  company  of  his  dogs,  his  cynical 
disposition,  and  his  whimsical  eccentricities. 

But  these  resources  for  the  employment  of  his 
thoughts  did  not  prevent  him  from  brooding  over  his 
misfortunes,  and  cherishing  in  his  bosom  the  bitter  rec- 
ollection of  his  real  or  imagined  wrongs.  He  made 
little  effort,  apparently,  to  stifle  his  resentments,  and 
less  to  submit  with  patience  to  his  wayward  fate. 
Three  months  after  his  retirement,  he  wrote  Queries, 
Political  and  Military,  which  begin  with  certain  ab- 
stract propositions  on  the  nature  of  civil  liberty,  but 
chiefly  consist  of  hints  and  questions  on  some  of  the 
events  of  the  war ;  the  drift  of  the  whole  being  to  cast 
a  slur  upon  the  character  and  military  conduct  of 
Washington. 

These  Queries  were  designed  for  publication  in  Phil- 
adelphia, but  no  printer  was  courageous  enough  to  ad- 
mit them  into  his  paper.  At  length  they  found  a  place 
in  the  Maryland  Journal,  published  at  Baltimore. 
The  citizens  were  thrown  into  a  ferment  by  what  they 
deemed  an  audacious  and  unjust  attack  upon  a  man 
revered  for  his  many  virtues,  elevated  by  his  public 
station,  and  with  whose  good  name  the  highest  interests 
of  the  country  were  interwoven.  To  shield  himself  from 
the  effects  of  popular  indignation,  the  printer  acknowl- 
edged his  error,  and  gave  up  the  name  of  the  author. 
Setting  aside  the  temper  and  design  of  this  performance, 
it  was  extremely  ill-timed  and  impolitic  in  regard  to 
the  writer  himself;  he  could  gain  nothing,  but  might 
lose  much,  by  adding  fuel  to  the  flame  he  had  already 
kindled,  and  putting  new  weapons  into  the  hands  of  his 
enemies.  He  did  not  reflect  that,  although  his  spirit 
had  not  been  broken  by  his  hard  fortune,  yet  his  po- 
sition in  the  eye  of  the  public  was  changed ;  and  that, 
to  a  man  in  his  situation,  defiance  and  hardihood  were 


324  THE    LEE    PAPEKS. 

the  last  methods  by  which  he  could  hope  to  win  back 
the  favor  he  had  lost,  or  to  establish  his  cause  on  the 
broad  basis  of  right  and  justice.* 

Of  the  monotonous  life  led  by  General  Lee  in  his 
seclusion,  few  incidents  are  known.  During  the  first 
year,  he  seldom  left  his  estate.  For  some  time  he  talked 
of  going  to  Europe,  and  abandoning  forever  a  country 
from  which  he  had  received  only  ingratitude  and  unjust 
reproach,  in  return  for  his  many  sacrifices  and  devoted 
service.  This  resolution,  if  ever  seriously  formed,  was 
gradually  relinquished.  One  bright  spot  in  this  year's 
history  is  worthy  of  notice.  He  wrote  a  complimentary 
letter  to  General  Wayne,  on  the  victory  gained  by  the 
latter  at  Stony  Point.  A  friendly  correspondence  en- 
sued. Wayne  had  been  his  most  forward  and  decided 
opponent  in  the  affair  of  Monmouth.  Lee?s  readiness 
to  applaud  his  merit  on  a  subsequent  occasion,  and  to 
'preserve  a  continuance  of  his  friendship,  is  a  proof  that 
he  was  not  implacable,  nor  always  led  away  by  passion. 

Another  incident,  however,  wears  a  different  com- 
plexion. The  term  of  his  suspension  from  the  service 
had  expired,  and  it  is  not  probable  that  he  intended 
again  to  join  the  army.  A  rumor  came  to  his  ear,  in- 

*  After  Washington  had  read  the  Queries,  lie  wrote  to  a  friend,  ' '  The  mo- 
tives, which  actuate  this  gentleman,  can  better  be  accounted  for  by  himself 
than  by  me.  If  he  can  produce  a  single  instance  in  which  I  have  mentioned 
his  name,  after  his  trial  commenced,  where  it  was  in  my  power  to  avoid  it, 
and,  when  it  was  not,  where  I  have  done  it  with  the  smallest  degree  of  acri- 
mony or  disrespect,  I  will  consent  that  the  world  shall  view  my  character  in 
as  disreputable  a  light  as  he  wishes  to  place  it.  What  cause  there  is,  then, 
for  such  a  profusion  of  venom  as  he  is  emitting  upon  all  occasion*,  unless  by  an 
act  of  public  duty,  in  bringing  him  to  trial  at  his  own  solicitation,  I  have  dis- 
appointed him  and  raised  his  ire;  or  he  conceives  that,  in  proportion  as  he 
can  darken  the  shades  of  my  character,  he  illuminates  his  own  ;  whether  these, 
I  say,  or  motives  still  more  hidden  and  dark,  govern  him,  I  shall  not  under- 
take to  decide."  Sparks's  Washington,  Vol.  VI.  p.  311. 

On  another  occasion,  commenting  likewise  on  a  publication  of  a  similar 
stamp  by  General  Lee,  he  said,  ''  If  he  conceives  that  I  was  opposed  to  him, 
because  he  found  himself  disposed  to  enter  into  a  party  against  me ;  if  he 
thought  I  stood  in  his  road  to  preferment,  and  that  it  was  therefore  conven- 
ient to  lessen  me  in  the  esteem  of  my  countrymen,  in  order  to  pave  the  way 
for  his  own  advancement,  I  have  only  to  observe  that,  as  I  never  entertained 
any  jealousy  of  him,  so  neither  did  I  ever  do  more  than  common  civility  and 
proper  respect  to  his  rank  required,  to  conciliate  his  good  opinion.  His  tem- 
per and  plans  were  too  versatile  and  violent  to  attract  my  admiration."  Ibid. 
p.  133. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  325 

timating  a  design  of  Congress  to  deprive  him  of  his 
commission.  In  the  heat  of  the  moment,  with  char- 
acteristic precipitancy,  he  indited  the  following  brief 
epistle,  without  date,  and  despatched  it  to  the  Pres- 
ident of  Congress. 

. »  "BERKELEY  COUNTY. 

"  SIR, 

"  I  understand  that  it  is  in  contemplation  of  Con- 
gress, on  the  principle  of  economy,  to  strike  me  out  of 
their  service.  Congress  must  know  very  little  of  me,  if 
they  suppose  that  I  would  accept  of  their  money,  since 
the  confirmation  of  the  wicked  and  infamous  sentence 
which  was  passed  upon  me. 

"  I  am,  Sir,  cfec. 

"  CHARLES  LEE." 

One  measure  only  could,  of  course,  be  adopted  on  the 
receipt  of  this  letter,  which  was  a  resolution,  "  That 
Major- General  Charles  Lee  be  informed  that  Congress 
have  no  further  occasion  for  his  services  in  the  army  of 
the  United  States.''  This  intelligence  could  not  sur- 
prise General  Lee  after  his  communication  to  the  Pres- 
ident. His  answer  demands  notice,  as  being  written  in 
a  more  considerate  tone,  and  exhibiting  his  character  in 
a  more  amiable  light,  than  had  of  late  appeared  either 
in  his  compositions  or  conduct. 

"BEBKELEY  COUNTY,  January  30th,  1780. 

"  SIR, 

"  I  have  this  day  received  your  letter,  with  my 
dismission  from  the  service  of  the  United  States ;  nor 
can  I  complain  of  it  as  an  act  of  injustice.  The  great- 
est respect  is  indispensably  due  to  every  public  body 
of  men,  and,  above  all,  to  those  who  are  the  repre- 
sentatives, and  at  the  same  time  the  legislature,  of  a 
free  people ;  and  I  ingenuously  confess  that  the  note 
which  I  dictated  was  so  far  from  being  dressed  in  terms 
properly  respectful,  that  they  were  highly  improper, 
disrespectful,  and  even  contumacious.  But,  although 
I  do  not  mean  to  justify  the  measure,  I  flatter  myself 


326  •  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

that  I  shall  be  able  to  extenuate  the  offensiveness  by 
relating  the  circumstances  which  gave  birth  to  it. 

u  I  unfortunately  received  letters  from  two  friends, 
whose  zeal  for  my  service  seems  to  have  been  greater 
than  their  intelligence  was  authentic,  informing  me  that 
the  same  men  who,  by  art  and  management,  had  brought 
about,  in  a  thin  house,  the  confirmation  of  the  absurd 
and  iniquitous  sentence  of  the  court-martial,  were  de- 
termined to  pursue  the  matter  still  further,  and,  on  the 
pretence  of  economy,  to  make  a  motion  for  the  final 
removal  of  me  from  the  army,  as  an  encumbrance.  It 
happened,  at  the  very  moment  these  letters  came  to  my 
hands,  I  was  very  much  indisposed  ;  so  much  so.  as  not 
to  be  able  to  write  myself  ;  *  and,  at  the  same  time,  my 
horses  were  at  the  door,  to  carry  me  down  the  country, 
where  business  called  me.  The  bodily  pain  I  was  in, 
joined  to  the  misinformation  I  received,  ruffled  my 
temper  beyond  all  bounds  ;  and  the  necessity  of  setting 
out  immediately  prevented  me  from  giving  myself  time 
to  consider  the  propriety  or  impropriety  of  what  I  was 
about.  And  thus  these  two  circumstances,  concurring, 
gave  birth  to  the  note  which  I  dictated,  which  no  man 
can  more  sincerely  reprobate  than  1  do  myself,  and  for 
which  I  most  sincerely  beg  pardon  of  Congress. 

"  But,  Sir,  1  must  entreat  that,  in  the  acknowledging 
of  the  impropriety  and  indecorum  of  my  conduct  in  this 
affair,  it  may  not  be  supposed  that  I  mean  to  court  a 
restoration  to  the  rank  I  held;  so  far  from  it,  that  I  do 
assure  you,  had  not  the  incident  fallen  out,  I  should 
have  requested  Congress  to  accept  my  resignation,  as, 
for  obvious  reasons,  whilst  the  army  is  continued  in  its 
present  circumstances,  I  could  not  serve  with  safety  and 
dignity.  My  present  acknowledgment,  therefore,  of  the 
impropriety  and  indecorum  of  the  measure  I  suffered 
myself  to  be  hurried  into,  and  my  submission  without  a 
complaint  to  the  subsequent  decision  of  Congress,  will, 
I  hope,  be  attributed  to  the  real  motive,  the  conviction 
of  having  done  wrong. 

*  He  was  likewise  disabled  from  writing  by  a  wound  in  his  Land. 


THE    LEE    PAPEES.  327 

"  I  shall  now,  Sir,  conclude  with  sincerely  wishing  that 
Congress  may  find  many  servants  ready  to  make  as 
great  sacrifices  as  I  have  made,  and  possessed  with  the 
same  degree  of  zeal  for  their  service  as  has  from  the  be- 
ginning governed  all  my  actions,  but  with  the  good  fort- 
une never,  by  one  act  of  imprudence,  to  incur  their  dis- 
pleasure ;  and  I  can,  without  arrogance,  assert,  on  self- 
examination,  that  this  is  the  only  step  in  the  whole  line 
of  my  conduct  which  could  justly  furnish  matter  of 
offence  to  that  honorable  body. 

"I  am,  Sir,  &c. 

"  CHARLES  LEE." 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Continues  to  reside  at  his  Estate.  —  Engages  in  politi- 
cal Discussions.  —  Freedom  of  the  Press.  —  Visits 
Baltimore  and  Philadelphia.  —  His  Death.-  —  Re- 
marks on  his  Character,  and  on  some  of  the  Inci- 
dents of  his  Life. 


thus  thrown  off  all  connection  with  the 
army,  he  became  more  tranquil  in  mind,  and  entered 
with  a  considerable  degree  of  interest  into  the  discus- 
sion of  public  affairs  and  passing  events,  particularly 
such  as  occurred  in  Virginia.  He  had  leisure  to  in- 
dulge his  fondness  for  books.  In  one  of  his  letters,  he 
says  he  had  just  finished  reading  the  whole  of  Warbur- 
ton's  "  Divine  Legation  of  Moses."  At  home,  -he  con- 
tinued to  live  in  the  same  discomfort  and  seclusion  as 
before  ;  but  he  made  occasional  visits  to  his  friends,  in 
different  parts  of  the  state,  with  whom  his  former  at- 
tachments, and  his  powers  of  interesting  and  instruct- 
ive conversation,  rendered  him  a  welcome  guest.* 

*Among  these  friends  were  the  family  connections  of  Mr.  Monroe,  after- 
wards President  of  the  United  States,  then  a  young  man  in  his  minority.  He 
was  forming  schemes  of  travel,  and  he  wrote  to  General  Lee,  asking  his  ad- 
vice on  that  subject  ani  some  others.  The  reply  is  curious,  as  predicting  the 
future  success  of  his  young  friend,  and  touching  a  personal  trait  which  always, 


328  •        THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

If  we  may  judge  from  a  hint  in  a  letter  written  to 
him  by  Mr.  Ralph  Wormeley,  junior,  of  Rosegill,  dated 
March  2d.  1780,  he  at  one  time  thought  of  embarking 
in  the  career  of  politics.  Alluding  to  some  former 
transaction,  Mr.  Wormeley  says, 

"  If  I  expressed  my  sentiments  of  General  Lee's  abil- 
ities and  intentions,  I  could  not  express  them  in  any 
terms  less  pregnant  than  I  did  ;  and  I  can  faithfully  as- 
sure you,  that,  had  you  represented  Berkeley,  I  would 
have  tried  my  interest  in  Middlesex.  And,  had  I  ob- 
tained a  seat  in  the  national  assembly,  I  would  have 
joined  you  hand  and  heart,  by  every  effort  of  my  abili- 
ties, every  argument  in  my  comprehension,  to  bring 
about  freedom  of  debate  and  the  liberty  of  the  press, 
without  which  the  representative  deliberations  generate 
only  faction  and  fetters,  and  noisy  professions  of  pat- 
riotism become  air.  But  necessity,  state  necessity,  is 
the  scythe  that  mows  down  every  argument;  and  you 
are  not  to  be  taught  by  me  that,  by  the  assistance  of 
this  argument,  there  is  no  degree  of  despotism  which 
may  not  be  vindicated  and  imposed." 

The  freedom  of  the  press  and  of  debate  was  a  topic 
upon  which  General  Lee  often  descanted,  with  his  usual 
earnestness.  This  freedom  he  maintained  to  be  the  vital 
element  of  civil  and  political  liberty.  The  custom  of 
Congress  and  the  state  legislatures  to  sit  with  closed 
doors,  thus  shielding  the  opinions  and  conduct  of  the 
members  from  the  watchful  oversight  of  their  constitu- 
ents, he  looked  upon  as  defrauding  the  people  of  some 
of  their  most  valuable  rights.  As  to  the  freedom  of 
the  press,  he  said  it  had  "  no  more  existence  in  this  coun- 

in  some  degree,  adhered  to  him.  The  following  is  an  extract.  "  The  letter 
I  received  from  you  by  Mr.  White  gave  me  the  greatest  pleasure,  as  it  assures 
me  of  your  love  and  affection.  What  he  reports  of  you  gives  me  still  more, 
as  it  not  only  assures  me  of  the  certainty  you  have  of  well  establishing  your- 
self in  fame  and  fortune,  but  the  good  figure  you  make  flatters  my  vanity,  as 
I  have  always  asserted  that  you  would  appear  one  of  the  first  characters  of 
this  country,  if  your  shyness  did  not  prevent  the  display  of  the  knowledge 
and  talents  you  possess.  Mr.  White  tells  me  you  have  got  rid  of  this  mauvaise 
honte,  and  only  retain  a  certain  degree  of  recommendatory  modesty.  I  re- 
joice in  it  with  all  my  soul,  as  I  really  love  and  esteem  you  most  sincerely  and 
affectionately." 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  329 

try  than  at  Rome  or  Constantinople."  Not  that  it  was 
chained  by  the  laws,  but  by  the  heavier  trammels  of  a 
perverted  public  opinion.  Coming  recently  from  a 
theatre  where  such  writers  as  JUNIUS,  and  others  of  his 
stamp,  could  with  impunity  assail  the  public  character 
and  conduct  of  the  highest  men  in  the  nation,  he  could 
not  conceive  that  a  republic,  boasting  of  its  new-born 
liberty,  should  consent  to  wear  so  degrading  a  badge  of 
slavery  as  that  of  restraint  upon  the  press.  An  unre- 
served .discussion  of  the  acts  and  opinions  of  public  men 
was,  in  his  view,  the  great  bulwark  of  freedom,  a  bar- 
rier against  the  inroads  of  ambition,  and  an  incentive  to 
patriotism  arid  the  noblest  virtues. 

He  raised  his  voice  against  some  of  the  acts  of  the 
Virginia  legislature.  Among  these  were  "the  tender 
law,  inverting  the  eternal  rules  of  justice,  corrupting 
the  morals  of  the  people,  inciting  and  securing  every 
kind  of  breach  of  faith  and  villany,  and  ruining  the 
honest,  the  benevolent,  and  the  generous ;  and  next, 
the  confiscation  law,  which  strips  indiscriminately  of 
their  property  Whigs  and  Tories,  friends  and  foes, 
women  and  orphans,  for  no  crime,  or  even  the  color  of 
any  crime,  unless  eventual,  unavoidable  absence,  from 
the  necessity  of  their  affairs,  can  be  constituted  a 
crime."  He  had  good  reason  for  denouncing  the  ten- 
der law,  by  which  a  depreciated  currency  could  be 
forced  on  a  creditor  at  its  nominal  value.  He  made  a 
bargain  for  selling  his  estate,  and  received  the  first  pay- 
ment in  sterling  money.  Before  possession  was  given 
he  ascertained  that  the  remainder,  much  the  larger  part 
of  the  whole,  was  to  be  paid  in  a  depreciated  paper 
currency,  under  the  operation  of  the  tender  law.  He 
succeeded  in  releasing  himself  from  the  contract,  and 
was  enabled  to  refund  the  first  payment  by  the  timely 
aid  of  two  of  his  friends,  Robert  Morris  and  William 
Goddard:  This  coincidence  of  personal  interest  with 
what  he  considered  a  vicious  and  inequitable  legis- 
lation, was  accidental.  He  was  certainly  as  disinter- 
ested as  any  man  ever  could  be  in  his  steady  and  un- 


330  •      THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

compromising  defence  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the 
people. 

An  experiment  of  two  or  three  years  in  the  business 
of  a  practical  farmer  convinced  him,  that  he  was  neither 
a  skilful  nor  thrifty  agriculturist.  His  farm  was  un- 
profitable, his  agents  unfaithful,  and  he  resolved  to 
change  his  mode  of  life.  The  plans  he  may  have 
formed  for  the  future  are  not  known.  He  had  held 
preliminary  negotiations  with  several  individuals  for 
the  sale  of  his  estate,  but  none  of  them  had  been 
brought  to  maturity,  when,  early  in  the  autumn  of 
1782,  he  made  a  visit  to  his  friends  in  Baltimore.  He 
remained  in  that  city  a  few  days,  and  then  continued 
his  journey  to  Philadelphia.  Here  he  had  scarcely  es- 
tablished himself  in  lodgings  at  an  inn,  when  he  was 
seized  with  an  ague,  followed  by  a  fever,  which  baf- 
fled the  skill  of  the  physicians,  and  terminated  his  life 
on  the  2d  of  October,  at  the  age  of  fifty-one.  In  the 
delirium  caused  by  the  fever,  the  last  words  he  was 
heard  to  say  were,  "  Stand  by  me,  my  brave  grena- 
diers !  " 

Notwithstanding  his  late  aberrations,  the  citizens  of 
Philadelphia,  and  men  high  in  office,  had  not  forgotten 
his  early  services  and  generous  zeal  in  the  cause  of 
their  country,  and  all  seemed  impressed  with  the  feel- 
ing that  they  demanded  a  grateful  tear.  Every  mark 
of  respect,  which  the  occasion  could  require,  was  shown 
to  his  memory.  He  was  buried  with  military  honors. 
His  remains  were  deposited  in  the  cemetery  of  Christ 
Church,  and  were  followed  to  the  grave  by  a  large  con- 

O  */  O 

course  of  citizens,  the  President  of  Congress  and  some 
of  the  members,  the  President  and  Council  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, the  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  France,  and  sev- 
eral officers  of  distinction,  belonging  to  both  the  Ameri- 
can and  French  armies. 

Thus  ended  the  eventful  career  of  General  Charles 
Lee,  a  man  who  filled  no  ordinary  space  in  the  eye  of 
the  world,  and  whose  misfortunes  stand  in  melancholy 
contrast  with  his  brilliant  accomplishments,  and  the 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  331 

admiration,  which,  for  a  time,  he  drew  from  the  will- 
ing and  grateful  hearts  of  a  whole  country.  The  pre- 
ceding narrative  will  have  failed  of  its  aim,  if  it  has 
not  enabled  the  reader  to  form  a  judgment  sufficiently 
exact  of  his  character  and  his  conduct ;  yet  a  few 
words  more  may  not  be  misapplied  or  superfluous. 

In  the  first  place  we  may  say,  that  he  should  not  be 
held  accountable  for  the  vehement  passions  and  ex- 
tremely excitable  temper,  which  had  been  wrought  by 
nature  into  the  very  constitution  of  his  being.  We 
may  regret,  and  even  condemn,  his  want  of  self-control ; 
yet  some  indulgence  is  certainly  due  to  the  infirmities 
of  such»a  mind.  Few  men  have  had  the  trial  of  so 
many  conflicting  elements  in  their  nature,  and  for  this 
reason  few  are  competent  to  judge  with  perfect  candor 
of  the  difficulties  to  be  encountered  in  commanding 
and  subduing  them.  At  all  events,  it  is  neither  reasona- 
ble nor  just,  that  great  qualities  and  high  aspirations, 
steady  in  their  action,  should  be  darkened  and  thrown 
in  the  background  by  casual  defects,  transient  in  their 
operation,  and  seldom  mischievous  in  their  conse- 
quences. 

There  are  innumerable  proofs  of  the  constancy  of  his 
friendships ;  and,  if  he  was  sometimes  capricious,  the 
evidence  now  left  to  us  will  not  warrant  the  charge  of 
insincerity  as  being  a  trait  of  his  character.  His  hos- 
tility to  Washington  affords  the  most  memorable  in- 
stance of  an  unforgiving  spirit.  This  root  of  bitter- 
ness he  nourished  in  his  bosom  to  the  last ;  the  hated 
idea  haunted  and  tortured  his  imagination  day  and 
night ;  it  was,  with  him,  what  he  calls,  on  a  different 
occasion,  u  the  very  madness  of  the  moon ; "  and  he 
suffered  no  opportunity  to  escape,  either  in  writing  or 
speaking,  without  pouring  out  the  flood  of  his  resent- 
ment and  reproaches.  It  would  be  idle  to  devise  an 
apology  for  exhibitions  of  temper  so  wild  and  extrava- 
gant ;  but  it  should  be  remembered,  that  he  looked 
upon  the  conduct  of  Washington  towards  him  at  Mon- 
mouth,  however  it  might  be  interpreted  by  others,  as 


332  •         THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

the  deep  fountain  of  all  his  misfortunes.  Wounded 
pride,  disappointed  hopes,  a  sinking  reputation,  blasted 
prospects,  all  the  ills  that  brooded  upon  his  soul,  he 
referred  to  this  source.  In  this  conflict  of  heated  pas- 
sion and  excited  sensibility,  he  lost  sight  of  his  own  in- 
discretions, and  sought  solace  by  pampering  his  imagi- 
nation with  vain  dreams  of  persecution  and  wrongs, 
and  in  uttering  maledictions  against  their  author.  But 
in  this  there  was  no  disguise ;  he  was  the  last  man  in 
the  world  to  conceal  his  opinions,  or  mould  them  to 
suit  the  occasion  ;  and  it  should  be  said  to  his  credit, 
that  he  was  totally  incapable  of  attempting  any  design 
by  underhand  means,  plot,  cabal,  or  intrigue,  so  often 
the  resort  of  little  minds  and  reckless  ambition. 

With  this  prodigality  of  frankness  on  his  part,  it 
was  impossible  that  Washington  should  not  become 
well  informed  of  his  sentiments  and  his  manner  of  di- 
vulging them.  He  allowed  them  to  pass  without  no- 
tice. No  letter  written  by  him  during  the  war  has  been 
found,  touching  the  transactions  of  General  Lee,  except 
those  heretofore  referred  to,  which  were  drawn  from 
him  by  published  remarks  on  his  conduct,  of  which 
General  Lee  was  the  avowed  author.  And,  after  the 
war,  when  an  inquiry  was  made  of  him  concerning  the 
publication  of  General  Lee's  papers,  he  replied,  with  a 
dignity  and  calmness  suited  to  his  character, 

"  In  answer  to  your  letter,  I  can  only  say,  that  your 
own  good  judgment  must  direct  you  in  the  publication 
of  the  manuscript  papers  of  General  Lee.  I  can  have 
no  request  to  make  concerning  the  work.  I  never  had 
a  difference  with  that  gentleman  but  on  public  ground, 
and  my  conduct  towards  him  on  this  occasion  was  such 
only,  as  I  felt  myself  indispensably  bound  to  adopt  in 
discharge  of  the  public  trust  reposed  in  me.  If  this 
produced  in  him  unfavorable  sentiments  of  me,  I  yet 
can  never  consider  the  conduct  I  pursued,  with  respect 
to  him,  either  wrong  or  improper,  however  I  may  re- 
gret that  it  may  have  been  differently  viewed  by  him, 
and  that  it  excited  his  censure  and  animadversions. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  333 

Should  there  appear  in  General  Lee's  writings  anything 
injurious  or  unfriendly  to  me,  the  impartial  and  dispas- 
sionate world  must  decide  how  far  I  deserved  it  from 
the  general  tenor  of  rny  conduct."  * 

In  this  extract  everyone  will  perceive  the  tone  and 
spirit,  the  moderation,  candor,  and  elevation  of  mind, 
which  he  would  expect  from  the  character  of  Washing- 
ton as  it  is  now  known  to  tha  world.  At  another  time, 
after  General  Lee's  death,  he  said  of  him,  that  ahe 
possessed  many  great  qualities."  And,  in  whatever 
light  the  affair  of  Monniouth  shall  be  viewed,  it  may 
with  confidence  be  affirmed,  that  Washington  took  no 
steps  of  a  personal  nature,  either  directly  or  indirectly, 
except  such  as  were  necessarily  connected  with  that 
single  event,  which  could  in  any  degree  tend  to  injure 
the  character  of  General  Lee  while  living,  or  tarnish 
his  memory  after  his  earthly  career  was  closed. 

Men  of  distinguished  character,  both  in  the  civil  and 
military  line,  possessing  the  confidence  of  their  country, 
continued  to  be  his  friends  to  the  last,  notwithstanding 
the  shade  that  had  been  cast  upon  him  by  his  misfort- 
unes. Among  these  he  enumerated,  in  a  private  letter, 
a  few  months  before  his  death,  Robert  Morris,  Richard 
Henry  Lee,  Samuel  Adams,  Generals  Schuyler,  Sulli- 
van, Wayne,  Greene,  Knox,  and  several  others.  These 
were  not  men  who  would  cherish  a  friendship  for  one, 
whom  they  looked  upon  as  culpably  delinquent  in  the 
exercise  of  a  public  trust,  or  as  treacherous  to  the  cause 
in  which  he  had  so  ardently  engaged.  There  is  another 
evidence  of  this  friendship  in  a  high  quarter,  which 
claims  insertion.  General  Lincoln,  then  at  the  head  of 
the  Department  of  War,  received  a  letter  on  some  pub- 
lic business  from  a  gentleman  in  Winchester,  Virginia, 
to  whom  he  wrote  in  reply,  June  8th,  1782,  "It  affords 
me  real  pleasure  to  find,  that  I  am  regarded  by  the  citi- 
zens of  Winchester  as  General  Lee's  friend.  Do  me 

*  This  letter  was  written,  June  llth,  1785,  to  Mr.  William  Goddard,  who 
had  issued  proposals  for  publishing  the  Writings  of  General  Lee,  in  three  vol- 
umes. The  plan  was  never  executed.  The  imperfect  volume  by  Mr.  Lang- 
worthy  contains  the  only  collection  of  the  papers  that  has  been  published. 


334  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

the  justice  to  believe,  that  this  opinion  is  perfectly  cor- 
roborated by  sentiments  of  esteem  and  affection,  which 
I  hope  will  always  retain  me  such." 

In  his  last  will,  he  paid  a  tribute  of  affectionate  re- 
membrance to  several  of  his  intimate  friends,  and  of 
grateful  generosity  to  the  humble  dependents,  who  had 
adhered  to  him  and  ministered  to  his  wants  in  his  re- 
tirement. The  bulk  of  his  estate  in  Berkeley  was  given 
to  four  individuals,  as  a  testimony  of  his  gratitude  for 
the  obligations  of  kindness  they  had  steadily  conferred 
upon  him  through  evil  and  good  report.  All  his  other 
property,  in  every  part  of  the  world,  was  bequeathed 
to  his  only  sister.  Sydney  Lee,  to  whom  he  was  ever 
devotedly  attached. 

Finally,  in  forming  our  general  estimate  of  his  char- 
acter, after  allowing  all  the  weight  they  deserve  to  his 
weaknesses  and  faults,  his  errors  and  eccentricities,  we 
must  still  acknowledge  with  Washington,  that  "  he 
possessed  many  great  qualities."  From  the  first  to  the 
last,  in  his  principles,  writings,  and  acts,  he  proved 
himself  an  uncompromising  champion  for  the  rights  and 
liberties  of  mankind.  He  adopted  the  American  cause 
under  a  firm  conviction  of  its  justice ;  he  threw  into  it 
the  fervid  energies  of  his  whole  soul,  with  a  sincerity 
and  heartiness  which  cannot  be  questioned.  By  the 
example  of  his  enthusiasm,  by  his  military  talents  and 
resolute  spirit,  and  by  his  successful  enterprise  in  the 
early  part  of  the  war,  he  rendered  important  services 
to  the  country  in  the  time  of  her  greatest  need.  While 
we  lament  and  condemn  the  faults  which  obscured  his 
brighter  qualities,  let  us  not  withhold  from  them  the 
mantle  of  charity ;  let  us  not  forget,  that  during  his 
life  the  effects  of  them  were  severely  visited  upon  him 
in  his  blighted  hopes  and  defeated  aims,  nor  refuse  to 
his  memory  the  award  of  gratitude  and  respect,  which 
the  prominent  part  he  acted  in  the  great  struggle  for 
American  independence  may  rightfully  claim. 


V. 


THE 


TREASON  OF  CHARLES  LEE. 


u  If  I  had  ever  assumed  the  character  of  a  military  genius,  and  the  officer 
of  experience  ;  if,  under  these  false  colors,  I  had  solicited  the  command  I 
was  honored  with  ;  or  if,  after  my  appointment,  I  had  driven  on,  under  the 
sole  guidance  of  my  own  judgment,  and  self-will  ;  and  misfortunes,  the  result 
of  obstinacy  and  misconduct,  not  of  necessity,  had  followed,  I  should  have 
thought  myself  a  proper  subject  for  the  lash,  not  only  of  his,  but  of  the  pen 
of  every  other  writer,  and  a  fit  object  of  public  resentment,  .  .  .  An 
effrontery,  which  few  men  do,  and,  for  the  honor  of  human  nature,  none 
ought  to  possess. " 

WASHINGTON  TO  PKESIDENT  REED,  July  29£A,  1779. 


6         .         .  "  Servetur  ad  imum, 

Qualis  ab  incepto  prooesserit,  et  sibi  constet." 

HORACE,  Ad  Pisones :  126, 


"Mr.  Lee's  Plan — March  29,  1777. 


THE 


TREASON  OF  CHARLES  LEE 


MAJOR   GENERAL 


SECOND  IN  COMMAND  IN  THE  AMERICAN  AEMY 
OF  THE  REVOLUTION 


ur 
GEORGE   H.   MOORE 

LIBRARIAN  OF  THE   NEW-YORK  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


[READ  BEFORE  THE  SOCIETY,  ON  TUESDAY  EVENING,  JUNE  22,  1858.] 


"The  evil  that  men  do  lives  after  them." 


NEW-YORK: 
CHARLES   SCRIBNER,   124  GRAND  STREET. 

M.DCCC.LX. 


TO  THE 

HON.  LUTHEK  BRADISH,  LL.D. 

PRESIDENT      OP     THE     NEW     YORK     HISTORICAL     SOCIETY 

WITH    A    GRATEFUL 
ACKNOWLEDGMENT   OF   THAT   PERSONAL   FRIENDSHIP 

WHICH  HAS  BEEN 

THE   ENCOURAGEMENT  AND   REWARD   OF  MY 
LONG  SERVICE   IN  THE   SOCIETY 

OVER  WHICH 
HE   PRESIDES  WITH  EQUAL   DIGNITY   AND   ABILITY 

THIS    ESSAY 

IS  RESPECTFULLY  DEDICATED 
BY 

GEORGE   HENRY  MOORE. 

January,  1860. 


PREFACE. 


THIS  Essay,  which  presents  to  the  world,  for  the  first 
time,  the  positive  proofs  of  the  treason  of  General  Lee, 
is  intended  simply  to  indicate  their  relation  to  the 
history  of  the  American  Revolution.  They  seem  to  me 
too  important  to  be  withheld  during  the  time  necessary 
for  the  preparation  of  the  work,  of  which  my  announce- 
ment accompanies  this  volume — and  for  which  I  am  led 
to  expect  from  various  private  sources  in  England,  as 
well  as  this  country,  additional  materials  of  great  im- 
portance. 

1  have  given  fac-similes  of  the  original  Plan  of  Trea- 
son, and,  for  the  purpose  of  comparison,  of  the  letter  to 
General  Gates,  written  by  General  Lee,  just  before  his 
capture.  The  first  is  the  document  which  suggested 
this  essay.  Its  authenticity  is  unquestionable,  and  will 
bear  the  most  thorough  investigation.  When  it  was  first 
brought  to  me,  with  other  documents  from  the  same 
sources  in  England,  I  was  not  allowed  to  examine  it  any 
further  than  was  necessary  to  satisfy  myself  of  its 
genuineness  by  those  tests  with  which  all  scholars  are 
familiar — a  restriction  to  which  I  submitted  upon  the 
undoubted  assurance  that  the  same  conditions  had  been 
and  would  be  imposed  upon  every  one  to  whom  it  had 
been  or  would  be  shown.  As  this  restriction  was  in- 
tended to  assure  the  pecuniary  value  of  the  manuscripts, 
which  were  offered  for  sale,  I  have  no  reason  to  doubt 
that  it  was  invariably  imposed,  so  that  when  I  purchased 
them,  a  few  days  afterwards,  I  found  myself  in  sole 
possession  of  papers  of  the  most  startling  character 


342  PREFACE. 

—a  key  to  some  of  the  strangest  secrets  of  the  Revo- 
lution. 

The  portrait  opposite  the  title-page  is  reduced  from 
the  folio  print  published  in  London  during  the  war,  and 
was  engraved  to  accompany  the  illustrated  edition  of 
Irving' s  Life  of  Washington.  I  am  indebted  to  the  lib- 
eral courtesy  of  Mr.  George  P.  Putnam  for  permission  to 
use  the  plate. 

The  other  engraving  was  taken  from  a  caricature  draw- 
ing, by  Barhain  Rushbrooke,  Esq.,  of  West  Stowe,  near 
Bury,  in  England.  He  was  commonly  called  Counsellor 
Rushbrooke,  from  his  having  been  bred  to  the  law.  He 
was  considered  as  a  man  of  great  taste  in  painting,  and 
all  the  liberal  arts.  His  grandson  married  one  of  the 
daughters  of  Sir  Charles  Davers,  who  was  one  of  Gen- 
eral Lee's  most  intimate  friends. 

General  Lee's  likeness  was  taken  on  his  return  from 
Poland,  in  his  uniform  as  aid-de-camp  to  Stanislaus, 
King  of  Poland.  It  appears  to  have  been  carefully 
preserved  by  the  Davers  family,  and  was  engraved  in 
1813,  to  accompany  a  work  published  by  Dr.  Thomas 
Girdlestone,  to  prove  that  Lee  was  the  author  of  Junius. 
That  gentleman,  to  whose  work  I  am  indebted  for  these 
facts,  says  of  it :  "  Though  designed  as  a  caricature, 
it  was  allowed,  by  all  who  knew  General  Lee,  to  be  the 
only  successful  delineation  either  of  his  countenance  or 
person"  It  is  the  only  one  of  the  so-called  portraits, 
which  I  have  met  with,  bearing  any  evidence  of  authen- 
ticity, or  answering  to  the  personal  descriptions  given 
by  his  contemporary  friends  and  biographers.  Sir 
Henry  Bunbury  says  :  "  In  person  he  was  tall  and  ex- 
tremely thin ;  his  face  ugly,  with  an  aquiline  nose  of 
enormous  proportion."  Dr.  Girdlestone  says  :  "  General 
Lee  was  a  remarkably  thin  man,  and  is  said  to  have  had 
the  smallest  hand  and  slenderest  fingers  that  could  be 
seen."  Mr.  Langworthy  says  :  "  The  General,  in  his 
person,  was  of  a  genteel  make,  and  rather  above  the 
middle  size ;  his  remarkable  aquiline  nose  rendered  his 
face  somewhat  disagreeable."  Another  description  is 


PREFACE.  343 

that  "  he  was  of  more  than  ordinary  stature,  lean  but 
well  proportioned.  His  features  were  disagreeable." 

The  Life  of  General  Lee  has  been  written  by  Mr. 
Edward  Langworthy,  in  the  memoirs  published  in  1792 
and  1797  in  England,  and  thrice  reprinted  in  America; 
by  Sir  Henry  Bunbury,  whose  father  was  a  first  cousin 
of  Lee,  in  1838;  and  by  Mr.  Sparks  in  1846,  for  his 
series  of  American  Biographies.  To  these  are  to  be 
added  numerous  anonymous  sketches,  scattered  through 
the  journals  and  periodicals  of  the  last  century,  and  no- 
tices more  or  less  brief,  in  various  biographical  works. 
I  have  sought  for  and  examined  all  that  are  accessible 
to  me.  To  all  I  wish  to  render  due  acknowledgment, 
and  especially  to  ME.  SPAEKS,  whose  steps  must  be  fol- 
lowed with  grateful  reverence  by  every  student  of 
American  History,  and  with  no  little  caution  by  any 
who  may  presume,  even  in  the  light  of  new  discoveries, 
to  differ  with  him  on  any  important  point. 

ME.  BANCEOFT,  to  whom  I  made  known  the  earliest 
results  of  my  studies,  recognizing  at  once  the  impor- 
tant bearing  which  they  have  on  the  subject  of  his  own 
grand  work,  permitted  me  to  make  several  extracts 
from  his  collection  of  MSS.,  illustrating  and  confirm- 
ing the  positions  which  I  had  taken  ;  and  encouraged 
me  in  my  labors  by  his  liberal  approbation. 

I  have  also  to  acknowledge  my  obligations  to  Pro- 
fessor George  W.  Greene,  Mr.  John  Jay,  Mr.  John 
Carter  Brown,  of  Providence,  to  whose  liberality  and 
the  kindness  of  my  friend  the  Hon.  John  Russell  Bart- 
lett,  I  am  indebted  for  access  to  the  treasures  in  his 
library,  one  of  the  richest  in  the  world  in  American 
History ;  Mr.  N.  F.  Cabell,  of  Warminster,  Nelson 
County,  Va. ;  Mr.  William  Hunter,  of  the  State  De- 
partment at  Washington ;  Mr.  Townsend  Ward,  and 
Mr.  Ferdinand  J.  Dreer,  of  Philadelphia. 

But  my  chiefest  acknowledgment  is  really  due  and 
most  heartily  rendered  to  PETEE  FOECE,  my  father's 
and  my  own  venerated  friend,  whose  great  work,  the 
American  Archives,  is  the  monument  of  his  ability, 


344  PREFACE. 

judgment,  industry,  and  fidelity.  It  is  the  thesaurus 
maximus,  the  chief  treasure-house  of  American  His- 
tory. Its  completeness,  and  richness  of  illustration, 
for  the  period  it  embraces,  is  such  as  to  enhance  the 
regret,  which  is  shared  by  all  scholars,  that  its  prog- 
ress has  been  so  long  and  so  seriously  interrupted. 

NOTE. — The  fac-similes  and  engravings  mentioned  in  the  foregoing  preface 
are  omitted  in  the  present  reprint. 


THE  TREASON   OF  CHARLES  LEE. 


MR.  PRESIDENT  : 

THE  paper  which.  I  have  the  honor  to  submit  to  the 
Society  this  evening,  is  sketched  from  materials  re- 
served for  a  more  elaborate  examination  of  the  princi- 
pal topic,  than  the  limits  of  a  single  paper  would  per- 
mit. I  have  availed  myself  of  the  invitation,  to  make 
known  to  the  public  the  existence  of  documents  hither- 
to unknown  in  our  history,  and  of  great  importance  to 
that  portion  of  it,  which  records  the  struggles  through 
which  the  Republic  came  into  existence.  In  the  hour 
to  which  I  am  limited,  I  shall  ask  your  attention  to 
some  sketches  of  the  life  and  character  of  Charles  Lee, 
in  order  to  a  proper  appreciation  of  his  place  in  the 
history  of  the  American  Revolution. 

CHARLES  LEE  was  the  youngest  son  of  Colonel  John 
Lee,  of  Dernhall,  in  Cheshire,  England;  his  mother 
was  Isabella,  the  second  daughter  of  Sir  Henry  Bun- 
bury,  Bart.,  of  Stanney,  in  the  same  county.  The  Lees 
of  Dernhall  were  an  ancient  family,  of  which  the  Earls 
1  of  Lichfield  were  a  younger  branch  ;  but  the  chief  line 
which  removed  from  Lee  to  Dernhall  in  the  time  of 
Charles  L,  became  extinct  in  the  male  line  at  the  de- 
cease of  the  subject  of  this  paper.  John  Lee,  some 
time  a  Captain  of  Dragoons,  afterwards  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  of  General  Barrell's  Regiment,  4th  Foot 
Guards,  was  made  Colonel  of  the  44th,  (or  East  Essex 
Regiment,)  a  Regiment  on  the  Irish  Establishment, 
March  11,  1743.  He  continued  in  the  service  until  his 
death,  which  occurred  on  the  5th  August,  1750.  His 


346  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

widow  (baptized  at  Chester  Cathedral,  October  2, 
1702)  was  still  living  in  December,  1764.  Of  their 
four  children,  the  daughter,  Sidney  Lee,  and  the  young- 
est son,  Charles,  were  at  that  time  the  only  survivors ; 
Thomas  and  Henry  having  died,  and  without  leaving 
children.  Miss  Sidney  Lee  survived  all  her  brothers, 
and  died  unmarried,  16th  January,  1788.  Madame 
D'Arblay,  who  met  her  at  Bath,  speaks  of  her,  as  "  a 
very  agreeable  woman."  She  was  an  accomplished 
and  liberal  woman,  and  treated  the  Americans,  who 
were  captured  and  imprisoned  by  the  British  in  Eng- 
land, with  great  humanity.  The  principal  part  of  the 
estate  which  General  Lee  possessed  at  the  time  of  his 
death,  he  bequeathed  to  her,  and  she  remitted  four 
thousand  five  hundred  pounds  sterling  to  America,  in 
order  to  discharge  her  brother's  debts,  lest  his  legatees 
in  this  country  should  be  deprived  of  what  he  had  be- 
queathed to  them. 

CHARLES  LEE  was  born  in  1731,  and  is  said  to  have 
received  a  commission  in  the  army  at  eleven  years  of 
age.  The  army  was  not  at  that  time,  with  respect  to 
the  appointment  and  promotion  of  subalterns,  under 
the  wise  regulations  which  afterwards  prevailed  :  not 
only  privates,  but  officers  were  on  the  Army  List,  whom 
their  own  Colonels  knew  only  to  exist  because  their 
names  were  on  the  roll ;  and  instances  are  said  to  have 
been  known,  in  which  one-third  of  the  subalterns  of  a 
regiment  were  in  the  nursery  ! 

The  Duchess  of  Marl  borough,  in  one  of  her  letters  to 
the  Earl  of  Stair,  December  3,  1737,  has  preserved  a 
curious  instance  of  this  abuse.  She  says  that  "  Lord 
Hervey's  wife's  father,  Mr.  Lepel,  made  her  a  cornet  in 
his  regiment  as  soon  as  she  was  born,  which  is  no  more 
wrong  to  the  design  of  an  army  than  if  she  had  been  a 
son  :  and  she  was  paid  many  years  after  she  was  a  maid 

of  honour My  Lord  Sunderland  got  her 

a  pension  of  the  late  King,  [George  I.,]  it  being  too 
ridiculous  to  continue  her  any  longer  an  officer  in  the 
army."  When  such  things  were  tolerated  within  the 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  347 

purlieus  of  the  Court,  it  would  be  strange  if  the  Irish 
establishment  were  not  full  of  similar  examples.  Ire- 
land was  always  the  theatre  of  the  most  flagrant  abuses. 
Besides,  in  those  days,  and  indeed  many  years  later,  it 
was  one  of  the  usual  courses  of  military  education,  to 
remove  a  boy  immediately  from  the  preparatory  school 
into  the  regiment,  and  to  give  him  no  other  training 
than  what  the  regiment,  with  perhaps  the  occasional 
tuition  of  a  friendly  superior,  might  afford — the  main 
business  being  to  learn  the  practical  art  and  exercise  of 
war. 

There  is  no  improbability,  therefore,  that  his  father, 
soon  after  he  received  his  own  commission  as  Colonel, 
may  have  placed  young  Lee  in  the  regiment,  and  before 
he  had  completed  his  twelfth  year. 

He  is  said  to  have  considered  himself  as  born  in 
the  army  ;  and  it  is  natural  to  suppose  that  his  educa- 
tion was  designed  with  reference  to  that  profession  to 
which  his  own  temper,  not  less  than  the  inclination  of 
his  parents,  must  have  directed  him.  Little  is  known, 
however,  of  his  early  training.  The  free  grammar 
school  of  Bury  St.  Edmund's,  and  an  academy  in 
Switzerland,  share  its  honors  with  the  regiment. 

It  is  stated,  that  to  respectable  attainments  in  the 
Greek  and  Latin  classics,  he  afterwards  added  a  thor- 
ough familiarity  with  the  French,  and  a  competent 
skill  in  the  Spanish,  German,  and  Italian  languages. 
The  latter  he  may  have  acquired  in  the  course  of  those 
long  wanderings  in  search  of  knowledge  or  pleasure,  to 
which  his  restless  disposition  urged  him — for  nature 
had  made  him  an  enthusiast,  and  whatever  was  the  ob- 
ject of  his  pursuit,  he  followed  it  with  an  extreme  ar- 
dor. Possessing  talents  above  the  common  order,  he 
turned  his  advantages  (such  as  they  were)  to  good  ac- 
count ;  although  the  practical  lesson  of  his  life  seems 
clearly  to  indicate  little  strictness  and  method,  in  that 
domestic  discipline  which  would  have  been  far  more 
valuable  to  him  than  any  of  his  acquisitions. 

The  study  of  his  profession  enlisted  all  his  energy. 


348  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

As  he  approached  and  entered  upon  its  active  duties, 
he  applied  himself  with  characteristic  zeal,  and  his 
writings,  not  less  than  his  career,  leave  us  in  no  doubt 
that  he  acquired  a  very  general,  if  not  thorough  knowl- 
edge of  what  was  then  known  in  England  as  the  science 
of  war. 

On  the  2d  May,  1751,  a  few  months  after  his  father's 
death,  he  received  a  Lieutenant's  commission  in  the 
same  regiment,  which  was  continued  on  the  Irish  estab- 
lishment after  it  was  ordered  to  America  in  1754. 

Hitherto  his  opportunities  of  becoming  familiar  with 
the  school  of  the  soldier,  must  have  been  very  insuffi- 
cient. The  English  service,  (especially  on  garrison  duty 
in  Ireland,)  in  times  of  peace,  afforded  him  no  practical 
lessons ;  for  mounting  guard  once  or  twice  a  week,  or 
the  preparation  for  the  review  of  a  single  regiment, 
could  hardly  be  esteemed  as  such :  and  it  Avas  long 
after  the  time  of  which  1  am  speaking,  that  the  Duke 
of  Wellington — who  acquired  his  own  military  educa- 
tion on  the  Continent — is  reported  to  have  said  that  if 
ten  thousand  men  were  placed  in  Hyde  Park,  there 
was  not  an  officer  in  the  service  who  could  get  them 
out! 

But  a  better  field  of  practice  was  now  opening  be- 
fore Lee.  His  active  military  career  began,  as  it  ended, 
in  America ;  and  his  first  experience  in  arms  presents 
singular  points  of  resemblance  as  well  as  contrast  with 
his  last  service  in  the  field.  In  fact,  nearly  all  the  real 
service  he  ever  saw  was  in  America.  It  began  in  the 
valley  of  the  Monongahela,  and  it  closed  on  the  Heights 
of  Monmouth.  Washington  saw  the  beginning  and  the 
end,  and  the  same  eyes  that  had  anxiously  watched  as 
he  followed  and  protected  the  flight  of  the  young  sub- 
altern in  1755,  flashed  withering  scorn  and  indignation 
upon  the  traitor-general  who  meditated  his  disgrace  in 
1778. 

When  Braddock  was  sent  out  to  repel  the  encroach- 
ments of  France,  and  restore  the  English  power  upon 
the  American  Continent,  the  regiment  in  which  Lee 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  349 

was  still  a  Lieutenant,  was  one  of  the  "  two  European 
Regiments,"  which  were  the  stamina  of  the  expedition. 
The  events  which  followed  are  too  familiar  to  need  any 
recital  here,  terminating  as  they  did  in  <l  a  scene  of  car- 
nage which  has  been  truly  described  as  unexampled  in 
the  annals  of  modern  warfare."  It  was,  in  truth,  "  the 
most  extraordinary  victory  ever  obtained,  and  the 
farthest  flight  ever  made,"  and,  as  Mr.  Irving  has  justly 
remarked,  "  struck  a  fatal  blow  to  the  deference  for 
British  prowess,  which  once  amounted  almost  to  bigot- 
ry, throughout  the  provinces."  Franklin  says  in  his 
autobiography,  "  This  whole  transaction  gave  us  Am- 
ericans the  first  suspicion,  that  our  exalted  ideas  .of  the 
prowess  of  British  regular  troops  had  not  been  well 
founded." 

In  that  ignominious  and  terrible  defeat,  Lee  had  the 
good  fortune  to  escape  without  notice.  I  am  not  aware 
that  the  fact  of  his  being  present  has  been  stated  by 
any  of  his  biographers,  or  the  historians  who  have  por- 
trayed those  tragic  scenes  with  such  graphic  power. 
But  I  am  able  to  say,  as  the  result  of  a  very  careful  and 
laborious  examination  of  all  the  materials  at  hand  for 
a  decision,  that  he  was  on  duty  with  his  regiment  at  that 
time.  Few  of  the  officers  escaped  unhurt,  and  the  num- 
ber of  those  who  came  out  with  untarnished  reputations 
was  still  less.  Lee  himself  afterwards  found  occasion 
to  allude  to  the  fact  that  "  none  of  the  regulars  chose 
to  remember  their  early  defeats  and  disgraces,  particu- 
larly those  upon  the  Ohio,  in  all  which  the  provincials 
never  led  the  flight,  but  were  the  last  to  leave  the  field  ;  " 
and  he  does  not  seem  to  have  broken  through  that  pru- 
dent reserve  in  his  own  behalf.  The  silence  of  his  bi- 
ographers, especially  of  his  kinsman,  Sir  Henry  Bun- 
bury,  is  very  remarkable,  but  would  be  much  more  so, 
if  the  most  diligent  search  had  been  rewarded  with  the 
discovery  of  anything  honorable  or  even  creditable  to 
their  hero. 

The  shattered  remains  of  Braddock's  broken  army 
under  Colonel  Dunbar,  reached  Philadelphia  early  in 


350  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

September.  On  the  first  of  October,  they  marched  for 
New  York,  and  on  the  8th  and  9th,  they  passed  the 
metropolis  in  thirty-three  transport  sloops  from  Ainboy, 
on  their  way  to  winter  quarters  at  Albany  and  Sche- 
nectady. 

Lieutenant  Lee  was  present  at  Fort  Johnson,  in  some 
of  the  conferences  between  Sir  William  Johnson  and 
the  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations  with  their  allies  and  de- 
pendants, which  took  place  during  the  winter  of  1755- 
756.  Upon  these  occasions  and  subsequently,  when 
stationed  in  that  part  of  the  country,  he  had  much  in- 
tercourse with  the  Mohawks,  and  was  captivated  by 
their  manners  ;  their  "  hospitable,  civil,  and  friendly  " 
deportment,  the  personal  beauty  of  many  of  them,  their 
graceful  carriage,  and  by  what  he  calls  their  good  breed- 
ing, or  "  constant  desire  to  do  everything  that  will 
please  you,  and  strict  carefulness  not  to  say  or  do  any 
thing  that  may  offend  you." 

His  admiration  was  reciprocated,  and  he  was  received 
with  great  favor,  by  adoption,  into  the  tribe  of  the 
Bear.  With  curious  felicity,  they  bestowed  on  him  the 
name  of  Ounewaterika,  which,  in  the  Indian  dialect, 

is  said  to  signify  "  boiling  water,"  or  "  the  spirit  that 

s, 
never  sleeps. 

He  soon  after  purchased  a  company  in  his  regiment, 
for  which  he  paid  nine  hundred  pounds.  His  commis- 
sion as  a  captain  in  the  44th  Regiment  was  dated  llth 
June,  1756. 

Great  preparations  had  been  made  for  the  campaign 
of  that  year,  but  the  time  wore  quietly  away.  The  only 
considerable  movement  of  the  44th  Regiment  was  in  a 
tardy  and  abortive  attempt  to  reinforce  the  garrison 
at  Oswego,  which  surrendered  to  the  French,  14th 
August,  1756.  The  loss  of  this  important  post  excited 
a  general  alarm  throughout  the  colonies;  and  the 
speaker  of  the  New  York  Assembly,  writing  to  the 
agent  of  that  province,  on  the  13th  of  October,  added 
to  a  gloomy  picture  of  the  state  of  affairs  :  "  As  for  our 
forces  on  the  northern  frontier,  both  regulars  and  pro- 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  351 

vincials,  I  expect  to  hear  of  no  action  by  them,  unless 
the  enemy  force  them  to  it." 

In  the  disposition  of  the  forces  for  the  ensuing  winter 
(l756-'57),  the  44th  and  48th  regiments  were  to  garri- 
son the  forts  between  Albany  and  Crown  Point. 

In  1757,  these  regiments  formed  a  part  of  the  forces 
designed  for  the  conquest  of  Louisbourg,  the  Dunkirk 
of  America,  which  had,  in  the  previous  war,  been  capt- 
ured from  the  French,  chiefly  through  the  zeal  and 
enterprise  of  New  England ;  even  then  arousing  at 
home  those  jealous  fears  which  had  long  predicted  the 
independence  of  the  colonies.  Its  restitution  was,  in 
reality,  the  purchase  of  a  general  peace  in  Europe  by 
the  treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  which  restored  this  con- 
quest to  France  ;  and  it  was  now  the  object  of  the  min- 
istry to  recover  it.  A  vast  armament  was  assembled 
at  Halifax,  under  the  command  of  Earl  Loudoun,  arous- 
ing the  most  sanguine  expectations  of  success;  but 
nothing  was  done  to  realize  them.  The  campaign  ended 
like  the  previous  one,  and  the  commander-in-chief  was 
censured  by  his  whole  army.  Among  other  employ- 
ments of  the  idle  time  at  Halifax,  the  troops  had  been 
engaged  in  making  a  garden  to  furnish  vegetables  as  a 
precaution  against  the  scurvy,  and  as  a  provision  for 
the  sick  and  wounded,  who  might  be  sent  thither  for 
their  recovery,  in  case  the  intended  attack  against 
Louisbourg  should  take  place.  This  provident  fore- 
sight was  a  topic  of  merciless  ridicule,  and  gave  point 
to  the  satire  of  Lee  which  first  brought  him  to  notice 
in  cotemporary  history. 

Smith,  the  historian  of  New  York,  recording  the 
events  of  the  winter  of  1757-'58,  says:  "While  we 
were  in  suspense  respecting  the  plan  expected  for  the 
operations  of  the  ensuing  year,  the  military  officers 
indulged  great  heats  concerning  the  inactivity  of  the 
last  campaign.  Lord  Charles  Hay  led  a  party  at  Hal- 
ifax in  severe  reflections  on  the  Earl  of  Loudoun. 
Their  animosities  spread  to  New  York  ;  and  among  the 
discontented,  no  man  indulged  in  greater  liberties  than 


352  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

Mr.  Lee,  then  a  subaltern,  who  did  not  restrain  himself 
in  the  open  coffee-house  from  calling  it  the  Cabbage 
Planting  Expedition ;  drawing  into  question  not  only 
the  Earl's  military  skill,  but  his  courage  and  integrity." 

It  is  worth  noticing  here,  that  the  earliest  published 
letter  written  by  Lee,  of  which  I  have  any  knowledge, 
fully  justifies  the  statements  (with  which  it  was  fur- 
nished to  the  publisher  by  his  relative,  Sir  Charles  Bun- 
bury),  that  he  "  began  very  early  to  abuse  his  superiors, 
and  was  not  very  nice  in  the  terms  he  made  use  of ;  " 
and  that  he  had  "  a  turn  for  satire  and  a  levelling  dis- 
position." He  retained  this  character  to  the  end  of  his 
career ;  and  no  officer,  under  whose  immediate  command 
he  ever  served,  escaped  his  censure. 

The  second  notice  of  Lee,  by  a  younger  coternporary, 
presents  his  actions  in  no  very  favorable  light,  but  can 
hardly  be  omitted. 

In  the  latter  part  of  June,  1758,  his  regiment  pro- 
ceeded to  the  north,  in  the  army  under  General  Aber- 
crombie.  As  the  troops  were  marched  in  detachments 
past  the  "Flats,"  above  Albany,  the  ancient  rural  home 
of  the  Schuylers,  each  detachment  w^as  quartered  for  a 
night  on  the  common,  or  in  the  offices.  One  of  the  first 
of  these  was  commanded  by  Lee,  afterwards  of  "  frantic 
celebrity."  He  had  neglected  to  bring  the  customary 
warrants  for  impressing  horses  and  oxen,  and  procuring 
a  supply  of  various  necessaries,  to  be  paid  for  by  the 
agents  of  government  on  showing  the  usual  documents  ; 
nevertheless  he  seized  everything  he  wanted,  where  he 
could  most  readily  find  it ;  as  if  he  were  in  a  conquered 
country  :  and  not  content  with  this  violence,  poured 
forth  a  volley  of  execrations  on  all  who  presumed  to 
question  his  right  of  appropriating  for  his  troops, 
everything  that  could  be  serviceable  to  them;  even 
Madame  Schuyler,  accustomed  to  universal  respect,  and 
to  be  considered  as  the  friend  and  benefactress  of  the 
army,  was  not  spared ;  and  the  aids  which  she  never 
failed  to  bestow  on  those  whom  she  saw  about  to  ex- 
pose their  lives  for  the  general  defence,  were  rudely  de- 


THE   LEE   PAPERS,  353 

manded  or  violently  seized.  Lee  marched  on  after  hav- 
ing done  all  the  mischief  in  his  power,  followed  the 
next  day  by  an  officer  and  gentleman  of  a  very  differ- 
ent character,  the  lamented  Lord  Howe, 

At  the  assault  of  Ticonderoga,  Lee  is  said  to  have 
distinguished  himself,  and  received  a  severe  wound 
from  a  musket  shot,  which  passed  through  his  body 
and  broke  two  of  his  ribs.  He  was  conveyed,  with 
other  wounded  officers,  to  Albany,  and  this  brings 
the  sequel  of  his  acquaintance  with  the  Schuylers. 
u  Madame  Schuyler  had  fitted  up  a  temporary  hospital 
on  hearing  the  news  of  the  defeat.  Among  the  pa- 
tients was  Lee,  the  same  insolent  and  rapacious  Lee, 
who  had  insulted  this  general  benefactress,  and  de- 
prived her  of  one  of  her  greatest  pleasures,  that  of  giv- 
ing a  share  of  every  thing  she  had,  to  advance  the  ser- 
vice. She  treated  him  with  compassion,  without 
adverting  by  the  least  hint,  to  the  past.  .  .  .  Even 
Lee  felt  and  acknowledged  the  resistless  force  of  such 
generous  humanity.  He  swT>re,  in  his  vehement  man- 
ner, that  he  was  sure  there  would  be  a  place  reserved 
for  Madame  in  heaven,  though  no  other  woman  should 
be  there  ;  and  that  he  should  wish  for  nothing  better 
than  to  share  her  final  destiny." 

He  remained  at  Albany  until  he  recovered,  when  he 
joined  his  regiment  in  winter  quarters  at  Newtown, 
Long  Island ;  where,  during  the  winter,  he  narrowly 
escaped  assassinatian  at  the  hands  of  a  "  little  coward 
ly  surgeon,"  as  he  called  him,  whom  he  had  severely 
whipped  for  an  alleged  libel.  I  suppose  his  assailant 
to  have  been  the  surgeon  of  his  own  regiment. 

During  the  next  campaign,  he  accompanied  the  suc- 
cessful expedition  against  the  French  garrison  at  Ni- 
agara, which  cut  off  the  communication  between  Canada 
and  Louisiana,  and  gave  the  English  entire  control  of 
the  upper  lakes.  He  was  subsequently  despatched 
with  a  small  party  (another  officer  and  fourteen  men) 
to  follow  the  route  of  the  French  who  had  escaped ; 
the  first  party  of  English  troops  that  ever  crossed  Lake 
23 


354  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

Erie.  He  went  to  Presq'  Isle,  and  by  way  of  Venan- 
go,  down  the  western  branch  of  the  Ohio  to  Fort  Du- 
quesne.  From  this  place,  at  that  time  in  possession  of 
the  English,  he  made  a  march  of  seven  hundred  miles, 
to  join  General  Amherst  at  Crown  Point ;  another 
march  to  Oswego,  and  afterwards  went  to  Philadelphia, 
Avhere  he  remained  through  the  winter,  on  the  recruit- 


ing service. 


In  the  campaign  of  1760,  which  completed  the  Brit- 
ish conquest  of  Canada,  his  regiment  was  with  the 
forces  led  by  Amherst  from  Lake  Ontario  down  the 
St.  Lawrence  to  Montreal ;  and  soon  after  the  reduc- 
tion of  Montreal,  he  returned  to  England.  His  friends 
there  had  encouraged  him  to  return,  with  strong  expec- 
tations of  promotion,  and  the  opportunity  of  service  on 
the  continent. 

His  uncle,  Sir  William  Bunbury,  writing  from  Lon- 
don, November  28th,  1759,  said:  "But  sure  you  are 
not  to  stay  on  that  continent  for  ever;  we  wish  you  to 
come  again  amongst  your  friends,  and  probably  some 
change  might  be  procured,  as  well  as  advance  on  this 
side  of  the  water,  if  you  desired  it.  Lord  Granby  com- 
mands in  Germany  at  present,  and  is  likely  to  be  at  the 
head  of  the  army  on  this  side  of  the  water  too,  if  Ligo- 
nier  drops  ;  and  it  is  supposed  he  cannot  last  a  great 
while  longer.  The  taking  of  Munster,  which  we  had 
advice  of  the  other  day,  will  be  of  great  importance  to 
our  allied  army,  and  secure  them  good  winter  quarters. 
A  great  many  matches  are  talked  of  here  in  town,  so 
that  if  you  do  not  come  soon,  all  our  fine  young  ladies 
will  be  disposed  of."  His  promotion  soon  followed  : 
but  it  does  not  appear  that  Lee  was  permitted  to  enjoy 
either  the  winter  quarters  provided  at  Munster,  or  the 
felicity  suggested  in  the  society  of  any  of  "  the  fine 
young  ladies." 

Of  his  early  services  in  America,  it  is  not  too  much 
to  say,  that  his  success  was  such  as  to  justify  his  choice 
of  a  profession,  and  satisfy  the  expectations  of  his 
friends.  But  even  at  this  period  his  hot  and  imperious 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  355 

temper  was  provoking  serious  difficulties,  which  a  very 
little  prudence  would  have  avoided.  His  love  of 
power,  and  his  thirst  of  ambition,  ill  suited  with  the 
subordinate  offices  of  a  subaltern.  He  was  born  not 
only  to  command,  but  like  Caesar,  not  to  brook  contra- 
diction from  an  equal,  much  less  to  receive  commands 
from  a  superior.  His  restless  disposition  made  even 
the  service  to  him,  a  field  for  opposition  ;  in  every  com- 
manding officer  he  saw  an  usurper  or  a  tyrant,  and  he 
hated  no  enemies  more  cordially  than  order  and  obedi- 
ence. These  reflections  are  forced  upon  us  even  in  the 
scanty  details  of  his  early  history,  and  give  us  one  clue 
to  that  knowledge  of  his  character  which  is  necessary 
to  enable  us  to  account  for  the  actions  of  his  life. 

On  the  10th  of  August,  1761,  he  was  promoted  to  a 
majority  in  the  103d  regiment  of  foot,  or  the  Volun- 
teer Hunters.  This  regiment  was  disbanded  in  1763, 
and  Lee  continued  a  major  on  half-pay  until  the  25th 
of  May,  1772,  when  he  was  made  a  Lieutenant-Colonel, 
still  on  half-pay. 

This  was  the  highest  rank  he  ever  attained  in  the 
British  service.  And  when,  in  1769,  he  received  the 
appointment  of  Major-General,  from  the  King  of  Po- 
land, he  did  not  consider  it  incompatible  with  his 
higher  rank,  to  retain  his  majority  and  receive  the  half- 
pay  annexed  to  it,  doubtless  because  it  was  "  too  con- 
siderable a  sum  to  throw  wantonly  away." 

In  1762,  when  the  English  auxiliary  force  was  sent 
to  assist  Portugal  in  repelling  the  invasion  of  the  Span- 
iards, Lee  accompanied  Brigadier-General  Burgoyne, 
with  the  rank  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  in  the  service  of 
the  King  of  Portugal.  The  combined  armies  were  put 
under  the  command  of  the  Count  de  la  Lippe  Buck- 
bourg,  an  active  and  intelligent  German  officer,  who 
had  commanded  the  artillery  of  the  British  army  in 
Westphalia,  a  man  undoubtedly  among  the  first  of  his 
time  in  military  fame.  He  was  placed  at  the  head  of 
about  six  thousand  British  troops,  and  a  Portuguese 
army,  the  greater  part  of  which  was  little  better  than 


356  THE    LEE   PAPERS. 

nominal,  to  defend  an  extensive  frontier  against  the 
whole  force  of  Spain,  and  a  large  body  of  the  veteran 
troops  of  France.  Burgoyne  was  intrusted  with  the 
defence  of  the  most  important  pass  upon  the  Tagus. 
The  result  of  the  campaign  was  to  check  the  progress 
of  the  Spaniards,  who  retired  within  their  own  bor- 
ders. Lee  acquitted  himself  honorably,  and  in  one  af- 
fair especially,  gained  high  praise.  The  command  of 
a  detachment  destined  to  surprise  the  Spanish  camp 
near  the  old  Moorish  Castle  of  Villa  Velha  on  the 
south  bank  of  the  Tagus,  was  confided  to  him,  and  the 
service  was  performed  in  the  most  brilliant  manner. 
He  crossed  the  Tagus  in  the  darkness  of  night ;  gained 
the  rear  of  the  Spaniards  without  discovery,  and  en- 
tered their  quarters  without  being  perceived,  till  his 
own  bayonets  told  the  secret.  They  were  routed  at 
once,  with  terrible  slaughter ;  and  having  destroyed 
their  magazines,  and  spiked  or  taken  their  guns,  Lee 
and  his  men  returned  to  the  other  side  of  the  Tagus, 
loaded  with  booty  and  surrounded  by  helpless  prison- 
ers. This  spirited  achievement  took  place  on  the  6th 
of  October,  1762.  Lord  Loudoun  described  it  to  the 
ministry  as  u  a  very  gallant  action,"  and  the  Count  de 
la  Lippe  said,  in  a  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Egremont — ap- 
plauding the  conduct  of  "  the  gallant  Lieutenant-Col- 
onel Lee  "  and  the  British  troops — "  so  brilliant  a 
stroke  speaks  for  itself."  Thus  recommended  to  the 
special  favor  of  government  by  the  Court  of  Lisbon 
and  the  Count  de  la  Lippe,  Lee  returned  to  England. 

But  here  his  promotion  in  the  British  army  halted. 
Notwithstanding  the  "  brilliant  prospects  "  which  his 
intimacy  with  "  men  of  high  rank  and  influence  in 
London,"  and  the  apparent  il  friendship  of  one  of  the 
cabinet  ministers,"  seemed  to  promise,  he  still  contin- 
ued, and  for  many  years  afterwards,  a  Major  on  half- 
pay.  His  biographers  have  attributed  his  want  of  suc- 
cess to  the  part  which  he  took  in  the  discussion  of  some 
of  the  ministerial  plans  relating  to  American  affairs, 
and  date  the  beginning  of  his  services  to  America Jrom 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  357 

this  period.  I  doubt  the  correctness  of  this  view  of 
the  case,  for  I  have  found  no  sufficient  evidence  to  sus- 
tain it ;  and  u  it  can  scarcely  be  denied  that  he  had  a 
higher  opinion  of  his  claims  than  his  services,  and  his 
just  pretensions  on  this  ground  alone  would  naturally 
warrant." 

His  unpopularity  may  be  said  to  have  grown  out  of 
the  severity  of  his  strictures  upon  persons  in  authority, 
in  the  exercise  of  his  illiberal  freedom  of  speech,  rather 
than  his  liberal  sentiments.  The  enmities  which  he 
drew  upon  himself  from  certain  powerful  quarters  (to 
which  he  afterwards  referred  in  his  letter  to  the  King 
of  Poland)  were  the  fruit  of  that  furious  temper,  which 
might  have  been  expected  to  do  great  injury  to  any 
cause  in  which  he  engaged,  and  to  none  more  than  that 
in  which  he  was  most  interested — his  own  advance- 
ment. Always  forward,  arrogant,  and  mutinous,  strong 
in  his  own  opinion,  with  the  government  he  served  he 
took  all  the  liberties  of  an  insolent  servant  who  be- 
lieves himself  to  be  necessary  ;  compelling  them,  even 
if  they  could  not  deny  his  talent,  to  judge  him  ill  qual- 
ified by  such  a  character  to  govern  those  under  him,  or 
to  obey  those  above  him.  Eager,  fickle,  and  violent  in 
spirit,  his  instability  and  lack  of  judgment,  together 
with  his  wanton  and  unhappy  wit,  made  him  quite  as 
formidable  to  his  friends  as  to  his  enemies. 

Failing  to  obtain  that  recognition  of  his  claims 
which  he  sought  and  expected,  and  seeing  "  no  chance 
of  being  provided  for  at  home,"  he  determined  to  go 
into  the  Polish  service,  to  which  he  had  such  recom- 
mendations that  he  thought  he  could  not  fail.  The 
idea  that  he  was  actuated  by  any  other  motives  than 
the  desire  to  provide  for  himself  and  to  see  service,  is 
simply  absurd.  He  embarked  in  this  cause  as  a  sol- 
dier of  fortune,  and  "  without  any  definite  purpose  as  to 
the  side  he  should  take.  Action,  the  glory  of  arms, 
high  rank  in  his  profession,  were  the  images  that 
floated  in  his  imagination  and  directed  his  course." 
This  was  at  the  time  when  the  dissensions  in  Poland 


358  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

had  arisen  to  such  a  height,  as  to  make  it  probable  that 
a  struggle  for  her  ancient  independence  was  to  be  un- 
dertaken by  that  unhappy  nation. 

In  Poland,  he  received  an  appointment  as  aid-de- 
camp to  the  king ;  who,  Lee  states,  u  had  it  not  in  his 
power  to  provide  for  me  in  the  army."  This  appoint- 
ment was  one  of  honor,  rather  than  employment ;  and 
Lee,  weary  of  inactivity,  readily  accepted  an  invitation 
to  accompany  the  king's  ambassador  to  Constantinople. 
This  expedition  came  near  proving  fatal  to  him,  for  he 
narrowly  escaped  starvation  and  freezing  on  the  sum- 
mits of  the  mountains  of  Bulgaria.  He  reached  Con- 
stantinople, however,  where  he  remained  about  four 
months,  escaping  there  also  from  the  ruins  of  his  dwell- 
ing, which  was  destroyed  by  an  earthquake. 

In  December,  1766,  he  was  again  in  England,  renew- 
ing his  attempts  to  obtain  promotion  in  the  British 
army.  He  presented  to  the  king,  with  his  own  hands, 
an  urgent  letter  of  recommendation  from  Poniatowski, 
Stanislaus  Augustus,  the  last  King  of  Poland  ;  remind- 
ing him,  at  the  same  time,  of  the  promise  he  had  made 
in  his  favor  to  Lord  Thanet  three  years  before.  All 
was  in  vain  ;  his  attendance  at  court  produced  nothing 
but  disappointment,  and  he  abandoned  his  pursuit  of 
promotion  in  the  English  service,  with  a  bitter  resent- 
ment against  kincr  and  court,  which  rankled  ever  after- 

O  o  / 

wards  in  his  breast.  In  l768-'9,  he  hurried  again  to 
Poland,  designing  to  engage  in  the  service  of  the  Rus- 
sians against  the  Turks.  The  King  of  Poland  in  the 
summer  of  1769,  made  him  a  Major- General.  He  is 
said  to  have  "  served  through  one  campaign."  He  was 
with  the  Russian  army  a  few  days  on  the  Turkish  fron- 
tier, and  in  this  so-called  service,  as  in  that  of  England, 
his  opinions  of  the  skill  and  genius  of  the  generals  in 
command  were  exceedingly  scornful  and  contemptuous. 
He  left  the  army  and  crossed  the  Carpathian  Moun- 
tains, on  his  route  to  try  the  waters  of  Buda.  In  Hun- 
gary, he  was  attacked  with  a  fever  which  threatened 
his  life.  He  recovered,  however,  and  went  to  Vienna, 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  359 

where  lie  passed  the  winter  of  1769-V70.  He  suffered 
much  from  bad  health  during  these  years  of  wandering, 
especially  with  rheumatism  and  gout,  which  were  his 
very  frequent  companions.  He  passed  the  summer  of 
1770  in  Italy,  where  he  became  involved  in  a  duel  with 
a  foreign  officer,  whom  he  killed,  though  he  was 
wounded  himself,  losing  two  of  his  fingers  in  the  affair. 
His  first  biographer  remarks  that  "  his  warmth  of  tem- 
per drew  him  into  many  rencounters  of  this  kind  :  in 
all  which  he  acquitted  himself  with  singular  courage, 
sprightliness  of  imagination,  and  great  presence  of 
mind." 

It  is  difficult  to  follow  him  in  his  rovings  over  Europe 
at  this  period,  which  have  been  compared  in  speed  and 
irregularity  to  a  meteor ;  but  there  is  one  point,  which 
can  hardly  be  passed  over  without  remark — the  claim 
made  for  him  as  the  author  of  the  Letters  of  Junius. 
His  vanity  led  him  to  acknowledge  them  as  his  own  in 
1773,  but  the  evidence  on  the  subject  is  conclusive  that 
he  could  not  have  been  the  author  of  those  letters. 

In  the  summer  of  1773,  he  quitted  England  forever. 
Disappointed  in  his  hopes  of  advancement  by  the  ad- 
ministration, which  he  hated,  and  lampooned  publicly 
and  privately,  his  sympathies  had  fallen  naturally  into 
that  opposition,  which,  though  "feeble  and  fluctuating 
in  numbers,"  "  uttered  the  language  of  the  British  con- 
stitution, and  the  sentiment  of  the  British  people,  when 
it  spoke  for  freedom." 

He  had  already  fixed  his  hopes  on  America,  and  in 
his  schemes  and  visions  of  the  future,  had  identified  his 
own  prospects  to  some  extent  with  her  chances  of 
emerging  from  ministerial  oppression.  Some  private 
interests,  too,  called  him  here.  But  America,  though 
the  chief,  was  not  the  only  country,  which  presented  to 
his  troubled  spirit  the  view  of  a  climate  and  soil  more 
friendly  to  the  spirit  of  liberty  than  the  land  of  his 
nativity.  In  his  own  language,  while  she  was  "  stretch- 
ing forth  her  capacious  arms,  Switzerland,  and  some  of 
the  Italian  States  had  room  also  "  to  admit  the  "  gener- 


360  •      THE    LEE   PAPEKS. 

ous  few  "  among  whom  lie  ranked  himself.  His  enthu- 
siasm fluctuated  with  his  anger  and  disappointment ; 
and  candor  will  seek  in  vain  to  find  in  the  fretful 
waves  and  noisy  torrents  of  his  passion,  that  strong  and 
constant  under-current  of  patriotic  principle,  which 
flows  steadily  on  to  the  end  of  its  course.  Certainly 
his  patriotism  was  not  free  from  the  taint  of  disap- 
pointed ambition  ;  its  loudest  tones  followed  his  unsuc- 
cessful attempts  to  obtain  promotion,  and  were  accom- 
panied with  the  most  virulent  abuse  of  the  king  and 
court. 

He  arrived  at  New  York,  in  the  ship  London,  Cap- 
tain James  Chambers,  after  a  passage  of  eight  weeks, 
on  Friday  night,  8th  October,  1773.  He  remained  in 
New  York,  suffering  from  an  attack  of  gout  for  a  part 
of  the  time,  until  the  29th  of  November,  when  he  is 
noticed  in  the  following  terms,  in  Kivington's  Gazette, 
as  having  "  set  out  for  the  Southern  Colonies — a  native 
of  Great  Britain,  and  Major-General  in  the  service  of 
his  Polish  Majesty — a  sincere  friend  to  liberty  in  gen- 
eral, and  an  able  advocate  for  the  freedom  and  rights 
of  the  Colonies  in  particular." 

He  soon  ran  through  the  colonies  of  Pennsylvania, 
Maryland,  and  Virginia,  attracting  in  all  quarters 
marked  attention,  and  assiduously  cultivating  the  ac- 
quaintance of  all  the  prominent  men  among  the  Whigs. 
He  then  returned  to  visit  the  Eastern  Colonies,  in  the 
summer  of  1774. 

To  his  old  friend  and  fellow-soldier  Gates,  after- 
wards "  the  hero  of  Saratoga,"  he  wrote  from  lt  Will- 
iamsburg,  May  ye  6th"  [1774],  on  his  way  northward 
— "  My  plan  is  at  present  for  Boston,  and  in  the  au- 
tumn to  fall  down  the  Ohio  to  the  Mississippi,  if  we  are 
not  prevented  by  a  war,  which  I  think  probable  enough. 
What  think  you  of  our  blessed  ministry  ?  Do  they  not 
improve  in  absurdity  and  wickedness  ?  Seriously, 
Gates,  I  think  it  incumbent  on  every  man  of  liberality, 
or  even  common  honesty,  to  contribute  his  mite  to  the 
cause  of  mankind  and  of  liberty,  which  is  now  attacked 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  361 

in  her  last  and  only  asylum.  She  is  drove  from  the 
other  Hemisphere;  for  in  England  she  has  been  for 
some  time  only  a  name ;  for  my  own  part,  I  am  deter- 
mined (at  least  I  think  I  am)  not  to  be  slack  in  what- 
ever mode  my  service  is  required." 

The  enthusiasm  which  he  found  pervading  the  Col- 
onies, would  have  fired  the  zeal  of  a  much  less  excitable 
man  than  Lee.  It  was  the  inspiration  of  the  best  pas- 
sages of  his  career.  He  saw  the  earnest  determination 
of  the  colonists  to  sacrifice  all  for  freedom,  and  recog- 
nized that  justice  in  their  cause,  which  made  their 
firmness  virtue. 

In  1774,  he  wrote  the  Strictures  on  a  Friendly  Ad- 
dress to  all  Reasonable  Americans,  in  reply  to  Dr.  Myles 
Cooper,  one  of  the  best  of  his  writings,  which  was  re- 
printed many  times,  and  widely  circulated.  At  this 
time,  his  pen  and  tongue  were  constantly  active  in  the 
cause  of  the  Colonies,  which  he  supported  with  great 
ardor.  His  services  in  this  way  were  undoubtedly  im- 
portant— probably  much  more  so  than  any  others  of  his 
life. 

He  returned  to  Philadelphia  and  was  present  at  the 
first  session  of  the  Continental  Congress  ;  in  constant 
and  familiar  intercourse  with  the  delegates  from  all 
sections  of  the  country.  He  again  visited  Virginia  and 
Maryland,  and,  in  the  latter  colony,  was  present  at  their 
convention  to  deliberate  on  public  affairs. 

In  a  letter  to  his  friend,  Sir  Charles  Davers,  written 
from  Philadelphia,  September  28th,  1774,  he  says  :  "I 
have  now  lately  run  through  the  colonies  from  Virginia 
to  Boston,  and  can  assure  you,  by  all  that  is  solemn  and 
sacred,  that  there  is  not  a  tnan  on  the  whole  continent 
(placemen  and  some  high  churchmen  excepted),  who 
is  not  determined  to  sacrifice  his  property,  his  life,  his 
wife,  family,  children,  in  the  cause  of  Boston,  which  he 
justly  considers  as  his  own.  Inclosed,  I  send  you  the 
resolutions  of  one  of  their  counties,  which  the  delegates 
of  all  America  are  sworn  to  abide  by.  They  are  in 
earnest,  and  will  abide  by  them  so  strictly  that  I  am 


I 

362  %       THE   LEE   PAPEES. 

persuaded  that  the  parent  country  must  shake  from  the 
foundation.  .  .  .  They  certainly  are  to  be  justified 
by  every  law,  human  and  divine.  You  will  ask,  where 
will  they  find  generals  ?  But  I  ask,  What  generals  have 
their  tyrants  ?  In  fact,  the  match  in  this  respect  will 
be  pretty  equal." 

It  required  no  prophet  to  see,  in  the  immediate  future 
of  America,  the  necessity  of  providing  for  military  de- 
fence, the  organization  of  a  Continental  Army,  and  the 
appointment  of  general  officers  to  exercise  the  command 
under  the  authority  of  the  Continental  Congress.  In 
this  crisis,  Lee  "  assumed  the  character  of  a  military 
genius,  and  the  officer  of  experience,"  and  u  under  these 
false  colors  solicited  the  command."  He  had  been  in 
the  British  army  thirty-two  years — eight  years  an  En- 
sign, five  years  a  Lieutenant,  five  years  a  Captain,  eleven 
years  a  Major,  and  three  years  a  Lieutenant-Colonel ; 
the  last  twelve  years  on  half -pay.  In  all  this,  he  had 
never  obtained  the  command  of  a  regiment ! 

In  America,  he  seems  to  have  invaded  men's  good 
opinions  with  singular  audacity  and  success,  and  obtain- 
ed for  himself  from  the  start  a  degree  of  popularity  and 
confidence  almost  without  parallel.  Certainly,  at  that 
time,  every  thing  which  he  claimed  for  himself  was  fully 
and  freely  accorded ;  and  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt 
that  he  expected  he  should  soon  become  the  first  in  mili- 
tary rank  on  this  continent.  In  1775,  he  purchased  an 
estate  in  Berkeley  county,  Virginia,  near  that  of  his 
friend  Gates;  thus  apparently  uniting  with  the  people 
of  America,  and  identifying  himself  with  their  cause  and 
feelings.  This  step  removed  what  he  considered  the 
most  serious  obstacle  in  his  way  to  the  chief  command, 
as  he  himself  had  written  to  Edmund  Burke,  from  An- 
napolis, December  16th,  1774:  "Nor  do  I  think  the 
Americans  would  or  ought  to  confide  in  a  man,  let  his 
qualifications  be  ever  so  great,  who  has  no  property 
among  them."  The  preliminaries  to  the  purchase  were 
not  completed  in  the  latter  part  of  May,  1775,  when, 
to  a  brief  note  to  a  friend  concerning  them,  he  added, 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  363 

"it  would  be  foolish  to  write  today — the  Congress  will 
settle  all  by  Tuesday,  then  a  letter  may  be  worth 
receiving."  The  second  Continental  Congress  had  met 
at  Philadelphia  on  the  10th  of  May,  1775,  and  Lee  was 
present  anxiously  awaiting  their  action. 

Upon  the  organization  of  the  Continental  Army,  Lee 
was  appointed  second  Major-General ;  Washington  being 
made  Commander-in-chief,  and  General  Ward,  who  was 
then  in  command  of  the  New  England  Army  near  Bos- 
ton, first  Major-General. 

A  cotemporary  writer  in  Maryland  says  :  "  The  exal- 
tation of  [Washington]  to  the  supreme  command  is  con- 
sidered as  a  severe  stroke  to  the  ambition  of  General  Lee, 
who,  relying  on  a  supposed  opinion  of  his  superior  abili- 
ties and  experience,  expected  to  have  been  unanimously 
chosen  to  this  elevated  station.  I  am  persuaded,  that 
General  Washington  would  rejoice  in  an  opportunity  of 
returning  into  the  private  walks  of  life ;  but  it  is  too 
evident  that  General  Lee  is  governed  by  a  vindictive 
spirit,  the  result  of  disappointment  in  military  advance- 
ment, while,  in  the  service  of  Great  Britain.  Perhaps 
this  additional  mortification  may  moderate  his  zeal  in 
the  cause  he  has  recently  espoused."  The  unanimity 
with  which  the  nomination  of  Washington  was  con- 
firmed, checked  every  expression  of  discontent,  although 
Lee  was  not  the  only  candidate  for  the  honor.  John 
Adams  records  some  very  curious  manifestations  of  feel- 
ing on  this  subject,  but  none  so  grateful  to  the  historian 
as  the  characteristic  dignity  and  modesty  of  Washington. 
A  high  estimate  was  placed  upon  the  experience  and 
abilities  of  Lee.  Elbridge  Gerry,  writing  from  Mas- 
sachusetts to  the  representatives  of  that  colony  on  the 
4th  of  June,  1775,  says:  "We  want  a  regular  general 
to  assist  us  in  disciplining  the  army  .  .  .  and, 
although  the  pride  of  our  people  would  prevent  their 
submitting  to  be  led  by  any  general  not  an  American, 
yet  I  cannot  but  think  that  General  Lee  might  be  so 
established  as  to  render  great  service  by  his  presence 
and  councils  with  our  officers."  In  these  opinions,  he 


364  •     THE   LEE    PAPERS. 

was  seconded  by  General  James  Warren.  Lee  succeed- 
ed in  concealing  his  disappointment,  and  even  acqui- 
esced, though  with  a  very  bad  grace,  in  being  placed 
below  General  Ward,  whom  he  describes  as  "  a  fat  old 
gentleman,  who  had  been  a  popular  church- warden,  but 
had  no  acquaintance  whatever  with  military  affairs." 
He  had  been  nominated  as  second  officer,  and  strenu- 
ously urged  by  many,  particularly  Mr.  Mifflin,  who  said 
that  "  General  Lee  would  serve  cheerfully  under  Wash- 
ington ;  but,  considering  his  rank,  character,  and  expe- 
rience, could  not  be  expected  to  serve  under  any  other ; 
that  Lee  must  be  aut  secundus  aut  nullus"  But  this 
undoubtedly  authorized  statement  of  his  claims  and 
expectations  was  unavailing.  John  Adams,  "  though 
he  had  as  high  an  opinion  of  General  Lee's  learning, 
general  information,  and  especially  of  his  science  and 
experience  in  war,"  frankly  said  that  he  "  could  not  ad- 
vise General  Ward  to  humiliate  himself  and  his  country 
so  far  as  to  serve  under  him." 

Adams  also  bears  witness  to  "  the  earnest  desire  of 
General  Washington  to  have  the  assistance  of  Lee  and 
Gates,  the  extreme  attachment  of  many  of  our  best 
friends  in  the  southern  colonies  to  them,  the  reputation 
they  would  give  our  arms  in  Europe,  and  especially 
with  the  ministerial  generals  and  army  in  Boston,  as 
well  as  the  real  American  merit  of  them  both  ; "  all 
which  overcame  his  anxiety  for  the  natural  prejudices 
and  virtuous  attachment  of  his  countrymen  to  their  own 
officers  and  secured  his  vote.  Samuel  Adams  spoke 
of  Washington,  Lee,  and  Major  Mifflin,  as  "  a  trium- 
virate which  will  please  the  circle  of  our  friends." 

Washington  himself,  who  placed  the  most  modest 
estimate  upon  his  own  abilities  and  military  experience, 
and  could  declare  with  the  utmost  sincerity  that  he  did 
not  think  himself  equal  to  the  command  he  was  hon- 
ored with — an  honor  he  neither  sought  after  nor  de- 
sired— magnanimously  acknowledged  Lee's  claim  to  the 
first  place  in  military  knowledge  and  experience. 

An  acknowledgment  far  too  generous  !     It  was  not 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  365 

his  due,  nor  can  it  fail  hereafter  to  be  regarded  as  a 
remarkable  phenomenon  in  our  revolutionary  history, 
that  so  unprincipled  an  adventurer  succeeded  in  occu- 
pying even  a  secondary  position ;  strange  that  he  re- 
tained it  so  long  as  he  did,  and  strangest  of  all  that,  to 
this  day,  his  memory  has  filled  no  insignificant  place  in 
the  grateful  thoughts  of  America. 

But  Washington,  though  by  no  means  blind  to  Lee's 
defects  in  character  and  temper,  could  hardly  resist  so 
fierce  a  blaze  of  popularity,  or  what  was  afterwards  so 
justly  characterized  by  Hamilton  as  "a  certain  pre- 
conceived and  preposterous  notion  of  his  being  a  very 
great  man,"  which  always  "operated  in  his  favor." 

At  this  time,  too,  there  was  a  very  natural  feeling  of 
doubt  as  to  the  ability  of  any  provincial  officers  to  as- 
sume the  leadership  and  direction  of  the  military  forces 
which  were  to  be  arrayed  against  the  tried  and  veteran 
soldiers  of  Europe.  Confidence  was  not  great  enough 
in  the  schools  and  training  of  the  Indian  and  French 
wars,  when  compared  with  the  fields  of  battle  and  the 
lines  of  contra valJation  in  which  the  great  commanders 
of  Europe  had  learned  their  art,  and  although  those 
wars  had  developed  elements  of  power  which  were 
destined  to  exert  a  lasting  influence  upon  the  military 
history  of  America  and  the  world,  still  America  could 
not  yet  shake  off  that  feeling  of  dependence  which  de- 
manded encouragement  and  sympathy  from  European 
skill  and  training. 

Braddock's  defeat,  in  1755,  on  the  fatal  field  of  the 
Monongahela,  had  illustrated  the  comparative  value  of 
the  disciplined  regular  of  Europe  and  the  rifleman  of 
America ;  and  even  while  Congress  was  deliberating, 
on  the  very  day  on  which  Lee  was  appointed,  Bunker 
Hill  was  repeating  the  lesson  learned  by  heart  long 
before  the  close  of  the  war — a  lesson,  which  neither 
Howe  nor  Clinton  ever  forgot  in  their  subsequent  career 
in  America.  Nor  was  it  long  before  America  learned 
that  among  her  own  true  and  faithful  children,  born  on 
the  soil,  she  had  many  better  and  braver  soldiers  than 


366  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

the  man  in  whom  she  thus  "  placed  so  large  a  share  of 
the  most  ill-judged  confidence." 

In  "  soliciting  the  command  he  was  honored  with  " 
in  the  American  service,  he  seems  to  have  used  sufficient 
caution  and  reserve  to  enable  him  to  make  terms  with 
his  employers.  Upon  accepting  the  commission  ten- 
dered him  by  Congress,  he  resigned  that  which  he  had 
still  held  in  the  British  service,  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Bar- 
rington,  dated  June  22d,  1775,  renouncing  his  half-pay, 
at  the  same  time  repudiating  the  opinion,  that  an  officer 
on  hcilf-pay  is  to  be  considered  in  the  service,  as  erro- 
neous and  absurd. 

His  biographers  have  given  him  the  credit  which  he 
claimed  for  himself  in  this  connection,  for  making  great 
personal  and  pecuniary  sacrifices — thus  proving  the  in- 
tegrity of  his  principles,  and  the  sincerity  of  his  profes- 
sions. His  fortune  was  ample ;  his  income  was  nearly 
<£1000  a  year,  besides  having  large  grants  of  land  in 
the  colonies.  He  afterwards  found  occasion  frequent- 
ly to  enumerate  these  sacrifices,  and  said,  "«such  were 
the  fortune  and  income  which  I  staked  on  the  die  of 
American  liberty,  and  I  played  a  losing  game ;  for  I 
might  lose  all,  and  had  no  prospect  or  wish  to  better  it." 

This  was  not  the  light  in  which  those  who  knew  him 
best  regarded  the  matter.  Ralph  Izard  to  Arthur  Lee, 
August  21,  1775,  says,  after  expressing  his  satisfaction 
with  General  Lee's  letter  to  Burgoyne  :  "  Lee  has  ac- 
quired considerable  property  ;  and  I  have  been  assured, 
by  people  who  know  well,  that  he  would  never  run  the 
risk  of  losing  it,  by  entering  into  the  service  of  America. 
The  part  he  has  acted,  after  taking  such  a  considerable 
time  to  think  of  it,  is  a  proof  that  he  does  not  think 
there  is  much  clanger  of  that."  He  adds  :  "  I  wish  to 
know  whether  he  is  appointed  second  or  third  in  com- 
mand, or  whether  the  Congress  has  taken  any  measures 
to  prevent  his  ever  becoming,  by  the  death  of  superior 
officers,  commander-in-chief.  Have  these  officers  taken 
an  oath  to  obey  the  orders  of  Congress?  This  I  take 
for  granted,  as  it  seems  absolutely  necessary." 


THE  LEE  PAPERS. 


367 


The  journals  of  Congress  are  conclusive,  and  no  in- 

fenuity  can  soften  his  direct  stipulations  for  indemni- 
cation,  into  an  acceptance  of  voluntary  pledges  from 
Congress.  How  strong  the  contrast,  at  every  point  of 
his  American  career,  with  that  of  his  great  chief — the 
leader  of  our  armies  !  But  to  the  record. 

General  Lee  was  appointed  on  the  17th  June,  1775. 
On  the  following  Monday,  the  19th,  a  committee,  con- 
sisting of  Mr.  Henry,  Mr.  Lynch,  and  Mr.  John  Adams, 
waited  upon  him,  by  order  of  Congress,  to  inform  him 
of  his  appointment;  and  request  his  answer  whether  he 
would  accept  the  command. 

"  The  Committee  returned  and  reported,  that  they 
had  waited  on  General  Lee,  and  informed  him  of  his 
appointment,  and  that  he  gave  for  answer  :  'That  he 
had  the  highest  sense  of  the  honor  conferred  upon  him 
by  the  Congress ;  that  no  effort  in  his  power  shall  be 
wanting  to  serve  the  American  cause ;  but  before  he 
entered  upon  the  service,  he  desired  a  conference  with 
a  committee,  to  consist  of  one  delegate  from  each  of  the 
associated  Colonies,  to  whom  he  desired  to  explain 
some  particulars  respecting  his  private  fortune.' 

"  Whereupon,  Mr.  Sullivan,  Mr.  Samuel  Adams,  Mr. 
Hopkins,  Mr.  Dyer,  Mr.  Philip  Livingston,  Mr.  William 
Livingston,  Mr.  Ross,  Mr.  Rodney,  Mr.  Johnston,  Mr. 
Henry,  Mr.  C  as  well,  and  Mr.  Lynch,  were  appointed  as 
a  Committee  to  confer  with  General  Lee. 

"The  Committee  returned,  and  reported,  that  they 
had  conferred  with  General  Lee,  who  had  communicated 
to  them  an  estimate  of  the  estate  he  risked  by  this 
service. 

"  Whereupon,  Resolved,  That  these  Colonies  will  in- 
demnify General  Lee  for  any  loss  of  property  which  he 
might  sustain  by  entering  into  their  service ;  and  that 
the  same  be  done  by  this  or  any  future  Congress,  as 
soon  as  such  loss  is  ascertained." 

If  any  doubt  should  rest  upon  the  matter  with  this 
evidence,  it  must  be  forever  dispelled  by  that  which 
follows,  showing  how  the  transaction  was  completed. 


368  THE    LEE    PAPEES. 

Immediately  after  the  repulse  of  the  British  before 
Charleston,  two  days  after  the  date  of  Lee's  despatch 
announcing  it  to  Congress,  the  President  of  South 
Carolina  wrote  a  letter,  from  which  the  following  ex- 
tracts are  copied : 

J.    KUTLEDGE   TO    SAM.    ADAMS    AND    STEPH.    HoPKINS. 

"CHARLESTON,  S.  C.,  July  4,  1776. 

.  .  .  "I  trouble  you  with  a  few  lines  respecting 
the  General  [Lee].  He  thinks  his  situation  rather 
awkward. 

"  You  know  the  Congress  engaged  to  indemnify  him 
against  any  loss  he  might  sustain,  by  entering  into  our 
service,  and  that  immediately  upon  such  loss  being  as- 
certained. He  has  purchased  an  estate  in  Virginia  for 
about  5  or  £6000,  of  that  colony  ;  and,  having  borrowed 
the  money  to  pay  for  it,  of  Mr.  Morris,  the  estate  is 
under  mortgage  to  him.  The  General  drew  bills  for 
£3000  sterling,  on  his  agent  in  England ;  they  are  re- 
turned protested,  and  he  has  no  doubt  that  his  property 
in  England  is  confiscated.  So  he  does  not  know  that 
he  has  any  estate  at  all ;  nor  has  he  any  security,  but 
the  mere  word  of  honor  of  a  body,  which  is  not  per- 
manent, but  frequently  changeable,  and  composed  even 
already,  of  many  other  members  than  those  who  made 
this  promise.  He  wishes  to  be  sure  of  something,  and 
asked  my  opinion  as  a  friend,  whether  there  would  be 
any  impropriety  in  his  applying  to  Congress  on  this 
head.  He  is  desirous  for  the  present,  that  the  Congress 
should  discharge  the  incumbrance  on  this  estate,  so  that 
it  may  be  clear,  and  advance  a  sum  towards  improv- 
ing it. 

"  I  think  the  request  exceedingly  reasonable,  and 
told  him  my  opinion  that  the  Congress  really  should  do 
this,  without  his  application,  and'  that  I  would  write  to 
some  gentlemen  of  the  Congress  on  this  head.  I  wish, 
therefore,  that  you,  as  well  as  others,  gentlemen  of  my 
particular  acquaintance  (to  whom  I  now  write)  would 
urge  this  matter  to  Congress. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  369 

"  I  really  think  the  continent  so  much  obliged  to  this 
gentleman,  that  they  should  gratify  him  in  every  rea- 
sonable requisition.  This  colony,  I  am  sure,  is  partic- 
ularly indebted  to  him,  for  he  has  been  indefatigable, 
ever  since  his  arrival  here,  and  you  know  he  is  an  en- 
thusiast in  our  cause. 

"  I  conceive  no  injury  can  possibly  arise  to  the  con- 
tinent, by  complying  with  what  he  wishes  for.  Should 
his  English  property  remain  untouched,  he  can  readily 
refund.  Should  it  be  taken,  the  payment  of  this  money 
and  more,  is  a  mere  matter  of  justice.  But,  on  the 
other  hand,  should  there  be  delay  and  indifference  on 
the  part  of  Congress,  it  may  produce  disgust,  or  some 
other  ill-consequence.  This  is  my  own  fear.  I  have 
no  authority  for  it,  from  any  thing  which  has  fallen 
from  the  General.  I  therefore  must  repeat  my  request, 
and  make  it  a  very  earnest  one,  that  you  will  obtain 
some  speedy  resolution  respecting  this  matter,  such  as  I 
have  above  hinted,  which  may  afford  him  satisfaction, 
and  do  him  honor.  I  am,  gentlemen,  <fec." 

President  Rutledge  also  wrote  to  Duane,  Livingston, 
and  Jay  of  New  York,  urging  their  co-operation ;  and 
Mr.  Jay  in  a  letter  to  Edward  Rutledge  recognizes  the 
propriety,  policy,  and  justice  of  the  measure  ;  adding, 
"  I  am,  for  my  own  part,  clear  for  it,  and  wish  with  all 
my  heart  that  it  may  take  place." 

On  the  7th  of  October,  1776,  General  Lee  informed 
Congress  of  his  arrival  in  Philadelphia,  in  obedience  to 
a  resolution  directing  him,  in  case  the  British  troops 
left  the  Southern  Colonies,  to  repair  to  Philadelphia, 
and  there  wait  the  orders  of  Congress.  Being  ordered 
to  attend  in  Congress,  he  gave  an  account  of  the  state 
of  affairs  in  the  Southern  Department.  On  the  same 
day  the  Committee  appointed  to  take  into  consideration 
the  application  from  the  President  of  South  Carolina, 
in  behalf  of  General  Lee,  reported : 

"That  this  Congress  having  a  just  opinion  of  the 
abilities  of  General  Lee,  applied  to  him  to  accept  a 
24 


370  •      THE    LEE   PAPERS. 

command  in  their  service,  which  he  readily  agreed  to, 
provided  the  Congress  would  indemnify  him  against 
any  loss  which  he  might  sustain  in  consequence  thereof, 
he  having  at  that  time  a  considerable  sum  of  money 
due  to  him  by  persons  in  the  kingdom  of  Great  Brit- 
ain, which  he  was  resolved  to  draw  from  thence  as  soon 
as  possible.  That  the  Congress  unanimously  concurred 
in  his  proposal ;  that  he  accordingly  entered  into  their 
service  ;  that  he  has  since  drawn  bills  upon  his  agent 
in  England,  which  bills  have  been  returned  protested. 
That  General  Lee  having  purchased  an  estate  in  Vir- 
ginia, the  purchase-money  for  which  has  been  long  due, 
is  likely  to  sustain,  by  means  of  the  protested  bills, 
many  injuries,  unless  this  house  prevent  the  same  by 
an  advance  of  30,000  dollars ;  whereupon 

"  Resolved,  That  the  sum  of  thirty  thousand  dollars 
be  advanced  to  General  Lee,  upon  his  giving  bond  to 
the  treasurer  to  account  for  the  same,  and  taking  such 
steps  in  conjunction  with  Robert  Morris,  Esq.,  on  behalf 
of  the  Congress,  as  will  secure  the  most  effectual  trans- 
fer of  his  estate  in  England,  to  reimburse  the  Congress 
for  the  advance  now  made  him." 

Immediately  after  his  appointment,  General  Lee  ac- 
companied Washington  to  Cambridge,  receiving  every- 
where in  his  journey  through  the  country,  marks  of  re- 
spect and  high  appreciation,  hardly  less  than  those  be- 
stowed upon  Washington. 

[I  omit  here,  the  sketch  of  his  services  in  Rhode  Isl- 
and, New  York,  and  the  South,  simply  remarking  as  I 
pass,  that  his  good  fortune  in  gaining  credit  for  military 
skill  did  not  desert  him.] 

General  Ward's  resignation,  after  the  evacuation  of 
Boston,  made  Lee  second  in  command,  standing  next 
in  rank  to  Washington.  By  the  reputation  of  his 
imputed  successes  in  the  Southern  Department,  he 
was  marvellously  elated,  growing  more  and  more  dis- 
posed to  regard  himself  as  one  wrhose  advice  ought 
to  be  followed  and  submitted  to  in  all  things.  Pros- 
perity and  glory  brought  out  his  vices  in  full  strength; 


THE   LEE   PAPERS.  37 1 

and  he  seems  to  have  determined  to  exalt  himself  at  all 
hazards. 

There  was  something  in  the  enthusiasm  of  his  ad- 
mirers in  Congress  to  account  for  the  freedom  with 
which  he  criticized  every  movement — censuring  Con- 
gress themselves  for  their  blunders  and  want  of  spirit ; 
and  he  unquestionably  looked  forward  to  an  influence 
in  their  councils  which  should  principally  direct  the 
future  operations  of  the  war. 

Upon  his  arrival  from  the  south  at  Philadelphia,  he 
had  been  directed  by  resolution  of  Congress,  October 
7th,  to  repair  to  the  camp  at  Harlem,  with  leave  if  he 
thought  proper,  to  visit  the  posts  in  New  Jersey. 

At  about  the  same  time  John  Jay  wrote  from  Fish- 
kill  to  Edward  Rutledge  :  "  If  General  Lee  should  be 
at  Philadelphia,  pray  hasten  his  departure — he  is  much 
wanted  at  New  York ; "  whence  Colonel  Malcom  had 
written  to  John  McKesson  a  month  before,  "  General 
Lee  is  hourly  expected,  as  if  from  heaven,  with  a  legion 
of  flaming  swordsmen." 

He  arrived  at  New  York,  October  14th,  whence  he 
wrote  this  characteristic  letter  to  Gates : 

GENERAL  LEE  TO  GENERAL  GATES. 

"  FORT  CONSTITUTION,  October  ye  14th. 

"  MY  DR.  GATES  : 

"  I  write  this  scroll  in  a  hurry — Colonel  Wood  will 
describe  the  position  of  our  Army,  which  in  my  own 
breast  I  do  not  approve — inter  nos  the  Congress  seem 
to  stumble  every  step — I  do  not  mean  one  or  two  of 
the  Cattle,  but  the  whole  Stable — I  have  been  very  free 
in  delivering  my  opinion  to  'em — in  my  opinion  General 
Washington  is  much  to  blame  in  not  menacing  'em  with 
resignation  unless  they  refrain  from  unhinging  the  army 
by  their  absurd  interference — Keep  us  Ticonderoga  ; 
much  depends  upon  it — We  ought  to  have  an  army  on 
the  Delaware — I  have  roar'd  it  in  the  ears  of  Congress, 
but  carent  auribus. 

"  Adieu,  my  Dr.  Friend ;  if  we  do  meet  again,  why 
we  shall  smile.  Yours,  C.  LEE." 


372  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

Here  again  the  prevailing  opinion  of  his  military 
ability  accorded  to  him  great  credit,  which  he  was 
never  backward  in  continuing  to  claim,  for  the  move- 
ments by  which  Howe  was  prevented  from  cutting  oft 
the  communications  of  the  American  Army  with  the 
country,  and  thus  bringing  them  between  the  British 
army  and  fleet.  But  the  truth  is  that  more  than  a 
month  before  the  arrival  of  Lee,  it  was  agreed  in  a 
council  of  general  officers,  held  at  General  McDougall's 
quarters,  12th  September,  1776,  that  the  principal  part 
of  the  army  should  march  into  the  country,  so  as  to 
keep  in  advance  of  the  British  columns,  and  that  eight 
thousand  men  only  should  remain  for  the  defence  of 
the  Heights — Mount  Washington  and  its  dependencies. 
It  was  of  this  council  that  General  McDougall  after- 
wards said  (7th  January,  1782,)  in  respect  to  the  re- 
treat from  New  York,  that  "none  were  opposed  to  it, 
but  a  fool,  a  knave,  and  an  obstinate,  honest  man" 
Even  when  Howe's  intentions  became  more  obvious  by 
the  accumulation  of  his  numbers  at  Throg's  Neck,  the 
council  of  the  16th  October,  at  which  Lee  was  present, 
decided,  with  but  one  dissenting  voice,  to  carry  out  the 
plan  of  the  12th  of  September,  the  only  change  being 
to  reduce  the  force  left  to  defend  Fort  Washington, 
which  it  was  agreed,  without  any  recorded  dissenting 
voice,  should  be  retained  as  long  as  possible.  If  Lee 
was  the  author  of  that  change,  perhaps  it  may  still 
further  diminish  his  credit  for  military  skill,  when  the 
history  of  the  capture  of  Fort  Washington  shall  be  re- 
written. 

Four  days  before,  he  wrote  to  Congress  from  Amboy, 
expressing  his  confidence  that  the  attack  of  General 
Washington's  lines  was  a  measure  too  absurd  for  a  man 
of  Mr.  Howe's  genius ;  that  they  would  put  New  York 
city  in  a  respectable  state  of  defence,  and  direct  their 
operations  towards  Philadelphia,  either  by  the  Delaware 
or  through  the  Jerseys.  His  plan  for  this  exigency 
was  an  army  of  ten  thousand  men  to  be  assembled  and 
stationed  somewhere  about  Trenton.  It  is  not  unreas- 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  373 

enable  to  suppose  that  Lee  would  have  been  gratified 
with  such  a  command. 

When  the  army  marched  from  the  heights  of  Harlem, 
Lee's  division  was  stationed  near  King's  Bridge,  to  pro- 
tect the  rear,  and  he  found  ample  occupation  during 
the  tedious  transportation  of  the  baggage  and  artillery, 
wrhich  occupied  several  days.  Fortunately  the  British 
made  no  serious  attempt  to  disturb  his  progress ;  and 
he  at  length  brought  up  his  division,  joining  the  main 
army  at  White  Plains,  where  he  is  said  to  have  con- 
demned the  position  of  the  Continental  Army  as  most 
execrable.  The  post,  however,  seemed  to  be  too  strongly 
taken  for  Howe  to  attempt  it;  and  he  retired  towards 
King's  Bridge. 

As  soon  as  it  became  certain  that  his  next  movement 
would  be  to  the  Jerseys,  and  so  to  threaten  Philadel- 
phia, Washington  crossed  the  Hudson,  and  threw  him- 
self in  front  of  the  enemy,  leaving  General  Lee  in  the 
position  which  he  then  occupied,  with  a  force  of  seven 
thousand  men,  while  Heath  was  ordered  to  the  defence 
of  the  Highlands,  with  three  thousand  men. 

At  that  time,  commenced  that  famous  retreat  through 
the  Jerseys,  so  thrilling  in  its  interest  to  every  Ameri- 
ican  heart.  And  from  the  day  on  which  Lee  was  left 
in  a  separate  command,  he  seems  to  have  been  governed 
by  one  purpose  and  animated  by  one  spirit — a  spirit  of 
anything  but  patriotism — a  purpose  to  gratify  his  own 
personal  ambition,  at  any  cost.  I  have  spoken  of  his 
friends  in  Congress.  That  there  was  a  party  in  Con- 
gress, during  the  whole  subsequent  period  of  the  war, 
bitterly  hostile  to  Washington,  is  the  only  theory  which 
can  explain  the  most  serious  difficulties  which  he  had  to 
encounter.  The  unavoidable  misfortunes  and  unfortu- 
nate issue  of  the  campaign,  though  originating  in  causes 
entirely  beyond  his  control,  stimulated  the  spirit  of  hos- 
tility to  the  Commander-in-Chief,  which  not  long  after- 
wards assumed  a  most  formidable  aspect,  not  only  in 
Congress,  but  in  the  army.  For  my  present  purpose, 
however,  it  is  unnecessary  to  do  more  than  allude  to 


374  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

these  intrigues,  as  Lee's  power  to  do  mischief  in  this 
connection  was  nearly  at  an  end. 

Fort  Washington  fell  on  the  16th  November,  and  as 
Fort  Lee  was  only  of  importance  in  conjunction  with 
it,  that  too  was  speedily  abandoned.  On  the  20th, 
Lee  wrote  to  a  prominent  member  of  Congress  (a  letter 
I  believe  never  before  made  public). 

CHARLES  LEE  TO  BENJAMIN  RUSH. 

CAMP,  November  20th,  1776. 

uMr  DEAR  RUSH: 

"  The  affair  of  Fort  Washington  cannot  surprise  you 
at  Philadelphia  more  than  it  amazed  and  stunned  me. 
I  must  entreat  that  you  will  keep  what  I  say  to  your- 
self; but  I  foresaw,  predicted,  all  that  has  happened; 
and  urged  the  necessity  of  abandoning  it ;  for  could  we 
have  kept  it,  it  was  of  little  or  no  use.  Let  these  few 
lines  be  tin-own  into  the  fire,  and  in  your  conversations 
only  acquit  me  of  any  share  of  the  misfortune — for  my 
last  words  to  the  General  were — draw  off  the  garrison, 
or  they  will  be  lost.  You  say  I  ought  to  desire  the 
General  to  press  the  Congress  for  the  necessary  articles. 
I  have  done  it  a  thousand  times,  and  the  men  are  now 
starving  for  the  want  of  blankets.  I  confess  your  ap- 
athy amazes  me.  You  make  me  mad — You  have  num- 
bers— your  soldiers  do  not  want  courage — but  such  a 
total  want  of  sense  pervades  all  your  counsels  that 
Heaven  alone  can  save  you.  Inclosed  are  some  hints. 
I  could  say  many  things — let  me  talk  vainly — had  I 
the  powers  I  could  do  you  much  good — might  I  but 
dictate  one  week — but  I  am  sure  you  will  never  give 
any  man  the  necessary  power — did  none  of  the  Congress 
ever  read  the  Roman  History  ?  Adieu,  my  dear  Rush, 
"  Yours  most  sincerely, 

"CHARLES  LEE." 

"  1st.  You  must  have  an  army — this  army  cannot  be 
had  on  the  terms  proposed — give  'em  the  full  bounty 
and  list  'em  only  for  a  year  and  a  half — in  short  you 


THE   LEE    PAPERS.  375 

have  so  bungled  your  affairs  that  you  must  come  into 
any  terms. 

"  *2d.  Put  some  military  man  at  the  head  of  the  Board 
of  War. 

"  3d.  Strip  even  yourselves  of  blankets." 

We  can  hardly  misunderstand  his  allusion  to  the 
political  expedient  to  which  the  Roman  senate  resorted, 
in  order  to  repress  disorders  among  the  people,  and  to 
unite  the  forces  of  the  commonwealth  against  its  enemies. 
By  it,  they  placed  themselves  and  the  state,  for  a  limi- 
ted time,  under  the  power  of  a  single  person,  who,  with 
the  title  of  Dictator,  or  Master  of  the  People,  should  at 
his  pleasure,  dispose  of  the  state  and  of  all  its  resources ; 
thus  intrusting  all  power  to  a  single  man,  on  the  sole 
security  of  his  personal  character,  arbitrary  and  irre- 
sponsible, and  limited  only  in  the  time  of  its  exercise. 

The  crisis  indeed  demanded  a  Dictator ;  but  it  was  a 
happy  day  for  humanity  which  saw  a  Washington  in- 
vested with  such  powers  as  these.  How  different  the 
fate  of  America  in  other  hands!  Well  might  the  com- 
mittee of  Congress  say,  in  communicating  to  him  their 
resolutions :  "  Happy  it  is  for  this  country,  that  the 
general  of  their  forces  can  safely  be  intrusted  with  the 
most  unlimited  power,  and  neither  personal  security, 
liberty,  nor  property,  be  in  the  least  degree  endangered 
thereby." 

The  hint  to  "  put  some  military  man  at  the  head  of 
the  Board  of  War,"  was  acted  upon  in  the  following 
year,  when .  the  board  was  new  modelled  and  General 
Gates  appointed  to  preside. 

Lee  was  now  at  the  height  of  his  popularity  and  in- 
fluence ;  the  star  of  his  destiny  was  at  its  zenith.  Many 
seemed  to  have  believed  that  there  was  "  no  officer  in 
the  army  of  equal  experience  and  merit,"  and  it  was 
said  that  he  was  "  the  idol  of  the  officers,  and  possessed 
still  more  the  confidence  of  the  soldiery." 

How  entirely  the  popular  judgment  was  carried  away 
in  the  exaggerated  estimate  which  had  been  formed  of 


376  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

Lee's  military  capacity,  is  illustrated  by  the  fact  that, 
even  in  the  military  family  of  Washington,  was  one 
who,  although  his  personal  relations  were  of  the  most 
intimate,  responsible,  and  confidential  nature,  was  swept 
away  with  the  current.  The  following  letter  is  already 
famous  in  the  history  of  that  period.  The  copy  I  use, 
has  been  corrected  by  a  careful  comparison  with  one 
"  signed  by  Reed,  and  endorsed  in  his  own  hand  "•  —in 
the  autograph  collection  of  Mr.  Tefft,  of  Savannah, 
Georgia. 

JOSEPH  REED  TO  CHARLES  LEE. 

HACKENSACK,  November  21st,  1776. 

"  DEAR  GENERAL  : 

"The  letter  you  will  receive  with  this,  contains  my 
sentiments  with  respect  to  your  present  station ;  but 
besides  this,  I  have  some  additional  reasons  for  most 
earnestly  wishing  to  have  you  where  the  principal  scene 
of  action  is  laid.  I  do  not  mean  to  flatter  or  praise  you 
at  the  expense  of  any  other ;  but  I  confess,  I  do  think 
that  it  is  entirely  owing  to  you,  that  this  army  and  the 
liberties  of  America,  so  far  as  they  are  dependent  on  it, 
are  not  totally  cut  off.  You  have  decision,  a  quality  often 
wanting  in  minds  otherwise  valuable ;  and  I  ascribe  to 
this  our  escape  from  York  Island,  from  King's  Bridge, 
and  the  Plains  ;  and  I  have  no  doubt,  had  you  been  here, 
the  garrison  of  Mount  Washington  would  now  have  com- 
posed a  part  of  this  army  ;  under  these  circumstances,  I 
confess  I  ardently  wish  to  see  you  removed  from  a  place 
where  I  think  there  will  be  little  call  for  your  judgment 
and  experience,  to  the  place  where  they  are  like  to  be  so 
necessary.  Nor  am  I  singular  in  this  my  opinion ;  every 
gentleman  of  the  family,  the  officers,  and  soldiers,  gen- 
erally, have  a  confidence  in  you  ;  the  enemy  constantly 
inquire  where  you  are,  and  seem  to  me  to  be  less  confi- 
dent when  you  are  present. 

tl  Colonel  Cadwallader,  through  a  special  indulgence, 
on  account  of  some  civilities  shown  by  his  family  to 
General  Prescott,  has  been  liberated  from  New  York 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  377 

without  any  parole.  He  informs,  that  the  enemy  have 
a  southern  expedition  in  view ;  that  they  hold  us  very 
cheap  in  consequence  of  the  late  affair  at  Mount  Wash- 
ington, where  both  the  place  of  defence  and  execution 
were  contemptible.  If  a  real  defence  of  the  lines  was 
intended,  the  number  was  far  too  few;  if  the  Fort  only, 
the  garrison  was  too  numerous  by  half.  General  Wash- 
ington's own  judgment,  seconded  by  representations 
from  us,  would  have  saved  the  men  and  their  arms ;  but, 
unluckily,  General  Greene's  judgment  was  contrary. 
This  kept  the  General's  mind  in  a  state  of  suspense  till 
the  stroke  was  struck.  Oh,  General !  an  indecisive  mind 
is  one  of  the  greatest  misfortunes  that  can  befall  an 
army  :  how  often  have  I  lamented  it  this  campaign  ! 

"  All  circumstances  considered, '  we  are  in  a  very 
awful  and  alarming  state,  one  that  requires  the  utmost 
wisdom  and  firmness  of  mind. 

"As  soon  as  the  season  will  admit,  I  think  yourself 
and  some  others  should  go  to  Congress,  and  form  the 
plan  of  the  new  army ;  point  out  their  defects  to  them, 
and,  if  possible,  prevail  on  them  to  bind  their  whole 
attention  to  this  great  object — even  to  the  exclusion  of 
every  other.  If  they  will  not,  or  cannot,  do  this,  I  fear 
all  our  exertions  will  be  vain  in  this  part  of  the  world. 
Foreign  assistance  is  soliciting,  but  we  cannot  expect 
they  will  fight  the  whole  battle — but  artillery  and  ar- 
tillerists must  be  had,  if  possible. 

"  I  intended  to  have  said  more,  but  the  express  is  wait- 
ing, and  I  must  conclude  with  my  clear  and  explicit 
opinion,  that  your  presence  is  of  the  last  importance. 
u  I  am,  with  much  affection  and  regard, 
"  Your  most  affectionate, 

"Humble  Servant, 

"  J.  REED. 

"Major  Gen.  LEE, 

"White  Plains." 

Washington's  instructions  to  Lee  were,  that  if  the 
enemy  should  remove  the  whole,  or  the  greatest  part  of 
their  force,  to  the  west  of  Hudson's  river,  he  should 


378  THE    LEE   PAPERS. 

follow,  with  all  possible  dispatch,  leaving  the  militia 
and  invalids  to  cover  the  frontiers  of  Connecticut,  etc. 
These  instructions  were  very  soon  made  positive  and 
peremptory  orders,  in  view  of  the  necessities  of  the  re- 
treating army.  On  the  20th  of  November,  Washington 
thought  it  advisable  that  he  should  move — on  the  21st 
he  advised  Lee  "  that  the  publick  interest  requires  "  it. 
Lee  on  the  same  day  writes  to  the  President  of  the 
Council  of  Massachusetts,  that  "  before  the  unfortunate 
affair  of  Fort  Washington,  he  was  of  opinion  that  the 
two  armies — that  on  the  east  and  that  on  the  west  side 
of  North  river — must  rest  each  on  its  own  bottom ; 
that  the  idea  of  detaching  .  .  .  from  one  side  to 
the  other  was  chimerical ;  but  to  harbor  such  a  thought 
in  our  present  circumstances  is  absolute  insanity."  He 
further  advises  the  President  that  "  we  must  depend 
upon  ourselves."  On  the  same  day  he  received  from 
Reed  a  "  short  billet,  which  he  did  not  well  understand." 
The  following  extract  from  General  Heath's  published 
journal,  furnishes  the  explanation  : 

"  November  2Qih.  Just  at  evening,  an  express  which 
General  Heath  had  sent  down  to  General  Washington, 
before  he  had  any  knowledge  of  what  had  happened, 
returned  with  a  most  alarming  account  of  what  he  had 
seen  with  his  own  eyes,  viz.,  that  the  Americans  were 
rapidly  retreating,  and  the  British  as  rapidly  pursuing. 
The  Adjutant-General  [Reed]  wished  to  write  to  Gen- 
eral Lee,  but  he  had  neither  pen,  ink,  nor  paper  with 
him.  The  Light-Horseman  had  a  rough  piece  of  wrap- 
ping-paper in  his  pocket,  and  the  Adjutant-General  had 
an  old  pencil.  Bringing  these  two  together,  he  wrote 
to  Gen.  Lee :  '  Dear  General,  we  are  flying  before 

the  British.     I  pray '   and  the  pencil   broke.     He 

then  told  the  Light-Horseman  to  carry  the  paper  to 
General  Lee,  and  tell  him  that  he  was  verbally  ordered 
to  add,  after  I  pray — l  you  push  and  join  us.'  The  Light- 
Horseman,  when  he  arrived  at  Gen.  Heath's,  was  both 
fatigued  and  wet.  He  requested  that  one  of  his  brother 
horsemen  might  proceed  to  Gen.  Lee ;  but  he  was  told 


THE   LEE   PAPERS.  379 

that  no  other  could  discharge  the  duty  enjoined  on 
him  by  the  Adjutant-General,  and  that  Gen.  Lee  might 
wish  to  make  many  inquiries  of  him.  He  was  therefore 
refreshed  and  pushed  on." 

General  Lee,  instead  of  moving  his  division,  or  any 
part  of  it,  wrote  back  to  General  Heath  that  he  had 
just  received  a  recommendation,  not  a  positive  order, 
from  General  Washington,  to  move  the  corps  under  his 
command  to  the  other  side  of  the  river.  After  giving 
some  presumptive  reasons  for  General  Washington's 
recommendation,  which  he  finds  it  impossible  to  comply 
with,  to  u  any  purpose,"  he  desires  and  requests  General 
Heath  to  order  two  thousand  of  his  corps,  under  a 
Brigadier-General,  to  cross  the  river,  and  wait  Washing- 
ton's further  orders  —  promising  to  replace  that  number 
of  troops,  from  his  own  command,  as  soon  as  u  a  neces- 
ary  job  "  was  finished  —  which  he  believed  would  "  be 
finished  to-morrow." 

General  Heath  referred  to  his  instructions,  which  he 
found  did  not  admit  of  any  construction  in  accordance 
with  Lee's  request,  which  he  therefore  did  not  comply 
with. 

Lee  continued  his  attempts  to  interfere  with  Heath's 
command;  and,  on  the  23d  November,  announced  his 
intention  to  take  two  thousand  from  that  division  into 
the  Jerseys.  Afterwards,  upon  Heath's  refusal  to  do 
so,  he  undertook  to  order  the  detachment  himself,  biit 
finally  desisted,  upon  more  mature  reflection. 

On  the  22d,  he  again  addressed  President  Bowdoin, 
and  here  he  takes  a  bolder  tone  : 

GEN.  LEE  TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  MASS.  COUNCIL. 

"CAMP  NEAR  PHILLIPSBOURG,  22d  November,  1776. 


"  Indecision  bids  fair  for  tumbling  down  the  goodly 
fabrick  of  American  freedom,  and  with  it,  the  rights  of 
mankind.  'Twas  indecision  of  Congress  prevented 
our  having  a  noble  army,  and  on  an  excellent  footing 


380  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

'Twas  indecision  in  our  military  councils  which  cost 
us  the  garrison  of  Fort  Washington,  the  consequence 
of  which  must  be  fatal,  unless  remedied  in  time  by  a 
contrary  spirit.  Enclosed  I  send  you  an  extract  of 
a  letter  from  the  General,  on  which  you  will  make 
your  comments ;  and  I  have  no  doubt,  but  that  you 
will  concur  with  me  in  the  necessity  of  raising  im- 
mediately an  army  to  save  us  from  perdition.  Affairs 
appear  in  so  important  a  crisis,  that  I  think  even  the 
resolves  of  the  Congress  must  no  longer  too  nicely 
weigh  with  us,  We  must  save  the  community  in  spite 
of  the  ordinances  of  the  Legislature.  There  are  times 
when  we  must  commit  treason  against  the  laws  of  the 
State  for  the  salvation  of  the  State.  The  present  crisis 
demands  this  brave,  virtuous  kind  of  treason.  For  my 
own  part  (and  I  flatter  myself  my  way  of  thinking  is 
congenial  with  that  of  Mr.  Bowdoin's)  I  will  stake  my 
head  and  reputation  on  the  propriety  of  the  meas- 
ure ..." 

On  the  24th,  Washington  from  Newark,  corrects  Lee's 
mistake,  in  supposing  that  he  wanted  any  portion  of 
Heath's  command.  "  It  is  your  division  I  want  to  have 
over."  At  this  time  he  writes  so  fully  and  explicitly, 
as  to  remove  the  possibility  of  any  misapprehension. 
He  also  cautions  him  about  his  route,  and  desires  fre- 
quent expresses  to  advise  of  his  approaches.  On  the 
same  day,  Lee  at  last  acknowledges  receipt  of  or- 
ders, arid  promises  to  endeavor  to  put  them  in  execu- 
tion ;  while  at  the  same  time  he  writes  to  Reed,  in 
answer  to  his  "  most  obliging,  flattering  "  letter  of  the 
21st ;  laments  with  him  "  that  fatal  indecision,"  which 
is  worse  than  stupidity  or  cowardice  ;  half  excuses,  half 
justifies  his  delay  ;  intimates  an  enterprise  which  he  has 
on  hand,  and  which  he  waits  for — when,  he  concludes, 
"  I  shall  then  fly  to  you ;  for,  to  confess  the  truth,  I 
really  think  our  Chief  will  do  better  with  me  than 
without  me." 

On  the  26th,  he  still  lingers,  responding  very  tartly 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  381 

to  General  Heath,  who  had  told  him  that  he  "  consid- 
ered it  to  be  his  duty  to  obey  his  instructions,  espe- 
cially those  which  are  positive  and  poignant  "—that 
"  the  Commander-in-chief  is  now  separated  from  us ;  I 
of  course  command  on  this  side  the  water ;  for  the 
future  I  will  and  must  be  obeyed." 

On  the  27th,  Washington  tells  Lee,  that  his  previous 
letters  had  been  so  full  and  explicit,  he  thought  it  un- 
necessary to  say  more,  arid  confessed  his  expectation 
that  Lee  would  have  been  sooner  in  motion.  Lee  re- 
plies on  the  30th,  assuring  Washington  that  he  had 
done  all  in  his  power — that  he  will  pass  the  river  in 
two  days  more,  when  he  will  be  glad  to  have  instruc- 
tions; but  says  also,  "I  could  wish  you  would  bind  me 
as  little  as  possible,  not  from  any  opinion,  I  do  assure 
you,  of  my  own  parts,  but  from  a  persuasion  that  de- 
tached generals  cannot  have  too  great  latitude,  unless 
they  are  very  incompetent  indeed."  He  added  in  a 
postscript  "that  he  was  a  good  deal  distressed  by  the 
strictness  of  General  Heath's  instructions." 

Washington  from  Brunswick,  Dec.  1st,  entreats  Lee 
to  hasten  his  march,  or  it  may  be  too  late  to  answer 
any  valuable  purpose.  On  the  3d,  he  repeats  his 
anxiety ;  while  Congress,  on  the  2d,  had  resolved  that 
the  committee  for  establishing  expresses  be  directed  to 
send  Colonel  Stewart,  or  any  other  officer,  express  to 
General  Lee,  to  know  where  and  in  what  situation  he 
and  the  army  with  him  were. 

Lee,  finally  quitting  Westchester  with  great  reluct- 
ance, began  to  pass  the  river  on  the  2d  December.  He 
writes  from  Haverstraw  on  the  4th,  acknowledging  the 
receipt  of  Washington's  pressing  letter;  and  concludes, 
"  It  is  paltry  to  think  of  our  personal  affairs  when  the 
whole  is  at  stake ;  but  I  entreat  you  to  order  some  of 
your  suite  to  take  out  of  the  way  of  danger  my  favour- 
ite mare,  which  is  at  Hunt  Wilson's,  three  miles  the 
other  side  of  Princeton !  " 

We  next  hear  of  him  at  Ringwood  Iron  Works, 
where,  having  lost  three  of  his  best  camp  horses,  he 


382  •      THE   LEE   PAPERS* 

sends  back  an  express  to  Heath  to  advertise  them,  of- 
fering a  reward  for  their  recovery. 

From  Pompton,  on  the  7th,  he  writes  again  to  Gov- 
ernor Cooke  of  Rhode  Island,  to  whom  he  gives  the 
benefit  of  his  views  on  the  qualifications  of  general 
officers : — "  Theory  joined  to  practice,  or  a  heaven-born 
genius,  can  alone  constitute  a  general.  As  to  the  latter, 
God  Almighty  indulges  the  modern  world  very  rarely 
with  the  spectacle ;  and  I  do  not  know,  from  what  I 
have  seen,  that  he  has  been  more  profuse  of  this  ethe- 
real spirit  to  the  Americans  than  to  other  nations." 

General  Washington  had,  in  the  meantime,  attempted 
to  return  to  Princeton  from  Trenton,  but  was  obliged 
to  recede,  and  was  now  on  the  other  side  of  the  Dela- 
ware, still  without  any  certain  intelligence  of  General 
Lee,  and  utterly  unable  to  account  for  the  slowness  of 
his  march. 

From  Morristown,  on  the  8th  of  December,  Lee 
writes  to  Congress  and  to  Washington,  stating  his  force 
at  four  thousand ;  and  that  if  he  was  not  assured  that 
Washington  was  considerably  reinforced  and  very 
strong,  he  would  immediately  join  him !  As  it  was, 
he  intended  to  take  post  at  Chatham,  and  so  hang  on 
the  enemy's  rear. 

Well  might  General  Greene  think  at  this  juncture, 
that  General  Lee  must  be  confined  within  the  lines  of 
some  general  plan,  or  else  his  operations  would  be  in- 
dependent of  those  of  the  Commander-in-chief  ! 

On  the  9th,  he  is  at  Chatham,  "in  hopes,"  as  he 
writes  to  Heath,  "  to  re-conquer  the  Jerseys,  which 
were  really  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  before  my  ar- 
rival." At  this  time,  too,  he  continues  his  letters  to 
the  New  England  Governors,  and  impresses  upon  them 
that  unless  they  renew  their  exertions  with  redoubled 
vigor,  all  is  lost ;  suggesting  also,  the  propriety  of  a 
convention  of  the  New  England  States,  to  consult  on 
the  great  affairs  of  their  safety,  and  of  counteracting 
the  enemy  in  their  future  operations. 

On  the  10th  and  llth,  Washington  renewed  his  en- 


THE   LEE    PAPERS.  383 

treaties,  reminding  Lee  of  the  fatal  consequences  that 
must  attend  the  loss  of  Philadelphia,  and  that  the  force 
with  him  was  weak  and  entirely  incompetent  to  save 
that  city.  These  letters  did  not  reach  Lee,  but  were 
received  by  his  successor  in  the  command.  His  dis- 
graceful neglect  of  duty  and  disobedience  of  orders, 
were  at  last  to  have  an  end ;  and  in  the  series  of  Provi- 
dential interpositions,  which  we  cannot  fail  to  recognize 
with  devout  gratitude,  for  the  preservation  of  American 
liberty,  none  is  more  striking  than  that  which  termi- 
nated at  this  time  the  power  of  Lee  to  do  mischief  to  the 
cause. 

Lee's  last  communication  to  Washington'  was  dated 
at  Morristown,  December  llth,  and  is  in  his  hand- 
writing, although  he  speaks  of  himself  in  the  third 
person.  The  original  is  endorsed :  "  From  General 
Lee,"  and  was  read  in  Congress  on  the  10th  February 
following : 

GENERAL  LEE  TO  GENERAL  WASHINGTON. 

"MORRISTOWN,  December  y«  llth,  1776. 

"  We  have  three  thousand  men  here  at  present ;  but 
they  are  so  ill-shod  that  we  have  been  obliged  to  halt 
these  two  days  for  want  of  shoes.  Seven  regiments  of 
Gates's  corps  are  on  their  march,  but  where  they  act- 
ually are,  is  not  certain.  General  Lee  has  sent  two 
officers  this  day ;  one  to  inform  him  where  the  Dela- 
ware can  be  crossed  above  Trenton  ;  the  other  to  ex- 
amine the  road  towards  Burlington,  as  General  Lee 
thinks  he  can,  without  great  risk,  cross  the  great  Bruns- 
wick post  road,  and  by  a  forced  night's  march,  make 
his  way  to  the  ferry  below  Burlington.  Boats  should 
be  sent  up  from  Philadelphia  to  receive  him.  But  this 
scheme  he  only  proposes,  if  the  head  of  the  enemy's 
column  actually  pass  the  river.  The  militia  in  this 
part  of  the  Province  seem  sanguine.  If  they  could  be 
sure  of  an  army  remaining  amongst  'em,  I  believe  they 
would  raise  a  very  considerable  number." 


384  •     THE   LEE   PAPERS. 

This  letter  shows  no  intention  to  comply  with  the 
orders  of  Washington.  He  could  have  reached  the 
Delaware  by  a  forced  march  in  a  few  hours,  by  the  way 
of  Vealtown,  Germantown,  Potterstown,  Pitstown,  and 
Alexandria,  near  which  latter  place  he  had  been  in- 
structed to  cross,  and  suitable  preparations  had  been 
made  to  enable  him  to  do  so,  by  order  of  Washington. 
Under  all  the  disadvantages  of  their  condition,  which 
were  very  great,  the  troops  actually  crossed,  after  be- 
ing relieved  of  his  command,  at  Easton,  further  up  the 
river,  on  the  16th  of  December,  and  joined  Washington 
on  the  20th.  Sullivan  had  changed  the  route  to  avoid 
a  considerable  body  of  the  enemy,  who  were  pushing 
forward  on  his  left  to  intercept  him,  before  he  reached 
the  river.  He  had  received  Washington's  earnest  let- 
ters of  the  10th  and  llth,  addressed  to  Lee,  and  pressed 
on  to  join  the  main  army  as  soon  as  possible.  Having 
encamped  at  Germantown,  on  the  night  of  the  13th,  he 
marched  the  next  day  at  11  o'clock,  and,  diverging  at 
Pitstown,  reached  Bethlehem  township  that  night.  On 
the  15th,  he  inarched  at  daybreak  and  all  day,  reach- 
ing Phillipsburg,  at  10  o'clock  at  night.  Some  of  the 
troops  crossed  the  Delaware  to  Easton  the  same  night, 
but  they  were  not  all  safe  with  their  baggage  beyond 
the  river  until  the  next  day. 

It  appears  to  have  been  Lee's  purpose  to  seize  a 
favorable  opportunity,  when  the  British  army  had  ex- 
tended their  line  towards  the  Delaware  by  Brunswick 
and  Princeton,  to  make  an  independent  demonstration 
in  their  rear,  and  cut  their 'line  of  communication.  It 
was  obvious  that  the  British  chain  was  too  extensive, 
and  invited  such  a  movement.  There  could  be  no 
doubt  of  the  advantages  to  accrue  in  the  event  of  its 
success ;  and  the  presence  of  so  considerable  a  force  in 
his  rear  was  a  source  of  no  little  anxiety  to  General 
Howe,  especially  as  the  volunteers  in  the  country  were 
very  active  and  enterprising.  About  one  thousand 
militia  were  at  this  time  collected  under  the  command 
of  Colonel  Jacob  Ford,  jun.?  at  Springfield,  seven  miles 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  385 

west  of  Elizabethtown,  to  watch  the  motions  of  the 
enemy,  their  own  subsequent  motions  to  be  directed  ac- 
cording to  circumstances.  Lee's  force  was  also  con- 
tinually increasing  ;  three  regiments  from  Ticonderoga, 
which  he  had  intercepted  with  orders  to  join  him,  were 
daily  expected ;  and  he  promised  the  principal  men 
that  a  detachment  should  remain  for  the  protection  of 
the  State. 

He  lingered  about  Morristown  several  days,  and  or- 
dered Sullivan  to  march  for  Germantown,  early  in  the 
morning  of  the  12th  of  December.  These  were  the 
last  orders  received  by  Sullivan  from  Lee.  The  troops 
encamped  in  the  woods  near  Vealtown,  a  village  in 
Bernard  township,  on  the  night  of  the  12th,  and  re- 
newed their  march  on  the  morning  of  the  13th,  towards 
Germantown. 

Lee  himself  was  at  Baskingridge  on  the  morning  of 
the  12th,  from  which  place  he  wrote  to  the  Rev.  James 
Caldwell,  an  active  and  influential  patriot,  at  or  near 
Chatham,  with  whom  and  Colonel  Ford,  at  or  near 
Springfield,  he  seems  to  have  kept  up  at  this  time  a 
very  constant  communication.  Caldwell's  reply  shows 
his  zeal  to  gratify  Lee's  anxiety  to  be  constantly  advised 
of  the  motions  of  the  enemy,  and  assured  him  that  their 
army  had  very  generally  marched  forward  ;  indeed,  all 
except  guards  of  the  different  posts.  He  also  states 
that  it  was  considered  advisable  to  move  the  militia 
back  to  Chatham,  as  for  various  reasons  assigned,  it 
was  thought  they  could  better  serve  the  cause  by  lying 
at  that  place  "  till  the  expected  army  approaches  for 
their  support." 

The  tenor  of  Lee's  entire  correspondence  indicates 
his  purpose  to  act  separately,  not  only  with  his  own 
troops,  but  with  those  coming  from  the  Northern  army, 
although  Washington  had  given  him  no  such  instruc- 
tions ;  but  on  the  contrary,  expected  those  troops  to 
march  forward  and  join  him  as  soon  as  possible.  In 
this  connection,  Mr.  Caldwell's  "  expected  army  "  is  sig- 
nificant. 


386  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

Whether  any  other  motives  than  those  connected 
with  his  wish  to  obtain  the  intelligence  just  mentioned 
influenced  his  movements,  I  ana  unable  to  state.  Gen- 
eral Greene,  in  a  letter  written  after  receiving  news  of 
his  capture,  spoke  of  his  u  strange  infatuation,"  and 
General  Sullivan  of  the  "  fatality  "  by  which  he  was 
induced  to  expose  himself  ;  but  it  is  certain  that  neither 
entertained  for  a  moment  the  suspicion  that  he  design- 
edly threw  himself  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and 
such  a  design  is  incredible  in  view  of  all  the  circum- 
stances of  the  case. 

Still  there  may  have  been  other  motives  of  convenience 
or  personal  gratification,  but  certainly  none  could  be  less 
creditable  than  his  insatiable  ambition  and  ungovernable 
selfishness.  His  conduct  did  not  admit  of  excuse,  much 
less  of  justification  ;  and  it  is  unnecessary  to  speculate 
upon  the  probable  consequences,  had  he  been  success- 
ful. "  Under  the  sole  guidance  of  his  own  judgment 
and  self-will,  he  was  presumptuously  driving  on,  and 
the  misfortunes  which  followed  were  the  result  of  his 
own  obstinacy  and  misconduct,  not  of  necessity." 

About  noon,  on  Friday,  the  13th  of  December,  1776, 
General  Lee,  with  several  aids,  and  a  small  guard,  were 
at  White's  tavern,  near  Baskingridge,  seven  miles  from 
Morristown — twenty-one  miles  from  the  nearest  post  of 
the  enemy,  and  four  miles  from  the  encampment,  which 
his  division  had  left  in  the  morning. 

The  British  had,  at  this  time,  pushed  forward  to  the 
Delaware,  with  the  hope  of  getting  to  Philadelphia. 
Their  first  division  reached  Trenton  soon  after  the  rear- 
guard of  the  American  main  army  had  crossed.  Their 
rear  division,  which  was  commanded  by  Lord  Corn- 
wallis,  halted  at  Maidenhead,  six  miles  from  Trenton, 
and  atone  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  9th  December, 
marched  to  Coryell's  Ferry,  thirteen  miles  higher  up  the 
Delaware,  expecting  to  find  boats  there  and  in  the  neigh- 
borhood, sufficient  to  pass  the  river ;  but  in  this  they 
were  disappointed,  as  the  Americans  had  taken  the  pre- 
caution to  destroy  or  secure  on  the  south  side,  all  the 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  387 

boats  which  could  possibly  be  employed  for  that  pur- 
pose. 

The  passage  of  the  Delaware  being  thus  rendered 
impracticable,  Lord  Cornwallis  returned  and  took  post  at 
Penningtori,  where  his  division  remained  till  the  14th 
of  December,  the  first  still  continuing  at  Trenton,  when 
"  the  weather  having  become  too  severe  to  keep  the  field, 
and  the  winter  cantonments  having  been  arranged,  the 
troops  marched  from  both  places  to  their  respective  sta- 
tions." I  cannot  help  remarking,  as  I  quote  this  com- 
placent statement  of  General  Howe,  how  soon  Wash- 
ington at  Trenton  and  Princeton  was  to  disturb  his  u  ar- 
rangements," point  out  "  the  necessity  of  an  alteration 
in  the  cantonments,"  and  compel  him  to  "  find  it  impos- 
sible to  hold  posts  of  seventy  or  eighty  miles  in  extent 
with  only  ten  thousand  men." 

During  Lord  Cornwallis's  stay  at  Pennington,  a  pa- 
trol of  thirty  dragoons  from  the  Sixteenth  Regiment 
(Burgoyne's  Regiment  of  Queen's  Light  Dragoons), 
was  sent  out  to  gain  further  intelligence  of  Lee's  divis- 
ion, whose  progress  they  watched  with  great  jealousy. 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Harcourt  (afterwards  Earl  Har- 
court,  F.  M.j,  who  is  said  to  have  expressed  hopes 
before  he  left  England,  that  he  should  take  Lee,  desired 
and  obtained  the  direction  of  this  detachment.  Banas- 
tre  Tarleton,  afterwards  so  well  known  in  the  southern 
campaigns,  at  that  time  a  cornet  in  the  King's  Dragoon 
Guards,  and  a  volunteer  with  the  forces  in  America, 
had  the  direction  of  the  advanced  guard  of  the  party. 

While  scouring  the  country,  they  obtained  intelligence 
of  Lee's  position,  succeeded  in  surprising  the  guard, 
and  surrounded  the  house  before  he  was  aware  of  his 
danger.  Major  William  Bradford,  one  of  his  aids,  who 
was  present  and  escaped,  stated  that  the  party  were 
conducted  by  a  tory  who  was  with  General  Lee  the 
evening  before,  complaining  of  the  loss  of  a  horse  taken 
by  the  army.  He  found  where  the  General  was  to 
lodge  and  breakfast,  and  that  he  was  to  be  at  White's 
tavern  about  noon.  He  left  them,  rode  eighteen  miles 


388  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

in  the  night  to  Brunswick,  and  returned  with  the  party 
of  Light  Horse.  Most  of  the  American  accounts  of  the 
affair  agree  in  charging  the  tories  with  having  betrayed 
him.  On  the  other  hand,  the  English  accounts  state 
that  Harcourt's  party  fell  in  with  a  messenger,  bearing 
a  letter  from  Lee,  who  was  induced  by  threats  or  prom- 
ises to  return  as  their  guide.  One  states  that  "the 
wafer  of  the  letter  was  still  wet,  which  showed  the 
writer  was  not  far  off."  The  accounts  are  not  incon- 
sistent— information  may  have  been  given  by  the  tories, 
and  as  the  Light  Horse  approached  they  may  have 
seized  the  messenger,  who  had  recently  left  the  General. 

Harcourt's  disposition  was  made  with  great  skill,  and 
executed  u  with  infinite  address  and  gallantry."  As  he 
came  in  sight  of  the  house,  he  detached  Tarleton,  who 
dashed  forward  with  six  meji  to  secure  the  doors,  fol- 
lowed by  the  remainder  of  the  party  at  a  distance  of 
about  one  hundred  paces.  Harcourt  immediately  sum- 
moned the  house,  with  threats  to  set  fire  to  it,  and  put 
every  man  in  it  to  the  sword,  if  the  General  did  not 
surrender. 

The  surprise  was  so  complete  that  great  consterna- 
tion prevailed  among  the  General's  party.  The  Light 
Horse,  however,  were  fired  upon  from  the  house,  and  two 
or  three  were  killed  (one  of  whom  was  a  cornet),  and 
others  wounded.  There  were  several  French  officers 
with  Lee,  and  one  of  them  took  aim  at  Colonel  Harcourt 
with  his  fusil,  which  the  Colonel  observing,  bent  his 
head,  and  the  shot  took  away  the  ribbon  of  his  hair. 
He  was  immediately  disposed  of  by  the  dragoons,  and 
the  fire  from  the  house  was  very  smartly  returned. 
The  General's  guard  had  been  carelessly  disposed  at  an 
out-building,  and  the  sentry  at  the  door  of  the  house, 
when  he  saw  the  dragoons  coming,  at  first  mistook  them 

O  O ' 

for  his  own  people,  but  soon  perceived  his  mistake  by 
their  swords,  which  were  different  from  those  used  by 
the  Americans.  The  guard  rallied  as  the  alarm  was 
given,  and  attempted  to  join  in  the  defence,  but  they 
were  immediately  overpowered  with  merciless  severity. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  389 

Some  of  them  were  wounded,  two  were  killed  while 
attempting  to  escape,  and  the  remainder  probably  owed 
their  safety  to  Harcourt's'  haste  and  anxiety  to  make 
sure  of  his  prize. 

The  only  person  who  seems  to  have  retained  his  pres- 
ence of  mind  and  behaved  with  suitable  courage  on  the 
occasion,  was  M.  Jean  Louis  de  Virnejoux,  a  French 
gentleman,  who  had  been  appointed  to  the  rank  and  pay 
of  Captain  by  brevet,  and  commissioned  accordingly  on 
the  19th  September,  1776.  He  had  already  in  his  few 
weeks  of  service,  won  the  /best  opinions  of  his  quali- 
ties as  a  gentleman  and  soldier ;  and,  on  this  occasion, 
he  acted  with  the  greatest  bravery  and  resolution  in  de- 
fending the  General.  Had  his  advice  been  taken,  or 
all  who  were  there  evinced  the  same  spirit,  probably  Lee 
would  have  escaped.  It  is  a  real  pleasure  to  speak  of 
such  a  man,  and  to  brighten  this  page  with  the  record 
of  his  virtues. 

The  resistance,  nowever,  was  short.  Harcourt  again 
summoned  the  house,  renewing  his  threats  with  a  solemn 
oath.  Finding  concealment  impossible,  and  further 
resistance  useless,  Lee  made  his  appearance  at  the  door, 
and  in  the  most  submissive  manner,  surrendered  his 
sword  to  Colonel  Harcourt,  begging  him  to  spare  his 
life.  Several  of  the  English  accounts  state  that  he  fell 
upon  his  knees  to  Harcourt,  and  all  agree  that  he  be- 
haved in  a  most  cowardly  manner,  apparently  frantic 
with  terror  and  disappointment.  One  writer  says,  after 
describing  his  humiliation  to  Harcourt,  "  suddenly  re- 
covering his  panic,  he  flew  into  a  violent  rant  of  his 
having  for  a  moment  obtained  the  supreme  command — 
giving  many  signs  of  wildness  and  of  a  mind  not  per- 
fectly right." 

Captain  Thomas  Harris,  afterwards  Lord  Harris, 
states,  in  his  journal,  that  "Lee  behaved  as  cowardly 
in  this  transaction  as  he  had  dishonorably  in  every 
other.  After  firing  one  or  two  shots  from  the  house, 
he  came  out  and  entreated  our  troops  to  spare  his  life." 
Harris  continues,  "  Had  he  behaved  with  proper  spirit, 


390  •     THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

I  should  Lave  pitied  him,  and  wished  that  his  energies 
had  been  exerted  in  a  better  cause.     I  could  hardly  re- 
frain from  tears  when  I  first  saw  him,  and  thought  of 
the  miserable  fate  in  which  his  obstinacy  has  involved 
him.     He  says  he  has  been  mistaken  in  three  things : 
"  1st.  That  the  New  England  men  would  fight. 
"  2d.  That  America  was  unanimous,  and 
"  3d.  That  she  could  afford  two  men  for  our  one." 
He  was  somewhat  roughly  handled  on  being  seized, 
and  his  captors,  if  they  did  not  treat  him  with  great 
indignity,  certainly    displayed  very  little    regard  for 
his  comfort  or  appearance.     He  had  presented  himself 
without  his  hat  or  outside  coat,  and  although   he  ear- 
nest! v  requested  permission  to  get  them,  was  very  per- 
emptorily refused. 

He  was  mounted  on  the  guide's  horse,  tied  on  both 
legs  and  arms,  and  with  one  of  his  aids  who  was 
mounted  behind  a  dragoon,  was  hurried  away  at  a  furi- 
ous speed  towards  Brunswick,  whei*e  upon  his  arrival, 
"  about  three  hours  afterwards,  the  cannon  in  the  Brit- 
ish camp  played  furiously,  rejoicing  on  the  occasion;" 
which  was  also  signalized  with  much  less  dignified  dem- 
onstrations of  delight  by  the  soldiery.  He  entertained 
some  hope  of  a  rescue  at  first,  and  told  Harcourt  he 
was  "  not  sure  of  his  prey ; "  but  as  his  expecta- 
tion diminished,  and  finally  all  hope  of  it  vanished,  he 
became  sullen  and  very  much  dispirited.  He  said  to 
his  captors — admitting  the  weakness  of  the  American 
army,  and  his  own  confidence  in  British  strength  and 
zeal,  when  roused, — "  The  game  is  nearly  at  an  end." 

Afterwards,  on  being  brought  in  at  Brunswick,  he 
is  said  to  have  claimed  the  benefit  of  Howe's  proc- 
lamation, and  demanded  to  be  received  under  it ;  but, 
on  being  refused,  as  being  found  in  arms  and  not 
entitled  to  it,  and  told  that  he  would  be  tried  as  a 
deserter,  he  flew  into  the  most  unbounded  rage,  and 
exclaimed  against  the  repeated  acts  of  false  faith  and 
treachery  which  had  reduced  him  to  his  present  situa- 
tion. He  also  desired  an  interview  with  General  Ho  we, 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  391 

which  was  not  granted  at  that  time  ;  and  I  have  reason 
to  believe  that  General  Howe  refused  to  see  him  for 
a  long  time  after  his  capture.  This  must  have  been  a 
severe  trial  to  Lee,  for  he  had  before  publicly  professed 
"  the  highest  love  and  reverence  "  for  General  Howe, 
stating  that  he  had  "courted  his  acquaintance  and 
friendship,  not  only  as  a  pleasure,  but  as  an  ornament," 
and  "flattered  himself  that  he  had  obtained  it." 

Soon  after  his  capture,  he  addressed  the  following 
letter  to  his  old  friend  and  associate,  Captain  Primrose 
Kennedy,  of  the  44th  Regiment : 

GENERAL  LEE  TO  CAPTAIN  KENNEDY. 

"  SIR  : 

"The  fortune  of  war,  the  activity  of  Colonel  Har- 
court,  and  the  rascality  of  my  own  troops,  have  made 
me  your  prisoner.  I  submit  to  my  fate,  and  I  hope 
that  whatever  may  be  my  destiny,  I  shall  meet  it  with 
becoming  fortitude  ;  but  I  have  the  consolation  of  think- 
ing, amidst  all  my  distresses,  that  I  was  engaged  in  the 
noblest  cause  that  ever  interested  mankind.  It  would 
seem  that  Providence  had  determined  that  not  one  free- 
man should  be  left  upon  earth  ;  and  the  success  of  your 
arms  more  than  foretell  one  universal  system  of  slavery. 
Imagine  not,  however,  that  I  lament  my  fortune,  or 
mean  to  deprecate  the  malice  of  my  enemies ;  if  any 
sorrow  can  at  present  affect  me,  it  is  that  of  a  great 
continent  apparently  destined  for  empire,  frustrated  in 
the  honest  ambition  of  being  free,  and  enslaved  by  men, 
whom  unfortunately  I  call  my  countrymen. 

"To  Colonel  Harcourt's  activity  every  commenda- 
tion is  due ;  had  I  commanded  such  men,  1  had  this  day 
been  free ;  but  my  ill-fortune  has  prevailed,  and  you 
behold  me  no  longer  hostile  to  England,  but  contempt- 
ible and  a  prisoner  ! 

"  I  have  not  time  to  add  more,  but  let  me  assure  you, 
that  no  vicissitudes  have  been  able  to  alter  my  senti- 
ments ;  and  that  as  I  have  long  supported  those  senti- 


392  »    THE   LEE   PAPERS. 

ments  in  all  difficulties  and  dangers,  I  will  never  depart 
from  them  but  with  life. 

"C.  LEE." 

The  aid,  who  was  taken  with  Lee,  was  M.  de  Gaiault. 
This  gentleman,  a  Lieutenant-Colonel  in  the  French 
service,  had  recently  arrived  at  Boston  with  powder  and 
arms,  in  the  Hancock  and  Adams,  Captain  Smith,  from 
Nantes.  On  his  way  to  tender  his  services  to  General 
Washington,  he  had  joined  General  Lee,  who  made  him 
his  aid-de-camp,  only  two  days  before  he  was  taken. 
When  he  heard  the  firing  of  the  Light  Dragoons,  he  ran 
out  hastily,  and  was  immediately  made  prisoner.  He 
shared  their  rude  treatment  with  Lee,  in  respect  to 
which  he  afterwards  presented  a  remonstrance  to  Gen- 
eral Howe.  At  Brunswick,  M.  Gaiault  was  fortunate 
enough  to  meet  an  old  acquaintance,  a  British  officer, 
who  provided  him  with  quarters  where  he  was  taken 
good  care  of,  and  supplied  him  with  necessaries.  He 
was  also  under  much  less  restraint  than  his  fellow- 
prisoner. 

The  intelligence  of  Lee's  capture  reached  his  troops 
as  they  were  on  the  march.  The  statement  of  a  private 
soldier  in  one  of  the  Rhode  Island  Regiments,  preserves 
for  us  the  account  of  an  eye-witness.  He  saw  Major 
Bradford,  who  had  escaped,  as  he  rode  up  to  the  line. 
General  Sullivan  met  him  and  received  the  news,  which 
immediately  spread  through  the  whole  division.  They 
halted  some  time  in  the  road,  and  Sullivan  "  rode 
through  the  line  giving  orders,  to  show  that  they  still 
had  a  commander  left,  and  did  not  appear  to  regret  the 
loss  of  Lee."  The  writer  adds,  "  I  confess  it  was  not  a 
subject  of  any  grief  to  me,  as  I  had  known  him  before 
he  was  appointed  in  our  army,  and  thought  we  could 
manufacture  as  good  generals  out  of  American  stuff  as 
he  was."  The  prevailing  impression,  however,  must 
have  been  one  of  discouragement ;  and  others  mention 
the  "dejected  spirits"  with  which  they  renewed  their 
march  and  pursued  their  route  to  the  Delaware. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  393 

Sullivan  attempted  to  regain  him,  but  the  rapidity  of 
Harcourt's  movement  was  such  as  to  make  all  attempts 
fruitless.  One  party  pursued  the  dragoons  for  several 
miles,  but  "  were  too  late,"  and  rejoined  the  army  in 
the  evening  at  Germantown. 

One  additional  memorial  of  that  eventful  period  re- 
mains to  be  noticed.  The  last  letter  of  General  Lee 
before  his  capture,  was  addressed  to  his  friend  Gates, 
who  had  been  ordered  to  hasten  on  from  the  northern 
army,  with  all  the  disposable  troops,  and  join  Washing- 
ton beyond  the  Delaware.  He  had  left  the  Hudson  at 
Esopus  (Kingston),  and  thence  proceeded  through  the 
then  uncultivated  country  of  the  Minisink,  nearly  on 
the  route  of  the  present  Delaware  and  Hudson  Canal, 
inclining  to  the  left  to  Sussex  Court  House,  about 
thirty  miles  northwest  of  Morristown,  in  the  hope  of 
falling  in  with  and  joining  the  division  of  General  Lee. 

The  letter  is  significant  enough,  and  is  an  appropriate 
finale  to  Major  General  Charles  Lee's  military  service 
in  the  Jerseys  in  1776.  I  hold  the  original  letter  in 
my  hand,  from  which  I  will  read. 

GENERAL  LEE  TO  GENERAL  GATES. 

"  BASKING  RIDGE,  Dec'r  ye  If  tb,  1776. 

"  MY  DR  GATES  : 

"  The  ingenious  manoeuvre  of  Fort  Washington  has 
unhing'd  the  goodly  fabrick  We  had  been  building — 
there  never  was  so  damn'd  a  stroke — entre  nous,  a 
certain  great  man  is  most  damnably  deficient — He  has 
thrown  me  into  a  situation  where  I  have  my  choice  of 
difficulties — if  I  stay  in  this  Province  I  risk  myself  and 
Army  and  if  I  do  not  stay  the  Province  is  lost  for  ever 

—I  have  neither  guides  Cavalry  Medicines  Money 
Shoes  or  Stockings — I  must  act  with  the  greatest  cir- 
cumspection— Tories  are  in  my  front  rear  and  on  my 
flanks — the  Mass  of  the  People  is  strangely  contaminated 

— in  short  unless  something  which  I  do  not  expect 
turns  up  We  are  lost — our  Counsels  have  been  weak 
to  the  last  degree — as  to  what  relates  to  yourself  if  you 


394  •       THE   LEE    PAPERS. 

think  you  can  be  in  time  to  aid  the  General  I  wou'd 
have  you  by  all  means  go  You  will  at  least  save  your 
army — it  is  said  that  the  Whigs  are  determin'd  to  set 
fire  to  Philadelphia  if  They  strike  this  decisive  stroke 
the  day  will  be  our  own — but  unless  it  is  done  all 
chance  of  Liberty  in  any  part  of  the  Globe  is  forever 
vanished — Adieu,  my  Dr  Friend — God  bless  you. 

"  CHARLES  LEE." 

Upon  Lee's  capture,  great  exultation  was  manifested 
by  the  British.  They  boasted  of  having  taken  the 
American  Palladium — that  the  Americans  could  not 
stand  long,  as  Lee  was  their  chief  man.  The  historian 
Gibbon,  who  had  taken  his  seat  in  Parliament  at  the 
beginning  of  the  contest  between  Great  Britain  and 
America;  and  supported  with  many  a  sincere  and 
silent  vote,  the  measures  of  the  administration ;  pre- 
serves the  gossip  of  the  day  in  London  in  one  of  his 
letters :  "  Lee  is  certainly  taken  .  .  .  We  are  not 
clear  whether  he  behaved  with  courage  or  pusillanimity 
when  he  surrendered  himself ;  but  Colonel  Keene  told 
me  to-day  that  he  had  seen  a  letter  from  Lee  since  his  con- 
finement. He  imputes  his  being  taken  to  the  alertness 
of  Harcourt  and  cowardice  of  his  own  guard  ;  hopes  he 
shall  meet  his  fate  with  fortitude,  etc."  Gibbon  adds  : 
"  It  is  said  he  was  to  succeed  Washington ;  "  and  also, 
referring  to  the  news  from  Trenton,  "  vVe  know  noth- 
ing certain  of  the  Hessians,  but  there  has  been  a  blow." 

Among  the  Americans,  his  loss  was  greatly  and  sin- 
cerely deplored — although  the  circumstances  attending 
his  capture  were  almost  equally  regretted.  The  most 
generous  spirit  was  manifested  in  Washington's  private 
as  well  as  public  correspondence — full  of  regret  for  the 
loss  which  the  service  had  sustained,  and  sympathy  for 
Lee's  personal  sufferings — although  he  was  obliged  to 
regard  the  misfortune  as  the  more  vexatious,  as  it  was 
by  the  captive  General's  own  folly  and  imprudence,  and 
without  a  view  to  effect  any  good,  that  he  was  taken 
prisoner. 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  395 

He  was  still  detained  at  Brunswick,  a  close  prisoner 
under  a  strong  guard,  when  Washington  turned  upon 
his  pursuers,  and  at  Trenton  and  Princeton  justified  the 
expectation  of  the  Pennsylvania  Council  of  Safety,  who, 
in  condoling  with  him  on  the  loss  of  Lee,  expressed 
their  hope  that  it  might  be  in  his  power  to  close  the 
campaign  with  honor  to  himself,  and  leave  General 
Howe  in  a  situation  which  should  afford  him  little  rea- 
son to  boast. 

These  movements  threw  the  enemy  into  great  con- 
sternation at  Brunswick,  where  were  the  British  stores 
and  baggage,  and  for  a  time  an  ominous  anxiety  pre- 
vailed in  the  lines.  One  of  the  English  officers  who 
was  present,  says  :  "  The  captive  General  Lee  was  not 
without  his  terrors  on  this  extraordinary  and  sudden 
turn  of  fortune.  General  Matthews  not  knowing  well 
how  to  dispose  of  him  in  this  intricacy  of  situation,  he 
followed  the  wagons,  and  was  marched,  guarded, 
through  the  line,  then  under  arms,  in  silent  and  mo- 
mentary expectation  of  the  enemy — a  perfect  stranger 
to  every  thing  that  had  happened,  or  to  what  end  he 
was  destined ;  he  could  only  judge  from  the  hurry  and 
apparent  confusion  that  something  uncommon  must 
have  occasioned  it ;  for  every  circumstance  at  that  junc- 
ture seemed  so  big  with  event,  that  no  person  dared 
speak  to  him  as  he  passed  by,  or  take  upon  them  to  ex- 
plain what  he  eagerly  wished  to  discover.  His  looks 
presented  a  picture  of  dread  and  horror ;  strongly  ex- 
pressive of  his  persuasion  that  his  fate  had  overtaken 
him,  at  a  time  when  he  apprehended  no  immediate  dan- 
ger— he  was  soon  relieved  from  his  distress." 

He  was  brought  to  New  York  from  Brunswick,  on 
Monday,  the  13th  of  January,  1777,  still  very  strictly 

guarded.  Rooms  were  fitted  up  for  his  reception  in  the 
ity  Hall,  where  he  was  treated  with  consideration  and 
humanity.  He  was  allowed  to  converse  freely  with  the 
officers  in  whose  custody  he  was  placed,  except  u  on  the 
subject  of  the  dispute  with  the  colonies."  The  two  of- 
ficers on  guard  always  dined  with  him,  and  he  had  leave 


396  THE   LEE    PAPERS. 

to  invite  any  other  person  he  pleased.  He  was  from  the 
first  regarded  in  the  light  of  a  traitor  to  his  king,  amen- 
able to  British  military  law  as  a  deserter ;  and  he  un- 
questionably owed  his  life  to  the  firmness  of  Washing- 
ton and  the  Congress.  Exaggerated  accounts  of  the 
severity  of  his  confinement  produced  remonstrance  and 
threats  of  retaliation,  and  Howe's  reply  to  the  remon- 
strance being  unsatisfactory,  Congress  directed  some 
harsh  measures  with  reference  to  five  Hessian  field  of- 
ficers and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Campbell,  then  prisoners, 
who  were  made  special  hostages  for  Lee's  safety  ;  but 
these  were  mitigated  by  the  earnest  interference  of 
Washington.  Still  the  exchange  of  prisoners  was 
interrupted,  until  the  demand  should  be  complied 
with  that  General  Lee  be  recognized  as  a  prisoner  of 
war. 

General  Howe  was  much  embarrassed  in  respect  to 
the  law  of  the  case,  and  wrote  home  for  instructions. 
AVith  characteristic  professional  caution,  being  "  afraid 
of  falling  into  a  law  scrape,"  he  desired  to  have  the 
opinion  of  the  law  officers  of  the  Crown,  in  case  he 
should  be  instructed  to  bring  his  prisoner  to  trial. 
There  had  been  some  recent  decisions  in  England, 
which  had  an  awkward  look,  in  respect  to  damages,  in 
case  Lee  should  escape  conviction  and  bring  an  action 
for  false  imprisonment.  The  case  of  certain  Bengal  of- 
ficers was  referred  to,  and  Lee's  was  still  stronger. 
Being  only  on  half-pay  when  he  wrote  his  letter  of 
resignation  to  Lord  Barrington,  he  would  undoubtedly 
plead  :  first,  that  a  half-pay  officer  was  not  amenable 
to  military  law,  and  secondly,  if  he  was,  he  had  a  right 
to  resign.  The  reply  of  Lord  George  Germaine  was — 
"  As  you  have  difficulties  about  bringing  General  Lee 
to  trial  in  America,  it  is  His  Majesty's  pleasure  that 
you  send  him  to  Great  Britain  by  the  first  ship  of  war." 
One  of  the  London  newspapers  of  the  time  states,  that 
he  was  actually  "  placed  on  board  a  vessel  at  New  York 
three  several  times  in  order  to  be  brought  to  England ; 
and  the  ship  was  absolutely  on  sail  when  Washington's 


THE   LEE    PAPERS.  397 

letter  to  General  Howe  arrived  at  New  York,  the  con- 
sequence of  which  was  that  the  ship  was  stopped  and 
the  General  relanded." 

Sir  William  Howe  being  unable  to  make  any  im- 
pression upon  Washington,  and  being  apprehensive  that 
a  close  confinement  of  the  Hessian  officers  would  be  the 
consequence  of  sending  Lee  to  Great  Britain,  and  that 
this  would  occasion  much  discontent  among  the  foreign 
troops,  retained  Lee  for  further  instructions.  In  a  sub- 
sequent letter  from  the  minister,  he  informs  General 
Howe,  that  his  "  motives  for  postponing  General  Lee's 
departure  for  Great  Britain  are  approved  by  the 
king.'1 

Congress  had  approved  the  course  pursued  by  Wash- 
ington, but  expressed  a  new  and  "  determined  resolu- 
tion to  carry  into  execution  the  law  of  retaliation ;  that 
if  any  persons  belonging  to,  or  employed  in,  the  service 
of  the  United  States  or  any  of  them  who  now  are,  or 
hereafter  may  be,  prisoners  to  Lord  or  General  Howe,  or 
any  other  commander  of  his  Britannic  Majesty's  forces 
by  sea  or  land,  shall  be  sent  to  the  realm  of  Great  Brit- 
ain, or  any  part  of  the  dominion  of  the  said  king,  to  be 
there  confined  in  common  gaols  of  Great  Britain,  or  any 
other  place  or  places  of  confinement  in  pursuance  of  any 
act  or  acts  of  the  British  Parliament,  or  any  other  pre- 
tence whatever  ;  it  is  the  resolution  of  this  Congress,  to 
treat  the  prisoners  now  in  our  power,  and  such  as  here- 
after may  fall  into  our  hands,  in  a  manner  as  nearly 
similar  as  our  circumstances  will  admit." 

On  the  same  day  on  which  this  resolution  was 
adopted  by  Congress,  June  10th,  1777,  General  Wash- 
ington had  very  frankly,  but  firmly,  indicated  the  same 
policy,  in  a  letter  to  General  Howe,  in  which  he  said, 
distinctly  referring  to  the  case  of  General  Lee,  "  I  think 
it  necessary  to  add,  that  your  conduct  towards  prison- 
ers will  govern  mine." 

Satisfied  that  no  arguments  would  induce  "Mr.  Wash- 
ington "  to  recede  from  his  determination,  and  that  it 
was  "  necessary  to  put  an  end  to  a  fruitless  negotiation," 


398  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

the  king  at  last  reluctantly  consented  to  instruct  Howe, 
"  that  Lee,  having  been  struck  off  the  half -pay  list, 
shall,  though  deserving  the  most  exemplary  punishment, 
be  deemed  a  prisoner  of  war,  and  he  may  be  exchanged 
as  such  when  you  may  think  proper." 

This  despatch  was  received  by  General  Howe  on  the 
12th  of  December,  1777.  General  Lee  had  been  kept 
a  close  prisoner  during  the  whole  year  that  had  elapsed 
since  his  capture.  During  most  of  the  time  he  remained 
in  the  City  Hall;  but  while  General  Howe  was  pur- 
suing his  brief  campaign  in  New  Jersey,  and  secretly 
maturing  the  plan  for  the  southern  expedition,  he  was 
removed,  June  7th,  1777,  for  a  time  on  board  the  Cen- 
turion man-of-war,  where  he  wras  permitted  to  walk  the 
quarterdeck. 

Two  days  afterwards  he  wrote  a  letter  to  General 
Washington  on  the  subject  of  Lord  Drummond's  parole. 
This  individual,  whose  attempts  at  negotiation  form  a 
curious  though  unimportant  episode  in  the  history  of 
the  war,  had  given  his  parole  of  honor,  that  he  would 
hold  no  correspondence  directly  or  indirectly  with  those 
wTho  were  in  arms  against  the  colonies,  nor  go  into  any 
port  or  harbor  occupied  by  the  enemy,  nor  on  board 
their  ships.  He  had  most  flagrantly  and  openly  viola- 
ted his  parole,  and  the  most  favorable  construction  of  his 
intentions  could  only  show  "  that  an  overweening  van- 
ity had  betrayed  him  into  a  criminal  breach  of  honor." 
General  Washington  had  occasion  to  administer  to  him 
a  well-merited  reproof  "  in  terms  that  could  not  be  flat- 
tering" to  his  Lordship,  who  attempted  to  vindicate 
himself,  but  without  success.  u  The  facts  in  the  case 
were  too  obvious  and  indisputable  to  be  extenuated 
by  any  testimony  he  produced,  or  by  the  mere  assertion 
of  honorable  motives." 

General  Lee,  however,  professed  to  have  really 
thought  Lord  Drummond  an  injured  man,  and  offered 
himself  as  a  volunteer  instrument  to  obtain  some  repara- 
tion from  General  Washington.  Nothing  could  be 
more  characteristic  than  his  letter,  which  follows  : 


THE  t LEE    PAPERS.  399 

GENERAL  LEE  TO  GENERAL  WASHINGTON. 

"  CENTURION,  June  9th,  1777. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  : 

"  Multiplicity  of  business,  the  miscarriage  of  letters, 
or  some  accident  has  prevented  you  from  doing  what 
really  is  in  my  opinion  an  act  of  justice — I  mean  clear- 
ing up  to  the  world  the  charge  brought  against  Lord 
Drummond  for  a  breach  of  Parole  ;  after  having  read 
all  the  Papers  relative  to  this  subject,  his  letters  to  you, 
yours  to  him,  Capt.  Vanderput's,  and  the  Parole,  I  de- 
clare solemnly  that  it  does  not  appear  to  me  that  there 
is  any  one  thing  in  his  Lordship's  conduct  which  mer- 
ited even  the  shadow  of  censure.  The  intention  of  the 
Parole  in  restraining  him  from  going  on  board  any  of 
the  King's  ships  was  certainly  to  prevent  intelligence 
being  given  of  the  state  of  the  Continent.  As  this  was 
manifestly  the  intention  I  could  almost  say  that  if  even 
he  had  gone  on  board  the  Asia  voluntarily  altho'  the 
terms  of  the  Parole  would  not  have  been  literally  ad- 
hered to,  the  spirit  would  not  have  been  violated,  as  it 
cannot  possibly  be  supposed  that  he  could  give  any  in- 
telligence which  would  have  been  new  to  Capt.  Vander- 
put,  to  and  from  whose  ship  people  were  passing  and 
repassing  every  day — but  Capt,  Vanderput's  evidence 
puts  it  beyond  all  doubt  that  his  Lordship  did  not  go 
voluntarily  but  was  compelled  on  board. 

"  A  public  charge  from  persons  we  esteem  sinks  deep 
in  the  mind  of  a  man  of  sentiment  and  feeling.  1  really 
believe  Lord  Drummond  to  be  such,  and  have  reason 
to  think  that  he  has  an  esteem  for  you,  at  least  from  all 
I  can  learn  he  has  ever  spoken  of  you  in  the  handsom- 
est terms.  Now,  as  it  appears  to  me  that  there  can  be 
no  doubt  from  the  concurrence  of  every  testimony  of  his 
having  adhered  as  scrupulously  as  possible  to  the 
spirit  of  the  Parole,  as  the  affair  is  of  so  delicate  a  nat- 
ure, as  I  am  acquainted  with  your  way  of  thinking,  I 
repeat  that  I  must  ascribe  it  rather  to  a  miscarriage  of 
his  letters  than  to  any  other  cause  that  you  have  not 


400  •      THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

done  him  that  justice  which,  had  you  received  them,  I 
am  persuaded  you  must  have  thought  his  due.  I  can 
perceive  he  is  very  much  hurt  at  the  charge,  and  his 
sensibility,  I  confess,  increases  the  good  opinion  I  before 
had  of  him — Not  only  therefore  justice  to  him  but  let 
me  add,  my  Dear  General,  a  regard  for  you  obliges  me 
to  wish  that  this  affair  may  be  cleared  up  in  some  man- 
ner satisfactory  to  the  party  I  think  injured ;  it  is  a  duty 
which  I  know  if  omitted  cannot  fail  of  giving  much  un- 
easiness hereafter  to  a  man  of  your  rectitude  and  hu- 
manity. 

"  I  must  observe  in  addition  that  I  cannot  imagine 
his  Lordship's  return  after  an  absence  of  three  months 
could  administer  any  reasons  for  suspicion,  for  he  must 
either  have  remained  in  the  West  Indies  or  have  returned 
to  some  port  in  North  America,  as  he  was  prevented 
by  the  spirit  of  the  Parole  from  going  to  England, — 
indeed  the  terms  of  the  Parole  implied  an  obligation  to 
return  to  New  York.  His  long  absence  likewise  from 
the  Continent  rendered  it  impossible  for  him  to  furnish 
any  intelligence  of  the  situation  of  affairs.  Should  it  be 
asked  why  a  man  in  my  present  situation  should  interest 
myself  so  warmly  in  this  business  with  which  I  myself 
had  no  concern  ?  I  must  answer  that  not  only  my  love 
of  justice,  my  duty  as  a  Gentleman,  and  my  regard  for 
you  enjoin  the  task,  but  that  I  really  feel  myself  per- 
sonally obliged  to  Lord  Drummond,  for  since  my  con- 
finement he  has  shown  a  most  generous,  humane  and 
disinterested  attention  to  me.  In  the  course,  of  conver- 
sation this  business  was  accidentally  brought  on  the 
carpet.  As  I  was  a  stranger  to  the  circumstances,  I 
was  anxious  to  be  made  acquainted  with  them.  He 
submitted  the  papers  to  my  perusal — I  really  thought 
him  injured ;  assured  him  that  it  must  have  proceeded 
from  mistake  or  the  miscarriage  of  his  letters,  and  offered 
myself  as  a  volunteer  instrument  to  obtain  some  repara- 
tion. Let  me  hear  from  you,  My  Dear  General,  as  soon 
as  possible,  and  on  this  subject. 

u  God  preserve  and  bless  you  and  send  you  every 


THE    LEE   PAPERS.  401 

possible  felicity,  is  the  prayer  of  one  who  is  most  truly 
and  affectionately  yours, 

"  CHAELES  LEE." 

"  As  I  would  not  unnecessarily  swell  the  packet  I 
have  been  contented  with  sending  the  letters  to  and 
from  Capt.  Vanderput — which  I  think  sufficient — This 
I  do  on  the  supposition  that  those  sent  have  miscar- 
ried." 

Mr.  Sparks  has  given  us  the  substance  of  Washing- 
ton's answer.  "With  his  usual  firmness,  he  replied 
that  he  had  thoroughly  investigated  the  subject  at  the 
time;  that  he  had  no  disposition  to  injure  Lord  Drum- 
mond ;  that  the  impression  left  on  his  mind  was  deep 
and  decided  ;  and  that  no  circumstances  had  since 
come  to  light,  which  tended  to  alter  his  opinion. ' 

General  Howe  received  the  king's  consent  in  Phila- 
delphia, but  transmitted  orders  to  New  York  immedi- 
ately to  terminate  Lee's  long  confinement.  He  was  re- 
leased on  the  25th  December,  on  parole,  to  the  full 
liberty  of  the  city  and  its  limits.  From  this  time  his 
condition  was  much  more  agreeable.  Sir  Henry  Clin- 
ton and  General  Robertson  placed  horses  at  his  com- 
mand, and  he  took  up  his  quarters  with  two  of  his  old- 
est and  warmest  friends  in  the  British  service.  In 
short,  his  situation  was  "  rendered  as  easy,  comfortable 
and  pleasant  as  possible,  for  a  man  who  is  in  any  sort  a 
prisoner."  In  February,  1778,  he  won  a  prize  of  five 
hundred  dollars,  in  the  Alms  House  Lottery. 

The  embarrassment  with  respect  to  the  exchanges  of 
prisoners  still  continued,  and  his  captivity  was  pro- 
longed several  months.  It  was  not  until  late  in  the 
month  of  March  that  he  was  transferred  to  Philadel- 
phia, with  the  prospect  of  a  speedy  exchange.  He  ar- 
rived in  that  city  on  the  25th  of  March.  His  parole 
was  enlarged  on  the  5th  April,  when  he  availed  himself 
of  the  privilege  to  visit  the  American  camp  and  the 
Congress.  On  the  9th  April,  he  arrived  at  Yorktown, 
26 


402  THE   LEE    PAPERS. 

in  Pennsylvania,  where  Congress  was  then  sitting.  At 
this  time,  he  had  the  opportunity  of  witnessing  the  de- 
nouement of  the  intrigues  which,  after  his  own  capture 
removed  him  from  the  scene,  had  elevated  his  old  asso- 
ciate Gates  into  a  rival  of  Washington  !  But  the  lesson 
was  lost  upon  him.  While  he  was  at  Yorktown,  his 
exchange  for  Major  General  Prescott  was  finally  ar- 
ranged, 21st  April,  but  he  did  not  rejoin  the  army  at 
Valley  Forge  until  a  month  later — May  20th,  1778. 
The  history  of  that  month  belongs  to  another  part  of 
this  review  of  his  career. 

I  have  said  that  the  accounts  of  his  harsh  treatment 
were  exaggerated.  For  this  there  is  sufficient  author- 
ity besides  his  own  statement  in  a  letter  to  Robert 
Morris,  that  "  the  General  [Howe]  has  indeed  treated 
me  in  all  respects  with  kindness,  generosity,  and  ten- 
derness." 

The  English  had  a  much  less  favorable  opinion  of 
Lee's  abilities  than  he  had  secured  in  America.  When 
it  was  reported  in  Europe  several  months  before,  that 
he  had  been  captured,  one  of  the  wisest  servants  of  the 
Crown,  Sir  Joseph  Yorke,  then  minister  at  the  Hague, 
wrote  to  Mr.  Eden — that  if  he  had  not  a  thorough  con- 
viction in  his  own  mind  that  the  "  unfortunate  affair  " 
in  America  would  be  brought  to  a  happy  issue  in  the 
course  of  the  summer,  he  "  should  really  have  been  con- 
cerned for  the  taking  of  Lee,  convinced,  from  what  I 
have  seen  and  know  of  him,  that  he  was  the  worst  pres- 
ent which  could  be  made  to  any  army."  And  again, 
after  he  was  taken  :  "  I  was  one  of  those  who  expressed 
a  sincere  concern  at  the  taking  of  Lee,  in  which  nothing 
gave  me  pleasure  but  the  masterly  partisan  stroke  of 
Colonel  Harcourt :  it  is  impossible  but  Lee  must  puz- 
zle every  thing  he  meddles  in,  and  he  was  the  worst 
present  the  Americans  could  receive;  my  opinion  has 
been  verified  much  sooner  than  I  wished,  as  the  only 
stroke  like  officers  which  they  have  struck,  happened 
after  his  being  made  prisoner."  The  capture  of  the 
Hessians  and  the  masterly  manoeuvres  against  the  Brit- 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  403 

ish,  had  enabled  them  to  "  find  that  he  was  not  the  only 
efficient  officer  in  the  American  service." 

The  times,  when  Lee  was  taken,  were  gloomy  enough 
for  the  Americans.  They  were  indeed,  as  Thomas 
Paine  then  wrote  in  his  stirring  appeal  to  the  patriots 
of  '76,  "  the  times  that  tried  men's  souls.  The  summer 
soldier  and  the  sunshine  patriot  would  indeed,  in  such  a 
crisis,  shrink  from  the  service  of  his  country ;  while  he 
that  stood  firm  then,  deserved  the  love  and  thanks  of 
man  and  woman  !  "  In  the  English  camp,  it  was 
thought  that  Howe's  successes  had  intimidated  the 
leaders  of  the  rebellion,  and  were  about  to  induce  a 
general  submission — that  further  opposition  was  de- 
spaired of  by  all  America,  except  a  few  desperate  men 
in  Washington's  army,  and  that  army  reduced  to  less 
than  thirty -five  hundred  men.  The  campaign  projected 
by  the  British,  too,  for  1777,  was  portentous  of  evil  to 
the  United  States,  and  expected  in  Europe  to  be  deci- 
sive, where  the  friends  of  the  Court  were  rejoicing 
upon  the  promising  aspect  of  affairs  in  America ;  and 
the  whole  tone  and  spirit  of  the  royalists  in  New  York, 
was  confident  in  the  extreme. 

The  scattered  notices  which  may  be  gleaned  in  the 
correspondence  written  from  New  York,  at  this  time, 
are  too  vague  and  general,  as  well  as  uncertain,  to  fur- 
nish much  light  as  to  Lee's  occupations ;  but  I  find  one 
account  which  is  particularly  interesting.  It  states 
"  that  he  has  employed  his  leisure  hours  mostly  in  writ- 
ing ;  and  some  were  of  opinion  that  he  was  employed 
in  a  plan  of  reconciliation,  as  he  used  often  to  say,  that 
if  the  Americans  had  followed  his  advice,  matters  could 
never  have  gone  to  such  a  length.  His  tone  is  changed, 
and  as  he  was  always  remarkable  for  his  freedom  of 
speech,  he  makes  no  scruple  of  condemning  the  Ameri- 
cans in  very  plain  terms,  for  continuing  the  contest." 

His  tone  was  indeed  changed : 

11      ....     Quantum  mutatus  ab  illo 
Hectore !  " 


404  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  he  abandoned  the  cause  to 
which  he  had  so  solemnly  devoted  himself.  He  was 
wanting  in  the  hour  of  trial  !  At  the  touch  of  misfor- 
tune, like  the  angel's  spear,  the  disguises  of  cowardice 
and  treachery  fell  away,  and  the  pages  upon  which  he 
recorded  his  own  condemnation,  vindicate  his  claim  to 
a  high  place  upon  that  list  of  traitors,  of  whom  —  to  the 
sorrow  and  shame  of  humanity  be  it  spoken  —  Judas 
was  not  the  first,  nor  Benedict  Arnold  the  last  !  While 
the  Continental  Congress  were  denouncing  their  most 
solemn  vengeance  in  retaliation  for  any  injury  which 
lie  might  receive  at  the  hands  of  his  captors  —  while 
Washington,  forgetting  the  insults  and  injuries  which 
had  led  to  his  misfortunes,  was  straining  every  nerve  in 
his  behalf,  and  urging  his  requests  upon  Congress  with 
constant  zeal  and  sympathy  —  HE  WAS  PLANNING  FOR 

THE  ENEMIES  OF  AMERICA,  THE  RUIN  OF  THE  CAUSE  ! 

I  hold  the  document  in  my  hand  —  in  Lee's  own  auto- 
graph —  unmistakable  and  real.  It  is  indorsed  in  the 
handwriting  of  Henry  Strachey,  who  was  then  Secre- 
tary to  the  Royal  Commissioners,  Lord  and  Sir  Will- 
iam Howe  : 


"  MR.  LEE'S  PLAN—  mli  March,  1777." 

"As  on  the  one  hand  it  appears  to  me  that  ly  the 
continuance  of  the  War  America  has  no  chance  of  ob- 
taining the  ends  She  proposes  to  herself  ;  that  altho  by 
struggling  She  may  put  the  Mother  Country  to  very 
serious  ex-pence  both  in  blood  and  Money,  yet  She  must 
in  the  end,  after  great  desolation  havock  and  slaughter, 
he  reduced  to  submit  to  terms  much  harder  than  might 
probably  be  granted  at  present  —  and  as  on  the  other 
hand  Great  Britain  tho*  ultimately  victorious,  must 
suffer  very  heavily  even  in  the  process  of  her  victories, 
evry  life  lost  and  evry  guinea  spent  being  in  fact  worse 
than  thrown  away  :  it  is  only  wasting  her  own  prop- 
erty, shedding  her  own  blood  and  destroying  her  own 
stregnth  /  and  as  I  am  not  only  perswaded  from  the 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  405 

high  opinion  1  have  of  the  humanity  and  good  sense 
of  Lord  and  General  Howe  that  the  terms  of  accom- 
modation will  be  as  'moderate  as  their  powers  will  ad- 
mit, but  that  their  powers  are  more  ample  than  their 
Successors  (shoud  any  accident  happen)  wou'd  l)e 
vested  with,  I  think  myself  not  only  justifiable  but 
bound  in  conscience  to  furnish  all  the  lights,  I  can, 
to  enable  "*em  to  bring  matters  to  a  conclusion  in  the 
most  compendious  manner  and  consequently  the  least 
expensive  to  both  Parties — I  do  this  with  the  more 
readiness  as  I  know  the  most  generous  use  will  be 
made  of  it  in  all  respects — their  humanity  will  in- 
cline Vm  to  have  consideration  for  Individuals  who 
have  acted  from  Principle  and  their  good  sense  will 
tell  ''em  that  the  more  moderate  are  the  general  con- 
ditions ,'  the  more  solid  and  permanent  will  be  the 
union,  for  if  the  conditions  were  extremely  repugnant 
to  the  general  way  of  thinking,  it  wodd  be  only  the 
mere  patchwork  of  a  day  which  the  first  breath  of 
wind  will  discompose  and  the  first  symptoms  of  a 
rupture  betwixt  the  ^Bourbon  Powers  and  Great  Brit- 
ain absolutely  overturn — but  I  really  have  no  appre- 
hensions of  this  Mnd  whilst  Lord  and  General  Howe 
have  the  direction  of  affairs,  and  flatter  myself  that 
under  their  auspices  an  accommodation  may  be  built 
on  so  solid  a  foundation  as  not  to  be  shaken  by  any 
such  incident — in  this  persuasion  and  on  these  prin- 
ciples I  shall  most  sincerely  and  zealously  contribute 
all  in  my  power  to  so  desirable  an  end,  and  if  no 
untoward  accidents  fall  out  which  no  human  fore- 
sight can  guard  against  I  will  answer  with  my  life 
for  the  success. 

''From  my  present  situation  and  ignorance  of  cer- 
tain facts,  I  am'  sensible  that  I  hazard  proposing  things 
which  cannot  ivithout  difficulties  be  comply* d  with  /  I 
can  only  act  from  surmise,  therefore  hope  allowances 
will  be  made  for  my  circumstances.  I  will  suppose 
then  that  (exclusive  of  the  Troops  requisite  for  the 
security  of  jRhode  Island  and  N.  York)  'General 


406  •      THE    LEE   PAPERS. 

Howe's  Army  (comprehending  every  species,  British, 
Hessians  and  Provincials)  amounts  to  tioenty  thous- 
hand  men  capable  to  take  the  field  and  act  offensively  ; 
by  which  I  mean  to  move  to  any  part  of  the  Conti- 
nent where  occasion  requires — 1  will  suppose  that  the 
Generals  design  with  this  force  is  to  clear  the  Jersey's 
and  take  possession  of  Philadelphia — but  in  my  opin- 
ion the  taking  possession  of  Philadelphia  will  not  have 
any  decisive  consequences — the  Congress  and  People 
adhering  to  the  Congress  have  already  made  up  their 
minds  for  the  event;  already  Tliey  have  turned  their 
eyes  to  other  places  where  They  can  fix  their  seat  of 
residence,  carry  on  in  some  measure  their  Government j 
in  short  expecting  this  event  They  have  devis'd  meas; 
i  (res  for  protracting  the  \Var  in  hopes  of  some  favour  - 
able  turn  of  affairs  in  Europe — the  taking  %>ossession 
therefore  of  Philadelphia  or  any  one  or  two  Towns 
more,  which  the  General  may  have  in  view,  will  not 
be  decisive — to  brim/  'matters  to  a  conclusion,  it  is 
necessary  to  unliinge  or  dissolve,  if  I  may  so  express 
myself,  the  whole  system  or  machine  of  resistance,  or 
in  other  terms,  Congress  Government — this  system  or 
machine,  as  affairs  now  stand,  depends  entirely  on  the 
circumstances  and  disposition  of  the  People  of  Mary- 
land Virginia  and  Pensylvania — if  the  Province  of 
Maryland  or  the  greater  part  of  it  is  reduced  or  sub- 
mits, and  the  People  of  Virginia  are  prevented  or  in- 
timidated from  marching  aid  to  the  Pensylvania  Army 
the  ivhole  machine  is  dissolved  and  a  period  put  to  the 
War,  to  accomplish  which,  is,  the  object  of  the  scheme 
which  I  now  take  the  liberty  of  offering  to  the  consid- 
eration of  his  Lordsliip  and  the  General,  and  if  it  is 
adopted  in  full  I  am  so  confident  of  the  success  that 
I  iDou^d  stake  my  life  on  the  issue — 1 have  at  the  same 
time  the  comfort  to  reflect,  that  in  pointing  out  meas- 
ures which  1 Jcnow  to  be  the  most  effectual  I  point  out 
those  which  will  be  attended  with  no  bloodshed  or  deso- 
lation to  the  Colonies.  As  the  difficulty  of  passing 
and  of  re-passing  the  North  River  and  the  apprehen- 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  40 7 

sionsfrom  General  Carltoris  Army  will  I  am  confi- 
dent keep  the  New  Englanders  at  home,  or  at  least 
confine  ^em  to  the  East  side  the  River  /  and  as  their 
Provinces  are  at  present  neither  the  seat  of  Govern- 
ment sir  eg  nth  nor  Politicks  I  cannot  see  that  any 
offensive  operations  against  these  Provinces  wou^d 
answer  any  sort  of  Purpose — to  secure  JV.  York  and 
JRhode  Island  against  their  attacks  'will  be  sufficient. 
On  the  supposition  then,  that  General  Howe's  Army 
(including  every  species  of  Troops)  amounts  to  t^oenty 
or  even  eighteen  thoushand  men  at  liberty  to  move  to 
any  part  of  the  Continent;  as  fourteen  thoushand  will 
be  more  than  sufficient  to  clear  the  Jersey's  and  take 
possession  of  Philadelphia,  I  wou'd  propose  that  four 
thoushand  men  be  immediately  embarttd  in  transports, 
one  half  of  which  shou'd  proceed  up  the  Patomac  and 
take  post  at  Alexandria,  the  other  half  up  Chesepeak 
Bay  and  possess  themselves  of  Annapolis.  They  ^oill 
most  probably  meet  with  no  opposition  in  taking  pos- 
session of  these  Posts,  and  when  possessed  they  are  so 
very  strong  by  nature  that  a  few  hours  work  and  some 
trijling  artillery  will  secure  them  against  the  attacks  of 
a  much  greater  force  than  can  possibly  be  brought 
down  against  them  —  their  communication  with  the 
shipping  will  be  constant  and  sure— for  at  Alexan- 
d/t'ia  Vessels  of  a  very  considerable  burthen  (of  five 
or  six  hundred  Tons  for  instance)  can  lie  in  close  to 
the  shore,  and  at  Annapolis  within  msiisket  shot — all 
the  necessaries  and  refreshments  for  an  Army  are  near 
at  hand,  and  in  the  greatest  abundance — Kent  Island 
will  supply  that  of  Annapolis  and  every  part  on  both 
banks  of  the  Patomac  that  of  Alexandria.  These  Posts 
may  with  ease  support  each  other,  as  it  is  but  two  easy 
days  march  from  one  to  the  other,  and  if  occasion  re- 
quires by  a  single  days  march,  They  may  join  A  and 
conjunctly  carry  on  their  operations  wherever  it  shall 
be  'thought  eligible  to  direct  ''em ;  whether  to  take  pos- 
session of  Baltimore  or  post  themselves  on  some  spot 
on  the  Westward  bank  of  the  Susguelianna  which  is  a 


408  •      THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

point  of  the  utmost  importance — but  here  I  must  beg 
leave  to  observe  that  there  is  a  measure  which  if  the 
General  assents  to  and  adopts  will  be  attended  with 
momentous  and  the  most  happy  consequences — I  mean 
that  from  these  Posts  proclamations  of  pardon  should 
be  issued  to  all  those  who  come  in  at  a  given  day,  and 
I  will  answer  for  it  ivith  my  life — that  all  the  Inhabi- 
tants of  that  great  tract  southward  of  the  Patapsico 
and  lying  betwixt  the  Patomac  and  Chesepeak  Bay 
and  those  on  the  eastern  Shore  of  Maryland  will  im- 
mediately lay  down  their  arms — but  this  is  not  all,  I 
am  much  mistaken  if  those  potent  and  populous  Ger- 
man districts,  Frederic  County  in  Maryland  and  York 
in  Pensylvania  do  not  follow  their  example — These 
Germans  are  extremely  numerous,  and  to  a  Man  have 
hitherto  been  the  most  staunch  Assertors  of  the  Ameri- 
can cause ;  but  at  the  same  time  are  so  remarkably 
tenacious  of  their  property  and  apprehensive  of  the 
least  injury  being  done  to  their  fine  farms  that  I  have 
no  doubt  when  They  see  a  probability  of  their  Country 
becoming  the  seat  of  War  They  will  give  up  all  oppo- 
sition but  if  contrary  to  my  expectations  a  force  should 
be  assembled  at  Alexandria  sufficient  to  prevent  the 
Corps  detach? d  thither  from  talcing  possession  imme- 
diately of  the  place,  it  will  make  no  disadvantageous 
alteration,  but  rather  the  reverse — a  variety  of  spots 
near  A  lexandria  on  either  banlc  of  the  Patomac  may 
be  chosen  for  Posts  equally  well  calculated  for  all  the 
great  purposes  I  have  mentioned — viz— for  the  reduc- 
tion or  compulsion  to  submission  of  the  whole  Province 
of  Maryland  for  the  preventing  or  intimidating  Vir- 
ginia from  sending  aids  to  Pensylvania— for  in  fact 
if  any  force  is  assembled  at  Alexandria  sufficient  to 
oppose  the  Troops  sent  against  it,  getting  possession  of 
it,  it  must  be  at  the  expence  of  the  more  Northern  Army, 
as  they  must  be  composed  of  those  Troops  which  were 
otherwise  destined  for  Pensylvania — to  say  all  in  a 
word,  it  will  unhinge  and  dissolve  the  whole  system  of 
defence.  I  am  so  confident  of  the  event  that  I  will  vent- 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  409 

lire  to  assert  with  the  penalty  of  my  life  if  the  plan  is 
fully  adopted,  and  no  accidents  (such  as  a  rupture  be- 
twixt the  Powers  of  Europe)  intervenes  that  in  less 
than  two  months  from  the  date  of  the  proclamation  not 
a  spark  of  this  desolating  war  remains  unextinguished 
in  any  part  of  the  Continent. 

"^On  the  Road  from  Annapolis  to  Queen  Ann  there 
is  one  considerable  River  to  be  passed,  but  as  the  ships 
boats  can  easily  be  brought  round  from  the  Bay  to  the 
usual  place  of  passage  or  Ferry,  this  is  no  impediment 
if  the  Two  Corps  chuse  to  unite  They  may  by  a  single 
days  march  either  at  Queen  Anns  or  Malbrough" 

Such  was  the  scheme  of  treason  which  Charles  Lee, 
Major  General,  second  in  command  in  the  American 
army  of  the  Revolution,  took  "  the  liberty  of  offering 
to  the  consideration  of  his  Lordship  and  the  General," 
His  Majesty's  Commissioners,  Lord  and  Sir  William 
Howe  !  Its  form  and  character  do  not  admit  the  sup- 
position that  he  had  been  tampered  with,  solicited,  or 
approached  in  any  way  on  the  subject.  It  must  have 
been  the  voluntary  offering  of  cowardice,  eager  to  pur- 
chase safety  by  treachery,  and  thus  to  open  the  way 
back  to  allegiance  and  protection  !  He  had  evidently 
regarded  himself  as  "  the  Palladium,"  and  with  his  own 
capture  had  lost  all  hope  for  the  success  of  the  Ameri- 
cans. So  he  threw  himself  upon  the  generosity  of  the 
Howes,  and  tried  to  make  a  virtue  of  his  own  selfish- 
ness ;  betraying  his  associates,  while  with  a  character- 
istic appeal  for  sympathy,  he  thought  their  "human- 
ity "  would  incline  Lord  and  General  Howe  "  to  have 
consideration  for  individuals  who  have  acted  from 
principle." 

Although  we  are  left  mainly  to  conjecture  the  cir- 
cumstances under  which  this  plan  was  submitted  to  the 
Howes,  it  is  proper  to  make  such  inferences  as  are 
warranted  by  their  subsequent  conduct  of  the  war. 

From  the  beginning  of  the  winter  of  1776-77,  Gen- 
eral Howe  had  been  sending  to  the  ministry  his  plans 


J 

410  .  THE   LEE    PAPERS. 

for  the  next  campaign.  His  primary  object,  repeated- 
ly urged,  was  the  junction  of  the  two  armies  up  and 
down  the  Hudson  River.  His  own  movement  north- 
ward, accompanied  with  an  irruption  into  New  England, 
it  was  said,  would  "  strike  at  the  root  of  the  rebellion, 
and  put  those  Independent  Hypocrites  between  two 
fires  "-—and  "  open  the  door  wide  for  the  Canada  army." 
The  principal  features  of  these  plans  had  received  the 
approbation  of  the  king,  who,  with  the  ministry,  Par- 
liament, and  the  nation,  undoubtedly  expected,  by  the 
possession  of  the  Lakes  and  the  North  River,  to  com- 
plete the  separation  of  the  northern  and  southern  col- 
onies, and  conquer  America  in  detail. 

But  in  his  secret  letter  of  the  2d  of  April,  the  Gen- 
eral totally  relinquished  the  idea  of  any  offensive  op- 
eration, except  that  to  the  southward,  and  a  diversion 
occasionally  upon  the  Hudson  River.  He  informed  the 
Secretary  of  State  that  the  principal  part  of  the  plans 
formerly  proposed  could  no  longer  be  thought  of  ;  that 
the  Jerseys  must  be  abandoned,  and  Pennsylvania  in- 
vaded only  by  sea.  At  the  same  time  he  transmitted  to 
the  ministry  a  copy,  in  advance,  of  his  confidential  letter 
of  the  5th  April,  to  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  then  command- 
ing in  Canada,  in  which  he  said  that  little  assistance  was 
to  be  expected  from  him  to  facilitate  the  approach  of 
the  northern  army — as  "  the  operations  already  deter- 
mined upon,"  would  not  admit  of  his  detaching  a  corps 
to  act  up  the  Hudson  River,  in  the  beginning  of  the  cam- 
paign. In  the  same  letter,  he  informed  General  Carle- 
ton  that  he  had  intrusted  to  a  special  messenger  "  infor- 
mation of  too  delicate  a  nature  to  commit  to  paper,  and 
of  the  utmost  importance  in  favor  of  the  northern  army 
advancing  to  Albany."  The  new  expedition  which  he 
had  planned,  was  a  "  great  secret "  in  New  York,  even 
after  the  embarkation  of  a  portion  of  the  troops. 
When  it  came  out,  it  is  said  that  Sir  Henry  Clinton  re- 
fused to  believe  it  possible  that  Howe  intended  carrying 
the  army  to  the  sou tli ward.  In  the  manuscript  notes 
upon  Stedman's  history  attributed  to  him,  is  the  follow 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  411 

ing  :  "  I  owe  it  to  truth  to  say  there  was  not  I  believe 
a  man  in  the  army  except  Lord  Cornwallis  and  General 
Grant,  who  did  not  reprobate  the  movement  to  the 
southward,  and  see  the  necessity  of  a  co-operation  with 
General  Burgoyne." 

A  contemporary  writer  says  :  "  It  is  impossible  for 
the  mind  of  man  to  conceive  the  gloom  and  resentment 
of  the  army,  on  the  retreat  from  the  Jerseys,  and  the 
shipping  them  to  the  southward  ;  nothing  but  being 
present  and  seeing  the  countenances  of  the  soldiers, 
could  give  an  impression  adequate  to  the  scene  ;  or 
paint  the  astonishment  and  despair  that  reigned  in 
New  York,  when  it  was  found  that  the  North  River 
was  deserted,  and  Burgoyne1  s  army  abandoned  .  .  . 
The  ruinous  and  dreadful  consequences  were  instantly 
foreseen  and  foretold  ;  and  despondence  or  execration 
filled  every  mouth.  Had  there  been  no  Canada  army 
to  desert  or  to  sacrifice,  the  voyage  to  the  southward 
could  only  originate  from  the  most  profound  ignorance 
or  imbecility." 

The  evidence  in  the  House  of  Commons,  in  the  sub- 
sequent Parliamentary  examinations,  indicates  that 
Howe  did  not  consult  many  officers,  and  that  almost  all 
opinions  were  against  the  movement  as  soon  as  it  was 
known.  Lord  George  Germaine,  on  the  8th  June,  1779, 
defending  the  ministry,  said  :  "  that  he  did  not  under- 
stand the  object  of  the  southern  expedition  by  the 
Capes  of  Virginia,"  and  in  general,  the  "  absurd  voyage 
to  Chesapeake  "  was  afterwards  condemned,  as  a  per- 
nicious measure,  producing  fatal  effects — the  loss  of 
Burgoyne' s  army,  the  French  alliance,  and  so  indirectly, 
most  of  the  subsequent  advantages  of  the  Americans. 

The  influence  of  Lee's  plan  is  easily  recognized  in  the 
movements  of  the  Howes,  which  were  then  so  unintel- 
ligible to  both  armies.  Their  natural  distrust  of  him 
must  have  had  great  weight  in  their  determination,  and 
may  have  prevented  them  from  adopting  it  in  full. 
They  never  satisfactorily  explained  their  motives, 
though  seriously  challenged  in  the  subsequent  debates 


412  '  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

in  Parliament.  They  might  well  be  reluctant  to  admit 
that  they  had  followed  the  suggestions  of  one  who  was 
personally  so  obnoxious  to  the  king  and  ministry. 
Their  failures  certainly  would  not  increase  their  readi- 
ness to  allude  to  what  had  proved  so  fatal  a  gift.  So 
they  seem  to  have  preserved  the  secret  of  the  expedi- 
tion. "  A  mystery  "  in  Parliament  then — it  has  contin- 
ued to  remain  so  to  this  day. 

But  however  all  this  may  be — whether  or  not,  fut- 
ure investigations  and  discoveries  shall  prove  that  the 
plan  did  mainly  influence  the  Howes  in  their  determi- 
nation— you  will  not  hesitate  in  agreeing  with  me  that 
the  failure  was  no  fault  of  its  author.  It  is  conceived 
in  as  wicked  a  spirit  of  treason  as  ever  existed.  To  the 
extent  of  his  knowledge  of  the  then  circumstances  of 
both  armies,  it  is  perfectly  adapted  for  entire  success, 
and  that  it  did  not  ruin  the  cause,  we  may  thank  that 
God  who  ruleth  in  the  affairs  of  men. 

There  are  many  interesting  points  in  which  this 
"  Plan  "  of  treason,  touches  the  subsequent  career  of  its 
author,  both  in  the  American  service  and  after  his  dis- 
grace. I  shall  at  present  allude  to  but  one  of  them,  at 
the  risk  of  leaving  you  in  doubt  which  was  the  greater 
—his  hypocrisy  or  his  impudence. 

Just  loefore  the  evacuation  of  Philadelphia,  Washing- 
ton became  convinced  that  the  enemy  intended  to 
march  through  the  Jerseys.  Lee,  only  three  days  be- 
fore they  actually  crossed  the  river,  wrote  to  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief as  follows : 

"  My  opinion  is  that  if  they  are  in  a  capacity  to  act 
offensively,  they  will,  either  immediately  from  Phila- 
delphia, or,  by  a  feint  in  descending  the  river  as  far  as 
New  Castle,  and  then  turning  to  the  right,  march  di- 
rectly and  rapidly  towards  Lancaster,  by  which  means 
they  will  draw  us  out  of  our  present  position,  and 
oblige  us  to  fight  on  terms  perhaps  very  disadvantage- 
ous ;  or  that  they  will  leave  Lancaster  and  this  army 
wide  on  the  right,  endeavour  to  take  post  on  the  lower 
parts  of  the  Susquelianna,  and  by  securing  a  communi- 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  413 

cation  with  their  ships  sent  round  into  the  lay  for  this 
purpose,  be  furnished  with  the  means  of  encouraging 
and  feeding  the  Indian  war,  broke  out  on  the  western 
frontier.  This  last  plan  I  mention  as  a  possibility, 
but  as  less  probable  than  the  former. 

<c  If  they  are  not  in  a  capacity  to  act  offensively,  but 
are  still  determined  to  keep  footing  on  the  continent, 
there  are  strong  reasons  to  think,  that  they  will  not  shut 
themselves  up  in  toivns,  but  take  possession  of  some 
tract  of  country,  which  will  afford  them  elboiv  room  and 
sustenance,  and  which  is  so  situated  as  to  be  the  most 
effectually  protected  by  their  command  of  the  waters; 
and  I  HAVE  PARTICULAR  REASONS  to  think  that  they  have 
cast  their  eyes  for  this  purpose  on  the  lower  counties  of 
Delaware,  and  some  of  the  Maryland  counties  on  the 
Eastern  shore.  If  they  are  resolved  on  this  Plan,  it 
certainly  will  be  very  difficult  to  prevent  them,  or  re- 
move them  afterwards,  as  their  shipping  will  give  them 
such  mighty  advantages.  Whether  they  do  or  do  not 
adopt  any  of  these  plans,  there  can  no  inconvenience 
arise  from  considering  the  subject,  nor  from  devising 
means  of  defeating  their  purposes,  on  the  supposition 
that  they  will. 

"  In  short,  I  think  it  would  be  proper  to  put  these 
queries  to  ourselves.  Should  they  march  directly  tow- 
ards Lancaster  and  the  Susquehanna,  or  indirectly  from 
New  Castle,  what  are  we  to  do  ?  Should  they,  though 
it  is  less  probable,  leave  this  army  and  even  Lancaster, 
wide  on  the  right,  and  endeavour  to  establish  themselves 
on  the  lower  parts  of  the  Susquehanna,  what  are  we  to 
do  ?  And,  should  they  act  only  on  the  defensive,  and 
attempt  to  secure  to  themselves  some  such  tract  of 
country  as  I  have  mentioned,  what  measures  are  we  to 
pursue  ?  These  are  matters  I  really  think  worthy  of 
consideration." 

Washington's  reply  of  the  same  date,  15th  June, 
1778,  contains  the  following  passages  : 

"  I  have  received  your  letter  of  this  date,  and  thank 
you,  as  I  shall  any  officer,  over  whom  I  have  the  honor 


414  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

to  be  placed,  for  his  opinion  and  advice  on  matters  of 
importance — especially  when  they  proceed  from  the 
fountain  of  candor,  and  not  from  a  captious  spirit,  or 
an  itch  for  criticism  .  .  .  and  here  let  me  again 
assure  you,  that  I  shall  be  always  happy  in  a  free  com- 
munication of  your  sentiments  upon  any  impoitant  sub- 
ject relative  to  the  service,  and  only  beg  that  they  may 
come  directly  to  myself.  The  custom,  which  many 
officers  have,  of  speaking  freely  of  things,  and  repro- 
bating measures,  which  upon  investigation,  may  be 
found  to  be  unavoidable,  is  never  productive  of  good, 
but  often,  of  very  mischievous  consequences." 

Lee  seems  to  have  had  from  the  beginning  of  his  ser- 
vice in  the  Continental  army,  a  passion  for  a  negotia- 
tion with  the  British  Generals.  Soon  after  he  arrived 
before  Boston,  in  1  775,  his  correspondence  with  his  old 
friend  Burgoyne,  led  to  a  proposal  for  a  meeting  which 
might  "  induce  such  explanations  as  might  tend,  in 
their  consequences,  to  peace."  He  submitted  the  pro- 
posal to  the  Massachusetts  Provincial  Congress,  whose 
reply,  while  it  renewed  the  expression  of  their  confi- 
dence in  his  wisdom,  discretion,  and  integrity,  hinted 
so  strongly  at  the  probable  distrust  and  jealousy,  which 
might  arise,  that  the  project  was  abandoned.  His  first 
letter  to  Burgoyne  was  written  from  Philadelphia,  just 
before  his  appointment  to  the  army,  and  before  he  sent 
it,  "  lie  had  the  precaution  to  read  it  to  several  mem- 
bers of  the  Continental  Congress."  Even  then  he  was 
guilty  of  a  duplicity  which  falls  little  short  of  treach- 
ery. He  held  a  language  official  and  a  language  con- 
fidential, writing  a  private  letter  to  Burgoyne  (which 
has  never  yet  seen  the  light)  expressly  referred  to  in 
the  following  letter  from  the  British  Secretary  for 
Foreign  Affairs  to  the  French  Minister.  Is  it  unrea- 
sonable to  suppose  that  Lee's  confidences  may  have  dis- 
closed those  early  intimations  so  guardedly  given  of 
the  secret  aid  of  France,  which  occasioned  the  first  step 
towards  a  foreign  alliance  by  the  appointment  of  the 
secret  Committee  of  Foreign  Affairs  in  1775  ? 


THE   LEE    PAPERS.  415 


LORD  ROCHFORD  TO  COUNT  DE  GUINES. 

''September  8th,  1775. 

"  Milord  Rochford  presente  ses  complimens  &  son 
Excellence  Monsieur  le  Compte  de  Guines,  et  a  1'hon- 
neur  de  lui  remettre  les  lettres  imprimees  de  M.  le 
General  Burgoyne  et  M.  Lee,  et  le  prier  de  vouloir 
bien  les  lui  renvoyer  a  son  loisir.  Milord  a  1'honneur 
de  confirmer  a  son  excellence  ce  qu'il  lui  assura  hier  au 
matin  touchant  ce  qui  a  ete  confie  en  ecrit  au  General 
Burgoyne  par  M,  Lee  sur  son  honneur.  Ces  assurances 
se  trouvent  dans  une  lettre  particuliere  et  confidentielle 
de  M.  Lee,  laquelle  n'est  pas  imprime'e,  et  on  ne  sera 
pas  fache  d'etre  en  etat  de  le  contredire  authentique- 
ment." 

Lee's  last  published  letter  to  his  old  companion  in 
arms  was  dated  December  1,  1775.  On  the  4th,  he 
wrote  from  the  Camp  on  Prospect  Hill,  to  his  friend 
Rush  : 

"  I  have  written  a  parting  letter  to  Burgoyne,  which 
in  my  opinion  is  the  best  of  my  performances.  I  be- 
lieve it  does  not  tally  with  your  political  creed  in  some 
parts — but  I  am  convinced  that  you  have  not  virtue 
enough  for  independence  /  nor  do  I  think  it  calculated 
for  your  happiness ;  besides  I  have  some  remaining 
prejudices  as  an  Englishman — but  you  will  judge 
whether  they  are  honest  and  liberal — if  they  shock 
you,  be  gentle  in  your  censures." 

Again,  on  his  way  through  New  Jersey  to  join 
Washington  at  Harlem,  in  1776,  he  suggested  to  Con- 
gress a  conference  with  Lord  Howe,  by  some  gentle- 
men in  the  simple  character  of  individuals  who  are 
supposed  to  have  influence,  and  in  whom  they  could 
confide,  to  demand  what  terms  he  had  to  offer.  This 
was  just  one  month  after  the  Staten  Island  conference 
of  the  character  and  results  of  which  he  could  hardly 
have  been  ignorant. 


416  •    THE    LEE   PAPERS. 

With  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  too,  at  Charleston,  lie  was 
exchanging  compliments,  in  1776,  and  in  1778,  just  be- 
fore the  evacuation  of  Philadelphia,  and  the  British 
repeat  across  New  Jersey,  lie  was  in  correspondence 
with  that  officer — a  correspondence  which,  as  well  as 
later  performances  of  a  similar  character,  will  be  more 
fully  noticed  hereafter,  in  connection  with  the  Battle 
of  Monmouth,  and  his  subsequent  career.  Much  of 
the  evidence  of  his  unworthiness,  in  my  possession,  is 
so  connected  with  his  conduct  on  that  occasion,  and 
the  discussions  which  followed,  as  to  make  that  the 
proper  place  to  present  it.  At  present,  I  must  content 
myself  with  the  direct  proof  of  the  principal  fact,  with 
such  brief  illustration  as  the  occasion  will  allow. 

Lord  and  General  Howe,  in  the  month  of  February, 
1777,  are  said  to  have  attempted  to  open  a  negotiation 
with  the  Congress  through  General  Lee.  I  am  unable 
to  resist  the  conclusion,  that  this  correspondence,  as  it 
agrees  in  point  of  time,  formed  a  part  of  Lee's  attempt 
to  be  of  service  to  the  Crown,  by  betraying  the  cause 
of  America.  The  rumors  which  prevailed  in  England 
and  among  the  Loyalists  in  America,  as  well  as  the 
British  army,  indicate  a  strong  expectation  that  Lee's 
application  to  Congress  was  about  to  result  in  impor- 
tant changes  in  affairs.  He  was  supposed  to  be  high 
in  favor,  and  the  style  of  his  first  letters  indicates  great 
confidence  in  himself.  This  confidence  was  not  with- 
out foundation,  as  we  have  seen,  although  his  capture 
had  shaken  the  opinions  of  some,  and  led  others  to  can- 
vass his  merits  more  carefully  than  ever  before.  Some 
questioned  the  justice  of  Congress  in  their  anxiety  to 
protect  and  prefer  him  in  the  exchange  of  prisoners, 
while  others  censured  him  bitterly  and  insinuated  that 
he  was  treacherous. 

On  the  9th  of  February,  he  wrote  to  Washington, 
enclosing  a  letter  to  Congress,  which  the  Howes  had 
permitted  him  to  send.  He  says  :  "  As  Lord  and  Gen- 
eral Howe  have  given  me  permission  to  send  the  en- 
closed to  the  Congress,  and  as  the  contents  are  of  the 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  417 

last  importance  to  me,  and  perhaps  not  less  so  to  the 
community,  I  most  earnestly  entreat,  my  dear  General, 
that  you  will  despatch  it  immediately,  and  order  the 
express  to  be  as  expeditious  as  possible."  In  the  letter 
to  Congress,  which  was  enclosed,  General  Lee  requested 
that  they  would  permit  two  or  three  gentlemen  to  re- 
pair to  New  York,  to  whom  he  might  communicate 
what  deeply  interested  himself,  and  in  his  opinion  the 
community.  He  says  :  "  The  most  salutary  effects  may 
and  I  arn  convinced  will  result  from  it;  and  as  Lord 
and  General  Howe  will  grant  a  safe  conduct  to  the 
gentlemen  deputed,  it  can  possibly  have  no  ill  conse- 
quences." He  expressed  his  wish  that  some  of  the  gen- 
tlemen composing  the  Committee  at  Philadelphia  might 
be  nominated.  Robert  Morris,  George  Clymer,  and 
George  Walton,  were  the  members  of  this  Committee. 
Congress  having  adjourned  from  Philadelphia  to  Balti- 
more on  the  12th  of  December,  1776,  assembled  in  the 
latter  city  on  the  20th  ;  and,  on  the  next  day,  these 
gentlemen  were  appointed  to  execute  such  Continental 
business  as  might  be  proper  and  necessary  to  be  done 
at  Philadelphia.  General  Lee  also  wrote  with  very 
great  earnestness  to  the  Virginia  Lees  in  Congress,  and 
to  Robert  Morris  and  Benjamin  Rush,  soliciting  their 
influence  to  accomplish  his  object.  He  gave  no  hint 
of  the  nature  of  the  proposed  communication,  and  it  is 
obvious  that  none  of  his  correspondents  were  acquainted 
with  any  of  his  ulterior  purposes.  Washington  him- 
self could  see  no  possible  evil  that  could  result  from 
granting  General  Lee's  request;  and  as  he  thought 
some  srood  mi<?ht,  wished  with  all  his  heart  that  Con- 

O  O          ' 

fress  had  gratified  him.  In  this  view  of  the  case, 
[orris  concurred,  while  Richard  Henry  Lee  finally  co- 
incided with  the  majority  in  Congress,  although  his 
personal  feelings  towards  General  Lee  were  such,  as  to 
cause  a  great  struggle  in  the  determination.  On  the 
21st  of  February,  Congress  directed  General  Washing- 
ton to  acquaint  Lee  that  they  judged  it  altogether  im- 
proper to  send  any  of  their  body  to  communicate  with 

27 


418  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

him,  and  that  they  could  not  perceive  how  a  compli- 
ance with  his  request  would  tend  to  his  advantage  or 
the  interest  of  the  public.  On  the  26th  of  February, 
Lee  was  still  impatiently  expecting  the  gentlemen  from 
Congress.  He  had  urged  the  necessity  of  the  greatest 
u  possible  expedition,  as  expedition  in  the  present  cri- 
sis of  affairs  is  of  very  material  consequence ;  "  and 
a  to  save  time  in  the  present  situation  of  affairs  is  a 
matter  of  the  most  material  consideration." 

About  the  middle  of  March,  Major  Morris  was  per- 
mitted to  visit  General  Lee,  who  availed  himself  of  the 
opportunity,  when  Morris  returned,  to  transmit  to  the 
President  of  Congress  the  following  pressing  letter,  re- 
iterating his  former  request.  It  is  evident  that  he  was 
not  aware  of  the  action  Congress  had  already  taken 
upon  his  application. 


CHARLES  LEE  TO  Joiix  HANCOCK. 

"  NEW  YORK,  March  ye  19th,  1777. 

fc<  SIR  : 

u  In  the  letter  which  sometime  ago  I  did  myself  the 
honor  of  addressing  to  the  Congress,  altho'  my  own  in- 
terests were  deeply  concerned,  they  were  not  simply  so  : 
1  conceived  those  of  America  in  general  to  be  equally 
at  stake.  I  am  confident  that  had  not  some  difficulties, 
which  a  man  in  my  situation  must  be  unacquainted 
with,  prevented  it,  you  would  have  comply'd  with  my 
request  or  favoured  me  with  the  reasons  of  my  disap- 
pointment. I  most  earnestly  conjure  you  therefore, 
Sir,  that  as  Lord  and  General  Howe  will  grant  'em  safe 
passports,  two  or  three  gentlemen  may  be  deputed  to 
converse  with  me  on  subjects  of  so  great  importance 
not  only  to  myself  but  the  community  I  so  sincerely 
love — to  prevent  delay  I  have  commissioned  Mr.  Morris 
to  deliver  this  letter  and  flatter  myself  that  I  shall  not 
be  thought  indecently  pressing,  when  I  request  that 
the  gentlemen  may  without  loss  of  time  be  deputed,  or 


THE   LEE"  PAPERS.  419 

that  the  inexpediency  of  the  measure  may  be  signified 
to  me  by  letter. 

"  I  am,  Sir,  with  the  greatest  respect, 

"  Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

u  CHARLES  LEE." 

This  letter  was  received  in  Philadelphia  on  the  28th, 
and  read  in  Congress  on  the  29th  March,  whereupon  after 
due  consideration  they  adopted  the  following  resolution  : 

"  Resolved,  That  Congress  still  judge  it  improper  to 
send  any  of  their  members  to  confer  with  General  Lee, 
upon  the  subjects  mentioned  in  his  letter." 

Those  who  are  curious  in  dates  will  not  fail  to  ob- 
serve that  this  final  action  of  Congress  took  place  on 
the  same  day  on  which  his  treason  was  consummated. 
The  reasons  which  prevailed  in  Congress  against  the 
measure  were  not  fully  known  to  him,  but  Robert 
Morris,  in  his  letter  of  March  6th,  1777,  to  General 
Washington,  hinted  what  he  supposed  to  be  "  one  of 
the  most  forcible  arguments "  used  against  it.  He 
says :  "  I  have  not  heard  that  it  was  used,  but  it  oc- 
curred to  me  on  reading  General  Lee's  letters  ;  I  mean 
the  effect  it  might  have  at  the  Court  of  France,  should 
they  hear,  as  they  undoubtedly  would,  that  members  of 
Congress  visited  General  Lee  by  pel-mission  of  the  Brit- 
ish Commissioners.  The  meeting  with  Lord  Howe  at 
Staten  Island  last  summer  injured  Mr. 'Deane's  nego- 
tiations much,  and  retarded  supplies  intended  for  us." 
Mr.  Sparks  states  that  he  has  seen  a  sketch  of  the  de- 
bate of  Congress  on  this  subject,  in  which  "  the  same 
argument  was  used  to  prove  that  the  step  was  impo- 
litic ;  and  it  was  moreover  said  to  be  degrading,  as 
Lord  and  General  Howe  could  have  no  powers  to  treat 
of  conciliation,  except  what  they  had  derived  from 
Parliament,  which  were  known  to  extend  only  to  re- 
ceiving submissions  and  granting  pardons.  To  send 
a  committee  to  meet  them  under  such  circumstances,  or 
to  listen  to  their  proposals  through  General  Lee,  was 
deemed  inconsistent  with  the  dignity  of  Congress." 


420  THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

The  proposition  was  denounced  in  the  patriot  publi- 
cations of  the  day,  as  one  of  the  repeated,  insidious, 
and  delusive  attempts  of  the  enemies  of  America  to  se- 
duce the  people  from  their  virtuous  efforts,  by  holding 
out  false  ideas  of  peace  and  reconciliation.  The  same 
view  was  taken  in  a  letter  written  by  William  Gordon, 
the  historian,  on  the  3d  of  April,  1777.  He  says: 
"  .  .  .  What  has  Lee  been  after  of  late  ?  Suffer- 
ing himself  to  be  made  a  paw  of  by  the  Howes  !  If 
they  have  any  proposals  to  make,  fit  for  men  of  honor 
to  offer,  let  them  do  it  directly — they  know  how  to 
send  to  the  Congress." 

A  tory  pamphlet  published  in  1780,  referring  to  this 
affair,  stated  that  "  General  Lee,  while  a  prisoner  at 
New  York,  wrote  two  letters  to  intimate  the  willing- 
ness of  Lord  and  General  Howe  to  suspend  the  war, 
and  enter  upon  a  treaty  for  a  permanent  peace ;  he 
was  then  high  in  the  confidence  of  the  Congress,  and 
requested  to  be  appointed  one  of  their  Commissioners 
on  this  important  service." 

The  correspondence  which  I  have  examined,  indi- 
cates a  general  feeling  among  the  officers  of  the  army 
in  favor  of  the  application.  The  following  extracts 
present  the  best  contemporary  view  of  the  whole  sub- 
ject, showing  how  sincere  was  the  interest  felt  in  Lee's 
personal  welfare,  and  at  the  same  time  most  conclu- 
sively, that  no  suspicion  was  entertained  of  his  treach- 
ery. 

GENERAL  GREENE  TO  JOHN  ADAMS. 

"  BASKINRIDGE,  March  3,  1777. 

"  .  .  .  I  beg  leave  to  make  some  enquiry  into 
the  policy  of  some  late  resolutions  of  Congress  that  re- 
spect General  Lee.  Why  is  he  denied  his  request  of 
having  some  persons  appointed  to  confer  with  him  ? 
Can  any  injury  arise  ?  Will  it  reflect  any  dishonor 
upon  your  body  to  gratify  the  request  of  one  of  your 
Generals  ?  Suppose  any  misfortune  should  attend  him 
immediately,  will  not  all  his  friends  say,  he  was  made 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  421 

a  sacrifice  of  ?  That  you  had  it  in  your  power  to  save 
him,  but  refused  your  aid?  He  says  in  his  letter,  he 
has  something  of  the  last  importance  to  propose  with 
respect  to  himself,  and  adds,  perhaps  not  less  so  to  the 
public.  You  cannot  suppose  that  the  General  would 
hold  out  a  proposition  to  bring  us  into  disgrace  or  ser- 
vitude ?  If  he  would,  it  is  certainly  our  interest  to 
know  it  seasonably,  that  we  may  not  make  a  sacrifice  for 
a  man  that  is  undeserving  of  it.  If  he  would  not,  'tis 
certainly  a  piece  of  justice  due  to  his  merit  to  give  him 
a  hearing.  To  hear  what  he  has  to  propose  cannot  in- 
jure us,  for  we  shall  be  at  liberty  to  improve  or  reject 
his  proposition. 

"  But  let  us  consider  it  in  another  point  of  view. 
Will  not  our  enemies,  the  disaffected,  improve  this  re- 
port to  our  prejudice  ?  They  will  naturally  say  that 
General  Howe  had  a  mind  to  offer  some  terms  of  peace, 
and  that  you  refused  to  lend  an  ear  or  give  him  a  hear- 
ing, and  that  you  were  obstinately  bent  on  pursuing 
the  war,  evidently  to  the  ruin  of  the  people.  Had  you 
not  consented  to  hear  General  and  Lord  Howe  last 
spring,  the  public  never  would  have  been  satisfied  but 
there  might  have  been  an  accommodation  upon  safe 
and  honorable  conditions.  For  my  own  part,  I  could 
wish  you  to  give  General  Lee  a  hearing." 

JOHN  ADAMS  TO  GENERAL  GREENE. 

[BALTIMORE,  March  — ,  1777.] 

"...  You  ask  why  General  Lee  is  denied  his 
request.  You  ask,  Can  any  injury  arise  ?  Will  it  re- 
flect any  dishonor  upon  Congress?  I  do  not  know 
that  it  would  reflect  any  dishonor,  nor  was  it  refused 
upon  that  principle.  But  Congress  was  of  opinion 
that  great  injuries  would  arise.  It  would  take  up  too 
much  time  to  recapitulate  all  the  arguments  which 
were  used  upon  the  occasion  of  his  letter.  But  Con- 
gress was  never  more  unanimous  than  upon  that  ques- 
tion. Nobody,  1  believe,  would  have  objected  against 


422  •     THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

a  conference  concerning  his  private  affairs,  or  his  par- 
ticular case.  But  it  was  inconceivable  that  a  confer- 
ence should  be  necessary  upon  such  subjects.  Any 
thing  relative  to  these  might  have  been  conveyed  by 
letter.  But  it  appears  to  be  an  artful  stratagem  of 
the  two  grateful  brothers  to  hold  up  to  the  public  view 
the  phantom  of  a  negotiation,  in  order  to  give  spirits 
and  courage  to  the  tories,  to  distract  and  divide  the 
whigs  at  a  critical  moment,  when  the  utmost  exertions 
are  necessary  to  draw  together  an  army.  They  meant, 
further,  to  amuse  opposition  in  England,  and  to  amuse 
foreign  nations  by  this  manoeuvre,  as  well  as  the  whigs 
in  America,  and  I  confess  it  is  not  without  indignation 
that  I  see  such  a  man  as  Lee  suffer  himself  to  be  duped 
by  their  policy,  so  far  as  to  become  the  instrument  of 
it,  as  Sullivan  was  upon  a  former  occasion  .  .  . 

"  But  further.  We  see  what  use  government  and 
the  two  houses  make  of  the  former  conference  with 
Lord  Howe.  What  a  storm  in  England  they  are  en- 
deavoring to  raise  against  us  from  that  circumstance. 

"  But  another  thing.  We  have  undoubted  intelli- 
gence from  Europe  that  the  ambassadors  and  other  in- 
struments of  the  British  ministry  at  foreign  courts 
made  the  worst  use  of  the  former  conference.  That 
conference  did  us  a  great  and  essential  injury  at  the 
French  court,  you  may  depend  upon  it.  Lord  Howe 
knows  it,  and  wishes  to  repeat  it. 

"  Congress  is  under  no  concern  about  any  use  that 
the  disaffected  can  make  of  this  refusal.  They  would 
have  made  the  worst  use  of  a  conference.  As  to  any 
terms  of  peace,  look  into  the  speech  to  both  Houses, 
the  answers  of  both  Houses.  Look  into  the  proclama- 
tions. It  is  needless  to  enumerate  particulars  which 
prove  that  the  Howes  have  no  power  but  to  murder  or 
disgrace  us." 

Washington  had  deferred  the  communication  of  the 
first  resolution  of  Congress,  doubtless  expecting  that 
they  would  alter  their  determination.  He  finally  wrote 
to  Lee  from  Morristown,  on  the  1st  of  April,  announc- 


THE    LEE    PAPEES.  423 

ing  the  result  of  his  applications.  The  following  letter 
is  Lee's  response  to  their  refusal :  written  precisely  one 
week  after  his  Plan  had  been  submitted  to  the  Howes  : 

GENERAL  LEE  TO  GENERAL  WASHINGTON. 

"NEW  YORK,  5th  April,  1777. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  : 

"  It  is  a  most  unfortunate  circumstance  for  myself, 
and  I  think  not  less  so  for  the  public,  that  the  Congress 
have  not  thought  proper  to  comply  with  my  request. 
It  could  not  possibly  have  been  attended  with  any  ill 
consequences,  and  might  with  good  ones.  At  least  it 
was  an  indulgence,  which  I  thought  my  situation  en- 
titled me  to.  But  I  am  unfortunate  in  everything,  and 
this  stroke  is  the  severest  I  have  yet  experienced.  God 
send  you  a  different  fate.  Adieu,  my  dear  General. 
"  Yours  most  truly  and  affectionately, 

"  CHARLES  LEE/' 

This  letter  needs  little  comment  in  this  connection. 
It  has  been  hitherto,  the  occasion  of  not  a  little  sym- 
pathy for  its  author.  Taken  as  an  evidence  of  "  the 
severe  humiliation  his  haughty  spirit  had  experienced  " 
in  his  capture,  this  u  brief'  sad  note,"  as  it  has  been 
characterized,  in  which  "  his  pungent  and  caustic  humor 
is  at  an  end,"  has  been  contrasted  with  "  the  humorous, 
satirical,  self -confident  tone  of  his  former  letters." 
There  is  really  no  word  for  it  but  hypocrisy — I  doubt 
if  its  parallel  can  be  found  in  history. 

The  only  subsequent  allusion  to  this  subject  which  I 
have  met  with  in  his  correspondence,  is  in  a  letter  to 
Robert  Morris,  dated  at  New  York,  on  the  19th  May, 
1777,  in  which  he  says  :  "  It  would  for  several  reasons 
have  been  highly  improper,  to  have  opened  the  busi- 
ness by  letter,  which,  if  I  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing 
you,  you  will  be  convinced  of." 

What  he  expected  to  accomplish  by  his  interview 
with  the  members  of  Congress  is  matter  of  conjecture 


424  •    THE    LEE   PAPERS. 

— except  as  we  may  infer  it  from  his  cotemporary 
scheme  of  treason,  and  the  earnestness  with  which  he 
urged  his  personal  friends  and  members  of  the  Commit- 
tee at  Philadelphia  to  visit  him  under  the  safe  conduct 
of  the  Howes.  It  is  hardly  too  much  to  suspect,  in  view 
of  the  base  treachery  of  his  Plan,  that  if  any  thing  was 
to  be  accomplished  by  the  most  unworthy  means  and 
appliances,  he,  at  any  rate,  would  not  shrink  from  the 
attempt.  From  the  beginning  of  the  contest,  it  was  a 
principal  object  with  the  British  emissaries  (whether 
Generals  or  Commissioners,  or  both,)  to  weaken  the 
power  and  counteract  the  views  of  the  American  lead- 
ers, by  breaking  and  dividing  the  Congress  among 
themselves.  To  complete  their  design,  they  were  ready 
to  invoke  not  only  fire  and  sword,  but  intimidation, 
falsehood,  and  corruption  ! 

This  policy  culminated  in  the  grand  Commission  of 
1778 — which  produced  nothing  but  disappointment  and 
chagrin  in  England,  with  an  end  to  all  negotiation. 
In  the  Parliamentary  discussions  which  followed  the 
intelligence  of  Burgoyne's  defeat  and  capture  and  pre- 
ceded the  appointment  of  that  commission,  there  is  a 
significant  passage  which  I  will  quote  here,  as  it  serves 
to  show  the  character  of  Lee's  communications  to  his 
relatives  in  England. 

On  the  4th  December,  1777,  Sir  Charles  Bunbury 
said  that  "  he  would  not  take  upon  him  to  say  what 
America  would  do  now  ;  but  he  could  assure  the  House 
from  the  authority  of  a  dear,  but  unfortunate  relation 
of  his,  the  unhappy  General  Lee,  that  the  Americans 
would,  at  the  beginning  of  the  dispute,  have  been  per- 
fectly satisfied  to  submit  in  every  respect  to  Great 
Britain,  provided  they  should  be  at  liberty  to  raise,  by 
what  means  they  thought  proper,  any  sum  which  the 
Parliament  of  England  should  demand  of  them.  He 
could  not  tell  whether  they  would  make  such  an  offer 
now  :  but  he  would  put  them  to  the  test,  and  by  offer- 
ing them  peace,  employ  the  only  possible  means  to  sub- 
due them;  and  that  was  by  dividing  them  .  .  ." 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  425 

Here,  I  must  for  the  present  occasion,  leave  the  sub- 
ject. The  Battle  of  Monmouth,  Lee's  trial,  and  his 
subsequent  career,  must  be  omitted.  I  will  detain  you 
but  for  a  moment,  at  its  close. 

/  He  died  in  Philadelphia,  before  the  end  of  the  war, 
at  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening  of  Wednesday,  the  2d  of 
October,  1782.  after  an  illness  of  five  days.  His  last 
words,  uttered  in  the  delirium  of  fever,  declared  the 
wandering  fancies  of  his  mind  to  be  with  the  army,  and 
in  the  heady  currents  of  the  fight — "  Stand  by  me,  my 
brave  grenadiers  !  "  His  remains  were  conducted,  on 
Friday  morning,  with  military  honors,  from  the  City- 
Tavern,  attended  by  a  large  concourse  of  gentlemen  of 
distinction,  and  deposited  in  Christ  Church  Yard. 

Among  those  who  paid  their  passing  tribute  of  re- 
spect to  his  memory,  there  were  doubtless  not  a  few 
moved  by  a  generous  pity  for  the  misfortunes,  as  they 
seemed,  which  enveloped  his  later  years.  Their  sym- 
pathy he  had  rejected  while  alive,  and  that  could 
hardly  follow  him  to  his  grave.  But  they  forgot  the 
wilful  and  wayward  conduct,  which  had  alienated  all 
who  were  truly  the  friends  of  American  Liberty;  they 
remembered  only  the  Stirling  tones  of  that  patriotism, 
as  they  thought,  which  roused  them  to  arms  and  urged 
them  to  independence.  To  them  it  might  be  as  the 
same  tale,  and  told  as  sternly,  as  any  of  the  old  famil- 
iar lessons  of  human  disappointment.  For,  from  that 
point  of  view,  neither  Troy,  nor  Carthage,  nor  any  of 
the  old  ruined  castles  of  Europe,  nor  the  most  tragic 
story  was  ever  more  full  of  broken  hopes  and  shat- 
tered schemes. 

But  this  is  changed.  If  the  truth  of  history  means 
any  thing — 

"  Only  the  actions  of  the  just, 

Smell  sweet,  and  blossom  in  the  dust." 

Tacitus  has  told  us  that  "  it  is  the  chief  part  of  the 
historian's  duty  to  re-judge  the  conduct  of  men ;  that 


428  •     THE    LEE    PAPERS. 

generous  actions  may  be  snatched  from  oblivion,  and 
that  the  author  of  pernicious  counsels,  and  the  perpe- 
trator of  evil  deeds,  may  see  beforehand,  the  infamy 
that  awaits  them  at  the  tribunal  of  posterity."  So, 
too,  to  translate  the  language  of  him,  who  told  the 
story  of  our  Independence  in  the  mother-tongue  of 
Dante  :  "  Make  yourselves  infamous  by  your  deeds,  and 
history  'shall  make  you  infamous  by  her  words  !  " 
There  are,  it  is  true,  human  failures,  which  prudence 
or  policy  might  conceal,  which  kindness  and  courtesy 
might  modify  ;  which  "  courage  overshadows  with  his 
shield,  which  imagination  covers  with  her  wings,  and 
charity  dims  with  her  tears."  But  Truth  "  forgives  no 
insult  and  endures  no  stain  ; "  and  history  demands 
moral  sympathies  of  the  highest  and  noblest  kind. 
"  Every  truly  great  and  original  action  has  a  prospec- 
tive greatness,  not  alone  from  the  power  of  the  man 
who  achieves  it,  but  from  the  various  aspects  and  high 
thoughts  which  the  same  action  will  continue  to  pre- 

O  ± 

sent  and  call  up  in  the  minds  of  others,  to  the  end,  it 
may  be,  of  all  time."  So,  too,  with  that  which  is  bad 
—like  the  poetical  vision  of  the  Angel  of  Sin — it  as- 
sumes vast  proportions,  and  stands  'in  the  pathway  of 
Time— 

"  A  monumental,  melancholy  gloom 
Seen  down  all  ages." 

It  is  impossible  to  avoid  the  constantly  recurring 
contrast  of  Lee's  career,  with  that  of  his  great  Chief. 
How  Ave  love  to  turn  and  linger  in  contemplation  of 
the  character  of  Washington,  which  we  always  recog- 
nize with  a  sense  of  affectionate  admiration,  not  un- 
minglecl  with  an  awe  like  that  felt  as  in  the  presence 
of  some  great  Spiritual  Power.  He  who  "  in  weari- 
ness and  painf ulness,  in  watchings  often,  in  hunger  and 
thirst,  in  fastings  often,  in  cold  and  nakedness,  in  perils 
among  false  brethren,"  still  bent  all  the  force  of  his 
understanding,  and  directed  all  his  thoughts  and  ac- 
tions, to  the  good  of  his  country.  "  In  him  were  united 


THE    LEE    PAPERS.  427 

the  purity  of  the  most  disinterested  patriotism,  with 
all  the  energy  of  the  most  stirring  ambition  ;  the  ut- 
most reluctance  to  engage  in  the  contest,  with  the  firm- 
est will  never  to  abandon  it  when  begun."  Of  him,  it 
might  be  said  with  greater  truth  than  it  was  said  of 
the  famous  Spanish  Cardinal :  "  He  was  like  a  city  on 
the  margin  of  deep  waters,  where  no  receding  tide  re- 
veals anything  that  is  mean,  squalid,  or  unbecoming.'1 
So 

"  Let  bis  great  example  stand 
Colossal,  seen  of  every  land, 
And  keep  the  Soldier  firm,  the  Statesman  pure  ; 
Till  in  all  lands,  and  through  all  human  story, 
THE  PATH  or  DUTY  BE  THE  WAY  TO  GLORY." 

New  York,  June  22d,  1858. 


VI. 


INDEXES. 


INDEXES. 


No.  1. 

LETTERS  WRITTEN  BY  GENERAL  LEE   TO    INDIVIDUALS 
AND  PUBLIC   BODIES. 


Vol. 

Page 

ADAMS,  JOHN, 
5  October,       1775, 

I. 

208 

ANEMOURS,  CHEVALIER  DE, 

1  August,        1779, 

III. 

352 

ARMSTRONG,  JOHN, 

27  June,            1770, 

II. 

89 

7  July, 

— 

126 

14    — 

— 

139 

15  August, 

— 

230 

27    — 

.  — 

246 

BARRINGTON,  LORD, 

22  June,            1775, 

I. 

185 

BERRIAN,  JOHN, 

18  August,        1776, 

II. 

231 

BLAKE,  LADY. 

2  May,             1709, 

I. 

71 

BOARD  OP  WAR  AND  ORDNANCE, 

7  August,        1776, 

II. 

203 

27    - 

— 

241 

BOWDOIN,  JAMES, 

21  November,     — 

— 

291 

25    —                  — 

— 

312 

30    — 

— 

323 

BULL  JOHN, 

25  July, 

_ 

165 

18  August, 

— 

232 

BULLOCK,  ARCHIBALD, 
18  July, 
BUNBURY,  CHARLES, 

— 

144 

7  December,  1764, 

I. 

36 

BUNBURY,  WILLIAM, 

9  August,        1759, 

— 

20 

BURGOYNE,  JOHN, 

7  June,            1  775, 

— 

180 

11  July, 

— 

194 

1  December,       — 

— 

222 

BURKE,  EDMUND, 

16  December,  1774, 

— 

144 

BURKE,  THOMAS, 

24  April,           1776, 

— 

448 

BURR,  AARON, 

—  October,       1778, 

III. 

238 

c- 


-,  LOUISA, 
4  May,  V 


'(ID, 


CAPE  FRANCOIS,  Gov.  or, 

30  August,        1776, 
CHARLEMONT,  EARL  OF, 

1  June,  1765, 
CHRISTIAN,  WILLIAM, 

2  April,  1776, 
CLINTON,  HENRY, 

3  July, 
COLES,  WILLIAM  T., 

18  July, 
COLLINS,  ISAAC, 

3  July,  1778, 

COLMAN,  GEORGE, 

8  May,  1769, 

16  March,          1770, 
CONGRESS,  COMMITTEE  OF, 

31  January,      1776, 
8  December,      — 

CONGRESS,  PRESIDENT  OF 


22  January, 

1776, 

9  February, 

— 

11     — 

— 

17    — 

— 

22    — 



27    — 



5  March, 

— 

11    — 

— 

21    — 

— 

6  April, 

— 

19    — 

— 

24    — 

— 

7  May,    « 

— 

10    — 

— 

6  June, 

— 

2  July, 

— 

23  August, 
10  October, 

— 

10  February, 
19  March, 

1777, 

—      II. 


Vol.  Page 

I.  75 

II.  255 

I.  39 

—  370 
II.  120 

—  145 
452 

I.  80 

—  92 

—  268 
II.  338 

I.  247 

—  279 

—  283 

—  302 

—  320 

—  330 

—  346 

—  353 

—  360 

—  382 

—  432 

—  449 

—  477 

17 

—  54 

—  107 

—  239 

—  259 

—  260 

—  358 


432 


.LETTERS    FROM    LEE. 


Vol.      Page 

Vol. 

Page 

CONGRESS,  PRESIDENT  OF 

GODDARD,  WILLIAM, 

17  April,           1778, 

II.        389 

7  June,            1779, 

lit. 

339 

13  May, 

—       392 

17    — 

— 

340 

4  September,     — 

III.      333 

14  July, 

— 

345 

13  October,          — 

—        239 

21    -                  1781, 

— 

459 

10    — 

—        242 

GREENE,  NATHANIEL, 

29    —                  — 

—        243 

11  November,  1776, 

II. 

270 

30    — 

—        244 

12  September,  1782, 

IV. 

34 

17  December,      — 

—        275 

GRIER',  DAVID, 

20  February,    1779, 

—  310-12 

8  April,           1  770, 

I. 

392 

27    — 

—       313 

HANCOCK,  JOHN, 

13  April. 

—       333 

22  January,      1776, 

I. 

247 

13  January,      1780, 

—       405 

9  February, 

— 

279 

30    — 

—       407 

11     — 

— 

283 

22  April, 

—  418-20 

17    — 

— 

302 

422-23 

22    — 

— 

320 

3  October, 

—        445 

27    — 

— 

330 

8     —                   — 

447 

5  March, 

— 

346 

COOKE,  NICHOLAS, 

11     —                   — 

— 

353 

14  November,  1770, 

II.       277 

21     

— 

860 

7  December,      — 

—       381 

0  April, 

— 

382 

CZARTORYSKI,   PRINCE, 

19    — 

— 

432 

25  December,  1  707, 

I.         60 

04     

— 

449 

DAVERS,  CHARLES, 

7  Mav, 

— 

477 

24  December,  1709, 

—         88 

10    — 

II. 

17 

14  May,              1770, 

94 

0  June, 

— 

54 

20  March,         1772, 

—        108 

2  July, 

— 

107 

28  September.  1774, 

—        135 

23  August, 

— 

239 

DEL  ANY,  DANIEL, 

10  October, 

— 

259 

17  December,    1781, 

III.       405 

12     — 

— 

200 

DRAYTON,  WILLIAM  HENRY, 

10  February,    1777, 

— 

358 

5  February,     1779, 

—        307 

19  March, 

— 

360 

15  March, 

—        317 

HARNET,  CORNELH  s, 

EPPES,  FRANK, 

24  July,             1770, 

11. 

164 

30  March,         1776, 

I.       3(54 

HARRISON,  BENJAMIN, 

4  April, 

373 

2Sjuly,             177(), 

II. 

175 

11 

Fli  A  N  KLIN,   B  EN  J  AM  I  N, 

0  November,  1  770, 
FRANKS,  REBECCA, 
20  December,   1778, 

411 
II.       306 
III.       278 

H  A  RT  FORD  V  OL  U  N  T  E  E  R  S, 

ft  February,     177o, 
HATTER,  CAPTAIN. 
21  July, 

I. 
II. 

278 
153 

28  January,      1779, 
GADSEN,  CHRISTOPHER, 

302 

HEATH,  WILLIAM, 
21  November,      — 



290 

19  June,             1770, 

II.         74 

2;~5     — 

— 

304 

15  July, 
GAGE,  THOMAS, 

140 

1  December, 

~ 

313 
326 

1774, 

I.       133 

4    — 

— 

330 

August,        1775, 

—        200 

6     — 

— 

331 

GATES,  HORATIO, 

9     — 

— 

340 

0  May,              1774, 

I.       121 

11     — 

— 

344 

13     -                1775, 

179 

HENDRICKS,  JAMES, 

20     -                    - 

—        180 

5  April, 

I. 

380 

29  June,             1770, 

II         90 

11  May, 

II. 

22 

14  October, 

—        251 

HENRY,  PATRICK, 

12  Decembei-, 

—        348 

7  May, 

— 

1 

18     -                   1776, 

[II.      278 

29  July, 

— 

177 

29  March,          1779, 

—       318 

HORRY,  DANIEL, 

4  April, 

321 

14  June, 

— 

08 

19  December       — 

—       400 

3  August, 

— 

19S 

GEORGIA,  COUNCIL, 

HOWE,  ROBERT, 

23  August,        1770, 

II.       238 

5  April, 

I. 

375 

24    — 

—       240 

23    — 

— 

446 

28    —                  — 

—       247 

HOWE,  WILLIAM, 

30     — 

—        249 

26  November,      — 

11. 

316 

GODDARD,  CATHERINE, 

HUGER,  ISAAC, 

December,  1731, 

III.       466 

23  July, 

— 

160 

LETTERS    FROM    LEE. 

433 

Vol. 

Page 

Vol. 

Page 

HUME,  DAVID, 

LEE,  Miss  SIDNEY, 

1771, 

I. 

102 

—  July,           1769, 

I. 

84 

HUNTINGTON,  SAMUEL, 

30  September,     — 

— 

88 

—  January,      1780, 

III. 

405 

27  March,         1771, 

— 

99 

30    —                  — 



407 

2  August, 

— 

104 

22  April,              — 

-  418-23 

28  March,         1772, 

— 

109 

3  October,         — 

445 

15  December,   1777, 

II. 

375 

8    —                 — 



447 

24  September,  1779, 

III. 

365 

INGLIS  AND  LONG, 

1  5  December,      — 

— 

398 

26  January,      1781, 



451 

11    —               1781, 

— 

464 

JAY,  JOHN, 

22  June,            1782, 

IV. 

9-16 

17  December,   1778, 



275 

LEWIS,  ANDREW, 

26  February,    1779, 

—  3 

10-12 

24  April,           1776, 

I. 

446 

27    —                  — 

.  

313 

6  June, 

II. 

55 

13  April, 



333 

MCDOUGALL,  ALEXANDER, 

JENIFEK,  DANIEL,  OF  ST. 

THOMAS, 

26  October,      1775, 

I. 

214 

6  May,             1776, 
JOHNSON,  WILLIAM, 

I. 

472 

31  January,      1776, 
MclNTOSH,  LACHLAN, 

— 

289 

25  July,            1764, 
KENNEDY,  PRIMROSE, 

— 

34 

18  July,            1776,            II.      145 
MASSACHUSETTS  COMMISSIONERS, 

—  December,   1776, 

II. 

356 

24  November,  1776, 

II. 

308 

LAURENS,  HENRY, 

25    —                 — 

— 

311 

17  April,           1778, 



389 

MASSACHUSETTS  COUNCIL, 

13  May,               - 
4  September,  1778, 
13  October,         — 

III. 

392 
233 
239 

22  November,  1776, 
24  September,  1780, 
MASSACHUSETTS  PROVINCIAL 

—       303 
III.       435 
CONGRESS, 

16    -                  - 



242 

—  July,            1775, 

I.      187 

29    —                 — 



243 

10    — 

— 

198 

30    —                  — 



244 

MERCER,  HUGH, 

8    —              1780, 



447 

2  April,           1776, 

'  — 

369 

LAURENS,  JOHN, 

10    —                  — 

—  ' 

4C9 

22  December,    1778, 

III. 

283 

15    — 



4^2 

LEE,  RICHARD  HENRY, 

MlNGHINI,  GUISEPPI, 

2  September,  1775, 

I. 

203 

4  April,           1777, 

II. 

£67 

12  December,      — 

— 

228 

MONROE,  JAMES, 

18    — 

— 

232 

18  July,            1780, 

III. 

429-30 

5  April, 

— 

378 

MOORE,  JAMES, 

52    _                   

— 

416 

23  April,           1776, 

I. 

445 

10  May,             1776, 

II. 

20 

20  May,                — 

II. 

30 

—  July, 

— 

99 

31  July, 

— 

182 

19    -                   - 

— 

146 

MORRIS,  ROBERT, 

29  June,            1778, 

— 

430 

27  January,      1775, 

I. 

168 

29  September,     — 

III. 

237 

4  July, 

— 

1*8 

12  April,           1782, 

IV. 

2 

27    —                  — 



199 

LEE,  Miss  SIDNEY, 

12  August, 



202 

8  October,      1754, 

I. 

1 

7  September,     — 

— 

205 

18  June,            1756, 

— 

2 

22  November,      — 

— 

218 

16  September,  1758, 

— 

6 

9  December,      — 

— 

X'20 

7  December,      — 

— 

18 

3  January,      1776, 

— 

233 

30  July,            1759, 

— 

19 

23    —                  — 

— 

255 

1  March,         1760, 



26 

30    —                  — 



266 

16  May 



30 

9  February,       — 



280 

_    —               1761, 

— 

30 

14    —                  — 

— 

295 

10  February,       — 

— 

31 

20    —                  — 

— 

3l« 

19    — 



31 

21    —                 — 



317 

4  July, 



:M 

16  April,              — 



424 

3  April,           1765, 



37 

3  May, 

. 

467 

1  March,         1766, 

— 

42 

2  July,                — 

II. 

117 

28  May, 

— 

44 

28  January,      1777, 

— 

357 

23  December,      — 
6  February,    1767, 

— 

48 
51 

4  April,               — 
19  May,                — 

~ 

367 
371 

12Mav, 
21  April,           1768, 

~ 

55 

66 

3  July,             1778, 
16  June,            1781, 

III. 

457 
455 

29  November,      — 

— 

67 

20  July,            1782, 

IV. 

22 

21  December,      — 

— 

69 

15  August,           — 

— 

25 

12  February,    1769, 

— 

71 

19    — 

— 

27 

28 

434 


LETTERS    FROM    LEE. 


Vol.      Pace 

Vol. 

PllgC 

MOULTRIE,  WILLIAM, 

PENDLETON,   EDMUND, 

6  June,            1770, 

II.         55 

2  April,           1776, 

I. 

369 

8    —                  — 

—         56 

4  May,                — 

— 

467 

10    — 

—     57-9 

8    —                  — 

II. 

7 

11    — 

—         59 

9    —                  — 



15 

13    —                  — 

—         67 

10    —                  — 



21 

15    — 

—         68 

11    —                  — 

— 

22 

21    — 

-  77-8-9 

24    — 

— 

34 

2J>    

—         81 

25    — 



37 

25    

—         82 

1  June, 



50 

27    — 

—          90 

7  July, 

— 

127 

oy     

—          91 

20    — 

— 

150-52 

29    — 

—          92 

PENNSYLVANIA  PACKET, 

i  J»iy, 

—        104 

3  December,  1778, 

III. 

255 

r~ 

—  126-29 

PERCY,  EARL  OF, 

30    — 

180 

1775, 

I. 

169 

MUHLENBURG,  JOHN  P.   G.  , 

PETERS,  RICHARD, 

9  April,            1776, 

I.      396 

2  August,        1776, 

II. 

187 

11     —                   — 

—        410 

PlIIPP.S,  CONSTANIINE  J., 

23    — 

—        444 

1773, 

I. 

166 

1  August, 

11.       185 

POLK,  THOMAS, 

Ni:w  CHESHIRE,  CONN., 

25  July,            1776, 

II. 

165 

1  7  January,       1  776, 

I.       241 

PURVIANCE,  SAMUEL, 

NKW  ENGLAND  GOVEHNORS, 

6  April, 

I. 

381 

27  November,  1776, 

II.       .'518 

READ,  ISAAC, 

NEW  YORK  COMMITTEE  OF  SAFETY", 

9  April, 

— 

395 

23  January,       1776, 

I.       256 

REED,  JOSEPH, 

MKW  YORK  PROVINCIAL  CONGRESS, 

28  February, 

— 

333 

14  February,     1776, 

I.  298-9 

16  November, 

II. 

283 

16    — 

—       301 

17    — 



285 

19    — 

—        310 

21     



301 

20    — 

—        315 

24    — 



305 

oo      

—        323 

22  July,             1778, 



478 

O'J'        

—        330 

—  September,  1  779, 

III. 

365 

~4  March, 

—        344 

ROBINSON,  Miss, 

5    — 

—        349 

15  December,   1775, 

I. 

230 

6     - 

—        350 

ROORBACK,  GARRET, 

NIXON,  JOHN, 

1  March,          1776, 



341 

22  November,      — 

II.       301 

RUSH,  BENJAMIN, 

NOKTII  CAROLINA  COMMITTEE  OF  SE- 

15 December,   1774, 

— 

143 

CRECY, 

20  July,             1775, 

— 

196 

13  April,           1776, 

I.       417 

19  September, 

— 

206 

NORTH  CAROLINA  COUNCIL   OF  SAFETY. 

10  October,          — 

— 

211 

5  April,            1776, 

1.       374 

20    — 

— 

213 

NORTH    CAROLINA     PROVINCIAL    CON- 
GRESS, 

13  November, 
12  December, 

— 

216 
226 

29  June,             177(5, 
7  July, 
NORTHUMBERLAND,  DUKE  OF, 

II.         94 

—        129 

25  February,    177(5, 
29  June, 
2  November,      — 

on 

II. 

325 
94 
262 

OCW 

r^9  October,       1774. 
OSWALD,  ELEZAR, 
25  May,             1782. 
PAGE,  JOHN, 

I.       140 
IV.          4 

.wU        

4  June,            177S, 
13  August, 
29  September,     — 
26    1779, 

III. 

•wOO 

397 
228 
236 
370 

16  April,           1770, 

I.       426 

30  April,           1780, 



426 

19     — 

—        436 

19  December,  1781, 



467 

21    — 

—        437 

RUTLEDGE,  EDWARD, 

24    — 

—        447 

3  April,           1776, 

I. 

372 

PALFREY,  WILLIAM, 

RUTLEDGE,  JOHN, 

3  July, 

11.       122 

17  June,                — 

II. 

76 

PARKER,  HYDE, 

oo     



80 

—  February, 

I.       341 

25    — 



83 

PATTEN,  JOHN, 

1  Julv, 



105 

19  June, 

II.         75 

5    —                   — 



123 

PnACHEY,  WILLIAM, 

9    — 



130 

2  April, 

I.       369 

JO       

— 

130 

RUTLEDGE,  JOHN, 

15  July,  1776. 

19  —  — 

20  —  — 

22  -^  — 

23  —  — 

24  —  — 

26  —  — 

27  —  — 

28  —  — 

29  —  — 

30  -^ 

1  August, 

o     —  — 

6    —  — 

13    —  — 

18  —  — 

20  — 
SEARS,  ISAAC, 

5  March. 
SIMCOE,  JOHN  GRAVES, 

3  March,         1781, 
SKINNER,  ALEXANDER, 

21  April,  1776, 
SPENCER,  JOSEPH, 

2  December,      — 
SPOTSWOOD,  ALEXANDER, 

15  April,  1776, 
STANISLAUS,  AUGUSTUS, 

20  October,       1767, 

16  August,       1769, 
STKVENSON,  JOHN  HALL, 

30  July,  1771, 

SULLIVAN,  JOHN, 

24  July,  1775, 

19  November,  177d, 
SUMNER,  JETHRO, 

3  August, 
THANET,  LORD, 

—  1758, 

4  May,  1769, 
THOMAS,  JOHN, 

23  July,  1775, 

THOMSON,  WILLIAM, 

21  June,  1776, 
TRAVERS,  CAPTAIN, 

6  April, 
TRUMBULL,  JONATHAN, 

7  February,    1776, 
UPTON,  CLOTWORTHY, 

18  January,      1772, 
VIRGINIA  COMMITTEE  or  SAFETY, 

8  April,  1776, 


3TTERS    FROM    LEE. 

435 

Vol. 

Tage 

Vol.      Page 

VIRGINIA  CONVENTION, 

II. 

140 

29  June,            1776, 

II.        92 

— 

148 

3  July, 

—       120 



150-51 

VIRGINIA  PROVINCIAL  CONGRESS, 



156 

1775, 

I.      172 



157-61 

WASHINGTON,  GEORGE, 

— 

103 

5  January,      1776, 

—       234 



170 

16    —                  — 

—  240-41 



172-74 

24.    

—       259 



175 

5  February,       — 

—       L71 

— 

17(5 

14    —                  — 

—       295 



180 

19    —                  — 

—       308 



186 

29    —                  — 

—       335 



191) 

3  March,            — 

—       343 

— 

200 
211 

5  April,              — 
4  Mav,                — 

—       376 
—       469 



282 

10    —                  — 

II.        18 



236 

11     —                  — 

—         26 

1  July, 

—       100 

I. 

345 

2    —                  — 

—       119 

12  November,     — 

—       273 

III. 

452 

19    — 

—       287 

24    —                  — 

—       307 

I. 

436 

26    —                  — 

—       315 

30    — 

—       322 

II. 

328 

4  December,       — 

—       H29 

8    —                  — 

—  336-37 

I. 

422 

11          -r-                                          — 

—       345 

9  February,    1777, 

—       357 

I. 

55 

26    —                  — 

—       359* 

79 

5  April, 

—       368 

9  June, 

—       3-21 



100 

30  December,      — 

—       37(5 

13  April,           1778, 

—       382 

1  QR 

28    —                  —  ' 

—       391 

iyo 

r>s2fj 

15  June,              — 

—       399 

. 

«3OO 

go     

—        411 

198 

25    —                 — 

—       417 

27    —                  — 

—        426 

30    — 

—  435-38 

I. 

15 

15  September,     — 

III.       236 

— 

76 

24  December,      — 

—       286 

— 

197 

WATERBURY,  DAVID, 
24  January,      1776, 
WAYNE,  ANTHONY, 

I.      258 

II. 

76 

7  January,      1779, 

III.      292 

I. 

383 

11  August, 
4  October,         — 

—       356 
—       379 

WEARE,  MESHECH, 

— 

^76 

21  November,  1776, 
WHITE,  JOHN, 

II.      3CO 

STY, 

106 

2  August, 
WOODFORD,  WILLIAM, 

—       1% 

I. 

393 

11  May,             1776, 

—         23 

No.  2. 
LETTERS  ADDRESSED  TO  LEE  BY  VARIOUS  PERSONS. 


Vol. 

Pape 

Vol. 

Page 

ADAMS,  JOHN, 

ELBERT,  SAMUEL, 

19  February,    1776, 

I. 

312 

28  May,             1776, 

II. 

48 

ARMSTRONG,  JOHN, 

EPPES,  FRANK, 

8  May, 

II. 

10 

31  March, 

I. 

365 

3  August, 



197 

6  April, 

— 

384 

BAKER,  WILLIAM, 

EUSTACE,  JOHNS., 

3  September,  1774, 

I. 

130 

21  March, 

— 

S61 

BALDWIN,  THOMAS, 

24  August,        1779, 

III. 

362 

10  September,     — 

— 

127 

—  November,      — 

— 

391 

BULLOCK,  ARCHIBALD, 

28    — 

— 

392 

2  July,             1776, 

II. 

106 

13  December,      — 

— 

396 

26    — 



171 

FRANKLIN,  BENJAMIN, 

BUNBURY,  WILLIAM, 

11  February,    1776, 

I. 

284 

28  November,  1759, 

I. 

24 

19    - 

— 

313 

BURGOYNE,  JOHN,                    ' 

FRENCH,  CHRISTOPHER, 

9  July,             1775, 

— 

188 

13  May,              1776, 

II. 

27 

BURKE,  EDMUND, 

GADSEN,  CHRISTOPHER, 

1  February,    1774, 

— 

119 

12  June,            1776, 

— 

66 

BURKE,  THOMAS, 

2  August, 

— 

1% 

22  April,           1776, 

— 

438-9 

GAMBLE,  THOMAS, 

11  June, 

II. 

60 

10  June,            1774, 

I. 

122 

BUTLER,  WILLIAM, 

1  July. 

— 

126 

11  December,  1778, 

III. 

272 

GATES,  HORATIO, 

BYRD,  OTWAY, 

1  July, 

— 

123 

1  June, 

II. 

395 

12    -                 1775, 

— 

195 

CALDWELL,  JAMES, 

2  3  January,       1776, 

— 

251 

12  December,   1776, 

— 

346 

10  February, 

— 

282 

CALVERT,  JOHN, 

26    — 

— 

328 

15  April, 

I. 

423 

GLOUCESTER  COMMITTEE, 

CARROLL,  CHARLES. 

22  April,           1776, 

— 

443 

25  September,  1781, 

III. 

462 

GRAYSON,  WILLIAM, 

("LARK,  JOHN, 

20  November,      — 

II. 

289 

3  September,  1778, 

— 

230 

GREENE,  NATHANIEL, 

CLINTON,  HENRY, 

5  September,  1775, 

I. 

204 

22  July,             1776, 

II. 

155 

21  January,      1776, 

— 

246 

COOKE,  NICHOLAS, 

HANCOCK,  JOHN, 

21  January,          — 

I. 

244 

26  January,         — 



262 

C'UTHBERT,  MRS.  C., 

12  February,       — 

— 

293 

10  August,       1779, 

III. 

356 

•      19    —                   — 

— 

310 

DICKINSON,  JOHN, 

28    —                   — 

— 

333 

25  July,             1776, 

II. 

166 

1  March,            — 

— 

342 

DORSE  Y,  E  i)  WARD, 

1  April, 

— 

368 

10  September,  1781, 

III. 

461 

22  July, 

II. 

154 

DOWDELL,  MICHAEL, 

8  August, 

— 

205 

19  November,  1779, 



389 

HARTFORD  VOLUNTEERS, 

DRAYTON,  W'ILLIAM  HENRY, 

5  February,    1776, 

I. 

272 

3  February,    1779, 

— 

305 

HAZARD,  EBENEZER, 

8    -                  - 

— 

308 

29  January,         — 

— 

264 

EDWARDS,  EVAN, 

HEATH,  WILLIAM, 

30  August,        1778, 



229 

21  November,      — 

II. 

297-9 

21  October,       1781, 



463 

24    — 

— 

305 

8  February,     1782, 

IV. 

1 

8  December,       — 

— 

336 

LETTERS    TO    LEE. 


437 


Vol.  Page 

HENDRICKS,  JAMES, 

9  April,            1776,  I.  394 

18  —                 —  —  432 

6  May,  _  471 
HOWE,  ROBERT, 

10  April,      —  —  398 

—  —  401 

14  —       —  —  420 
2$  —        —  —  453 

10  August,           —  II.  207 
30  October,      1779,  III.  386 

HUGER,  FRANCIS, 

24  August,       1776,  II.  239 
INNES,  JAMES, 

7  April,  I.  389 
JENIFER,  DANIEL,  OF  ST.  THOMAS, 

17  July,             1776,  II.  141 
JOHNSON,  GEORGE, 

17  June,            1778,  —  405 
KENNON,  WILLIAM, 

7  December,  1776,  —  333 
KNOX,  HENRY, 

25  January,          —  I.  260 
LEE,  HENRY,  JR., 

7  April,  —  391 
LEE,  RICHARD  HENRY, 

25  March,         1776,  —  362 
1  April,              —  —  367 

15  —                  —  —  421 
22    —                  —  —  440 

11  May,                —  II.  24 

21  -                  -  -  31 
27    —                  —  —  45 
29  June,  —  97 

6  July,  —  123 
LEE,  Miss  SIDNEY, 

14  March,         1780,  III.  414 
LEE,  THOMAS, 

19  March,         1781,  —  453 
LEWIS,  ANDREW, 

26  April,           1776,  I.  452 

27  May,                —  II.  42 
3  June,               —  —  52 

12  —                  —  —  62 

13  August,  —  212 
LINCOLN,  BENJAMIN, 

8  June,           1782,  IV.  8 
LIVINGSTON,  WILLIAM, 

22  June,            1778,  II.  412 

16  January,       1779,  III.  294 
Lux,  GEORGE, 

12  January,      1776,  I.  239 
McCniKG,  JAMES, 

24  April,  —  450 
MCINTOSH,  LACHLAN, 

7  July,            1776,  II.  125 

25  —  —  168 
MALMEDY,  MARQUIS, 

10  December,  1776,  —  342 

20  —  —350-54 
MASSACHUSETTS  ASSEMBLY, 

8  December,  1776,  —  339 
MASSACHUSETTS  PROVINCIAL  CONGRESS, 

10  July,            1775,  I.  193 


Vol.    Page 
MERCER,  HUGH, 

1  April,  1776,  II.      371 
10    -                 -             -       406 

14  —  —  —       419 
16    —  —       430 

MERCER,  JOHN  FRANCIS, 

20  January,      1781,          III.      449 
MIFFLIN,  THOMAS, 

16  March,         1780,  —       416 
MONROE,  JAMES, 

15  June,  —       427 
MOORE,  JAMES, 

19  May,  1776,  II.        28 
26    —                                 —         40 

MORGAN,  JOHN, 

2  December    —  —       327 
MORRIS,  GOUVERNEUR, 

—  May,  1775,  I.       178 
MORRIS,  ROBERT, 

17  February,   1776,  —       303 
MOULTRIE,  WILLIAM, 

10  June,  1776,  II.        58 

MUHLENBERG,  JOHN  P.  G., 

31  July,  1776,  —       183 

NELSON,  WILLIAM, 

16  April,  I.      429 
NEW  YORK  COMMITTEE  OF  SAFETY, 

21  January,      1776,  I.       242 
NEW  YORK  PROVINCIAL  CONGRESS, 

20  February,    1776,  I.       315 

24  —  —  —       324 
6  March,  —       349 

NORTH  CAROLINA  COMMITTEE  OF  SE- 
CRECY, 

9  April,  1776,  I.       397 

22  —  —  438-39 
NORTH    CAROLINA    PROVINCIAL    CON- 
GRESS, 

2  May,           1776,  I.  461 
NOURSE,  JOSEPH, 

20  July,            1779,  III.  350 

22  September,     —  —  368 

25  October,         —  —  383 
20  November,     —  —  387 

O'BRIEN,  WILLIAM, 

15  January,      1767,  L        48 
OSWALD,  ELEAZER, 

24  December,  1779,  III.  402 
OTIS,  JAMES, 

14  November,  1775,  L  217 

PAGE,  JOHN, 

16  April,  1776,  I.  427-28 

17  —  —       431 
28    —                  —  —       455 

12  July,  —  II.       131 

13  August,  —       214 
PALFREY,  WILLIAM, 

6  May,  I.       474 

13  November,      —  II.      275 

PALMER,  THOMAS, 

6  March,  I.      353 

PARKER,  JOSIAH, 

28  April,  —        457 

—  May,  II.          4 
PATTEN,  JOHN, 

17  June,  —         72 


438 


LETTERS    TO    LEE. 


Vol 

.    Page 

Vol.    Page 

PATTERSON,  WALTER, 

TRUMBULL,  JONATHAN, 

10  November,  1772, 

I, 

,      112 

12  January,      1776, 

I.       288 

PEACHY,  WILLIAM, 

12  February,       — 

—       293 

3  April,           1776, 

— 

371 

30  November,      — 

II.      325 

PEMBROKE,  EARL  OF, 

VERNUM,  JAMES  M., 

26  November,  1759, 

— 

22 

23  December,      — 

—       355 

PENDLETON,  EDMUND. 

VIRGINIA  COMMITTEE  OF 

SAFETY, 

25  April,           1776, 

— 

451 

10  April,           1776, 

I.      403 

2  May, 

— 

463 

16    —                  — 

—       427 

5    — 

— 

470 

17    —                  — 

—       431 

1  June, 

II. 

50 

25    —                 — 

—       451 

POWELL,  MATTHEW, 

28    —                 — 

—       455 

1  March,         1778, 

— 

378 

2  May, 

—       463 

READ,  ISAAC, 

5    —                 — 

—       470 

7  April,           1776, 

I. 

390 

WASHINGTON,  GEORGE, 

10    - 

— 

4U1 

28  January,      1776, 

—       253 

REED,  JOSEPH, 

30    —                  — 

—       264 

16  November,     — 

II. 

284 

22  February,       — 

—       320 

21     — 

— 

293 

26    —                  — 

—       326 

—  July,             1778, 



475 

14  March, 

—       357 

ROORBACK,  GARRET, 

9  May, 

II.         12 

1  March,         1  776, 

I. 

342 

12  August,           — 

—       208 

RUSH,  BENJAMIN, 

10  November,     — 

—       267 

19  February, 



313 

12    -                  - 

—        270 

23  July, 

II. 

161 

14    —                   — 

—       277 

24  October,       1779, 

III. 

380 

16    —                  — 

—       279 

RUTLEDGE,  JOHN, 

21     —                   — 

—        294 

4  June,            1776, 

II. 

53 

24    

—  309-10 

20  August, 

— 

236 

27    — 

-       318 

SCHUYLER,  PHILIP, 

29    — 

—       319 

29  February,       — 

I. 

328 

1  December,      — 

—       326 

SEARS,  ISAAC, 

3     —                   

—       329 

17  March, 

— 

359 

10    — 

—       341 

SKINNER,  ALEXANDER, 

11     —                   — 

—  343-45 

11  April, 

— 

413 

14     —                   — 

—       349 

SPOTSWOOD,  ALEXANDER, 

29     — 

—        356 

11  April,           1776, 



412 

1  April,           1777, 

—       366 

STANISLAUS,  AUGUSTUS, 

4  July, 

—       374 

20  March,          1768, 



62-64 

22  April,           1778, 

—       390 

STEPHEN,  ADAM, 

30  May,     . 

—       406 

13  July,             1776, 

II. 

136 

15  June,               — 

—       402 

STEUBEN,  BARON, 

26    —                  — 

—       421 

2  December,    1778, 

III. 

253 

30    — 

—        437 

STEVENSON,  JOHN  HALL, 

WAYNE,  ANTHONY, 

28  January,      1  773, 

I, 

116 

7  January,      1779, 

111.291-93 

STIRLING,  LORD, 

20  October,          — 

—        375 

4  February,    1776, 

— 

271 

WHITE,  ALEXANDER, 

SULLIVAN,  JOHN, 

5  February,     1776, 

I.       275 

26  November,      — 

II. 

312-13 

27  June, 

II.         83 

THOMSON,  CHARLES, 

WOODFORD,  WILLIAM, 

23  December,   1773, 

I. 

117 

2  May,            1776, 

I.       462 

16    _               1778, 

III. 

275 

WOOSTER,  DAVID, 

THURSTON,  CHARLES  M., 

12  November,     — 

II.       274 

30  August,       1782, 

IV. 

28 

15    —                  — 

—       278 

TOTTY,  THOMAS, 

WoRMELEr,  RALPH,  JR., 

8  April,           1779, 

III. 

332 

2  March,         1780, 

III.       412 

TRIST,  ELIZABETH, 

WROUGHTON,  THOMAS. 

25  October,         — 

— 

381 

29  April,           1767, 

I.        53 

No.  3. 
MISCELLANEOUS 

LETTERS. 

Vol. 

Page 

ADAMS,  JOHN,  to  Gen.  Nathaniel  Greene,  . 

March, 

1777, 

IV. 

421 

AKM  STRONG,  JOHN,  to  North  Carolina  Provin- 

cial Congress,         .         .         .         .         .         . 

24  April, 

1776, 

I. 

449 

BOUDINOT,  ELIAS,  to  Col.  Alexander  Hamilton, 

8  July, 

1778, 

II. 

474 

BROWNE,  DR.  WILLIAM,  to  Gen.  Gates,    .  '   .  . 

6  April, 

1779, 

III. 

331 

CADWALLADER,  JOHN,  to  Gen.  Greene,      .,       . 

5  December, 

1778, 

— 

270 

CARTHY,  DANIEL,  to  William  Goddard,     '.        , 

16  January, 

1811, 

IV. 

59 

—        —  Major  Thomas  Coles, 

31  March, 

— 

— 

02 

—     —          —         — 

15  April, 

— 

— 

C4 

CLINTON,  HENRY,  to  Lord  Germaine, 

5  July, 

1778, 

II. 

461 

DELANY,  DANIEL,  to  William  Goddard,    . 

December, 

1781, 

IIL 

409 

DUNMORE,  LORD,  to  Major  Josiah  Parker, 
EDWARDS,  EVAN,  to  Isaac  Collins, 

IMay, 
18  January, 

1776, 
1779, 

I. 
III. 

460 
301 

ELLIOTT,  THOMAS,  to  Gen.  Andrew  Lewis, 
EUSTACE,  JOHN  SKEY',  to  Gen.  John  Sullivan, 

3  May, 
19  November, 

1776, 

I. 
II. 

466 

286 

—        —     —  Phila.  Editors, 

v    _July, 

1779, 

III. 

348 

—        —     —  Gen.  Wayne,    . 

27  August, 

— 

— 

356 

—        —     —  Thomas  Lee,   . 

12  December, 

— 

— 

395 

FALCONER,  WILLIAM,  to  Anthony  Falconer,    . 

13  July, 

1776, 

II. 

194 

GATES,  HORATIO,  to  William  Goddard, 

14  April, 

1785, 

IV. 

39 

GODDARD,  WILLIAN,  to  Edward  and  Ezekiel 

John  Dorsey,   . 

8  January, 

1782, 

III. 

474 

—  Robert  Morris,    . 

March, 

— 

— 

477 

—                —          —  John  Vaughan,   . 

29  November, 

— 

IV. 

36 

—          —  Gen.  Gates, 

17  August, 

1793, 

— 

39 

GORDON,  WILLIAM,  to  Gen.  Horatio  Gates,     . 

21      — 

1779, 

III. 

359 

GREENE,  NATHANIEL,  to  John  Adams,     . 

March, 

1777, 

IV. 

420 

HAMILTON,  ALEXANDER,  to  Gen.  Greene, 

3  April. 

1778,. 

II. 

281 

—                                   —  Lafayette, 

25  June,' 

— 

— 

415 

—  Gen.  Scott, 

25  June, 

— 

— 

416 

—  Gen.  Washington, 

26    - 

— 

— 

420-21 

—  Elias  Boudinot,  . 

5  July, 

— 

— 

467 



8  September, 

— 

III. 

233 

—  Baron  Steuben,  . 

19  December, 

— 

— 

254 

HOISINGTON,  JOAB,  to  Gen.  Horatio  Gates, 

12  October, 

1776, 

11. 

21i5 

LAFAYETTE,  MARQUIS  de,  to  Gen.  Washington, 

25  June, 

1778, 

— 

414 

__            

26    — 





416-24 

LAURENS,  HENRY,  to  John  Laurens, 

14  August, 

1776, 



216 

—            —        —    —         —      ... 

6  July, 

1778, 

— 

472 

LAURENS,  JOHN,  to  Henry  Laurens,  . 

30  June, 

— 

— 

430 



2  July, 





449 

—     —  Col.  Hamilton,  . 

December. 



III. 

273 

LEE,  RICHARD  HENRY,  to  Thomas  Lud  Lee,    . 

28  May, 

1776, 

II. 

47 

LORING,  JOSHUA,  to  Col.  Samuel  B.  Webb, 

15  March, 

1778, 

— 

379 

—         —  Elias  Boudinot, 

18    - 

— 

— 

380 

LOVELL,  JAMES,  to  Gen.  Horatio  Gates,  . 

22  January, 

1780, 

III. 

405 

,     '      —       —    —          —         — 

4  February, 

— 

— 

409 

MARYLAND  CONVENTION,  to  Gov.  Robert  Eden, 

24  May, 

1776, 

II. 

34 

MOORE,  JAMES,  to  North  Carolina  Provincial 

Congress,       

24  April, 

— 

I. 

449 

9lQ  JTmri*» 

1778 

TTT 

19ft 

9 

440 


MISCELLANEOUS    LETTERS. 


MORRIS,  JACOB,  to  Gen.  Washington, 


MORRIS,  ROBERT,  to  Gen.  Horatio  Gates, 


_        —  William  Gpddard,    . 
NEWLAND,  TREVOR,  to  Benjamin  Franklin, 
NGURSE,  JAMES,  to  Gen.  Horatio  Gates,  . 
NOURSE,  JOSEPH,  to  Gen.  Horatio  Gates, 
PALFREY,  WILLIAM,  to  Gen.  Washington, 
PARKER,  JOSIAH,  to  Lord  Dunmore, 
PETTIT,  CHARLES,  to  Col.  Thomas  Bradford,  . 
READ,  ISAAC,  to  Gen.  Andrew  Lewis, 
REED,  JOSEPH,  to  Gen.  Nathaniel  Greene, 
RTDGEFIELD,  Conn.,  Committee,  to  Stamford 

Committee,         ..... 
ROOHFORD,  LORD,  to  Count  de  Guinea,    . 
RUSH,  BENJAMIN,  to  Gen.  Horatio  Gates, 
RUTLEDOE,  JOHN,  to  Samuel  Adams, 
SOHUYLER,  PHILIP,  to  Peter  R.  Livingston, 
SOOTT,  CHARLES,  to  General  Washington,  . 
STEWART,  WALTER,  to  Gen.  Anthony  Wayne, 
—  Gen.  Nathaniel  Greene 

STUART,  HENRY,  on  Indian  Affairs  to     

THOUP,  ROBERT,  to  John  Jay, 

—          —  Gen.  Horatio  Gates, . 
WASHINGTON,  GEORGE,  to  the  President  of 
Congress, 

—  William  Palfrey, 

—  Gen.  William  Heath, 

—  Lafayette, 

—  the      President    of 

Congress,  . 


—         —  John     Augustine 
Washington, 

—  Members      of     Lee 

Court  Martial, 

—  Joseph  Reed,  . 

—  Miss  Sidney  Lee, 
WAYNE,  ANTHONY,  to  Gen.  Washington, . 

—  his  wife,  Polly, 

—  Henry  Archer, 


Vol. 

Page 

.     10  April, 

1777, 

II. 

369 

.    21  January, 

1778, 

— 

377 

.     26  March, 

— 

— 

381 

.      6  April, 

1776, 

I. 

387 

.     25  July, 

— 

II. 

169 

.     26    — 

1782, 

IV. 

24 

.       4  March, 

— 

III. 

476 

5  February, 

1776, 

I. 

286 

.     25  January, 

1780, 

III. 

406 

.     12  August, 

1779, 

— 

357 

.     29  January, 

1776, 

I. 

262 

.       1  May, 

— 

— 

460 

.     19    - 

1778, 

II. 

393 

.    25    — 

1776, 

— 

39 

5  November, 
j 

1778, 

Ill, 

245 

n. 
5  January, 

1776, 

I. 

263 

8  September, 
.       1  March, 

1  775, 
1779, 

IV. 

III. 

415 
316 

.       4  July, 

1776, 

IV. 

368 

3  November, 



II. 

264 

.     30  June, 

1778, 



438 

;,       6  December, 

— 

III. 

•271 

j,     29  January, 

1779, 

— 

303 

.     19  May, 

1776, 

II. 

28 

.    29  June, 

1778, 

— 

429 

3  January, 

1779, 

III. 

288 

7  August, 

1776, 

II. 

20G 

.     18  November, 

— 

— 

285 

i,     29    — 





320 

.     25  June, 





413 

.     26    — 
f 

1778, 

— 

422 

i 
.     28    — 

_ 

_ 

427 

-    29    — 

— 

— 

428 

-      1  July, 

— 

— 

441 

.       4    - 

— 

— 

459 

e 

_ 

III. 

30 

12  December, 

— 

— 

273 

20  April, 

1783, 

IV. 

37 

30  June, 

1778, 

II. 

438 

1  July, 



— 

448 

14  October, 

— 

III. 

240 

7  'January, 

1779, 

— 

291 

No.  4. 


MISCELLANEOUS  PAPERS. 


Narrative  of  the  Expedition  against  Crown  Point, 
Grant  of  Lands  in  East  Florida  to  Major  Lee,  . 
Fragment  of  Lee's  Journal,  Service  in  Russia,  . 
Passports  to  Gen.  Lee,  '. 

Supposed  Indian  Speech  and  Answer  of  Lord 

Dartmouth, 

Fragment  of  a  Letter  to  the  Public  by  Gen.  Lee, 
Lee's  Strictures  on  Dr.  Cooper's  Friendly  Ad- 
dress,  

Address  of  Massachusetts  Provincial  Congress 

to  Gen.  Lee, 

Lee's  Furlough  to  J.  A.  AbornandC.  Thornton, 
Washington's  Instructions  to  Gen.  Lee, 
Gen.  Lee's  Orders,  Stamford,     .... 
Resolution  of  the  Stamford  Committee, 
Case  of  Jean  B.  DeGus,  the  French  Interpreter, 
Resolutions  of  the  Continental  Congress,  Com- 
mission to  Canada,         ..... 
Proceedings  of  N.  Y.  Provincial  Congress, 
Lee's  Report  on  the  Defence  of  New  York  City, 
Proceedings  of  the  Committee  of  York,  Pa., 
Address  of  Officers  at  Williamsburg,  Va.,  to  Gen. 

Lee, 

Report  on  the  Coast  Defences  of  Virginia  to 

Gen.  Lee 

Proceedings  of  a  Council  of  Officers  at  Williams- 
burg,  Va., 

Advertisement  of  Lee,  for  Returns  of  Virginia 

Minute  Men, 

Proceedings  of  the  Virginia  Committee  of  Safety, 
Lee's  Instructions  to  Gen.  Armstrong, 
Resolution  of  Virginia  Committee  of  Safety, 
List  of  Cadets  in  Col.   Mercer's  Virginia  Regi- 
ment,       

Lee's  Address  to  the  Young  Gentlemen  of  Vir- 
ginia,       .  

Papers  relating  to  the  capture  of  Goodrich  and 

Blair, 

Resolves  of  Virginia  Committee  of  Safety, 
Proceedings  of  a  Council  of  Officers  at  Williams- 
burg,  Va., 

Resolution  of  the  Virginia  Convention, 
Proceeding  of  the  Maryland  Convention,    . 
Address  of  the  People  of  Newbern,  N.  C.,   to 

Gen.  Lee, 

Lee's  General  Orders  in  North  Carolina,     . 
Lee's  Orders  at  Charleston,  S.  C., 


Memo  :  by  Gen.  Lee  for  the  Defence  of  Sullivan's 
Island 


July,            1758,  I. 

3  December,  1766,  — 

20  June,            1769,  — 
29  October,         — 

29  September,  1774,  — 


1  July,  1775, 

5  September,     — 
8  January,      1770, 
29    - 

13  February,       — 

17    — 


Vol.  Page 

I.  9 

—  46 

—  85 

—  87 


12  March, 
26    — 


6  April, 


16    — 


19    — 

28    — 
3  May, 


10    — 
24    — 


12  June, 
15    — 
19    — 
24    — 

1  July, 


187 
149 

151 

186 
205 
236 
263 
263 
298 

299 
302 
354 
363 


—  —  364 

—  383 

—  o87 

—  —  393 

—  4C6 

—  409 

—  —  428 

431 
435 

—  —  453 

—  464 

II.  7 

—  17 

—  32 

—  —  41 

—  65 

—  69 

—  73 

—  81 

—  -  103 


i 

442                      MISCELLANEOUS 

PAPERS. 

Vol.      Page 

Narrative  of  the  Deserters  from  the  British  Fleet, 

1  July,            1776, 

II.       Ill 

Lee's  Conference  with  Deputies  from  Georgia,  . 
Petition  of  St.  George  and  St.   Paul  Parishes, 

2    - 

—        114 

Ga.,  to  Gen.  Lee,  ...... 

31     —                   — 

—       181 

Opinions  of  a  Council  of  Officers  on  the  Conti- 

nental Establishment  in  South  Carolina, 

6  August, 

—       202 

Minutes  of  Lee's  Conference  with  Georgia  Coun- 

cil of  Safety,           

19    — 

—       233 

Lee's  Orders  on  the  March  to  Georgia, 
Lee's  Farewell  Order  at  Savannah,  Ga., 

7-28  August,    — 
9  September,     — 

—       251 
—       258 

Resolves  of  Continental  Congress  on  Recruiting 

the  Army,      ....... 

—       272 

—       280 

—           —           

12    

—       281 

Lee's  Address  to  the  Massachusetts  Militia, 

10    —                   — 

—       282 

Lee's  Order  of  March  in  Westchester  County,     . 

29    — 

—       322 

Lee's  Treasonable  Plan  for  putting  an  end  to  the 

War  

29  March,  1777,  II.  301  , 

IV.       404 

Parole  of  Gen.  Lee  to  the  British, 

27  December,  1777, 

II.      375 

—        —        —        —            

3  April,          1778, 

—       382 

Lee's  Plan  for  the  Formation  of  the  American 

Army,  etc.,     ..... 



—       383 

Memo  :   by  Gen.    Lee  on  Sir    William   Howe's 

movements,     ....... 

May, 

394 

Washington's  Order  of  March  from  Valley  Forge 

to  Newburgh,          ...... 

June, 

—  408-10 

Gen.  Dickinson's  disposition  of  the  New  Jersey 

Militia  

25    — 

—       413 

Col.   Van  Dyck's  Return   of  Soldiers  buried  at 

Monmouth,  N.  J., 

29     — 

4-17 

Account   of  the  Battle  of  Monmouth  in  New 

Jersey  Gazette  

8  July, 

453 

Sir  Henry  Clinton's   Report   on   the   Battle  of 

Monmouth,     

5    — 

461 

Proceedings  of  a  General  Court  Martial  for  the 

Trial  of  Gen.  Lee,           

4     — 

III.          1 

Complaint  against  Col.  Henry  Jackson, 

20    — 

—       209 

Proceedings  of  a  Court  of  Inquiry  on  the  Con- 

duct of  Col.  Henry  Jackson, 

17  April,           1779, 

210 

Major  John   Clark's  account  of  the   Battle   of 

Monmouth,     ....... 

3  September,  1778, 

—       231 

Lee's  Vindication  to  the  Public, 

—  December,      — 

—       255 

History  of  the    Treatment  of   Gen.    Con  way, 

written  by  Lee,       .         .         ... 

—    —                  — 

—        205 

Proceedings  of  the  Continental  Congress  on  the 

Trial  of  Lee,            

21  Aug.,  5  Dec.,  1778, 

276 

General  Orders,  Sentence  of   Court   Martial  on 

Lee  

22  December, 

281 

Narrative  of  a  Duel  between  Gen.  Lee  and  Col. 

Laurens,          ....... 

24    - 

—       283 

Lee's  Proposals  for  the  Formation  of  a   body  of 

Light  Troops,          ...... 

—       286 

Article  in  New  Jersey  Gazette  on  the  Conduct  of 

Gen.  Lee,        

31     — 

—       297 

Advertisement  of  a  Dog  lost  by  Gen.  Lee,   . 

1  2  January,      1  779, 

—       294 

Extract  from  Rivington's  Royal  Gazette  on  Lee 

and  Arnold,    

1  7  February, 

309 

Order  of   Continental  Congress  on   Lee's  Corre- 

spondence with  Butler,  

22    — 

310 

Lee's  Plan  for  the    Formation  of  a    Military 

Colony,  ........ 

4  April, 

—       323 

Lse's  Draft  of  Queries,  etc.  , 

—  3:34-39 

Political  and  Military  Queries  Published,  . 

0  July, 

—       341 

Lee's  Explanation  of  his  Queries, 

14     — 

—       345 

Address  of  Joseph  Reed  to  the  Public  on  Lee's 

Queries,          

—    —                   — 

—       348 

MISCELLANEOUS    PAPERS.  443 

Gen.  Wayne's  Orders  for  the  Assault  of  Stony 

,p°int 15  July,  1779,          III.       376 

Lee's  Remarks  on  Whig  and  Tory,       .         .         .          March,          1780,  —        417 

Address  to  the  People  of  America,  by  Gen.  Lee,          October,         —  —        438 

Fragment,  Defences  of  Lee  against  the  Charges 

of  Corresponding  with  the  Enemy,  —  —  —       441 

Article  in  the  Pennsylvania  Packet  on  the   con- 
duct of  Arnold  and  Lee,        ....       3    447 

Fragment,    Lee's  Opinion  of  Dr.  Warburton's 

book  on  Moses, 19  December,      —  —       468 

Lee's  Agreement  with  the   Dorseys   to  sell  his 

Estate,    . 31    —  1781  —       470 

Letter  of  William  and  Catharine  Goddard,  Lee's 

Attorneys, 8  January,      1782,  —       474 

Lee's  Bond  to  the  Dorseys 10  November,  1780,  —       478 

Memo :  for  a  Settlement  with  the  Dorseys,        .  1782,  —       479 

Advertisement  of  Gen.  Lee  for  his  baggage  lost 

in  1788, 29  June,  —  IV.          7 

Copy  of  Gen.   Lee's  Will,  1782,  and  remarks 

thereon, 31  January,       1784,  —    29-33 

Advertis3ment  Sale  of  Gen.  Lee's  Plantation,  .1     —  38 

Petition  to  the  House  of  Delegates  of  Virginia 

on  Taxation,         ......  42 

Letter  to  Mayor  Hunter  on  Taxation  in  Vir- 
ginia,   —         44 

List  of  Officers  of  the  State  of  Virginia,   .        .  47 

Draft  of  a  Letter  by  Gen.  Lee,          ...  —          49 

Scaliger  [Daniel  Carthy]  to  Philo  Junius,         .  _         50 

Draft  of  an  Agreement  for  a  Whist  Party,  be- 
tween Thomas  Hartley  and  James  Pollock,  68 

Extract  of  a  Letter  to   Gen.    Lee  from  Col. 

Godwin, 69 

Draft  of  a  Letter  by  Gen.  Lee  on  the  Treat- 
ment of  Indians,          .....  70 

Fragment  of  a  Journal,  Fredericksburg,  Md., 

to  Pittsburg,  Pa., 73 

Extract  of  Letter  from  Williamsburg,  Va. ,  by 

Gen.  Lee, 1779,  —          75 

Memorandum    of    the  Dispute  between    Mr. 

Roberts  and  Gen.  Lee,  '  78 

Fragment,  Taxation  in  Virginia,         ...  79 

Memorandum  of    the    Capital    Points    Made 

Against  America, _          81 

An  Essay  on  the  Coup  d'Oeil,    ....  81 

A  Picture  of  the  Countess  of, ...  89 

An  Account  of  a  Conversation,  Chiefly  Rela- 
tive to  the  Army,         .....  91 

A  Political  Essay, 100 

A  Breakfast  for  Rivington,  the  London  Book- 
seller,    . _       108 

Remarks  on  the  Trial  of  A.   Fabrigas  vs.  Gen. 

Mostyn 12  July,  1773,  —       112 


No.  5. 
GENERAL   INDEX. 


Abel,  Elijah,  appointed  Brigade  Major, 
i.  263. 

Abercrombie,  Gen.  James,  conceals  from 
his  officers  the  sailing  of  the  packet  ves- 
sels, i.  6 ;  his  mismanagement  of  the 
army,  7 ;  abused  by  Lee,  8 ;  narrative 
of  his  expedition  against  Ticonderoga, 
9  ;  accused  of  examining  the  correspon- 
dence of  his  officers,  15. 

Aborn,  Col.,  visits  the  camp  at  Cam- 
bridge, i.  204. 

Aborn,  John  Anthony,  granted  sick  leave, 
i.  204. 

Accomac,  Va.,  mentioned,  i.  118. 

Acquackanonck,  N.  J.,  mentioned,  ii. 
344. 

Acteon  frigate,  blown  up  at  Charleston, 
ii.  95,  112. 

Active  frigate,  at  Cape  Fear,  ii.  28  ;  sails 
for  Charleston,  51  ;  attacks  Sullivan's 
Island,  112;  sails,  222. 

Adams,  John,  describes  Lee  as  an  odd 
and  queer  creature,  you  must  love  his 
dogs  if  you  love  him.  i.  207  ;  Lee  defends 
his  love  of  dogs,  208  :  calls  Dickinson 
a  "piddling  genius,"  208,  211;  com- 
pliments Lee,  812  ;  introduces  Thomas 
Paine,  312  ;  publication  of  his  Thoughts 
on  Government,  442 ;  mentioned,  ii. 
118;  his  letter  to  Congress  on  European 
affairs,  iii.  8(50 ;  sends  the  Lee  and 
Deane  correspondence  to  Congress,  360  ; 
to  sail  for  France,  384 ;  his  arrival 
there,  411  ;  a  leader  in  Mass.,  418;  his 
opinion  as  to  the  power  of  the  com- 
mander in  chief,  iv.  262  ;  recommends 
Gen.  Ward  for  second  in  command,  364  ; 
on  Lee's  request  for  a  conference  at 
N.  Y.,  421. 

Adarns,  Samuel,  extract  of  a  letter  from, 
to  John  Rutledge,  ii.  237;  delegate 
from  Mass.,  iii.  322  ;  leaves  Providence, 
360;  a  leader  in  Mass.,  418;  a  friend 
of  Gen.  Lee,  iv.  11. 

Adderley,  Capt.,  his  vessel  captured,  i. 
455. 

Agnew,  Rev.  John,  tried  by  Va.  Com- 
mittee, i.  452 ;  discharged,  456 ;  a  tory, 
ii.  23. 

Aire,  Mrs.,  mentioned,  i.  123. 

Altamaha  River,  Ga.,  troops  stationed 
at,  ii.  235 ;  a  lumber  stream,  242 ;  mil- 
itary magazines  organized  on,  333. 


Albany,  N.  Y.,  wounded  troops  at,  1758, 
i.  8;  iv.  209,  353;  the  soil  of,  118; 
American  prisoners  sent  to,  298 ;  pow- 
der forwarded  to,  311 ;  troops  at,  ii.  13. 

Albemarle  Co.,  Va.,  minute  men  of,  ii. 

Alcot,  Daniel,  of  Conn.,  i.  274. 

Alexandria,  Va.,  trade  with  New  York, 
i.  175;  a  camp  to  be  established  at, 
229;  troops  at,  371,  406,  ii.  64;  to  be 
defended  against  the  British,  419 ;  its 
importance  as  a  military  post,  ii.  364, 

Alleghany  Mountains,  i.  118. 

Allen,  Andrew,  of  the  Congress  Com- 
mittee at  N.  Y.,  i.  269,  272 ;  mentioned, 
826. 

Allen,  Capt.,  from  N.  C.,  ii.  334. 

Allen,  Ethan,  Gen.  Lee  proposes  to  ex- 
change Capt.  Walker  for,  ii.  121,  155. 

Allen,  Samuel  VV.,  of  Conn.,  i.  274 

Allen,  Lieut.-Col.  William,  i.  305;  re- 
signs, ii.  170. 

Allentown,  N.  J. ,  British  march  from,  ii. 
415,  462,  469;  American  troops  at,  420, 
iii.  65. 

Alston,  Edmund,  of  N.  H. ,  a  prisoner,  ii. 
Ill,  120. 

Alston,  Capt.  William,  service  in  defend- 
ing Charleston,  S.  C. ,  ii.  56,  58. 

Amboy,  N.  J.,  troops  at,  i.  271. 

Amelia  Co.,  Va.,  minute  men  of,  ii.  17. 

America,  The  French  War  in.  near  fin- 
ished, i.  23;  thanksgiving  in  England 
for  acquisition  in,  24;  Lee  desires  to 
inform  Pitt  of  affairs  in,  30 ;  affairs  of, 
in  England,  35 ;  Frederick  the  Great 
interested  in,"  37;  the  one,  asylum  of 
liberty,  43,  122,  134;  Pitt's  manage- 
ment of  the  affairs  of,  56 ;  her  obedi- 
ence, 59  ;  King  Stanislaus  on  events  in, 
65  ;  to  emerge  from  ministerial  oppres- 
sion, 91 ;  the  Emperor  of  Austria's 
knowledge  of  affairs  in,  93  ;  Thomson's 
description  of  th*  route  for  travellers 
from  Phil,  to  the  South,  117 ;  Burke's 
letter  on  the  affairs  of,  120 ;  probability 
of  war  in,  122;  Gen.  Gage  sent  to, 
with  extraordinary  powers  to  make 
peace,  123  ;  his  proclamation  a  disap- 
pointment, 125  ;  British  authority  to  be 
enforced  in,  126 ;  action  of  parliament 
on  the  Mass,  and  Quebec  bills,  130,  132  ; 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


445 


hostility  of  the  ministry  to,  133 ;  public 
spirit  in  the  colonies,  134, 135  ;  military 
preparations  in,  13(5 ;  200,000  Yeomanry 
ready  to  defend  their  rights,  141,  157  ; 
patriotism  of  the  people,  1 45,  147,  148 ; 
Lee's  strictures  on  Cooper's  Friendly 
Address  to  all  Reasonable  Americans, 
151 ;  protection  of  England  necessary 
for  its  safety,  155 ;  the  granary  of 
Europe,  155;  tax  on  her  goods,  156; 
force  necessary  to  conquer,  157;  the 
British  regulars  in,  162  ;  military  char- 
acter of  the  people,  162;  concessions  of 
the  English  ministry  to,  165 ;  rapid  set- 
tlement of  the  country,  167 ;  opposition 
to  the  tea  tax,  168 ;  her  resistance  .to 
taxation  the  cause  of  mankind,  169, 18]  ; 
150,000  men  in  arms,  183;  the  last 
asylum  o £  persecuted  liberty,  185;  poor 
condition  of  the  Continental  Army, 
188 ;  right  of  Great  Britain  to  tax,  191 ; 
proclamation  against  trade  with,  221 ; 
not  in  favor  of  independence,  222  ;  Lee's 
propositions  to  seize  all  holders  of 
office  under  the  Crown,  229 ;  must  be 
independent  or  slaves,  233  ;  all  hope  of 
accommodation  lost,  239 ;  necessity  of 
a  united  defence,  245 ;  the  King's 
speech  fixes  the  wavering  ones,  252; 
the  hue  and  cry  for  independence,  266 ; 
England  not  quite  so  disrespectful  to, 
285 ;  the  importance  of  Canada  to,  304 ; 
Commissioners  sent  from  England, 
306;  no  need  of  foreign  aid,  307;  as- 
sured of  the  friendship  of  France,  313  ; 
Pitt  conquered  America  in  Germany; 
Lee  may  conquer  Britain  in  Canada, 
314 ;  reconciliation  a  chimera,  318,  334  ; 
the  time  for  a  treaty  with  France,  318, 
325,  334,  373 ;  necessity  for  independ- 
ence, 373  ;  and  alliance  with  France  and 
Holland,  373 ;  the  Commissioners  from 
England  expected,  388;  property  in 
Portugal  demanded  by  England,  442; 
independence  should  *be  declared  at 
once,  ii.  1  ;  relations  with  France  and 
Spain,  2 ;  some  members  of  Congress 
hope  for  peace,  25;  the  proprietary 
colonies  perplex  the  American  machine, 
26,  44,  47 ;  Maryland  in  favor  of  a  re- 
union with  Great  Britain  on  constitu- 
tional principles,  46 ;  the  German  treat- 
ies and  Lord  Dartmouth's  statement 
has  shut  the  mouths  of  all  gapers  after 
commissioners,  47 ;  Mr.  White's  essay 
on  independence  and  cause  of  the 
trouble,  84 ;  independence  to  be  de- 
clared and  a  confederation  formed,  99, 
124;  Indians  to  be  employed  against, 
127,  129 ;  effect  of  the  declaration  of 
independence  on  the  people,  162;  lack 
of  Continental  Currency  in  the  South, 
175  ;  their  Negroes  sold  by  the  British 
in  the  West  Indies,  218 ;  not  a  sober 
man  wished  for  separation  from  Great 
Britain,  223 ;  importance  of  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  colonies  to  France, 


256 ;  Lee  considers  the  struggle  hope- 
less, 361  ;  parliament  expected  to  ac- 
knowledge the  independence  of  the 
colonies  in  1779,  iii.  289;  Lee's  plan 
for  a  military  colony  in,  822,  323 ;  dan- 
ger of  French  and  Spanish  influence  in, 
b70;  importance  of  her  fishery,  371 ;  the 
Middle  States  debtitute  of  true  republi- 
can spirit,  372,  467  ;  oppression  of  the 
Middle  States,  400;  a  cessation  of  arms 
suggested  by  Gen.  Lee,  401,  467 ;  the 
Northern  States  patriotic,  407  ;  aid  from 
France,  410 ;  affairs  with  Spain,  410 ; 
fights  the  battles  of  France,  430,  457 ; 
affairs  managed  by  a  Mac-ocracy,  i.e., 
Scotch-Irish,  431,  4^7;  Lee's  address 
to  the  people  of,  438 ;  the  surrender  of 
Cornwallis  will  secure  her  independence, 
463  ;  bad  condition  of  public  affairs  in, 
467  ;  danger  from  the  French  troops  in, 
iv.  2 ;  faults  of  the  confederation,  3  ; 
with  the  exception  of  New  England 
have  no  republican  qualification,  9  ;  the 
folly  of  England  not  acknowledging 
her  independence,  13  ;  her  treaty  with 
France,  14,  23  ;  belief  of  the  English 
people  in  regard  to  the  war  in,  81. 
American  Army,  appointment  of  Major  - 
Generals,  i.,  186,  197;  poor  condition  of, 
before  Boston,  188,  196,  199 ;  supposed 
to  be  no  match  for  the  regulars,  2U6  ;  a 
regiment  of  spearmen  proposed,  206  ; 
officers  ill  paid,  212  ;  want  clothing,  215  ; 
the  New  England  element,  219;  re- 
cruited, 229;  headquarters  at  Cam- 
bridge, 237;  happy  in  having  experi- 
enced generals,  239;  necessity  of  the 
Continental  establishment,  245 ;  to  be 
relieved  in  Canada,  253  ;  recruiting  for 
the  new  army  very  slow,  254  ;  deficient 
in  field  artillery,  260  ;  Col.  Ritzema  re- 
ports the  condition  of,  in  Canada  to 
Congress,  283,  297;  bows  and  arrows 
suggested  for,  285  ;  no  Continental  es- 
tablishment in  South  Carolina,  ii.,  10; 
importance  of  cavalry,  15,  26,  38,  99, 
102,  109  ;  pay  of  surgeons,  16  ;  engineer 
corps,  17,  18,  192,  263,  ii.  478,  480; 
arms  of  the  Virginia  troops,  19;  differ- 
ence in  pay  in  Provincial  and  Conti- 
nental service,  23  ;  bounties  for  recruits 
high  in  Va.,  38,  48;  the  Georgia  bat- 
talion of  Continentals,  48  ;  Lee's  orders 
at  Charleston,  military  salutes  and 
badges  of  rank,  70  ;  importance  of  light 
horse,  97 ;  arrangement  of  troops  in 
June,  1776,  9S  ;  Congress  ought  to  sup- 
press Colonial  troops,  156,  179,  189, 
204  ;  supplied  with  Negro  shoes,  180  ; 
Continental  officers'  claim  to  outrank 
Provincials,  183 ;  the  mustering  in  of 
regiments,  186  ;  a  board  of  war  es- 
tablished. 186, 187  ;  control  of  a  Provin- 
cial Congress  over  a  Continental  Com- 
mander, 201,  203  ;  riflemen  will  hit  the 
circle  of  a  crown  piece  at  1 50  yards,  222 ; 
courage  of  the  soldiers,  266;  a  new 


446 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


army  levied,  1776 ,  272.  279,  280,  289  ; 
difficulties  in  paying  the  militia,  275, 
286 ;  fraud  in  the  exchange  of  prisoners, 
276 ;  ecouts  and  spies,  273,  278,  302  ; 
bounties,  279,  280,  281,  288;  the  pay- 
master to  issue  money  only  on  Gen. 
Washington's  warrant,  285;  want  of 
clothing  and  blankets,  289,  292,  310  ; 
importance  of  a  new  army,  294,  318  ; 
Lee  suggests  that  hospitals  be  marked 
by  a  flag  and  held  sacred  from  attack, 
316 ;  ill-treatment  of  prisoners  by  Lord 
Howe,  317;  privateering  interferes  with 
enlistments,  318  ;  bounty  for  re-enlist- 
ments, 319,  321 ;  minute  men  of  no  ac- 
count, 321 ;  one  great  Continental  army 
needed,  322 ;  lack  of  supplies  for  a  gen- 
eral hospital,  324;  no  Continental  pay- 
master, 330;  lack  of  artillery  men,  S36 ; 
New  England  delegates  oppose  long 
enlistments,  336  ;  creation  ot  the  south- 
ern Department,  342;  appointment  of 
six  Brigadier-Generals  by  Congress,343; 
engineers  for  the  southern  department, 
360,  362,  367;  poorly  equipped,  376;  a 
Continental  hospital  required,  378 ;  Gen. 
Lee's  plan  for  the  formation  of.  383, 
391 ;  promotion  of  officers  in,  31 2  ; 
division  commanders,  400,  403  ;  rank  of 
Lieut. -General  proposed,  403;  arrange- 
ment of  the  army  by  Washington  in 
1778,  408;  Virginia  troops  placed  on 
the  Continental  establishment,  419  ;  Lee 
recommends  the  UHC  of  the  spear  in  N. 
C.,  and  condemns  bayonets,  418;  the 
troops  before  Boston  can  defend  N.  Y. 
and  reinforce  Canada,  425 ;  two  com- 
panies in  Va.  armed  with  spears,  433 ; 
enlistment  of  Irish  and  English  recruits 
limited  in  Va.,440;  letters  of  general 
officers  go  post  free,  441  ;  report  on 
army  surgeons,  450.  478 ;  Washington 
has  a  poor  opinion  of  volunteer  enlist- 
ments, 460 ;  terms  of  exchange  of  pris- 
oners, 465  ;  formation  of  the  depart- 
ment of  quartermaster-general,  and  its 
administration,  iii. ,  245,  249,  251  ;  valor 
of,  261 ;  Gen.  Lee's  plan  for  the  forma- 
tion of  a  body  of  light  troops,  286 ; 
campaign  of  1777,  334;  Congress  re- 
duces the  expenses  of,  405 ;  arms  and 
ammunition  to  proceed  from  France, 
410 ;  Greene's  southern  command  equal 
to  any  in  the  world,  iv.  1. 

Amherst  Co.,  Va.,  minute  men  of,  ii.  17. 

Amherst,  Gen.  Jeffrey,  his  popularity,  i. 
18  ;  master  of  Lake  Champlain,  24;  at 
Crown  Point,  26 ;  keeps  his  plans 
secret,  27 ;  his  representations  about 
American  affairs,  35. 

Anderson,  James,  affidavit  of,  i.  454. 

Augeli,  Col.  Israel,  member  of  court  mar- 
tial for  the  trial  of  Lee,  iii.  1  ;  at  battle 
of  Monmouth,  127. 

Anna,  armed  vessel,  i.  366. 

Annapolis,  Md.,  mentioned,  i.  118,  121 ; 
muster  of  the  militia,  143 ;  a  camp  to  be 


established  at,  229;  the  commanding 
officer  at.  to  seize  Gov.  Eden,  381,  472  ; 
troops  at,  472  ;  its  importance,  ii.  364, 
395. 

Annemours,  Chevalier  de,  resents  Lee's 
attack  on  the  French  parliament,  iii. 
352. 

Anspach,  regiment  of  Hessians  convoyed 
by  water  from  PhiL  to  N.  Y.,  ii.  460. 

Antigua,  Parker's  vessels  to  refit  in,  ii. 
112. 

Aquia,  Va.,  inhabitants  mob  Lee  for  his 
abuse  of  Washington,  iii.  372. 

Archer,  Henry  W. ,  to  act  as  second  for 
Gen.  Wayne,  iii.  291 ;  aide-de-camp  to 
Gen.  Wayne,  378. 

Archer,  Mr.,  of  Norfolk,  Va.,  i.  416. 

Arctic  voyage  of  Capt.  Phipps,  i.  1 66. 

Ardent,  frigate,  sails  for  England,  iii.  332. 

Armiger,  Gen.,  mentioned,  i,  7,  39. 

Armstrong,  Gen.  John,  appointed,  i.  343  ; 
to  report  affairs  in  S.  C.,  410;  request 
for  supplies,  450 ;  report  on  affairs  in 
S.  C. ,  ii.  10 ;  his  services  in  the  defence 
of  Charleston,  S.  C.,  54,  65,  68,  80,  89, 
90,  126,  139,  172,  246;  too  old-fashioned 
to  command  at  Charleston,  184;  in  ill 
health,  184,  246;  to  make  returns  of 
troops,  188;  visits  Long  Island,  198; 
one  of  the  council  of  officers,  202  ;  his 
rank,  204 :  to  order  powder  to  Ga. , 
230. 

Armstrong,  Maj.  John,  sends  news  of  the 
battle  of  Monmouth,  ii.  429 ;  aide-de- 
camp to  Gen.  Gates,  iii.  402. 

Arnold,  Gen.  Benedict,  deserves  a 
statue  of  gold  for  behavior  in  Can- 
ada, i.  220 ;  forms  a  regiment  of 
Canadians,  300  ;  ordered  to  the  East- 
ward, ii.  349;  wins  laurels  for  Gen. 
Gates,  470 ;  entertains  the  Tories  at 
Phil. ,  iii.  252 ;  his  assault  on  Quebec, 
262 ;  at  Saratoga,  263  ;  his  unpopularity 
in  Congress,  270 ;  prosecuted  by  the 
council  of  Pa.,  309  ;  loved  by  Gen.  Lee, 
319;  views  of  the  campaign  of  1179, 
331  ;  to  be  married,  331 ;  his  credit  of 
the  campaign  of  1777,  334,  336,  342, 
440;  desires  to  examine  Joseph  Reed's 
letters  to  Lee,  416 ;  served  up  as  a  dish 
of  scandal,  442  ;  his  treason  and  prob- 
able collusion  with  Lee,  447. 
Arnot,  Isaac,  court-martial  of  Gen.  Lee 

meet  at  his  house,  iii.  29. 
Arundel,  Capt.  Dohickey,  to  join  Gen. 
Schnyler,  i.  284 ;  commissioned,  367, 
368,  435 ;  his  expenses  of  travel,  434, 
435  ;  a  company  of  artillery  to  be  raised 
for,  441,  479;  killed  at  Gwyn's  Island, 
Va.,  ii.  132,  138. 

Ashe,  John,  of  theN.  C.  committee,  i.  397. 
Ashley  Ferry,  S.  C.,  troops  at,  ii.  198. 
Asia,  frigate,  plan  to  destroy  her  at  N.  Y., 
i.   287  ;  out  of  the  harbor,  302 ;  anchored 
in   the  bay,  309;     her  captain     seizes 
provision  vessels,  315  ;  supplies  cut  off, 
476  ;  below  the  Narrows,  ii.  15. 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


447 


Augusta,  Ga.,  military  magazine   formed 

at,  ii.  383. 
Austin,  Major  Jonathan  W.,   sets   fire  to 

buildings  in  White  Plains  and  is  tried 

by  court-martial,  ii.  271,  273,  307. 
Austria,  the  royal  family  of,  described,  i. 

93. 
Ayre,  Mr.,  mentioned,  i.  88. 

Backup,  Peter,  a  prisoner,  ii.  '231,  232, 
288. 

Badlam,  Capt.  Stephen,  to  remove  can- 
non from  N.  Y.,  i.  261,  282;  a  man  of 
merit,  296  ;  Washington  to  care  for, 
327,  329;  to  be  sent  to  N.  Y.,  336, 
338. 

Baker,  William,  opposes  the  Massa- 
chusetts bill  in  parliament,  i.  130 ; 
claims  the  credit  of  the  Quebec  bill, 
132. 

Baldwin,  Thomas,  his  description  of 
Bermudas,  i.  127;  arrives  at  Phil.,  127, 
129. 

Balfour,  Capt.,  an  adviser  of  Gen.  Howe, 
ii.  398. 

Ball,  Col.,  of  Va.,  opposition  to  R.  H. 
Lee,  iii.  303 ;  unfortunate  in  his  love 
affairs,  305. 

Ball,  Major,  serves  on  trial  of  Col.  Jack- 
son, iii.  210. 

Balletine,  of  Portsmouth,  Va.,  a  tory,  i. 
459. 

Baltimore,  Md.,  mentioned,  i.  118;  trade 
with  New  York,  175 ;  Lee  examines  the 
works  of  defence,  360 ;  troops  at,  473  ; 
to  be  fortified,  ii.  389,  395,  402 ;  the 
Continental  Congress  adjourns  to,  349  ; 
a  mob  attacks  the  printer  of  Md.  Jour- 
nal for  printing  Lee's  queries,  iii.  352, 
402 ;  post  office,  374,  404 ;  trade  with 
the  Kentucky  settlements,  iv.  75. 

Bancroft,  George,  mentioned,  iv.  343. 

Barber,  Col.  Francis,  his  bravery  at 
Monmouth,  ii.  434  ;  wounded,  455,  470 ; 
mentioned,  iii.  291. 

Barber,  Ensign  William,  requests  a  trial 
for  Col.  Jackson,  iii.  210. 

Barrington,  Lord,  informed  that  Lee  re- 
signs his  half  pay,  i.  185. 

Barron,  Capt.  Richard,  report  on  defence 
of  James  River,  i.  384. 

Barry,  Capt.   John,  captures  a  prize,  i. 

Bartman,   Capt.  G ,  killed  at  Ticon- 

deroga,  i.  7. 
Barton,  England,  Miss  Lee  resides  with 

Sir  William  Bunbury  at,  i.  31,  82,  45 ; 

Gen.  Lee  improved  by  the  air. of,  66. 
Baskenridge,    N.    J.,   Gen.    Lee   arrives 

there,  ii.  346,  348;   captured   by  Col. 

Harcourt,  iv.  293,  386. 
Batchelor's  Point,  Va. ,  fortifications  at, 

ii.44. 
Bath,  England,  Lee's  regiment  stationed 

at,  i.  1 ;  iii  414. 
Bathhurst,  Lord,  a  member  of  the  privy 

council,  iii.  413. 


Battier,  Mrs.  a  passport  furnished  to,  ii. 
378. 

Bayard,  Miss,  pass  refused  to,  ii.  429. 

Bayard's  Hill,  N.  Y.,  fortified,  i.  356. 

Baylor,  Col.  George,  aid  to  Washington, 
i.  308;  leaves  Cambridge,  476;  men- 
tioned, ii.  122^  311,  312,  396. 

Baylor,  Robert,  a  Va.  cadet,  i.  481. 

Beadle,  Philip  B.,  on  the  Ridgefield  Com- 
mittee, i.  2H4. 

Beall,  Gen.  Rezin,  at  Hackensack,  ii.  295. 

Bears  Creek,  N.  C. ,  ii.  36. 

Beaufort,  S.  C.,  troops  at.  ii.  231,  251  ; 
British  attacked  at,  iii.  385. 

Beaufremont,  Admiral,  commands  the 
French  fleet,  i.  15. 

Beckley,  John,  clerk  of  Va.  Committee, 
i.  408. 

Beckwith,  Gen.,  rumor  that  he  will  join 
the  Americans,  ii.  45 ;  described  by 
Lee,  146. 

Beckwith,  Maj.  John,  a  detestable  ty- 
rant, i.  28. 

Bedford,  Duke  of,  mentioned,  i.  59,  61. 

Bedloe's  Island,  N.  Y.,  i.  309,  339. 

Beebe,  Capt.,  at  Monmouth,  ii.  447. 

Beekman,  James,  member  of  N.  Y.  Prov. 
Cong.,  i.  302. 

Bellamy,  Mr.,  carpenter,  of  Charleston, 
S.  C.,  ii.  57,  79,  80. 

Benedict,  John,  on  the  Ridgefield  Com- 
mittee, i.  264. 

Berkley  Co.,  Va.,  petition  of  the  in- 
habitants to  the  assembly,  iv.  42;  Gen. 
Lee's  letter  to  Major  Hunter  represent- 
ative of,  44. 

Bermudas,  description  of  the  unhealthy 
climate  of,  i.  127. 

Bernard,  Gov.  Francis,  a  scoundrel  attor- 
ney, i.  78,  170;  conference  with  Gen. 
Gage,  146 ;  his  treachery  to  the  people 
of  Mass.,  iv.  112. 

Berrian,  Lieut.  John,  at  Savannah,  ii. 
231,  232. 

Beverley,  Mass.,  troops  at,  ii.  12. 

Biddle,  Col.  Clem  ant,  near  Valley  Forge, 
ii.  893 ;  mention  ad,  iii.  442. 

Biddle,  Edward,  mentioned,  iii.  442. 

Biddle,  Owen,  mentioned,  iii.  442. 

Bigelow,  Col.  Timothy,  president  of  court 
of  inquiry  on  Col.  Jackson,  iii.  210. 

Birmingham,  Eng.,  lives  on  the  slave 
trade,  ii.  218. 

Bissell,  Capt.,  of  Conn.,  i.  274. 

Blair,  Capt.  George,  arrested,  i.  453,  460. 

Blake,  Lady,  complimented  by  Lee,  i.  71, 
92 ;  his  first  cousin,  iv.  226. 

Blake,  Miss,  to  be  married,  i.  70. 

Blake,  Sir  Patrick.  See  Bunbury,  Anna- 
bella. 

Bland,  Richard,  of  Va.,  i.  377. 

Bland,  Col.  Theodoric,  his  cavalry  com- 
mand, iii.  287. 

Blaney,  Lord,  sends  wine  to  Miss  Lee,  i. 
70. 

Blodget,  Maj.  William,  secretary  to  Gen. 
Greene,  ii.  285. 


448 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


Blount,  Col.  Thomas,  mentioned,  ii.  62. 

Blue  Ridge  Mountains,  i.  118. 

Board  of  War  and  Ordinance  established, 
ii.  186  ;  Les's  reports  to,  on  the  condi- 
tion of  the  Southern  Department,  187, 
203,  241 ;  want  of  military  men  at  its 
head,  288. 

Bond,  Col.  William,  sent  to  Canada,  ii. 
13 ;  march  of  his  regiment  from  Albany, 
330;  to  Morristown,  340. 

Bonfield  Mr.,  arrived  from  Canada,  i. 
330,  335. 

Bonner,  Lt.-CoL  Rudolph,  killed  at  Mon- 
mouth,  ii.  446,  455. 

Booth,  Mr.,  mentioned,  iii.  237;  school- 
master in  Va.,  iv.  2. 

Bordentown,  N.  J.,  a  mill  destroyed  by 
the  British  at,  ii.  456. 

Boscawen,  Admiral,  defeats  the  Toulon 
fleet,  i.  24, 

Bos  awen,  George,  marries  Mrs.  Blake 
(Annabel  la  Bun  bury),  iii.  415. 

Boston,  Mass.,  arrival  of  Gen.  Gage  at,  i. 
123;  British  troops  ordered  to,  126; 
refuse  to  pay  for  tea  destroyed,  126 ; 
report  of  the  bombardment  of,  129  ;  its 
opposition  to  tyranny  as  laudable  as  that 
of  London,  131 ;  the  colonies  pledged  to 
the  cause  of,  135 ;  Gen.  Gage  shut  up 
in,  136  ;  praise  of  the  artillery  company 
of,  136  ;  a  subscription  in  England  for 
the  relief  of,  142  ;  offer  to  abandon  the 
town  for  the  benefit  of  America,  142, 
1 4(5 ;  repeal  of  the  Boston  bills  necessary 
to  save  the  empire  of  Great  Britain, 
145;  conduct  of  Gen.  Gage  in,  145; 
patriotism  of  the  inhabitants,  146; 
Myles  Cooper's  remarks  on,  154  ;  Gen. 
Burgoyne  arrives  at,  180;  erect  a 
monument  to  Lord  George  Augustus 
Howe,  184 ;  lack  of  artillery  in  the 
American  camp,  188 ;  siege  of,  by 
the  Continental  Army,  188,  195,  196, 
198,  203,  212,  215,  216,  220,  22(5,  230,  247, 
2^2;  iv.  178,  257;  Ploughed  Hill,  oc- 
cupied, 205  ;  affair  at  Bunker  Hill,  206 
skirmish  at  Lechmere's  Point,  217 
great  distress  in  the  town,  219,  231 
tieet  fitted  out  at,  236,  251,  264,  268, 
271  ;  British  suspected  of  removing  to 
Newport,  239 ;  deficient  in  artillery, 
260 ;  British  preparing  to  evacuate,  327, 
329,  344  ;  Dorchester  Hill  taken,  358 ; 
evacuation  of,  363,  376,  378,  387 ;  Howe 
carried  off  his  pi  isoners  in  chains,  367  ; 
bombardment  of,  475  ;  W.  Palfrey  the 
first  to  enter,  475  ;  Howe's  retreat  from, 
described  by  Washington,  ii.  12 ;  prizes 
carried  into.  iii.  360  ;  express  fourteen 
days  to  Phila.,  410  ;  lack  of  news  in  the 
newspapers  printed  in,  411  ;  her  action 
in  the  War  of  the  Revolution,  iv.  81. 

Boudinot,  Elias,  arranges  exchange  of 
prisoners,  ii.  379,  380,  390  ;  thinks  the 
British  will  not  retreat  through  the 
Jersies,  400,  404  ;  Alexander  Hamilton 
writes  to  him  an  account  of  the  battle 


of  Monmouth,  467 ;  his  reply  and  praise 
of  Washington,  474  ;  informed  by  Col. 
Hamilton  of  the  imprudent  conduct  of 
Gen.  Sullivan,  iii.  233  ;  Commissary  of 
Prisoners,  296. 

Bowdoin,  James,  a  gentleman  of  refine- 
ment, i.  229  ;  president  Mass.  Council, 
Lee  complains  to,  of  the  character  of 
militia  officers,  ii.  292,  324 ;  urged  to 
hasten  the  Mass,  regiments,  303;  Lee 
warns  him  of  the  un safety  of  Boston, 
312 ;  and  prefers  a  draft  for  soldiers, 
324. 

Bo  wen,  Jabez,  deputy-governor  of  R.  I., 
Gen.  Gates  toasted  at  his  house,  iv.  40. 

Brackenridge.  Hugh  H.,  accuses  Lee  of 
not  sustaining  Col.  Moultrie  at  Sulli- 
van's Island,  iii.  333,  355. 

Braddock,  Gen.  Edward,  his  defeat  by  the 
French,  i.  3,  5,  ii.  12,  iv.  849,  365. 

Bradford,  Col.  Thomas,  to  give  hia  quar- 
ters to  Gen.  Lee,  ii.  393  ;  escapes  from 
Lee's  capto  s,  iv.  389,  392. 

Bradford,  William,  aide-de-camp  to  Lee, 
ii.  300,  358. 

Brad  street,  Col.  John,  captures  Fort 
Frontenac,  i.  7. 

Braithwaite,  Capt.  Richard,  mentioned, 
i.  99. 

Brandon,  Va. ,  to  be  fortified,  i.  3&3. 

Brandywine,  Gen.  Sullivan's  behavior  at 
the  battle  of,  iii.  343. 

Brandy  wine  River,  Del.,  i.  471. 

Braxton  Carter,  retired  from  Congress, 
ii.  99. 

Breen,  Brian,  owns  land  near  Lee's  estate, 
iv.  38. 

Brewer,  Col.  Jonathan,  mentioned,  i. 
282  ;  at  Bunker's  hill,  iii.  262. 

Brewer,  Col.  Samuel,  at  Bunker's  hill, 
iii.  262. 

Brickel's  Va.  troops  at,  i.  385,  411,  444, 
459. 

Brintt,  William,  jr.,  a   Va.  cadet,  i.  431. 

Brisbane,  James,  of  S.  C.,  ii.  226. 

Bristol,  Eng.,  lives  on  the  slave  trade,  ii. 
218. 

Bristol  frigate,  at  Cape  Fear,  ii.  28,  sails 
for  Charleston,  51  ;  attacks  Sullivan's 
Island,  11 1,  112  ;  sails  from  Charleston, 
152. 

British  Army,  evacuate  Boston,  i.  S63, 
376,  378,  387 ;  arrive  at  Halifax,  367 ; 
uncertainty  of  its  next  movement,  372, 
375,  376,  421,  425,  432;  loss  at  Mon- 
mouth, ii.  447,  466  ;  reported  strength  of, 
at  Monmouth,  iii.  54,  58,  70,  125,  128  ; 
abuse  of  appointments  in,  iv.  346. 
Regiments  :  A  battalion  of  Royal  Ar- 
t'llery  for  Boston,  i.  127;  Guards, 
brigade  of,  embark  for  America,  i. 
127;  at  Monmouth,  ii.  463,  464;  light 
infantry,  1st  and  2d  battalions  at  Mon- 
mouth,' 463 ;  British  Grenadiers,  1st 
and  2d  battalions  at  Monmouth,  463, 
464,  465  ;  4th  and  5th  ordered  to  Bos- 
ton, i.  127  ;  8th  with  Sir  John  Johnston, 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


440 


ii.  265  ;  14th  in  Va.,  i.  365;  men  cap- 
tured at  Great  Bridge  and  Gwyn's 
Island,  Va.,  ii.  121,  133;  15th  letter 
from  Ensign  Falconer,  ii.  194;  16th 
Light  Dragoons  capture  Gen.  Lee,  iv. 
387  ;  16th  and  17th  Light  Dragoons  at 
Monmouth,  ii.  463-465;  23d  ordered 
to  Boston,  i.  126,  127;  33d  at  Mon- 
mouth, ii.  465  ;  38th  ordered  to  Bos- 
ton, i.  127 ;  Lieut.-Col.  Fox  succeeds 
William  Butler  in  command,  iii.  272  ; 
40th  at  Monmouth,  ii.  465;  42d  at 
Pennytown,  ii.  341  ;  43d  ordered  to 
Boston,  i.  127  ;  44th  to  sail  for  Va.,  i. 
1 ;  Lee  purchases  Capt.  Holson's  com- 
mission in,  5 ;  serves  against  Ticondt  - 
roga  in  1758,  7-14,  iv.  352  ;  in  the  expedi- 
tion to  Cape  Breton,  15 ;  encamped  at 
Newtown,  L.  I.,  18;  at  the  capture 
of  Fort  Niagara,  19,  iv.  353 ;  quarrel 
of  the  officers,  28 ;  Capt.  Kennedy  at 
Charleston,  ii.  121  ;  commanded  by 
John  Lee,  iv.  345;  at  the  battle  of 
Monongahela,  349  :  in  the  expedition  of 
Gen.  Amherst,  354;  48th,  Dagworthy 
obtains  a  company  in,  i.  123;  59th 
ordered  to  Boston,  i.  127  ;  60th  Royal 
Americans  at  the  attack  on  Ticonderoga 
in  1758,  i.  7,  10 ;  64th  ordered  to  Boston, 
i.  127 ;  71st  captured  by  Americans, 
ii.  98,  124,  138  ;  84th  Royal  Highland 
Emigrants,  a  company  captured,  i. 
179,  193  ;  deserters  from,  ii.  265  ;  103d, 
Charles  Lee  appointed  Major,  iv.  355. 

Broadway,  N.  Y.,  fortified,  i.  337,  355. 

Bronson,  Nathan,  of  the  Georgia  Com- 
mittee, ii.  234. 

Brooks,  Lieut.  Col.  John,  at  the  battle 
of  Monmouth,  iii.  120,  181,  187,  189; 
his  testimony  before  the  Lee  court 
martial,  143. 

Brown,  Capt.  ,  aids  in  transporting 

cannon,  i.  353. 

Brown,  Dr.  William,  at  Suffolk,  Va.,  i. 
410 ;  carries  dispatches  to  Phil,  from 
Gates,  iii.  331. 

Brown,  Joshua,  witness  to  Gen.  Lee's 
bond,  iii.  479. 

Brown,  Sergt.  Thomas,  at  Monmouth,  ii. 
44 1 . 

Brown's  house  upon  Boston  Neck,  used 
for  a  conference  by  Lee  and  Burgoyne, 
i  192. 

Brunswick  Co.,  Va.,  minute  men  of,   ii. 

Brunswick,  N.  C. ,  house  of  the  collector 
of  the  port  burnt,  i.  402. 

Brunswick,  Prince  of,  gives  Lee  letters 
of  introduction,  i.  37;  his  charming 
wife,  37 ;  and  handsome  daughter,  38 ; 
visits  London,  52,  55. 

Bruff,  Lieut.,  at  Monmouth,  ii.  447. 

Br}*an,  Jonathan,  a  delegate  from  Ga., 
ii.  117,  234,  335. 

Bryant,  Mr. ,  to  be  supplied  with  boats  at 
Savannah,  ii.  238 ;  in  charge  of  trans- 
portation, 252. 
29 


Buchannon,  James,  affidavit  of,  i.  454. 

Buckingham  Co.,  Va.,  minute  men  of, 
ii.  17., 

Buckner,  Col.  Mordecai,'  at  council  of 
officers,  i.  387,  ii.  8 ;  in  the  attack  on 
Gwyn's  Island,  131. 

Buckner,  Lieut.  William,  of  Gloucester, 
Va.,  i.  428. 

Buda,  the  baths  of,  i.  86,  90. 

Buffalo  River,  mentioned,  i.  26. 

Bulgaria,  excessive  cold  on  the  mountains 
of,  i.  42. 

Bull,  Caleb,  Jun.,i.  274. 

Bull,  Doctor,  of  Va. ,  mentioned,  iv.  27. 

Bull,  Col.  John,  mentioned,  iii.  384,  387, 
388,  389,  406,  409. 

Bull,  Col.  Stephen,  his  rank  and  merit, 
ii.  161,  165 ;  Lee  stops  at  his  house, 
208,  211;  commands  at  Beaufort,  231, 
232! 

Bull,  Capt.  William,  i.  274. 

Bull's  Island,  S.  C.,  i.  398;  raided  by  the 
British,  ii.  222. 

Bullit,  Lieut.-Col.  Thomas,  i.  387 ;  deputy 
adjutant-general,  440;  at  council  of 
officers,  ii.  8;  deputy  adjutant  general 
of  the  Southern  department,  48 ;  asks 
Washington  to  secure  his  promotion, 
119  ;  misunderstanding  with  Lee,  173 ; 
Washington  suggests  that  Congress 
might  give  him  the  title  of  Col.,  210; 
to  make  returns,  247. 

Bullock,  Archibald,  desires  protection 
for  Georgia,  ii.  106 ;  President  Georgia 
Convention  assured  of  reinforcements, 
144 ;  informs  Lee  of  Indian  outrages, 
171 ;  organizes  an  expedition  to  East 
Florida,  187,  200;  to  provide  small 
boats  for  defence,  238. 

Bunbury,  Annabella  (Sarah),  mentioned, 
i.  67;  her  daughter  to  be 'married,  70; 
elopes  from  her  husband  Sir  Patrick 
Blake,  85 ;  marries  George  Boscawen, 
iii.  415. 

Bunbury,  Sir  Charles,  Lee  communicates 
his  plans  to,  i.  36 ;  a  gentleman  of  the 
turf,  68;  mentioned,  iii.  368,  414;  Lee 
draws  money  upon,  449 ;  mentioned,  iv. 
14  ;  quotes  in  Parliament  Lee's  opinion 
of  the  state  of  affairs,  424. 

Bunbury,  Sir  Henry,  grandfather  of  Gen. 
Lee,  iv.  121,  171,  206,  345. 

Bunbury,  Sir  Henry,  his  memoir  of  Gen. 
Lee,  iv.  169-195;  noticed,  203,343. 

Bunbury,  Lady  Sarah,  mentioned,  L  67, 
70,  85. 

Bunbury,  Sir  William,  uncle  to  Gen.  Lee, 
his  indolence,  i.  2;  informed  of 
Lee's  wound,  7;  Ickworth  Park  com- 
pared to  Fort  Niagara,  22 ;  his  son  to 
travel  in  Italy,  24;  lives  at  Barton, 
Suffolk  County,  31;  his  daughter 
elopes,  74.  85,  iii.  415;  his  sons,  414. 

Buncombe,  Col.  Edward,  vacancy  in  his 
regiment,  ii.  182. 

Bunker  Hill,  Lee  reported  to  be  hero  of, 
i.  206;  deserters  from,  217;  mortars 


450 


•GENERAL    INDEX. 


removed  from,  327,  344,  evacuated, 
363 ;  bravery  of  American  troops  at, 
iii.  261. 

Burgoyne,  Gen.  John,  Lee's  letter  to,  on 
public  affairs,  i.  180 ;  printed  in  Penn- 
sylvania Packet,  196;  his  reply,  188; 
conference  with  Lee,  11)2, 193  ;  declined, 
194 ;  iv.  256,  414 ;  Lee's  second  letter 
to,  2  il,  232,  231,  266;  to  sail  for  Eng- 
land, 221 ;  defeats  Gen.  Thompson  at 
Three  Rivers,  ii  124  ;  to  effect  a  junc- 
tion with  Gen.  Howe,  260 ;  orders  his 
troops  to  St.  Johns,  265 ;  Lee  suggests 
that  he  be  exchanged  for,  389;  disliked 
by  Gen.  Howe,  390 ;  to  be  detained 
with  his  troops,  395  ;  Lee's  letter  to, 
iii.  261,  :,'66;  iv.  256,  366,  414;  capt- 
ured at  Saratoga,  263  ;  restored  to  pub- 
lic employment,  iv.  11;  Lee's  admira- 
tion for,  12  ;  his  command  in  Portugal, 
I.*'.  172,  212,  356. 

Burke.  Edmund,  a  power  in  the  House 
of  Commons,  i.  61  ;  friendly  letter  to 
Lee,  119;  claims  the  credit  of  the 
Quebec  bill,  132;  informed  by  Lee  of 
affairs  in  the  Colonies,  144. 

Burke,  Thomas,  chairman  of  the  X.  C. 
Committee,  i.  397,  438,  439,  448;  his 
interest  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  ii.  61. 

Burlington,  N.  J.,  British  at,  ii.  349. 

Burnet,  Dr.  William,  mentioned,  iii. 
291. 

Burr,  Aaron,  friendly  to  Gen.  Lee,  iii. 
238. 

Barrel's  Ferry,  Va.,  i.  370  ;  troops  at,  ii. 

Burritts,  Mrs.  E. ,  and  her  family,  friends 
of  Gen.  Lee,  i.  69,  70,  iii.  367.' 41 5,  416, 
iv.  15. 

Bur nitt, Thomas,  prisoner,  ii.  Ill,  120. 

Burwell's  Ferry,  Va.,  fortified,  i.  452; 
troops  at,  ii.  44. 

Bute,  Lord,  mentioned,  i.  32,  38. 

Butler,  Col.  John,  destroys  the  settle- 
ment at  Wyoming,  ii.  475. 

Butler,  Col.  Richard,  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  iii.  18,  19,  20,  21,  22,  25,  31, 
47,48,  49,  78,  105,  106,107,  108,  110, 
1 17,  120, 121, 122, 124. 125, 128,  132,  138, 
103,  179, 181,  213,  214,  216,  222,  256  ;  his 
testimony  before  the  Court  Martial,  42 ; 
action  at  Stony  Point,  376,  377. 

Butler,  Col.  Thomas,  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  ii.  439,  443. 

Butler,  Col.  William,  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  iii.  63. 

Butler,  Lieut.-Col.  William,  of  the  Brit- 
ish army,  mentioned,  i.  106  ;  Lee's  trav- 
elling companion,  107;  his  kindness  to 
Lee  at  N.  Y.?  ii.  375,  376,  380 ;  solicits  an 
interview  with  Gen.  Lee,  before  his  de- 
parture for  England,  iii.  272,  ~86 ; 
Congress  demand  an  explanation  from 
Lee,  310 ;  his  reply,  310-312 ;  his  draft 
cashed,  332;  calls  on  Lee's  sister  in 
London,  415;  mentioned,  iv.  15,  136. 

Byles.  Maj.  Thomas  L.,  aide  to  Wayne  at 


battle  of  Monmouth  ;  ii.  439 ;  iii.  20,  44, 
46,  47. 

Byrd,  Otway,  taught  a  lesson  of  obedi- 
ence, i.  246;  aid  to  Lee,  262,  361,  364, 
463,  476 ;  his  faults,  308 ;  aide  to  Lee,  at 
Charleston,  ii.  78 ;  his  brave  behavior, 
91,  95,  96,  101,  102,  108,  119,  122,  171, 
210 ;  bears  a  flag  of  truce  to  Clinton, 
155;  his  wife,  208;  recommended  for 

C  motion  by  Lee,  249;  compliments 
on  his  exchange,  395 ;  has  with- 
drawn from  military  life,  396 ;  legacy 
of  Gen.  Lee  to,  iv.  30. 

Byrd,  Maj.  Thomas,  commands  Lord 
Dunmore's  black  regiment,  i.  386 ; 
with  Lord  Dunmore,  ii.  133. 

Byrd,  William,  mentioned,  i.  123  ;  con- 
cerned in  the  sale  of  land  by  Lee,  iii. 
465,  469,  480 ;  a  creditor  of  Gen.  Lee, 
iv.  £2. 

Cabel,  Col.  William,  extract  from  his 
diary,  i.  364. 

Cadadaugi,  fort  of,  i.  7. 

Cadwalader,  Gen.  John,  mentioned,  i. 
212  ;  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  ii.  477, 
iii.  82;  his  political  opinions,  iii.  250; 
his  duel  with  Gen.  Conway,  270;  his 
opinion  of  the  Congress,  270  ;  visits  his 
family,  271  ;  mentioned,  464. 

Cadwallader,  Col.  Lambert,  liberated 
without  parole,  ii.  293. 

Caldwell,  Capt.  James,  of  Conn.,  i.  274. 

Caldwell,  Rev.  James,  to  furnish  infor- 
mation to  Gen.  Heath,  ii.  344 ;  writes 
to  Gen.  Lee  from  Turkey,  N.  J.,  346 ; 
a  correspondent  of  Lee,  iv.  385. 

Callroff,  Mr.,  mentioned,  i.  25. 

Calvert,  John,  his  report  on  Cumberland, 
Va.,  i.  423. 

Cambridge,  Mass. ,  fortified  by  the  Amer- 
icans, i.  198  ;  headquarters  of  Washing- 
ton. 237,  475,  iv.  257. 

Cambridge  River,  boats  ordered  to,  i. 
195. 

Camden,  Lord,  signs  Pitt's  peerage,  i.  57. 

Cameron,  Alexander,  mentioned,  ii.  28; 
stirs  up  the  savage  Indians,  223. 

Campbell,  Lieut.-Col.  Archibald,  to  be 
exchanged,  ii.  381  ;  his  imprisonment 
in  Boston,  iv.  136,  183,  299,  396. 

Campbell,  Col.  Donald,  his  report  on  the 
attack  on  Quebec,  i.  252. 

Campbell,  Mr.,  visits  Gen.  Clinton,  ii.  40. 

Campbell^  Lieut.  William,  requests  per- 
mission to  go  to  N.  Y.,  iii.  289. 

Campbell,  Lord  William,  wants  Gen. 
Clinton  to  attack  S.  C.,  ii.  40;  at  the 
attack  on  Sullivan's  Island,  112. 

Canada,  the  French  force  in,  i.  6;  the 
loss  of  Frontenac  and  Louisburg  may 
cause  a  famine  in,  8  ;  capture  of  Fort 
Niagara  cuts  off  communication  with, 
19,  20 ;  boundary  line  with  New  York, 
49 ;  action  of  parliament  on  the  Quebec 
bill,  132;  inhabitants  to  be  employed 
against  the  colonies,  137  ;  loyal  subjects 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


451 


in,  155 ;  the  reduction  of,  157  ;  liberty 
to  be  proclaimed  in,  217 ;  supposed  to 
be  reduced,  220 ;  Congress  send  a 
Commission  to,  i.  228 ;  aid  to  be  furn- 
ished to  the  Canadians,  229  ;  the  Hud- 
son River  a  direct  communication  with, 
230;  troops  to  be  sent  from  Conn., 
240;  defeat  of  Montgomery,  240; 
Lee  suggested  for  the  command  in, 
251 ;  Wooster's  report  supposed  to  be 
exaggerated,  252;  reinforcements  for 
the  American  Army,  25o ;  appoint- 
ment of  a  General  to  succeed  Mont- 
gomery, 205,  280,  297,  80S,  310;  sus- 
picion that  Congress  will  allow  France 
to  capture,  281 ;  Continental  army  to 
be  recruited  in,  283 ;  condition  of  the 
army  in,  283,  297;  prisoners  sent  to 
Albany,  298  ;  Commissioners  appointed 
by  Congress  to  visit,  299,  311  ;  Lee 
directed  to  take  command  there,  300, 
304,  310 ;  regiment  to  be  raised  in,  300  ; 
sutlers  encouraged  to  attend  the  army 
there,  301 ;  condition  of  affairs  in,  303 ; 
Lee  appointed  to  command  in,  310,  312- 
14,  320,  iv.  131, 179,  268  ;  dearer  to  the 
King  than  all  the  other  colonies,  314, ; 
state  of  the  army  in,  316  ;  cannon  to  be 
forwarded,  321 ;  Washington  states 
his  opinion.  328;  British  plans  to  re- 
cover, 329  ;  Lee  contracts  for  military 
stores  for,  330 ;  officers  who  served  in, 
332 ;  a  Catholic  priest  to  be  sent  to,  332 ; 
Lee  not  to  set  out  without  further 
orders,  333 ;  want  of  artillerymen  in, 
336 ;  reinforcements  sent  to,  336,  340  ; 
Schuyler  provides  provisions  for  the 
new  campaign,  339 ;  money,  naval  stores 
and  powder  wanted,  340  ;  Lee  to  go  to 
the  Southern  department,  342 ;  cannon 
for,  353 ;  Washington  regrets  that  Lee 
has  not  the  command  in,  358 ;  part  of 
the  Eastern  army  to  be  sent  to,  363  ; 
Gen.  Howe  expected  to  push  for  Que- 
bec, 367  ;  Commissioners  gone  to,  388  ; 
hard  money  required  for  the  people  of, 
388 ;  ten  regiments  forwarded  to,  from 
N.  Y.,  475;  Washington  sends  ten 
regiments  to,  ii.  13 ;  Congress  expect 
the  capture  of  Quebec,  26  ;  relieved  by 
Gen.  Carleton,  27;  American  Commis- 
sioners frightened,  46;  the  British  to 
have  an  active  campaign,  48 ;  to  have 
7,000  Continentals,  6,000  militia,  and 
2,000  Indians,  98;  Gen.  Wooster  ac- 
cused of  misconduct  in,  98 ;  defeat  at 
the  Cedars,  98 ;  Congress  resolve  to  re- 
tain forces  there,  103  ;  defeat. by  Gen. 
Thompson  at  Three  Rivers,  124  ;  effect 
in  the  colonies,  161 ;  Sir  John  Johnson 
marches  for  the  Mohawk  River,  265 ; 
Gen.  Burgoyne  moves  his  army  to  St. 
Johns,  265 ;  Lee's  supposed  pamphlet 
on,  iv.  61,  122,  172,  211;  proposal  to  re- 
turn the  country  to  France,  211. 
Canaioharie  Creek,  N.  Y.,  mentioned,  i. 
34. 


Cape  Ann,  suffering  of  the  people  at,  i. 
318. 

Cape  Breton,  expedition  against,  i.  15, 17, 
29. 

Cape  Fear  River,  N.  C.,  Admiral  Hopkins 
supposed  to  be  at,  i.  374,  397,  398 ;  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  landed  at,  399  ;  skirmish 
with  the  British,  402 ;  affairs  at,  420 ; 
Cornwallis  to  land  near,  438 ;  a  feint, 
445  ;  five  transports  with  troops  arrive 
in,  477;  British  fleet  in,  ii.  11,  18,  30; 
leave  for  Charleston,  51  ;  Clinton's 
troops  landed  at,  195,  iv.  277. 

Cape  Francois  (Old  Cape),  fortified,  i. 
313 ;  Lee's  letter  to  the  Governor  of, 
on  the  friendly  relations  between  the 
French  and  Americans,  ii.  255. 

Cape  Henry,  Va.,  the  British  repulsed  at, 

Capers,  Maj.,  at  Charleston,  S.  C.,  ii. 
149. 

Carlisle,  Abraham,  executed  in  Phil,  for 
treason,  iii.  250. 

Carlisle,  Earl  of,  peace  commissioner  re- 
turns to  New  York,  ii.  461. 

Carlisle,  Pa.,  mentioned,  i.  119;  to  be 
the  frontier  post,  ii.  475. 

Carleton,  Gen.  Guy,  surveys  the  division 
line  of  New  York  and  Canada,  i.  49 ; 
relieves  Quebec,  ii.  27 ;  apprehension 
of  his  army  will  keep  New  Englanders 
at  home,  363. 

Carmichael,  William,  appointed  secretary 
to  Spain,  iii.  384. 

Carr,  Mr.,  movement  of  troops  near  his 
house  at  Monmouth,  iii.,  51,  52,  54,  55, 
63,  68,  111,  112,  117,  135,  147,  154,  155, 
156,  166,  260. 

Carr,  William,  witness  to  Lee's  power  of 
attorney,  iii.  473. 

Carrol,  Rev.  John,  suggested  to  influence 
the  Canadians,  i.  332 ;  goes  with  the 
Commissioners  to  Canada,  388. 

Carroll,  Charles,  a  Commissioner  to  Can- 
ada, i.  300,  311,  388  ;  mentioned,  332; 
a  friend  of  Gen.  Lee,  ii. ,  390  ;  gives  an 
opinion  on  Lee's  land  contract  with 
Dorsey,  iii.  462,  469,  471. 

Carson,  Adjutant  James,  requests  the 
trial  of  Col.  Jackson,  iii.  210. 

Carter,  John,  justice  of  the  peace,  ii. 
29. 

Carthy,  Daniel,  argues  that  Lee  wrote  the 
letters  of  Junius,  iv.  50,  62,  235 ;  ob- 
tains papers  from  W.  Goddard,  59 ; 
notices  Irving's Knickerbocker's  history 
of  N.  Y. ,  62 ;  his  essays  printed  in 
England,  66. 

Cartwright,  Capt.  Thomas,  requests  the 
trial  of  Col.  Jackson,  iii.  209. 

Caswell,  Col.  Richard,  defeats  the  British 
at  Moore's  Creek,  N.  C.,  i.  393,  433, 
445 ;  marches  to  Cape  Fear,  399  ;  capt- 
ures drugs,  415  ;  his  victory  at  Moore's 
Bridge,  ii.  30. 

Cattle,  Major  William,  on  council  of 
officers,  ii.  202. 


452. 


•GENERAL    INDEX. 


Cedars,  capture  of  Americans  at  the,  ii. 
98. 

Centurion  frigate,  Gen.  Lee  a  guest  on 
board  of,  ii.  371. 

Chambers,  Capt.  James,  mentioned,  iv. 
360. 

Chambly,  British  troops  at,  ii.  265. 

Chantilly,  Va.,  residence  of  Richard  H. 
Lee,  ii.  (H),  124. 

Charlemont,  Earl  of,  a  correspondent  of 
Lee,  i.  39. 

Charles  I.,  considered  a  tyrant  by  the 
Americans,  i.  158. 

Charleston,  S.  C.,  to  be  fortified,  i.  229  ; 
and  defended,  410  ;  the  fleet  of  Sir 
Peter  Parker  sails  for,  ii.  51  ;  its  ar- 
rival, 53  ;  gunpowder  at,  54 ;  defence 
by  Lee  and  Moultrie,  56-117;  stations 
of  garrison  in,  69,  71  ;  confusion  among 
the  military.  123;  the  enemy  withdraw 
toN.  Y.,  140,  149,  150,  189,  196,  205  ; 
the  inhabitants  fleece  the  soldiers,  156  ; 
its  importance,  157 ;  the  British  will 
probably  make  another  attempt.  174  ; 
operations  of  Sir  Peter  Parker  described 
by  Henry  Laurens,  219;  declaration  of 
independence  proclaimed  on  August  5th, 
222 ;  their  market  the  highest  on  the 
globe,  334 ;  charge  to  the  grand  jury 
of,  by  Judge  Drayton.  iii.  305  ;  Ameri- 
cans to  invest  it,  464;  its  defences. 
nSW  8iillwa)it&  fslfunt. 

Charlestown,  Md.,  mentioned,  i.  118. 

Charlestown,  Mass.,  cannon  withdrawn 
from,  i.  344. 

Charleton,  Mrs.,  mentioned,  iii.  459. 

Charlotte   Co.,  Va.,  minute  men  of,  ii.  17. 

Chase,  Samuel,  a  commissioner  to  Can- 
ada, i.  300,  311,  388  ;  a  friend  of  (Jen. 
Lee,  ii.  31)0. 

Chatham,  Lord,  absolute  in  all  state 
affairs,  i.  00 ;  the  King  of  Poland  la- 
ments his  weakness,  64  ;  the  dupe  of  the 
minority,  133. 

Chatham,  N.  J.,  American  troops  at,  ii. 
337.  341,  346. 

Cherokee  tribe  of  Indians,  allies  of  the 
British,  ii.  29,  43,  115,125;  outrages  by, 
127, 129  ;  not  formidable  warriors,  128  ; 
expedition  against,  144,  151,152,189; 
defeated,  211  ;  expedition  against,  214; 
amused  the  whites  by  flattering  talks 
and  then  destroyed  the  settlements, 
223 ;  destruction  of  their  towns,  223, 
236  ;  totally  defeated,  270. 

Chesapeake  Bay,  mentioned,  i.  118. 

Chester,  England,  mentioned,  i.  32,  iii. 
365  ;  Lee  to  reside  at,  67,  70,  71 . 

Chester,  Md.,  trade  with  N.  Y.,  i.  175. 

Chester,  N.  Y.,  troops  at,  ii.  409. 

Chew,  Benjamin,  not  to  be  trusted  on 
his  parole,  iii.  249. 

Chickasaw  tribe  of  Indians,  allies  of  the 
British,  ii.  29. 

Chickatuck  River,  Va..  i.  390. 

Choctaw  Indians,  friendly  to  the  British, 
ii.  115,  125. 


Chotzim,  to  be  attacked,  i.  79 ;  Turks 
defeated  at,  81,  89,  190. 

Christian,  Col.  William,  ordered  to  re- 
connoitre James  River,  L  370  ;  in  coun- 
cil, 387 ;  at  council  of  officers,  ii.  8 ; 
commands  expedition  against  the 
Cherokees,  215. 

Christiana  Ferry,  Del.,  i.  118. 

Church,  Benjamin,  convicted  of  corre- 
sponding with  the  enemy,  i.  209. 

Church  of  England  Romanized  Priests  in 
New  York,  i.  160. 

Gibbers,  Mrs. ,  mentioned,  i.  68. 

Cilley,  Col.  Joseph,  at  battle  of  Mon- 
inouth,  iii.  27 ;  testimony  at  court 
martial  of  Lee,  32. 

Claiborne,  Lieut.  Richard,  mentioned,  iv. 
48. 

Clari,  Countess  of,  mentioned,  i.  98. 

Clark,  Abraham,  a  friend  of  Gen.  Lee, 
iv.  11. 

Clark,  Col.  James,  member  of  court  mar- 
tial for  the  trial  of  Lee,  iii.  1 . 

Clark,  Major  John,  acts  as  aid  to  Gen. 
Lee,  iii.  227  ;  his  account  of  the  battle 
of  Monmouth,  230,  233  ;  his  testimony 
refused  by  Congress,  276. 

Clark,  Mr.,  advances  money  to  Lee,  iii. 
478. 

Clarkson,  Major  Mathew.  defends  Gen. 
Arnold,  iii.  310. 

Clarkson.  Mr.,  mentioned,  iii.  2(.!4. 

Clavereau,  the  French  actor,  at  Warsaw, 
i.  53. 

Clement,  Mr.,  mentioned,  iii.  376. 

Clergeon,  M.,  aide-de-camp  Lo  Gen.  Gates, 
iii.  402. 

Clinton,  Gen.  George,  a  delegate  to  Con- 
gress, i.  292. 

Clinton,  Gen.  Sir  Henry,  mentioned,  i. 
193 ;  skirmish  at  Lechmere's  Point, 
217;  inferior  to  Burgoyne  in  ability, 
227;  sails  on  an  expedition  to  North 
Carolina,  254 ;  Washington  supposes 
it  directed  to  New  York,  264,  268 ;  he 
visits  Tryon  at  New  York,  271,  277; 
his  departure  from  New  York.  3^7  ; 
object  of  his  visit  to  New  York,  329,  iv. 
2(56;  his  rumored  attack  on  Wilming- 
ton, N.  C.,  372,  375 ;  lands  at  Cape 
Fear,  and  his  operations  there.  399, 
402,  420;  lands  at  Cape  Fear  River,  ii.  28, 
30;  sails  for  Charleston,  51  ;  encamped 
near  Fort  Johnson,  N.  C.,40;  at  the 
attack  on  Sullivan's  Island,  113  ;  Lee 
proposes  the  exchange  of  Ethan 
Allen,  121  ;  not  to  abandon  his  design 
on  Charleston,  125;  Gen.  'Lea  sends 
flag  of  truce  to,  121 ;  sails  from 
Charleston,  152'-,  his  reply  to  Le3's  flag, 
155;  supposed  to  have  sailed  for  New 
York,  189,  195;  arrives  there,  205;  ar- 
rives at  Staten  Island  to  join  Howe, 
235,  208 ;  quarrels  with  Admiral  Parker, 
207 ;  furnishes  Lee  with  horses  at  New 
York,  376 ;  defended  from  a  charge  of 
inhumanity,  406 ;  American  troops 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


453 


threaten  New  York  to  prevent  rein- 
forcement of,  429 ;  his  tactics  in  New 
Jersey,  441  ;  present  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  450  ;  official  report  on  Mon- 
mouth,  461  ;  at  the  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth, iii.  6,  257;  at  Charleston,  8.  C., 
263  ;  his  report  on  Monmouth  printed, 
265;  friendly  to  Gen  Lee,  311,812, 
314;  to  be  succeeded  by  Cornwallis, 
381;  on  his  way  to  Georgia,  410;  Lee 
sends  his  respects  to,  453 ;  his  procla- 
mation of  1778,  iv.  14;  Lee  his  evil 
genius,  132. 

Closter  Dock,  N.  J.,  British  land  at,  ii. 
289,  290,  295,  300. 

Clove  road,  N.  Y.,  the  American  Army 
to  move  on,  ii.  409. 

Clunn,  Capt.,  mentioned,  iii.  294. 

Clymer,  George,  for  independence,  i.  476. 

Coates,  Moses,  near  Valley  Forge,  ii.  393. 

Cochran.  Capt.,  8th  Va.  regt.,  ii.  80;  at 
Charleston,  230. 

Cochi.  Mr.,  ill  at  Florence,  i.  98. 

Golden,  Cadwallader,  address  of  the 
Council  and  Assembly  of  New  York  to. 
i.  172 ;  his  history  of  the  Five  Nations, 
4 ;  his  advice  to  Wm.  O'Brien,  49. 

Coles,  Maj.  Thomas,  of  Providence,  R.  I., 
correspondent  of  D.  Carthy,  iv.  62,  64. 

Coles,  Lieut.  William  T. ,  court  martialed, 
ii.  145. 

Colgate,  Lieut.,  at  Monmouth,  ii.  447. 

Collins,  Isaac,  printer  of  the  New  Jersey 
Gazette ;  Lee  pronounces  his  account 
of  the  battle  of  Monmouth  false,  ii.  452, 
475,  478  ;  prints  an  attack  on  Gen.  Lee 
in  his  paper,  iii.  295,  300. 

Colman,  .George,  entrusted  with  Lee's 
will,  i.  69 ;  informed  of  his  affairs,  80, 
91,  92,  96  ;  mentioned,  99. 

Collyear.  Lady  Julian,  to  marry  James 
Dawk  ins,  i.  25. 

Comb's  Hill,  N.  J.,  iii.  172. 

Common  Sense  printed  at  Philadelphia. 
Franklin  supposed  to  have  been  con- 
cerned in  its  composition,  i.  252 ;  a 
masterly  performance,  259  ;  the  author 
introduced  to  Lee,  312.  313,  314,  325 ; 
its  effect  in  England,  325. 

Conestoga  Creek,  Pa.,  strong  posts  on,  ii. 
389,  402. 

Congress,  meets  daily  at  Philadelphia, 
proceedings  secret,  i.  129,  iv.  328 ; 
their  public  addresses,  140 ;  charged 
with  procrastination,  143  ;  insulted  by 
Rivington,  144;  appoints  Major-Gen- 
erals,  186;  trouble  in  regard  to  their 
rank,  197;  address  to  the  King,  203, 
227  ;  firmness  and  action  expected  from, 
210;  delegates  from  Pennsylvania  in- 
structed as  to  independence,  221  ;  sends 
commissioners  to  Canada,  228;  Lee's 
suggestions  to,  229;  to  take  active 
measures  in  regard  to  Lord  Dunmore, 
232 ;  Lee  administers  oath  of  allegiance 
to, in  Rhode  Island,  233  ;  Lee's  petitions 
to  have  his  Virginia  purchase  paid  for, 


234,  256 ;  to  secure  New  York  City,  235, 
237  ;  countermands  the  order  to  attack 
Tories  on  Long  Island,  240,  253  ;  fails  to 
inform  New  York  of  the  movement  to 
fortify  it,  242;  Rhode  Island  petitions 
for  troops,  244  ;  and  permission  to  sup- 
ply the  British  vessels,  245 ;  informed 
of  Lee's  movements,  247;  does  not 
approve  his  scheme,  253;  appoints  a  com- 
mittee to  confer  with  New  York  Pro- 
vincial Congress,  262,  272 ;  orders  Wash- 
ington to  appoint  a  General  for  Canada, 
265 ;  the  cry  for  independence  in.  266  ; 
Lee's  letter  to  the  New  York  Committee, 
268  ;  condition  of  the  army  reported  to, 
283  ;  orders  troops  to  New  York,  293  ; 
sends  a  commission  to  Canada,  299,  311  ; 
appoints  Lee  to  command  in  Canada, 
310;  the  committee  to  fortify  New 
York,  317,  319,  321,  335,  337;  affairs  at 
New  York  reported  to,  320;  Lee  to 
contract  for  stores  for  Canada,  330; 
Lee  not  to  move  without  orders  from, 
333 ;  ordered  to  the  Southern  Depart- 
ment. 342;  appoints  Brigadier-Generals, 
343;  the  right  of  punishing  persons 
delegated  to  the  Provincial^ Congress  of 
the  several  colonies,  350,  352 ;  disap- 
proves of  Lee's  test  oath,  360,  362,  367, 
380 ;  as  affairs  prosper  members  grow 
timid,  372,  379 ;  will  be  forced  to  de- 
clare independence,  426 ;  to  reinforce 
the  Southern  department,  449  ;  the  cry 
for  independence,  ii.  3 ;  to  arrange  the 
military  department,  in  South  Carolina, 
10;  requested  to  arrange  a  corps  of  en- 
gineers, 17,  18;  show  a  languor  and 
poorness  of  spirit,  20 ;  regards  with  a 
jealous  eye  any  deviation  of  the  military 
from  instructions,  25 ;  fettered  by  in- 
structions from  some  colonies,  31 ;  its 
resolve  respecting  Government  pro- 
duces a  great  change,  32 ;  ought  to  get 
rid  of  the  damn'd  government  of  Mary- 
land, 96 ;  public  announcement  of  in- 
dependence to  be  made,  98 ;  the  pay- 
ment for  Lee's  estate  in  Virginia,  118  ; 
Maryland  rescinds  her  instructions, 
123;  trouble  with  the  Maryland  dele- 
gates, 143;  thanks  Gen.  Lee  for  his 
services  at  Charleston,  154;  having  no 
military  members  they  blunder  in  army 
matters,  186  ;  establish  a  Board  of  War 
and  Ordnance,  186,  187 ;  order  Lee  to 
the  Middle  Department,  205 ;  a  com- 
mittee of  conference  to  Lord  Howe 
proposed  by  Gen.  Lee,  259 ;  seem  to 
stumble  at  every  step,  261 ;  their  re- 
solves in  military  affairs  ridiculous, 
263  ;  resolutions  to  reinlist  the  troops 
in  service,  270,  272,  279,  280 ;  Lee 
would  like  to  dictate  to,  289 ;  charged 
with  indecision,  303  ;  directions  for  the 
treatment  of  prisoners  of  war,  317 ; 
leave  Philadelphia  for  Baltimore,  349; 
Lee  requests  a  committee  to  confer 
with  him  at  New  York,  357,  360  ;  they 


454 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


decline,  366,  367,  368,  371,  iv.  418 ;  Lee 
suggests  that  he  be  exchanged  for  Bur- 
goyne,  389 ;  he  applies  for  promotion, 
3\i2  ;  Lee  presents  additional  testimony 
to,  iii.  233;  action  on  the  Lee  court 
martial,  338,  230,  242-8-4,  273,  275,  276  ; 
factions  in,  246,  290;  character  of 
Pennsylvania  delegates,  249;  treatment 
of  Gen.  Conway,  269;  confirms  the 
sentence  on  L-e,  270,  271,  275,  278,  290, 
318;  Gen.  Cadwallader's  opinion  of, 
270;  acquit  Gen.  Schuyler,  271;  at- 
tempt to  check  the  depreciation  of 
money.  303  ;  requests  an  explanation  of 
Lee's  correspondence  with  Col.  Butler, 
310 ;  Lee  demands  an  investigation  of 
the  defence  of  Sullivan's  Island,  333  ; 
letter  on  the  State  of  Europe,  by  John 
Adams,  3(50 ;  papers  relating  to  the 
controversy  of  Lee  and  Deane  laid  be- 
fore, 360 ;  the  French  minister  intro- 
duced to,  389  ;  Lee's  insulting  letter  to 
Congress,  405 ;  his  apology,  407  ;  dis- 
misses Gen.  Lee  from  the  service,  406, 
407,  409,  418,  420,  422,  426 ;  reduce  the 
army  expense,  405  ;  publication  of  the 
journal  of,  monthly,  406 ;  Luzerne's 
letters  to,  409 ;  the  treaty  with  Fiance 
printed,  410;  not  friendly  to  Gen.  Lee, 
417  ;  prints  Lee's  letter  of  apology,  418, 
4*26 ;  Lee  writes  a  letter  to,  on  his 
treatment,  418-426  ;  asked  to  provide  for 
his  subsistence,  445,  457  ;  complains  of 
the  article  in  Pennsylvania  Packet, 
charging  him  with  treason,  447 ;  the 
treaty  with  France  described,  iv.  14, 
23  ;  the  first  and  second  assemble  at 
Philadelphia,  247,  250  ;  custom  of  sitting 
with  closed  doors  condemned,  328  ;  ap- 
point Major  Generals,  364;  action  on 
the  capture  of  Lee,  397  ;  meet  at  York, 
Pa.,  401. 

Connecticut,  land  grants  on  the  Connec- 
ticut River,  i.  49,  50,  51  ;  endorses  the 
cause  of  Boston,  135;  population  of, 
in  1774,  136;  character  of  the  people, 
13i'> ;  the  inhabitants  of,  147 ;  her  home- 
sick troops  would  not  tarry  at  Bos- 
ton, 226 ;  Lee  asks  permission  to  raise 
volunteers  in,  to  secure  New  York 
City,  235;  Gov.  Trumbull's  proclama- 
tion, 238  ;  plenty  of  volunteers  for  the 
New  York  expedition,  240 ;  troops  to 
be  sent  to  Canada,  240,  253,  340  ;  the 
New  York  Committee  of  Safety  pro- 
test against  the  march  of  volunteers, 
244;  Lee  collects  1,200  men  in,  247; 
Washington  applies  for  militia,  254 ; 
inhabitants  eager  to  enlist,  259 ;  the 
Gentlemen  Horse  Volunteers  address 
Gen.  Lee,  273 ;  his  reply,  278 ;  to  for- 
ward troops  to  New  York,  276;  to 
erect  powder  mills,  277 ;  have  the 
great  cause  much  at  heart,  294 ;  sup- 
plies the  market  in  New  York,  315, 
her  regiments  at  New  York,  322,  333, 
344,  346;  2,000  troops  to  be  sent  to 


New  York,  358 ;  her  militia  at  Stam- 
ford, Nprwalk,  and  Greenwich,  ii.  269, 
274;  reinlistment  of  her  troops,  271, 
280,  281,  319 ;  necessary  to  raise  conti- 
nental battalions,  292,  304 ;  privateer- 
ing interferes  with  enlistments,  318; 
to  raise  four  battalions,  325 ;  her  militia 
plunder  Gen.  Riedesel's  baggage,  iii. 

Connegogique  River,  Va.,  mentioned,  i. 
119. 

Constantinople,  Lee  joins  the  Polish  em- 
bassy to,  i.  43  ;  earthquake  at,  45. 

Conversation,  an  account  of  a,  chiefly  re- 
lating to  the  army,  by  Gen.  Lee,  iv.  91. 

Conway,  Henry  Seymour,  mentioned,  i. 
52,  55  ;  a  man  of  ability  and  integrity, 
61. 

Conway,  Gen.  Thomas,  Lee's  account  of 
his  treatment  by  Congress,  iii.  265, 
278 ;  his  duel  with  Gen.  Cadwallader, 
270 ;  commands  a  regiment  in  France, 
411  ;  his  cabal,  iv.  319.  . 

Cook,  Capt.  David,  at  the  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth,  iii.  61,  127,  136,  140,  142,  143, 
157,  160. 

Cook,  Lieut.,  at  Ticonderoga,  i.  299. 

Cook,  Mr.,  son-in-law  of  Joseph  Nourse, 
iv.  27,  28. 

Cooke,  Gov.  Nicholas,  desires  protection 
for  Rhode  Island,  i.  244  ;  mentioned, 
ii.  276  ;  warned  by  Lee  of  an  attack  on 
R.  I.,  277,  300,  331;  fortifies  Providence, 
342,  351. 

Cooper,  Cornelius,  express  rider,  ii.  301. 

Cooper,  Rev.  Myles,  Lee's  strictures  on 
his  friendly  address,  i.  151,  iv.  243, 
361. 

Cooper,  Rev.  Robert,  dismissed  for  his 
loyalty,  ii.  225. 

Cooper,  Rev.  Samuel,  mentioned,  iii.  359. 

Corbin,  Col.,  of  Va.,  mentioned,  iii.   466. 

Cork,  Ireland,  troops  sail  from,  for 
America,  iv.  207. 

Cornwallis,  Lord,  expected  at  Cape  Fear, 
i.  438  ;  lands  at  Cape  Fear  River,  ii.  28, 
30,  35,  iv.  277  ;  sails  for  Charleston,  51  ; 
at  the  attack  on  Sullivan's  Island,  112; 
sails  from  Charleston,  152;  at  Staten 
Island,  205 ;  at  the  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth,  ii.  450,  451,  464,  466,  iii.  6;  near 
Allentovvn,  462  ;  his  arrival  at  N.  Y., 
361  ;  his  surrender  at  Yorktown,  463. 

Crosby's  Manor  on  the  Mohawk  River,  i. 
50. 

Coryell's  Ferry,  Pa. ,  the  American  Army 
cross,  ii.  407-409,  441,  453,  459 ;  Corn- 
wallis at,  iv.  386. 

Coup  d'ceil,  Gen.  Lee^s  essay  on,  iv.  81. 

Coutirier,  Capt.,  serves  in  defending 
Charleston,  S.  C.,  ii.  56,  58,  59. 

Covenhoven,  Mr.,  mentioned,  iii.  103. 

Covvles,  William,  his  accounts  with 
Henry  Lauren s,  ii.  228. 

Cox,  Col.  John,  Joseph  Reed's  remarks 
on,  iii.  248,  251. 

Craig,  Mr.,  of  Monmouth,  N.  J.,   Ameri- 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


455 


can  troops  at  the  house  of,  iii.   45,  90  ; 
his  mills  mentioned,  65,   90,    103,    162, 

Craik,  Dr.  James,  states  that  Lee  corre- 
sponded with  the  enemy,  iii.  302,  381, 
441. 

Cranberry,  N.  J.,  American  troops  at, 
ii.  414,  416,  418,  iii.  77,  130;  Washing- 
ton's headquarters.  422,  442,  454. 

Craney  Island,  Va.,  i.  377. 

Crawlev.  Patrick,  of  Baltimore,   iii.   476. 

Creek  Bay,  Va.,  i.  383. 

Creek  tribe  of  Indians,  allies  of  the  Brit- 
ish, ii.  29 ;  troops  march  from  St. 
Augustine  to  join,  49 ;  friendly  to  the 
British,  115,  125  •  outrages  by,  in  Ga., 
181 ;  expedition  against,  187,  189,  200  ; 
S.  C.  will  not  agree  to  present  cattle  to, 
237. 

Crew,  Mr.,  mentioned,  i.  67. 

Croghan.  Col.  George,  leaves  London  for 
New  York,  i.  35. 

Croghan,  Capt.  William,  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  iii.  33. 

CromPond,  N.  Y.,  military  post  at,  ii. 
287. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  his  sword,  i.  39,  iv. 
219 ;  mentioned,  98. 

Cross  Creek,  N.  C.,  troops  ordered  to,  ii. 
55  ;  military  magazine  at,  333. 

Crosswicks,  N.  J.,  skirmish  at,  ii.  461. 

Croton  Bridge,  N.  Y.,  a  strong  position, 
ii.  268.  269,  271 ,  296. 

Crow,  Mr.,  fortifies  Providence,  R.  L,  ii. 
342. 

Crown  Point,  N.  Y.,  mentioned,  i.  11; 
Gen.  Amherst  at,  26. 

Cumberland,  Va.,  report  on  defence  and 
ship  building,  i.  423  ;  minute  men  of, 
ii.  17. 

Cumpton,  Capt.,  of  the  artillery,  his  tes- 
timony before  the  Lee  court  martial, 
iii.  140. 

Cunningham,  Capt.,  aide-de-camp  to  Gen. 
Abercrombie,  i.  14. 

Cunningham,  Col.  Robert,  joins  the 
American  cause,  ii.  225. 

Currituck  Co.,  N.   C.,  disaffected,  i.  385. 

Curtenius,  Col.  Peter,  commissary  of 
stores,  i.  324. 

Cushem,  a  decent  town  in  Hungary,  i.  91. 

Custes,  mentioned,  i.  228. 

Cuthbert,  Mrs.  C.  (sister  of  Joseph 
Nourse),  leaves  her  husband,  Major 
Cuthbert,  and  informs  Lee  of  her  in- 
tended visit,  iii.  355 ;  unfortunate  again, 
358 ;  Lee  to  reconcile  them,  395. 

Czartorinski,  Prince  of  Poland,  men- 
tioned, i.  38,  42;  described,  40;  Lee's 
obligations  to,  60  ;.requests  his  portrait, 
62  ;  at  Paris,  71,  iv.  225. 

Dana,  Francis,  appointed  secretary  to 
England,  iii.  384. 

Dangerfield,  Col.  William,  at  Gloucestez, 
Va.,  i.  389  ;  his  regiment  in  Continental 
service,  409 ;  to  bring  Ralph  Wormeley 


a  prisoner,  ii.  7 ;  marches  to  York,  Va. , 
42,  43,  44 ;  posted  to  watch  Lord  Dun- 
more,  52,  63. 

Darby.  Col.  John,  Lee  corresponds  with, 

-   ii.  271,  316. 

Dartmouth,  Lord,  his  reply  to  the  Duke 
of  Graf  ton,  ii.  47. 

Davenport,  Col.  Abraham,  i.  238. 

Davers,  Sir  Charles,  mentioned,  i.  32,  94, 
99,  iv.  342;  Lee's  will  entrusted  to,  68  ; 
receives  an  account  of  his  campaign  in 
Poland,  88 ;  his  public  and  private  vir- 
tues, 94  ;  visited  by  Lee,  101  ;  his  son 
baptized,  105  ;  a  representative  for  par- 
liament, 108 ;  informed  of  the  condition 
of  affairs  in  America,  135 ;  opposed  to 
American  riehts,  192  ;  Lee  draws  money 
upon,  iii.  449  ;  to  use  his  influence  fcir 
Lee,  iv.  14. 

Davidson.  Col.  William,  mentioned,  ii. 
111. 

Davis,  Lieut.  William,  requests  a  trial 
for  Col.  Jackson,  iii.  210. 

Dawkins,  James,  to  marry  Lady  Collyear, 
i.  25. 

Dayton,  Col.  Elias,  his  regiment  sent  to 
Canada,  ii.  13  ;  at  battle  of  Monmouth, 
iii.  67. 

Dean,  Silas,  publication  of  his  intercepted 
letters,  iii.  270  ;  controversy  with  Rich- 
ard H.  Lee,  290.  303 ;  goods  consigned 
to,  305 ;  loses  popularity,  331  ;  makes 
overtures  to  Prince  Ferdinand,  to  com- 
mand the  American  Army,  344 ;  his 
controversy  with  Lee,  laid  before  Con- 
gress, 360  ;  Lee  will  get  no  redress  from, 
411 ;  ill-treatment  of,  443. 

De  Braham,  Ferdinand  J.  S.,  engineer  on. 
Sullivan's  Island,  ii.  78. 

Deck,  Sir  John,  consul  at  Leghorn,  i.  96, 
98. 

De  Gas,  Jean  Baptiste,  interpreter  to 
prisoners  in  Canada,  i.  298. 

De  Hart,  Mr.,  mentioned,  iii.  294. 

De  Hart,  Major  Maurice,  at  Morristown, 
ii.  348. 

De  Hart,  Col.  William,  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  iii.  69. 

De  Haas,  Col.  John  Philip,  his  regiment 
to  go  to  Canada,  i.  305. 

Delaplaine,  Lieut.  E.  P.,  at  Savannah, 
ii.  255 ;  bearer  of  a  letter  to  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Cape  Francois,  258. 

Delaware,  the  Colony  of,  endorses  the 
cause  of  Boston,  i.  135. 

Delaware  River,  mentioned,  i.  117;  Brit- 
ish army  cross,  ii.  461. 

Demar,  Mr.,  mentioned,  ii.  229. 

Dempster,  George,  mentioned,  i.  111. 

Denmark,  Ensign,  promoted  by  Lee,  ii. 

1«7. 

Denny,  Lieut.,  in  the  attack  on  Gwyn's 
Island,  ii.  131;  commands  a  vessel, 
135. 

Denslow,  Lieut.,  of  Conn.,  i.  274. 

Deschambault,  march  of  Gen.  Thompson 
to,  ii.  98. 


456 


.GENERAL    INDEX. 


Detroit,  Lee  suggests  the  seizure  of,  ii. 
17,  32,  134 ;  expedition  against,  32. 

De  Vienne,  Marquis  de,  served  at  Mon- 
mouth, ii.  471. 

Dicas,  Miss,  mentioned,  i.  6,  32,  45. 

Dickinson,  Major,  of  Va.,  killed  at  Mon- 
mouth,  ii.  446.  455. 

Dickinson,  Col.  John,  described  by  John 
Adams  as  a  "piddling  genius,"  i.  208  ; 
is  much  hurt  thereby,  211 ;  his  moder- 
ation in  politics,  227 ;  aware  of  Lee's 
hostility,  228 ;  his  regiment  ready  to 
march,  307;  countermanded,  316,  321  ; 
mentioned,  325,  ii.  118;  his  letter  to 
Lee  on  the  declaration  of  independence, 
ii.  166;  in  service  in  New  Jersey,  167. 

Dickinson,  Gen.  Philemon,  obstructs  the 
roads  to  prevent  the  enemies' march*,  ii. 

412,  4fil;  his  disposition  of  N.  J.  militia, 

413,  41 4,  415  ;  in  the  rear  of  the  British, 
419,  423,  442,  443,  453  ;  at  the   battle  of 
Monmouth,  iii.  6,  7,  9,  10,  18.  35,  57, 
97,  101,  102,    104,  131,    144,  155,  161-2, 
103-9,  17(5,  178,  179,  186. 

Dinwiddie  Co.,  Va.,  minute  men  of,  ii.17. 
Disney,  Major  Daniel,   lodges  with  Gen. 

Leeat  N.'Y.,  ii.  376. 
Dixon,    Lieut.  Anthony  F.,  mentioned, 

iv.  48. 
Dixon,  Capt.    David,  to  command  guard 

at  Peekskill,  ii.  276. 
Dixon,    John,    printer  of  the    Virginia 

(laze tie.  i.  392. 
Dobbs  Ferry,  X.  Y.,  British  evacuate,  ii. 

273 ;    British   land    near   on    the   west 

shore,  289,  295,  300 ;  American  Army 

cannot  cross  at,  291,  301,  309. 
Donaldson,  Major  Joseph,  at  York,   Pa., 

i.  363. 
Dorchester  Hill,  Mass. ,  to  be  occupied,  i. 

327 ;  Americans  take  possession  of,  358. 
Dorchester,  S.  C.,  troops  at,  iv.  2. 
Dorcius,  Mr.,  mentioned,  i.  169. 
Dorsey,    Edward,    of  Ann  Arundel  Co., 

Md.,  purchases  land  of  Gen.   Lee,    they 

differ  about  the  settlement,  iii.  461,  462, 

465,  469-480,  iv.  25,  36. 
Dorsey,  Ezekiel  J.,  of  Baltimore,  iii.  470- 

480. 
Dorsey,  John,  father  of  Edward,  iii.   461, 

470. 
Dorsey,    Rachel,   witness    to  Gen.  Lee's 

bond,  iii.  479. 
Doughty,    Capt.    John,  his    bravery     at 

Monmouth,  ii.  434. 
Douglas,    Lady    Mary,    to    marry   Lord 

Roseberry,  i.  25. 
Dover,  Del.,  mentioned,  i.  118. 
Dowdell,    Michael,    trades     horses   with 

Gen.  Lee,  iii.  389. 

Drake,  Lieut.  Phineas,  of  Conn.,  i.  274. 
Drake,  Col.  Samuel,  regiment   of  minute 

men  at  Horn's  Hook,  i.  337. 
Draper,  Sir  William,  mentioned,  iv.  60, 

67. 
Dray  ton,  Mr.,    of  Ga.,  recommended  for 

lieut.-col.,  ii.  250. 


Dray  ton,  Mr.,  of  S.  C.,  to  recruit  in  Va., 
ii.  38. 

Drayton,  William  H.,  correspondence 
•with  Gen.  Lee  in  regard  to  his  charge 
to  the  grand  jury  of  Charleston,  S.  C., 
iii.  305,  307,  308,  317,  320,  iv.  152, 
321 ;  challenged  by  Lee,  318,  331. 

Drew,  William,  certifies  a  copy  of  Lee's 
will,  iv.  33. 

Drumond,  Lord,  charged  with  violating 
his  parole,  Gen.  Lee  intercedes  for  him, 
ii.  371 ;  Washington  considers  him 
guilty,  b74,  iv.  398. 

Dry,  William,  collector  at  Brunswick,  N. 
C.,  i.  402. 

Dubois,  Col.  Lewis,  Major  Morris  states 
that  the  officers  of  his  regiment  are  of 
low  birth,  and  no  education,  ii.  369. 

Duer,  William,  mentioned,  ii.  459 ;  pre- 
dicts the  failure  of  Greene  as  quarter- 
master general,  iii.  246. 

Dulany,  Daniel,  mentioned,  i.  231  ;  draws 
contract  of  land  sale  for  Gen.  Lee,  iii. 
461,  465;  his  opinion  thereon,  469. 

Dumfries,  Va.,  troops  at,  i.  369,  371,  391, 
406,  iii.  465,  iv.  30. 

Dunbar,  Capt.  William,  saves  the  life  of 
Lee,  i.  18,  28 ;  behaves  well  at  Fort 
Niagara,  19  ;  mentioned,  123. 

Dunbar,  Col.  Thomas,  destruction  of 
stores  at  his  camp,  ii.  12. 

Dunlap,  John,  careless  work  on  his  news- 
paper, Pa.  Packet,  i.  196 

Dunmore,  armed  vessel  at  Norfolk,  i. 
365,  366,  374,  459,  ii.  4,  5 ;  fired  on,  131, 
137. 

Dunmore,  Lord,  issue  military  land  war- 
rants, i.  125 ;  fictitious  speech  of,  to  the 
Indians.  139;  Governor  of  Va.,  228;  let- 
ter to  Gen.  Howe  intercepted,  232 ;  his 
position  at  Norfolk  reconnoitered.  364, 
365,  384 ;  value  of  his  vessels,  374  ;  to  be 
driven  out,  377,  379  ;  slaves  in  Suffolk  es- 
cape to  him,  390  ;  operations  against,  at 
Norfolk,  459,462;  letter  to  the  command- 
ant at  Portsmouth,  460;  his  proposition 
for  exchange  of  prisoners,  465 ;  inhabit- 
ants of  Portsmouth  loyal  to,  468;  to 
join  Cornwallis,  ii.  5;  his  relation  with 
Capt.  Goodrich,  6 ;  to  aid  the  British 
troops,  38 ;  to  take  possession  of  Kent 
Island,  39;  occupies  Gwyri's  Island, 
42,  44,  52  ;  mortality  among  his  troops, 
65  ;  has  only  one  ship  of  war,  110;  his 
forces  short  of  supplies  on  Gwyn's 
Island,  124,  152;  driven  off  the  island, 
131,137;  his  camp  described,  138;  his 
invasion  of  Md.,  143;  sails  from  Va., 
213. 

Dunn,  Elizabeth,  Lee's  housekeeper, 
mentioned,  iii.  370*;  receives  a  legacy, 
iv.  30,  31. 

Dunning,  John,  counsel  for  Mass.,  i.  120. 

Dnnscom,  Mr.,  officer  of  Lee's  guard  at 
the  battle  of  Monmouth,  iii.  161. 

Duplins  Court  House,  N.  C.,  ii.  36. 

Du  Portail,  Gen.  Lebeque,   at  the  battle 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


457 


of  Monmouth,  iii.  54.  110,  111,  184, 198, 
260;  his  testimony  .before  the  Lee 
court  martial,  139. 

Durkee,  Col.  John,  at  the  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth, iii.  14,  136,  131,  163,  164,  178, 
180,  195. 

Duchess  of  Gordon,  packet  ship,  Gov. 
Tryon  on  board  of,  i.  301  ;  sails,  3C2  ; 
anchored  in  the  bav,  309 ;  supplies  cut 
off,  476. 

Duvall,  Gabriel,  secretary  Md.  Conven- 
tion, ii.  34. 

Eanach,  Mr.,  mentioned,  i.  5. 

East  Chester,  N.  Y.,  troops  at,  i.  263. 

Easton,  Pa.,  American  army  crosses  at, 
ii.  409. 

East  River,  N.  Y.,  to  be  secured  against 
the  British,  i.  354,  356. 

Eastwood,  Capt.,  brings  powder  from  W. 
I.,  ii.  6. 

Eden,  Gov.  Robert,  Lee  directs  his 
seizure,  i.  381,  iv.  307 ;  paroled,  457 ; 
Lee  explains  to  Md.  Council  of  Safety 
his  order  for  arrest  of,  472 ;  clamor  in 
Md.  on  Lee's  order,  ii.  19  ;  ordered  by 
the  Md.  Convention  to  leave  the  prov- 
ince, 33  ;  to  sail  for  England,  138 :  on 
the  Fowey  frigate,  141. 

Eden,  William,  peace  commissioner,  re- 
turns to  N.  Y.,  ii.  461. 

Edenton,  N.  C.,  troops  at,  i.  372 ;  an  ex- 
press post,  ii.  183. 

Edgecomb,  Lord,  at  Gibraltar,  iv.  69. 

Edwards,  Maj.  Evan,  his  testimony  be- 
fore the  court  martial,  iii.  9,  161,  169; 
at  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  34,  41,  102, 
105,  110,  117,  126,  181-183;  shocked  at 
the  verdict  of  the  court  martial ;  he  in- 
terviews Lee's  friends  at  Phila., 
229  ;  Lee's  second  in  a  duel  with  Col. 
Laurens,  283  ;  defends  the  character  of 
Gen.  Lee,  300 ;  bears  a  challenge  to  W. 
H.  Drayton,  318;  with  Sullivan's  expe- 
dition, 382 ;  informs  Lee  of  the  esteem 
he  is  held  in  by  the  army,  463 ;  in 
service  in  S.  C.,  iv.  1,  35;  legacy  of 
Gen.  Lee  to,  31,  38 ;  resides  at  Charles- 
ton, 62. 

Edwards,  Adjutant  Thomas,  makes  com- 
plaint against  Col.  Jackson,  iii.  210, 
217. 

Elbert,  Lieut. -Col.  Samuel,  reports  the 
condition  of  the  Ga.  battalion,  ii. 
48 ;  bearer  of  despatches  to  Lee,  125 ; 
his  return,  145,  168. 

Elizabethtown,  N.  J.,  Lord  Stirling's 
regiment  posted  there,  i.  235  ;  Ameri- 
can troops  at,  ii.  168,  212,  iii.  292,  293; 
occupied  by  the  British,  327;  their 
strongest  post,  346;  the  Point  a  place 
for  exchange  with  the  British,  iii.  311, 
312. 

Elk,  Head  of,  mentioned,  i.  118;  Gen. 
Howe's  proclamation  at,  ii.  398;  stores 
to  be  removed  from,  4C4. 

Elk  Ridge,  Va.,  mentioned,  iii.  445,  461. 


Elligood,  Col.  Jacob,  near  Norfolk,  Va., 
i.  465. 

Elliot,  Maj.  Barnard,  on  council  of  offi- 
cers, ii.  202. 

Elliot,  Mr.,  of  S.  C.,  to  recruit  in  Va. ,  ii. 
38. 

Elliot,  Lieut.  -Col.  Thomas,  at  council  of 
officers,  i.  387 ;  escorts  prisoners  from 
N.  C.,  i.  466. 

Elliott,  Gen.  George  A.,  his  Light  Dra- 
goons commanded  by  the  Earl  of  Pem- 
broke, i.  23. 

Elsworth,  Lieut.,  of  Conn.,  i.  274. 

England.     See  Great  Britain. 

Englishtown,  N.  J.,  American  army 
march  to,  ii.  425,  426,  427,  429,  442, 
469;  headquarters,  430,454;  movement 
of  troops  at,  iii.  5,  27,  32,  34,  42,  57,  65. 
67,  79,  82,  85,  95,  96,  98,  100,  102,  103, 
117,  124,  128,  130,  131.  140,  143,  148, 
167,  178,  190,  192,  213,  221,  231,  iv.  307. 

Ennis,  Mr.,  of  Williamsburg,  Va.,  iii. 
304. 

Eppes,  Lieut. -Col.  Frank,  at  Kemp's 
Landing,  Va.,  Lee's  orders  to,  i.  364, 
373,  411,  445;  his  reports  on  Dun- 
more's  forces,  365,  384;  commands  at 
Pleasure  House,  462. 

Erskine,  Gen.  Sir  William,  mentioned,  i. 
84 ;  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  ii.  466, 
iii.  6,  257. 

Estaing,  Admiral  de,  his  fleet  sails  for 
America,  ii.  474;  to  R.  L,  iii.  234,  245; 
engagement  at  Savannah,  385 ;  expected 
to  attack  N.  Y.,  393. 

Eustace,  Maj.  John  Skey,  aide-de-camp 
to  Lee,  young  and  fond  of  diversion,  i. 
246  ;  not  provided  for,  310  ;  to  be  pro- 
moted, 329;  mentioned.  476;  for- 
wards Lee's  baggage,  361 ;  Lee  wants 
him  in  Va.,  ii.  20;  at  North  Castle, 
287;  to  visit  Gen.  Lee  at  N.  Y.,  358; 
considered  as  his  adopted  son,  359 ; 
correspondence  with  William  H.  Dray- 
ton,  iii.  306,  307;  transmits  Lee's  ex- 
planation of  his  queries,  348 ;  visits 
Phil,  to  procure  the  publication  of 
Lee's  reply  to  Reed,  362,  365,  373,  380 ; 
his  extravagant  account  of  his  behav- 
ior, accuses  Col.  Hamilton  of  perjury, 
363 ;  Lee's  opinion  of  his  conduct,  364 ; 
his  sister,  Mrs.  Trist,  381,  391,  392; 
conveys  Lee's  letter  of  congratulation 
to  Gen.  Wayne,  356 ;  goes  to  Freder- 
icksburg  with  Lee,  358;  attempt  to 
have  Lee's  reply  published,  373,  380, 
384  ;  Mrs.  Trist  assures  Gen.  Lee  of  his 
loyalty,  381 ;  borrows  money  belonging 
to  Lee,  384,  387,  394,  396;  gone  to 
Charleston,  388;  his  uncle  at  N.  Y., 
388,  394;  considers  Lee  the  greatest 
patriot  in  America,  391 ;  takes  service 
as  aide-de-camp  to  Joseph  Reed,  392, 
393;  snubs  Col.  Hamilton,  393;  bor- 
rows money  of  Thomas  Lee,  395 ;  Lee 
incensed  against,  396;  threatens  to 
horsewhip  Major  Nourse,  397;  dis- 


458 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


gusted  with  Lee's  behavior;  he  bids 
him  farewell,  397 ;  delivers  Lee's  papers 
to  Gen.  Mifflin,  410 ;  in  South  Carolina, 
iv.  2. 

Experiment  frigate  attacks  Sullivan's 
Island,  ii.  112 ;  death  of  Capt.  Scott, 
194  ;  captured  by  the  French,  iii.  385. 

Farrigas,  Antonio,  his  suit  against  Gen. 
Mostyn,  iv.  112. 

Fairfax,  Thomas,  taxation  of  his  property, 
iv.  42. 

Fairfield,  Conn.,  a  rendezvous  for  troops, 
i.  241 ;  prisoners  taken  to,  349. 

Falcon,  sloop  of  war,  at  Cape  Fear,  ii. 
28  ;  sails  for  Charleston,  51. 

Falconer,  Ensign  William,  letter  describ- 
ing the  movements  of  Clinton's  army 
in  the  South,  ii.  194. 

Falmouth,  Me. ,  attacked  by  the  British, 
i.  214. 

Fargue,  Dr.  Francis,  to  have  charge  of 
the  hospital  in  Canada,  i.  317,  322,  332. 

Fawkner  ^or  Falconer),  Mr.,  mentioned, 
i.  07,  70,  83,  92,  94,  190,  iii.  415. 

Febiger,  Col.  Christian,  member  of  court 
martial  for  the  trial  of  Lee,  iii.  1 ;  his 
orders  at  Stony  Point,  376,  377. 

Fellows,  Gen.  John,  to  guard  stores  in 
Westcheater,  ii.  296. 

Ferdinand,  Prince  of  Brunswick,  to  com- 
mand the  American  army,  iii.  344. 

Feriit,  Lieut.,  at  Monmouth,  ii.  447. 

Ferry  Point,  Va.,  i.  402. 

Fincastle  armed  sloop  at  Norfolk,  ii.  5. 

Fincastle,  Va.,  militia  of,  defeat  the  Cher- 
okee Indians,  ii.  211,  214. 

Finch,  Lady,  mentioned,  i.  105. 

Finney,  Col.  William,  ii.  24. 

Fishbourne,  Major  Benjamin,  aide  to 
Gen.  Wayne,  ii.  440;  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  iii.  19,  20,  21,  190 ;  his  tes- 
timony before  the  court  martial,  40. 

Fitzgerald,  Lt. -Col.  John,  at  Hampton, 
Va.,  i.  395  ;  deserter  from  his  company, 
ii.  22;  mentioned,  438;  aide-de-camp 
to  Washington,  ii.  471  ;  his  testimony 
before  the  "court  martial  of  Lee,  iii.  5, 
07,  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth.  22,  52, 
72,  80,  110,  135,  137,  143,  199,  201. 

Fitz  Hugh,  Theodorick,  a  Va.  cadet,  i. 
431 

Fleming,  Col.  Thomas,  9th  Va.  Regt., 
i.  434;  regiment  to  be  increased,  ii. 
10;  marches  against  tories  in  Md.,  134; 
at  Phila. ,  iii.  382. 

Flemington,  N.  J.,  troops  at,  ii.  475. 

Fleury,  Lt.-Col.  Louis,  action  at  Stony 
Point,  iii.  370,  377 ;  his  friendship  for 
Gen.  Lee,  403. 

Flora,f  rigate  commanded  by  Capt.  Totty, 
iii.  332. 

Florida,  grant  of  land  to  Lee  in  East 
Florida,  with  terms  of  settlement,  i.  40  ; 
in  East  Florida,  123  ;  British  troops  in, 
ii.  11  ;  the  British  to  land  forces  in 
West  Florida,  29 ;  Lee  suggests  the 


reduction  of  East  Florida,  110;  inhab- 
itants make  inroads  on  Ga.,  114  ;  plan 
to  break  up  the  province  of  East 
Florida,  186.  188,  200,  233.  236;  the  Brit- 
ish plot  with  the  Indians  in,  188  ;  its 
subsistence  drawn  from  Ga.,  242; 
Lee's  land  grant  in  East,  iii.  315. 

Fontenoy.  battle  of,  iii.  177. 

Forbes,  Gen.  John,  captures  Fort  du 
Quesne,  i.  18. 

Force,  Peter,  mentioned,  iv.  343. 

Ford,  Col.  Jacob,  jr.,  to  furnish  informa- 
tion to  Gen.  Heath,  ii.  344  ;  at  Turkey, 
N.  J.,  347  ;  a  correspondent  of  Lee.  iv. 
385. 

Forman,  Gen.  David,  advises  Lafayette, 
ii.  419,  425  ;  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth, 
iii.  11,  34,  50,  51,  54,  55,  105,  162,  181  ; 
his  testimony  before  the  Lee  court 
martial,  25. 

Forman,  Col.  Samuel,  orders  to  annoy  the 
enemy,  ii.  413,  416. 

Fort  Constitution  in  the  Highlands,  N. 
Y.,  report  on  the  condition  of,  i.  338, 
348,  350 ;  garrisoned,  ii.  299. 

Fort  Dunmore,  mentioned,  i.  138. 

Fort  Du  Quesne,  reported  captured  by 
Gen.  Forbes,  i.  18;  Lee's  scouting  party 
arrive  at,  20  ;  behavior  of  troops  at,  183. 

Fort  Frontenac  captured  by  Col.  Brad- 
street,  i.  7. 

Fort  George,  New  York  City  troops  at, 
i.  340 ;  at  Lake  George,  ii.  13. 

Fort  Independence,  N.  Y. ,  garrisoned,  ii. 
297,  299. 

Fort  Johnson,  S.  C.,  commanded  by  Col. 
Gadsen,  ii.  00,  74  ;  his  troops  march 
from,  ii.  1%. 

Fort  Johnson,  N.  C.,  the  British  en- 
camped near,  ii.  40. 

Fort  Lee,  N.  J.,  Gen.  Washington  at,  ii. 
284  ;  post  of  observation,  288 ;  British 
land  -near,  289;  captured,  294,  297; 
garrisoned,  340. 

Fort  Mifflin,  defence  of,  iii.  263. 

Fort  Montgomery,  N.  Y.,  garrisoned,  ii. 
297,  299 ;  Wayne's  troops  at,  iii.  376. 

Fort  Niagara,  captured  from  the  French, 
i.  19,  21 ;  the  centre  of  the  fur  trade, 
20  ;  scouting  party  from,  20. 

Fort  Pitt,  mentioned,  i.  138  ;  noticed,  iv. 
75.  See  Pittsburg. 

Fort  Presque  Isle,  mentioned,'  i.  26. 

Fort  Prince  George,  Ga..  ii.  125. 

Fort  St.  Vincent,  captured  by  Col. 
Clarke,  iv.  75. 

Fort  Schuyler,  garrison  at,  ii.  264. 

Fort  Stanwix,  scouts  near,  ii.  264. 

Fort  Sullivan,  iii.  333.  See  Sullivan's 
Mand. 

Fort  Ticonderoga.     See  Ticonderoga. 

FortVenango,  mentioned,  i.  26. 

Fort  Washington,  N.  Y.,  surrendered  by 
Col.  Magaw,  ii.  279,  284,  293 ;  Lee  op- 
posed to  holding  it,  283  ;  he  complains 
of  its  loss,  288,  292,  303,  477  ;  the  Brit- 
ish think  the  defence  contemptible, 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


459 


293  ;  the  defence  of,  iii.  263,  iv.   288 ; 

state    of    the     garrison,    343 ;     Reed's 

opinion  of    its    evacuation,  349,    3(55 ; 

Lee's  advice  to  abandon  it,  369,  373. 
Fort  William    Henry,    captured  by  the 

French,  i.  16. 
Fountain,  Captain,  of  Va.,  mentioned,  iv. 

47. 
Fowey    frigate,    with  Lord  Dunmore,   ii. 

133,  144 ;  Gov.    Eden  a  passenger  on, 

141 : 

Fox,  Lt.-Col.  Henry  E.,  commands  the 
38th  Hegt.,  iii.  272. 

France.  The  French  compared  with  the 
Mohawks,  i.  4 ;  a  sergeant  scalped,  5  ; 
in  possession  of  Ticonderoga,  6  ;  defeat 
the  English,  7;  lose  Fort  Frontenac,  7; 
desert  their  camp,  9 ;  repulse  Aber- 
crombie,  10 ;  capture  Fort  William 
Henry,  16 ;  lose  Fort  Du  Quesne,  18 ; 
the  capture  of  Fort  Niagara  from,  cuts 
off  communication  with  Canada,  19, 
20 ;  their  operations  in  Germany,  23 ; 
the  Brest  fleet,  23  ;  their  fighting  days 
over,  23 ;  the  Toulon  fleet,  24  ;  scout 
after  the  fugitives  from  Niagara,  26 ; 
the  export  of  grain  from,  65  ;  remons- 
trance of  parliament  against  oppression, 
73,  77 ;  to  be  offered  the  commerce  of 
America,  137  ;  its  natural  advantages, 
150;  to  aid  in  case  of  independence, 
255 ;  her  intentions  in  the  West  Indies, 
281 ;  negotiations  of  the  Americans  at 
Paris,  fcsl ;  friendly  to  America,  313 ; 
benefit  of  a  treaty  with,  318,  325,  334 ; 
necessity  of  an  alliance  with,  373  ;  fav- 
orable to  American  independence,  ii.  2 ; 
thoughts  of  abandoning  their  West  India 
Islands,  8  ;  to  interfere  with  the  Hes- 
sian enlistment,  98 ;  importance  of  the 
independency  of  the  Colonies  to,  255  ; 
Estaing's  fleet  sails  for  America,  474  ; 
leaves  Rhode  Island,  reflections  of  Gen. 
Sullivan  on,  iii.  234  ;  capture  of  British 
frigates  in  the  W.  I.,  332;  portraits  of 
Washington  sent  to.  334 ;  Lee's  com- 
parison of  a  member  of  the  French  par- 
liament to  a  Russian  serf,  342  ;  resented 
by  the  consul  at  Baltimore,  352  ;  min- 
ister at  Phil'a,  361,  369,  389;  Lee 
dreads  her  influence  in  America,  370 ; 
Luzerne's  letters  laid  before  Congress, 
409  ;  to  furnish  arms  and  ammu- 
nition, 410 ;  the  treaty  printed  in 
French,  410 ;  uses  America  for  her  ad- 
vancement, 429,  432,  456 ;  danger  of 
their  army  in  America,  iv.  2 ;  to  strip 
England  of  her  West  Indian  possessions, 
13  ;  treaty  with  America,  14,  23  ;  prop- 
osition to  restore  Canada  to,  211. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  attacked  by  Wed- 
derburne,  i.  120;"  Lee's  second  letter  to 
Burgoyne,  forwarded  to,  by  Gen.  Gates, 
221  ;  suspected  of  authorship  of  Com- 
mon Sense,  252 ;  proposal  to  use  bows 
and  arrows  in  the  army,  285 ;  his  eyes 
fail,  286 ;  a  commissioner  to  Canada, 


300,  311,  313  ;  introduces  Thomas  Paine 
to  Lee,  313;  visits  Canada,  388;  his 
address  to  the  Irish,  iii.  359 ;  his  note 
on  the  affairs  of  Portugal,  411  ;  his 
opinion  of  Lee's  pamphlet  on  Canada, 
iv.  122  ;  urges  the  importance  of  holding 
Canada,  2L1. 

Franklin,  armed  vessel,  takes  prizes,  ii. 
46. 

Franks,  Miss  Rebecca,  Gen.  Lee's  letter 
to,  resenting  her  statement  that  he 
wore  green  breeches  patched  with 
leather,  iii.  278 ;  one  of  the  beauties  at 
the  Mischianza,  280 ;  Lee  apologizes  for 
the  tone  of  his  letter  to,  302. 

Fraser,  Gan.  Simon,  his  Highlanders 
captured,  ii.  98,  124,  138. 

Frazer,  Maj.  John  G.,  in  Whitcombe's 
regiment,  i.  477. 

Frazer,  Mr.,  attends  to  Lee's  affairs,  i. 
475. 

Frederick  Co.,  Md.,  populated  by  Ger- 
mans, ii.  365. 

Frederick  II.  (the  Great),  interest  in 
American  affairs  ;  his  person  described, 
i.  37;  review  of  his  troops,  41. 

Frederick  William  II.  of  Prussia,  de- 
scribed, i.  37. 

Fredericksburg,  N.  Y.,  Gen.  Wayne  at, 
iii.  241. 

Fredericksburg,  Va.,  i.  369;  commissary 
stores  at,  404;  cadet  company  formed 
at,  430  ;  powder  landed  at,  ii.  64  ;  polit- 
ical opinion  in,  iii.  303;  mentioned, 
428,  iv.  39. 

Fredericktown,  Md.,  mentioned,  i.  119; 
noticed,  iv.  73. 

Freehold,  N.  J.,  meeting  of  freeholders 
at,  i.  290  ;  British  army  march  through, 
ii.  462,  463  ;  movement  of  troops  at,  iii. 
12, 14, 16, 17,  23,  25,  27,  49,  52,  53,  54,  55, 
63,  65,  79,  82,  87,  103,  105,  111,  130, 
140,  144,  183. 

Freeman,  Mr.,  tavern  keeper  near  Pitts- 
burg,  iv.  74. 

Frelinghuysen,  Col.  Frederick,  at  the 
battle  of  Monmouth,  iii.  104. 

French,  Maj.  Christopher,  gives  his 
parole,  i.  241 ;  wins  a  bet  from  Gen. 
Lee,  ii.  27. 

Frey,  Captain,  at  Monmouth,  ii.  447. 

Friendship,  brigantine  captured  by  the 
British,  ii.  Ill ;  in  the  attack  on  Sul- 
livan's Island,  112. 

Frost,  William,  witness  to  Gen.  Lee's 
bond,  iii.  479. 

Frye,  Gen.  Joseph,  resigns  his  commis- 
sion, ii.  14, 

Fulham  township,  Vt.,  grant  of  land  in, 
i.  50. 

Furman's  Mill,  N.  J.,  iii.  92,  93. 

Gadsen,  Col.  Christopher,  his  services  in 
defending  Charleston,  ii.  66,  74,  104, 
130,  140,  196,  221;  mentioned,  99;  in 
council  of  officers,  202;  to  march  his 
regiment,  208,  251. 


460 


.  GENERAL    INDEX. 


Gage,  Gen.  Thomas,  purchases  land  in 
N.  Y.,  i.  49;  sent  from  England  with 
extraordinary  powers,  123  ;  public  con- 
fidence in,  123  ;  his  proclamation  a  dis- 
appointment, 125;  Lee's  public  letters 
to,  133,  136,  iv.  239  ;  shut  up  in  Boston, 
136;  Junius  Americanus  attacks  him, 
137 ;  his  influence  on  the  ministry  and 
conduct  in  America,  145,  170,  171  ;  de- 
ceives himself  an  1  others,  182;  Lee's 
letter  to,  on  public  affairs,  200;  ill- 
treats  his  prisoners,  200 ;  letter  of 
Washington  to,  203,  211;  Lee's  letter 
to,  unpublished,  iii.  366,  398  ;  answer- 
able for  all  the  blood  shed  in  the  war, 
366,  398 ;  a  real  tory,  iv.  12. 

Gaiault,  Lieut. -Col.  de,  aide  to  Gen.  Lee, 
captured  with  him,  iv.  392. 

Gale,  Samuel,  arrested  by  Gen.  Lee,  L 
349,  351. 

Galloway,  Joseph,  an  adviser  of  Gen. 
Howe,  ii.  398. 

Gambler.  Admiral  James,  sails  for  Rhode 
Island,  iii.  332. 

Garnbl.',  Capt.  Thomas,  to  join  Gen.  Gage 
at  Boston,  i.  12^5,  126;  opinion  on 
American  affairs,  125. 

Gardner,  Capt.  Henry*  F.,  mentioned,  i. 
195. 

Gardner,  Col.  Thomas,  at  Bunkers  Hill, 
iii.  263. 

Garton,  Mr.,  mentioned,  i.  92,  iv.  92. 

Gaston,  Jonathan,  mentioned,  iii.  3(58. 

Gates,  Gen.  Horatio,  at  his  home,  Travel- 
lers Rest,  Va.,  i.  121,  123;  his  opinion 
of  public  affairs,  123;  domestic  life, 
124 ;  disappointed  with  Gage's  procla- 
mation, 125;  visits  Baltimore,  125; 
ready  to  risk  his  life  for  the  liberty  of 
the  Westarn  World,  12(5;  authorized  to 
purchase  land  by  Lee,  179,  iv.  248, 180; 
conveys  orders  of  Washington  to  Lee, 
195;  'in  favor  of  independence,  214; 
approves  of  Lee's  second  letter  to  Bur- 
goyne, 221 ;  is  certain  that  Lee  will 
have  the  command  in  Canada,  251 ; 
endorses  Common  Sense,  252;  sends 
news  from  camp.  282 ;  advises  Lee 
not  to  winter  in  Canada,  328  ;  compli- 
mented by  Robert  Morris  on  the  evacu- 
ation of  Boston,  388 ;  with  his  wife  at 
N.  Y.,  389,  475;  appointed  Major-Gen- 
eral, ii.  45  ;  in  conference  at  Phil.,  47  ; 
informed  of  the  affair  at  Sullivan's 
Island,  96 ;  mentioned  for  the  com- 
mand in  Canada,  98 ;  his  popularity. 
162,  170  ;  his  wife  returns  to  Va.,  169; 
marches  with  troops  from  Canada  to 
reinforce  Washington,  336,  345 ;  Lee 
advises  him  to  join  Washington  and 
save  his  army,  348 ;  ordered  to  Pitts- 
town  by  Washington,  349,  350  ;  advanc- 
ing to  join  Washington  in  N.  J.,  462; 
leaves  Arnold  to  win  laurels  for  him, 
470 ;  orders  a  court  of  inquiry  in  the 
ca-e  of  Col.  Jackson,  iii.  210;  at  Sara- 
toga, 263 ;  informed  by  Lee  of  a  con- 


spiracy against  him,  278 ;  informed  by 
Dr.  Rush  of  an  attempt  to  ruin  him, 
317 ;  Lee's  letter  to,  abuses  Washing- 
ton, and  offers  to  make  peace  with 
Arnold  and  Wilkinson,  319  ;  duel  with 
Wilkinson,  320 ;  suggested  for  com- 
mand of  the  Eastern  Department,  331 ; 
effect  of  his  capture  of  Burgoyne,  334, 
336,  342,  440  ;  his  correspondence  with 
Mrs.  Gates  in  Va.,  357;  furnishes 
materials  for  Gordon's  history,  359 ; 
mentioned,  393 ;  interview  with  Maj. 
Eustace,  396 ;  Lee  gives  his  views  of 
the  affairs  of  the  country,  400 ;  informs 
him  of  the  neglect  of  his  son's  educa- 
tion, 401 ;  his  military  staff,  402 ; 
James  Lovell  sends  him  the  news  in 
Congress,  405  ;  his  friendship  with  Gen. 
Lee  dissolved  by  Mrs.  Gates,  454 ;  that 
Medusa,  his  wife,  governs  with  a  rod  of 
scorpions,  45S ;  mentioned,  iv.  2 ;  dis- 
grace of  Burgoyne  being  taken  by  a 
man  like  Gates,  12 ;  to  sell  his  Va. 
estate,  24  ;  his  disagreeable  situation  to 
be  relieved,  24;  his  farm.  Travellers' 
Rest,  near  to  that  of  Lee,  38,  39; 
invited  to  Johnston,  R.  I.,  by  W.  God- 
dard,  40  ;  toasted  at  the  house  of  Gov. 
Bowen,  40. 

Gates,  Humphrey,  mentioned,  i.  77,  82. 

Gates,  Robert,  son  of  Gen.  Gates,  men- 
tioned, iii.  278,  317,  322,  331  ;  sows  his 
wild  oats,  321  ;  his  education  neglected, 
401. 

Gen.  Clinton,  armed  vessel,  to  be  attack- 
ed, i.  302,  309. 

George  HI. ,  petitioned  by  Lee  for  promo- 
tion, i.  32,  33,  51  ;  his  choice  of  a  wife, 
38 :  grants  land  to  Lee  in  Florida, 
46  ;  not  popular  in  Hanover,  159;  ad- 
dress of  the  Congress  to,  203 ;  his 
speech  destroys  all  hope  of  reunion, 
233,  23;) ;  and  fixes  the  wavering  in  the 
cause  of  America,  252,  266;  credited 
with  the  plan  to  employ  Indians  against 
the  Americans,  ii.  127, 129;  omits  Ameri- 
can affairs  in  his  speech,  iii.  413;  re- 
marks on  his  family,  iv.  94. 

Georgia,  the  soil  of,  i.  117;  included  in 
the  Southern  department,  343;  Gen. 
Armstrong  to  report  the  politics  and 
disposition  of  the- people,  410;  number 
of  troops  raised  in,  ii.  11 ;  for  independ- 
ence, forms  a  new  constitution,  11  ; 
her  battalion  of  continental  troops,  48  ; 
reinforcements  needed  for,  54  ;  desires 
protection  against  the  British,  106, 
108;  to  present  cattle  to  the  Indians. 
109;  cavalry  in,  110;  narrative  of 
the  conference  of  delegates  with  Lee 
and  Rutledge,  giving  description  of  the 
country  and  its  wants,  H4  ;  invaded  by 
British  and  Indians,  125,  128,  129; 
troops  to  be  sent  to,  144,  145,  149,  150 ; 
S.  C.  refuses  to  aid,  156,  157,  163;  false 
report  of  the  arrival  of  the  enemy's 
fleet,  168, 171 ;  Indian  outrages  in,  169, 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


461 


171,  188;  troops  ordered  to,  173;  plan 
to  break  up  the  province  of  East  Florida 
as  a  protection  against  the  Creeks,  187, 
200;  rice  crop  in,  217;  powder  to  be 
forwarded  to,  230  ;  conference  of  the 
Council  of  Safety  with  Gen.  Lee,  288  ; 
plans  an  expedition  to  East  Florida, 
233,  236 ;  S.  C.  will  not  agree  to  pre- 
sent cattle  to  the  Indians,  236  ;  lack  of 
protection  to  cattle-owners,  237;  to 
provide  small  boats  for  defence,  238; 
Gen.  Lee  explains  that  he  does  not  wish 
to  bear  down  the  civil  authority,  241  ; 
report  of  Gen.  Lee  to  the  Board  of  War 
on  the  condition  of  the  province,  241  ; 
number  of  troops,  242;  the  people 
more  harum  skarnm  than  S.  C.,  246; 
prospect  of  the  British  making  their 
winter  quarters  in,  247  ;  its  immense 
stock  of  cattle,  247;  officers  for  ad- 
ditional battalions  in,  249  ;  orders  issued 
by  Gen.  Lee  to  the  troops  sent  to  aid, 
251 ;  military  magazines  fcrmed  in,  333 ; 
Lee  recalled  from,  iv.  138. 
Georgetown,  S.  C.,  powder  landed  at,  ii. 

Gerard,  Conrad  A.,  sends  portrait  of 
Washington  to  France,  iii.  334,  336,  342  ; 
leaves  Philadelphia,  869. 

Germain,  Lord  George,  intercepted  letter 
from,  ii.  152 ;  mentioned,  iv.  12,  21. 

German  emigrants  arrive  at  Phil.,  i. 
167. 

German  Flats,  N.  Y. ,  farms  for  German 
settlers  and  good  land  there,  i.  50,  118. 

Germantown,  Pa.,  prisoners  exchanged 
at,  ii.  390. 

Gerry,  Elbridge,  mentioned,  i.  194 ;  on 
the  appointment  of  Lee,  iv.  363. 

Gibbon,  Edward,  his  remarks  on  the  cap- 
ture of  Gen.  Lee,  iv.  394. 

Gibraltar,  experiments  made  in  artillery 
practice,  iv.  69. 

Gibbs,  Lieut.  Churchill,  on  furlough,  iv. 

Gibson,  Capt.  George,  his  expedition  to 
New  Orleans,  ii.  346. 

Gill,  Lieut.,  his  heroic  action  and  cap- 
ture, iii.  386. 

Gilman,  Major  Jeremiah,  his  testimony 
at  the  Lee  court  martial,  iii.  121),  198. 

Girdlestone,  Dr.  Thomas,  claims  Lee  as 
the  author  of  the  letters  of  Junms,  iv. 
176,  236,  342. 

Gimat,  Chevalier,  at  the  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth,  iii.  96,  97. 

Gist,  Col.  Mordecai,  at  the  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth,  iii.  63. 

Glasgow,  fiigate,  attacked  by  Admiral 
Hopkins,  i.  421 ,  442. 

Glover,  Gen.  John,  skirmishes  with  the 
British,  ii.  262  ;  his  brigade  at  Philips- 
bourg,  307  ;  detail  at  Dobb's  ferry,  312 ; 
in  De  Kalb's  division,  408.  410. 

Gloucester,  Va.,  arms  at,  i.  389;  men- 
tioned, 428,  429;  committee  appeals  to 
Lee  for  protection,  448 ;  fortified,  ii. 


63;  cannon  mounted  at,  213;  Brit'sh 
army  at  Gloucester  Point,  461 . 

Goddard,  Miss  Catharine,  postmistress  at 
Baltimore,  iii.  374,  404;  printeiess  of 
Md.  Journal,  438,  446  ;  acts  for 
Lee  in  the  sale  of  his  land  in  Va.,  465, 
466,  472,  473,  475,  476,  478,  479,  iv.  25, 
27,  36,  38. 

Goddard,  William,  requested  to  print 
Lee's  queries  in  his  paper,  iii.  339,  348  ; 
attacked  by  a  mob,  352,  442,  iv.  323 ; 
explains  the  publication  of  the  queries, 

358  ;  a  firm  friend  of   Gen.  Lee,  362 ; 
to  visit  him  and    relate    his    misfor- 
tunes, 402  ;  receives  some  money  from 
Lee,  448;    who  is   unable  to  pay   him 
in  full,  459 ;  acts  for  Lee  in  sale  of  his 
land,     465,    466;  beloved  by  Lee,  466, 
469-480;  legacy  of  Gen.  Lee  to,  iv.  31, 
36,  38  ;  a  witness  to  his  will,  32  ;  inves- 
tigates Lee's  affairs,  89  ;  introduces  Mr. 
Lorman   to   Gen.    Gates,    89;  removes 
from  Baltimore  to  Johnston,  R.  I.,  40; 
has  custody  of  Geri.  Lee's  manuscripts, 
59,  67;  literary  abilities  of  his  wife, 
62 ;  proposes  to  print  the  writings  of 
Lee,  20o  ;  Washington's  letter  to  him 
on   the  subject,'  332 ;  in  possession  of 
Gen.  Lee's  papers,  203. 

Godwin,  Lieut.-Col.  John,  informs  Gen. 
Lee  of  artillery  experiments  at  Gibral- 
tar, iv.  68. 

Goodrich,  Capt.  John,  arrested,  i.  453 ; 
house  to  be  burnt,  457,  460,  468 ;  an 
arch  old  traitor,  471 ;  his  house  de- 
stroyed, ii.  4  ;  a  spy,  5. 

Goodrich,  William,  sent  with  a  flag,  i. 
460  ;  son  of  Capt.  John,  ii.  6. 

Gordon,  Col.  Alexander,  near  Norfolk, 
Va.,  i.  465. 

Gordon,  Mrs.,  mentioned,  i.  27. 

Gordon,  Judge  Thomas  K.,  confined  in 
prison,  ii.  2':6. 

Gordon,  Rev.  William,  obtains  materials 
for  his  history,  from  Gen.  Gates,  iii. 

359  ;  dines  with  John  Adams,  860. 
Goshen,  N.  Y.,  forces  of  Gen.   Gates  at, 

ii.  336. 

Gosport,  Va.,  watering  place  at,  i.  385. 

Gouvion,  Col.  Jean  Baptiste,  at  battle  of 
Monmouth,  iii.  68. 

Governor's  [Nutten]  Island,  N.  Y.,  to  be 
fortified,  i.  287 ;  the  Asia  frigate  lies 
near,  309,  338  ;  fortified  by  the  Ameri- 
cans, ii.  13  ;  troops  posted  on,  209. 

Gower,  Lord,  retires  from  the  privy 
council,  iii.  413. 

Graf  ton,  Duke  of,  an  absolute  orator,  i. 
61 ;  a  scoundrel,  69 ;  mentioned,  93, 
94,  108 ;  his  motion  of  March  16,  1776, 
in  parliament,  ii.  47. 

Graham,  Capt.  John,  at  Monmouth,  ii. 
447. 

Graham,  Richard,  of  Dumfries,  Va.,  i. 
430,  iii.  446,  473. 

Graham,  Robert,  clerk  of  Prince  William 
Co.,  Va.,  iii.  473. 


462 


.  GENERAL    INDEX. 


Granby,  Lord,  mentioned,  i.  25. 

Grant,  Capt.,  of  a  transport,  i.  29. 

Grant,  Gen.  James,  cowardice  of,  i.  183 ; 
killed  by  the  printer,  196  ;  the  affair  at 
Charleston  gave  him  the  flat  lie  as  to 
the  cowardice  of  Americans,  ii.  221 ;  at 
the  battle  of  Monmouth,  465;  head- 
quarters at  Freehold,  iii.  52. 

Grant,  Capt.  Boswell,  of  Conn.,  i.  274. 

Gray,  George,  a  Va.  cadet,  i.  431 . 

Gray,  Capt.  John,  of  3d  N.  C.  regt.,  ii.  73. 

Gray,  Mr.,  mentioned,  iii.  384. 

Grayson,  Col.  William,  a  man  of  merit,  i. 
378,  380 ;  member  of  court  martial  for 
the  trial  of  Lee,  iii.  1,2;  position  of 
troops  under  the  command  of,  at  battle 
of  Monmouth,  9,  14,  34,  72,  80,  81,  102, 
103,  104,  109,  110,  111,  117,  123,  131, 
132,  138,  140,  143,  161,  162,  176,  185, 
213,  218,  225  ;  his  testimony  at  trial  of 
Lee,  34 ;  legacy  of  Gen.  Lee  to,  iv.  30. 

Great  Bridge,  Va.,  troops  at,  i.  407.  413, 
435 ;  a  post  of  importance,  ii.  8,  21  ; 
prisoners  taken  at,  121. 

Great  Britain,  thanksgiving  day  for  suc- 
cesses in  America,  i.  24  ;  threatened  de- 
scent of  the  French  on,  24  ;  manage- 
ment of  American  affairs  in,  59;  Lee 
describes  politics  in.  60 :  commercial 
complications  with  Portugal,  61  ;  King 
Stanislaus  on  events  in,  64  ;  importa- 
tion of  French  grain,  66 ;  hopes  of  over- 
turning the  ministry,  69 ;  dreadful 
situation  of,  72 ;  hooted  at  by  Russia 
and  Austria,  77,  82 ;  might  have  been 
the  Empress  of  the  world,  78  ;  disliked 
in  Poland,  81  ;  public  virtue  of  the 
people  of,  95 ;  governed  not  by  laws 
but  by  will  of  men,  97  ;  the  parliament 
a  den  of  thieves,  98  ;  probable  war  with 
her  colonies  in  America,  122 ;  Gen. 
Gage  sent  over  with  extraordinary 
powers,  123 ;  determined  to  enforce 
authority  in  America,  126  ;  its  liberal 
government,  130  ;  action  in  parliament 
on  the  Mass,  and  Quebec  bills,  130, 
132 ;  hostile  to  the  liberties  of  America, 
133  ;  diabolical  measures  of  the  minis- 
try, 140,  145, 170  ;  a  subscription  for  the 
relief  of  Boston  suggested,  142 ;  repeal 
of  the  Boston  and  Quebec  bills  neces- 
sary to  save  the  empire,  145;  able  to 
govern  ten  Americas,  1 55 ;  tax  on 
American  goods,  156 ;  her  military 
force,  160  ;  the  ministry  to  make  con- 
cessions to  America,  165  ;  a  true  state 
of  the  proceedings  of  parliament  and 
Mass.,  170;  her  constitution  the  safe- 
guard of  liberty,  189  ;  change  of  parties 
in,  190;  her  position  in  regard  to  the 
troubles  in  America,  191,  222  ;  procla- 
mation against  trade  with  America, 
221 ;  effect  of  the  address  of  Congress 
to  the  King,  227  ;  the  King's  speech 
destroys  all  hope  of  reunion  with 
America,  233,  239 ;  not  quite  so  disre- 
spectful to  America,  285  ;  commission- 


ers to  treat  with  the  colonies,  306  ;  they 
will  offer  a  bramble  for  an  olive  branch, 
318  ;  effect  of  Common  Sense  in,  325  ; 
will  have  to  hire  foreign  troops,  388  ; 
demand  from  Portugal  all  American 
property  in  her  dominions,  442 ;  the 
peace  commissioners  expected  to  end 
the  trouble  with  America,  ii.  25 ;  in- 
fluence with  the  Indians  of  the  South, 
29  ;  effect  of  the  German  treaties  and 
Lord  Dartmouth's  answer  to  the  Duke 
of  Grafton's  motion  in  the  Colonies, 
47 ;  to  employ  the  Indians  against  the 
Americans,  127,  129 ;  her  fleets  re- 
pulsed and  disgraced  along  the  Ameri- 
can coast,  134  ;  Lord  Howe's  proclama- 
tion leaves  no  hope  for  reconciliation, 
162;  negroes  decoyed  and  stolen  from 
the  Americans  to  be  sold  in  the  West 
Indies,  218  ;  feelings  of  Americans  to- 
ward ;  no  desire  for  independency, 
222  ;  conference  with  the  peace  com- 
missioners, 259;  her  peace  commission- 
ers return  from  Phila.  to  N.  Y.,  461  ; 
Parliament  expected  to  acknowledge 
the  independence  of  the  Colonies  in 
1779,  iii.  289 ;  in  a  galloping  consump- 
tion, 361  ;  the  King's  speech  omits 
American  affairs,  413  ;  danger  to  the 
possessions  in  the  VV.  I,  460;  a  virtu- 
ous administration  in,  iv.  12  ;  the  folly 
of,  in  not  acknowledging  the  independ- 
ence of  America,  13;  France  to  seize 
the  West  Indian  possessions,  13,  23; 
belief  of  the  people  in  regard  to  the 
war  with  America,  81. 

Greaton,  Col.  John,  sent  to  Canada,  ii. 
13;  marches  from  Albany,  336;  to 
Morristown,  340. 

Green,  Capt.,  on  his  march,  ii.  19. 

Greene,  Lieut. -Col.  Christopher,  his  de- 
fence of  Red  Bank,  iii.  263. 

Greene,  Gen.  Nathaniel,  introduces  Col. 
A  bourn  to  Lee,  i.  204  ;  in  command  at 
Prospect  Hill,  246  ;  informs  Lee  of  the 
evacuation  of  Boston,  344 ;  recom- 
mends R.  I.  officers,  ii.  271,  273,  277, 
287,  295  ;  his  error  in  reinforcing  Fort 
Washington,  283;  his  secretary,  Blodget, 
2S5  ;  responsible  for  the  loss  of  Fort 
Washington,  294;  at  Valley  Forge, 
381  ;  occupies  Moore  Hall  near  Valley 
Forge,  393  ;  commands  the  right  wing 
at  Monmouth,  444,  470 ;  at  the  battle 
of  Monmouth,  iii.  71  ;  his  bravery  in 
Rhode  Island,  235  ;  Joseph  Reed  de- 
scribes public  affairs  in  Phila.  to,  245  ; 
quarter-master  general,  245  ;  a  friend 
of  Washington,  252;  Gen.  Cadwallader 
sends  the  Phila.  news,  270  ;  a  favorite 
of  Gen.  Washington,  393  ;  high  in  repu- 
tation, presented  with  a  plantation  by 
the  State  of  S.  C.,  iv.  1;  friendly  to 
Gen.  Lee,  1, 18  ;  who  compliments  him 
on  his  Southern  campaign,  35 ;  his 
opinion  of  the  conference  requested  by 
Gen.  Lee  at  N.  Y.,  420,  421. 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


463 


Greenwich,  Conn.,  troops  at,  ii.  274. 

Gregg,  John,  arrested  at  N.  Y.,  i.  852. 

Grenville,  Lord,  mentioned,  i.  59,  61. 

Grey,  Gen.  Charles,  at  the  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth,  ii.  466,  iii.  257. 

Grier,  Capt.  David,  commander  of  Lee's 
guard,  i.  363 ;  joins  him  in  Va.,  392,  ii. 
5;  recommended  to  Washington  by 
Lee,  27;  his  accounts,  122. 

Griffin,  Samuel,  aide  to  Lee,  i.  188  ;  his 
faults,  308  ;  resigns,  343  ;  deputy  adju- 
tant-general to  the  flying  camp,  ii. 

Griffith,  Dr.  David,  his  testimony  before 
the  Lee  court  martial,  iii.  82,  87,  203, 
204. 

Griffith,  Mrs.,  mentioned,  i.  5. 

Grymes,  Benjamin,  jr.,  a  Va.  cadet,  i. 
431. 

Grymes,  John,  treasonable  letter  to,  in- 
tercepted, i.  426,  428,  431 ;  his  wife  to 
be  arrested,  444. 

Guinea,  Count  de,  letter  of  Lord  Roch- 
ford  to,  iv.  415. 

Gulf  of  Mexico,  i.  118. 

Gull,  Balser,  hatter  in  Hagerstown,  iii. 
391. 

Gunpowder  River,  Md.,  ports  on,  ii.  394. 

Gwin,  Mr.,  tavern-keeper  in   Md.,  iv.  73. 

Gwyn's  Island,  Va.,  occupied  by  Lord 
Dunmore,  ii.  42,  44,  52,  63  ;  provisions 
on,  devoured  by  Dunmore' s  forces,  124, 
152;  captured  by  the  Americans,  132, 
137;  batteries  opposite,  213. 

Habersham,  Capt.  John,  in  the  Ga.  line, 
ii.  218. 

Habersham,  Major  Joseph,  of  the  Ga. 
line,  ii.  218. 

Hackensack,  N.  J.,  headquarters  of 
Washington  at,  ii.  285,  289  ;  his  retreat 
from,  295  ;  American  mail  captured  at, 
309  ;  occupied  by  Hessians,  327  ;  who 
leave  it,  346. 

Haddonfield,  British  army  at,  ii.  461. 

Haddrell's  Point,  S.  C.,  movement  of 
troops  at,  during  the  defence  of  Charles- 
ton, ii.  59,  60,  68,  74,  89,  91,  103,  126, 
184. 

Hagerstown,  Md.,  mentioned,  i.  121,  iii. 
391 ;  noticed,  iv.  73. 

Haight,  Lt.  -Col.  Joseph,  orders  to  annoy 
the  enemy,  ii.  413. 

Halifax,  N.  C.,  the  committee  of  secrecy 
meet  at,  i.  397,  420 ;  quarters  for  Lee 
taken  at,  402  ;  abounds  in  good  horses 
and  men,  i.  450  ;  troops  sent  to,  477,  ii. 
1  r  ;  Lee  to  set  out  for,  22  ;  Va.  militia 
ordered  to,  22;  Gen.  Lee  arrives  with  his 
riflemen,  30 ;  disorderly  behavior  of 
troops  at,  34. 

Halifax,  N.  S.,  the  army  of  Gen.  Howe 
at,  i.  367  ;  sufferings  of  the  tories  at,  ii. 
14 ;  the  British  fleet  sails  for  N.  Y.,  32 ; 
Gen.  Howe's  fleet  sails  from,  208 ; 
arrival  of  troops  at,  in  1755,  iv.  207  ; 
troops  employed  in  gardening,  351. 


Halifax,  Va.,  minute  men  of,  ii.  17; 
powder  stored  at,  64. 

Halket's  Town,  N.  J.,  troops  at,  ii.  409. 

Hall,  Doctor,  at  Williamsburg,Va.,  i.  401. 

Halsted,  John,  appointed  commissary  in 
Canada,  i.  300. 

Hambleton,  Miss,  mentioned,  i.  29. 

Hamilton,  Col.  Alexander,  aide-de-camp 
to  Washington,  orders  Lee's  baggage  to 
be  received  at  the  lines,  ii.  381 ;  informs 
Lafayette  of  the  movements  of  the 
British,  415  ;  to  march  after  the  enemy, 
416;  at  Hightstown,  418;  eager  to  at- 
tack, 420 ;  reconnoitres  and  reports  to 
Washington,  424 ;  his  account  of  the 
battle  of  Monmouth  in  a  letter  to  Bou- 
dinot,  467 ;  his  own  services,  470,  471  ; 
his  testimony  before  the  court  martial, 
iii.  8,  57 ;  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth, 
9,  10,  67,  75,  76,  77,  79,  102,  114,  120, 
127,  158,  159,  161,  176,  200,  201,  260; 
writes  to  Elias  Boudinot  on  the  affairs 
in  R,  I.,  233  ;  compliments  Steuben  on 
his  letter  to  Lee,  254;  requested  to 
reply  to  Gen.  Lee's  vindication,  as  he 
holds  the  pen  of  Junius,  273 ;  acts  as 
second  to  Col.  Laurens  in  a  dr.el  with 
Gen.  Lee,  283;  accused  of  perjury  by 
Major  Eustace,  363,  381  ;  who  snubs 
him,  393  ;  his  opinion  of  Gen.  Lee,  iv. 
365. 

Hamilton,  Col.  Henry,  confined  at  Wil- 
liamsburg,  Va.,  iv.  75. 

Hampton,  Va.,  a  camp  to  be  established 
at,  i.  229;  troops  at,  380,  ii.  9,  213; 
cannon  removed  from,  394,  432  ;  opera- 
tions at,  471  ;  flags  of  truce,  ii.  22 ; 
fortifications  at,  44. 

Hancock,  John,  informed  of  Lee's  move- 
ments, i.  247 ;  writes  to  Lee  on  the 
movement  to  N.  Y.,  262;  notifies  Lee 
of  his  appointment  to  Canada,  310;  and 
of  the  change  to  the  Southern  Dept., 
348  ;  conveys  the  thanks  of  Congress  to 
Lee,  ii.  154  ;  directs  Lee  to  report  at 
Phila.,  205. 

Hancock  and  Adams,  a  supply  vessel 
from  Nantes,  iv.  392. 

Hand,  Col.  Edward,  one  of  his  men  a  spy, 
ii.  278. 

Hanmer,  Sir  Thomas,  uncle  to  Gen.  Lee, 
his  legacy,  i.  1. 

Hanover,  Pa.,  mentioned,  i.  119. 

Hanover  Co.,  Va.,  ii.  17. 

Harbor  Island,  N.  C.,  a  summer  resort, 
iv.  63. 

Harcourt,  Lieut. -Col.  William,  captures 
Gen.  Lee,  ii.  356,  iv.  134,  183,  293,  387. 

Harden,  Capt.  William,  to  march  to  Ga., 
ii.  232,  251,  252. 

Harnett,  Cornelius,  President  N.  C. 
Council  of  Safety,  i.  374,  397,  8P8 ; 
President  of  N.  C.  Congress,  informed 
of  the  Indian  outbreak,  ii.  129;  Lee 
suggests  that  he  have  the  Light  Horse 
put  on  the  Continental  establishment, 
164. 


464 


. GENERAL    INDEX. 


Harris  Ferry,  Pa.,  mentioned,  i.  119. 

Harris,  Capt.  Thomas,  describes  the  cap- 
tare  of  Lee,  iv.  389. 

Harrison,  Benjamin,  of  the  Congress 
committee  at  N.  Y.,  i.  269,  272  ;  retired 
from  Congress,  ii.  99  :  paymaster  gen- 
eral for  Southern  district,  175,  334. 

Harrison,  Ensign  of  Va.,  mentioned,  iv. 
48. 

Harrison,  Mr.,  on  Bears  Creek,  N.  C.,  ii. 
36. 

Harrison,  Lt.-Col.  Richard  H.,  secretary 
to  Washington,  mentioned,  ii.  475 ;  at 
the  battle  of  Monmouth,  iii.  68,  09,  HO, 
81,  201 ;  mentioned,  233  ;  his  testimony 
before  the  Lee  court  martial,  71. 

Hart,  Mr.,  mentioned,  iii.  37,  39. 

Hartford,  Conn.,  a  principal  town,  i.  51  ; 
Lee's  arrival  at,  241  ;  the  volunteers 
from,  address  Gen.  Lee,  272  ;  his  reply, 
278;  militia  plunder  convention  pris- 
oners, iii.  289. 

Hartley,  Thomas,  agreement  for  a  whist 
party,  iv.  68. 

Hasendever,  Peter,  has  a  large  capital  in 
iron  works,  i.  49. 

Hastings,  Mr.,  at  Cambridge,  Mass.,  i. 
470  ;  in  Lee's  employ  in  Va.  mentioned, 
iii.  278,  321. 

Hatter,  Capt.,  commands  boats  at  Charles- 
ton, S.  C.,  ii.  149,  153. 

Havanna,  W.  I.,  distribution  of  the 
plunder  of,  iv.  96. 

Haver  straw,  N.  Y.,  mentioned,  ii.  311  ; 
Lee's  division  at,  329,  330 ;  troops  at, 
iii.  375. 

Hawke,  Admiral,  pursues  the  Brest  fleet, 
i.  2.*,  24 

Hawkins,  Daniel,  of  Boston,  prisoner,  ii. 
Ill,  120. 

Hay,  Lord  Charles,  reflects  on  the  Earl 
of  Loudon,  iv.  351. 

Haynes,  Erasmus,  of  Princess  Anne  Co., 
Va.,  i.  404. 

Hazard,  Ebenezer,  to  remove  the  con- 
tinental post-office  from  N.  Y. ,  i.  264 ; 
dines  with  John  Adams,  iii.  360 ;  his 
activity,  361. 

Heard,  Gen.  Nathaniel,  at  Hackensack, 
ii.  295  ;  his  brigade  to  harass  the 
enemy  in  N.  J. ,  453. 

Heath,  Gen.  William,  to  march  to  Peek- 
skill,  ii.  207  ;  to  secure  the  pass  through 
the  Highlands,  280 ;  in  command  at 
Peekskill,  290,  296,  297,  307 ;  reinforces 
Washington,  291 ;  refuses  to  obey  orders 
from  Lee,  299,  301,  305,  iv.  293;  sus- 
tained by  Washington,  309 ;  informed 
by  Lee  that  he  is  his  superior  officer, 
313;  keeps  tories  in  check,  320;  con- 
ference with  Lee,  322 ;  who  removes 
some  of  his  troops  as  commanding 
officer,  326,  328 ;  to  provide  rum  for 
the  troops,  330,  344 ;  forwards  regi- 
ments from  the  Northern  army,  336  ; 
ordered  to  N.  J.,  340 ;  ordered  by  Lee 
to  Morristown,  344  ;  to  march  to  Pitts- 


town,  350;  prohibits  private  flags  of 
truce  to  N.  Y.,  429. 

Hellgate,  N.  Y.,  fortifications  at,  i.  £72, 
280,  296,  309,  337,  iv.  267. 

Henderson,  Major,  in  council  of  S.  C. 
officers,  ii.  202. 

Hendricks,  Major  James,  in  command  at 
Hampton,  Va.,  i.  380,  394,  432,  471,  ii. 
22. 

Henley,  Col.  David,  officers  of  his  regt. 
make  complaint  against  Col.  Jackson, 
iii.  209. 

Henley,  James,  of  Princess  Anne  Co., 
Va.,  i.  464. 

Henry,  Patrick,  mentioned,  i.  180;  his 
views  on  independence,  ii.  1  ;  Lee  com- 
municates his  views  to,  on  the  future 
of  America,  177;  elected  Gov.  of  Va., 
1 23  ;  indifference  of,  to  army  officers, 
iii.  304  ;  a  leader  in  Va.,  418. 

Henshaw,  Col.  William,  Gen.  Lee  objects 
to  his  appointment,  ii.  308,  311. 

Hervey,  Capt. ,  at  Ticonderoga,  i.  7. 

Hervey,  Thomas,  his  natural  son,  Capt. 
Bartman,  killed  at  Ticonderoga,  i.  7. 

Hessians,  to  be  employed  in  America,  i. 
156,  158,  212;  rumor  that  France  had 
stopped  them  from  coming  to  America, 
ii.  98  ;  arrival  of,  at  Staten  Island,  209, 
215;  remove  from  there,  260;  Chas- 
seurs beaten  by  the  riflemen,  262 ; 
Chasseurs  taken  pj-isoners,  316;  at 
Hackensack,  327  ;  grenadiers  at  Penny- 
town,  341  ;  desert  from  Gen.  Clinton's 
army,  457 ;  Anspach  regiment  sails 
from  Phil,  to  N.  Y.,  460;  list  of  regi- 
ments at  Monmouth,  463. 

Hewlett,  Daniel,  to  be  seized,  i.  346. 

Hews,  Lieut.,  of  Va.,  mentioned,  iv.  48. 

Hey,  Mr.,  introduced  to  Edmund  Burke, 
i."  119. 

Hickey,  Thomas,  executed  for  plotting 
against  Washington,  ii.  139. 

Higgins,  Capt.,  arrives  from  England,  i. 

Hightstown,  N.  J.,  movement  of  troops 
at,  ii.  417,  418. 

Hildrop,  Lieut.  Thomas,  of  Conn.,  i  274. 

Hillsborough,  Lord,  mentioned,  i.  35,  51  ; 
a  blundering,  knavish  secretary,  78 ;  a 
member  of  the  privy  council,  iii.  413. 

Hillsborough,  N.  C.,  mentioned,  i.  119; 
troops  at,  ii.  60. 

Hincks,  Mrs.,  i.  45,  111,  iii.  368,  iv.  15. 

Hinwassa,  Cherokee  town,  ii.  2l5. 

Hitchcock,  Col.  Daniel,  mentioned,  ii. 
271,  273,  311. 

Hite,  Jacob,  Gen.  Lee  to  purchase  his 
land  in  Va.,  i.  199,  205,  216,  iv.  127;  a 
rascal,  218 ;  threatens  a  law-suit,  267, 
329 ;  removes  to  Carolina,  275  ;  a 
worthless  fellow,  306  ;  his  frivolous  suit 
against  Lee,  ii.  83  ;  his  land  sold  to  Lee 
called  Hopewell,  iii.  470. 

Hite,  Thomas,  refuses  to  accept  a  mort- 
gage on  Lee's  farm,  ii.  83  ;  at  the  point 
of  death,  iii.  359.  j 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


465 


Hoare,  Mr. ,  in  charge  of  Lee's  will,  i.  09  ; 

his  banker,  83,  91,  92,  94,  96. 
Hobart,    John   Sloss,    member  of  N.  Y. 

Prov.  Cong.,  i.  302. 
Hob's    Hole,    Va.,    mentioned,    i.    118; 

troops  at,  453. 
Hobson,  Samuel,  sells  his  commission  to 

Lee,  i.  5,  6. 

Hoe,  Lieut.,  of  Va.,  mentioned,  iv.  48. 
Hog  Island,  Va.,  British  expedition  to, 

ii.  23. 
Hogan,  James,  justice  of  the  peace  in  N. 

C.,  i.  455. 

Hoisington,    Major  Joab,    sends   intelli- 
gence to  Gen.  Gates,  ii.  r.65. 
Holker,    M.,    reports   a  victory   for   the 

French  in  the  W.  I.,  iii.  332. 
Holland,  necessity  of  an  alliance  with,  i. 

873. 
Holland,  Lord,  mentioned,  i.  34,  35,  48, 

49,  51,  55. 

Holmer,  Lieut. ,  promoted  by  Lee,  ii.  1 9. 
Holmes,  Col.  Asher,  orders  to  annoy  the 

enemy,  ii.  413. 
Holt,  Rowland,  elected  to  Parliament,  i. 

108. 

Holt,  Mr.,  a  suspected  tory,  ii.  23. 
Holt's  Forge,  Va.,  i.  423. 
Holston  River,  Va.,  Indians  defeated  on, 

ii.  214,  215. 

Hooker,  Capt.  James,  of  Conn.,  i.  274. 
Hoomes,  Ensign,   of  Va.,  mentioned,  iv. 

48. 
Hooper, Col.  Robert  Lettis,  his  opposition 

to   Gen.    Greene,  iii.    246 ;    to  be  sus- 
pended, 248 ;  accused  of  malpractice  in 

office,  249. 
Hooper's  Tavern,  near  Allentown,  N.  J., 

ii.  416. 
Hoops,  Major  Robert,  sent  as  a  guide  to 

Lee's  army,  ii.  337,  341,  349. 
Hope,  Mr.,  artificer,  i.  432. 
Hcpewell,  N.  J.,  troops  at,  ii.   441,   454; 

Washington's  council  of  war,  468. 
Hopewell,  Va. ,  a  tract  of  land  purchased 

by  Gen.  Lee,  iii.  470,  472,  474,  477,  479, 

iv.  160,  330.     See  Prato  ffio. 
Hopkins,    Admiral   Eseck,   requested   to 

attack  Norfolk,  Va.,  i.   374,  397,  3^8 ; 

attacks  the  Glasgow  frigate,  421,  442. 
Hopkins,   Mr.,  of  Portsmouth,  Va.,  his 

house  destroyed,  i.  469. 
Horn's  Hook,   N.   Y.,   to  be  fortified,  i. 

272,  280,  296,  309.   354 ;    Drake's  regt. 

at,  337  ;  troops  posted  at,  ii.  209. 
Horry,  Col.  Daniel,  his  regt.  at  defence  of 

Charleston,  S.  C.,  ii.  59,  68,  89,  90;  to 

vacate  his  quarters,  198. 
Horse  Neck,  Conn. ,  troops  at,  i.  263. 
House,  Mrs.,  of  Phil.,  iii.  384. 
Houstoun,  John,  a  delegate  from  Ga.,  ii. 

117. 
Howe,  Lord  George  Augustus,  killed  at 

Ticonderoga,  i.  10;  his  service  at  Fort 

William  Henry,  17  ;  monument  to  his 

memory,  by  the  people  of  Boston,  1 84. 
Howe,  Admiral  Richard,  lands  on  Staten 

30 


Island,  ii.  1(58;  denies  a  conference 
with  Congress,  357,  366;  Lee's  plan 
submitted  to,  361. 

Howe,  Gen.  Robert,  appointed,  i.  343 ;  at 
Edenton,  N.  C.,  372,  398;  his  good 
opinion  of  Lee,  375 ;  suggests  th<- 
building  of  batteaux  in  N.  C.,  398; 
trouble  to  re-enlist  his  men,  399  ;  pro- 
cures quarters  for  Lee  at  Halifax,  N. 
C. ,  402;  his  house  plundered  by  the 
enemy,  402 ;  at  Halifax,  420  ;  to  report 
to  Lee,  445  ;  reports  the  capture  of 
tories,  453  ;  at  council  of  officers,  ii.  8  ; 
recommends  the  removal  of  inhabitants 
from  Princess  Anne  and  Norfolk,  Va., 
21  ;  consulted  by  Lee,  22;  his  services 
at  the  defence  of  Charleston,  S.  C.,  65  ; 
to  have  command  at  Charleston,  184; 
in  council  of  officers,  212  ;  in  command 
of  troops  for  Ga.,  207,  227,  251  ;  his 
friendship  for  Gen.  Lee,  iii.  386;  on 
duty  at  the  lines  in  Westchester,  386 ; 
joins  the  expedition  of  Tallmadge  to 
L.  L,  387. 

Howe,  Sir  William,  referred  to,  i.  181, 
193;  a  man  of  admirable  talents,  184; 
a  good  officer,  227  ;  his  plans  to  recover 
Canada,  329  ;  with  his  army  at  Halifax. 
367  ;  carried  his  prisoners  oft  in  chains, 
367 ;  inglorious  retreat  from  Boston, 
387 ;  on  the  ocean,  his  destination  un- 
certain, 421 ;  his  army  arrives  at  Sandy 
Hook,  ii.  32 ;  his  proclamation  a  fail- 
ure, 162;  lands  on  Staten  Island,  168; 
joined  by  Gen.  Clinton,  205,  208;  to 
effect  a  junction  with  Burgoyne,  205  ; 
his  troops  estimated  at  10,000,  212; 
Lee  suggests  that  Congress  appoint  a 
committee  to  confer  with,  259 ;  will 
not  attack  Washington's  lines,  260 ; 
nfarches  from  Dobb's  Ferry  to  King's 
Bridge,  273 ;  captures  Fort  Washing- 
ton, 284 ;  contemplates  a  southern 
expedition,  293;  Lee  requests  him  to 
hold  hospitals  sacred,  and  treat  his 
prisoners  better,  317  ;  pressing  on  Phil, 
with  his  army,  341,  343  ;  denies  a  con- 
ference with  a  committee  from  Con- 
gress, 357,  360,  366;  Lee's  plan  submitted 
to,  361,  iv.  409;  arranges  Lee's  exchange, 
378  ;  dislike  for  Burgoyne,  390  ;  prob- 
able operations  of,  in  1778,  394  ;  Lee's 
friendship  for,  397 ;  the  most  indolent 
of  mortals,  397  ;  never  read  his  procla 
mation  until  after  its  publication,  398; 
his  entertainment  the  Mischianza,  iii.. 
280 ;  embarrassment  in  regard  to  Let- 
as  a  prisoner,  iv.  396. 

Howell,  Maj.  Richard,  at  battle  of  Moii- 
mouth,  iii.  80. 

Rowland's  Ferry,  R.  I.,  to  be  fortified, 
ii.  342,  350,  353. 

Howsman,  Maj.  Christopher,  with  th<> 
Hessians,  ii.  215. 

Hudson's  River,  mentioned,  i.  117;  set- 
tlements on,  167;  commands  the 
communication  with  Canada,  236 ; 


466 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


fortifications   on,   237,   273,    288,    296, 

JJ55,  356  ;  clear  of  ice,  Feb.,  1776,  283  ; 

the  route  to  Canada,    329 ;  navigation 

to  be  obstructed  in,  ii.  264 ;  Highlands 

to  be  fortified,  271,  280. 
Huger,   Capt.    Francis,   reprimanded  by 

Gen.  Lee,  ii.  23U. 

Huger,  Coi.  Isaac,  his  services  in  the  de- 
fence of  Charleston,  ii.  66,  75,  104,  106; 

to  command  at  Port   Royal,    160,    161, 

165  ;  ordered  to  Ga.,  173 ;  march  of  his 

regt.  to  Ga.,  253. 
Hughes,  Lieut.  Thomas,  tried  by   court 

martial,  i.  413.  413,  422. 
Hull,    Mai.     William,    action    at    Stony 

Point,  iii.  376. 
Hume,  David,  head  of  the  tory   writers, 

i.  41,   48  ;  Lee's  review  of  his  history  of 

the  House  of  Stuart,  101,  102,  106,  111, 

115;  Lee's  remarks  on,  iv.  91,  106,  108, 

195,  283. 
Humpton,  Col.  Richard,    at  Morristown, 

N.  J.,ii.  33C),  341. 
Hungerford,  Thomas,  a  Virginia  cadet,  i. 

431. 
Hunt  family  of  England,   mentioned,  iii. 

367,  415,  iv.  15. 
Hunter,  James,    of  Fredericksburg,  Va., 

i.  430,  ii.  44,  iii.  403,  468. 
Hunter,  Maj.  Moses,  member  of  House  of 

Delegates,  Va. ,  from  Berkley  Co. ,  letter 

of  Gen.  Lee  to,  iv.  44. 
Hunter,    William,    printer    of    the     Va. 

(lazette,  i.  392. 
Huntington,Gen.  Ebenezer, member  of  the 

court  martial  for  the  trial  of  Lee,  iii.  1. 
Huntingtori,  Gen.  Jedediah,  his   brigade 

in  Lee's  division,  ii.  406. 
Hutchins,  Daniel,   report  on  defence  of 

James  River,  i.  384. 
Hutchings,   Col.    Joseph,    near   Norfolk, 

Va.,  i.  465. 
Hutohinson,    Gov.   Thomas,    petition    of 

Mass,  against,    i.  120;  denounced  as  a 

scoundrel,  132,  170;  ashamed  to  confess 

his  errors,  145;    conference   with  Gen. 

Gage,  146;  a  real  tory,  iv.  13. 
Hufcson,  Richard,  delegate  from  S.  C.,  iii. 

305;  lieut.-gov.  of  S.  C.,  iv.  1. 

Ick  worth     Park,     compared    with     Fort 

Niagara,  i.  23. 
Ilchester,  Lord,    his  daughter  marries  a 

play-actor  named  O'Brien,  i.  34. 
Illinois  River,  land  grants  on,  iv.  98. 
Imbret,    Jean     Louis,  recommended   as 

military  engineer,  ii.  266. 
Imlay's  Town,   N.  J.,  British   troops  at, 

ii.  462. 
Independent  (Gazetteer,  or   the  Chronirle 

of  Freedom,  printed  at  Phila.  by  Col. 

Oswald,  iv.  4,  7,  33. 
Indians,  behavior  at   Monongahela,  i.  3  ; 

discipline  of  the  Mohawks,  4 ;  to  attack 

Ticonderoga,    6 ;    finery   at  Frontenac, 

8  ;  their  opinion  of  Gen.   Abercrombie, 

8 ;  in  the   Ticonderoga  expedition,   1 0, 


11;  theOneidas  join  the  British,  18; 
attack  Fort  Niagara,  19;  Fort  Niagara 
the  centre  of  their  fur  trade,  30 ;  the 
Ottawas  allies  of  the  French,  21  ;  sell 
their  goods  at  Sir  William  Johnson's, 
49 ;  land  sales  in  New  York,  34,  51  ; 
robbed  of  their  land  on  the  Ohio  and 
Mississippi,  125,  138  ;  speech  of,  written 
by  Lee,  137 ;  injustice  of  the  war 
against,  in  Va.,  149;  of  Florida  con- 
trolled by  the  British,  ii.  11,  29 ; 
intercepted  letter  from  deputy-supt. 
Henry  Stuart  addressed  to  the  in- 
habitants on  'frontiers,  in  relation  to 
the  action  of  the  Indians,  29;  Chero- 
kee, Chickasaw,  and  Creek  nations,  29  ; 
Niagara  a  trading  post,  32  ;  Cherokees 
to  act  with  the  British,  43  ;  visit  of 
four  tribes  of  the  Six  Nations  to  Phila., 
46  ;  dread  that  the  British  may  secure 
the  tribes  of  Canada,  48 ;  British  aid  the 
Creeks,  49;  cattle  to  be  presented  to,  as  a 
substitute  for  goods  by  the  province  of 
Georgia,  109,  117;  the  Creeks,  Chero- 
kees, Choctaws  threaten  the  Ga.  boun- 
dary, 1 15,  125  ;  to  be  used  by  the  British 
Government  against  the  Americans, 
127. 129;  expedition  against  the  Chero- 
kees, 144,  151,  153 ;  outrages  in  Ga., 
109,  171.  188;  expedition  to  East  Flor- 
ida, 187,  200;  Cherokees  defeated  by 
the  Fincastle  militia,  211,  214  ;  expedi- 
tion against,  214  ;  their  treachery,  223  ; 
towns  destroyed,  233 ;  S.  C.  will  not 
agree  to  present  cattle  to  the  Creeks, 
337  ;  under  lead  of  Col.  Butler  they 
destroy  the  settlement  at  Wyoming, 
475  ,  Sullivan's  expedition  against,  in 
1779,  iii.  383,  385;  Gen.  Lee's  remarks 
on  the  treatment  of,  iv.  70 ;  Capt.  John 
Mentour  an  educated  one,  73  ;  expect 
the  U.  S.  to  purchase  the  lands  ceded 
by  the  British  treaty,  75. 

Industry,  brigantine,  ii.  44. 

Inglis,  Mr.,  of  Norfolk,  Va.,  iii.  451. 

Innes,  Capt.  James,  report  on  the  fortifi- 
cations and  supplies  at  Yorktown,  Va., 
i.  389;  described,  416;  at  Hampton, 
433 ;  a  ma]or,  434 ;  his  company  of 
artillery,  441,  479. 

Ireland,  Irish  Roman  Catholics  in  the 
British  army,  i.  161  ;  emigrants  from, 
arrive  at  Phila.,  167;  Irish  rascals 
trouble  Gen.  Lee.  ii.  19  ;  Irish  recruits 
demoralize  the  Va.  regiments,  35  ;  they 
will  enlist  in  crowds,  severe  laws  nec- 
essary to  keep  them  in  order,  38 ;  Dr. 
Franklin's  address  to  the  inhabitants 
of.  iii.  359  ;  the  King's  speech  in  favor 
of.  413;  a  Mac-ocracy  or  Scotch-Irish 
manage  affairs  in  America,  431,  457  ; 
treatment  of,  in  1773,  iv.  113. 

Irvin,  Col.  William,  his  regt.  sent  to 
Canada,  ii.  13;  taken  prisoner,  124; 
member  of  the  Lee  court  martial,  iii. 
1  ;  his  command  on  the  Pa.  Line,  24  i  ; 
commands  Wayne's  brigade,  241. 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


46' 


Irving,  Washington,  notice  of  his  Knick- 
erbocker's history  of  N.  Y.,  iv.  62. 
Irwin,   Capt.    George,   at    York,  Pa.,  i. 

363. 

Irwin,  Lieut. -Col.  Henry,  at  Halifax,  N. 
tJ.,  ii.  87;  mentioned,-:61  ;  at  Charles- 
ton, 185 ;  his  brigade  at  Hackensack, 
295! 

Irwin,  Lieut. -Col.  James,  of  Pa.,  i.  305  ; 
mentioned,  252. 

Izard,  Ralph,  his  estimate  of  Gen.  Lee, 
iv.  366. 

Jacobs,  Mr.,  of  Phila.,  mentioned,  i.  127. 

Jackson,  Capt.,  at  battle  of  Monmouth, 
iii.  85. 

Jackson.  Col.  Henry,  to  take  possession 
of  Phila.,  ii.  408;  at  Hightstown,  N. 
J.,  418 ;  without  provisions,  423 ;  at 
the  battle  of  Monmouth,  439,  iii.  14, 
18,  19,  22,  35,  37,  39,  42,  48,  49,  76,  84, 
85,  86,  105,  106,  108,  109,  110,  117,  134, 
132,  137,  138,  143-4, 148,  157,  159,  160, 
232  ;  his  testimony  before  the  Lee  court 
martial,  120 ;  proceedings  of  a  Court  of 
Enquiry  into  his  conduct  at  the  battle 
of  Monmouth,  209-228. 

Jacksonborough,  Ga.,  legislature  of  S.  C. 
meet  at,  iv.  1. 

Jamaica,  L.  I.,  tories  hunted  down  in,  i. 
359. 

Jamair,  Major,  aide  to  Lafayette  at  the 
battle  of  Monmouth,  iii.  11,  52. 

James  Island,  S.  C.,  ii.  66. 

James  River,  Va.,  mentioned,  i.  119  ;  to 
be  reconnoitred,  370 ;  armed  vessels 
and  fortifications  on,  883  ;  Lord  Dun- 
more' s  fleet  at  the  mouth  of,  ii.  42. 

Jamestown,  Va.,  to  be  fortified,  i.  383; 
works  at,  completed,  452  ;  troops  at,  ii. 
9  ;  fortifications  at,  44.  63. 

Jamieson,  Niel,  a  tory,  i.'  458,  468. 

Jan  Cantine's  Hook  on  the  Hudson 
River,  ii/ 264. 

Jarvis,  Capt.  Nathaniel,  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  iii.  85  ;  requests  a  trial  for 
Col.  Jackson,  209. 

Jarvis,  Mr.,  of  Portsmouth,  Va.,  to  -be 
arrested,  i.  444. 

Jay,  John,  applies  for  a  pass  for  Miss 
Bayard,  ii.  429  ;  President  of  Congress 
boards  at  the  house  of  Mrs.  Wirtz,  iii. 
275  ;  gone  to  Spain,  384. 

Jenifer,  Daniel,  aide  to  Gen.  Lee  at 
Charleston,  i.  96,  102,  119,  ii.  193,  re- 
commended for  promotion,  249,  250. 

Jenifer,  Col.  Daniel,  of  St.  Thomas, 
President  of  the  Council  of  Safety  of 
Md. ,  correspondence  \vith  Lee  in  regard 
to  the  arrest  of  Gov.  Eden,  i.  141,  453, 
472. 

Jennings,  Thomas,  captured,  ii.  138. 

Jews1  Burying  Ground,  N.  Y.,  to  be  fort- 
ified, i.  354. 

Johns  Island,  S.  C. ,  troops  at,  iv.  2. 

Johnson,  Capt.,  prisoner  on  parole  in  Va., 
ii.  4. 


Johnson,  Mr.,  of  James  River,  Va.,  i.  370. 

Johnson,  Samuel,  of  the  N.  C.  committee, 
i.  397. 

Johnston,  Col.  Francis,  member  of  court 
martial  for  the  trial  of  Lse^iii.  1. 

Johnston,  Gov.  Gabriel,  his  brother 
writes  a  pamphlet  on  America,  ii.  40f». 

Johnston,  Capt.  James,  of  Va.,  men- 
tioned, iv.  47. 

Johnston,  Sir  John,  his  expedition  from 
Canada,  ii.  264. 

Johnston,  Sir  William,  captures  Fort 
Niagara,  i.  21  ;  his  influence  requested 
to  obtain  land  for  Lord  Ilchester's 
daughter,  34  ;  Indians  trade  at  his 
house,  49;  his  treatment  of  William 
O'Brien,  49. 

Johnstone,  Gov.  George,  desirous  to  .see 
peace  established,  ii.  405 ;  defends  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  406 ;  returns  from. 
Phila.  to  N.  Y.,  461. 

Jollie,  Martin,  a  Ga.  tory,  ii.  £48. 

Jones,  Allen,  Vice-President  of  the  N. 
C.  Congress,  i.  461. 

Jones,  Capt.  James,  at  the  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth, iii.  72  ;  requests  a  trial  for  Col. 
Jackson,  209. 

Jones,  Sergt.  James,  at  Monmouth,  ii. 
447. 

Jones,  Joseph,  Chief  Justice  of  Va.,  JiL 
428. 

Jones,  Thomas,  fortifications  at  his  house 
in  N.  Y.,  i.  356. 

Jones,  Thomas,  of  the  N.  C.  Committee, 
i.  397. 

Jones,  Lieut.  Thomas,  requests  a  trial 
for  Col.  Jackson,  id.  209. 

Jones,  Lieut.  Ward,  mentioned,  iv.  47. 

Joseph,  a  Mohawk  Indian,  presents  a 
French  scalp  to  Lee,  i.  5. 

Joseph  II.,  of  Austria,  his  knowledge  of 
American  affairs,  i.  93. 

Joyner,  Capt.  John,  of  Port  Royal,  S.  C., 
ii.  211  ;  arms  small  boats,*  236,  238;  in 
charge  of  transportation,  251. 

Juniata  River,  settlements  on,  i.  167. 

Junius,  letters  of,  discussion  as  to  the 
authorship,  iv.  50-62.  66,  176,  235,  342, 
359. 

Kakiate,  N.  Y.,  mentioned,  ii.  311. 

Kalb,  Baron  de,  his  division  to  march  to 
Newburgh,  ii.  408,  410  ;  mentioned,  iii. 
321 ;  expects  a  sudden  peace  in  177'J, 
388. 

Kecowee,  Ga.,  ii.  125. 

Keech,  David,  gives  information  of  the 
movement  orf  the  British,"1  ii.  273. 

Kelly,  Capt.,  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth, 
iii.  33. 

Kemp's  Landing,  Va.,  military  move- 
ments at,  i.  365,  366,  373,  384,  407,  413, 
417,  435,  462;  to  be  evacuated,  ii.  9; 
flags  of  truce  stopped,  22 ;  Col.  Wood- 
ford  in  command,  23. 

Kennedy,  Dennis,  Lee  court  martial  meet 
at  his  house  in  Peekskill,  iii.  89. 


4<}8 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


Kennedy,  Capt.  Primrose,  at  Manchester, 
i.  118;  an  old  friend  of  Lee,  ii.  121, 
I5.r>;  informed  by  Lee  of  his  capture, 
356. 

Kcnnon,  Col.  William,  commissary  at 
Charleston,  S.  C.,  ii.  180;  forms  mili- 
tary magazines,  333  ;  wishes  to  be  Com- 
missary-General in  the  South,  334. 

Kent  Island,  Md.,  Duumore  to  take  pos- 
session of,  ii.  39,  43  ;  abundance  of  pro- 
visions on,  264. 

Kentucky,  emigration  to,  iii.  359  ;  settle- 
ments in,  trade  with  Baltimore,  iv.  75. 

Kershaw,  Col.  Joseph,  to  march  to  Port 
Royal,  ii.  165;  his  troops  dismissed, 
251. 

King  Fisher,  sloop-of-war,  with  Gov. 
Dunmore  in  Va.,  i.  366;  her  tender 
commanded  by  Lieut.  Jones,  ii.  6. 

Kingsbridge,  N.  Y.,  cannon  at,  i.  260, 
270,  272 ;  Conn.  Vols.  encamped  at, 
273 ;  fortified.  337,  356 ;  troops  posted 
at,  ii.  209,  iv.  290 ;  British  army  at, 
5473 ;  movement  of  troops  near,  315, 
827. 

King"s  Ferry,  N.  Y. ,  crossing  place  for 
American  army,  ii.  291,  801 ;  stores  re- 
moved from,  2V6. 

Kingston,  N.  J.,  movement  of  troops  to, 
ii.441,  454,  468. 

Kirkland,  Col.  Moses,  escapes  from 
prison,  ii.  225. 

Kirkwood,  Capt.,  at  Monmouth,  ii.  447. 

Knox,  Capt.,  in  8th  Va.  regt.,  ii.  24. 

Knox,  Gen.  Henry,  states  that  Schuyler 
does  not  wish  the  command  in  Canada, 
i.  251 ;  orders  military  stores  from  N. 
Y.  to  Cambridge,  260 ;  praised  for  his 
management  of  the  artillery  at  the 
battle  of  Monmouth,  ii.  458,  455 ;  at 
the  battle  of  Monmouth,  iii.  68,  70,  76. 
110,  113,  135,  136,  142,  158,  159,  160-66  ; 
his  testimony  before  the  Lee  court 
martial.  156;  'his  influence  with  Wash- 
ington, 25:3 ;  at  Pluckemin,  N.  J.,  294  ; 
on  the  list  of  Lee's  friends,  iv.  18. 

Kriyphausen,  Gen.,  marches  from  Mon- 
:  mouth,  ii.  454,  463;  halts  at  Imlay's 
Town,  462. 

Krethin,  Madam,  her  kindness  to  Lee,  i. 


Lady  Charlotte,  tender,  captured,  ii.  135. 

Lafayette,    Marquis   de,   his  division   to 
march  to  Newburgh,  ii.  408,  410;  Wash- 
ington's instructions  to,  413  ;  at  Cran- 
berry, 414 ;  Hamilton  informs  him  of 
the  enemy's  movements,  415  ;  marches 
in  pursuit,  417 ;  Gen.  Lee  demands  the 
command  of  his  detachment,  417,  468 
at  Hightstown,  418;  Washington's  ar 
rangement.  for  Lee  to  command,   421 
422  ;  wishes  to  attack  the  enemy,  4'^8 
gives  up  the  project  and  joins  Lee,  425 
given  command  of  the  advance,  442 
ordered  to  Englishtown,   442;  said  to 
have  commanded  the  cavalry,  464  ;  at 


the  battle  of  Monmouth,  iii.  2,  4,  6,  20, 
25,  26,  40,  41,  52,  53,  60,  62,  77,  90,  92, 
95,  103,  105,  111,  115,  134, 144, 147,  155, 
160,  170,  179,  182-83,  193-94,  ^88;  his 
testimony  before  the  court  martial,  10. 

Lake  Champlain,  Gen.  Amhef at,  master 
of,  i.  24. 

Lake  Erie,  mentioned,  i.  20 ;  Lee'* 
scouting  party  the  first  English  that 
crossed  the  lake,  26. 

Lake  George,  N .  Y.,  to  be  crossed  a  second 
time  by  the  English,  i.  8  ;  Lee's  account 
of  Abercrombie's  expedition,  9 ;  move- 
ments at,  ii.  210. 

Lake  Ontario,  mentioned,  i.  19,  20 ; 
French  armed  vessels  on,  21. 

Lake  Wiggaman,  N.  C.,  i.  488. 

Lamar,  Capt.  Marion,  of  Pa.,  i.  305. 

Lamb,  Col.  John,  organization  of  his 
artillery,  i.  244;  his  company  taken 
prisoners, '336. 

LamB's  Dam,  Mass.,  fortified,  i.  327. 

Lancaster,  Pa.,  mentioned,  i.  117;  road, 
1 19 ;  to  be  attacked  by  the  British,  ii. 
888,  400,  401,  402 ;  election  in,  iii.  247. 

Lane,  Col.,  to  cast  shot,  ii.  213. 

Lane,  Capt.  Cornelius,  orders  to  annoy 
the  enemy,  ii.  413. 

Langburn,  Mr.,  aide  to  Lafayette  at  the 
battle  of  Monmouth,  iii.  115,  117. 

Langfrang,  Chevalier,  his  testimony  be- 
fore the  Lee  court  martial,  iii.  97  ;  at 
the  battle  of  Monmouth,  104,  203. 

Langlois,  Mr.,  mentioned,  i.  99. 

Langworthy  Edward,  his  memoir  of  Gen. 
Lee,  iv.  118-167,  noticed,  203.  333,  348, 

Lasher,  Col.  John,  mentioned,  ii.  276. 

Lassels,  Lady,  mentioned,  i.  69. 

Laudon,  Gen.,  mentioned,  iii.  177. 

Laurens,  Henry,  mentioned,  ii.  83 ;  cor- 
respondence with  his  son  destroyed  by 
Gov.  Wright,  217  ;  views  his  rice  crop 
in  Ga.,  217;  his  devotion  to  liberty, 
217;  gives  a  history  of  the  slave  trade 
to  America,  218  ;  his  abhorrence  of  slav- 
ery, and  desire  to  manumit  his  negroes, 
219  ;  describes  the  attack  on  Charleston 
'by  Sir  Peter  Parker,  219;  his  own 
services,  220 ;  feelings  for  Great  Britain 
when  the  declaration  of  independence 
was  announced,  222,  227 ;  advises  his 
son  to  act  for  himself,  227 ;  Lee  desires 
his  influence  for  an  exchange,  889  ;  and 
promotion,  392 ;  terms  Lee  a  Judas, 
472 ;  his  admiration  for  Washington, 
473  ;  to  negotiate  a  loan  in  Holland,  iii. 
384. 

Laurens,  James,  mentioned,  ii.  228. 

Laurens,  Col.  John,  letter  from  his 
father  relating  6ccurrences  in  S.  C.,  ii. 
216 ;  writes  to  his  father  an  account 
of  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  480,  449  ; 
his  services  on  the  field,  471  ;  at  battle 
of  Monmouth,  iii.  40,  88,  97,  108,  130, 
199 ;  his  testimony  before  the  Lee  court 
martial,  51 ;  his  bravery  at  Rhode 
Island,  235  ;  at  Phila.,  362  ;  mentioned, 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


469 


271  ; .  requests  Hamilton  to  reply  to 
Lae's  vindication,  273 ;  his  duel  with 
Gen.  Lee,  288,  290,  iv.  152,  320. 

La  visa,  the  Polish  minister  at  the  Hague, 
i.  62. 

Lawrance,  John,  Judge  Advocate  in  Lee 
court  martial,  iii.  1  ;  charged  with  in- 
justice, 239,  242;  -described  by  Lee, 
388. 

Lawrence,  Geri.  Charles,  anecdote  of  at 
Louisbourg,  iv.  211. 

Lawrence,  John,  treasurer  at  Hartford, 
ii.  28. 

Lawrence,  Capt.  William,  of  Conn.,  i. 
274. 

Lawsou,  Col.  Anthony,  at  Portsmouth, 
Va.,  i.  462. 

Learned,  Gen.  Ebenezer,  his  brigade  in 
de  Kalb's  division,  ii.  408,  410. 

Le  Brun,  M. ,  Lee's  engineer,  i.  364. 

Lechmere's  Point,  Mass.,  skirmish  at,  i. 
217  ;  strongly  fortified,  327. 

Ledlie,  Capt.  Hugh,  of  the  Hartford 
Vols.,  i.  274,  279. 

Ledyard,  Maj.  William,  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  iii.  45. 

Lee,  Arthur,  counsel  for  Mass.,  i.  120  ;  in 
London,  ii.  48;  his  controversy  with 
Silas  Deane,  iii.  360 ;  author  of  Jnnius 
Americanus,  360;  at  Paris,  406;  to 
sail  for  America,  411  ;  mentioned,  442. 

Lee,  Gen.  Charles,  vol.  i.  1754-1776;  to 
embark  with  the  44th  regt.  for  Va.,  1  ; 
at  Schenectady,  N.  Y.,  2 ;  adopted  by 
the  Mohawk  Indians,  4;  his  Indian 
wife,  5;  purchases  a  captaincy  in  the 
44th,  6  ;  wounded  at  Ticonderoga,  7,  8, 
18 ;  at  Albany,  8 ;  narrative  of  Aber- 
crombie's  expedition  against  Ticon- 
deroga, 9  ;  with  the  expedition  against 
Cape  Breton,  15 ;  attempt  to  assassin- 
ate, 18,  28;  in  camp  at  Newtown,  L. 
I,  18 ;  in  the  attack  on  Port  Niagara, 
19  ;  commands  a  scouting  party,  one  of 
the  first  Englishmen  to  cross  Lake 
Erie,  26;  recruiting  in  Phil.,  26;  at 
New  York,  30 ;  in  London,  30  ;  recov- 
ers from  a  severe  illness,  31 ;  petitions 
the  King  for  promotion  in  the  army, 
32,  33,  51,  52,  56  ;  interested  in  land  to 
be  granted  in  New  York,  35,  45,  48,  55 ; 
to  take  service  in  Poland,  36  ;  at  War- 
saw, 37 ;  appointed  aide-de-camp  to  the 
King  of  Poland,  38,  45  ;  to  set  out  for 
Breslau,  41  ;  accompanies  the  Polish 
ambassador  to  Constantinople,  42  ;  fa- 
vors the  cause  of  liberty  in  America, 
43,  122,  125,  171 ;  death  of  his  mother, 
44 ;  grant  of  land  to,  in  East  Florida, 
46  ;  returns  to  England,  48  ;  his  view 
of  American  affairs,  59 ;  ill  at  Barton, 
66 ;  intends  to  join  the  Russian  army, 
68 ;  invests  in  a  West  India  estate,  68  ; 
sets  out  for  Paris,  70  ;  at  Vienna,  71  ; 
to  have  a  command  of  Cossars  and 
Wallacks,  71  ;  at  Warsaw,  71 ;  offers 
marriage  to  Louisa  C ,  75  ;  waiting 


to  join  the  Russians,  77,  81  84;  his 
grant  of  land  on  the  island  of  St. 
John's,  N.  S.,  83,  92,  96,  113;  to  be 
made  a  Polish  major-general,  84;  ac- 
count of  his  campaign,  85,  89  ;  goes  to 
Vienna  to  recruit  his  health,  80,  88,  90, 
93 ;  at  Florence,  95 ;  at  Leghorn,  97, 
99  ;  to  sail  for  Gibraltar  and  Minorca, 
99;  returns  to  England,  100;  writes 
for  the  Public.  Advertiser,  101,  lOfi; 
his  review  of  Hume's  history,  102,  1*1, 
115;  his  visit  to  France  and  Switzer- 
land, 106,  109,  112;  condition  of  his 
health,  107,  110;  in  London,  116; 
arrival  at  Phil.,  116,  126  ;  in  Virginia, 
121;  thinks  a  war  probable,  122;  his 
land  in  West  Florida,  123  ;  a  farm  for 
sale  in  Va.  offered  to,  124;  a  grant  of 
land  to,  on  the  Ohio,  125  ;  requested  by 
Gen.  Gates  to  abate  his  zeal,  I2f> ; 
writes  to  Gen.  Gage  on  the  affairs  of 
America,  134,  136,  200;  his  tour 
through  the  Colonies,  135,  145 ;  opinion 
of  New  England  men,  136,  146,  147, 
219 ;  Indian  speech,  137 ;  strength  of 
the  Colonies,  141,  167;  reviews  the 
militia  at  Providence,  141  ;  suggests 
an  English  subscription  for  Boston, 

142  ;  urges  action,  143  ;  stops  at  Rich- 
ard Penn's   house,  143 ;  at  Annapolis, 

143  ;  predicts  the  ruin  of  Great  Brit- 
ain, 145  ;  opinion  of  provincial  troops, 
147 ;  refutes  a  statement  that  he  is  to 
lead  the  Americans,  148  ;  addresses  the 
public,  149  ;  attacked  by  Rivington,149; 
educated  in  Switzerland,  149  ;  his  stric- 
tures on   Cooper's    Friendly   Address, 
151 ;  to  visit  Charleston,  168 ;  explains 
his  principles  to  Earl  Percy,  169  ;    ad- 
dresses   the    Congress    of    Va. ,     172; 
organizes   troops  in    Phil.,    179;    pur- 
chases a  farm  in  Berkley  Co.,  Va.,  179., 
203,  205,  ^18,  220,  234,  267,  275,  467; 
his  letters  to  Gen.  Burgoyne,  180,  19fi, 
221,  222,  231 ;    to  act  with  the  Amer- 
icans,    185 ;     his     acquaintance     with 
affairs  in  the  Colonies,  183  ;  resigns  his 
half  pay,  185  ;  appointed  major-general 
in    the     American    army,     186,     201 ; 
arrives   at   Cambridge,    188;    proposed 
interview  with    Gen.    Burgoyne,    192, 

,  193,  194 ;  his  activity  before  Boston, 
196  ;  not  well  treated  by  Congress,  197  ; 
takes  possession  of  Ploughed  Hill,  205 ; 
not  the  hero  of  Bunker's  Hill,  206; 
suggests  a  body  of  spearmen,  206;  his 
dislike  to  titles,  207 ;  a  lover  of  dogs, 
207;  described  by  John  Adams,  207, 
209;  his  profanity,  211;  his  pay  in- 
sufficient, 212;  advises  the  seizure  of 
Gov.  Tryon,  215,  228,  234 ;  has  a  pocr 
opinion  of  the  continental  army,  216  ; 
attacked  in  an  intercepted  letter,  218  ; 
will  not  return  to  England,  219 ;  his 
opinion  of  the  Assembly  of  Pa.,  227; 
proposes  public  measures,  229  ;  recom- 
mends Shakespeare  to  Miss  Robinson 


470 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


'  230;  makes  a  tour  through  Rhode 
Island,  233 ;  compels  the  tories  of 
Newport  to  take  an  oath  of  allegiance, 
,'233,  248 ;  urges  the  necessity  of  defend- 
ing New  York,  233,  234;  his  fortune 
confiscated  in  England,  234,  266,  303, 

•  467 ;  ordered  to  New  York,  236 ;  arrives 
at  New  Haven,  240 ;  requested  by  N. 
Y.  Committee  to  delay  his  march,  242  ; 
his  aid  requested  by  Rhode  Island, 
244  ;  marches  toward  N.  Y.  with  Conn, 
troops,  247 ;  his  treatment  of  tories, 

''247;  to  succeed  Gen.  Montgomery  in 
Csnada,  251,  265,  280,  297,  304,  310, 
312,  313,  316,  320,  330,  333,  335,  342, 

1  358;  for  independence,  255,  266;  his 
reply  to  the  Committee  of  Safety  of  N. 
Y.,  256;  ill  at  Stamford,  262,  267,  268, 
271 ;  arrives  at  New  York  City.  271  ; 
fortifies  the  city,  272,  279,  296.  309,  326, 
:136,  354  ;  his  eves  affected,  303  ;  Gen. 
Schuyler  to  take  command  at  N.  Y., 
307,  338;  Lee's  popularity,  312,  314, 
342,  358 ;  provides  stores  for  Canada, 
330 ;  to  command  the  Southern  depart- 
ment, 342 ;  the  only  general  officer  that 
can  speak  French,  343  ;  orders  a  test 

•  oath    to  suspected  persons,   346,  348, 
•' 359,  860;  he  arrives  at  Phil.,  353;  his 

body    guard,    358,   363 ;    examines   the 
'  fortifications   at   Baltimore,  360 ;    un- 

•  popularity    of  his   Long  Island   oath, 
'•'360,  362;    his  reception   at   Williams- 
'   burg,  Va. ,  364  ;    expects  the  enemy  to 

attack  Va.,  369,  372,  378,  379,  393,  416, 
449 ;  congratulates  Washington  on  the 
capture  of  Boston,  376 ;  orders  the 
seizure  of  Gov.  Eden  of  Md.,  381;  to 

:  set  out  for  North  Carolina,  383,  470, 
477;  poor  opinion  of  the  use  of  bay- 

'  onets,  418;  annoyed  by  the  uncertainty 

•  of   the  enemy's  movements,  425,   432, 
445,  480  ;  his  address  to  the  young  gen- 
tlemen of  Va.,  434,  435;  gently  rebuked 
by  the  Va.  Committee,  452  ;  their  apol- 
dgy,  463  ;  his  presence  desired  in  North 
Carolina,  461  ;  his  estate  in  Va.,  467  ; 
in  harmony  with  the  Va.  Committee, 
469,    470 ;    explains   his   order  for   the 
arrest  of  Gov.  Eden,  472,  477  ;  the  sec- 
ond general  in  command,  475. 

Vol.  ii.  1776-1778;  pleads  with  Patrick 
Henry  for  a  declaration  of  independence, 
1 ;  to  leave  Virginia  to  oppose  Gen.  Clin- 
ton in  North  Carolina,  7. 15,  17,  18,  22  ; 
calls  a  council  of  war,  8 ;  complimen- 
tary letter  received  from  Washington, 
12;  suggests  measures  of  safety  to  Va. 

'  Convention,  15  ;  proposes  the  seizure  of 
Niagara  and  Detroit,  17,  32,  134 ;  per- 
plexed by  the  enemy's  movements,  18, 
31;  his  popularity  in  Va.,  19;  regrets 
at  times  that  he  embarked  in  the  cause 
of  America,  20  ;  his  orders  in  Va.  give 
dissatisfaction  to  Congress,  25 ;  loses  a 
bet  on  the  fall  of  Quebec,  27 ;  arrives 
at  Halifax,  N.  CM  30;  to  depart  for 


Newberne,  35  ;  his  poor  opinion  of  the 
Irish,  35,  38  ;  at  Tarborough,  36 ;  ad- 
dress of  the  inhabitants  of  Newberne, 
41  ;  the  British  having  adandoned  N. 
C.,  he  sets  out  for  Charleston,  51 ; 
where  he  takes  command  and  orders 
the  defence  against  the  enemy,  55-92 
103,  104,  105,  107,  137,  194,  221;  Mr. 
Hite  refuses  to  settle  for  the  farm  at 
Berkley,  84  ;  his  account  of  the  action 
on  Sullivan's  Island,  93,  95,  96,  100, 
107,  117,  154,  194,  208;  his  belief  in  a 
Deity,  97  ;  scheme  for  raising  cavalry, 
99,  1C2,  109  ;  suggests  the  employment 
of  negroes  on  the  works,  104,  105,  126; 
his  conference  with  the  delegates  from 
Georgia,  106,  109,  114 ;  suggests  the  re- 
duction of  East  Florida,  110  ;  the  con- 
dition of  his  fortune  and  suggestion 
that  Congress  pay  for  his  estate  in  Va. , 
118  ;  sends  a  flag  of  truce  to  Gen.  Clin- 
ton, 121,  155;  his  secretary  Nourse  and 
dog  Spada,  128  ;  most  of  the  Virginians 
attribute  the  bravery  of  the  troops  on 
Sullivan's  Island  to  the  presence  of  Gen. 
Lee,  136;  the  evil  genius  of  Clinton, 
136 ;  his  action  in  regard  to  Gov.  Eden 
justified,  141 ;  will  not  give  up  his  rank 
in  the  army,  and  recites  his  services  to 
America,  146 ;  his  eulogium  on  Wash- 
ington, 147;  thanked  by  Congress  for 
his  services  at  Charleston,  154,  239; 
complimented  by  Dr.  Rush,  161;  pro- 
poses measures  for  the  defence  of  S.  C. , 
174;  writes  to  Patrick  Henry  of  the 
great  future  of  the  country,  177; 
shocked  at  the  general  use  of  titles, 
178;  to  go  next  to  Va.,  179;  reports 
the  condition  of  the  Southern  depart- 
ment to  the  Board  of  War,  187,  203, 
241  ;  his  difference  with  John  Rutledge 
as  to  authority,  199,  201,  203;  ordered 
to  Phil.,  205;  congratulated  by  Wash- 
ington on  his  victory  at  Charleston, 
208  ;  inspects  Port  Royal,  211,  231  ;  in 
Georgia,  22-7  ;  at  Savarihah,  231 :  con- 
fers with  the  Council  of  Safety  of  Ga. , 
233 ;  reprimands  Capt.  Huger,  239 ; 
respects  the  civil  authority,  241  ;  plan 
for  armed  gallies,  243;  his  orders  on 
the  expedition  to  Ga.,  251 ;  letter  of 
Lee  to  the  Governor  of  Cape  Francois 
on  the  importance  of  an  alliance  of  the 
French  with  the  Colonies,  255;  he 
seeks  a  peaceful  asylum  in  America, 
256  ;  farewell  orders'to  the  S.  C.  troops, 
258 ;  at  Princeton,  259 ;  proposes  a 
Committee  of  Conference  with  Lord 
Howe,  259 ;  points  out  the  danger  of 
the  British  moving  on  PhiL,  260,  262; 
at  Perth  Amboy,  260;  writes  from 
Fort  Constitution,  261  ;  at  Philipsburg 
in  command  of  a  division,  262  ;  Wash- 
ington's instructions  to,  267;  commands 
east  of  the  Hudson,  267 ;  at  North  Cas- 
tle, 270  ;  warns  Gov.  Cooke  of  a  proba- 
able  attack  on  R.  I.,  278;  his  address 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


471 


to  the  militia  of  Mass.,  282;  does  not 
approve  of  holding  Fort  Washington, 
'383  ;  his  camp  near  White  Plains,  285, 
297 ;  complains  of  the  loss  of  Fort 
Washington,  258,  292,  303,  348 ;  would 
like  to  be  Dictator  for  one  week,  289  ; 
ordered  to  cross  the  Hudson  into  New 
Jersey,  290 ;  treats  it  as  a  recommenda- 
tion only,  and  thinks  he  ought  to  have 
a  separate  command,  291 ;  corresponds 
with  the  governors  of  the  N.  B.  States, 
292,  300,  303,  312,  318,  319 ;  Reed  cred- 
its him  with  saving  the  army,  and 
reflects  on  Washington,  293,  305,  477 ; 
ordered  to  join  Washington  with  his 
Continentals,  296  ;  Gen.  Heath  refuses 
to  obey  his  orders,  299,  301,  305  ;  evades 
Washington's  orders  to  cross  over  to 
N.  J.,  301,  304,  307,  315,  322;  his  in- 
structions to  forage  Phillipse's  Manor, 
302,  315;  friendly  letter  from  Gov. 
Unzaga,  306 ;  wretched  condition  of 
his  division,  307  ;  his  pure  patriotism, 
308;  he  is  again  ordered  to  N.  J.,  309, 
311,  318.  319,  326,  329;  thinks  Boston 
unsafe,  312;  informs  Heath  that  he  is 
his  superior  officer,  314;  suggests  to 
Gen.  Howe  that  hospitals  be  held  sa- 
cred, 316 ;  his  inarching  orders,  321  ; 
arrives  at  Peekskill  and  interviews 
Heath,  322  ;  prefers  drafted  men  to  vol- 
unteers, 323  ;  gives  Heath  a  certificate 
that  he  is  commanding  officer,  and  takes 
two  of  his  regiments,  326 ;  a  move- 
ment by  the  British  to  prevent  his  junc- 
tion with  Washington,  327;  Washington 
countermands  the  removal  of  Heath's 
men,  329;  reaches  Haverstraw  with 
his  division  and  fears  that  he  cannot 
find  Washington,  but  would  like  to 
command  the  Northern  army,  329 ; 
loses  three  of  his  camp  horses,  331 ;  at 
Ringwood  and  Pompton,  331  ;  part  of 
the  army  of  Gen.  Gates  forwarded  to, 
336 ;  his  force  at  Morristown,  337,  838, 
345  ;  prefers  to  hang  on  the  rear  of  the 
enemy,  337,  338  ;  forms  a  military  post 
at  Chatham,  337,  338 ;  to  reconquer 
the  Jersies,  340 ;  Washington  entreats 
him  to  join  his  army  at  once,  341,  343  ; 
at  Baskenridge,  346 ;  thinks  Washing- 
ton damnably  deficient,  348  ;  that  Phil, 
ought  to  be  destroyed,  348 ;  ordered  to 
march  for  Phil.,  349  ;  laments  his  cap- 
ture, 356  ;  furnished  with  money,  356  ; 
Washington  inquires  for  his  health  and 
situation,  357  ;  wants  his  servant  and 
dogs,  357,  &58,  367 ;  requests  Congress 
to  send  a  committee  to  N.  Y.  to  confer 
with  him,  358,  360 ;  they  decline,  366, 
367,  368,  371 ;  his  treasonable  plan  for 
putting  an  end  to  the  war,  submitted  to 
the  Howes,  361 ;  visited  by  his  aide, 
Jacob  Morris,  369 ;  he  is  treated  with 
great  kindness  by  Gen.  Howe,  371 ;  on 
board  the  Centurion  frigate,  371  ; 
intercedes  with  Washington  for  Lord 


Drummond,  371  ;  who  considers  him 
guilty  of  breach  of  parole,  374  ;  informs 
his  sister  of  his  good  health,  375  ;  his 
N.  Y.  parole,  375;  lodges  with  Col. 
Butler,  is  comfortable,  but  desires  an 
exchange,  376 ;  his  farm  in  Va.,  377 ; 
Washington  arranges  his  exchange  for 
Gen.  Prescott,  378,  380,  381,  390; 
sent  to  Phil.,  380,  381  ;  where  he  is 
liberated  on  parole,  381,  382;  transmits 
from  York,  Pa.,  to  Gen.  Washington  a 
plan  for  an  American  army,  382,  391  ; 
suggests  operations  for  the  army  in 
1778,  388,  394;  negotiations  for  an  ex- 
change, 389 ;  of  more  consequence  to 
the  Americans  than  Burgoyne  to  the 
British,  390 ;  receives  a  letter  at  his 
home  in  Va.,  Prato  Verde,  informing 
him  of  his  final  exchange,  390  ;  applies 
to  Congress  for  promotion,  392 ;  at 
Valley  Forge,  393,  397 ;  suggests  that 
Burgoyne  and  his  troops  be  detained, 
395 ;  his  friendship  for  Gen.  Howe, 
whose  characteristics  he  describes,  397; 
finds  fault  with  the  arrangement  of 
officers  and  gives  his  views  of  the 
movements  of  the  British,  399  ;  Wash- 
ington gives  him  command  of  a  division 
with  orders  to  march  to  the  North 
River,  406;  at  Kingston,  N.  J.,  417; 
he  demands  the  command  of  Lafayette's 
detachment,  417,  468  ;  Washington  sug- 

fests  a  satisfactory  expedient,  422,  425  ; 
is  position  near  Monmouth,  425,  454  ; 
halts  at  Englishtown,  426 ;  his  detach- 
ment has  orders  to  attack  the  British 
rear,  427,  443,  454,  459,  469 ;  it  was 
against  his  inclination  and  opinion, 
430,  433,  468 ;  Washington's  reprimand 
to,  430,  435 ;  his  contradictory  orders 
and  retreat,  432,  443  ;  arrested  and  to 
be  tried  fcr  misconduct,  435,  446; 
charges  Washington  with  injustice  and 
demands  a  trial,  435  ;  which  is  granted, 
437 ;  refuses  aid  to  Wayne  and  Scott, 
440  ;  objects  to  the  report  of  the  battle 
in  the  A".  J.  Gazette,  452,  475,  478; 
claims  the  honor  and  abuses  Washing- 
ton, 457  ;  Hamilton  thinks  him  a  driv- 
eller, or  something  worse,  467  ;  Henry 
Laurens  terms  him  a  Judas,  472  ;  Bou- 
dinot  thinks  he  is  false  to  the  cause, 
474 ;  his  uncivil  letter  to  Reed,  475 ; 
and  apology,  478 ;  at  North  Castle,  N. 
Y.,  478;  if  Washington  is  a  Divinity, 
he  will  prove  a  Heretic,  479  ;  he  wants 
nothing  but  justice,  480. 
Vol.  iii.  1778-1782  ;  proceedings  of  a  gen- 
eral court  martial,  held  July  4  to  Au- 
gust 12,  1778,  for  the  trial  of  Major 
General  Lee,  1-208  ;  he  pleads  not  guil- 
ty, 2  ;  cross  examines  Gen.  Scott,  3,  29  ; 
Gen.  Wayne,  5,  23,  24;  Lt.-Col.  Meade, 
8,  65  ;  Lt.-Col.  Hamilton,  9,  10,  61,  62; 
Lafayette,  13-16;  Gen.  Forman,  26, 
27 ;  Major  Lenox,  31  ;  Col.  Gray  son, 
39;  Col.  Stewart,  42;  Col.  Richard 


472 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


Butler,  46;  Major  Fishbourne,  49; 
Lt.  Col.  Samuel  Rmith,  49;  Lt.-Col. 
Laurens,  55,  56 ;  Col.  Ogden,  67 ;  Dr. 
McHenrv,  79;  Col.  Tilghman,  82;  Lt.- 
Col.  William  Smith,  86  ;  Gen.  Maxwell, 
93,  94  ;  Baron  Steuben,  95  ;  M.  Lang- 
frang,  98  ;  his  correspondence  with 
Washington,  98-101,  239,  242;  begins 
his  defence,  101  ;  his  questions  to  Capt. 
Mercer,  114,  119,  120;  Col.  Jackson, 
124,  125;  Lt-Col.  Olny,  128;  Mr.  Gil- 
man,  1'29,  130;  Lt.-Col.  Oswald,  186- 
139;  Gen.  Du  Portail,  139;  Capt. 
Cumpton,  143;  Lt.-Col.  Brooks,  148- 
154;  Gen.  Knox,  158;  Capt.  Stewart, 
160,  161;  Capt.  Edwards,  167,  169; 
requests  time  to  prepare  his  defense, 
169,  172  ;  Capt.  Steth.  171 ;  his  defence 
before  the  court,  174-207  ;  found  guilty 
and  suspended  from  command  for 
twelve  months,  208 ;  his  reprimand  to 
Col.  Jac-kson  at  Monmouth,  214,  223, 
226  ;  at  Saw  Pitts,  228  ;  his  account  of 
Monmonth  the  only  correct  one,  22ft ; 
Washington  knew  as  little  of  the  battle 
of  Monmouth  as  that  of  Philippi,  229  ; 
his  unpopularity  in  Phil.,  229  ;  at  White 
Plains,  communicates  Major  Clark's 
testimony  to  Congress,  233 ;  at  Har- 
rison's, N.  Y.,  236;  requests  permis- 
sion to  leave  the  army  and  go  to  Phil., 
236  ;  informs  Dr.  Rush  from  Princeton 
that  Washington's  letter  is  a  damn'd 
lie,  23(5 ;  ruined  for  giving  a  victory  to 
a  man  whose  head  was  never  intended 
for  a  sprig  of  laurels,  238 ;  Congress  to 
give  a  party  decision  against  him,  238; 
he  will  resign,  return  to  Va  ,  and  learn 
to  hoe  tobacco,  238 ;  complains  that  the 
trial  w;is  not  printed  correctly,  239, 
242;  at  Phil.,  239;  requests  that  Con- 
gress may  discuss  his  case  publicly, 
24:-:,  244  ;  his  behavior  to  Gen.  Wayne, 
240 ;  makes  his  court  to  Congress  and 
abuses  Washington,  249 ;  challenged 
by  Baron  Steuben,  253 ;  he  declines  to 
fight,  254 ;  prints  a  vindication  to  the 
public  of  his  behavior  at  Monmouth, 
255,  290,  321  ;  remarks  on  the  treat- 
ment of  Gen.  Conway,  265,  278;  his 
trial  a  matter  of  public  conversation, 
270;  Congress  confirms  the  verdict, 
270,  271,  275,  276,  278,  290;  his  com- 
plaisance to  the  officers,  272 ;  he  ar- 
ranges money  matters  in  England,  272, 
286,  310,  313,  315.  332,  369 ;  in  league 
with  a  faction  in  Congress,  273  ;  Alex- 
ander Hamilton  asked  to  reply  to  his 
vindication,  273 ;  Washington  com- 
plains of  its  injustice,  '.273;  plays  .the 
part  of  a  man  persecuted  by  party,  274; 
warns  Gen.  Gates,  278,  317  ;  his  letter 
to  Miss  Franks,  who  stated  that  he 
"  wore  green  breeches  patched  with 
leather,"  278;  the  verdict  published  in 
general  orders,  281  ;  his  duel  with  John 
Laurens,  283  ;  wounded,  290,  292  ;  pro- 


posals for  the  formation  of  a  body  of 
light  troops,  286;  challenged  by  Gen. 
Wayne,  291,  293;  accepts,  292;  loses 
his  spaniel  dog,  294 ;  complains  to  Gov. 
Livingston  of  a  malicious  article  printed 
in  the  N.  J.  Gazette,  295-301 ;  his  letter 
of  apology  to  Miss  Franks,  302 ;  K  H. 
Lee  spreads  a  favorable  report  of  him 
in  Va..  304  ;  his  controversy  with  Will- 
iam Henry  Drayton,  305-309,  317,  330; 
his  visit  to  the  lines  at  Elizabethtown, 
310;  lived  with  Col.  Butler  in  N.  Y., 
311,  312;  Congress  disapproves  of  his 
negotiating  bills  at  N.  Y.,  318;  state 
of  his  fortune  when  he  entered  the 
American  service,  815;  Congress  ad- 
vanced money  to  purchase  his  farm  in 
Va.,  316  ;  Washington  called  the  Great 
Gargantua,  319,  320;  intercedes  with 
Gates  for  Arnold  and  Wilkinson,  319  ; 
Congressmen  very  civil  to  Lee,  320, 
331 ;  Washington  the  God  of  the  Mid- 
dle States,  3.2  ;  his  plan  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  military  Colony,  322,  323  ; 
abuses  the  Middle  States.  322,  372,  400, 
467 ;  his  queries,  political  and  military, 
322,  334-348,  352,  358  ;  to  remove  to 
Va.,  331,  340;  complains  to  Congress 
of  a  publication  stating  that  Fort  Sul- 
livan was  defended  against  his  judg- 
ment, 333;  at  Shephard's  Town,  Va., 
340  ;  Joseph  Reed  defends  Washington, 
848 ;  Nourse  offers  to  invest  Lee's 
money  in  trade.  351  ;  Goddard,  of  Bal- 
timore, attacked  for  printing  his 
queries,  352,  403;  Mrs.  Cuthbert  pro- 
poses to  join  his  family,  355 ;  her  mis- 
fortune, 358  ;  compliments  Wayne  on 
his  success  at  Stony  Point,  356  ;  goes 
to  Fredericksburg,  358,  402,  468; 
.accused  of  corresponding  with  the 
British  at  Monmouth,  362,  441  ;  refusal 
of  printsrs  to  issue  his  reply  to  Reed, 
362,  365,  373,  380,  402;  writes  to  his 
sister  about  his  affairs,  305  ;  his  letter 
to  Gage  unpublished  366  ;  his  farm, 
367  ;  accounts  with  Congress,  369  ;  his 
political  views.  371  ;  mobbed  at  Aquia, 
Va.,  372;  his  religion,  373,  433.  468; 
his  love  for  Miss  Stockton,  375 ;  Wayne 
communicates  his  plan  of  attack  on 
Stony  Point,  375;  Lee's  reply,  379; 
Mrs.  Trist  explains  his  weakness  to 
flattery,  381  ;  friendship  of  Gen.  Rob- 
ert Howe  for,  386  ;  trades  horses,  389  ; 
Eustace  considers  him  the  greatest 
patriot  on  the  continent,  391  ;  but 
joins  the  staff  of  Joseph  Reed,  392; 
and  dissolves  all  connection  with  Lee, 
397  ;  explains  to  his  sister  his  political 
situation,  398 ;  did  not  sacrifice  his 
honor  at  Monmouth,  399;  suggests  a 
cessation  of  hostilities,  401  ;  thinks  it 
the  determined  purpose  of  that  knave 
Washington  to  destroy  him,  401 ;  pro- 
poses to  educate  the  son  of  Gen.  Gates, 
401 ;  friendship  of  Col.  Oswald,  402 ; 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


473 


insults  Congress,  405  ;  and  they  dismiss 
him  from  the  service,  400 ;  his  letter  of 
apology,  407 ;  draws  his  pay  and  ra- 
tion?, 407 ;  his  sister  informs  him  of 
the  effect  of  his  defence  in  England, 
414  ;  Gen.  Mifflin  thinks  the  Congress 
ungrateful,  417;  his  remarks  on  Whig 
and  Tory,  417,  427,  433,  456  ;  his  letter 
of  apology  printed  by  Congress,  418, 
426 ;  complains  to  Congress  of  his 
treatment,  418-426  ;  James  Munro  in- 

;  vites  him  to  his  house,  428  ;  thinks  the 
time  for  peace  with  Great  Britain  has 
arrived,  429,  467  ;  his  dislike  of  the 
French,  432,  460 ;  his  servant  seized  by 
the  Va.  authorities,  436 ;  address  to 
the  people  of  America  on  the  treatment 
of  their  generals,  St.  Clair  and  Lee, 
438  ;  complains  that  there  is  no  liberty 
of  the  press,  442,  467 ;  requests  Con- 
gress to  provide  for  his  subsistence, 
445,  457 ;  suspicion  of  his  treason,  447  ; 
wishes  Congress  to  investigate  the 
statement,  448  ;  draws  upon  his  friends 
in  England,  448 ;  intends  to  remove 
to  Portsmouth,  Va.,  451 ;  remonstrates 
with  Col.  Siincoe  on  the  plundering  of 
individuals  by  the  army,  452 ;  and 
opens  thereby  communication  with  the 
British  generals,  453 ;  confined  to  his 
bed  by  gout,  454  ;  his  friendship  with 
Gen.  Gates  dissolved,  454,  458  ;  defends 
himself  against  the  charge  of  defection, 
455 ;  his  poverty,  459 ;  his  horses 
stolen,  459,  46o  ;  sells  land  to  Dorsey 
and  quarrels  about  the  contract,  461, 
463,  465,  469-480 ;  opinion  of  army 
officers,  463  ;  considers  himself  a  dupe 
of  liberty,  464  :  informs  Rush  that  the 
country  has  neither  money,  credit,  nor 
virtue,  467;  condemns  Warburton's 
book  on  Moses,  468. 

Vol.  iv.  1782-1811.  Gen.  Greene  speaks 
of  him  in  the  highest  terms,  1, 
35 ;  thinks  the  only  time  to  re- 
dress grievances  is  the  time  of  war 
3,  5 ;  his  views  of  politics,  3 ;  at- 
tacks the  Assembly  of  Va.,  5;  adver- 
tises his  baggage  lost  in  1776,  describes 
his  uniform,  etc.,  7  ;  Gen.  Lincoln 
considers  it  an  honor  to  be  called  his 
friend,  8 ;  his  American  enthusiasm 
long  worn  oft,  9 ;  describes  the  char- 
acter of  Washington,  9,  16  ;  his  finan- 
cial affairs,  10,  22  ;  gives  a  list  of  his 
friends,  11,  17;  praises  his  aide-de- 
camps, IT,  18 ;  loves  Gen.  Burgoyrie, 
12  ;  defines  a  whig  and  tory,  12  ;  the 
relations  of  France  and  America,  14  ; 
his  bill  of  exchange  protested  by  Mr. 
Mure,  14  ;  writes  to  his  sister  by  a  sec- 
retary, 15  ;  wishes  to  dispose  of  his 
Va.  estate,  22,  25,  29,  36  ;  moneys  due 
him  in  S.  C.,  23  ;  his  foolish  bargain 
with  Dorsey,  25 ;  value  of  his  farm,  25, 
27;  from  his  youth  enthusiastic  for 
liberty,  26  ;  has  not  a  farthing  to 


spend,  28;  his  will,  29,  33,  37;  com- 
pliments Gen.  Greene  on  his  success  at 
the  South,  34 ;  his  stolen  horses  in  S. 
C.,  35;  his  sister  applies  to  Gen.  Wash- 
ington for  a  copy  of  his  will,  37 ;  the 
executors  offer 'his  plantation  for  sale, 
38 ;  petition  of  Berkley  Co.  to  the 
Assembly  of  Va.,  42;  letter  to  Major 
Hunter, "  a  member  of  the  house  of 
Delegates  from  Berkley  Co.,  44;  con- 
troversy of  Carthy  and  Wormeiy  as  to 
the  authorship  of  the  letters  of  Junius, 
50-61,  62,  66 ;  his  pamphlet  on  Canada, 
61 ;  his  merits  and  services  neglected, 
62 ;  informed  by  Col.  Godwin  of  his 
experiments  at  Gibraltar,  69  ;  remarks 
on  the  treatment  of  the  Indians,  70 ; 
letter  on  the  treatment  of  Col.  Henry 
Hamilton  at  Williamsburg,  Va.,  1779, 
75 ;  dispute  with  Mr.  Roberts  in  the 
management  of  his  farm,  78 ;  on  tax- 
ation in  Va.,  79 ;  enumerates  the  points 
taught  to  the  English  people  in  regard 
to  the  war,  81  ;  his  essay  on  coup 
if  ceil,  81  ;  a  picture  of  the  Countess  of 

,  89  ;  a  conversation  relative  to  the 

army.  91  ;  a  political  essay,  100 ;  a 
breakfast  for  Rivington,  108;  remarks 
on  the  trial  of  Gen.  Mostyn,  112; 
MEMOIR  of,  by  EDWARD  LANGWORTJIV, 
1792,  118-167 ;  MEMOIR  of,  by  SIR 
HENRY  BUNBURY,  1838, 169-195  ;  LIFE 
of,  by  JARED  SPARKS,  1846,  197-334; 
the  TREASON  of  CHARLES  LEE,  by 
GEORGE  H.  MOORE,  1858,  335-427 ;  his 
family,  121,  171,  205.  345;  birth 
and  "education,  121,  .  161,  171,  205, 
346  ;  joins  the  army,  122,  171,  206,  34(1; 
campaigns  in  America  during  the 
French  war,  122,  207  ;  wounded  in  the 
attack  upon  Ticonderoga,  122,  112,  208, 
353;  aids  in  the  conquest  of  Niagara 
and  Montreal,  209,  353;  returns  to 
England,  122,  172,  210  ;  writes  a  pam- 
phlet in  favor  of  retaining  Canada  at 
the  peace,  122,  172,  211 ;  engaged  in  a 
campaign  in  Portugal,  122,  172,  212  ; 
successful  action  at  Villa  Velha,  123, 
172,  213,  356:  projects  a  plan  for  a 
colony  on  the  Ohio  River,  214  ;  writes 
on  the  affairs  of  the  Colonies,  123,  124, 
172,  215;  goes  to  Poland  and  becomes 
aide-de-camp  to  King  Stanislaus,  128, 
216,  358;  visits  Constantinople,  220, 
358  ;  returns  to  England,  172,  175,  220, 
356,  358 ;  his  remarks  on  politics  and 
public  men,  221 ;  disappointed  in  his 
hope  of  promotion,  123,  175,  224,  357, 
358 ;  returns  to  Poland  by  way  of  Paris 
and  Vienna,  173,  225,  357,  358;  ap- 
pointed a  major-general  in  the  Polish 
army,  173,  228,  355,  358;  enters  the 
Russian  service  and  performs  a  cam- 
paign against  the  Turks,  175.  229,  358 ; 
fights  a  duel  in  Italy,  126, 176,  359 ;  trav- 
els through  Hungary  to  Italy,  230,  359  ; 
a  se.-ond  Lord  Peterborough,  176; 


474 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


returns  to  England  by  way  of  Minorca 
and  Gibraltar,  231  ;  his  sentiments  and 
writings  on  political  subjects,  175,  232  ; 
a  resolute  frien  dand  defender  of  lib- 
erty, 233  ;  the  authorship  of  the  letters 
of  Junius  ascribed  to  him,  176,  232, 
359 ;  discussion  as  to  his  being  the 
author,  235,  359  ;  arrives  in  New  York, 
126,  238,  301  ;  travels  in  the  Middle 
and  Eastern  provinces,  126,  239,  860 ; 
letters  to  Gen.  Gage  and  Lord  Percy, 
126,  239  ;  in  Philadelphia  at  the  sitting 
of  the  first  Continental  Congress,  126, 
242,  361  ;  reviews  Dr.  Myles  Cooper's 
pamphlet,  243,  361  ;  his  account 
of  the  political  state  of  the  Colonies, 
245 ;  embraces  with  ardor  the  cause 
of  the  Americans,  246 ;  visits  Mary- 
land and  Virginia.  126,  247,  360, 
361  ;  purchases  an  estate  in  Virgin- 
ia, ]  27,  248,  362  ;  resigns  his  commis- 
sion, 127,  177,  251  ;  appointed  major- 
general  in  the  American  army,  128, 

177,  250,    363;    proceeds   with   Wash- 
ington   to    the    camp    at    Cambridge, 

128,  253;    his   reception  by   the    Mas- 
sachusetts   Congress,   129,   253;  corre- 
spondence with   Gen.    Burgoyne,    254 ; 
writes    a   private  letter   to   Burgoyne, 
414;  assists  in  reorganizing  the  army, 
257  ;  goes  to  Newport,    258  ;    adminis- 
ters an  oath  to  the  tories,  259 ;    takes 
the  command  in  New  York,   129,   178, 
261  ;    alarm   of   the    inhabitants,    129, 

178,  263;  enters  the  city  with  troops 
from    Connecticut,    266 ;    his   plan  t>f 
defence,  266  ;  fortifies  the  city,  129,  207; 
takes  measures   for  seizing  the  tories, 

129,  268;    appointed  to  the  command 
in    Canada,    and  subsequently  to  that 
of  the  Southern  department,  131,  179, 
268,  269  ;  proceeds  to  Virginia,  131,  179, 
270;  his  operations  against  Lord  Dun- 
more,  27 L ;  constructs   armed  boats  for 
the  rivers,  272  ;  recommends  the  use  of 
spears,  273  ;  attempt  to  form  a  body  of 
cavalry,    £73  ;    advises   the   seizure   of 
Governor    Eden,    274 ;    secures   inter- 
cepted  letters   from  the  enemy,   274 ; 
removal    of    disaffected   peisons,    277; 
letters    to    Patrick    Henry,    urging    a 
Declaration  of  Independence.  S78  ;  the 
enemy    land    in    North    Carolina,    he 
marches  to  meet  them,  and  advances  to 
South  Carolina,   281 ;    takes  command 
of  troops  in  South  Carolina,  131,  283; 
preparations  for  defence,  283  ;  affair  at 
Fort  Moultrie,  132,    179,   284;    British 
retire  from  South  Carolina,  285 ;    Lee 
marches  to  Georgia,  132,  179,  285  ;  plans 
an    expedition    against    East   Florida, 
132,285;    recalled  to  Philadelphia  by 
Congress.  133,  286,  369 ;  joins  the  main 
army  at  Harlem  Heights,  N.   Y.,    133, 

179,  287,     371  ;     marches     to    White 
Plains,    181,    291,     373;     Washington 
crosses  the  Hudson,   Lee  left  in  com- 


mand of  the  Eastern  troops  at  White 
Plains,  182,  291 ;  ordered  to  cross  the 
Hudson  and  join  the  army  under  Wash- 
ington, 292 ;  his  dispute  with  General 
Heath,  293,  379;  marches  into  New 
Jersey,  dilatory  in  obeying  orders,  293, 
381 ;  captured  by  the  enemy  at  Bask- 
ingridge,  134,  183,  294,  389;  held  as  a 
deserter  and  closely  confined,  135,  297, 
395  ;  Washington  threatens  retaliation, 
136,  298,  397;  allowed  the  privilege  of 
parole,  136,  298,  300,  398,  401;  his 
treasonable  plan  to  end  the  war  sub- 
mitted to  the  Royal  Commissioners, 
404 ;  exchanged,  299,  401  ;  resumes  his 
command  in  the  army  at  Valley  Forge, 
300,  402  ;  battle  of  Monmouth,  i:-,7,  186, 
300  ;  Lee  opposes  a  general  action  in  a 
council  of  war,  185,  301  ;  takes  com- 
mand of  the  advanced  division,  137, 

186,  303 ;    engages    the    enemy,    304 ; 
retreats,  137,  186,  305 ;  interview  with 
Washington,     137,    186,    306;     corre- 
spondence between  Lee  and  Washing- 
ton,   138,  308;  Lee's   arrest,  138,   187, 
310;  the  charges  against  him,  138,  187, 
310;  trial  by  a  court  martial,  138,  187, 
310  ;  remarks  on  the  testimony  and  on 
the  decision  of  the  court,  31 1  ;  decision 
of  the  court  martial  laid   before   Con- 
gress, 141,  316;  confirmed,  after  much 
delay,     319;     his    defence,    142,    187; 
retires  to  his   estate  in    Virginia,   158, 

187,  322;  his  manner  of  life,  160,  187, 
322 ;     writes    political     and     militarv 
queries,    158,    323;    Washington's    re- 
marks on  them,  324  ;    dismissed  from 
the  service,  325 ;  resides  at  his  estate, 
160,  187,  327;  engages  in  political  dis- 
cussions, 328 ;    freedom   of  the  precs, 
328  ;  visits  Baltimore  and  Philadelphia, 
160,    330;    his    death,    161,    330,   425; 
remarks  on  his  character  and  incidents 
of  his  life,  161,  188,  331 ;  description  of 
his   person,  163,  342;    his  love  affairs, 
163;    and  religion,  163;    his  papers  in 
possession    of    William    G.     Goddard, 
203 ;  his  portrait,  342 ;    has  a   passion 
for  negotiating  with  British  generals, 
414. 

Lee,  Francis  Lightfoot,  member  of  Con- 
gress, i.  204,  362 ;  recommends  Henry 
Lee,  jr.,  391  ;  mentioned,  ii.  118. 

Lee,  Maj.  Henry,  to  serve  under  Gen.  Lee, 
i.  391  ;  not  allowed  double  pay,  ii.  286 ; 
his  corps  of  light  horse,  iii.  287 ;  his 
friendship  for  Gen.  Lee,  iv.  18,  35. 

Lee,  Isabella,  mother  of  Gen.  Lee,  not  in 
sympathy  with  her  son,  i.  1 ;  he  presents 
his  dutiful  respects  to,  30;  her  son  to 
obtain  employment  \mtil  her  death, 
36;  her  death,  44;  mentioned,  iv.  121, 
171,  206,.  345. 

Lee,  Gen.  John,  father  of  Gen.  Leo,  his 
regard  for  the  liberties  of  mankind,, 
i.  149 ;  mentioned,  iv.  121,  171,  206, 
345. 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


475 


Lee,  Richard  Kerry,  in  Phila..  i.  129  ;  Ids 
address  to  the  king,  203  ;  urged  to  take 
measures  in  Congress  relative  to  Va., 
232  ;  explains  the  action  of  Congress  on 
the  test  oath,  362,  367  ;  to  urge  Con- 
gress on  to  independence,  380 ;  Gen. 
Lee  states  the  condition  of  affairs  in 
Va.,  416 ;  compliments  Lee  on  his  ap- 
pointment to  the  South,  441  ;  remarks 
on  the  influence  of  the  proprietory  peo- 
ple inVa.,  442;  affected  by  the  languor  of 
Congress,  ii.  20 ;  his  friendship  and 
advice  to  Gen.  Lee,  25 ;  his  views  on  the 
proprietory  colonies,  26,  43  ;  description 

,  of  the  Md.  convention,  40 ;  to  attend 
the  Va.  convention,  47  ;  oppressed  by 
weight  of  business,  31  ;  helps  to  form 
the  new  government  in  Va. ,  97;  an- 
nounces that  independence  will  be  de- 
clared in  a  few  days,  98  ;  atChantilly, 
99;  mentioned,  118;  informs  Gen. 
Lee  of  the  adoption  of  a  new  govern- 
ment by  Va.,  123;  Gen.  Lee  writes  to 
him  in  regard  to  his  rank  in  the  army, 
146  ;  informed  of  the  position  at  Morris- 
town,  339  ;  a  particular  friend  of  Gen. 
Lee,  390 ;  mentioned,  459 ;  friendly  to 
Gen.  Lee,  iii.  230,  237,  iv.  11;  he  de- 
fends himself  from  a  newspaper  attack, 
290 ;  controversy  with  Silas  Deane, 
303,  331  ;  an  artful  and  designing  man, 
one  of  the  junto  opposed  to  Washing- 
ton, 304;  a  leader  in  Va.,  418  ;  abused 
442  ;  Gen.  Lee  gives  his  views  to,  on  the 
confederation,  iv.  3. 

Lee,  Sidney,  sister  to  Gen.  Lee,  his  fare- 
well letters  to,  i.  1 ;  promised  some 
curiosities  from  America,  6,  9  ;  to  in- 
tercede for  an  officer,  8  ;  to  receive  furs 
from  Fort  Niagara,  20 ;  complains  of 
not  receiving  letters  from  Lee,  25,  26  ; 
her  brother's  presents,  29 ;  desires  Lee's 
presence  in  England,  30 ;  resides  at 
Barton,  31,  32,  45  ;  residing  with  Gen. 
Armiger,  39  ;  upbraids  her  brother,  44  ; 
her  economy,  45  ;  a  pretty  dog  for,  67 ; 
her  brother's  affection,  67 ;  Lord 
Blaney  sends  her  wine,  70  ;  her  brother 
sherry  from  Cadiz,  100;  godmother 
to  son  of  Sir  Charles  Davers,  105  ;  in- 
formed of  her  brother's  health,  ii.  375  ; 
her  property,  iii.  315  ;  at  Chester,  re- 
ceives a  letter  from  her  brother  giv- 
ing particulars  of  his  condition,  365, 
398 ;  her  letter  opened  at  the  post 
office,  374 ;  writes  an  account  of  his 
friends  in  England,  and  the  good  effect 
of  the  court  martial  on  military  men, 
414  ;  mentioned,  449  ;  the  Gen.  informs 
her  of  his  good  health  and  sound  honor, 
465  ;  her  letter  to  the  Gen.  received  un- 
opened, iv.  9;  inherits  her  brother's 
property,  31 ;  receives  a  copy  of  the 
General's  will  from  Washington,  37  ; 
described,  346. 

Lea,  Thomas,  of  England,  mentioned,  iv. 


Lee,  Thomas,  of  Va.,  mentioned,  iii.  3fi5 ; 
loans  money  to  Major  Eustace,  395 ; 
invites  Gen.  Lee  to  Bellevue,  454 ; 
legacy  of  Gen.  Lee  to,  iv.  31. 

Lee,  Thomas  Ludwell,  member  of  the  Va. 
Committee  of  Safety,  i.  377,  379 ;  dele- 
gate to  Va.  Convention,  ii.  20. 

Lee,  William,  in  London,  ii.  48. 

Leghorn,  Italy,  state  of  society  at,  i. 
9  f . 

Lehigh  River,  Pa.,  mentioned,  i.  117. 

Leigh,  Sir  Egerton,  attorney-general  of 
S.  C.,  contined  in  prison,  ii  226. 

Lenox,  Maj.  David,  at  the  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth,  iii.  19,  21,  23,  47,  107,  196;  his 
testimony  before  the  court  martial,  30. 

Leslie,  Gen.  Alexander,  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  ii.  466 ;  in  command  at 
Staten  Island,  iii.  272 ;  letter  to  Lee, 
311,  312  ;  mentioned,  453  ;  in  S.'  C.,  iv. 

Lest/range,  Capt.  of  a  coasting  sloop,  i. 
454. 

Lewis,  Gen.  Andrew,  appointed,  i.  343; 
to  take  charge  of  prisoners,  446 ;  in 
command  at  Williamsburg,  452 ;  ii. 
8,  22,  24,  39,  42  ;  at  council  of  officers, 
wishes  the  curse  of  Scotland  to  attend 
the  disaffected,  43  ;  reports  the  condi- 
tion of  Dunmore  on  Gwyn's  Island,  52; 
to  forward  troops  to  Lee,  55  ;  report  of 
operations  in  Va.,  62 ;  in  the  attack 
on  Gwyn's  Island,  131  ;  reports  con- 
dition of  affairs  in  Va.,  212. 

Lewis,  Capt.,  commands  the  scouts,  ii. 
302. 

Lewis,  Col.  Fielding,  to  march  against 
the  Cherokees,  ii.  215. 

Lewis,  EVancis  mentioned,  i.  286. 

Liberty  Pole,  N.  J.,  mentioned,   ii.   289. 

Light  House  Island,  S.  C.,  troops  at,  ii. 
196. 

Ligonier,  Lord,  mentioned,  i.  33. 

Lilly,  Capt. ,  report  of,  i.  453  ;  prepares  a 
fire  ship.  ii.  44,  64. 

Lincoln,  Gen.  Benjamin,  reirilists  the 
Mass,  militia,  ii.  273 ;  in  command  at 
Providence,  352 ;  president  of  St. 
Clair  court  martial,  iii.  334,  336  ;  hon- 
ored to  be  considered  a  friend  of  Gen. 
Lee,  iv.  8 ;  to  aid  Gen.  Gates's  embar- 
rassment, 24. 

Lind,  Mr.,  mentioned,  i.  62. 

Lindsey,  William,  purveyor  to  hospital, 
i.  437. 

Lippe,  Count  La,  commands  the  Portu- 
guese army,  his  good  opinion  of  Gen. 
Lee,  i.  37;  iv.  122,  172,  212,  355,  356. 

Lispenard's  Hill,  N.  Y.,  fortified,  i.    356. 

Little  Falls,  N.  J.,  mentioned,  ii.  344. 

Little,  Col.  Moses,  recommended  by  Lee, 
ii.  311. 

Little  River,  N.  C.,  Cornwallis  expected 
to  land  there,  i.  438  ;  troops  at,  ii.  54, 
55.  72. 

Livelv  frigate,  with  Lord  Dunmore,  ii. 
144. 


476 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


Liverpool,  Eng..  lives  on  the  slave  trade, 
ii  218. 

Liverpool  frigate,  at  Norfolk,  i.  365,  366, 
374,  394 ;  capture  of  her  cutter,  421 ; 
sails,  471 ;  in  Hampton  road,  ii.  5 ;  at- 
tacked in  the  Delaware,  25,  48. 

Livingston,  Col.  Henry  B.,  his  bravery 
at  Monmouth,  ii.  434,  439,  448,  454,  470; 
at  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  iii.  12,  17. 
20,  22,  25,  52,  61,  62,  70,  81,  108,  113, 
135,  136,  137,  138,  147,  158,  166,  188, 
189,  193. 

Livingston,  Peter  Van  Brugh,  Chairman 
of  the  N.  Y.  Committee  of  Safety,  i. 
258 ;  mentioned,  286. 

Livingston,  Gov.  William,  desires  to  know 
Washington's  plan,  ii  412  ;  author  of 
the  account  of  the  battle  of  Monmouth 
in  N.  J.  Gazette,  476 ;  letter  to  Lee  on  the 
battle  of  Monmouth,  iii.  294  ;  states  the 
law  of  libel  in  N.  J.,  296;  his  admir- 
ation of  Washington,  297. 

Lock,  Matthew,  of  the  N.  C.  Committee, 
i.  397. 

Locke,  John,  his  doctrines,  i.  189. 

Lockwood's  Polly,  N.  C.,  cattle  stolen 
from,  ii.  73. 

Loftin,  Lieut.  James,  a  prisoner,  ii.  231, 
232,  233. 

London,  packet  ship  of  N.  Y.,  iv.  360. 

Long,  Mr.,  of  Norfolk,  Va.,  iii.  451. 

Long  Island,  N.  Y.,  tories  troublesome 
on,  i.  235  ;  to  be  disarmed  arid  secured, 
230,  iv.  129,  2(50,  261 ;  Congress  counter- 
mands the  order  to  attack,  240  ;  Gen. 
Lee  to  suppress  them,  246 ;  they  meet 
at  N.  Y.,  250;  fortifications  to  be 
built  at  Hellgate,  272,  354 ;  a  strong 
camp  to  be  formed  on,  272,  279,  280, 
29(5,  309.  355,  356 ;  the  Narrows  to  be 
fortified,  28S,  290;  a  battery  erected 
opposite  N.  Y.,  355,  iv.  267  ;  camp  of 
instruction  on,  317,  321  ;  tories  on,  set 
free,  334,  348,  357  ;  Col.  Ward's  regi- 
ment constructs  redoubts,  337,  349  ; 
tories  to  be  arrested,  352  ;  Capt.  Sears 
tory  hunting  on,  358;  Lee  rebuked  for 
administering  the  oath  to  tories,  360 ; 
American  troops  posted  on,  ii.  209 ; 
American  prisoners  on,  380. 

Long  Island,  S.  C.,  occupied  by  the 
British,  ii.  55,  56,  58,  60.  76,  137  ; 
evacuated.  140,  149.  150,  189,  198,  205  ; 
described  by  a  British  officer,  194. 

Long  Neck,  Conn.,  enemy  forage  on, ii.  275. 

Lord,  Lieut.  George,  of  Conn. ,  i.  274. 

Loring,  Joshua,  jr.,  commissary  of  pris- 
oners, arranges  for  the  exchange  of  Lee, 
ii.  379,  380,  382,  390. 

Lorman,  Mr.,  introduced  to  Gen.  Gates 
by  W.  Goddard,  iv.  40. 

LoudonCo.,  Va.,  roads  in,  i.  119. 

Loudon,  Lord,  expected  at  Schenectady, 
i.  5 ;  his  measures  at  Fort  William 
Henry,  16  ;  commends  Lee's  action  in 
Portugal,  iv.  213 ;  abused  bv  Lord  Hav, 
351. 


Louisa  Co.,  Va.,  minute  men  of,  ii.  17. 
Louisburg,  effect  of  its   capture   by   the 

English,    i.     8  ;     to     reinforce     Aber- 

crombie,  8  ;  anecdote  of  its  capture,  iv. 

211. 
Lovell,  James,  delegate  from  Mass.,  iii. 

322;    mentioned,    357;    informs    Gen. 

Gates  of  affairs  in  Congress,  405,  409 ; 

a  friend  of  Geu.  Lee,  iv.  11. 
Lubomirski,  Prince  Gaspar,  marries  Miss 

Clavereau,  i.  53. 
Luken,  Mr.,  introduced  by  Robert  Morris, 

i.  203. 
Lunenburg  Co.,  Va.,  minute  men  of,  ii. 

Lunt,  Capt.  Ezra,  money  advanced  to,  ii. 
19  ;  makes  complaint  against  Col.  Jack- 
son, iii.  209,  215. 

Lux,  George,  returns  thanks  to  Lee,  i. 
239. 

Lynch,  Thomas,  of  the  Congress  Com- 
mittee at  N.  Y.,  i.  269,  272 ;  mentioned, 
ii.  118. 

Luzerne,  A.  C.  de  la,  arrives  at  Phil., 
iii.  361,  369;  introduced  to  Congress, 
389 ;  his  letters  to  Congress,  409. 

McAllister,  Mr.,  mentioned,  iii.  405. 

Macauly,  Catharine,  mentioned,  i.  75,  92, 
111,  iv.  92,  99.  106. 

McClanachan,  Lieut. -Col.  Alexander,  at 
council  of  officers,  ii.  8. 

McClurg,  Dr.  James,  to  be  director  of 
hospital,  i.  378,  3SO  ;  report  on  the  pay 
of  army  surgeons,  450 ;  a  very  able  man, 
478. 

McDougall,  Gen.  Alexander,  urged  to 
seize  Gov.  Tryon,  i.  215  ;  active  fn  mili- 
tary affairs,  261,  269;  engages  the 
British,  ii.  262  ;  his  controversy  with 
Col.  Malcom,  iii.  290. 

McHenry,  Dr.  James,  his  testimony  be- 
fore the  Lee  court  martial,  iii.  77,  198 ; 
secretary  to  Washington,  385. 

Mclntosh,  Lieut. -CoL  John,  of  the  Ga. 
line,  ii.  106. 

Mclntosh,  Col.  Lachlan,  of  the  Ga.  line, 
ii.  49;  a  delegate,  117;  at  Savannah, 
125;  to  be  reinforced,  145, .163;  reports 
the  arrival  of  the  enemy,  169  ;  organizes 
an  expedition  to  East  Florida,  187,  200; 
patriotism  of  his  family,  217;  compli- 
ment to  his  battalion,  242;  commis- 
sions of  his  officers,  254. 

Mclntosh,  Lieut.  Lachlan,  son  of  the  Col., 
ii.  217. 

Mclntosh,  Capt.  William,  brother  to  the 
Col.,  ii.  217. 

Mclntosh,  Ensign  William,  son  of  the 
Col.,ii.  217. 

McKenzie,  Robert,  a  Ga.  tory,  ii.  248. 

McLean,  Col.  Allen,  in  Canada,  ii.  265. 

McLean,  Sir  Francis,  mentioned,  i.  114. 

Maclenburg  Co. ,  Va.,  minute  men  of.  ii. 
17. 

McPherson,  Mr.,  mentioned,  iii.  412. 

Me  Williams,  Mr.,  mentioned,  iii.  320. 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


477 


Madison,  James,  purchases  rifles  for  Va., 
ii.  44. 

Magaw,  Col.  Robert,  surrenders  Fort 
Washington,  ii.  279,  284. 

Mainwaring,  Mr.,  mentioned,  i.  39 ;  ad- 
vances money  to  Lee,  iii.  478. 

Mainwaring,  Mrs.,  mentioned,  i.  67,  iii. 
415. 

Maitland,  Lieut. -Col.  John,  defends  Sa- 
vannah, iii.  885. 

Malmedy,  Marquis  Francois  Lellorquis 
de,  recommended  for  service  in  R.  I. 
by  Gen.  Lee,  ii.  832,  388;  arrives  at 
Providence  and  improves  the  fortifica- 
tions, 342  ;  appointed  Colonel,  343  ;  re- 
ports his  experience  with  the  Rhode 
Islanders,  851 ;  made  a  Brigadier,  355  ; 
at  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  iii.  13,  52, 
106,  121,  133,  187. 

Malcom,  Col.  William,  his  controversy 
with  Gen.  McDougall,  iii.  290 ;  remarks 
on  Gen.  Lee,  iv.  371. 

Malpas,  Lord,  mentioned,  L  29 ;  Lady, 
mentioned,  iii.  415. 

Mallier,  Capt.,  at  Phil.,  i.  26. 

Mamaroneck,  N.  Y.,  troops  at,  i.  263; 
Col.  Rogers  stationed  there,  iv.  293. 

Mana,  Mr.,  mentioned,  i.  30. 

Manalapan  River,  N.  J.,  British  encamp 
at,  ii.  424. 

Manasquan,  N.  J.,  troops  at,  iii.  120. 

Manchester,  Eng.,  lives  on  the  slave 
trade,  ii.  218. 

Manly,  Capt.  John,  captures  a  prize,  i. 
252,  442. 

Mansfield,  Lord,  speech  in  House  of 
Lords,  i.  61. 

Marblehead,  Mass.,  suffering  of  the  peo- 
ple at,  i.  318. 

Markham,  Capt.  John,  at  Portsmouth, 
Va.,  i.  463. 

Marks,  Lieut.  John,  mentioned,  iv.  48. 

Marlborough,  Duchess,  appointed  cornet 
in  the  army,  iv.  346. 

Marlborough,  Va.,  mentioned,  i.  118,  iv. 
30. 

Martin,  Col. ,  of  Va. ,  mentioned,  iii.  466. 

Martin,  Gov.  Josiah,  plan  to  capture  him, 

/  i.  398  ;  rumor  of  his  capture,  401 ;  in 
league  with  the  Highlanders,  438,  439 ; 
solicits  the  aid  of  Gen.  Clinton,  ii.  40. 

Marti nico,  W.  L,  character  of  the  Colonial 
troops  gent  against,  i.  162 ;  fortified, 
313 ;  French  officers  arrive  from,  ii. 
138,  216. 

Martens,  Mrs.,  mentioned,  i.  362. 

Maryland,  mountain  ranges  and  soil,  i. 
117;  roads,  118;  endorses  the  cause  of 
Boston,  1 35 ;  organizes  her  militia, 
148,168;  Provincial  Congress  of,  379, 
382;  Gen.  Lee  explains  to  Council  of 
Safety  his  order  for  the  arrest  of  Gov. 
Eden,  472 ;  R.  H.  Lee  describes  the 
Convention  of,  ii.  46 ;  in  favor  of  a 
re-union  with  Great  Britain  on  consti- 
tutional principles,  46;  Gen.  Lee 
thinks  they  are  poor  mortals,  96 ; 


her  instructions  to  delegates  on  in- 
dependence, 98 ;  rescinds  her  instruc- 
tions to  delegates  in  Congress,  128 ; 
votes  for  independency,  184  ;  insurrec- 
tion of  tories  in,  134  ;  Gen.  Lee's  action 
in  regard  to  Gov.  Eden  justified,  141  ; 
quarrel  with  Congress,  141  ;  troops 
raised  by,  143 ;  invaded  by  Dun- 
more,  148  ;  lays  an  embargo,  148  ;  rein- 
listment  of  her  troops,  271 ,  280,  281 ; 
term  of  the  flying  camp  expires,  320 ; 
they  leave  camp  for  home,  326 ;  im- 
portance of  the  State,  863  ;  danger  of 
stealing  her  tobacco  crop,  395  ;  brigades 
in  Stirling's  division,  408,  410  ;  Loyalists 
from,  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  463  ; 
in  favor  of  monarchy,  iii.  372 ;  free- 
dom of  the  press  abolished  in,  400,  403  ; 
her  Scotch-Irish  element  in,  431,  456; 
low  moral  character  in,  467. 

Maryland  Journal  prints  Lee's  queries 
abusing  Gen.  Washington,  iii.  339-348  ; 
attacked  by  a  mob,  352,  442,  iv.  323  ; 
Oswald's  narrative,  402. 

Mason,  Col.  George,  mentioned,  ii.  47 ; 
his  plan  of  taxation  in  Va. ,  iv.  80. 

Mason,  Maj.,  of  S.  C.  Rangers,  ii.  255. 

Mason,  Capt.  Nathaniel,  at  Portsmouth, 
Va.,  i  458. 

Massachusetts,  the  petition  of,  against 
Gov.  Hutchinson,  heard  by  the  King's 
Council,  i.  120 ;  hopes  to  unite  the 
Colonies,  126  ;  the  bill  in  parliament  to 
alter  the  government  of,  130 ;  public 
spirit  in,  135 ;  population  of,  1774, 136  ; 
character  of  the  people,  136,  147  ;  mili- 
tary force,  141,  147  ;  mandamus  Coun- 
cilmen,  159  ;  Proceedings  in  the  Prov- 
ince, a  pamphlet,  170;  address  of  the 
Provincial  Congress  to  Gen.  Lee  on  his 
appointment  as  a  Major-General,  186, 
iv.  129,  253;  Burgoyne's  letter  sub- 
mitted to,  and  their  answer,  193 ;  ad- 
ditional regiments  to  be  raised  in,  240  ; 
to  send  troops  to  Canada,  253  ;  Wash- 
ington calls  for  militia,  254  ;  regiments 
for  service  in  Canada,  340  ;  term  of  her 
militia  expire,  ii.  269 ;  efforts  of  their 
Committee  to  reinlist  them,  273,  279, 
308?  311,  319;  Congress  disapproves  of 
their  bounty,  281  ;  address  of  Gen.  Lee 
requesting  her  militia  to  remain  in  the 
field,  282 ;  complaint  against  the 
militia  officers,  292  ;  to  hasten  her  re- 
cruiting, 303  ;  Lee  objects  to  Col.  Hen- 
shaw,  308  ;  privateering  interferes  with 
enlistments,  318 ;  to  forward  supplies 
and  raise  their  quota  of  Continentals, 
840  ;  lay  an  embargo  on  the  shipping, 
840;  to  carry  out  her  contract  with 
Congress,  iii.  410 ;  John  and  Samuel 
Adams  leaders  in,  418;  Lee  addresses 
the  Council  on  behalf  of  his  servant, 
435;  the  treachery  of  Gov.  Bernard, 
iv.  112  ;  compared  with  Ireland,  113. 

Massenbach,  Baron,  appointed  engineer 
in  Southern  Department,  i.  360,  362, 


478 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


367,  416;  his  rank  and  pay,  380; 
supported  by  Lee,  435 ;  a  treasure,  480 ; 
to  go  to  Halifax,  ii.  24  ;  to  join  Lee  in 

5.  C.,  52 ;  plans  works  for  Sullivan's 
Island,  82,  83,  103,  105,  150  ;  enters  the 
service  of  S.   C.,   192;  fortifies  Sulli- 
van's Island,  211,  230. 

Mather,  Mr.,  claims  the  Hamner  legacy, 
i.  1 ;  kind  treatment  of  Mrs.  Lee,  45. 

Mather,  Richard,  a  bullet  flattened 
against  his  forehead,  i.  8. 

Matlack,  Timothy,  mentioned,  iii.  381. 

Matthew,  Gen.  Edward,  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  ii.  466 ;  has  charge  of  Lee, 
iv.  395. 

Mathews,  David,  accused  of  plotting 
against  Washington,  ii.  124,  139. 

Mathews,   John,  governor  of  S.  C.,  iv.  1. 

Maxwell,  Gen.  William,  to  command  the 
militia,  ii.  342 ;  his  Continental  brigade 
at  Hyde's  Town,  415 ;  his  corps  in  mo- 
tion, 418,  423  ;  ordered  into  N.  J.,  441  ; 
under  Lafayette,  442 ;  to  annoy  the 
enemy,  44(5,  453  ;  at  the  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth, iii.  2,  4,  6,  22,  26,  27,  55,  57,  65, 
66,  73,  96,  103,  104,  105,  109,  HO,  115, 
117,  119,  120,  135,  137,  142,  143,  145, 
146,  148,  149,  150,  151,  152,  154,  159, 
163-168,  182,  188 ;  his  testimony  before 
the  Lee  court  martial,  89;  in  command 
at  Elizabeth  Town  Point,  311,  312,  314. 

May  ham,  Capt.,  serves  in  defending 
Charleston,  S.  C.,  ii.  56,  58,  59. 

Mayo,  Mr.,  U.  S.  Treasury  agent,  iv.  65. 

Meade,  Capt.  Everard,  mentioned,  iv.  47. 

Meade,  Andrew,  i.  408. 

Meade,  Lieut. -Col.  Richard  K.,  his  testi- 
mony before  the  Lee  court  martial,  iii. 

6,  62  •  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  104, 
175,  198,  203. 

Medici,  Lieut.,  of  the  light  horse,  ii.  170. 

Meigs,  Col.  Return  J.,  action  at  Stony 
Point,  iii.  376. 

Melchior,  Isaac,  arrives  from  Canada,  i. 
335. 

Mentour,  Capt.  John,  an  educated  Indian 
and  great  savage,  iv.  72. 

Mercer,  Gen.  Hugh,  at  Dumfries,  i.  369  ; 
to  encamp  at  Alexandria,  371 ;  hisregt. 
marches  to  Williamsburg,  Va.,  406, 
408;  return  to  Alexandria,  419; 
his  orders,  422  ;  cadets  in  his  regt.,  430, 
431 ;  to  guard  N.  C.  prisoners,  447 ; 
march  of  his  reg^t.,  ii.  43,  63;  commis- 
sioned a  Brigadier  and  ordered  to  N. 
Y.,  65  ;  in  command  in  New  Jersey, 
168. 

Mercer,  James,  member  of  the  Va.  Com- 
mittee of  Safety,  i.  377,  o79. 

Mercer,  Major  John,  at  the  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth, iii.  6,  7,  23,  36,  37,  38,  39,  50, 
68,  70,  73,  84/85,  87,  125,  140,  163,  165, 
168,  182,  183,  187,  188,  his  testimony 
before  the  Court  Martial,  9,  101,  116, 
256  ;  legacy  of  Gen.  Lee  to,  iv.  30. 

Mercer,  John  F.,  settles  a  debt  with  Gen. 
Lee,  iii.  449. 


Mercury,  frigate,  sailed  from  N.  Y.,  i* 
283;  stationed  at  N.  Y.,  302;  below 
the  Narrows,  309 ;  at  Cape  Fear,  ii.  28  { 
sails  for  Charleston,  51. 

Mercury,  packet  ship,  arrives  from 
France,  iii.  410. 

Middlesex,  Lord,  resembles  Frederick  the 
Great,  i.  37. 

Middleton,  Mrs.,  mentioned,  iii.  415. 

Middletown,  N.  J.,  movement  of  troops 
at,  ii.  451,  455,  456,  4K5,  466;  iii.  19, 
47,  50,  53,  87,  101,  130,  145,  183,  259; 
headquarters  of  the  American  Armv, 
281,  289. 

Middletown,  Pa.,  mentioned,  i.  119. 

Miftiin,  Gen.  Thomas,  his  activity  in 
Phila.,  i.  168;  goodbahavior  at  Lech- 
mere's  Point,  217;  made  a  Brigadier,  ii. 
45;  in  conference  at  Phila.,  47;  his 
division  to  march  to  Newburgh,  408 ; 
friendly  to  Gen.  Lee,  iiL  230 ;  aspires 
to  the  Presidency  of  Pa.  a  delinquent 
and  unpopular,  247;  his  remarks  on 
Washington,  252 ;  ruined  politically, 
271 ;  persecuted,  317 ;  settled  in  the 
mercantile  line  at  Phila.,  417;  men- 
tioned, 442;  a  friend  of  Lee,  iv.  18; 
favors  his  appointment.  364. 

Military  Colony  in  America,  Gen.  Lee's 
plan  for  the  formation  of  one,  iii. 
323. 

Millegan,  James,  mentioned,  iii.  357. 

Miller,  Mr.,  mentioned,  ii.  36,  37. 

Milligan,  Lieut.  Jacob,  daring  action  of, 
ii.  112. 

Minghini,  Giuseppe,  servant  to  Gen.  Lee, 
ii.  357,  367 ;  receives  a  legacy,  iv.  30, 
31  ;  with  Gen,  Gates,  39 ;  mentioned 
in  1811,  62. 

Minorca,  W.  I. ,  L3e  visits  it,  i.  9'.) ;  re- 
marks on  the  trial  of  Gov.  Mostyn,  iv. 
112. 

Mirrialles.  Don  Juan  de,  sends  portrait 
of  Washington  to  France,  iii.  334,  336, 
342. 

Mischiaivza  entertainment  at  Phila.,  iii. 
2SO. 

Mississippi  River,  mentioned,  i.  20; 
sources  of,  118;  settlements  on,  167; 
military  grants  on,  iii.  315;  land  grants 
on,  iv.  98. 

Mistick  River,  Mass. ,  boats  ordered  to,  i . 
195. 

Mitchell,  Mr.,  of  Portsmouth,  Va.,  his 
property  seized,  i.  444. 

Mohawk  Indians,  surpass  the  French  in 
good  breeding,  i.  4 ;  their  dress  and  ap- 
pearance, 4 ;  adopt  Lee  into  their 
tribe,  4;  and  give  him  a  wife,  5;  to 
attack  Ticonderoga,  6  ;  their  opinion  of 
Abercrombie  and  his  army,  8 ;  aid  the 
British  at  Niagara,  21 ;  a  tract  of  land 
to  be  purchased  from,  34. 

Mohawk  River,  land,  grants  on,  i.  49 ; 
settlements  on,  167. 

Monckton.  Col.  Henry,  killed  at  Mon- 
mouth, ii.  434,  446,  451,  455,  466. 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


479 


Monckton,   Gen.   Robert,  his  expedition 

against  Martinico,  i.  162. 
Monmouth,  N.  J.,  .British  troops  take  the 
road  to,  ii.  415,  419,  442  ;  encamp  near 
the  Court  House,  424,  427,  4^9,  44;*,  454  ; 
where  the  battle  took  place,  and  the 
Americans  encamped  on  the  ground  of 
action,  428 ;  description  of  the  battle 
by  Col.  Lamens,  430,  449;  report  of 
Generals  Wayne  and  Scott,  438  ;  Wash- 
ington's report  to  Congress,  441  ;  killed 
and  wounded,  447,  466 ;  Waynes  letter 
to  his  wife,  448;  Gov.  Livingston's  ac- 
count printed  in  the  New  Jersey 
Gazette,  453,  475,  478;  Lee  abuses 
Washington  and  claims  the  honors, 
457  ;  Washington  describes  the  battle 
in  a  letter  to  J.  A.  Washington,  451) ; 
official  report  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
461 ;  Hamilton's  account  in  a  letter  to 
Boudinot,  467;  proceedings  of  the  Court 
Martial  for  the  trial  of  Gen.  Lee,  for 
misconduct  at,  iii.  1-208,  334;  100 
copies  to  be  printed,  276 ;  proceed- 
ings of  a  Court  of-  Inquiry  relative  to 
the  conduct  of  Col.  Henry  Jackson  at, 
210-228  ;  Major  Clark's  account  of  the 
action,  230 ;  refusal  of  Lee  to  support 
Wayne,  241  ;  Lee's  vindication  of  his 
conduct  at,  255,.  287;  344,  345,418-426, 
439,  441;  Gov.  Livingston's  letter  on, 
294 ;  description  of  the  battle  at,  iv. 
136,  185,  300. 

Monongahela  River,  British  troops  butch- 
ered   at,    i.    3 ;     ferry  over   near  Fort 
Pitt,  iv.  74. 
Monroe,  Lt.-Col.    George,   a  worthy  old 

gentleman,  i.  10. 

Monroe  James,  desires  an   officer's   com- 
mission, iii.  428  ;  friendly  to  Gen.  Lee, 
428  ;  Lee  asserts  that  he  will  be  one  of 
the  first  characters  of  this  country,  429. 
Montague,  Capt.  James,'R.N.,  mentioned, 

ii.  6. 
Montcalm,  Gen  ,  his  agreement  with  Col. 

Young,  i.  17. 
Montford,  Count,  a  correspondent  of  Gen. 

Gates,  iii.  411. 

Montgomery,  Gen.  Richard,  a  correspond- 
ent o£  the  Earl  of  Pembroke,  i.  22;  in 
the  Canada  expedition,  217  ;  deserves  a 
statue  of  gold,  220;  the  Army  in  mourn- 
ing for,  246  ;  his  death  to  be  revenged, 
260  ;  appointment  of  his  successor  in 
Canada,  265,  280,  297,  300,  304,  308, 
310,  312,  313,  314,  320;  his  name  re- 
corded in  the  annals  of -fame,  304  ;  Dr. 
Smith's  oration  on,  325 ;  his  widow 
writes  to  Lady  Ranelagh,  ii.  316 ;  char- 
acter of  his  troops,  iii.  262. 
Montgomery,  Robert,  skirmish  near  his 

house,  ii.  415. 
Montreal,   the   American   prisoners  at,  i. 

298. 

Montressor's  Island,  see  Randal's  Island, 
Moore,  Capt. ,  at  the  battle  of  Monmoath, 
iii.  80.      . 


Moore,  George  H. ,  publishes  the  treason- 
able plan  of  Lee,  ii.  361 ;  his   essay   on 
the  treason  of  Lee,  iv.  335-427. 
Moore     Hall,    Pa.,    occupied     by    Gen. 
Greene,  quartermaster-general,    ii.  393. 
Moore,  Sir  Henry,  governor  of  New  York, 
runs    the   division  line   between    New 
York  and  Canada,  i.  49. 
Moore,  Gen.    James,   appointed,  i.    343 ; 
marches  against  Clinton  at  Cape  Fear, 
399,   402  ;    to   make    a    return   of  his 
troops,  445  ;  request  for  supplies,    449  ; 
informs  Lee  of  the  arrival  of  the  Brit- 
ish, ii.  28 ;  his  reply,   30 ;  in   command 
at  Wilmington,  4U ;  is  certain  the  Brit- 
ish will  attack  S.  C.,  40  ;  to  provide  his 
men  with  haversacks,  1 82. 
Moore,    Ensign   William,  mentioned,   iv. 

48. 

Morgan,  Col.  Daniel,  his  light  infantry  to 
annoy  the  enemy  in  N.  J.,  ii.  413,  415  ; 
his  movements,  418,  419,  423,  -25,  427, 
441,  442,  446,  451  ;  at  the  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth, iii.  6,  9,  23,  57,  71,  102,120, 
16],  176,  180,  195,  257;  in  Va.,437. 
Morgan,  Dr.  John,  informs  Lee  of  the 

movements  of  the  British,  ii.  327. 
Morris,  Major  Anthony  J.,  of  Pa.,  i.  305. 
*Morris,  Gouverneur,  informs  Lee  of  the 
public  sentiment  in   New  York,  i.  178 ; 
mentioned,  iii.   442 ;  a  friend  of  Gsn. 
Lee,  iv.  11. 

Morris,  Major  Jacob, visits  Lee  at  N.  Y.,ii. 
369  ;  refuses  a  commission  as  major  in 
the  5th  N.  Y.  regt.  commanded  by  Col. 
Lewis  Dubois,  the  officers  ana  men 
being  of  very  low  birth,  and  no  edu- 
cation, 369;  transacts  business  for  Lee, 
377,  378,  381  ;  unfriendly  to  Major 
Eustace,  iii.  363  ;  at  Princeton,  370 ; 
legacy  of  Gen.  Lee  to,  iv.  31,  38. 
Morris,  Capt.  John,  wounded  at  Charles- 
ton, ii.  194. 

Morris,  Lewis,  appointed  aide  to  Lee,  i. 
344,  364,  463 ;  his  bravery  at  Sullivan's 
Island,  ii.  95,  96,  102,  119,  122,  168,  208, 
210;  recovered  from  the  effect  of  his 
service  in  the  South,  359  ;  visits  Lee  in 
N.  Y.,  859,  366. 
Morris,  Miss,  a  beautiful  actress,  i.  68, 

83,  84. 

Morris,  Mr.,  tavern  keeper  at  Fredericks- 
burg,  Va. ,  iv.  39,  73. 
Morris,  Polly,  of  Phila.,    mentioned,  iii 

310. 

Morris,  Robert,  of  Phila.,  furnishes  Lee 
with  a  letter  of  credit,  i.  168 ;  to  for- 
ward troops  to  Boston,  188 ;  manages 
affairs  in  Phila.,  199;  obligations  of 
Lee  to,  202  ;  agent  for  Lee  in  purchase 
of  Va.  land,  *U5,  219,  220;  asked  to 
state  circumstances  of  Lee's  fortune  to 
Congress,  234,  266,  303  ;  a  clerkship  in 
his  counting  house  desired,  252,  281 ; 
urged  to  move  Congress  to  action,  255  ; 
desires  Lee  to  take  the  command  in 
Canada,  280 ;  recovers  from  a  cold,  303  ; 


480 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


his  views  on  independence,  .303 ;  de- 
scription of  the  officers  of  the  Pa.  bat- 
talions, 305  ;  no  need  of  foreign  aid, 
307,  318  ;  his  large  business,  316  ;  Lee's 
obligations  to,  318;  letter  to  Gen.  Gates 
on  public  affairs,  387 ;  advises  Lee  in 
regard  to  Va.  Committee  of  Safety  ,467; 
his  advances  of  money  to  Gen.  Lee,  ii. 
118  ;  his  opinion  of  affairs  in  the  North- 
ern department,  170  ;  sends  money  to 
Lee  at  N.  Y.,  356,  366,  371 ;  Lee  in  a 
letter  to.  claims  to  be  the  hero  of  Mon- 
mouth,  457  ;  advice  to  Lee  on  negoti- 
ating bills  in  London,  iii.  311,  312; 
unfriendly  to  Major  Eustace,  363;  men- 
tioned, 442 ;  informs  Lee  that  he  is 
suspected  of  disloyalty,  455 ;  fails  to 
send  him  money,  459  ;  aids  to  extricate 
Lee  from  his  land  contract  with  the 
Dorsey's,  477  ;  his  financial  aid  to  Gen. 
Lee,  iv.  11,  22;  to  send  his  two  eldest 
sons  to  Geneva.  24  ;  recommends  Lee's 
Va.  property  to  John  Vaughan,  24,  25. 

Morris,  Robert,  of  N.  J.,  snspected  of 
loyalty  to  the  crown,  i.  291. 

Morrison,  Ensign  John,  at  Savannah,  ii. 
255. 

Morristown,  N.  J.,  American  troops  at,  ii. 
329,  409;  Lee  in  command  at,  340  f 
Heath  ordered  to,  344  ;  court  martial 
of  Gen.  Lee  meet  at,  iii.  29,  30;  head- 
quarters, 393. 

Mostvn,  Gov.  John,  remarks  on  his  trial, 
iv.  113. 

Motte,  Lt.-Col.  Isaac,  in  council  of  offi- 
cers, ii.  202. 

Moultrie,  Col.  William,  commandant  of 
Sullivan's  Island,  his  preparation  and 
gallant  defence  of  the  works,  ii.  55-60, 
67,  68,  77-83,  90-95,  102-105,  194,  208, 
210;  report  of  Gen.  Lee  on  the  action, 
93,  95,  9(3,  100,  107,  117,  136,  154,  194, 
2(i8;  narrative  of  escaped  prisoners, 
111,  120;  completes  the  fortifications. 
126,  130,  150,  157,  174;  suffers  from  the 
gout,  129;  the  British  withdraw  to  N. 
Y.,  140,  149,  150,  18 «,  196,  205,  2(J8  ; 
thanked  by  the  Continental  Congress, 
155;  in  Council  of  Officers,  208;  riiarch 
of  his  regt. ,  208,  251  ;  complimented  bv 
Washington,  208,  210;  by  Henry 
Laurens,  221  ;  his  gallant  behavior  at 
Sullivan's  Island,  iii.  262 ;  Lee  accused 
of  not  consenting  to  his  defence  of, 
333. 

Mount  Holley,  N.  J.,  the  British  halt  at, 
ii.  412,  461  ;  and  destroy  the  iron  works, 
456. 

Mount  Independence.  Vt.,  Washington's 
remarks  on  fortifying,  ii.  210. 

Moylan,  Col.  Stephen,  arrives  at  Cam- 
bridge, i.  200 ;  aide  to  Washington,  ii. 
20, 122  ;  his  light  dragoons,  iii.  287. 

Mud  Island,  Pa.,  defense  of,  by  Lieut.  - 
Col.  Samuel  Smith,  iii.  363. 

Mure,  Mr.,  mentioned,  i.  109;  uses  Lee 
cruelly  by  protesting  his  bills,  iv.  14. 


Muhlenberg,  Col.  John  P.  G..  commands 
at  Suffolk,  Va.,  i.  395,  396,  410,  414, 
422  ;  his  regt.  all  riflemen,  412  ;  ordered 
to  Portsmouth,  Va.,  445  ;  regt.  to 
march  for  Halifax,  ii.  24;  ordered  to 
Charleston,  51,  80,  81 ;  in  action  there, 
89.  93  ;  expense  of  burying  one  of  his 
soldiers,  156;  to  march  to  Ga.,  175; 
complains  that  Continental  officers 
claim  to  ont-rankhim,  183, 190,  191  ;  his 
sicrifices  in  entering  service,  184 ;  Lee 
considers  him  a  Continental  officer,  185 ; 
to  march  to  East  Florida,  187 ;  number 
of  his  men  sick  at  Charleston,  230 ; 
march  of  his  regiment  to  Ga.,  252,  253  ; 
in  Stirling's  division,  408,  410;  at  the 
battle  of  Monmouth,  iii.  97  ;  a  friend  of 
Lee,  iv.  18. 

Mulberry  Island,  Va.,  i.  383. 

Mumford,  Mr.,  mentioned,  iii.  359. 

Murdaugh,  James,  of  Williamsburg,  Va., 
i.  408. 

Murfree,  Major  Hardy,  his  command  of 
N.  C.  troops  at  the  attack  on  Stony 
Point,  iii.  376,  377. 

Muroc,  James,  a  Va.  cadet,  i.  431. 

Muter,  Mr.,  of  Portsmouth,  Va.,  to  be 
arrested,  i.  444. 

Nansemond  River,  Va.,  i.  390. 

Nash,  Abner,  of  the  N.  C.  Committee,  i. 
397. 

Nash,  Col.  Francis,  at  Fort  Johnson,  N. 
C.,  ii.  28  ;  to  attack  the  enemy,  41. 

Nautilus,  sloop-of-war,  at  Norfolk,  Va. , 
i.  472. 

Naylor,  Mrs.,  copies  the  portrait  of  the 
King  of  Poland,  i.  68,  70. 

Neale,  Mr.,  in  charge  of  N.  C.  prisoners, 
i.  453. 

Negroes,  Lee  dreads  the  influence  of  the 
British  army  on  the  slave  population,  i. 
369,  372,  379,  410,  425  ;  Lord  Dunmore's 
regiment  of  blacks,  384 ;  called  the 
"Royal  Ethiopians,"  386;  slaves  in 
Suffolk,  Va.,  join  Dunmore,  390;  the 
number  of  ulaves  a  weakness  to  Va., 
393  ;  slaves  at  Portsmouth  to  be  secured, 
445 ;  join  Dunmore,  462 ;  communica- 
tion with,  and  Lord  Dunmore  stopped, 
ii.  52;  Gen.  Lee  suggests  a  coips  of 
blacks  to  build  fortifications,  104,  1C5; 
a  black  pilot  guides  Sir  Peter  Parker's 
fleet  at  Charleston,  113;  carried  away 
from  the  plantations  in  Ga.  by  the 
British,  114;  sufficient  in  numbers  to 
overpower  the  whites  there,  115 ;  to 
work  on  the  fortifications,  126;  Col. 
Moultrie  supplied  with  200  pairs  of 
Negro  shoes,  180 ;  taken  from  Georgia 
by  the  Indians,  189,  234;  stolen  and 
decoyed  by  the  British  who  established 
the  slave  'trade  to  America,  they  are 
promised  freedom  and  sold  in  the  West 
Indies,  218. 

Neilson,  Charles,  convicted  of  correspond- 
ing with  the  British,  i.  456. 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


481 


Neilson,  Col.  John,  ordered  to  annoy  the 
enemy,  ii.  418. 

Nelson,  Col.  Thomas,  Va.  delegate  to 
Congress,  ii.  47. 

Nelson,  Major  William,  arrests  Mr. 
Wormley,  'i.  426,  429. 

Nevill,  Mr.,  Commissary  of  provisions  in 
Va.,  i.  406,  422. 

Newark,  N.  J.,  occupied  by  the  British, 
ii.  319,  327. 

New  Bedford,  Mass.,  arrival  of  a  prize 
ship  at,  ii.  355. 

New  Berne,  N.  C.,  address  of  the  inhabit- 
ants of,  to  Gen.  Lee,  ii.  41,  iv.  131, 
281 ;  troops  at,  61  ;  an  express  post, 
183. 

Newberry,  Mass.,  prize  taken  to,  i.  252; 
mentioned,  475. 

New  Brunswick,  N.  J.,  troops  at,  i.  271  ; 
Washington  plans  an  attack  on,  ii.  337  ; 
British  forces  at,  346,  347  ;  American 
army  at,  471;  Court  Martial  of  Gen. 
Lee  held  at,  iii.  1 ;  Lee  a  prisoner  at, 
iv.  390,  395. 

Newburgh,  N.  Y.,  cannon  at,  i.  353 ;  Wash- 
ington orders  his  army  to  march  to,  ii. 
408,  409  ;  Convention  prisoners  halt  at, 
iii.  289. 

New  Castle,  Del.,  mentioned,  i.  118  ;  at- 
tack on  the  British  frigates,  ii.  25; 
probable  movement  of  the  British  to, 
400,  401. 

Newcastle,  Duke  of,  mentioned,  i.  59. 

New  Cheshire,  Conn.,  raise  a  company  of 
volunteers,  i.  241. 

New  Chester,  N.  Y.,  troops  at,  i.  263. 

New  England,  character  of  the  people  of, 
i.  136,  146  ;  misrepresentation  of  affairs 
in,  146 ;  military  character,  147  ;  char- 
acter of  her  troops  before  Boston,  219, 
226;  her  delegates  to  Congress  to  re- 
ceive many  rubs,  226  ;  her  people  lack 
refinement,  229 ;  suffering  on  the  coast 
from  the  British,  318;  delegates  oppose 
long  enlistments,  336 ;  importance  of 
the  Colonies  of,  ii.  292 ;  forming  Con- 
tinental regiments,  292  ;  privateering  in, 
interferes  with  army  enlistments,  318  ; 
unless  the  provinces  exert  themselves 
everything  is  lost,  323  ;  character  of  the 
troops,  331  ;  afraid  of  Carleton's  army, 
^63 ;  valor  of  her  troops,  iii.  262 ;  the 
«ily  part  of  America  republican,  iv.  9  ; 
her  part  in  independency,  81. 

New  Hampshire,  grants  land  patents,  i. 
30 ;  population  of,  1774,  136  ;  character 
of  the  people,  136 ;  to  send  troops  to 
Canada,  253 ;  Washington  applies  for 
militia,  254 ;  privateering  interferes 
with  enlistments,  ii.  318. 

New  Haven,  Conn.,  powder  sent  to,  i. 
238;  Lee's  arrival  at,  240,  241;  volun- 
teers from,  273. 

New  Jersey  endorses  the  cause  of  Boston, 

i.   135 ;    Lord     Stirling's    regiment    to 

march  to  N.  Y.,  235,  236  ;  troops  to  be 

sent  to  N.  Y.,  293,  296,  347, 358;  supplies 

31 


the  N.  Y.  market,  315;  troops  march 
for  Canada,  336,  340 ;  troops  from  Pa. 
in,  ii.  167  ;  Va.  troops  ordered  to  the 
ilying  camp,  212;  lack  of  soldiers  in, 
2(50 ;  to  be  surveyed,  266 ;  Washington 
moves  his  troops  to,  2(57  ;  Washington 
supposes  it  to  be  the  object  of  the 
enemy,  296 ;  who  cross  the  Passaic, 
318;  and  enter  Newark.  319;  term  of 
her  militia  expires,  320 ;  enemy  at 
Woodbridge  and  Amboy,  326  ;  the  State 
is  not  lost,  342;  Caldwell's  report  of 
movements  in,  346 ;  tories  in,  348  ;  dis- 
position of  her  militia  to  annoy  the 
British,  413,  453  ;  the  militia  in  high 
spirits,  and  almost  to  a  man  in  arms, 
429;  plan  of  operations  in,  iii.  174; 
abused  by  Gen.  Lee,  322  ;  leans  toward 
monarchy,  372  ;  law  of  libel  in,  296  ; 
Washington's  retreat  through,  iv.  373. 

New  Jersey  Gazette,  account  of  the  bat- 
tle of  Monmouth  by  Gov.  Livingston, 
printed  in,  ii.  453,  475,  478 ;  prints  an 
attack  on  Gen.  Lee,  iii.  295,  297,  300. 

Newland,  Lieut.  Trevor,  desires  to  enter 
the  service,  i.  284 ;  his  letter  to  Dr. 
Franklin  on  the  defence  of  N.  Y.,  286  ; 
has  seen  more  service  than  any  other 
officer  in  America,  292. 

New  London,  Conn.,  armed  schooner  Spy 
at,  i.  238  ;  prizes  carried  into,  442. 

New  Orleans,  Gov.  Unzaga  writes  a 
friendly  letter  to  Gen.  Les,  ii.  306  ; 
Capt.  Gibson's  expedition  to,  for  gun- 
powder, 346. 

Newport,  R.  I.,  swarms  with  tories,  i. 
2-53  ;  British  expected  to  remove  from 
Boston  to,  239 ;  supplies  the  British 
vessels  with  provisions,  245  ;  depreda- 
tions of  Capt.  Wallace,  246  ;  the  oath 
administered  by  Lee,  248 ;  defenceless 
iv.  258. 

New  Rochelle,  N.  Y,  troops  at,  i.  263. 

Newton,  N.  J.,  Convention  prisoners  at 
iii.  288. 

Newtown,  L.  I. .  tories  forced  to  take  the 
test  oath,  i.  359. 

New  York,  land  grants  in,  i.  34,  45,  48, 
49,  50,  115  ;  Canada  boundary  line,  49  ; 
iron  works  in,  49  ;  protected  in  parlia- 
ment by  William  Baker,  132;  endorses 
the  cause  of  Boston,  135;  a:i  zealous  in 
the  cause  of  America  as  any  Colony, 
242;  inhabitants  favor  the  cause  of 
liberty,  259,  279  ;  Continental  troops  to 
be  under  the  direction  of  the  Provincial 
Congress,  259,  271 ;  Committee  from 
Continental  Congress  to  confer  with 
Prov.  Cong.,  262,  267,  268,  271,  272; 
additional  troops  called  for,  276,  279; 
a  military  hospital  required,  280,  293  ; 
Provincial  Congress  order  troops  to  N. 
Y.  City,  296 ;  to  provide  cannon  for 
Canada,  311,  321,339,353;  Provincial 
Congress  allow  supplies  to  British 
frigates,  315,  338,  351;  to  raise  four 
regiments,  322 ;  refuse  hospital  stores 


482 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


on  Lee's  order,  324  ;  Lee  requests  pay 
from  the  Prov.  Cong.,  330  ;  five  tons  of 
powder  in  the  colony,  348 ;  the  Prov. 
Cong,  protest  against  Lee  arresting  sus- 
pected  persons,  349 ;    his  reply,   352 ; 
test  oath   condemned   by    Continental 
Congress,    360,   362,   367,   380;    Prov. 
Cong,  angels  of  decision  compared  with 
those  of  Va.,  377  ;  control  the  military 
power,   476 ;    arrival    of    Sir    William 
Howe's  forces  at  Sandy  Hook,  ii.  32 ;  to 
have    10,000  Continentals  and   15,000 
militia,  98  ;  the  British  to  effect  a  junc- 
tion with  Burgoyne,  205,  260 ;  supposed 
plan   of   Gen.    Howe,    209;  Provincial 
Congress  to  obstruct  navigation  in   the 
Hudson    Kiver,   264;   defence    of  the 
Highlands,  271,  280,  298,  309,  320. 
New   York   City,    troops   sail  for    Cape 
Breton,    i.    15    ;    route    from,    to  the 
Southern  Colonies,  117 ;  address  of  Lee 
to  the  citizens  of,    137;  Committee  of 
Safety  to  punish  Rivington,  144  ;  Gen. 
Game's  conduct  in,   145;  the  adherents 
of  government  in,  160;  emigration  to, 
from  Ireland  and  Germany,   167 ;  ad- 
dress to  Lieut. -Gov.   Golden,    by    the 
Council  and  Assembly,  172  ;  her  trade 
with  the  Southern  Colonies,   175;  pat- 
riotism, 170,  178;  Lee  urges  the  seizure 
of  Gov.    Tryon   as   a   hostage  for   the 
safety  of  the  town,  215  ;  blankets  re- 
turned  to   the  officers  of  the   Crown, 
21 5 ;  Lee  proposes  that  it  be  strongly 
garrisoned  or  destroyed,  229;  oath  of 
allegiance  to  Congress  required  of  the 
doubtful    residents,    and   the    city   se- 
cured from  the  enemy,  233  ;  Lee's  letter 
to   Washington  on   the   importance  of 
fortifying  the  city,  234  ;   Washington's 
instructions   for    the    safet}'    of,    230 ; 
public  stores  to  be  seized,  237 ;  plenty 
of  volunteers   to    march   from   Conn., 
240;  Lee  fears  the  Provincial  Congress 
will  defeat  the  measures  on  foot.   240; 
the  Committee  of  Safety  request  infor- 
mation as  to  Lee's  invasion,  having  re- 
ceived no  official  notice  of  the  move- 
ment, 242,  251 ;  condition  of  the  city, 
243 ;  organizes  troops  for  the  Continen- 
tal  service,    244 ;  march   of   Lee   with 
Conn,    volunteers,    247 ;    tories   to   as- 
semble there,  250 ;    Lee  requests   per- 
mission   of     Congress     to  occupy   the 
city,  250 ;  Gen.     Clinton    supposed   to 
have   sailed    from    Boston   to  capture 
the    city,    254 :    Lee    makes    haste   to 
secure  it,   255  ;  his  reply  to  the  Com- 
mittee of    Safety,     256,    iv.    263 ;    he 
believes  in  the  virtue  of,  258  ;  military 
stores    at,    260,    268 ;    organization   of 
Lee's   expedition   to,    263 ;    provisions 
stopped  from   Stamford,    Conn.,    265 ; 
Continental  post-office  to  be   removed, 
264 ;    Gen.    Clinton  supposed  to   have 
sailed  for,   264,    268  ;  Washington   de- 
sires the  tories  to   be  seized  in,  265; 


arrival  of  Generals  Lee  and  Clinton  at, 
271,  277;  to  be  fortified  against  the 
British,  272,  279  ;  removal  of  the  guns 
from  the  Battery,  283,  295 ;  Lieut. 
Newland's  plan  to  defend,  and  destroy 
the  Asia,  286 ;  the  generality  of  the 
people  well  affected  to  the  cause,  296  ; 
troops  ordered  by  Provincial  Congress 
to  take  possession  of,  2%  ;  part  of  the 
fort  in,  to  be  pulled  down,  296,  308 ; 
the  British  frigates  in  the  bay,  309 ; 
commanded  from  the  water,  309;  the 
Asia  and  Phwnix  seize  provision  vessels 
in  the  bay,  315,  338;  winter  supplies 
from  New  Jersey  and  Conn.,  315  ;  forti- 
fied, 317,  321,  323,  326,  329,  335 ;  need 
of  more  troops  at,  319,  321 ;  a  number 
of  the  guns  from  the  Battery  Useless, 
322  ;  interior  of  the  fort  torn  down, 
326,  329,  334,  337,  355;  fears  of  its 
capture  by  the  British,  334,  335,  344, 
358  ;  Lee's  measures  for  its  protection, 
337,  344,  347,  354,  358,  iv.  129,  266;  in- 
tercourse with  the  British  frigates 
stopped,  338;  Capt.  Parker  threatens 
to  cannonade  the  city,  341 ;  Capt.  Sears 
ordered  to  administer  a  test  oath  to 
persons  suspected,  346,  348;  tories  to 
be  seized,  348  ;  port  guards  fire  on  pro- 
vision boats,  350,  352;  called  Tory 
Town,  362 ;  Washington's  army  to 
march  to,  363 ;  the  people  burn  Plain 
Truth  and  effigies  of  Gov.  Tryon,  368 ; 
supplies  denied  t6  the  British  vessels, 
476;  removal  of  Washington's  army  to, 
ii.  12  ;  they  fortify  it,  13  ;  ships  of  war 
leave  the  Bay,  14;  force  of  the  Ameri- 
cans at,  32  ;  conspiracy  against  Wash- 
ington detected,  124,  139 ;  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  sails  for,  189,  195  ;  and  arrives 
at  Staten  Island,  205  ;  attack  hourly  ex- 
pected, 206 ;  Washington  describes 
affairs  at,  209 ;  American  troops 
threaten  to  prevent  reinforcements  to 
Clinton,  429;  flags  of  truce  to,  stopped, 
429  ;  expected  to  be  evacuated  in  1779, 
iii.  388 ;  to  be  attacked  by  Admiral 
D'Estaing,  393 ;  the  passenger  packet 
to  Providence,  iv.  40  ;  works  on  Harlem 
Heights,  287,  373 ;  troops  at  King's 
Bridge,  290,  373  ;  Lee  confined  in  the 
City  Hall,  395. 

Niagara,  N.  Y.,  Lee  suggests  the  seizure 
of,  ii.  17,  32,  134;  a  trading  post,  32; 
troops  at,  98. 

Niagara  Falls,  mentioned,  i.  19,  22. 

Nicholas,  Ensign,  of  Va.,  mentioned,  iv. 
48. 

Nicholas,  Capt.  George,  at  Williamsburg, 
Va.,  i.  392;  mentioned,  iv.  47. 

Nicholson,  Capt.  John,  his  orders  to  seize 
Gov.  Eden,  ii.  141. 

Niles,  Capt.  Robert,  to  transport  powder 
to  New  Haven,  i.  238. 

Nixon,  Gen.  John,  commands  a  foraging 
party  to  Yonkers,  ii.  301,  315 ;  at  Bun- 
ker's Hill,  iii.  262. 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


483 


Nolachucky  River.  N.  C. ,  sale  of  land  on, 
ii.  29. 

Norfolk,  Va.,  mentioned,  i.  118;  trade 
with  New  York,  175  ;  in  danger  of  capt- 
ure, 232 ;  Gov.  Dunmore's  force  at,  365, 
366 ;  tories  about,  372  ;  the  continental 
fleet  to  attack,  374 ;  Dunmore  to  be 
driven  from,  377,  379 ;  report  of  affairs 
at,  384;  the  committee  acquit  tories, 
386  ;  removal  of  inhabitants  suggested, 
387,  393,  406  ;  prizes  carried  into,  395  ; 
affairs  at,  417  ;  tories  to  be  punished, 
444 ;  attack  on  Dunmore's  forces,  459, 
462 ;  removal  of  inhabitants,  462 ;  re- 
port of  operations  there,  ii.  4 ;  British 
armed  vessels  at,  5 ;  removal  of  in- 
habitants suggested,  9,  21 ;  Dunmore's 
forces  sail  from,  42. 

Norfolk  Co.,  Va.,  suspected  inhabitants 
to  be  removed,  ii.  9,  21,  23. 

North,  Lord,  mentioned,  i.  93  ;  his  hatred 
of  freemen,  134;  responsible  for  the 
trouble  in  America,  135 ;  his  tyranny, 
170 ;  dishonesty,  185 ;  denounced  by 
Lee,  ii.  392 ;  mentioned,  iv.  12,  21 . 

North  Carolina,  mountain  ranges  and 
soil,  i.  117;  roads,  119;  forming  mili- 
tary corps,  141 ;  political  opinion  in, 
212,  213 ;  Gen.  Clinton  sails  from  Bos- 
ton on  an  expedition  against,  254, 
271 ;  supposed  to  be  intended  for  N. 
Y.,  264,  268 ;  included  in  the  Southern 
department,  343 ;  lack  of  engineers  in, 
360 ;  British  army  expected,  372 ;  Lee 
asks  her  Council  of  Safety  for  informa- 
tion, 374;  disaffected  counties  in,  385  ; 
the  Committe  of  Secrecy  report  the 
condition  of  troops  in,  397 ;  row  galleys 
built,  399 ;  to  raise  three  regular  regi- 
ments, 400;  Lee  commends  the  public 
spirit  in,  417;  organizes  her  troops, 
420 ;  intentions  of  the  British  in,  over- 
thrown by  Col.  Caswell,  433,  445  ;  Corn- 
wallis  to  join  the  Highlanders  and 
Regulators,  438 ;  sends  her  prisoners  to 
Pa.,  Md.,  and  Va.,  439,  446,  447,  466; 
appearance  of  British  at  Cape  Fear  a 
feint,  445 ;  to  make  a  return  of  troops, 
445,  446  ;  reinforcements  from  Va., 
448 ;  defenceless  condition  of  Wilming- 
ton, 449;  inhabitants  of  Norfolk,  Va., 
remove  to,  462  ;  have  no  regular  troops 
or  powder,  480;  Gen.  Clinton  lands  in, 
ii.  7,  11  ;  Lee  to  repair  to,  15,  17; 
troops  raised  for,  in  Virginia,  17.  30; 
continental  cavalry  prohibited  in,  26; 
Clinton  lands  at  Cape  Fear  River,  28,  30; 
the  frontier  Indians,  29;  the  High- 
landers and  Regulators  not  to  be  feared, 
30,  36  ;  they  offer  to  join  Gen.  Clinton; 
40 ;  Gov.  Martin  wishes  Clinton  to  re- 
cover the  province,  40 ;  the  march  of 
Va.  troops  stopped,  50,  51,  131  ;  out  of 
danger,  the  British  sail  for  S.  C.,  51 ; 
her  troops  at  the  defence  of  Charleston, 
65.  93,  102,  108,  139,  157  ;  to  attack  the 
frontier  Indians,  128,  129;  troops  or- 


dered to  Ga.,  173  ;  light  horse  to  be  put 
on  the  continental  establishment,  1H4  ; 
scarcity  of  continental  money  in,  175  ; 
expedition  against  the  back  country 
people,  ii.  223 ;  military  magazines 
formed  in,  333  ;  brigade  in  Lafayette's 
division,  408,  410;  in  action  at  Mon- 
mouth,  445 ;  the  State  of,  friendly  to 
Gen.  Lee,  iv.  11. 

North  Castle,  N.  Y.,  military  camp  at,  ii. 
270,  271,  296;  the  Lee  court  martial 
meet  at,  iii.  115,  116;  troops  at,  386. 

Northampton,  Lord,  to  marry  Lady 
Somerset,  i.  25. 

North  River,  Va.,  i.  384. 

North  River,  see  Hudson  River. 

Northumberland,  Duke  of,  a  friend  to 
humanity,  i.  172. 

Northumberland,  Va.,  troops  at,  i.  371. 

Norwalk,  Conn.,  powder  sent  to,  i.  238  : 
troops  at,  ii.  274. 

Nourse,  Joseph,  acts  for  Lee  in  purchas- 
ing a  farm  in  Va.,  i.  203,  205,  219,  234, 
306 ;  his  eldest  son  Joseph  desires  a 
place,  252.  281,  308 ;  secretary  to  Lee, 
364 ;  has  charge  of  Lee's  farm,  426 ; 
secretary  to  Lee  at  Charleston,  S.  C. , 
ii.  96,  119 ;  his  appetite,  122 ;  his  wife, 
208 ;  in  New  Jersey,  331  ;  to  take 
charge  of  Lee's  effects,  357  ;  to  look 
after  his  farm  in  Va.,  377,  378;  his 
father  has  property  in  England,  iii. 
351  ;  offers  to  trade  on  Lee's  capital, 
351  ;  the  adopted  son  of  Gen.  Lee,  355 ; 
forwards  Gen.  Gates'  correspondence, 
357;  his  family,  358,  359;  manages 
Lee's  financial  affairs,  368 ;  ill  with  a 
fever,  382;  assures  Lee  of  his  friend- 
ship, 383 ;  loans  money  to  Eustace,  384, 
391,  394,  396;  purchases  goods  for  Lee 
in  Phil.,  387;  keeps  house  there,  388  ; 
Eustace  threatens  to  horsewhip  him, 
397 ;  his  farm  life  in  Va.,  406 ;  his  son 
called  grandson  of  Gen.  Lee,  417  ;  a  ras- 
cal, 454 ;  his  enmity  to  Lee,  458 ;  his  son- 
in-law,  Mr.  Cooke,  iv.  27 ;  proverbial 
for  making  bad  bargains,  28  ;  employed 
Mr.  Roberts  to  manage  Lee's  farm,  78. 

Nutten  Island,  see  Governess  Island. 

Obenion,  Mr.,  opinion  on  the  strength  of 
the  force  in  S.  C.,  ii.  171,  172. 

O'Brien,  William,  an  actor,  married  to 
Lady  Strangway,  i.  34 ;  his  conference 
with  Gov.  Moore,  49 ;  failure  of  the 
law  grant  to,  115. 

Occacock  Bar,  N.  C.,  prisoners  captured 
on,  i.  453,  ii.  6. 

Ogden,  Major  Aaron,  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  iii.  40,  66,  189 ;  his  testi- 
mony before  the  Lee  court  martial,  94. 

Ogden,  Col.  Matthias,  recommended  for 
promotion,  i.  331 ;  his  testimony  before 
the  Lee  court  martial,  iii.  65  ;  at  the 
battle  of  Monmouth,  73,  95,  113,  189. 

Ogeechee  River,  Ga.,  military  magazine 
formed  at  the  head  of,  ii.  333. 


484 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


Ogroudski,  Mr.,  mentioned,  i.  6t. 

O'Hara,  Col.  Charles,  witness  to  Lee's 
parole,  ii.  382  ;  Lee  writes  to,  at  Mon- 
mouth,  iii.  441 ;  captured  at  Yorktown, 
4oo. 

Ohio  Company,  Gen.  Lee  indebted  to  J. 
F.  Mercer,  on  account  of,  iii.  449,  iv. 
214. 

Ohio  River,  mentioned,  i.  20,  26;  mili- 
tary land  grants  on,  122,  125,  138,  iii. 
315,  iv.  98;  settlements  on,  167 ;  Lee's 
scheme  to  establish  colonies  on,  iv.  214. 

Olds,  Thomas,  of  Princess  Anne  Co.,  Va., 
i.  464. 

Oliver,  Lieut. -Gov.  Andrew,  petition  of 
Mass,  against,  i.  120. 

Olmutz,  battle  of,  iii.  177. 

Olney,  Lieut. -Col.  Jeremiah,  his  bravery 
at  Monmouth,  ii.  470  ;  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  iii.  60,  61,  148,  157,  If 8, 
159 ;  his  testimony  before  the  Lee 
court  martial,  126. 

Oneida  Indians,  declare  for  the  British,  i. 
18  ;  in  the  attack  on  Fort  Niagara,  21. 

Ord,  John,  justice  of  the  peace,  Phil., 
iii.  173. 

Orme,  Capt.  Joshua,  requests  a  trial  for 
Col.  Jackson,  iii.  209. 

Oswald,  Col.  Eleazer,  his  bravery  at  Mon- 
mouth, ii.  434,  453,  470 ;  at  the  battle 
of  Monmouth,  iii.  35,  53,  56,  69,  70,  71, 
76,  106,  107,  108,  121,  122,  123,  127,  141, 
142,  143,  144,  146,  150,  156,  157,  159,  160, 
165,  182,  188,  189,  194;  his  testimony 
before  the  Lee  court  martial,  130;  part 
owner  of  the  Md.  Journal,  at  Balti- 
more, 340;  friendly  to  Gen.  Lee,  362; 
who  pays  him  for  printing,  448  ;  re- 
lates his  misfortunes  for  printing  the 
queries  of  Lee  in  the  Md.  Journal,  4(.»2  ; 
beloved  by  Lee,  4(56  ;  editor  of  the  In- 
dependent Gazetteer  at  Phil.,  iv.  4  ; 
legacy  of  Gen.  Lee  to,  31 ;  prints  Lee's 
will,  33. 

Oswego,  N.  Y.,  mentioned,  i.  26;  cap- 
tured by  the  French,  iv.  350. 

Otis,  James,  informs  Lee  of  an  abusive 
intercepted  letter  from  Ireland,  i  217. 

Otis,  Ensign  James,  requests  a  trial  for 
Col.  Jackson,  iii.  210. 

Ottawas  Indians  aid  the  French  at 
Niagara,  i.  21. 

Otter,  sloop -of- war  at  Norfolk,  com- 
manded by  Capt.  Squiers,  i.  365,  366, 
374,  454,  ii.  45  ;  fires  on  the  town,  459; 
fired  on,  ii.  131,  135;  nephew  of  the 
captain  captured,  138;  in  the  Potomac, 
144. 

Outerbridge,  Mr.,  confined  in  Charleston, 
S.  C.,  ii.  226. 

Owen,  Mr.,  attorney  at  London,  iii.  415. 

Oyster  Bay,  L.  I. ,  tories  to  be  attacked, 
i.  240.  ' 

Page,  Capt.  Carter,  recommended  as  aide- 
de-camp  to  Lee,  ii.  396. 
Page,  John,    Vice-President  Va.   Com- 


mittee of  Safety,  his  correspondence 
with  Lee,  etc.,  i.  377,  379,  405,  408,  426- 
429,  431,  436,  447,  455,  ii.  131,  214. 

Page,  Mr.,  sent  express  by  Va.  convention, 
ii.  92,  136. 

Paine,  Robert  Treat,  his  lack  of  refine- 
ment, i.  228. 

Paine,  Thomas,  Lee  commends  his  Com- 
mon Sense^  i.  259 ;  his  Common  /Sense 
printed,  252 ;  introduced  by  John 
Adams  to  Lee,  312 ;  by  Dr.  Franklin, 
313  ;  by  Dr.  Rush,  314  ;  effect  of  Com- 
mon tiense  in  England,  325;  he  has 
genius  in  his  eyes,  325  ;  mentioned,  iii. 
381 ;  burst  forth  upon  the  world  like 
Jove,  iv.  119. 

Palfrey,  William,  aide  to  Gen.  Lee,  i. 
247,  262,  273;  to  be  appointed  on 
Washington's  staff,  282,  318,  329  ;  Lee's 
recommendation,  308 ;  Lee  feels  his 
loss,  336 ;  Washington's  aide,  358,  378 ; 
appointed  paymaster-general,  475,  ii 
14,  20;  the  first  to  enter  Boston,  475; 
Lee  compliments  him  on  his  wit,  ii.  122  ; 
commands  a  force  at  Stamford,  275  ;  to 
remove  to  Peekskill,  '<i75 ;  ordered  to 
Wasnington's  headquarters,  285 ;  to 
pay  bounties.  319,  321  ;  mentioned,  iii. 
369. 

Palmer,  Thomas,  conveys  cannon  to 
Albany,  i.  353. 

Paoli,  Pa.,  Gen.  Wayne's  behavior  at,  ap- 
proved, iii.  240. 

Paramus,  N.  J.,  court  martial  of  Gen. 
Lee  meet  at,  iii.  30. 

Parke,  Lieut. -Col.,  at  the  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth, iii.  36,  72,  106,  1C7,  108,  132, 
166. 

Parker,  Capt.  Hyde,  in  command  at  N. 
Y.,  i.  287,  295 ;  his  threats,  326  ;  letter 
of  Lee  to,  340. 

Parker,  Major  Josiah,  reports  operations 
against  Lord  Dunmore,  i.  457 ;  answer 
to  Dunmore,  460 ;  report  on  affairs  at 
Norfolk,  Va.,  ii.  4;  desires  promotion,  6. 

Parker,  Sir  Peter,  rumor  of  his  arrival  in 
Va.,  i.  421  ;  his  fleet  in  Cape  Fear 
River,  ii.  28,  35 ;  sails  for  Charleston, 
51;  at  Charleston,  S.  C.,  59;  repulsed 
at  Sullivan's  Island,  93,  95,  100,  107,  iv. 
285 ;  description  of  his  wound,  and 
damage  to  his  fleet,  112;  his  position, 
128;  sails  from  Charleston,  152;  sup- 
posed for  New  York,  189  ;  fleet  arrives 
there,  205,  208 ;  quarrels  with  Clinton, 
237  ;  wounded  at  Charleston,  194. 

Parker,  Col.  Richard,  at  Portsmouth, 
Va.,  i.  458,  462;  at  the  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth, id.  28. 

Parsons,  Gen.  Samuel  H.,  his  brigade  in 
Westchester  Co.,  ii.  268,  269. 

Pasquotank  Co.,  N.  C.,  disaffected,  i. 
385. 

Passaic  River,  N.  J.,  crossed  by  the 
British,  ii.  318. 

Paterson,  N.  J.,  movement  of  troops  at, 
ii.  344. 


GENERAL    INDEX, 


485 


Patten,  Col.  John,  recruits  his  N.  C.  reg- 
iment, i.  399 ;  march  to  Little  River, 
N.  C.,  ii.  73;  ordered  to  Charleston, 
75  ;  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  iii.  80, 
81. 

Patterson,  Col.  James,  bears  despatches 
to  England,  ii.  466. 

Patterson,  Gen.  John,  sent  to  Canada,  ii 
18;  his  regt.  with  Gen.  Gates,  336 
his  brigade  in  De  Kalb's  division,  408 
410 ;  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  iii 
96. 

Patterson,  Capt.  Walter,  interested  in  a 
New  York  land  grant,  i.  34,  35;  his 
grant  on  Connecticut  River,  49,  50 ;  in 
London,  52  ;  appointed  Governor  of  St. 
John  Island,  92  ;  mentioned,  96  ;  letter 
to  Lee  describing  his  family  affairs, 
113  ;  acted  for  Lee  to  obtain  a  grant  of 
land  in  N.  Y.,  115. 

Pawtuxet,   R.  I.,  cattle  driven  from,  ii. 

Paxton,  Mass.,  mentioned,  i.  159,  1.71. 

Peachy,  Col.  William,  at  Richmond,  i. 
369;  poor  condition  of  his  regt.,  371; 
resigns  his  commission,  ii.  6. 

Peale,  Charles  Willson,  his  portrait  of 
Washington,  iii.  334,  336,  342;  men- 
tioned, 381  ;  the  quondam  saddler,  457. 

Peekskill,  N.  Y.,  troops  at,  ii.  267,  269, 
280,  iv.  291  ;  paymaster  to  remove  to, 
275;  headquarters  of  Heath,  290; 
stores  removed  to,  296  ;  barracks  built 
at,  297 ;  tories  kept  in  check  at,  320 ; 
Lee  assumes  command  at,  326 ;  troops 
from  Albany  arrive,  336 ;  movement  of 
troops  from,  429 ;  Lee  court  martial 
meet  at,  iii.  89. 

Pell's  Manor,  N.  Y.,  Gen.  Howe  lands  at, 
iv.  134. 

Pembroke,  Earl  of,  a  correspondent  of 
Lee,  i.  22 ;  Gen.  Elliott's  Light  Dragoons 
commanded  by,  23  ;  mentioned,  33. 

Pendleton,  Edmund,  to  send  powder  to 
Williamsburg.  i.  369  ;  President  of  Va. 
Committee  of  Safety,  377,  451,  462,  466, 
470 ;  chairman  Va.  Convention,  ii.  -7, 
15;  Lee's  correspondence  with,  21,22, 
34,  37,  50,  92,  127,  150,  152. 

Penn,  John,  delegate  fromN.C. ,  iii.  318, 
320. 

Penn,  Richard,  mentioned,  i.  143,  179. 

Pennsylvania,  protected  in  parliament  by 
William  Baker,  i.  132;  endorses  the 
cause  of  Boston,  135;  thisQuakering 
province  forms  military  corps,  141, 
148 ;  opposed  to  arming  her  people,  1 68, 
176;  her  riflemen  described,  212; 
patriotic  addresses,  219 ;  delegates  to 
Congress  instructed  as  to  independence, 
220,  255  ;  lack  of  spirit  in  the  Assem- 
bly, 227  ;  troops  to  be  detached  to  New 
York,  235,  293,  296 ;  two  battalions  to 
go  to  N.  Y.,  description  of  their  officers, 
305,  307 ;  troops  march  for  Canada,  336, 
340  ;  Provincial  Congress  of,  379  ;  her 
troops  needed  in  Va. ,  425,  433 ;  their  ar- 


rival there,  447,  448,  449,  453 ;  firelocks 
sold  to  Va.,  but  returned  as  defective, 
ii.  44  ;  the  militia  actuated  by  a  Roman 
spirit,  162 ;  disaffection  daily  increasing 
in,  304  ;  Washington  expects  reinforce- 
ments from,  320,  326  ;  brigades  in  Gen. 
Mifflin's  division,  408 ;  Loyalists  of,  at 
the  battle  of  Monmouth,  463  ;  Wayne's 
command  of  the  Pa.  Line,  iii.  240 ; 
Joseph  Reed's  account  of  factions  in, 
247  ;  Whigs  and  Tories,  248 ;  character 
of  delegates  to  Congress,  249 ;  the  As- 
sembly and  Council,  251 ;  the  Council 
prosecutes  Gen.  Arnold,  309,  319; 

•  abused  by  Gen.  Lea,  322  ;  revision  of 
the  constitution  of,  postponed,  331  ; 
campaign  of  1777  in,  334,  336,  342; 
compared  to  Morocco,  342,  353 ;  in 
favor  of  monarchy,  372 ;  politics  in, 
described  by  Dr.  Rush,  380 ;  Lee  writes 
in  favor  of  the  oppressed  people  of,  390  ; 
the  militia  act,  390 ;  freedom  of  the 
press  abolished  in,  400,  403  ;  the  Scotch- 
Irish  element  in,  431,  456  ;  her  people 
disfranchised,  457 ;  low  state  of  morals 
in,  467. 

Pennsylvania  Pasket,  prints  Gen.  Lee's 
vindication,  iii.  255,  273,  290,  291,  292 ; 
the  services  of  Arnold  and  Lee,  309 ; 
also  treason  of  Lee,  447. 

Pennytown,  N.  J.,  British  troops  at,  ii. 
341,  849,  iv.  387. 

Percy,  Earl  Hugh,  addressed  by  Lee  on 
the  affairs  of  America,  i.  169,  193,  iv. 
241 ;  to  attack  the  Americans,  358 ; 
mentioned,  iii.  366. 

Perkins,  Major,  member  of  court  of  in- 
quiry on  Col.  Jackson,  iii.  210. 

Perth '  Amboy,  N.J.,  troops  at,  ii.  260, 
326. 

Peterborough,  Lord,  mentioned,  i.  96 ; 
Lee  a  second  edition  of,  iv.  176. 

Peters,  Richard,  secretary  to  the  Board 
of  War,  ii.  193  ;  mentioned,  iii.  357. 

Petersburg,  Va.,  troops  at,  i.  446  ;  pris- 
oners from  N.  C.  at,  466. 

Pettit,  Charles,  provides  quarters  for  Gen. 
Lee,  ii.  393  ;  his  friendship  with  Joseph 
Reed,  iii.  249,  251,  252. 

Peyton,  George,  a  Va.  cadet,  i.  431. 

Peyton,  Lieut.  John,  of  Va.,  i.  472. 

Peyton,  Robert,  a  Va.  cadet,  i.  431. 

Phelon,  Lieut.  Patrick,  of  Col.  Henley's 
regt.,  iii.  210. 

Philadelphia,  a  charming  town  and  the 
women  pretty,  i.  3  ;  Capt.  Lee  recruit- 
ing for  the  44th  Regt.  in,  26 ;  route 
from, to  the  Southern  Colonies,  117;  Lee 
stops  at  the  New  Tavern,  127  ;  meeting 
of  the  Congress  at  Carpenter's  Hall, 
129,  iv.  247,  250 ;  address  of  Lee  to 
the  citizens  of,  137  ;  arrival  of  Irish 
and  German  emigrants  at,  167  ;  troops 
organized  in,  179  ;  to  be  sent  to  Boston, 
188,  200  ;  Robert  Morris  manages 
affairs  in,  199;  clothing  for  the  army 
returned  to,  203  ;  arrival  of  military 


486 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


stores  at,  277;  a  battalion  of  Associators 
wanted  at  N.  Y.,  279,  280;  troops  to 
be  sent  to  N.  Y.,  347;  a  damned  aris- 
tocracy prevails  there,  476 ;  visit  of 
Indians  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  parade 
of  Continental  troops,  ii.  46;  2,000 
citizens  of,  march  to  N.  Y.,  162  ;  Lee 
expects  the  British  will  capture  it,  261 ; 
supposed  to  be  the  object  of  the  British 
movements,  318,  327,  iv.  386;  Lee 
thinks  not,  338  ;  Washington  hopes  to 
save  it,  341,  343  ;  Whigs  to  fire  the 
city,  348  ;  Congress  adjourns  to  Balti- 
more and  directs  the  city  to  be  defended, 
349 ;  its  loss  will  have  no  effect.  363 ; 
British  evacuate,  400,  459,461,  iv.  137, 
]  85,  3UO ;  occupied  by  the  Americans, 
408  ;  plundered  by  the  British  before 
their  retreat,  456 ;  two  Quakers,  Rob- 
erts and  Carlisle,  executed  for  treason, 
iii.  250;  Gen.  Arnold  entertains  the 
Tories,  252  ;  the  Mischianza,  280  ;  Ar- 
nold resigns  his  command,  331 ;  French 
minister  at,  334,  369;  controlled  by  a 
mobocracy,  380 ;  freedom  of  the  press 
abolished,  400,  403  ;  uniform  of  the  As- 
sociators, iv.  8  ;  funeral  of  Lee  in,  1(51 , 
331,  425 

Phillips,  Gen.  William,  Lee  corresponds 
with,  iii.  278  ;  his  journey  to  Va.,  289  ; 
mentioned,  453. 

Philipsburg,  N.  Y. ,  American  camp  at, 
ii.  262. 

Phillipse  Manor.     See  Yonkers. 

Phipps,  Capt.  John  C.,  a  son  of  Lady 
Lascelles,  sets  out  for  Paris,  i.  69  ;  men- 
tioned, 92  ;  returns  from  his  Arctic 
voyage,  166. 

Phoenix,  frigate,  stationed  at  N.  Y.,  i. 
287.  295,  302,  309,  315. 

Piankatank  River,  Va.,  Dunmore's  fleet 
in,  ii.  42. 

Picalatto  Creek,  Fla.,  ii.  235. 

Picture  of  the  Countess,  by  Gen. 

Lee,  iv.  89. 

Pinckney,  Col.  Charles  C.,  his  services  in 
the  defence  of  Charleston,  ii.  66 ;  in 
council  of  officers,  202. 

Pintard,  John,  receives  money  for  Gen. 
Lee.  iii.  332. 

Pitt,  William  (Lord  Chatham),  Lee  to  be 
introduced  to,  i.  30  ;  accepts  a  peerage 
and  is  denounced  by  Lee,  56,  58  ;  con- 
quered America  in  Germany,  31 4. 

Pittsburg,  Pa.,  the  fort  and  village  de- 
scribed, iv.  75. 

Pittstown,  N.  J.,  troops  ordered  to,  ii. 
349,  350. 

Pittsylvania  Co.,  Va.,  minute  men  of,  ii. 
18. 

Plain  Truth  a  pamphlet  burned  in  N. 
Y.,i.368. 

Pleasure  House,  Va.,  i.  462. 

Ploughed  Hill,  near  Boston,  occupied  by 
Lee,  i.  205. 

Pluckemin,  N.  J.,  troops  at,  iii.  294. 

Podds,  Miss,  mentioned,  i.  67. 


Poland,  description  of  King  Stanislaus,  i. 
38 ;  a  wretched  coi  ntry,  40  ;  immoral, 
41 ;  embassy  to  Turkey,  42 ;  proceed- 
ings of  the  Diet,  53,  <i5  ;  English  interest 
in,  61 ;  murder  and  pillage  in,  71,  77,  82  ; 
a  vicious  nation  .  with  an  honest  king, 
73  ;  Englishmen  not  safe  in,  81 ;  Lee's 
services  in.  iv.  123,  172,  218,  357. 

Political  Essay,  by  Gen.  Lee,  iv.  100. 

Polk,  Col.  Thomas,  his  regt.  at  Charles- 
ton, S.  C.,  ii.  145  ;  Lee's  orders  to,  165. 

Pollock,  James,  agreement  for  a  whist 
party,  iv.  68. 

Pompton,  N.  J.,  troops  at,  ii.  344,  409. 

Ponceau,  M.,  interpreter,  iii.  97. 

Poor,  Gen.  Enoch,  sent  to  Canada,  ii.  13 ; 
his  regt.  with  Gen.  Gates,  336  ;  his  brig- 
ade in  Lee's  division,  406  ;  joined  by  La- 
fayette, 413;  in  action  at  Monmouth, 
445  ;  member  of  the  Lee  court  martial, 
iii.  1. 

Porter,  Col.  Andrew,  marches  from  Al- 
bany, ii.  336  ;  to  Morristown,  340. 

Portland,  Me.     See  Falmouth. 

Port  Royal,  S.  C.,  garrisoned,  ii.  160, 
165  ;  Lee  orders  it  fortified,  203,  211. 

Portsmouth,  Va. ,  troops  at,  i.  385  ;  or- 
dered to  be  evacuated,  445  ;  operations 
at,  457,  462,  471 ;  inhabitants  loyal  to 
Dunmore,  468 ;  destruction  of  prop- 
erty at,  ii.  4  ;  evacuated  by  the  Brit- 
ish, 42  ;  occupied  by  Col,  Stephen,  63  ; 
troops  removed  from,  212;  Gen.  Lee 
desires  to  purchase  a  house  in,  iii.  451. 

Portugal,  commercial  complications  with 
England,  i.  61  ;  property  of  Americans 
in,  demanded  by  England,  442  ;  death 
of  the  king  may  prove  favorable  to 
America,  ii.  48  ;  friendly  to  America, 
iii.  411  ;  Lee's  services  in,  iv.  122,  172. 

Post  Office,  Continental,  to  be  removed 
from  N.  Y.,  i.  261 ;  Lee  wants  regular 
posts  from  Va.  to  S.  C.,  ii.  176,  179, 
183;  letters  delivered  in  six  weeks 
from  Phila.  to  Charleston,  187 ;  mails 
captured  by  the  British,  309. 

Potomac  River,  Va. ,  mentioned,  i.  117, 
119,  419;  Lord  Dunmore's  fleet  in,  ii. 
144. 

Potts,  Mr.,  attorney  at  London,   iii.  415. 

Poughkeepsie.  N.  Y.,  tories  to  meet  at 
N.  Y.  City,i.  250. 

Powell,  Dr.  Matthew,  of  Spanish  Town, 
Jamaica,  W.  I.,  ii.  378. 

Prato  Rio,  Gen.  Lee's  seat  in  Va.,  iii. 
365,  370,  375,  391,  395,  398,  400,  454, 
467,  iv.  322.  See  Hopewell. 

Prescott,  Gen.  Richard,  his  exchange  for 
Gen.  Lee-,  ri.  378,  389. 

Prescott,  Col.  William,  ordered  from 
Peekskill.  ii.  326,  328,  8£9  ;  at  Bunker's 
Hill.  iii.  262. 

Price,  Martha,  mentioned,  i.  29,  106,  111. 

Price,  Mr.,  arrived  from  Canada,  i.  330, 
335. 

Price,  Thomas,  escaped  from  the  Chero- 
kees,  ii.  215. 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


48' 


Pridearx.  Gen.  John,  killed  at  Fort 
Niagara,  i.  19,  21. 

Prince  Edward  Co.,  Va. ,  minute  men  of, 
ii.  18. 

Princess  Anne  Co.,Va.,  disaffected,  i.  387, 
393,  406  ;  Whig  inhabitants  to  remain, 
464,  467 ;  council  suggests  the  removal 
of  inhabitants,  ii.  9 ;  suspected  in- 
habitants to  be  removed,  9,  21,  23. 

Princeton;  N.  J. ,  march  of  the  American 
army  to.  ii.  441  ;  British  prisoners 
brought  to,  457 ;  Gen.  Lee  at,  iii  236. 

Prospect  Hill,  Mass.,  Lee's  headquarters 
at,  i.  222,  239;  headquarters  of  Gen. 
Greene,  246. 

Providence,  R.  L,  military  review  at,  i. 
141,  iv.  258;  the  fortifications  im- 
proved, ii.  342 ;  report  of  affairs  there, 
350;  threatened,  355;  Col.  Jackson's 
court  of  inquiry  held  at,  iii.  210 ;  the 
passenger  packet  to  New  York,  iv.  40. 

Prussia,  the  king  opposed  to  emigration, 
i.  158;  character  of  the  army  of,  161. 

Public  Advertiser  of  London,  Lee  writes 
for,  i.  101,  106. 

Pulaski,  Count  Casimir,  his  command  of 
light  troops,  iii.  286. 

Purdie,  Alexander,  printer  of  the  Va. 
Gazette,  i.  392. 

Purviance,  Samuel,  requested  to  seize 
Gov.  Eden,  i.  381,  473;  his  order  to 
capture  Gov.  Eden,  ii.  141  ;  attacked 
by  Gen.  Lee,  iii.  442. 

Purysburg,  8.  C.,  troops  at,  ii.  173,  208, 
239,  251,  252. 

Putnam,  Gen.  Israel,  his  abuse  of  flags  of 
truce  to  N.  Y.,  ii.  429;  reported  to 
have  died  of  apoplexy,  iii.  411. 

Putnam,  Col.  Ruf  us,  to  fortify  the  High- 
lands, ii.  271 ;  surveys  the  east  side  of 
the  Hudson,  296,  298. 

Quaker  Meadows,  N.  C.,  troops  to  meet 
at,  ii.  237. 

Quakers  refuse  to  arm  in  Pa.,  i.  141,  168, 
176,  219. 

Quebec,  capture  of,  by  the  English,  i. 
157 ;  attacked  by  the  American  army, 
246 ;  New  York  to  furnish  cannon  for 
the  assault  of,  300 ;  the  importance  of, 
303,  328;  no  hopes  of  capturing,  316, 
326  ;  to  be  reinforced  by  Howe,  367 ;  its 
capture  expected,  ii.  26  ;  Lee  bets  on  its 
capture,  27 ;  defeat  of  the  Americans 
at,  43  ;  Arnold's  assault  on,  iii.  262. 

Quebec  Bill,  in  Parliament,  i.  132 ;  its 
repeal  necessary  to  save  the  empire, 
145;  constitutional,  155. 

Queen's  Rangers  at  battle  of  Monmouth, 
iii.  44. 

Quinn,  Lieut.,  of  N.  C.,  troops  reinsta- 
ted, ii.  182. 

Ramapo,  N.  J.,  troops  at,  ii   327,  344. 
Ramsay,  Dr.    John,    at   Suffolk,   Va.,   i. 

415. 
Ramsay,  Lieut. -Col.  Nathaniel,  his  brav- 


ery at  Monmouth,  ii.  470 ;  at  the  battle 
of  Monmouth,  iii.  59,  70,  75,  78,  136, 
173. 

Randall's  Island,  N.  Y.,  to  be  fortified, 
i.  354. 

Randolph,  Edmund,  declines  the  appoint- 
ment of  muster-master  general,  i.  426. 

Randolph,  Harrison,  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  iii.  63. 

Randolph,  Robert,  a  Va.  cadet,  i.  431. 

Rappahanock  River,  Va.,  i.  119,  404,429. 

Rawlings,  Col.,  of  Md.,  hospitality  of,  iv. 
73. 

Ray.  Mr.,  of  Monmouth,  N.  J.,  men- 
tioned, iii.  26. 

Raynal,  Abbe,  quoted,  iii.  353. 

Read,  Lieut. -Col.  Isaac,  report  on  affairs 
at  Suffolk,  Va.,  i.  390,  401,  414;  his 
conduct  approved  of,  395 ;  marches  to 
Smithfield,  ii.  39. 

Reading  Junto,  mentioned,  iii.  249S  251. 

Red  Bank,  Pa.,  the  defence  of,  iii.  263. 

Red  Hook,  on  Long  Island,  N.  Y.  forti- 
fied ii.  13. 

Red  Lion,  Del.,  mentioned,  i.  118. 

Reddick,  Col.,  at  Portsmouth,  Va.,  i. 
462. 

Redwood  Forest,  Va.,  iii.  426. 

Reed,  Charles,  a  Va.  cadet,  i.  431. 

Reed,  Nathaniel,  affidavit  of,  ii.  29. 

Reed,  Col.  James,  sent  to  Canada,  ii.  13 ; 
his  regt.  with  Gen.  Gates,  336;  at 
Bunker's  Hill,  iii.  262. 

Reed,  Gen.  Joseph,  his  intimacy  with 
Lee,  i.  333  ;  secretary  to  Washington, 
476  ;  at  White  Plains,  ii.  267  ;  informs 
Lee  of  the  capture  of  Fort  Washington, 
284  ;  credits  Lee  with  saving  the  army, 
and  reflects  on  Washington,  293,  305, 
477 ;  charged  by  Lee  with  the  author- 
ship of  the  description  of  the  battle  of 
Monmouth  in  N.  J.  Gazette,  475 ;  his 
services  in  the  action,  477 ;  Lee  apolo- 
gizes to,  478  ;  letter  to  Gen.  Greene  de- 
scribing public  affairs  in  Phil. ,  iii.  245  ; 
accepts  the  Presidency  of  Pa.,  248,  252  ; 
defends  the  character  of  Washington, 
250  ;  prosecutes  Gen.  Arnold,  310,  319  ; 
the  dictator  of  Pa. .  322  ;  defends  Gen. 
Washington  from  the  queries  of  Gen. 
Lee,  348,  iv.  158 ;  his  opinion  of  Fort 
Washington,  349  ;  printers  refuse  Lee.'s 
reply  to  his  statement,  3(55,  373,  381, 
384 ;  Major  Eustace  aide  -de-camp  to, 
392,  393;  his  letters  to  Lee  returned 
by  Eustace,  416 ;  his  whiggism,  457 ; 
his  billet  to  Lee,  iv.  379. 

Reed,  William  B.,  mentioned,  iv.  203. 

Reeves,  Lieut.,  at  Monmouth,  ii.  447. 

Repnin,  Prince,  Russian  ambassador  to 
Poland,  i.  84,  89. 

Reynolds,  Sir  Joshua,  mentioned,  i.  149. 

Rhea,  Lieut. -Col.  David,  his  testimony 
before  the  Lee  court  martial,  iii.  50,  73, 
80,  81 ;  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  181 
260. 

Rhode  Island  endorses  the  cause  of  Bos- 


488 


OENERAL    INDEX. 


,  ton,  i.  135;  population  of  1774,  136; 
character  of  the  people,  136 ;  forming 
military  corps,  141  ;  Lee  directs  the  de- 
fence of,  233 ;  petitions  the  Congress 
for  troops,  244  ;  supplies  the  British 
vessels  with  provisions,  245 ;  depreda- 
tions and  repulse  of  Capt.  Wallace,  of 
the  Rose  frigate,  246  ;  copy  of  the  test 
oath  administered  by  Lee,  346  ;  British 
fleet  leave  the  station  at,  421,  442  ;  re- 
enlistment  of  the  troops  of,  ii.  271,  273, 
277,  280,  281,  287,  295;  probable  at- 
tack on,  by  the  British  fleet,  278,  331 ; 
privateering  interferes  with  enlist- 
ments. 318  ;  feeble  preparation  for  de- 
fence against  the  British,  352  ;  arrival 
of  the  enemy,  355 ;  departure  of  the 
French  fleet  and  imprudent  conduct  of 
Gen.  Sullivan  in,  iii.  234 ;  bravery  of 
the  American  troops,  263 ;  Admiral 
Gambier  sails  for.  332 ;  reinforced  by 
the  British,  337;  evacuated  by  the 
British,  385,  388. 

Rhimer,  Mr.,  mentioned,  i.  39. 

Rice,  Mr.,  mentioned,  i.  80,  84. 

Richardson,  Col.  Richard,  attacks  the 
Indians,  ii.  i-24. 

Richmond,  Col.,  of  S.  C.,  sickness  of  his 
militia,  ii.  231. 

Richmond,  Va.,  troops  at,  i.  369,  371, 
446 ;  mentioned,  iii.  427,  430. 

Rickman,  Dr.  William,  appointed  director 
of  general  hospital,  ii.  64. 

Kiddie,  Willis,  of  Va.,  mentioned,  i.  408. 

Ridgefield,  Conn.,  Town  Committee  pro- 
hibit provisions  from  going  to  N.  Y.,  i. 
'263. 

Riedesel,  Gen.  Friedrich  A.,  his  journey 
with  his  family  from  Cambridge  to  Va., 
iii.  288. 

Ri^by,  Richard,  mentioned,  i.  184. 

Rilliet,  M. ,  desires  to  return  home,  ii.  217, 
'2'28. 

Ringwood  Iron  Works,  N.  J. ,  Gen.  Lse 
at,  ii.  331. 

Rivington,  James,  his  punishment  urged, 
i.  143 ;  attacks  Lee  in  his  paper,  149 ; 
printer  of  the  Friendly  Address,  153  ; 
prints  letter  to  Earl  Percy,  172 ;  an 
object  of  popular  vengeance,  178;  ex- 
tract from  his  Gazette  relating  to 
Arnold  and  Lee,  iii.  309. 

Rivington,  Mr.,  the  London  bookseller, 
Lee's  essay  on,  iv.  108. 

Ritzema,  Col.  Rudolphus,  reports  the 
condition  of  the  army  in  Canada,  i. 
283,  297,  316,  328. 

Roan,  Miss  Nancy,  her  marriage,  i.  232. 

Roberdeau,  Gen.  Daniel,  his  popularity, 
iii.  322  ;  his  whiggism,  457. 

Roberts,  John,  executed  in  Phil,  for 
treason,  iii.  250. 

Roberts,  Mr.,  of  Va.,  mentioned,  iii.  406, 
407 ;  his  settlement  with  Gen.  Lee  for 
the  management  of  his  farm,  iv.  78. 

Robertson,  Gen.  James,  kindness  to  Gen. 
LeeinN.Y.,  ii.  376  ;  mentioned,  iii.  453. 


Robertson,  Lieut. -Col. ,  in  council  of  8. 
C.  officers,  ii.  202 ;  prepares  troops  to 
march  to  Ga.,  251. 

Robertson,  Mr.,  mentioned,  ii.  29. 

Robins's  Tavern,  near  Allentown,  ii.  420, 
423. 

Robinson,  Miss,  Lee's  affectionate  letter 
to,  i.  230. 

Robinson,  William,  a  Va.  cadet,  431 ;  of 
Princess  Anne  Co.,  464;  ensign,  iv.  48. 

Rochford,  Lord,  his  letter  to  Count  de 
Guines,  iv.  415. 

Rock  Hall  Ferry,  Md.,  mentioned,  i.  121. 

Rockingham,  Lord,  an  honest  man,  i.  58 ; 
coming  into  power,  69  ;  mentioned,  iv. 
115. 

Rocky  Hill,  N.  J.,iiL  231. 

Rodgers,  Lieut.  Samuel,  makes  complaint 
against  Col.  Jackson,  iii.  210,  220. 

Rodney,  Thomas,  mentioned,  iv.  61,  234. 

Roebuck,  frigate,  i.  365 ;  lying  oft  Dela- 
ware, 374  ;  aground,  471 ,  ii.  4 ;  attack- 
ed in  the  Delaware,  25 ;  crippled,  48 ; 
dismasted  at  Charleston,  95,  96  ;  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Rappahannock,  133 ;  in 
the  Potomac,  144 ;  in  Delaware  Bay, 
350. 

Rogers,  a  Ga.  cowboy,  ii.  237. 

Rogers,  Major  Robert,  an  attack  on 
planned,  ii.  273,  306,  307,  318,  322,  iv. 
292 ;  deserters  from  his  Rangers,  278  ; 
evades  pursuit,  284. 

Roorbach,  Garret,  barrack  master,  i.  341. 

Roseberry,  Lord,  to  marry  Lady  Mary 
Douglas,  i.  25. 

Ross,  David,  a  Va.  cadet,  i.  431. 

Ross,  Col.  George,  member  of  a  faction 
in  Pa.,  iii.  247. 

Rowley.  Mr.,  mentioned,  i.  67. 

Roxbury,  Mass.,  troops  posted  there,  i. 
195  ;  deserters  from,  217. 

Rnggles,  Gen.  Timothy,  mentioned,  i. 
159. 

Rush,  Benjamin,  M.D.,  assures  Lee  of 
the  popularity  of  his  letter  to  Bur- 
goyne,  i.  196;  supposes  him  to  be  the 
hero  of  Bunker's  Hill,  206 ;  his  attack 
on  General  Gage,  211 ;  his  Republican 
principles  too  strong  for  the  South, 
212,  213 ;  criticises  the  siege  of  Bos- 
ton, 216 ;  compliments  Lee  on  his 
appointment  to  Canada,  314;  intro- 
duces Thomas  Paine,  314,  325 ;  re- 
ceives Lee's  account  of  action  at  Sulli- 
van's Island,  ii.  94  ;  notes  the  effect  of 
the  declaration  of  independence,  162 ; 
elected  to  Congress,  162 ;  informed  of 
Lee's  position  at  Morristown,  339  ;  sends 
a  friendly  anonymous  letter  to  Lee,  iii. 
228  ;  recovers  from  an  attack  of  illness, 
236;  his  friendship  for  Gen.  Gates, 
316  ;  driven  from  public  life,  316  ;  Lee 
considers  him  a  pure  patriot,  370  ;  and 
loves  his  sister-in-law,  375  ;  his  opinion 
of  affairs  in  Pa. ,  380  ;  affection  for  Lee, 
384 ;  Lee  sends  his  letter  to  Congress 
to  the  care  of,  426 ;  Lee  writes  to  him  on 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


489 


the  alarming  condition  of  public  affairs, 
467. 

Rush,  Richard,  his  good  opinion  of  Lee, 
i.  143;  public  writings,  144. 

Rushbrooke,  Barham,  his  portrait  of 
Gen.  Lee,  iv.  342. 

Russell,  Lieut.,  of  Va.,  mentioned,  iv.  48. 

Russell,  Col.  William,  marches  against 
the  Cherokees,  ii.  214,  215;  at  the 
battle  of  Monmouth,  iii.  129. 

Russia,  campaign  against  the  Turks,  i. 
68,  71,  74,  79,  81,  82,  85,  86,  89,  iv.  174, 
227  ;  poor  opinion  of  the  English,  77. 

Rust,  Lieut.,  mentioned,  ii.  313. 

Rutherfurd,  Capt.  Archibald,  returns  to 
England,  ii.  375. 

Rutherfurd,  Col.  Griffith,  attacks  the 
Indians,  ii.  223,  224. 

Rutledge,  Edward,  a  memorial  of  Lee  sent 
to,  i.  156,  266;  informed  of  affairs  in 
Va.,  372 ;  his  good  opinion  of  Lee,  ii. 
38;  mentioned,  118. 

Rutledge,  John,  President  of  the  Conven- 
tion of  South  Carolina,  his  correspond- 
ence with  Gen.  Lee  in  regard  to  public 
affairs  in  the  province  and  defence  of 
Charleston,  ii.  53,  57,  71,  80,  83,  105, 
106,  109,  114,  118,  121,  123,  130,  148, 
150,  156,  157,  161,  163,  165,  172,  174, 
176,  179,  187,  199,  20!,  203,  211,  232, 
236 ;  Henry  Laurens  praises  his  ser- 
vices, 220 ;  mentioned,  iv.  23. 

Rye,  N.  Y.,  the  inhabitants  declare  them- 
selves neutral,  i.  159;';  troops  at,  263. 

Rysom,  Capt.,  on  parole,  i.  471. 

St.  Aubin,  Chevalier  de,  captured  bv  the 
British,  ii.  215. 

St.  Augustine,  Fla.,  British  troops  at, 
ii.  11,  115,  125;  British  troops  march 
from,  to  the  Indian  country.  49  ;  pic- 
aroons from,  plunder  Ga. ,  217,  237; 
expedition  planned  against.  233,  236 ; 
provisions  drawn  fram  Ga. ,  242. 

St.  Clair,  Gen.  Arthur,  a  sensible,  worthy 
man,  i.  305  ;  to  command  N.  J.  militia, 
ii.  342;  the  court  martial  of,  iii.  334, 
336 ;  mentioned,  393,  439,  442. 

St.  Domingo,  W.  I.,  letter  of  Lee  to  the 
Governor  of,  ii.  255. 

St.  Eustatia,  W.  I.,  powder  brought 
from,  ii.  6  ;  and  provisions,  214  ;  trade 
to,  iii.  351. 

St.  George,  Ga.,  inhabitants  of,  petition 
Gen.  Lee  for  protection,  ii.  181. 

St.  George's  Island,  Md.,  occupied  by 
Lord  Dunmore,  ii.  143. 

St.  Helena,  S.  C.,  to  be  fortified,  ii.  211. 

St.  John's,  N.  S.,  British  troops  at,  ii. 
265. 

St.  John's  Island,  N.  S.,  Lee's  grant  of 
land  on,  i.  83,  92,  96,  iii.  315,  446  ;  de- 
scribed by  Gov.  Patterson,  i.  113 ;  the 
military  settlement  on,  iv.  97. 

St.  John's  River,  Fla.,  country  near, 
ravaged  by  Indians,  ii.  233,  234; 
British  forces  at,  236. 


St.  Lawrence  River,  i.  314,  329 ;    lands 

solicited  on,  iv.  98. 
St.     Mary's    River,    Fla.,    Indians     and 

British  cross  into  Ga.,  ii.  125;  Indian 

post  on,  189 ;  post  at,  abandoned,  233, 

236. 
St.   Paul,   Ga.,   inhabitants   of,   petition 

Gen.  Lee  for  protection,  ii.  181. 
Sally,  sloop,  captured  by  the  British,  ii. 

Salter,  Col.,  mentioned,  ii.  62. 

Saltonstall,  Gen.  Gurdon,  in  command  of 
Conn,  militia,  ii.  269. 

Salvador,  Mr.,  killed  by  the  Indians,  ii. 
224. 

Sandwich,  Earl  of,  mentioned,  i.  38,  61, 
184,  iv.  12,  21. 

Sandy  Hook,  N.  Y.,  mentioned,  i.  117 ;  a 
whale-boat  to  be  stationed  there,  299  ; 
British  vessels  at,  ii.  15 ;  arrival  of 
Howe's  fleet  from  Halifax,  32;  the 
British  army  to  march  to,  427,  446, 
462  ;  construct  a  bridge  to,  466. 

San  ford,  Lieut.  William,  mentioned,  iv. 

Saratoga  Convention,  happy  effects  of, 
iii.  361. 

Savannah,  Ga.,  troops  at,  ii.  49;  to  be 
reinforced,  145  ;  report  of  the  arrival  of 
the  British  fleet,  168,  171  ;  reinforce- 
ment of  troops  from  S.  C.,  252  ;  at- 
tacked by  Admiral  D'Estaing,  iii.  385 ; 
the  expedition  against,  390. 

Savile,  Sir  George,  the  honor  and  genius 
of  England,  i.  93. 

Saw  Pit,  N.  Y.,  Gen.  Wooster  stationed 
at,  ii.  279  ;  visited  by  Lee,  286 ;  iii.  228. 

Saxe,  Marshal,  mentioned,  iii.  177. 

Sayres,  Capt.  John,  fortifies  Cumberland, 
Va.,  ii.  44. 

Scammell,  Col.  Alexander,  at  Dobbs 
Ferry,  ii.  312  ;  Deputy  Adjutant-Gen- 
eral, 345. 

Schenectady,  N.  Y.,  in  the  French  war,  i. 
3. 

Schuyler,  Madam,  Lee's  ill  behavior  at 
her  house,  iv.  352  ;  nurses  the  wounded 
soldiers,  353. 

Schuyler,  Gen.  Philip,  will  not  command 
in  Canada,  i.  251 ;  desires  the  com- 
mand of  the  troops  in  Canada,  265  ; 
to  relieve  Gen.  Lee  at  N.  Y.,  300, 
307 ;  to  aid  Lee  in  securing  the 
lakes,  311  ;  provides  provisions  for 
the  campaign  in  Canada,  339  ;  supplies 
Gen.  Wooster  with  money,  340  ;  accused 
of  sacrificing  his  country  to  his  ambi- 
tion and  advance,  ii.  170  ;  sends  troops 
against  Sir  John  Johnson,  and  suggests 
the  obstruction  of  the  Hudson  River, 
264  ;  verdict  of  court  martial  approving 
his  conduct  confirmed  by  Congress,  iii. 
271,  277  ;  court  martial  of,  334,  337  ;  a 
friend  of  Gen.  Lee,  iv.  1 1. 

Scorpion,  frigate,  at  Cape  Fear,  ii.  28  ; 
sails  for  Charleston,  51 . 

Scotland,  the  Scotch  element  of  the  Brit 


490 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


ish  Army,  i.  161  ;  the  Scotch-Irish 
manage  affairs  in  America,  iii.  431.  457. 

Scott,  Oapt.  Alexander,  killed  at  Sulli- 
van's Island,  ii.  194. 

Scotfc,  Gen.  Charles,  joins  Gen.  Lee,  i. 
457 ;  his  brigade  in  Lafayette's  divis- 
ion, ii.  408,  410,  413,  415,  468;  near 
Allentown,  416,  418  ;  under  Lee,  422  ; 
report  on  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  438  ; 
movement  of  his  brigade,  441  ;  his  tes- 
timony before  the  court  martial,  iii.  2, 
27;  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  4,  14, 
18,  21,  22,  31,  82,  33,  34,  35,  36,  37,  39, 
47,  49,  56,  63,  81,  90,  91,  93,  102,  103, 
105,  106,  108,  109,  110,  116,  117,  118, 
119,  120,  123,  126,  130,  131,  135,  137, 
140,  141,  143,  144-153,  160,  165,  168, 
181,  182,  183,  191,  193, 194, 197,  225,  287. 

Scott,  James,  of  Va  ,  prisoner,  ii.  111,120. 

Scott,  John  Morin,  his  brigade  with  Gen. 
Heath,  ii.  320. 

Scrope,  Mr.,  mentioned,  i.  101. 

Scudder,  Col.  Nathaniel,  orders  to  annoy 
the  enemy,  ii.  418 ;  delegate  from  N. 
J.,  iii.  318,320. 

Sears,  Col.  Isaac,  Washington  requests 
him  to  aid  Lee  in  securing  New  York, 
i.  237;  charged  with  a  letter  to  Gov. 
Trumbnll,  238:  recommended  by  Trn in- 
bull  to  Lae.  238;  in  Conn.,  258  ;  ap- 
pointed Adjutant-General  of  Connec- 
ticut forces,  2(53,  273  ;  commissioned 
by  Lee  Adjutant-General  without  au- 
thority, 296  ;  Washington  approves  of 
it,  328  ;  authorized  by  Lee  to  adminis- 
ter a  test  oath  at  N.  Y.,  34(5,  348;  forces 
the  tories  at  Newtown  to  take  the  oath, 
359. 

Seixas,  Lieut.  Abraham,  sent  express  to 
Gen.  Lee,  ii.  108,  171 . 

Seneca  Indians,  the  most  powerful  tribe, 
i.  21. 

Seward,  Capt.  Thomas,  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  iii.  134,  13(5,  160. 

Sewall,  Jonathan,  conference  with  Gen. 
Gage,  i.  140  ;  mentioned,  159,  171. 

Seymour,  Col.  Thomas,  of  Conn.,  i.  274. 

Shakespeare,  the  King  of  Poland  swears 
by,  i.  38  ;  Lee's  divine  author,  97  ;  rec- 
ommended to  Miss  Robinson,  230 ; 
scarcity  of  his  works  in  Va. ,  iii.  454. 

Shaw,  Major  Samuel,  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  iii.  135,  157;  his  testimony 
before  the  Lee  court  martial,  158. 

Shedden,  Robert,  acquitted,  i.  386  ;  to  be 
made  prisoner,  411  ;  his  property  seized, 
444 ;  his  house  destroyed,  457,  468, 
ii.  4  ;  a  prisoner  at  Suffolk,  468. 

Shelburne,  Lord,  mentioned,  i.  61. 

Sheldon,  Col.  Elisha,  his  cavalry  com- 
mand, iii.  287. 

Shephard,  Col.  William,  member  of  the 
Lee  court  martial,  iii.  1 . 

Shephard' s  Town,  Va. ,  Gen.  Lee  at,  iii. 
340,  381. 

Sherard's  Ferry,  Pa.,  the  American  army 
cross,  ii.  409. 


Shippen,  Thomas,  mentioned,  iii.  427, 
458  ;  his  legacy  from  Gen.  Lee.  iv.  31 . 

Shippen sburg.  Pa.,  mentioned,  i.  119. 

Shoal  Harbor,  N.  J.,  supposed  destina- 
tion of  the  British  army,  ii.  427. 

Shreve,  Col.  Israel,  his  house  destroyed  by 
the  British,  ii.  456;  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  iii.  80.  81,  92,  93,  94. 

Shubrick,  Capt.,  property  destroyed  on 
Bull's  Island,  S.  C.,  ii.  2'.)2. 

Simcoe,  Lieut. -Col.  John  G.,  his  Queen's 
Rangers  at  Monmouth,  ii.  463,  iii.  44  ; 
Lee  opens  communication  with,  452. 

Simitiere,  Pierre  E.  du,  mentioned,  iii. 
334,  336,  343. 

Simons,  Maj.  Maurice,  at  Savannah,  ii. 
253. 

Sing  Sing,  N.   Y.,  British  frigates  at,  ii. 

Six  Nations  of  Indians  aid  the  British  at 
Ticonderoga,  i.  11  ;  in  the  attack  on 
Fort  Niagara,  21  ;  visit  Phil.,  ii.  46. 

Skidaway,  Ga.,  troops  posted  at,   ii.   255. 

Skinner,  Dr.  Alexander,  in  charge  of  the 
sick  at  Suffolk,  Va.,  i.  3-J3,  401,  413; 
ordered  to  William sburg,  410;  uses  the 
college  for  a  hospital,  436 ;  mentioned, 
450. 

Skinner,  Elisha,  of  Conn.,  i.  274. 

Slavery,  its  introduction  into  America,  ii. 
218. 

Small,  Maj.  John,  a  money  draft  on,  sent 
to  Gen.  Lee,  ii.  356. 

Small  wood,  Gen.  William,  two  of  his 
men  employed  as  spies,  ii.  278  ;  member 
of  the  Lee  court  martial,  iii.  1  ;  at  the 
battle  of  Monmouth,  96. 

Smith,  Capt.,  of  Ga.,  killed  by  the 
Indians,  ii.  125. 

Smith,  Capt.,  4th  Va.  regt.,  i.  437. 

Smith,  Capt.,  of  the  ship  Hancock  and 
Adams,  iv.  392. 

Smith,  Capt.,  of  the  snow  Mobile,  ii. 
229. 

Smith,  James,  of  the  Committee  of  York, 
Pa.,  i.  363. 

Smith,  James,  merchant  of  Fredericks- 
town,  iii.  404,  459  ;  witness  to  the  will 
of  Gen.  Lee,  iv.  32. 

Smith,  John,  collector  of  Phil.,  i.  305. 

Smith,  Merri wether,  a  friend  of  Gen. 
Lee,  iv.  11. 

Smith,  Mr.,  joins  Gen.  Lee,  i.  253. 

Smith,  Mrs.,  finds  her  husband,  i.  435. 

Smith,  Lt.-Col.  Samuel,  to  seize  Gov. 
Eden,  ii.  141 ;  his  testimony  before  the 
Lee  court  martial,  iii.  49  ;  at  the  battle 
of  Monmouth,  109,  123  ;  makes  charges 
against  Col.  Jackson,  211  ;  his  defence 
of  Mud  Island,  263. 

Smith,  Stephen,  on  the  Ridgefield  Com- 
mittee, i.  264. 

Smith,  Thomas,  his  character,  iii.  247, 
251. 

Smith,  William,  D.D.,  his  oration  on 
Gen.  Montgomery,  i.  325 ;  his  infamous 
behavior,  iii.  247. 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


491 


Smith,  Capt.  William,  of  Va. ,  mentioned, 
ii.  428,  435. 

Smith,  Lt.-Col.  William,  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  iii.  73,  167,  211,  214,  210, 
222,  £23,  2:27,  232;  his  testimony  be- 
fore the  Lee  court  martial,  83. 

Smithfield,  Va.,  troops  at,  i.  396,  487. 

Smith's  Tavern,  Orange  Co.,  N.  Y., 
troops  halt  at,  ii.  409. 

Smyth,  Capt.  of  the  Engineers,  i.  282; 
an  excellent  officer,  296;  Washington 
to  care  for,  327  ;  has  good  talents,  329 ; 
reports  the  condition  of  Fort  Constitu- 
tion, 338.  356 ;  Lee  wants  his  services 
in  Va.,  480,  ii.  18,  19. 

Solebay  frigate,  at  Cape  Fear,  ii.  28; 
sails  for  Charleston,  51  ;  attacks  Sul- 
livan's Island,  112  ;  sails  from  Charles- 
ton, 152. 

Somerset,  Lady  Anne,  to  marry  Lord 
Northampton,  i.  25. 

Sorel,  Canada,  the  Americans'  retreat  to, 
ii.  98,  124  ;  British  troops  at,  265. 

South  Amboy,  N.  J.,  the  British  to 
march  to,  ii.  425,  429,  454. 

South  Carolina,  mountain  ranges  and  soil, 
i.  117;  political  opinion  in,  212,  213; 
included  in  the  Southern  department, 
343 ;  not  a  field  engineer  in  the  pro- 
vince, 360;  need  of  troops  in,  372; 
Gen.  Armstrong  to  report  on  public 
affairs  in,  410;  attack  by  the  British 
expected  in,  433,  445  ;  Lord  Dunmore 
to  join  Cornwallis  in,  ii.  5;  not  a 
soldier  of,  on  the  Continental  es- 
tablishment, 10 ;  arrangement  of  the 
provincial  military  department,  10; 
for  independence,  11  ;  object  of  British 
expedition,  37 ;  to  recruit  troops  in 
Va. ,  38  ;  Gov.  Campbell  wishes  Clinton 
to  move  his  army  there,  40;  Gen.  Clin- 
ton sails  for  Charleston,  51  ;  troops 
needed  to  oppose  him,  52 ;  operations 
before  Charleston  and  defeat  of  the 
British,  55-117;  Georgia  a  barrier 
against  depredations  by  the  enemy, 
114;  to  attack  the  frontier  Indians, 
128,  129,  144,  151,  159,  189,  200;  to 
send  troops  to  Ga.,  149,  150;  the 
enemy  withdraw  from,  140,  149,  1 50 ; 
Council  refuse  to  aid  Ga.  with  troops, 
156,  157;  Gen.  Lee  suggests  measures 
for  the  defence  of  the  province,  174; 
four  regiments  on  Continental  estab- 
lishment, 199,  201  ;  suppression  of  the 
insurrection  by  the  back  country  peo- 
ple, 224  ;  declaration  of  independence 
to  be  recorded,  226  ;  troops  on  the  Con- 
tinental establishment,  254  ;  Lee's 
farewell  orders  to,  258  ;  fleet  from  N.  Y. 
supposed  to  be  destined  to,  278  :  opera- 
tions of  the  British  in,  iv.  1  ;  presents 
Gen.  Greene  with  a  plantation,  1  ; 
money  due  to  Lee  by,  23. 

South  Carolina  Gazette  prints  an  inac- 
curate account  of  the  defence  of 
Charleston,  ii.  220. 


Southerland,  Mr.,  of  Cross  Creek,  N.  C., 
ii.  333. 

Spain,  to  be  offered  the  commerce  of 
America,  i.  137;  favorable  to  American 
independence,  ii.  2 ;  negotiations  with, 
iii.  410. 

Sparks,  Jared,  his  life  of  Gen.  Lee,  iv. 
197-334  ;  noticed,  343. 

Spencer,  Gen.  Joseph,  parting  orders 
from  Gen.  Lee,  ii.  328 ;  reports  the 
British  fleet,  338. 

Sphynx  frigate,  at  Cape  Fear,  ii.  28 ; 
sails  for  Charleston,  51  ;  attacks  Sul- 
livan's Island,  112. 

Spotswood,  Major  Alexander,  tries  Lt. 
Hughes,  i.  412,  422. 

Spotswood,  John,  a  Va.  cadet,  i.  431. 

Spotswood,  N.  J. ,  troops  at,  ii.  448. 

Springfield,  N.  J. ,  militia  at,  ii.  344. 

Sproat,  Lt.-Col.  Ebenezer,  member  court 
of  inquiry,  iii.  210. 

Sprowles,  Mr.  of  Portsmouth,  Va.,  his 
house  destroyed,  i.  457,  468,  ii.  4. 

Spry,  Capt.  William,  surveys  Lee's  land 
on  St.  John's  Island,  i.  S3. 

Spur,  Abraham,  one  of  Lee's  body 
guard,  iii.  436. 

Spy,  armed  schooner,  i.  238. 

Squires,  Capt.  Matthew,  of  the  Otter, 
his  nephew  captured,  ii.  138. 

Stadler,  Capt.  John,  appointed  engineer, 
i.  367,  416  ;  not  heard  from,  480 ;  re- 
port on  fortifications  at  Batchelor's 
Point,  ii.  44  ;  Va.  Convention  refuses 
to  raise  his  pay,  63  ;  enters  the  service 
of  Va.,  192.  ' 

Stamford,  Conn.,  powder  sent  to,  i.  238  ; 
Gen.  Lee  at,  247,  255,  258.  259,  iv.  263 ; 
Town  Committee  prohibit  provisions 
from  going  to  N.  Y. ,  263  ;  troops  at, 
263,  273,  ii.  269 ;  alarm  at,  275,  278. 

Stamp  Act,  an  attack  on  the  liberty  of 
America,  i.  59. 

Stanhope,  Lord,  mentioned,  i.  107. 

Stanislaus,  King  of  Poland,  appoints  Lee 
his  aide-de-camp,  i.  38;  description  of, 
38  ;  presented  with  the  sword  of  Crom- 
well, 39;  his  attempt  to  better  the 
Constitution,  40 ;  his  opinions  and 
morals,  41  ;  sends  Lee  on  an  embassy 
to  Constantinople,  42 ;  recommends 
Lee  to  George  III. ,  51,  52  ;  Lee's  letter 
to,  on  English  politics,  55 ;  high  in 
esteem  in  England,  61 ;  Lee  requests  a 
copy  of  his  portrait.  61  ;  presented  with 
horses  by  Lord  Thaiiet,  62,  66 ;  re- 
marks on  English  affairs,  64  ;  describes 
a  good  horse,  66 ;  his  portrait  copied, 
68 ;  an  honest  king,  73 ;  wants  a 
dragoon  cask,  84  ;  makes  Lee  a  Major- 
General,  84,  87  ;  his  dress  described,  iii. 
280  ;  account  of.  iv.  217. 

Stanley,  Hans,  a  wise  politician,  i.  77. 

Stanney,  England,  the  home  of  the  Lee 
family,  iv.  121,  171,  2C6,  345. 

Stark.  Gen.  John,  sent  to  Canada,  ii.  13  ; 
his  regt.  with  Gen.  Gates,  336;  at 


492 


GENERAL   INDEX. 


Banker's  Hill,  iii.  262  ;  at  Bennington, 
263 ;  his  services  in  1777,  334,  336,  342, 
441 

Staten  Island,  N.  Y.,  tories  on,  i.  347, 
357  ;  skirmish  at  the  watering  place, 
421  ;  Lord  Howe  lands  there,  ii.  168, 
208 ;  arrival  of  Gen.  Clinton's  army, 
205  ;  Hessians  remove  from,  260  ;  large 
force  to  embark  from,  277  ;  wagons 
impressed  by  the  British,  320  ;  Gen. 
Leslie  in  command  at,  iii.  272. 

Staunton,  Va.,  mentioned,  i.  119. 

Stephen,  Col.  Adam,  of  the  4th  Va.  regt., 
i.  390;  at  Smithfield,  Va.,  437;  to  re- 
move suspected  inhabitants,  ii.  24  ;  in 
command  at  Portsmouth,  Va.,  63  ;  in 
the  attack  on  Gwyn's  Island,  131,  137  ; 
compliments  Lee  on  the  success  at 
Charleston,  136 ;  fortifies  Portsmouth, 
212  ;  attacks  the  British  at  Cape  Henry, 
216  ;  mentioned,  iv.  32  ;  owns  land  near 
Gen.  Lee's  estate,  38. 

Steptoe,  William,  legacy  of  Gen.  L3e  to, 
iv.  30. 

Steth,  Capt.,  his  testimony  at  the  Lee 
court  martial,  iii.  170,  193,  194. 

Steuben,  Baron,  rallies  the  troops  at 
Monmouth,  ii.  434,  450  ;  at  the  battle 
of  Monmouth,  iii.  7,  179, 190;  his  testi- 
mony before  the  Lee  court  martial,  95  ; 
insulted  by  Lea,  202 ;  mentioned,  233  ; 
demands  satisfaction  from  Lee,  253 ; 
at  Phil.,  254  ;  complimented  by  Hamil- 
ton on  his  letter  to  Lee,  254. 

Stevenson,  John  Hall,  mentioned,  i.  92, 
94,  96  ;  informed  of  Lae's  arrival  in 
England,  100  ;  his  imitations  of  Horace, 
101 ;  letter  from,  110. 

Steward,  Major,  in  the  action  at  Stony 
Point,  iii.  377. 

Stewart,  Cameron,  in  Ga.,  ii.  125. 

Stewart,  Col.  Walter,  his  braver  vat  Mon- 
mouth, ii.  434,  439,  448,  454,  470  ;  at  the 
battle  of  Monmouth,  iii.  20,  22.  25,  48, 
52,  66,  70,  75,  76,  78,  95,  108,  136,  155, 
166,  178,  188,  304  ;  his  testimony  before 
the  court  martial,  40,  87,  88;  his 
opinion  of  Gen.  Lee,  271  ;  writes  to 
Gen.  Greene  from  Va. ,  exposing  the 
efforts  of  the  Lees  to  injure  Washing- 
ton, 303. 

Stiles,  Dr.  Hezekiah,  of  Cranberry,  N. 
J.,  ii.  416. 

Stirling,  Lord  (William  Alexander),  his 
regiment  at  Elizabeth,  i.  235  ;  to  attack 
the  tories  on  Long  Island,  240  ;  to  join 
Gen.  Lee,  271  ;  suggested  for  a  com- 
mand at  N.  Y.,  290;  his  regiment  in 
the  city,  296 ;  zealous  and  active, 
309  ;  his  command  at  N.  Y.,  320,  322, 
337 ;  enlists  a  company  of  carpenters 
for  Canada,  331  ;  appointed  Brigadier, 
343 ;  to  command  at  N.  Y.  until  Schuy- 
ler's  arrival,  344,  347  ;  his  division  to 
march  to  Newburgh,  ii.  408 ;  finds  fault 
with  Lafayette's  command,  418,  468; 
commands  the  left  wing  at  Monmouth, 


444 ;  President  of  the  court  martial  for 
the  trial  of  Gen.  Lee,  iii.  1,  30,  208  ;  at 
the  battle  of  Monmouth,  29,  33,  78,  93, 
104,  112,  117,  118,  120,  131,  158,  232; 
charged  by  Lee  with  injustice,  239; 
commands  in  N.  J.  in  the  absence  of  \, 
Washington,  289;  a  drunkard,  393; 
mentioned,  428. 

Stockbridge  Indians  at  the  attack  on 
Ticonderoga,  i.  11. 

Stockton,  Miss,  Lee's  love  for,  iii.  375. 

Stockton,  Mr.,  mentioned,  iii.  294. 

Stone,  Capt.,  of  James  Island  militia,  ii. 
66;  at  Charleston,  S.  C.,  196. 

Stono  River,  S.  C.,  ii.  140;  troops  at, 
iv.  2. 

Stony  Brook,  N.  J.,  Lee  proposes  a 
camp  on,  ii.  41 1 . 

Stony  Point,  N.  Y.,  Gen.  Wayne  compli- 
mented for  his  gallant  assault,  iii.  356  ; 
Wayne's  disposition  of  his  troops  for 
the  attack,  375 ;  Lee's  opinion  of  the 
action,  379. 

Sbotts  Landing,  N  Y.,  stores  at,  ii.  320. 

Strachey,  Sir  Henry,  secretary  to  the 
Peace  Commissioners,  ii.  361. 

Strangway,  Lady  Susan,  who  married 
O'Brien,  to  be  provided  for  in  New 
York,  i.  34. 

Strettle,  Mr.,  of  Va.,  an  old  acquaintance 
of  Lee,  i.  252. 

Strong,  Lieut.  Return,  of  Conn.,  i.  274. 

Stuart,  Henry,  deputy  supt.  of  Indian 
affairs,  intercepted  letter  from,  to  the 
inhabitants  on  the  frontiers,  ii.  28  ;  his 
influence  with  the  Indians,  223. 

Stuart,  John,  treats  with  the  Indians,  ii. 
181 ;  stirs  up  the  savage  Indians,  2:23  ; 
liberation  of  his  wife,  226. 

Suffern,  N.  Y..  troops  at,  ii.  409. 

Suffolk,  Va.,  confiscated  goods  at,  i.  373  ; 
soldiers  die  by  dozens  in,  379 ;  con- 
dition of  affairs  at,  390,  395,  396,  401, 
410,  412,  413,  417,  422,  435;  sick  re- 
moved from,  437 ;  slave  prisoners  to  be 
sent  to,  445  ;  Gen.  Lee  at,  448  ;  turpen- 
tine stored  there,  459 ;  troops  at,  464, 
469,  ii.  8,  21,  43;  military  operations 
at,  469. 

Sullivan,  Gen.  John,  fortifies  Cambridge, 
i.  198 ;  discovers  the  retreat  of  the 
British  from  Boston,  363 ;  sent  to 
Canada,  475,  ii.  13;  pursues  Major 
Rogers,  284 ;  in  command  of  Lee's 
division,  286;  reports  a  skirmish  with 
tories,  313  ;  commands  at  R.  I.,  iii. 
211 ;  his  imprudent  conduct  in  R.  I., 
234 ;  criticised  by  Joseph  Reed,  245  ; 
his  operations  in  R.  I.,  338  ;  at  Brandy- 
wine,  343;  alias  "Major  Sturgeon,"  his 
expedition  against  the  Indians,  382, 
385  ;  a  friend  of  Lee,  iv.  18 ;  his  at- 
tempt to  recapture  Gen.  Lee,  392. 

Sullivan's  Island,  S.  C.,  erection  of  Fort 
Sullivan  and  its  defence  by  Col.  Moul- 
trie  against  the  attack  of  the  British, 
ii.  56-60,  67,  68,  77-83,  89-95,  103,  105, 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


493 


1C7,  137,  194,  208,  210 ;  report  of  Gen. 
Lee  on  the  action  on,  93,  95,  96,  100, 
107,  117,  136,  154,  194,  208,  210;  narra- 
tive of  prisoners  from  the  British  fleet, 

'  111,  120;  the  fortifications  completed, 
126,  130,  150,  157,  174,  180,  211,  230, 
246;  the  British  withdraw  to  N.  Y., 
140,  149,  150,  189,  196,  205;  account  of 
the  attack  by  Henry  Laurens,  219 ; 
bravery  of  the  garrison,  iii.  262 ;  de- 
fended against  the  judgment  of  Lee, 
333  ;  account  of  the  attack  on,  iv.  132, 
179,  283. 

Sumner,  Col.  Jethro,  question  of  his 
rank,  ii.  186,  196,  197 ;  at  Ashley 
Ferry,  198  ;  march  of  his  regt.  to  Ga., 
252. 

Sumter,  Col.  Thomas,  his  services  in  de- 
fending Charleston  against  the  British, 
ii.  56,  58 ;  to  march  to  Ga.,  150  ;  to 
East  Florida,  187;  on  council  of  officers, 
202. 

Sim  Tavern,  near  Allentown,  N.  J.,  iii. 
65. 

Sunbury,  Ga.,  troops  at,  ii.  253. 

Susquehanna  River,  Pa.,  mentioned,  i. 
117,  119  ;  settlements  on,  167  ;  fords  of, 
to  be  guarded,  ii.  388,  394,  400 ;  stores 
to  be  moved  from,  404. 

Sussex  Co.,  Va.,  minute  men  of,  ii.  18. 

Sussex  Court  House  (Newton),  N.  J., 
troops  at,  ii.  409  ;  Gen.  Phillips,  Baron 
Riedesel,  prisoners  at,  iii.  288. 

Swan,  Mr.,  of  Jamaica,  W.  I.,  i.  292. 

Swearingen,  Samuel,  witness  to  the  will 
of  Gen.  Lee,  iv.  32. 

Swift,  Col.  Heman,  member  of  the  Lee 
court  martial,  iii.  1. 

Swift,  John,  collector  of  Phil.,  i.  305. 

Swift,  John  White,  refuses  to  take  arms 
against  the  Colonies,  i.  305  ;  Lee  wishes 
to  appoint  him  secretary,  318. 

Swift,  Jonathan,  his  letters  the  best  his- 
tory  of  the  times,  i.  62. 

Switzerland,  a  land  of  manly  democracy, 
i.  Ill  ;  affluence  and  happiness  in,  149. 

Syren,  frigate,  attacks  Sullivan's  Island, 
'ii.  112. 

Talbot,  Lord,  controversy  with  Wilkes,  i. 
74,  81. 

Talcot,  Col.  Samuel,  i.  274. 

Taliaferro,  Capt.  Benjamin,  mentioned, 
iv.  47. 

Tallmadge,  Major  Benjamin,  his  expedi- 
tion to  Long  Island,  iii.  387. 

Tallman,  Peter,  his  house  destroyed  by 
the  British,  ii.  456. 

Tanners  Creek,  Va.,  i.  462,  468. 

Tappan,  N.  Y.,  stores  at,  ii.  320. 

Tarleton,  Col.  Banastre,  aids  in  the  capt- 
ure of  Gen.  Lee,  iv.  387. 

Tarriston,  Judge,  mentioned,  iv.  62. 

Tarrytown,  N.  Y.,  British  frigates  at,  ii. 
273  ;  tories  attacked  near,  313. 

Tatham,  Col.,  of  Newberne,  N.  C.,  no- 
ticed, iv.  63. 


Taylor,  Capt.,  introduced  by  Lee  to 
Gates,  iii.  321. 

Taylor,  Capt.  James,  collector  of  cus- 
toms at  Portsmouth,  N.  C.,  iv.  62,  64. 

Taylor,  Lawrence,  tavern  keeper  near 
Allentown,  ii.  415  ;  troops  meet  at  his 
place,  416  ;  mentioned,  iii.  74. 

Taylor,  Mrs.,  of  Williamsburg,  Va.,  iii. 

Taylor,  Major  Samuel,  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  iii.  85. 

Tawrrytown,  Va.,  mentioned,  i.  119. 

Tazewell,  Mr.,  of  Williamsburg,  Va.,  iii. 
o04. 

Tennent,  Mr.,  mentioned,  iii.  96. 

Ternant,  Maj.  Jean  de,  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  iii.  96. 

Thanet,  Lord,  mentioned,  i.  32,  33,  39, 
45,  51,  91,  94,  96,  99,  137;  Lee  resides 
with,  48,  54  ;  procures  horses  for  the 
King  of  Poland,  62,  66 ;  Lee's  friend- 
ship for,  77 ;  desires  an  heir,  79 ;  ill 
with  the  gout,  105  ;  his  wife  and  fam- 
ily, 105 ;  opposed  to  American  rights, 
192 ;  Lee's  love  and  respect  for,  iv. 
15. 

Thomas,  Isaiah,  his  history  of  printing 
mentioned,  iv.  61. 

Thomas,  Gen.  John,  complains  of  his 
treatment  by  Congress,  i.  197  ;  dies  of 
the  small-pox,  ii.  98. 

Thomas,  Mr.,  mentioned,  ii.  28. 

Thompson,  Mr.,  of  Phil.,  i.  476. 

Thompson,  Mrs.,  of  Phil.,  mentioned,  iii. 
310. 

Thompson,  Gen.  William,  good  behavior 
at  Lechmere's  Point,  i.  217;  speaks 
highly  of  Lee,  314 ;  appointed  a  briga- 
dier, 343  ;  at  New  York,  362  ;  ordered 
to  Canada,  475 ;  his  brigade  sent  to 
Canada,  ii.  13  ;  march  to  Deschambault, 
98  ;  defeated  by  Burgoyne,  124. 

Thomson,  Charles,  describes  the  proper 
route  to  the  South,  i.  117 ;  communi- 
cates the  action  of  Congress  on  the  Lte 
court  martial,  iii.  275,  Si76. 

Thomson,  Mr.,  of  Halifax,  N.  C.,  i.  402. 

Thomson,  William,  Col.  of  the  South 
Carolina  Rangers,  his  services  in  de- 
fending Charleston,  ii.  56,  58,  76,  89, 
90,  92,  93,  95,  96,  102,  105,  108,  185, 
210;  ordered  to  Ga.,  150;  thanked  by 
Congress,  155  ;  inarch  of  his  reert.  to 
Ga.,  207,  232,  255. 

Thornton,  Christopher,  granted  sick 
leave,  i.  205. 

Thorowgood,  John,  of  Princess  Anne  Co., 
Va.,i.  464. 

Thrall,  Mr.,  i.  274. 

Throgg's  Neck,  N.  Y.,  British  land  at, 
iv.  134,  288. 

Throgmorton,  Albin,  accused  of  stealing 
Gen.  Lee's  horses,  iv.  35. 

Thunder,  bomb  vessel,  attacks  Sullivan's 
Island,  ii.  112. 

Thurston,  Buckner,  inherits  Lee's  books 
iv.  30. 


494 


GTENEKAL    INDEX. 


Thurston,  Col.  Charles  M.,  asks  pay  for 
the  care  of  Lee's  horses,  iv.  28  ;  receives 
a  legacy  from  Gen.  Lee,  30  ;  his  execu- 
tor, 32,  39. 

Ticonderoga,  French  scalp  taken  at,  i.  5; 
to  be  attacked  by  the  English,  6  ;  their 
defeat,  7  ;  Lee's  narrative  of  Aber- 
crombie's  expedition  against,  9,  iv.  208  ; 
land  granted  at,  51  ;  cannon  removed 
from,  260  ;  stripped  of  heavy  artillery, 
316,  335  ;  troops  at,  340 ;  retreat  of  the 
American  army  to,  ii.  210;  its  impor- 
tance to  the  Americans,  262  ;  scouts 
near,  264. 

Tilghman,  Col.  Tench,  his  testimony  be- 
fore the  Lee  court  martial,  iii.  79,  192. 

Tinnicum,  Pa.,  boats  kept  there  to  bring 
troops  from  N.  J.,  ii.  34'.). 

Tipper,  Mr.,  mentioned,  i.  62. 

Tissot,  Doctor,  mentioned,  i.  107,  111. 

Tory,  Lee's  remarks  on  a,  iii.  417,  iv. 
12. 

Totty,  Capt.  Thomas,  negotiates  bills  in 
London  lor  Gen.  Lee,  iii.  311,  312,  315, 
332  ;  commands  the  Flora  frigate,  332  ; 
mentioned,  iv.  15. 

Toulon  fleet  defeated  by  Admiral  Bos- 
cawen,  i.  24. 

Toussard,  Lieut. -Col.,  served  at  Mon- 
inouth,  ii.  471  ;  his  bravery  in  Rhode 
Island,  iii.  2-J5. 

Townshend,  Mrs.,  aunt  to  Gen.  Lee,  and 
her  family  mentioned,  i.  0,  27,  29,  45, 
106,  107,  111,  iii.  367,  415,  iv.  15. 

Travers,  Capt.,  in  command  of  the  vessels 
on  the  James  River,  i.  383. 

Travis,  Lieut.  Edward,  mentioned,  iv.  48. 

Trenton,  N.  J.,  mentioned,  i.  117;  Brit- 
ish forces  at,  ii.  347,  349;  British 
prisoners  brought  to,  457  ;  the  battle  of, 
described  as  the  surprise  of  a  drunken 
Hessian,  iv.  10. 

Trenton  Falls,  N.  J.,  Gen.  Washington's 
headquarters  at,  ii.  341. 

Trescptt,  Capt.  Lemuel,  makes  complaint 
against  Col.  Jackson,  iii.  209,  213. 

Trinity  Church,  N.  Y.,  batteries  behind, 
i.  337. 

Trist,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  (sister  to  Major 
Eustace),  writes  to  Lee  about  Eustace, 
and  points  out  the  General's  vanities, 
iii.  381,  3U1,  392. 

Troup,  Col.  Robert,  his  letter  to  John 
Jay  on  public  affairs,  ii.  429 ;  com- 
mands the  escort  of  Gen.  De  Riedesel. 
iii.  288. 

Trumbull,  Gov.  Jonathan,  issues  procla- 
mation to  raise  volunteers  to  secure  New 
York,  i.  238 ;  organizes  them,  240 ; 
sends  troops  to  Canada,  253  ;  to  for  ward 
troops  to  N.  Y.,  276,  294,  358  ;  informs 
Lee  of  Conn.'s  sense  of  his  zeal ;  will 
forward  four  regiments,  ii.  325  ;  applies 
to  Washington  for  troops,  349. 

Tryon  Co.,  N.  Y.,  tories  to  be  attacked 
by  Gen.  Schuyler,  i.  246 ;  troops  sent  to, 
ii.  264. 


Tryon,  Gov.  William,  in  England,  i.  174  ; 
does  infinite  mischief  to  tne  American 
cause,  199 ;  he  ought  to  be  seized, 
211,  215,  228,  235;  supposed  to  have 
invited  Gen.  Clinton  to  N.  Y.,  264  ;  his 
conference  with  Clinton,  271,  277,  iv. 
266 ;  accused  of  taking  gunsmiths  on 
board  his  ship,  301,  302 ;  in  the  bay, 
309;  waiting  for  an  army,  326,  335; 
burnt  in  effigy  at  N.  Y.,  368 ;  went  to 
sea  to  consult  with  Howe,  421  ;  accused 
of  plotting  against  Washington,  ii.  139  ; 
superseded  as  Governor  of  N.  Y.,  iii. 
361. 

Tucker's  Mills,  Va.,  i.  365,  366,  384. 

Tuffts,  Capt.,  at  Charleston,  S.  C.,  ii.  80. 

Tupper,  Col.  Benjamin,  at  Dobbs  Ferry 
landing,  ii.  273. 

Turin,  siege  of,  iii.  177. 

Turkey,  campaign  of  the  Russians 
against,  L  68,  71,  74,  79,  81,  82,  b5,  86, 
89. 

Turkey,  N.  J.,  movements  of  the  British 
reported  from,  ii.  346. 

Turner.  Lieut.  Thomas,  makes  com- 
plaint against  Col.  Jackson,  iii.  210,  222. 

Turtle  Bay,  N.  Y.,  military  stores  at,  i. 
2«0,  261,  270. 

United  States.     See  America. 

Unzaga,  Don  Luis  de,  Governor  of  New 
Orleans,  writes  a  friendly  letter  to  Lee, 
ii.  306. 

Upton,  Clotworthy,  mentioned,  i.  35,  45  ; 
requests  Lee  to  visit  him,  106 ;  men- 
tioned, 116. 

Valley  Forge,  Pa.,  march  of  the  army 
from,  ii.  459 ;  position  of  the  American 
army  at,  iii.  337. 

Vandeerings  Mill,  Pa.,  mentioned,  ii. 
381. 

Vandeput,  Capt.,  his  correspondence 
about  Lord  Drummond's  parole,  ii.  b71 . 

Van  Dyck,  Lieut. -Col.  Cornelius,  buries 
the  dead  at  Monmouth,  ii.  447. 

Van  Rensselaer,  Capt.,  appointed  muster- 
master  in  Canada,  i.  3UO. 

Van  Schaick,  Col.  Goose,  his  regiment  in 
service,  i.  340;  joins  the  Pa.  brigade, 
ii.  408 ;  detail  from,  buries  the  dead  at 
.Monmouth,  447. 

Van  Valkenburgh,  Lieut.  B.  J.,  at  Mon- 
mouth, ii.  447. 

Varnum,  Gen.  James  Mitchell,  his  regi- 
ment at  Boston,  i.  205 ;  mentioned,  ii. 
273,  311,  382,  338,  353;  promoted  to 
Brigadier,  354  ;  informs  Lee  of  the 
arrival  of  the  British  at  R.  1.,  ii. 
355;  his  brigade  in  Lee's  division,  4C6, 
422;  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  431,  439, 
470,  iii.  14,  18,  22,  34,  35,  36,  51,  52,  60, 
102, 104,  105, 113, 126, 130,  131,  133,  134, 
136,  138,  139,  140,  148,  144,  147,  148, 
150,  153.  154,  159,  160,  167,  180,  Ib8, 
189  ;  at  Providence,  212,  227. 

Vaughan,  C. ,  mentioned,  i.  116. 


GENERAL   INDEX. 


495 


Vaughan,  Col.  John,  mentioned,  i.  128. 

Vaughan,  John,  comes  to  America  to 
purchase  land,  iv.  24  ;  calls  upon  Gen. 
Lee,  25,  27;  his  bargain  with  Lee  for 
the  Berkley  estate,  29,  36. 

Vaughan,  Samuel,  an  old  friend  of  Robert 
Morris,  iv.  24. 

Vergennes,  Count  de,  correspondence  on 
the  Lee  arid  Deane  controvery,  iii.  360. 

Verplancks  Point,  N.  Y.,  to  be  fortified, 
ii.  264  ;  fired  upon,  iii.  378. 

Vienna,  state  of  society  at,  i.  93,  97. 

Vincent,  Jacob,  a  light-horse  man,  ii. 
348. 

Vinnejoux,  Capt.  Jean  Louis  de,  cap- 
tured with  Gen.  Lee,  iv.  389. 

Virginia,  the  44th  regt.  ordered  to,  i.  1  ; 
mountain  ranges  and  soil,  117 ;  roads, 
118;  an  estate  for  sale  in,  124;  the 
government  commended,  181  ;  endorses 
the  cause  of  Boston,  135;  forming 
military  corps,  141, 168  ;  Indian  war  in, 
149  ;  emigration  of  Irish  and  Germans 
to,  167  ;  Lee's  address  to  the  provincial 
congress  of,  172;  bravery  of  her  troops 
at  Fort  Duquesne,  184 ;  political  opinion 
in,  212,  213;  affairs  in  confusion,  £28 ; 
camps  to  be  established  in,  229 ;  the 
chief  object  of  attention,  232  ;  included 
in  the  Southern  department,  343  ;  not  a 
field  engineer  in  the  province,  860 ;  ad- 
dress of  officers  to  Gen.  Lee,  364  ;  Lord 
Dunmore's  position  and  force,  365,  874  ; 
Lee  to  raise  an  artillery  company  in, 
867,  368,  416;  condition  of  her  regi- 
ments, 371,  375,  377,  382,  409,  416,  433 ; 
apathy  of  the  province,  372  ;  prudence 
and  economy  of  her  committee,  375 ; 
Lee's  statement  of  the  wretched  con- 
dition of  affairs  in,  377,  379;  Com- 
mittee of  Safety  intercept  Gov.  Eden's 
correspondence,  382  ;  council  of  officers 
recommend  the  removal  of  inhabitants 
in  Norfolk  Co. ,  387,  398,  406;  Lee's  com- 
mand commended,  391,  405 ;  return 
of  troops  to  be  made  to  Lse,  392 ;  plan 
submitted  to  the  Committee  of  Safety 
to  defend  the  colony,  393  ;  their  state- 
ment, 403 ;  proceedings,  406 ;  troops 
placed  on  the  Continental  establish- 
ment, 409,  416,  427  ;  rivers  of,  to  be 
defended  by  armed  boats,  417  ;  one-half 
her  troops  riflemen,  423,  425  ;  reinforce- 
ments needed  in,  425,  433,  449;  Lee 
has  but  5,000  troops,  426;  the  First 
Families  form  a  cadet  corps,  430  ;  Lee 
expects  the  British  to  attack,  433; 
his  address  to  the  young  gentle- 
men to  form  companies  of  light  dra- 
goons, 435 ;  enlistment  of  Irish  and 
English  recruits  limited,  440 ;  pro- 
prietary influence  in,  442 ;  arrival  of 
troops  from  Pa.,  447,  448 ;  want  of  able 
surgeons,  447,  451  ;  committee  advised 
to  seize  the  wives  and  children 
of  tories,  448,  468;  removal  of  in- 
habitants of  Norfolk  Co.,  462;  Com- 


mittee of  Safety  apologizes  to  Lee,  463  ; 
peaceful  inhabitants  of  Princess  Anne 
Co.  not  to  be  removed,  464  ;  exchange 
of  prisoners  with  Lord  Dunmore,  465  ; 
prisoners  from  N.  C.,  466;  the  people 
cry  out  for  independence,  ii.  3,  19 ; 
scarcity  of  warlike  stores  and  salt,  5  ; 
proceedings  of  a  council  of  officers  to 
protect  the  province,  7,  18  ;  removal  of 
inhabitants  of  Princess  Anne  and  Nor- 
folk counties  again  recommended,  9,  21, 
23 ;  Gen.  Lee  suggests  measures  of 
safety  to  the  Convention,  15 ;  noble 
spirit  of  the  province,  17,19 ;  Convention 
raise  men  for  North  Carolina,  17,  22 ; 
arms  of  the  troops,  19;  orders  to  seize 
Gov.  Eden,  19;  Lee's  orders  in,  give 
dissatisfaction  to  the  Congress,  25 ; 
trouble  with  the  frontier  Indians,  29  ; 
bad  behavior  of  the  8th  Va.  regt.,  34, 
50  ;  Clinton  expected  to  attack,  35 ;  N. 
C.  recruits  troops  in,  38;  Lord  Dun- 
more's forces  sail,  42  ;  her  sensible  and 
manly  resolve  of  May  15,  1776,  46,  47  ; 
march  of  reinforcements  for  N.  C. 
stopped,  50,  51 ,  131 ;  build  row  galleys, 
64  ;  its  new  form  of  government,  97, 
128  ;  captured  Highlanders  distributed 
through  the  colony,  98, 124 ;  scheme  for 
raising  cavalry,  99,  102,  109 ;  to  attack 
the  frontier  Indians,  1*8,  129,  144,  151, 
189 ;  sickness  of  troops  at  Charleston, 
139  ;  appeal  to  the  people  of  Md.,  142  ; 
Gen.  Clinton  supposed  to  be  moving  on, 
152;  scarcity  of  Continental  money, 
175  ;  the  term  of  the  governor  too  long, 
178;  troops  not  paid,  179;  regiments 
to  be  put  on  the  Continental  establish- 
ment, 183,  185,  190  ;  Fincastle  militia 
defeat  the  Cherokees,  211  ;  two  bat- 
talions ordered  to  New  Jersey,  212 ; 
Gen.  Lewis  reports  condition  of  the 
army  in,  212;  expedition  against  the 
Indians,  228 ;  troops  ordered  home 
from  S.  C.,  230;  troops  march  into  N. 
J. ,  260  ;  military  magazines  formed  in, 
338  ;  her  people  necessary  to  keep  up 
the  war,  863  ;  the  proposed  invasion  of, 
364  ;  natural  laziness  of  the  people  of, 
396  ;  swearing  like  a  Va.  Colonel,  iii. 
279  ;  Convention  prisoners  sent  to,  289  ; 
distress  in,  303 ;  confiscates  the  prop- 
erty of  residents  in  England,  351,  445  ; 
in  favor  of  monarchy,  372  ;  inhabitants 
of  Auquia  mob  Lee,  372 ;  refuse  him 
hospitality,  386 ;  price  of  provisions 
in,  390  ;  freedom  of  the  press  abolished 
in,  400 ;  lack  of  patriotism  in  the 
Assembly,  407 ;  Lee  and  Henry  the 
leaders  in,  418;  the  Scotch-Irish  element 
in,  431,  456,  457;  injustice  of  her 
militia  law,  435  ;  act  fixing  the  rate  of 
paper  money,  449  ;  prices  of  corn  and 
tobacco  in,  450  ;  repeal  the  legal  tender 
law,  466 ;  low  state  of  morals  in,  467  ; 
Gen.  Lee  attacks  the  Assembly  of,  iv. 
8,  5 ;  high  taxes  in,  23 ;  petition 


496 


GENERAL  INDEX* 


to  the  Assembly  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Berkley  Co.  on  taxation,  4.J ;  Lee's 
letter  to  representative  Hunter,  44 ; 
treatment  of  prisoners  captured  at 
Fort  St.  Vincent,  75  ;  Gen.  Lee's  re- 
marks on  taxation  in,  79. 

Virginia  Gazette  (The)  printed  at  Wil- 
liamsburg,  i.  392,  408 ;  prints  contro- 
versy on  the  authorship  of  Junius,  iv. 
59. 

Voorhees,  Myndert,  court  martial  for  the 
trial  of  Lee  meet  at  the  house  of,  iii.  1. 

Vose,  Lieut.  -Col.  Elijah,  member  of  the 
court  of  inquiry  on  Col.  Jackson,  iii. 
210. 

Wadley,  Mr.,  his  petition  for  a  land 
grant,  i.  51. 

Wadsworth,  Gen.  James,  to  guard  stores 
in  Westchester,  ii.  296. 

Wadsworth.  Capt.  Jonathan,  of  Conn.,  i. 
274. 

Wadsworth,  Lieut.  William,  of  Conn.,  i. 
274. 

Walker,  Capt.  Benjamin,  his  exchange 
for  Ethan  Allen  proposed,  ii.  121,  155  ; 
at  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  iii.  7,  97  ; 
bearer  of  a  challenge  from  Steuben  to 
L.-e,  253. 

Walker,  Lieut.  Richard,  of  Col.  Jackson's 
regt.,  iii.  210. 

Walker,  Thomas  R.  of  Princess  Anne 
Co.,  Va.,  i.  404. 

Wallace,  Capt.  James,  of  the  Rose  frigate, 
supplied  with  provisions  at  Newport,  i. 
245,  iv.  258  ;  his  depredations  and  re- 
pulse, 240  ;  imprudent  and  rash  when 
drunk,  250;  his  fleet  sails  from  R.  I., 
421,  443. 

Wanton,  Col.  Joseph,  refuses  to  take 
Lee's  oath  of  allegiance,  i.  248. 

War  burton,  William,  Lee  reads  his 
divine  legation  of  Moses,  iii.  408. 

Ward,  Gen.  Artemas,  his  appointment  to 
second  in  command,  i.  197  ;  resigns  his 
commission,  421,  475,  iv.  128,  177,  370; 
story  of  his  resignation,  ii.  13,  392  ; 
called  an  old  church- warden,  140  ;  would 
not  serve  under  Lee,  iv.  304. 

Ward,  Col.  James,  his  regiment  not  to  be 
called  out,  i.  258,  259;  march  of  his 
command  to  N.  Y.,  203,  270,  294 ;  at 
N.  Y. .  322 ;  stationed  on  Long  Island, 
330,  344,  347,  349 ;  his  sick  men,  341  ; 
ordered  to  arrest  tories,  352,  iv.  129. 

Ward,  Gov.  Samuel,  sick  of  the  small- 
pox, i.  303. 

Warren,  Gen.  James,  resigns  his  com- 
mission, ii.  14  ;  favors  the  appointment 
of  Lee,  iv.  304. 

Warsaw,  Poland,  Lee's  arrival  at,  i.  38  ; 
the  court  of  Alcinous,  39 ;  an  immoral 
place.  41  ;  meeting  of  the  Diet  at,  53, 
05  ;  troubled  condition  of,  73  ;  alarmed 
by  the  Confederates,  85. 

Warwick,  N.  Y.,  troops  at,  ii.  409. 

Warwick,  R.  I.,  folly  to  defend  it,  ii.  350. 


Warwioks,  Va.,  to  be  fortified,  i.  383. 

Washington,  Gen.  George,  his  orders  at 
siege  of  Boston,  i.  195  ;  message  to  Gen. 
Gage,  203 ;  designated  as  his  Excel- 
lency, 207  ;  his  letter  to  Gen.  Gage, 
211 ;  Lee  comments  on  his  slowness  of 
action,  216;  transmits  to  Congress  a 
letter  of  Lord  Dunmore,  ~32  ;  Lee  calls 
his  attention  to  the  importance  of 
securing  New  York,  234  ;  his  instruc- 
tions to  Lee,  230;  request  to  Gov. 
Trumbull,  238 ;  informed  of  the  meas- 
ures taken  to  secure  New  York,  240 ; 
gives  no  intimation  of  his  purpose  to 
N.  Y.  Committee  of  Safety,  242 ;  in- 
forms Congress  of  Lee's  mission,  247 ; 
regrets  that  Congress  does  not  approve 
of  tory  hunting,  253 ;  to  relieve  the 
troops  in  Canada,  253  ;  calls  for  three 
months'  militia,  254;  Lee  reports  his 
progress  toward  N.  Y.,  259 ;  wants 
artillery  and  stores  from  N.  Y.,  260, 
208  ;  advises  Lee  to  seize  the  tories  in 
N.  Y.,  265 ;  to  send  a  general  to  Canada, 
205;  Lee  reports  his  arrival  in  N.  Y., 
271  ;  offers  the  command  in  Canada  to 
Lee,  297  ;  his  aides-de-camp,  308 ;  Lee 
does  not  report  promptly  to,  o20,  320, 
330 ;  thinks  Lee  ought  to  remain  at 
N.  Y.,  326;  approves  of  Lee's  work, 
327  ;  affairs  at  Boston,  327,  344 ;  re- 
grets that  Lee  was  not  sent  to  Can- 
ada, but  as  a  Virginian  rejoices  that 
he  has  the  Southern  department,  358  ; 
enters  Boston,  303 ;  complimented  by 
Lee  on  his  capture  of  Boston,  370  ;  pay 
of  his  secretary  and  aides-de-camp,  470; 
describes  Howe's  retreat  from  Boston, 
ii.  12  ;  relates  the  stories  of  the  resigna- 
tion of  Generals  Ward  and  Frye,  13  ;  in 
conference  with  Congress  at  Phila. ,  45, 
47  ;  his  virtues  described  by  Lee,  147  ; 
informed  of  the  action  at  Sullivan's 
Island,  100 ;  requested  to  advance 
Thomas  Bullitt,119;  conspiracv  against, 
at  N.  Y.,  124,  139;  reports  the  ar- 
rival of  Clinton  at  Staten  Island,  200  ; 
congratulates  Lee  on  his  victory  at 
Charleston,  208  ;  describes  affairs  at 
New  York,  209;  anxious  to  reward  merit 
in  the  army,  210 ;  movement  against 
his  lines,  200  ;  ought  to  menace  Con- 
gress, 201;  his  instructions  to  Lee,  Nov. 
10,  1770,  267;  to  move  to  the  Jersies, 
207  ;  at  Peekskill,  270  ;  guards  against 
fraud  in  the  exchange  of  prisoners,  277; 
informs  Lee  of  the  capture  of  Fort 
Washington,  279.  284;  the  paymaster 
to  issue  money  only  on  his  warrant, 
285;  headquarters  at  Hackensack,  285, 
289 ;  orders  Lee  to  cross  the  Hudson, 
290,  291,  296,  309,  311,  318,  326,  329,  iv. 
380  ;  Reed  reflects  on  his  judgment  at 
Fort  Washington,  294,  477 ;  retreats 
west  of  the  Hackensack,  295 ;  at  New- 
ark, 309;  moves  to  Brunswick,  319  ;  his 
force  too  small  to  offer  opposition  to 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


497 


the  enemy,   326,  337 ;  refuses  to  allow 
Lee  to   take  regts.  from   Heath,  329 ; 
plans  an  attack  on  Brunswick,  387  ;  his 
weakness,  341  ;  entreats  Lee  to  join  him 
at  Trenton  Falls,  341,  343  ;  Lee  thinks 
him    damnably   deficient,    348 ;    orders 
Lee  to  march  to  Phila. ,  349  ;  inquires  in- 
to the  treatment  of  Lee  at  N.  Y.,  35(5; 
Lee  intercedes  for  Lord  Drummond,371  ; 
iv,  398  ;   but  Washington  considers  him 
guilty  of  breach  of  parole,  374;  arranges 
Lee's  exchange,  378,  390;  Lee  transmits 
a  plan  for  an  American  army,  383,  391  ; 
and  thinks  Washington  cannot  do  with- 
out him,  390  ;  his  views  on  the  manage- 
ment of  the    army,    403 ;  gives    Lee  a 
division  with  orders   to  march   to  the 
Hudson,  406 ;  his  arrangement  for  the 
march   of    the   army,  408-410;  his  in- 
structions to  Lafayette,  413  ;  at  King- 
ston, 414  ;  Gen.  Lee   demands  that  he 
be  given   command   of   Lafayette's  de- 
tachment, 417,  468;  the  position  of  the 
British  at  Monmouth,    reported   to,  at 
Cranberry,    423,    424 ;    halts     Lee    at 
Englifihtown,  426  ;  with  the  main  body, 
427 ;  gives  orders  to  Lee  to  attack   the 
rear,    427,   443,  454,  459;  reports    the 
defeat  of  the  enemy  near  Monmouth 
Court    House,   428  ;  his  reprimand   to 
Lee  on  the  field,  430,    435,  437  ;  rallies 
the  troops  that   were   retreating,   433, 
44.0,  448,  469  ;  charged  by  Lee  with  in- 
justice, 436  ;  his  reply,  437  ;  his  official 
report  of  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  441  ; 
to  him  is   due  the   merit  of  restoring 
the  day,  451 .  456,  470  ;  Lee  abuses   him 
and  claims  the  honor  of  the  battle,  457; 
describes  the  battle  in  a  letter  to  J.  A. 
Washington,    459 ;     has  no  opinion  of 
volunteer  enlistments,  460  ;  his  council 
of  war  at  Hope  well,  N.  J.,  468;  Henry 
Laurens  declares   his   high  admiration 
for,  473  ;  Boudinot  says  his  praise  is  on 
every  'lip,    474;  every  attack  on   him 
recoils  on  the  assailant,  479  ;  testimony 
in  regard  to  his  orders  to  Lee  and  at  the 
battle  of  Monmouth,  iii.  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  7, 
8,  9, 10,  13,  16,  17,  22,  24,  25,  34,  41,  48, 
52,  53,  56,  60,  62,  63,  64,  67,  69,  70,  71, 
72,  74,  75,  77.  78,  79,  80,  81,  83,  85,   89, 
95,    96,  101,  102,  103,  112,  113, 118,  119, 
129, 143, 147,  148,  156, 157,  255,  260,  418- 
426 ;     adjourns    the   court    martial    to 
Paramus.  30 ;  Lee's  explanation  of  his 
orders,  174  ;  knew  as  little  about  Mon- 
mouth as  the  battle  of  Philippi,  229  ; 
his  orders  to   Lee  at   Monmouth,  231  ; 
charged  by  Lee  with  falsehood,  236  ;  his 
letter  to    Lee    unjustly  arranged,  239, 
242  ;  slandered  by  Lee,  and  defended  by 
Joseph    Reed,    250;  Gen.   Mifflin's  re- 
marks on,  252 ;  his  treatment  of   Gen. 
Con  way,    267 ;    CoL    Butler  asks   per- 
mission of,  to  see  Gen.  Lee,272,286,  311, 
312 ;  writes  to  Joseph  Reed  on  the  pub- 
lication of  Lee's  vindication,  273  ;  Col. 

32 


Laurens  fights  a  duel  with  Gen.  Lee  for 
slandering  him,  285,290;  to  spend  the 
winter  of  1779  in  Phila. ,  289 ;  Lee's 
satire  directed  against,  290  ;  Gov.  Will- 
iam Livingston's  estimation  of,  297  ; 
denial  that  Lee  wishes  to  shake  the 
public  confidence  in,  301 ;  the  junto 
opposed  to,  303  ;  Lee  charged  by  Dray- 
ton  with  violating  Washington's  orders, 
306,  307 ;  abused  by  Lee  in  a  letter  to 
Gates,  319,  320,  iv.  165 ;  his  popularity 
in  the  Middle  States,  322  ;  attacked  in 
Lee's  queries,  334-348,  iv.  324  ;  portrait 
by  Peale,  334 ;  defended  by  Joseph 
Reed,  348 ;  publication  of  the  queries 
causes  a  riot  in  Baltimore,  352,  402;  Lee 
mobbed  in  Va.,  372,  388;  James  Mc- 
Henry  secretary  to,  385  ;  called  a  knave 
by  Lee,  401  ;  Lee  complains  to  Congress 
of  bis  hostility,  418-426;  long  the  di- 
vinity of  America,  iv.  9  ;  his  character 
described  by  Gen.  Lee,  9.  16  ;  sends  a 
copy  of  Gen.  Lee's  will  to  his  sister,  37  ; 
owns  land  near  Lee's  estate,  38  ;  his 
appointment  as  commander -in-chief, 
and  reception  at  Watertown,  Mass., 
129,  363  ;  letter  to  Goddard  on  the  pub- 
lication of  Lee's  writings,  332. 
Washington,  Mary,  a  sweet  old  lady,  iii. 

305. 

Washington,  Col.  William  A.;  visited  by 
Gen.  Lee,  iii.  454 ;  owns  lands  near 
Lee's  farm,  iv.  38. 

Wallingford,  Conn.,  troops  at,  iii.  210. 
Waterbury,    Col.  David,  Jun.,  his   regi- 
ment organized,  i.  240  ;  Lee's  orders  to, 
258 ;  to  march  to  N.  Y.,  259  ;  march  of 
his  regt.  to  N.  Y.,   263,  268,  iv.  265; 
a  good  man  and  spirited  soldier,  268  ; 
to  move  stores,   270  ;    dismisses  Conn, 
vols.,  273  ;  his  regt.  at  X.   Y.,  322,  337, 
344,  346. 
Watertown,    Mass.,    reception    of    Gen. 

Washington  and  Lee,  iv.  253. 
Watkin's  Ferry,  Va.,  mentioned,  i.  119. 
Wataugu  River,  N.  C.,  sale  of  land  on, 

ii.  29. 

Wayne,  Gen.  Anthony,  his  regt.  sent  to 
Canada,  ii.  13 ;  his  brigade  at  Hights- 
town,  418,  442,  468  ;  almost  starving, 
420,  423  ;  reconnoitres  the  enemy,  424  ; 
his  bravery  at  Monmouth,  434,  445, 
470  ;  report  to  Washington  on  the  bat- 
tle, 438  ;  in  action,  444  ;  describes  the 
battle  in  a  letter  to  his  wife,  448; 
accused  by  Lee  of  disobeying  orders, 
458  ;  his  testimony  before  the  Lee  court 
martial,  iii.  3,  17 ;  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  6,  11,  12,  27,  28.  30,  31,  36, 
37,  40,  42,  44,  46,  49,  50,  51,  63,  65,  74, 
75,  78,  88,  89,  90,  103,  105,  106,  1(7, 
108,  109,  113,  115,  120,  121,  123,  127, 
130,  133,  140, 144, 145, 153, 163, 164, 165, 
179, 180, 182, 188, 194,  195, 196,  197,  225, 
241,  256,  258,  260,  291,  304  ;  refuses  to 
serve  under  Lee,  240  ;  his  behavior  at 
Paoli,  240 ;  threatens  to  resign,  241 ;  in- 


498 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


formed  of  the  verdict  of  Congress  on 
Lee,  271;  challenges  Lee  to  a  duel,  291 ; 
Lee's  reply,  292;  the  duel  postponed, 293; 
congratulated  by  Lee  on  his  bravery  at 
Stony  Point.  356  ;  sends  Gen.  Lee  an 
account  of  the  attack  on  Stony  Point, 
875  ;  complimented  by  Lee,  379 ;  com- 
mands in  Ga.,  iv.  2  ;  on  the  list  of 
Lee's  friends,  18. 

\Veare,  Gov.  Meshech,  informed  by  Lee 
of  a  probable  visit  to  N.  H.  by  the 
British,  ii.  300  ;  to  embargo  privateers, 
318. 

Webb,  John,  of  the  X.  C.  Committee,  i. 
397. 

Webb,  Gen.  Daniel,  at  Fort  William 
Henry,  i.  16. 

Webb,  Col.  Samuel  B.,  desires  to  be  ex- 
changed, ii.  379. 

Webster,  Col.  .John,  orders  to  annoy  the 
enemy,  ii.  413. 

Webster,  Peletiah,  his  publications  on 
the  currency,  iii.  405. 

Wedderburne,  Alexander,  attacks  Dr. 
Franklin,  i.  120. 

Weedon,  Gen.  George,  in  the  attack  on 
(jrwyn's  Island,  ii.  131  ;  in  Stirling's  di- 
vision, 408,  410  ;  a  friend  of  Lee,  iv.  18. 

Welford,  Mr.,  gives  infoimation  to  Lee, 
ii.  402. 

Wells,  Capt.  of  artillery,  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  iii,  133,  135. 

Wells,  John,  printer  of  the  S.  (7.  Gazette,, 
his  bungling  methods,  ii.  21'.). 

Wemyss,  Capt.  James,  witness  to  Lee's 
parole,  ii.  376. 

Wesson,  Col.  James,  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  ii.  439,  iii.  108  ;  one  of  his 
regts.  serves  as  Lee's  body-guard,  436, 
438. 

Westchester  County,  N.  Y.,  Drake's 
regiment  of  minute  men,  i.  337. 

Westcoat,  Capt.,  at  Portsmouth,  Va.,  i. 
463. 

West  Indies,  trade  with  New  York,  i. 
243  ;  movements  of  the  French  in  the, 
281,  306,  313  ;  France  to  abandon  her 
islands,  ii.  3  ;  powd<r  brought  from,  6; 
great  distress  in,  9s ;  stolen  negroes 
sold  in,  218  ;  provision  trade  with  the, 
333  ;  the  French  capture  British  frig- 
ates in,  iii.  322  ;  France  to  strip  Great 
Britain  of  her  possessions  there,  460. 

West  Jersey  Volunteers  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth,  ii.  463. 

Westmoreland.  Va.,  troops  at,  i.  371  ; 
the  gentlemen  of,  friends  to  Gen.  Lee, 
iii.  454. 

Westover,  Va.,  Gen.  Lee  at,  iii.  451. 

West  Point,  N.  Y.,  Col.  Malcolm  re- 
moved from  command,  iii.  290  ;  Queen 
Anne  muskets  for,  410. 

Weymouth,  Lord,  charges  against,  by 
Wilkes,  i.  70 ;  retires  from  the  privy 
council,  iii.  413. 

Whig,  Lee's  description  of  a,  iii.  417, 
433,  iv.  12. 


Whipple,  Gen.  William,  a  friend  of  Gen. 
Lee.  iv.  11. 

Whitcomb,  Col.  John,  recruits  his  regi- 
ment, i.  282 ;  mentioned,  329,  477,  ii. 
122. 

White,  Alexander,  acts  for  Lee  in  pur- 
chasing a  farm  in  Va.,  i.  203,  205,  234, 
268,  275,  3C6 ;  informs  Lee  of  the  con- 
ditions of  purchase  from  Mr.  Hite,  ii. 
83  ;  his  views  on  independence,  84  ;  to 
look  after  Lee's  farm,  377  ;  mentioned, 
iii.  429  ;  legacy  of  Gen.  Lee  to,  iv.  30  ; 
his  executor,  32. 

White,  Col.  Anthony  Walton,  his  exploit 
on  the  lines  at  N.  Y..  iii.  386;  serves 
in  Ga.,  iv.  2. 

White,  Major  John,  under  Col.  Sumner, 
ii.  196 ;  commands  the  vols.  to  Ga., 
252. 

White  House.  N.  J.,  troops  at,  ii.  4C9. 

White.  Mr. ,  Gen.  Lee  stops  at  his  tavern 
near  Baskinridge,  N.  J.,  iv.  386. 

White  Plains,  N.  Y.,  tories  from,  to  meet 
at  N.  Y.,  i.  250;  Washington's  headquar- 
ters at,  ii.  270  ;  trial  of  Major  Austin  for 
destroying  buildings  at,  271,  273,  307; 
Lee's  camp  near,  285,  287  ;  ravaged  by 
the  troops,  295 ;  Gen.  Spencer  in  com- 
mand at,  328  ;  movement  of  troops  to, 
429 ;  position  of  the  American  army 
at,  iii.  337,  338 ;  Gen.  Lee  at,  233. 

White  Thunder,  a  Mohawk  chief,  i.  5. 

Wigglesworth,  Col.  Edward,  member  of 
the  Lee  court  martial,  iii.  1. 

Wikoff,  Major  Peter,  of  Monmouth,  N. 
J.,  movement  of  troops  at  his  house, 
iii.  22.  23,  24,  52,  53,  68,  92,  112 ;  his 
interview  with  Lee.  66,  67,  140,  166, 
186,  187,  260  ;  his  affidavit,  172. 

Wilbraharu,  Richard,  his  marriage,  i.  5. 

Wilcocks,  Mr.,  to  cast  cannon  for  N.  C. , 
i.  450. 

Wilkes,  John,  before  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, i.  69,  70 ;  controversy  with  Tal- 
bot,  74,  81. 

Wilkinson.  Col.  James,  disliked  by  Gen. 
Gates,  his  duel  with,  mentioned,  iii. 
319,  320. 

William,  armed  vessel,  i.  366  ;  at  Nor- 
folk, ii.  5. 

William  and  Mary  College,  Va.,  used  for 
a  barrack  and  hospital,  i.  436,  452,  453, 
455,  457,  463. 

Williams,  Lieut.  Deodah,  of  Conn.,  i. 
274. 

Williams,  Major  Griffith,  his  exchange, 
ii.  377,  378,  380. 

Williams,  Capt.  Joseph,  arrives  at  Peeks- 
kill,  ii.  33(5. 

Williams,  Mrs.,  mentioned,  i.  32;  aunt 
to  Gen.  Lee  mentioned,  32,  1C6,  111, 
iii.  415. 

Williams,  Col.  Otho  H. ,  member  of  the  Lee 
court  martial,  iii.  1  ;  mentioned,  iv.  2. 

Williamsbufrg,  Va.,  Gen.  Lee  at.  i.  121, 
1 24 ;  a  camp  to  be  established  there, 
229  ;  address  of  officers  to  Gen.  Lee  on 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


499 


his  arrival,  364,  iv.  131,  271 ;  powder 
and  troops  ordered  to,  869 ;  vicinity 
reconnoitred,  370  ;  British  expected  to 
attack,  372,  378,  379  ;  goods  of  tories  con- 
fiscated, 373;  Committee  of  Safety 
meet  in,  377  ;  Lee  occupies  the  "  palace," 
388;  afraid  of  the  small-pox,  392; 
troops  and  provisions  moved  to,  406, 
419  ;  the  College  used  as  a  hospital, 
436,  452,  453,  455,  457,  463 ;  mad-house 
offered  for  the  sick,  456  ;  army  supplies 
forwarded  to,  441  ;  Provincial  Council 
meet  in,  ii.  7  ;  proceedings  of  a  council 
of  officers  for  defence  of  Va. ,  7  ;  troops 
at,  9  ;  lack  of  troops,  43  ;  convention  to 
meet  at,  47 ;  not  a  sociable  or  polite 
place,  iii.  304 ;  treatment  of  Col. 
Hamilton  at,  iv.  75. 

Williamson,  Col.  Andrew,  attacks  the 
Indians,  ii.  223  ;  suppresses  the  back 
country  people,  224  ;  destroys  Cherokee 
towns,  236  ;  owner  of  cattle,  237. 

Willing,  Thomas,  conversation  with  Lee 
on  a  cessation  of  hostilities,  ii.  401. 

Willis,  Emanuel,  Captain  of  Va.  militia, 
i.  437. 

Willis,  Lieut.,  of  Va.,  mentioned,  iv. 
48. 

Wilmington,  Del,  mentioned,  i.  118. 

Wilmington,  N.  C.,  rumor  of  British 
landing  at,  i.  372,  388 ;  fortified,  402  ; 
to  be  fired  by  bombs,  420  ;  defenceless 
condition  of,  449  ;  to  be  visited  by  Lee, 
477  ;  threatened  by  the  British,  'ii.  30, 
40 ;  who  sail  for  Charleston,  50 ; 
troops  at,  62  ;  an  express  post,  183. 

Wilson,  Hunt,  near  Princeton,  N.  J.,  ii. 
330. 

Wilson,  Mr.,  mentioned,  i.  30. 

Winchester,  Va.,  mentioned,  i.  119  ;  Gen. 
Lee  lodges  at,  iii.  407 ;  prisoners  of 
war  confined  at,  iv.  8. 

Winds,  Col.  William,  his  regiment  sent 
to  Canada,  ii.  13. 

Winslow,  John,  deputy  com.  of  prisoners, 
ii.  376,  380. 

Winter  Hill,  Mass. ,  headquarters  of  Gen. 
Lee,  i.  199,  202-220,  iv.  257. 

Wirtz,  Mrs.,  of  Phil.,  iii.  275. 

Wishart,  William,  of  Princess  Anne  Co., 
Va.,  i.  464. 

Wolfe,  Gen.  James,  grief  in  England  at 
his  death,  i.  23 ;  his  irreparable  loss, 
27  ;  his  wonderful  genius,  157  ;  treat- 
ment of  his  officers,  iii.  268  ;  his  monu- 
ment not  erected,  iv.  94. 

Wolford,  Ensign,  at  Monmouth,  ii.  447. 

Wolf  red,  Martin,  of  Shephard's  Town, 
Va. ,  iii.  340,  380. 

Wood,  Col.  James,  at  Fort  Constitution, 
ii.  261. 

Wood,  Major  Joseph,  recommended  by 
Robert  Morris,  i.  306,  ii.  170. 

Woodbridge,  N.  J.,  British  troops  at,  ii. 
326  ;  cattle  driven  from,  347. 

Woodford,  Gen.  William,  at  council  of 
officers,  Williamsburg,  Va.,  i  387;  re- 


ports movements  at  Kemp's  Landing, 
462  ;  to  remove  suspected  inhabitants, 
ii.  23  ;  mentioned,  52  ;  in  the  attack 
on  Gwyn's  Island.  131  :  lays  out  the 
works  on  Sullivan's  Island,  174 ;  his 
brigade  in  Lafayette's  division,  408, 
410  ;  at  Monmouth,  433,  445  ;  member 
of  the  Lee  court  martial,  iii.  1 ;  at  the 
battle  of  Monmouth,  18,  22. 

Woodhull,  Gen.  Nathaniel,  President  N. 
Y.  Prov.  Congress,  i.  330,  345. 

Woods,  Mr.,  of  Newberne,  N.  C.,  men- 
tioned, iv.  64. 

Wools,  Lieut. ,  sent  with  a  flag  from  Lord 
Dunmore,  i.  460. 

Wooster,  Gen.  David,  too  infirm  to  hold, 
the  command  in  Canada,  i.  251 ;  his 
reports  doubted,  252 ;  employs  an  in- 
terpreter for  the  prisoners  at  Montreal, 
298 ;  authorized  to  purchase  wheat, 
331  ;  applies  to  Schuyler  for  money, 
340  ;  charged  with  misconduct  in  Can- 
ada, ii.  98,  99  ;  in  Phil. ,  139  ;  at  Stam- 
ford, 269 ;  in  command  at  Greenwich, 
274  ;  sends  in  deserters  from  Saw  Pit, 
278. 

Worcester,  Mass.,  suggested  as  a  deposi- 
tory of  public  stores,  ii.  312. 

Wormeley,  James,  of  Va.,  mentioned,  iv. 
39. 

Wormeley,  John,  of  Va.,  mentioned,  iv. 
39. 

Wormeley,  Ralph,  his  characteristics,  i\. 

Wovmeley,  Ralph,  Jr.,  mentioned,  i.  122, 
123;  arrested  by  Lee,  426,  428,  429, 
431,  474 ;  trial,  452  ;  discharged,  456 ; 
to  be  brought  before  the  Convention  of 
Va. ,  ii.  7 ;  believes  in  Gen.  Lee's 
abilities,  would  join  him  in  restoring 
liberty  to  the  country,  iii.  412;  his 
family  a  tory  one,  458;  refutes  the  claim 
that  Lee  wrote  the  letters  of  Junius, 
iv.  50,  61 ,  235. 

Wormeley,  Capt.  Ralph  R.,  mentioned, 
iv.  203. 

Wragg,  William,  of  S.  C.,  ii.  226. 

Wright,  Alexander,  mentioned,  ii.  229. 

Wright,  James,  secretary  to  Gov.  Mostyn, 
iv.  114. 

Wright,  Sir  James,  treats  with  the 
Indians,  ii.  181  ;  seizes  a  letter  of  John 
Laurens,  217  ;  broke  his  parole,  225. 

Wright,  Lieut.,  of  the  Otter  sloop-of- 
war,  i.  454. 

Wright,  Mr.,  of  Gloucester,  Va.,  a  tory, 
ii.  23. 

Wright's  Ferry,  Pa.,  mentioned,  i.  119. 

Wright's  Mill,  N.  Y.,  a  military  post,  ii. 
268. 

Wroughton,  Thomas,  British  minister  to 
Russia,  i.  41  ;  writes  of  affairs  at  War- 
saw, 52  ;  mentioned,  62. 

Wyllys,  Hezekiah,  of  Hartford,  Conn.,  i. 
274. 

Wyllys,  Col.  Samuel,  ordered  from  Peeks- 
kill,  ii.  326,  328,  329. 


500 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


Wyoming,  Pa. ,  attack  by  Col.  Butler,  ii. 
475. 

Yard,  Mrs.,  of  Phil.,  mentioned,  i.  144. 

Yates,  William,  suggested  for  muster- 
master,  i.  42(5. 

Yonkers,  N.  Y.,  Lee  sends  a  foraging 
party  io  Phillipse's  manor,  ii.  301,  315. 

York,  Pa.,  mentioned,  i.  119;  Lee's 
guard  inoculated  at,  308,  392 ;  popu- 
lated by  Germans,  ii.  365 ;  Congress 
meet  at,  iv.  401. 

Yorke,  Charles,  entrapped  to  his  destruc- 
tion by  the  ministry,  i.  133. 


Yorkc,  Sir  Joseph,  mentioned,  iv.  218  • 
his  opinion  of  Gen.  Lee,  402. 

Yorktown,  Va.,  a  camp  to  be  established 
at,  i.  229  ;  danger  of  being  seized  by  the 
British,  369,  87:3,  377,  379  ; ,  report  of 
Capt.  Innes  on  affairs  at,  389 ;  troops 
at,  ii.  9  ;  fortifications  at,  44 ;  cannon 
mounted,  212  ;  trade  of,  iii.  305  ;  price 
of  provisions  there,  890 ;  surrender  of 
Cornwallis  at,  463. 

Young,  Col.  John,  the  oracle  of  Lord 
Loudon,  i.  16 ;  his  agreement  with 
Montcalm,  17. 


F 

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