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COLLECTIONS 



OF THE 



MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 



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VOL. IX. 



PORTLAND : 
PUBLISHED FOR THE SOCIETY. 

1887. 



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V.1 



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• • • • 
• • • • • 

• • • • • 

• • • •• 
• • • • 









• • • 

• • •• 

• • •• 

• •• • 









I • • 






•• • • • • 

• • • • • • • 

• • • • • 



llMtEO^ed and Printed bj H. 0. Honghtoo A Co. 



The delay in the publication of this volume has 
been due to various causes, the chief of which was 
the lamented death of the Hon. Israel Washburn, 
Jr., Chairman of the Committee of Publication, 
and the issue, meantime, of the third volume of 
the Documentary series containing the Trelawny 
Papers. 

On account of the large number of papers which 
had accumulated, the Committee have thought it 
inexpedient to begin with this volume the publi- 
cation of the Proceedings of the Society, and they 
have therefore made it the ninth volume of the 
Collections instead of the first volume of a new 
series. It is, of course, to be understood that the 
writers of the papers are alone responsible for the 
views which they advance. 



mTf^9 



CONTENTS OF VOLUME IX. 



CONTENTS. 



i 

ASnCU PAOI 

I _ Sir William Phips. B7 William Goold, of Windham, Me. 1 

II— Brigadier-General Samnel Waldo, 1696-1759. B7 Joseph 

Wiliiamaon, of Belfast, Me 73 

ni -^ Claude De La Tour. By John Edwards Godfrey, of Ban- 
gor, Me 97 

IV — John Peirce, Cloth Worker of London, and the Plymouth 

Patent of 1621. By John Johnston, of Middletown, Conn. 1 15 

y — The Sheepflcot Farms. By Alexander Johnston, of Wiscas- 

set, Me. 127 

Vl — William Hutchings, the last surviving Revolutionary Pen- 
sioner in New England. By Joseph Williamson, of Belfast, 
Me 157 

Vll — Geneml John Chandler, of Monmouth, Me., with Extracts from 
his Autobiography. By George Foster Talbot, of Port- 
land, Me 167 

Vni — The White Hills of New Hampshire. By Edward Henry 

Elwell, of Dcering, Me 207 

IX — The Territorial History of Bangor and Vicinity. By Albert 

Ware Paine, of Bangor, Me 221 

X — Memoir of Nathan Clifford. By James Ware Bradbury, of 

Augusta, Me 235 

XI — Grammatical Sketch of the Ancient Abnaki, outlined in the 
Dictionary of Fr. Sebastian Hftle, S. J. Part I. The Ab- 
naki Noun. By Rev. Michael Charles O'Brien, of Ban- 
gor, Me 259 

XII — Edward Godfrey. His Life, Letters, and Public Services, 1584- 

1 664. By Charles Edward Banks, M. D., of Portland, Me. 295 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



^ 



Poitnut of Sir WiUUm Phipi Fnmtispiece 

BiU of Credit, 1690 33 

Fnnenl Ticket 57 

Portrait of Brigadier-General Samael Waldo 75 

Congratnlatioiui of the Masaachaaetts Honae of Repreaentativea to 

General Waldo, on his Retnm from Louiabnrg 82 

Armaof Godfrey 297 

Autograph of Edward Godfrey 300 

Ditto 335 



ARTICLE I. 

SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

By WILLIAM 600LD, 

OT WIKDHAX, ICAIKE. 
Bbad bbobb tmi MAxn Hbtohical Bocory, at Pobtlahd, Mat 15, 1879. 



• • • • • • >' •> "•*'•• 

« • • ■ « a 

•«• •••••• * •..•> • ■» ^ 



Sm WILLIAM PHIPS. 

BY WILLIAM GOOLD. 

IRead at a Meting of (he Maine Historical Society ai PorOand, 

May 15, 1879.] 



For those to whom historical research is no 
task, being led to undertake it by natural inclina- 
tion, it is a manifest duty to make an e£Eort to re- 
claim the history of the men of their own colony, 
province, or state who were in their life conspic- 
uous for their civil, military, or naval service, or 
were in any way benefactors of their race. Every 
generation that passes without this attempt leaves 
the trail more obscure. 

Our Society, in the half century and more of its 
existence, has done much to retrieve the history 
of the territory now forming our State, and the 
people who first settled it, and yet there is much 
left for us to do. A large part of it was disputed 
territory, for the possession of which two powerful 
nations of different religions contended. It was 
impossible for the white inhabitants to enjoy long 
intervals of peace ; they became soldiers and sailors 
in spite of themselves. At some seasons they were 
compelled, for safety, to eat, sleep, and worship 



2 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

• • • • • •••••• 

wit]iU^eii:i.rir^Vi: their hands, or within reach in 

• • • • •• • •• 

• a.moiiienJL«..The^ could lead a scout, or build and 

:***-piiJ*|i/|nknsjic^ti: ;ft -CSinada or Acadia were to be 
invaded, or the French and Indians driven back, 
the home government looked to the Massachusetts 
province — of which Maine became a part, and 
an important one, as it was the frontier — to lead 
off with men and money and armed transports. 
Some of the men of Maine who served in these 
expeditions have had their lives written; but in 
historical investigations new facts are continually 
coming to light, which lead to new conclusions. 

The subject of this biographical paper, Sir Wil- 
liam Phips, had a friend and contemporary well 
qualified, and acknowledging it to be his duty to 
record his acts. Soon after the death of Governor 
Phips, in 1695, that accomplished scholar and vo- 
luminous writer, Rev. Cotton Mather, wrote his 
friend's life. It is a brief life for such a man; 
but it is the only good authority to consult for a 
knowledge of his parentage and early life. Some 
have said that it is highly colored. Professor Bow- 
en, who wrote of Sir William in Sparks's "Amer- 
ican Biography,'* speaks of the improbability of 
some of Cotton Mather's statements, I think with- 
out reason. Mather was colleague pastor with 
his father. Dr. Increase Mather, of the Old North 
Church, in Boston, to whose communion Governor 
Phips belonged. Drake, in his life of him, says, 
*^ Literature owes a vast deal to Cotton Mather, 
especially for his historical and biographical works. 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. S 

Were these alone to be struck out of existence^ 
it would make a void in these departments of lit- 
erature^ that would confound many who affect 
to look upon them with contempt." The " New 
England Weekly Journal," of the 19th of Feb- 
ruary, 1728, after announcing the death of Dr. 
Mather, says, " He was perhaps the principal orna- 
ment of this country, — the greatest scholar that 
ever was bred in it" It would seem that a life of 
Governor Phips, whose home was in the same city 
with that of his biographer, might be relied upon 
for prominent incidents of his career, even if the 
details are somewhat highly colored. His admin- 
istration of the government of the province is im- 
partially treated by Hutchinson in his history of 
Massachusetts. 

Mather's " History of Sir William Phips " was 
first published in London in 1697, with a certifi- 
cate which commences thus : " The author of the 
following narrative is a person of such well-known 
integrity, prudence, and veracity, that there is not 
any cause to question the truth of what he here 
relates." This is signed by three well-known Eng- 
lish divines. First by Nathaniel Mather, uncle of 
the author, who probably superintended the pub- 
lication. It is dedicated to the Earl of Bellomont, 
who succeeded Phips, as Governor of Massachu- 
fsetts, after his death in 1695, — the Eatl being then 
in England. The other signers of the certificate 
were John Howe and Matthew Mead, both London 
ministers of high standing. The author's name 



4 SIR WILLIAM PHIP8. 

nowhere appears, but the work was republished in 
Mather's "Magnalia*' in 1702, the authorship be- 
ing thus acknowledged. The work commences in 
a somewhat grandiloquent style : ^^ The Life of His 
Excellency, Sir William Phips, Knight, Late Cap- 
tain-General, and Governor-in-Chief of the Prov- 
ince of Massachusetts Bay. Containing the mem- 
orable changes undergone, and actions performed 
by him. Written by one intimately acquainted 
with him. * Prom him learn virtue, and life's 
truest work.' * Now as mortality has done its part 
on a considerable person, with whom I had the 
honor to be well acquainted, and a person as mem- 
orable for the wonderful changes which befell him, 
as imitable for his virtues and actions under these 
changes, I shall endeavor with the chymistry of an 
impartial historian to raise my friend so far out of 
his ashes, as to show him imto the world.' " This 
paragraph I take from the Introduction, which 
covers two pages of the " Magnalia." Dr. Mather's 
account of the birthplace and parentage of Gov- 
ernor Phips, if it is not laudatory of the place, is 
commendable for its brevity, and has been often 
quoted. It commences in these words : " This our 
Phips was born February 2, 1650, at a despicable 
plantation on the river Kennebeck, and almost 
the furthest village of the eastern settlement of 
New England. And the father of that man, who 
was as great a blessing as England had in the age, 
was a gimsmith. James Phips, once of Bristol, 
had the honor of being the father of him whom 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 5 

we Bhall presently see made by the God of Heaven 
as great a blessing to New England as that coun- 
try could have had if they themselves had pleased. 
His fruitful mother, yet living, had no less than 
twenty-six children, whereof twenty-one were 
sons, but equivalent to them all was William, one 
of the youngest, whom his father, dying, left 
young with his mother, and with her he lived, 
'keeping sheep in the wilderness,' imtil he was 
eighteen years old." 

Our associate, Mr. Sewall, who is the best au- 
thority for the topography and traditions of that 
region, gives this description of the birthplace of 
William Phips, in his '^ Ancient Dominions of 
Maine " : " Not far from Wiscasset, on the lower 
margin of Monseag Bay, near the mouth of a riv- 
ulet of the same name, a peninsula of arable land 
strikes out from the southeast extreme of the 
purchase of Bateman and Brown into a body of 
water formed by the junction of the waters of the 
bay above, in their passage to the sea, with those 
flowing from Sheepscot Bay below, into the Ken- 
nebeck opposite Bath. ... To this peninsula, as 
the precise locality of the birthplace of William 
Phips, tradition points the beholder, and calls it 
Phips's Point. Phips's shipyard was not far from 
his birthplace, and not at Sheepscot farms." The 
author above quoted says, " Phips*s wealth pro- 
cured him knighthood." In this he is mistaken. 
It was his energy, good judgment, and persever- 
ance, shown in achieving wealth, and the exact 



6 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS, 

fulfilment of his promises to his partners and his 
creW; when he had obtained his wealth, that pro- 
cured him, not only knighthood from his sover- 
eign, but the esteem and admiration of the court 
and people of England, and the people of his na- 
tive colony. 

I shall again quote from Mather. He says of 
young Phips : — 

"His friends earnestly solicited him to settle 
among them, in a plantation of the east, but he 
had an unaccountable impulse upon his mind, per- 
suading him, as he would privately hint unto some 
of them, that he was bom to great matters. To 
come at these great matters, his first contrivance 
was to bind himself an apprentice unto a ship car- 
penter for four years, in which time he became 
master of the trade." Our young shipwright was 
now twenty-two years old, when he went to Bos- 
ton, where Dr. Mather says he first learned to read 
and write, and followed his trade there about a 
year; and by a laudable deportment, so recom- 
mended himself, that he married a young gentle- 
woman of good repute, who was the widow of Mr. 
John Hull, a well-bred merchant, and the daughter 
of one Captain Roger Spencer, a person of good 
fashion. Roger Spencer was of Saco. The first 
entry in the book of records of that ancient town, 
under the date September 6, 1653, is that a per- 
mit was granted to Roger Spencer, to set up a 
saw-mill within the township, provided " that he 
doth make her ready to do execution within one 
year." 



SIR WILLIAM PHI PS. 7 

Another daughter of Roger Spencer married 
Dr. David Bennett of Rowley, whose son, Spencer 
Bennett, became the adopted son of his childless 
aunt and her husband, William Phips, and assumed 
their name. Of him more will appear. We find 
that both Governor Phips and his wife were na- 
tives of Maine. 

Mather continues : " Within a little after his 
marriage, Phips indented with several persons in 
Boston to build them a ship at Sheepscot, two or 
three leagues eastward of Kennebeck. He also 
provided a lading of lumber to bring with him, 
which would have been to the advantage of all 
concerned. But just as the ship was hardly fin- 
ished, the barbarous Indians on the river broke 
forth into a cruel war upon the English ; and the 
miserable people, surprised by so sudden a storm 
of blood, had no refuge from the infidels but the 
ship now finishing in the harbor. Whereupon he 
left his intended lading behind him, and instead 
thereof, carried with him his old neighbors and 
their families, free of charges, to Boston ; so that 
the first action that he did after he was his own 
man was to save his father's house, with the rest 
of the neighborhood, from ruin; but the disap- 
pointment which befell him from the loss of his 
other lading plunged his affairs into greater em- 
barrassments with such as had employed him." 

In the fourth volume of the Maine Historical 
Society's Collections, Samuel Johnson wrote of this 
locality^ to which the editor, Mr. Willis, added 



8 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

notes of his own. One of which says that Captain 
Sylvanus Davis, who was a large land-holder in 
that region, and was councillor for Sagadahock 
under the charter of 1690, informed the govern- 
ment in 1701, " that in 1675 there were no less 
than 156 families settled at Sagadahock, of which 
fifty were at Sheepscot." These fifty families 
alone would, at the usual computation of five to a 
family, have made a company of 250 persons, who 
took refuge on board the ship. If all those fam- 
ilies had been as numerous as the Phips family, 
some must have fallen a prey to the savages, as 
the company would have numbered 1,300. Could 
the cellars which were uncovered at Sheepscot 
Farms in the summer of 1877, on the occasion of 
the Society's visit there, have belonged to those 
people whom Phips rescued in 1675 — about the 
time, probably, when Davis numbered them? If 
so, it was not the " despicable place " that Mather 
described it. He did not write until Governor 
Phips was dead, and probably he had no definite 
idea of that region, having never visited it. 

As we are entirely dependent on Dr. Mather for 
our facts relating to Governor Phips's early life, I 
may as well use his own language, where it will 
best serve my purpose. He says of our subject: — 

" He was hitherto no more than beginning to 
make scaffolds for further and higher actions. He 
would frequently tell the gentlewoman, his wife, 
that he should yet be captain of a king's ship; 
that he should come to have the command of 



SIR WILLIAM. PHIPS. 9 

better men than he now accounted himself^ and 
that he would be the owner of a fair brick house 
in the Green Lane of North Boston, and that it 
may be, this would not be all that the providence 
of God would bring him to. She entertained 
these passages with sufficient incredulity, but he 
had so serious and positive an expectation of them 
that it is not easy to say what was the original 
thereof. 

"He was of an enterprising genius, and natu- 
rally disdained littleness. With little show of wit, 
there was much wisdom. His talent lay not in 
airs, that serve chiefly for the pleasant turns of 
conversation, but. he might say as Themistocles, 
^ Though he could not play upon a fiddle, he knew 
how to make a little city become a great one.* 
He would prudently contrive a weighty undertak- 
ing, and then patiently pursue it to the end. 

"Being thus of the true temper, he betakes 
himself to the sea, the right scene for such things ; 
and upon the advice of a Spanish wreck about the 
Bahamas, he took a voyage thither, but with lit- 
tle more success than what just served him a little, 
to furnish him for a voyage to England, whither 
he went in a vessel not much unlike that which 
the Dutchmen stamped on their first coin, with 
these words about it, ^None can tell where fate 
will bear me.* " 

It is more than probable that Phips owned this 
ancient looking vessel, being unable to pay for a 
better one. We may conclude from Dr. Mather's 



10 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

language that he succeeded in finding thiB wreck 
about the Bahamas, from which he obtained some- 
thing to assist in his longer voyage to England, 
and which he could show to the king and the 
commissioners of the navy, to induce them to give 
him the command of a ship in which to pursue his 
search for sunken treasure. It was an age of ad- 
venture. On the surrender of an enemy's city, 
plunder was the rule. The ocean was infested by 
pirates, and several well-known naval commanders 
sailed on lawful expeditions that ended in piracy. 
Captain Kidd gradually became a buccaneer. 

It is probable that Captain Phips had some prac- 
tical knowledge of sailing small, vessels, while he 
lived on the Sheepscot waters. All young men 
like him, having sufficient energy, at some time in 
their early life made fishing trips to the Banks, or 
coasting voyages to Boston, and to the southern 
coloniea The common highways were the sea and 
rivers, so that all had some knowledge of water 
conveyance. Young Phips could not have had 
any scientific knowledge of navigation until years 
after he went to Boston, for Mather asserts that it 
was there that he first learned to read and write. 

His biographer continues. ^^ Having first in- 
formed himself that there was another Spanish 
wreck, wherein was lost a mighty treasure, hith- 
erto undiscovered, he had a strong impression on 
his mind that he should be the discoverer, and he 
made such representations at White Hall, that by 
the year 1683 he became the ^ captain of a king's 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 11 

ship/ and arrived in New England commander of 
the Algier Rose, a frigate of eighteen guns, and 
ninety-five men." Charles U. was then the reign- 
ing monarch of England, and his brother, the Duke 
of York, and two years later King tfames IL, was 
High Admiral, and at the head of the navy board. 
He had commanded the fleet in a successful en- 
gagement with the Dutch, and was a brave officer. 
Samuel Pepys was one of the commissioners of the 
navy under him. His Diary was first published 
a few years ago, which lets in much light on the 
public and private life of Charles H., and his 
brother, the Duke of York. It was undoubtedly 
the Duke who, becoming sufficiently interested in 
Captain Phips and his proposed adventure, in- 
duced the king to give him the command of a 
small frigate for his purpose. 

Thus far we have been obliged to trust to one 
writer for the history of this remarkable man, 
Captain Phips. But now he has become a captain 
in the royal navy, his acts are a matter of record, 
both in England and in the archives of the Massa- 
chusetts Colony, b^ which we can verify some of 
the statements of his biographer. Of the next 
five years of the life of Captain Phips, Dr. Mather 
gives the most readily accessible account ; it is no 
doubt authentic. 

He says: "To relate all the dangers through 
which he passed, both by sea and land, and all the 
tiresome trials of his patience as well as his cour- 
age, while year after year the most vexing acci- 



12 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

dents imaginable delayed the success of his de- 
sign, would tire the patience of the reader, where- 
fore I shall supersede all journal of his voyages 
to and fro, with reciting one instance of his con- 
duct that showed him to be a person of no mean 
capacity. 

" While he was captain of the Algier Rose, his 
men, growing weary of their unsuccessful enter- 
prise, made a mutiny, wherein they approached 
him on the quarter-deck with drawn swords in 
their hands, and required him to join with them 
in running away with the ship, to drive a trade 
of piracy on the South Seas. Captain Phips, 
though he had not so much of a weapon as an 
ox-goad, or a jawbone, in his hands, yet, like an- 
other Shamgar or Sampson, with most undaunted 
fortitude, rushed upon them, and with the blows 
of his bare hands felled them, and quelled all the 
rest/' 

Another and more extensive conspiracy was en- 
tered upon by the crew, while the ship was ca- 
reening at a small uninhabited island. A bridge 
had been laid to the bold shore, to which the ship 
was moored, and all the crew but eight or ten of 
the best men, were on shore in the woods on leave. 
Some of the crew, no doubt, had been pirates before 
and wished to be again. The whole party con- 
spired to seize the ship that evening, and after put- 
ting the captain and his friends on shore, to sail 
for the South Seas on a piratical expedition. They 
wanted the carpenter to join them, but he asked 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 13 

time to decide, and found a way to inform Captain 
Phips of the plot. 

With his few men the captain took up the 
bridge and loaded and trained his guns to bear 
upon the mutineers, on their return in the even- 
ing. On their approach the captain hailed them 
with orders to stand off, and said that he should 
leave them on the island to starve. This brought 
them to their knees to beg forgiveness, saying that 
they had no ill-will to the captain, but wanted 
the ship. He finally admitted them on board, but 
kept an eye on them until he arrived at Jamaica, 
where they were discharged. 

With a few new men to take the place of the 
mutineers. Captain Phips sailed for the island of 
Hispaniola, or St. Domingo, where he fell in with 
an old Spaniard, who gave him some information 
of the wreck of a treasure-ship many years be- 
fore, at the north of Port de la Plata on that isl- 
and, so named from the landing of a boat with 
plate from the wreck. With renewed courage 
Captain Phips commenced the search for sunken 
treasure in this new place, without success. The 
Algier Rose had been in the West India waters 
for perhaps two years, and needed repairs, the 
completion of which at the island the mutiny had 
prevented. Besides, if his search should be suc- 
cessful. Captain Phips felt that he could not trust 
his present crew. With these discouragements he 
sailed for England, but with no abatement of con- 
fidence that he should yet find the wreck. 



14 SIR WILLIAM PHI PS. 

The Duke of York, who had been Admiral of 
England under his brother, Charles 11., and who 
had the direction of naval affiiirs, had now come 
to be the reigning sovereign, as James II. The 
unpopularity of his measures caused loud com- 
plaint, and William, Prince of Orange, was solic- 
ited to come to England and claim the throne in 
the right of his wife, who was the eldest daughter 
of James. 

To repel this threatened invasion, James needed 
all of his frigates, and however high Captain 
Phips might have stood in his estimation, he had 
no ship to spare for treasure hunting. Captain 
Phips was not to be thwarted in his designs on ac- 
count of the strait in which the king was placed. 
He soon found powerful friends, probably with the 
assistance or introduction of the king. Captain 
Phips interested the Duke of Albemarle in his en- 
terprise. He was a nobleman of great wealth, 
whose father, the celebrated General Monk, had es- 
poused the cause of the Stuarts, and was the prin- 
cipal instrument in restoring Charles H. to his 
throne, for which he and his brother James never 
ceased to be grateful. Others besides the Duke 
became interested in Captain Phips's scheme. It 
is good evidence that Captain Phips retained the 
friendship and confidence of the king, that he 
granted a charter to the Duke of Albemarle and 
his associates, for ownership and possession of all 
the wrecks that might be discovered for a term of 
years. 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 15 

A ship and a small vessel for a tender were ob- 
tained and fitted out. Mather says that Captain 
Phips *^ invented many of the instruments neces- 
sary to the prosecution of his intended fishery." 
I cannot improve Dr. Mather's account of the 
search for, and recovery of, the treasure ; so I give 
it in his own language : 

" Captain Phips, arriving with his ship and 
tender at Port de la Plata, made a stout canoe of 
a stately cotton-tree, so large as to carry eight or 
ten oars, for the making of which periaga (as they 
call it) he did, with the same industry that he did 
everything eLse, employ his own hands and adze, 
and endured no little hardship, lying abroad in 
the woods many nights together. This periaga, 
with the tender, being anchored at a place con- 
venient, the boat kept busking to and again, but 
could only discover a reef of rising shoals, there- 
about called " The Boilers," which, rising within 
two or three feet of the surface, were yet so steep 
that a ship striking on them would immediately 
sink. One of the men, looking over the side of 
the periaga into the calm water, spied a sea 
feather growing as he judged out of a rock, where- 
upon they had one of their Indians to dive down 
and fetch this feather. The diver, bringing up the 
feather, brought therewithal a surprising story; 
that he perceived a number of great guns where 
he had found the feather, which astonished the 
whole company. 

" Upon further diving the Indian fetched up a 



16 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

SOW, as they called it, or a lump of silver, worth 
perhaps two or three hundred pounds. Upon this 
they prudently buoyed the place, that they might 
readily find it again, and they went back unto 
their captain, whom for some while they distressed 
with bad news as formerly. Nevertheless, they 
so slipped the sow of silver under the table where 
they were now sitting with the captain, and hear- 
ing him express his resolution to wait still pa- 
tiently the providence of God. At last he saw the 
silver, then said he, ^ Thanks be to God, we are 
made/ 

" Most happily, they first fell upon the room in 
the wreck where the bullion had been stored up. 
They so prospered in this new fishery that in a 
little while they brought up thirty-two tons of sil- 
ver. One Adderly of Providence (one of the Ba- 
hamas), who had formerly been very helpful to 
Captain Phips in his search for this wreck, did 
upon former agreement meet him now with a little 
vessel here, and he with his few hands took up 
about six tons of silver, whereof he made little 
use, as in a year or two he died distracted at Ber- 
mudas. Thus did once again come into the light 
of the sun a treasure which had been half a hun- 
dred years groaning under the waters. In this 
time there was grown upon the plate a crust, like 
limestone, to the thickness of several inches, which 
being broken open by iron, they knocked out 
whole bushels of rusty pieces of eight (Spanish 
dollars), which had grown thereinto. Besides that 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 17 

incredible treasure of plate in various forms, thus 
fetched from seven or eight fathoms under water, 
there were vast riches of gold and pearls and jew- 
els which they also lit upon. 

" Thus did they continue fishing until their pro- 
visions failing them 't was time to be gone. But 
before they went Captain Phips caused Adderly 
and his folk to swear that none of them would dis- 
cover the place* of the wreck, or come any more 
until the next year, when he expected to be there 
himself. It was remarkable that though the sows 
still came so fast that on the very last day of their 
being there they took up twenty, yet it was af- 
terward found that they had in a manner cleared 
the room where these things were stowed." 

Dr. Mather continues : " But there was one ex- 
traordinary distress which Captain Phips found 
himself plunged into. His men had come out on 
seamen's wages, at so much per month ; and when 
they saw such vast litters of silver sows and pigs, 
as they called them, come on board them at the 
captain's call, they knew not how to bear it that 
they should not all share all among themselves, 
and be gone to lead a short life and a merry one, 
where those that had hired them should not reach 
them. In this terrible distress Captain Phips made 
his vows unto Almighty God, that if the Lord would 
carry him safe home to England with what He 
had now given him, he would forever devote him- 
self unto the interest of the Lord Jesus Christ and 
his people, especially in the country which he did 

2 



18 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

himself originally belong unto." We find that the 
humble shipwright of Sagadahock did not, in his 
prosperity nor in his distress, forget that " despic- 
able place," as Dr. Mather called it, " the hole of 
the pit from which he was digged." 

Captain Phips assured his men that besides 
their wages they should have extra pay, if he was 
obliged to take it from his own share, with which 
promise they were satisfied, and he sailed for Eng- 
land direct ; but soon after some Bermudans took 
Adderly's boy for a pilot and sailed for the place 
of the wreck, and gleaned the remains of the 
treasure. 

Captain Phips arrived safely in London in 1687, 
with his cargo of silver, gold, and jewels, to the 
value of 300,000 pounds sterling. After satisfy- 
ing his crew according to promise, he had left to 
himself less than 16,000 pounds. The Duke of 
Albemarle was so well satisfied with Captain 
Phips's honesty that he made his wife, whom he 
had never seen, a present of a golden cup of the 
value of nearly one thousand pounds sterling. 
Some officious people urged the king, who was 
entitled to one tenth of the treasure, to seize the 
whole, on the ground of deception ; but he replied 
that he had been rightly informed by the captain 
of the whole matter. 

In consideration of his success and honesty in 
bringing into the kingdom so large a treasure, the 
king conferred upon Captain Phips the honor of 
knighthood, with a gold medal. Le Neve's Cata- 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 19 

logue of Knights says that William Phips was 
knighted at Windsor Castle, June 28, 1687. 

At this time James II. needed just such men as 
Sir William in his navy, the king's favorite arm of 
defence, to repel the threatened Dutch invasion, 
and prevent the landing of William, Prince of 
Orange, which took place the next year. Our 
" Knight of the Golden Fleece " was urged to re- 
main in England and accept a command, but he 
had won distinction and wealth at the wreck, and 
there was more there when he left, and he refused 
a command offered by the commissioners of the 
navy. 

An English nobleman. Sir John Narsborough, 
had made voyages of discovery to the South Sea 
with success, an account of which had attracted 
much attention. He was a man after Sir Wil- 
Uam's own heart, and he took him with him on his 
next voyage to the wreck; but the Bermudans, 
with Adderly's boy for a pilot, had nearly cleared 
the wreck of everything of value. To Sir John 
Narsborough, and this last voyage to the wreck, 
Dr. Mather devotes less than two lines, probably 
because it was a failure, not mentioning the date 
of it. 

Within a year the Massachusetts Historical So- 
ciety has published the first volume of the " Sew- 
all Papers," including the Diary of Judge Samuel 
Sewall, kept in Boston, except when absent a few 
months in England, whither he went in November, 
1688. This Diary covers the years from 1674 to 



20 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

1700. and is of much value in tracing the acts 
of Sir William Phips and his contemporaries dur- 
ing those years which include the administration 
of Sir William as Governor of the Massachusetts 
province, under the new charter. It is this jour- 
nal kept by a Councillor of the province that in- 
duces me to retrace the life of Governor Phips, 
and perhaps explain some matters which in later 
years have been injuriously commented upon. 
Dr. Cotton Mather has been accused of favoring 
Sir William Phips and excusing his faults. Drake, 
in his memoir, says, " Dr. Douglass seems to have 
been the author of the fashion, or practice, so 
much in vogue of late years, of reviling Cotton 
Mather. It has been carried to such an extreme 
in some quarters, that whoever presumes to men- 
tion his name does it at the peril of coming in for 
a share of the obloquy and abuse himself.'* Dr. 
Mather said, when writing the " Magnalia," that 
" he had no question but there would be some with 
hearts full of serpent venom," who would " scourge 
him with scorpions for the pains he had taken." 
I have said that Professor Bowen wrote the life of 
Sir William Phips which is contained in Sparks's 
"American Biography." He speaks doubtingly 
of some of Mather's statements. He says of Dr. 
Mather, " He was intimately acquainted with the 
subject of his memoir, and the account would be 
entitled to full credit, did not his own credulity, 
and the partiality which he everywhere shows, 
throw some doubts on the more remarkable state- 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 21 

ments." Yet Mr. Bowen has been unable to dis- 
credit them. Because he thinks Mather has been 
partial^ he seems to consider it his duty to doubt 
his veracity, and in his own memoir to lean to 
the opposite extreme. We have now arrived at a 
period in the life of Sir William Phips when we 
can verify Mather's statements by collateral au- 
thority. 

We will resume the thread of our narrative. 
By the Diary of Judge Sewall we are enabled to 
fix the date of Sir William's visit to the wreck in 
company with Sir John Narsborough. Under 
date February 11, 1687, Sewall says : " Gary ar- 
rives from Jamaica, five weeks' passage, brings 
word that the Duke of Albemarle was there and 
Sir William on the wreck." This would make it 
the last of December, — five months after the date 
of his knighthood. It must be recollected that 
then February was the last full month in the year. 

Mather says : " Nothing would content Sir Wil- 
liam but a return to New England. And, whereas 
the charters of New England had been taken away, 
there was a governor imposed upon the territories 
with as arbitrary and as treasonable a commission 
perhaps as was ever heard of, — a commission by 
which the governor, with three or four more, none 
of whom were chosen by the people, had power 
to make what laws they would, and levy taxes ac- 
cording to their own humors upon the people." 
This Governor was, as all know. Sir Edmund An- 
dros, and the lost charter was that brought out by 



22 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

Governor Winthrop in 1630, which Charles ![• 
succeeded in causing to be abrogated in 1684. 

The old charter provided for the election of the 
governor by the people, which was very distaste- 
ful to the king, and to a large party in the colo- 
nies, who coveted that ofl&ce or some preferment 
under it, which, belonging to the royal party, 
they could not obtain. Sir William's sympathies 
were with the Puritans, at the head of whom was 
Dr. Increase Mather, who held at the same time 
the office of President of Harvard College and pas- 
tor of the North Church of Boston. His son. Cot- 
ton Mather, was his assistant. 

In his memoir, Cotton Mather continues : ^^ In- 
deed, when King James offered, as he did, unto 
Sir William Phips an opportunity to ask what he 
pleased of him, Sir William generously replied 
that he prayed for nothing but this, ' that New 
England might have its lost privileges restored/ 
The king then replied : * Anything but that.' He 
next petitioned the king to be appointed high 
sheriff of that country, hoping by his deputies in 
that office to supply the country with conscientious 
juries. This office he obtained, and with his com- 
mission he returned to Boston, in the summer of 
1688, after an absence of five years.'' 

Sir William's arrival is thus noticed by Sewall. 
" Friday, June 1, 1688. Went to Watertown lec- 
ture. Mr. Russel Graves and many more were 
there. Lady Phips for one, who was ready to faint 
as word was brought in by the coachman of Sir 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 23 

William's being spoken at sea. By that time we 
got home, we heard that Sir William came in his 
pinnace from Portsmouth this day. Many of the 
town gone to compliment him." The next Friday 
Sewall mentions the presence of Sir William at the 
Charlestown lecture, and on Tuesday following 
Judge Sewall waited on him at his residence.^ 

From the Sewall Diary we learn that Sir Wil- 
liam had a frigate to visit his home, and first ar- 
rived at Portsmouth, N. H., probably on account 
of the weather. He had been appointed high 
sheriff of New England, which accounts for the 
frigate. June 22d, Sewall says : " Went to bid Sir 
William welcome to town, who landed an hour or 
so before, being come with his frigate from Ports- 

^ From an entry in the journal, I conclude ihat there was a fear 
that, after so much time spent in England with Church people, Sir 
William had become attached to the Church of England. The next 
Sunday after his arrival was Whitsunday. Sewall thus records 
his whereabouts : '* Sir William not abroad in the forenoon, in the 
afternoon he hears Mr. Mather ; so the Whitsuntiders have not his 
company." These Whitsuntiders were Governor Andros and his 
officials, with the other Episcopalians of the town, who were holding 
services in the South Church after the morning meeting of that so- 
ciety was dismissed. The governor's chaplain, Rev. Mr. Ratcliff, 
officiated. There was then no English Church in Boston. Sewall 
gives a long account of the controversy through which the use of the 
South Meeting-house was obtained. He was one of the proprietors. 
On March 28th previous, Sewall has this entry: ** Captain Davis 
flpoke to me for land to set a church on. I told him I could not, 
would not put Mr. Cotton's land to such a purpose." In reply to an 
application from the minister, Ratcliff , for land for the same purpose, 
Sewall said, according to his own account : ^* I told him I could not, 
first because I would not set up that which the people of New Eng- 
land came otbt to avoid*" 



24 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

mouth." If he had been simply a passenger, he 
would not have returned to Portsmouth to bring 
up his ship. He was the commander. Sir Wil- 
liam could not have been very bigoted in his re- 
ligion, as Sewall says his chaplain preached to the 
Governor on Sunday, July 1st, which he could have 
prevented, and of course the chaplain of the ship 
was an Episcopalian. Sir William was sworn as 
high sheriflE on July 6th, but Mather says : " The 
infamous government, then rampant, found a way 
wholly to put by the execution of his patent. 
Yea, he was like to have had his person assassi- 
nated before his own door, which, with some fur- 
ther designs then in his mind, caused him within 
a few weeks to take another voyage into Eng- 
land." While Sir William was in Boston, Sewall 
often recorded his whereabouts. " July 4 th, Com- 
mencement, Mr. Hubbard compared Sir William 
in his oration to Jason fetching the golden fleece.*' 
" Monday, July 16, 1688, Sir William's frigate and 
the Swan set sail." He had remained at home only 
six weeks. During this time he commenced the 
"fair brick house in Green Lane," now Salem 
Street, on a lot which had been purchased by his 
lady in October, 1687. On the 21st, Sewall says : 
" I went to offer my Lady Phips my house by 
Moody's, and to congratulate her preferment. As 
to the former, she had bought Sam. Wakefield's 
house and ground last night, for £350. I gave 
her a Gazette that related her husband's knight- 
hood, which she had not seen bef ore^ and wished 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 25 

this success might not hinder her passage to greater 
estate. Gave me a cup of good beer^ and thanked 
me for my visit" August 3d, Sewall says, 
" Placed a stone in the column of Sir William's 
house next to Mr. Nowell's." ^ 

This stone was probably the base or capital of 
an architrave projecting from the brick wall, not 
properly a column ; or it may have been the same 
part of a column of the portico, as some persons, 
yet living, who recollect the house, say that its 
front had such an ornament Whatever stone it 
was, it probably was cut in England, as nearly all 
monumental and ornamental stone-work was at 
that time. There would hardly have been time 
to have had it prepared in the Province with its 
limited facilities. It was no uncommon thing for 
vessels coming from England to bring a part of 
their lading of bricks. This stone was put into the 
column only two months after Sir William's arrival 
from London, and it is probable that he brought 
much of the ornamental material for his house in 
the frigate. 

After the abrogation of the charter in 1684, 
there was continual dissatisfaction with the admin- 
istration of public affairs. After Governor An- 
dros's arrival in 1686, many landed proprietors 

^ The custom of reqaesting a magistrate to assist with his own 
hands in building a house or a ship was very common then. Re- 
peated instances of it are mentioned in Judge SewalPs Diary. In 
1692 he says, ** I drove a trenail in the goyemor's brigantine ; " and 
at another time he mentions the driving of a nail in Somerby's 
houBe at Newbury. 



26 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

were compelled to take new titles^ for which they 
were severely taxed for fees. This with other 
abuses created a renewed desire in the colony to 
have their charter restored, and increased the dis- 
satisfaction, until on the 4th of April news of the 
landing of the Prince of Orange in England was 
received in Boston. On this encouragement, the 
inhabitants of that vicinity seized the Governor 
and imprisoned him at the castle. After the over- 
throw oi Andros, the General Court sent over two 
of its members, viz. Elisha Cook and Thomas Oaks, 
to act as agents of the colony, with Sir Henry 
Ashurst. Plymouth Colony sent at the same time 
as their agent, Bev. Ichabod Wiswall. In April, 
1688, Dr. Increase Mather was also sent to assist 
the others in obtaining a charter. He sailed three 
months before Sir William. Cook, Oaks, and Wis- 
wall were strenuous for the old charter, and acted 
together. Dr. Mather and Sir William Phips de- 
cided that it was impossible to obtain that, and in 
the spring of 1689, Sir WilUam was dispatched to 
Boston, probably to obtain instructions from the 
Mather party. Before he left, King James, who 
had retired to France, offered him a commission as 
Governor of the Massachusetts Colony, which he 
would not accept without a charter. On his arri- 
val at Boston, he found that, after a ten yea^' 
peace, an Indian war had broken out. Schenec- 
tady, N. Y., had been attacked, and the whole 
eastern frontier was threatened. Sir William for- 
got the charter, but he did not forget the people 



SIR WILLIAM PBIPS. 27 

of his native district, nor the vows he made to God 
on shipboard to serve and protect them, if he 
should be permitted to land his treasure. Salmon 
Falls and Wells had also been attacked, and Casco 
was threatened. Thirty canoes full of Indians had 
been seen to cross Casco Bay. 

Previously to Sir William's offering his services 
to the Council to command an expedition to Nova 
Scotia, as narrated hereafter^ he offered himself for 
admission to the communion of the North Church 
of Boston, of which the Mathers, father and son, 
were the pastors. He presented a well-written 
confession of faith, which Mather copies in full. 
It covers a page of the " Magnalia.'' It closes with 
these lines : ^' I have had great offers made me in 
England, but the churches of New England were 
those my heart was most set upon. I knew that 
if Grod had a people an3rwhere it was here, and I 
resolved to rise or fall with them. . . . My being 
bom in a part of the country, where I had not in 
my infancy enjoyed the first sacrament of the New 
Testament, has been a great stumbling-block to me. 
But though I have had proffers of baptism else- 
where made to me, I resolved rather to defer it, 
until I could enjoy it in the communion of these 
churches." Accordingly, on the 23d of March, 
1690, one month before he sailed on the Nova 
Scotia expedition. Sir William was baptized by 
Cotton Mather, and received into the fellowship 
of the North Church. 

In commenting upon Sir William's lack of edu* 



28 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

cation, Professor Bowen mentions this confession 
of f aith, and says : ^^ Some suspicion would rest 
upon the authenticity of this piece did not Cotton 
Mather declare that the original was in Sir Wil- 
liam's own handwriting, and that he had not al- 
tered a word in copying it. It is the only authen- 
tic production of his own pen which I have been 
able to find." The Professor continues : " I find 
some documents of a later period bearing his sig- 
nature, with the awkward strokes of a school-boy 
just learning to write.'* 

If Professor Bowen could find no other produc- 
tion of Sir William's pen, why should he doubt the 
authenticity of this ? Is it because the author of 
it had been educated ankle deep in chips, and had 
graduated from a ship-yard instead of a college ? 
I had no difficulty in finding, in the archives of 
Massachusetts, well-written and well-composed pro- 
ductions of Sir William's pen, with his signature 
in a clear, open hand. 

It had been decided to send a naval force along 
the eastern coast, which was infested by French 
privateers and piratical vessels. In the Massachu- 
setts archives arp the instructions given him by 
Governor Bradstreet, to cruise for an enemy's 
ship, the Sea-Rover, — a pirate which had seized 
several fishing vessels belonging to his majesty's 
subjects. Phips was then captain of the ship. Six 
Friends, of forty guns, " now equipped as a ship 
of war." This was afterwards his flag-ship in the 
Quebec expedition. 



/ 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 29 

Sewall makes this entry in his journal, betray- 
ing haste and excitement ^ Saturday, March 22, 
1690. Sir William Phips offers himself to go in 
person. The Grovemor (Bradstreet) sends for me 
and tells me of it ; I tell the Court ; they send for 
Sir William, who accepts to go, and is appointed 
to command the forces. He had been sent for at 
first, but some feared he would not go; others 
thought his lady would not consent. Court makes 
Sir William free, and swears him Major General.'* 
The day before, the Court had appointed Sir Wil- 
liam and six others with the Governor as a ^^ board 
of war." This " Court *' was the Board of Com- 
missioners of the United Colonies : consisting of 
Thomas Danforth and Elisha Cook, from Massa- 
chusetts ; Thomas Hinkley and John Walley, of 
Plymouth Colony ; and Samuel Mason and William 
Pitkin, of Connecticut. 

Sir William sailed April 28, 1690, with seven 
hundred men, in eight small vessels, for Port 
Royal, N. S., now Annapolis. Sewall records on 
the 22d of May : " We hear of the taking of Port 
Boyal by Sir William Phips, which abates our sor- 
row for the loss of Casco, if thjB sad news prove 
true." Fort Loyal at Falmouth, Casco Bay, sur- 
rendered on the 20th, after being besieged four 
days by a force of four or five hundred French 
and Indians. 

On the receipt in Boston of the news of the de- 
struction of Falmouth, a vessel was dispatched to 
intercept Phips's fleet, with orders to go into Casco 



30 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

Bay, and try to secure prisoners and fugitives ; 
but the fleet arrived at Boston on the 30th of 
May, without seeing the dispatch vessel.^ While 
Sir William was gone on the expedition, he was 
elected to the Council Board and took his seat on 
his return. 

In his absence an expedition against Quebec had 
been decided upon by the Council of the United 
Colonies. A land force was to go by Albany and 
the lakes. There was not sufficient ammunition in 
the colonies for this expedition, and a vessel was 
sent to England to obtain a supply. Sir William 
Phips was imanimously chosen commander-in-chief 
of the forces. The ammunition vessel not arriving 
in time, it was decided to sail with what could be 
procured in the colonies. The preparations for sail- 
ing are mentioned by Sewall. He says, " August 8, 
1690. Went to Nantasket to see the Lieutenant 
General muster his soldiers on George's Island." 
The Lieutenant General was John Walley of Barn- 
stable, commander of the land forces. '^ August 9th. 
Go and dine at Hull, with Sir William Phips and 
his lady. About six, wind veered, and the fleet 
came to 'sail, four ships of war and twenty-eight 
others.'* This fleet carried two thousand men^ 
and from adverse winds and other detentions was 

^ The Sewall journal mentions, June 16, *' Notice is given by beat 
of drum, of the sale of the soldiers' part of plunder taken at Port 
Boyal." The French GoTernor of Port Royal was brought to Bos- 
ton, who complained to the Grovernor about Sir William, whom he 
said retained his private property, which he was ordered to restore. 
A writ was issued against him which the Council ordered to be nalL 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 31 

until October on the passage to Quebec. On the 
6th of that month Count Frontenac, the GrOYemor, 
was summoned to surrender the city. He made 
a brave reply, calling the Prince of Orange a 
usurper, and said that no other answer would be 
returned than that from the mouth of his cannon. 

The land forces, which went by the way of Al- 
bany, and which were expected to have drawn o£E 
the governor's troops for the defence of Montreal, 
returned after reaching the lake, by reason of not 
finding boat« to transport them across, as expected. 
If they had remained at the lake, the whole French 
force could not have been recalled for the defence 
of Quebec, as was done. It was admitted that 
had the fleet arrived a few days earlier at Quebec, 
the attack would have been successful This was 
made on the 7th. So cold was it that ice formed 
in one night of sufficient thickness to bear a man. 
The small-pox broke out in the fleet, by which 
many were disabled. The land forces were com- 
pelled to disembark in ice and water knee deep. 
They fought well, but Walley proved an inefficient 
commander. A bark commanded by Captain Sav- 
age got aground within pistol shot of ' the shore, 
but Sir William went bravely to her assistance in 
his flag-ship, and succeeded in bringing her off, al- 
though his own ship was much damaged by the 
enemy's shot. Many of the soldiers had their 
hands and feet frozen while on shore. 

A council of officers decided that another attack 
would not be prudent. An exchange of prisoners 



32 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

was made, and besides his own men, Sir William 
recovered several of those taken at Falmouth on 
the surrender of Fort Loyal in May. Among these 
was Captain Sylvanus Davis, the commander of the 
fort. In his account of the siege of the fort and 
his captivity, he says he was well treated by the 
French. Sir William made haste to get out of the 
river, for fear of being caught in the ice. Storms 
separated the fleet ; one vessel was wrecked on the 
Island of Anticosti, and many of her crew were 
drowned. Those that survived built huts on shore, 
where they nearly starved to death from their 
short allowance.^ 

Several of the party died of scurvy, and those 
remaining lengthened their long-boat, and in it 
five of the crew made the passage to Boston, sail- 
ing on the 25th of March, and arrived there on the 
9th of May. A vessel was sent to Anticosti which 
brought away the sxirvivors. Sewall says, " June 
29, 1691, Yesterday Rainsford arrived with sev- 
enteen men that remained alive on Anticosti ; four 
dead of small-pox since the long-boat's coming." 

Sir William with most of his fleet arrived at 

^ Mather gives this amusing description of an occurrence at the 
camp on the island. <* There was a wicked Irishman among them, 
who had such a voracious devil in him that after divers burglaries 
upon the store-house, committed by him, at last he stole and ate 
with such pamphagous fury- as to cram himself with no less than 
eighteen biscuits at one stolen meal, and he was fain to have his 
belly stroked and bathed before the fire, lest he should otherwise 
have burst." The narrator strongly hints that this was made an 
excuse for shooting him, to have his body to prevent their stanra- 
tion. 



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SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 83 

Boston on the 19th of November. One, at least, 
of the transports was never heard from, and some 
were blown o£E and arrived at the West Indies. 
The loss of men in this expedition was about three 
hundred, mostly by sickness. Mather says that 
the expense of this expedition was about ^' forty 
thousand pounds, more or less, and not a penny 
in the treasury to pay it withal." A part of this 
sum was raised by tax levy, by the Assembly, and 
a committee was chosen to issue bills of credit 
from copper plates, as Mather says, ^^ So flourished, 
indented, and contrived, as to make it impossible 
to counterfeit them." These bills were signed by 
three of the committee, and were for the sums of 
from two shillings to ten pounds, and certified 
that the Massachusetts Colony was indebted to the 
holder for the sum named in the note. This was 
the origin of continental money. These notes 
were made receivable for public dues at five per 
cent, more than the value expressed in them. 

To establish the credit of these bills. Sir Wil- 
liam Phips exchanged a large amount of gold and 
silver for them. But they soon depreciated to 
fourteen shillings in the pound. The accompany- 
ing cut, a fac-simile of these bills, is from Los- 
sing's "Field Book of the Revolution," by pur^ 
chased permission from the publishers. 

Sir William remained but a few weeks at home, 
and then sailed for England in the depth of winter, 
in a small vessel bound to Bristol. He hurried 
to London, and tried to interest William and Mary^ 

8 



34 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

who were dow on the throne^ in another effort for 
the reduction of Canada.^ 

During the summer of 1691 the Province agents^ 
with the assistance of Sir William, were urging the 
king and council to restore the old charter without 
success, but the king finally concluded that under 
a new charter the agents might nominate the first 
governor. Cook, Oaks, and Wiswall were strenu- 
ous for the old charter, and Mather, Ashurst, and 
Phips thought the new one, with the provisions 
it contained, worth their acceptance. Sir William 
was nominated for governor by Sir Henry Ash- 
urst and Dr. Mather. The new charter contained 
the names of the first council, three of whom were 
to be from Maine. These were Job Alcot, Samuel 
Heyman, and Samuel Donnell. And for Sagada- 
hock, Sylvanus Davis, who then lived at Arrowsic. 
The charter is dated on the 7th of October, 1691, 

^ Another expedition against Quebec and Canada was organized 
in 1711. It sailed from Boston on the 30th of July. It consisted of 
a large number of naval ships from England, with transports taken 
into the service in New England. Including two New England regi- 
ments, the troops numbered seven thousand, under the command of 
Brigadier General John Hill, of the British army. The fleet was 
under the command of Admiral Walker, and arrived in the St. Law- 
rence with incompetent pilots. Several vessels, with eight hundred 
men, were lost in a storm. On the 16th of September a council of 
war was held, which decided to retreat. Soon after arriving at Ports- 
mouth, England, the admiral's ship, the Edgar, was blown up ; and 
although he was sared by being on shore, he lost, as he says, ** his 
books, journals, and charts, and the original journal of Sir Wnu 
Phips* 8 Expedition,** which he had probably taken to aid him in 
passing up the St. Lawrence. For his failure the admiral was 
dropped from the navy-lists. 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 35 

and went into operation on the 14th of May^ 
1692. 

The new Governor (Phips) arrived with the 
charter May lAth, the same day that it became 
operative. It included Massachusetts and Plym- 
outh Colonies^ the Province of Maine^ Acadia, and 
Nova Scotia. Sewall records the arrival of Gov- 
ernor Phips in these words : " Sir William arrives 
in the Nonesuch frigate. Candles were lighted 
before he gets into the town-house. Eight com- 
panies wait upon him to his house, and then upon 
Mr. Increase Mather to his. Made no volleys 
because it was Saturday night." ^^ Monday, May 
16th. Eight companies and two from Charlestown 
guard Sir William and his councillors to the town- 
house, where the commissions were read and oaths 
taken." 

In his memoir, Cotton Mather says : " Sir Wil- 
liam Phips^ who might, in a calm of the common- 
wealth, have administered all things with as gen- 
eral acceptance as any who had gone before him, 
had the disadvantage of being set at the helm in 
a time as full of storm as ever that province had 
seen ; the people having their spirits put into a 
tumult by the discomposing and distempering va- 
riety of disasters which had long been rendering 
the time calamitous, it was natural for them, as for 
all men, to be complaining. And you may be sure 
the rulers must in such cases be complained of, and 
the chief complaints must be heaped upon those 
who are commanders-in-chief." 



36 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

The state of public affairs is also described by 
Hutchinson, in his ^^ History of Massachusetts/' 
He says : " The distress of the people at the time 
of the arrival of the charter is said to have been 
peculiarly great The sea - coast was infested by 
privateers, so that few vessels could escape them. 
The interior frontiers, east and west, were contin- 
ually harassed by French and Indian enemies. A 
late expedition against Canada had exposed the 
province to the resentment of France. The same 
expedition brought so heavy a debt upon the gov- 
ernment, that it required all the skill of the ad- 
ministration to support the public credit, and to 
procure further supplies for carrying on the war. 
A strong party in the government had opposed 
every other means except the adhering to the old 
charter, and was now dissatisfied with the accep- 
tance of the new. The greatest misfortune was an 
apprehension that the devil was let loose upon 
them." 

This was the belief in witchcraft, and the arrest 
of many accused of dealing with Satan. At the 
time of the arrival of Governor Phips, the jails 
were full of the accused, and most of his friends, 
including Cotton Mather, were firm believers in 
the justice of their seizure. The public mind was 
greatly excited, and demanded severe measures. 
The foremost of the accusers sought to show the 
new Governor their zeal, and to pacify these the 
Governor and Council ordered the accused to be 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 37 

all ironed, but secretly permitted the irons to be 
removed.^ 

There is no evidence that Governor Phips fa- 
vored the prosecutions for witchcraft, but on the 
contrary he discouraged them. He consulted the 
leading ministers in the matter, — fearing perhaps 
to raise a storm about his ears by hasty action. 

Mather says: "When Sir William Phips had 
canvassed a cause, which perhaps might have puz- 
zled the wisest men on earth to have managed 
without an error, he thought if it be any error at 
all, it certainly would be safest for him to put a 
stop unto all future prosecutions, as far as it lay 
in him to do it" He did so, and had the printed 
acknowledgments of the New Englanders, who 
publicly thanked him. The Queen sent him an 
autograph letter, commending his course. A court 
of Oyer and Terminer had been selected from the 
Councillors to try the witches. Our journalist, 
Sewall, was a member. They had held two or 
three sessions before the arrival of the charter, 
and condemned many. The question coming up 
in the CouncQ about its sitting again, Sewall rep- 
resents Governor Phips as saying, " It must fall," 
and that was the last of it. Governor Phips finally 
pardoned all those in the prisons accused of witch- 
craft. Calef of Roxbury, a merchant, ridiculed 

^ In oommenting on witchcraft. Cotton Mather says : ** Hasty peo- 
ple maj burlesque these things, but when hundreds of the most sober 
people in a country where they have as much mother-wit certainly 
as the rest of mankind know them to be true, nothing but the ab- 
mrd and froward spirit of Sadducism can question them." 



88 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

the whole proceedings against the witches. He 
had a long controversy with Cotton Mather on the 
subject. He published a book in reply to Mather's 
" Wonders of the Invisible World," which he called 
" More Wonders of the Invisible World." On the 
arrival of Calef's book from England, where it 
was published, a copy came into the hands of Dr. 
Increase Mather, who was president of the college, 
and he caused it to be publicly burned in the col- 
lege yard. Calef intimates that Lady Phips was 
suspected of witchcraft. This may have arisen 
from her known aversion to the prosecutions. As 
she was a Maine woman, it gives one the more 
pleasure to know that, in her husband's absence, 
she signed a warrant for the release of a prisoner, 
which the jail-keeper obeyed, and lost his place 
therefor. Hutchinson, in his history, gives this as 
a fact well authenticated. 

Judge Sewall felt condemned for his course as a 
member of the witch court, and on the day of the 
public fast on account of the witchcraft, he wrote 
a confession to be read publicly in the South 
Church of Boston, of which he was a member. He 
inserts a copy of this paper in his Diary. He heads 
it, " Copy of a bill I put up on the Fast day ; giv- 
ing it to Mr. Willard (the minister) as he passed 
by, and standing up at the reading of it, and bow- 
ing when finished." 

This Fast day was on the 14th of January, 1697. 
The chief judge. Lieutenant Governor Stoughton, 
when informed what Sewall had done, said he had 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 39 

no such confession .to make^ as he ^* had acted ac- 
cording to the best light which God had given 
him-" 

After the witchcraft mania had begun to sub- 
side, Governor Phips turned his attention to the 
next greatest trouble under which he found the 
people suffering. That was the French and Indian 
war. We must again consult his original biogra- 
pher, Dr. Mather, who says : " Now he was come 
to the government, his mind was vehemently set 
upon recovering those parts from the miseries 
which a new and long war of the Indians had 
brought upon them. His birth and youth in the 
east had rendered him well known to the Indians 
there ; he had hunted and fished many a weary 
day in his childhood with them ; and when these 
rude salvages had got the story that he had found 
a ship full of money, and was now become all one 
a king, they were mightily astonished at it ; but 
when they further understood that he was become 
the Governor of New England, it added a further 
degree of consternation to their astonishment. He 
was likewise better acquainted with the situation 
of these regions than most other men. 

" Wherefore Governor Phips took the first oppor- 
tunity to raise an army, and with which he trav- 
elled in person unto the east country to find and 
cut off the barbarous enemy, which had continued 
for four years together, making horrible havoc on 
the plantations that lay all along the northern 
frontiers of New England ; and having followed 



40 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

these Scythian wolves till they, could be ne longer 
followed, he did with very laudable skill and un- 
usual speed erect a strong fort at Pemaquid." 

It was at Pemaquid that Sir William's father 
first settled, in about 1638, and being near the 
harbor of Sheepscot, Governor Phips must have 
been well acquainted with its topography; and 
probably was a good pilot to the harbor of Pema- 
quid. Governor Phips was now fulfilling his vows 
which he made on shipboard when he feared a 
mutiny. 

Mather says : ^* The same generosity also caused 
him to take many a tedious voyage, accompanied 
by his faithful adviser and very dear friend, kins- 
man, and neighbor, Col. John Phillips, between 
Boston and Pemaquid, and this in the bitter weeks 
which is almost a Russian winter." ^ The " strong 
fort," mentioned by Dr. Mather, was built in 1692. 

^ Judge Sewall has this entry in his Diary under date January 17, 
1694 : " The Governor and Major Phillips return, come to town by 
land from Salem, having been gone near a month." For these sea- 
Toyages, Sir William kept his own yacht, a brigantine. Sewall men- 
tions in November, 1692 : **I drive a trenail in the governor's brig- 
antine." Any act of this kind by a magistrate in the building of a 
vessel or a house was supposed to impart a peculiar charm. The 
same journalist, describing the sailing of Sir William for London in 
1694, mentions his going *'on board of his yacht," which was to 
take him to the frigate. The yacht must have been a craft of good 
size and appointments* The inventory of his personal estate men- 
tions that she sold for eighteen hundred pounds sterling after his 
death ; and that she was armed we know from the same Diary. In 
1693 the Council went down to the castle to decide upon some re- 
pairs. Sewall says : ^ As came up, Captain Clark saluted us with 
three huzzas, and guns from his briganteen.*' 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 41 

In compliance with instructions given him in 
England, Governor Phips raised a force of four 
himdred and fifty men, and in company with Major 
Benjamin Church, of the Pl3rmouth Colony, sailed 
along the Eastern coast to succor those who were 
in need, and to keep the Indians in check. They 
called at Falmouth and buried the bones of the 
men slain at the siege and surrender of Fort Loyal 
two years before, and carried away the guns. On 
arrival at Pemaquid a site was selected, and a large 
gang was set at work in the construction of a for- 
tress strong enough to withstand any force that 
the French and Indians could bring against it. 
While the fort was in process of construction, 
Major Church, with a sufficient force, was sent 
farther east, and on his return he ascended the 
Kennebec and destroyed an Indian village at Ta- 
connet, now Waterville. 

The fort at Pemaquid, whi^h Governor Phips 
built by the direction of the home government, 
was a more formidable and imposmg fortress than 
had then been erected in the New England Prov- 
inces. It was quadrangular in form, each side be- 
ing of about two hundred feet in extent. It had 
round towers at the angles ; and the barbacan, or 
great flanker, at the northwest angle was twenty- 
nine feet high, and inclosed a large rock, under the 
side of which was the principal magazine for am- 
munition, the remains of which are yet to be seen. 

Fronting the inner harbor the wall was eighteen 
feet high, and eight feet thick at the bottom^ and 



42 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

six feet at the ports or embrasures. Eight feet be- 
low the surface of the ground, within the round 
towers, were bomb-proof vaults for magazines and 
for stores. There were eighteen embrasures sup- 
plied with cannon, six of which were eighteen 
pounders. The wall on the south, fronting the 
sea, was twenty-two feet in height. The entire 
work was built of stone laid in lime. It was 
named Fort William Henry, and had a garrison of 
ninety men. 

This imposing castle overawed the Indians, and 
on the 11th day of August of the next year the 
Indian sagamores, from the Merrimack to the Pe- 
nobscot, met Governor Phips and three of the 
Council at Fort William Henry, and entered into a 
solemn treaty, in which they swore allegiance to 
William and Mary, promised to deliver up all cap- 
tives, and to abandon the French. Governor Phips 
knew the treachery of the Indians when they came 
under the influence of the French, and required 
them to leave three of their principal men as hos- 
tages that they would observe the treaty.^ 

Fort William Henry, and Sir William Phips as 

^ Sewall notices the departure of the Governor and Councillors for 
Pemaquid : ** Fridaj, August 4, 1693. The governor sets sail for 
Pemaquid. Goes off at Scarlet's Wharf about eight o'clock in the 
evening, with Major Greneral (Winthrop), Mr. Addington, Mr. Fos- 
ter." Their return is also noticed in the same journal. " Saturdaj, 
August 19th. Grovemor returns from Pemaquid, and Councillors, all 
in good health. Concluded a peace with the Indians on Friday, 
August 11th. They were very desirous of a peace, and professed 
themselves ready to do what the Grovernor desired ; have sent three 
hoBtages." 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 43 

Governor of the Province, were effective barriers 
against French and Indian aggression. Frontenac, 
then in command at Quebec, and Saint Castin at 
Bagaduce, whose wife was the daughter of an In- 
dian sagamore, were restive under these checks. 
When the death of Sir William was announced, 
the destruction of the fort and village at Pema- 
quid was determined upon. A French naval force, 
having two mortars, took shelter under cover of 
Beaver Island, from whence, at a range of half a 
mile, they were enabled to throw shells from the 
mortars into the fort, and were themselves pro- 
tected by the island from its guns. At the same 
time Castin with six hundred Indians landed near 
the east side, and joined the French in the siege, 
which was pressed with vigor. The fort had a 
garrison of ninety-six men, but their captain, 
Chubb, of Andover, was timid, and surrendered 
the fort, which was demolished. Sewall records, 
^^ August 4, 1696. Pemaquid fort is summoned by 
the French, the two ships which took the Newport 
galley, and said galley, besides many hundred by 
land." 

^^ August 5, summoned them again, and for fear 
of their guns, bombs, and numbers. Captain Chubb 
surrendered, and then they blew up the fort. This 
news came to town August 10th. Captain Paxton 
brought it." By the cowardice of one ofl&cer the 
eastern coast was deprived of its only defensive 
fortress.^ 

1 A fort of timber was erected at Pemaquid in 1624, — destroyed 



44 SIB WILLIAM PHIPS. 

We must resume the thread of our history of 
the year 1693, There had been two parties in the 
colony previous to the time when Dr. Increase 
Mather went to England ^seeking charter rights. 
His name had been> forged to a letter on which a 
suit was commenced for defamation^ and an effort 
was made to arrest him, to prevent his taking pas- 
sage for England ; and while he was there the sev- 
eral agents of the colonies of Massachusetts and 
Plymouth^ as has been noticed^ differed as to the 
expediency of accepting any charter but the old 
one. These differences were continued with bit- 
terness after the charter went into operation. A 
faction sought to embarrass the Governor. On as- 
suming the government, Sir William voluntarUy 
•allowed the Council to appoint officers without the 
intervention of his nomination, a right given him 
by the charter. He seems to have discovered his 
mistake and assumed his prerogative. 

Some historians have called Sir William Phips a 
weak governor, but I think an impartial review of 
the history of his administration during the year 
1693 will not bear them out in this assertion. 
Judge Sewall's Diary, so often quoted, gives the 
following note dated November 21st : — 

^^ Governor bids the Deputies go choose a new 

in <* Philip's war," 1676 ; another built in 1677, and destroyed in 
1689 ; rebuilt of stone bj Goyemor Phips in 1692, and destroyed in 
1696. Again erected in 1729 it was dismantled at the beginning of 
the Revolutionary War, lest it should be occupied by the English* 
The same great rock served to protect the magazine in the fort of 
1729 that served Sir William Phips for that purpose in 1698. 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 45 

Speaker, which they pray excuse for. Governor 
alleges as a reason. Speaker's adjourning their 
house from Friday to this day, without acquaint- 
ing him, contrary to the charter. By mediation 
tiie matter is composed, and Wednesday morning 
the Governor sends to them by the Secretary, to 
desire them to go on with the business of the 
Court, Mr. Secretary is directed to enter their 
acknowledgment of their error and asking par- 
don, and that they would not practise in like man- 
ner for time to come." 

Before this time it had been the custom for 
towns in all parts of the Province to choose lead- 
ing men of Boston and the vicinity, who might 
perhaps have been land proprietors in those towns, 
to represent them in the House of Deputies, pos- 
sibly to save the expense of sending one of their 
own citizens, for each town then paid their own 
members. There was this advantage about this 
method, that it gave the towns a larger number 
of able and experienced men from which to choose 
representatives. But under this arrangement cor- 
rupt pa^isans could retain their places in the 
House year after year, and the Governor found his 
measures for the good of the Province frustrated 
by his opposers in the House. He boldly, through 
his friends, offered a bill in the House, that all 
representatives should be freeholders, and reside 
in the towns for which they were chosen. This bill 
passed the House and went to the Ciouncil, of 
which our journalist, Sewall, was a member. With 



46 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

it came a protest signed by twenty-one Deputies, 
among whom I perceive the names of those men 
who had before, and did subsequently, give the 
Governor much trouble. Judge Sewall says, No- 
vember 28, 1693 : " The clause and the dissent 
were read two or three times in the Council by 
the Secretary, and put to vote, the Governor not 
being there." It was passed by one majority. 
The names of the Councillors are given under the 
heads of " content " and " not content*' Among 
the latter are the names Samuel Donnell and 
Charles Frost, councillors from Maine. 

No weak or unpopular governor could have 
broken down this established prerogative of the 
wealthy and influential men of the large towns. 
This wholesome law stands to-day on the statute 
books of all the New England States. For its in- 
ception we are indebted to our own citizen, Wil- 
liam Phips. 

Among those protesters in the House of Depu- 
ties against the bill, which, if it became a law, 
would oust them from seats in that body, was Jah- 
leel Brenton, son of William Brenton, who had 
been Governor of Rhode Island. He held a royal 
commission as collector of customs, which had 
become obsolete by the new charter which was 
granted a year after date of the commission. 
There never had been an act of Parliament estab- 
lishing a custom-house in New England. Brenton 
was a member of the Tory party, and naturally op- 
posed to Governor Phips and the Mathers. He had 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 47 

been in England seeking employment, and only 
seven months after the Prince of Orange had been 
proclaimed king, Brenton arrived in Boston with 
his commission, — a year before the charter was 
granted, which was considered the commencement 
of a new regime. In the charter itself no change 
was made in the manner of the collection of the 
customs, which had always been made by a " naval 
oflBcer." 

Brentotfs commission was probably given to get 
rid of him. There might have been an intention 
of establishing a custom-house in Boston, but with 
the civil war, which changed the sovereigns, and 
the long continued French war, the customs com- 
missioners and the Parliament had more important 
matters claiming their attention. Judge Sewall 
records the arrival of Brenton in Boston in the 
same ship with Dudley, another of the Governor's 
enemies, of whom more hereafter. In the Sewall 
Diary is the following note under date January 
26, 1690 : " Mr. Brenton exhibits his commission 
under the broad seal for exercising the office of 
collector, surveyor, and searcher." 

A few weeks before the passage of the bill dis- 
qualifying non-residents as representatives, Bren- 
ton, whose commission had laid dormant nearly 
three years from its issue, attempted to set up a 
custom-house in Boston, and to compel merchants 
or masters to enter and clear their vessels at his 
office. In writing of what transpired between 
Brenton and the Governor, Professor Bowen does 



48 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

not seem to have taken these dates into consider* 
ation, but considers Brenton as an established col* 
lector of customs, and Hutchinson, who wrote long 
after the occurrences, overlooks the same palliating 
circumstances. 

Brenton and Dudley were of that " little party " 
of men of whom Dr. Mather speaks, who ^^ thought 
they could not sleep until they had caused the 
downfall of the Governor." These two were among 
those who complained of the cost of the Pemaquid 
fort and of many of the acts of the Governor. 

The attempt to revive his commission as col- 
lector of customs, and the establishment of an 
office for the -entry and clearance of vessels, was 
not probably a project of Brenton's alone, but a 
concerted scheme of that little party, by which 
they hoped to provoke Governor Phips, with his 
irascible temper, to commit some hasty act, which 
would give cause to complain of him to the home 
government. If this was the case, Brenton un- 
questionably used provoking langu8|.ge at the in- 
terview of which I am about to speak. I have 
been the more particular in describing the circum- 
stances preceding this interview and collision, as 
it is referred to as the great indiscretion of Sir 
William's life, and was undoubtedly the cause of 
his being called to England, and the remote cause 
of his early death. 

The Governor was legally the naval officer and 
acted by his deputy. He had appointed Benjamin 
Jackson as deputy, who was in charge of the of* 



ain WILLIAM PHiPS. 49 

fioe, where it had always been tiie onstom to en* 
ter and clear vessels. Brenton's attempt to inter- 
fere with this custom, and demand increased fees, 
caused much ill feeling among the merchants. 
Colonel Foster, a Boston merchant, a member of 
the Council, and a fast friend to the Governor, 
complained that Brenton had seized a cargo of 
fustic and indigo from the island of Providence, on 
board the sloop Grood Luck. A cargo of tobacco 
on board the brig Mary, from Jamaica, was also 
seized, and a part of the cargo, to the value of 
one thousand pounds, had been put into Brenton's 
store-house. The owners of the goods waited upon 
the Governor and asked his protection. He went 
to the wharf and forbade Brenton's interference, 
and of course warm words were exchanged. The 
Governor told the owners to take their goods. 
What afterwards transpired is told by Brenton in 
his petition to the Commissioners of the Customs, 
a copy of which is in the Massachusetts archives. 
He whmingly complains of the Governor's beating 
him with his fist, and says that he suffered the 
Governor to have the goods. Accompanying the 
petition is the report of the action of the Privy 
Council thereon in these words : — 

« At the Court of White Hall, the SOth of No- 
vember, 1693. Present the King^s most Excellent 
Majesty in council. . After the petition being read, 
it is this day ordered by his Majesty in council, 
that it be and is hereby referred to the Bight Hon- 
orable, the Lords of the Committee of Trade and 

4 



60 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

Plantations, to examine and consider the matter, 
and to report to this board what their Lordships 
conceive fit for his Majesty to do therein." 

Councillor Sewall's Diary shows that the Gover- 
nor had not lost the respect of the principal officers 
of the province. The Diary has this entry : " No- 
vember 15. Is a council at the Governor's house 
about taking Mr. Jackson's affidavits (he was the 
naval officer). Governor did not go to lecture. 
After lecture was much debate at the town-house, 
and at last Mr. Jackson's affidavits were all read 
over, and his oath given him by the Lieutenant 
Governor and Council." This oath was probably 
to qualify him to perform the duties of principal 
naval officer in the Governor's absence. Two days 
later is this note : " November 17, 1694. Just 
about sunset or a little after, the Governor goes 
from his house to the Salutation stairs, and there 
goes on board his yacht. Lieutenant Governor, 
many of the Council, Mr. Cotton Mather, captains 
of frigates, justices, and many other gentlemen 
accompanying him. 'Twas six o'clock by that 
time I got home, and I only staid to see them 
come to sail. Guns at the castle were fired about 
seven. Governor had his flag at the maintop.^ 
*Twas of a seventh day ixi the even, when the 
Governor came to town, and so 't is at his going 
off, both in darkness and uncomfortable because 
of the Sabbath." At that time the legal Sabbath 
began on Saturday at sunset 

^ This flag at the maintop was one which Sir William was enti- 
tled to cany as a captain in the British nayy. 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 51 

Upon this order^ Governor Phips was summoned 
to appear before the honorable body to whom the 
petition was referred by the king. Dr. Mather 
does not mention the difficulty with Brenton, but 
alludes to the Governor's summons to Whitehall 
in these words : ** They so vigorously prosecuted 
certain articles before the council-board at White- 
hall against him, that they imagined they had 
gained an order of his Majesty in council to sus- 
pend him immediately from his government, and 
appoint a committee of persons nominated by his 
enemies to hear all depositions against him, and 
so a report to be made unto the king and council. 
But his Majesty was too well informed of Sir Wil- 
liam's integrity to permit such a sort of procedure, 
and therefore he signified unto his most honorable 
'council that nothing should be done against Sir 
William until he had an opportunity to clear him- 
self ; and thereupon he sent his royal commands 
to him to come over. 

" Wherefore in obedience unto the king's com- 
mands, he took his leave of Boston on the 17th of 
November, 1694, attended with all proper testimo- 
nies of respect and honor, and with addresses unto 
their majesties and the ministers of state from the 
General Assembly, humbly imploring that they 
might not be deprived of the pleasure of such a 
head." 

Prom this lately published Diary we learn that 
one or more frigates were sent for Sir William. 
The captains of these ships are mentioned as be- 



62 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

ing of. the party who aooompanied him from his 
house at the embarkation. Judge Sewall says: 
'^ He came as governor and went in darkness." It 
was indeed a time of ill-omen. He never returned 
to his native province. 

Sir William was no stranger at Whitehall. At 
that court he had been received twelve years be- 
fore by King James H.^ and although he had no 
friend there, his intelligence, energy, and personal 
bearing obtained from that monarch, who had 
been an admiral himself, the command of a^frig- 
ate of the royal navy. After years of persever- 
ing effort, he had entered the Thames with a ship- 
load of gold and silver, one tenth of which belonged 
to the king. He pleaded the cause of hia native 
colony for a renewal of its charter before two 
kings, and left England with a favorable charter 
which consolidated three colonies into one prov- 
ince, and with a royal commission as its first gov- 
ernor. One of these colonies he had, without as- 
sistance from England, wrested from a powerful 
enemy in time of war. Unaided at court, he had 
convinced King William of the necessity of send- 
ing another expedition for the reduction of Can- 
ada, and nothing but an epidemic in Sir Francis 
Wheeler^s fleet prevented Sir William from annex- 
ing it to the kingdom fifty years earlier than it 
was accomplished. 

An officer of the crown, with such a record^ 
would hardly have his commission revoked fw 
chastising an insolent inferior officer, even if that 
officer was in a legal act of duty. 



SIR WILLIAM PHIP& 68 

Besides the difficulty with Brenton, Sir William 
had chastised Captain Short, of the Nonsuch frig- 
ate. Hutchinson, in his ^^ History of Massachu- 
setts/' gives the circumstances. This was the frig- 
ate which brought the Governor from England 
with the charter. On the passage a prize was 
taken, and Captain Short complained that the 
Governor had deprived him of his full share of the 
prize-money, which caused ill feeling. The cap- 
tains of men-of-war stationed in the colonies were 
required to follow the instructions of the Gov- 
ernor, and Governor Phips required Captain Short 
to order a part of his men upon some service out 
of the ship, which the captain refused to do. On 
meeting Short in the street, the Governor called 
him to account for his disobedience of orders. 
Warm words ensued, and the Governor struck the 
captain with his cane for insolent language, put 
him imder arrest, and sent him to the castle, with 
the intention to send him home to be court-mar- 
tialed, but he subsequently changed his mind and 
had him released. This occurrence was seized 
upon by the Governor's enemies, and exaggerated 
accounts were sent to England, but Captain Short 
was put in command of another ship, and entered 
no complaint against the Governor. 

Brenton's chief adviser and Sir William's most 
bitter enemy was Joseph Dudley, who had been a 
Councillor of the colony and had held other offices. 
He coveted Governor Phips's place, and was the 
leader of the party mentioned by Dr. Mather who 



54 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

sought his downfall, and had been long in England 
seeking to accomplish their purpose. Brenton 
had hurried away to assist his friend in England. 
Upon the arrival of Governor Phips in London, he 
was arrested upon suits commenced by Brenton 
and Dudley for damages in the sum of twenty 
thousand pounds. The writer caused an examina- 
tion to be made of the court records in London, 
and find the Governor was charged with corrup- 
tion in the collection of customs. These men un- 
doubtedly supposed that Sir William would be 
unable to give bail in so large a sum, and would 
be compelled to go to prison. Sir Henry Ashurst, 
the resident agent for the province^ who had been 
associated with Dr. Licrease Mather and Sir Wil- 
liam in obtaining the charter, readily signed the 
required bond, thus defeating Dudley's and Bren- 
ton's purpose. 

Governor Hutchinson says : " Sir William urged 
in his defence against Brenton, that there was no 
custom-house established in the plantation by act 
of Parliament, and that Brenton had no authority 
to compel masters to enter and clear with him, 
— the naval officer then known and established 
by act of Parliament being the only proper officer 
for that purpose." " Sir William's friends in New 
England supposed his affairs in England would 
have been all accommodated, and that he would 
have returned to his government if death had not 
prevented." Of the result of the investigation and 
of the Governor's sickness. Dr. Cotton Mather thus 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 55 

writes: "About the middle of February, 1694 
(three months after leaving Boston), Sir William 
found himself indisposed with a cold which obliged 
him to keep his chamber, but under this indisposi- 
tion he received a visit from a very eminent person 
at Whitehall, who, upon sufficient assurance, bade 
him 'get well as fast as he could, for in one 
month's time he should again be dispatched away 
to his government of New England.'"* To Sir 
William's last days of sickness, his death, and bur- 
ial, his biographer devotes only five lines in these 
words : " His distemper proved a sort of malig- 
nant fever, whereof many about this time died in 

^ This assertion of Dr. Mather that Governor Phips was about to 
be retnmed to his government is ungenerously doubted by Professor 
Bowen. His words are : '* Cotton Mather asserts that Sir William's 
answer to the charges brought against him was triumphant, and that 
he received assurance of being restored to his government, but this 
is hardly probable. Though no proceedings strictly illegal may have 
been proved against him, the king would hardly desire to restore to 
an important station a man who had so far forgotten the dignity of 
his office as to cane a commissioned officer." For the benefit of Ph>- 
lessor Bowen I will cite a premeditated attack by a commissioned 
officer of the customs in Boston upon a prominent citizen, for which 
he was not called to account, although the parallel is not perfect. In 
1761, John Robinson, a commissioner of the customs, enticed James 
Otis, the early apostle of freedom and a leading lawyer of .Boston, 
into the British Coffee-House in that town, where other officers were 
gathered, and made an attack on him, leaving a deep cut on his 
head from which he never fully recovered, and it finally ended in in- 
sanity. Robinson never was recalled nor any notice taken of the 
outrage by the government at home, although a jury assessed the 
damage at two thousand pounds, which Otis generously relinquished 
upon proper acknowledgments from the offender. A positive asser- 
tion of such a man as Cotton Mather should not be doubted, at least 
when he had no pergonal interest in the matter. Governor Hutch* 
inaoD confirms Dr. Mather's statement 



56 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

the city, and it suddenly put an end to his days 
and thoughts on the 18th of February, to the ex- 
treme surprise of his friends, who honorably buried 
him in Ae church of St. Mary's, Woolnoth, and 
with him how much of New England's happiness.'" 

By the favor of Hon. Robert C. Winthrop I 
have a fac-simile of the printed invitations given 
out for the funeral, as it was then the custom. 
The original is now in his possession. Major Gen- 
eral Fitz John Winthrop, of the distinguished New 
England family, was at the time in London ; to 
him it is directed.^ 

Judge Sewall thus records the announcement of 
Sir William's death in Boston : — 

" May 5, 1695. About three hours, news comes 
to town of the death of Sir William Phips, Febru- 
ary 18th, at which people are generally sad. Lay 
sick about a week of the new fever, as 't is called. 
The talk is that Mr. Dudley will be Governor. 
May 6th. The mourning guns are fired at the 
castle and town for the death of our Governor. 

^ The hour appointed for the faneral of Sir William seems odd to 
us ; bat it was the custom at that time to hold funeral service and 
inter the body by torch- light. In 1688 Lady Andros, wife of Sir 
Edmund Andros, Governor of Massachusetts, was buried from the 
South Meeting-House in Boston in the evening. 
The Diary of Judge Sewall, so often quoted, has this entry: — 
'* Feb. 10, 1688. Between 4 and 5 I went to the funeral of Lady 
Andros. Between 7 and 8 (links illuminating the cloudy air) the 
corpse was carried into the hearse, drawn by six horses. The sol- 
diers making a guard from Uie Grovernor's house to the South Meet- 
ing-House. There taken out and carried in and set before the pul- 
pit, with six mourning women by it. House made light with torches 
and candles. ... I went honus, when about nine o'clock I heard 
the bells toll again for the funeral" 



.••. 



• •••• ••••< 



•• •. 






/J^ori/y!riP /feifc^ 



YOU are defircd to Accompany the CorpG 
of Sir Willim Phip^f, Knight ^om 
^o^i-Htli,,in Switbint-Laiu, to the Parifll- 
Omreh of Sl At»y Woehtib, in Litianl- 
pair; OoThmfday the jjft. of Fitnray, 
1«9}.' At Five of tbeClock.fa the Afisr- 
noon ptedfely : And bring thii Ticket with 
you. 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 57 

^'May 8th. I visit my Lady (Phips), who takes 
on heavily for the death of Sir William, Thinks 
the lieutenant and the council were not so kind to 
him as they should have been. Was buried out 
of Salter's Hall." ^ 

I was surprised to learn, as I did by a letter from 
the curate of the parish, that there is now no mon- 
ument to Governor Phips in the church. 

By investigation I ascertained that the edifice 

^ The New View of London^ 1708, has the following, vol. iv. 
p. 290: *< At the east end of the church of St. Mary^s, Woolnoth, 
near the northeast angle, is a pretty white marble monument, adorned 
with an am between two cupids, the figure of a ship, and also a boat 
at sea with persons in the water ; these beheld by a winged eye, all 
done in basso relievo ; also seven medals, as that of King William 
and Queen Mary; some with Spanish impressions, as the castle cross- 
potent etc., and likewise the figures of a sea>quadrant, cross-stafiP, 
etc., and this inscription : — 

" ' Near this place is interred the body of Sir William Phips, 
Knight, who, in the year 1687, by his great industry discovered 
among the rocks near the banks of Bahama, on the north side of. 
Hispaniola, a Spanish plate-ship, which had been under water forty- 
four years, out of which he took in gold and silver to the value of 
£800,000 sterling ; and with a fidelity equal to his conduct, brought 
it all to London, where it was divided between himself and the rest 
of the adventurers. For which great service he was knighted by his 
then majesty, King James the 2nd ; and afterward by the command 
of his present majesty, and at the request of the principal inhabitants 
of New England, he accepted the government of the Massachusetts, 
in which he continued to the time of his death, and discharged his 
trust with that zeal for the interest of his country, and with so little 
regard to his own private advantage, that he gained the good esteem 
and affections of the greatest and best part of the inhabitants of the 
colony. He died on the 18th of February, 1694. And his lady, to 
perpetuate his memory, hath caused this monument to be erected.' 

M His arms were, iMe^ a trefoil slipt, within an arle of eight MuQetSy 
OiyenL** 



58 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

had been rebuilt during the three years includmg 
1716 to 1719, when of course the monuments were 
removed. To replace them would involve expense 
which there was no one in London willing to pay. 
If any monument was left out, of course it would 
be a foreigner's. The ^^ Pictorial Handbook of Lon- 
don," 1864, says : " St. Mary's, Woolnoth, Lombard 
Street, 1716, is the masterpiece of Hawkesmoor, 
the pupil of Wren, and by far the most original 
work erected since his time. It is a work of great 
merit externally and internally, and contains much 
handsome wood-carving. It was finished in 1719, 
and is built of stone." The curate of the parish 
sends me a copy from the parish register which 
reads as follows : " February, 1694. The 18th of 
this month, dyed Sir William Phips, and was in- 
tered in the vault under the organ gallery, the 
21st of the same." Of course the vaults contain- 
ing the dead were not disturbed by the rebuilding, 
and probably the coffin, which was at that time 
usually covered with lead, might yet be identified 
and reclaimed. I make these extracts from Cot- 
ton Mather's lengthy summary of Governor Phips's 
character and appearance : — 

" Reader, 't is time for us to view a little more 
to the life the picture of the person, the actions of 
whose life we have hitherto been looking upon. 
Know then that for his exterior he was tall, be- 
yond the common set of men, and thick as well as 
tall, and strong* as well as thick. He was in all 
respects exceedingly robust, and able to conquer 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 59 

0uch difficulties of diet and of travel as would have 
killed most men alive. Nor did the fat^ whereinto 
he grew very much in his later years, take away 
the vigor of his motions. He was well set, and he 
was therewithal of a very comely though a very 
manly countenance, — a coimtenance where any 
true skill in physiognomy would have read the 
characters of a generous mind. Wherefore pass* 
ing to his interior, the very first thing that there 
offered itself was a most incomparable generosity. 
There was one instance for which I must freely 
say I never saw three men that equaled him; 
that was his wonderfully forgiving spirit. I never 
did unto this hour hear that he did ever once de- 
liberately revenge an injury. 

'^ Upon certain affronts he has made sudden re- 
turns' that have showed choler enough, and he has 
by blow as well as by word chastised incivilities. 
When base men surprising him at some disadvan- 
tages, he has, without the wicked madness of a 
formal duel, made them understand that he knew 
how to correct fools. Nevertheless, he ever de- 
clined a deliberate revenge of a wrong done unto 
him. Few men ever did him a mischief but those 
men afterwards had occasion for him to do them a 
kindness, and he did the kindness with as forget- 
ful a bravery as if the mischief had never been 
done at all. 

" While the generosity of Sir William caused him 
to desire a liberty of conscience, his piety would 
not allow a liberty of profaneness, either to him- 



60, SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

self or others. He did not affect any mighty show 
of devotion^ yet he conscientiously attended upon 
the exercises of devotion in the seasons thereof^ 
as well on lectures as on Lord's days^ and in the 
daily morning and evening service in his own fam- 
ily, yea, and at the private meetings of the devout 
people in the neighborhood. When Sir William 
was asked by some who observed his valiant con- 
tempt of death, what it was that made him so lit- 
tle afraid of dying, his answer was : ^ I do humbly 
believe that the Lord Jesus Christ shed his pre- 
cious blood for me, by his death procuring my 
peace with God, and what should I be afraid of 
dying for ? ' This leads me to mention the humble 
and modest carriage in him towards other men, 
which accompanied this piety. There were cer- 
tain pomps belonging to the several places of 
honor through which he passed, — pomps that are 
very takmg to men of little souls; but although he 
rose from so little, yet he discovered a marvellous 
contempt of these airy things. 

" After his return to his country, in his great- 
ness, he made a splendid feast for the ship carpen- 
ters of Boston, among whom he was willing, at 
his own table, to commemorate the mercy of God 
unto him who had once been a ship carpenter him- 
self. Upon frequent occasions of iineasiness in his 
government, he would thus express himself : * Gen- 
tlemen, were it not that I am to do service for the 
public, I should be much easier in returning to my 
broad-axe again.' He would, particularly when 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 61 

saOing in sight of Kennebec with armies under 
his command, call the young soldiers and sailors 
upon deck and speak to them after this fashion : 
' Young gentlemen, it was upon that hill that I 
kept sheep a few years ago, and since, you see that 
Almighty God has brought me to something ; do 
you learn to fear God, and be honest, and mind 
your business, and follow no bad courses, and you 
don't know what you may come to/ " 

I will close these extracts from Cotton Mather 
with his assertion : ^^ I do most solemnly profess 
that I have most conscientiously endeavored the 
utmost sincerity and veracity of a Christian, as well 
as a historian, in the history I have now given of 
Sir WUUam Phips." 

The Reverend Doctor Increase Mather, the pres- 
ident of Harvard College, was selected to deliver a 
sermon on Governor Phips, which he did from the 
57th chapter of Isaiah, first verse : " Merciful men 
are taken away, none considering that the right- 
eous are taken away from the evil to come." He 
had been long in England with Sir William en- 
deavoring to procure a charter. From this sermon 
I have copied a paragraph of his testimony of the 
Governor's character : — 

" This province is beheaded, and lies bleeding. 
A governor is taken away who was a merciful 
man ; some think too merciful, and if so, 't is best 
erring on that hand. • • • He was a zealous lover 
of his country, if any man in the world were so. 
• • • He did not seek to have the government 



9 



62 SIR WILLIAM PHIP8. 

cast upon him. No, but to my knowledge he did 
several times petition the king that the people 
might enjoy the great privilege of choosing their 
own governor. He is now dead, and not capable 
of being flattered ; but this I must testify concern- 
ing him, that though, by the providence of God, I 
have been with him at home and abroad, near at 
home and far off, by land and by sea, I never saw 
him do an evil action, or heard him speak any- 
thing unbecoming a Christian." 

Sir William kept a chaplain in his own house. 
In the inventory of his personal property is men- 
tioned furniture "in the chaplain's chamber." 
John White, who officiated in that capacity, died 
in 1721.^ 

^ ** On the 11th instant, in the morning, died John AVhite, Esq., of 
the small-pox, in the fifty-third year of his age, after a very exem- 
plary and useful life ; and as he was universally and highly esteemed 
while he lived, so in death greatly lamented. He was bom in Rox- 
bury, and at twelve years old admitted into Harvard College, where 
he took his degrees of Bachelor and Master of Arts. His first pub- 
lic appearance was as chaplain to Sir Williara Phips, when €rovemor 
of this province, to whom and all persons of figure in the town he 
then endeared himself, by a shining integrity, wisdom, humanity, 
and piety, the crown of all. After Sir William's death, he was for 
three years successively chosen one of the representatives of the town 
of Boston, and twenty years together, annually chosen Clerk of the 
Honorable House of Representatives, which trust he discharged with 
great reputation, and it has made him known and honored through 
the land for his powers, and great integrity, and zeal for his country. 
In the year 1714, after the death of Thomas Brattle, Esq., he was 
made treasurer of the College, in which trust he has been ever since. 
• . . His funeral was attended with great honor and respect* Was 
buried the 13th, was lud in Mr. Belcher's tomb, the uppermost of 
the wall, in the south burying place, — gloves and rings." — From 
the Boston News Letter of December 18, 1721. 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 63 

In the Probate Office of Boston is the will of 
Sir William Phips, of which this is a copy : — 

^ In the name of God, Amen. Be it known unto all 
Christian people that I, Sir William Phips, Kuight, of 
Boston, in Massachusetts Bay, N. E., being at present 
time in good health, memory, understanding, and reason, 
having considered the certainty of death, and the uncer* 
tainty of the time and hour thereof, have thought fit to 
make and declare this my last will and testament. 

" Imprimis, — I do recommend my immortal soul unto 
the hands of Almighty God, my Maker, hoping for sal- 
vation in and through the meritorious death and passion 
of my blessed Lord and dear Redeemer, Jesus Christ. 
And ray body to be decently interred and buried accord- 
ing to the discretion of my executrix hereafter named, in 
hope of a glorious resurrection in the last day ; and what 
worldly estate it has pleased God to bestow upon me to 
be disposed of as follows : — 

^^Item. — To my brother James, or his heirs, the sum 
of five shillings sterling money of England, in full of all 
demands or claims, legacies, and inheritances of and from 
me, he being heretofore through my means sufficiently 
provided for. 

** Item. — To my dear and entirely ever-beloved con- 
sort, Mary Phips, I give all my real and personal estates, 
lands, etc., in any country, under any kings, princes, etc. 
If my wife die without a will, it shall descend to my 
adopted son, Spencer Phips, alias Bennett, and his heirs. 
If he die without a will, it shall be divided, — one half 
to my sister, Mary Margaret, and heirs of my sister Ann, 
deceased. And the other half to my wife, reserving out 
of my estate one hundred pounds, which my heirs shall 
pay to John Phips, son of my brother, John Phips, de- 
ceased. If my wife die before my adopted son be of age 



64 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

or married, I appoint my friends, Captain John Foster, 
Esq., and Captain Andrew Belcher, of Boston, merchants, 
to be trustees. 

^^ I appoint my beloved consort to be sole executrix of 
my will. 

*^ Signed in the presence of John Philips, John White, 
John Hiskett, Isaiah Stone, and John Grenough." . 

The will was executed on the 18th of December, 
1693. It was proved on the ISth of June, 1695. 

Sir William's widow died in 1704, leaving to 
her adopted son, Spencer Phips, the bulk of her 
property. She was then the wife of Peter Sar- 
gent, of Boston. 

It is surprising that Sir William's mother's name 
does not appear in the will, as Cotton Mather as- 
serted that she was living when he wrote his life 
of Governor Phips. 

In 1739, John Phips, of Wrentham, petitioned 
the General Court for a " Canada grant " (land 
for the soldiers who were in the Canada expedi- 
tion) in the right of his uncle, Sir William Phips, 
and another in the right of his brother James. 
This John was probably son of John, who are 
both mentioned in Sir William's will. 

Judge Sewall mentions the purchase by Lady 
Phips in 1687, of a house and lot on what is 
now Charter Street, Boston ; subsequently several 
small lots were purchased, bounded by Charter and 
Salem Streets, the whole forming a large corner 
lot in an elevated situation. In the centre of this 
lot Sir William's new house was built in 1688. 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 65 

Judge Sewall says he put a stoue in a column of 
it in August of that year. The house was of brick, 
and of two stories, with a portico and columns. 
So the Maine shipwright's prediction, that he 
should yet own ^^ a fair brick house in the Green 
Lane of North Boston," was verified to the letter. 
That was the name of Salem Street up to 1708. 
After Governor Phips's death and Cotton Mather's 
memoir had appeared, Calef, of Roxbury, in his 
controversy with Mather, wrote that " Phips's 
prediction and its fulfilment would have been 
counted in Salem pregnant proof of witchcraft, 
and much better than what were against several 
that suffered there." 

There are persons remaining who can recollect 
the fair brick house. It stood back from both 
streets, fronting on Charter Street, so named by 
Sir William in honor of the new charter. A paved 
walk led from the portico to the elaborate gate- 
way, which was arched. The coach-house and sta- 
bles were on Charter Street. Southwest on Salem 
Street were the lawn and gardens. On the walk, 
on both streets, was a row of stately buttonwoods. 
This description I received from a lady who was 
bom and spent her childhood in the vicinity. The 
appraiser's inventory of the personal estate, in the 
Suffolk Probate Office, gives the furnishings of 
each room of the house.^ 

1 A trne and perfect inyentory of all and singular the goods and 
chattels, rights and credits, of the Honorable Sir William Phips^ 
Knight, late of Boston, in the County of Suffolk, in New England, 

6 



66 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

He left no children* His wife afterwards mar^ 
ried Peter Sargent, a councillor of the Province, 

deceased, taken and appraised by us whose names are hereanta sub- 
scribed, at Boston aforesaid, the 9th of September, Anno Domini 1696. 

Imprimis. — His purse, apparel, and books. £400. 

In ike Hall. — Two tables, and one carpet, twelve cane chairs, 
and one couch, one large looking-glass, two pairs brass andirons. 

In the Dining-Room. — One clock, three tables, fourteen chairs, one 
couch, one squab, one looking-glass, one pair andirons and candle- 
stick, fire-shovel and tongs. 

In the Closet. — One case of christal bottles, five brass musqae-> 
toons, one case of pistols, two swords, and one cutlash. 

In my Lady^s Room. — Item, one repeating clock, one bed, furni- 
ture, silk quilt, and silk curtains, one chest of draws, dressing-box, 
table and stands, one looking-glass, and six chairs. 

In the Hall Chamber. — Item, one bed, furniture, silk quilt, and 
silk curtains, and dozen and half cushions, scriptore and stand, table, 
dressing-box and stands, one looking-glass, and twelve cane chairs, 
and squabbs, china ware to the chimney-piece, pair of brass an- 
dirons, fire-shovel and tongs. 

In the White Chamber. — One bed, furniture, qnilt, and curtains, 
one table, one chest of draws, six Turkey worked chairs, one looking- 
glass, and two trunks, six dozen of diaper napkins, four dozen of 
plain, six pairs of Holland sheets, twelve pairs of coarse sheets, six 
diaper table-cloths, twenty other cloths of other sorts, two dozen 
diaper napkins, one dozen and half pillow-beers, six bolster-cases, 
three dozen towels. 

In the Closet. — One small bed and furniture. 

In the Maid's Chamber. — Item, one bed, furniture, and curtains, 
table and small looking-glass. 

In the Chaplain* s Chamber. — Item, one bed, furniture, and cur- 
tains, one table and six leather chairs, one gun, one barber's case, 
hone, and two razors, and two pairs of scissors. 

In the Little Chamber. — One negro woman's bed, furniture, and 
curtains. 

In the Garretts. — Item, saddle, holsters, and housing, one piece of 
sheet Holland, one piece of canvass, one remnant of narrow grey 
doth, twenty- two yards of duffiUs, eight brass kettles, and one rem- 
nant of Oznabriggs, three servants' beds and furniture. 

In the Kitchen. — Item, one large kettle, four smaller, two iroa 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 67 

whose princely residence was in 1716 purchased 
by the Province for a residence for the royal gov- 
ernors, and was called the Province House. Its 
walls, covered with mastic, are yet standing. After 
the third marriage of Lady Phips her house was 
occupied as a town residence by her adopted son 
and heir, Spencer Phips. He was the son of her 
sister, Rebecca Spencer, of Saco, and her husband, 
Dr. David Bennett, of Rowley. He was born in 
that town in 1685, and early adopted by Sir Wil- 
liam and his lady, and took the name of Phips, 
which was confirmed to him by the court in 1716. 
He graduated at Harvard College in 1703, was 
a colonel and representative in 1721, councillor 
from 1721 to 1732, lieutenant governor from 1732 

pots, one jack and three spits, one pair of andirons, fire-shovel and 
tODgs, one gridiron, one iron fender, one skillet cased with silver, 
two hell-metal skillets, two hundred and thirty-seven lbs. weight of 
pewter (ware), six candlesticks, one warming-pan, one dripping-pan, 
one chopping-dish, two lanthoms, one frying-pan, sundry small nec- 
essaries such as box-heaters, two cases of knives, skimmers. 

Item, one thousand two hundred and forty- four ounces of silver 
plate at 6s. 8</. per ounce, earthen ware, wooden ware, and glass 
bottles. 

Item, coaoh and horses, one saddle horse. 

Item, one negro man, boy, and negro woman. 

Item, the yacht sold at eighteen hundred pounds, one sixteenth of 
the ship Friendship, one cart and geers, one lead cistern in the back 
yard. Total Valne, £3,877 19s. 

This is a true and perfect inyentoiy, exhibited by me. 

Mart Phips. 

John Phillips. 
Andrrw Bblchzb. 
Jurats William Stouohton. 

Isaac Addinoton, Register. 
The <ffiginal inventory transmitted for England by order. 



68 Sm WILLIAM PHIPS. 

to 17579 when he died at his elegant homestead 
and farm in Cambridge, aged seventy-two. In 
1719 he was appointed guardian to his minor chil- 
dren, William Phips aged nine, Sarah aged five, 
and Elizabeth aged two years; and was author- 
ized to receive all the estate which was left to 
them by their grandfather, Hon. Eliakim Hutch- 
inson, of Boston. After the last, there must have 
been a son bom whose name was David. He is 
mentioned as graduating at Harvard College in 
1741. He inherited the homestead in Cambridge, 
and resided there imtil the Revolution. He was 
sheriff of Middlesex, and adhered to the king. 
He went with his family to England, and died at 
Bath, in 1811, aged eighty-seven. The estate at 
Cambridge was confiscated. 

Sir William Phips's mansion was occupied by the 
Rev. Dr. William Walter, Rector of Christ's Church, 
from 1792 to 1800, whose remains rest in a vault 
under this neighboring historic edifice, on whose 
tower the signal lanterns were displayed on the 
night preceding the march of the British troops 
to Lexington and Concord, in 1775. The Phips 
house was the pride of the North End. Soon after 
the death of Dr. Walter, it had a third story added, 
and its quaint roof with dormer windows waa re- 
placed by a common pitched roof, and was occu- 
pied by the institution now known as the Farm 
School, and had this inscription over the arched 
gateway, "Asylum for Indigent Boys." While 
the house was thus occupied, a block of brick 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 69 

bmldings was erected on the lot on Salem Street. 
Previous to this it had an unobstructed view of 
the harbor. The asylum was removed, and the 
time-honored building was taken down about 1834. 
So massive were the walls that a gentleman who 
witnessed the faUing of the front says that ^'it 
shook the whole of Copp's Hill." Governor Phips's 
name is perpetuated by " Phips Place," which 
marks the northwest boundary of the homestead 
of the' first royal governor of the Massachusetts 
Province ; and now every " twig, turf, and splin- 
ter *' of his fair residence in the Green Lane of 
North Boston has passed away. 

In 1875, our late associate, Hon. George T. Da- 
vis, called the attention of the Society to a pencil 
sketch of an ancient portrait in oil, in the posses- 
sion of two sisters named Blackstone, of Boston, 
formerly of Falmouth, Maine. They represent 
that their great grandfather was Danforth Phips, 
of Massachusetts, and that the portrait has always 
been in the family, and known as a likeness of 
Sir William Phips. There is no doubt but they 
are sincere in this belief. A gentleman of Port- 
land, now over eighty years old, recollects that 
the portrait hung in the Blackstone house at Fal- 
mouth fifty years ago, and was shown as the por- 
trait of Governor Phips. Mr. Davis also called the 
attention of the Massachusetts Historical Society 
to the picture, and they appointed a competent 
committee to investigate as to its authenticity. 
They did so, and reported that it was probably a 



70 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

portrait of some member of the Danforth ^ips 
family, but that there was not sufficient evidence 
that it represented Sir William Phips. I have 
seen the picture, and heard the statements of its 
owners and the gentlemen of the committee con- 
cerning its origin. My own opinion is that it was 
painted previous to the time of Governor Phips, 
as the figure is represented in armor, with a 
plumed helmet at his side. Armor went out of 
use, except perhaps a simple breastplate, soon af- 
ter the invention of fire-arms, and we have seen 
that the ship from which Sir William obtained his 
treasure had great guns, which had then been 
under water forty-five years. Cannon were in use 
in England as early as 1489. In the next century 
the armor makers petitioned the House of Com- 
mons to compel its use, as their trade would be 
ruined. Sir William Phips might have borrowed 
a suit of armor in which to sit for his picture, but 
it is improbable. 

What led to the inquiry for a portrait of Gov- 
ernor Phips was a letter received by Hon. John 
A. Poor from Samuel J. Bridge in 1870, saying 
that if a reliable portrait could be found, a friend 
of his, a wealthy Califomian, would cause it to be 
copied and presented to the State, for the rotunda 
of the state capital. Mr. Bridge had already pre* 
sented to the State the portraits of Governor 
Pownall and Sir William Pepperrell. 

Francis B. Hayes, 72 Mount Vernon Street, 
Boston, has what he considers an undoubted orig- 



SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 71 

inal half-length portrait o£ Sir William Phips. 
He obtained it in Washington city^ and treiced 
it to the very valuable collection of the late 
Thomas Thompson, a wealthy picture fancier of 
Boston, who was known to have spent six hun- 
dred thousand dollars in paintings, and had paid 
large sums for the rent of buildings to hang them 
in. Mr. Thompson died about 1867, and his 
widow sent a large number of the paintings, in- 
cluding the Phips portrait, to George P. Rowell^ 
40 Park Row, New York city, who sold them 
by printed catalogue. William Minot, a cele- 
brated lawyer of Boston, was an intimate friend 
of Thompson, and assisted me in my investigation 
of the matter of the portrait. He has no doubt 
about the authenticity of the portrait. He thinks 
that it remained in Boston from the time of Sir 
William imtil it came into the possession of Mr. 
Thompson, whom he represents as good authority, 
and as looking sharply to the genuineness of pic- 
tures before purchasing. 

Mr. Hayes, the present owner of the portrait, 
is a lawyer of wealth and high standing, and is 
a connoisseur in art matters. He is a native of 
Maine, the son of the late William A, Hayes, of 
South Berwick, who was one of the original mem- 
bers of our Society. Mr. F. B. Hayes will be 
pleased to show the portrait, and his very valua- 
ble collection of paintings, to any member of our 
Society. It is very desirable that Maine should 
possess a reliable portrait of so distinguished a 



72 SIR WILLIAM PHIPS. 

son ; and when Maine's next contribution for the 
National Hall o£ Statuary at Washington is pre- 
pared, I think it should be a statue of Sir William 
* Phips^ modelled from this portrait, an engraving 
of which forms the frontispiece of this volume. 



ABTICLE n. 

BRIGADIER-GENERAL SAMUEL WALDO. 

1696-1769, 

Bt JOSEPH WILLIAMSON, 

OF BELFAST, MAIKB. 
BaA9 ivou nn Maid HnxoBiaAL Booott, at Foklahd, Mamb 80^ ISTVL 






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• • •• • 




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• • •• 
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•••• 





GENERAL SAMUEL WALDO. 

BT JOSEPH WILLIAMSON. 
lEead at Portland, March 9^ 1876.] 



Amokg the objects contemplated by our Society 
is the preservation of biographical sketches of men 
remarkable in their public career, or who have 
been distinguished for their enterprise or influence 
in the early days of our settlement. To further 
this object I invite your attention to a brief ac- 
count of the life and services of General Samuel 
Waldo, who, although not a native of Maine, was 
closely identified with its interests, and whose en- 
lightened wisdom and personal efforts were largely 
instrumental in reclaiming from the wilderness 
what is now one of the most flourishing portions 
of our State. 

General Waldo was bom in England, in 1696, 
and came to this country when four years old. 
His father, Jonathan Waldo, an eminent merchant, 
settled in Boston, where he died in 1731, "leav- 
ing," in the language of a contemporary, " large 
donations to public uses.*' His mother was of Ger- 
man descent. Their wealth, connections, and high 
character, gave the family an enviable and de- 
served distinction. During the first part of the 
eighteenth century Boston had attained to more 



76 GENERAL SAMUEL WALDO. 

refinement and elegance than any town on the 
continent '' A London citizen would almost think 
himself at home there/' wrote a historian in 1740, 
" when he observes the number of people, their 
residences and style of living, their resources and 
conversation." Successful commerce and the con- 
stant visits of distinguished foreigners imparted 
to its society a degree of dignity and intelligence 
remarkable in so new a country. In the midst 
of such influences, the greater portion of the life 
of Waldo was passed. But few particulars of his 
youth have been preserved. At the hands of his 
father and in the Latin school he received some 
prsbctical instruction, which, in the various public 
stations he afterwards filled, enabled him to write 
forcibly, to speak effectively, and to judge dis- 
creetly. At the age of eighteen, he assisted his 
fiither as clerk, and a few years afterwards we 
find him associated in trade with his brother Cor- 
nelius, having their store at first on King, now 
State Street, and afterwards in Merchants' Row, 
near the Swing Bridge. They dealt in fish, naval 
stores, provisions, and lumber, obtaining cargoes 
of the latter from the eastern part of the Province, 
which they exported to the West Indies and to 
Europe. Mercantile transactions gave them an 
early and extensive acquaintance in Maine, where 
their acquisitions of real estate, purchased at a 
low price, increased in value, and were means of 
an influence which, in a new country, extensive 
landholders seldom fail to possess. In Falmouth, 
now Portland^ they were large proprietors. 



GENERAL SAMUEL WALDO. 77 

Soon after entering active business^ he became 
connected with a landed interest of great magni- 
tude. 

During the brief time which the Plymouth 
Council held the "Great Charter for New Eng- 
land/' they made several grants of land within the 
District of Maine^ which, through all subsequent 
revolutions of government, have been generally 
respected and upheld. One of these subordinate 
grants was the " Muscongus," or " Lincolnshire 
Patent," to Beauchamp and Leverett, in 1629. 
This patent embraced land between the Muscon- 
'gus and Penobscot rivers, and contained, by esti- 
mation, nearly a thousand square miles. Its area 
exceeded that of several of the principalities of 
Europe. It included the whole of the present 
counties of Knox and Waldo, except the terri- 
tory of a few towns. Subsequent surveys added 
a portion of Penobscot County. For this immense 
tract of land no consideration was demanded or 
paid. A fifth part of all the gold and silver ore 
found on the premises was reserved to the king, 
and rights of government were also retained. In 
other respects, the powers of the patentees were 
complete. No subjects could have received an es- 
tate of a higher nature, or be clothed with more 
exclusive privileges. The lands and islands, the 
rivers and harbors, the mines and the fisheries. 
Were all under their absolute control. Without 
license, no one could shoot a bird, fell a tree, 
or build a hut. The patent was a commercial 



78 GENERAL SAMUEL WALDO. 

monopoly, ^^open, notorious, exclusive, and ad- 
verse/* 

To the suggestive question, what induced the 
Plymouth proprietors, without money and without 
price, to surrender this large territory, an answer 
may be given by referring to recent bestowals of 
our national domain in aid of public improvements. 
It was expected that the settlement of one section 
would enhance the value of another intermediate 
or more remote, and such ultimately proved to be 
the case. 

The fisheries were early and vigorously prose- 
cuted by the Plymouth colonists, who had stations 
at Monhegan and in other localities along the 
coast of Maine. Their success hastened the^occu- 
pation of the Muscongus grant In 1630, Ashley 
and Peirce, agents of the patentees, came with 
laborers and mechanics, and established a trading- 
house on the Georges River, in what is now Thom- 
aston. Although this settlement was temporary, 
it may be regarded as the first one on any part of 
the patent. It was broken up by King Philip's, 
or the first Indian war, which terminated in 1678. 
After this the whole territory lay desolate for 
nearly forty years. 

On the death of Beauchamp, one of the paten- 
tees, Leverett, in the right of survivorship, suc- 
ceeded to the whole grant, and during several 
years assumed its management He died in 1650. 
Through him the patent descended to his son, 
Governor Leverett, of Massachusetts, and in 1714, 



GENERAL SAMUEL WALDO. 79 

to Presideiit John Leverett, of Harvard College, 
the great-grandson of the original grantee. Pre- 
viously, in 1694, Madockawando, Sagamore of the 
Penobscot tribe, had sold to Governor Phips at 
Pemaquid a large tract of land included in the 
grant. Although the Indians denied the author- 
ity of their chief to make this conveyance, yet, 
probably to avoid any controversy. President Lev- 
erett purchased whatever right accrued of Spen- 
cer PhipSy an heir of the governor. 

In 1719, peace with the eastern tribes was 
apparently restored, and Leverett entered upon 
measures for resettling the patent. Finding the 
enterprise of too great magnitude for a single in- 
dividual, he parcelled the land into ten shares, in 
common, and conveyed them to certain persons 
thenceforth called the " Ten Proprietors." These 
owners admitted twenty other partners, termed 
the " Twenty Associates." Among the latter were 
the father and brother of Samuel Waldo. 

Under the auspices of the new proprietors two 
plantations, which subsequently became the thriv- 
ing towns of Thomaston and Warren, were com- 
menced. In the former, two block-houses con- 
stituted the means of protection. The progress 
of the settlement was soon interrupted by an In- 
dian war of three years' duration, during which 
all the houses and mUls that had been erected 
were destroyed. The block-houses, however, be- 
ing well defended, withstood several formidable 
attacks, the last of which was a siege of thirty 



80 GENERAL SAMUEL WALDO. 

days. * Peace having at last been concluded, in 
1726, the efforts of the Associates were renewed, 
when an unexpected difficulty arose in the aggres- 
sions of one David Dunbar, who had obtained an 
appointment styling him, "Surveyor General of 
the King's Woods." Clothed with this royal au- 
thority, Dunbar seems to have reversed the Scrip- 
tural language, and regarded every man infamous, 
" according as he had lifted up axes against the 
thick trees." Disregarding the vested rights of 
the patentees, he claimed a reservation of all pine- 
trees in Maine having a diameter of over two 
feet, as masts for the British navy. Attended by 
an armed force, he drove the lumbermen from 
their homes, seized their timber, and burned their 
saw -mills. His extortions became so disastrous 
to the interests of the proprietors that they de- 
termined to send an agent to England for relief. 
Samuel Waldo was selected for the purpose. Af- 
ter great exertions and a long stay abroad, he 
succeeded in procuring a revocation of Dunbar's 
authority. So valuable were his services that the 
thirty persons conveyed to him one half of the 
whole patent as a remuneration for the money 
and efforts which he had expended in obtaining 
a recovery and future guaranty of their rights. 

The accession of Waldo to so large an interest 
in the patent gave new vitality to the means un- 
dertaken for its development. By computation 
three hundred thousand acres still belonged to the 
old proprietors. In 1734 he contracted with the 



GENERAL SAMUEL WALDO. 81 

Twenty Associates to purchase a portion of their 
shares^ and the indenture, which is still preserved, 
exhibits the signatures of the original grantees 
or their representatives. This left the Associates 
one hundred thousand acres, which he agreed to 
set off in any portion they might designate, the 
tract to be five and one quarter miles on Penobscot 
Bay, and extending thirty miles into the mterior. 
The arrangement remained incomplete until 1768, 
when a survey demonstrated that at about twenty 
miles from the shore the line encroached upon 
the Plymouth Patent. To complete the requisite 
quantity, Montville and a portion of liberty were 
added, which, with Camden, Hope, and Appleton, 
are designated upon the early maps of Maine as 
" Land of the Twenty Associates.'* 

But while engaged in the cultivation and im- 
provement of the patent, Waldo maintained his 
influential and prominent position at home. For 
several years he was chosen a member of the Pro- 
vincial Council, and as the confidential associate 
of Governors Belcher, Shirley, and Pownall, his 
advice secured an interest in the affairs of Maine 
which otherwise would have been without atten- 
tion. We find him occupying various other local 
pubUc stations. In 1742 his name appears among 
a committee selected to thank Peter Faneuil for 
his gift of Faneuil Hall. At about this time, the 
militia system of Massachusetts having been re- 
organized, he was appointed colonel of the east- 
em regiment, which was nearly thirteen hundred 

6 



82 GENERAL SAMUEL WALDO. 

strong, and embraced the territory in Maine east 
of the Saco River. 

In 1745, the celebrated expedition against Louis- 
burg was undertaken. Colonel William Pepperrell 
was selected as commander-in-chief over the land 
forces, and Waldo as third in rank, with the title 
of Brigadier General. " The two," says Eaton, 
« were chosen for then- popular manners, ener- 
getic character, and great moral worth, rather 
than any skill in military affairs, in which neither 
had any experience beyond that of Indian skir- 
mishes." But the event proved that indomitable 
resolution and enthusiastic confidence can some- 
times effect what the most consummate skill would 
shrink from in despair. Under the auspices of 
these determined men, enlistments were made 
• with vigor, and a suflficient force was soon raised 
for the expedition. Many of the settlers on the 
patent entered the service. By a succession of 
events &.vorable to the English, and equally ad- 
verse to their foes, Louisburg, the Gibraltar of 
America, surrendered, as is well known, after a 
brief siege, to the great joy of the colonists, and 
the astonishment of Europe. The conspicuous 
part which General Waldo took in the operations 
will always be remembered with appreciation and 
praise. After the capture General Waldo returned 
to his ordinary vocations. But he did not pur- 
sue them without interruption. In the winter 
of 1746-47 Massachusetts raised fifteen hundred 
men to march in midwinter against Crown Point 



7^ Ui^C^X^^fl^ Of^Ay^^r 








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GENERAL SAMUEL WALDO. 83 

The command was given to him, but the troops 
were attacked by small-pox, which frustrated the 
enterprise. In 1749, Waldo embarked for Eng- 
land with his two sons, Frank and Ralph, the for- 
mer to be educated in Paris, and the latter to 
remain in London, where the general expected to 
"be detained some time in settling private claims, 
and probably in soliciting royal favor. His old 
companion in arms, Pepperrell, now Sir William 
Pepperrell, had preceded him. Both were soon 
presented at Court, where King George II. gave 
them a cordial reception and bestowed high enco- 
miums on their military services. A close intimacy 
had existed for years between the two generals. 
They were connected by marriage, and as the bi- 
ographer of Sir William observes, several coinci- 
dences marked their lives. Both were extensive 
landholders in Maine ; the two commanded the 
two regiments of the eastern counties ; they were 
many years associated in the Governor's Council ; 
they were at Louisburg together; their children 
were betrothed ; they passed a year together in 
England ; they were bom in the same year, and 
died within a few days of each other. As General 
Waldo's title to the patent descended to the heirs 
of his daughter, Hannah Waldo, a brief account 
of her engagement to Andrew Pepperrell, the only 
son of Sir William, and its sudden termination, has 
a romantic interest. He was bom in 1723, and 
was the prospective successor of his father's wealth 
and title. Of superior education and of high so- 



84 GENERAL SAMUEL WALDO. 

cial position^ it is not strange that an attachment 
should have sprung up between himself and the 
lady, who is said to have been accomplished and 
beautiful. To the gratification of both families 
they became betrothed, and in 1748 were pub- 
lished. Owing to the severe illness of young Pep- 
perrell, the marriage did not take place according 
to arrangement 

For reasons which are unknown, a postpone- 
ment for three years occurred, when a second 
nuptial day was selected, and, to quote from Dr. 
Parsons : ^' Miss Waldo made preparations in a 
style becoming the occasion, and of the distin- 
guished guests that were to attend. A few days 
before that appointed for the wedding had arrived, 
her intended husband wrote that circumstances 
had rendered another delay necessary. This was 
too much for her to bear; her mind from that 
moment was firmly fixed. She returned no an- 
swer; the bridegroom, the guests from far and 
near, minister and all, assembled at the appointed 
hour and place, when she enjoyed the sweet re- 
venge of telling Mr. Pepperrell that she would 
not marry one who had occasioned her so much 
mortification, and who could not have that love 
and friendship for her that was necessary to her 
happiness.'' ^^ The probable solution of his mys- 
terious conduct," continues Dr. Parsons, " is a pro- 
tracted sickness immediately after being published^ 
succeeded by heavy business losses, which pro- 
duced a settled state of despondency." In every- 



GENERAL SAMUEL WALDO. 85 

thing else through life he was exemplary and un- 
exceptionable. The dignified conduct of General 
Waldo, placed in so delicate and trying a relation 
to the affair, was graceful and appropriate, and 
that of his daughter blameless and commendable. 
She does not appear to have suffered from a 
broken heart, for in less than six weeks afterwards 
she was led to the altar by Thomas Flucker, Sec- 
retary of the Province. Andrew Pepperrell died 
in a few months of sudden fever. 

Notwithstanding the public employments of 
General Waldo, his exertions in developing the 
resources of the patent were not abated. Forty- 
five Scotch-Irish emigrants, who had been some 
time in America, accepted his favorable offers for 
settlement, and founded what is now the town of 
Warren. Lots of one hundred acres were given to 
each, with the reservation of a quit-rent of ^^ one 
peppercorn per annum, if lawfuUy demanded," 
which was probably intended to preserve a kind 
of feudal claim in the family, and prevent the lands 
from escheating. In Thomaston, he commenced 
the manufacture of lime in large quantities for the 
Boston market. Under his supervision saw-mills 
were erected on the Georges River, and supplied 
the settlers with provisions and other necessaries 
in exchange for the productions of the forests. 
In 1740, forty families from Brunswick and Sax- 
ony, tempted by the inducements which Waldo 
had caused to be distributed in their language 
throughout Germany, arrived at Broadbay, and 



86 GENERAL SAMUEL WALDO. 

established the present town of Waldoboro. While 
in London, he issued printed circulars, inviting 
emigrants to settle upon his lands, which attracted 
the attention of persons in Scotland. A colony 
soon came over, the expense of their passage be- 
ing paid by his agents in Glasgow. At about the 
same time his son Samuel, styling himself by the 
somewhat high-sounding title of ^'Hereditary 
Lord of Broadbay," visited Germany with procla- 
mations inviting further emigration. A transla- 
tion of one of these documents, after giving an 
account of General Waldo's military achievements, 
the quality and unencumbered title of his lands, 
and the adaptation of the climate to the German 
constitution, contains the following : ^' Such and 
the like favorable circumstances might, I should 
think, animate our Germans, here and there, to 
move into such a fruitful land, so well situated on 
the sea and rivers, with such good right, and priv- 
ileged, regulated, and of such a mighty and rea- 
sonable Lord possessed and parently governed, 
who offers it to those who are able to pay their 
passage without ever expecting the least reward 
for it, where they may serve God after their Prot- 
estant religion, and are able to maintain them- 
selves and others." These offers were the means 
of a further emigration of sixty families, who 
joined their countrymen at Broadbay. According 
to their statement, Waldo was to give them one 
hundred acres of land each, and, during the first 
season, furnish them with suitable dwellings and 



GENERAL SAMUEL WALDO. 87 

provisions. For actual settlement or public uses, 
Waldo seems to have affixed no value to his estate. 
In 1747, when the Province House in Boston was 
burned, and a question arose of changing the seat 
of government to some other location, partly in 
earnest and partly in joke, he offered the legisla- 
ture '^ a gift of one hundred thousand acres, and 
that adjoining the court-house, if they will build 
it at Penobscot ; and rather than fail, though my 
esteem for land does not abate," he wrote Sir Wil- 
liam Pepperrell, " I would go to a further quan- 
tity, if well assured all the members would attend 
there." 

The establishment of a fortification at the mouth 
of Penobscot River was recommended by General 
Waldo, at the renewal of hostilities between the 
French and English in 1755. Garrisons existed 
on the St. John and Kennebec, and the only av- 
enue open from Canada to the ocean was the Pe- 
nobscot. It WM of the greatest importance that 
this avenue should be closed. On account of the 
war and the consequent burdens imposed upon 
the people, the project was postponed until 1759, 
when it received attention. The General Court 
made ample provision for the purpose, and in May 
Governor Pownall, with an armed force of four 
hundred men, proceeded to that part of the Prov- 
ince, where measures were taken for erecting a 
substantial fort. General Waldo took great inter- 
est in the expedition, which he accompanied as 
one of the councillors, expecting that the value of 



90 GENERAL SAMUEL WALDO. 

In 1774 Henry Knox^ afterwards so famous in 
the annals of the country, but then only a book- 
seller in Boston, married Miss Lucy flucker, the 
second daughter of Mrs. Flucker, and the grand- 
daughter of General Waldo. All her aristocratic 
friends and relatives, who were Tories, strongly 
opposed the match, the s3mQpathies of Knox, as 
wtus well known, being on the side of Indepen- 
dence. At the commencement of the Revolution, 
she again sacrificed the ties of kindred for those 
of another nature. Estranged from her parents, 
she accompanied her husband through the trying 
scenes of the great conflict, and shared with him 
its toils and perils. Such were the vicissitudes of 
the family, that in a few years, while her father, 
and her uncle Francis Waldo, the only surviving 
son of the general, exiles from their country and 
destitute of property, were dependent upon the 
bounty of the British crown, Mrs. Knox had at- 
tained a higher position than their wealth and in- 
fluence had ever dreamed of. 

After peace was declared. General Knox, by the 
rights of his wife and by purchase, effected a con- 
solidation of the different shares, which, however, 
were alienated before his decease. The only por- 
tion of the patent which remains intact is an isl- 
and of seven hundred acres in Penobscot Bay. 

It is safe to assert that the enterprise and per- 
severance of General Waldo hastened the develop- 
ment of the Penobscot Valley by at least a gener- 
ation. He found the patent a wilderness ; he left 



GENERAL SAMUEL WALDO. 91 

it containing ten flourishing plantations. Over a 
century has elapsed since his death, yet during 
this long interval he has not been unremembered 
or unhonored. A county and two towns perpetu- 
ate his name, while one of the loftiest granite hills 
within sight of his earthly resting-place is called 
from him Mount Waldo. In whatever aspect he 
is viewed, whether as the enterprising merchant, 
the successful courtier, the military hero of Louis- 
burg, the promoter of education, the founder of 
settlements on the Penobscot, by whose influence 
and exertions they were fostered, protected, and 
sustained, we can accord to him a title to respect^ 
which time will only strengthen and increase. 

Since the foregoing was written, evidence of 
the removal of the remains of General Waldo to 
the burial-ground of King's Chapel, in Boston, has 
been discovered, as appears by the following com- 
munication to the ^^ New England Historical and 
Genealogical Begister " for October, 1882 : — 

THB BUBIAL-PLAOE OF GENERAL WALDO. 

[BT THB HON. JOSEPH WILLIAMSON, A. H., OF BELFAST, HE.] 

General Samael Waldo, a distinguished citizen of Bos- 
ton, the second officer to Sir William Pepperrell in the 
siege of Louisburg, and the proprietor of the large tract 
of land in Maine known as the Waldo Patent, died sud- 
denly near Bangor, May 28, 1759, while upon a tour 
with Ooyemor Pownall, for the purpose of establishing a 
fort on Penobscot River. The ^^ Boston News Letter " 



92 GENERAL SAMUEL WALDO. 

of Thursday, May 81, 1759, gives the following aooonnt 
of his obsequies : — 

*'0n Wednesday the 23d Instant the Honorable Brigadier 
€reneral Waldo, who went with his Excellency in his late ex- 
pedition to Penobscot, drop't down with an Apoplexy on the 
March jnst above the first Falls ; and notwithstandmg all the 
Assistance that coold be given, expired in a few Moments. His 
Excellency had the Corps brought down with him to the Fort 
Point, where it was interred in a Vault built for the purpose on 
Friday, with all the Honours due to so faithful a Servant of the 
Public, and so good a Commonwealth's Man as the Brigadier 
has ever shown himself to be. — Upon landing the Corps, it was 
received by a guard, and when Procession began the Ship King 
George fired Half-minute Guns 'til it arrived at the place of 
Interment : — The Procession was lead by an Officer's Guard, 
next to which the Minister, then the Corps carried by the 
Bargemen of the King Greorge, and the Pall was supported by 
the principal Officers : The Grovemor followed as chief Mourner, 
then the Officers of the Troops and the Master-Artificers, em- 
ployed in building the Fort, two and two ; and the whole closed 
with a Captain's Guard : Upon coming to the Ground, the 
Troops under Arms form'd a Circle. Divine Service was per- 
formed, and a Sermon suitable to the awful Occasion preached 
by the Reverend Mr. PhiUipg : And upon the Interment of the 
Corps, the Guards fired three Yollies over the Grave." 

Governor PownaH's journal of the expedition says : — 

[May] << 25th. At Evening Buried Brigdr Waldo at the 
Point near the Flagg Staff, with all the honors of War in our 
Power." 

The ** Point " was Fort Point, at the mouth of the Pe- 
nobscot, where Fort Pownall was then being built Out- 
lines of this fortification are still distinct. Every indica- 
tion of the vault referred to has long since disappeared. 

It is generally supposed that the remains of General 
Waldo continue to repose in their original burial-place. 



GENERAL SAMUEL WALDO. 93 

At the centeDnial celebration of the firat settlement of 
Waldo County, held July 28, 1859, on the site of Fort 
Pownall, the spot was eloquently alluded to by the ora- 
tor of the day, and in speeches, as containing the ashes 
of the proprietor from whom the county derived its 
nama Local historians have since extended the belief. 

No itemized charges appear in the settlement of Gren- 
eral Waldo's estate, in the Suffolk Registry of Probate. 
But among the invaluable Knox manuscripts owned by 
our Society is the account of Thomas Flucker, one of the 
inistrators, which contains the following chaiges : — 



1759, July 6. Ralph Inman, 15^ dozen gloves at 

the Funeral £28. 18fl. 8. 

8. Thomas Sanders, his expenses at 

the Funeral 1. 88. 

Clark, the Porter, carryiDg gloves. 8s. 

Aog. 8. William Fairfield, repairing the 

tomb near Kings Chapel ... 6. 

1760, July 9. To Capt Sander's people the care 

in removing the remains of the 
Brigr from Penobscot ... 1. 4s. 
To Mr. Garke, the Sexton • . 1. 

From this it is evident that General Waldo is buried 
in King's Chapel Burial-Ground, in Boston. Bridgman's 
** Inscriptions *' errcmeously mentions ^* Brigadier General 
Waldo, of Waldoboro'.** 

Captain Thomas Sanders was for many years com- 
mander of the Province Sloop Massachusetts, a vessel fre- 
quently employed in transporting government troops to 
the eastern forts and trading-houses. 



ARTICLE nL 

CLAUDE DE LA TOUR. 

Bt JOHN EDWARDS GODFRET, 

OF BAKGOB, MAINE. 
Bbao nran shi Uaikm Hhiobioal Boomnr, at Phiilaid, Mat IJ^ 18T01 



CLAUDE DE LA TOUB. 

BY JOHN E. GODFREY. 

IPretented March 14, 1878, but fwt read. Bead May 16, 1879, 

at PorUand.^ 



Claude and Charles de La Tour were promi- 
nent actors in the early history of Acadia. Li 
some of the histories in which the affairs of Aca- 
dia and New England are involved, these persons 
are Beemingly confounded with each other, and 
the father is implicated in transactions in which 
the son only was concerned. This paper is in- 
tended to embody the incidents in the life of the 
former which have been pFCserved, that the latter 
may have all the honor or odium of which he is 
deserving, in one of the most romantic episodes in 
New England history. 

The great minister of Hem^y IV. of France, 
Sully, did not approve the movement in that 
country, in 1603, for the colonization of Canada. 
He had no faith that riches were to be obtained 
in the New World in any country north of the 
fortieth parallel, therefore he set his face against 
all such projects. Nevertheless an expedition was 



98 CLAUDE DE LA TOUR. 

fitted out^ and the king gave the conduct of it to 
De Monts.^ 

The king had signed the edict of Nantes on April 
13, 1598. Under it the Protestants were admitted 
to places of trust from which before they had 
been excluded. De Monts was a Protestant, and 
his colonists were both Protestants and Catholics. 

Whether Claude de La Tour was with the first 
company that sailed with De Monts does not ap- 
pear. It is believed that he and his son Charles, 
a lad about fourteen years old, were with Pou- 
trincourt, the friend and companion of De Monts, 
at Port Royal, in 1606-7, and that he was at Port 
Eoyal in 1609.* 

Poutrincourt had had his dream of a beautiful 
home at Port Royal, and a brief experience in that 
attractive region. But the Jesuit followed him, 
and, though he was a worthy Catholic, worried 
him back to France, where, a few years afterward, 
he was slain in the service of his king. Biancourt 
had succeeded his father in the command of Port 
Royal, as the younger Poutrincourt, but the Jesuit, 
with persistent malignity, followed him also. He 
guided the Englishman to the colony, and betrayed 
into his hands his own countrymen whom he could 
not control. Biancourt became a wanderer in the 
wilderness, with Charles de La Tour and others of 
his coxmtrymen, sometimes in the garb of the sav- 
ages. He died in 1622-3, claiming jurisdiction of 

^ Solly's Memoirs, book xvi., close. 

* Ferland's Canada^ part I. p. 71 ; Murdoch's Nova ScoUa^ L 46. 



CLAUDE DE LA TOUR. 99 

the country in behalf of his king, and leaving 
Charles de La Tour, as his lieutenant, in command 
of his stronghold, Fort St. Louis, at Cape Sable. 

Little mention is made of Claude de La Tour 
until a later period. This gentleman was from 
the old Province of Champagne (since carved into 
the departments of Ardennes, Maine, Aube, and 
Upper Maine), a district in which the Protestants 
were, after the massacre of St. Bartholomew, still 
strong, and continued strong until after Henry of 
Guise and the Holy League, with its desperadoes 
and libertines, had hunted them across its bor- 
ders.^ La Tour was of a good family, and was 
born probably not many years after the middle of 
the sixteenth century. He was a Protestant, and 
not unlikely one of the despoiled religionists, for 
he was poor in Paris early in the seventeenth cen- 
tury, and it was said plying the trade of a mason.^ 

It was claimed by his descendants that Louis 
Xm. granted him large tracts of land, and vari- 
ous histories assert that he had title to a territory 
about ten leagues square near the mouth of the 
river St. John, but authority for this is wanting.* 
That Henry IV. might have made the grant is 
possible, but his successors were not so well dis- 
posed towards the Huguenots as to make them 
such gifts. Indeed, about the time when some his- 

^ Gaizot's France, iy. 898. 

' Mordoch's N. S,, i. 7S. Halibarton says he had '* considerable 
private fortune.'' Hist N. 5., i. 44. 
* Williamson's Maine^ L 245 ; Campbell's Hist. N. S,f p. 5L 



100 CLAUDE DE LA TOUR. 

torians say this grant at St. John was made to 
hun (in 1627), the disposition was to exclude them 
from all participation in the colonization of New 
France. The articles of Cardinal Richelieu's com- 
pany of the ^^ Hundred Associates/' signed April 
29, 1627, provided that no foreigners or heretics 
should enter the coxmtry. 

Claude de La Tour (or rather Claude Turgis de 
Saint !^tienne, Sieur de La Tour, as he is desig- 
nated) does not come prominently into notice until 
1627-8, Sir WiUiam Alexander, afterwards Earl 
of Stirling, who in 1621 had obtained a grant of 
Acadia from King James L and had made some 
feeble attempts to colonize it which proved abor- 
tive, at length awoke to a sense of the value of 
his possessions, and conceived a plan by which he 
hoped to induce influential men in Scotland to 
unite with him for the purpose of rendering Aca- 
dia^ or Nova Scotia, as it was called in his charter, 
an important dependency of the kingdom of Eng- 
land. This plan was to divide the grant into 
provinces, dioceses, baronies, and parishes. There 
were to be one hundred and fifty baronies, and 
the barons were to have precedence immediately 
after the youngest sons of viscounts and lords 
baronets of parliament, and the prefix of " Sir " 
to their names. 

Only gentlemen of family were offered the 
honor of knights baronets. The offer was accom- 
panied by that of a barony embracing about 
twenty-four miles of territory. For this a consid- 



CLAUDE DE LA TOVB^ 101 

» • • • 

eration of a thousand mc^tka (afaooti^^: hundred 
and fifty dollars) was required^ and each baronet 
was to send to the colony six men, armed, appar- 
elled, and victualled for two years; or, instead 
thereof, he might pay two thousand marks, to be 
applied for the colonization of the country. The 
Iimds were released by Sir William to the king, 
and regranted by the king to the several knights 
on conferring the honor of knighthood.^ 

The territory embraced by the charter to Sir 
William was what now constitutes New Bruns- 
wick, Nova Scotia, Cape Breton, Prince Edward 
Island, the Magdalen Islands, and a part of Can- 
ada East. 

Sir William Alexander's roll of baronets did 
not fill rapidly. In the last seven months of the 
year 1625, nineteen were secured ; in 1626, only 
nine; in 1627, thirteen; in 1628, twenty-two; 
after that the number averaged only five a year 
until 1638, when the enrolment ceased. Only one 
hundred and thirteen of the one hundred and fifty 
were ever enrolled.^ 

In 1627, when Eang Charleses prime minister, 
the Duke of Buckingham, made his personal war 
upon France, ostensibly in behalf of the Hugue- 
nots, and his disastrous expedition to the Isle of 
Bhe, Sir David Eark, a Huguenot, bom in France, 
who had chosen to become an English subject, 
under the auspices of Sir William Alexander, at 

1 Slafter's Sir WUUam Alexander^ Prince CciL, p. 6a 
< lb. p. 5$. 



• •• •. • ••••• 

• •■_ • •••••• 



102 *: V . V«iitoS DE LA TOUR. 



.• • •_ • • • 



.^^9J|tWce:oi^ t^Q ^PJSj fitted out an armament 
*£or*tIie pui*pose of tieiking possession of New France. 

The question of ownership, in relation to this 
country, had long been in dispute between Eng- 
land and France, the former claiming it by priority 
of discovery, the latter by priority of possession. 
John and Sebastian Cabot having made voyages 
to the shores in 1597-8 under English auspices; 
and De Monts and Champlain having made actual 
settlements at St. Croix, Port Royal, and Quebec, 
in 1604-1608, under French authority. 

In his several expeditions to New France, Kirk 
captured many French vessels with their ord- 
nance, took many prisoners, compelled the sur^ 
render of Quebec, and left a Scotch colony at Port 
Royal under Sir William Alexander, Junior, as 
governor. In one voyage he captured a fleet un- 
der De Roquemont, on its way to Quebec. Among 
the prisoners taken by him at this time was 
Claude de La Tour.^ 

Charles de La Tour was then still in command 
of the French fort, St. Louis, at Cape Sable, and 
was ambitious of obtaining the command of all the 
coasts of Acadia under French authority. In or- 
der to accomplish this, he addressed a memorial to 
King Louis XIII., requesting it, and expressing 
confidence that with the French people he had 
with him and the warriors of a hundred Souriquois 
families on whose attachment he could count, he 
could maintain himself in his possessions. This 

^ Frew^ and English Commissarits, L 42. 



CLAUDE DE LA TOUR. 103 

memorial he committed to the charge of his f ather, 
who was to present it to the king. It was on his 
return from this mission that Claude was captured 
by Kirk.^ 

As he was of the same religious faith with Kirk, 
the opportunity was favorable, on the return voy- 
age to England, for Kirk to acquaint him with Sir 
William Alexander's plans in reference to New 
Scotland, and to awaken in him an interest in 
ihem. It is not difficult to understand how, at 
that period when so much bitterness existed be- 
tween the Catholics and the Protestants, a relig- 
ionist like La Tour might be influenced to look 
favorably upon a plan which would save Acadia 
from the domination of the French Jesuits. The 
flattering reception he met with in England, and 
the representations which were made to him by 
his brother religionists, overcame his loyalty to 
the government of his native land, and led him to 
join in this colonizing movement of the English.* 
He married one of the maids of honor of the Eng- 
lish queen,^ conjectured to have been a relation of 
Sir William Alexander, and at length became so 
absorbed in his project that he pledged not only 
his own efforts, but his son's cooperation, for its 
success. He had faith that his son's principles 
were such that he could persuade him to adopt 
his views, and lend him his aid. He was so infat- 

1 Mardoch'8 N.S.,1 74. 

< Mardoch'8 N. S^ I 74, 75. 

< Shea's Charlewnx, iiL 125. 



104 CLAUDE DE LA TOUR. 

uated with the idea that he promised to his wife 
a charming home and delightful life in the New 
World; and, as may be supposed, she listened to 
him with gladness. 

Prior to his departure from England, he was 
enrolled by Sir William Alexander as one of his 
knights baronets, with the style ^^ Sir Claude Saint 
Etienne seigneur de La Tour." The enrolment 
was on November 30, 1629. In letters patent of 
certain territory in Nova Scotia granted to him 
and his son, dated April 30, 1630, he is styled " Sir 
Claude de Sainct l^tienne, knight, lord of La Tour 
and of Vuarve," and his son is styled " Charles de 
Sainct Etienne, esq., lord of Sainct Denicourt." ^ 

Charles had no knowledge of the honor in- 
tended to be conferred upon him at the time the 
grant was made. His father only was ^^ pres- 
ent, accepting " for himself, and ^^ accepting for 
his said sonne Charles being absent," who never 
accepted. This territory was to be converted 
into two equal baronies, ^^the Barony of Sainct 
Etienne " and " the Barony of La Tour," for the 
two knights respectively, " upon condition that 
the said knight, de La Tour, and his said sonne, 
as he hath promised, and for his sonne by these 
presents doth promise, to be good and faithful 
vassals of the sovereign lord, the king of Scotland, 
and their heirs and successors, to give unto him aD 
obedience and assistance to the reducing the peo- 
ple of the country." 

1 Haisaid'B CoH^ p. 808. 



CLAUDE DE LA TOUR. 105 

At this period the tie was so weak that bound 
the French Huguenots to their king, that it is 
hardly to be wondered at that the flattery of the 
English, the favors bestowed upon him by their 
king's favorite, together with the arguments of 
his brother religionists, should influence Claude de 
La Tour to enter into an arrangement which he 
believed would insure him the enjoyment of his 
views free from the persecution of his own coun- 
trjrmen, especially if he were smarting from the 
refusal of Louis to grant the request he had pre* 
sented in behalf of his son. It is easy to under- 
stand how a man under such circumstances could 
argue himself into the belief that to transfer his 
allegiance from a prince inimical to his faith to a 
prince friendly to it would be justifiable. 

Armed with the assurance of protection, con- 
firmed by the gift of a bride from the household 
of the sovereign and of a princely domain, with 
large political authority, he sailed for America 
with a force of two armed ships, promising that 
New Scotland would soon acknowledge allegiance 
to the king of England. 

It was a rash promise. He counted too strongly 
on the cooperation of his son, and, perhaps, on his 
dissatisfaction with the result of his mission to 
France. On arriving at Cape Sable, he had an 
interview with Charles and disclosed the object 
of the expedition. Charles was shocked, and de- 
clined to listen to the proposition. His father 
urged the alight obligation they were under to the 



106 CLAUDE DE LA TOUR. 

French king, and that all that was required was 
that he should transfer his allegiance from the 
tyrannical to the indulgent prince ; that he could 
continue in his command undisturbed, and would 
be in a position to receive additional honors. He 
discovered to him his own influence at the Eng- 
lish court, and, by explaining the advantages he 
expected to derive from it, endeavored to impress 
him with the idea that similar advantages were 
open to him; that he had already obtained the 
honor of knighthood for each of them, with a 
grant of territory for two baronies ; that he had 
the letters patent of the grants with him, and was 
empowered to confirm him in his new command 
at Cape Sable. 

Charles told his father emphatically that he 
could not be guilty of such treason ; that he would 
not change his allegiance ; that he would surren- 
der the fort only with his life ; that he appre- 
ciated the honor that the king of England pro- 
posed to confer, yet not sufficiently to betray the 
trust committed to him by his own sovereign, — 
a sovereign who was powerful enough to reward 
him, and if he should not, his fidelity would be a 
sufficient reward. 

His father, surprised and mortified by this re- 
ply, returned to his ship. He did not, however, 
relinquish the hope of persuading his son to yield 
to his overtures, and the next day he sent him an 
affectionate letter, urging him to reconsider his 
determination. This proving ineffectual, he in- 



CLAUDE DE LA TOUR. 107 

formed him that the fort must be surrendered to 
the English king, and that^ painful as it i^ould be 
to use arms against his son^ yet he should be com- 
pelled to resort to them to accomplish the purpose 
of the expedition. This was equally ineffectual. 
Charles continued firm in his determination to 
yield to no blandishments, to no arguments, to no 
promises, to no threats. The English troops were 
then landed and marched against the fort. Charles 
defended it with great vigor, and the commander, 
who had expected slight resistance, after a siege 
of two days and the loss of several valuable men, 
was compelled to retire. 

Proud though he had occasion to be of his son's 
noble conduct, yet he was humiliated by his own 
position. His scheme had come to a disastrous 
conclusion. He felt that he could not again ap- 
pear before his patrons in England, to whom he 
had made such confident promises He had dis- 
appointed the wife whom he had led to expect a 
distinguished future ; to return to France was not 
to be thought of; there was no other recourse 
than to surrender himself to the son whom he 
could not corrupt. 

He would not ask his wife to share his humil- 
iation, and gave her full liberty to return with the 
ships to England. But she was of too noble a na- 
ture to abandon her husband at this juncture. She 
had married him ; she was his wife ; his home was 
her home, his lot her lot ; and '^ she would make it 



108 CLAUDE DE LA TOUR. 

her happiness to alleviate the pain of his disap- 
pointment" ^ 

Notwithstanding the course taken by his father, 
Charles did not forget his relation to him. It was 
not proper to admit him into the fort, still he 
would not expel him from Acadia. He promised 
to provide him with a habitation in his neighbor- 
hood, and support. With this understanding the 
unhappy knight and his wife were put on shore 
with their effects and servants. 

After this Claude de La Tour was with a hun- 
dred Scotch colonists at Port Royal.^ Haliburton 
says there is much obscurity in regard to the con- 
nection between him and Sir William Alexander/ 
but he built a fort at Granville, opposite Groat 
Island, on the west side of Annapolis Basin, the 
remains of which retain the name of the Scotch 
fort. 

Although slight mention is made in the French 
histories of the affairs of this remote country, yet 
the conduct of Charles de La Tour in his difficult 
position was not unnoticed. The government could 
do no otherwise than recognize such fidelity, and 
the ministers sent him a letter complimenting his 
gallantry, and conjuring him to continue steadfast 
in his duty to his king. Captain Marot was dis- 
patched to Cape Sable with reinforcements and 
supplies, and on February 11, 1631, Charles re- 

1 Shea's Charievoix^ iii. 127. 
* Ferland'8 Canada^ i. 249. 
< HisU N. S^ L 51, n. 



CLAUDE DE LA TOUR. 109 

ceived from Louis XIII. the appointment of I^u- 
tenant General of Acadia, Fort Louis, Port La 
Tour, and dependencies.^ 

Having lost reputation with the English in con- 
sequence of his failure at Cape Sable, Claude 
found that his prospects of securing a fortune 
among them were not favorable. Charles's condi- 
tion, on the other hand, having improved, he con- 
templated making some provision for the comfort 
of his father. On consultation with Captain Marot 
it was concluded to invite him to come to Cape 
Sable, with the view of learning the condition of 
the English, and advising him of what had taken 
place in relation to himself and his command. 

The father accepted the invitation, and on ar- 
riving at Cape Sable informed his son that the 
English still had it in contemplation to take the 
fort. He brought a sad account of the condition 
of the Scotch at Port Royal. Of seventy who had 
wintered there, thirty had died from exposure and 
want of care. 

His intelligence had enabled La Tour to be of 
service to those people. He had been a protection 
to them, and after he left the savages invested 
their fort, and, as no relief came, all except one 
family, who escaped by the aid of a Frenchman, 
fell victims either to the scurvy or the enemy .^ 

There had come out from France with Captain 
Marot three B^collet friars, and a number of arti- 

1 Shea's Chadevoix^ iii. 127, n. 
> Ferland's Canada^ L 249. 



no CLAUDE DE LA TOUR. 

8aDS and workmen^ for forming settlements. The 
captain^ friars^ and the La Tours consulted to- 
gether in regard to the settlements to be estab- 
lished^ and decided to place one at the mouth of 
the St. John River. The smaller one of Marot's 
vessels was to take thither men and materials. 
It was about this time^ doubtless, that the old fort 
was built, the site of which is in Carleton, opposite 
Navy Island, and of late years has been owned by 
a family of the name of Belyea, and occupied by 
fish-houses and a ship-yard. The ancient name of 
the fort was La Tour ; the modem, Frederick. 

In the consultation in regard to the settlements 
it was resolved to put Claude de La Tour in com- 
mand at St. John.^ If this were so, it is probable 
that he had renewed his allegiance to the French 
king, otherwise, it is difficult to believe that he 
would have been intrusted with a post that he 
could have put into the hands o( the English. As 
his son built him a dwelling in the neighborhood 
of Cape Sable, in an agreeable situation, with a 
fertile piece of ground for cultivation, and he was 
living there in comfortable circumstances with his 
wife in 1635, his command at St. John could not 
have been of long duration.* 

The Treaty of St. Germain was signed March 29, 
1632, and it was claimed on the part of France 
that all Acadia, Canada, and New France passed 
under the jurisdiction of that country. Charles L, 

1 Murdoch's N. S., i. 78. 

' Descriptum Geo, and HisL N, A,^ i. 72. 



CLAUDE DE LA TOUR. Ill 

however, denied that he ever intended to surren- 
der his title to Nova Scotia, and insisted that he 
yielded only certain places occupied by his sub- 
jects ; that the status of the country was the same 
as before the war, and he would protect his sub- 
jects who claimed rights there.^ And the English 
Lords of Trade, in a letter to Secretary Vernon, 
dated February 17, 1698-9, state that " about the 
year 1631, King Charles I. made some sort of 
concession of the said country unto the crown of 
France, reserving, nevertheless, the right of the 
proprietors who had before enjoyed it." ^ There 
was a continual controversy between the two 
countries in regard to their respective rights in 
it, until the year 1713, when, under the Treaty 
of Utrecht, it was yielded by Louis XIV., King 
of France, to Anne, Queen of Great Britain, and 
her crown forever. That Sir William Alexan- 
der believed that he still retained his rights after 
the Treaty of St. Germain is evident from the fact 
that long after that treaty he surrendered lands 
in Nova Scotia to a commission appointed by the 
king to convey them to knights baronets.' 

It is stated by the English Lords of Trade, in 
the letters above quoted from, and by other writ- 
ers, that Sir William " sold his right to Claude de 
La Tour, a Frenchman, to be held by him and his 
successors under the crown of Scotland," or to the 

1 Slafter's Sir William Alexander^ Prince Coll., p. 68. 

« N. Y. CoL Doc., !▼• 476. 

• Slafter's Sir WUUam Alexander, p. 79. 



112 CLAUDE DE LA TOUR. 

La Tours. Of the sale to the La Tours Mr. Slaf ter 
says he " fails to find any evidence whatever/* * 
It is^ to say the leasts questionable whether there 
was ever any grant to Claude de La Tour, except- 
ing that made to him in 1630, when he was made 
a knight baronet of New Scotland. 

There is nothing definite in regard to Claude de 
La Tour after 1635, when, as M. Denys says, he 
was permitted by the young La Tour to see his 
father in his dwelling. " He received me well," 
he says, ^' and obliged me to dine with him and 
his wife ; they had neat furniture." 

Mr. Murdoch says that a grant was made, in 
1636, of the old dwelling at Pentegoet, ten leagues 
square, and that, in a mimoirej the grantee is said 
to be ^^ Claude de St. Etienne, the father of Charles 
de La Tour," and he concludes that ^^ there might 
have been conflicting claims between d'Aulnay 
and the La Tours, as to the ownership of Pente- 
goet, and this would account for their original 
quarrel." ^ 

There is no evidence, within reach, that Claude 
de La Tour ever made any claim to any part of 
Acadia west of the St. Croix, or ever visited that 
portion of the country. This being the case, the 
severe criticism of the historian of Maine, of his 
character and of his proceedings at Machias, is not 

1 Slafter'B Sir William Alexander^ p. 76. 

> Murdoch's N. S., i. 88. It is more probable that this was the 
ten miles square, sud to have been granted to him at the mouth of 
the St John. Claude's name is never used in connection with Pen- 
tegoet. 



CLAUDE DE LA TOUR. 113 

justified. And if the criticism were applied to his 
son, it is at least questionable whether it could be 
sustained.^ 

^ Williamson's Hist, of Maine, i. 250. Mr. Williamson was also 
led in to error in regard to the four grants to Claude de La Tour bj his 
authorities. He has confounded him with his son. 

8 



ARTICLE IV. 

JOHN PEIRCE, 

" CLOTHWORKER OF LONDON," AND THE PLYMOUTH 

PATENT OF 1621. 

Bt JOHN JOHNSTON, 

OF MIDDLBTOWN, OONN. 
Bbad Bnon tbb MAm Hisiobioal BoomRi at Bath, Fbkvabt 19, 1874. 



JOHN PEIRCE, 

"CLOTH-WORKEE OF LONDON/' AND THE PLYMOUTH 

PATENT OF .TONE 1, 1621. 



The true relation of John Peirce to the Plym- 
outh Colony of Massachusetts^ growing out of the 
Patent of June 1^ 1621, has long been a matter of 
much doubt and even mystery. By aid of the 
records, or a part of the records, of the Coun- 
cil for New England, recently published by the 
American Antiquarian Society, we get considera- 
ble light on the subject, but there still remains 
much that may be classed as mysterious. 

Comparatively little is known of Peirce before 
his connection with this patent, and no satisfac- 
tory reason can now be given for the prominence 
which his name has in the document. It is imder- 
stood that he was a wealthy merchant of London, 
and the term " cloth-worker " applied to him may 
be supposed to indicate the special line of his busi- 
ness. Being a member of the Council of Plym- 
outh, we may believe that he sympathized with 
the religious movements of the time in England, 
which led to the establishment of the Plymouth 
Colony, though this by no means follows as a mat- 



118 JOHN PEIRCE. 

ter of course. It may be that his connection with 
the enterprise was considered by him only as a 
matter of business, as appears to have been the 
case with many of the " merchant adventurers/* 
as those were called who supplied the means for 
fitting out the Mayflower, and for the support of 
the colony a few of the earlier years of its history. 

It is well known that the Mayflower was de- 
tained at Plymouth the whole of the winter after 
her arrival, and did not sail on her return until 
April 5th, arriving in England May 6th; and it 
was not until her return that anything could be 
known of her fate, or the doings of the colonists 
she had taken out. Then it was first learned that 
the patent, or charter, obtained of the South Vir- 
ginia Company would not avail the colony, and 
that another must be procured. Application be- 
ing made to the Council of New England, the pa- 
tent was issued June 1st, — the fact that so little 
time had elapsed plainly indicating the readiness 
with which it was granted. It was ijssued in the 
name of John Peirce and his Associates, the lat- 
ter term not indicating the colonists, as has been 
sometimes supposed, but the "merchant adven- 
turers" who had supplied the funds needed by 
the colony, whether of the number that actually 
joined the colony or not. 

The patent was sent to New Plymouth by the 
ship Fortune, which arrived there in November, 
but no use was ever made of it by the colony ; 
and the coldness with which it was treated indi- 



JOHN PEIRCE. 119 

cates the dissatisfaction that was felt in regard to 
it, in which both the merchant adventurers and 
the colonists probably participated. 

No record has been found of the formal accept- 
ance of the patent either by the merchant adven- 
turers or the colonists, and perhaps such a pro- 
ceeding was not considered necessary. April 20, 
1622, Peirce ^^ granted Letters of Association unto 
the said Adventiurers, whereby he made them 
jointly interested with him in the Lands granted 
by the above said Indentures," ^ meaning by this 
term the Patent of June 1, 1621. 

This, so far as we can see, was a very proper 
transaction, but it was immediately followed by 
another, of which the same cannot be said, and^ 
moreover, there is a mystery about it which seems 
incapable of explanation. The same day, April 20, 
1622, after having thus formally interested the 
merchant adventurers as associates with himself, 
he proceeded to surrender to the Council of New 
England the said patent of June 1st, and take in- 
stead a ^^ patent or deed poll of the said lands " 
(lands conveyed by the patent) '' to himself, his 
heirs, associates, and assigns forever." This, it 
was claimed by his associates, was done without 
their knowledge or consent, and led finally to the 
entire separation of Peirce from the company, 
though this did not actually take place until the 
spring of 1623. 

This "deed poll," thus obtained by Peirce, is 

^ Records CmmeU/or N. Eng,, ProceecL Amer. AnL 5oc., 1869. 



120 JOHN PEIRCE. 

what has been called the second patent^ clandes- 
tinely procured by him for his own selfish pur- 
poses^ which gave such serious offence to the 
friends of the new colony. 

What practical effect this " deed poll " would 
legally produce in the relations of the parties it 
would require a lawyer to explain^ but much 
would of course depend upon the wording of the 
instrument. It is sufficient to know that Peirce's 
associates were thoroughly disgusted with the pro- 
ceeding, and took measures to bring the whole 
matter before the Council for New England, whose 
records preserve for us these interesting facts. 

This ^^ deed poll/' or patent, is said not to be 
extant now, and we have no reason to suppose 
that it was ever brought to this country. 

But why should the Council for New England 
allow themselves to give their sanction to such a 
fraudulent transaction ? This is a part of the mys- 
tery that needs explanation. 

It has always been understood that Peirce's a£^ 
sociates paid him five hundred pounds for his in- 
terest in the company, but this is not said in the 
record of the transaction referred to. The final 
settlement between Peirce and his associates was 
effected by adjudication before the Council for 
New England, but the details need not be re- 
peated here. A part of the language used seems 
to indicate that Peirce reserved some kind of a 
residuary interest in the patent, the real nature of 
which is not plain.^ Another important transac- 

1 Proceed. Am. AnL Soc.f 1867. 



JOHN PEIRCE. 121 

tion of Peirce requires to be noticed in this con- 
nection. In the summer of 1622, Peirce^ at his 
own expense^ fitted out the ship Paragon^ and 
sent her with sixty-seven passengers, with such 
supplies as they needed, to New Plymouth; but 
the weather proved so tempestuous that she was 
obliged to return after having been out fourteen 
days. Not discouraged by this misfortune, he 
again fitted the ship for sea, and took passage in 
her himself, with more than one hundred other 
passengers, to join the infant colony of New Plym- 
outh. But the same fate awaited her as on the 
former voyage ; after having made more than 
half the passage she was obliged to return. She 
sailed on this voyage December 22d, and returned 
about the middle of February, 162f . 

Peirce was now entirely discouraged, and de- 
clined to make further effort, but by some means 
another ship, the Anne, was hired for another voy-. 
age to New Plymouth, to transport such of the 
passengers as still desired to go, and sixty actually 
embarked. This in substance is all we know of 
the direct connection of John Peirce with the New 
Plymouth enterprise. 

The final settlement between Peirce and his as- 
sociates took place March 25, 162|, only a month 
after the second return of the Paragon, in which 
Peirce was a passenger. 

The patent in question was sent to New Plym- 
outh, probably by Peirce himself, in 1621, and 
appears to have remained in the custody of the 



122 JOHN PEIRCE. 

colony, without attracting any particular attention, 
for more than a century, but in 1727 it was 
wanted for some purpose and could not be found. 
Subsequently the search was several times re- 
newed, but without success, until 1741, when it 
was brought to light by Perez Bradford, Esq. We 
are told it was then discovered that it had been 
" designedly concealed," but we are not informed 
by whom it was done, nor for what purpose. On 
these two points more light might be of essential 
service. 

But what claim, or shadow of claim, could these 
transactions give to John Peirce, or his heirs, to 
any interest in the lands at Pemaquid, in the State 
of Maine ? Let us inquire further concerning this 
part of the case. 

July 15, 1625, John Brown, formerly of Bris- 
tol, England, made his famous purchase of land 
at Pemaquid, and from several circumstances it 
seems probable that his family was with him. A 
daughter of his married Richard Pearce (this was 
his mode of spelling the name), son of John afore- 
said, probably before coming to this country.* 
Considering the relation of Brown and Pearce, it 
is altogether probable that the two families came 
to this country together, but no certain evidence 
of the fact has been found. Nor are we able to 
determine a* what time they came, but we may 
reasonably suppose that it was some time, per- 
haps a year or even two years, before the time of 
Brown's purchase of the Indians, July 15, 1625. 

1 HitU of Bristol and Bremen^ 241, 248. 



JOHN PEIRCE. 123 

Richard Pearce and wife had a family of nine 
children, from whom descended a numerous pos- 
terity; and some of them, before the middle of 
the last century, asserted a claim to a proprie- 
tary interest in the lands at Pemaquid, by vir- 
tue of the aforesaid Patent of 1621. If the claim 
had been made to lands at New Plymouth, there 
would have been no difficulty ; but how the pa- 
tent could give any claim to lands two hundred 
miles distant from that place it is not so eaisy to 
understand. 

The statement of Mr. Welles on this subject, 
first published by Mr. Willis in his history of Port 
land, will be recollected. It was made in 1755, 
and is to the effect that after Brown's purchase of 
the Indians, he and his son-in-law, Pearce, agreed 
to unite their separate and independent titles into 
one claim to the territory on which they lived 
without molestation by the Indians more than a 

hundred years. 

How long before 1755 the heirs of Richard 
Pearce had adopted this mode of representing the 
transactions referred to, we know not; but long 
previously some of them had adopted a similar 
method of explaining and reconciling other appar- 
ently irregular transactions of a similar kind. 

The writer has treated of this subject at con- 
siderable length in his ^^ History of Bristol and 
Bremen," and given there a possible solution of 
some of the difficult questions which suggest them- 
selves in regard to the subject ; but another the- 



124 JOHN PEIRCE. 

ory less creditable to John Peirce may, perhaps^ 
by some be considered more probable. 

After the settlement between Peirce and his 
associates^ March 25, 1623, the parties separated 
with apparent bad feelings on both sides. Now, 
may it not be that Peirce, immediately after this, 
influenced in part by his interest in enterprises of 
the kind, and in part by a feeling of resentment 
towards his old associates, took occasion to send 
here his son and family, with his son's father-in- 
law and family, as the nucleus of a rival colony to 
that of Plymouth ? Under the circumstances, we 
may suppose they would desire as little publicity 
as possible to their movements, and therefore con- 
cealed from their contemporaries any information 
of their doings or designs. Thus it came that the 
history of those times failed to record for us the 
information we so much desire. 

We must of course suppose that Peirce intended, 
in due time, to assert his right under the patent, 
or that his heirs should do so after his day, but for 
a time it was not expedient or necessary. The 
important fact was of course well known to him, 
and communicated by him to his children, that 
the language of the patent does not determine 
at what place in New England the colony should 
be located; and, being so general in its terms, 
would apply just as well in Pemaquid as at New 
Plymouth. 

According to this hypothesis the Browns and 
Pearces came to Pemaquid about 1623 or 1624 ; 



JOHN PEIRCB. 125 

and may it not be that they were the same per- 
sons who had taken possession here, as the Indians 
informed Levett at Cape Newaggen, late in the 
autumn of 1623?^ 

We must allow that this hypothesis places rather 
a low estimate upon the character of John Peirce 
as a man of integrity ; but in view of facts above 
given are we not justified in doing so ? 

The patent in question, it is well established, 
was for a series of years, in the first part of the 
last century, " designedly concealed," and it must 
have been for some purpose. What is the expla- 
nation ? May it not have been, as suggested in 
the history so often referred to,* that all the time 
of its concealment it was in the possession of 
some one of Peirce's heirs, who was preserving 
it for future use, when the time should come for 
the final settlement of the perplexing Pemaquid 
claims? This it was then expected would take 
place at a much earlier date than it did, as no 
one could then suppose it would be deferred for 
almost another century. 

These suggestions are thrown out for what they 
may be worth. The subject is one of no little 
difficulty, which it is feared cannot be entirely re- 
moved until more documentary evidence may be 
brought to light, pertaining to the history of the 
early times. And it is not at all improbable that 
such evidence may yet be discovered by f lurther 
research. 

^ Hist. Bris, and Bremen^ p. 58. 
' HisU Bris. and Bremen^ p. 54. 



ARTICLE V. 

THE SHEEPSCOT FARMS. 

Bt ALEXANDEB JOHNSTON, 

or WIB0A88ET, XAINS. 
Bbad tammm tbm MAon HKnwioix Boobtt, as Pdbtlahd, Mhoh 14, 1878. 



THE SHEEPSCOT FARMS, AND APPROACH 

FROM THE SEA. 



I DO not assume to write a history of the Sheep- 
scot Farms, their earliest settlement by the whites, 
their very thorough destruction and abandonment, 
nor of the dim silence which has reigned unbroken 
and supreme two hundred years over the beauti- 
ful spot which was once their cherished home, be- 
cause abler pens and more profound thinkers have 
this task in hand, to unravel as they may, if per- 
adventure a clue can be found to the whole mat- 
ter of their origin and ruin. 

First, where are the Sheepscot Farms on the 
face of the earth, why so called, and what were 
the reasons which decided these pioneers to build 
their homes so far from the sea and the succor of 
their countrjonen, in the midst of prowling sav- 
ages, and beyond every instant help except from 
their own strong hearts and arms ? 

A careful inspection of the ruins of their homes, 
their singular location, and more singular sur- 
roxmdings, with an ever-open channel to the deep 
water of the Atlantic flowing daily to their very 
doors, with the endless profusion of fish and game, 



9 



130 THE SHEEPSCOT FARMS; 

easily bartered for all those things they did not 
possess, and making a home of plenty, not only 
for themselves but for their less favored comrades 
scattered elsewhere on this stem and rock-boimd 
coast, may serve to show us why this spot was 
selected as a place of settlement. 

Let us begin then at Seguin (Sut-quin), the 
notable landmark, the high, bold island which 
divides the waters of the Sagadahoc and Sheep- 
scot, presenting the same unchanging outline and 
standing to-day, the same grim sentinel of the sea. 
From this point we can see all the places named 
by our early voyagers, and it is nearly the cen- 
tre of all the operations of the English on the 
coast of Maine from 1605 to 1630. 

Monhegan, the best and longest known of all 
these places, lies yonder, North 81° East, twenty- 
two miles distant. Next is Damariscove, the head- 
quarters of shipping and trade in those earliest 
days. North 72"" East, eight and a half miles dis- 
tant ; and over Damariscove, North 68° East, are 
the Georges, eighteen miles farther. Pemaquid, 
New England's earliest hub and centre. North 60* 
East, sixteen miles, is just inside the line of Dama- 
riscove, which is about half-way thither. Cape 
Newaggen, North 23"^ East, eight miles distant, 
with its tiny harbor, is the eastern portal of the 
Sheepscot River. Cape Elizabeth and Richmond 
Island lie South OS"" West, twenty-two and twenty- 
four miles off ; Cape Small Point, South 84"* West, 
four miles. Pond Island and Fort Popham are 



APPROACH FROM THE SEA. 131 

nearly North 31** West, three and four miles dis- 
tant; and North 32'' East six miles is Griffith's 
Head, the western portal of the Sheepscot, which 
is three miles wide across its entrance. The 
soundings over all this ground are deep, twenty 
to thirty fathoms, and very deep water extends 
all the way to Wiscasset wharves, and it is never 
frozen or obstructed with ice to within a single 
mile of the Custom-House at that port. 

Sailing up this broad, deep river. North 14"* 
East, with rugged, shattered rolls of granite on 
either hand, with Eb-nee-cook, Indian town. Saw- 
yer's and Barter's Islands on our right, and 
Georgetown (ancient Sagadahoc Island), the Sas- 
anoa, and Westport on our l«f t, we come to the 
Cross River, a branch of the Sheepscot, ten miles 
above Cape Newaggen, up which the tide flows 
easterly through Oven's Mouth on the right, and 
then turns down south to Adam's Pond, in the 
centre of the town of Boothbay. This Oven's 
Mouth, very deep and narrow, is one of the points 
mentioned in the Indian deeds of land on the east- 
em side of Sheepscot. 

Resuming our voyage up the river with Edge- 
comb on our right, and Westport — anciently 
Squam Island — on our left, through the strong 
walls and beetling cliffs of austere granite, we 
come, in five miles, to Decker's Narrows, where 
the whole river bending square around to the west 
carries ten and twelve fathoms, close by the walls 
of the fort (old Fort Edgecomb) on our rights 



132 THE SHEEPSCOT FARMS; 

through into Wiscasset Bay, perhaps half a mile. 
We linger a moment on the bosom of this beauti* 
ful bay and scan the fairy outline of its retiring 
highlands around the entire horizon. The bold 
river we have passed has utterly disappeared, and 
instead we have its placid parallel, flowing straight 
and opposite, to the Indian Sasanoa and Arrowsic 
below, the route of Champlain, the first white voy- 
ager (1605, July 5th and 6th) who ever^ passed 
these shining waters with his dusky guides, two 
and three quarters centuries ago. 

Turning again to the right, with the pretty 
town on our left, we pursue our course northeast- 
erly to the railroad bridge at Flying Point, two 
miles farther. The • centre pier of this bridge is 
in fifty feet of water at low tide ; the largest ship 
in the world can float safely here. Passing the 
draw, and over the swift current of the crescent 
narrows, with Flying Point on our right, we have 
Kane's Point on our left, a half mile farther up. 
Nestled among the crags, high up the bank, eighty 
feet above the river, was the home of Kane, one 
of the old settlers of the times ; the very ancient 
wall that inclosed his little garden is readily found 
and recognized, in which, through the sod to this 
^*y> grows his wife's narcissus, the old " Daffy- 
down-dilly" of England. We pass on, with a 
broad, beautiful bay on our right, to Jackson's 

^ It is supposed George Wa3rmouth, in the Archangel, passed 
from Boothbay Harbor to the Kennebec by a part of the same water- 
way, some three weeks before Champlain. ^R. K. S. 



APPROACH FROM THE SEA. 133 

Landing on our left, which was the terminus of 
the scout path coming from Chewonki, Montseag, 
Hammond's Garrison, and Arrowsic at the south- 
west. Here is the end of the deep water and the 
Bay of the Sheepscot Farms. The river flows 
on, but with tortuous channel, a mile and a half 
farther to the tide falls on the right, with Sheep- 
scot Neck and Alna on the left, the ground rising 
abruptly from the river, a long and rocky ridge 
from one to two hundred feet high. The oppo- 
site eastern bank seldom rises more than thirty 
feet, and no ledge appears except at the tide 
level This is the western front of the Sheepscot 
Farms. 

From Jackson's Landing, following the channel 
of the river, we steer due east across the bay and 
straight to the southwest comer of the neck, over 
the line of the old ferry, and land at the ancient 
Stone Wharf ^ used as a landing more than two 
centuries ago. The ice blocks of many years 
have destroyed the wharf, and scattered its ruins 
on either hand, but eighty years since its outline 
was distinctly visible. On our right front, on the 
eastern side of the bay, are the burnt islands of 
Mason's deed from Robinhood, of 1652, three in 
number, — Wier's, Leeman's, and Cunningham's ; 
the first two small, the last a large farm of two 
hundred acres or more. The Sheepscot here sends 
off a branch between these islands — the Nich- 
ols River (anciently Che-va-co-bet), with triple 
mouths, flowing, easterly about eighty rods — and 



134 THE SHEEPSCOT FARMS; 

then iiniting in one stream^ bends northeast and 
flows on three quarters of a mile farther, inclos- 
ing between it and the main river the beautiful 
grounds and peninsula called Sheepscot Farms. 
A long cove prolongs this distance northeasterly 
a fourth of a mile farther, at the head of which is 
the old saw-pit, where it is thought Sir William 
Phips built the ship in which " he brought off the 
people," as Cotton Mather relates, when their 
homes were burned and utterly destroyed. At 
the foot of this cove the river turns again ab- 
ruptly to the east half a mile, thence south a mile 
and a half down by Woodbridge's Point on the 
left, thence east a quarter of a mile, thence north- 
erly again by the same point a mile and a half to 
the entrance of the " Cavesisix River," a fresh- 
water stream which comes down nine miles from 
a pond in Jefferson. 

The Nichols throws off a branch to the east at 
the junction of the Cavesisix, also another and 
larger at the south end of Woodbridge's Pointy 
each of which winds easterly and sluggishly 
through salt marshes of great extent, certainly 
five hundred acres. About one hundred rods up 
the Cavesisix is the site of the " old mill " which 
ground the com for the settlers, and its very 
strong, double-walled dam still remains whole on 
either end. It was one and a half miles east of 
the Farms, and approached over the " Cart Path " 
of Walter Phillips of 1664. 

Returning as we came^ with the marshes now 



APPROACH FROM THE SEA. 135 

on our left, and the upland on our right, we come 
again to Phips's Cove. From this cove, whera 
many vessels have been built, down around the 
peninsula out to the main river, the ground on 
our right slopes from the green margin very 
gently up to the ancient street, so that heavy 
teams pass up almost everywhere. On the main 
river a steep bank, twenty to thirty feet high the 
whole distance, renders it inaccessible for teams 
or cattle. 

At the Falls, the*Sheepscot turns square to the 
east, having forced through, at some time, a pas- 
sage in a narrow neck of light, gravelly soil down 
to the ledge underlying, over which the waters 
fall abruptly ten feet at low tide. Twenty rods 
above the Falls the river resumes its old course, 
N. N. E., and passes on to Alna village, five miles 
farther up. After passing the Falls ten rods, the 
river throws off to the south a long, wide, shallow 
cove down into the peninsula ; and a continuation 
of low, flat meadow, still farther prolonged, divides 
the neck more than half the distance, making the 
western prong a cape of high ground, abruptly 
stopping at the very fall and overlooking the 
same. The eastern side is the site of the most 
ancient settlement without a doubt. 

Sheepscot Bridge crosses the river, east and 
west, one f<2;arth of a mile above the Falls, three 
rods only below the mouth of Dyer's River, which 
is the third and last branch of the Sheepscot. 
Dyer's River, fed by many large ponds, comes 



136 THE SHEEPSCOT FARMS, 

down from Somerville, sixteen miles, and making 
a sudden sweep to the west, joins the Sheepscot 
as before named. The last five miles of its course, 
nearly parallel, but approaching the Sheepscot, 
incloses, between the two rivers, another splendid 
tongue of land of a thousand acres. A few rods 
of very low and level land alone divide the waters 
of the Dyer and Phips's Cove, and over this low, 
flat isthmus lay the only approach to the Sheep- 
scot Farms below. 

Let us take our stand now upon the high, green 
knoll on Dyer's Neck, a short half mile from its 
southern point, the site of the home of Dyer and 
his stockade shelter, and look down upon the place 
of the " lost city " and its charming surroundings. 
On the right we have the steep, rough, rocky 
ridge of land, rising sharply from the west bank 
of the Sheepscot, two hundred feet high or more, 
extending from the waters of Wiscasset Bay well 
up to Alna village. The old road passes nearly 
the entire length of the crest of this ridge, afford- 
ing a grand outlook to the east, over the whole 
great basin, in the lap of which reposed the ancient 
Farms with their timber ^ houses. On the left is 
another similar ridge of equal altitude, stretching 
from Woodbridge Point below far away to the 
north and east many miles, — the eastern bul- 
wark of the Dyer River valley to its ^urce. Be- 
yond this goes up the Cavesisix, of many memo- 

1 Stone remains of ancient buildings are found. John Mason's 
house is thought to have been of stone. — B. K. S. 



APPROACH FROM THE SEA. 137 

ries, the frozen and only highway for many years 
to and through the heavy timbered and tangled 
wilderness through which it flowed down to the 
miller's wheel below. Two miles farther to the 
east is yet another mighty roll of . granite, six- 
teen miles in unbroken length, from Boothbay 
Harbor to Damariscotta Mills, the enduring spine ^ 
that divides the waters of the Sheepscot and 
Damariscotta, and the barrier on the east of the 
Nichols River with its " great solt marshe " of the 
Indian deeds. Beyond the Farms 'to the south, 
and in the centre of the picture, begin the twin 
ridges of Edgecomb, rising abruptly from the 
shores of the Nichols, with fertile valleys between 
and on either side, and running parallel and south- 
erly seven miles to the Oven's Mouth and the 
Cross River. 

THE SHEEPSCOT WATEBS. 

The tide line of this great basin is more than 
twenty miles in outline, and within were gathered 
all things in great profusion calculated to ^^ keep 
the wolf from the door." Countless thousands of 
beaver once had here their ponds, and huts, and 
homes. Their surprising labors in the remains 
of dams on these marshes and on the margins of 
all these rivers, streams, and ponds, everywhere 
easily found, are yet distinctly visible and readily 
mapped with compass and chain. The dark, shin- 

2 Now Galled << Mount ComwalL"— B. K. & 



138 THE SHEEPSCOT FARMS; 

ing otter, the ubiquitous mink and musquash, c& 
Tided the empire of the waters^ salt and fresh, 
everywhere. Every kind of fish known now to 
exist in our streams, salmon, bass, shad, trout, 
perch, eels, herring, alewives, smelts, and plaice, 
each in their season, summer and winter, with the 
renowned oyster and humble clam, were here in 
myriads close at hand. The cod, hake, pollock, 
and menhaden of the coast made frequent visits 
here, as they do even now, from year to year. 
The seal abounds on this river to this day, and 
hundreds bask in the sunshine on half-tide ledges 
every summer, and bark all night, as everybody 
knows who dwells here. Last, but by no means 
least, comes the great whale from the sea, chasing 
up the myriad shoals of herring and menhaden, 
even to the very doors of the dwellers at the 
Farms. Twice in my lifetime have I seen this 
singular sight, and each time our ponderous vis- 
itor remained, often visible to all our people, sev- 
eral days. The Wawenocks were a " brave peo- 
ple, fearing nothing," and I never doubted that 
they could strand and capture a whale. Civiliza- 
tion, with its steam, sawdust, sewage, bridges, 
and dams, has well-nigh done the business, and 
we begin to gape, even now, over the daily expe- 
riences of our grandfathers. The marshes were 
the great rendezvous for wild geese, brant, wild ^ 
ducks, teal, and all other birds of that class. The 
dense forests of oak, beech, and pine were full of 

^ Sheepaoot, from Indian tt|M»4Hik, dock-wmten. — &P« ^ 



APPROACH FROM THE SEA. 139 

game of all sorts^ bird and beast, wild and gen- 
tle ; and no lack of any natural or desirable food 
existed in the days of the Farms, but bread alone, 
and we shall soon see that they had, or ought to 
have had, enough and to spare of golden com, the 
king of cereals and staff of life indeed. We no- 
where read of want of food, raiment, or shel- 
ter. They wanted nothing they did not have, 
and plenty surrounded them, running over, of all 
things wherewith to live. 

We have come up hither from the sea, eigh- 
teen miles, step by step, as they came, searching 
out the land for its fatness, and where in New 
England is the mate to the place they found? 
Speak, you who know, where ? We have navi- 
gated the surrounding waters, and stood upon the 
many rugged hill-tops and looked down upon their 
ancient homes, each time with always renewed 
delight at the ever^anging, everH^hanning pros- 
pect. 

SriE OP THE RTJIKS. 

Again resuming our line of travel, let us land 
at the Old Stone Wharf, the easterly end of the 
Ferry. Ascending the low bank we stand at once 
in the southwesterly corner of a large field, about 
sixty rods wide east and west on the river margin, 
and sloping gently up northerly to the residence ^ 
of Captain William Chase, fifty rods distant, nearly 
in the centre on the north side, and thirty feet 

1 Anciently ThomM Gent's. — B. K. a 



140 THE SHEEPSCOT FARMS; 

above the tide level, the only occupant now of 
this once large town. The first small cellar is close 
on the left, and the beautiful lawn is before us with 
its green grass and plots of splendid corn, and cir- 
cling fringe of thrifty trees around the river banks, 
sheltering all within from the rude blasts of the 
west, south, and east, on three sides surrounding. 
We pass on northeasterly towards the house and 
over the ground called the " Old Orchard," whose 
cherry-trees, well known sixty years ago, survive 
to this day through their seedlings, the old " Black 
Heart " of Europe. A third the way up, and 
twelve rods on our left, we pass a very large cel- 
lar, two rods square in outline, nearly filled, but 
well defined, by grass, rank and green. South 
of this a few rods is another, nearly as large but 
not so well outlined. On our right about fifteen 
rods is " Spring Well Cove," at the head of which 
is a constant flowing stream boiling out of a little 
well made for it It is well known to all passing 
seamen, and no one ever knew it to be dry or 
cease to run. Three rods east of this spring is a 
small cellar fifteen feet square, out of which came 
the silver ladle, or spoon, some years ago, which is 
now in possession of R. K. Sewall, Esq., of Wiscas- 
set. Ten rods northeast of the spring, on a small 
plateau, is the site of a large trading-post, with its 
heavy stone floor, but ten inches below the sur- 
face, exhumed some years since by the brothers 
Chase, where was found the stone,^ bearing cut 

I ThiB 0toiie i0 cjlindrical, aize of a barrel, one nde iiuciibed with 



APPROACH FROM THE SEA. 141 

figures and inscriptions, now in the cellar wall' 
of the house near by, then being built. A great 
many relics which fire could not destroy were also 
found here : copper coins, and the old Dutch pipes 
of two and a half centuries ago, a large lot of 
them together; long ranges of broken crockery, 
pottery, fused glass, and masses of iron and rust, 
showing conclusively that it was a store and not a 
dwelling-house which stood there. No cellar was 
there, only a heavy stone floor, carefully laid and 
strongly jointed, so much so that it was supposed 
to be a flat, smooth ledge for years, and it re- 
quired a heavy team and much labor to break it 
out. The size of this floor was not ascertained 
then, but Mr. Elbridge Chase tells me that it was 
" thrice as large as the one this year uncovered *' 
farther up the neck, of which, more anon. Fif- 
teen rods south of the trading-post, on the river 
brink, is the ancient landing, a natural wharf of 
granite, with deep water at low tide. Southwest 
a few rods is Bass Rock, on either side of which 
the tide rushes in many a swift whirl up the 
Nichols River, the eastern boundary of the neck, 
and the old town we have come to see. Below, 
southwest fifty rods, are the Woodbridge Nar- 
rows, the entrance of the Nichols River, between 
two islands, Leeman's and Wier's. On goes the 
headlong tide to lose itself in the great marshes 
of the east ; a safe and land-locked highway in the 

■a arrow of large size carved into the surface, and a bow* — 
B.K.& 



142 THE SEEEPSCOT FARMS; 

summer, a smooth, hard road in the winter, to 
every nook and comer of the great basin beyond. 

But we resume omr walk through the orchard, 
and stop shortly at the present terminus of the 
'^ King's Highway/' the oldest road in Maine still 
open, to public travel. We are standing in a cross 
street three rods wide, running east and west, as 
the ground plainly indicates. The gate is before 
ns. On our lef t^ close at hand, is the home of Cap* 
tain Chase ; on our right, at our elbow, the cellar 
of Christopher Woodbridge, — **Kit," as he was 
called, — who dwelt here in a log-house, in right 
of his wife, who was Tappan's^ daughter, who 
once owned it all. 

We open the gate and pass on. The silent 
street spreads out before us. Yonder is the church 
spire, white and tall, North IQ"" East, one and a 
half miles distant Every step of this long, level 
line, the ^^ King's Highway," once had houses on 
either side, pretty gardens, and wavy grain or 
maize, — a king's highway indeed. 

On our left, four rods north of Captain Chase's 
house, on the crest of a swelling knoll, is a very 
large cellar two rods square, now nearly filled 
with stone and rubbish, thought to have been the 
home of Thomas Gent, who lived at the southern 
end of the peninsula, — a very beautiful spot, and 
at the head of the orchard lawn aforesaid. This 
cellar has never been opened, and no one knows 
what is buried there. It had a large gateway 

^ Ber. Christopher Ti^ypaiiyof KewboTporL — B. K. & 



APPROACH FROM THE SEA. 143 

once on its eastern side, broken down now and 
filled up level. What was it for ? No one can 
answer. I think it was no dwellings but a timber 
fortress or block-house, with stockade around be- 
low its own level It stood on the very crest, 
commanding all things on all sides, — the channel 
of each river most thoroughly, — against which 
there could be no advance by water, except " stem 
on." It was a mile and a quarter below Fort 
Anne and Garrison Hill, and the only good place 
wherefrom to defend the southern end of the 
peninsula. But for all that, Thomas Gent may 
have dwelt there, as each house was a fort in 
those days. Four rods farther on, and two rods 
to the left, is another cellar, quite as large in out- 
line but not so prominent, and never examined. 
Twelve rods onward, and ten on the left, is the 
High Bog about six rods in diameter, with its 
slight outlet to the western river bank. A light- 
colored day, resembling stone-ware potter's clay, 
is brought up by the auger from a depth of ten 
feet. It is ever filled to the brim with black mud 
and water, and for this last the cattle have no 
other source of supply. On our right is the " Gar- 
den," extending east down to the river thirty rods, 
and along its banks an equal distance, bearing a 
thrifty growth of young hard wood. The soil 
is black, porous, deep, very rich, and filled with 
earth-worms to the very top of its leafy cover- 
ing, never wet but always moist, of easy access, 
and some six acres in extent. No cellars are found 



144 THE SHEEPSCOT FARMS; 

here, but many corn hills were visible sixty years 
ago, hence the name " Garden." Another ancient 
landing on the river front is shown, about in the 
centre line of the garden, with deep water and 
clear of the strong current. Eighteen rods far- 
ther on we come to the end of the timber growth, 
and find a small, deep cellar six rods on our 
right, just in the edge of the woods. The high- 
way probably passed nearer to this cellar once, 
going straight down to the trading-post. On our 
left, eighteen rods, is a singular and perfectly 
circular little bog, called " Spring Pond Bog," 
strongly resembling an artificial reservoir, with 
its inside diameter twenty feet only, and its out- 
side diameter about forty feet, the space between 
being filled up solid with many small stones, up 
through which grows a ring of bushes and alders. 
It is filled with black mud, and water, except in 
a drouth J never runs over, nor has any outlet, 
and none know of the water whence it comes 
or whither it goes ; and it is very considerably 
higher than the bog first named. Still standing 
here at the corner of the wood, and looking west 
over the reservoir about twelve rods, we see a 
large cellar, two rods square, nearly filled, A few 
rods farther still is another less distinct of the 
same size. About four rods northerly of this line, 
and ranged along parallel to it, several large cel- 
lars have been filled and nearly obliterated. A 
three-rod street once passed west between these 
remains to many small cellars now plainly visible 



APPROACH FROM THE SEA. 145 

on the bank of the Sheepscot, in thick bushes and 
tangled undergrowth. Moving on again eighteen 
rods we have a well (?) filled with large stones, 
on our left. Thirty rods farther, close to the 
road, is a large cellar, searched by money diggers 
many years ago; and close to this on the north 
are seven pits, one in the middle with six around 
it. What were they for ? Six rods farther, and 
five rods on the right, is another large cellar, but 
a short distance from the river curving in here. 
Descending the slight hill twenty rods we pass 
through the gate, the northern limit of the Chase 
property. The pine bushes here close in on ei- 
ther hand to the wheel track. Three rods on- 
ward, and as many to the right, in thick bushes^ 
is a medium cellar. Exactly opposite, to the west^ 
and thirty rods distant from the highway, near 
the southerly end of the long meadow, is a large 
cellar, with many others on the same course out 
to the bank of the Sheepscot, and a cross street 
is indicated on this line from river to river. 
Twelve rods onward, and three on our left, we 
have a large L shaped cellar, showing stone un- 
derpinning and much debris buried in trees and 
grass, and now being exhumed and examined. 
Correct measures cannot be got until the whole 
area is cleared of the unusual mass of rubbish, 
— mostly composed of large bricks, — and the 
trees with their roots are thoroughly drawn out 
and cleared away. It seems to have been placed 
against a bank on the west, into which the whole 

10 



146 THE SHEEPSCOT FARMS; 

of the L has been thrust^ with a portion of the 
main building ; which last must have been thirty 
feet long and twenty feet wide at leasts fronting 
the highway, with the L joining its northerly end 
and flush with it. It was, no doubt, two stories 
high in front and one in rear over a cellar. For 
many years nothing but a general outline was 
visible. A very dark, slate-colored patch of ap- 
parent ledge, with a " crackled " surface, lay here, 
buried in trees, covered with moss, silent and 
gray. Some years ago fragments of this patch 
were carried away, their weight, reddish hue, and 
lustre suggesting ore of some sort, possibly cop- 
per. Nearly all has been removed, except a few 
pieces secured by Mr. Elbridge Chase for inspeo- 
tion, a fine specimen of which I have, and have 
yet to thank him for. It is a mass of melted bricks 
and nothing else, so thoroughly liquefied that all 
trace of shape or material has disappeared. What 
are we to think of the intense heat of an oak- 
timber house with timber floors and roof in flames ? 
I never yet saw the like result from our hottest 
modem fires. The semi*f used bricks of the kiln 
arches do not resemble this. Plenty of these last 
underlie the top covering, and then come bricks 
perfect to lay to-day. My samples are nine inches 
long, four and a half wide, and two and a quarter 
thick, and weigh five and a half to six and a quar- 
ter pounds. Their color is light red, they do not 
ring like our bricks, and were never made in Maine. 
The tangled mass of roots renders excavation slow 
and expensive. 



APPROACH FROM TEE SEA. 147 

Under the direction of Dr. W. L. Hall, a sub- 
stantial stone floor has been laid bare, nearly two 
feet below the debris, and about sixteen feet 
long by seven feet wide. The stones are good 
** flag," nicely jointed, laid solid and water-tight 
in blue clay brought from elsewhere. The floor 
lies north and south through the middle of the 
cellar, apparently, with a low stone wall a foot 
high bounding it on the front (east); on the north 
the underpinning of the house two feet high^ 
faced up inside with the great bricks, nicely laid 
and well jointed *^ end to ; " on the west by a wall 
of stone and brick intermingled, also two feet 
high ; on the south it has not been definitely as- 
certained, but a wall of stone is visible under the 
tree roots, which are very troublesome. Many 
relics were found on this small area by the doctor 
and his assistants : fragments of fused glass, plain 
and finely iridescent ; bits of porcelain, crockery, 
potter's ware, a house key, spoons, fragments of 
charred oak nicely preserved ; all sorts of iron tool 
remains, some of which no man can name, with 
many indescribable bits of one knows not what, 
and the work yet is hardly begun. The head or 
south end of the low meadow is directly in rear of 
this cellar, ten rods distant, west ; and all the land 
between the two rivers, and south of this east and 
west Une, is arable and of excellent quality for any 
and every farming purpose. It contains sixteen 
thousand and two hundred rods, — a little more 
than a hundred acres. 



148 THE SHEEPSCOT FARMS; 

But we leave this interesting spot and pass on. 
Three rods farther, and four to the right, is a large 
cellar concealed in the pine growth, about three 
rods from a small cove at the east. Ten rods 
bring us to the lowest point of the road, about 
four feet above high tide level. Just here on the 
left is the low passage to the meadow, perhaps 
six rods wide and twelve in length, joining the 
marshy flat on our right, and extending six rods 
to the east, where it joins "Brick- Yard Cove." 
A few feet rise of the waters of the Sheepscot 
above the Falls would bring it again down over 
the great meadow, and out through here to the 
Nichols River. There are many reasons for be- 
lieving that once an outlet existed here. On our 
right, eight rods, is the head of the cove, coming 
up from the douth, and on its margin is a small 
pit as large as a small cellar, purpose unknown. 
At the head of the cove, on the upland, is a large 
cellar. On the east of the cove is Brick- Yard 
Point, the site of the " Ancient Brick- Yard. " The 
drying floor was on the cove side (west) j the 
small, detached kilns are found in the bushes on 
the east side, together with the "landing." I 
found a single whole brick only, dark cherry red, 
seven inches long, three and one half wide, one 
and five eighths thick, and weighing but three 
pounds three ounces, — the smallest I have ever 
seen. No bricks have been made here in the 
memory of man, and tradition is silent. Six rods 
on, and five to the left, is an old " reservoir," 



APPROACH FROM THE SEA. 149 

fiUed with stones, bushes, and water, some eight 
feet in diameter, intended doubtless for the brick- 
yard aforesaid. Rising now the gentle ascent, in 
six rods forward and eight to the left are the twin 
cellars, but ten feet apart, heavy mounds in front, 
filled with small trees. Twenty rods farther we 
pass on our right, close to the road, another very 
prominent cellar, filled also with small trees. 
Thirty-five rods bring us to the top of the slope, 
and to two large cellars on the left, one of which 
is covered by the house of Arbor Cargill, who 
owned all the land adjacent The house is tenant- 
less now. A beautiful field sloping to the south and 
east is in front of CargiU's. He filled three large 
cellars there on the river bank, and two at the 
north side, years ago, so that they are obliterated, 
but were well known fifty years since. Passing 
two large cellars on our right, close to the road, 
filled also by Cargill, and nearly rubbed out, we 
come, in twenty-two rods, to a large cellar on 
the left three rods; and three rods farther, ad- 
joining this, is the floor of the " Smith Shop," so 
well described by Rev. Mr. Cushman in 1855. 
Opposite this, and close to the road, is a large 
cellar now covered by a house, also without ten- 
ant. Next north a few rods is another of the 
same size, nearly fiUed but plainly visible. Due 
west of this cluster, fifteen rods in the field, are 
the remains of a building supposed to have been 
a factory of some sort. It appears to be a cellar 
more than filled, heaped up with stones and rub- 



150 THE SHEEPSCOT FARMS; 

hishy and containing within and around it lumps 
of dark-yellow earth or mineral resembling ochre, 
but not BO solid as a pale brick. At each corner^ 
on the west^ it has large pits or small cellars be- 
low its own level, as the ground falls fast, down 
to the meadow. We return and go on. Fifteen 
rods farther, and thirty to the west, is the head 
of the Sheepscot Cove, or " Neck Cove,'* and the 
foot of the meadow. At this point are the re- 
mains of an old *^ causeway," across which ran a 
cross street leading around to the northern point 
of the headland overlooking the southern end of 
the Falls. Five rods farther to a large cellar on 
the right, five more to another on the left, six 
more to another on the right, all very prominent 
and filled with bushes and some cut stumps of 
old trees. Southeast from this last, thirty-four 
rods, at the river bank, is the place where the 
oak plank and sawdust of an ancient saw-pit were 
found by Cargill, in laying an aqueduct along the 
low bank to his brick-yard. The salt mud had 
prevented decay. It is thought to be " Phips's 
Saw-pit," as there is no solution otherwise. It is 
not the place where succeeding builders sawed 
their plank. A few rods north, close to the bank, 
is a large, deep cellar. Three others bear North 
10'' West, located on the edge of the north bank 
of the " aqueduct spring '' run. Northeast of these, 
twenty rods, is another large cellar. Many others 
in this pretty lawn have been filled and lost. 
We return now to the King's Highway. The 



APPROACH FROM THE SEA. 151 

road slopes gently up north to " Port Anne." 
Starting anew thitherward we come in thirty rods 
to the old barn-yard where the elder Cargill un- 
covered the first " stone floor," described by Cush- 
man. Across the road to the west are remains of 
cellars and buildings, now, a third time, gone to 
decay. Fifteen rods carry us along to "Walter 
Phillips's Cart Path," from Fort Anne to the banks 
of Damariscotta Biver, his home ; it was four 
miles long, passed the Cavesisix Mill, skirted the 
great salt marsh, and is travelled to this day, the 
oldest road for vehicles between two towns that I 
know of in Maine. In the northeast angle of the 
junction of this road with the " highway " is the 
cellar of John Mason, in whose house the govern- 
ment ^f the Duke of York was set up and organ- 
ized in lff65. Said " Walter Phillips, Recorder : " — 

^^ Mason lived a few rods south of the fort," and 
in these few rods (eight) we are there. 

We stand now upon the crown of a hill of gen- 
tle slope in every direction, at the gates of the 
beautiful cemetery which covers the ascent from 
the waters of the Sheepscot on the west; and 
among the white tablets of marble mingled with 
the rough, moss-grown headstones of granite, we 
pause on the site of Fort Anne. On the west are 
the Falls; on the east, Garrison Hill; on the 
north was the home of Christopher Dyer ; on the 
south, the long line of the King's Highway, over 
which we have come up hither. The necessary 
grading of the cemetery has obliterated many of 



152 THE SHEEPSCOT FARMS; 

the ancient mark3 of military occupancj; which^ 
eighty years ago, were distinct and undeniable. 
The remains of a trench four or five rods long, 
seven feet wide, and five feet deep, cut parallel 
with the highway and two rods from it, are now 
to be seen, the northerly end having been filled 
for cemetery lots by persons yet living. On the 
east of the northerly end of this trench, and ad- 
joining, is a brick arch, buried up in grading years 
ago. It was about four feet in width, length un- 
known, and was never known as, or called, a 
tomb. It is there now, and what it was is still 
imknown. It may have been a magazine under 
the fort, with this covered way leading to it. 
Whatever it may be, it should be exhumed. The 
fort was undoubtedly of heavy, squared timber, 
inclosed in stockade, the outline of which is dis- 
tinctly visible on the north ; probably an acre or 
more was thus inclosed, and upon a lower level 
than the fort, which stood forty-five feet above 
tide water. Fragments of brick, pottery, crock- 
ery, glass, and iron-rust in masses, are often found 
upon and around this summit. It commanded 
every inch of approach to the neck below, and 
there was not the slightest shelter to any attack- 
ing foe, even the most trivial. It swept all things 
close to the ground. It was probably the only 
fort of the first occupancy of these Farms at the 
north end, and could defend and cover all its pop- 
ulation of that early day. 

We pass on now seventy-five rods, oyer a fine 



APPROACH FROM THE SEA. 153 

street with many fine dwellings and the white« 
spired church on our right, and on our left two 
very large cellars at some distance in the field, 
now nearly filled up. No doubt there were many 
others on either side a century ago. We stop at 
the road from Sheepscot Bridge to Damariscotta, 
lacking ten rods more to Dyer's Riverbend. These 
ten rods make up four hundred and eighty rod3, 
eicactly one and one half miles, very nearly straight> 
from the bend to the '^ Ancient Landing " below, 
and a few feet less to the "Ancient Wharf" and 
Ferry. It contains ninety acres, north and east 
of the meadow lines. 

Garrison HiU bears east by north fifty-four rqds 
from Fort Anne, but does not belong properly to 
the " Neck." It rises abruptly from the low, flat 
land on the west, being steep and rough of ascent 
on tha^t side, moderate and easy on all other sides ; 
it is seventy feet above tide level The stockade 
and garrison on its smnmit, where the church and 
school-house now stand, were, doubtless, more e;s:- 
tensive than those of Fort Anne, as the outline 
remains clearly indicate. The two combined could 
shelter all of the second occupancy of the Farms 
with their cattle, and together must have been 
^^ formidable dogs at the portal." The name'i^ Gar- 
rison Hill " is the only one known for it these twp 
centuries, and no. one doubts its significance. It 
has stockade lines of great extent, and many pitu 
and depressions, with stone-work, for uses uq-: 
named: and .ynknoi¥Xii< Its " rangQ " was from 



154 THE SHEEPSCOT FARMS; 

Dyer's Bend to Phips's Cove, and all around Port 
Anne to Sheepscot River. On the east, too, it 
swept all things, and north and south as well. 

Resuming our staff we pass down south from 
the Garrison and thence by the " Cart Path " into 
the " highway," and over the meadow causeway, 
around to the bluffhead at the southerly end of 
the Falls. It is a small, circular plateau, fifty feet 
in diameter, flat, and elevated twenty -five feet 
above the water at the Falls. It has an artificial 
look, with steep banks on three sides, but it hardly 
required defence at this point, for the fall rendered 
it impassable as a line of attack, except a few 
minutes at slack tide. Proceeding down by the 
bank of the Sheepscot southerly, we pass through 
a multitude of cellars, in one of which is the tree 
stump cut by Captain Chase in 1817. At least 
twenty cellars are counted at this upper end. 
As we pass on through the bushes and under- 
growth we constantly find cellars, square and well 
defined, but smaller than those of the eastern side. 
Arriving at the cross street at the reservoir, west 
end, a mile below, we find the cellars again in 
clusters as before, but in very tangled under- 
growth and hard to keep account of. Fifty rods 
farther and we emerge upon the orchard lawn 
first named. We have counted more than forty 
of these cellars on this west side, or eighty odd on 
the whole peninsula. The area of land north and 
west of the meadow line is sixty-two acres, or two 
hundred and fifty-two acres of best arable land in 



APPROACH FROM THE SEA. 155 

the peninsula. The meadow measures twenty-two 
acres additional, making the entire area two hun- 
dred and seventy-four acres. Suppose we allow a 
strip of land one and a half miles long and twelve 
rods wide, thirty-six acres, for streets, houses, and 
small gardens, we have two hundred and eighteen 
acres for bread alone. With forty-five bushels of 
com to the acre we have a harvest of 9,810 bush- 
els, or its equivalent value in other grains ; nearly 
four times as nluch as their own people required. 
The islands, two hundred and fifty acres, they 
burnt over, and there they kept their cattle and 
sheep. Is it anything strange that these lands 
were known as the " Sheepscot ^ Farms " ? Were 
not they who dwelt here some of the people who 
^' had settled in places agreeable to their desires 7 '' 
Space forbids further detail of their handy ac- 
cess to the sea over routes by land dotted with 
the cellars of these unknown people, as well as 
many similar, silent evidences of a peopled suburb 
thereunto pertaining. They dwelt here once in 
peace and plenty, and anon faded strangely and 
silently away. 

> CaUed «< Garden of the East,'' 1676. 



ARTICLE VL 

WILLIAM HUTCHINGS, 

THE LAST SURVIVING REVOLUTIONARY PENSIONER 

IN NEW ENGLAND. 

Bt JOSEPH WILLIAMSON, 

OF BXLFA8T, MAINS. 

Bbad bvoiib on Miin Huxobioal Socmnr, at Bats, FmnsAxr lA, tSTfc 



WILLIAM HUTCHINGS, 

THE LAST REVOLUTIONART PENSIOKER IN NEW ENG- 
LAND; AND THE LAST BUT ONE UPON THE BOLLS. 

A PEBSON who has outlived all contemporaries 
of the same generation is by that reason alone 
distinguished. But when his life has been pro- 
tracted beyond the measure of a century, and, 
with a single exception, he stands the last sur- 
vivor of those who participated in the successful 
struggle of a great nation for independence, he 
becomes a subject of peculiar interest 

William Hutchings, a native and always a resi- 
dent of Maine, whose death occurred on the sec- 
ond day of May, 1866, at the age of one hundred 
and one years, six months, and twenty-six days, 
was bom at York, October 6, 1764. Lemuel Cook, 
of Clarendon, New York, the last Revolutionary 
pensioner, survived him only eighteen days, hav- 
ing died on the twentieth day of May, 1866, aged 
one hundred and two years.^ Charles Hutchings, 
the father of William, was also a native of York, 
and lived to the advanced age of ninety -one. 
When his son was four years old, the family re- 
moved to Penobscot, then called Plantation No. 3^ 

^ See Record^ voL iL 857. 



160 WILLIAM HUTCniNGS. 

and subsequently included in the town of Cas- 
tine. Here, on the same farm which his descend- 
ants now occupy, the subject of this sketch con- 
tinued to reside, with the exception of a short 
interval, during the remainder of his life. Dwell- 
ing in sight of Bagaduce, he witnessed all the 
events connected with the siege of that famous 
locality, during the summer of 1779. When the 
surrounding inhabitants were compelled by the 
British to assist in constructing the fortifications, 
he was among them, and aided in dragging to the 
heights of the peninsula the first stick of timber 
which was used in the principal bastion of Port 
George. After the destruction of the American 
fleet, his father, who refused to take the oath of 
allegiance to Great Britain, was obliged to aban- 
don his property, and escape to a place of safety. 
He found refuge in the town of Newcastle, where 
he remained until the war terminated. While 
residing there, he permitted his son, then but 
fifteen years of age, but a man in size, to enter 
the service of the United States. The declaration 
of the latter, on file in the Pension Department in 
Washington, made for the purpose of obtaining 
a pension, states that he enlisted in a regiment of 
Massachusetts militia, commanded by Colonel Sam- 
uel McCobb, in the company of Captain Benjamin 
Lemont ; that he was mustered in at Newcastle, in 
the spring of 1780 or 1781, as a volunteer for six 
months, and served a little more than that term, 
being discharged about Christmas of the same 



WILLIAM RUTCRINGS. 161 

year. That he joined the regiment at a place 
called Cox's Head, at the mouth of the Kennebec 
River, where he was stationed during the whole 
time of his service, and was there discharged; 
that he was born in York, in the year 1764, and 
that he has no written discharge. This declara* 
tion is dated September 26, 1832, when he was 
sixty-eight years old, and is supported by the affi- 
davit of his father. The Rev. William Mason, of 
Castine, a respected dergyman, is referred to as a 
neighbor who could testify to the good character 
of the applicant Upon this evidence, an annual 
pension of twenty -one dollars and sixty-six cents 
was granted ; the highest amount then allowed to 
full-pay privates being only one hundred dollars. 
Subsequent acts of Congress increased this pit- 
tance. In 1865, an annual gratuity of three hun- 
dred dollars was voted to each of the five Revolu- 
tionary soldiers supposed to be living. Only four 
of the number survived to receive this special 
recognition of their patriotic services. Two of 
these died within the year, leaving Lemuel Cook, 
before mentioned, and William Hutchings. 

At the close of the Revolution, Mr. Hutchings 
returned to Penobscot, and remained there until 
his death. Farming and lumbering constituted 
his principal occupation, although for a time he 
commanded a coasting vessel. The last vocation 
conferred the title of captain, which many sup- 
posed to be derived from his military career. 

During a period of nearly the allotted age of man 

11 



162 WILLIAM HUTCHINGS. 

he was a devout member of the Methodist Episco- 
pal Church. For many years before the close of 
his life he advocated and professed total absti- 
nence from all intoxicating drinks. He lived to 
see three generations of his posterity occupy po- 
sitions of honor and esteem. Eliakim Hutchings, 
his son, was a soldier in the War of 1812, and par- 
ticipated in several battles. A grandson, by the 
same name, served faithfully for three years of 
the recent Rebellion, being wounded before Rich- 
mond, and several of his great-grandsons were 
volunteers in Maine regiments. At the com- 
mencement of our civil conflict, Mr. Hutchings 
took a decided stand in favor of maintaining at all 
hazard the supremacy of the Union. It was his 
earnest wish that he might be spared to see the 
complete restoration of peace, and that wish 
was granted. 

In 1865, when over one hundred years old, he 
accepted an invitation from the municipal author- 
ities of Bangor to join in the celebration of the 
Fourth of July in that city. A revenue cutter 
was detailed for his conveyance, and as he passed 
up the Penobscot River the guns of Fort Knox 
fired a salute of welcome. The ovation which 
was bestowed on the occasion exceeded that ever 
before given to any person in the State. Multi- 
tudes rushed to catch a glimpse of the old man, 
and the sincere and grateful plaudits which con- 
stantly greeted him, as, surrounded by a guard of 
honor, he was escorted through the streets, con- 



WILLIAM HUTCHINGS. 163 

stituted a marked feature of the day. His strength 
and power of endurance under the excitement 
were remarkable. At the close of the oration^ 
which was delivered by Senator Hamlin, he re- 
sponded at some length to a toast. ^^ My friends 
told me/' he said, ^^that the effort to be here 
might cause my death, but I thought I could never 
die any better than by celebrating the glorious 
Fourth." 

The mental faculties of Mr. Hutchings were re- 
tained up to and during his final sickness, which 
was of short duration. On Sunday, April 29, 1866, 
signs of dissolution became manifest, and on the 
following Thursday noon, in full consciousness of 
his approaching end, -^ 

*' Like a clock worn out wilh eating time, 
The wheels of weaiy life at last stood still.'' 

Funeral services took place on Monday, May 
7th, from the homestead in Penobscot, and were 
attended by a large! concourse of people. Of his 
descendants, who are counted by hundreds and 
comprise five generations, many were present. 
Mr. Hutchings had selected a text for the occa- 
sion from Matthew xxii. 40, " On these two com- 
mandments hang all the law and the prophets," 
from which the Rev. Mr. Plummer, the pastor of 
the Methodist Church, preached an appropriate 
discourse. 

Following the sermon, a brief address was made 
by the Rev. Alfred E. Ives, of Castine. " The first 
thought which suggests itself/' he remarked, ^^ is 



164 WILLIAM HUTCHINGS. 

thisy that the last link that ' connects us with the 
distant past has heen sundered. In previous 
years, but less frequently as time has run on, we 
have met the old soldiers of the Revolution. Of 
late, William Hutchings has been the only repre- 
sentative in New England of that honored band. 
His were the only living lips that could tell us, 
from what they personally knew, of those times 
which tried men's souls. He alone remained of 
the men who heard ihe whistle of the bullet on 
those battle-fields. And now those lips are sealed ; 
that witness is dead. For the future, we can 
learn the facts of those times only as recorded in 
history ; no more, as told in narrative. He was 
an old man when most of Us were born. His life 
goes far back into the past. When he was a child 
the man was still living who had conversed with 
the survivors of the Mayflower. When he was a 
child the man was living who had heard the sol- 
diers of Oliver Cromwell rehearse the story of hbi 
battles. Nineteen such lives will take us back to 
the time when the form of the Son of Gt)d was 
seen on earth. 

" He was thirty-six years old when Washings 
ton died. He had passed the meridian of life 
when Napoleon assumed the crown as Emperor of 
Prance. The French Revolution, the successive 
changes which have since passed over that coun- 
try, over Europe, arid the Continent, have tran- 
spired as if under his eye. In his early life, he 
might have heard Whitefield preach. He had 



WILLIAM RUTCHINGS. 165 

nearly reached adult age when Wesley, whose 
name he loved, was in his prime." * 

One of the last requests of Mr. Hatchings was 
that the American flag should cover his remains, 
and he unfurled at his burial. This was done, 
and in the stillness of a bright spring afternoon, 
in the midst of an assembled multitude, upon the 
farm which for nearly a century had been his 
home, all that was mortal of the old hero was com- 
mitted to the dust, whOe the Stars and Stripes he 
had so long honored floated above his grave. 

^ Bangor Whig and Courier. 



ABTICLE TIL 

GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 

OF MOmiOUTH, MAINS, 

WITH EXTRACTS FROM HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 

Bt QBOBQE FOSTER TALBOT. 

Bi4D WMnm IBM MAxn HoxoBiaAL Socan, PoBZLum, Mat 2B, 188L 



GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 



Among the persons prominent in the establish- 
ment of the political independence and civil insti- 
tutions of Maine, few are more worthy of commem- 
oration by this Society, whose office it is to collect, 
publish, and preserve the records and traditions of 
the history of our State, than General John Chan- 
dler, who, with his colleague, John Holmes, was the 
first representative of this State in the Senate of 
the United States. 

He was the son of Captain Joseph Chandler, and 
was bom in Epping, N. H., in 1762. He seems to 
have come of a warlike stock, for his father served 
four years as a captain in the French and Indian 
war. When the war of our Revolution began Jo- 
seph Chandler was an old man, and burdened with 
corpulence, but his military ardor had not abated, 
and in spite of the remonstrance of his friends he 
determined to take command of a company of re- 
cruits which he had himself raised. He died, how- 
ever, on the 17th of September, 1776, of a disease 
incident to camp life. His son John, the subject 
of this paper, was but fourteen years old at the 
time of his father's deaths and was one of a family 



172 GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 

servants and their own laborers, and won their for- 
tunes and the grand pattern of their characters 
from the fields they subdued and tilled without the 
help of unpaid slaves or the eye-service of hireling 
laborers. Of course their work was done thor- 
oughly and well, because they did it themselves. 

In these infant settlements, not so busy with 
the struggle for life, amidst hard conditions of 
climate and soil, as to forget the religious, educa- 
tional, social, and civic institutions, which as a self- 
governing people they are called upon to main- 
tain, a man of the capacity and energy of General 
Chandler would necessarily find constant and va- 
ried employment. He was plantation clerk and 
assessor before the town was incorporated, and was 
selectman and assessor many years after its in- 
corporation, as well as town clerk. He was post- 
master of Monmouth as soon as a post-office was 
established there in 1794, his last commission bear- 
ing date 1818. He assisted in taking the census 
of Maine in 1790, and was twice employed as rev- 
enue collector of the direct tax of the United 
States. 

He was for two terms collector of the port of 
Portland and Falmouth, from 1829 to 1837. He 
was constantly in commission as justice of the 
peace, and once as chief justice of the Court of 
Sessions. He left his seat in Congress to take a 
commission from the governor of Massachusetts as 
sheriff of his county at a time when the office was 
not only honorable and lucrative^ but responsible 



GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 173 

and dangerous. He was three times a senator in 
the legislature of the commonwealth of Massachu- 
setts, and one of the representatives in Congress 
from that State during Jefferson's administration. 
He was very active and zealous in promoting the 
separation of Maine from Massachusetts, having 
been a member of two different conventions called 
to consider the question of separation, and also of 
the convention that formed the Constitution of the 
new State. When the state government went 
into operation he was elected to the Senate of 
Maine, and, on its assembling, became its presi- 
dent The same legislature made him one of 
the first senators, the eminent and eloquent John 
Holmes being his colleague. He drew the short 
term of three years, and on its expiration was 
elected for the long term, his whole time of service 
in the Senate being nine years. 

Though he had been able in his impoverished 
boyhood to obtain but the meagre rudiments of 
an education, he had the culture of experience and 
of practical life, and acquired, through association 
with military men in the two wars, the manners 
and address that were more the distinction of gen- 
tlemen in his time than in ours. His writings and 
probably his speeches show some deficiency of 
grammatical and rhetorical training, though he was 
always able to express himself in good English, 
and in a style plain, pithy, and concise. Like 
many other men of our State, of forcible character 
and strong mind, he prized education, and made 



174 GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 

sacrifices to confer it upon his more favored chil- 
dren. One of his first enterprises, upon getting 
established in the town of Monmouth, was the in- 
stitution of Monmouth Academy, of which he was 
the principal founder and a trustee. He was also 
for many years a trustee of Bowdoin College. In 
no way did the sagacity and foresightedness of our 
&thers display themselves to better advantage 
than in the sacrifices they made to establish and 
maintain academic instruction of a high order 
among the early settlements of Maine. Nearly all 
the men of Maine eminent in politics, law, sci- 
ence, theology, and business, whose reputation has 
given honor to our State, owe the beginning, and 
many of them the whole, of their education to 
these institutions. I doubt if our elaborate and 
costly and nearly universal system of graded pub- 
lic schools and high schools, that have taken the 
place of these old academies, will be able in the 
next generation to show such good resulta One 
of the most honorable and useful services which 
General Chandler in his long life rendered the 
State was his accepting and discharging the trust 
of sheriff of Kennebec County, conferred by the 
governor of Massachusetts, in the beginning of 
1808. A state of lawlessness verging upon civil 
war — the popular discontent being shown by the 
murder of a deputy sheriff — made it necessary to 
confer this important executive office upon some 
person of highest integrity and of general popular 
esteem, whose courage was known and respected. 



GENERAL JOHN' CHANDLER. 175 

General Chandler was such a man, and his leaving 
so conspicuous a theatre of public distinction as 
the American Congress to accept a hazardous and 
responsible task shows how far the ambitions of his 
public life were controlled by considerations of 
duty. But as I find a vivid account of this part of 
his history in his biography, I prefer to let him 
give it in his own language. 

In politics General Chandler, like most of his 
compatriots who effected the separation from Mas- 
sachusetts, was a Democrat of the old school. It 
was not more the desire to found a new State and 
administer its civil affairs than it was to emanci- 
pate themselves from what they considered the 
rigor of the Federal rule in Massachusetts that in- 
duced such men as Chandler and King and Ware 
and Anderson, year after year, in spite of adverse 
votes, to agitate the question of separation until it 
was finally carried by the requisite majority. It 
was the prestige of such men, their sterling vir- 
tues, their great ability, their acknowledged public 
services, that enabled their party to maintain its 
ascendency in this State, even after questions had 
arisen upon which their attitude was less liberal 
and less democratic. General Chandler adhered 
rigidly to all the accredited maxims of his party, 
and made its rules and usages binding upon his 
public conduct. He would not accept from the 
Committee on Public Roads the boon of his mili- 
tary road to the eastern frontier as a measure of 
Whig policy, because the Democracy of Jackson's 



176 GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 

time rigidly disclaimed the idea that the general 
government could carry on internal improvements 
within the States. After he was appointed collec- 
tor of Portland, President Jackson offered him the 
better position of collector of Boston. He reso- 
lutely declined it, because he thought it would dis- 
appoint his friend Mr. Henshaw, and injure the 
fortunes of the Democratic party in Massachusetts. 

He refused a third term of office in the Portland 
coUectorship, and removed to Augusta, where he 
lived till his death in the pleasant and commodious 
house lately occupied by Judge Rice. He died 
September 25, 1841, in the eightieth year of his 
age. He left two sons, now deceased, — Anson 
6. Chandler, an esteemed and able judge of the 
late State District Court, and John A. Chandler, 
for many years clerk of the courts of Kennebec 
County, — and two daughters, one married to Dr. 
Nourse, a man of marked ability, for a short time 
member of Congress, the other to Dr. Prescott, an 
esteemed physician. There were two other daugh- 
ters and one son who died in infancy. His widow 
survived till 1846, and was eighty-two years old 
at her decease. 

It would be difficult to find among our promi- 
nent public men a single one whose career has 
been fuller of romantic adventure, varied fortune, 
privation, and labor on the one hand, and public 
honor and political and business success upon the 
other, or whose life has passed in more varied, use- 
ful, and conspicuous service. The orphan soldier 



GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. Vl'J 

when a mere lad, the naval hero suffering the hor- 
rors of a pestilent imprisonment, the pioneer set- 
tler battling for fortune with the snows and woods 
of a northern wilderness, the trusted military 
leader, the faithful executive officer, the judicial 
and impartial magistrate, the senator in the coun- 
cils of a great nation, — he had acted in all these 
characters and filled all these public places, and 
left them with the confidence of his fellow-citizens 
and an integrity never questioned 

12 



178 GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 



EXTRACTS 

FROM THE AUtOBIOGRAPHY OF GENERAL JOHN CHAN- 
DLER, OF MONMOUTH, ME., IN THE ARCHIVES OF THE 
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY ; GIVING SOME ACCOUNT 
OF HIS SERVICES IN THE REVOLUTION AND IN THE 
WAR OF 1812. 

mS IMPRISONMENT AND ESCAPE FROM A BRITISH SHIP 

OF WAR. 

In January, 1779, without the knowledge of any 
of his friends, he ^ left home, travelled to Newbury- 
port, and there entered on board the privateer 
ship Arnold, mounting eighteen guns, with a crew 
of one hundred and twenty men and boys, com- 
manded by Captain Moses Brown (who afterwards 
commanded the frigate Essex), and the next day 
sailed on a cruise. After taking several prizes, 
they fell in off St Michael's with a British ship of 
war, mounting twenty guns, when a severe action 
took place, which lasted three glasses. Both ships 
were much crippled, and separated, apparently by 
mutual consent of both parties. The Arnold put 
into Corunna (Spain) to repair, where she was de- 
tained for some time. Her repairs being com- 
pleted, she again sailed on a cruise, and on the 
ninth day out she fell in with and was captured 
by the British ship of war Experiment, of fifty 

I General Chandler tells the stoiy of his life in the third person. 



GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 179 

ganB, commanded by Sir James Wallace. The Ex- 
periment^ being bound to the coast of the United 
States, put into Savannah River early in May, 
and put the men she had captured on board two 
prison ships which lay near Coxspur Island, al- 
ready full of prisoners taken by land and by sea, so 
that they were now literally piled on each other. 
Here they suffered from vermin, ill usage, starva* 
tion, sickness, and mosquitoes more than can be 
conceived of by those who never witnessed such 
a situation. However, death during the summer 
kindly released almost all on board, and in Au« 
gust those who still lived were put on board one 
ship, the Eleanore, and there being so small a 
number the guard on board became less vigilant 
than usual, and there was little for them to fear 
from the escape of the prisoners, as there was 
scarcely a well man amongst them. Young Chan- 
dler was one of the very few whose health con- 
tinued through the summer. A plan of escape 
was meditated between him and eight others. The 
late boatswain's mate of the Arnold, whose name 
was Millet, from Marblehead, was the leader. It 
was contrived to get a plank loose between the 
hold, where the prisoners lay, and the steerage, so 
that it could easily be taken out and leave room 
for a man to pass through. The guard, consisting 
of a sergeant and nine men, slept on the quarter- 
deck. Their arms were stacked on the quarter- 
deck quite astern. A sentinel was stationed at 
the hatchway, which was left only large enough 



180 GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 

for one man to pass at a time^ and but one pris- 
oner was allowed to go on deck at a time in the 
night-time. The plan of escape meditated was 
that after the guard should be asleep one of the 
stoutest of the prisoners should be on deck, and at 
a signal by the men he should seize the sentinel 
and disarm him, while the others should rush on to 
the quarter-deck, through the steerage, and seize 
the arms there stacked. Millet took it upon him- 
self to manage the sentinel. Several times were 
set to carry the project into execution, but some-* 
times the boat would not be on board, and some- 
times the guard were disinclined to sleep. Captain 
Brown, who was sick on board, always advised 
against the project, alleging that it would be but a 
short time before the prisoners would be recap- 
tured by the French fleet and General Lincoln's 
army. The former was then blockading the har- 
bor, and the latter lay in rear of and besieging the 
town. But, notwithstanding this caution, it was 
still determined by the projectors to execute their 
plan the first favorable opportunity. About the 
middle of September the guard were relieved by a 
guard of refugees, who appeared as ignorant of 
their duty as could be wished for, and well disposed 
to sleep. This was the moment to be embraced, 
and the night of the 17th of September was fixed 
for the time, as the moon would set about eleven 
o'clock at night The night came, and all was 
ready. Just after the moon set Millet went on 
deck. The sentinel was walking back and forth by 



GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 181 

the hatchway. When the signal was given Millet 
seized the sentinel, disarmed him, and threw him 
into the hold amongst the prisoners. Those in the 
hold were in a moment on the quarter-deck, and 
seized the arms. The guard made no resistance, as 
they were threatened with death if they made the 
least noise. They submitted, and were put down 
the forescuttle and secured. The boat was lowered, 
and twenty-three of the prisoners taken into it 
The object was to reach the French fleet, which 
then blockaded the harbor, but in this the escaped 
prisoners were disappointed. They then ran the 
boat up a creek as far as they could get her, and 
left her, and just at daylight reached the dry land, 
through swamps and creeks and amidst alligators. 
Their object now was to reach General Lincoln's 
army, which lay in rear of Savannah ; but the Brit- 
ish patrols and the guards must be avoided, which 
compelled them to take a circuitous route. They, 
however, reached General Lincoln's encampment 
on the third day, to their great satisfaction, where 
they remained some little time to recruit and gain 
strength. This done, some disposed of themselves 
one way and some in another. At length Chan- 
dler proposed to set out and travel by land to New 
Hampshire if any one of the crew would accom- 
pany him. He told his comrades that, although 
they must depend on a precarious living, they 
would be able to see much of the country. The 
ship carpenter's mate, by the name of Pierce, from 
Newburyport, and a man by the name of John 



182 GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 

Dearborn, of North Hill, N. H., concluded to set 
out by land with Chandler. Dearborn was very 
feeble and Pierce not welL Chandler had no other 
means of support than the avails of his gun and 
cartridge-box, which, with a blanket^ he had taken 
from the guard on board the prison ship. Pierce 
and Dearborn had less. They set out on the jour- 
ney, but could travel but very little way in a day 
at first. Dearborn continued to fail, which re- 
tarded the progress of the others very much. He, 
however, reached North Carolina, where he died. 
Pierce had been failing for some time, and al- 
though Chandler had got so used to travelling 
that he could perform a good day*s journey, still, 
as Pierce was unwilling to be left, they proceeded 
slowly on their journey, living mostly on charity, 
although at times it was a most scanty subsistence. 
At length they reached Philadelphia. Here Chan- 
dler got an order from the Quartermaster's De- 
partment to draw provisions for himself home to 
New Hampshire, and for Pierce to Newburyport 

They now set forward with new courage, but 
Pierce, who had become very feeble, only reached 
New Jersey, where he died. Chandler now pro- 
ceeded on his journey alone, and arrived at Ep- 
ping, in New Hampshire, early in February, 1780, 
to the great joy of his mother and friends ; for 
they had not heard anything of him from the time 
he left home, nor could they conjecture what 
course he had taken. 



GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 183 

lOLITART SERVICES IN THE WAB OF 1812. 

General Chandler waa elected major-general of 
the 17th division of the Massachusetts militia on 
the 27th of February, 1812. He was afterwards 
appointed a brigadier-general in the army of the 
United States in July of the same year, his com- 
mission to that office bearing date 18th of No- 
vember, 1812. # He joined the army at Greenbush^ 
near Albany, in the State of New York, on the 
12th of September of the same year, and on the 
17th of the same month assumed command of the 
troops encamped at that place. On the 13th of 
October he received orders to prepare to march 
the troops there encamped to Plattsburg, in the 
State of New York, and on the 16th of the same 
month he took up his line of march for that place, 
where he arrived on the 26th of October, 1812. 
General Bloomfield, being senior officer at that 
place, had the command. On the 7th of Novem- 
ber a council of war was held, and in obedience to 
discretionary orders from General Dearborn de- 
cided in favor of marching into the borders of 
Canada, in order to produce a diversion of the 
British forces supposed to be marching up the 
lakes. On the 16th of November, General Bloom- 
field being unwell. General Chandler, with the 6th, 
9th, 11th, 15th, 16th, and 25th regiments of in- 
fiintry and two companies of artillery, took up his 
line of march for the British lines. He arrived at 
Champlain on the 17th, and encamped for the 



184 GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 

night in the woods, the snow being eight inches 
deep. On the 18th General Dearborn arrived and 
assumed the command. Previous to his arrival 
General Chandler had detailed Colonel Bradley 
and Major Eustis, with two hundred men, to attack 
a party of British troops and some Indians who 
were stationed at Odeirs, about five miles beyond 
the line, but they fled. on the approach of Cojonel 
Bradley's detachment. On the 21s1> General Dear^ 
bom issued an order for the troops to take up 
their line of march for Plattsburg, where they ar- 
rived on the 23d of November. On the 25th Gen- 
eral Chandler crossed Lake Champlain with his 
brigade to Burlington, where barracks had been 
erected for winter quarters, for General Bloomfield 
and his own brigades. 

On the 4th of December General Dearborn 
issued an order giving General Chandler the com- 
mand of the army at Burlington, — Generals Dear- 
bom and Bloomfield leaving for the south. Here 
General Chandler spent the winter, except the 
time taken for a short visit to his family. 

On the 18th of March, 1813, General Chandler 
received orders to march his brigade to Sackett's 
Harbor, his brigade consisting of the 9th, 21st, and 
25th regiments. On the 24th he commenced the 
march, with three hundred sleighs for transporta- 
tion of troops, baggage, and military stores. The 
snow was four feet deep a part of the way, and the 
weather remarkably cold. The men were obliged 
to camp out in the snow, and it was with much 



GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 185 

difficulty that they were kept from freezing. He 
arrived at Sackett's Harbor on the 2d of April, and 
assumed command of the whole army there, being 
senior to General Pike, who had command before 
his arrival. 

On the 11th of May he received orders to march 
to Niagara with the 6th, 9th, 14th, 15th, 16th, and 
25th regiments of infantry and Colonel McCoomb's 
regiment of artillery, and on the 16th of May he 
commenced embarking the troops on board Com- 
modore Channing's fleet, completing the embar- 
kation on the 17th. On the 19th he sailed for 
Niagara, and, arriving at Four Mile Creek, three 
miles from Fort Niagara, on the 21st of May, dis- 
embarked his troops^ and encamped at that place 
in company with the army under command of 
General Dearborn. 

On the 23d of May Generals Lewis, Winder, and 
Chandler were ordered to headquarters to assist in 
making arrangements for the attack upon Fort 
George, which was to take place on the 27tlL On 
the 26th an order was issued for the troops to be 
ready for embarking at the shortest notice. The 
order of battle was as follows, namely : The rifle- 
men and a corps under the command of Colonel 
Scott (about seven hundred in all) formed the ad- 
vance. Next followed Boyd's brigade, then Win- 
der's brigade. General Chandler commanded the 
reserve, consisting of his own brigade and Mc- 
Coomb's regiment of artillery. General Dearborn 
was sick on board the Madison, but General Lewis^ 



186 GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 

who was the next in command, did not get on 
shore until all danger from the fort was over, or 
about the time that the reserve had effected their 
landing. The moment General Chandler's boat 
struck the shore he sent an oflBicer to inform Lewis 
that, by the time he would receive the message, 
his (Chandler's) line would be formed, and wait 
orders. But by this time the enemy had com- 
menced to retreat General Lewis then ordered 
Chandler to march to the rear of the town, and to 
detach a small body of men to enter it and recon- 
noitre, and wait further orders. Chandler took the 
position directed, sent a detachment into the vil- 
lage, and found it evacuated, of which he gave 
General Lewis notice, informing him that he still 
waited orders. But he waited in vain. No orders 
to pursue the retreating enemy were received by 
him ; and they had time to make good their re- 
treat. He was only ordered to push forward and 
occupy the town. Had General Lewis acted with 
energy, and ordered a pursuit immediately by half 
the force under his command, the whole of the 
British army miist have been captured. For this 
neglect Lewis was censured by every officer of the 
army, and ought to have been cashiered. 

On the 28th of May General Lewis was ordered 
in pursuit of the enemy with Winder's brigades 
and Burns' regiment of dragoons. He marched 
as far as Queenstown, and there, finding good 
quarters, he halted, detaining Winder's brigade to 
guard him, and. ordered Chandler, with his brigade 



GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 187 

«nd Boms' dragoons, to advance to St. David's, 
where they arrived about ten o'clock at night. 
Here General Chandler received information that 
the enemy had encamped at Beaver Dams the 
night before, and that they had marched during 
the night in the direction of Burlington Heights, 
at the head of Lake Ontario. 

On the 24th Greneral Chandler received orders 
from General Dearborn to fall back on Fort 
George, the latter general having now received 
information also that the enemy were marching 
in the direction of Burlington Heights. General 
Chandler's brigade arrived at Port George on the 
24th. On the 31st of May General Winder was 
ordered to march to Forty-Mile Creek (in the 
direction of Burlington Heights) with his brigade 
and a part of Burns' dragoons, and on the 3d of 
June General Chandler was ordered to march to 
Forty-Mile Creek with the 9th, 23d, and 25th reg- 
iments of infantry. Captain Archer's company of 
artillery, and one company of riflemen, and there 
to form a junction with General Winder^s detach- 
ment, and assume the command of the whole force* 
General Winder's detachment consisted of the 5th, 
13th, 14th, and 16th regiments of infantry, two 
companies of artillery, and a part of Colonel 
Bums' dragoons, in all about fourteen hundred 
men. Chandler formed a junction with Winder 
on the morning of the 6th of June, assumed the 
command of the whole, and took up his line of 
march for Stony Greeks about eleven miles in ad* 



188 GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 

vance. Here, learning that the British army was 
encamped at Burlington Heights, he determined 
to cross between Lake Ontario and Burlington 
Bay, and thereby cut oflf their retreat down the 
lake to Little York. 

When he had nearly arrived at Stony Creek, 
where the road is a little more than a mile from 
the lake, his advance fell in with a strong British 
picket^ under the command of Colonel Williams, 
and a skirmish ensued. General Chandler, then 
marching by his left, ordered the 26th regiment 
to the support of his advance. On the approach 
of this regiment the enemy broke, scattered, and 
fled, and it was not until after sunset that the pur- 
suit was discontinued. General Chandler found a 
strong position near a small meadow, which was 
in the form of a horseshoe, widely spread at the 
heel, the toe towards his own line and the heel 
towards Burlington Heights. Through the cen- 
tre of this meadow the road ran from toe to heel, 
leading to the British encampment. The ground 
around this meadow was from twenty to twenty, 
five feet higher than the meadow itself. The trees 
on the slope, or falling off of the high ground to 
the meadow, had been feUed, but the land had not 
been cleared off, and was so thick with briers, limbs, 
brush, and logs as to render it almost impossible 
to pass through it A mountain or sharp hill upon 
General Chandler's left, very difficult to pass, shut 
down snug to the meadow. On his right was a 
Bwamp, almost impassable. Here Chandler halted. 



GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 189 

and made his arrangements for defence in case of 
an attack during the night, which he expected 
would take place. The troops were posted as fol- 
lows, namely : the two companies of artillery were 
posted in the road, which was very straight for at 
least one hundred and fifty rods ; the 25th regi- 
ment, which was large, formed the right, its left 
resting on or near the road, and its right resting 
on the swamp ; the 23d regiment, with its right on 
the left of the 25th, so as to cover the artillery 
completely ; the 16th regiment on the left of the 
23d ; the 5th on the left of the 16th ; and riflemen 
on the left of the whole, their left resting on the 
foot of the mountain or hill. The ground around 
the meadow and south of it was cleared and in 
grass up to the bluff, where the ground fell off to 
the meadow through the felled trees, briers, and 
brush before mentioned. On the bluff around the 
meadow was a fence, partly made of logs and partly 
of rails. Chandler's design was to form his line 
around the meadow by this fence, so that in case of 
an attack he could bring his fire to bear upon the 
enemy's front as well as upon each flank at the 
same time. The troops were ordered to form as 
near the fence as circmnstances would permit, and 
lay upon their arms. The ground upon the right 
was such that the troops were formed directly on 
the place they would occupy in case of an attack. 
The same arrangement was made on a part of the 
left, but where the 16th and 23d would come in 
the line near the fence the ground was wet, so that 



190 GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 

they were obliged to lie down ten or fifteen rodi 
in rear of the fence in echelon, which would require 
them, in case of an attack, to wheel into line and 
advance to the fence. Colonel Bums' dragoons 
were a little in rear of the whole. Colond Bums 
was officer of the day, and posted the guards. The 
9th regiment, being very small, formed the rear 
guard. Right and left flank guards were posted at 
the swamp on the right and at the foot of the 
mountain on the left, and an advance or picket 
guard of one hundred men, commanded by Captain 
Yanvectin, was posted from half to three fourths of 
a mile in advance of the meadow, with a chain of 
sentinels, properly posted, with strict orders to the 
captain of the guard to keep out constant patrol- 
ling parties toward Burlington Heights. These 
arrangements being made, it became necessary for 
the troops to have fires to cook their provisions, as 
they had cooked nothing for the day. Fires were 
ordered for the left a little in their rear, but Chan- 
dler, expecting to be reconnoitred by the enemy 
during the night, did not intend that his position 
should be found to be the same in the latter part 
of the night that it was in the fore part of the 
night He therefore ordered the right wing to ad- 
vance across the meadow and kindle their fires 
along the north side, and to do their cooking there, 
and remain there until further ordera At twelve 
o'clock at night he ordered peat to be added to 
their fires in large quantities, and then that the 
right wing should fall back into their place in the 



GENERAL JOHN CEANDLES. 191 

line by the fence on the south side of the meadow, 
leaving their fires burning. At the same time he 
ordered all the fires on the south side of the 
meadow to be extinguished, and in this state of 
things waited the expected attack. General Win- 
der was with General Chandler at his tent for a 
considerable time during the night, but he could 
not believe that an attack would be made. Adju- 
tant-General Johnson (an excellent officer) re^ 
mained with General Chandler after General Win- 
der left his tent Neither General Chandler nor 
General Johnson slept nor closed their eyes for 
ihe night. The horses of both were fastened near 
the tent, and orders had been given that the har- 
nesses should not be taken fi*om the artillery 
horses. About an hour before day, on the morn- 
ing of the 6th of June, the discharge of a musket 
was heard. Both officers instantly mounted. The 
tent was a little on the left of the 25th regiment. 
Chandler at once gave orders to form for action. 
The line was formed with the greatest facility on 
the right, as the men had only to stand up and 
ihey were formed. General Johnson was imme- 
diately sent with orders to General Winder to see 
that the left was formed according to the plah 
concerted the evening before. This was no sooner 
done than the head of the British column, or their 
advance, was seen, by the light of the fires in the 
firont (which had been left by the right wing at 
twelve o'clock at night), entering the meadow. 
They attempted to deploy to the left, to dash in 



192 GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 

on the right wing of the Americans while asleep, 
as they supposed, by their fires ; but they had, as 
ordered, fallen back to their places in the line at 
twelve o'clock the night before. At this moment 
the right and the extreme left, as well as the ar- 
tillery, opened a deadly fire on the enemy. Their 
column was broken at the first fire. Observing 
that the fire from the centre about the artillery 
was not what he expected, General Chandler ap- 
proached the artillery, and found that the 23d 
regiment had not taken its place. He imme- 
diately despatched an officer with orders to the 
regiment to take its place in the line. It should 
be mentioned here, to understand the situation, 
that it was one of the darkest nights ever known. 
There was a thick fog, or misty rain, and not a 
breath of air stirring, and smoke, after the firing 
commenced, added, if possible, to the darkness. 
The officer sent to bring the 23d into the line not 
returning, a second officer was sent for the same 
purpose, who also did not return. Adjutant-Gen- 
eral Johnson being the only officer left about the 
general, he also was sent to find and bring the 23d 
into its place in the line, if possible. He had left 
the general but a short time, before he heard the 
firing of muskets in the rear, towards the rear 
guards. General Chandler, fearing that a party of 
the enemy had gained his rear over the mountain 
or hill by some pass unknown to him, instantly 
directed General Winder to order the 5th regi- 
ment to form near the woods in his rear, toward 



GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 193 

the rear guard, and to make a stand there. In a 
few minutes General Chandler heard a new burst 
of fire upon his extreme right. He supposed that 
a reinforcement of the enemy were attempting to 
turn his right. Not having an officer about him 
to send with orders, he clapped spurs to his horse 
and started to go to the right himself, to take such 
measures there as might be necessary. His horse, 
when scarcely pushed into full speed, was shot and 
killed under him. In the fall the general was se- 
verely wounded, principally in the hips and shoul- 
ders. He was for some time, he knew not how 
long, senseless. When his senses returned he rec- 
ollected what he had set out to do, and, getting on 
to the right as soon as possible, gave the necessary 
orders for its defence, and then returned to the 
centre. When he got to the road he heard troops, 
apparently in confusion, near the artillery. He 
supposed that the 23d had been brought on to the 
ground, and that Adjutant-General Johnson was 
endeavoring to form them, as it was y^ry near 
their place in the line. The general immediately 
stepped in amongst them, and ordered them to 
form, and called for Colonel Johnson. Instead of 
the 23d it turned out to be a squad of the British 
troops, who had broken and lost their regiment, and 
they were trying to form in the darkness. When 
General Chandler called for Colonel Johnson, they 
knew he must be an American, as they had no 
officer by that name. They immediately, with 
bayonets at his breast, demanded his surrender ; 

13 



194 GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 

and in his situation there was no alternative be- 
tween a surrender and instant death. He was 
taken with them in their retreat across the mea- 
dow, and General Winder fell into their hands a 
few minutes after. In the darkness of the nighty 
or rather morning, the whole British force re- 
treated immediately. They did not know whom 
they had for prisoners until they arrived at Bur- 
lington Heights. After arriving at their encamp- 
ment at the Heights they immediately packed 
their baggage in their wagons, and there is not the 
least doubt but that they had done all the fighting 
they intended to do, and were prepared for an im- 
mediate retreat But General Vincent, their com- 
mander in chief, was missing. Colonel Harvey, 
the next oflBicer in command, immediately sent a 
flag of truce to the American army, for the double 
purpose, no doubt, of inquiring if General Vincent 
was to be found among the dead or wounded, and 
at the same time to watch the movements of the 
American army; and Colonel Harvey continued 
sending in flags as often as once an hour for the 
same purpose. General Vincent not being heard 
from. It turned out that General Vincent lost his 
command in the dark, when his troops broke at 
the commencement of the battle, and conceiving 
that the British were overwhelmed and cut up, he 
lay concealed in the woods until afternoon of the 
same day, when he found his way to his head- 
quarters at Burlington Heights. This account of 
General Vincent was given to General Chandler 



GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 195 

by Captain Milns, one of Sir George Provosf s 
aids-de-camp, who was at Burlington Heights, and 
had a command in the action. Captain Milns 
fiirther informed General Chandler that he also 
lost his command in the dark, and did not find it 
again until daylight. In the afternoon, on the 
return of one of Colonel Harvey's flags, he in- 
formed General Chandler that the American troops 
were retreating. The general was thunderstruck 
at the information, for he knew that the British 
had been severely beaten by less than half their 
numbers, and compelled to retreat and leave their 
killed and wounded on the field of battle, and 
that the number of their killed and wounded was 
at least three times the number of the American 
kUled and wounded, and that the number of pris- 
oners taken by the Americans was quite equal to 
the number of prisoners taken by the British. In 
fact, the British had not been more severely beaten 
in any action up to that time since the commence- 
ment of the war. The 5th and the 25th regi- 
ments, the artillery, and the riflemen did about all 
die fighting that was done, for the 13th and 14th 
regiments, both strong, were at the mouth of the 
creek, more than a mile from the battle-ground. 
The 23d never came into the line, and the 16th 
did little better. Neither the 9th regiment nor 
Bums' dragoons had been engaged at all, and, such 
was the darkness of the nighty it was impossible to 
move any of the troops with safety until daylight 
Before General Chandler was wounded, his chief 



196 GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 

object was to hold the enemy at bay until day- 
light, for he felt sure that as soon as it should be 
light enough to see the exact position of the 
enemy he would be able to gain a complete vic- 
tory over them. But, notwithstanding all this, 
Colonel Bums, on whom the command of the 
American army devolved, retreated, and fell back 
upon Fort George. Colonel Bums was a new 
officer, had never seen service, and, although he 
might have been brave, it is probable he had not 
full confidence in himself, and it is possible that 
some of the officers had not full confidence in 
him. However this may be, the army retreated, 
as before observed. 

The following is the copy of a letter from 
Adjutant-General Johnson to General Dearborn, 
dated 

Camp Fortt-Milb Cbebk, 1th June, 1813. 

Sib, — It is with extreme regret that I announce to you 
the loss of our brave and worthy friend, General Chan- 
dler, who was made prisoner yesterday morning in the 
action with the enemy near Stony Creek. Unfortu- 
nately, General Winder was also taken, both about the 
time that victory was ours. The morning was extremely 
dark, so much so that we could not distinguish a red coat 
from a blue one at the distance of three paces. This in- 
duces me to believe that they were lost by entering the 
enemy's lines, supposing it to be their own. They both 
behaved throughout the action with the utmost boldness 
and bravery, and it is with great satisfaction I can assure 
you that they were not taken by surprise or alarm. They 
anticipated the attack, and had made their arrangements 
accordingly. Our troops slept on their arms in line of 



GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 197 

battle, formed to the best advantage that the ground 
would admit of. 

The generals spent the previous night together until 
twelve o'clock in General Chandler's tent, making ar- 
rangements for the victory they anticipated the next 
day. 

After the departure of General Winder and our guides, 
General Chandler and myself lay down, but did not sleep. 
About twenty minutes past two o'clock in the morning 
our outposts and guards were fired upon by the head or 
advance of the enemy's column. They immediately after 
advised us of their approach by a tremendous savage yell. 
General Chandler and myself were mounted instantly, 
and the line formed and waiting for the enemy by the 
time they were within musket shot. General Chandler 
immediately took post in the rear of the left fiank of the 
right wing, where he issued his orders with the utmost 
coolness, and occupied his leisure moments in encourag- 
ing the troops to perform acts of valor. I carried his 
orders frequently to General Winder, who commanded 
the left wing, where I found him busily employed, and 
with great energy encouraging his men and giving orders. 

In carrying those orders I lost sight of General Chan- 
dler, and did not know that he was taken until daylight. 
His horse was shot under him in the height of the action. 

The officers and troops behaved like veterans, and if 
we had not lost our generals we should' have been cov- 
ered with glory. 

I have the honor to be, etc., 
(Signed) John Johnson, 

Assistant Adjutant-General. 

The injury which General Chandler received by 
bis fall when his horse was killed under him was 
such that he was unable to walk without crutches 



198 GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 

for months, and his shoulders were so injured that 
he was never after able to put his clothes on or off 
without the assistance of a second person. He 
had two balls shot through the breast of his coat, 
either of which, had it gone four inches to his 
right, would have proved fatal. The uppermost 
one would have gone directly through his heart. 
His horse had three balls through him: one of 
them in the lower part of the belly, one through 
the neck, and the last and fatal one through his 
head. 

Toward night on the 6th of June, the day he 
was captured, having been let blood and receiving 
such other surgical aid as the surgeon thought 
proper to administer. General Chandler was carried 
to a bateau which lay in Burlington Bay, into 
which he was put^ together with General Winder 
and several other officers, and sent off for Quebec, 
at which place they arrived on the 24th of June, 
and were soon after paroled to keep within cer- 
tain limits, in the parish of Beaufort, near Quebec. 

Here the general remained until the 27th of 
December, 1813, suffering everything but death 
from the wounds and injuries he received when his 
horse was killed under him in the battle of Stony 
Creek. About the 1st of November he had so far 
recovered as to be able to walk without crutches, 
with the help of a cane. 

During the season Sir George Provost found 
among the prisoners, taken in some action, sev- 
eral whom he claimed as British subjects, and sent 



GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 199 

them to England to be tried and executed for 
bearing arms, as he alleged, against their king. 
General Dearborn, by order of his government, 
placed a like number of British subjects, whom he 
held as prisoners of war, in close confinement as 
hostages, notifying Sir George thereof, and that the 
same punishment would be inflicted on them which 
should be inflicted on the prisoners he had taken 
from the Americans and sent to England for trial. 
Sir George immediately put in close confinement 
a like number of Americans, whom he held as pris* 
oners, as hostages for like punishment, and the two 
governments retaliated on each other until all the 
American officers whom Sir George held prisoners 
below the rank of field officers were in close con- 
finement for execution, and the Americans by way 
of retaliation had a like number of British officers 
prisoners in close confinement, to be executed if 
the British government should commence the work 
of death. On the 27th of December, 1813, General 
Chandler, General Winchester, General Winder, 
Colonel Lewis, and Major Madison were carried 
into Quebec and put into confinement, to await a 
like punishment with the othera Here they re- 
mained, not knowing how soon or when their exe- 
cution would take place. But on the 19th of 
April, 1814, in the morning. General Glassgow 
called on General Chandler and informed him that 
he and the other officers were exchanged, but were 
not to bear arms until the 15th of May then next. 
And on the 2l8t of April General Chandler, Gen- 



200 GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 

eral Winchester, General Winder, Colonel Lewis, 
and Major Madison set out from Quebec for the 
United States, and after a tedious and painful 
journey General Chandler arrived at Monmouth, 
his place of residence, on the 12th of May, 1814, 
and received the embraces of his family and the 
kind greetings of his friends. 

As soon as the general had so far recovered as 
to be able, he wrote to the secretary of war, and 
requested that a court of inquiry might be insti- 
tuted to investigate his conduct at Stony Creek 
on the 6th of June, 1813, in which battle General 
Chandler was made prisoner of war. But the Pres- 
ident did not think it necessary, being satisfied 
with his conduct, and a court was never instituted. 

GENERAL CHANDLEB's DIPORTANT SERVICES IN QUEUING 
RIOTS AND RBSTORma PEACE TO A DISTURBED COUNTT 
WHILE SHERIFF OF KENNEBEC. 

On the 9th of March, 1808, he was appointed 
sheriff of the county of Kennebec. While at Wash- 
ington, during the session of Congress of which he 
was a member. Governor Sullivan wrote him and 
requested him to return to Kennebec as soon as 
he conveniently could. There had been for a long 
time great diflSiculties growing out of the unsettled 
titles to land in the county of Kennebec, a portion 
of the land being claimed both by the Plymouth 
company and the Pejepscot proprietors. The dis- 
pute was of long standing, so that it was difficult 
for the settlers to get a good title if they bought^ 



GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 201 

some having been obliged to pay for their land 
twice, and even more. The settlers, accordingly, 
in some sections of the county, determined not to 
purchase until the titles were settled between the 
different proprietors claiming the same land. The 
proprietors brought actions of ejectment against 
the settlers, and drove them from their possessions. 
The settlers, exasperated at the loss of many years* 
labor, combined together to prevent the execution 
of the laws in relation to this subject until the 
titles should be settled between the different com- 
panies claiming the same land. 

In addition to these diflSiculties the sheriff's office 
had been administered in so corrupt a manner as 
to render that department odious in the extreme. 
Sheriff Li thgow, the predecessor of General Chan- 
dler in that office, had been in the practice of ap- 
pointing very imsuitable and base men for his 
deputies, they giving him, as it was said and be- 
lieved, a certain sum per annum for the appoint- 
ment, and they to have what fees they could get. 
Of course it became an object with the deputies 
to make the most they could out of the people, 
and they had become very exorbitant in their 
charges, and frequently a man would pay two or 
three fees upon the same execution. For instance, 
the deputy would call on the debtor with an exe- 
cution, and tell him he must pay the money at 
once or go to jail, unless he could get property 
about the title to which there could be no dispute. 
The debtor could not pay the money at the time^ 



202 GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 

and asked delay during the run of the execution. 
**Well" the deputy says, "I cannot come for noth- 
ing ; pay me my fee, and you shall have the run 
of the execution." The fee is paid. The deputy 
meets another deputy, and puts this execution into 
his hands in exchange for another which has gone 
through the same procesa The second deputy 
calls on the debtor perhaps the next day for the 
money. The debtor says, " Why, I paid a fee on 
this execution yesterday to such a deputy, and he 
promised to give me the run of the execution.'' 
" I know nothing about that," the second deputy 
says ; ** pay the execution or go to jail." The 
debtor pays another fee, if he can raise the money; 
if not, he gives his note on demand, and the note is 
sued immediately. This course of treatment pro- 
duced discontent, which, added to the difficulties 
with the proprietors, kindled such a flame that, in 
some sections of the county, the laws could not 
be executed. Some of the deputies were shot and 
wounded, their horses killed, and their lives threat- 
ened, if they attempted to serve any precepts 
amongst the people ; and the better part of the 
community were very much dissatisfied with the 
administration of the sheriff's department. 

Such was the situation of the county when Gen- 
eral Chandler was appointed sheriff. On receiving 
the appointment he resigned his seat in Congress 
and returned to Kennebec. The night but one 
before he arrived at Augusta the jail was bumt^ 
and he found the prisoners in an old bam kept by 
a guard. He immediately purchased hewed hem- 



GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 203 

lock timber, which he found at the wharf, and set 
about building a temporary jail ; and in six days, 
with seven men, he built and completed a jail, forty 
feet long and twenty feet wide, the whole expense 
of which did not exceed $270. It answered a good 
purpose until a permanent jail was built. His next 
step was to visit all the dissatisfied districts, to con- 
vince the settlers that the laws must be executed, 
and he did this in the following manner : He noti- 
fied a meeting in each of the settlements or plan- 
tations on the appointed days, and requested the 
settlers to meet him at the times and places named. 
They willingly embraced the opportunity, and ap- 
peared pleased to see the sherifi* among them. 
The sherifi* endeavored to convince them of the 
impropriety of their resisting the law, and to show 
them that it would operate very much against 
them every way, and particularly in their contest 
with the proprietors. In this he was successful. 
He informed them that the laws would certainly 
be executed, but that it should be done in a just 
and proper manner, and with as much lenity and 
indulgence as possible. Wherever he went he was 
well received by the settlers, and he left them 
with their best wishes and good feelings. He ap- 
pointed his deputies from the respectable part of 
the community, and it was his purpose to appoint 
none but men of strict integrity and honesty, and 
in his selection he was generally fortunate. When- 
ever he found he had made a mistake in his ap- 
pointments, he corrected the error as soon as pos- 
sible. At this time the whole court and their 



204 GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 

clerk (John Davis) were bitterly opposed to him in 
politics, as were also a great proportion of the 
gentlemen of the bar. It seemed to be an object 
with them, Judge Coney excepted, to break down 
and destroy the sheri£^ if possible. It appeared to 
be the scheme of some of the attorneys so to lay 
their traps as to collect all debts which could not 
be collected from the debtors from the sheriff's 
department, and, owing to the uncertainty which 
existed as to who owned the property found in 
debtors' hands, and the uncertainty of who were 
good receiptors for property attached, it must be 
acknowledged that their scheme was often success- 
ful. 

There was, however, no resistance to the execu- 
tion of the laws after Sheriff Chandler came into 
office, and the public mind at once became tran- 
quil in reference to the obstruction of officers. 
The difficulties, however, in relation to the land 
titles were not so easily adjusted. Resistance to 
running the lines still continued. In 1809 an at- 
tempt was made to run some of the lines in Malta 
by a surveyor by the name of Paul Chadwick. 
The settlers assembled, disguised like Indians 
(which was their usual practice), and forbade the 
running of the lines. Chadwick persisted, and they 
shot and killed him. A warrant was issued against 
David Lynn, Jabez Meigs, Elijah Barton, Prince 
Cain, Nathaniel Lynn, Jonas Proctor, Ansel Meigs, 
and Joel Webber, for the murder of Paul Chad- 
wick. This produced great excitement throughout 
the county, and it was then believed that the ac- 



GENERAL JOHN CHANDLER. 205 

cused could not be arrested. The new sheriff suc- 
ceeded, however^ in arrcstmg the whole of them^ 
and they were examined and committed for trial. 
It was expected that an attempt at rescue would 
be made, but the sheriff, to guard against it, called 
to his aid a military force, sufficient to crush all 
hopes of success in the attempt In November, 
1809, the trial of the rioters came on. They were, 
by the advice of their counsel, tried together, and 
not separately, and that was probably the reason 
of the whole party being acquitted : for although 
the crime of murder was clearly proved, the jury 
could not be brought to find a verdict whereby 
eight persons might be executed ; whereas if only 
two had been tried together, or separately, against 
whom the charge was most clearly proved, there 
can be no doubt they would have been convicted. 
This trial seemed to bring the settlers to see the 
danger of pursuing the course of resisting the 
running of the lines. The legislature, too, were 
brought to see the absolute necessity of doing 
something whereby the settlers as well as the pro- 
prietors should be secured in their rights. The 
result of this outbreak, and the excitement it pro- 
duced, was the well-known law usually called the 
^^ Betterment Act,'' a law that brought about a 
speedy adjustment of the claims between most of 
the great companies claiming lands by grants from 
the king, in Maine, and between the settlers and 
the proprietors, and that placed the people in a 
more eligible situation in relation to their land 
titles than they had been before. 



J 



ARTICLE ym. 



THE WHITE HILLS OF NEW HAMPSHIRE, 



Bt EDWARD HENBT ELWELL. 



BlAD BVOn TBI MAm BimnD4L SOGBT^ FOB&AHDi ICay 2S| 188L 



THE WHITE HILIfi OP NEW HAMPSHIRE. 



The adventurous white man who first pushed up 
the Saco valley and ascended the White Hills was 
one Darby Pield, a name that deserves to be re- 
membered as that of the first White Mountain 
tourist. The Indians endeavored to dissuade him 
from the perilous attempt^ but in the year 1642 he 
made the ascent of Mount Washington, and per- 
suaded two Indians to accompany hiuL Return- 
ing with glowing accounts of the riches he had 
discovered, Thomas Gorges, a relative of Sir Per- 
dinando, the proprietor of Maine, with some 
Mends, was induced to undertake the journey in 
August of the same year (1642). They were fit 
teen days in making the trip up the Saco and 
back, which we can now accomplish in a few 
hours. They discovered that this plateau included 
the sources of the Connecticut, the Saco, the Aur 
droscoggin, and the Kennebec rivers. 

The first published narrative of a visit to the 
mountains was that of John Jossljoi, given in his 
" New England Rarities Discovered," published in 
1672. Josslyn was visiting his brother Henry, 
who dwelt at Black Pointy now known as Prout's 

14 



210 THE WHITE HILLS OP NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

Neck, in Scarborough. John was a naturalist^ a 
curious^ inquisitive man, who was the first to dis- 
cover that a wasp's nest was not, as he had thought 
it^ some strange new fruity like a pineapple^ plated 
with scales, and it is of this adventure of his that 
Longfellow sings : — 

I feel like Master Josselyn when he found 

The hornet's nest, and thought it some strange fraiti 

Until the seeds came out, and then he dropped it 

Jossly n himself says : ^ By the time I was come 
into the house they hardly knew me but by my 
garments.'' This grim, practical joke of the wasps 
long supplied food for bucolic mirth among the 
woodsmen of New England. 

The White Mountains, as seen from Front's 
Neck, loom up grandly on clear days. Josslyn 
must often have observed them, and longed for a 
closer acquaintance. He made the visit to them 
somewhere between 1663 and 1671, and seems to 
have had some intercourse with the Indians in the 
vicinity, as he gives their traditions in regard to 
their origin, and a very vivid and interesting de- 
scription of the mountains themselves. 

" Fourscore miles (upon a direct line)," he says, 
*^to the northwest of Scarborough, a ridge of 
mountains runs northwest and northeast an hun- 
dred leagues, known by the name of the White 
Mountains, upon which lieth snow all the year, 
and is a landmark twenty miles off at sea. It is a 
rising ground from the seashore to these hills, 
and they are inaccessible but by the gullies which 



THE WHITE HILLS OP NEW HAMPSHIRE. 211 

the dissolved snow hath made. In these gullies 
grow savin bushes^ which, being taken hold of, are 
a good help to the climbing discoverer. Upon the 
top of the highest of these mountains is a large 
level or plain, of a day's journey over, whereon 
nothing grows but moss. At the farther end of 
this plain is another hill called the Sugar Loaf, — 
to outward appearance a rude heap of mossie 
stones piled one upon another, — and you may, as 
you ascend, step from one stone to another as if 
you were going up a pair of stairs, but winding 
still about the hill, till you come to the top, which 
will require half a day's time ; and yet it is not 
above a mile, where there is also a level of about 
an acre of ground, with a pond of clear water ia 
the midst of it, which you may hear run down ; 
but how it ascends is a mystery. From this rocky 
hill you may see the whole country round about. 
It is far above the lower clouds, and from hence 
we behold a vapor (like a great pillar) drawn up 
by the sunbeams out of a great lake, or pond, into 
the air, where it was formed into a cloud. The 
country beyond these hills, northward, is daunting 
terrible, being full of rocky hills, as thick as mole- 
hills in a meadow, and clothed with infinite thick 
wooda" 

Any one who has ever ascended Mount Wash- 
ington on foot will recognize the truthfulness of 
this description. The resemblance of its peak to 
a sugar-loaf is apparent at a glance. The mystery 
of the water has been a mystery to many, but it 



212 THE WHITE HILLS OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

is now known that under the pile of rocks which 
composes the siunmit is a huge mass of ice^ which^ 
partially dissolving under the heat of summer, sup- 
plies the springs which furnish water to the Sum- 
mit House. ^Daunting terrible" indeed must 
have been the unknown country northward, with 
its multitude of hills, clothed with almost impene- 
trable woods. 

Though the White Mountains were thus visited 
by white men as early as 1642, no settlements 
were made in the region until 1771, more than a 
century later. The Indian wars prevented an 
earlier advance of the white man. The Indians 
inhabiting this region were the Sokokies, or Pe- 
quawkets, and the Anasagunticooks, tribes of the 
Abenakis, the first inhabiting the Saco valley, the 
latter that of the Androscoggin. The Pequawkets 
were a terror to the white man until their over- 
throw by Lovewell in the famous fight at Saco 
pond. They had many famous chie& : the dignified 
Squando, who was made the enemy of the whites 
by the outrage which caused the death of his child ; 
the cruel and revengeful Assacumbuit, who boasted 
that with his own hand he had killed one hundred 
and forty Englishmen, and was knighted therefor 
by Louis XIV. of France ; the friendly Chocorua, 
driven to his death for the price of his scalp by 
savage white men, and leaving his curse behind, 
flung down fix)m the sterile mountain which now 
bears his name ; and Polan, the inveterate enemy 
of the settlers, shrewd, subtle, and brave, who was 



THE WHITE HILLS OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. 213 

killed in a skirmish at Windham, on Sebago Lake, 
in the year 1750, and buried imder the roots of a 
beech-tree, as Whittier sings. These tribes, seeing 
it was impossible for them to resist the encroach- 
ments of the white man, retired early to the St. 
Francis, in Canada^ whence in 1781 six Indians 
made a raid upon Bethel, killed three men, and 
carried as many more into a captivity which lasted 
sixteen months. This ended the bloody Indian 
history of this region, being the last of the long 
series of attacks which had commenced with King 
Philip's war, more than a century before. A few 
still lingered on their old hunting grounds. Old 
NatuUack built his hut on the shores of Lake Um- 
bagog, where he lived with his daughter, the last 
of his race. The Indians have passed away, leav- 
ing behind them only the names they gave to hill 
and stream, and the traces of their encampments 
found here and there on the banks of the Saco. 

As the Indians withdrew the whites advanced 
under the shadow of Waumbekketmethna (a word 
signifying white mountains). What could have 
induced the early settlers to make their homes in 
this rugged region of sterile hills and savage beasts 
seems at first a wonder. But they were drawn 
hither by the glowing accounts which hunters 
gave of the ^ rich meadows '' of the Saco. Darby 
Field, the first explorer, told of ^thousands of 
acres of rich meadow to Pegwagget, an Indian 
town," — the present Conway. We may to-day 
see these broad and beautiful intervales of Con- 



214 THE WHITE HILLS OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

way^ and higher up in the mountain pass we may 
look down >upon the emerald meadow where Abel 
Crawford made his home and where he labored so 
long. It was the fertility of these meadows which 
attracted the adventurers of a century ago, as the 
beauty, which their labors have added to them, 
has in our day drawn hither the crowd of artists 
and lovers of nature. 

But it required strength and courage to enter 
this wilderness, reduce the forests, encounter its 
savage beasts, overcome the awesomeness of its 
towering peaks, and endure the severities of its 
climate. Only picked men came. They were a 
race of giants, who made easy the paths which we 
now tread. Captain Bosebrook, who built his 
house near the Giant's Grave, where now stands 
the Fabyan House, was large of stature and very 
strong. He once traveled eighty miles through 
the pathless wilderness bearing a bushel of salt 
on his shoulder. Major Whitcomb traveled fifty 
miles through the woods with a bushel of potatoes 
on his back, from which he raised one hundred 
bushels of good potatoes. Benjamin Copp, the 
first settler of Jackson, moving in in 1778 with 
his family, resisted alone the terrors of the wilder- 
ness quite twelve years before any other settler 
moved into it. He would start off to mill, ten 
miles through the woods, with a bushel of com on 
his shoulder, and never take it ofi* from the time 
he started from his door until he put it down at 
the mill The Pinkhams, who have given their 



THE WHITE HILLS OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. 215 

name to one of the wildest passes of the mountains^ 
came in on snow-shoes in 1790, when the snow 
was five feet deep on a level, all their worldly 
goods drawn by their single domestic animal, a hog 
harnessed to a handnsded. The log hut to which 
they made their pathless way, and which was to be 
their home, was buried in the snow. It had no 
ehimney, no stove, no floor, and no windows, ex- 
cept the open door or the smoke-hole in the roo£ 
Elijah DiBsmore and wife traveled eighty mUes in 
the dead of winter, on snow-shoes, he bearing all 
their furniture in a huge pack on his back, and 
both sleeping in the open air on the ^^ cold, c(dd 
snow." The Crawfords were a race of gianta 
Abel, the father, at seventy-five, rode the first 
horse on to the top of Mount Washington. Of the 
eight sons, not one was less than six feet taO. 
Erastus, the eldest, was six feet and six inches in 
height, strong and compactly made. Ethan Allen 
was near seven feet, and made nothing of engaging 
in a hand-to-paw tussle with a bear. It was he 
who, when a party with whom he had just returned 
from the ascent of Mount Washington, found they 
had accidentally left a bottle of spirits on the sum- 
mit, disappeared for a while, and then, reappearing 
with the bottle, said he thought he, would ^^ step 
up and fetch it." And it was he who used to bring 
ladies down from the mountains on his shoulders. 

These adventurous men and women needed all 
the strength and courage they posse8sed,'for the 
hardships they endured were many and severe. 



216 THE WHITE HILLS OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

Ethan Allen Crawford said that until he was nearly 
thirteen years old he never had a hat^ a mitten, or 
a pair of shoes of his own, and after chopping wood 
barehanded all day his hands would swell and pain 
him so that his mother would have to poultice 
them before he could sleep. Labor was severe 
and food was scanty. Often they were on the 
verge of starvation. When food failed they buckled 
a wide strap of some skin around them to sustain 
them, and drew it the straiter as they grew more 
emaciated and thin. Once when a starving man 
had buckled into the last hole, and was hardly able 
to stand, a neighbor as badly off as himself crept to 
his door, and told him that a moose was not far 
from his cabin. The starving man made a desper- 
ate effort, cut a new hole in his strap, buckled it 
tighter, tottered out and shot the moose. Wild 
animals were numerous and troublesome. Bears 
ravaged their fields, wolves preyed upon their pigs, 
and the eagles that built their nests on the cliffii 
of the mountains pounced down upon their fowL 
Even the moose were savage when provoked, and 
one of them once kept a poor hunter shivering all 
night in the top of a tree. But game was plenti- 
ful, and eked out their scanty supplies of food. 
They trapped and they fished, and what they did 
not consume to-day they salted down for winter's 
use. The winters were long and terribly severe, 
and to their rigors were added the perils of spring 
freshets. Most of the early settlers built their 
cabins on the intervales, along the banks of the 



THE WHITE HILLS OP NEW HAMPSHIRE. 217 

Saco, until taught their folly by the great freshet 
of 1800, which swept away houses, bams, and 
crops, and drove them back upon the high land. 

In addition to these hardships the early settlers 
around these mountains were isolated and cut off 
from each other by the huge mountain barrier be- 
tween them. Those dwelling on the west of the 
mountains had no communication with the sea- 
board, and lacking a market their lands were com- 
paratively valueless. A wide circuit must be made 
either to the right or the left before they could 
get to the lower settlements. Only the most ad- 
venturous hunters dared cross the huge barrier on 
foot^ and they did it with much peril. One day a 
hunter named Nash, climbing a tree on Cherry 
Mountain in search of a moose, saw what appeared 
to be a pass in the mountaina Steering for the 
opening he discovered the Notch, and struck the 
head waters of the Saco. The pass was then 
blocked with huge masses of rock, but making his 
way through he proceeded to Portsmouth, and in- 
formed Governor Wentworth of his important dis- 
covery. Said the wary governor, ^* Bring me a 
horse down through this pass, and I '11 give you a 
township of land.** This was a difficult operation, 
but with the aid of a brother hunter named Saw-i 
yer, letting the horse down by means of ropes over 
the projecting cliffii, the task was accomplished. 
As they lowered the old horse from the last pro- 
jection upon the southern bank. Sawyer drank the 
last drop of rum from his junk bottle, and break- 



218 THE WHITE HILLS OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

ing it upon the rock called it Sawyer's Rock, 
which name it bears to this day. It lies by the 
side of the carriage road, in view of the car win^ 
dows, in the town of Bartlett The governor was 
true to his word^ and the present Crawford House 
stands in the midst of Nash and Sawyer's location. 
It was not until 1803 that a turnpike was con- 
structed through the Notch. It extended from the 
west line of Bartlett through the Notch a distance 
of twenty miles, and effecting, as it did, an outlet 
through the mountains for the pent-up population 
beyond, soon became a great highway of traveL 
Gates were set up and tolls established, and as it 
paid well the road was kept in a much better con- 
dition than it now is, since it has become a State 
road. Coos County was then beginning to be set- 
tled, and the Notch afforded the only outlet for 
its products. Then commenced the trade with the 
population north of the mountains, which con- 
tributed so much to the commercial prosperity of 
Portland. From Coos, from Vermont, away to the 
Derby line, came down in winter long strings of 
red pungs, each drawn by two horses, with a board 
projecting behind, on which stood the driver, clad 
in a long blue frock. In the pung were his round 
hogs, cheese, butter, and lard, together with a 
round red box in which was stored his own prov- 
ender for the journey, in the shape of huge 
chunks of cheese and big doughnuts. A lady, who 
as a little girl often peeped into these boxes, and 
was offered a taste of their contents when she 



THE WHITE HILLS OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. 219 

brought the tea which their owners ordered at the 
tavern, says the doughnuts were raised, and had 
no sweetening save a slight admixture of molasses. 
The Hon. Frederic O. Messer, of Portland^ tells me 
that he has driven one of these pungs down 
through the Notch in the night in the midst of a 
driving snow-storm, when there were seventy-five 
of them in a string. The drivers were hardy, res- 
olute men, who made this wild pass resound with 
their shouts and merry banter. For a return load 
they took up flour, salt fish, rum, and molasses, 
and thus trade flourished, flowing through this nar- 
row gorge, once known only to the Indians, as 
they stole away to Canada ¥dth their captives. 



abucle IX. 

THE TERRITORIAL HISTORY OP BANGOR 

AND VICINITY. 

Bt ALBERT WABE PAmS. 
BiAD mon m ILyn HnxonoAL Boamat Forlud, Max 96^ 1882. 



\ 



THE TERRITORIAL HISTORT OP BANGOR 

AND VICINITY. 



The city of Bangor began to be populated in 
1769^ when Jacob Buswell and his family first lo- 
cated themselves on the bank of the Penobscot^ in 
what is now the first ward of the city, a short dis- 
tance above the mouth of the Kenduskeag. The 
whole region was then a dense wilderness^ wild and 
Tincultivated, on which the hand of government, 
as well as of civilization, had never been laid. It 
remained, as God had created it, free from admin- 
isterial dictation, the abode of the wild beasts of 
the forest and equally wild aborigines, a part of 
that great mythical ^ Norumbega " which the men 
and poets of an earlier generation had signalized 
in history and song. Its governmental right had 
been nominally in dispute, for though, upon the 
first settlement of the country by the colonists of 
Plymouth, England was tacitly the undisputed 
owner of the whole region, and, by its extensive 
grant to the Pl3anouth Company, had embraced it 
within its limits, yet France had at times been 
quietly recognized as having the right of suprem- 
acy and control After the successful battles of 



224 TERRITORIAL HISTORY OF BANGOR. 

Louisburg and Quebec^ however^ England became 
the undisputed possessor of the whole country, free 
from all opposing claims. 

Immediately after the latter events, Governor 
Pownal, then commanding at Fort Point, came up 
the Penobscot River on May 23, 1759, *^ to a point 
about three miles above marine navigation," on 
the east side of the river, and made claim to the 
country as a part of the British territory. In token 
or proof of his act he then and there buried a 
leaden plate, with an appropriate inscription, sig- 
nificant of his object and intention, with the date 
of its planting. To this act, it is related, the peo- 
ple of the United States, and of Maine in particu- 
lar, are indebted for the establishment of the St 
Croix, instead of the Penobscot^ as the eastern 
boundary of the Union. Having performed this 
act, the governor at once returned to Fort Pointy 
and there built or completed the fort^ the remains 
of which are still to be seen in front of the hotel 
now standing at that place. The locality of the 
leaden plate is supposed to be opposite, or nearly 
so, to the northeast comer of what was originally 
the town of Bangor, now Yeazie, though its exact 
position is not known. This nominal but yet 
actual possessory title of Great Britain remained 
until broken up by the war of the Revolution and 
by the treaty which followed. 

Going back a century and a half from the events 
last named, we find the first item in the history of 
Bangor. Soon after the landing of the Pilgrims 



TERRITORIAL HISTORY OF BANGOR, 225 

on Plymouth Bock, or indeed a few days previous 
to their actual placing foot on shore, by charter 
dated November 3, 1620, King James granted to 
** the Council of Plymouth " ^ all the territory be- 
tween the 40th and 48th degrees of north latitude 
fix>m sea to sea.'* This, of course, embraced all of 
the present territory of Maine and New England, 
and by its terms extended from the Atlantic to 
the Pacific. Whether the king had any such actual 
idea of the '^ seas" is another question, and practi- 
cally is of no importance, for, with few exceptions, 
the grant was subsequently abandoned, and no 
advantage taken of it Before its abandonment, 
however, the company made several subordinate 
grants^ and more especially in Maine. 

One of these grants, thus made by the company, 
was to Beauchamp and Leverett^ bearing date ^ the 
13 th day of March, in the first year of the reign 
of Charles, by the grace of God, King of England, 
Scotland, France, and Ireland, &a, Anno Domini 
1629," and the land to the west of it was retained 
by the company. The description of the tract 
thus granted was in somewhat ambiguous Ian- 
guage, as follows, namely: "All and singular those 
lands, tenements, and hereditaments whatsoever, 
with the appurtenances thereof, in New England 
aforesaid, which are situated, lying, and being 
within or between a place there commonly called 
and known by the name of Muscongus, towards 
the south or southwest^ and a straight line ex- 
tending from thence directly ten leagues up into 



226 TERRITORIAL HISTORY OF BANGOR. 

the main-land and continent, there towards the 
Great Sea, commonly called the South Sea, and 
the utmost limits of the space of ten leagues on 
the north and northeast of a river in New England 
aforesaid, commonly called Penobscot, towards the 
north and northeast and the Great Sea^ commonly 
called the Western Ocean, towards the east, and a 
straight and direct line extending from the most 
western part and point of the said straight line, 
which extends from the Muscongus aforesaid to- 
wards the South Sea, to the utmost northern limits 
of the said ten leagues on the north side of the 
said river Penobscot, towards the west/' 

This tract of land, thus dubiously described, in- 
cluded what was substantially afterwards known as 
the " Waldo Patent,*' embracing the present coun- 
ties of Waldo and Knox and a part of Lincohi, 
bounded on the north by the present north line 
of Winterport, extended westerly to the line be* 
tween Troy and Bumham* 

Soon after this grant was made, Beauchamp 
died, and Leverett also in 1649. The grant, how- 
ever, still remained alive, and was treated as an 
object of bargain and sale, and the legal titles <^ 
the present holders of estates within its limits all 
find their origin derived from it 

During the long time which elapsed between 
the date of this grant in 1629 and its next ap- 
pearance, more than a century and a half after- 
wards, the title came into the ownership of Briga- 
dier^General Samuel Waldo, of the British army. 



TERRITORIAL HISTORY OF BANGOR. 227 

who died its owner; and at his death the title 
went to his children, one of whom was the wife of 
Thomas Flucker, whose daughter Lucy married 
General Henry Knox, of such well-known fame 
as an officer of the army in the Revolution, and 
subsequent member of General Washington's cab- 
inet. 

In behalf of the heirs of General Waldo, General 
Knox at once took measures to secure and make 
permanent the title by moving on to the land and 
establishing his home upon it at Thomaston, where 
he continued afterwards to reside until his deatL 
In furtherance of the same purpose, he preferred 
a petition to the legislatiu'e of Massachusetts for 
a recognition and confirmation of the grant thuB 
made one hundred and fifty-six years before, as 
already described. This the legislature assented 
to by appropriate resolve, bearing date July 4, 
1785, in which an intelligible description of the 
land is given, evidently intended to be identical in 
territory with the original grant tp Beauchamp 
and Leverett, the terms of which are recited and 
the object of its confirmation, plainly set forth. In 
both resolves the contents are alike represented 
as being a ^ tract of land equal to a tract of land 
thirty miles (or ten leagues) square.'* 

Soon after this resolve was enacted, it was a»> 
certained that the tract specified in the resolve of 
1785, and as surveyed by the committee, ^ did run 
into the Plymouth Patent, which is a prior gran^ 
and lay off a certain part of said Plymouth grant 



228 TERRITORIAL HISTORY OF BANGOR. 

to said heirs and others as a part of said thirty 
miles square of land," whereby a deficiency was 
produced. Whereupon the heirs again petitioned 
the legislature for redress, to have such deficiency 
supplied, setting forth in their petition ^^that it 
was understood by them and the legislature, at the 
time of passing said resolve in 1785, that the said 
thirty miles square of land was to be laid ofi* and 
assigned to them absolutely, and free and dear of 
any such interference." 

In accordance with the prayer of this peti- 
tion, the legislature, by two resolves, bearing date 
respectively the 17th and 23d day of Februaj:y, 
A. D. 1798, granted the prayer of the petitioners, 
and authorized Thomas Davis to cause a survey to 
be made and the amount of the deficiency to be 
ascertained, and the deficiency to be supplied by a 
deed ^^ of so much of the land belonging to this 
commonwealth, at the head or north end of the 
tract, already assigned said heirs and others con- 
formable to a resolve of the 4th of July, 1785, as 
shall be equal in quantity to the amount of said 
interference." The resolve further provided that 
the land to be granted to supply the deficiency 
should extend the whole length of the north line 
of the *^ Waldo claim," ^^so far as the common- 
wealth's land adjoins thereto, and in form of as 
nearly equal width as may be, so that said heirs 
and others so interested, by this addition to the 
quantity already assigned them, shall become seized 
and possessed of a tract of land equal to a tract 



TERRITORIAL HISTORY OF BANGOR. 229 

thirty miles square." The resolve also provided 
that lots not exceeding one hundred acres to each 
settler who should be settled on any such lands as 
might be embraced within the limits of the new 
conveyance should be excepted, ^^ and not be cour 
sidered or taken to make up the deficiency, but the 
said settlers who are not already quieted by law 
shall hereafter be quieted in their settlements in 
such manner as the General Court shall direct." 

This resolve having been passed, Mr. Davis at 
once entered upon his duty, as provided by the re- 
solve, and caused the tract to be resurveyed by 
Lothrop Lewis, appointed for the purpose, who 
reported ^^ that there is within the present line of 
the Waldo Patent 603,740 acres of land, and that 
there are 72,260 acres wanting, to make the whole 
equal to a tract of land thirty miles square." It 
was further ascertained that ^ there was not suffi- 
cient unappropriated land belonging to the com- 
monwealth, north of the Waldo Patent, to make up 
such deficiency ; " and it was thereupon agreed by 
the parties that the heirs and others interested 
should accept the lands which the commonwealth 
had in that quarter in full of their claim, according 
to the conditions of the resolve. 

This survey and agreement having been. made, 
Mr. Davis, in behalf of the commonwealth and by 
authority of the resolve, made a deed to Henry 
Knox, bearing date July 20, 1799, conveying to 
him in fee, ^ for himself and all others interested in 
said Waldo Patent, all the lands belonging to the 



230 TERRITORIAL HISTORY OF BANGOR. 

commonwealth in the following towns, lying north 
of the Waldo F^tent^ to wit : Townships Nos. 1 
and 2 in the first range (No. 1 bemg now Hamp- 
den), and Townships Nos. 1 and 2 in the second 
range (No. 1 being now Bangor), excepting, how- 
ever, lots occupied by any settler on said assigned 
lands, not exceeding one hundred acres to each 
■ettler, as specified in said resolutions.'' By a sub* 
sequent resolve, dated February 26, 1799, Mr. 
Davis was remunerated for his services in the sum 
of five hundred dollars. 

Just here, one can hardly fidl to be surprised at 
the generous, not to say remarkable, conduct of 
the legislature in performing the acts now detailed. 
That they should be willing to recognize as bind- 
ing a grant made one hundred and fifty-six years 
before, in ante-revolutionaiy times, by one corpora- 
tion to another, under royal authority, which they 
had just then successfully resisted, is certainly a 
most marked and singular exercise of conscientious 
conviction, to use no more emphatic language. 
But when, added to all this, we find the donees of 
the legislative favor coming again to the legisla- 
ture, and demanding that their grant, thus gener- 
ously confirmed, should be made good by supplying 
a deficiency which the original grant was subject 
to, and that this second demand was complied with, 
one can hardly find words to express his surprise 
and astonishment. But remarkable as is the state* 
ment^ it is nevertheless true, and the city of Ban- 
gor and the neighboring towns^ through this act of 



TERRITORIAL HISTORY OF BANGOR. 231 

"justice," have their original distinctive land titles. 
A principal reason of these successive favors prob- 
ably is to be found in the fact that Henry Knox 
was the party applicant^ a man of New England 
and Massachusetts home, who had so bravely 
fought for his country, and had so faithfully served 
as the first secretary of war in the cabinet of Pres- 
ident Washington. 

In the interim between the original resolve of 
1785 and the subsequent ones of 1798, the terri- 
tory north of Waldo Patent^ the north line of 
which was the present north line of Winterport> 
had been run off into ranges, extending east and 
west, and into townships by lines drawn north and 
south, extending from Penobscot River to the 
Plymouth Company lands, as before explained. In 
Tunning the range lines, as is customary in such 
cases, directly from the river in a straight line 
west, the surveyor measured up the river six miles, 
and then six miles further, and at these places 
made his starting-pointy from which his range 
lines should extend. As the river ran at an angle 
of about 45** or 135** with the north line of Waldo 
Patent, the range lines which were drawn parallel 
with and six miles distant from this and from each 
other were obliged to diverge as they approached 
the river, thus accounting for the unusual form in 
which the towns of Bangor and Hampden are at 
present found, a portion of what would naturally 
belong to Hampden being given to Bangor, and a 
larger portion of the latter being given to Orono. 



232 TERRITORIAL HISTORY OF BANGOR. 

By the deed already described, executed by Mr. 
Davis in behalf of the commonwealth, General 
Knox became possessed of the title of the four 
towns of Hampden, Newburgh, Bangor, and Her- 
mon, subject to the settlers' rights, who by the re- 
solve and deed were to be quieted in their posses- 
sions to the extent of one hundred acres each, so 
laid out as to accommodate or cover their improve- 
ments. As in many cases the inhabitants had lo- 
cated themselves near to each other, it became a 
duty of much delicacy and difl&culty to designate 
the lines and boundaries of each man's possession 
and title. The towns of Bangor and Hampden 
had already become not only quite thickly inhab- 
ited, but both incorporated, and the two other 
townships had more or less inhabitants to quiet. 
As yet, however, no single person had any other 
than a ^^ squatter " title to his home and farm. 
The duty of performing this trust, thus secured 
by the resolve, was imposed upon Park Holland, 9 
surveyor who had then established a high charac- 
ter as such, and who did his duty faithfully and 
to his lasting credit. As he established the boun- 
daries of the lots taken up by the settlers, one after 
another, he gave each an appropriate certificate, 
which served as a voucher for a subsequent deed 
from the appropriate state officer, the latter placing 
the certificate on file for future use in case of doubt 
about the lines as established. The lots thus run 
out absorbed the entire river front, and covered al- 
most or quite the whole of the thickly settled 
parts of Bangor and Hampden. 



TERRITORIAL HISTORY OF BANGOR. 233 

The certificates thus given were for a long time 
safely kept on file in the land office of Massachu- 
setts, and were often referred to as the best evi- 
dence in cases of disputed boundaries, which in 
subsequent years became numerous and important. 
They were, however, missed, and years afterwards 
were found by the agent of Maine, sent thither to 
receive the land office records of Maine lands, 
among the sweepings of the wood closet, awaiting 
the next day of cleaning to be consigned to the 
dump heap or the bonfire. They are now, how- 
ever, safely deposited in the state land-office at the 
Capitol, with all the other records pertaining to 
the public lands in Maine, a most precious and val- 
uable acquisition. 

Plans of the several towns were then made by 
Mr. Holland, containing the lots laid out to the 
several settlers in each, which plans are also among 
the valuable collection of documents already de- 
scribed. 

Afl;er the deed made as now described by Mr. 
Davis to General Knox and the lotting by Park 
Holland, the general sold all the remainder of the 
four towns to Benjamin Bussey, of Roxbury, Mass., 
by deed dated October 16, 1804. Mr. Bussey sub- 
sequently caused all the vacant lands to be sur- 
veyed and lotted, and plans made by Rufus Gil- 
more, and then placed the whole on the market 
for sale, under the agency of Captain Samuel Lom^- 
der and his son of the same name. The lots were 
all gradually taken up and settled on, while very 



234 TERRITORIAL HISTORY OF BANGOR. 

many were subdivided as occasion required, until 
the present order of things has been brought about, 
and the city of Bangor and its prosperous neigh- 
bors have arrived at their present status of growth 
and populatioiL 



ARTICLE X. 



MEMOIR OF NATHAN CLIFFORD. 



Bt JAMES WARE BRADBUBT. 



Bb&d BBon iHB Maob Hmgiiicui. 8oGBn« Fobujd), Horam 10, 188L 



MEMOIR OP NATHAN CLIFFORD. 



The eminent jurist Nathan Clifford, who has re- 
cently deceased, was a member of our society ; 
and I have been requested to repeat this evening 
the remarks I made on the occasion of the adop- 
tion of resolutions by the Bar in the United States 
District Court in this city a few weeks ago in rec- 
ognition of the distinguished services and charac- 
ter of the deceased. 

My apology for the repetition is, that I do it in 
compliance with the request of those whose wishes 
I feel boimd to consult. 

After a man has been many years in public life, 
after his acts, words, and principles have become 
familiar to the national eye and mind, it is difficult 
to realize when his last final summons comes that 
such a man has quitted forever the scenes in which 
he had been so prominent and conspicuous a 
figure. 

It is difficult to feel that a man like our ven- 
erable friend is no more to preside over the delib- 
erations of this court, and that the administration 
of justice in this circuit is no longer to feel the 
guiding influence of his sure and practical mind. 



238 MEMOIR OF NATHAN CLIFFORD. 

He had become one of the most trusted, distin- 
guished, and useful public servants which the coun- 
try had in its employ. 

His robust health and iron constitution, his vig- 
orous tone of thought and unimpaired faculties, at 
the beginning of the year 1880, had inspired his 
friends with confidence that some years of judicial 
usefulness were yet reserved for him in the high- 
est court of the land. 

The principles and rules of practice in that great 
tribunal had become so &miliar to him that it was 
hoped by the Bar of the country that a few more 
years of judicial life might enable him to bequeath, 
by daily contact with his brethren, the great wealth 
of exact, practical, legal knowledge which his long 
experience, great labors, and vigorous powers had 
given him. 

But in the inscrutable wisdom of Providence it 
was otherwise determined. A great judicial career 
is closed. The venerable judge has gone to his 
final rest, followed by the afiectionate remem- 
brance of all to whom he was personally known^ 
and by the grateful benedictions of his country. 

My acquaintance with Mr. Clifford commenced 
when he first entered upon the practice of his pro- 
fession in Newfield in 1827, while I was engaged 
in the study of mine in a neighboring town. He 
was a member of the Legislature at its first session 
in Augusta in 1832, and we boarded together in a 
private family. Agreeing in political sentimente 
and having many tastes in common, our acquaint- 
ance ripened into life-long friendship. 



MEMOIR OF NATHAN CLIFFORD. 239 

Our associates and fellow-boarders were the late 
John C. Talbot, a most honorable and excellent 
gentleman, and Dr. Moses Sweat, a distinguished 
physician from the county of York. 

Nathan Clifford was a son of New Hampshire, 
a State that has been prolific in able men. He 
was born August 13, 1803, in the town of Rumney. 
His ancestors, who were of English origin, came to 
this country in early colonial times, and settled in 
New Hampshire. His grandfather served as an 
officer throughout the Revolutionary War. His 
&ther was a respectable farmer, in such limited 
circumstances as to be able to do little more than 
to provide comfortable subsistence for his family. 
His mother is represented as a woman of unusual 
energy and strength of character, and the family 
circle, in which he imbibed his early impressions, 
was one where industry and economy were incul- 
cated, and the principles of morality were exem- 
plified and taught. The means of education in the 
country towns were then extremely limited. The 
course of instruction in the common schools was 
meagre, and the terms comprised only a few win- 
ter months, when the children could be spared from 
work on the farms. In these schools young Clif- 
ford received the rudiments of such instruction as 
they could afford, until at the age of fourteen he 
resolved to obtain a more liberal education than 
could be acquired at home, and after gaining the 
consent of his parents, he became a pupil in the 
Academy at Haverhill, where he remained three 



240 MEMOIR OF NATHAN CLIFFORD. 

years, subject to the interruptions for school-keep- 
ing to provide the means for his own support. 

The struggles of his life at this early age un- 
doubtedly developed his innate energy, self-reli- 
ance, and force of will, and disciplined him for his 
future career. 

He subsequently spent a year in the Literary In- 
stitution in New Hampton. 

The three broken years at Haverhill, and one at 
New Hampton, completed his academic education. 

At the age of eighteen he entered the ofl&ce of 
Hon. Josiah Quincy, a prominent lawyer of Graf- 
ton County, as a student-at-law, and pursued the 
study of his chosen profession with his characteris- 
tic assiduity, and was admitted to the Bar of the 
Supreme Court of his native State in May, 1827. 

He immediately moved into the State of Maine, 
opened an office in Newfield in the county of York, 
and entered upon the practice of his profession. 

He was a young man of fine personal appear- 
ance, of good address, cordial in his manner, and 
prompt in his attention to business, and he soon 
established himself in the confidence of the com- 
munity. 

He early showed a taste and capacity for public 
life and qualities for leadership, and acquired prom- 
inence in the Democratic party to which he was 
attached. 

In 1830 he was elected to the House of Repre- 
sentatives of the State Legislature, from a district 
in which his party was largely in minority. 



MEMOIR OF NATHAN CLIFFORD. 241 

His constituents continued to require his ser- 
vices for three more successive elections. He took 
a prominent part in the business and discussions 
of the House, and soon became a leading memb^. 

In 1833 he was chosen Speaker, and he received 
a reelection the following year to the same honor- 
able position. 

In 1834 he was appointed Attorney-General of 
the State, and faithfully performed the duties of 
that ofiBice for several years. 

In 1838 he was elected a member of the House 
of Representatives of the Twenty-sixth Congress 
from the first Congressional District in the State. 
He was now in a sphere much to his taste. His 
previous service in the Legislature made him fa- 
miliar with parliamentary law, and his great in- 
dustry had enabled him to become thoroughly 
conversant with all the public questions of the 
day. 

I do not propose to go into a history of Mr. 
Clifford's congressional life. It is sufiBicient to say 
that he was placed by the speaker, Mr. R. M. T. 
Hunter, upon the important Committee on Foreign 
Affitirs, that he took part in the exciting and pro- 
tracted debate upon the admission to membership 
of the claimants from New Jersey, that he showed 
himself to be a strong yet cautious debater ; full 
of information upon the subjects on which he 
spoke, and a laborious, influential, and useful mem- 
ber during the four years of his congressional 
life. 

16 



242 MEMOIR OF NATHAN CLIFFORD. 

His Speech upon the tariff in 1842 was elaborate 
and able. 

While with his broad views as a thorough Union 
n^n the whole Union was his country, he was 
never unmindful of the special interests of his 
State. In 1840, when a portion of the territory of 
Maine, clearly om« under the Treaty of 1783, had 
been invaded and occupied by force under the au- 
thority of the British government, he was active in 
his efforts to awaken an interest in Congress in be- 
half of the State, and procure national aid to repel 
invasion and maintain its jurisdiction and right& 

At that time in our history it was not the usual 
custom in the North to continue our representar 
tives long in Congress, but rather to enforce the 
practice of rotation after a second election. 

The policy more generally pursued in the South 
of continuing their able men for a long time in 
Congress enabled them to become familiar with 
the rules and methods of proceeding, the details of 
business, and subjects for action, and gave them 
advantage over new members of equal ability but 
less experience from the North« 

Mr. Clifford, however, proved himself equal to 
every occasion. He commanded the respect of 
the House and the confidence of his constituents^ 
and at the close of his second term he retired 
from public life and returned to the practice of his 
profession. His career in Congress was eminently 
honorable to him, and he had become a prominent 
man in the politics of the State and the nation. 



MEMOIR OF NATHAN CLIFFORD. 243 

In 1846, a few months after my election to the 
Senate, the office of Attorney-General of the United 
States became vacant by the resignation of Mr. 
Mason, and my feelings of friendship for Mr. Clif- 
ford prompted me to make the effort to obtain 
from the President his appointment to that office. 
Upon consultation with my colleague, Senator Fair- 
field, he with Judge Bice and two or three other 
gentlemen united with me in the effort 

This was undertaken without the knowledge of 
Mr. Clifford, and the appointment was made with- 
out any solicitation or action on his part whatever. 
I have his letter now befbre me, written as soon 
as he heard of the movement, in which he says he 
had not thought of the office. I think it proper 
to refer to this transaction as conclusively repelling 
any imputation of office^seeking by him, — a charge 
not unfrequently made against our public men. 

He became a member of the Cabinet of Presi- 
dent Polk in October, 1846, and he was there as- 
sociated with Buchanan, Marcy, Bobert J. Walker, 
Cave Johnson, and John Y. Mason, — a Cabinet 
embracing men eminent for ability and intellectual 
power. 

Ddring the trying period of the Mexican War, 
questions of grave importance were constantly 
arising that called for great discretion and wisdom 
and the exercise of true statesmanship on the part 
of the Executive and his constitutional advisers. 

The prosecution of the war, by which we ob- 
tained as an indemnity from Mexico the vast ter- 



244 MEMOIR OF NATHAN CLIFFORD. 

ritory in the West, of which California and her sis- 
ter States since added to the Union were a part^ 
was vigorously sustained by the President and all 
the members of his Cabinet, and by none with more 
zeal and abiUty than Mr. CliJfford. 

So, too, the exciting contest that followed upon 
the attempt to agree upon governments for the 
territory acquired, that shook the Union to its 
centre, devolved upon the administration a vast 
weight of responsibility and labor. 

In this Cabinet of able men the Attorney-General 
proved himself to be an efficient officer and a ju- 
dicious adviser ; the peer of his associates, securing 
the unqualified confidence of the President, who 
often took occasion to speak of him in strong terms 
of commendation and friendship. 

During the unsettled state of affairs in Mexico, 
the sudden death of Mr. Sevier, on his way to that 
country as commissioner, called for a new appoint- 
ment of some person intimately acquainted with 
the views of the administration and its policy in 
reference to matters that might arise between the 
two countries, and at the earnest desire of Presi- 
dent Polk Mr. Clifford accepted the commission. 

After the establishment of peace he remained in 
that country under a new appointment as envoy 
extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary. 

As Mr. Clifford's public life was identified with 
the administration with which he was connected, 
I may be permitted to add that the administration 
of President Polk, when considered in view of the 



MEMOIR OF NATHAN CLIFFORD. 245 

results attained^ must be regarded aa one of the 
most important in the history of our republic. 

It ranks side by side with the administration of 
the immortal Jefferson, under which was made the 
vast acquisition of Louisiana and the western val- 
ley of the Mississippi. 

The territory added to the Union during the 
presidency of Mr. Polk is simply enormous, — in 
round numbers 900,000 square miles, — and much 
of it abounding in agricultural and mineral re- 
sources almost unequaled. It is double that of 
both the Austrian and the German empires to- 
gether. 

It is equal in extent to that of Great Britain 
and Ireland, France, Spain, Portugal, Italy, and the 
Austrian Empire. 

Texas alone contains over 274,000 square miles, 
and the State of California, which embraces but a 
small portion of the territory acquired imder that 
name, is estimated to contain 157,800 square 
miles. 

Texas was admitted as a State in the Union 
December 29, 1845, and the question of its ad- 
mission was an issue in the political campaign of 
1844, which resulted in the election of Mr. Polk ; 
and we acquired California and New Mexico by 
the treaty with Mexico of February 2, 1848. 

I find the following estimate of areas, which al- 
though not entirely accurate are sufficiently so for 
comparison : — 



246 MEMOIR OF NATHAN CLIFFORD, 

Square milMw 

Texas 274,530 

California 157,800 

New Mexico 121,200 

Colorado 104,500 

Nevada . . . . . . 112,090 

Utah • . 84,476 

Arizona 113,512 

Total 968,108 



Great Britain and Ireland • . . 120,879 

France 204,090 

Spain . . . • . . 177,791 

Portugal 86,510 

Italy 114,196 

The Austrian Empire • • . 240,943 

Making in aU . . . 894,409 

To realize the Btupendous importance of the 
acquisitions made under the administrations of Jef- 
ferson and Polk we have only to consider what 
would have been the present condition of the 
United States without them, and possibly reduced 
to the Alleghany Mountains for our western boun- 
dary. 

But for the negotiations which resulted in the 
acquisition of Louisiana from France, England, 
then at war with that nation, could have seized 
that vast region, and with the love of extending 
her authority which has ever characterized the 
Angk)*Saxon, if she had felt that the territory 
watered by the tributaries of the Mississippi natu- 
rally belonged to the power owning and control- 



MEMOIR OF NATHAN CLIFFORD. 247 

ling its mouth, we were then too weak and ex- 
hausted to have resisted the claim. 

Again, if Texas had not become a part of the 
Union, and had remained an independent nation 
under the proflfered protection of England, she 
could have offered a rallying point and a flag, and 
a navy by her ally, that might have changed the 
result of the recent attempt at secession. 

In the discharge of the delicate duties of these 
offices Mr. Clifford acquitted himself in his usually 
successful manner. 

In 1849 he returned from Mexico and removed 
to Portland, making that city the place of his sub- 
sequent residence. Here he resumed the study 
and the practice of his profession on a broader field 
than his former residence presented, applying him- 
self to become familiar with every department of 
the law. 

But he had not yet entered upon the great work 
of his life, — that upon which his fame is to rest, 
and by which he has established a claim upon the 
lasting gratitude of his country. 

In 1858 he received from President Buchanan 
the appointment of justice of the Supreme Court 
of the United States. He immediately entered 
upon the duties of that office, and he held it until 
his death on the 25th day of July last, a period of 
twenty-three years. 

When he took his seat on the Bench he carried 
with him a fixed determination, as he always did in 
every position that he assumed, to make himself 
equal to the place. 



248 MEMOIR OF NATHAN CLIFFORD. 

With a strong mind and a retentive memory he 
possessed the power of application and the ability 
to labor which few men in any age have ever 
shown. 

He was at once assigned to the first circuity com- 
prising the States of Maine, New Hampshire, Mas- 
sachusetts, and Rhode Island, — a circuit of promi- 
nent importance from the magnitude, variety, and 
number of cases arising, and the ability of the Bar. 
It is said that the profession throughout the coun- 
try were long accustomed to look to the first cir- 
cuit as a high source of instruction in Federal 
jurisprudence. No circuit judges were then, nor 
until several subsequent years, authorized to be 
appointed. The district judges were most of them 
of advanced age, and there was a great accumu- 
lation of cases upon the docket, some of them of 
long standing, which needed to be disposed of. 
An enormous amount of labor was consequently 
thrown upon the new judge, who determined to 
clear the docket as soon as it could practically be 
done. 

He undertook the task as a conscientious duty, 
and he applied himself to it with all his energy 
and with untiring labor for several years until the 
work was accomplished. The entire year, when 
not employed in attendance upon the Supreme 
Court at Washington, was spent in the discharge of 
his circuit duties, with hardly a day of vacation. 

He entered upon the trial of cases with the con- 
scientious purpose of arriving at a right decision, 



MEMOIR OF NATHAN CLIFFORD. 249 

and he spared no labor to make himself master of 
the facts and of all the law bearing upon the ques- 
tions under consideration. 

He was courteous and patient, yet prompt and 
decided, combining the good temper and dignity 
that secured the respect of the Bar and the confi- 
dence of suitors. 

It is not so much in the administration of the 
law that justice is done, as it is that it is also so 
done as to satisfy the defeated party that he has 
had a fair trial, and that the facts and arguments 
on his side have been candidly considered. Few 
judges have succeeded better in this respect than 
Judge Clifford. The care and attention he be- 
stowed gave assurance that he was seeking to do 
right and to avoid the possibility of mistake. 

So careful was he to avoid the possibility of act- 
ing under the influence of any bias that he has 
been known in a case where his own opinion would 
have been final, where the circuit judge was dis- 
qualified to act, to send out of the State for a 
judge to sit with him, so that the case might be 
carried up to the Supreme Court upon a division 
of opinion, which could not be otherwise done. 

His opinions and decisions upon the circuit, con- 
tained in the four volumes of " Clifford's Reports," 
edited by his son, William H. Clifford, Esq., are 
evidence of the mental character, the ability and 
great legal research and learning of the judge. 
They embrace decisions upon admiralty, marine, 
and commercial subjects of prominent importance ; 



250 MEMOIR OF NATHAN CLIFFORD. 

and our patent laws received his special attention, 
and were expounded with the skill of a master in 
that department of jurisprudence. 

His opinions as a member of the Supreme Court 
are distributed through forty-one of the volumes 
of the Reports of that court. They are numerous 
as well as long and learned^ characterized by ex- 
haustive research and ability, and a thorough ex- 
amination of all the authorities bearing upon the 
questions under consideration. 

They are absolutely collections of every author- 
ity, English and American, and sometimes more 
than these, that cast any light upon the subject 
discussed. But with all the rich and varied stores 
of learning in the grasp of his retentive memory, 
he was never bewildered in methodizing his ma- 
terials. He was so thoroughly imbued with the 
great cardinal principles of both law and equity 
that the multitude of adjudicated cases produced 
no embarrassment in their classification and ar- 
rangement ; but in his disciplined mind the decided 
cases seemed to arrange themselves by a kind of 
natural affinity under the different principles from 
which they sprung and of which they were the 
practical exposition. 

His argumentation was not concise nor hasty. 
It moved with a firm, assured, and steady pace to 
the conclusion ; and when this had been reached 
there was no occasion for a review. The whole 
harvest of authority had been gathered and pre- 
sented. 



MEMOIR OF NATHAN CLIFFORD. 251 

These opinions in the cases where he announced 
the decision of the court, and where he differed 
from the majority, constitute a record upon which 
his fame can safely rest It will be hard to find a 
judge whose opinions are more uniformly sound, 
and where the conclusions reached more generally 
commend themselves to the legal mind of the 
country. 

His dissenting opinion upon the legal tender 
question is already approved as sound law by a 
large portion, if not a large majority, of the ablest 
men in and out of the profession. He could never 
believe that Congress possessed the constitutional 
power to authorize the discharge of a debt con- 
tracted when coin was the only lawful money, by 
an act subsequent to the contract, by legal tender 
paper worth less than the money of the contract 

When theories of government were indirectly 
involved in a case, he manifested his preposses- 
sions, and was always true to his convictions. In 
the celebrated case of Judge Edes, petitioner for 
the writ of habeas corpus, he with Judge Field 
denied the right of Congress to punish judges of a 
State for the manner in which they discharge their 
duties ' under its laws. He believed such power to 
be dangerous and unauthorized. 

The Constitution as it stands, interpreted ac- 
cording to the obvious meaning of its language, 
was the chart for the guidance of his course in all 
matters arising under that instrument. He be- 
lieved in a strict construction of it ; that it was 



252 MEMOIR OF NATHAN CLIFFORD. 

designed in wisdom as a law over the lawmakers, 
limiting and setting bounds to their authority, so 
as to prevent the usurpation of power dangerous 
to the republic. 

In his view it was not an elastic instrument, to 
be enlarged or impaired by construction, but to be 
fairly interpreted according to its terms, and sa- 
credly maintained in all its provisions and limita- 
tions, as the best if not the only guaranty for the 
perpetuity of our republican institutions. 

By careful study and long and intimate associa- 
tion with the most intelligent and cultivated so- 
ciety, his strong and vigorous mind and habit of 
careful observation enabled him to overcome the 
deficiencies of his early education. 

While well informed upon other subjects, and 
particularly upon those that relate to our own 
country and government, he was especially learned 
in the law. 

He loved legal study and investigation. To this 
he applied himself with the energy of a devotee. 
He was wedded to the philosophy of the science 
of which the legal profession is the student and the 
exponent. He liked to trace the history of ju- 
dicial decisions down through successive years, and 
examine the manner in which the great minds of 
the law regarded the operation of those principles 
that affect the relations and rights of men. He 
liked to follow out these fundamental principles as 
they appeared in their decisions, and to imbue 
himself with their spirit. 



MEMOIR OF NATHAN CLIFFORD. 253 

By his power of application , his unparalleled 
ability for continuous labor^ and his conscientious 
devotion to duty, he was enabled to accomplish bis 
grand life-work and achieve the character of a 
great jurist. 

No man ever devoted himself more thoroughly 
to his duty. He labored in season and out of sea- 
son, by night and by day, allowing no diversion 
from his work. The only exception for years was 
for an excursion into the country for two or three 
days in a year. 

Study was his recreation ; and even in his vaca- 
ti9n he would be at his books in his magnificent 
library at four o'clock in the morning. 

An instance of his unmatched application to the 
business in hand came under my observation. 
Some fifteen years ago I was engaged in a case on 
trial before the judge, and a question of law of 
some importance was raised before the adjourn- 
ment of the court in the afternoon, upon which he 
would be called to instruct the jury. On the fol- 
lowing morning, after an analysis of the evidence, 
he alluded to the question of law, and remarked 
that he had put his instruction on that question in 
writing to avoid any possibility of being misunder- 
stood, so that either party might have the benefit 
of a distinct ruling. After laying down the law as 
he understood it, he read a most elaborate and 
learned discussion of the question, so full and so 
well fortified that neither party would think of 
carrymg the case further. 



254 MEMOIR OF NATHAN CLIFFORD. 

Afler the case was disposed of I inquired of the 
judge when he found time to prepare such an 
opinion. He replied that he went into his library 
the evening before, and got interested in the ques- 
tion, and the work grew upon him so that he did 
not get through with it until five o'clock in the 
morning. 

While acting as Chief Justice during the illness 
of Chief-Justice Chase, he prepared and delivered 
nearly or quite forty opinions at a single term of 
the court 

Upon the death of the Chief Justice, it was the 
expectation of many of the American Bar that, 
notwithstanding differences of political belief, a 
person so eminently fitted as Judge Clifford was 
would, by the mere force of his fitness, become the 
president of that court. No appointment could 
have reflected more honor upon the appointing 
power, and none could have more effectually pre- 
served the court from the imputation of being con- 
stituted partisan in its character. 

It is unquestionably true that Judge Clifford's 
days were shortened by his devotion to what he 
regarded to be duty. Whatever needed to be 
done within his power to do, he felt it his duty to 
undertake. 

The sudden death of the lamented Judge Shop- 
ley entailed, as he regarded it, an immense accu- 
mulation of work upon himself; and after a long 
and exhausting session at Washington, without 
any rest he entered upou the hearing and adjudi* 



MEMOIR OF NATHAN CLIFFORD. 255 

cation of a mass of grave and difficult cases upon 
the circuity and applied himself unsparingly until 
the docket was cleared. The effort was far be- 
yond even his power of endurance. His health 
never fully recovered from this terrible strain upon 
its resources. 

It may be said with truth that he sacrificed his 
life to his sense of duty. No man was ever more 
capable of calmly and cheerfully making the sac- 
rifice if he deemed it incumbent upon himself to 
do so. But his overtaxed system at last yielded 
to the crushing burden. His hitherto unfailing 
bodily strength became exhausted, and his over- 
strained mind, in sympathy with the body, sud- 
denly lost the command of language and power of 
intelligent expression, while retaining to a consid- 
erable extent the capacity of reasoning and reflec- 
tion, and neither ever recovered their normal con- 
dition. 

He lingered with his friends for a few months^ 
and then calmly laid down his life near the scenes* 
of his early manhood, whither he had desired to go, 
and passed peacefully to his final rest^ and to Him 
in whom he most sincerely and devoutly believed. 

It has been well said that such a life is an in- 
spiration and an example for the young. It illus- 
trates the truth so beautifully expressed by the 
illustrious poet who has become the pride of 
America as well as of this his native city. 

** The height that great men gained and kept 
Was not attained bj sudden flight. 



256 MEMOIR OF NATHAN CLIFFORD. 

But they, while their companions slept| 
Were toiling upward in the night." 

But I must not omit to notice the unanimous 
selection of Judge Clifford to preside over the de- 
liberations of the Electoral Commission in 1876. 
It was a notable admission of entire confidence in 
his abilities and character. His decided views as 
a Democrat were familiar. It was known that he 
believed Mr. Tilden was rightfully elected. It was 
plain that the president of the commission could 
exert great power to protract its sessions by legal 
objections beyond the time for the accession of the 
new Executive. Yet all parties were unanimous 
in designating him as preeminently the man to be 
intrusted with this great responsibility, because 
they all knew that in him his judicial habits of 
mind, with unswerving purity of purpose, would 
lift him wholly and completely above the dusty 
atmosphere of politics in his rulings and action as 
presiding officer, and show him to be the impartial 
•judge. The issue proved that all had judged right. 

This is not the occasion to criticise the action of 
that commission or the propriety of its decision. 
The events are fresh in the public mind/ and some 
of the actors still smrvive. While Judge Clifford 
agreed with the minority upon the questions pre- 
sented for decision, and felt the profoundest con- 
viction that they were in the right, he presided 
with such dignity, fairness, and ability as to com- 
mand universal approbation. He came forth from 
that trying ordeal with no stain upon his ermine^ 



MEMOIR OF NATHAN CLIFFORD. 257 

and with honors which all concurred in awarding 
him. 

In a country and under institutions like ours, it 
is essential to the permanence of our government 
that we should be able to produce not only great 
and able but good and trusty men for the public 
service. If to have met the requirements of a 
great variety of exalted public stations with abun- 
dant ability, with unexampled devotion to duty, 
and with a strong and elevated purpose, consti- 
tutes greatness, then Judge Clifford takes rank 
among the great and useful men which our insti- 
tutions have produced. 

Judge Clifford crowned his high character as a 
jurist with a life of unsullied purity and integrity. 
He was happy in his domestic relations. Early in 
life he was married to the wife who has been his 
congenial, affectionate, and constant companion for 
more than fifty years. She has sweetened his labors 
by her presence, and rendered the aid which a good 
wife and mother alone can do, in rearing success- 
fully a large family of children, who venerate her 
character and delight to return her affection. 

In the family circle Judge Clifford was a con- 
genial companion, a kind father, and an affection- 
ate husband. He has lefl to his family and his 
country the priceless legacy of a noble character 
and a useful life, and has earned a name entitled 
to be enrolled amongst those of illustrious jurists 
as a great, learned, and incorruptible judge. 

17 



ARTICLE XL 

GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OP THE ANCIENT 

ABNAKI 

OUTLINED IN THE DICTIONARY OP PR- 
SEBASTIAN RALE, S. J. 

Part L — THE ABNAKI NOUN. 
Bt rev. MICHAEL CHARLES O'BRIEN. 



BSAD IT THB MBTINO OV THM MaIKB HoVOIiaAL BOOIBTT, AT FOBXLAXDj DlCBMBB 

23, 1882L 



GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OP THE ANCIENT 

ABNAKL 



The paper which I have the honor of reading 
before you contains the partial results of a study 
undertaken with the view of tracing the grammat- 
ical structure of the ancient Abnaki, the aborigi- 
nal language of our State. 

It embraces only so much of the general subject 
as is necessary for treating of the Abnaki noun. 
But even this portion of the study will occupy so 
much time that I shall be obliged to omit the his- 
torical and literary information which is usually 
introduced into a paper of this kind. 

The treatment of this study which alone I con- 
sider satisfactory is of a nature so purely gram- 
matical and philological that I should doubt about 
its adaptation to the objects of an historical so- 
ciety, if the subject did not touch so closely upon 
an interesting portion of the history of the State, 
and, in some of its phases, had not already engaged 
the attention of the Maine Historical Society, and 
occupied so considerable a space in its publicar 
tions. 

My principal sources or materials for the study 



262 GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKL 

are the " Dictionary of the Abnaki," written by 
Father Sebastian Rale^ S. J., and the old Indian 
prayers and catechism, yet in use (in a modified 
form) among the Penobscots and Passamaquoddies, 
which very probably are the work of the same 
author. 

The field has been already traversed by other 
students, but so little has been gleaned from it 
that it may be said to be yet almost untouched. 

The dictionary was in the hands of Duponceau 
and Pickering and others of less note, but it has 
hitherto remained a sealed book so far as the 
grammatical outline of the aboriginal language of 
Maine, which may be read in its pages, is con- 
cerned. The little catechism, which the Indians 
call from its first question, the Awerd Eisi hoskesa 
(Who made thee ?), and the old formulas of prayer 
have been published by Fathers Demilier and Ve- 
tromile, and are extant in manuscript in the hand- 
writing of the former. These serve chiefly as 
illustrations, and supplement in several particu- 
lars some of the deficiencies of the dictionary, 
which is my main authority. 

This dictionary consists of about 7,500 distinct 
Abnaki words, with the meanings of nearly all of 
them in French; but on every page it contains 
grammatical notes, examples, and Indian phrases. 
These phrases would fill a dozen or more pages of 
foolscap paper. The grammatical notes consist not 
merely of marks of singular and plural, indica- 
tions of moods, tenses, and persons, but also sev- 
eral short grammatical observations in Latin. 



GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKL 263 

Scattered as all these bits of information are up 
and down the pages, and applied to so many dif- 
ferent words, they at first only bewilder the curious 
reader. But when the words to which they are 
severally appended are classified and compared, 
and the principles of grammatical induction are 
introduced to complete the process, they furnish 
at least an outline, more or less distinct, of the 
grammar of the language to which they refer. Of 
a certain portion of the grammar, that especially 
to which this paper will extend, the outline is very 
clear and full. Until such an outline shall be 
studied, the language of the Abnakis will continue 
to remain the puzzle it has been hitherto, notwith- 
standing all that has been written and published 
concerning it^ 

Akin to this subject, if not forming properly a 
part of it^ is the subject of the formation of words 
in Abnaki, and the meaning of their generic com- 
ponent parts ; but however interesting this might 
be, especially as affording an opportunity of ac- 
counting for some of our geographical names of 
Indian origin, I shall confine myself for the pres- 
ent to questions of mere grammar. 

^ It would appear that some library in Canada possesses valuable 
materials in manuscript for the study of the Abnaki. L' Abbd Mao- 
rault, in his Histoire des Abenaquis (pp. 601-6), mentions a Vocabu- 
lavre Abnakis of P. Aubeiy, a Dietitmnaire de Racine$ Ahnakiseay of 
900 pages, left hy P. Lesueur, besides treatises, sermons, and in- 
structions by the same author. This much is mentioned as having 
been yet extant in 1866, a great deal more having been lost in a fire 
which destroyed the chapel of the Abnakis at St. Francis in 1760, 



264 GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKL 

At any rate^ the solution of these questions is a 
necessary preliminary to the inquiry into the struc- 
ture of the words. 

A paper of this kind is ordinarily dry reading 
and tedious to listen to^ especially at the hands of 
one who is unskilled in the art of imparting to it 
any accidental enhancement ; but it is to be hoped 
that its novelty^ if not its connection with the his- 
tory of our State, will compensate for its want of 
direct interest 

The grammatical system of American languages 
is so different from those of the Indo-European 
and Shemitic families, that a new grammatical ter- 
minology has been found necessary to describe it. 
In this paper, however, I shall restrict myself al- 
most entirely to terms which have been already 
employed by writers on the cognate languages, and 
which are familiar to students of this sort of lore. 

The general subject naturally divides itself into 
the four usual parts of grammar, — orthography, 
etymology, syntax, and prosody. For even the 
accents and length or brevity of syllables have to 
be taken into account ; and Catholic missionaries 
have tried to adapt the language to the measures 
of the Gregorian chant in use in the liturgy of the 
Church. However, we are chiefly concerned with 
the second part, etymology, or the parts of speech, 
and their respective inflections. 

For much respecting the alphabet and orthog- 
raphy used by Father BlLle I must content myself 
with referring my readers to the notes of the 



GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKL 265 

learned editor of the dictionary, although I am of 
the opinion that they contain a few errors, and 
need to be supplemented in several important par- 
ticulars.^ 

^ The alphabet eAiployed by Father Bale consists of the following 
letters : — 

a, by d, 6, gj hj i, /, k^ m, n, o, p, r, i, f, 8, s, and ii (nasal), and the 
pause or aspirate, '. 

Upon these letters I remark, — 

1st / occurs only in foreign words such as Je9U9 ; giB always hard 
except in one word, angeri, an angel. 

2d. The Greek x (^^0 ^^ equal to kh, and is interchanged with it, 
aa in aSikhigan and a>iixig(iih a book. 

8d. There is no /; whereas in none of the modem representativea 
of the Abnaki is there an r, but / is used invariably where R&Ie em- 
ploys r ; so that with this change Rule's dictionary is generally in- 
telligible to a modem FenobscoL The names Norombega and Ortm» 
would seem to indicate that this change of liquids, so characteristic 
of Indian dialects, took place within a century. 

4th. The vowels (including the 8, where it is a vowel) have the 
Italian sounds. 

5th. This 8, which is nothing else than the Greek contract of the 
diphthong ov, pronounced oo, takes the place of our English to and 
the Italian u. It is to before a vowel, and u before a consonant and 
at the end of a word. 

6th. The n with two dots over it, which I call the nasal n, is a sign 
that the syllable which it affects (either at the beginning or end) 
must receive a nasal utterance. It will consequently give rise to a 
sound varying according to the letter which follows. 

Before a labial it will be almost an m, as in Arendnbef an Indian (or 
Abnaki). In other situations it will resemble the nasal n in French, 
as in scmgemanf a chief, out of which the English made "Baga> 
more." 

It appears to have been employed in many cases by Father Bftle to 
express the nasal sound that is produced by giving a distinct utter- 
ance to the vowel a before 8, as in anSdit a path. On the whole, it 
cannot be regarded as a letter so much as a diacritical mark. 

7th. The letters ts, tz generally stand for tch or cA, sharp In Eng- 
lish (as in match and cAtircA), for which the French have no eonre- 



266 GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKI. 

I now pass to my main subject, which is the 
etymology of the (ancient) Abnaki noun. 

sponding sound. This I infer not only from the pronunciation bj the 
modern Penobscots and St. Francis Indians of the words in which 
these letters occur in the dictionary, but from the geographical 
names found in the dictionary, either in full or in their roots. The 
only examples which occur to me at present are : — 

McUsihiglkidSssek, Matchibigaduce (Castine). 

MessatsHsseky Massachusetts. 

NarantsikJCf Norridgewalk. 

Tsebigekf Chebeague. 

The first three of these names occur in the dictionary in full, and 
the last in its root. If we can infer that the English pronunciation 
of these words approximated to the original Indian, it follows that 
the letters ts and sometimes tz in the dictionary are to be pronounced 
like tch or ch in English. There are, however, a few words, and only 
a very few, in the modem Penobscot, in which the sound of ts occun^ 
as metsiy late, and even this appears to be a contraction of mitissL 

8th. The Greek mark of aspiration, ('), which so often occurs in 
the middle of words in the dictionary, judged by the modem pronunr 
elation seems to indicate a pause in the utterance rather than an 
aspiration. This pause, always coming after a vowel, naturally gives 
rise to an aspiration, and in many cases to a guttural sound, which 
has been sometimes represented by k and hk. Writers in the Mic- 
mac indicate the corresponding sound in that language by a A; oat 
of perpendicular, as may be seen in Halliard's Grammar. Ex- 
amples of this pronunciation in Abnaki are ne mo'santsinf 1 love 
(him), ned arCra, I go, aro'ssCf he comes. 

9th. There are only two diphthongs : at, pronounced like the same 
in German, or aye, yes, in English, and au, pronounced like mo in 
how, cow. Examples : ned Arenaribai, I am an Indian, an Abnaki; 
nisankaUf the abstract number 1^. ill, with a circumflex, is pro- 
nounced as the same combination in the French, as in ftUre. 

I have indulged in these remarks on the alphabet because they 
seemed necessary in part to correct errors and in part to supple- 
ment omissions in Mr. Pickering's notes to the dictionary. 

Upon the whole, I regard the system of orthography used by Father 
R&le as one of the best I have seen employed by any writer on these 
languages. 

With the exception of the occasional use of the e mute of the 



GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKL 267 

THE PARTS OP SPEECR 

The parts of speech axe : the noun, pronoun, 
verb (including concrete numbers), which are in- 
flected ; and the adjective, adverb, preposition, con- 
junction, and interjection, which are uninflected, 
or inflected only by some of the minor changes 
which, as we proceed, will become known by the 
name of accidents. Thus the language has all our 
parts of speech except the article. The absence of 
the indefinite article is common to many languages 
with it, and needs no explanation. The concrete 
numeral for one (pesekS) is often employed for it> 
as in Hebrew. 

The want of the definite article is compensated 

for by particles, pronouns, and especially by a great 

variety of verbal and participial forms, which latter 

denote not only the number, as in Greek and Latin, 

but also the person of the nouns with which they 

agree. 

The Noun. 

The properties of the Abnaki noun can be con- 
veniently described under the two general heads 
of Classificaium and Inflection. 

I. Classificaiion. 
By the classification of nouns is meant the dis- 

French, and the use of is for teh^ and the emplojinent of nasal n 
where a diieresU would suffice, it is almost perfect. Such as it is his 
system is uniform and constant, and, with the exceptions above men- 
tioned, could hardly be improved upon for the purpose of represeni- 
isg the sounds of the surviving dialects of the AbnakL 



268 GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKL 

tribution of all objects into two general classes, 
which Father RSJe calls respectively *• noble " and 
"ignoble" objects. This distribution takes the 
place of gender in most^ if not all, of the languages 
of the American continent. This is true at least 
of all the languages of the AlgoAkin, or, as they 
are more appropriately called by Schoolcraft, the 
** Algic " family, to which the Abnaki belongs. 
Gender is a grammatical property entirely un- 
known to them. They have words to distinguish 
the sexes, but nothing corresponding to our he, she, 
and it, and their different cases, as such. This ex- 
plains why Indians, when they attempt to speak 
English, make such sad havoc of our pronouns. A 
man will sometimes speak of a woman as ^ he,** 
" his," and " him," whilst a woman will apply the 
feminine pronouns to a man. In their own lan- 
guage the pronouns, both personal and possessive, 
are the same for both sexes.^ 

The rules of classification are the following : — 

1. To the nobk class belong the names of all liv- 
ing objects and of trees. Hence nouns of this class 
are called by some writers nouns animate, and the 
corresponding verbs, verbs animate. 

2. To the ignoble class belong the names of all 
inanimate objects. Hence these nouns may be 
called inanimaie, and the corresponding verbs, inan- 
imate verbs. 

^ It is not a little remftrkable that this want of grammatical gen- 
der is characteristic of the Basque, the language, as Whitnej sajti 
'* without affinity in Europe/' of the Magyar or Hangaxian, and the 
Turkish, both languages of Asiatic origin. 



GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKI. 269 

3. Quite a number of objects which are inani- 
mate by nature are raised to the grammatical rank 
of noble objects, and their names treated gram- 
matically like the names of living or naturally 
noble objects. 

The only reason I can discover of this distinc- 
tion is the esteem in which the objects were held, 
or the superstition with which they were regarded 

Usage is the only law which determines what 
inanimate objects are thus ennobled. In EMe's 
dictionary the following classes of words are 
noble : — 

1. The names of the sun, moon, and stars, and 
of months, as ^8«, the sun, gia^ rdba^et^ the 
moon, ^8^, a month. 

2. The ornaments and principal articles of dress 
in ancient use, as ^ianbaiibiy bead work, wampum ; 
HrffSana, a bird's wing ; SrgHamffanj feather of the 
wing ; aSip^n, feather of the bird's tail ; kanSi, the 
quill of the porcupine. Under this head come the 
names of the valuable fur skins, which were all 
noble, whilst the skin of the moose was ignoble. 

3. Certain domestic utensils, and some of the 
materials for the construction of the wigwam and 
canoe. 

Examples : Srande^ a dish made of bark ; sedi^ the 
branch of the fir-tree ; pekahatiy the bark of the fir 
used in covering the wigwam; angem^ the snow 
shoe. 

4. The tobacco weed and the fruits and berries 
that were most useful for food 



270 GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKl. 

6. Almost all the articles of food and clothing 
and religious articles imported by traders and col- 
onists. 

6. A few of the members of the human body^ as 
marimanaky the eyebrows. 

7. Probably it was for superstitious reasons that 
saagigemy a wart, tseg^r, a cancer, pemSe, a boil, 
and the names of some diseases were put into the 
noble class. 

A full list of these exceptional words could be 
easily made from the dictionary. It is sufficient 
for my purpose to indicate here their classes. 

A knowledge of the class to which an object be- 
longs is necessary in order to speak of it correctly 
in Abnaki. Eor it is by the class, whether noble 
or ignoble, to which it belongs that not only its 
inflection in number, conjugation, and accidents is 
determined, but its agreement with pronouns and 
government by verbs. In a word, this distinction 
of noble and ignoble objects is the ruling principle 
in the whole system of Abnaki inflections, and this 
is the characteristic of the entire linguistic fiimilj 
to which it belongs. 

n. Inflection. 

The Abnaki nouns are inflected by number, con- 
jugation, and accidents. Whatever explanation 
this nomenclature requires will be given under 
each of the inflections. 



GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKL 271 

I. Number. 

The Abnaki noun has two numbers, the singular 
and plural. In most languages number in verbs 
corresponds to number in nouns, but Abnaki verbs 
have two forms of the plural, which I call the plural 
simple and the perplural. It will be sufficient to 
state here that the first describes the act or state 
of only a few, three or four at most, whilst the 
second, the perplural, implies the act or state of 
a greater number. 

The following are the rules for the formation of 
the plural : — 

I. Nouns of the noble class form the plural gen- 
erally by the addition of -ak to the singular, and 
nouns of the ignoble class by the addition of -ar. 

Examples : — 

1. Noble Objects. 

Singular. Floral. 

AremSs^ a dog. AremSsak, dogs. 

Neman, a son. Nemanaky sons. 

A^naisy a child. Aiktnsisak, children. 

TUegeriy a screech owl. TUegeriaky screech owls. 

Tig>^y a wave. Teg^ak^ waves. 

2. Ignoble Ohjeete, 

8t^8a77i, a cabin. Stp^amar, cabins. 

Temahigan, an axe. TeTnahiganarj axes. 

TaSapSdiy a seat TaSc^Sdiar^ seats. 

Peg^assabem, a pond. Peg^assahemarj ponds. 

n. Nouns that end in e drop this vowel before, 
or rather change it into, a of the plural increase. 
Examples : — 



272 GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKI. 

1. N<Me ObjeeU. 

Arenaribey an AbnakL Arenanbakj Abnakis. 
Seenaiibej a man. Seenaiibakj men. 

P^ebcy a whale. F^debakf whales. 

2. Ignoble Objects. 

Sage, the body. Hagar, bodies. 

^asdSe, pumpkin. >ias<iSary pumpkins. 

III. Monosyllables, with a diphthong or long 
vowel, and ending with a consonant, and dissylla- 
bles and even trisyllables which have the penult 
long or accented, make the plural in Hk and 8r, 
according to their class, instead of in ok and or. 

Examples : — 

1. Noble Class, 

MSs, Vk moose. Miis^k, moose. 

Ka>^j a cow. K(i6s6k, cows. 

Fenenij a woman. FenemSky women. 

2. Ignoble Class. 

StgSat, a bone. SiSadi^r, bones. 

AgSideriy a canoe. AgSidenSr, canoes. 

Madegeuy a skin. Madegen^r, skins. 

IV. Nouns of the ignoble class that end in *8 
or ffS form the plural merely by the addition of r. 

Examples : — 

Bak\i, an herb. Bag^ir, herbs. 

FenapskS, a stone. FenapskSVy stones. 

Mta^akSy the ear. MtaSagSVy ears. 

SkariineskS, shot SkarSneskSr, grains of shot 

Observations: 1. A few words of the noble 



ORAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKL 273 

dlass, with this ending, make the plural in ^k in- 
stead of 8a^, or in both, as p\ip\ikhan:&ik^j siHag^. 

In modern Penobscot and St Francis dialects 
none of the words which form the plural in 8^ and 
iJr {ol) have the 8 fully sounded in the singular. 

2. It will be observed that, in the examples 
given under the rules IIL and IV., k and t of the 
singular are changed respectively into g and d be- 
fore the plural increase, except where k is pre- 
ceded by 8y as in penapskS, This euphonic change 
takes place in all inflections^ both of nouns and 
verbs. 

V. There are several nouns which are used only 
in the singular, as Hassanri, snow, mekSampaky wine ; 
others only in the plural^ as pedangiaky thunder; 
others, again, that have a collective or general 
meaning in the singular, have a distributive sense 
in the plural, as abahriy bread, abannaky loaves of 
bread ; pekHamiy ice, pekHamiaky icicles. 

Participial nouns, which are nothing else than 
the participles of verbs, form their plurals accord- 
ing to the verbal conjugation to which they be- 
long, and come under the head of verbs. 

II. Conjugation. 

I take the terms ^* conjugation " and " accidents/* 
as here used, from the ^^ Etudes philologiques sur 
quelques langues sauvages de TAm^rique," by the 
learned Sulpitian, M. Cuoq (Montreal, 1866), to 
whose writings on the Algonquin I am much in- 
debted for the light which they shed on our ma- 

18 



274 GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKL 

terials for the study of the Abnaki. Under the 
heads of conjugation and accidents comes the ques- 
tion of case, or what' corresponds in these lan- 
guages to case in the languages of Europe. 

What M. Cuoq says of the Algonkin, namely, 
that its nouns " are conjugated, not declined," is 
equally true of the Abnaki. By this it is not 
meant that they have the functions of verbs, or 
have mood and tense in the same sense that verbs 
have them, but that their inflection in connection 
with pronominal marks is like the inflections of the 
verbs which correspond to them in class and govern 
them. 

Besides, it will be seen that nouns have tem- 
poral accidents, so that a verbal signification seems 
to be implied in them.^ This view of the nature 
of the Abnaki noun seems to receive confirmation 
from F. Bible's dictionary, where the plural nomi- 
native case of address is in one place (ad voc. com- 
pagnom) described by the appellation of the " Im- 
perative." For the imderstanding of this part of 
our subject, it will be necessary to anticipate the 
exposition of the pronouns, and explain here the 
personalSy or the marks of the personal and posses- 
sive pronouns. 

THE PERSONALS. 

1. There are three personals : ne^ ke, and 8 (or a). 
Their use is to indicate the pronouns, both per- 

1 For a fuller explanation of the verbal nature of the Indian noun, 
I refer to a paper on the Algonkin verb, by Hon. J. Hammond 
IhunbulL 



GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OP THE ABNAKL 275 

sonal and possessive. Ne stands for the first per- 
son, ke for the second, ^ for the third. They are 
the same for both numbers. 

They resemble in several respects, even in sound, 
the suffix pronouns in Hebrew, but differ from these 
in being prefixed. like these they appear to be 
contractions of separate forms. Ne or tC is con- 
tracted from ma, I, and ni6nay we ; ke^ or V^ from 
kitty thou, and ki6nay and Air8a, we and you; 8 from 
8a or 88a, this (one). This last personal presents 
a little difficulty, inasmuch as the separate per- 
sonal pronoun of the third person is ^ema, he, and 
its plural iffemaSay they. 

2. It is by means of the personals that nouns, 
and, in some of their moods, verbs, are conjugated. 
Placed before nouns the personals are equivalent 
to our possessive pronouns, iTty, ikffy hisy her^ itSy 
cury yoaTy theiry as the nature of the word may re- 
quire. Before verbs they are equivalent to our 
personal pronouns, /, thcUy he, shey or it ; we, ffou, 
iheffy as the sense may require ; for, as I have al- 
ready mentioned, in Abnaki the same pronoun 
stands for he and she and it, when it stands for a 
noble object. 

3. But, whereas in English, and in most of the 
other languages, there is only one sign for the first 
person plural, both in personal and possessive pro- 
nouns {wey our)y Algic dialects have two first per- 
sons plural, which, after Cuoq and Bishop Baraga, 
I distinguish by the names exclusive plural and in- 
cbmve plural 



276 GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKI. 

This phenomenon escaped, for a long time, the 
comprehension of students of Indian languagesi 
Eliot and Zeisberger do not even mention it in 
their respective grammars, yet there is no doubt 
as to its presence both in the Massachusetts and 
the Delaware. Duponceau had observed the phe- 
nomenon, and called these plurals the ^ particular " 
and " general" plural, respectively, yet even he 
failed to understand their difference. In the dic- 
tionary, examples of these plurals occur in a few 
places, with their translations carefully distin- 
guished (ad voc. corpSy rdti). The following is the 
rule for their use : — 

When the speaker includes in the plural the 
third person, but excludes the second, he employs 
the pronoun fd6na, and its personal ne or rC; but 
when he includes the second person with or with* 
out the third, he uses ki6rM and its personal he or 
V. In the first case the plural is composed of the 
speaker and some other person or persons, to the 
exclusion of the person spoken to, and means toBy 
not including thou or you; in the second, the 
plural is composed of the speaker and person or 
persons spoken to, whether the predicate is com* 
mon to others or not, and means thou or yaUy and 
/ or we. Perhaps the best illustration of this usage 
is by algebraic terms, thus : — 

Exclusive plural = first person plural — second 
person singular or plural ; but inclusive plural = 
first person (singular or plural) + second person 
singular or plural 



GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKL 277 

The exclusive plural, notwithstanding its name, 
may include all people except the person or per- 
sons addressed, whilst the inclusive plural may 
embrace only the speaker and the person spoken 
to. 

Very appropriate examples of the exclusive 
plural are given in the Lord's Prayer and Hail 
Mary, where the ^ our '* of the Our Father and the 
petitions that follow excludes God, who is ad- 
dressed, and Holy Mary is excluded from " us sin- 
ners.*' The inclusive plural offers no difficulty.^ 

4. The personals undergo euphonic changes oc- 
casioned by the initial letter of the following 
word ; when the following word begins with a 
vowel (except 8), d (or t) is inserted between the 
personal and vowel, as, MikJdganj a book, ned 
a&ikUgan^ tcl'^ book ; aSansiSj a child, ked d&anmSy 
thy child ; aff^tden^ a canoe, Sd offHtdeny his canoe. 

6. Before words beginning with 8 no euphonic 
letter is inserted, and the vowel of the personal 
coalesces with this 8, as, rC^tahangan, V>itahangany 
Siahanffauy my, thy, his, paddle, from Utahanffanf a 
paddle. 

Observations : 1. Instead of 8 for the personal 
of the third person, Father R&le in several places 
uses a, particularly before words beginning with p 
or 8, as, a 8^8am, his cabin. 

^ The difference between the inclngire and ezclafliye plnnds is 
pretty well explained in the KitmoSi ASikkigan (Learning Book), 
from which extracts are published in toL tL of publications of the 
Maine Historical Society. 



278 GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKL 

2. In several words, chiefly words beginning 
with k and sk in their separate form, he inserts da 
between the personals (the third included) and the 
noun^ as, kikkann^ a field ; neda Mkkamj my field ; 
skahpet&j a trail; keda skanpeiiij thy trail It is pos- 
sible that such words had this vowel originally, 
and lost it in the unconjugated form, whilst retain- 
ing it after the personals. This at least would ap- 
pear to be the case with kiy the earth, which was 
aki in the Massachusetts and Algonkin languages. 

The same rules govern the union of personals 
with verbs as their union with nouns. 

F. Rale and the writers on Abnaki since his 
time have united the personal with its noun or 
verb, as if it formed one word with it. I presume 
the reason is that^ like the Hebrew suffix pro- 
nouns, these personals are never used except in 
conjunction with a noun or verb. Baraga and 
Cuoq, and others among more recent writers, have 
written them separately in the kindred languages, 
and, because this method is one more conducive to 
clearness, if for no other reason, I shall conform 
to it. 

From these explanations I proceed to give ex- 
amples of the conjugation of each of the two 
classes into which nouns are divided. Two exam- 
ples of each class will be sufficient, one of a word 
beginning, and one of a word ending, with a vowel. 

Examples of conjugation : — 



GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKI. 279 



I. Nolde 
Arem^j 



Singular. 
Ned areni6s, my dog. 
Ked are7nJ6Sy thy dog. 
^ arem!68ary his or her dog. 

ExcL 1. Ned aremSsenOy our 

dog. 
locL Ked aremSsenOy oat 
dog. 
2. Ked aremSseSahy 

your dog. 
8. Sd arenUise^r, their 
dog. 



Objects. 

a dog. 

Floral. 
Ned aremJ&gak, my dogs. 
Ked aremiisak, thy dogs. 
M aremSsoj his or her dogs. 

Ned aremJSsena^akj oar dogs. 
Ked arem^semMaJcy oar dogs. 
Ked aremSseSaiiky yoar dogs. 
6d aremliseiiay their dogs. 



Our next example will illustrate how thoroughly 
an English word may be disguised in an Indian 
grammatical dress. 

AhoM&y a horse. 

Singular. 



1. Ned ahaas>iy my horse. 

2. Ked cJiaseSf thy horse. 
8. Hd ahassikLr, his horse. 

■I f Ned aJuusHna^ oar horse. 
( Ked ahassSnaj oar horse. 

2. Ked ahasti&^hy yoor horse. 

3. }id ahcu^^aVf their horse. 



Plural. 

Ned ahassHaky my horses. 
Ked oAoM^aA:, thy horses. 
M ahaMl6ay his or her horses. 

Ned ahassSinaSfiky oar horses. 
Ked ahassSnaikJcy oar horses. 
Ked c^uMS^^aiiky yoar horses. 
lid oAomSSo, their horses. 



n. IgnMe Otjeete. 
1. ASikhiffafiy a book. 

1. Ned aSikhigany my book. Ned aSikhiganary my books. 

2. Jr(0t^ a^iA;A^any thy book. Ked Mikhiganary thy books. 

3. lid aHikhigany his or har 6d aSikhiganary his books. 

book. 



280 GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKL 



1. < 



Ned aJ&ikhiganna^ our Ned aJ&ikhiganna&ary our 

book. books. 

Ked tzHikhiganna, our Ked MikhigannMarj oai 

book. books. 

2. Ked aStkhigariSa, your Ked cC6ikMgan^ry your 

book. books. 

3. 8e2 a>iikh{gan!^ay tiheir book. ^d cC&Hchigan^Sary tiheir books. 

2. To^t^Se^i, a table. 

1. Ne taSip6diy my table. Ne taSipSdioTy my tables. 

2. j^a taiiiplkii, thy table. j^e toSi^'^c^^^i^y tby tables. 

3. 8 ^a8tp8{i?«, his or her table. 8 ta8^»8e^«xr, his or her tables. 

^ jNe t(V6ip6diwi^ our table. Ne taSipMinctSary our tables. 

C Ke tMipSdina, our table. Ke ta^ip^^inaSaVy our tables. 

2. Ke taHip^di&ay your table. J^a taSipSdiSary your tables. 

3. 8 ta:6ip6diSay their table. 8 ^a8^8ii8ary their tables. 

mREGULAR NOUNS. 

There are several words beginning with m, which 
drop this letter on receiving the personals. 

These words are mostly names of members of the 
human body, and of articles of domestic use. A 
list of these could be readily drawn up for a full 
grammar of the language ; for the present it will 
be sufficient to subjoin some examples : — 

Metepy the head, becomes (1) n'etepy (2) k'etepy (3) 8^, etc 

MereUiy the hand, becomes n'eretsiy k^eretsiy etc. 

MaiiSey the cheek, becomes n'an86, k'anSey 8an8e, etc. 

Mibity a tooth, becomes n*ibity k'ibity SMty etc. 

MirarHy the tongue, becomes n'irar8, k'irarliy 8irar8, etc. 

Massey bed-clothes, becomes rCassey and ned assey etc. 

MedoTy a craft (boat), becomes n'edoTy etc. 

Many of these words are seldom or never used 
without the personal, and hence the modem In- 



GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKI. 281 

dians have in some cases lost the ancient form in 
which they were employed separately. 

To illustrate the propriety of calling this inflec- 
tion of nouns by the name of '^ conjugation/' I will 
here present an example of the inflection of verbs 
in the indicative mood, present tense. 

L Ncible ObJ9cU. 

Singular. 

1. Ne nandha ned angtrn^ I see my snowshoe. 

2. Ke namiha ked angenty thou seest thy snowshoe. 

3. 8 ntimihanr ^id angenuiTy he sees his snowshoe. 

Ne nivmihanma ned angemefna^ we see our snowshoe. 
Ke namihanna ked angemena^ we see our snowshoe. 

2. Ke namiha^ah ked angemeHaHy you see your snowshoe. 

3. 8 namihaikLr 8^ angeniMarj they see their snowshoe. 



'•{ 



Plural. 

1. Ne namihank ned angemakj I see my snowshoes. 

2. Ke namihank ked angemak, then seest thy snowshoes. 
S. 8 namiha 8^ angemOy he sees his snowshoes. 

Ne namihandSak ned angemena^kLky we see oar snow- 
shoes. 

Ke namihanaSak ked angemenaliaky we see oar snow- 
shoes. 

2. Ke namihaiktnk ked angemeSoHkj yon see yoor snowshoes. 

3. 8 namihaiia M angemel&ay they see their snowshoes. 



1. 






n. IgnoUe Objects. 

Singular. 

1. Ne namitSn ne temahigany I see my «xe. 

2. Ke namiilin ke temahiganj thon seest thy axe. 

3. 8 namitUn 8 temahiganj he sees his axe. 

Ne namttSnena ne temahigannOf we see oar axe. 
Ke namit^nena ke U/mahigannay we see oar ne. 



^{ 



282 GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKL 

2. Ke namU^na he temahigwn&a^ you see your axe. 

3. S nfimit6fui ^ temaMgan!6cLj they see their axe. 

PlnnO. 

1. Ne namit6naT ne temaMganary I see my axes. 

2. Ke namttiinar ke temahiganary thoa seest thy axes. 

3. 8 namit^nar 6 temahigaTuiry he sees his axes. 

^ ( Ne namit6nenMar ne temahiganna^Sar, we see our 
C Ke namit6nen(i6<xr ke tem/ihiganvMary we see oar 

2. Ke namit^nar ke teTnahiganSar, you see your axes. 

3. 8 TuimiGinar 8 temahiganikir, they see their axes. 

m. Accidents. 

We come now to the accidents^ the third kind of 
inflections which Abnaki nouns undergo. The ac- 
cidents of nouns are, all but one, certain affixes and 
changes at the end of words which modify their 
signification. They stand sometimes for an adjec- 
tive, sometimes for a preposition, and occasionally 
for a whole phrase, in English, and, to some extent, 
for declension in Latin. For each change they 
make in the noun, there is a corresponding change 
in the verb. 

The nominal accidents are: 1. the possessive; 
2. the diminutive ; 3. the vocative plural ; 4. the 
past ; 5. the obviative ; 6. the locative. I have 
followed, in denominating them, M. Cuoq, already 
mentioned. They will requh*e to be explained 
in separate sections. 

1. The Possessive. 

Besides the personals, the Abnaki has a sign of 
more special connection with an object, the nearest 



GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNARL 283 

approach to which is the adjective oum in English, 
as in, in <me^s own fumse. This mark consists in the 
addition of m, em^ or 8m, to the singular of nouns 
and in treating thereafter the word thus formed as 
a primitive word. 
Examples : — 

Ned areni^Sy my dog. Ned (xreTnSeem, my (own) dog. 

Ne senanbey my man. Ne senanbem, my (own) man, husband. 

The euphonic rules for affixing this accident to 
nouns are : — 

1. To affix only m to words ending in a vowel ; 
em to words ending in a consonant, and Urn to 
words that make the plural in Hk or 8r. Examples 
of this last case are : tie penemSm (literally) my 
woman, but employed only to designate a man's 
sister; 8 s^6ad>imy his bone; Hd offHiden^im, his 
canoe. 

2. This accident is affixed to conjugated nouns 
only, nouns combined with personals. Its effect is 
often to distinguish names of members of the hu- 
man body from the members of the same name in 
animals, as 8 bakkanSmy his blood, i. e^ the blood of 
his own body, etc. 

3. When once words have received this acci- 
dent, they retain it in all their inflections, and are 
treated as primitive words ending in a consonant. 

Examples : — 

Singular. Plural. 

1. Ne senanbeTiif my hnsband. Ne senaiibemakj my hosbandB. 

2. Ke senanbenij thy hosband. Ke aenanbemaky thy husbands. 

3. 2S Benanbemary her husband. 8 Benanbemoj her husbands. 



284 GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKl. 

2. The Diminutitb. 

The diminutiye' is the affix is or sU, placed at 
the end of words in the singular, and conveying, 
the idea of small or little in English, or of the ter- 
mination kin in mannikin. It is sometimes used 
as a patronymic, as a term of endearment, and not 
infrequently to express contempt 

The rules for affixing this accident are analogous 
to those which I gave for the possessive. Is is 
employed for the diminutive of words ending in a 
consonant or in 8 (which, in that case, is pro- 
nounced like our w)j and sis for the diminutive of 
nouns ending in a vowel. 

Examples : — 

Arem^is^ a dog. AremSsts, a litde dog. 

Temahigaft^ an axe. Temahiganis, a little axe. 

Fenap8k6y a stone. Penapsk6iSy a pebble. 

But nouns that make the plural in 8^ or 8r, and 
do not end in 8 in the singular, make the diminu- 
tive in 8^, as, penem^ a woman ; pe^nemHsiSy a lit- 
tle woman; affHiden, a canoe; offHideniisiSy a little 
canoe. 

In a few cases the diminutive is in irmSy which 
form seems to include the possessive mark, as kia- 
bknisy an orphan, from kidbes. 

The diminutive may be double to convey the 
idea of still smaller dimensions, as, offHidenSsiMy a 
very small canoe (a trinket). 

As an example of the signification of endear^ 
ment expressed by the diminutive, take the follow- 



GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKL 286 

ing from Father Blile: ^^ Perdbain 2{e8essin8is ke 
JessSissemetuiy Potestne dici quan exquisituB homo 
sit Jesulus noster." 

Once formed, dimmutives are treated in all re- 
spects as primitive nouns. 

3. The Vocativb Plural. 

With the exception of a few words to be men- 
tioned below, the vocative singular of Abnaki 
nouns is not different from the nominative.^ But 
to express the vocative plural the syllable tHk^ cRik^ 
or Si^kf is added to the singular. As already inti- 
mated, Father Rale calls this accident the ^' imper- 
ative " (ad voc. compagnon)j and in fact it is the 
same in form as the second person plural of the 
imperative of a certain set of verbs. 

Examples : — 

Tt&eSy a companioiu T^e^dSk, companiona. 

ASansis, a child. AHansigt^k, O cliildreiL 

Senaribey a man. Senanbet^ky O men. 

T&kj or d&k^ is the accident of the vocative plural 
in all nouns except those which make the plural in 
8A (or 8r). The latter take 8/8*, as penemUmk, 
women. 

The exceptions with a vocative singular are the 
colloquial and family names : — 

^ Doponcean (Notes to Eliot's grammar) fancied he had diacov- 
ered in the Lennilenape a vocative eingular, but his examples are 
all participles of verbs, which shows how far the celebrated Indian 
scholar was from understanding his specialty. Participles can and 
must be often employed to express our nominatives of address^ but 
they do not for that become noana 



\ 



286 GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKI. 

Mitang\iiy my father, from mitankSs, a father. 
NHgOy my mother ; m^a8«, my mother. 

Jtf&r877i«, and m'&smJ6my my grandfather ; n^ikendy grand- 
mother, from mosemia and okemis, 
N'Oy my hushand or my wife, equal to n'a, he or she. 

4. The Past. 

The accident of the past in nouns is a certain 
syllable appended to a noun to signify that the 
person whose name (or office) it modifies is absent^ 
dead or missing, or the thing whose name is simi- 
larly affected is damaged, lost^ or destroyed. To 
render this point clearer I will give examples at 
once. Thusy patriaiis, a priest, missionary, with this 
accident becomes palriahsay or pairiahsgay a former 
priest (now gone or dead) ; a&ikUganj a book, 
al&ikhigan&y the book that was but is lost or de- 
stroyed. 

There are four forms of the past found in the 
dictionary : a added to nouns of the noble class|, 
and e to nouns of the ignoble class, as in the ex- 
amples given ; ga added to nouns of both classes, 
and ban or pauj which are the endings of the past 
tense in verbs. Father Rglle gives examples of the 
first three in nouns proper, but of the fourth only 
in participial noims. On the first two he gives 
grammatical notes in the *^ Particulae," the purport 
of which I have just endeavored to convey. Here 
now are further examples : — 

Kiben, smnmer ; mbenSj the summer past 

ITesity my foot ; temesansiie n^esitSy my foot is cat o£L 

^ig6am, a cabin ; ^ig^ame, a fallen cabin. 



GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKI. 287 

}iibitj his tooth ; pegSataire Sibitif his tooth has bJlen out 

Narahis^antj plural -oA:, a dweller or native of Norridgewalk ; 
Naraht8'6anig<iky the Norridgewalks of long ago. 

Ke mitank^eSidga, plural -gaJcj your deceased father, fathers. 

Ke ^(UriansmencLy our missionary ; ke painansmen^gaky our de- 
ceased missionaries. 

Ked dktna^y our lost land, the name by which the modem Pe- 
nohscots call the territory of their ancestors. 

Mart So8ep%8k6e, Mary, the wife of Joseph ; Mart SosepiskSe^ 
paUy who was the wife of Joseph. 

The following are the rules for affixing the three 
forms of this accident : — 

1. A and e are used only in the singular. 

2. ga and pan are used both in the singular and pluraL 

3. Frequently a is added even to pan^ in speaking of deceased 

persons. 

Observations: 1. Although I find no instance of 
it in Eale, analogy would lead to the inference that 
there was another sign of the past in nouns, namely, 
the interrogative or dubitative past. Such a form 
is found in verbs, and is called the '* preterite " by 
Rale. It consists in the endings assaj essay ma, or 
Sssa. It survives in the modem Penobscot and St. 
Francis dialects. An example of this form would 
be the phrase, Ke saiiffemanSaassaf Was he your 
chief? — from sangema^ a chief 

2. Under the word mort occurs another form of 
the past, which consists in the addition of maitdaj 
the negative adverb, and the prefix of e or 8^, to 
the noun. This mode of expression is obsolete in 
the Penobscot, if it ever existed in it, and I have 
not discovered its parallel in any of the kindred 
languages 



288 GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAEI. 

The mandoy or negative^ is sufficiently intelligi- 
ble, but the prefix I can only conjecture from the 
analogy of the verbs. The instances in which 
this form of expression occurs are evidently for- 
muIaB which Father R&le had composed for recom- 
mending to the prayers of his flock the souls of 
deceased members. For example : Kepaiibatatna- 
SeHanna iV. HedarenUm, tai Snitsannay We (let us) 
pray for N., a deceased brother, and his children. 
Here the prefix He in 6edaren6m is the sign of the 
past. 

A similar prefix is found in the participles of 
verbs, and most generally is a relative mark, that 
is, implying who or which. From this I infer that 
as nouns have the accident of tense as in the ex- 
amples given above, they also had a participial 
relative form, of which the phrases referred to are 

instances. 

5. The Obyiativb. 

The obviative is an accident which afiects nouns 
of the noble class only, and these only in certain 
situations in the phrase or sentence. For nouns 
in the singular, it consists in putting r instead of 
the k of their plural in conjugation ; and for nouns 
in the plural, in dropping the final r from the ob- 
viative of the singular. Examples will be given 
with the situations referred to, which are : — 

1. When nouns are connected with the third 
personal 8, as in the conjugation of arem^Sy Sd ar^ 
embsar, his dog ; Hd aremHsay his dogs. 

2. When the noun is the object of the action of 



GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKL 289 

another notin of the noble claas^ as^ to use Bale's 
examples, — 

1. Ak&irda&aUT 9a!6angan namesar, the -eagle 
swoops down upon a fish. Niamesar is the ob- 
viative singular from names. 2. Ed6derrmaJced Je- 
sbiy 8 J ererman eto angeria? does Jesus love the 
angels so much as he loves us ? Here angeria^ from 
(xngeri in the singular, is in the obviative plural. 

3. When the verb has two objects of the noble 
class, one direct and the other indirect, both are in 
the obviative after a verb in the third person, and 
at least one is in the obviative after a verb in the 
first or second person. Examples : 1. A%san Umiror 
nar Hnemanar abanar^ John gives his son bread; 
where the words for son and bread are in the ob- 
viative, bread being a noble object. 2 (from 
Rale). Arenanbar ned assamannar alSehandeSak^ I ex- 
pose a man to wild beasts; where the word for 
man is in the obviative. It may occur to some to 
think that the well-known accusative is all that is 
meant by the obviative, and that the Latin endings 
in am, em^ tim correspond to the Abnaki or and 8r. 
It will be sufficient to answer that the obviative is 
a mark, or accident, which distinguishes nouns only 
in connection with third persons, whereas the Latin 
accusative may follow any of the three persons. 
Thus whilst I can say, Ne mo'aantsin Ketsi Nt6eskii, 
I love the Great Spirit (Amo Deum), I must say 
Fier 8 mo'santsinar K. Ni6eskikiry Peter loves the 
Great Spirit (Petrus amat Deum). 

Observation : The kindred languages, the Chip- 
id 



290 GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKL 

peway (or Otchebwe), the Algonkin, and the Cree 
have an additional affix to distinguish the third 
person in the phrase. M. Cuoq calls it the ^' sur- 
obviative," Lacombe the " relative/' and Baraga 
the third 3d person. I can find no trace of a cor- 
responding accident in the Abnaki. Its absence 
would doubtless lead to some confusion if usage 
did not give a meaning to words from their posi- 
tion in the sentence. 

6. The Locative. 

The locative is an accident which answers in 
signification to most of the prepositions in European 
languages, its signification varying with the verb 
in the phrase. Its name suggests local ^^ He " in 
Hebrew, but its equivalent is found only in the 
Hebrew preposition syllables. This accident ap- 
pears in one of its forms in several of our geograph- 
ical names, and in all those ending in keag and 
cook, like Kenduskeag, etc. 

There are two forms of it in the singular of 
nouns and one in the plural ; but they occasion 
euphonic changes according to the endings of the 
words to which they are appended. 

I. 'k and -ge added to the nominative are the 
locative affixes, in the singular, of words ending in 
a vowel ; and -ek and -ege of words ending in a 
consonant. In the plural it Ls tk6k or >iik:6k. The 
full meaning of this accident can be best conveyed 
by examples : — 



GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKL 291 

JTft, the earth, ground ; loc. kih, in or on the earth. 

Spemkiy heaven ; spemkik, or spemkige^ in heaven. 

Kandeaki, Bangor; kandesktk, or kandeskigCj in or at Ban- 
gor. 

Kislis, the sun ; hisSaek iitsipate, it dries in the sun. 

Abassi, a tree ; ang€L6ate abassikj it is shady under a tree. 

Abassi, a post ; ned assidebiran abassikj I tie him to a post 

FekSamiy ice ; ned 'rikdai pek6am%k, I leap on ice. 

Panbataim-^igHamikii, a house of prayer, temple; iiskitran 
Jes^ar matskS panb(ztamtiiigf6am%^k pita spemek, Satan 
placed Jesus on the top of the temple. 

8 tep, his head ; nedertehaii 6 t^pek^ I strike him on the head. 

2. Examples of the plural : — 

Men^y a village ; ne ki^dai SdenaikSky I go around from vil- 
lage to village (among the villages). 

^iffSam, a cahin ; arenanbak ailiak Siff^anukHkf the men are in 
cahins. 

Senahhe, a man ; senaiibeik^k, among men. 

Pe'nenif a woman ; penem!6ik6k, among women. 

On account of the similarity with the affixes here 
given, I put under this accident ffe and ke fre- 
quently appended to nouns of the noble class with- 
out a local signification. Of these R^e says that ffe 
is equivalent to the Latin apiidy and ke to the Latin 
ex. 

Examples : — 

1. Pres, a pigeon ; presege ergirHky as large as a pigeon ; pH" 

penege arig^, is like garlic, from psipen, garlic ; Makange 
ned 'rihoge, I am treated as a sUve, from aSakarij a slave. 

2. Ketsi ni^e8k6inniike k. nitSeskSinM, Grod from Grod; Bagct^ 

dasemHinnHke btxgadiuemSinno, Light from light ; N'ha^ 
gakke ketetebermer, Je t'estime antant que ma personne. 

Among the locative marks there remains to be 



292 GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKI. 

mentioned the affix 4nek, which I find only in the 
translation of the angelical salutation, ^ Hail Msltj^^ 
V^tsinek^ilafibamek6ssi pe^nemHinei, Blessed art thou 
amongst women. It is the same in signification as 
the termination 4k^ky in the examples given 
above. 

To illustrate more fully the locative affix, I sub- 
join a conj ugated noun in the locative. 

iitgHamy a cabin, home. 

Singular. 

1. ITtgSameky in my cabin. 

2. ICtg^ameky in thy house. 

3. Aiiig^ameky in his house. 

1. ITig^amMk (-oA;), in our house ; k^iglknnnl6k (-oA;), in our 

house. 

2. K'tgliamSmk, in your house. 

3. A6%g6amJ6anky in their house. 

FlonL 

1. iriff6aimxk6k, in my houses. 

2. K'ig6amtk6ky in thy houses. 

3. A6ig6amik6k, in his houses. 

• 

1. IPiglSamik6Sahky in oar houses; J^ig}Samik6}Sanky in our 

houses. 

2. K'ig\^amilt6}ianh, in your houses. 

3. A6ig^amik66ank^ in their houses. 

Observation : It is worthy of remark that the 
marks of the locative ending in k and ge have a 
striking resemblance to the present participle and 
present suppositive respectively, of neuter and im- 
personal verbs, and that ik>ik differs but very little 
from the present participle of a whole set of verbs, 



GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKL 293 

which may be called verbs of plenty. I make 
this observation because it tends to confirm the 
view I have already intimated of there being a 
verbal meaning latent in the Abnaki noun. 

With the locative ends the list of inflections to 
which the noun is subject. 

CASE. 

Prom the foregoing it will be inferred that the 
only inflections in Abnaki that correspond to case 
in English are the inflections of " conjugation " by 
which the possessive case may be expressed, but is 
not necessarily, and the " locative," corresponding 
to the objective case, chiefly as following certain 
prepositions. The inflection of the " obviative " is 
not so much to distinguish the object and subject 
in the phrase, although it serves to do that in some 
sentences, as to distinguish nouns of the noble class 
and third person coming together in a certain re- 
lation. 

In conjugation, so far as it corresponds to the 
possessive, it will be observed that it is not the 
name of the possessor but of the object of posses- 
sion that is inflected, as is the case in Shemitic 
languages. 

Apart from these changes there is no inflection 
for case, and consequently the noun is the same in 
the nominative and objective. The verbal system 
is such as to dispense almost altogether with prep- 
ositions, or combine them with verbs in such a 
way as to express complex relations without change 
in the subject or object 



294 GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE ABNAKL 



POSTSCRIPT. 

The paper here given attempts to describe the gprammar of 
the Abnaki, chiefly so far as it may be gathered in the writings 
of Father Rale, but the same principles apply to the modem Pe- 
nobscot, the St Francis, and St. John dialects, and to a great 
extent also to the Passamaquoddy. The chief change necessary 
to make the language of Father R&le's tune intelligible to an 
intelligent member of any of the tribal branches above men- 
tioned is to substitute the letter I for r in all words where r 
occurs. 

Besides this change I may mention that the tendency of the 
modem dialects is to use the vowel O, which is rarely found in 
Father Rale's dictionary, for the 8 as a vowel, which is so fre- 
quentiy used, either as a vowel or a consonant. 



ARTICLE Xn. 



EDWARD GODFREY: 



HIS LIFE, LETTERS, AND PUBLIC SERVICES, 



1584-1664. 



Bt CHARLES EDWARD BANES, M. D. 



Bead maoam td ICaihb BmotaoAL Socdrt, ai FosiLAn), Hat 25, 188L 



EDWAKD GODFREY: 

HIS LIFE, LETTERS, AND PUBLIC SERVICES. 




In the western part of the 
county of Kent, at the par- 
ish of Westerham, rises a lit- 
tle stream navigable for small 
boats only, called the river 
Darent, which runs by a 
dozen smaU boroughs to 
Dartford, where it is known 
as Dartford Creek.^ About 
a mile below this town it is 
joined by the river Cray, and empties into the 
Thames. A short distance from this river, south- 
ward of and adjoining Dartford, lies the parish 
of Wilmington,^ on the high road from London 
to Dover, seventeen miles from the great metrop- 
olis. This parish is in the ecclesiastical jurisdio- 

^ SaxoD, Tsrente-fort, which hecame Darent-ford and Dartford. 
Rey. Josse Glover speaks in his will of property he owned in Da- 
rend. (Genealogical Register , xxiii. 136.) 

* Wilmington was not mentioned in the Survey of Domesday^ but 
stands included in the account of the ancient demesne of the king's 
manor of Dartford, whereof it was an appendage, in the Hundred of 
Axstane. In the Textva Roffensis it is called Wilmentona and Wil- 
mintune. 



298 EDWARD GODFREY. 

tion of the diocese of Rochester and deanery of 
Dartford, and contains a church dedicated to St. 
Michael^ which stands on the knoll of a hill, a 
conspicuous object for many miles around.^ At 
the southwest portion of Wilmington, in a ham- 
let called Barnend, there lived during the last 
quarter of the sixteenth century one Oliver God- 
frey, gentleman, who had bom to him by his 
wife Elizabeth ten children, of whom four were 
sons. It is not at present known how long this 
family had resided there, and no evidence is yet 
available to establish kinship with any of the nu- 
merous families of the same name who were living 
at that period in the county of Kent, and even in 
the same parish,^ Oliver Godfrey died May 3, 
1610, leaving no will ; but the record of the ap- 
pointment of his eldest son Edward as administra- 
tor of his estate is now on file in the Rochester 
Records, High Court of Probate, Somerset House,* 

^ ** This parish is situated both for pleasure and health, the quan- 
tity of cherry grounds which encircle the village contributing greatlj 
to the beauty of its appearance ; and in the spring, when the trees 
are in blossom, the whole appears as a continual range of garden." 
(Ireland, History of Kent , iv. 451.) 

^ The writer entertains an idea that this Oliver Godfrey may have 
been a French Mgre, who had become connected with the trade 
of London, and removed to England to be near the centre of com- 
mercial enterprise. The name of Oliver Godfrey, of Penserst (Pens- 
hurst), appears in a list of contributors to a loan to King Henry 
VIII., in 1642. (Archcsologia Cantiana, xi. 402.) 

* A tracing of the original entry was made for me by the Rev. 
Robert Jamblin, M. A., vicar of St. Michael's, to whose cordial co- 
operation in the work of hunting up the Grodfrey ancestry I am in- 
debted deeply, and with pleasure make this general acknowledgmeati 



EDWARD GODFREY. 299 

Preserved in the same archives is the will of his 
wife Elizabeth, who died January 21, 1621, wherein 
the names of ten children are to be found, of whom 
Edward, the eldest, and subject of this memoir, was 
made executor and residuary legatee, charged with 
the payment of the bequests.^ Oliver and his wife 
Elizabeth were buried in the chancel of St. Mi- 
chael's, Wilmington, and the mural monument to 
their pious memory is thus described as it ap- 
peared more than a century ago : ^ In the church 
there is a gravestone partly covered by the rails 
within the Communion Table, and on the stone 
was formerly the portraiture of a person in brass, 
with a label proceeding out of the mouth, and a 
coat of arms above the head. Beneath the figure 
a brass plate remains, with this inscription in Ro- 
man capitals : ^ Here lyeth the body of Oliver God- 
frey, Esq. who dyed the 3** of May 1610, and Eliza- 
beth his wife who died the 21"* of Jan^ 1621, and 

and shall designate at the proper places the special credit due to 
him for his investiorations. The record of administration reads thus: 
"Nonodecimo maii 1610 coram venerabili viro Roberto Master, 
Legum doctore Vicario generali etc. / Willmington, Commissa fuit 
adininistratio bonorum Oliyeri Godfrey de Willmington defuncti Ed- 
wardo Godfrey ejus filio primitus de bene, etc., jurato etc., pro in- 
▼entario Petri ex* [exhihitum]." 

1 See Appendix XV. The following is an abstract of her will, 
dated January 19, 1621, two days before her death : «* To daughter 
Catherine £20, and certain furniture; to daughter [illegible] £S,and 
black gown; to daughter Maria 40«.; to daughter Elizabeth 209., 
and 20^. apiece to her daughters Dorothy and Sara Browne; to 
daughter [. . oth . ria ?] IOj?. ; to daughter Sarah, my best petticoat, 
and to Wm. Ditton, her husband, 10».; to son William Godfrey 10»., 
and to his daughter Elizabeth 10«.; to son Thomas 10«. ; to son John 
10«. ; to Robert Werridge £5; to the poor of Wilmington 201." 



300 EDWARD GODFREY. 

had issue ten children.' " ^ When St. Michael's 
was rebuilt or restored in 1840 this monument was 
" carted away," as the present incumbent writes to 
me, and adds : " My old clerk remembers it per- 
fectly." However, it will not be of direct interest 
to follow up this topic or refer at length to the 
family beyond this point,^ and we leave it to pur^ 
sue our researches into the personal history of the 
eldest son and heir of Oliver and Elizabeth, who 
came to our shores a few years after the death of 
his mother, and acquired the highest political 
honors in the province of Maine. (For pedigree, 
see next page.) 

yrv y^ t\ /) Edward Godfrey was 

J^y^- (M>yi[y^ ^^"^ about 1584, in the 

^^^^ yv^ ^ CS^ reign of Elizabeth, dur- 

^/ ing the culmination of the 

Signature, 1860. intrigucs of Mary Stuart, 

queen of the Scots. He lived in the declining 
years of an age of discovery and in the early 
portion of the era of colonization ; and becoming 
familiar with the painted blossoms of the one, he 
was eager to taste the bitter fruit of the other. 

• 

1 MSS. of Samuel Denne, vicar of Wilmington, 1767. Hasted, in 
his History of Kent (iii. 450, 498, 508), intimates some false use of 
this monument by those not entitled to it, but his meaning is obscure 
and his views are repudiated as unfounded by the present vicar, who 
furnished me the facts. 

^ '^ The Godfrey family is still in existence in this neighborhood, 
though in a much more humble position than they were two hundred 
years ago." (Extract of letter from Be v. Robert Jamblin, M. A^ 
vicar of St Michael's, to the writer.) 



EDWARD GODFREY. 301 

GODFREY PEDIGREE. 

( CbwqMtel y^om FrobaU EteardM, Somtnat Hoicm, omd Pan$k Registen, S$dl, tkvm- 

oeUa, Ktni,) 

OUTSB OODTRIT b BUSABITR .... 



Wilmington 
Obit 8 Mi^ 1610. 



Will dated 19 Jan. 103L 
Obit 21 Jan. ie2L 



Cftthtrin« Bdwaid [dan.] William Maria Tbomaa EUmbeth [dan.] Saiah John 
b.lfi84. m. m. m. 

m. [••••] ' * ' *. B'oi^'<^n* ^iD. Oltton. 

X • • • • 



3 Ann Me«ant d. ■. p. 

Ellabeth | | 



Dorbthy 8anh 



Olirer 
" onely sonn* '* 
Seal, SoTenoaks, Kent, Bn|r. 
Bur. 28 October 1661(?) 
m. 
(1648) 
Mazy Smith 
daughter of Biohard 8. 
(She m'd 2nd Bdward Coze 1 July 1002 T) 



Sarah OliTer Charlei 

bapt. bapt. bapt. 

I»0ct.l666 20 Dee. 1660 26Mayia81 

m. bnr. 

Hannah French 16 Apb 1661 
14 July 1686. 
He was Ohnichwarden of Seal 1686b 



For a century prior to his birth the famous trans- 
atlantic navigators had been urging their curious 
shallops across the unknown seas to a strange 
country, and in coii^mon with all the eastern world 
he was discussing the myths and mysteries told by 
these marvelous marmers. 

He had undoubtedly heard from his father about 
the tragic fate of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, of Sir 
Francis Drake and his famous voyage around the 
world, and of Sir Walter Baleigh, the most brilliant 
and versatile man of his time ; and as young God- 
frey grew to his majority he probably came to know 
the relatives and descendants of these heroes : Ral- 



302 EDWARD GODFREY. 

eigh Gilbert, the admiral of the expedition fitted 
out by Sir John Popham for Sagadahoc ; Captain 
Francis Champemowne, collaterally related to the 
two great sailors; and, finally, Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges, who became linked by marriage to the 
fame and fortunes of that illustrious family. 

In the parish of Lee, not many miles from God- 
frey's home in Wilmington, the Rev. Samuel Pur- 
chas composed the greater portion of his book of 
travels, entitled " Purchas his Pilgrimes," and thus 
the atmosphere of Barnend was impregnated with 
the theme of the golden shores of a newer land. 
Indeed, all the energy and ambition of England lay 
in the development of her foreign maritime inter- 
ests. Great folio volumes of travel and adventures 
fed this zeal, and Godfrey must have been infected 
with the universal fever for discovery. London 
gave him ample opportunities for learning about 
all the ventures of the eager merchants ; and when 
successive voyagers — Gosnold, Pring, Waymouth, 
Popham, and Argall — reached the unknown land, 
and came back with reports confirmatory of the 
roseate descriptions disseminated by their predeces- 
sors, his desire to know of the El Dorado could not 
have been satisfied short of an actual visit to these 
^ fresh woods and pastures new." Fortunately for 
the development of this sketch, enough evidence 
is at hand to satisfy us not only of the proximate 
date of his emigration, but of the inception of his 
personal interest in the scheme of colonization. 
From several statements made at various intervals, 



EDWARD GODFREY. 303 

and independent of each other, we are in each case 
carried back to 1608 or 1609, from which he dates 
the beginning of his attention to the subject, and 
we naturally turn to some contemporary event to 
learn of the influences which may have attracted 
and directed his thoughts. Nor does the search 
fail us. In the latter end of the autumn of 1609 
Captain John Smith sailed up the Thames, on his 
return from Virginia, and thenceforth devoted his 
wonderful energies to the advancement of trade 
and the colonization of New England.^ He was 
one of the most conspicuous adventurers of that 
age, whose exploits were well calculated to excite 
the enthusiasm of courageous young men. It was 
this class that he assiduously cultivated then, for 
he had experimented enough with broken-down 
gentlemen and titled rakes in his attempted colo- 
nization of Virginia. Who can say that young 
Godfrey was not an eager listener to the tales of 
this Argonaut, recounting his adventures with the 
pretty Pocahontas to wondering crowds in the 
warehouses and taverns of London ? But if he bad 
made any definite plans for crossing the ocean they 
were soon abandoned, as the death of his father in 
1610 made him the representative of the family, 
and the care of his widowed mother became his 
first filial duty. Pour years later the ^ thrice mem- 
orable discoverer'' Captain John Smith left the 

^ ** He sailed from Jamestown 4 October, 1609, and probably' 
reached England in the middle of November." (Proceedings of the 
English CoUmie in Virginia^ hj W. S., Oxford, 1612, p. 102.) 



304 EDWARD GODFREY. 

Downs and arrived at Monhegan, and on his return 
published a spirited narrative of his voyage and 
explorations, which was accompanied by an excel- 
lent map.^ Prom this Godfrey could read the first 
accurate description of the New England that was 
soon to become his home. There he first saw the 
name of Accomenticus, which lent its title to the 
town which bowed to him as its mayor, and on the 
same map caught the rude outlines of the territory 
over which he was destined to rule as governor. 
For the next ten years we are ignorant of his 
whereabouts, but from the negative evidence of 
this silence it is concluded that he remained at 
home. In 1621 he was still in England, as he was 
made the executor of his mother's will, as before 
noted. It is probable that during this interval 
preceding his first appearance on the shores of 
Maine he was engaged in mercantile pursuits, and 
interested in the ships which sailed up the Thchnes 
to London Bridge, laden with the products of India 
and Cathay.* In this way he evidently had be- 

1 A Description of New England: or the Observations and diseoth 
eries of Captain John Smith, London, 1616. 

■ Godfrey waa called a " Merchant " by Winthrop (Jottmal^ i. 90), 
which is a specific designation made by the journalist for the pur- 
pose of distinguishing him from a " planter" or " mariner," or any 
of the commoner class of emigrants. In a petition Gk)dfrey himself 
says that he had ** ben versed in the Oriental parts of the World in 
the same Latitude as New England is the West." {CoL Papers, ziiL 
79.) France and Spain are in the same latitude as Maine, but if he 
means longitude the corresponding portion of the '' Oriental parts of 
the World " would be India. Probably this is his meaning, and he 
intends to convey that he was '^versed " in the trade and commerce 
of India. There was an Edward Godfrey, late apprentice to William 



EDWARD GODFREY. 305 

come interested in the business whicli subsequently 
shaped his future career. It will be remembered 
that in 1619 the Mayflower Pilgrims, who were 
short of funds, entered into a contract with some 
London merchants to furnish them money for their 
proposed emigration, and that a joint stock com- 
pany was formed by the two parties for a term 
of seven years. "There were divers of Robin- 
sons Tenents of Amsterdam and other Merchants 
of London joyned to settle a Colony," says Gar- 
diner, *^ nigh Cape Cod, now called New-Plymouth 
in New England ; Godfrey was one, but in two 
years they brought those that sent them 1800£ 
in debt." ^ This important statement reveals to us 
that Godfrey, as early as 1620, was a merchant in 
London, and, yet more interesting, one of that com- 
pany of adventurers who aided the Pilgrim Fathers 
in their time of need, though the money loaned 
was in the nature of a speculation. The scheme 
resulted in a failure financially, and November 16, 
1626, forty-two of the merchants signed a release 
upon an adjustment of the indebtedness to them 
on a basis of £1800, to be paid in stipulated an- 
nual installments. It then appears that Godfrey 
soon emigrated to Piscataqua. Gardiner says he 

Mallery, admitted a freeman of the Mercers' Company, of London, 
in 1614, who may be oar Edward Godfrey, then about thirty years 
of age. (MSS. Records, Mercers' Company, London.) An Edward 
Godfrey petitioned the East India Company September 18, 1624, in 
behalf of the widow of Robert Jackson and his interest in the estate. 
{Court Minute Book, vi. 119.) 

^ Gardiner, New England^ $ Vindication^ 2; oomp. Bradford, Ply" 
nunah Plantation, 45, 46; 1 Mau. Hist. CoU., ilL 48. 

20 



306 EDWARD GODFREY. 

stayed in New England ^ 27 years in person,*' ^ and 
as he left it in 1655 or 1656 he must have emi- 
grated about 1628 or 1629. I judge that he was 
sent out as an agent of the Council for New Eng- 
land, as on November 27, 1629, while at Piscata- 
qua, he was appointed "lawful Attorney of the 
President and Council to take possession and de- 
liver ... to Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Captain 
John Mason " the patented grant of Laconia, being 
the premises granted November 17th previous.* 
At that date he was certainly in this country at 
the settlement about Portsmouth. He had charge 
of the fishery interests of the Laconia Company, as 
appears by the correspondence of the principals in 
London,^ and in all respects was looked upon and 
directed by them as a trusted agent in charge of 
their large establishments about the region of the 
Piscataqua.^ This relation continued after he had 
left that settlement, for as early as 1630 he had 

^ Gardiner, New England's Vindication, preface. 

• Colonial State Papers, lix. 116. 

* The Laconia Company wrote under date of December 5, 1633, 
as follows : *^ We desire to have our fisherman increased whereof we 
have written unto Mr. Godfrie." (New Hampshire Provincial Pa- 
pers, i. 68.) ** Grodfrie who had been here some time lived at lit- 
tle Harbor and had care of the fishery. He had under his direc- 
tion six great shallops, five fishing boats . . . and thirteen skiffs." 
(Adams, Annals of Portsmouth, 16.) 

^ The Laconia Company " committed the choise care of our [their] 
house att Pascattaway " to Godfrey, hoping that the rest of ihe fac- 
tors would <* joyn lovinglie together [with him] in all things for our 
[their] good and to advise us [them] what our [their] best course 
will be for another year.'' (New Hampshire Provincial Papers^ i. 
68.) 



EDWARD GODFREY. 307 

chosen a spot near the " rivar of Accomenticus " 
for his future residence. In his petition to the 
Massachusetts General Court, dated October 30, 
1654, he states that he had been ^ 24 years an in- 
habitant of this place [York] the first that ever 
bylt or settled there ; " ^ which carries us back to 
1630, an assertion which then passed unchallenged. 
It is not hnprobable that he represented to his 
patron, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, the availability of 
the spot for the future metropolis of his province, 
and that the advice was accepted. Referring to 
the mission of Lieutenant-Colonel Walter Norton, 
Gorges says : '^ Upon his motion I was contented 
my grandson Ferdinando Gorges should be nomi- 
nated together with him and the rest ; to whom 
was passed a Patent of twelve thousand acres of 
land upon the east side of the river Agomentico 
and twelve thousand of acres more of land on the 
west side to my said son Ferdinando.'' ' This was 
the patent of December 2, 1631, and the grantees 
of Gorges, upon their arrival at the location of 
their claim, must have found Godfrey in his lonely 
house by the shore ready to welcome civilized 

^ Williamflon preserves the local tradition that '* he built one of 
the first frame houses ever erected in the place/' (^History of Maine^ 
i. 677.) Again, in 1660, he alludes to ^^ faithful service amongst 
them, the first planter.*' {Colonial Papers^ xv. 19.) The remains 
of the cellar of this house are still visible in old York, and Godfrey's 
Pond and Godfrey's Cove, near by, yet retain the name of the first 
settler of the town. 

' Gorges, Briefe Narration^ 38. The influence of Godfrey in the 
selection of this place for that grant is apparent, for he was the first 
settler there in 1630, and the patent was issued the next year. 



308 EDWARD GODFREY. 

neighbors and friends. The solitude of Black- 
stone, the religious recluse of Boston, had been but 
lately disturbed by the arrival of Winthrop's fleet, 
and this large influx of immigrants stimulated the 
feeble settlements along the coast and encouraged 
intercommunication. Under date of October 18, 
1632, Governor Winthrop records in his journal : 
" Capt. Cammock and one Mr. Godfrey a merchant 
came from Pascataquack in Capt Neal his pinnace 
and brought sixteen hogsheads of com to the 
mill." ^ This circumstance is of interest because 
up to that time and still later there was not one 
run of stone in all the settlements about the Pis- 
cataqua.^ As there was no tavern in Boston till 
1634, we are obliged to think that Cammock and 
Godfrey had urgent friends to detain and house 
them, for the governor reports that they did not 
leave until some time in November.* 

^ Winthrop, Journal^ i. 90. This windmill, which had been set 
up on Fort Hill only the previous August, was first erected at New- 
ton, but had been taken down and carried to Boston, '* because it 
would not grind but with a westerly wind." (Drake, History of 
Boston^ 141.) This is the only time that Godfrey is mentioned in 
the text of Winthrop's great work, although they were in frequent 
official communication till the death of the latter. When he first met 
Godfrey he gave him a *< notice," but as they differed in religion and 
politics he ignored him afterward. 

* This defect was remedied in July, 1684, when Grorges and Mason 
sent carpenters *' to Pascataquack and Aquamenticus with two saw- 
mills to be erected in each place one." (Winthrop, Journal^ L 
168.) 

* We surmise that they started homeward upon receiving news 
that Dixy Bull and his piratical crew were ravaging the coast of 
Maine, the news of which reached Winthrop November 21st. (Win- 
throp, Journal J i. 114.) See an article on Dixy Bull by the writer, 
Maine Genealogical Recorder^ i. 57. 



EDWARD GODFREY. 309 

In 1634 he was chosen as one of the referees by 
Mason and Gorges to divide their patents,^ and 
after the completion of this work Sir Ferdinando, 
who had acquired an absolute property in the ter- 
ritory between the Piscataqua and the Sagada- 
hoc, proceeded to organize and establish the ad- 
ministration of justice within those limits. His 
nephew, William Gorges, was designated as gov- 
ernor, and in the dwelling-house of Captain Rich- 
ard Bonython, on the eastern shore of the Saco 
River, he opened his first court, March 28, 1636, 
with Edward Godfrey as one of his councillors.^ 
A little later, in the common quarrel with George 
Cleeves, of which every provincial official had a 
taste, growing out of the Rigby claim, Godfrey 
became involved, with many others, as an adher- 
ent of the Gorges fitction. The nature of this 
quarrel between Cleeves and Godfrey does not 
appear, but it seems that the former began legal 

^ In a joint letter Mason and Grorges inform their factors, May 6, 
1634, that they ''have made a division of all our lands lying on the 
north east side of the harbor and river of Pascattaway," and direct 
them *' with the advise of Capt. Norton and Mr. Godfrey to set oat 
the lynes of division.'' (^New Hampshire Provincial Papers, L 88.) 

' At this primitive tribunal of justice, where he sat in judgment, 
were tried two actions in which he was pecuniarily interested. Upon 
his petition an order was given to "the officer of Acomticus to 
apraise goods of Mr [William] Hoock for £19 Ss. and 30s. dam- 
ages." This was William Hooke, who left the province in a few 
years with a grievance against Godfrey, which he pours forth in a 
letter to Winthrop. (4 Mass. Hist Coll., vii. 198.) At the same 
court Godfrey applied for a writ of seizure on " one Brase Kettell 
now in the hands of M' Edward Godfrey wiw was belonging to Mr 
John Straten of a debt dew now 8 years from M' Straten to him." 



310 EDWARD GODFREY. 

proceedings against him, probably for libel, and as 
Vines is the authority, the details are resigned to 
him for narration. Under date of January 25, 
1640, Vines writes to Winthrop : ^ Three or 4 
yeares since Mr Cleiues being in England, pro- 
cured a writ out of the Star Chamber office to com- 
mand Mr Edward Godfrey, Mr John Winter, Mr 
Purches and myselfe to apear at the counsell table 
to answear some supposed wrongs. Mr Godfrey 
went over to answeare for himselfe, Mr Winter and 
my selfe, and out of the same Court brings a writt 
to command Cleiues to pay vnto him 20 U for his 
charges, which he refuses to doe." ^ It will not be a 
surprise to us to learn from Godfi^y, writing later, 
that he was unable to obtain any recompense for 
this malicious persecution, as Cleeves was practi- 
cally worthless, morally and financially.^ This 
visit of Godfrey to England, which was made about 
IGSTy was prolonged for a year or more, and had 
the dual object of pleading to this suit and procur- 
ing a patent of confirmation for his land at Aga- 
menticus.' But while there in April, 1638, he was 

1 Willis, History of Portland (ed. 1866), 878, reprinted from 4 
Mass, Hist. CoU.<, tU. The Star Chamber, of anwTory memory, 
was established legally, though long before in power, S Henry YIL 
(1488), and abolished 16 Chas. I. (1641). 

* Godfrey writes : ^* I could get noe thing for my nniust molesting 
booth of Mr John Winter and my selfe." He got a verdict in his 
favor October 21, 1645, in a suit against Cleeyea^ for £20, awarded 
to him by the High Court of Star Chamber. 

* *<Some 18 yeares passed" (1686 or 1687), writes Godfrey in 
1654, " by oppression of Sir Ferdinando Gorges [I] was forced to 
goe to England to provide a Patten from the Counseii of N. £. for 



EDWARD GODFREY. 311 

present at the trial of the Quo Warranto Writ, 
brought by Sir John Banks, Attorney General, for 
vacating the Massachusetts charter. The patentees 
were " called on to confront a peremptory demand 
from the Lords Commissioners in England for the 
surrender of the Massachusetts Charter, coupled 
with the threat of sending over a new governor- 
general from England." ^ During this trial Godfrey 
says he was " att the Counsell Table," and when 
the agents and friends of Massachusetts ^^ stood 
mute," not knowing what defence to make, he an- 
swered the objections; and Gardiner says: "so 
that upon his Plea, all the Ships were cleared." * 

my selfe and partners." This was the grant dated March 22, 1638, 
which was a renewal to him of the grant of December 2, 1631, in 
favor of Gorges and Norton et als., referred to in Briefe Narration^ 
38. It was probably void through neglect to fulfill conditions of set- 
tlement. It is difficult to comprehend what Godfrey means *' by op- 
pression of Sir Ferdinando Grorges " he was ** forced to goe to Eng- 
land to provide a Fatten[t]." Perhaps it was a disagreement about 
rent of his land, but it is certain that Gorges was loyal to Godfrey in 
the quarrel with Cleeves. ** Now Sir Fferdinando Gorges gaue me 
order to see Mr €rodfrey haue right in this case," writes Vines to 
Winthrop in letter above quoted, and, as will be seen further on, 
Grorges made him councillor under the new charter government. 

^ Memorial History of Boston^ i. 128. On complaint of several 
disorders in New England, the king in July, 1637, appointed Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges governor-general, but the measure was never 
carried into effect. This failure is accounted for through the inter- 
nal distractions in England and Scotland, which diverted the atten- 
tion of the authorities from colonial matters, and soon after Arch- 
bishop Laud and some other lords of the council, who had been 
zealous for the measure, lost their authority. (Holmes, Annals, i. 
241; Chalmers, Annals, U 162.) 

* Gardiner, New England's Vindication, 5. This effective assist- 
ance volunteered by Godfrey went unthanked by Massachusetts, and 



312 EDWARD GODFREY. 

This service was of the greatest benefit to New 
England^ and has never been properly appreciated, 
either by his contemporaries or later historians. 
When Godfrey returned to Maine he came with 
the news that order would soon supersede the po- 
litical chaos which George Cleeves had so success- 
fully excited. The lord patentee, Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges, having been unable to come over as gov- 
ernor-general, next obtained from King Charles I. 
a charter constituting him lord proprietary of the 
province of Maine.^ By an instrument twice ex- 
ecuted he instituted his vice-regal government^ 
with Sir Thomas Jocelyn at the head.^. I believe 

was subseqpently ignored as futile by them. They ascribed their 
escape from total political extinction to divine mediation, ''as it 
pleased God so to order in his good Providence.'' (Rawson to God- 
frey, Hazard, State Papers, i. 564 ; comp. Chalmers, AnnalSf 299 ; 
Winthrop, Joumaly i. 161.) 

The Privy Council first ordered, March 80, 1688, that certain ships 
" now on the river of Thames, prepared to go for New England," 
should be detained; and April 1st the same course was taken with 
*' all that should thereafter be discovered to be prepared or intend to 
go thither." This order was rescinded April 10th, and the vessels 
proceeded to their destination. (Journal of the Privy Council,) It 
was during these anxious days in the spring of 1638 that Godfrey ap- 
peared ** at the [Privy] Counsell Table " to speak in behalf of the 
Massachusetts Charter and the emigrants who were detained. That 
his work was effective we know from the result 

^ The charter was dated April 8, 1689, and a commission for gov- 
ernment was issued September 2, 1689 ; but a second instrument be- 
came necessary by the declination of Sir Thomas Jocelyn, who was 
nominated by Crorges as deputy governor. The second commission 
was dated March 10, 1689-40. (Hazard, State Papers, i. 458.) 

' Sir Thomas Jocelyn was the son of Henry and Anne (Tyrrell) 
Jocelyn, and the father of Henry of Black Point and John the trav- 
eler. He set sail from the Downs April 26, 1688, with his son John 



EDWARD GODFREY. 313 

this was one of the fruits of Godfrey's visit to Eng- 
land, when of a certainty he must have visited Sir 
Ferdinando, and was able by his long residence 
and familiarity with the place and people to give 
him intelligent advice concerning the future ad- 
ministration of his province.^ The charters for 
the general territorial government and those for 
the creation of Agamenticus into a municipal cor- 
poration and metropolitan of the province were 
undoubtedly suggested by him to Gorges, as they 

to visit Henry in New England, and arrived at Black Point July 14ih 
following. Winter, in a letter to Trelawny, July 80th, that year, 
Bays he was " an ancyent old knight ... 4 score yeare old want- 
inge hut two." (Trelaumy Papers^ 119.) This hrings his birth to 
the year 1560. He remained at Black Point for a period of -fourteen 
months, but on September 2d, three weeks before his departure for 
home, Grorges had issued a commission to him under the charter of 
April 8d, that year, as deputy governor, unknown evidently to him. 
At that time the " ancyent old knight ** was at Black Point listen- 
ing to the marvelous yams of Michael Mitton and Richard Foxwell. 
(7W Voyages^ 28, 24.) Sir Thomas did not reach England till 
November 24th, having set sail from Boston September 24th pr»» 
Tions. Upon his Arrival it is probable that he first learned of his 
nomination. We may well infer that it was declined on account of 
his great age, — if perhaps death did not terminate the coo^mission. 
Gorges had mistaken the field. The energies of youth were de- 
manded by the province. 

^ Early in the year following the general provincial charter the 
village of Agamenticus, distinguished already as the residence of the 
deputy governor, was created a borough, April 10, 1641, and Thomas 
Grorges was appointed the ** first and next maior." (Hazard, Stale 
Papers, i. 472.) This form of government did not suit the lord pn^ 
prietor, and in less than a year he drew up another charter, dated 
March 1, 1642, creating a *' Citie or Towne " by the name of Gor- 
geana. The deputy governor was to appoint the mayor, and there 
were to be twelve aldermen and " four and twentie " cooocilmeii 
chosen annually by the free burgesses. (/(/., L 480.) 



314 EDWARD GODFREY. 

followed so soon after his visit to England. He 
was then the only one who had been resident in 
the province, except Vines, in the confidence of 
the lord proprietor. In both of the charters, pro- 
vincial and municipal, Godfrey was nominated for 
office. In the general government he was named 
as councillor, and in the borough charter of Aga- 
menticus he is first on the list of eight aldermen, 
presumably chairman of the board, and in the 
same instrument is further commissioned as judge 
of the municipal court.^ Under the second, or 
city charter, he became the mayor of Gorgeana, 
probably by appointment as provided, besides hold- 
ing his provincial magistracy as senior councillor.' 

^ ^* The said £dward Grodfrey shalbe a justice of the peace for the 
first yeare . . . and . . . shall likewise have an oath administered 
unto him by the . . . Towne clerke for the due execucon of Justice 
within the limitts of the said corporacon." (Hazard, State Pc^n^ 
i. 472.) 

^ Williamson, History of Maine ^i> 286, 289. See, also, my article 
on Roger Garde, New England Historical and Genealogical Register^ 
XXXV. 848. About this time William Hooke, who was in high favor 
with the Boston Puritans, and had gained the title of '* godly gent " 
from their leader (Winthrop, Journal^ ii. 125), left Agamenticos 
with a grievance which he had probably harbored against Godfrey 
for several years. Godfrey may have thought it his duty to report to 
Alderman Hooke, his father, what he considered to be waywardness 
in the son in taking up with the doctrines of the Puritan theocracy. 
Hooke thus unbosoms himself to Winthrop in a letter dated July 
15, 1640: **Mr Crodfrie haeth informed my father of many false 
things by letter against me in my remoueing from Accomenticus. 
Nowe Sir, you knowe vppon what grounds my remoueing was & 
what ends I propounded vnto my selfe in regeard of the vnsettell- 
nesse of the Church & State : praye Sir satisfie him in your wisdome 
what you thinke meate." (4 Mass. HisL CoU,^ viL 198.) See Ap- 
pendix I. 



EDWARD GODFREY, 815 

His duties under the latter office included jurisdic- 
tion over the Isles of Shoals, not only the north- 
erly half, which belonged to Maine, but the south- 
em group in the territory of Massachusetts.^ It is 
probable that this arrangement was with the con- 
sent of the latter province. Some questions grow- 
ing out of this temporary assumption of jurisdic- 
tion gave rise to a correspondence, in 1645, with 
Winthrop, in which Godfrey wishes that the entire 
group were in the government of Massachusetts, 
adding in parenthesis, "(it is not Mr Hulles 
mynd). "* The conclusion of the gloomy letter 
which he writes to Winthrop November 27, 1645, 
is as follows : " I haue sent my onely sonne for 
England for atending to your sonne worship. Jo : 
Wyntherop & some others to heere & determin or 
sartify of my oppressions, [which] Solomon saith 
will make a wyse man mad, soe may distemper me. 
I and Mr Hull & the rest Jobe 12. ii seing noe 
appell alowed must haue patience, onely desyer 
your worshipe to aduise me yf I tacke some of 
them in your jurisdiction wheather I may not haue 
an action of slander defamation to be tryed in 

^ The charter of the province of Maine embraced five of the Isles 
of Shoals, and the remainder belonged to New Hampshire, at this 
time under the government of Massachusetts, though the hardy fish- 
ermen were all Royalists. (Jenness, hies of Shoals^ 93.) 

* The itinerant missionary of that region, the Rev. Joseph Hull, 
styled by Winthrop *'a contentious man," had a chapel of ease at 
Hog Island, in the Maine group, and was of a different opinion 
from Godfrey, for he was inclined to oppose any encroachments of 
his Puritan enemies upon the Isles of Shoals. He had had taste 
eaongh of their theological oligarchy. 



316 EDWARD GODFREY. 

your court att Boston/'^ This letter is made 
partially intelligible by contemporaneous events. 
James Parker, writing July 28, 1645, about Maine 
afiairs, says, " That province is greatly distracted," 
and without doubt it was. Richard Vines, tired 
of the long internecine strife, had sold his estate 
to Dr. Eobert Childs, and taken his departure for 

* The question of John Winthrop, Jr., being in England in 1645, 
as mentioned by Godfrey, was referred to Hon. Robert C. Winthrop 
for comment, and, under date of June 7, 1880, he writes : ** Grod- 
frey's words may mean that he had sent his son while J. W., Jr. 
was in England. ... I do not think that J. W., Jr. was in Eng- 
land again in 1645, bat I am not sure. There is an endorsement 
M 645 ' in a comparatively modem hand (say a hundred years ago) 
on the back of the letter. The last figure is certainly in the orig- 
inal more like a 5 than like a 8, but there might perhaps be room 
for a question. I still think, however, that it is 1645." John Win- 
throp, Jr., went to England August 3, 1641, and returned in 1648. 
He seems to have gone on business connected with the iron works. 
(Winthrop, Journal^ ii. 31, 312.) The diyersity of opinion between 
Parson Hull and Justice Godfrey about the government of the Isles 
of Shoals extended next year to a question of personal jurisdiction 
over a ** p*sell of marsh." Grodfrey sued his minister for possession 
of the disputed plot, and prevailed with the jury, who found '* for 
the pit the 20 acres of marsh, tenn shillings damages & cost of 
court." {York County Court Records,) The following year he came 
into court ** in the behalf e of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Knight," to 
compel John Alcock and Peter Weare to acknowledge a debt due 
the lord proprietor. John Heard was arraigned also by the same 
grand jury, and found it an expensive pastime ''calling M^ God- 
frey old knave," for the court adjudged him guilty and fined him 
£5, which was reduced to £3 upon the humble petition of the cul- 
prit. Again in court, June 27, 1648, Godfrey appeared before the 
bar as plaintiff in a suit to recover title to some land. This time 
John Gooch was the defendant, and the jury once more took God- 
frey's view of the case ''according to his division exhibited in 
Goort," and awarded him the land and £5 damages. {York Count^f 
Court Recordi.) 



EDWARD GODFREY. 317 

m 

the Barbadoes, and Mayor Boger Garde^ of Aga- 
menticuSy who had died but a few months before, 
^ cried out much oflF the people that they had 
broke his hearte." Both of these men were hia 
intimate associates, and the loss of their friendly 
counsel was calculated to make him disheartened. 
However, he does not falter. He makes a propo- 
sition for some primitive form of an intercolonial 
extradition to reach the slanderers from without, 
possibly referring to William Hooke, the " godly 
gent." In a letter to Winthrop July 20, 1647, 
Godfrey gives us a further insight into the inter- 
nal dissensions which disturbed the body politic, 
but as they are of a general nature there will be no 
place for quotations.^ The people, without doubt^ 
were in a state bordering on anarchy, and the 
condition of affairs was soon to become still more 
complicated. Two months before the date of this 
letter just mentioned (May 14, 1647), the lord pro- 
prietor. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, was laid in a war- 
rior's tomb, although Godfrey was then ignorant 
of his death. At this point we are afforded a pleas^ 
antly humorous view of the home and surround- 
ings of Godfrey.* Lucy (Winthrop) Downing, in 

^ As early u February 10, 1640, Godfrey wrote in a similar 
8train to Winthrop : ^ It is not vnknowne the many difficulties I 
have vndergone in the infancy of this plantation, now brought to 
som perfection. It is likely to suffer except you put to your help- 
ing hand." (Felt, EcclesioMtical History of New EngUuidj i. 445.) 
It is unfortunate that this whole letter is not accessible, but Mr. Felt 
gives no clue as to its whereabouts. See, also, Appendix IL 

s 5 Mass, Hist. CoU.^ I 87. The land on which Godfrey's house 



318 EDWARD GODFREY. 

a lietter to her brother John Winthrop, Jr., under 
date of December 17, 1648, thus writes : *^ . . . Mr 
[Nathaniel] Norcross is flowen to Agamenticus and 
there he sayth for his short experience he likes 
very well. Mr Godfrey whear he lives keeps a 
very good howes and if wee will goe thither a hows 
with 3 chimnyes he promiseth if 2 of them blowe 
not down this winter which may be feard being 
but the parsons howes." Probably this " very good 
howes" in which Justice Godfrey lived was the 
frame house, the first in the town, according to 
tradition. The officers of the Gorges proprietary, 
of whom he was the senior councillor, sent a letter 
to the heirs of the deceased knight, of whose death 
they had been apprised in June, 1647, and again 
in 1648, " but by the sad distractions in England 
noe return is yet come to hand,"^they declared in 
July, 1649, when they drew up an admirable in- 
strument for mutual protection and self-govem- 

stood was thus bounded by the surveyors in 1644: ** from the Marked 
tree above the Trapp unto M' Nortons house which is his bounds. 
It contayning 154 poole betweene the fA house & Tree & from these 
bounds he is to goe North East" (^Massachusetts Archives^ cxiL 1 2.) 
On these broad acres he attempted to leave a name for his posterity 
which should always remind them of the traditions of his family. 
He called a spur of his land which projected into the sea Point 
Bolleyne, as a remembrance of the Godfreys of BoUeyne, whose arms 
and crest he bore cut in the seal that left its impression upon the 
letters in the Winthrop correspondence previously referred to. Be- 
side this property on the York River, he was interested with his son 
Oliver Godfrey and Richard Rowe, of London, in a tract of 1,600 
acres on the north side of Cape Neddick Creek, which they had 
leased in 1638 from Gorges. They were required to pay the propria 
etor an annual rent of two shillings for every hundred acres. 



EDWARD GODFREY. 319 

ment.^ By this "combination** (so called) it was 
unanimously agreed ^ to make choyse of such 
Governor or Governors and magistrates as by most 
voysses they shall thinck meet" 

The " choyse " of the people naturally fell upon 
him who had first laid the foundations of a civil- 
ized community in that section of the province, 
and who by reason of long and faithful service and 
eminent abilities had merited their esteem. Ed- 
ward Godfrey, gentleman, became then the first 
governor of the province of Maine, the colonial 
contemporary of John Endicott of Massachusetts, 
William Bradford of Plymouth, John Haynes of 
Connecticut, and Theophilus Eaton of New Haven. 
The election took place at the July term of the 
court in 1649, and for three successive terms he 
was chosen to be his own successor. His adminis- 
tration is not characterized by any noteworthy 
legislation, but the records show his terms to have 
been years of quietude and rest from the political 
agitations which had worried the planters hereto- 
fore. Under his guidance the province of Maine 
began to spend its time with internal progress, and 
professional politics was discarded for practical 
husbandry. All this peaceful prospect, however, 
was to be rudely disturbed by an act of usurpa- 
tion, devoid of neighborly honor and common jus- 
tice. By a false and specious interpretation of 
her charter Massachusetts claimed the heritage of 

^ Printed verbatim in the New England Historical and Genealogical 
Register^ xxxv. 42. 



320 EDWARD GODFREY. 

Sir Ferdinando Gk)rges, and by force of might 
proceeded to establish this fraudulent claim. The 
complete story of these proceedings belongs to a 
special monograph, however, which will be treated 
by me in a separate publication,^ and I can only 
allude to the part taken in the affair by Godfrey. 
As governor, the duty of remonstrance and resist- 
ance fell to him, and when first apprised of their 
intention to take possession of the province he 
called a session of his assembly and presented the 
case. They resolved to appeal to the English Par- 
liament at once, and Governor Godfrey drew up a 
letter asking for protection. (Appendices III. and 
V.) This was in December, 1651, but Cromwell's 
Roundheads were the allies of the Puritans of 
Massachusetts, and no help could be found there. 
A paper warfare ensued between Governor God- 
frey and Secretary Rawson, in which the Massa- 
chusetts General Court was asked to act the hon- 
orable part, and bese^ched not to crush out a feeble 
neighbor by such unjust means. The governor 
told them that in 1638 he defended their charter 
at the Quo Warranto Trial, and now, with base in- 
gratitude, they used that same instrument to steal 
away his rights and the rights of his people. (Ap- 
pendix IV.) After the words came the work of 
usurpation. The emissaries of Massachusetts ar- 
rived in York, the residence of the governor, 

1 The History of the Usurpation of the Province of Maine by the 
Massachusetts Bay Colony^ by the author of this memoir, is announced 
by the Gorges Society to appear in tlieir forthcoming publicationg. 



EDWARD GODFREY. 321 

November 22, 1652, to take the submission of the 
inhabitants. They had been to Kittery, and by 
judicious intimidation had won the first skirmish, 
and now the battle was to be fought with the gov- 
ernor. The planters gathered in large numbers 
and manfully plead for their rights, but without 
avail* The doctrine of might became right on that 
day, and the chronicle reads : ^^ After some time 
spent in debatements, many questions answered 
and objections removed," the inhabitants acknowl- 
edged themselves " subject ta the government of 
the Massachusetts." But what of Godfrey ? The 
next sentence tells the story, for this is the Boston 
side of the tale : " Mr Godfrey did forbeare untill 
the vote was past by the rest and then imediately 
he did by word and vote express his consent also." ^ 
But he submitted with a mental reservation. The 
townsmen evidently went over to the Massachu- 
setts side like a flock of frightened sheep, and God- 
frey saw that opposition was futile. "Whatever 
my boddy was inforsed unto," he says in his state- 
ment to the Rump Parliament, ^^ Heaven knowes 
my soule did not consent unto." ^ No one familiar 
with the story of the usurpation will doubt his 
word. This act of his, however, was the great 
mistake of his life, and a mistake that he must 
have regretted. It would have made no difference 
in the result if he had refused to submit, but it 
would have added to our respect for his uncom- 

1 Mass, CoL Records, iT.(i.) 129. 

* Colonial State Papers, ziiL 79; Appendix VIL 
21 



322 EDWARD GODFREY. 

promising adherence to principle. The authorities 
of Massachusetts thereupon appointed him council- 
lor of the province, and for three successive years 
he exercised the functions of that ofl&ce. Under 
the new order of things, which was almost a polit- 
ical revolution completed without bloodshed, the 
friends of the dominant party began a system of 
plunder which soon despoiled the governor of his 
estate. He says that by " making it a Township 
(I) could not performe my covenants with Tenants 
and servants." The Massachusetts charter, with 
its limits stretched over Maine, gave the enemies 
of the fallen chief an opportunity to make free with 
his land, and he said that these people ^^ had been 
so Bould as amongst themselves to share and di- 
vide " his land so that he had "not marsh left him 
to keepe 5 head of Cattle." This he put in a pe- 
tition ^ to the Massachusetts General Court, and 
asked for an investigation, which they granted, and 
appointed commissioners, and they made a report 
in his favor, confirming to him over 1,500 acres.* 
This confirmation met with a vigorous protest from 
over a score of the people of York, who by this de- 
cision were made to pay rent for this land which 
they had " shared and divided " amongst them- 
selves, and they asked for a rehearing. The flim- 
siest reasons for this request were given. No new 

^ Dated October 80, 1654. In another statement he says : '' My 
Pattent judged by them void after 25 years possession." {Egerton 
MSS., British Museum.) See Appendix VL 

> Mas9, Archives, iii. 238, dated April 20, 1655; Appendix XX. 



EDWARD GODFREY. 323 

evidence was presented to substantiate their desire, 
and yet in spite of the unbiased judgment of the 
committee a new investigation was ordered.^ The 
result is not upon record, and we cannot say how 
far this policy of legislative interference was suc- 
cessful in defrauding him of his estate, which he 
had occupied for a quarter of a century. It would 
seem that he had become tired of the indignities 
heaped on him, not only by outsiders but by his 
own ungrateful townspeople, for the last we hear 
of him is in the following August, when he trans- 
ferred a few acres of land. He could see no hope 
for himself among an alien crew of officials, and he 
must have soon sailed for England to prosecute his 
case before the Protector. It was a forlorn hope 
indeed to flee from the Puritans of Massachusetts 
to the Puritans of England, but it was a step he 
took for what it would bring. He had undoubtedly 
seen the folly of his submission, and repented of 
it deeply, and when he set sail for England he re- 
solved to place not only his own wrongs, but those 
of the people of the province, in their true light be- 
fore the courts of the Commonwealth. His move- 
ments were probably well known to the Boston of- 
ficials, and his departure alarmed them. For four 
months since Edward Winslow's death they had 
been without representation at Oliver's court, but 
now they lost no time, and probably in the wake 
of Godfrey's shallop sailed the ship that bore Cap- 
tain John Leverett to London, the accredited agent 

^ Mass. Col. Recj iii. 885, dated May 28, 1655; Appendix XXII. 



324 EDWARD GODFREY. 

of Massachusetts.^ As the time of Godfrey's de- 
parture is not definitely known to us, the date of 
his arrival in London must also be a matter for con- 
jecture. Upon the supposition that he reached his 
old home in the autumn of 1655, a long hiatus re- 
mains to be filled before reaching the next recorded 
notice of his movements. Knowing the active 
habits of the man, this cessation of labor can be ac- 
counted for by a knowledge of the hopelessness of 
his pleadings before the bar of the Commonwealth, 
or upon the theory of the progressing infirmities of 
age. We may well conclude that the two causes 
kept him in seclusion during the last years of the 
Protectorate, for, knowing the hostility of the ruler 
to him, we must also bear in mind that the ex- 
iled magistrate was rapidly nearing the completion 
of " threescore years and ten." Yet it is incon- 
sistent with his natural energy to picture him sit- 
ting idly down with folded hands, bemoaning his 
misfortunes. Bather do we think of him as pru- 
dently abstaining from active agitation, and si- 
lently lending his moral aid to that passive move- 
ment in the minds of the people which was soon 
to overturn the usurping maltsters family from 
the throne. This proves to have been the case, 
for thus he describes his course of action : ^ — 
"After 3 yeares there spent in vane for redress, 

^ He was appointed November 23, 1655. " In the beginning of 
December (1655) Capt. John Leverett set sail for London.'* (Hull's 
Diarj, in Archceologia Americana, iii. 178.) 

* Colonial Slate Papers^ zv. 82, March 14, 1660-61; Appendix 
IX. 



EDWARD GODFREY. 325 

I came for England/' he says ; . . . ^ then I got a 
reference from : P : ^ nothing effected, then one 
from R : P : * the referes met divers times." 

We cannot suppose that he seriously hoped to 
effect any favorable consideration from the Protec- 
torate, but rather to keep alive the story of his 
wrongs through this inalienable right of petition. 
Beside this legitimate method of agitation, he had 
secured during the latter part of the reign of 
Oliver Cromwell the favor of certain " persons of 
honor," who interposed their influence in the ad- 
judication of his claims with the authorities at 
Boston. These friends had addressed letters to 
the governor and magistrates of Massachusetts 
on behalf of Godfrey, but no answer or acknowl- 
edgment was received to these amicable epistles. 
He complained to Captain Leverett of this discour- 
tesy, and by him it was reported shortly after the 
death of Oliver Cromwell. To this the General 
Court ref)lied : — 

..." Concerning those letters from persons of 
honor alledged by Mr Godfrey to have been sent 
to the govemour and magistrates in favour of him 
wee never received and so could return no answer, 
and for himselfe, he was one of those that did 
submitt to this government, accepted of commis- 
sion from hence and took the oath of freemen, and 
that without any force or compulsion at all, none 

* AbbreYiation for Oliver, Protector. 

' Abbreviation for Richard, Protector. See his petition to the 
** Rump " Parliament, Appendix YIL 



326 EDWARD GODFREY. 

having been used towards him or any other as is 
unduely suggested." ^ 

The authorities of Boston felt uneasy from the 
moment Governor Godfrey set sail for London. 
They knew his power, and foresaw that his per- 
sonal endeavors at court might be productive in 
reopening the merits of the question of jurisdiction. 
*While they felt able to conquer him in the house 
of their friends, yet they did not wish to cross 
swords with him. So, to counteract any influence 
which he might obtain, the Boston magistrates 
circulated a petition ^ in the towns of Maine, pray- 
ing his highness the Protector to take them under 
his immediate control, and not relegate them to the 
former provincial authorities. It is, perhaps, need- 
less to say that this document was procured under 
the shadow of those influences which had driven 
the poor planters into their earlier submissions. 
Having once signed away their birthright, it was 
not a difficult task to induce them to express their 
satisfaction with the change, as they did in a pre- 
vious petition.' • Leverett writes, under date of 
December 25, 1658, to Secretary Bawson :..."! 
presented a copy of the petition from Pacscataqua 
and Yorke inhabitants (Mr Godfrey being active 
about his complaints, the which he still prosecutes 
and hath procured a reference) his Highnes * said 

* Hutchinson Papers^ ii. 39, 41. 

« 1 Maine Hist. Coll, dated October 27, 1658. 

• 1 Maine Hist. Coll, L 296, dated August 12, 1656. 

4 Richard Cromwell, although the petition was addressed to his 
father, the news of his death not having been received. . 



EDWARD GODFREY. 327 

he would read the same and consider thereof at 
more leisurable tyme than he had at that present : 
so that I doubt not but whatever Mr Godfrey may 
doe we shall be able to give such answer as to pre- 
vent prejudice to the courts acting as to those 
parts." ^ 

The trusty agent of Massachusetts knew whereof 
he spoke when he announced his ability to ward 
off any investigation into the usurpation of the 
jurisdiction of Maine. The Protector himself was 
too much of a usurper to give that business much 
thought. He deemed it prudent to take " leisur- 
able tyme " with the complaints of the exile. 

Godfrey's interest in Maine, however, was not 
wholly a selfish desire to aggrandize himself That 
he had other and higher motives in mind at all 
times is sufficiently shown in a letter from the 
Corporation for the Propagation of the Gospel to 
the Commissioners of the United Colonies, dated 
May 7, 1659: "Wee are informed," writes the 
clerk, ^^ that there is want of fitt and able persons 
to cary on the worke amongst the Indians reside- 
ing towards the east : wee haue thought good att 
the Request of Mr Edward Godfrey to recomend 
vnto you one Mr. John Brock, a person vnknowne 
to vs, whom hee affeirmes to be expert in the In- 
dian toungue and fitly quallifyed for the purpose 
aforesaid." ' Even in his poverty he had tender 

^ Htaehinson Papers, L 817. 

' Hazard, Collections, i. 408. Rev. John Brock was bom at Strad- 
brooky and came to New England in 1687, graduated at Haryard 



328 EDWARD GODFREY, 

and hopeful thoughts for the savages of his loved 
home. 

For three years Godfrey patiently awaited the 
termination of these delays, all the while hoping 
and believing that the Protectorate, which had 
pocketed all his petitions and grinned at his grie- 
vances, would soon die a natural death. The end 
was reached September 3, 1658, when the wonder- 
ful Cromwell, nodding assent to the succession of 
his son, breathed his last. It was not the end lit- 
erally, but the beginning of the end, for there was 
nothing of the leader of men in Richard. 

In a few months Charles the Second, the ^ Mer- 
rie Monarch,'* by common consent returned to the 
throne of his ancestors. Governor Godfrey thought 
he saw in all this elegance the omens of an hum- 
bler restoration for himself The natural obstacles 
of age and consequent infirmities did not seem to 
check the ardor of his prosecution for justice. In- 
deed, it was necessary for him to be on the alert 
if he would accomplish tangible results. He was 
not only living on borrowed time, but on borrowed 
money. The reverses of the past eight years and 
the loss of income from his lands had reduced him 
to actual poverty. Indeed, it is one of the sad 
pictures of the usurpation of the Boston authori- 
ties to see this octogenarian homeless, penniless, in 

College in 1646, and preached at the Isles of Shoals from 1650 to 
1662, when he removed to Reading. Mr. Brock was one of the com- 
mittee who in 1655 adjusted the differences between Godfrey and 
the town of York aboat lands. See Appendix XX. 



EDWARD GODFREY. 829 

the streets of London, perhaps a frequent denizen 
of the casual wards of the great metropolis. The 
new king had scarcely become seated on his throne 
before our applicant was at his feet.^ It may ap- 
pear in unseemly haste, but, as Godfrey intimates 
at the end of his address, it was a question of ex- 
istence almost. He joined his strength with those 
who had other grievances against Massachusetts, 
and Captain Leverett, no longer an adviser of the 
throne, now stood at the outskirts waiting to pick 
up such information of the progress of events as 
the loafers at the courts of royalty would vouchsafe 
to divulge. The meagre news which he could 
glean in this desultory way he sends to the magis- 
trates at Boston, and, under date of September 
13th, writes to Endicott that he has tried to " have 
a sight of theyr petition, but cannot procure it." 
However, he reports that Godfrey was the leader 
of the allies in this movement, and that his forces 



^ It was about this time, probably, that he compiled the pamphlet 
entitled New England^ $ Vindication, which was printed in 1660 at 
London, with the name of Henry Gardiner as its entitled authcn*. 
The reasons for believing that Godfrey not only famished the facts 
contained in the tract, but in all probability wrote it, hare been 
atated at length by me in another publication. Godfrey's literary 
style is so peculiar, often an unintelligible mingling of ideas, strange 
metaphors, and curious idioms, that the similarity of this style in New 
England's Vindic€Uion is too close for thinking it to be accidental. No 
one who reads this little tract and Godfrey's letters in parallel col- 
umns can fail to see the earmarks of authorship in almost every line. 
See New England's Vindicatumy Gorges Society Publications^ toL L, 
Portland, 1884. Edited by Dr. Charles £. Banks. 



330 EDWARD GODFREY. 

consisted of anybody and everybody who would 
volunteer.^ 

What a contrast this forms in connection with 
Leverett's position twenty-two months earlier ! 
Then the latch-string to the Protectorate was al- 
ways on the outside for him. Now he was on the 
outside, not daring to avow himself the accredited 
agent of Massachusetts. Then he was hob-nob- 
bing with Parson Hugh Peters, the demagogue of 
the period. Now that peripatetic parson was 
tightly clutched in the merciless hands of the law, 
and awaiting his trial for compassing the death of 
the king's royal father. No one can fail to locate 
Godfrey at this period, the second week of October, 
for the regicides were being tried at Whitehall, and 
he remembered that they were the indirect causes 
of his misfortunes. Without doubt he was an in- 
terested spectator at this thrilling judicial scene; 

^ . . . " least you should hare cause of chargeing me witli neglect 
I have set pen to paper to let you understand what I heare in rela- 
tion to New England. The complaynants against you to the Kings 
majesty as I am informed are Mr Grodfrey and the company. Mr 
Reckes and Grefford and company of iron workes, some of the some- 
tymes fyned and imprisoned petitioners whoe thought first to have 
made theyr complaynts severally, after resolved in joint by petition, 
moved to have the quakers and anabaptists joyned but they refused. 
I have endeavoured to have a sight of theyr petition but cannot 
procure it : but am informed that haveing mentioned the articles 
they petition for the distance of places does not admit of a way of 
heareing as being nigher it might. They move that a generall goT- 
emour may be sent to give reliefe to them. To this petition they 
get what hands they can of persons that have been in New England 
though never inhabitants." (HtUchinson Papers^ i. 822.) See, also^ 
Appendices VIII. and X. 



EDWARD GODFREY. 331 

and when the conviction was accomplished and the 
execution day ordered for the 16th, he became 
one of the tumultuous crowd which followed the 
pugilistic parson as he was dragged on the hurdles 
from Newgate Gaol to Charing Cross. It was a 
righteous verdict and a just reward in the eyes of 
Godfrey, and when he strolled across London 
Bridge, and saw on a pole the ghastly head of the 
fanatical Hugh Peters, he honestly thought it a 
good warning to the enemies of the crown. 

The Parliamentary Commission for the Govern- 
ment of the Colonies during the early years of the 
civil war now gave place to the Council for For- 
eign Plantations, a body of similar construction and 
powers. They held their first meeting December 
10, 1660, and in March following took up matters 
relating to New England. The royalists, who had 
waited ten years for a favorable opportunity to 
present their cases, now exhibited themselves with 
their documents and arguments. Godfrey asso- 
ciated with Robert Mason in a petition dated at 
Whitehall, November 17, 1^60, and on the 21st of 
January following they summoned all parties inter- 
ested to make their appearance. No one responded 
for Massachusetts, although Captain Leverett was 
present and confessed that he had been their 
agent, but " now he had noe authority to appear 
or act in their behalf." This denial was met by 
Godfrey in a paper dated March 14, 1660.^ 

This interesting statement placed Leverett in 

1 See Appendix IX. 



832 EDWARD GODFREY. 

Buch a position that he sought to escape by ac- 
knowledging the possession of a copy of the patent 
of New England.^ 

We now have come to a sad epoch in the 
drama, which is developed at this point for want 
of definite data of its occurrence. In the letter 
soon to be introduced into the text, we are first 
astonished and then pained to learn that the pa- 
tient, long-suffering old man, in the declining years 
of an embittered life, has drifted into the gloom of 
a debtor's cell at Ludgate, — at Ludgate, huddled 
with scores of wretched men of previous respecta- 
bility, but of present impecuniosity ! It is but little 
consolation to know that Strype says it was re- 
served especially for merchants and tradesmen who 
had met with reverses in maritime traffic ; or that 
the curious pen of Roger Ascham, in an address 
to King Philip in 1554, when he came to London 
after his marriage with Mary, declares it to be 
^^ non sceleratorum career, sed miserorum cus- 
todia."* 

It is not known how long Godfrey had been in 
Ludgate, when he indited a letter to John Win- 
throp, of Connecticut, who had just arrived in Lon- 
don, bearing a congratulatory address to King 
Charles from the people of that province on the 
glorious restoration. This letter to the son of his 

^ Captain John Leyerett, wife and children, were licensed to go 
to New £ngland April, 1662. (Colonial State Papers, t. 289.) 
They arrived in Boston July 19th following, in the Charles. (Hull, 
Diary, Archceohgia Americana, ilL 202.) 

' See Appendix XL 



EDWARD GODFREY. 333 

old friend contains nothing of importance, being a 
bitter wail of an old, old man against the wronga 
inflicted on him by his enemies.^ 

But he was soon called upon to bear an addi- 
tional sorrow, which must have been a crushing 
blow to him. If we read aright, his " onely sonne " 
Oliver died, and was buried October 23, in the 
parish church of Seal, Sevenoaks, Kent, where he 
resided with his family.^ 

Godfrey was now childless and alone, an exile 
and a prisoner, and we do not doubt that the nec- 
essary regulations of his prison made it impossible 
for him to be at the burial services of his only 
son. Be that as it may, its depressing effect 
upon the aged governor may be well conceded, 
and it resulted in his cessation from the further 
prosecution of his claim for eighteen months. He 
had no heart for work, and when we hear from him 
again it will be for the last time that he rehearses 
the story of his wrongs. He makes one more ap- 
peal to the dilatory council in behalf of his far- 
off home in the wilderness of Maine, and it is all 
that is left to us to close up the sorrowful story 
of his struggles and disappointments. In early 
April, 1663, he writes to Povey, from Ludgate 
Prison, that he is ^ in great mysery except Go<J 
rayses freinds," but he yet retained hope that 

^ See Appendix XL 

* « Mr Oliver Godfrey bnryed this 28nl of Octob : 1661/' from 
Begbtcrs of Seal, famished to me, with much other interesting ma^ 
ter, by the vicar, Bey. Charles Edward Few, M. A. 



334 EDWARD GODFREY. 

something would be done for his relief. In this 
his last paper it is inspiring to see his belief in the 
future of the province of Maine, " w"^ is of more 
consarnement/' he says, " than any pt of America 
as yet settled on by the English." It was a pride 
to him that he could say it had always been &.ith- 
ful " to his Ma**** lawes '* till rudely torn from the 
king's allegiance by Massachusetts, but he fondly 
hoped that Maine would once more be brought to 
the feet of royalty, a loyal and happy province of 
the crown. Then, being full fourscore years of 
age, poor and weak, he hoped but did not expect 
to see this desirable result achieved. Unselfish to 
the end, his last words were a tender of his papers 
to the service of the royal commissioners, the col- 
lections of " fifty five years Pilgrimage," sufficient, 
as he says, to " guide a right course." * Thirty- 
four years of his life had been spent since he first 
reached the virgin shores of the New World, and 
the fruits of his labor, " so dearly bought,'' had 
been filched from him by an imperious and unre- 
lenting rival. Of all his broad acres on the banks 
of the " rivar of Agamenticus," not a foot was left 
to him for a burial place. It is recorded in the 
York County Court Volumes, 1667, in a suit 
against him ^ or his estate " for a debt of £8, that 
the plaintiff might take anything he could get, " if 
any estate can bee found** Thirty years before 
he was the largest land-owner in the town except 
the lord proprietor. It is not known when God- 

^ 8ee Appendix XIL 



EDWARD GODFREY. 336 

frey died. The last we helstr from hiin is in that 
letter of Aprils 1663, written from the dungeons of 
Ludgate.^ There we leave him in the poor debtoi^s 
cell, where he had lived for two years. The end 
probably came soon after, for it could not have been 
delayed long; and Edward 
Godfrey, once governor of -^^^^.^i^/^j^^j)^ 
the province of Maine, who V y^ 

bore unchallenged the arms /^ 

of Godfrey of Bouillon, the ««"-*«•' ^^ 

knightly king of Jerusalem, was probably thence 
buried as a public pauper in the Potter's Field, 
without stone or stake to mark his grave, and his 
name and story have been almost lost in the two 
centuries that have passed. 

^ His will is not to be found in the archives of Somerset House, 
and it is not probable that he made one, with nothing to give, and the 
crown had no interest to record the administration of the estate of a 
pauper. This is the opinion of Bev. lir. Jamblin, who searched the 
records for me. 



APPENDIX. 



LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS WRITTEN 
BY GOVERNOR EDWARD GODFREY. 

1640-1664. 
I. 

GOBFRET AND GORGES TO WINTHBOP. 
[4 Mass. Hist. Coll., vn. 848.] 

To THE Right Wobshipfull John Winthkopb, 
EsQB. these present speed in Boston. 

Agkjambnticus, 1 March J 1640. 

Most Honoured Sir: — One Reuben Guppy of 
late comminge into our Plantation, and pretend- 
inge much religion & a great zeal for the Ordi- 
nances of God, was entertained by a planter, but 
since ther haue come diuers reports vnto vs of his 
misdemeanors with you & that fear of punishment 
drove him away, & likewise this day have receaved 
a lettre from Captain Underbill, which expresseth 
the desire of Mr. Endicott to have him returned, 
which lettre I have sent you heerinclosed. The 
desire we have to satisfy his request & to ridd 
such fellows out of our Province, which have 
brought such a scandall on it, have caused us to 
omitt noe opportunity of sendinge him, therefore 



EDWARD GODFREY. 337 

by Sampson Salter^ master of the Makeshift, you 
shall receaue him. Resolved are we that this 
Province shall be noe refuge for runnaways, for 
none comminge from another Plantation shall be 
Entertained heer without a certificate of his good 
demeanor, or uppon the knowledge of some of the 
inhabitants. T|lus with our services tendered to 
you ; commendinge you to the protection of the 
Almighty, we rest 

Yours in all due respects, 

Tho: Gobges 
Edw: Godfrey. 

n. 

GODFREY TO WINTHROP. 
[WiKTHBOP Papers, Unpublished MSS.] 

To THE Right Worship John Wykthrop, Gov & 
Richard Belunoham thes present at Boston. 

Right WoRsmp^ 

Having rec* yo' letter by John Webster con- 
saring Ane Cronder who maid an escape & as sup- 
posed into this jurisdicti", onrecept of yo' letter 
wee sent fourth speciall & strict warrante, & dilli- 
gent search & Inquiry is & shal be maid for her, 
being found shal be Del* safe to Webster according 
to yo' order, & had hee maid any of us acquanted 
w"* the busines at fyrst shee should not have staid 
heere one howre, & asshure yo' frends thes partes 
shal be noe place of Refuge for any delinquents 
that shall fly from yo' ptes heather, but shal be 
sent backe againe & shall in that or any other 



338 EDw!aRD GODFREY. 

matter obsarve y" comds to the uttermost of our 
power, & rest 

Y' Worshipes to be Comded 

Ed: Godfrey. 
Basill Pabker. 



I 



Acco this 6th 9br 48. 

HL 

GODFREY TO COUNCIL OF STATE. 
[York County Records.] 

To THE Bight Honorable the Counsell op State 

APPOINTED BY PARLIAMENT: 

The Humble Remonstrance and Petition of the 
General Court assembled in and for the Province 
of Mayne in New England 5 December 1651. 
Whereas the Parliament have declared by an Act 
of the 3d of October 1650, that the Islands and 
other places in America where any English are 
planted are and ought to be subject to and de- 
pendent upon England and hath ever since the 
Planting thereof been and ought to be subject to 
such Laws Orders and Regulations as are and shall 
be made by the Parliament of England and for as 
much as we take our selves to be members of that 
grand Body thinking it the greatest Honour and 
safety so to be : freely and willingly subjecting our 
selves unto the present Government as it is now 
established without a King or House of Lords, and 
therefore we beg the Benefit of the Common Safety 
and Protection of our Nation and humbly crave 



EDWARD GODFREY. 339 

Leave to present unto your Honours our Remon- 
strance and Petition as followeth : 

Humbly sheweth that whereas divers of the 
Inhabitants of this Provmce by Virtue of sundry 
Patents and otherwise have this Twenty Years 
engaged our Lives Estates and Industry here and 
regulated under the Power and Commission of Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges who had these Parts assigned 
him for a Province, now he being dead and his Son 
by his great Losse here sustained hath taken no 
order for our Regement and the most of the Com- 
issioners dead and departed this Province we were 
forced and necessitated to joyne our selves together 
by way of Combination to govern and rule accord- 
ing to the Lawes of England. Our humble Re- 
quest unto your Honours therefore is to confirm 
our said Power and Authority for our better Reg- 
ement by Power from yourselves that you would 
be pleased to declare us Members of the Common 
Wealth of England and that we and our Posteri- 
ties may enjoy our Imunities and Priviledges as 
freebom Englishmen together with the continua- 
tion of such other Rights as we enjoy as Planters 
as also equal share of your Favours bestowed on 
the Colonies in these Parts. 

Per me Ed: Godfrey Gov. in Behalfe of the 
General Courte.^ 

^ <<It is ordered y* mr Grodfrey M' Leader & m' Shapleigh are 
with 10 dayes tyme to draw out a petition to the parlament in y be- 
halfe of this proYince for the further confirmation of this present 
Goyemment here established." S December, 1651. (If 55. Records 
York County Court Files.) 



340 EDWARD GODFREY. 



IV. 

OODFBET TO RAWSOK. 
[York County Records.] 

Sir. 

I received a Letter bearing Date 12: D. m. 4. 52 
[June 12, 1652] signed by yourself wherein we 
perceive you are owned by the State of England : 
under the Covert of whose Wings our Safety chiefly 
depends. For your Information of the Grand 
Patent of Plymouth sued to Quo Warranto it no 
way toucheth us : The fall of other Patents thereby 
is but onely your conjecture seeing that an act of 
Parliament November 28. 48 doth seem to evince 
the contrary : For our Perusall of your Patent and 
your Line : we apprehend the Bounds thereof 
were set more than Twenty years last past, at the 
Sea Side and so up into the Coimtry from the Sea 
S Miles on this Side Merrimacke as all other Pa- 
tents were which are no less than Tenn in num- 
ber, that we perceive by the Extension of your 
unknown Line you now willingly labour to en- 
graspe : For Subduing and Clearing Land a Posses- 
sion is good [true] : But what Tract, Immunities 
and Priviledges we have is doubtful if we part 
with them we may be shortened of: as well as so 
many years past you did not procure any for set- 
tling or procuring Patents : For our Limiting either 
a Trespass upon you, our unadvisedly to gather a 
cracked Title to your Improvements and Posses- 



EDWARD GODFREY. 341 

sions I hope must be as in your Letter long since 
you counselled us lest to those whom it concemes 
to determine. 

If this 21 years you have been contented We 
should govern by Virtue of a Patent with dis- 
tinct acknowledgement of your lawful authority 
and have kept good correspondency with us We 
marvell much how you should be discontented of 
which we neither have nor [we hope] shall give 
you any just occasion for Resisting any Patent or 
encroaching upon your Jurisdiction, we utterly 
disowne: For submitting any Pattent to you if 
you have Right thereto it needed not : For a co^)- 
siderable Party of the People we know of none 
[Two Persons only excepted] whose ill Deport- 
ments have been such as the hand of Justice hath 
borne Witness against as well as among yourselves, 
as us : and were the number of such Persons more 
considerable, it were little Honour for you to pro- 
ceed upon such an account : For your pretended 
jurisdiction over our Persons and Lands not appro- 
priated as you say : they are appropriated to us 
and must not so easily be parted with : For shar- 
ing your Favours to us : By your Favours, Gentle- 
men we are loath to part with our pretious Lib- 
erties for unknown and uncertain Favours. For 
Hearkening to submitt you and your Protest 
against us, for any further proceeding either by 
Patent or Combination: We resolve to Exercise 
our just jurisdiction till it shall please the Parlia- 
ment the Common Weale of England, otherwise to 



342 EDWARD GODFREY. 

order under whose Power and Protection we are. 
For your Streight Line from the East Sea to the 
West Sea I marvell you go from your Bounds to 
the In Land. For Artists to measure your Extent 
in occasion if necessity require we shall under- 
stand a little Geogrify and Cosmogrify. For Peace 
and Equity we have ever aimed at and still con- 
tinewed and will to the utmost of our Power en- 
deavour the Glory of God the Peace and Good of 
the Country in General, remaining 
Your Lo: Friend 

Edw: Godfrey Govemour 
. Province of Mayne Pisca: Rivere 
Month July 9 '52. 

V. 

GODFREY TO COUNCIL OF STATE. 
[CoLOKiAL Papers, Public Record Office, xi. 70.] 
Province of Mayne the 6tA of November 165S 

Right Honorable. 

God who hath made all nations of one [family] 
to dwell upon y* face of the earth, And hath ap- 
pointed the bounds of their habita[tions] By his 
pvidence hath designed us to possesse and inhabit 
a tracke of Land part of y* Continent of America, 
called y* Province of Majnie by the late Kinge in 
his letters Pattents to S' ffardinando Gorge for the 
Government of the same, who by his deputies did 
for many Yeares exercise jurisdiccon amongst us, 
Hee at lenght dissertinge us : ffor our better Bege- 



EDWARD GODFREY. 343 

[ment] wee were forced to enter into a combina- 
tion for Government as by our Remonstrance & 
Petition to your Honnours in December last 1651 
more at large doth appeare. 

Since w** time takinge notice of sundry Acts of 
Parliam? the one of them declareinge all the Isl- 
ands & Planta[tions] in America to be dependant 
uppon & subordinat to [the] Commonwealth of 
England. And in obedience thereon wee have 
taken ye Ingagement to the same and pceede ac- 
cordingly in keepinge our Courtes & Issuinge 
furtii [our] warrants in y* name of the keepers of 
the liberties [of] England according to an act 
beareing date the . . . January 1648. 

And Conceaveinge our selues to be members of 
the Co[mmon] wealth of England, thinke it our 
bound in duty to your Honours an Accompt of all 
our one pceedings, the pceedings of our neighbors 
of the Massetuss[etts to]wards us who of late lay 
Claime by vertue of their Pattent, both to y* Gov- 
ernment & ppriety of the [Province] although wee 
haue quietly possest Improued, And [inhabited] it 
this twenty yeares w** themselues haue owned By 
severall Letters from their Generall Court/ as dis- 
t[inct] from them, their bounds beinge formerly 
sett out by the State of England three miles this 
side Merimake River w*** Comes flarr short of this 
Province severall other Pattents lying between 
theirs & ours who haue likewise formerly exercised 
Government distinct from them now therefore our 
Humble request is y^ your honors bee pleased to 



344 EDWARD GODFREY. 

give Audience unto our Agent M' Richard Leader 
whome wee have Impowr'd to transact in our af- 
faires, And to whome wee humbly desire you to 
manifest your favours towards us, who in faithful- 
nesse Remaine 

Yof Honn" to be Commanded 

Edward Godfrey Gouer 
in the name & by the order of the General Court. 

VI. 

GODFREY TO GENERAL COURT OF MASSACHUSETTS. 
[Massachusetts Archives.] 

80 Oct. '54. To the Hon. Gov. Deputy Gov. the 

MAGISTRATES AND DEPUTIES OP THE COURT NOW 
ASSEMBLED, THE HUMBLE PETITION OF EdW. GOD- 
FREY OF THE TOWN OP YORK. 

Sheweth that he hath been a well wilier, incour- 
ager and furderer of this Col. of N. E. for 45 years 
past and above 32 years an adventurer on that 
design, 24 years an inhabitant of this place, the 
first that ever bylt or settled ther ; some 18 years 
passed by oppression of Sir Ferdinando Gorges was 
forced to goe to England to provide a Patten from 
the counseU of N. E. for himself and partners, the 
south side to Ferdinando Gorges, and onely the 
North side to himself and divers others his asso- 
ciates. Certain years after some settlement the 
inhabitants petitioned to have their lands laid out 
and deeds for the same, which was granted and by 



EDWARD GODFREY. 345 

that occasion the whole Bounds of the Pattent 
were divided as upon Record appeareth, but since 
that time the inhabitants have been so Bould as 
amongst themselves to share and divide those lotts 
and proportions of land as were so long time since 
allotted being not proportionable and considerable 
to our great charge, as by a draft of the river and 
division of the same will appear to this Hon. Court 
this division was made by order of Court and by 
all freely allowed in Anno 40 and 41 and since, 
when wee came under this government confirmed 
as will appear. And the proportions to be lesse 
than many that came servants, all the marshes al- 
most disposed of by the inhabitants and their pe- 
titioners, rentes and acknowledgements detayned 
having not marsh left him to keepe 5 head of Cat- 
tle, in this cause it pleased the Council to send a 
Summons to the inhabitants and some of York by 
name which I heere was faithfully and safe deliv- 
ered unto them in time which I presume they will 
obey. 

Humbly desireth his cause may be heard and 
judicated by this hon. Court. 

The magistrates desire the case in the petition 
shall be heard by the whole Court on the fourth 
day next desiring their brethren the deputys con- 
sent thereto. 

The deputies consent hereto 

E. Rawson Secretary. 
Wh. Tobbet. Clerk. 



346 EDWARD GODFREY. 



VIL 



GOBFRET TO PARLIAMENT. 



[Colonial Papers, Public Record Office, xm. 79, Pbiktbd 

Broadside.] 

To THE Right Honourable The Parliament of 

THE COMMONWEAXTH OP ENGLAND AND THE DO- 
MINIONS THERETO BELONGING. ThB HuMBLE PE- 
TITION OP Edward Gtodprby, Oliver Godfrey, 
Fardinad Gorges, Robert Nason, and Edward 
RiGBY, Henry Gardner, and sundry others of 
Pattbntees and Inhabitants op the Provincbs 
OP Mayne and Liconla in New England. 

Most Humbly sheweth Sundry of your Petition- 
ers having bin versed in the Oriental parts of the 
World, in the same Latitude as New England is 
to the West, hoping to fix them and their Poster- 
ities for the Honour of God, good of the Nation, 
and propagating the gospel, with hope of improve- 
ment for future, at great charges procured sundry 
Pattents in the parts of America call'd New-Eng- 
land ; with divers priviledges a^ may appear : pos- 
sessed themselves of divers tracts, and parcels of 
Land, where never any Christian Inhabited, and 
for the space of 80 years past have Inhabited the 
same. In the first accompanied with many diffi- 
culties and charges ; to loss of nigh d£100.000, and 
some of our nearest Relations slain by the Indians ; 
have propagated and populated that part of the 
Country without one-penny of the vast sums of the 



EDWARD GODFREY. 847 

Benevolences others (as the Machesusets) have had 
out of England ; and quietly and peaceably gov- 
erned our selves by derivation from England, and 
power of our priviledges by Pattents ; and that as 
nigh as possible to the Laws of England, and ever 
acknowledged by the Gentlemen of the Machesu- 
sets as distinct from theirs ; as we under all their 
hands can shew. And now this Honourable State, 
and all our CoUonies in America receive more ben- 
efit from those parts then from all New-England 
besides. But of late we taking notice of Acts of 
Parliament [16]48 expressing and commanding all 
our CoUonies in America should take the Ingage- 
ment and accordingly we did proceed in issuing 
out our Warrants, and taking and giving the In- 
gagement and advised this Honourable State there- 
of ; as may appear : which the Inhabitants of the 
Machesusets did not Upon that and other pre- 
tences by strong hand and menaces to bring all or 
the most part of that vast Country under their 
power and subjection have subverted the Ancient 
Government, deprived us of our priviledges, Pat- 
tents, and Interest therein : and imposed on us an 
oath of Fidelity to their State, without • Whaterer 
any relation to England : * to somes utter wLinfoned 
mine, and their Families undoing : as by en faio^ 
sundry Petitions and References by the 315 JSt^wn- 
late both Protectors may appear. But "^o* «»*<>• 
in regard of mutation of Government nothing eif 
fected. Godfrey (one of the Petitioners, being 75 
years of Age) coming and hoping for some redress 



348 EDWARD GODFREY. 

and relief 4 years here expended, finds the cure as 
bad as the disease: having served his Country 46 
years in civil Imployment, at his own great charge 
as by ample and Honourable testimonies may ap- 
pear, of his extream poverty is not ashamed. Hum- 
bly desireth the buisness may be taken into con- 
sideration either by your Honours, or the Referees, 
and fully examined ; for the Honour of God, good 
of his Country, which he ever esteemed as dear as 
his life, and the reputation of him and his ruinated 
Family, as precious as his Eyes : his Proceedings 
and Collections of 55 years Pilgrimage may be 
made manifest ; and the rather as he most humbly 
conceives, there is matters of high concernment 
of State involved in it. Prom Newfound-land, to 
Cape Florida, he hath the Mapps, and Cards, of his 
own, French, Dutch, and English, of which at pres- 
ent he presents these few some observations or 
notes : 

First. If the Maps and Cards were spherically 
drawn and Printed, and each Pattents to bee 
bounded, their acknowledgements looked into, 
what not performed or not granted in, the Hon- 
ourable State to grant, Customers would not be 
wanting. 

Secondly. For Newfound-land the Com sown 
at vast charges, long time and many miseries, and 
losses sustained, I know by experience, at present 
profitable to the Nation yet falls for want of Har- 
vesting. 

Thirdly. Nova Francia, Scotia, Cape Britton, if 



EDWARD GODFREY. 349 

taken into consideration how the French in some 
parts did proceed with us, how we at present, and 
what may be (if rightly undertaken by some cor- 
poration of the West Country as Barnstable or the 
like) may be the profi tables t that ever the English 
under tooke in America. 

Fourthly. The Pattent of the Machesusets one 
of 30 besides being bounded by themselves 30. 
years past according to their limits, which is 50 
miles by Sea Shore, 3 miles South of Charles 
River, 3 miles North of Merrimack their unlimited 
power to ingrasp so many other Patten ts, (some 
granted before theirs) their proceeding how most 
^dangerous, perjudicial, and unprofitable to this 
Honourable State, under favour can shew. 

Fifthly, The Dutch, or New Netherlands, their 
intrusion, insulting, unjust claim, the Center, Heart 
and Bowels, of the Country, Hudsons River, this 
year the mouth, Delewar Bay, and Canada River 
to be theirs, and grant sundry Pattents (their pro- 
ceedings he hath at large :) 55 years we have beat 
the Bush, now they catch the Bird. 

The Premises considered, the English are better 
fixed in those parts, for Health, Trade, discovery, 
then the Spaniards, in the West India, breeding 
able Seamen, building Shipping j Fishing, Subdu- 
ing, numerous Nations to us, and them to Christ, 
and more Searmen bred. Shipping imployed, Trade, 
and Profit from those parts at present is reaped 
then all England had 50 years past. 

And your Petitioners shall pray &c. 



350 EDWARD GODFREY. 

[At the bottom of the page on which the pe- 
tition is printed is written the following memoran- 
dum by Governor Godfrey.] 

For propagating and planting Jamaca let the 
sault panes be clered and sawe myUs erected yf 
but by horses^ you may have from our north partst^ 
all sortes of provitions and supplyes of men sea- 
sond of the Arreares of fishing viadges att * 
chardges as out of ould England. 

[Endorsed] 

A Petition of Mr. Godfrey concerning his inter- 
ests in New England. 

This was after Eichard Cromwell wa£i out 

VIII. 

GODFREY TO COKMrTTEE FOB FOREIGN PLANTATIOKS* 
[Colonial Papebb, Public Regobd Office, xx. 19.] 

Mb. Godfreys Intobmation op a Committbb sittinq 
AT Coopers Hall on behalf of the Massachu- 
setts. 

According to your Commands I have endeav- 
oured to screw into the Great Benevolences that 
have been so publicly knowne to propagate the 
Gospell in New England, but in efect to bee there 
a free Stat the privat acting as yet I conseall, there 
is a snake in the weeds. 

Tliere is a Corporation sitting formerly at Coop- 
er's Hall commonly one Satterdayes from 9 to 10 



EDWARD GODFREY. 351 

o'clock for the Business. Hugh Peeters confessed 
of sixty thousand pounds and the last yeare they 
said they had purchesed land to about 1000£ per 
ann: but shrunk now to 700£, the[y] Izerilites, 
I an Egyptian conqured of them by the teeth of 
their swords : I most humbly petition to have 
something heer to relieve me 8 years exturped of 
my meanes with obligation what I had heere should 
be there repaid out of the Gleanings of my har- 
vest they had reaped and for my most faithful ser- 
vice 30 years amongst them, the first planter, a 
vast estat spent my nearest relation in the dis- 
covery slain by the Indians and my onely sonne 
ruenated by the Cuntery and I a Governor 20 
yeares and my services in his Majesty's time of 
Charles the fyrst for them and the Country in 
generall. There Aneswer was there Brethering 
ther and heer could not bread order or to that 
efiect In fyne they were Izerelites, I an Egiptian. 
The stat of the business is there is one Smith that 
I met att Mr. Attorney Generalls soUicits to have 
there Pattent removed. The Clarke or Secretary 
is one Mr. Houper att Turner hall in Philpot lane. 
M'- Asshworth att the Keaye in watling street 
Alderman Peake at 3 Arrowes in Cannon Street 
M'- Roffe a scrivener at backside of the exchange 
near the shippe tavern. 

M'- Michelson att the Angell a linen drapers in 
cheapside. 

M'- Walner a woUen draper in Gratious street. 
M' Bell att Tower Street 



352 EDWARD GODFREY. 

None eether there or heer had any Acting in 
these affayres that did not idolize the Church Cov- 
enant. 

The Great mulcts and fynes uppon thos of the 
Church of England onely for petitioning to have 
the liberty of free born Englishmen can shew since 
a considerable valine. Ther tribut of the Indianes 
they yearly receive a considerable sum. This for 
[the] present till I see you I rest yours to be com- 
manded. 

Ed. Godfket 

London Adi 19^ feb: 60. 



GODFRET TO MR. SECRETARY POVET. 
[Colonial Papbbs, Public Record Office, xy. 82.] 

Letter and Information op (xOdfrby conoerninq 

THE usurpation OP BosTON: 

Honored Sir. 

With most humble thanks for your favorable 
Aspect uppon me in this my totall Eclipsed Con- 
dition I presume to give you thes few lynes for 
Capt: Jo: Leverets not appering as Agent for the 
Massachusetts. 

1. To considder his acting ther in subjugating 
the Estem parts in New England presumtiusly and 
audatiusly without any power from England the 
proceeding if he will not shew I have a Coppy and 
Jo: Bakers depositin heer. After 3 yeares there 



EDWARD GODFREY. 353 

spent in vane for redress, I came for England 
meeting hime shewed him my papers and Com- 
plaints hee wished mee to stay tell he had one 
store of Letters for redress 2 years stayed noe 
Aneswer. 

2: Then I got a reference from 0: P: nothing 
eflFeted then one from R: P: the referes met divers 
times, hee bid them acte and acknowledge him 
selfe Agent for the Mathechusetts. 

3: This last year M'* Beckes deposition proves 
him Agent then. 

4: In this Reference now of Mason and Godfrey 
though att fyrst hee refused yet a procise being 
fixed one the Exchange and delivered 24 hee made 
an excuse. 

5: The next meeting hee excused and sent a 
Letter with a Copy of one sent him from ther 
Court accusing the receipt and Copy of our petition 
which Answer is most unjust and untrue as by the 
sundry depositions may appeer. 

His presenting the Cuntery Adresses to his 
Majesty. I beseech you remember to be with the 
referes at Doctors Conmions being Tusday 19**" of 
this instant march. 

Your sarvant to bee commanded, 

Ed: Godfrey. 

Consaming the Regiment of New England for 
his Majesty's best security and safest waye as I 
humbly conceve in regard I knowe the Cuntery 
from the fyrst discovery lost my nearest relation 

23 



354 EDWARD GODFREY. 

slone by the Indians and I having faithfully att 
my owne Charge served the Cuntery 25 years by 
duble recognisence my oth to my God my discres- 
sion experience and fidelity considered : which 
prayse bee God I performed till evicted by the 
Mathechusetts you know in part my only sonne 
his life and time there spent 2 viages and com- 
ming for to transport his wife and family heering 
of my ruen abides yet heer I presume to give you 
thes few lines. 

I ever tould you that Pascattowaie River and 
the p'vince of Maine is of more consamment to 
his Ma** for trade present and futuer w*'' discovery 
of the Countery than all New England besides, 
and other reasons as by the mappes may appeer, 
wheather it bee not fitting yf a generall gov' 
should goe the jurisdiction of thos Estem p^ may 
not bee regulated by comition as formerly thirty 
[years] w^'out complaint ther or heer nor never 
questconed till 1652. Boston would be a fi:ee stat 
and sundry pattents. 

1. The distance ny 80 miles dangerus by sea 
and in wynter not pregnable for divers reasons as 
snow wading &c. 

2. It will discurridg any publique men to un- 
dertake the like action being roume for many 1000 
famylies, after 30 years to bee debarred of ther 
priviledges. 

3. His Ma** will have more power over booth, 

■ 

the one to bee instrumentall to keepe the other in 
its dew obedience* 



EDWARD GODFREY. 355 

4. It will cause an emulation who shall give the 
best ace® of the actions to the Supreme power on 
w*^ all the patten tes depend. 

5. Some of the Pattentes have ther Relation 
heer and for extracting long experience in the 
Countery, equall with any in Boston and have ever 
acted for his Ma*^ interest, have pattents com" 
form'ly and now living ar Capt Henery Josseline, 
Capt Francis Champemone, M' Tho. Jourdan an 
orthodox devine for the Church of England and of 
great p^s and estate, M' Jo: Geffard goeth this 
yeare M' Joseph Mason ther for Ed: Godfrey hee 
is to ould to acte, yet Oliver Godfrey his sonne 
and grandchild being well versed in the Countery 
yf com'ded will w*** the p'sidentes of Ed: Godfrey 
assist to the utter most ther life and power. Ex- 
cuse my boldness being y ever obliged servant to 
be com'ded. 

Ed: Godfrey. 

[Dated 14 March 1660. Part of the address is 
torn away, the remainder is : For the Rig. . . . 
Thomas (Povey ?). It is endorsed as follows :] The 
information of Mr. Edward Godfrey sometimes Gov- 
ernor of the Province of Mayne concerning the con- 
sequence of that Province and the usurpation of 
the Bostonera 



356 EDWARD GODFREY. 



X. 

GODFRET TO MR. SECRETARY NICOLAS. 
[Colonial Papebb, Public Recobd Office, xy. 20.] 

Fob the honoubabue Sir Edwabd Nicolas Knight 
Secretaby to his Majesty thes present: 

Honoured Sir 

I formerly gave you in Print an Appendax to 
the petition to the usurper Cromwell and Parlia- 
ment consarning the North part of America 
Granted by bothe the last kings of ever blessed 
memory, but held in these times one particular 
Pattent of the Massachusetts att Boston in New 
England have usurped all most all the Cuntery to 
ther subjection being Gente inemica to loyalty in 
practice to bee a free state being turned out of my 
Pattent for lyoly came to give an account of 55 
yeares travell of which 46 in civell emplojrment 
for my Cuntery 27 there aged 77 years. If an 
object of pitty move you not yet piety for Gods 
Glory and profit to his Majesty and securing those 
parts to his majestys dew obedience suddenly you 
will vouchsafe to affourd a few mynutes to peruse 
the needfull may att present bee presented by 
Commition, which hereafter may be dangerous and 
chargeable of hyer consarnment than if all the 
Baltic Sea were annexed to his Majestys Empier. 
If I cannot bee hard have I formed my Duty hav- 



EDWARD GODFREY, 357 

ing suffered 8 yeares and more for all my services 
for my Cuntery like to perish for want I rest. 

Your honours Sarvant 

to be commanded 

Edward Godfrey. 

[Endorsed :] 15° July, 1660. 

Mr. Edward Godfrey 
concemmg America and New England. 

XI. 

GODFREY TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 

[4 Mass. EList. Coll. vii. S80.] 

FFOB THE WOBSqiP^ JOHN WXNTHROP SOME TIMB8 

OF New England thes present in London. 

Honored Sir: Prased bee God for your safe 
ariuall in England. I macke no question but you 
haue hard of hard vsage I haue had & suffered in 
,New England sence your ffathers death & your 
departuer from that part of the cuntery, by means 
of Ca: Thomas Wiggenes, Broadstreet & some of 
the Grand toyns Deputies entering one our Pat- 
tents. & lands to the vtter ruen of me & a hoopfull 
famyly, exturped out of more then all thes 8 yeares, 
caused mee to haue many complaintes : the pro- 
ceeding m[a]y touch the cuntery in generall. Att 
present ame restraned of my liberty, soe not able 
to geue you a full relation. I desyer you, soe 
soune as you conueniently you can, to giue me a 



358 EDWARD GODFREY, 

vissett in this place & desyer Mr Sa: Mauericke to 
doe the like ; it may be worth this labor. I rest 

Yours to bee commanded 

Edward Godfrey. 
Ludgate adi 5 Stober, 61 

An ill requitall of the vlger to reward euell for 
good, against the cheefe majistrates willes, for all 
my faithfuU seruis att my owne char[g]e, 26 
yearea 

XIL 

OODFRET TO MR. SECRETARY NICOLAS. 
[Colonial Papers, Public Recobd Office.] 

Sir: 

I haue form'ly wrot you a breefe description of 
the p'vince of Mayne, how it standeth att p*sent, 
know y* Columbus offered the discovery of the 
West India to Henery the 7***, you ar att present 
offered a tracte of lande all reddy discovered and 
in pt populated w**^ Inglish w"*** for futuer and dis- , 
covery is of more consamement then any pt of 
America as yet settled on by the English and that 
you may have p'sent p'fit w^^'out 1* charges, honor 
and good to yo'selves w**" you and my Lord Roberts 
Sonne M' Hender, glory to God, good to his Ma*** 
benyfit to yo'selves and good to the whole coun- 
tery. Send but for Gorges to M' Francis Lutter- 
ells at Grase Inn and taulke w**" him you will fynd 
him a man capable of such a great busines to bee 
the undoeing of soe many loyall subjects and suffer 



EDWARD GODFREY. 359 

those p'tes of the w"^*" till 1652 had ever lived ac- 
cording to his Ma** lawes as by the report you 
know and y' hand testifieth, but now is mad a re- 
ceptacle of those of Heugh Peeter, Vane : Venner : 
Baker : Potter, who to avoyd ther p'ciples fly 
theether (con sacer in sacro) for shelter and keep 
us loyall subjects out of our inheritance after thirty 
yeares possession soe deerly bought now in great 
mysery except God rayes freunds. I humblie 
desyer you to taulke w**' mylord Roberts sonne M' 
Hender and that I may know y' resolution, though 
Gorges grandes have plundered my house in New 
England and possessed themselves of most of my 
collections, records p'sidents and paps of fifty-five 
yeares travell I have sufficient heer to guid a right 
course and settell thos pts as formly to any rea- 
sonable man, and that w**'out 1* charges but p'sent 
p'fitt to the undertakers. I humbly crave two 
words in answer and rest 

Yo' sarvant to be considered, 

Edw. Godfrey. 
Ludgat, Adi 7 Aprill 63. 

At the cloesing heerof nuse is brought me that 
one M' Nicoles belonging to the Duke of Yorke is 
to goe for New England w* if you may inform 
him of me, I have all passages of forty yeares in 
that countery will serve him and you what is need- 
ful. 

Edwabd Godfret. 



360 EDWARD GODFREY. <' 



XIIL 

[EoBRTON Mb8. (Bbitibh Mubeum), No. 2395.] 

QUERIES & OBJECTIONS AG" THE MASSACHUSETTS EN- 
CROACHING POWER UPON SEVERAL OTHER PROPRIATIES. 

1. For their figg leafe to cover the extent of 
Objections t^^ir Patent. When they tooke their 
agt thoir Patent whether by bounds known or un- 

J>roceed- "^ 

^& known, the Inland nor scarce the Mari- 

time then not known when they sett up their 
And their bouuds thirty years passed never ques- 
£SSd'ed5o tinned farther, the denomination ever 
miieaoniy ^g^g ^^ ^q soa-side, and Merrimacke is 

by y« Sea- ' 

«de by that name, but is miles up to Pem- 

turket after sundry denominations. 

2. The great House Patent My Lord C: Say 
and Lord Brooks, and divers others were granted 
before theirs, and in all except before excepted 

3. At the Councill Table Aprill 1638 all Patents 
were questioned, the Mapps of the Country pro- 
duced, and theirs sued to A quo warranto, and 
sine some others confirmed and some granted. 
What Godfrey then said is known. 

4. South on Pascattaway the River has one de- 
nomination, but 6 miles up, 10 disemboging to it, 
of sundry denominations, the like of Merrimack, 
many more 

5. Possession improvement att vast charges, 27 
3(jQU years, where never any English were a 
Charges. Housc for y* worship of Grod, indowment 



EDWARD GODFREY. 361 

of Minister, Prison Fort &c. And Regiment quietly, 
and ever by them acknowledged as distinct from 
theirs, as may appeare under all their hands and 
so carried, and att the Pattentees charges without 
paid out of England which they have had, and 
never took care for our Regiment or Religion till 
1652, that wee writ the Ho*!l* State and took the 
Engagement 

6. It was a great oversight in them not to sett 
up their bounds att first to comprehend Pascatta- 
way being of more concernment then theirs and 
granted as aboyesi to svmdry Patentees & possessed 
80. years. 

7. For the Inhabitants to submitt to them is 
most false as by their Engagement petition and 
writing appears. 

8. The unlimeted power without the least Au- 
thority from this HoY" State ought not to be ques- 
tioned. 

9. If they object they had of late Answf if 2. 3. 
or 4. delinquents did raise a Mutiny to submit 
under them, and heere censured, no honor to take 
men on such Acco" 

The premises considered whether it be not more 
fitting those Eastern parts having been populated 
att the sole charges of sundry Patents these 30 
years accompanied with many mysseries, and have 
exercised Jurisdiction taking the Engagement, and 
according to their petitions may not have their 
lands and priviledges for it was not the land only 
but the priviledges after all conditions performed 



362 EDWARD GODFREY. 

and vast charges for Endowment of Ministf meet- 
ing house, Forts and prison for delinquents, for now 
the t>axes are intolerable, and 10 times more then 
formerly. And the rather even in point of Policy 
of State, as I hiunbly conceive it will be more ad- 
vantagious to keep the Government divided still 
as it hath been these 29. years without any com- 
plaint or disturbance of the Massachusetts (as they 
have had) for divers reasons 

1. It will discourage any undertaking for the 
like action there being roome for many thousands 
and place to sitt down of higher concernment then 
any yet settled on. 

2. The Common wealth will have more power 
over both one to keep the other in its due obe- 
dience if any difference should come in any Col- 
lony and to depend on the Ho^!** State of England 

3. It will cause an Emulation who will give the 
best account of the proceedings. 

4. Some of the Patentees have their Children & 
Estates here, and will provide to give an acco? of 
their Actions. 

5. Some of those formerly have been intrusted 
by double recognizance their discretion judgment 
experience and fidelity intrusted these 27. years 
there, and formerly in other parts, now some 
turned out of all, divers not to be chosen nor have 
voice in the sun sett of their Age made the ofscmn 
and scouring of the people and must if they stay 
petition their Servants to be good to their Masters 
children, nor have not the freedome of free bom 
English. 



EDWARD GODFREY. 363 

The former Comm" were 



Capt Henry Josseline 
Capt Fran: Champnoon 
Capt Nich: Shapley 
M' Rich^ Cuttes 
M' John Cuttes 
M' Th: Jordan 
M' Geo: Cleaves 



These if it A^^5^ 



please his High- Jo ^^^ ^ ., 

* P into conaid'- 

neSS to think acoifnotin 

time p'vent- 
gOOd to nomi- ed they be a 

° o . free State, 

nate & impOW- they may 
,^ r>i t ■ sabsist bet- 

er the Country ter then any 

.1 xi^ Empire or 

to CnOOSe Otn- Kingd« or 

^•^ State o£ y* 

^rS« World, and 

My Edw*! Godfrey ys old and his sone '"^^^^Z, 
M' Oliver Godfrey are for ever discour- ^^l^^p^l 
aged to go back att 1000" loss L*°thS'*^*^ 

1. Whether the proceedings of the this wants 

^ -rfc • nothing. 

Gen^ of the Massachusetts Patent in sub- 
jugating all the Eastern parts and Patents with- 
out power or Commission from his Ho"* ^ 

, Queriefti 

State have been by Jus Gentium Lex. 

Law of our Country or Cancelarium. This point 

to be considered of their Pattent and others 

2. Their first Intrusion M' Bradstreet, and Tho: 
Wiggens entring on the lands of the said Province 
of Maine by power. 

3. Godfreys letter of prohibition to be produced 
10 xbn 51 the Inhabitants having taken the En- 
gagem? and advised this Ho"* State by peti° and 
Remonstrance were such a Capitall Crime as to 
loose all, being in duty bound thereunto (though 
they did not) yet 3^ Act of Parliam* commanded it 
till when they never questioned us. 

4. Capt J. Leverett: Hathom & the rest pro- 
ceeding, their Generall Courts Order^ and letter 



364 EDWARD GODFREY. 

with Ed: Godfreys Ans"? if all perused will shew a 
Snake in the weeds. 

5. Godfreys 2. letters to the Hon^?" State being 
Govern' to be perused 

6. There was sent from their Generall Court 
Comm" vizf M' Symon Brodstreet. M' Sam" Sym- 
onds, Tho: Wiggens, Brian Pembleton w*"* their 
Marshall with power to raise the county forces of 
Norfolk and SuflFolk to compell us by force of 
Arms, who went from house to house threat^ing 
and perswading if they did submit wee should en- 
joy all our Rights and priviledges either by Pat- 
tent or otherwise that Wee did enjoy. Belle Pa- 
role et latine fatte, so most did submitt to their 
have fonn'iy Govcrnm* of that State without any one 
I^d^'lTow at word of relation of the State of Engl? and 
present ^^^ Thraldome worse then the Greekes 
under the Turkes and p'formed not one word as 
by the Copy of my 3. pet" and the Answer, to a 
legall proceeding by the Courts, soe after 3 years 
loss of time, vast expense, as by the proceedings 
may appeare, my Pattent Judged by them void 
after 25. years possession they making it a Town- 
ship could not performe my Covenants with Ten- 
. ^ . M nants and Servants all or the greatest 

10. Head of ^ 

Cattle part of my lands Marshes and all privi- 

starv'd, my •«■ •' * 

Marshes ledgcs taken away forced to leave all 
after 5. years expence of time & labor of 
27. years, if »o pLitted U wUl be . d««„r.go.. 
to any to undertake the like, for this is the ruin of 
one that first adventured for the Country and hath 
faithfully served it thirty years. 



EDWARD GODFREY. 366 

How instrumentdl Godfrey hath heen, and att 
what vast Charges hee hath been att, both for prop- 
agating the Gospell, advance of the Countrey and 
Common wealth, their own hands will testify being 
now 76. years of Age, hee and his whole family ut- 
terly ruinated after 1000" spent, many miseries, 
labors, losses inevitable, and troubles not a few, 
would be content to have so much to live on as | 
of the publick charges hee hath been at there, it 
would desire a volume to declare. 

The Hon^^• State looseth Reservations of Rents, 
& acknowledgments of SO. other Pattents to the 
said lands and granting other Patents where not 
granted for places of high concemm* as can make 
appear. 

[Edwabd Godfrey.] 



XIV. 

CATALOGUE OF PATENTO. 

[Ck>LONiAL Papers, Public Record Office, u. 16.] 

A Cattaloffite of such Pattentes as I knoto granted for making 

Plantacbns In New England, 

Imp" the Originall Patent granted to ^^ ^ 

T • • 1 r^ J Tn6 Coun- 

divers Lords some times m the Custody ceii of New 

_ _ , England. 

of Tho. Eyres, The Lords granted others. 

1622. 1. A Pattent to David Thompson M 
Jobe, M Sherwood of Plimouth for a p* of Piscat- 
towa River in New England 



366 EDWARD GODFREY. 

2. A Patient for a Plantation att New Plimouih 
to make a Corporation w*^ is p'formed. 

1628. 3. A Pattent of the bay of the Ma^e- 
chusetts Bay 3 my. South of Charles Riuer and 3 
myles North of Merrimake 50 myles by sea shore 
but-now haue subiugated most of the Cuntery w^'in 
thes 10 yeares. 

4. A Pattent granted to Capt. Jo. Mason of Ag- 
awam now pos'sed by the peple of the Mathesu- 
sets. 

5. A Pattent granted to Cap^ Jo: Mason and Sir 
Fir: Gorges for discouery of the Great Lakes, 
nothing ther in done. 

6. A Pattent to Sir Fir: Gorges Cap* Norton and 
others for the Riuer of Accamenties w*"^ was re- 
newed by Edward Godfrey 1638 : & p'palated w*** 
inhabitance most att his charge and regulated 25 
years, but now oned by the vnlimated power of 
the Mathesusets and by them caled York as by 
pet'" may appeer. 

7. A Pattent to Sir Fir Gorges and divers oth- 
ers of a plantation and the sea coast of Pascatowal 
now . • • it and sundry others, vnder 

8. A Pattent granted to Ed. Hilton, by him 
sould to m^'hants of BristoU they sould it to my Lo. 
Say and Brokes, they to sume of Shrusbery: in 
Pascatowa many towns now gouemed by y* Mathe- 
susets. 

9. A Pattent granted to Jo. Stratton for Cape 
Porpase. 

11, 12, Two Pattents to Ric. Vines & Tho: Luis 
for p* of Saco Bluer. 



EDWARD GODFREY. 367 

13. A Patient to Capt, Tho: Camoke for Blake 
poynt. 

14. A Pattent to M' Trelany of Plimouth for 
Cape Elizabeth. 

15. A Pattent to Cap* Leuit for a Plantation att 
Casco. 

1 6. A Pattent for a plantation att Pechipscott 

17. A Pattent for the Corporation of New Pli- 
mouth for Kenebeeke 

21. A Pattent to Oliuer Godf • • • & others for 
Cap. Nesick. 

18. A Pattent for M' Crispe and others for Sag- 
adahoc 

19. A Pattent for M' Aldsworth and other of 
Bristoll for a plantation att Pemaquard. 

20. A Pattent of Richmonds Hand and 1500 
ackers on the Mayne. 

Quere what other Pattents haue binne granted 
by the Earle of Warwick, Lord Gorges, Sir: Gorges 
and others presidents of New England Company. 

Noat in all thes Pattents ther is conditions to 
bee pformed and bounded w"" reservation of 
Rentes. 

And sundry places yet to grant, as I humbly 
conceue by this Ho. Stat and not by the State of 
the Mathesusets w**** yf not louked into may bee 
the inuinsible State of Amerrica. 

The Pattent aboue out of the bounds of The 
Mathesusets or the vnited Collones and of whom 
the s* vnited Collones as Conecticut, Hands of 
Errus, Newhaven and The rest had ther Pattents 



368 EDWARD GODFREY. 

Doe appeales suffered from the Mathesusets in New 
England to ould England. 

Neather the Patteiits to the Estwards euer had 
1"* of then* vast beneualence they haue had out of 
England and yearly haue what hath binne collected 
and heere disposed of is knowne to them and ther 
Agents heere, wheather Godfreys letter to the Ho. 
State heere ware soe Capitall a crime as to lose his 
Estate 

Yf the Mathesusets bee suffered to bee a free 
State the danger great. 

may as yet onely by letter bee preuented yf by 
Comittion or a generall Gouemor at p'sent the 
consequence I leave 

[Indorsed!] A List of sundrey Patents that haue 
binne granted for New England. 



COLLATERAL DOCUMENTS- 



XV. 

WILL OF ELIZABETH GOBFRET. DATED 19 JAN. 1621. 

[LiTEBART Department (Rochester Records) High Court 

OF Probate, Somerset House.] 

In the name of God, Amen, y* 19*** day of Jan- 
uary, in y* year of our Lord God 1621, & in y* year 
of y* reign of our Sovereign Lord James, by the 
grace of God of England Scotland, France & Ire- 
land, defender of the faith, that is to say of Eng- 
land France & Ireland the 15% and of Scotland 
the 55*\ 

I, Elizabeth Godfrey, of Bam End in the Parish 
of Wilmington in the C^ of Kent, widow, being in 
perfect mind and memory, laud and praise be 
given to Almighty God for the same, yet consider- 
ing y? frailty & uncertainty of this mortal life, to- 
gether with the uncertainty of certain death, do 
therefore make & ordain this my present Testa- 
ment, declaring therein & thereby my last will & 
Tes? in manner & form following — that is to say, 

Mrst and Principally ^ & above all earthly things, 
I commend my soul into the hands of Almighty 

24 



370 EDWARD GODFREY. 

God my Creator, assuredly believing to have full 
& free remission of all my sins & iniquities by & 
through the merits, death & passion of my only 
Saviour & Redeemer Jesus Christ, and by & through 
Him to be made partaker of Eternal happiness ap- 
pointed for the blest in y* Kingdom of heaven, and 
my body I remit to y* Earth from which it came 
in hope of a blessed resurr" at y* latter day. 

And as touching & concerning y* disposing of all 
such temporal goods or effects wherewith it pleased 
God in mercy to endow me, I will, devise and be- 
queath the same in manner & form as foUoweth, 
that is to say, Firsts I Will and my mind is that all 
such debts, duties, sum & sums of money as I shall 
owe, or of right ought to be paid by me unto any 
person or persons whatsoever at the time of my 
decease, shall be fully satisfied & paid as shortly & 
with as much convenient speed as may be after my 
decease. 

Item^ I give and hequeaih unto my daughter Cath- 
erine £20 of lawful money of England to be paid 
unto y* said Catherine upon y* 25*'' day of March, 
being y* Annunc'' of our Blessed Lady the Virgin 
1623, or between this and then. 

Item^ I hequeaih to my said daughter Catherine 
certain furniture &c 

Item I^bequeath to my daughter Leere, <£3, black 
gown &c 

Item I bequeath to my daugUer Maria 40' 

Item I hequeaih to my daughter Elizabeth 20" & 
20' apiece to her two daughters Dorothy & Sara 
Browne 



EDWARD GODFREY. 371 

Item I hequeath to my daughter ... 10' [illeg- 
ible.] 

Item I hequeath to my daughter Sara my best pet- 
ticoat & to W"? Ditton her husband 10' 

Item I bequeath to my son William Godfrey lO* 
& to his daughter Elizabeth lO" 

Item I bequeath to my son Thomas lO" 
Item I bequeath to my son John !()■ 
Item I beneath to Robert Werridge £5 
Item I bequeath to the poor of Wilmington 20' 
Item I do make & ordain & constitute my Son 
Edward Godfrey my sole exor & do give & be- 
queath unto him all my Lord's goods & chattels, 
discharging & paying all those former legacies ac« 
cording to this my last will and Tes*. 

Elizabeth (^-^) Godfrey. 

{WiLLUM Moniley. Minister of Wil- 
mington. 
Martin Best 



XVI. 

PETmoN relative to YEO & CO. 
[YoBK County Court Records, Mss.] 

The petition of Mr. Ed: Godfrey — Sheweth y» 
y^ petitione' exhibited his petition July last past, 
for the restoring him leagaly to the possetion of 
y? howse sometimes Allen Youe's & Company, but 
the materialls and the land one yf^ it was bylt, 
yo' petiti', and hee must pay the carpenter, and 



i 



372 EDWARD GODFREY. 

Teo djring deply in yo' petion" debt w*"* other of 
the company & | being made over unto him with 
other his just titell therunto as pr. the peti'f may 
appear^ upon w"* this Court did order Mr. Tho. 
Foules should be wrot unto by them by what right 
or title he should sell the same for 40 shillings so 
it pleased this Court to send him a letter under all 
yo' hands that hee should shew cause why yo' pe- 
titioner should not have the house as the copy 
doeth appeare : the sayd letter was delivered by 
y' petitioner unto John Harker who bought the 
house to be del* to the said Mr Foules, whose an- 
swer was if Mr. Godfrey had better right to it than 
he let him take it. 

Now yo' petition! request is y* posetion of the 
same may be delivered unto him & yo' petition' 
will be bound in what some you please to paye the 
Carpenter the 40" w''? Mr Foules sould it for. if it 
may appeare that hee had any just titell therunto, 
& to answer him or any other in any acco consam- 
ing the same. Now for as much as it appeareth 
Mr Godfrey is out for more than the howse is 
worth by Allen Yeo & Company & he is to paye 
the carpenter } mad over to him the bourd and 
nayles his and other allegations as the stage and 
bourd from him ; It is ordered by this Court that 
the Marshall del! the sayd Mr Ed: Grodfrey posse- 
tion of the said howse to him and his heires and 
assignes to ther use : if Jo*; Harker W" Browne or 
any other will have a review or a tryall of the title 
Mr Godfrey is bound in 4£ to answer the sut 



EDWARD GODFREY. 373 

I doe furder p'mise & ingaudg myselfe yf. Jo'' 

Harker have really payd for it and doe his best in- 

devor to get it of Browne or Mr. Fowles, to repaye 

the sayd 40' rather than Jo*" Harker lose it. 30 

June 1647 (?) 

$ me Ed: Godfrey. 

XVIL 

SALE OP PAfflLY PROPERTY AT BARNEND, WILBIINGTON, 

KENT. 

[YoBK County Coubt Records, Mss.] 

To all Xtian People to whome thes p'sents may 
come Greting : Wheras m' Edward Godfrey of Ao- 
com*" Freely and of his one accord cometh into 
this Court Producing a letter from ould England 
from one mr Francis Langworth Intimating that 
his Sonne or others may unjustly question or clame 
titell to sarten houses & lands situated & Lying at 
Wylmington in Kent Comonly knowne by the 
name of Bamend formerly sould by him the said 
Edward [to] the affore said Mr Francis Langworth 
hee hereby protesteth and declareth that ther is 
none what soever that have any just cause soe to 
doe & that the sayle maid by him the said Edward 
unto the said mr Francis Langworth was good & 
lawfuU & will warrent- the same against any person 
to the said m^ Langworth & that it is Free from 
any Incombrances maid by the said Edward and 
doeth acknowledge that hee is in equity and con- 
science bound to make good the saile therof by 



374 EDWARD GODFREY. 

these presence acknowledge to ratifie & confirme 
the same by fine recovery or any other way for 
wch soe doing hee doeth give mr Langworth & mr 
Robert Tomson power as his Authority to doe the 
same & will at all times be redy to doe any lawful! 
acte for mayntayning the said titell : 

In testimony hee hath caused this his writing to 
be recorded : ad perpetuam rei raemoriam & the 
coppy of the same to bee sent for England Au- 
thenticated und' the scale of the Province of 
Mayne the 15th Xcember 1650. . 

EdW. CrODPREy Gtf. 



xvin. 

oodfret's division op the patent, 

[Massachusetts Archives, Vol. 112, Page 12.] 

A Coppy of a divifsion made by m' Edw: God- 
frey and others in pte of 12000 acres of land of 
Agament : 

In Performance of a Court order at the Peticbn 
of Roger Gard & others as by the same appeareth, 
August: 1641: 

The Devifsion of 12000m Acres of Land amongst 
the Pattentees of Agamenticus October 30 1641 : 
by us whose names are here subscribed. 

6 Miles & 4 long & 3 Miles broad makes 12000 
which being devided into 13 parts each parte will 
contayne 154 m : which makes \ a Mile wanting 6 
poole. 



EDWARD GODFREY. 375 

flfower of these parts putt together contayning 
616 poole In breadth, and 68 lynes at Nine poole 
by lyne make 616 poole & 2 poole over and 
above- 
There is already layd out towards every of the 
fower parts 26 lynes & one over and above, Soe 
there is more to be layd out for every flfowerth 
parte 42 lynes, & the salt Marsh ground to be 
devided in the like maiier. 

A Division already of the Land below M' Gorges 
house on the Lower side of the Crick. 

Thomas Gorge Edw: Godfret Roger Gard. 

Recorded according to the originall by me 

Edw: Godfrey. 

Memorand the 5*^ day of May 1644 : We New 

measured M' Godfrejr's land from the Marked tree 

above the Trapp unto M' Norton's house, which is 

his bounds, Jt contayning 154 poole betweene the 

s"^ house & Tree, & from these bounds he is to 

goe North East measured by M' Godfrey & us 

whose names are underwritten agreeth w*** the 

Originall 

Roger Gard. 

Joseph Hull. 

/ A True ooppy of this computacon or divifeion 
above written transcribed out of the originall & 
therewith compared this 10*^ day of June 1667 

V Edw: Rishworth. 

Re: Cor 



376 EDWARD GODFREY. 

A True Coppy transcribed & therew*^ compared 
this 4"^ of October 1687. 

1^ me Francis Hookb, Jus. pea. 

XIX. 

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO LANDS AT YORK. 
[Massachusetts Colonial Records, ui. 363.] 

2 November 1654. In the case of M' Edward 
Godfryes complaynt agajnst the towne of Yorke, 
about lands, it is ordred, by & w'^ the consent of 
the sd M' Godfry & M' Edward Rishworth, on y* 
behalfe of the towne, & each pticuler pson con- 
cernd herein, that M' John Brocke, M' Valentine 
Hill, & M' W" Worcester shalbe & are hereby ap- 
poynted comissiono" from this Court to here & de- 
termine all the differences between the sd M' God- 
fry & the towne of Yorke, & others whom it may 
conceme, in reference to a meet pportion of land 
to be allowed the sd M' Godfry, accordinge to his 
demeritt, as also for his charg in attendance on 
this Court ; & the sd commissiono" are hereby de- 
sired to make a full end of this busines by the last 
of ApriU 1655. 

[Ibid. in. 364.] 

2 November 1654. To the Inhabitants of Yorke : 
Whereas M' Edward Godfry hath complayned to 
this Court of vnkind, if not vnjust dealing he hath 
mett with amongst you, in reference to a meete 
pportion of land, suteables to his endevours, 
charges, & claymes, that we might put a conven- 



EDWARD GODFREY. 377 

lent & comfortable issue to this difirenc betweene 
you, we haue commissioned w* both yo' consents, 
M' Worster, M' Brock, & M' Hill to here & deter- 
mine the case before the end of Aprill next, & doe 
desire & expect y* you will readyly attend such 
conclusions, & pvent any further cas complaynt on 
his pt, which seemes not to haue bin w**"out a \ 

cause. 

8 November 1654. The meaning of y* Court is 
that each particular pson concerned is included as 
well as the Towne ioyntly in the busines above 

mentioned. 

Voted by y* Magistrates. 

Bl Bellingham Gov^ 

Consented to by y* Deputyes 

^ Richard Russell speaker. 

XX. 

REPORT OF mVESTIGATINO COMMITTEE. 
[Massachusetts Archives, hi. 238.] 

We whose names are vnder written being ap- 
poynted comifsion" by y' Gen'" Courte held at 
boston y® 6^^ of Nou*": (54) for y* hearinge & deter- 
mininge of all differences betweene M' Ed : God- 
frey & y* towne of yorke, after due inquiry made 
thereinto haue determined as followeth : 

• Imp^ That all such grants of land as have beene 
made by m' Ed: Godfrey to any person or persons 
we confirme y' same to him & them accordinge to 
his agrement made w*** them [•-•]: whereof are 
as ffoUoweth: 



378 EDWARD GODFREY. 

ACRES OF yPLAND & MEDOW 

To M' Hen: Norton 40 

To Rich Bankes 10 & a p'sill of swampe 

To Edw: Wentum: .... 30 6 

To Tho: Cartus 10 & a p'sill of swampe 

To John Twisdell Sen' : • • . 10 & a p'sill of swampe 

To Rich: Burgis 10 

To Sam: Adams 10 

To Siluester Stover & partners .30 

more to Rich: Burgis 40 

To Phillop Adams 40 

To Will: More 40 

To Peter Wire 100 

To John Gouch 100 

To m' Preble 020 & a p'sill of swamp 

more to him .10 

more to him 20 

To John Alcoke 10 & a p'sill of swamp 

To y* ministers hoase 6 

To Phillop Adams & More ... 4 

To Ellingham & Hugh Gayle . . 50 5 

To George Parker .08 

To Andray Euerit 06 

To Phillop Adams 40 

Likewise we confirme all other grants made by 
y* sayd m^ Godfrey before y* day of y date hereof: 

2*^ We confirme to y sayd m' Godfrey his heires 
& Afsinges for euer all such landes as belonge to 
his house on y® North side of y riuer continge 30 
acres more or lefse of vpland w*** three acres of 
medow : 

Alsoe 50 acres of vpland lyinge below y* tide 
mill by y* Riuer side prouided y* y* pyne timber 
be reserued for y' townes occasions : 



EDWARD GODFREY. 379 

Alsoe 500 acres of vpland lyinge on y* necke of 
land betweene the too branches of y* sayd Riuer 
to be layd out to him by the towne next adiasent 
to such grants as he hath there formerly made : 

Alsoe 200 acres of vpland lyinge on the south 
side of the sayd Riuer acknowledged by the Inhab- 
y tants to be his : 

3*^ Now conserning y* marsh land in y* towne- 
ship vpon due search we find y* Compl°* thereof 
not to exceed 260 acres his grants thereout being 
confirmed as before expressed : we doe moreouer 
confirme to him 8 acres of Medow more or lefse 
lyinge at y* partinge of the Riuer, Alsoe 7 Acres 
more or lefse of Marsh lately made vse of by John 
Twisdell sen' w*** 3 Acres more of good marsh to 
be layd out to him by the sayd towne in some con- 
venyent place, All w"* sayd parsills of lands wee 
confl&rme to him his heires & Afsinges ffor euer : 

lastly Conserninge the sayd m' Godfreys his 
charge in attendinge the sayd Genrll Courte we doe 
determine y^ the sayd towne shall alow him fine 
pound in corrent pay w*''in six weekes after y* date 
hereof 

These our determinations beinge accordinge to 
our best lyght iust & equall, we intreate m' Ed: 
Godfrey & the towne of yorke to take in good 
parte firom 

Their Verry loueing firinds 

WauAAi Worcester, 
John Brooke. 
Valentine Hill. 
Dated this 20*^ off April! 1655 : 



380 EDWARD GODFREY. 

XXI. 

PETITION OF INHABITANTS OF YORK. 
[Mass. Archites, hi. 237.] 

To the Hono"? the Generall Court now afsembled 
at Boston, The humble petition of the Inhabitants 
of the Towne of Yorke, Sheweth 

That where as there was certen Complajnits ex- 
hibited aganst us, the inhabitants of the sd Towne, 
at the Last sitting of the Generall Court, by M' 
Edward Godfrey [30 Oct 1654], declaring, as if 
we had vniusUy detayned seuerall of his Lands, & 
Jmpropriations from him ; ffor the rectifijng w' of, 
this Hono*f Court taking cogniscence, soe farr as to 
Comifsionate Certen Gentle: with the consent of 
ptys y'in concerned, to heare & determine such 
matters of diffirence as were betwixt us : Accord- 
ingly a hearing was attended by the Commission- 
ers, a returne of there resolutions since there de- 
parture vnder there hands haue beene transmitted 
to us [20 Apr. 1655], Although dissatisfactory, for 
these reasons, flfirst because it confirmes to Mr 
Godfrey such generall vnknown grants, & Conse- 
quently rights, as at p'sent cannot be known to us, 
in certenty, althoe hereafter more may be known 
there in to our p'iudice. 21y because it is not com- 
mensurate with the minds of the Commifsioners 
themselves onely declared to us in Justification of 
our dealings with Mr Godfrey, wh there returne 
absolutly denys. Sly Jn stead of excluding all 



EDWARD GODFREY. 381 

other pleas (Mr Godfreys onely excepted) w*^h the 
Commifsio? seemd principally to ayme at, haith by 
casting vs as the Jniurious, rather opened a wider 
doore for all others to come in as sharers in the 
like rights, whose grounds are aequally valid with 
M' Godfreys [4] tly respecting [?] th[e] charges 
given, The Towne in generall . . . the Comis- 
sion's . . . [illegible] . . . wrong . . . they could 
nceaue to M' Godfrey : How then ? . . . [illegible] 
. . . must be censuros[?] to satisfy any whom these 
psons haue not wronged, we leaue to the wisedome 
of this Court to Judge 

Our Humble request therefore to this Hono"? 
Court IS that they would be pleased to take into 
, consideration, how little safety may follow the 
Confirming of unknown grants, how great praiu- 
dice must redowne to the well being of a Towne 
w' considerable quantitys of Land are disposd of 
to pticular psons in convenjent places for the set- 
tling thereof; And how fare either in reason or 
Justis, psons. Can be ingag'd to any charge to- 
wards such, whome they haue not wronged: flTor 
Judgraef w^'of, we submifsiuely attend the Just 
pleasure of this Court, with whom we leaue o' 
Cause, for whose guidance & direction herein, as 
in all matters of greater weight, humbly taking 
our leaues, we pray vnto the Euerlasting Conseller 
to afsist & Counsel], 

Georo -f- Parkers mke Joseph Emerson 
John Alcocke Francis Raynbs 

Nicholas Dauis Peter Wearb 



382 EDWARD GODFREY. 

The mark -HC^ of Ed: Rishwoeth 

Henry Dunnell Abra: Preble 
BoBERT Knight his marke Edward Johnson 

'^^ Henry Norton 

Wuj2 Hilten Arth* Bragdons «Q^mark 

Thomas Car his [mark] Willme ^ Dixons mark 

Ed: Start + his mark Silvester f f Stouer his 
Andrew Everest mark 

John Perse ^^^ his mark Bichard Bancks 

John Parker ^ his mark John Twisden 



xxn. 

ACTION ON YORK PETITION, 

[MA88ACHU8ETT8 COLONIAL RECORDS, lU. S85.] 

23 May 1655 Whereas M' William Worster, 
M' John Brock & M' Valentine Hill were chosen 
as comissiono" by this Court & invested with full 
power to heare & determine all matters in differ- 
ence betweene the towne of York & M' Godfry, in 
relation to the graunts of certayne lands, which 
accordingly they haue endeavoured to doe, & 
made their returne to this Court, agaynst which 
the inhabitants of yorke have made some objec- 
tions respecting the confirmation of vnknowne 
graunts made by the sd M' Godfry before the date 
of their returne, as also the graunt of lands pjudi- 
ciall to the towne, which this Court having consid- 
ered off, doe thinke meet to reinvest the foresd 
comissiono™ with full power & doe hereby desire 
them, with all convenient speed, to make review 



EDWARD GODFREY. 383 

of their returne, & if it may be by consent of all 
psons engaged to compose the same to mutuall 
satisfaction ; or if otherwise to make vse of such 
their powre to correct or amend what in their vn- 
derstanding, vppon further mformation shall ap- 
peare to be of evill consequence to the towne, or 
any pson concerned therein 



XXIIL 

MISCELLANEOUS COURT RECORDS. 16S6-1667. 
[York County Recobds, Court Files.] 

5 Mar 1651 M' Edward Godfrey in the behalfe 
of Ane his wyfe against m"^ Francis Raynes & Ellin 
his wife in an action of defamation & slaunder to 
the vallue of 50£ the same against Crocket & his 
wyfe 

M*" Edward Godfrey in the behalfe of Ane his 
wyf plantive 

M' Francis Eayns in the behalf of EUine his 
wyfe defendant 

" The plantive Cometh into this Court & kom- 
plaineth that they having lived in this place many 
yeares in good report & fame booth in Church & 
Comonwealth, his wyfe of the sd Francis Raynes did 
in most slanderous & defamatory speeches Revile 
the sd Ane w*^ the words: Ly and base Ly: & twas 
the pride of hir hart to weare hir husbands hatte 
about & a wastcoat w*^ Consarned them not. And 
not onely soe but m' Raynes did in & att a pub- 
lique meting one the Lords day Complayne therof 



384 EDWARD GODFREY. 

m 

to the whole Congregation wherby the plaintive 
is damnified in his reputation to the vaUue of 
50£ & theruppon Comenseth his action of defama- 
tion & slaunder & desyreth a legall pceding." 

[Same complaint against Thomas Crockett & 
wife here follows, with names altered.] 

Was there were certen diflferences fell out be- 
twixt Mrs Godfrey & mrs Raynes & Ann Crocket 
who by a joynt Consent did wholly referr the end- 
ing of the 8^ dijBerences to ye Court upon hearing 
of wch the Court besids acknowledgments already 
one to y* other : Hath hereby ordered y* w'soever 
p'^*" shall henceforward bring any of these form' 
differences in question before any magistrate shall 
forthw*^ be bound to y' good behavior. 

1651 "Wee p'sent Goody [Mary?] Mendum 
for saying she looked upon Mr Godfrey as a dis- 
sembling man '* 

30 Nov 1653 ** William Moore plant, in an ac- 
tion of the case against M' Ed: Godfrey Defend* 
for wrongfull detayning of a Cow from him. With- 
drawn " 

1667 Ric. Whitt is plantiff In an Action of the 
Case for a debt due to y* valeu of eight pounds 
Contra M' Edw: Godfrey or his estate defendant. 

This Action Contined & if any estate can bee 
found bee hath his lyberty to proceed, if not if 
any land of inheritance can bee found of M' (God- 
freys hee may sue the land • . . 



INDEX OF NAMES AND PLACES. 



Abnaki Nono, 259. 
Accomenticns, 304, 307, 308, 310. 
Adams, Philip, 378. 
Adams Fond» 131. 
Adams, Samuel, 378. 
Adderly, 16. 
Addington, laaac, 67. 
AgamenticQS, 313, 314, 317, 318, 

334, 336, 374. 
Agawam, 366. 
Albany, 30, 31, 183. 
Albemarle, Duke of, 14, 18. 
Alcock, John, 316, 378, 381. 
Alcot, Job, 34. 
Aldworth, 367. 
Alexander, Sir William, 100, 101, 

102, 103, 104, 111. 
Algier, Rose, 11. 
Alua, 133, 135. 
AudersoD, John, 175. 
Andover, 43. 
Andros, Ladj, 56. 
Andros, Sir Edmund, 21, 23, 25, 56. 
Annapolis Basio, 108. 
Annapolis, 29. 
Anticosti, 32. 
Applcton, 81. 
Archer, Captain, 187. 
Argall, 302. 
Arrowsic, 34, 132, 136. 
Ascham, Hoger, 332. 
Ashley, 78. 

Ashurst, Sir Henry, 26, 34, 54. 
Ashworth, Mr. 351. 
Aagnsta, Me. 176, 202. 

Bagaduce, 43, 160l 
Bahamas, 9. 



Baker, John, 352, 359. 

Bangor, 88, 162, 171. 

Bangor, Territorial History of, 221. 

Banks, Charles E. 295, 329. 

Banks, Richard, 378, 382. 

Banks, Sir John, 311. 

Barbadoes, 317. 

Barton, Elijah, 204. 

Bartlett, N. H. 218. 

Barnend, England, 298, 302, 369. 

Baraga, Bishop, 275, 278, 290. 

Barter's Island, 131. 

Barnstable, 30, 349. 

Bateman and Brown Purchase, 5. 

Bath, England, 68. 

Beaver Dams, 187. 

Bearer Island; 43. 

Beaufort, Canada, 198. 

Beauchamp, 77. 

Becks, Mr. 353. 

Belfast, Me. 157. 

Belcher, Captain Andrew, 4, 67. 

Belcher, Gov. Jonathan, 61. 

Belyca, 110. 

Bellingham, Gov. Richard, 337, 377. 

Bell, Mr. 351. 

Bellomont, Earl of, 3. 

Bennett, Dr. David, 7, 67. 

Bennett, Spencer, 7, 63. 

Bethel, Me. 213. 

Best, Martin, 371. 

Biancourt, 98. 

Bills of Credit, 33. 

Blackstone, 69, 308. 

Black Point, Me. 209, 312, 367. 

Bloomfield, General, 183. 

Bonython, Capt. Richard, 309. 

Boothbay, 131. 



386 



INDEX OF NAMES AND PLACES. 



Boothbaj Harbor, 137. 

Boston, Mass. 32, 40, 68, 69, 75, 85, 

87, 91, 308, 316, 325, 326, 328, 332, 

336, 354, 355, 356. 
Bowen, Professor, 28. 
Bradbur/, James W. 235. 
Bradford, Gov. William, 319. 
Bradford, Perez, 122. 
Bradley, Col. 184. 
Bradstreet, Gov. Simon, 28, 29, 363, 

364. 
Bragdon, Arthur, 882. 
Brattle, Thomas, 62. 
Bremen, Me. 123. 
Brenton, Jahleel, 46, 53, 54. 
Bridge, Samuel J. 70. 
Brig Mary, 49. 

Bristol, England, 33, 122, 366, 367. 
Bristol, Me. 123. 
Broadbay, Me. 86. 
Brock, Kev. John, 327,376, 379, 382. 
Brown, Captain Moses, 178, 180. 
Brown, Dorothy, 299, 370. 
Brown, John, 122. 
Browne, Sara, 299, 370. 
Browne, William, 372. 
Buchanan, James, 243. 
Buckingham, Duke of, 101. 
Bull, Dixy, 308. 
Burpess, Richard, 378. 
Burlington, Vt 184. 
Burlington Bay, 198. 
Buriington Heights, 187, 190. 
Burnham, Me. 226. 
Bussey, Benjamin, 233. 
Buswell, Jacob, 223. 

Cabot, John, 102. 
Cabot, Sebastian, 102. 
Cain, Prince, 204. 
Calef, Robert, 37, 65. 
Cambridge, Mass. 68. 
Camden, Me. 81. 
Cammock, Thomas. 308, 367. 
Cape Elizabeth, 130, 367. 
Cape Neddick, 318. 
Cape Newaggen, 125, 130, 131. 
Cape Porpoise, 866. 



Cape Sable, 99, 105, 110. 

Cape Small Point, 13a 

Cargill, Arber, 149. 

Carleton, N. S. 110. 

Carr, Thomas, 382. 

Casco Bay, 29. 

Casco, Me. 367. 

Castin, 43. 

Castine, 160, 161, 163. 

Cavesisix River, 134, 136. 

Chadwick, Paul, 204. 

Cbampernowne, Francis, 302, 355, 

363. 
Champlain, Samnel, 102. 
Chandler, Anson G. 176. 
Chandler, John A. 176. 
Chandler, Joseph, 169. 
Chandler, General John, 167. 
Charles River, Mass. 349, 366. 
Chase, Elbridge, 141, 146. 
Chase, William, 139. 
Chewonki, 133. 
Che-va-co-bet, 133. 
Childs, Robert, 316. 
Chubb, Captain, 43. 
Church, Benjamin, 41. 
Clarendon, N. Y. 159. 
Clark, Captain, 40. 
Cleeve, George, 309, 310, 312, 363. 
Clifford, William H. 249. 
Clifford, Nathan, Memoir, 235. 
Columbus, 358. 
Concord, Mass. 68. 
Coney, Daniel, 204. 
Connecticut Colony, 29. 
Cook, Elisha, 26, 29, 34. 
Cook, Lemuel, 159, 161. 
Copp, Benjamin, 214. 
Comnna, Spain, 178. 
Coxspur Island, 179. 
Cox's Head, 161. 
Crawford, Abel, 214. 
Crawford, Erastus, 215. 
Crawford, Ethan A. 215. 
Cray River, 297. 
Crispe, Mr. 367. 
Crockett, Ann, 384. 
Crockett, Thomas, 884. 



INDEX OF NAMES AND PLACES. 



387 



Cromwell, OHrer, 164, 825. 

Cromwell, Richard, 326, 350. 

Cronder, Anne, 337. 

Cross River, 131, 137. 

Crown Point, 82. 

Canningbam's Island, 133. 

Cuoq, M. 273, 274, 275, 277, 278, 282. 

Cartis, Thomas, 378. 

Cashman, David Q. 149. 

Catts, John, 363. 

Cutis, Richard, 363. 

Damariscotta Mills, 137. 
Damariscotta River, 151. 
Damariscotta, 153. 
Damaris Cove, 130. 
Dauforth, Thomas, 29. 
Darent River, England, 297. 
Darent Ford, England, 297. 
Dartford England, 297. 
Davis, George T. 69. 
Davis, John, 204. 
Davis, Nicholas, 381. 
Davis, Sylvanns, 8, 23, 32, 34. 
Davis, Thomas, 228. 
Deane, Samuel, 300. 
Dearborn, Henry, 199. 
Dearborn, John, 182. 
Decker's Narrows, 131. 
De La Tour, Clande, 95. 
De La Tour, Charles, 97. 
Delaware Bay, 349. 
De Monts, 98, 102. 
Demillier, 262. 
Deniconrt, 104. 
Denys, M. 112. 
Dinsmore, Elijah, 215. 
Ditton, William, 299, 371. 
Ditton, Sarah, 299, 371. 
Dixon, William, 382. 
Donnell, Samuel, 34, 46. 
Douglass, William, 20. 
Dover, 297. 

Downing, Lucy Winthrop, 317. 
Drake, Sir Francis, 301. 
Dudley, Joseph, 48, 53, 54. 
Duke of York, 14, 151, 359. 
Dunbar, David, 79. 



Dunnell, Henry, 382. 
Duponceau, Peter S. 262, 276, 285. 
Dyer, Christopher, 151. 
Dyer's Neck, 135. 
Dyer's River, 136. 

Eaton, Theophilus, 319. 

Eb-Nee-Cook, 131. 

Edes, Judge, 251. 

Edgecomb, 131. 

Eliot, Rev. John, 276. 

EUingham, 378. 

Elwell, Edward H. 207. 

Emerson, Joseph, 381. 

Endicott, Gov. John, 319, 329, 336. 

Epping, N. H. 169, 182. 

Eustis, Major, 184. 

Everett, Andrew, 378, 382. 

Fairfield, John, 243. 

Fairfield, William, 93. 

Falmouth, Me. 29, 32, 41, 69, 76, 88. 

Fanenil, Peter, 81. 

Few, Charles E. 333. 

Field, Darby, 209, 213. 

Field, Judge, 251. 

Flucker, Lucy, 90, 227. 

Flucker, Thomas, 85, 89, 98, 287. 

Flying Point, 132. 

Fort Anne, 143, 151, 153. 

Fort Edgecomb, 131. 

Fort Frederick, 110. 

Fort George, 187, 196. 

Fort Hill, 308. 

Fort Knox, 162. 

Fort Loyal, 29, 32, 41. 

Fort Point, 88, 92, 224. 

Fort Popham, 130. 

Fort Pownall, 92. 

Fort St. Louis, 99, 109. 

Fort William Henry, 42. 

Foster, John, 49, 64. 

Foules, Thomas, 372. 

Foxwell, Richard, 313. 

Frigate Essex, 178. 

Frigate Nonesuch, 35, 53. 

Frontenac, 31, 43. 

Frost, Charles, 46. 



388 



INDEX OF NAMES AND PLACES. 



Garde, Roger, 314, 317, 374, 375. 

Gardiner, Henry, 305, 311, 329, 346. 

Garrison Hill, 143, 151, 153. 

Gayle, Hugh, 378. 

Geffard, John, 330, 355. 

Gent, Thomas, 139, 142. 

George's Island, 30. 

George's River, 78, 85. 

Georgetown, Me. 131. 

Gififord, Mr. 330. 

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 301. 

Gilmore, Rufus, 233. 

Glasgow, Scotland, 86. 

Glover, Jesse, 297. 

Goat Island, 108. 

Godfrey, Ann, 383. 

Godfrey, Catherine, 299, 370. 

Godfrey, Edward, 295, 336. 

Godfrey, Elizabeth, 298, 299, 369, 

371. 
Godfrey, John, 299, 371. 
Godfrey, John E. 95. 
Godfrey, Leah, 370. 
Godfrey, Maria, 299, 370. 
Godfrey, Oliver, 298, 318, 833, 346, 

355, 363, 367. 
Godfrey, Thomas, 299, 371. 
Godfrey, William, 299, 371. 
Godfrey Arms, 297. 
Godfrey, Signature of Edward, 335. 
Godfrey's Cove, 307. 
Godfrey's Pond, 307. 
Goold, WUliam, 1. 
Gorgeana, 313, 314. 
Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 306, 307, 

309,310,311, 312,313, 316, 317, 

318, 320, 339, 342, 344, 346, 358, 

366. 
Gorges, Thomas, 209, 313, 336, 374. 
Gorges, William, 309. 
Gosnold, 302. 
Gouch, John, 316, 378. 
Granville, 108. 
Graves, Russell, 22. 
Greenbush, N. Y. 188. 
Greenough, John, 64. 
Griffith's Head, 131. 
Guppy, Reuben, 336. 



Hall, W. L. 145. 

Halliburton, 108. 

Hamlin, Hannibal, 163. 

Hammond's Garrison, 133. 

Hampden, Me. 230, 231. 

Harker, John, 372. 

Harvey, Col. 194. 

Hathome, 363. 

Haverhill, N. H. 239. 

Hawkesmoor, 58. 

Hayes, Francis B. 70. 

Hayes, William A. 71. 

Haynes, John, 319. 

Heard, John, 316. 

Hender, Mr. 358. 

Hermon, Me. 232. 

Hey man, Samuel, 34. 

Hill, John, 34. 

Hill, Valentine, 376, 379, 382. 

Hilton, Edward, 366. 

Hilton, William. 382. 

Hinkley, Thomas, 29. 

Hiskett, John C. 4. 

Hispaniola, 13. 

Holland Park, 232. 

Holmes, John, 169, 173. 

Hooke, Francis, 376. 

Hooke, William, 309, 314, 317. 

Hooper, 351. 

Hope, Me. 81. 

Houlton, Me. 171. 

Howe, John, 3. 

Hubbard, William. 24. 

Hudson River, 349. 

Hull, John, 6, 30, 332. 

Hull, Joseph, 315, 316, 375. 

Hunter, R. M. T. 241. 

Hutchings, Charles, 159. 

Hutchings, Eliakim, 162. 

Hutchings, William, 157, 161. 

Hutchinson, Eliakim, 68. 

Hutchinson, Thomas, 34, 54, 91. 

Indian Robinhood, 133. 
Indian Town, 131. 
Inman, Ralph, 93. 
Ipswich, Mass. 88. 
Isles of Shoals, 315, 328. 



INDEX OF NAMES AND PLACES. 



389 



Ives, Alfred £. 163. 

Jackson, Benjamin, 48, 50. 
Jackson, Robert, 305. 
Jackson, N. H. 2U. 
Jackson's Landing, 132, 133. 
Jamblin, Robert, 298, 335. 
Jamestown, 303. 
Jefferson, Me. 134. 
Jobe, M. 365. 
Johnson Cave, 243. 
Johnson, Edward, 382. 
Johnson, John, 191, 197. 
Johnson, Samuel, 7. 
Johnston, Alexander, 127. 
Johnston, John, 115. 
Josseljn, Henrj, 312, 355, 363. 
Josselyn, John, 209. 
Josselyn, Thomas, 312. 
Joardan, Thomas, 353, 363. 

Kane's Point, 132. 

Kenduskeag River, 223. 

Kennebec Uiver, 4, 41, 61, 87, 161. 

King Charles I. Ill, 312, 351. 

King Charles II. 11, 22, 332, 328. 

King George II. 83. 

King Henry IV. of France, 97, 99. 

King Henry VII. 358. 

King Henry VIII. 298. 

King James I. 100. 

King James II. 11, 22, 26, 52, 57. 

King Loais XIII. 99. 

King Lonis XIV. 212. 

King Philip of Spain, 332. 

King, Governor William, 175. 

Kirk, Sir David. 101, 103. 

Kittery, Me. 320. 

Knight, Robert, 382. 

Knox, Henry, 90, 227, 229. 

Laconia, 306. 
Lacombe, 290. 
Langworth, Francis, 373. 
Laud, Archbishop, 311. 
Leader, Richard, 339, 344. 
Ijeeman's Island, 133, 141. 
Lemont, Benjamin, 150. 



Lesington, 68. 

Leverett, John, 77, 78, 79, 323, 324, 

325, 326, 329, 330, 331, 332, 352, 

363. 
Levit, Christopher, 367. 
Lewis, Col. 185, 199. 
Lewis, Thomas, 366. 
Lewis, Lothrop, 229. 
Liberty, Me. 81. 
Lincoln, Benjamin, 180. 
Lithgow,WiIUam, 201. 
London, England, 33, 86, 115, 297, 

306, 318, 323, 324, 326, 329, 330, 

331. 
Lord Say and Brook, 360, 366. 
Lonisbnrg, 82, 83, 91. 
Lovewell, Captain, 312. 
Lowder, Samuel, 233. 
Luttrell, Francis, 358. 
Lygonia, 346. 
Lynn, David, 204. 
Lynn, Nathaniel, 204. 

Madawaska River, 171. 

Madison, Major, 199. 

Madockawando, 79. 

Mallery, William, 305. 

Malto, Me. 204. 

Marblehead, Mass. 179. 

Marcy, William L'. 243. 

Marot, Captain, 108. 

Mason, John, 151 , 243, 306, 309, 366. 

Mason, Robert, 299, 331, 346 

Mason, Samnel, 29. 

Mason,William, 161. 

Massachusetts Colony, 33. 

Mather, Cotton, 2, 22, 27,28,36, 87, 

38, 50, 54, 134. 
Mather, Increase, 2, 22, 26, 34, 35, 

54,61. 
Mather, Nathaniel, 3. 
Maverick, Samuel, 358. 
McCobb, Samnel, 160. 
McCoomb, Col. 185. 
Mead, Matthew, 3. 
Meigs, Ansel, 204. 
Meigs, Jabez, 204. 
Mendum, Mary, 384. 



390 



INDEX OF NAMES AND PLACES. 



Merrimack River, 42, 340, 343, 349, 

360, 366. 
Messer, Frederic G. 219. 
Michelson, Mr. 351. 
Middletown, Ct. 115. 
Millet, Mr. 179. 
Milns, CaptaiD, 195. 
Minot, William, 71. 
Mitton, Michael, 313. 
Monhegan, 78, 130, 304. 
Moniley, William, 371. 
Monk, General, 14. 
Monmouth, Me. 167, 172. 
MoDseag Bay, 5, 133. 
Montreal, 31. 
MontTille, Me. 81. 
Moore, William, 378. 
Mount Cornwall, 137. 
Mount Waldo, 91. 
Murdoch, Beamish, 112. 
MuBCongus River, 77, 225. 

Nantasket, 30. 

Narsborough, Sir John, 19, 21. 

Nason, Joseph, 355. 

Navy Island, 110. 

Neal, Captain, 308. 

Newburg, Me. 232. 

Newbury, 25. 

Newburyport, 178, 182. 

Newcastle, Me. 160. 

Newfield, Me. 238. 

New Hampton, N. H. 240. 

New Haven, 319. 

New Plymouth, 118, 366, 319. 

Newton, Mass. 308. 

Nicholas, Sir Edward, 356, 358, 359. 

Nichols River, 133, 137, 141, 148. 

Norcrofls, Nathaniel, 318. 

North Hill, N. H. 182. 

Norton, Henry, 378, 382. 

Norton, Captain Walter, 307, 809, 

311,366,375. 
Norton, John, 318. 
Nourse, Dr. 176. 
Nowell, 25. 

Oaks, Thomas, 26, 34. 



O'Brien, Rev. M. C. 259. 
Orono, Me. 231. 
Otis, James, 55. 
Oven's Mouth, 131, 137. 

Paine, Albert Ware, 221. 

Parker, Basil, 338. 

Parker, George, 378, 381. 

Parker, James, 316. 

Parker, John, 382. 

Parsons, Usher, 84. 

Paxton, Captain, 43. 

Peake, Alderman, 351. 

Pearce, Richard, 122, 123. 

Pejepscot, 367. 

Pemaquid, 40, 41, 42, 43, 79, 122, 

123, 124, 367. 
Pemaquid Fort, 48. 
Pendleton, Brian, 364. 
Penobscot River, 41, 77, 81, 87, 90, 

91, 159, 161, 162, 223, 226, 298. 
Pentegoet, 112. 
Pepperell, Andrew, 83, 85. 
Pepperell, Sir William, 70, 82, 83, 91. 
Pepys, Samuel, 11. 
Peters, Rev. Hugh, 830, 331, 351, 

359. 
Philadelphia, 182. 
Phillips, John, 40. 63, 67, 92. 
Phillips, Walter, 134, 157. 
Phips, Ann, 63. 
Phips, Elizabeth, 68. 
Phips, Lady Maiy, 22, 24,38,57,68, 

64, 67. 
Phips, Danforth, 69. 
Phips, James, 4, 63, 64. 
Phips, John, 63, 64. 
Phips, Sarah, 68. 
Phips, Spencer, 63, 64, 67, 79. 
Phips, Sir William, 2, 68. 79, 134. 
Phips Funeral Tickets, 57. 
Phips' Cove, 135. 
Pickering, John, 262. 
Pierce, 78. 

Pierce, John, 115, 124, 181, 382. 
Piscataqna River, 306, 308, 309, 842, 

354, 360, 365. 
Pitkin, William, 29. 



INDEX OF NAMES AND PLACES, 



391 



PUntation No. 3, 159. 

Flatts^yizg, N. Y. 183. 

Plammer, 163. 

Plymouth, England, 2S3, 365, 367. 

Plymouth Colony, 29, 41. 

Point BoUeyne, 318. 

Polk, James K. 243, 244. 

Pond Island, 130. 

Poor, John, 70. 

Popham, Sir John, 302. 

Portland, Me. 69, 123, 172, 219, 247. 

Portsmouth, N. H. 23, 217, 306. 

Portsmouth, England, 34. 

Port de la PUta, 13, 15. 

Port La Tour, 109. 

Port Royal, 29, 98, 108. 

Pontrincourt, 98. 

Porey, Thomas, 333, 352, 355. 

Pownall, Thomas, 70,81, 87, 91, 224. 

Preble, Abraham, 378, 382. 

Prescott. Dr. 176. 

Prince of Orange, 31, 47. 

Pring, Martin, 302. 

Proctor, Jonas, 204. 

Proat's Neck, 209. 

Provost, Sir George, 195, 198. 

Providence Bahamas, 16. 

Pnrchas, Samuel, 302. 

Pnrchas, Thomas, 310. 

Quebec, 28, 30, 31, 34, 43, 198. 
Queen Elizabeth, 300. 
Queen Mary Stuart, 300. 
Qneenstown, Canada, 186. 
Qnincy, Joeiah, 240. 

Rainsford, 32. 

RAle, Father Sebastian, 274, 277, 

278, 285, 286, 287, 288, 294. 
Ratdiff, 23. 
Rawson, Edward, 312, 320, 326, 340, 

345. 
Raynes, Ellen, 383. 
Raynes, Francis, 381. 
Reckes, Mr. 330. 
Rice, Richard D. 176, 243. 
Richmond Island, 130, 367. 
Rigby, Edward, 346. 



Rishworth, Edward, 382. 

Roberts, Lord, 358. 

Robinson, John, 55. 

Rochester, 298. 

Roffe, Mr. 351. 

Roeebrook, Captain, 214. 

Rowe, Richard, 318. 

Rowell, Geoige P. 71. 

Rowley, 67. 

Roxbnry, Mass. 37, 62, 65, 89, 838. 

Rnnmey, N. H. 239. 

Russell, Richard, 377. 

Sacketts Harbor, 184. 
Saco River, 6, 67, 82, 212, 300, 366. 
Sagadahoc Island, 131. 
Sagadahock, 8, 18, 34, 130, 302, 309, 

367. 
Saint Etienne, Claade de, 100, 104. 
Salter's Hall, 57. 
Salter, Sampson, 337. 
Sanders, Thomas, 93. 
Sargent, Peter, 65, 66. 
Sasanva, 131, 132. 
Savage, Captain, 31. 
Savannah, Ga. 179, 181. 
Sawyer's Island, 131. 
Scarborough, Me. 210. 
Schenectady, N. T. 26. 
Schoolcraft, Henry R. 268. 
Seal Seven Oaks, England, 333. 
Sebago Lake, 213. 
Seguin, Me. 130. 
Seven Oaks, England, 333. 
Sevier, John, 244. 
Sewall, Judge Samuel, 19. 
Sewall, Rnfns K. 5, 19, 140. 
Shapleigh, Nicholas, 339, 363. 
Sheepecot, Me. 7, 40, 130. 
Sheepscot Bay, 5. 
Sheepscot Farms, 8, 127. 
Sheepscot Cove, 150. 
Sheepscot Bridge, 1 53. 
Sheepscot Water, 10. 
Sheepscot Neck, 133. 
Sherwood, M. 365. 
Shirley, Governor William, 81. 
Ship Anne, 121. 



892 



INDEX OF NAMES AND PLACES. 



Ship Arnold, 170, 178. 

Ship Charles, 332. 

Ship Edgar, 34. 

Ship Eleanore, 179. 

Ship Experiment, 178. 

Ship Fortune, 118. 

Ship King George, 92. 

Ship Makeshift, 387. 

Ship Maj Flower, 118. 

Ship Paragon, 121. 

Ship Sea Rover, 28. 

Ship Six Friends, 28. 

Short, Captain, 58. 

Shrewsbury, 366. 

Slafter, Ednrnnd F. HI. 

Sloop Good Luck, 49. 

Sloop Massachasetts, 93. 

Smibert, 88. 

Smith, Captain John, 303. 

Somerby, 25. 

Somerrille, Me. 136. 

Spencer, Rebecca, 67. 

Spencer, Roger, 6. 

Squam Island, 131. 

Stone, Isaiah, 65. 

Stony Creok, 187. 

Stoughton, Governor William, 38, 
67. 

Strype, 332. 

St. Croix River, 112, 224. 

St. Davids, Canada, 187. 

St. Domingo, 13. 

St. Lawrence River, 34. 

St. Mary's Church, Woolnoth, Eng- 
land, 56, 57, 58. 

St. John's River, 87, 110. 

Stover, Silvester, 378, 382. 

Stradbrook, England, 327. 

Stratton, John, 309, 366. 

Start, Edward, 382. 

Sullivan, Governor James, 200. 

Sully, 97. 

Sweat, Moses, 239. 

Symonds, Samuel, 364. 

Taconnet, 41. 
Talbot, George F. 167. 
Talbot, John C. 239. 



Tappan, Christopher, 142. 
Thames River, 303, 312. 
Thomaston, Me. 78, 79, 85, 227. 
Thompson, David, 365. 
Thompson, Thomas, 71. 
Tomson, Robert, 374. 
Torrey, William, 345. 
Trelawny, Robert, 313, 367. 
Troy, Me. 226. 
Trumbull, J. Hammond, 274. 
Twisdell, John, 378, 379, 382. 
Tyrrell, Anne, 312. 

Underbill, Captain, 336. 

Vane, Sir Henry, 359. 
Veazie, Me. 224. 
Venner, 359. 
Vernon, 112. 

Vetromile, Rev. Eugene, 262. 
Vincent, General, 194. 
Vines, Richard, 310, 311, 314, 316, 
366. 

Wainwright, Francis, 88. 

Wainwright, Lucy, 88. 

Wakefield, Samuel, 24. 

Waldo, Cornelius, 76. 

Waldo, Francis, 83, 88, 89, 90. 

Waldo, Hannah, 83, 8a 

Waldo, Jonathan, 75. 

Waldo, Lucy, 88. 

Waldo, Ralph, 83, 88. 

Waldo, Brigadier General Samuel, 

73, 91, 226 ; portrait, 74. 
Waldo, Samuel, Jr. 86, 88. 
Waldoborough, Me. 86. 
Walker, Admiral, 34. 
Walker, Robert J. 243. 
Wallace, Sir James, 179. 
Walley, John, 29, 80, 31. 
Walner, Mr. 351. 
Walter, William, 68. 
Ware, Ashur, 175. 
Warren, Me. 79, 85. 
Warwick, Earl of, 367. 
Waterville. Me. 41. 
Wawenock Indians, 138. 



INDEX OF NAMES AND PLACES. 



393 



Wajmouth, George, 302. 
Weare, Peter, 316, 381. 
Webber, Joel, 204. 
Webster, John, 337. 
Welles, Samuel, 123. 
Wenturm, Edward, 378. 
Wentworth, Goyemor Benning, 217. 
Werridge, Robert, 299, 371. 
Westerham, England, 297. 
Westport, 131. 
Wheeler, Sir Francis, 52. 
Whitcomb, Major, 214. 
White, John, 2, 64. 
Whitefield, Rev. George, 164. 
Whitt, Richard, 384. 
Wier's Island, 133, 141. 
Wiggin, Thomas, 357, 363, 364. 
William, Prince of Orange, 14, 19. 
Williamson, Joseph, 75, 91, 157. 
Williamson, WUliam D. 113, 307, 

314. 
Willard, Samnel, 38. 
Willis, William, 7, 89, 123. 
Wilmington, England, 297, 298,302, 

369,371,373. 
Winchester, General, 199. 
Winder, General, 185, 191, 199. 



Windham, Me. 213. 

Winslow, Isaac, 89. 

Winslow, Lucy, 89. 

Winslow, Governor Edward, 323. 

Winter, John, 310, 313. 

Winterport, Me. 226, 231. 

Winthrop, Governor John, 22, 308, 

309, 310,811, 314, 317, 332, 336. 
Winthrop, John, Jr. 316, 317, 857. 
Winthrop, Fitz-John, 56. 
Winthrop, Robert C. 56, 816. 
Wire, Peter, 378. 
Wtscasset Bay, 132, 136. 
Wiscasset, 5, 127, 131, 140. 
WiiswalU Ichabod, 26, 34. 
Woodbury, Christopher, 142. 
Woodbridge Narrows, 141. 
Woodbridge Point, 134. 
Worcester, William, 376, 379, 382. 
Wreniham, 64. 

Yeo, Allen, 871. 

York, Me. 159, 161, 307, 322, 328, 

376. 
York River, 318. 

Zeisberger, 276. 



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